Full text of "On the trail of a Spanish pioneer; the diary and itinerary of Francisco Garcés (missionary priest) in his travels through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776; translated from an official contemporaneous copy of the original Spanish manuscript, and ed., with copious critical notes"

■J! T "

III.

AMERICAN EXPLORERS SERIES,
©n tbe Urail of a Spanlsb pioneer.

VOL. L

ON THE TRAIL OF A SPANISH PIONEER

THE

DIARY AND ITINERARY

FRANCISCO GARCES

(Missionary Priest)

IN HIS TRAVELS THROUGH SONORA,
ARIZONA, AND CALIFORNIA

(775-1776

TRANSLATED FROM AN OFFICIAL CONTEMPORANEOUS COPY OF

THE ORIGINAL SPANISH MANUSCRIPT, AND EDITED,

WITH COPIOUS CRITICAL NOTES

ELLIOTT COUES

Editor of Lewis and Clark, of Pike, of Henry and Thompson,
Fowler Journal, Larpenteur, etc., etc.

■2-/3 &4

EIGHTEEN MAPS, VIEWS, AND FACSIMILES

IN TWO VOLUMES

Vol. I

NEW YORK

FRANCIS P. HARPER

1900

FRANCIS P. HARPER.

3Eottlon XtmlteD
to 950 Copies.

W o.-.^.31.....

F
i9bo

MAJOR JOHN WESLEY POWELL

EX-DIRECTOR OF THE UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY,

DIRECTOR OF THE BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,

WHO FIRST EXPLORED THE CANON OF THE GREAT RIVER ON TI1K

BANKS OF WHICH GARCES LAST SAW THE LIGHT,

THESE VOLUMES ARE CORDIALLY

DeOicateD.

PUBLISHER'S NOTE.

It is with the deepest regret we announce that
Dr. Elliott Coues, the author and editor of the various
works on Western Exploration which it has been our
privilege to publish, passed away to his final resting
place December 25, 1899. Though suffering great
pain, he with cheerful courage revised the last proofs
and wrote the Introduction to this his final work.

We have not to do here with his place as a student
and historian of Western history and the Western
country, nor of the value of the fifteen volumes of
which he was the author-editor; but we deem it a duty
and a pleasure publicly to testify our appreciation of
him from a publisher's point of view.

Our acquaintance with Dr. Coues commenced in
1892, when we suggested his revising and editing a
new edition of " Lewis and Clark Expedition." From
that time until his death we have been almost in daily
communication with him, and never had a single mis-
understanding of any kind. While jealous of his
rights as author, still we always found him willing to
make any correction or addition that we could explain

Vlll PUBLISHER S NOTE.

would be for the success and best interest of the work
in hand. He had a capacity for work that was almost
beyond belief; and was always prompt and business-
like in his methods. He was a firm and trustworthy
friend and an ideal author for a publisher to have busi-
ness relations with.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Introduction, xiii

BlOGRArHY of Garces, I

The Four Entradas of Garces, 1768-74, . . . 25

First Entrada, to the Gila, 1768 25

Second Entrada, to the Gila, 1770, .... 26

Third Entrada, to the Gila and Colorado, 1771, . 30
Fourth Entrada, to the Gila, Colorado, and San Gabriel

in California, 1774, 3$

CHAPTER I.

Officialities and Other Preliminaries, to October 21,

1775 47

CHAPTER II.

From Tubac to Casas Grandes on Rio Gii.a, October

23-31, 1775, 63

CHAPTER III.
Down Rio Gila to Yuma, November, 1775, . . .102

x CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

PAGE

Down Rio Colorado from Yuma to the Gulf and Re-
turn, December, 1775, 154

CHAPTER V.

Up Rio Colorado from Yuma to Mojave, January and

Febuary, 1776 200

CHAPTER VI.
From Mojave to San Gabriel, March-April 8, 1776, . 234

CHAPTER VII.

From San Gabriel through the Tulares to Mojave,

April 9-May, 1776, 265

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

VOL. I.

Pedro Font's Map of 1777 Frontispiece

Facsimile ok Bucareli Autograph, . . Facing page 56
Facsimile ok Proclamation Expelling Jesuits

by Marques de Croix, .... "58

Church of San Xavier del Bac, ... "78

Ground Plan ok Casa Grande (after Minde-

lekf), "94

View of Casa Grande in 1890, ... " 100

Section of Ives' Map of the Lower Colorado, " " 192

Mission of San Diego, " 207

Mission ok San Gabriel, .... " 249

INTRODUCTION.

Garces was a Spanish priest and Franciscan friar
who traveled extensively in Sonora, Arizona, and Cali-
fornia in the years 1768-81 as a missionary to various
Indian tribes. In the earlier of these years he was the
resident minister at San Xavier del Bac, then in
Sonora. now in Arizona, on the Rio Santa Cruz.
From this post of duty he made several expeditions,
mainly for ecclesiastical purposes, i. e., to bring In-
dians under the catechism of the church and the vas-
salage of the King of Spain, but also in part to dis-
cover a means of communication between the widely
separated settlements of New Mexico and California,
and thus for geographical purposes. The first two of
these expeditions, respectively of 1768 and 1770, were
of comparatively little consequence. The third one,
of 1 77 1, extended along Rio Gila and down Rio Colo-
rado nearly if not quite to the mouth of the latter, being
thus a considerable enterprise, though not notable in
its results. On his fourth expedition, in 1774, he ac-
companied Captain J. B. de Anza to the California!!
mission of San Gabriel, on the return from which he
took a turn on his own account to one of the Yuman

XIV INTRODUCTION.

tribes on the Colorado. These four " entradas," as
they were called., are presented with sufficient particu-
larity in the present volume; but this work is devoted
mainly to the Fifth Entrada of our good missionary,
performed in 1775-76; in the former of which years
Garces started with Anza's celebrated expedition for
the establishment of a mission and colony at San Fran-
cisco in California, thus laying the foundation for that
great city, but separated from the main party at Yuma,
at the junctioa of the Gila and Colorado, then went to
the mouth of the latter river, returned, went up the
Colorado to Mojave, thence across California to San
Gabriel, thence by way of Tulare Valley back to Mo-
jave, thence to Moqui and back again to Mojave,
thence down river to Yuma, and so on up the Gila to
his post at Bac.

The Diario y Derrotero, or Diary and Itinerary,
which the indefatigable padre kept on his long, ardu-
ous, and somewhat perilous journey, was fully written
out by him at the Sonoran mission of Tubutama, in
January, 1777. The original holograph should be
extant; but I know nothing about that. Three differ-
ent copies or versions of the original are in my hands,
two in manuscript and one in print; I will call them A,
B, C, and characterize them as follows:

A. Diario del Padre Fray Francisco Garces. Manu-
script, folio, size of ordinary foolscap, 11% X 8^?,

INTRODUCTION. XV

211 pages, including title leaf backed blank, excluding
blank page 212 and one blank leaf. In Library of
the Bureau of American Ethnology at Washington,
No. 7415, received in 1897 from Dr. Nicolas Leon of
Guadalupe Hidalgo, D. F., Mexico. This copy lacks
the map which should, or once did accompany it, or at
any rate belonged with the original; it is otherwise
perfect. The handwriting is not known; but it is
beautifully firm, regular, and characteristic of some
professional scribe or clerk who made the copy, pre-
sumably from Garces' own writing, for archive pur-
poses. The manuscript is therefore official and
genuine, but not authentic. The date of the writing is
closely ascertainable by internal evidence, as follows :
The original having been finished, dated, and signed by
Garces at Tubutama in January, 1777, this copy was
made before August 4, 1785. For, all through at
intervals, it is annotated in the margin in a different
handwriting, and the same handwriting of the scholiast
appears in a note at the end. on pages 210, 211, signed
Miguel Valero Olea, and dated August 4, 1785. Olea
was then in the viceregal secretary's office at the City
of Mexico. Through the kind offices of Mr. F. W.
Hodge, of the Bureau above said, this manuscript was
placed in my hands April 30, 1898, with permission to
make any use of it I might think proper; and I have
translated it to form the basis of the present work.

XVI INTRODUCTION.

B. Diario del P. Garces. Manuscript, small 4to,
8-Hj X 6y$, pp. 60 or leaves 30, preceded by a leaf bear-
ing in Dr. Leon's hand a supplied title and some other
data; from which it appears that this copy was made
in or for the archives of the Convento de la Cruz de
Queretaro by Padre Fray Pablo de la Purisima Con-
ception Beaumont, who died in 1779. It was there-
fore made Avithin a year or two of Garces' original and
is authentic and genuine, if not official. The hand-
writing is plain enough, but cramped and scratchy, and
so small that some 55 lines go to each page. This
manuscript belongs (1899) to Dr. Leon, being only
temporarily in the custody of Mr. Hodge, and in my
hands for examination.

C. Diario y derrotero que siguio el M. R. | P. Fr.
Francisco Garces en su viaje he- \ cho desde Octubre
de 1775 hasta 17 de \ Setiembre de 1776, al Rio Colo-
rado pa- I ra reconocer las naciones que habit an \ sus
nuir genes, y d los pueblos del Mo- \ qui del Nuevo-
Me.vico. I Being article iv., pp. 225-374, of vol. I
of the second series of the work entitled : Documentos
para la Historia de Mexico, i2mo, Mexico, imprenta
dc F. Escalante y Comp., calle de Cadena N. 13,
1854. This collection of printed documents is well
known to scholars, extending to four series, altogether
some 20 volumes : but none of them are common now,
and the second series is quite rare; I was more than

INTRODUCTION. XV11

a year in laying hands on the copy now before me,
with exceptional facilities for procuring it. This is
the only form in which Garces' Diario has ever ap-
peared in print; and it has never before been translated
into English. It has thus remained until now prac-
tically inaccessible. This document, as printed from
some manuscript copy of the original unknown to me,
is genuine, but neither authentic nor official, as we do
not know by whom the manuscript that is printed was
made, nor for what purpose. The print on very poor
paper is clear and open, but the composition of the
types was careless; it bristles with typographical
errors, and exhibits all those eccentric frailties of punc-
tuation and accentuation, and perversions of proper
names of persons and places, for which Mexican litera-
ture is so justly celebrated. It is of course better
known than either of the other two forms of the Diary
here described, and is that form in which Garces has
usually been quoted, as by Bandelier, Bancroft, and
other late writers on the history of Sonora, New
Mexico, Arizona, and California.

Comparison of the three forms in which Garces has
thus reached me -.shows such variants in the verbiage
that they may almost be considered as three different
versions of the same story. The difference is so great
that I have no doubt Garces himself made, or caused
to be made, more than one " original " account of his

XV111 INTRODUCTION.

journey of 1775-76. There must have been at least
two such origines, one from which my copy A was
made, and the other the source of the Beaumont manu-
script B, and the printed C — for B and C are much
closer in language to each other than either of them is
to A. In fact, B and C may almost be said to be para-
phrases of A. Nevertheless, all three versions are
genuine; they all tell the identical story with substan-
tial accuracy, and agree in all material particulars —
barring their respective lapses in transcription of
names, dates, etc., or in case of C, its errors of the
types. It is the exception rather than the rule that all
three spell Indian names alike, and indeed each of
them has its own special variants in handling these
troublesome terms. Each of the three, furthermore,
has many clauses, even some sentences or paragraphs,
not found in either of the other two. Thus they are
mutually corroborative, amplificative, or corrective.

Under these circumstances, in turning Garces into
English, it was of course necessary to follow one of
the versions to the exclusion of the others, and for this
purpose I selected A, for various reasons: It was the
first which came into my hands — in fact, I had trans-
lated it before I saw either of the others. It is some-
what fuller or more elaborate than either of the others,
the persons who prepared each of the latter seem to
have been more intent upon saying the same thing in

INTRODUCTION. XIX

fewer and often in plainer words, than in " following
copy " punctually. Copy A is thus the most perfect
one we possess, besides being the official or archival
one, and the one which nobody has hitherto utilized
for any purpose.

I note here with pleasure the very close concordance
of all three copies in the matter of dates, and in fact
wherever figures are concerned. Yet in one notable
date, all three differ. This is the date of completion of
an original manuscript. Copy A has as colophon " Tu-
butama y Enero 3 de 1777 — Fray Francisco Garzes."
Beaumont (B) has: "En Tubutama. I. de henero de
1777. Fr. Franc Garces." The printed C has, p.
394: " Tabutama y Enero 30 de 1777. — Fray Fran-
cisco Garces." Hence we have three different dates
and three variants of the author's name. Again, the
initial date of Garces' Diario differs in copy A, which
gives October 1, 1776, as the date on which the author
went to Tubac to join the expedition; both B and C
having October 21. I think the latter is correct, as the
next date in all three copies is October 22.

But to pursue the subject of these variants exhaust-
ively would take me almost into their every paragraph,
and it could be completely shown up only by means of
the " deadly parallel " in triple column. Let me
simply repeat the statement that in translating Garces
/ have followed copy A, only bringing up in my notes

XX INTRODUCTION.

certain discrepancies which seemed to require atten-
tion, and in a very few places bracketing in the text
some insertions from B or C of certain entries which
the scribe of copy A accidentally omitted.

With regard to the principles upon which I have
done the Spanish into English, a few words may be
expected of me. Bearing acutely in mind the Italian
saying that the translator is the traducer, I have tried
my best to prove an exception to that rule. Where I
have wished to abuse my gentle and most lovable
author for his fanaticism, his bigotry, his ecclesiasti-
cism (as they seem to me), I have done it in my notes;
in my text always holding his words themselves in a
sort of superstitious awe of my own, just as he did his
holy religion. My aim has been to translate Garces
literally, punctually, even with scrupulosity; to trans-
late his every word by its nearest English equivalent,
and to give this word-for-word revision as nearly in
the order in which the Spanish words run as English
idiom will admit. The result is, that my translation
makes pretty rough English, of more use than beauty.
But it is sound, grammatical English for all that; and
to my notion more desirable in a case like this than the
most elegant paraphrase would be. I knew that if I
once gave myself a loose rein in this matter, I should
never have known where to stop; and Couesian Eng-
lish of 1899, however nice I might make it, would fit

INTRODUCTION. XXI

Garces of 1775-6 as well as a modern swallow-tail coat
on a seedy friar of more than a century ago. If some
of the words I have deliberately chosen are obsolete,
quaint, or otherwise objectionable, from a certain point
of view — well, so is Garces obsolete, and his figure a
quaint one, and his appearance in the ragged robe he
wore would be objectionable on the score of anach-
ronism. I think I have sometimes strained English
idiom almost to the point of rupture in my strenuous
efforts to give a word-for-word version; but tours de
force in the way of twisting phraseology are less objec-
tionable than negligently wrenching the sense of the
original by too free a paraphrase.

Some will doubtless demur to the numerous Spanish
phrases which I have left in the text in parentheses.
But I have some excuses to offer for that ; sometimes I
wished to support my translation in this way; some-
times I wished to show that I was obliged by English
idiom to turn the phraseology slightly; in some rare
instances I felt a little dubious of myself and wished
to give the reader a chance to judge whether I trans-
lated correctly or otherwise; besides, I desired to give
him a great many examples of my author's own ver-
biage. Some will find occasion to demur that I have
not always translated my author — that I have left too
many Spanish words untranslated, like rancheria,
pueblo, laguna, pozo, arroyo, rio, caxon, canada,

XX11 INTRODUCTION.

mesa, cerro, picacho, sierra, entrada. To such a de-
murrer I have no reply to make, for it is not worth my
while to mind such things. There is one point about
my work with which any critic who desires may find as
much fault as he pleases; that is, my apparent attitude
of indifference to niceties of Spanish punctuation; for
he will do well if he can find at my pen's point more
irregularity or discrepancy or indifference than I can
show him in the manuscript upon which I worked, or
than exists, in fact, in most Spanish documents, printed
or handwritten, of Garces' time. To my limited vision
the use of accents in Spanish seems a freakish thing,
and very largely an affair of grammatical superero-
gation; it is al'most al'ways a mat'ter of in'dicating
enuncia'tion or stress of voice, not pronunciation, as
in the sentences I have just penned, and ordinarily
quite as superfluous, as few things in this changeable
world are less variable than the actual quality of
Spanish vowels. Most of my apparent sinning in this
respect will be found, on sufficient examination, to be
due to the singular fidelity with which I reproduce the
Spanish texts which I have occasion to quote; and
therefore, a criticaster would waste his time in abusing
me for not being holier than the Pope.

There is another point in which I pride myself on
being scrupulous even to scrupulosity, and that is, the
rendering of all proper names, whether of persons or

INTRODUCTION. , XXlll

places, precisely as they occur in the Spanish. I think
that translation of such terms is bad — very bad, repre-
hensible, and a nuisance. I should not like to figure
at the hands of some Spaniard yet unborn as Elioto
Vacas or Bacas, and why should I take such a liberty?
So if Garces chooses to call a place the Laguna de
Santa Olaya or Pueblo de la Purisima Concepcion de
la Virgen Santisima, such is the name of such place,
and it is none of our business to call it Saint Eulalie's
lagoon or the Village of the Immaculate Concep-
tion of the Most Holy Virgin. Once more: if our
author comes to a place which he calls Oraibe, Oraibi,
Oraybe, Oraive, Oreyve, etc., with cheerful indiffer-
ence, why are we restricted to one of these terms?
There was no fixed spelling in his day, all these forms
are equally serviceable, and I follow copy in my own
use of them. Garces' own name reaches us in five
forms or more, if we count the accent or its absence as
determining a form; and though I have selected the
one of these for my own use which he seems to have
used himself, yet in quoting his biographer, Arricivita,
I use Garzes.

One who should take exception to any of the points
above mooted would betray to anyone familiar with
the vagaries of Spanish documentary history the fact
that he knew nothing about them.

Of the high historical value of the Diary of Garces

XXIV INTRODUCTION.

there can be no adverse opinions among those qualified
to judge of such matters; and this narrative of adven-
ture will have all the charm of novelty to most per-
sons, to whom even the Spanish print is inaccessible
for the double reason of its foreign tongue and its
scarceness, while the manuscripts are unknown except
to special students. Therefore the desirability of this
readily available English version is obvious. Yet the
Diary without amplification, explanation, and illustra-
tion would be a riddle solvable only by one who would
be more able and willing than most readers to give
heed to it. Garces requires to be interpreted to a
generation which wots not of this martyr missionary,
and has no adequate notion of his time, place, and cir-
cumstance. The longest known corner of the United
States seems to me to be the least generally known of
all. To most persons Arizona is a vague name of a
place in which there is a great chasm called the Grand
Canon of the Colorado, and where some strange In-
dians live like ants in a hill in places called pueblos.
Again, what of California to the average person, over
the Sierra Nevada, away from the populous parts?
Nothing — and in fact there is little but a howling
wilderness to-day in the parts adjoining Arizona;
though this desert is traversed by two railroads, it has
not otherwise changed much in the last century. As
for Sonora, nobody seems to know much about it,

INTRODUCTION. XXV

though a considerable slice of what was Sonora in
Garces' time now belongs to the United States, being
all that portion of Arizona which lies south of the Gila.
There could hardly be a better introduction to a con-
siderable amount of United States history than such a
knowledge of its southwestern corner as the Diary of
Garces affords.

In 1775-76, when our author traveled so far in all
the regions just said, all that part of Arizona which
was not Sonora was New Mexico. There was not a
white man in Arizona, excepting two or three hand-
fuls of them in some Spanish forts or mines along
what is now its southern border; Tubac and Tucson
were the uttermost white settlements. Over most of
the land roamed the Apache, the terror of all whites
and of most Indians in all that country. In the region
of the Gila, where slender crops could be raised, were
the sedentary tribes of the Pimas, Papagoes and Mari-
copas, not very different from what they are to-day.
All along the Colorado, from the head of the Gulf of
California to the Grand Canon, were a series of tribes
of Yuman stock, and a little one of them lived as it
does to-day, apart at the bottom of that hole in the
ground now known as Cataract Canon. Nearest these
last, eastward, were the Hopis or Moquis in their sev-
eral pueblos on adjacent mesas, almost identical
with their present positions. Beyond them on the east

XXVI INTRODUCTION.

and a little to the south, just over the border of Ari-
zona in modern New Mexico, were the Zunis, in the
very pueblo and on the identical spot they now occupy.
All beyond these Moquis to the north was the still un-
fathomed Northern Mystery of which only short
glimpses had been had till Escalante in the same year
pushed on from Santa Fe to discover Utah Lake, and
swung around home across the Grand Canon, then first
traversed, although not first seen, by a white man.
And what of our California on the west of Arizona?
There was not a white man in it, aside from the five
missions thus far established (1769-72) on or near
the coast, unless it were some fugitive soldier who had
deserted his post. The purpose of Anza's expedition
which now journeyed thither was to add one to these
missionary settlements, and it was added, — the germ
of the present metropolis at the Golden Gate of the
Pacific.

Garces had been the year before across the California
desert as far as San Gabriel, and what he saw seemed
to influence his zeal for the salvation of souls, as well
as to inspire his mind with a desire to achieve the more
practical result of opening a way between Santa Fe on
the Rio Grande del Norte and the new establishments
on the Pacific coast. He was not to go to San Fran-
cisco, but to wander elsewhere, covering several hun-
dred leagues without a white companion, relying upon

INTRODUCTION. XXV11

Indians to show him the way he wished or was obliged
to go. His peregrinations extended farther than those
of any other missionary of his day who went unat-
tended. His loneliness reached a pathetic climax at
Moqui, his farthermost point, where those he loved
and had come so far to save from perdition would have
none of him or his religion, gave him nothing to eat
or a place to lay his head, and turned him out of town
between two days.

If we follow Garces in his adventures we shall
learn much, and among other things to love the char-
acter of the man. Garces was a true soldier of the
cross, neither greater nor lesser than thousands of
other children of the church, seeking the bubble of sal-
vation at the price of the martyr's crown; his was not
his own life, but that of God who gave it. Better than
all that, perhaps, this humble priest, like Abou ben
Adhem, was one who loved his fellow men. It made
him sick at heart to see so many of them going to hell
for lack of the three drops of water he would sprinkle
over them if they would let him do so. I repeat it —
Garces, like Jesus, so loved his fellow men that he was
ready to die for them. What more could a man do —
and what were danger, suffering, hardship, privation,
in comparison with the glorious reward of labor in the
vineyard of the Lord? This is true religion, of what-
ever sect or denomination, called by whatever name.

XXviii INTRODUCTION.

So Garces followed the example of his master whither-
soever it led him, in these years of 1775-76, and there-
after till 1781, when some of those he loved and sought
to save fell upon him with clubs and beat him to death.
It is a sad story; all the sadder does it seem to us now,
when we can see how utterly senseless were the
methods employed for the most noble and holy pur-
poses, how utterly futile the results. But it does not
lessen our respect for the man, that he, like his Indians,
was the victim of the most pernicious, most immoral,
and most detestable system of iniquity the world has
ever seen — that Spanish combination of misionero and
conquistador which had for its avowed and vaunted
end the reduction of Indian tribes to the catechism of
the church and the vassalage of the throne.

But I should not preach a sermon by way of preface
to these new volumes of the American Explorer Series.
Those who are interested in stories of adventure, in
historical materials such as these, will read the book,
and form their own opinion both of the author and
his editor, and of the scenes of the former's life-work.
I think such things are worth doing, therefore I do
them, to the best of my knowledge and ability, sparing
nothing to set them forth in their clearest light. If I
could venture to agree even a little with some of my
most partial friends, who think I have any genius, I
should think that, if so, it is simply the genius of hard

INTRODUCTION. XXIX

work — which I suppose amounts to an ability to hold
clown the chair at my desk for long periods and
capacity for taking great pains with every detail of the
work I have in hand. The general character of the
commentary or annotation I have put upon Garces is
the same as that in my previous works, which are now
so many that little requires to be said; but I may add
that in this instance I have very special interest in the
subject-matter, having resided in Arizona at three
widely separated intervals (1864-65, 1880-81, 1892),
traveled over most of the territory, especially off the
present lines of rails, and trailed nearly all of Garces'
routes, both in Arizona and California. I am there-
fore exceptionally familiar with his lines of travel
and the scenes he witnessed. In this matter of anno-
tating my author I have had the valued and valuable
assistance of Mr. F. W. Hodge of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, who has placed his knowledge
of Indian tribes at my service, and to whom I have
practically turned over the ethnological as distin-
guished from the geographical and historical aspects
of the subject in hand. His numerous notes bear his
initials, and I am sure add much to the interest these
volumes may be found to possess. I am further in-
debted to Mr. Hodge for much bibliographical infor-
mation, and he has read the proof-sheets with me, so
that I have had the benefit of his intelligent scrutiny

XXX INTRODUCTION.

throughout. I have also to thank Col. F. F. Hilder of
the same Bureau, Mr. Will. M. Tipton and Mr. H. O.
Flipper of the United States Court of Private Land
Claims at Santa Fe, and Mr. Jose Segura, ex-librarian
of the Territory of New Mexico, whose familiarity
with the Spanish language is greater or at any rate
more workable than my own, for aid in any case in
which I felt a doubt that I had rendered my author with
entire fidelity. Under these circumstances, it is hoped
that errors of fact may be few ; though no work of this
kind can be quite free from them.

I notice in the editorial Introduction to the Docu-
ment os already cited a paragraph so apt to the present
case that I will transcribe it, in conclusion :

" La generalidad de los lectores encontrara estas
paginas f rias y enfadosas : asi es la verdad ; pero, pre-
ferimos al deleite pasajero, el provecho que de aqui
podra sacar para cosas de importancia."

Elliott Coues.

Washington, D. C.

November, i8gq.

BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

The work entitled: Cronica Serafica y Apostolica
del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa Cruz de
Queretaro en la Nueva Espana, escrita por el P. Fr.
Juan Domingo Arricivita, Secunda Parte, en Mexico,
ano de 1792, Libro Quarto, Capitulo xvi, pp. 540-
574, " Gloriosa muerte con que el P. Fr. Francisco
Garzes corono sus apostolicas tareas, muriendo a
manos de los barbaros que con grandes trabajos tenia
conqvistados," furnishes the data for our biographical
purposes, though it is rather a eulogy of the martyr
than the life of a man, besides being too theological
for practical consideration, and thus requiring
abridgment in the following free translation which
I make:

Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of
the just, for it is not the lot of all, derived from our
first father, Adam, but a very glorious gift of divine
love, like unto that which our Redeemer Jesus Christ
suffered for the love of man. Wherefore whenever

2 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

incomprehensible Providence predestines anyone to
the exalted function of the salvation of souls, him
doth He adorn with the qualities which from the be-
ginning of his life carry him on to the end, that his
death may be precious in the divine presence. Thus
appeared to be directed the life of Padre Fray Fran-
cisco Garzes, for from his earliest years he gave con-
stant proofs of the ardent love he bore to God and
of the fervid zeal with which he solicited the welfare
of souls.

He was born in the Villa de Morata del Conde, in
the Reyno de Aragon, on the 12th of April, 1738, and
baptized next day, receiving the names of Francisco
Tomas Hermenegildo, of which he acquitted himself
in his life and in his death, since he was a disciple of
San Francisco professing his rule, imitated Santo
Tomas in entering the Indias to promulgate the Holy
Evangel, and died like San Hermenegildo in giving
up his life for Jesucristo. His parents were Juan
Garzes and Antonia Maestro; but seeing the inclina-
tion of the child for sacred things, his early education
was intrusted to an uncle, named Mosen Domingo
Garzes, curate of the same city; profiting by whose
example and teaching, he had hardly completed his
fifteenth year when he sought holy orders in the
saintly and conventual Province of Aragon, where he
made his profession with the approbation of the Re-

HIS EARLY LIFE. 3

ligious. The prelates soon set him to his studies, and
having been approved in philosophy he was sent to
the convent of the Ciudad de Calatayud to study
sacred theology. In this he reaped fruits not only
to his own advantage, but also to that of those about
him; and there began to scintillate the rays which
divine love kindled in his heart of that zeal with which
he was to announce in this new world and to every
creature the Holy Evangel.

It was customary in this convent to take the stu-
dents walking in the fields for freedom of debate, and
in these outings Padre Garzes would leave his con-
disciples to seek poor laborers, and with the suavity
natural to his genius and with smooth words would
he propound and explain to them the divine mys-
teries and catholic truths. Among others who had
the benefit of this was a poor potter who made tiles,
and was pleased to listen to the student as if he were
an oracle. The potter fell seriously sick, and being
told to prepare himself to receive the holy sacraments,
said that he would confess to no one but Padre
Garzes. . .

Having finished his studies, and been ordained in
the priesthood, at 25 years of age, his heart was
moved by the desire to be of use to others; so that he
begged with insistency to be admitted among the
number of the missionaries who were just then being

4 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

collected for the Colegio de la Santa Cruz de
Queretaro and its missions to the infidels. No
sooner had he received his commission and shown it
to his prelates than he went on foot to Madrid, rely-
ing on divine providence for his daily bread. There
came with him Padre Fray Juan Crysostomo Gil, who
was also listed for this mission, and their hearts were
one in making their spiritual devotions, Garzes re-
maining in all things obedient to the directions of
Gil, under which he gave himself up with great fervor
to prayer, mortification, and seclusion from the world,
persevering in this holy union until his arrival at the
college.

Padre Garzes entered therein in 1763, at the age of
28 [sic]. From the first he was diligent in the ser-
vice of the choir and other offices of the community,
and in such other tasks as he could perform in fulfill-
ment of the apostolic ministry. As he could not con-
fess women on account of his youth, he was inde-
fatigable in the claustrum with continual confessions
of men, dedicating himself with particular application
to those of boys. . . Such notable zeal pointed the
padre out as fit for graver things for which the Lord
destined him in teaching rude and ignorant gentiles;
and for this purpose was he one of the first mission-
aries who in 1767 begged the prelate of the college
for the missions of Sonora. He obediently went with

HE GOES TO SAN XAVIER DEL BAC. 5

the others to Tepique, and there applied himself to
apostolic ministry during the three months they
awaited transportation by boat. On Jan. 20, 1768,
they embarked at the Puerto de San Bias, and pres-
ently the sea gave them sensible proofs of its bitter-
ness; the waves rose, the winds blew furiously, and the
navigators were put in fear of immediate shipwreck.
Three and a half stormy months passed, and though
some ports were made, Padre Garzes never lost cour-
age, but stayed on the ship till he reached the Puerto
de Guaymas.

All the missionaries together went to the Presidio
de Horcasitas, and in the distributions of missions
which the governor made Padre Garzes was assigned
to San Xavier del Bac, distant 20 leagues from the
Presidio de Tubac; 1 this was the northernmost, and
consequently least defended against the continual

1 Garces arrived at Bac on June 30, 1768. This date is given
in the first one of four letters which he wrote from Bac in 1768-
69, and which are printed in Documentos para la Historia de
Mexico, 4th series, vol. ii, pp. 365-377 (Mexico, 1856). They
contain nothing remarkable, but may be here noted: 1. Letter
dated July 29, 1768, to Sr. D. Juan Bautista de Anza; in this
Garces' arrival at Bac is given, as just said. 2. Letter to Sr.
Gobernador Don Juan de Pineda, of same date. 3. Letter to
the same, dated Feb. 21, 1769. 4. Letter to the same, dated
July 23, 1769. A full descriptive and historical note on Bac,
and one on Tubac, are given beyond. The distance between
these two places is nothing like the 20 leagues said by Arricivita.

6 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCfeS.

cruel incursions of the Apaches on the frontier. Not
less hostile to health and life are the natural condi-
tions of climate, for the water is alkaline and the air
is constipating, so that all who go there to live are
subject to very severe chills and fevers, of which many
die, and those who survive are reduced to skeletons;
consequently the Indians flee for refuge to the mis-
sion. Nor was the extreme poverty in which the
padre found the mission less forbidding, for there was
nothing in it for him to get along with even in
penury. Yet nothing daunted the spirit of the new
missionary; for in self-forgetfulness he sought only
the spiritual welfare of those neophytes and gentiles,
thinking nothing of perils, toils, and sicknesses.

Such zeal was the admiration of the Indians. . .
All those of Pimeria Alta venerated him as an oracle,
and his fame reached the neighboring gentiles, called
Papagos, . . . who extended it to the Pimas of the
Gila, to whom he had sent many loving messages, in
consequence of which the principal chiefs came to
make his acquaintance. He showed them how highly
he appreciated their visit, did all he could for them,
and informed them of his desire to go to their lands
and communicate with their people. Pleased with
this, they promised to speak to their whole nation,
and send guides to conduct him thither. In fact they
did send four, with whom, without any escort or sup-

HIS EARLY ENTRADAS. 7

ply of food, he left his mission in August, 1768, and
entering the largest rancherias announced peace with
God, telling them of the divine mysteries and attri-
butes, and peace with the king our lord, who wished
to confer many benefits upon them, if they would be-
come Christians. On this first entrada 2 he estab-
tablished friendly relations with the innumerable In-
dians who inhabit both banks of the Gila.

The following year of 1769, at the time of the
Apache campaign, he entered their country, and ob-
served various nations, of whom there were not a few
in his village. The visitador general reported upon
the means of preventing the bloody irruptions of
those barbarians. In 1770 God sent an epidemic of
diarrhea and measles to the rancherias of the Gila,
of which many died, especially children; and the
padre, being advised that among the sick there was
an Indian woman, determined to go to her assist-
ance and to gratify the Indians who importuned him
to baptize their little ones. This was a journey of
90 leagues (GarceY second entrada).

In 1771, believing that the founding of missions
had already been decreed, he undertook to go to pre-
pare the Indians for this, and reached the Rio Colo-
rado, where the Yumas received him with joy.

1 For GarceY first, second, third, and fourth entradas see in
further detail beyond.

8 BIOGRAPHY OF GARC^S.

Thence he descended to the disemboguement of the
river in the sea and to the lands of the Quiquimas,
crossed the river on rafts, and visited many peoples,
making peace among them, and in two months and
20 days traveled more than 300 leagues (Garces' third
entrada).

On Jan. 2 [read 8], 1774, he left Tubac with the
expedition which was to open communication be-
tween Sonora and Monterey, and having reached the
mission of San Gabriel returned to the Colorado river
to search the minds of the Indians and discover a
way to New Mexico; for which purpose he visited
many nations, and did not return to his mission till
toward the end of September (Garces' fourth en-
trada).

In September, 1775, 3 he went to join the new expe-
dition to the Puerto de San Francisco, from which he
separated on Dec. 5, and alone visited the nations of
the Rio Colorado down to its disemboguement in the
sea, until Jan. 3, 1776. On Feb. 14 he started north
[from Yuma], and with incredible difficulty went
through very barbarous nations until he reached the
Noches. Thence he proceeded to Moqui, and hav-
ing come back through the Pimas reached his mission

' This brings us to Garces' fifth entrada, which forms the main
body of the present work. Nevertheless, I present Arricivita's
summary here. His " September" is one month out: see p. 63.

HIS LATER ENTRADAS. 9

of Bac Sept. 17, 1776, having been gone altogether
eleven months and four days [read 10 months and 27
days], in which he traveled upward of 900 leagues,
and saw more than 25,000 Indians [?].

About the end of August, 1779, he went by order
of the comandante general to the Colorado. Find-
ing the Indians much changed, he counseled them in
their inquietude, and advised them what was neces-
sary to avert evil consequences. But his advice was
rejected, and when he took some unusual means of
bringing them to vassalage, they raised the war cry
and all was lost. From the moment that the padre
arrived he knew that the rebels had urged upon the
others to kill the priests; and in the ten months dur-
ing which the uprising was delayed, and whilst he
was aware that the rebellion was daily becoming more
serious, he might have avoided death justifiably by
escaping from the incessant danger in which he was
placed. But his life was Christ, and to die was to be
his reward. Life and death he regarded as equally
good for his soul. For, if his life should be spared in
the revolt of the Indians, with his life would he pay
the debt he owed to the Lord; if he should die therein,
in this way would he go to his reward, shedding his
sacrificial blood; so he neither feared death nor
sought to save his life. If the Master should not per-
mit them to kill him, his whole life was to be em-

10 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

ployed in his apostolic ministry and in preaching the
Gospel; if it were His holy will that he should lose his
life, he would go straight to glory (de repcnte lograri-a
verle en la Gloria), and be freed from all the calamities
of this life. . .

The remainder of Arricivita's eulogy proceeds in
similar vein, with merely a reference to the tragedy
of July 17-19, 1781, in which Garces and three other
priests were slain, together with almost all the other
white men of the two mission-colonies which had
been established on the Colorado, one at Yuma, and
the other a few miles lower down. For details of the
massacre we turn to Arricivita's chap. ix. of the same
Fourth Book, entitled: Furiosa rebelion de los Yu-
mas : matan a los quatro Padres, Soldados y Pobla-
dores, y cautivan a sus hijos y mugeres. This I will
give in part, in so far as relates to the actual event.
But first for some of the circumstances leading up to
the catastrophe which so soon followed upon the
founding of these two settlements, mainly derived
from Arricivita's two preceding chapters.

The missions of Pimeria Alta were in a sad state
in 1776; but the viceroy, Bucareli, had made arrange-
ments for the founding of missions on the Gila and
Colorado, under the protection of the presidios of
Buena Vista and Horcasitas, which were to be trans-

PALMA APPEARS ON THE SCENE. II

ferred to those rivers. It was to this end that during
Anza's expedition of 1775-76 Garces and his com-
panion Eisarc were left on the Colorado to try the
temper of the natives for the catechism and vassalage
of the king. When Anza was again on the Colorado,
in May, 1776, he found Eisarc well fixed at Yuma,
but could learn nothing of Garces — very naturally,
as the latter was just then afar in California. Anza
returned to Horcasitas June 1, 1776. He was ac-
companied by Eisarc, who drops out of the story at
this point; and also by the Yuma chief, one Captain
Palma, together with a brother of his, one Captain
Pablo, a son of the latter, and a Cajuenche Indian.
These four Indians Anza took on to the City of Mex-
ico, where they were handsomely entertained, etc.,
as elsewhere narrated. Palma in particular was so
impressed that he sought holy baptism and received
it under the name of San Salvador; and he also
begged that padres might be sent to his nation to
instruct them in Christian doctrine. Bucareli ap-
pears to have been not less pleased with Palma's un-
equivocal evidences of sincerity, and all things seemed
highly promising.

Garces was still off on his peregrinations, not re-
turning to Bac till Sept. 17, 1776, and being unable
to send to His Excellency the desired reports, including
ing his diary and Font's map, till January, 1777. He

12 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

favored the project of establishing the new missions,
but it was brought to a standstill by some new ar-
rangements the King of Spain had ordered for the
government of the Provincias Internas, by the crea-
tion of a comandante general independent of the
viceroy. Don Teodoro de Croix received this ap-
pointment, and affairs of the provinces passed into
the hands of new officials who were ignorant in the
most important particulars.

Palma was still in Mexico when the new command-
ing general arrived. Anza was soon appointed
governor of New Mexico, and thus the services of
this sagacious and experienced officer were lost to
the particular matter with which we are here con-
cerned. Bucareli commended Palma to Croix, and
some understanding between the viceroy and the new
general was reached, whereby Croix gave Palma his
word that he would soon arrange for padres and other
Spaniards to settle among the Yumas, and macle
some other promises which aftenvard gave the padres
much trouble. Whereupon Palma departed much
pleased, as already said.

Among the diaries and other documents, there was
delivered, by order of His Excellency, to the com-
manding general a letter of Garces'. 4 To this the

4 Evidently relating to his disagreeable experiences with the
commanding officer of Monterey, as fully set forth in his Diary
at date of Mar. 24, 1776, which see, beyond.

CROIX IN COMMAND. 13

general replied from Mexico in March, 1777, saying
that he ordered the commandant of Monterey to treat
kindly any Indians who might come to those estab-
lishments from the Rio Colorado. The treatment
which had been ordered in such cases was a matter
which had moved Garces to protest, and excited fears
amply justified by the event; for it seems to have been
one of the factors in the insurrection of the Yumas
and the dreadful massacre in which it ended. The
commanding general also said in his reply that as to
the projected transfer of the garrisons of Buena Vista
and Horcasitas to the Colorado and Gila he would
see about that. By this letter Garces first learned of
the promotion of Croix to be commanding general,
and sent him his compliments, together with Font's
map of the expedition of 1775-76, when Font went as
far as San Francisco and Garces to the Moquis. To
all of this the commanding general replied with
thanks, manifesting a great desire to proceed to So-
nora, to carry into effect his plan of going in person
to the Colorado and thence to Monterey. This
would have been of great advantage to those prov-
inces and to all the nations who were to be subju-
gated; but though Croix so proposed, God so dis-
posed that he was long detained by sickness at
Chihuahua.

By this time, early in 1777, the King of Spain had

14 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCfs.

received word of Palma's visit to Mexico, and seen
the memorial in which the latter begged to be bap-
tized, as well as the reports of the expeditions of
1775-76. By letter dated Feb. 14, 1777, he ordered
Croix to concede to Palma the promised missions and
presidios, together with other things which, had they
been attended to, would have facilitated the reduc-
tion of so great a gentilism, and missions could have
been founded with that solidarity so necessary in
those remote and risky regions. The king was also
graciously pleased to cause to be conveyed to Garces
the royal approbation of his peregrinations of
1775-76, etc., as appears by a letter Garces received,
dated Mexico, Aug. 9, 1777.

It was in March, 1778, that Palma, seeing no sign
of fulfillment of the promises which had been made to
him, went to Altar to find out what was the matter.
The officer in command there was much embarrassed
at Palma's importunities, but put him off by saying
that the commanding general was disposed to go to
the Colorado with priests and other Spaniards, but
meanwhile was visiting some of the eastern presidios,
on his return from which he would come to found
missions and presidios on the Colorado. This
quieted the anxiety of Palma, who went home to
await the fulfillment of these promises. Time passed,
the year ended, nothing was done, and Palma's peo-

YUMA MISSIONS TO BE FOUNDED. 1 5

pie taunted him, saying that he had been stuffed with
lies. Being thus put to the blush, he made another
journey to Altar, whose captain, Don Pedro Tueros,
was then in command at Horcasitas. Palma also
went there, and represented to the captain the reasons
for his repeated importunities. The captain reported
the whole case to the commanding general, who was
still in Chihuahua. The king's order, which Croix
had received, the promises made to Palma, and the
reasonableness of the latter's insistence, determined
the general to send padres to Yuma. On Feb. 5,
1779, he wrote to the president of missions, and also
to Garces, informing them of Palma's representa-
tions; in consequence of which it was resolved that
Garces, accompanied by another religious, should
soon go to the Colorado to console the Yumas, and
begin the catechism and baptism of those infidels.

At the same time the Sonoran authorities were or-
dered to furnish the necessary outfit of men and sup-
plies. The padre presidente explored the mind of
Padre Fray Juan Diaz, who had already been on the
Colorado in 1774 with Anza and Garces, and this
priest was selected to accompany Garces on the new
enterprise. The political governor, Don Pedro Cor-
balan, soon issued the necessary warrant. The mili-
tary governor, Don Pedro Tueros, could not refrain
from showing lukewarmness in detailing an escort, as

1 6 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

his soldiers were few for the defense of the province,
in which the Indians were rebellious, committing rob-
beries and bloody outrages on every hand; however,
he answered the letter in which he was asked for an
ample escort by saying that Garces might pick out
the smallest number of soldiers that would answer the
purpose, as he could get along better with a few good
ones than with many bad ones; but he did not desig-
nate a certain number for the journey. This reserve
was to justify his conduct, under the circumstances
that there had arrived at the Presidio de Altar four
Yumas, with the complaint that four Papagos had
killed one of the former nation; whence it was feared
that the expedition would find it difficult to pass
through one of these nations to the other.

This whole enterprise was a weighty matter requir-
ing serious consideration; and from the first confer-
ence which the president of missions had with Padres
Diaz and Garces concerning the order of the general
for them to go to the Colorado, natural reason urged
that the padres should be ready to start as soon as
the required outfit could be secured, but not before.
The experienced padres realized the difficulties and
dangers of establishing so distant a mission; at
the same time they wished no delay, and were con-
fident that the desired presidio would soon be estab-
lished. But the discussion of ways and means was

PROGRESS OF THE AFFAIR. I 7

a long, tedious one, reaching the viceroy and the col-
lege. Arricivita devotes several columns to the sub-
ject, going into details hardly to be followed in the
present slight sketch.

The intended transfer of the forces from Buena
Vista and Horcasitas was finally vetoed, in view of
disturbances on all hands in Sonora. Garces was
content to ask for no more than 15 soldiers and a ser-
geant, whom he selected from the presidios of Tucson
and Altar; but, in fact, 12 were all he received. The
period from February through July, 1779, was con-
sumed in preparations for the journey, and on Aug. 1
Garces, with Diaz and their slender retinue, started
for their destination via Sonoita, which place they
reached in a few days, and left on the 10th for the
Colorado, but were obliged to return for lack of
water. Diaz remained while Garces started again to
travel light, with two soldiers and one other. He
reached Yuma late in the month, and on Sept. 3 sent
the soldiers back to Diaz with information of the
trouble he was already having through turbulency
and dissensions among the Yumas and Jalchedunes.
The soldiers reached Diaz at Sonoita, and at the same
time a Papago reported that some of his nation had
revolted and were disposed to attack the expedition
en route; whereupon the handful of men with Diaz
were inclined to abscond. The case reached the

1 8 BIOGRAPHY OF GARC&S.

higher authorities, and the padres were advised to
postpone further operations. But they were firm,
and in fact under orders of the commanding general
to persevere.

Diaz succeeded in joining Garces at Yuma on
Oct. 2, with perhaps a dozen men. There was trouble
from the start, owing to the wide discrepancy be-
tween what Palma's people had been led to expect in
the way of lavish gifts, and the beggarly kit which
a couple of seedy friars had to divide among so many
— to say nothing of the indigence of the priests and
soldiers themselves, who almost lacked means of sub-
sistence. Early in November Garces reported their
necessitous condition. On the 3d the commanding
general, who had recovered his health, arrived at
Arizpe, where he received Garces' letter, and soon
afterward Diaz reported to him in person. At this
juncture Padre Fray Juan Antonio Barraneche (or
Barrenche) was sent to Garces' assistance.

During that winter of discontent, with Palma's dis-
affection, many Indians in revolt, and everything
hanging by the eyelids, much red tape was wound
about the usual circumlocution; but it was finally de-
termined to establish two foundations on the Colo-
rado, formal orders for which were issued Mar. 20,
1780. The scheme was a novel one — one so novel
that Arricivita styles its author, Croix, " an artificer

TWO MISSIONS ESTABLISHED. IO,

of death " (artifice de morir). The plan was for
neither a presidio, a mission, nor a pueblo, each of
which was intelligible to a Spaniard, but a mongrel
affair nobody could manage, combining features of
all three such establishments; and there were to be
two such mongrels. For the first of these were de-
tailed a corporal, nine soldiers, ten colonists, and six
laborers; for the second, a corporal, eight soldiers,
ten colonists, and six laborers. Such were the two
presidio-pueblo-missions established on the Colo-
rado; the one at Puerto de la Purisima Concepcion,
identical in site with modern Fort Yuma, and the
other perhaps eight miles lower down the river, at
a place called San Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuner, near
the site of modern Fort Defiance (Pilot Knob). The
logic of events showed the whole business to be crim-
inal stupidity, ending in a bloody catastrophe.

The victims of this nuevo modo de conquistar, de-
vised by politicos arbitristas unversed in such affairs,
against the protests of the priests and the warnings
of such an experienced officer as Anza, arrived at
their appointed posts in the autumn of 1780. Arri-
civita's census is: 20 families of settlers or colonists;
12 of laborers, and 21 of soldiers; " all brought their
wives and plenty of children." One padre, Matias
Moreno, had meanwhile been added to the three al-
ready mentioned; the non-commissioned officers were

20 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

Ensign Santiago de las Islas, in whose charge the
people came; Sergeant Jose (or Juan) de la Vega;
Corporal Juan Miguel Palomino; and Corporal Pas-
cual Rivera. To make bad matters worse, if possi-
ble, with the Indians, the little horde of invaders pro-
ceeded coolly to appropriate the best lands of the
Yumas, whose milpas their horses and cattle soon
damaged or destroyed. No wonder the savage abo-
riginal proprietors of this demesne were ripe for
treason, stratagem, and spoils by the time such char-
acteristically Spanish arrangements for the temporali-
ties had been completed, with Padres Garces and Bar-
raneche in charge of the spiritualities at Concepcion,
while Padres Juan Diaz and Matias Moreno under-
took the cure of inflamed souls at Bicuner.

This brings us back to Arricivita's ninth chapter,
on the " furious rebellion of the Yumas," with which
we started roundabout the sad story. We may imag-
ine how the winter of their discontent on both sides
wore on, but have no consecutive record of the rest
of 1780 and the early months of 1781. But in June
there arrived at Yuma Captain Fernando Xavier de
Rivera y Moncada, then lieutenant governor of
Lower California, who had before been commandant
of the new establishments of Monterey, having come
into that country in 1769. At this time he was from
Sonora, with some soldiers and about 40 recruits for

THE STORM BURSTS. 21

the Californian settlements. Some of his people he
sent back to Sonora, others he sent on to California,
whilst he remained to his death with about a dozen
men, in camp at the mouth of the Gila, directly op-
posite Concepcion (Yuma). Thus the outraged and
outrageous Yumas had three separate groups of
Spaniards to massacre.

The storm burst on Tuesday, July 17, 1781. At
Concepcion Garces was saying mass to some of the
people, mostly women, the rest of the settlers being
scattered in the fields, excepting Ensign Islas and
Corporal Baylon, the latter being on guard. Garces
had just passed from the missal to the gospel of the
day when a tumult arose, and the Indians besieged the
church and other houses. Service was instantly sus-
pended. Islas, who was in command, had hardly
called to arms when he was clubbed to death and his
body thrown in the river. Both padres survived the
first outbreak, whilst the Indians were butchering
right and left, and looting the houses; both heard con-
fessions and administered the sacraments to some in
the agony of death. The day passed, and fuc 'la
noche triste ' at Concepcion. More effectual still was
the havoc wrought that same day at Bicuner, the at-
tack upon which had been simultaneous. There,
Padres Diaz and Moreno were preparing to say mass
and administer the viaticum when they were set upon

22 BIOGRAPHY OF GARCES.

furiously and both killed, as were Sergeant Vega and
most of the soldiers, in the first onslaught. Only five
men survived this day at Bicuiier, all the women and
children were made captives, and the settlement was
entirely destroyed. At Concepcion, where hostilities
seem to have been suspended on the 17th after the
first outrages, the assault was renewed on the after-
noon of the 1 8th, about three o'clock, when the sav-
ages returned from their attack upon Rivera's camp
across the river, where the massacre had been com-
plete — not a man escaped death. Concepcion was
sacked and burned, and most of the men killed; but
both priests were still spared, having found refuge
with some of the Indians who remained their friends.
It is related that Palma himself favored them, saying
they were good men, who had done no harm, and
should not be put to death. But on the 19th, at the
instigation of a certain Nifora Indian, " vile slave and
infamous apostate," who cried out, " If these are left
alive, all is lost — they are the worst of all!" both
Garces and Barraneche were beaten to death.

Thus began in blunder and ended in blood, after
enduring a few months, the only missions there ever
were upon the Colorado. All four of the priests re-
ceived the crown of martyrdom. The victims of the
massacre were nearly or about 50 in number. Among
the names of 20 soldiers and 14 settlers which have

AFTER THE YUMA MASSACRE. 23

reached us, there were the following- survivors: Jose
Reyes Pacheco, Pedro Solares, Miguel Antonio Ro-
mero, soldiers; Matias de Castro, Juan Jose Miranda,
Jose Ignacio Bengachea, Jose Urrea, settlers. Two
of the most remarkable features of the catastrophe
are, that the victims were all, or nearly all, clubbed to
death; and that all the women and children were
spared — captured and enslaved, but not outraged. I
do not know where to find the exact parallel of this
in the annals of Indian massacre.

The fame of so atrocious an affair flew on the
wings of the four winds and soon reached the Span-
ish authorities. Meanwhile, Ensign Limon, Rivera
y Moncada's officer, who had escorted some of the
latter's people to San Gabriel, returned from his trip
with nine men, on Aug. 21st. He was attacked and
repulsed with some loss, and hastened back with the
news to San Gabriel, whence Governor Neve sent him
by a different route with a report to Croix dated
Sept. 1 st. In the other direction word was carried
by the Pimas to Tucson, and by one of the survivors
to Altar, reaching Croix in August. An expedition
was soon on foot for the scene of the disaster, for the
special purpose, it would seem, of recovering the
bodies of the four priests; but punishment of the rebel
apostates, and ransom of the captives, were among
its objects.

24 CONCLUSION OF BIOGRAPHY.

There is no need here to protract the dismal story,
either of operations in the field or of the long legal
depositions which were taken and official reports
which were made. The remains of the four martyrs
were recovered, and finally laid to rest forever in one
coffin in the church at Tubutama. But a few words
concerning GarceY fellow laborers in so sadly watered
a vineyard of the Lord may not be out of place. Bar-
raneche, whose first work as a missionary ended at
his death at the early age of 32 years, was born in
1749 in the town of Lacazor, bishopric of Pamplona,
and Kingdom of Navarre. He was in Cuba as a
child, joined the Franciscans in 1768, and came to the
college of Queretaro in 1773. Moreno's life as a
missionary also began on the scene of his death. He
was the son of Matias Moreno and Maria Catalina
Gil, born at Almarza, in the jurisdiction of Soria and
bishopric of Osma, and baptized May 24, 1744; he
took his holy orders in 1762, and came to Mexico in
1769. Diaz was a native of Alaxar in the bishopric
of Seville, born in May, 1736. His real name was
not Diaz, as he was son of Juan Marcelo and Feliciana
Basquez, named Alonzo Diaz at his confirmation, and
Juan Marcelo Diaz on taking holy orders. He came
to the college of Queretaro in 1763; in 1768 he was
assigned to the mission of Caborca in Pimeria Alta,
and in 1774 was with Garces on Anza's expedition to
San Gabriel.

THE FOUR ENTRADAS OF GARCES.
(1768-74-)

In order to inform the reader fully of the condi-
tions under which Garces undertook the journey of
1775-76 which forms the body of the present work, it
will be well to glance at his previous entradas of 1768,
1770, 1 77 1, and 1774. I derive the following- data
mainly from Arricivita's Cronica, which will also be
found digested in Bancroft's Ariz, and N. M.

I. GARCES' FIRST ENTRADA, TO THE GILA, 1 768.

Arricivita's Chronicle, Mexico, 1792, devotes capi-
tulo xiii, pp. 394-399, to the Entrada de los Misio-
neros en Sonora, these Franciscans having left San
Bias Jan. 20 and reached Guaymas May 9, 1768. His
next chapter, pp. 400-404, treats of the Nuevos Tra-
bajos de los Misioneros, etc., and here we find the
record of Garces' First Entrada, pp. 403. 404, of
which I give a brief summary:

At this time Garces was the minister of San Xavier
del Bac, bent on reaping a crop of souls for God and
the King of Spain. He had sent messages to ran-
cherias of the gentiles, was determined to visit them,

26 FIRST AND SECOND ENTRADAS.

and four Indians came to guide him. Hearing of
this, a military officer sought to stop him, with the
information that the Papagos, through whose lands
Garces was to pass, had revolted. But the padre well
knew this was a false manifest, and so left Bac on
Aug. 29, 1768, with only one Indian of his mission
and the four already said. He traveled about 80
leagues west, north, and southeast, among many
Papago rancherias, including a very large one on the
Gila. This is about all we know of the journey; for
the chronicler's chapter is mostly theological. Gar-
ces appears to have been back in his mission of Bac
by October, and fell sick with what is called an apo-
plexy. Nevertheless, the report of the entrada of the
missionary soon spread through all the rancherias of
the gentiles who lived on the Gila; and, attracted by
the sweet savor {bien olor) of Christ, whose faith and
gospel Garces had announced, they were all rejoiced,
especially at the prospect that he would come again
to visit them.

2. GARCES' SECOND ENTRADA, TO THE GILA, 1770.

But various things, including Apaches and Seris,
delayed Garces' return till late in 1770. We have a
fuller account of this entrada in Arricivita, pp. 416,
417, in substance as follows:

In October of this year there was an epidemic of

SECOND ENTRADA. 27

measles, fever, and diarrheas throughout the prov-
ince, of which diseases many died. A married wo-
man fled from Bac; the Pimas Gilenos sent word to
Garces that a converted Indian was very sick; and
so, to retake the first, help the second, and comfort
everybody, Garces left Bac Oct. 18, equipped only
with charity and apostolic zeal, intending to return
in five days. Traveling northwest, across a valley
different from those of the Papagos, he inspected the
rancherias of Cuitoat, Oapars, and Tubasa, some of
whose inhabitants were at his mission, though he
could not gather them all in, through their fear of
speedy death. On the 19th he went westward in
search of the sick man, among various rancherias, in-
cluding Aquitun; on one roundabout he found a gen-
tile, very old and very sick, whom he catechised and
baptized with great gusto, and who presently died.
On the 20th he reached the Gila, where the natives
of Pitac received him joyfully, and there he baptized
the sick children who were in greatest danger. 21st,
he reached the spot where he had been in 1768, and
where the governor assured him that they all wanted
a padre to teach them; here he baptized 22, and was
almost detained by force, but managed to break away,
and went on down river where there were good crops
and many rancherias, among them one on the other
side named Napeut. The padre said mass, baptized

28 SECOND ENTRADA.

two aggravated cases of sickness, saw many people
and good land, and was told that he was near the
Opas, a nation who spoke the language of the Yumas
and Cocomaricopas. Leaving the Indians who had
accompanied him, he set out with only one of those
of the Gila, who had a little pinole and jerked meat,
and passing the pueblo of Sutaquison, and another
large one lower down, he reached a saline on the 23d ;
w r hence traveling northwest he arrived that night at
the Opas whom he sought. The padre, being already
pretty well up in Pima, talked to them in that idiom;
they received him very well, and he could preach to
them, because there were among them some old
individuals who understood it. These Indians
were quite curious, especially about Garces' dress,
asking him whether he was a man or a woman,
whether he was married or single, and other imper-
tinent questions. These people and others of the
same language extend along the Gila and Colorado,
and also along the rivers Azul, Verde, Salado, and
others which enter the Colorado; on which latter
there are other nations who come down to trade with
those said.

Thinking of his mission of Bac, left without a min-
ister, Garces inspected no more rancherias on the
Gila, from which he turned away southward through
a sierra which bordered on the river. On the after-

SECOND ENTRADA. 29

noon of a day not said he halted in a hut (xacal) where
there seemed to be but few people, though more ap-
peared that night. They gave him various reports
through a Piman, who told him that in a pueblo of
Opas there had been seen whites who had come to
barter through Moquis. On the 28th he passed by
various rancherias, accompanied by many men and
boys, and halted in the house of a Pima of Sutaquison.
There he saw six Indians from the Rio Colorado,
whom he treated to pinole, and determined to keep
on eastward, sick at heart (arrancandosele el corazon)
to leave those people, some of whom were dying of
measles, and only baptizing one child whom he found
almost dead. After three days [Oct. 29-31] through
a deserted region he arrived at the already known
Papago rancherias, where he was told that most of
the children and the old woman he had baptized were
dead.

Ninety leagues was the good padre's estimate of
this journey, and he highly praised the fidelity of the
only Indian who accompanied him the whole way. All
those nations wondered at his coming to visit them
otherwise unattended, and at discovering that he
sought only to save their souls, and to preach heaven
and hell to them, and explain to them God, of whom
they were totally ignorant; for though they had some
notion of a supreme power, said to be invoked at

30 THIRD ENTRADA.

sowing-time, or when they fell sick, he felt sure that
their gods were the sun and moon, even in the
rancherias most immediate to missions.

Of all this excursion and apostolic foray did Padre
Garces make a report and a prolix diary for the padre
guardian and venerable elders in council, who placed
it in the hands of Padre Presidente Fray Mariano.
The report went its way through official channels to
the Senor Visitador Don Jose de Galvez, who ap-
proved it; and the upshot of much deliberation over
plans for the founding of missions on the Gila was
Garces' next entrada. .

■u)

3. GARCES' THIRD ENTRADA, TO THE GILA AND
COLORADO, 1771.

" Nuevo Viage que hizo el Padre Garzes a los rios
Colorado y Gila en el aiio siguente de setenta y uno "
is the title of Arricivita's chap, xvii, pp. 418-426. It
opens with reference to the difficulties and dangers
of this entrada, including a long extract from Garces'
own diary on the subject.

Packing on horseback the apparatus for saying
mass, and accompanied by a very respectable Papago,
Garces left San Xavier del Bac Aug. 8, 1771. Hold-
ing westward he visited various rancherias, preached
the gospel, and baptized those who needed it in their
extremities — as for example, on the nth, a woman

I111RD ENTRADA. 31

who seemed to be more than a hundred years old,
whom he catechised to her great relief. On the 12th
he was at the pueblo of Ati; on the 15th, at a place
called Cubac, where he preached, but had trouble
through the infidelity of the interpreter. On the
1 6th he announced to the governor of Sonoi [So-
noita] his intention of going to the Yumas, and
begged for guides; but that night, in the council or
junta which he convened to propound to them Cath-
olic truth and ineffable mysteries, the old men raised
such insuperable objections that, if the governor had
not been so good, and the padre so inflexible, the
scheme would have miscarried. He continued west-
ward until he could go no further for want of water,
and consequently turned by way of the volcano of
Santa Clara toward the Gila, which river was reached
on the 22d, at an uninhabited place where there were
such fine cottonwoods that the water was hidden from
view. At a little distance was discovered another run-
ning river, conjectured to be the Rio Azul, a branch
of the Gila. After traveling all day, a little before
sundown GarceV party were discovered by some In-
dians named Noraguas, who lived on the other side
of the river, and the padre wished to pass the night
with them; but the Piman guides turned back, telling
him that those were not good people, for they would
steal all they could if he stayed with them. On the

32 THIRD ENTRADA.

23d many persons came across the river to see the
padre, and there was another discussion of his inten-
tion to proceed to the Yumas, against which all sorts
of objections were urged by the governor of the Pi-
mas: it was very far; they were not friendly; the road
was risky on account of the Quiquimas; those Yumas
knew nobody, and would take their scalps, etc.
Thereupon the governor called his people together,
and that night they sang and danced till daylight.
All this was simply to detain the padre; but for two
days he persisted in seeking the Colorado. No such
river was found; the governor told him that thence-
forward there were no good people, and went back
to his rancheria. The Indian guides, persuaded by
the other Pimas, refused to follow the padre. He
delayed a day in hope of guides from Sonoitac; but
none appeared, and he went on with some nine young
fellows, as well as he could, on the way down to the
Yumas, till they dared to go no further. He kept on
alone all day, thinking it could not be much further,
met with difficulties, and retraced his steps. He was
again dissuaded by the Pimas, but was firm in his re-
solve, and as no Sonoitac guides appeared, he once
more set forth alone. Traveling southwest for two
days, on the 30th his horse mired down twice, and he
found himself in such a fix that he was obliged to re-
turn to the rancherias. This was on or about Sept. I.

THIRD ENTRADA. 33

On the 8th, having procured a guide and baptized
an adult and a child in articulo mortis, he set forth
with some preparation for the journey; but the In-
dian purposely broke the calabash of water, and said
they could not proceed without it. The padre said
they could keep near the Gila; but at noon the guide
.took a horse and started back, expecting that the
padre, finding himself alone, would do the same.
Not so, however; for Garces continued for two days,
and finding some tracks, with great difficulty reached
the people who live in the woods or among the
lagunas along the river. Great was their wonder to
see him alone, and equal were the concourse and the
courtesy with which they supplied him with all that
they had. He passed on among various rancherias
and many people. On the 12th he saw other ran-
cherias, whose inhabitants were sorry that he would
not stay with them, and the padre was grieved to see
their affliction, many having been wounded and hav-
ing had their houses burned, in a cruel assault their
opponents the Quiquimas had made upon them.
But having no fear of the Quiquimas, feeling sure he
could recommend himself to these Indians as well as
to others, he proceeded, and slept that night very
close to the river. Next day, the 13th, he followed
a trail and saw smoke on the other bank; but being
unable to cross he continued down river westward,

34 THIRD ENTRADA.

nearly to the junction of the Gila with the Colorado,
till the lagunas and tulares prevented his reaching
that point, and he turned southward.

At this date Garces was in the vicinity of Yuma, for
the first time in his life. His course down the Gila
is easy to trail as a whole, but not in detail. Now
that he turns south, we have more difficulty in trac-
ing his movements from the imperfect and somewhat
confusing record in Arricivita.

On the 14th, having passed a handsome plain, he
found some brackish pools, and being unable to reach
the Colorado, on account of the lagunas, he entered
upon an extended strand. Here, going somewhat
eastward in search of water, he found nothing but
some skulls and skeletons of Indians; and seeing that
neither water, nor grass, nor seeds, nor quelites were
to be found, he turned northward, having traveled
most of the night, and at dawn sought to rest a while ;
whereupon his horse ran away with the saddle on.
Being now unable to return the way he had come, he
thought best to go westward, and thus came upon a
great river which seemed to him larger than the Gila,
though he thought it smaller than the Colorado.
Here in dismay he knew not which way to turn, for
there was nothing to eat on that bank of the river
except a certain herb resembling hemp; so he re-
solved to turn to the right-about, without looking for

THIRD ENTRADA. 35

his horse, which lie gave up for lost. Passing by
lagunas and tulares all day of the 15th, he found his
horse, which had come by a different route through
the tulares and mud puddles.

On the 1 6th he concluded that he could reach the
mouth of the river on a direct south course, and find
the Quiquimas. At a matter of two leagues he found
a melon patch, and having refreshed himself, there
arrived fourteen armed Indians, surprised to see the
padre. By signs they asked him whence he came and
where he was going. Then they gave him to under-
stand that the Quiquimas were their enemies; that if
he would go with them they would give him some-
thing to eat; and they presently offered him some fish.
Having turned back with them, he found 35 Yumas
fishing; he dined with them, and says in his diary that
one could learn humanity, politeness, and attention
from these Indians; they joyfully took him to their
village, and were at the trouble to make two rafts to
cross him over the river; they also entertained him
with singing and dancing in such fashion that he got
no sleep, for they kept it up till morning.

On the 17th none of them were willing to go
further down river with him, and he could only per-
suade one old man to accompany him to the junction
of the rivers. They started, but something happened
which made the old man desert, and the padre, after

36 THIRD ENTRADA.

floundering about on the 18th, in the marshes and
puddles, returned on the 19th to the rancheria he had
left, where the Indians came in troops to see him.

It would scarcely be profitable, even were it possi-
ble, to trace Garces' wanderings west of the Colorado
and below the Gila. They were very devious, through
the fitful refusals of Indians to take him where he
wished to go, and his own inability to travel alone.
He seems constantly turning about, gives few dis-
tances, and is loose in his compass points; nor do I
find him once at an identifiable locality. He seems
not to have continued among the Yumas only, for
he speaks of various others nations, including two
called Niforas and Macueques. He also speaks of
hearing from the Yumas of the padres of San Diego
and of New Mexico. On the 22d he was at some
rancherias where he heard the sweet names of Jesus
and Mary pronounced Mensus and Marria, usually
with the word Azan added to the first of these names;
he made the Indians the sign of the cross, and they did
the same. This seems to be a reminiscence of Kino,
who was among these Indians nearly three-quarters
of a century before Garces. On the 28th Garces ap-
pears to have been near the mouth of the river, or at
any rate near tide-water; for at dawn next day he dis-
covered the Sierra Madre, and saw " a very large gap
or opening in the mountains, which he thought was

THIRD ENTRADA. 37

the entrance of the Rio Colorado into the sea.""
Exactly how far down river he pushed will probably
never be known; but in his Diary of Dec. 20, 1775
(see the date, beyond), he speaks of a place he called
Rancheria de las Llagas in 1771, when he was there,
the same being, he was convinced, the last rancheria
down river, not now identifiable with any known spot.
When and where on his return he recrossed the Col-
orado from west to east is not clear. On the 7th of
October we find him bearing eastward to seek the
Gila. He was detained until the 12th by funeral
ceremonies among the Yumas, eleven of whom had
been killed in a fight with the Cocomaricopas and
Pimas Gileiios.

Oct. 12, the Indians offered to take the padre in
four days' journey to the Indians of Cujant or to
Zuniga, and he chose the former direct route to>
Sonoitac. On the 13th, the text says, he recrossed
(repaso) the Gila on a raft — a statement not clear, as
we do not see how he could recross a river he had
never once crossed, nor do we know how he can be
supposed to have been anywhere north of the Gila;
perhaps this statement should be taken to indicate his
otherwise unsaid crossing of the Colorado from west
to east, at the place where he had first crossed it, not
far below the mouth of the Gila. However this may
be, we find him on the 15th on the usual route to

38 FOURTH ENTRADA.

Caborca (por las jomadas acostumbradas se dirigio el
Padre d Caborca). His diary ends Oct. 27, in the
following pleasant manner:

" Poco a poco comiendo pitahallas regaladisimas,
llegue a Caborca ceiiido con el panuelo de narizes,
pues habiendose acabado la reata, hube de valerme
del cordon, y este como viejo tambien se acabo:
quando sali al viage estaba malo y se me hinchaban
las piernas, y pensaba en salir a curarme, y ahora
estoy hasta la presente, gracias a Dios, sin novedad
chica ni grande, y asi aunque no hubiera otro
motivo, basta para estos viages el ser proficuos para
vivir en San Xavier."

4. GARCES' FOURTH ENTRADA, TO THE GILA, COLO-
RADO, AND MISSION OF SAN GABRIEL IN CALI-
FORNIA, 1774.

( With Padre Juan Diaz, under Capitan J. B. de Anza.)

Arricivita's Libro Quarto, Capitulo Primero, pp.
450-456, entitled Expedicion que se mando hacer
para la comunicacion de la Sonora con los nuevos
establecimientos de Monterey, records this notable
entrada at some length. The best account is said to
be Anza's own MS., entitled Descubrimiento de
Sonora a Californias, aiio de 1774.

Anza's expedition, consisting of himself, Garces,

FOURTH ENTRADA. 39

and Diaz, an Indian guide named Sebastian, 34 men
in all, with 65 cattle and 140 horses, left the Pre-
sidio de Tubac Jan. 8, 1774. By way of Caborca
the journey continued to the mission de San Mar-
celo de Sonoytac on the 28th. Arricivita is very
curt along here, but from other sources the route can
be traced pretty closely. From Tubac one league to
ford of San Ignacio, Jan. 8th; valley of Arivac, 9th;
Agua Escondida, 10th; to Saric, 13th; La Estancia,
14th; Ati, 15th; Oquitoa, 16th; Presidio de Altar,
17th; Pitic, 19th; and Caborca next day. Then, to a
place named San Ildefonso at this date, 22d; Aribaipa
or San Eduardo, 23d; San Juan de Mata, a water
pool, 24th; Quitobac or San Luis Bacapa, a rancheria,
26th; whence to Sonoita on the 28th. Greater than
before was the difficulty with which the party kept on
through grassless and waterless deserts past places
two of which were Carrizal and Purificacion, till Feb.
5, when they reached a scanty aguage hidden in a
profound arroyo, and hence called Agua Escondida,
duplicating a name. They there found a Papago who
had come from the Yumas. From him they learned
of natives who were wavering in their allegiance to
the Yuman captain Palma, unfriendly toward the
whites, and disposed to loot the whole outfit.

This news gave them great uneasiness, and they
determined to dispatch the Papago with a message to

40 FOURTH ENTRADA.

Palma, to see what could be done to pacify the mal-
contents. He returned in a day or two, accompanied
by some Papagos and Yumas, with demonstrations of
joy, minimizing the former report, and saying that
the only reason why Palma himself did not come was
his absence from home. Anza and the padres, seeing
that they were welcome to these Indians and others
that continually arrived, determined to halt not till
they reached the Gila and camped on its banks.
Palma soon arrived, with many others of his nation,
mostly on horseback; all were jubilant over the com-
ing of the Spanish captain and priests. Palma con-
tinued to give such unequivocal proofs of ability and
loyalty that Anza confirmed his chieftainship and
hung about his neck a silver medal with a bust of his
Catholic majesty, advising him to be an obedient vas-
sal of the king, and faithful to the allegiance he owed
to the Spaniards.

In the place where the expedition was on Feb. 7,
the Gila joined a small arm of the Colorado given off
a few leagues higher up, thus forming an island large
enough for the residence of Palma and a part of his
Yumas. (This island is the one which became
known as Isla de la Trinidad: practically the site of
Kino's San Dionisio of 1700, and directly across the
Colorado from the Mision de la Concepcion of 1780-
81.) One day, apparently Feb. 8 (or two days, Feb.

FOURTH ENTRADA. 4 1

8 and 9), the expedition crossed the united Gila and
Colorado by a good though devious ford, guided and
aided by the natives, and camped in the vicinity,
where Anza took his geodetic observations. Here
is the initial point of the entrada into California. — "

It is impossible to trace the route henceforth from
Arricivita with requisite precision; but coupling the
old chronicler's account with data derived from An-
za's MS. diary, as digested in Bancroft's Hist. Cal. i,
pp. 222, 223, we can follow the expedition approxi-
mately.

In three or four days, Feb. 10-12 or 9-13, the ex-
pedition went to or was at a place called Laguna de
Santa Olaya, 9! leagues about S. W., formed by the
Colorado in times of overflow. The name appears to
have been bestowed on this occasion. Palma went
part way and then turned back, amidst tears and
other amotions, because Santa Olaya belonged to the
Cajuenches. Feb. 13 or 14, the expedition plunged
into the desert beyond, only to be forced back to
Santa Olaya on the 19th, and to remain there till
Mar. 2. The interval was employed by the priests
in their holy functions, and Garces alone made a six
days' tour among the rancherias, getting back to
camp Mar. 1. '

On the 2d, Anza left most of his baggage, horses,
and cattle in charge of Paima, starting for the new

42 FOURTH ENTRADA.

establishments of Monterey with only the most neces-
sary supplies. That day they traveled through
Cajuenche rancherias, which Garces had visited in
1 771; they all cried Jesus Maria, and delivered up to
Garces four idols, three of which he smashed with
great gusto, while the soldiers kept the other one.
This day's camp was at a spot called Laguna del
Predicador (Preacher's lagoon).

Mar. 3-5, westerly, with a sierra on the left, and
over hills, to some waterholes called Pozos de San
Eusebio. Mar. 6, to Santo Tomas, in the sierra.
Mar. 7, 8, northerly, to Pozos de Santa Rosa de las
Lajas (Wells of St. Rose of the Flat Rocks). At
this point the expedition was supposed to have ad-
vanced 18 leagues in air line from Santa Olaya. Mar.
0, 10, north 11 leagues to a large cienega in the
Cajuenche country, called San Sebastian Peregrino.
Mar. 11, continuing along the same cienega. Mar.
12, six leagues westnorthwest to San Gregorio.
Mar. 14, six leagues to Santa Catarina. Next day,
apparently, six leagues northerly to Puerto de San
Carlos, about where ended the widespread Cajuenche
nation, and began another which on his former jour-
ney Garces called los Danzarines, the Dancers, on ac-
count of the violent movements of the hands and feet
they made when they talked. Mar. 16, 17, to La-
guna de San Patricio, supposed to be eight leagues

FOURTH ENTRADA. 43

direct from Santa Catarina. Mar. 18, to Valle de
San Jose, on a fine stream, observed as in lat. 33 46'.
Mar. 19, to Laguna de San Antonio de Bucareli.
Mar. 20, to Rio de Santa Ana. Mar. 21, to Arroyo
de los Osos, or de los Alisos, Bear or Alder gulch.
Mar. 2.2, the expedition arrived at the Mision del
Gloriosisimo Principe San Gabriel — that is, the still
existent and well-known San Gabriel mission, in the
vicinity of present Los Angeles, Cal. It was then
taken to be 40 leagues from San Diego, and 120 from
Monterey. The whole distance actually traveled
from Caborca was set down at 240 leagues, reducible
to about 200 by avoiding detours.

Having reached San Gabriel out of everything,
Anza determined to travel light to Monterey, to re-
plenish his outfit. At the same time the R. P. F.
Junipero Serra, later on the most famous Californian
missionary, arrived at San Gabriel from San Diego,
where he left a religious with requisite instruments
for geodesy; and Padre Diaz went there for him.
Garces, under orders received from Anza, left with an
outfit for the Colorado, where he was to await the re-
turn of the expedition. He made this return trip in
12 days and a half (at dates not said, and without in-
cident, except the discovery of some rascality of the
Danzarines).

On May 1 Anza reached Monterey, which he left

44 FOURTH ENTRADA.

in three days with Paclre Diaz; and traveling in
Garces' tracks for eight days, a distance supposed to
be 80 leagues, they arrived at the junction of the Gila
and Colorado, where they were received by Palma
and his Yumas with grand jubilation and all possible
obsequy. The Indians made a raft and ferried them
over to the place where Garces had his camp. There
he found that the soldiers and muleteers who had
been left to guard the convoy had fled to Caborca,
having become panic-struck at a rumor that his party
and himself had been massacred.

On May 15 Anza and Diaz resumed their march,
accompanied by Garces, until the 21st; and happily
arrived at the Presidio de Tubac on the 26th. This
is nearly all Arricivita has to say about it; but from
other sources we trace their route briefly, as follows :
Started up the south bank of the Gila, May 15; passed
San Pascual, 17th; to first Cocomaricopa rancheria,
called San Bernardino, 18th; continuing, passed
through Upasoitac, or San Simon y Judas, 21st; to
Piman rancheria of Sutaquison, 22d; to Tutiritucar
(Uturituc, or San Juan Capistrano), 23d; to near
Casas Grandes, 24th; turning south away from river,
to Tucson, 25th; through Bac, to Tubac, 26th.

But Garces, who had been specially charged by
high authority to investigate the feasibility of open-
ing communication between Monterey and New

FOURTH ENTRADA. 45

Mexico, was left on the Gila without an escort — with
nobody but one of Anza's servants. From the
Pueblo de Oparsoitac, which had been named that
of San Simon y Judas, he sought to reach the Yabi-
pais or Niforas, but the Indians would not permit
this, on account of existing hostilities. Two Jalche-
dunes of the Rio Colorado, informed of the affair,
said that they were friends of the Yabipais, who went
to pueblos where there were padres. So Garces de-
termined to go with these Jalchedunes to their lands;
but Anza's servant took fright and Garces left him in
charge of the Pimas.

Confiding in divine providence and trusting to the
good will of the Indians, Garces traveled about 30
leagues to a large laguna inhabited by Jalchedunes.
Further on among these Indians he saw very many of
them, and large crops of wheat; he went to their con-
fines, and named some Rancherias de San Antonio
(as we are told beyond, at date of Aug. 6-8, 1776),
but no further up the Colorado, for next came .the
Quilmurs, their cruel enemies. He sought what in-
formation he could regarding the Moquis, whom he
was very anxious to visit; but finding it impossible
to go there, he turned back with one Jalchedun
chosen as his guide, who carried a pot of water on his
head, in one hand a firebrand, and in the other a stick
with which to stimulate the jaded horse; notwith-

46 FOURTH ENTRADA.

standing which impedimenta, whenever the padre
needed it the Indian would make him a porridge of
wheat flour, their only provision for the journey. In
such plight he reached the Cocomaricopas, who
passed him on to the Pimas Gilenos. The latter had
returned from a campaign against the Apaches, and
their horses were worn out; so Garces was detained
among them for some days, for which he was con-
soled by finding them well inclined to christianism.

Garces did not thence regain his mission of San
Xavier del Bac by the route the expedition had taken,
but by way of some wells by which in the driest sea-
son the route is practicable from the Gila. His long,
arduous peregrination ended on July 10, 1774, when
he entered his mission, having seen in all those terri-
tories, according to the prudent estimate he made of
their population, about 24,000 gentiles.

The foregoing brings Garces up to the date of his
Fifth Entrada, 1775-76, which forms the subject of
the work now before us.

DIARY OF GARC^S.

1775-76.

CHAPTER I.

OFFICIALITIES AND OTHER PRELIMINARIES, TO
OCTOBER 21, 1775.*

Diary kept by Padre Fray Francisco Garces, son
of the College of the Holy Cross of Queretaro, 1 on
the journey that he made in the year 1775 [and 1776]
by command of the Most Excellent Senor Don Fr.
Antonio Maria Bucareli y Vrsua, 2 lieutenant-general,
viceroy, governor, and captain-general of this New
Spain, made known by his letter of 26 of January of
the same year, determined in the council of war held
at Mexico on the 28th of November of the preceding
year, and likewise ordered by the Reverend Padre
Fray Romualdo Cartagena, guardian of said college,
by letter of 20th of January of '75, and by his suc-
cessor the Reverend Padre Fray Diego Ximenez by

* The notes to this chapter are too long to be set on the pages
where they belong. They will be found at the end of the chapter.

48 OFFICIALITIES.

letter of 17th of February of the same year; in which
I am ordered, together with another religious, to join
Lieutenant-Colonel Don Juan Bautista de Ansa 3 and
the Reverend Padre Fray Pedro Font, 4 who go to the
Puerto de San Francisco; and accompanying them to
the Rio Colorado, there to wait their return with the
companion that I may have with me; and in the
meanwhile to examine the country, treat with the
neighboring nations, and investigate the animus and
adaptability (el ammo y disposition) of the natives for
the catechism and vassalage of our sovereign. 5

Preliminary Remarks.

This Diary is accompanied by a map, which P. F.
Pedro Font has made with the greatest care, I being
present to give him at least all those notes from the
Diary which could serve to the end that it should
prove correct. The observations, courses, and dis-
tances that I give, as far as Laguna de Santa Olalla, 8
are the same as those that are given in his diary and
map by the said Font, in whose company I went to
the Rio Colorado, and whom I met again at said
laguna. The rest I made with the quadrant fur-
nished me by said padre; but through my lack of
practice they cannot come out exact. On the map
is found the route marked with dots, with numbers of

PRELIMINARIES. 49

the jornadas for greater clearness; as also are con-
spicuous the nations, and the names thereof, with
smaller dots, in order that may be better understood
their location and the direction in which it extends;
though it is true that this is to some extent based only
on prudent estimates. Having seen such a variety
of nations, their respective friendships, hostilities, and
commerces, though not at one and the same time;
and inasmuch as, through what was said to me in
some of them and what I saw in others, I learned in
one nation what had not been told me in another; it
has seemed to me proper to give separate notices of
them all at the end of the diary; and, by bringing to-
gether all the information acquired, to show the con-
nection of every nation with all the others — which are
the dominant ones, which are friendly, which are hos-
tile; their commerces, and the extent of such; and
finally, as a consequence of all this, to set forth the
means which experience has shown me to be the best
to the end of entirely subduing the Apache nation
and of facilitating the communication of Monte-Rey
and of New Mexico with these Provinces. 7

Agreeably to orders, Padre Fray Tomas Eisarc 9
was designated as my companion. Foreseeing that
I could not explain myself better to the Indians than
with images of the kind most familiar to their sight,
I determined to carry a linen print of Maria Santisima

50 QUERETARO.

with Nino Dios in her arms, having on the other side
the picture of a lost soul. 9 In all the entradas 10 I
have made among the gentiles I have observed that
the divine crucifix which I wore on my breast caused
their devotion; they adored it, and confessed to me
that it was a good thing, as will be seen beyond.

Notes.

1 Queretaro is at present a flourishing place, the capital of the
Mexican State of the same name, situated in a valley some
1 10-120 miles N. W. of Mexico; it has a pop. approx. of 40,000.
Among its notabilia are the numerous churches and other eccle-
siastical edifices, manufacturing establishments, and especially
the fine aqueduct built at the expense of the Marques de Villar
del Aquila, whose statue stands in one of the plazas. Late his-
torical matters are principally two: The ratification here of
peace between the United States and Mexico by the Guadalupe-
Hidalgo treaty of 1848; and the capture and execution in 1867
of the estimable gentleman who would be emperor — for Maxi-
milian took refuge here in February of that year, was captured
on May 15 by the force under General Escobedo, and on June 19
was shot, with his Generals Miramon and Mejia, on the Cerro
de las Campanas, or Hill of the Bells, overlooking the town.

But the history of Queretaro goes back to the ancient period
when it was an Indian pueblo whose site had been captured by
Spanish allies. It became a city in 1655, and has always been
one of the soundest strongholds of Spanish ecclesiasticism in
Mexico, since the foundation of the College of the Holy Cross,
of which our author was a " son." The first official chronicle
of this college was written by the R. P. Fr. Isidro Felis (or
Felix) de Espinosa, and published at Mexico in the year 1746.
It makes a folio volume, the major part of the title of which is:

quer£taro. 51

Chronica Apostolica, y Seraphica de Todos los Colegios de
Propaganda Fide de esta Nueva-Espana, de Missioneros Frau-
ciscanos Observantes: erigidos con autoridad pontifica, y regia,
para la reformacion de los Fieles, y Conversion de los Gentile^
Consagrada a la Milagrosa Cruz de Piedra, que como titular se
venera en su primer Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la muy
Ilustre Ciudad de San-Tiago de Queretaro. The chronicler,
Espinosa, who was ex-guardian, etc., of said college, brings
his work down to date, in what was designed to be a Parte
Primera of the whole history of the institution, and which
proved in fact to be such when the story was resumed in a com-
panion volume published in 1792, as Segunda Parte, by Arri-
civita, whom I have already so extensively quoted regarding
the biography and previous entradas of Garces. Espinosa's
work is a faithful and valuable chronicle, in all material facts;
but the author was an adept in the superstitious bigotry of his
day and generation, and dwells with true sacerdotal unction
upon the miraculous.

The record ostensibly begins with the year 1445, in Espi-
nosa's first chapter, treating of the foundation of the Pueblo
de Queretaro in the time of Mothecusuma Ilhuicamina, " first
of that name." Chapter ii gives the origin v.T the most holy
cross of stone with heavenly portents and other prodigies, and
tells how it was planted on the very spot where it continued to
be venerated from 1531 for the 210 years thence to 1741, when
Espinosa wrote his book. Chapter iii establishes with greater
firmness what went before, says who were the first ministers,
describes Queretaro, etc. Chapter iv describes the cult of the
most holy cross, and how it grew apace. In chapter v our
miraculous stone cross manifests its strange tremors and other
movements; in chapter vi we have the portent of the growth
of the cross " experimentally authenticated." Chapter vii de-
scribes the miracles which the cross worked upon its devotees;
and yet other miracles operated in Espinosa's own time are
given in chapter viii. All of which ia rattier curious than edify-

52 QUERETARO.

ing; but after thus setting his stage with the usual theological
properties the author proceeds to sober history, which may be
used with confidence that it is the best chronicle we possess
regarding the foundation and early history of the Queretaronian
College of the Holy Cross of which Garces speaks.

It appears from Espinosa, and from other authorities accessi-
ble to me, or digested by Bancroft in Hist. Mex., ii, p. 539, seq.,
that the 25th of July, 1522 or 1531, was the date of a battle
which may be considered as opening the present case. In those
years Aztec civilization extended little beyond the valley of
Mexico, and wild tribes of the mountain fastnesses had the col-
lective name of Chichimecos. The first expedition against
them seems to have been undertaken not by the Spaniards, but
by their Mexican and Otomi allies. We hear of a certain
christianized Otomi cacique named in Spanish Nicolas de San
Luis de Montanez, who with the cacique called Fernando de
Tapia raised a force to fight the Chichimecos on that July 25.
The enemy, to the alleged number of 25,000 (!), were posted
on a hill near Queretaro, afterward called Cerrito Colorado or
Sangre Mai; so they had the advantage of position, while the
allies had the offsetting advantage of Spanish weapons of war.
The heroics of the situation, just before the fight began, have
come down to us in this shape: " O you brave men, perched on
a hill," cries San Luis, " come down and fight, if you are not
afraid! " " Very fine, no doubt, you renegade dogs of the Span-
iards," says the Chichimec chieftain called Coyote; "lay aside
your borrowed weapons and we will come down." " Unman-
nerly and beastly Chichimecos that you are," says San Luis,
"we can whip you with no weapons. See! we lay them all
aside; heap yours on them, put a guard over all, and come on! "
So they went at it tooth and nail, like fighting cocks (d
puneles y patadas y a mordidas camo gallos, says one chronicler).
Well, the allies whipped the Chichimecos, some of the latter
were baptized later by one Padre Juan Bautista, and thus the
scene opens on Queretaro, in 1522 or 1531 — the latter date being

QUERETARO. 53

assigned by most chroniclers, the former by San Luis himself,
who adds to his story the interesting statement that the sun
stood still during the battle, and the Virgin Mary, the apostle
St. James, and St. Francis appeared upon the scene. Espinosa
draws it more mildly, being content with the apparition of St.
James standing by the side of a bright red-and-white cross
which was visible through the smoke of the arquebuses, and
which decided the contest. The Chichimecos would seem to
have experienced not only a reverse in war, but a speedy and
total change of heart; nothing would satisfy them but the erec-
tion of a real cross of stone, to commemorate the apparition of
the heavenly one on the very spot — a cross which should be
everlasting (para siempre jamas). So a stone-cutter who hap-
pened to be conveniently at hand, and was appropriately named
Juan de la Cruz, was miraculously guided to a quarry of red,
white, and blue stone, out of which he shaped the required
object, three varas tall, in the course of 24 hours. " Se formo
de cinco piedras blancas y roxas milagrosamente halladas."
Other miracles followed in due course; for example, San Luis
says, " Parece que estabamos en la gloria, se aparecio alii una
nube blanca, tan hermosa, sombreando a la santa cruz y tenien-
dola cuatro angeles; luego el olor que olia tan hermoso que
todos lo vimos que luego hizo milagro la santa cruz." While
they were thus in glory with four angels in sight, and things
were smelling so sweet, it would seem that some practical per-
son had ground measured around the holy cross for a church,
and made certain land grants; but we hear of no settlement of
Queretaro till the time assigned for its becoming a town or
city, about 1555, as above said. The cross not only enjoyed
voluntary motion, but in due time grew exactly one vara bigger
than it had been at first. " The first Franciscans in Queretaro
lived in the small straw convent where the holy cross was sub-
sequently kept; afterward they moved to the principal convent,
which about 1566 was placed by the Santo Evangelio under the
province of Michoacan," Bancroft, I. c. Espinosa's statement

54 QUERETARO.

to like effect is in these words, cap. iv, p. n: " Consta de testi-
monies autenticos, que tengo a la vista, averse colocado nuestra
Cruz, al tiempo de la Conquista de Queretaro: y que entonces
se le formo Hermita de materiales campestres, y se hicieron
Celdas pajizas para los Religiosos pocos que avia, y una
vivienda contigua, que sirvio de Hospital para curacion de los
Naturales. Este fue en aquellos principios el primer Convento,
y la primera Iglesia que huvo en Queretaro para administrar
los Santos Sacrametos; y podemos con razon affirmar aver sido
la primitiva Parroquia, pues en ella se bautizaban, casaban,
y enterraban los que se convirtieron del Gentilismo."

The name Queretaro is given as a Tarascan word meaning
a game of ball, or a place where the game is played, and as
equivalent in this sense to a Mexican word Taxco or Tlacho,
also sometimes used as the name of the same settlement. On
desiring Mr. Hodge to look up this matter, I am favored with
the following: Simeon, Diet, de la Langue Nahuatl, gives, under
tlachochololtiliztli, " action de lancer, de jeter une balle." Under
chololiztli I find: " fuite, saut, chute, courant." Antonio Pena-
fiel, in his Nombres Geograficos de Mexico, gives Tlachco:
" En el juego de pelota," de tlachtli y co, que designa lugar.
Dice el P. Baltasar de Medina en la Cronica de la Provincia de
San Diego (fol. 250, aho de 1682) : ' El nombre de Tlacho, que
es su propia voz, quiere decir: jugadero de pelota; entretenimi-
ento que usaron con varias ceremonias los indios llamando al
lugar donde jugaban Tlachco, como refiere Torquemada. No ha
faltado quien juzgue que esta voz Tazco que prevalece hoy, es
imposcion de los Espanoles, con memoria de la que refiere
Plinio, describiendo una tierra blanca, semejante a la arcilla,
a proposito para formar de ella crisoles y hornazas: calidades
de aquel suelo en algunas partes.' Simeon, above cited, gives
under Tlachtli: " Jeu de balle, sorte de jeu de paume, dispose
ordinairement dans une salle basse, longue et etroite. Une raie,
que Ton nommait tlecotl, etait tracee au milieu du jeu; on y
faisait usage de balles en ullin ou caoutchouc." Regarding the

BUCARELI. 55

word Queretaro Mr. Hodge notes the following in Orozco y
Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas, 1864, p. 259: " En aquella
sazon retorno Bocanegra con el religioso prometido: ambji
fueron cordialmente recibidos, y otomies y chichimecas tunda-
ron la ciudad Queretaro, nombre que vino, de que en la
primera visita de Hernan Perez, los tarascos que le acompaha-
ban llamaron al lugar Querenda (pefia), de donde derivo decir
a la poblacion Querendaro (pueblo de peiia), y corrompido el
vocablo se dijo Queretaro. Conni recibio en el bautismo el
nombre de D. Hernando de Tapia, muriendo hacia el afio de
1571: la relacion de prodiga muchas alabanzas, atribuyendo'.e
grandes virtudes y los adelantos de la poblacion."

! El Bailio Fr. D. Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Hene-
strosa, Laso de la Vega, Villacis y Cordova, Caballero Gran
Cruz, y Comendador de la Bobeda de Toro (or de la Tocina) en
el orden de San Juan, Gentil Hombre de la Camara de su Ma-
gestad con Entrada, Teniente General de los Reales Exercitos,
Virrey, Gobernador y Capitan General del Reyno de Nueva
Espafia, Presidente de su Real Audiencia, Superintendente Gen-
eral de Real Hacienda, Presidente de la Junta de Tabaco, Juez
Conservador de este Ramo, y Subdelegado General de la Renta
de Correos Maritimos en el mismo Reyno, etc.

Otherwise Sir Anthony M. Bucareli, etc., Grand Cross Knight
Commander of the Vault of the Bull (or of the Tocina— what-
ever that may be) in the Order of St. John of Malta, Gentleman
of His Majesty's chamber with right of entrance, Lieutenant-
General of the Royal Armies, Viceroy, Governor and Captain-
General of the Kingdom of New Spain, President of its Royal
Audience, Superintendent General of the Royal Exchequer,
President of the Tobacco Commission, Judge Advocate of that
Branch, and Subdelegate General of Marine Mail Revenue in
the same Kingdom, etc. — at a salary of $60,000 to $80,000 a year,
was nevertheless a truly good as well as a very great man, and
the forty-sixth viceroy of New Spain, now commonly and con-
veniently called Bucareli for short.

56 BUCARELI.

It has been said that probably his right of way in the king's
chamber was not granted till after 1776; but I find this title on
a printed document bearing his autograph signature of date
Mar. 9, 1776 (see accompanying plate). All of his many auto-
graphs I have inspected are written " Bucarely," but the last
letter is really a flourished i, not to be printed y. He was a
native of Seville, related to noble families of Spain and Italy,
and descended on the paternal side from a Florentine family
which included popes, cardinals, and other dignitaries, while the
Ursuas, on his mother's side, were related to dukes of Albur-
querque, Lerma, Denia, Alba, Arcos, etc. His portrait, by Fran-
cisco Antonio Vallejo, 1772, hangs in the Museo Nacional of
Mexico, and a print is inserted on p. 852 of Mexico a T raves de
los Siglos. A promenade in the City of Mexico bears some of
his name.

This nobleman had served with distinction in various military
and high civil capacities and was governor of Cuba when he
received from Carlos III. the viceroyalty of New Spain. He
left Habana Aug. 14, 1771, reached Vera Cruz 23d, and was
met at the Pueblo de San Cristobal Ecatepec by an official
deputation on Sept. 2, then and there receiving the viceregal
baton from his predecessor, Marques de Croix. His entry into
the capital next day, the 3d, was triumphal: and he took oath
of office as viceroy, governor, captain-general, president of the
Real Audiencia, etc., which he held until his untimely death on
Apr. 9, 1779. His administration was wise, strong, beneficent,
and happy; he made an ideal ruler, beloved and honored by all.
His eulogists were many: one of them says that his period may
be called " an epoch of uninterrupted felicity for New Spain.
Divine Providence would seem to have rewarded his virtues by
visiting every sort of prosperity upon the country over which
he ruled." The body lay in state at the palace till the 13th, was
that day deposited in the convent of San Francisco, and the
remains were finally interred in the colegiata of Guadalupe on
Oct. 29, after the heart and other viscera had been divided as

-(*)>

EL BAILIO F R .D. ANTONIO MARIA BUCARELI Y URSUA,

Enedrofa, Lafo.de la Vega, Villacisy Cdrdova, Caballcro Gran Cruz y Comendidor
de la B6beda dc Toro en el Orden de S. Juan, Gentil I lombre de Camara de S M,
con entrada, Teniente General de loi Reales ExeVcitos, Virrey Gobernador y Capital!
General del Reyno de Nueva Efpana, Prefidente de fu Real Audiencia, Superinten-
dente General de Real I iacienda y Ramo del Tabaco, Juez Confervador de efte, Prefi*
dente de fujunta, y Subdelegado General de la Rcnta dc Correos en el mifmo Reyno.

lOncedo libre y feguro Pafaporte a ( t'/i&wi

y/ejtrwuj \ ' r v '' '

. / r t /

Y los Jufticlas, Govcrhadores de Indios, Ducfios, 6 Adminlftradores de Hacienda, Ranchos, 6
Cafas, le facilitaran el alojamiento correfpondicnte, y los vagages refpcclivos, pagandolcs
anticipado medio real por la legua dc cada vagagc defde aqui a toda ticrra dentro; y
desde efta Capital & Veracruz, Pucbla, u otros Parages de Oaxaca, pagaran a razon de un
real por legua franqueandolc tambien los demas auxilios que pucdan convcnirlcs para fu
viagc, y fines de fu dcfiino, y el que ah no lo cxccutarc, fera rigorofaracntc caftigado.
pario en Mexico a" rru&re. dc ^ <fUtmu dc mil fetecicntos fetcnta y \ .

1 (A&Cc /w. ^mt

~~6"

1 ICS1MI1 E OF DOC1 Ml \ I SIGNED B\ Bl I \K1I I

ANZA. 57

holy relics between the Capuchin nunnery, the Casa de Ejerci-
cios of San Felipe, and perhaps another pious establish-
ment.

'The same accomplished officer who has been already men-
tioned as in command of the California expedition in connection
with which Garces made his Fourth Entrada, 1774: see back,
pp. 38-46. Anza or Ansa comes into our records as a captain
about the years 1765-66, in connection with various operations
against Apaches. In 1764 and for some years afterward he was
in command of the garrison at Tubac. He was still a captain
in 1774, but at present we find him a lieutenant-colonel, who left
Tubac on this his second Californian expedition Oct. 23, 1775.
It greatly redounded to his renown, and he soon became the
governor of New Mexico, succeeding Colonel Pedro Firmin de
Mendinueta in that office. Mendinueta, who was the last to
hold the title of governor and captain-general, retired in March,
1778; and the same year, after a brief period of an acting gov-
ernorship under Francisco Trebol Navarro, he was succeeded
by Anza, as political and military governor. Anza's appoint-
ment dates June, 1777; his assumption of office is somewhat
uncertain; he seems to have been actually governor in June, 1778,
and certainly was such by January of 1779. He governed New
Mexico till late in 1789, when he was succeeded by Fernando
de la Concha. Anza was " a native of Sonora, a man of excel-
lent ability and character, and of wide experience in Indian
warfare. He seems to have proved in every way worthy of the
Caballero de Croix's high esteem; yet with all his energy he
effected but slight change for the better in New Mexican affairs.
His first recorded enterprise was a campaign against the Co-
manches with a force of 645 men, including 85 soldiers and 259
Indians. His course was north and northeast for some 95 miles,
and the result was the killing of Cuerno Verde [or Green
Horn], the famous Comanche chieftain [from whom appear
to have been named certain mountains in Colorado], with four
of his leading sub-chiefs, his high-priest, his eldest son and

58 FONT — CARLOS III. — SANTA OLALLA.

heir, and 32 of his warriors": see Bancroft, Hist. Ariz, and
N. M., p. 264 et seq., where a further account of Anza is given,
and original documents relating to this Comanche campaign
are cited. The date of the campaign was Aug.-Sept., 1779.

* Font accompanied Anza's expedition throughout, proved a
troublesome fellow and a model journalist, whose narrative of
the affair is extant, and has been repeatedly drawn upon by
historians of California and others, often incorrectly or per-
versely. His original MS., in his own handwriting, is now in
my hands, making a small quarto of pp. 336, finished at Tubu-
tama, May 11, 1777, with Font's signature. The precious vol-
ume belongs to the John Carter Brown Library of Providence,
R. I. By generous permission of Mr. John Nicholas Brown
and Mr. George Parker Winship I am authorized to use it at my
discretion. It serves to check, corroborate, and amplify some
portions of Garces' own narrative; and I hope to publish it in
full as the next one of the American Explorer Series.

s Carlos III. — Charles the Third, b. Jan. 20, 1716, second son
of Philip V., King of the Two Sicilies 1735-59, King of Spain
Dec. 9, 1759, to his death Dec. 14, 1788. His most notable act,
so far as we are at present concerned, was the expulsion of the
Jesuits from all Spanish dominions in 1767, thus bringing the
Franciscans into power in New Spain. This extremely impor-
tant consummation was effected by order of Viceroy Marques
de Croix, dated June 25, 1767. The document may be read,
e. £., in Mexico a Traves de los Siglos, pp. 841, 842, preceded
on pp. 840, 841 by the Real pragmatica ending " Rubricado de
la Real mano en el Pardo, a 27 de Marzo de 1767. — Al Conde
de Aranda, Presidente del Consejo." The King has deigned
" mandar a Consulta de su Real Consejo, y por Decreto expe-
dido el viente y siete de Febrero ultimo (1767), se extranen,"
etc. I present the proclamation in facsimile (see plate).

" Or Santa Olaya, otherwise Santa Eulalia de Merida, virgin
and martyr under Diocletian; her day Dec. 10. On the locality,
see a note beyond, at date of Dec. 6.

ON CARLOS FRANCISCO

D£ CROIX, Marques de Croix, Cavnllero del Orden deCala-
trava, Comcndador de Molinos, y Laguna Rota en la mifma Or-
den, Theniente General delosRealesExercitos de S.M. Vir-
rey, Governador, y Capitan General del Reyno de Nueva-Efc
pafia, PreGdente de fu Real Audiencia, Superintendente gene-
ral de Real Hazienda, y Ramodel Tabacodeel, Prefidente de
h Junta, y JuezConlervadordeefte Ramo, Subdelegado ge-
neral del Eftablecimiento de Correos Maritimos en el miimo
Reyno.

Ago faber a todos los habitantes decile Imperio, que el Rcy nutf-
tro Senor por refultas de las ocurrencias pafladas, y para cumplir la
piimiriva obligacion con que Dios le concedio la Corona de confer*
var ilefos los So vcranos refpetos de ella, y de mantener fus leales, y
amados Pueblos en fubordi nation, tranquilidad, y Jufticia, a demas
de otras gravifGmas caufas que referva en fu Real animo; fe ha digna-
do mandar a Confulta de iu Real Confejo, y por Decreto expedido el veinre y 6ete
de Febrero ultimo, fe extraHen de todos fus Dominies de Efpana, e Indias, Islas Phtlipt-
nas, y demas adyacentes a los Religiofos de la Companies, affi Sacerdotes, como Coad/iitcres,
o Legos, que ha) an hecho la primer a Profejjion-, y a los Novicios que quiperen Jeguirlesi
j que fe ocupen todas las tetnporabdades de la Cotnpaffia en fus Dominios. Y haviendo
S. M. para la execucion uniforme en todos ellos, autorizado privativamence alExir.d.
Senor Conde de Aranda, Prefidente de Camilla, y comctidome fu cumplimiento en
efte Reyno con la mifma plenicud de facultades, afigmf el dia de hoy para la inti-
fnacion de la Suprcma Sentencia a los Expulfos en fus Colegios, y Galas de Refi-
dencia de efta Nueva-Efpaua, y rambien para anunciarla i los Pueblos de ella, con
la prevencion de que, eftando eftrechamente obligados todos los Vaflallos de qual-
quiera dignidad, clafe, y condicion que lean, a rclpetar, y obedecer las fiempre juf-
xas refoluciones de fu Soverano, deben venerar, auxiliar, y cumplir efta con la ma-
yor exaclitud, y fidclidad; porque S. M. declara incurfos en fu Real indignacion a
los inubedientes, 6 remiflbs en coadyuvar a fu cumplimiento, y me verc precifTado
a ular del ultimo rigor, y de execucion Militar contra los que en publico, 6 fecreto
Trrzieren, coo efte motivo, convcrfaciones. junta*, afambleas, corrillos, 6 difcurfos
de palabra, 6 por eicrito; pues de una vez para lo" venidero deben faber los Subdi-
tos de el gran Monarca que ocupa el Trono de Efparia, que nacieron para callar, y
obedecer, y no para difcurrir, ni opinar en los altos aflumptos dclGovicrno. Mexico
veiote y cinco de Junio de mil fetecientos fefeota y fietc.

El Marquis de Croix*
Por maodado de fu Exiu

FACSIMILE OF PROCLAMATION EXPELLING JESUITS BY THE ICAXQJtjftfl M CROIX,
JUNE 25, 1767. (FROM AN ORIGINAL IN POSSESSION OF MR. F. W. HODGB)

PROVINCIAS INTERNAS. 59

7 The Apache nation and Monterey are each fully noted else-
where. Here it will be convenient to explain what Garces
means by " these provinces " — the Provincias Internas de la
Reyno de Nueba Espana, a political partition of Spanish Amer-
ica dating from Aug. 22, 1776, when a real cedula de nuebo
reglamento made an official colonial division of what had been
vaguely recognized under the same name since the 17th century
as the northern parts of Mexico. Agreeably with this order,
a new government was formed for the Provincias Internas in
1777> apart from the Viceroyalty of New Spain, and including
Nueba Viscaya (practically equivalent to modern Chihuahua
and Durango), Coahuila, Texas, Nuebo Mexico, Sinaloa, So-
nora, and Las Californias; capital Arizpe in Sonora; Real
Audiencia, that of Guadalaxara; civil and military government
vested in one person. Independence of the viceroy was discon-
tinued in 1786, and 1787-93; at the latter date of final separation,
California was attached to Mexico. Of " these provinces." the
one with which we have here to do mainly was Sonora. The
Sonora of Garces' time was not very different in extent and
position from the present Mexican State of the same name; but
it reached further north, overlapping our Territory of Arizona
to the Gila river and thus including most of our Gadsden Pur-
chase of 1853, and did not extend quite so far south as present
Sonora does, being limited by writers of the period to the
Yaqui river or valley in that direction. Thus the author of the
Rudo Ensayo, 1763, describes his Sonora as the northernmost
one of six provinces (Chametla, Copala, Culiacan, Zinaloa,
Ostimuri, Sonora), politically under the government of Zinaloa,
in the diocese of Durango, in the kingdom of New Galicia, in
the viceroyalty of New Spain; bounded on the west by the Gulf
of California from the mouth of the Yaqui to that of the Tomo-
satzi (our Colorado river), and by the latter up to the Gila; on
the south by the Yaqui river and its brAich, Rio Chico; on the
east by the Sierra Madre, separating Sonora from Taraumara
(New Biscay, including Chihuahua); on the north by the Gila

60 SONORA.

river up to the San Pedro and thence obliquely along the latter
to the Sierra Madre — this northeastern boundary not well de-
fined, any more than the southeastern, but taking in the Base- .
raca mission, the presidios of Terrenate, Fronteras, etc., as the
southeastern did certain missions beyond the Yaqui. In fewest •
words, we may say that Sonora was bounded on the north by
the Gila, on the south by the Yaqui, on the east by the Con-
tinental Divide, on the west by the Gulf of California and Col-
orado river. This was the fullest comprehension of the name.
— " Sonora " being sometimes restricted to the valley of Rio de
Sonora, and to the river itself. The Province of Sonora was-
also divided — not politically or definitely, but descriptively —
into Pimeria Baxa or Baja, in the region of Rios Yaqui and-
Sonora, home of the Southern or Low Pima Indians; and
Pimeria Alta, where lived the Northern or High Pimas, in the
region of Rio Altar and northward; this portion of Pimeria
shading off on the north and northwest into Papagueria, home-
of the Papagos, and on the north and northeast into Apacheria,
where roamed the outlawed Apaches. On the east, the country
is mostly mountainous, on the west mostly a flat desert, except-
ing in both cases the watercourses. These, besides the Colo-
rado and Gila, are mainly: Rio Papago, insignificant, north-
westernmost; Rio Altar and Rio Magdalena or San Ignacio,
small; Rio Sonora or Ures, with Rio Horcasitas or San Miguel,'
large; Rio Matape or San Jose, rather small; and Rio Yaqui or
Hiaqui, etc., sometimes called Rio Grande, largest, whose prin-
cipal branches are Rios Moctezuma and Bavispe: all flowing on
west, southwest, or south courses to or toward the Gulf. To
these add Rios Santa Cruz and San Pedro, flowing northerly;
toward or into the Gila. By far the greater number of settle-
ments, native or Spanish, that Sonora has, or ever had, are or
were on the rivers named and their lesser affluents; all of them
were and most of them still are, very small places — rancherias,-
haciendas, minas, misiones, pueblos, presidios; but such have
been extremely numerous — there had been hundreds of them by

RUDO ENSAYO. 6l

Garces' time. The Rudo Ensayo records 29 missions for 1763;
73 Indian villages and several rancherias; 22 inhabited Spanish
towns or mines, including the 5 presidios of Tubac, Terrenate,
Fronteras, Altar, and San Miguel de Horcasitas; 48 uninhab-
ited Spanish settlements, mostly abandoned mines; 2 inhabited
Spanish ranches, and 126 uninhabited ditto — figures whim show
how nearly the Apache came to being monarch of everything
in sight. In a note in the Appendix to this work I will give
a complete list of the 29 missions with their respective visitas,
existent in 1763.

The tract above cited, entitled Rudo Ensayo, etc., was written
by a Jesuit priest, name unknown: perhaps John Mentuig.
vig, or Nentoig, missionary to the Opatas of Sonora, and
ministro cura at Guasavas for eleven years, 1751-62. The
ostensible date of this "Rough Essay" is 1763; from internal
evidence it appears that it was penned in 1761 and to Nov. 27,
1762. Of the original MS. we only know from a note in the
Historia de la Compania de Jesus en Nueva-Espaha, pub. Mex-
ico, 1842, in which the editor, Carlos M. Bustamente, says that
it was to be found among the unpublished papers of Padre Vega
in the library of the Convent of San Francisco. The author of
the Historia cited, Padre Francisco Javier Alegre, uses the
Rudo Ensayo extensively, as for example, regarding the Casas
Grandes of the Gila. It is among the Documentos collected in
Nueva Espana by royal order of 1779, during the viceroyalty
of Revilla Gigedo; the collection being in the Department of
State of Mexico, and a duplicate in the Royal Academy of His-
tory at Madrid. It was first printed, in Spanish, in an edition
of 150 or 160 copies, from an authentic MS., by Buckingham
Smith, in 1863. It was first translated into English by Eusebio
Guiteras, and in this form was published by the Amer. Cath.
Hist. Soc, vol. v, No. 2, June, 1894. PP- 109-264, preceded,
pp. 99-108, by a biographical sketch and portrait of the trans-
lator, b. Matanzas, Cuba. Mar. 5, 1823. d. Philada., Pa.. Dec. 24,
1893. I shall have frequent occasion to cite the Rudo Ensayo.

62 " A BANNER WITH THE STRANGE DEVICE.""

which is the best natural, civil, and ecclesiastical history and
description of Sonora we possess for the years immediately pre-
ceding the expulsion of the Jesuits and the appearance of the
Franciscans upon the scene — Fathers Garces and Font among
them. I use the convenient though not wholly unexceptionable
English translation just cited, no copy of Buckingham Smith's
Spanish edition being conveniently accessible to me.

* So here: elsewhere variously Eixarc, Eixarch, Eirarch,
Eyzarch, Eichasch, etc. Font has Eixarch. In Hinton's Hand-
book, p. 393, the three priests of this expedition figure as
" Fathers Pedro, Garcia, and Elrach " — a fine example of the
way in which names are sometimes treated in the course of
alleged history.

* Un lienzo de Maria SSma con el Nino Dios en los brazos
y en su respaldo la figura de un Condenado. This object was
a large piece of cloth with the Virgin and Child printed in
colors on one side, and on the other a person burning in hell,
used by the priests to impress the Indians, on the principle of
the St. Veronica handkerchiefs. Garces would hold it up, and
when thej T had sufficiently admired the mother and infant, he
would turn it around to let them see what they might expect
if they did not mind what he said, as he tells us beyond.

10 Entrada — entrance, entry, act of entering, but in a formal
or official manner: a term almost technically used of the descent
of conquistadores, temporal or spiritual, upon their intended
native subjects or converts.

CHAPTER II.

FROM TUBAC TO CASAS GRANDES ON RIO GILA,
OCTOBER 21-31, 1775.*

Oct. 2 1. 1 Went to the Presidio de Tubac 2 with my
companion Eisarc and Padre Font, in order to join
the comandante of the expedition, Lieutenant-Colo-
nel Don Juan Bautista de Ansa.

Oct. 22. z Mass was said to Maria de Guadalupe as
patroness of the expedition, and I celebrated it in
honor of Senor San Pedro Apostol, my special advo-
cate on this and antecedent entradas to the gentiles.
Padre Font observed the latitude of this presidio in

3i° 43'-

Oct. 2 j.* We left the Presidio de Tubac and halted
in the place called Canoa, 5 whither we went five
leagues northnortheast.

Oct. 24. Left Canoa and halted at the Point of
the Plains, 8 having traveled 3 leagues northnorth-
east.

Oct. 25? We arrived at my mission 8 of San

* The notes to this chapter are too long to be set where they be
long. They will be found at the end of the chapter.

64 APPROACHING RIO GILA.

Xavier del Bac, 9 having traveled 6 leagues north £
east.

Oct. 26 . 10 We arrived at a laguna near {fuera de)
the pueblo de Tucson, 11 a visita of my administra-
tion, 12 and the last christianized pueblo in this direc-
tion, having traveled 4 leagues about north (rumbo
quasi al norte).

Oct. 27. Padre Font observed this place in 32 22'.
We departed from it in the afternoon, and halted in
a plain within sight of the sierra called Frente
Negra, 13 having traveled 5 leagues — 2 northnorth-
west and 3 northwest.

Oct. 28.™ We halted at some rain-pools (lagunas
llovedizas) which the Indians call Oytapars, 15 whose
situation was a pueblo of Papagos, 16 depopulated a
few years ago by the hostilities of the Apaches; hav-
ing traveled fully 6 leagues westnorthwest with some
deviations westward. 17

Oct. 29. We approached Rancheria 18 Quitoac, 19
inhabited at times by the Papagos, and halted near
a picacho 20 which the Indians call the Cerro de
Tacca; 21 having traveled 2 leagues northwest and 3
northnorthwest. This very day a runner was dis-
patched to the Pimas Gilenos 22 informing them of
our arrival; and the senor comandante resolved op-
portunely to publish a proclamation (vando) com-
manding that all persons should behave in such

RIO GILA AT CAMANI. 65

manner that the gentiles should be set no bad exam-
ple by the Espaholes, nor that these should offend
them by deed or word in the very least (en lo mas
minimo), under pain of rigorous punishment for dis-
obedience.

Oct. 50. We approached the Rio Gila and halted
at a laguna [Camani], having traveled 12 leagues —
6 northwest, 3 northnorthwest, and 3 north. 23

Although on this road we saw no grass (zacatc) 24
yet is it certain that at a little distance on one and
the other side it is found abundantly and in years of
much rain still more so. As a result of the message
sent yesterday to the Pimas Gilenos, there came out
to receive us at this place the governor of the ran-
cherias called Equituni 25 and Quitoa, 26 the governor
of Vturituc, 27 a pueblo of the Rio Gila, its alcalde, the
governor of Sutaquison, 28 with many other Indians,
all on horseback; who dismounted to salute us, and
gave to the soldiers two scalps (cabclleras) of Apaches
killed a few days before in the wars which they wage
with them. 29 They remounted and accompanied us
to their place of residence, asking repeatedly if we
were going to baptize them and live with them; an
evident sign of the great disposition that there is in
these peoples to be catechised. All showed great joy
upon our arrival.

Oct. 31. The senor comandante determined to

66 CASA GRANDE.

our party; and in consequence of this I had an
opportunity of going to see the Casa Grande that
they call de Moctezuma. 30 We [Garces and Font]
traveled about 3 leagues southeast, and arrived at the
whose position is found in latitude 33 03' 30".
For the present condition of this casa I refer to the
description thereof that Padre Font has given; and in
the end will speak of that which I have been enabled
to conjecture from what I saw and learned at
Moqui.

Notes.

1 The MS. we follow gives this date as " dia 1 de Octubre,"
evidently by error of the scribe. The Beaumont MS. and the
pub. Doc. both have "dia 21," and so I make the required cor-
rection.

In order to bring the whole case up to this date of Oct. 21, I
will cite Font's Diary of the expedition for antecedent events.

This expedition of 1775-76 was determined upon in conse-
quence of the journey of 1774, which Anza had made by way
of the Colorado to Monterey, accompanied by Garces and Diaz.
On the present occasion he was to conduct 30 families of settlers
to the bay of San Francisco and there found a colony. The
heads of the families were all to be married soldiers, of whom
the lieutenant, sergeant, and eight privates were to be veterans
from various Sonoran presidios, and the other 20 recruits from
Culiacan and Sinaloa. This party was made up in the Presidio
de San Miguel de Orcasitas, having passed through the Mision
de San Joseph de Pimas, where Font was the minister, May 26,
1775- Anza arrived there May 23; on June 1 Font turned over
his mission to Padre Fray Joachin Belarde, and went by way

PREVIOUS ROUTE.

of San Marcial to Orcasitas, where he arrived Aug 2. As there
was still time to spare, Font went to Ures, 6th; on Sept. 16 he
was sent for by Anza, and he came to Orcasitas that day. He
was not in good health, and enjoyed few well days on the whole
trip. The outfit made up at Orcasitas was as follows:
Lieutenant-colonel Juan Bautista Anza, command-
ing officer, 1

Father Pedro Font, chaplain, 1

Don Mariano Vidal, purveyor, 1

Lieutenant Joseph Joachin Moraga, 1

Veteran soldiers, as escort, 10

Recruits, 20

Women, children, and other persons, . . . 106
Muleteers of the three pack-trains, .... 20

Families of settlers, etc., 17

Total personnel 177

To which add three children born en route, subtract one
woman who died, and make other changes at Tubac, as given
beyond. The material of the outfit was:

Pack-mules of baggage, provisions, munitions of
war, and articles for presents to Indians, divided

into 3 pack-trains, 120

Pack-mules of Anza's baggage and mess, . . 20
Public and private horses, some saddle-mules, etc., 450

Total materiel 590

This outfit being mustered and inspected at Orcasitas, the
expedition was ready to move on San Miguel's day. The route
to Tubac was:

Sept. 29. From Orcasitas one league to a place on the Rio
San Miguel. (Font's leagues were Mexican, of 5000 varas.)

Sept. 30. Four leagues to a place called Chupisonora, the
ranch of a militia captain named Mesa. Remained Oct. 1.
Oct. 2. Five leagues to camp at a place called Palma.
Oct. 3. Six leagues to Charco del Canelo.

TO TUBAC.

Oct. -/. Six full leagues to Puerto de los Conejos, passing
(Juerobabi halfway.

Oct. 5. Seven full leagues to Charco de Guana, a place be-
two others called Piriguita and Baxajita.

Oct. 6. Six leagues to Pueblo de Santa Ana. (Thus the
;tion has come up river along the line of the present
ad which runs down to Guaymas.) Remained 7th. Took
observation of lat. 30 38' 30".

Oct. S. Six leagues to Santa Maria Magdalena. (Now Mag-
dalena. and the principal place in that region.)

Oct. 0. Two leagues to the mission of San Ignacio, where
Padre Fray Francisco Zufiiga was in charge. Lat. 30 47' 30".
Remained 10th.

Oct. 11. Four leagues to a place on Rio Magdalena near the
Pueblo de Imuris.

Oct. 12. Four leagues to Guambiit (a place on the railroad,
before entering the canon; vicinity of modern Casita).

Oct. 13. Four leagues north to Sibuta (apparently modern
Cibita, on the railroad).

Oct. 14. Eight full leagues to Las Lagunas. (Bringing the
expedition just over the boundary between Sonora and Arizona,
at or near the well-known modern Los Nogales.)

Oct. 13. Eight leagues to Presidio de Tubac (passing site of
modern old Fort Mason). Font himself went with four soldiers
to say mass to the Pueblo de Calabazas, two leagues from last
camp, and a little off the road. In this pueblo, which was a
visita of the Tumacacori mission, and had been a visita of
Huevavi (or Guevavi), Font found Padre Fray Pedro Arre-
quivar. After mass he joined the expedition en route, and went
as far as Tumacacori, one league short of Tubac. At Tumaca-
cori he found both Garces and Eixarch, who were to be his
companion? on the expedition; and he put up at this mission
with them and Arrequivar and Fray Felix Gamarra, till the
expedition was ready to start from Tubac, the priests making
meanwhile several trips back and forth between the two neigh-

TUBAC. 69

boring places. Anza and the troops of course took up their
station in Tubac.

3 From tu, , and bac, house, adobe house, also ruined

house, ruins, etc. (the word occurring also in San Xavier del
Bac, Quitobac, Bamachi, Bacuanchos, and other names of Piman
settlements). This was a settlement of Pima, Papago, and pos-
sibly Sobaipuri Indians, at which a presidio and mission were
established in 1752, on the W. bank of Rio Santa Cruz, at the
site of the present town of the same name, about 45 m. S. of
Tucson, Ariz.; pop. in 1754-57, 411, including the garrison of
50. In 1776 the presidio was transferred to Tuscon (it so
appears on Font's map of next year), after which, but prior to
1784, a company of Pima allies was stationed there, and in 1824
a garrison was again established. In 1842-43 a rancheria of
friendly Apache lived there. In 1848 the population was
249. The presidial name of Tubac was San Ignacio, applied
also to a mission further south, in Sonora. — F. W. H.

Tubac has hardly any history back of 1752. The name is said
to be given on a map of the 17th century, but does not appear
on Kino's of 1701, though that good father had been on the
spot more than once by that time. Ortega, in Apost. Afanes,
p. 266, says that on Jan. 19, 1697, Father Kino left his mission
of Dolores in Sonora for San Cayetano de Tumacacori and San
Xavier del Bac, which he visited and returned; he must there-
fore have twice passed the site of Tubac; but as there is no
mention of such a place, probably no settlement then existed.
The Rudo Ensayo, p. 254, speaks of the Presidio de Tubaca, as
about 7 1. n.n.w. of Guevavi, on the spot where the Piman town
of the same name stood prior to the revolt of Nov. 20, 1751;
it was then a visita of Guevavi for mission purposes. This
uprising caused the founding of Presidio Tubac in 1752, as above
said. In 1762, when the Ensayo was being written, the natives
of Tubac had moved S. to Tumacacori, the next place up river.
At the same time there was another depopulated rancheria
called Sopori, 2 1. or more N. From 1764 for some years the

70 TUB AC.

Presidio de Tubac was under the command of J. B. de Anza.
A glimpse of Tubac in 1852 is given in Bartlett's Narr., ii,
pp. 302-304, as a presidio or garrison, consisting of a collection
of dilapidated buildings and huts, about half of which were ten-
antless, and an equally ruinous church. " Captain Gomez, who
commanded at Fronteras at the time of my visit there with
Colonel Craig in 1851, was in command here . . . but as for
this God-forsaken place, when I have said that it contains a few
dilapidated buildings and an old church, with a miserable popu-
lation, I have said about all. It was established as a presidio
almost a century and a half ago [just 100 years — in 1752] and
usually maintained a population of 400 souls. It was abandoned
a year before our arrival, but had since been repopulated and
might have comprised at the time of our visit a hundred souls."

In 1858-60 the restored ruins of old Tubac were occupied by
a small mixed population of Americans and Mexicans, with a
temporary camp of 100 Papagos; and in those years was pub-
lished the Weekly Arizonian, the first newspaper of the future
Territory. The place was of some little consequence as only
about 10 m. W. of the hacienda of the noted Santa Rita mines.
The same distance N. of Tubac was then a place called Reven-
ton, the fortified ranch of an American named William Rhodes,
whose exploit in standing off single-handed a party of Apaches
may be read in late popular books. This occurred near Reven-
ton; see, for example, Pumpelly, pp. 47, 48. The Sabino Otero
claim adjoins Tubac on the N. The latitude of Tubac is 31
40': longitude very near 34 W. from Washington.

' Oct. 22, Sunday. Good Father Font was an orotund and
unctuous preacher who dearly loved to lay down the law, and
must have been a tremendous smooth-bore to such a man as
Anza. This time he drew his text from the gospel of the day,
Nolite timere, fiusillus grex ("Don't be afraid, little flock"),
exhorted his hearers to perseverance and endurance, and drew
a fine parallel between the passage of this expedition across the
Colorado to San Francisco and the " transito del Pueblo de

ROSTER OF THE EXPEDITION. 'J I

Israel a la Tierra de Promission por el Mar Bermejo"; an-
nounced the castigation God had in store for them if they
scandalized the gentiles en route; assured them that the most
holy Virgin of Guadalupe would be to them as a tower of
strength the whole way, if they behaved like good Christians,
etc. What is more to the point, however, Font's Diary gives
the complete roster and inventory of the expedition which
started next day, as follows:

Individuals.

In the 1st place, the Sehor Theniente Coronel de
Cavalleria, y Comandante de la Expedicion, Don

Juan Bautista de Ansa, i

Padre Capellan de Propaganda fide del Colegio de

la Santa Cruz de Queretaro, Fray Pedro Font, . i
Padres Fray Francisco Garces y Fray Thomas
Eixarch: these were destined to remain on the

Colorado, 2

Proveedor de la Expedicion Don Mariano Vidal, r
Theniente Don Joseph Joachin Moraga, who,
though married, did not bring his family because
his wife was sick at Terrenate, 1

Sargento Juan Pablo Grijalba, 1

Eight veteran soldiers from the presidios of

Sonora, 8

Twenty soldiers, recruits for Monterey, . . 20

Ten veteran soldiers from the Presidio de Tubac

as escort, 10

Twenty-nine wives belonging to the sergeant and

28 soldiers, 29

One hundred and thirty-six persons of both sexes

pertaining to the foregoing soldiers, etc., . . 136
Twenty muleteers of the three pack-trains, etc., . 20
Three herders of the beef-cattle, .... 3
Three servants of the three padres, to which add

- 2 OUTFIT OF THE EXPEDITION.

one other who stayed with the two padres on the

Colorado, 4

Three Indian interpreters of the three nations,
Yuma, Cajuenche, and Jalchedun, ... 3

Total, 240

Including in this number the woman who afterward died on
the road.

Baggage.
There were taken one hundred and forty mules
loaded with provisions, munitions of war, and
equipments of the sehor comandante of the ex-
pedition, and other effects of the latter, and pres-
ents in the name of His Majesty for the gentiles

of the transit, 140

Item: About twenty-five loads of private baggage

of the troops, 25

Item: Horses belonging to the expedition, with

some private ones and some saddle-mules, . 500

Item: Some thirty mares, colts, and asses, . . 30

Total of the horse-herd, etc., . . . 695

Cattle.

Item: Three hundred and twenty-five head of cattle
for the subsistence of the expedition on the road,
and the rest to start a herd in the new settle-
ment and missions of the bay of San Francisco, 325

Item: About thirty private cattle, .... 30

355
I think I would have been willing to hear Father Font preach
for the sake of having such a tabular exhibit of this expedition,
which we see was an extensive outfit — 240 persons and 1050
beasts. The father notes that it was reduced en route by death,
straying, and barter. He further notes that the regular order

HOW THEY MARCHED. 73

of march was this: At the proper hour in the morning the
order was given to round up the cavallada and mulada, the
soldiers and servants going for the horses and the packers for
the mules. While these people were packing and saddling he
used to say mass, as there was plenty of time. As soon as the
three pack-trains were ready to start, the commanding officer
gave the order to mount — Vayan subiendo! and they all mounted,
forming a column in this wise: Four soldiers went ahead as
scouts. Anza led off with the van guard. Font came next, and
after him came men, women, and children, escorted by soldiers;
then the lieutenant brought up the rear guard. Behind these
followed the three pack-trains, with the loose horses, and last
of all the beef-herd. As soon as they started Font would strike
up a hymn, the Alabado, to which all the people responded.
The column, as may be easily seen, was a very long one, even
when well closed up. On making camp, when they had dis-
mounted, the lieutenant came to report to the commanding
officer whether they were all up, or any had been left behind,
and receive his orders. At night the people recited their beads,
each family by itself, and finishing by singing the Alabado or
Salve, or something of that sort, everyone for himself, and
Font remarks that the variety had a very pleasing effect. There
were so many people that when they camped it looked like a
regular settlement, with the shelters that the soldiers made with
their cloaks and blankets on boughs, and with the 13 tents of
the company — nine for the soldiers, one for the lieutenant, one
for Garces and Eixarch, one for Font, and a big circular one
for the senor comandante.

* I shall continue to check and amplify Garces' Diary by
Font's, during the time the two priests keep together. — This
night a soldier's wife gave birth to a fine child, but the labor
was difficult, the birth was feet foremost, and the woman
died at dawn. She was taken to be buried at Bac next evening,
and interred on the 25th by Garces, who went ahead with the
body.

J4 ON TO BAC.

'After bending about the Santa Rita mts. N. of Tubac, the
valley of Rio Santa Cruz widens into a plain rising to these
mountains on the E., and to the Tinajita mts. on the W. ; pass
Santa Rita peak and Mt. Hopkins on right, and Sopori cr. on
left, somewhat more than halfway between Tubac and Canoa.
The distance between these places is 14 m. by road, 12 in air
line; at 10 m. by road was Reventon. Canoa will be found on
modern maps, in this Spanish form; it means "canoe," though
why so applied does not appear, unless it be in the literal sense:
one of my maps marks the place " Canoe Crossg." The place
is situated in tp. 19 of range 3 E. of the 2d guide meridian, and
is included 'in the still unconfirmed San Ignacio de la Canoa
private land claim. It was primarily a rancheria, doubtless of
Papago Indians; in 1860-61 it consisted of a single stockade,
available as an inn, and the latter year was the scene of a
massacre in which a Papago and two Americans, one of them
named Tarbox, were killed: Pumpelly, pp. 45-48.

* Punta de los Llanos, otherwise called Llano Grande in an-
other itinerary of this journey. This camp would be on the
river, at or near the N. end of the Canoa claim, directly be-
tween Mt Fagan on the E. and Samaniego peak on the W., each
distant some 12-15 m -; nearest named place is Olive, 5 m. to
the left.

" In the evening Eixarch baptized the infant born on the night
of the 23d. Font further notes that Bac was a pueblo of the
Pimas Sobaypuris, once very populous but now much reduced
by the incursions of the Apaches, and also on account of the
unwholesomeness of the water, which was so thick and alka-
line that a Jesuit once found that a single jugful left two
ounces of alkali and other impurities.

' According to p. 5 of " A Brief Sketch of the Mission of San

Xavier del Bac, with a Description of its Church, written by a

missionary of Arizona" [Rev. J. B. Salpointe,], 2 eds., Tucson

• d San Francisco, 1880, 8vo, pp. 20, Garces was one of 14

priests sent by the guardian of the Franciscan college of Santa

SAN XAVIER DEL BAC. 75

Cruz de Queretaro at the request of the viceroy, Marques de
Croix, in the name of the king (Charles III.). These priests
landed at Guaymas Mar. 27, 1768, proceeding thence to San
Miguel de Horcasitas, where they established headquarters.
Of these missionaries, Garces was assigned to San Xavier del
Bac in June, 1768.— F. W. H.

* Bac, house, adobe house (as in Tubac, etc.), probably so
called from the remains of numerous ancient adobe pueblos in
the vicinity. Bac was a rancheria of the Sobaipuri, a Piman
tribe closely related to the Papago, with whom those who were
not captured by the Apache were consolidated. The settlement
was situated on Rio Santa Cruz, 9 m. S. of Tucson in the N. E.
corner of what is now the Papago Reservation by executive
order of July 1, 1874. The rancheria, Bac, was visited by
Father Eusebio Kino in 1697, and no doubt as early as 1692, the
church (still standing) having been begun in 1699. In 1697
San Xavier del Bac contained 830 persons in 176 houses, mak-
ing it the largest rancheria in the entire Pimeria, as the Pima
country was called. In 1751 (during the revolt which con-
tinued at intervals until late in 1753), it was plundered by the
natives and abandoned, but was reoccupied two years later as a
mission under the protection of the Tubac presidio. In 1760-64
the population was 399; but in 1772 it had dwindled to 270.
Little is known of its history from Garces' time to 1828, when
it was practically abandoned as a mission. In 1865 it contained
80 Papago families, and in 1869 was entirely under the control
of that tribe.— F. W. H.

Father Kino's first Arizona entrada was made with Father
Juan Maria de Salvatierra in 1691. The padres were at Gue-
vavi, Tumacacori and Suamca very early in that year. In the
fall of 1692 Kino made his next visit to the Pimas, this being
his second entrance into Arizona. The author of Apost.
Afanes distinctly says that he started early in September of
that year from his mission of Dolores, llego a San Xavier del
Bac, y a Santa Maria Suamca, and returned to Dolores Dec. 11,

76 SAX XAVIER DEL BAC.

1692. This may be the opening of recognizable history of the
place. In 1694. Mange calls the river on which it is situated
Rio de San Xavier del Bac, noting the expedition to that river
of Antonio Solis. Kino first reached the Gila in November.
1694, and said mass in Casa Grande; but we have no route, and
only presume he passed through Bac. On Jan. 19, 1697, he
started for Tumacacori and Bac, which he visited and returned
to Dolores. The same year he again reached the Gila, by way
of the Quiburi (San Pedro) river, and returned by way of the
Santa Cruz, being at Bac Nov. 24 and 25; perhaps this is the
year in which the name San Xavier was given to Bac, and it
also figures as Batosda in the itinerary of this tour. Kino was
next at Bac in 1699, with Fathers Antonio Leal, Antonio Gon-
zalez and Captain Mange; the party left Dolores Oct. 24, and
duly reached Bac by way of the Santa Cruz; Kino and Mange
pushed on to a rancheria they called San Agustin (t. e., Tuc-
son), returned, and the party left Bac Nov. 4. Next year, Kino
was again at Bac, having left Dolores Apr. 21, and returned to
it May 5, 1700. This is the occasion, says his biographer,
Ortega, Apost. Afan., p. 284, when Kino founded the church:
" abrio en San Xavier los cimientos a una nueva grande Iglesia.
y tan capaz, que bastasse para la mucha gente — big enough for
a large congregation; and he used much tuzontle, "a certain
light porous stone, very suitable for building;" still it is quite
possible that the structure may have been actually begun in
1699, and Kino have this time performed some corner-stone
laying or other ceremony which was regarded as the first
actual " foundation."

The author of Rudo Ensayo says, p. 223: "This is the last
[northernmost] mission among the Pimas . . . bounded on the
west by the ranches of the Papagos who rove about this bleak
wilderness; on the east by the Sobahipuris; and on the north
... by Casas Grandes and Pima of the Gila. At a distance of
3 leagues North . . . lies the Post of Tucson with sufficient
people and conveniences to found another mission. Father

SAN XAVIER DEL BAC. 'JJ

Alphonsus [sic] Espinosa is [1762] the Minister of San Xavier,
and he has to attend to more people than there are in all the
other Missions. Many of the old people are new in the Faith,
and he has to work hard with them to instruct them and keep
them in obedience; for such is their character that the Opatas,
when they are advised by the priest to be obedient and gentle,
say: 'Are we perhaps Papagos?'"

The church records of baptism, etc., 1720-67, are extant, and
show that during this period Bac was successively administered
by 22 Jesuit padres, the last of them being Alonso Espinosa,
1763-67. Garces arrived in 1768, and for 10 years — with inter-
vals of travel — administered the mission, which he found in a
sadly neglected state. The date " 1797," still legible over the
door of the present church, is traditionally and reasonably sup-
posed to be that of its completion, the building having gone on
for 14 years from 1783. It is not the old Kino church of 1700,
but its successor, built close by to replace the original one.
Balthasar Cavillo appears on the books from May 22, 1780, to
1794, and Narciso Gutierres in 1794-99, so that no doubt it was
finished under the administration of these padres. Each of
them went to and died in Tumacacori; Gutierres shortly before
Jan. 1, 1821. On Dec. 13, 1822, the bones of both were trans-
ferred from an old to the new church, as we learn by the
records. Owing to protection from the Presidio of Tucson,
estab. in 1776, Bac flourished as a mission to 1810; it then went
down, and ended on the expulsion of the Franciscans on the
fall of the colonial government, Dec. 2, 1827. Bac had 16
post-Jesuit padres, either as residents or temporary incumbents.
Bac was never quite abandoned, as it was put nominally under
charge of the parish priest of Magdalena after 1827; but it
merely struggled along till 1859, when Arizona was ecclesiasti-
cally segregated to the diocese of Santa Fe, N. M., whose bishop
was Right Rev. J. B. Lamy, who sent Very Rev. J. P. Mache-
beuf to Bac. A description of Bac in 1852 is given by Bartlett,
ii, p. 298: " A ride of nine miles [from Tucson] brought us to

TUCSON.

the mission of Son Xaiicr del Bac; truly a miserable place, con-
sisting of from So to ioo huts, or wigwams, made of mud or
straw, the sole occupants of which are Pimo Indians, though
generally called Papagos. In the midst of these hovels stands
the largest and most beautiful church in the State of Sonora.
It is built of brick on the summit of a low hill, and has two
towers and a dome. In a square, around and directly con-
nected with the cnurch, are some adobe houses, which were
occupied when the mission was in a flourishing state. All save
one are now tenantless, and this, which adjoins the church, is
occupied by the only Mexican family in the place." (Bartlett
continues with a description of the church.) In 1864 Bac was
administered by Rev. C. Mesea, S. J. In 1866 a school for
Papagos was opened at Bac; and in 1873 another, the latter
under A. R. Wilbur as Indian Agent, supported by the U. S.
Government and administered by three Sisters of St. Joseph;
closed Apr. I, 1876, when the Papagos were consolidated with
the Piman Agency. A good description of the church as it
-tands may be read in the pamphlet above cited, pp. 16-20, and
] here give a very recent photograph.

10 This date is notable for one of the miracles which often
happened during the journey — at least in Font's diary thereof.
He says it is a wonderful thing that they were never jumped by
Apaches, nor did they ever see one; which should be attributed
to the patronage of Santisima Virgen de Guadalupe, for, if the
Apaches had jumped them, no doubt there would have been
trouble — a statement of fact, whatever we may think of such
simple logic.

11 From the Piman styuk-son, " dark or brown spring." Its
settlement by Spaniards has been reputed to date from 1560,
but there is little doubt that it became a Spanish settlement
not earlier than 1776. Before that time it was a rancheria,
probably of mixed Pima, Papago, and Sobaipuri, and from as
early as 1763 was regularly visited, as San Jose de Tucson, by
the missionary of San Xavier del Bac. In 1776 the presidio of

J - *

1 • i

* —

TUCSON. 79

Tubac was transferred there and the name San Agustin de Tuc-
son applied. The native population in 1760-67 was 331, and
200 families were settled there in 1772; but in 1774, when Anza
visited the place, he found but 80 families of " Pimas." It was
occupied as a presidio until the beginning of the Mexican war,
1846. The name appears in many forms in literature, among
them being Fruson, Fucson, Lucson, Teuson, Toison, Tubso,
Tubson, Tucsson, Tuczon, Tueson, Tugson, Tuguison, Tuison,
Tulquson, Tuozon, Tuquison, Tuson, and Tuqulson; the last
occurring on Font's map. — F. W. H.

How long the site of Tucson had been a rancheria is un-
known, but its alleged great antiquity as a Spanish settlement
is a fable. There may have been a few whites there in Jesuit
times, before 1767, but if so they had abandoned the place by
1763. The rubbish that has been written about Tucson's'
sixteenth-century dates is only matched by the like Santa Fe
myths: see for example Bancroft, Ariz, and N. M., p. 374, where
some of these stories are ridiculed. We have the first definite
knowledge of Tucson as a rancheria de visita of the Bac mission
in 1763. Its foundation as a Spanish settlement was in 1776,
when the Presidio de Tubac was moved to Tucson; and we
know of a paper dated Nov. 24, 1777, asking to have it brought
back from Tucson to Tubac. At this time the name was San
Agustin de Tucson, and the little Indian village alongside the
presidio was called San Agustin del Pueblito de Tucson; but
the name San Agustin, as applied to the site or rancheria of
Tucson, is very much older, appearing in the annals of Kino's
entrada of October, 1699. These statements of the date of
Tucson as a presidio are confirmed by Font's journal, which for
to-day has: " This pueblo de Tuquison is more populous than
that of San Xavier del Bac; and the following year of 1776 the
presidio of Tubac was transferred hither, where it remains still,
and is called the Presidio de San Agustin del Tuquison." From
these beginnings the history of Tucson, though unbroken, is
little notable down to modern times. In Sept., 1848, the pop.

80 TUCSON.

was 760, increased in December by refugees from Tumacacori
and Tubac after Apache troubles. A plate of Tucson as it was
in 1852 faces p. 292 of Bartlett's Narr., vol. ii, giving a good idea
of the entourage. This author says, p. 295: " Tucson is the most
northern town in Mexico, and a very old place. It is found
on the oldest maps, and is referred to by the early missionaries.
It has always been, and is to this day, a presidio or garrison;
but for which the place could not be sustained. In its best
days it boasted a population of 1000 souls, now diminished to
about one third that number. It stands on the plateau adjoin-
ing the fertile valley watered by the Santa Cruz River, a small
stream which rises ten miles north-east of the town of Santa
Cruz, whence it flows south to that place. It then takes a west-
erly direction for about 10 miles, after which it flows northward
through Tubac and Tucson, and soon becomes lost in the
desert. The lands near Tucson are very rich, and were once
extensively cultivated; but the encroachments of the Apaches
compelled the people to abandon their ranchos and seek safety
within the town. The miserable population, confined to
such narrow limits, barely gains a subsistence, and could not
exist a year but for the protection from the troops. More than
once the town has been invested by from one to two thousand
Indians, and attempts made to take it, but thus far without
success. . . The houses of Tucson are all of adobe, and the
majority are in a state of ruin. No attention seems to be given
to repair; but as soon as a dwelling becomes uninhabitable,
it is deserted, the miserable tenants creeping into some other
hovel where they may eke out their existence. We found 300
soldiers in the place, although the average number for some
years past has not exceeded 20." Tucson was occupied by a
garrison of the First Dragoons in 1856, when we took posses-
sion of the Gadsden Purchase, and on Aug. 29 of that year a
convention was held to take measures for a territorial organiza-
tion of Arizona. In 1860-61, the Weekly Arizonian, a newspaper
which had been started in Tubac, was published in Tucson.

TUCSON. 8l

On Apr. 2-5, i860, a convention adopted a constitution of the
provisional government of the Territory of Arizona, and pub-
lished its proceedings, umo, pp. 23. In Feb., 1862, Tucson was
occupied by Confederate troops, but held only till May. Tuc-
son was named as the capital in the Arizona bill of March,
1862, but eliminated from that which finally passed the U. S.
Senate Feb. 20, 1863, and became a law on the 24th. The new
capital was fixed at Prescott in 1864, but in 1867 it was re-
moved to Tucson; it stayed there till 1877, when it was
transferred back to Prescott, and there remained till Feb. 4,
1889. when it went to Phoenix. The railroad reached Tuc-
son in 1880, and the land office of the Gila district was removed
from Florence to Tucson in 1882. Among the notabilia of
Tucson are the two masses of meteoric iron, which long served
as anvils in a blacksmith's shop. The larger one was removed
in i860, and is now in the Smithsonian Institution, known as
the Ainsa meteorite, brought in 1735 from Sierra de la Madera
by Don Juan Bautista de Ainsa (sic — apparently same name
as Anza or Ansa). It is an irregular ring of iron, 38 to
49 inches in external and 23 to 26^ inches in internal diam-
eter, weighing about 1600 lbs. The other meteorite was a
slab, sent to San Francisco in 1862 by General J. H. Carleton;
4 feet long, 18 inches broad, 2 to 5 inches thick, weight 632
lbs. See Bartlett, ii, p. 297, and cut opp. p. 298; Whitney, Proc.
Cala. Acad. Sci., iii, pp. 30 and 48; Pumpelly. Across Amer., p. 6.

1J Visita de mi administration. A visita was a clerical out-
post visited or to be visited by a padre residing elsewhere, hav-
ing no resident minister of its own. There were usually sev-
eral such in the vicinity of the principal mission where resided
the padre, and all were under his administration; all also were
considered as one " mission " — the main one with its pueblos
de visita. As Garces lived at Bac, Tucson was a visita of his
administration.

u Sierra llamada Frente Negra, literally Black Face. This is
the range variously called Sierra de Tucson or Tucson range,

8J CONTINUING DOWN RIO SANTA CRUZ.

lying directly W. of Tucson, extending N. W. and S. E. Two
of its peaks are Nasson and Safford, the latter northernmost;
the name " Nasson " appears to be a mistake for that of John
Wasson, surveyor-general of Arizona, 1870-82; Safford was evi-
dently named for Governor A. K. P. Safford, 1869-77.

The journey has continued down Rio Santa Cruz past Rillito
creek, practically along the present railroad, to camp near Point
of Mountain or Rillito station, which is by rail 16 m. N. W. of
Tucson. The Tortolita mts. are at a distance on the right.
This locality is also called Llano del Azotado (azotado, one who
has been flogged) and Tutuetac, in other itineraries of the jour-
ney. Font tells the story which explains the name Azotado.
He calls the place more fully Llano del Puerto del Azotado, the
passage from the plain to the gap being made next day. On
the 27th, before breaking camp, two muleteers hid away, in-
tending to desert. Some Indians of Tucson were sent to find
them, and at night eight came into camp with one of the de-
serters. The runaway was put in custody and given twelve
lashes; for which reason was the place called Llano del Azo-
tado.

14 To-day occurred one of the spats which were almost inces-
sant between Anza and his priests, but the only one in which
Garces seems to have taken part. Font, on the other hand,
was continually in hot water with his commanding officer,
whom he abuses, expressly or implicitly, throughout his diary.
He was not well, and some allowance may be made for our
model journalist on that account; but he was peevish, fussy,
meddlesome, truculent, and puffed up with his chaplaincy, to
the continual annoyance of his reserved and haughty superior.
When breaking camp this morning, Garces expostulated with
Anza concerning some beasts he had asked for and been prom-
ised; to which Anza replied that he could give him none be-
cause he had none to spare. Whereupon Garces talked back
pretty plainly (con alguna claridad), and what he said made the
senor comandante so angry that though Font succeeded in

PAPAGO INDIANS. 83

pacifying him, he would not speak to either of them all that
day.

15 The meaning of this name is not known, but it seems to
contain the element o-a, to deface, to obliterate, probably in
allusion to the pueblo that had been destroyed by the Apache.
It has also been called Oapars, as on Garces' journey of 1771 ;
while Anza and Font record it under the names Ditt-
pax, Oitapars, Oytapayts, Oytaparts, and Pueblo viejo. —
F. W. H.

18 The derivation of the name of this important Piman tribe
is involved in some doubt. It has been persistently stated by
a number of writers that the word means " hair cut," or " bap-
tized," the sign by which the " converted " Piman Indians were
formerly distinguished. This is no doubt an error. More
likely the term is a corruption of their own name Papab-
ootam (ootatn signifying men, folk, Indians) or else derived
from papavi-ootam, " bean people " (" Pimas Frijoleros ") be-
cause their principal crop is beans. The latter derivation was
suggested by Father Kino as early as 1699. The Papago are
closely allied to the Pima Alta or Northern Pima, and in-
habit the territory formerly and still limitedly known as the
Papagueria. extending from the Gila southward into Sonora,
and from Quitovaquito in the west to San Xavier del Bac in
the east. In the 17th and 18th centuries they were less inclined
to village life than the Pima, a fact doubtless due to the necessi-
ties of their inhospitable habitat, where water is exceedingly
scarce. They subsist by agriculture, but formerly conducted a
considerable trade in salt from the inland saline lagoons. They
also manufacture a syrup extracted from the pitahaya or giant
cactus (Cereus giganteus). They are tall, dark-complexioned,
and instead of wearing their hair in long braids or twists like
their congeners the Pima, they cut it at a level with the shoul-
ders. Their language varies little from that of the Pima, with
whom they have intermarried from early times. They for-
merly suffered considerably from Apache inroads. Pop. in 1897,

84 VARIOUS PLACES.

3.270 in Arizona, and probably as many more in Sonora. Other
forms of the name are Papabi-ootam (1794), Papabi-Otawas,
Papabos, Papabotas, Papaga, Papagi, Pa-Pagoe, Papagoose,
Papahi-Ootam, Papahotas, Papalotes (1746), Papa-Otam
(1764), Papapootam, Papavicotam, Papavo, Papawar, Papayos,
Papelotes, Papigo, Piatos, Tono-Ootam (" Desert People,"
said to be one of their own names), etc. — F. W. H.

' 7 Passing Rillito, Desert Wells, and Naviska stations, and
thus from Pima into Pinal county, making about 16 m. to camp
in the vicinity of present Red Rock.

" Ranchcria, any village, settlement, or place cultivated, espe-
cially by Indians; equivalent to rancho or ranch, in the west
meaning what farm does in the east.

a Quitoac also appears in print as Quitcac, and another name
of this rancheria is Bajio de Aquituno, or Aquituno flats, from
the Anza and Font narratives of the same journey. This was
evidently an insignificant Papago settlement on the Santa Cruz
near the present so-called Picacho peak, and was occupied at
intervals when this intermittent stream afforded a sufficient
water supply for a few families. The meaning of the name is
not known, although the elements kit or quit (wall) and bac or
vac (house, ruin) seem to appear in the term. As this territory
contains the remains of many prehistoric pueblo ruins it is not
unlikely that the name was suggested by an ancient house wall
standing above ground. Arricivita calls the place Aquitun. —
F. VV. H.

Quitoac can be located more closely by Font's journal than
by GarceY. The former says it was only half a league from
the camp of last night, and consisted of some 30 jacals, inhab-
ited at times by the Papagos, who were just then on the Gila,
as we find beyond. Font spells the name Cuitoa and Cuytoa,
and says that a little further on was a laguna — the sink of the
Rio del Tuquison y San Xavier, as he calls the Santa Cruz
river.

20 Picacho, picache or peak, peak of a mountain, but more par-

PIMAS GILENOS, ETC. 85

ticularly applied to any such isolated elevation in a plain as
would be styled a butte in most parts of the west.

21 Cerro is properly a hill .r smooth rounded highland in any
elevated rolling country, and is not well applied to this isolated
picache or peak. Tacca also appears in print as Ttacca and
Taceo (perhaps the Piman word ta-kju, meaning " iron "). This
small mountain stands in the plain close to the railroad,
on the left going north, between Red Rock and Picacho
stations: there is another further off to the right, called
Desert peak. The picacho is a conspicuous landmark in
the Tucson desert; a cut of this formation, viewed from
the south, is on p. 200 of Bartlett's Narr., vol. ii. As Garces
is still traveling " by rail," as it were, it is easy to adjust
his camps; his line of march is parallel with the rails, though a
little west of them, as it is on the other (the left) side of Rio
Santa Cruz, till to-day, as appears by Font's map. Besides is-
suing the order of which Garces speaks, Anza to-day enforced
discipline by directing 25 lashes to be given to the other mule-
teer who had absconded and been brought in by Indians
from Tucson.

22 These were not a distinct tribe of the Pima, the name being
applied to the Pima, Sobaipuri, and also evidently some stray
Papago settled along the Gila, whence the name is derived.
Also called Cilenos and Xilenos. They of course have no con-
nection with the Apaches Gilenos or Gileno Apache to the east-
ward, who also were called Xilenos, Gilenos, etc. — F. W. H.

The author of the Rudo Ensayo devotes his chap, vi, sec. 2,
pp. 188-192, to the " High and Low Pimas," i. e., those of
Pimeria Alta and Baxa. " The villages of the Low Pimas are
like landmarks in this province [Sonora]; for from Taraitzi to
Cumuripa, Onapa, Nuri, Movas, and Onabas, they form such
towards the south, and from Cumuripa, Zuaqui [or Suaqui, a
Nevome village], San Joseph of the Pimas, Santa Rosalia, Ures,
and Nacomeri, towards the west, they form the border line with
the Seris. . . The Pimas of the mountains [i. c, High Pimas]

86 PIMAN AND YUMAN FAMILIES.

occupy all of the land from Cucurpe, through Santa Ana and
Caborca to the sea, from east to west, and from south to north,
all from said mission running through Dolores, Remedios, Co-
cospera, the Terrenate fortress, and from there following the
river San Pedro, called also Sobahipuris, as far as its junction
with the Gila, and on both banks of the latter as far as the
Colorado. . . The genuine Pimas of the mountains may be
divided into four sections: the first comprehends those congre-
gated in villages; the second, the Papagos already mentioned;
the third, the Sobahipuris; and the fourth, those who live on
the Gila river." i. e., the Gilefios mentioned in the text above.
The Ensayo continues: "The Opas. Comaricopas, Hudcoa-
dam, Yumas, Cuhuanas, Quiquimas and others beyond the
Colorado river, may also be called Pimas and counted as so
many tribes of this nation, for they all use the same language
with merely a difference of dialect." But this last statement
requires modification in order to recognize the Yumas, etc., as
a distinct linguistic stock. The classification now accepted is:

PIMAN FAMILY. YUMAN FAMILY.

a) Northern. Cochimi.
Opata. Cocopa.

Papago. Cuchan (Yuma proper).

Pima (proper). Diegueno.

b) Southern. Havasupai.
Cahita. Maricopa.
Cora. Mojave.
Tarahumara. Seri(?).
Tepehuana. Waicuru.

Walapai.
Yavapai.

" Bearing away from the Santa Cruz in the vicinity of present
Picacho station, and proceeding little west of north for about
32 miles, Garces approaches the Gila at a point some 8 miles

VARIOUS PLACES. 87

N. W. of the Casa Grande, as we learn from what he says for
Oct. 31. The laguna where the party camped is called Camani
in another report of this expedition. This position is in the
S. E. portion of the present Gila River Indian Reservation, not
far from the present Indian village which is 12 m. due W. of
Florence. The reservation is a large one, running broadly
down both sides of the river to the confluence of Salt river, and
has quite a long history: see Executive Orders of Aug. 31, 1876;
Jan. 10 and June 14, 1879; May 5, 1882; Nov. 15, 1883. The
Gila is the principal branch of the Colorado in Arizona, and
thus the second largest river of the Territory; with its main
fork, the Salado, it is the first in importance from an agricultural
standpoint. A special note on this river will be found beyond.

24 Zacdte, more frequently sacate, from the Nahuatl gacatl, is
the usual name for grass such as horses and cattle eat, also
called indifferently by Garces pastos and pasturas, pasturage,
forage, herbage. Such " grass " is distinguished from sacaton,
the tall rank herbage, such as reeds, rushes, and the like, unfit
for forage.

25 Equituni is the same as Aquituno or Aquituni, the names
applied by Anza and Font on this journey to Garces' ran-
cheria of Quitoac. So far as known this is the first and in-
deed only time the name is given. There is a close similarity
between the names Quitoac and Quitoa (following), but unless
Garces became confused they were doubtless distinct rancherias.
— F. W. H.

28 Cuitoa was a Papago village, the Papago also being loosely
included with the Pimas Gilefios. See note 19 , p. 84. — F. W. H.

" Vturituc was a Pima village on the Gila, 4 to 6 leagues west
of Casa Grande ruin. Anza visited it in 1774, at which date it
had 300 inhabitants. Font estimated the population at 1000.
Its saint name was San Juan Capistrano, and it has been re-
ferred to under the names San Juan Capistrans de Virtud,
Ulurituc, Tutiritucar, Tutunitucan, Utilltuc, and Uturicut. —
F. W. H.

TROWESS OF THE PIMAS.

* Sutaquison was a Pima settlement on the Gila between Casa
Grande and a point 10 miles below. Kino first visited it in
1694, naming it Encarnacion. It is probably identical with the
modern Sacaton or Zacaton. According to Font the population
was 5000 in 1775, and although this may be an overestimate it
was in all probability the most populous of all the Pima settle-
ments. Also recorded as Sudacson, Sutaguison, etc. The name
seems to have a derivation similar to that of Tucson (Styucson),
previously noted. — F. W. H.

The evidence that Kino visited Sutaquison and named it En-
carnacion in 1694 is positive by Apost. Afan., p. 253, where it is
said, in substance, that in Nov., 1694, he undertook a new jour-
ney, and penetrated unto the Rio Gila, distant as it were 43
leagues from San Xavier del Bac, between north and west: "to
the first rancheria which he encountered, composed of Piman
people, he gave the name of Encarnacion; and to another, four
leagues further on, that of San Andres."

M The Pimas waged vigorous war against the Apaches
whenever occasion offered, and there are still among the for-
mer tribe many elderly men who bear wounds received during
Apache campaigns. Had it not been for the friendly Pimas,
many white settlements in southern Arizona would not have
found it possible to exist. — F. W. H.

The prowess of the Pimas was more than once felt by their
oppressors the Spaniards. Three Jesuit missionaries and va-
rious others were killed by them at different times. The
tarliest victim was Father F. X. Saeta, murdered at Caborca on
Apr. 2, 1695 (Apost. Afan., p. 257). The most notable uprising
began on Nov. 21, 1751, on which day Fathers Tomas Tello at
Caborca and Henry Ruen or Ruhen at Sonoita were killed;
this revolt was not finally quelled till 1754. Another important
insurrection occurred in 1761, and ran a year or two; this was of
of Pimas Bajas and Seris. The Pimas, in fact, in spite of the
eloquent protestations of their chief apostle Kino, were almost
from the beginning regarded with suspicion by the Spaniards,

MOTECUHZOMA. 89

and the logic of events frequently justified such suspicion; but
it should be added that they were more than once outraged and
of course incessantly oppressed. Since we have owned the
country I do not think we have ever had trouble with either
Pimas or Papagos in Arizona.

" Moctezuma is a compromise between the proper name and
our familiar corruption, Montezuma: thus Bandelier, Amer.
Anthrop., Oct., 1892, p. 319, has: "There is no need of proving
that the name of the Mexican ' Chief of Men ' (Tlaca-tecuhtli)
who perished while in the custody of the Spaniards under Her-
nando Cortes in 1520 was Mo-tecuh-zoma, literally ' Our
Wrathy Chieftain.' Bernal Diez [Diaz] del Castillo, an eye-
witness and the much-prejudiced author of the 'True History' of
the Conquest, is responsible for the corruption into Montezuma,
which has since become popular and most widely known. It
is interesting how that misspelling has taken hold of the public
mind, how it has completely supplanted the original true
orthography and meaning. Meaning even is out of place here,
for, while Motecnhsoma is a legitimate Nahuatl word with a very
plain signification, and also a typical Indian personal name,
Montezuma has no signification whatever; and yet, in Mexico,
even the Nahuatl Indians — those who speak the Nahuatl lan-
guage daily — know only Montezuma, and would hardly recog-
nize the original name as applicable to him, whom they have
been taught to call an ' emperor.' "

Ruins of unknown origin became " Montezumas " — not only
" houses of Montezuma," but Montezuma himself — in popular
speech. " Casas de Montezuma " are mentioned by this name
as early as 1664 by Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont and An-
tonio de Oca Sarmiento, speaking of those then recently dis-
covered in northwestern Chihuahua (Bandelier, /. c, p. 320).
The most famous of all such edifices is still standing near the Gila,
only about a mile and a half south of the river, some nine miles
west by south by the road from Florence, in the S. W. J4 of
section 16 of tp. 5 S. of the base line, range 8 E. of the Gila

90 DISCOVERY OF CASA GRANDE.

and Salt river meridian; this is the one now visited by Font
and Garces. Its position is almost on lat. 33°; so Father Font
made a close observation on this Oct. 31, 1775. Its location
is a reservation of about 54 square m., called by the name of
the ruin, set aside from sale or settlement by Executive Order of
June 22, 1892, in pursuance of Act of Congress of Mar. 2, 1889.
Its literature is extensive; besides what I am about to cite, see
Bandelier's Final Rep. in Arch. Inst. Papers, pt. ii, 1892, p. 439
(t scq., referring to early Spanish reports; Fewkes in Journ.
Amer. Ethn. and Arch., 1892, pp. 177-193; and MindelefFs elab-
orate papers in 13th and 15th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
Waiving what has been erroneously adduced of Spanish knowl-
edge of this Casa Grande in the time of Friar Marcos and Coro-
nado, 1539-42, I will note something of the discovery of these
ruins by Kino in November, 1694, on the occasion of his first
pushing an entrada in Arizona to the Gila. It appears from
Apost. Afan., p. 252 et seq., that Kino had heard of the ruin in
Nov., 1694, when he undertook a new journey and reached the
Gila: " En este sitio se hallo una casa grande, y antigua, que aun
ahora [1752] permanece, y se assegura, que es de quatro altos;
alii cerca se veian otras, que sin duda davan indicio de Pobla-
cion grande, que havia havido en otro tiempo. Anade en su
relation el padre Kino, que en otras ocasiones havia oido dezir,
y algunas vezes el mismo visto, que mas adelante por los mis-
mos rumbos de Oriente, Poniente, y Norte havia otros vestigios,
y ruinas de semejantes Poblaciones " — that is to say, freely, in
that Gila locality there was found a house large and ancient,
which was still standing when Ortega was writing, in 1752, and
was certainly four stories high; that thereabouts were to be seen
others which had formerly existed; that Father Kino added in
his relation, that on other occasions he had heard it said, and
sometimes had seen for himself, that further on in the same
directions, east, west, and north, there were yet other remains
and ruins of similar settlements. Ortega goes on to speak of
the ancient traditions, received by all the historians of New

KINO AT CASA GRANDE. 91

Spain, that through those interior parts came the ancient Mex-
ican nation to seek lands in which to settle, and that this Gila
locality was one of their stopping-places, in which they left
those houses whose ruins were still recognized. Also, he says,
there were existent between Presidio de Janos and Real de Che-
guagua other casas grandes, having like relation to the peoples
whose transmigration ended with the founding of the City of
Mexico. Again, says Ortega, Father Kino is persuaded in his
MSS. that this locality is the one which the venerable Padre
Frai Marcos de Niza, who claims to have gone all through
these lands, calls that of the Seven Cities (sc. of Cibola) in a
volume he wrote about his peregrinations — which is, of course,
a mistake, as that friar was never there. Kino is credited with
having said mass in the casa in that autumn of 1694; he was
again on the spot in November of 1697, and once more in the
spring of 1699. On the occasion of his 1697 visit, his biog-
rapher gives the following notice, Apost. Afan., p. 268: " Si-
guiendo las orillas del mismo Rio Quiburi [now Rio San Pedro)
llegaron a las del Gila, y caminando por tres dias rio abaxo
. . . vinieron a la Casa grande, de cuya vista mucho se ale-
graron los Cabos, y los Soldados; admiraronse, que distasse del
rio Gila casi una legua en parage falto de agua: cesso en breve
su admiracion, quando repararon en una Zanja de seis, 6 sieta
varas de anchura con los bordos en una, y otra parte de
tres varas de alto, que llegava hasta el rio Gila, y proveia de
agua no solo las Casas, mas tambien con una gran buelta, que
dava a una campina de muchas leguas de extension, en tierra
liana, y pingue: indicava todo esto lo mucho, que anos pasados
havia servido en dilatadas siembras, y las que en lo venidero se
podian hazer alii " — that is to say, in substance, the soldiers
wondered at the distance of the house from the Gila in such
a dry place, but ceased to marvel when they found what a big
ditch extended to the river, sufficing to irrigate all the country
round about, etc. The diary of this expedition, by Juan Mateo
Mange, who accompanied Kino, is printed in Doc. para Hist.

92 RUDO ENSAYO ON CASA GRANDE.

Mex., 4th ser., i, 1856, pp. 274-291, with ref. to the Casas
Grandes on pp. 282-284, for Nov. 18, 1697. This, no doubt, is
what is quoted by Bartlett, Narr., ii, p. 265, with ref. to a MS.
cited in Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes, iii, p. 301. Though
Mange was also with Kino on the entrada of 1694, when the
Casas Grandes were discovered by Kino, he did not share that
discovery. But he has been repeatedly quoted as co-discoverer,
as by Bartlett, p. 281, relying upon the notoriously inaccurate
Schoolcraft, who even credits Mange, an army officer, with
saying mass in the famous edifice! If we return to Mange's
own diary of 1694, as pub. in the Docs, just cited, pp. 250-259,
we find on p. 250 that the heading of Capitulo Tercero, devoted
to Kino's third entrada, declares that " ejecuto por si (by
himself) el dicho padre al descubrimiento de las Casas Grandes,"
etc.; while at the end of this chapter, p. 259, there is the follow-
ing: " En el interin de esta campana mismo mes y ano [Novem-
ber, 1694] salio por si el reverendo padre Francisco Eusebio
Kino, a descubrir el rio [Gila] y casas grandes dentro de las
cuales dijo misa " — went alone the Rev. Padre Kino to discover
the Gila and Casas Grandes, in which latter he said mass.

From the turn of the century, 1699-1700, we have little further
information for about 60 years. Then the author of the Rudo
Ensayo, writing in 1762, speaks as follows (I quote the English
transl. first pub. June, 1894, in Am. Cath. Hist. Soc, v, No. 2,
p. 127): "... the Gila leaves on its left, at the distance of one
league, the Casa Grande, called the house of Moctezuma, because
of a tradition current among the Indians and Spaniards, of this
place having been one of the abodes in which the Mexicans
rested on their long transmigrations. This great house is four
stories high, still standing, with a roof made of beams of cedar
or tlascal, and with most solid walls of a material that looks like
the best cement. It is divided into many halls and rooms and
might well lodge a travelling court. Three leagues distant and
on the right bank of the river there is another similar house,
but now much demolished, which, from the ruins, can be in-

FONT ON CASA GRANDE. 93

ferred to have been of vaster size than the former. For some
leagues around, in the neighborhood of these houses, wherever
the earth is dug up, broken pieces of very fine and variously
colored earthen-ware are found. Judging from a reservoir of
vast extent and still open, which is found two leagues up the
river, holding sufficient water to supply a city and to irrigate
for many leagues the fruitful land of that beautiful plain, the
residence of the Mexicans there must not have been a brief one."

The foregoing fairly reflects what was known or believed
concerning the Casas Grandes, down to the date of our author's
visit to the ruins with Father Font. Font's original report,
in Spanish, has never been published; but a French translation,
from some clerical copy of Font's Diary, appeared in Ternaux-
Compans, Voyages, etc., 8vo, Paris, 1838, vol. ix, appendix,
art. vii, pp. 383-386, headed " Notice sur la Grande Maison Dite
de Moctecuzoma." This appears to be the basis of the account
in English in Bartlett's Narrative, etc. Ternaux-Compans was
a careless if not an incompetent editor of Spanish; there is
always a suspicion that what he sets forth in French is not
exactly what his Spanish author says in the original. I made
a careful translation of the French at Santa Fe, Sept. 4, 1898,
but on comparing it with Font's Diary I find it a loose para-
phrase. With Font's own handwriting before me, I give it in
as close a translation as I can make — as nearly word for word
as English idiom will admit. At date of Tuesday, Oct. 31, Font
says:

" Determined the senor comandante to-day to rest the people
from the long journey of yesterday, and with this we had an
opportunity of going to examine the Casa grande, that they call
of Moctezuma, situated at one league from the river Gila, and
distant from the place of the laguna [Camani, where they had
camped] some three leagues to the eastsoutheast; to the which
we went after mass, and returned after midday, accompanied
by some Indians, and by the Governor of Uturituc, who on the
way told us a history, and tradition, that the Pimas Gilenos

94 FONT ON CASA GRANDE.

conserve from their ancestors concerning said Casa grande,
which all reduces itself to fictions (patranas) mingled confusedly
with some catholic truths, the which I will notice hereafter. I
i bserved this place of the Casa grande, marked on the Map,
which afterward I drew, with the letter A, and I found it with-
out correction in 33." 11.' and with correction in 33.° 3.' J /2.
[Ternaux-Compans has 33 30' by mistake — read 33 03' 30".]
And thus I say: In the Casa grande of the river Gila, day 31 of
October of 1775: meridional altitude of the lower limb of the
sun: 42.° 25.' We examined with all care this edifice, and its
\estiges, whose ichnographic plan is that which here I put [pen-
and-ink ground plan of the Casa, oriented, 10% x 6}i inches,
faces p. 20 of the bound MS.]: and for its better understanding
1 give the description and explication following: The Casa
grande, or palace of Moctezuma will have from foundation
some five hundred years according to the histories and scanty
notices that there are of it, and the Indians give: because, as it
appears, the Mexicans made this foundation when in their trans-
migrations the devil took them through various lands until they
iirrived at the promised land of Mexico, and in their sojourns,
which were long, they formed settlement, and edifices. The
site on which is found this Casa is level in all directions, and
apart from the river Gila about one league, and the ruins of
the houses which formed the settlement extend more than a
league to the east and the rest of the winds; and all this ground
is strewn with pieces of jars, pots, plates, &c, some plain, and
others painted of various colors, white, blue, red, &c, an indica-
tion that it was a large settlement, and of a distinct people from
the Pimas Gilenos, since these know not to make such pottery.
We made an exact inspection of the edifice, and of its situation,
and we measured it with a lance for the nonce, which measure-
ment I reduced afterward to geometrical feet, and a little more
or less it h the following: The Casa is an oblong square
iquadrilonga — mm carre long), and perfectly to the four cardinal
winds, east, west, north, and south, and roundabout (al rededor)

Contour Intervol. I. Foot.

GROUND PLAN OF CASA GRANDE (AFTER MINDELEFF)

FONT ON CASA GRANDE. 95

are some ruins, which indicate some enclosure or wall (ccrco
6 muralla), which surrounded the house and other buildings
particularly at the corners (esquinas), where it seems there was
some structure like an interior castle, or watch-tower, for in
the corner which falls on the southwest there is a piece of
groundwork with its divisions and an elevation (un pedazo en
pie con sus divisiones, y un alto — remains of basement and wall).
The exterior enclosure has from north to south 420. feet, and
from east to west 260. The interior of the Casa is composed
of five halls, the three equal in the middle, and one at each
extremity larger. The three [middle] halls have from north
to south 26. feet, and from east to west 10. The two halls of the
extremities [one at each end] have from north to south 12. feet,
and from east to west 38. The halls have of height some 11.
feet, and all are equal [in this respect]. The doors of com-
munication have of height 5. feet, and of width 2. and are all
about equal, except the four first [outer ones] of the four
entrances, which it appears were twice as wide (otro tanto
anchas). The thickness of the interior walls [is] 4. feet, and
they are well constructed (enjarradas) ; and of the exterior
ones 6. feet. The Casa has on the outside from north to south
70. feet, and from east to west 50. The walls are sloped (escar-
padas) on the outer side. In front of the door of the east,
separated from the Casa, there is another building (pieza —
piece), which has from north to south 26. feet, and from east to
west 18. without [exclusive of] the thickness of the walls. The
woodwork was of pine, apparently (por lo que se ve), and the
sierra most near, which has pines, is distant some twenty and
five leagues: and also has some mezquite. All the edifice is
of earth, and according to the signs, it is a mud-wall made with
boxes of various sizes (es tapia fabricada con caxones de varios
tamanes, i. e., is built of puddled earth in blocks of various sizes).
There comes from the river, and from quite afar, an acequia
very large, with which was supplied with water the population,
and it is now very blind (cegada, i.e., indistinct.) [Some translate

96 FONT ON CASA GRANDE.

this "almost dry"!]. Finally, it is known that the edifice had
three stories; and if is truth that which can be found out from
the Indians, and according to the indications that are visible,
it had four, the basement of the Casa deepening in the manner
of a subterranean apartment. To give light to the apartments,
there occurs no more than the doors, and some circular open-
ings in the midst of the walls which face to the east and west,
and the Indians said that through these openings (which are
pretty large) looked out the Prince, whom they name El
Hombre Amargo [lliomme deplaisant, the ' ugly man,' i. e.,
our wrathy chieftain Motecuhzoma] upon the sun when it rose,
and set, to salute it. There are found no traces of staircases,
from which we judged that they were of wood, and were de-
stroyed in the conflagration which the edifice suffered from the
Apaches."

Thus far Font with his excellent description. He goes on
with two and a half pages of the yarn which the governor
of Uturituc spun for him in the Pima tongue, translated as
they went along by one of Anza's servants. But this is dreary
rubbish, which it would be neither entertaining nor edifying
to set forth; and so I refrain. When Lt. Col. W. H. Emory
came by in November, 1846, he found an Indian who told him
the fact about these buildings: "We know, in truth, nothing of
their origin. It is all enveloped in mystery " (Report, etc.,
p. 83; with a plate of the main Casa Grande and the two adjoin-
ing buildings, from the sketch made by J. M. Stanley, artist
of the expedition, whose many paintings, mostly Indian por-
traits, were destroyed by the partial burning of the Smithsonian
Institution, Jan. 24, 1865).

Font's description has been repeatedly quoted or copied,
some authors making the strange mistake of citing his dimen-
sions of the exterior enclosure, 420 x 260 feet, as those of the
house itself. Bartlett's Narr., ii, p. 280, notices this blunder,
after giving a long extract from Font, as far as it goes sub-
stantially the same as the above. He visited the spot on July 12,

BARTLETT ON CASA GRANDE. 97

1852, and has left us a careful description of the ruins as they
then were, in comparison with Font of 1775 and Kino of 1694,
finding little change during the century and a half; his plate of
the three principal ruins faces p. 274, and on p. 276 are the
ground plans of two of them and two elevations. I think it
well to transcribe his account (Narr., ii, pp. 272-yy):

" The ' Casas Grandes,' or Great Houses, consist of three
buildings, all included within a space of 150 yards. The prin-
cipal and larger one is in the best state of preservation, its four
exterior walls and most of the inner ones remaining. A con-
siderable portion of the upper part of the walls has crumbled
away and fallen inwards, as appears from the great quantity of
rubbish and disintegrated adobe which fills the first story of
the building. Three stories now stand and can plainly be made
out by the ends of the beams remaining in the walls, or by the
cavities which they occupied; but I think there must have been
another story above, in order to account for the crumbling
walls and rubbish within. The central portion or tower rising
from the foundation, is some eight or ten feet higher than the
outer walls, and may have been several feet, probably one
story, higher when the building was complete. The walls at
the base are between four and five feet in thickness; their pre-
cise dimensions could not be ascertained, so much having crum-
bled away. The inside is perpendicular, while the exterior face
tapers towards the top, in a curved line. These walls, as well
as the division walls of the interior, are laid with large square
blocks of mud, prepared for the purpose by pressing the material
into large boxes about two feet in height and four feet long.
When the mud became sufficiently hardened, the case was
moved along and again filled, and so on until the whole edifice
was completed. This is a rapid mode of building; but the Mexi-
cans seem never to have applied it to any purpose but the
erection of fences or division-walls. The material of this build-
ing is the mud of the valley, mixed with gravel. The mud is
very adhesive, and when dried in the sun, is very durable. The

98 BARTLETT OX CASA GRANDE.

outer surface of the wall appears to have been plastered roughly;
but the inside, as well as the surface of all the inner walls, is
hard finished. This is done with a composition of adobe, and is
still as smooth as when first made, and has quite a polish. On
one of the walls are rude figures, drawn with red lines, but
no inscriptions. From the charred ends of the beams which
remain in the walls, it is evident that the building was de-
stroyed by fire. Some of the lintels which remain over the
doors are formed of several sticks of wood, stripped of their
bark, but showing no signs of a sharp instrument. The beams
which supported the floors, were from four to five inches in
diameter, placed about the same distance apart, and inserted
deeply in the walls.

" Most of the apartments are connected by doors, besides
which there are circular openings in the upper part of the
chambers to admit light and air. The ground plan of the
building shows that all the apartments were long and narrow,
without windows. The inner rooms, I think, were used as
store-rooms for corn; in fact, it is a question whether the whole
may not have been built for a similar purpose. There are four
entrances, one in the centre of each side. The door on the
western side is but two feet wide, and seven or eight high; the
others three feet wide and five in height, tapering towards the
top, — a peculiarity belonging to the ancient edifices of Central
America and Yucatan. With the exception of these doors,
there are no exterior openings, except on the western side,
where they are of a circular form. Over the doorway corre-
sponding to the third story, on the western front, is an open-
ing, where there was a window, which I think was square. In
a line with this are two circular openings.

" The southern front has fallen in several places, and is much
injured by large fissures, yearly becoming larger, so that the
whole of it must fall ere long. The other three fronts are quite
perfect. The walls at the base, and particularly at the corners,
have crumbled away to the extent of 12 or 15 inches, and are

BARTLETT ON CASA GRANDE. 99

only held together by their great thickness. The moisture here
causes disintegration to take place more rapidly than in any
other part of the building; and in a few years, when the walls
have become more undermined, the whole structure must fall,
and become a mere rounded heap like many other shapeless
mounds which are seen on the plain. A couple of days' labor
spent in restoring the walls at the base with mud and gravel,
would render this interesting monument as durable as brick,
and enable it to last for centuries. How long it has been in
this ruined state, is not known; we only know that when visited
by the missionaries a century ago, it was in the same condition
as at present.

" The exterior dimensions of this building are 50 feet from
north to south, and 40 from east to west. On the ground floor
are five apartments. Those on the north and south sides extend
the whole width of the building, and measure 32 by 10 feet. Be-
tween these are three smaller apartments, the central one being
within the tower. All are open to the sky. There is no appear-
ance of a stairway on any of the walls: whence it has been in-
ferred that the means of ascent may have been outside.

" On the south-west of the principal building is a second one
in a state of ruin, with hardly enough of the walls remaining to
trace its original form. The accompanying ground-plan will
show what portions of the walls are standing. The dark lines
represent the erect walls, the faint lines the heaps of fallen
ones. The central portion, judging from the height of the
present walls, was two stories high; the outer wall, which can
only be estimated from the debris, could not have been more
than a single story.

" Northeast of the main building is a third one, smaller than
either of the others, but in such an utter state of decay that its
original form cannot be determined. It is small, and may have
been no more than a watch tower. In every direction as far
as the eye can reach, are seen heaps of ruined edifices, with no
portions of their walls standing. To the northwest, about 200

lOO LATE NOTICES OF CASA GRANDE.

yards distant, is a circular embankment from 80 to 100 yards in
circumference, which is open in the centre, and is probably the
remains of an inclosure for cattle. For miles around these in
all directions, the plain is strewn with broken pottery and
metates or corn-grinders. The pottery is red, white, lead
color, and black. The figures are usually geometrical and
formed with taste, and in character are similar to the orna-
ments found on the pottery from the ruins on the Salinas and
much further north. Much of this pottery is painted on the
inside, a peculiarity which does not belong to the modern pot-
tery. In its texture too, it is far superior. . .

" The origin of these buildings is shrouded in mystery . . .
One thing is evident, that at some former period the valley of
the Gila, from this ruin to the western extremity of the rich
bottom-lands now occupied by the Pimos and Coco-Maricopas,
as well as the broad valley of the Salinas, for upwards of 40 miles,
was densely populated. The ruined buildings, the irrigating
canals, and the vast quantities of pottery of a superior quality,
show that, while they were an agricultural people, they were
much in advance of the present semi-civilized tribes of the
Gila."

As Bartlett says, the origin of these and of other noteworthy
pueblo ruins scattered over the entire Gila-Salado-Verde drain-
age is as yet unknown; but Mr. Hodge thinks it not unlikely
that investigations now being conducted by Dr. J. Walter
Fewkes under the auspices of the Bureau of American Eth-
nology will, within the next few years, prove beyond reasonable
doubt that some at least are the remains of buildings erected by
certain Hopi (Tusayan or Moki) clans of undoubted southern
origin.

Accounts of Casa Grande as an object of tourists' curiosity,
more modem than most of those above cited, are of course in-
numerable; several plates have been published, and photographs
are easily accessible. In general, these popular notices are
fairly good descriptions, but historically worthless or per-

b to

o £

BEST MONOGRAPHS ON CASA GRANDE. IOI

nicious. The best monographs by far are those of Cosmos
Mindeleff, entitled Casa Grande Ruin, in 13th Ann. Rep. Bur.
Ethn., pp. 289-319, pll. li-lx, and The Repair of Casa Grande
Ruin, Arizona, in 1891, in 15th Ann. Rep., pp. 315-349, pll. cxii-
cxxv.

The first of these papers opens with the location and character
of the ruin, after which a brief survey of its position in litera-
ture is given, and then an extremely careful and minute descrip-
tion of the main house and collateral ruins of the group, in the
state of dilapidation in which they were found when visited by
Mr. Mindeleff in 1890. Among the plates the most important
in some respects is the first accurate ground plan ever published,
showing that Casa Grande is by no means oriented as Font
and others supposed. We reproduce this plate, together with
a general view of Casa Grande, by the kind permission of Major
J. W. Powell, director of the Bureau.

The second monograph gives a complete account of the re-
pairs authorized by Act of Congress of March 2, 1889, for which
the sum of $2,000 was appropriated and duly expended. Sev-
eral plates show what has been done in the way of clearing out
debris, underpinning and bracing walls, filling in openings, etc.
Rev. Isaac T. Whittemore is at present the official custodian of
what has been well styled " one of the most noteworthy relics of
a prehistoric age and people remaining within the limits of the
United States."

CHAPTER III.

DOWN RIO GILA TO YUMA, NOVEMBER, 1775-

Nov. I. We departed from the laguna [Camani],
and having marched 4 leagues westnorthwest we ar-
rived at the Rancheria de San Juan Capistrano, 1
where we were received by about a thousand Indians 2

'Otherwise Uturituc: see previous note 27 , p. 87. Font has it
in full, San Juan Capistrano de Vturituc. This place was at or
near the modern Sacaton, a mile or so S. of the Gila, on the
reservation, in what would be tp. 4 S., range 6 E. It was also
called Tutunitucan or Tutiritucar, and more fully San Juan
Capistrano de Uturituc or Utilltuc. The saint named was Gio-
vanni di Capistrano or Johannes Capistranus, a Franciscan
monk, b. in the Abruzzi, Italy, June 24, 1386, d. at Illock in
Slavonia, Oct. 23, 1456, and canonized 1690. Oct. 31 is his day.
He wrote a book called Speculum Conscientiae, crusaded in
1443 under Pope Nicholas V. in Hungary and Bohemia against
Hussites, and he also in 1456 led an army of crusaders to the
relief of Belgrade, besieged by Mohammed II. A mission in
California took his name Nov. 1, 1776, and still bears it.

' This is not to be taken as the population of the place. Anza
puts the figures at 300. There were doubtless a good many
natives from other settlements gathered there to see the whites,
whose great medicine were the crucifix, a cloth with Holy
Mary on one side and a lost soul on the other, a breviary that

RECEPTION BY THE PIMAS. IO3

drawn up in two ranks. They had built a large
bower (ramada) 3 in which to entertain us, in front
of which had they set up a cross. Soon as we dis-
mounted they passed from one to another to kiss our
hand, 4 and saluted us in the name of God, as do all
the other Christian Pimas. Since whenever [i. c, in
1768, 1770, 1 77 1, 1774] I have been among these
poor gentiles they have received me with equal kind-
ness, I have felt deep grief to find that I could
not gratify such great desire as they manifested to
become Christians; but on this occasion particular
was my pain to see so many people unite in begging
us to remain here to baptize them, who in plenitude
of affability and mode of living together in their

told how such medicine operated, and a magic compass-needle
that showed the Spaniards where to go.

1 Ramada, for enramada, to translate which " bower " may seem
like taking poetic license with such a prosaic affair as was the
sort of hut or shed which the Indians built with branches of
trees to accommodate their guests. Another local name of
such a structure is wickiup.

4 It is extremely doubtful if the natives actually kissed the
hands of the Spaniards; more probably, as a greeting of friend-
ship inspired by religious fervor, the Indian grasped the hand
of the priest, drew it toward his own mouth, inhaled from it
the " breath of life," and then passed the clasped hands toward
the mouth of the Spaniard, who was supposed to do the same.
This custom, which is still common among the Zunis at least,
may be regarded rather as a religious greeting than as a mere
gesture of courtesy. — F. W. H.

104 PIMA POSSESSIONS.

pueblo surpass all others of their nation; as it does
not appear that the time has come to gather these
sheep (ovejas) into the fold of the church. May God
do that which may be to his greater pleasure! They
waited upon us and were obsequious to the whole
expedition. They possess flocks (ganado metwr) 6
very like those of Moqui, or much the same, as I
will tell in the final reflections on the Diary. They
have poultry (gaUinas) e and horses, some of which
they bartered (cambalacharon) with the soldiers for
red baize (bayeta). 7 They brought water for the party

1 Ganado menor — literally " minor stock," i. e., sheep, goats, or
donkeys, as distinguished from ganado mayor, cattle or mules,
ganado de cerdo, swine, etc.

' " A few chickens and dogs were seen [among the Pimas],
but no other domestic animals, except horses, mules, and oxen."
(Emory's Reconn., p. 85.) All of these were obtained originally
from the Spaniards. The neighboring Maricopas had a few
ducks.— F. W. H.

' Bayeta is a bright scarlet woolen cloth with a long nap,
which was originally manufactured in Spain, imported into
Mexico, and thus found its way among the southwestern In-
dians until it became an article of commerce in eastern
United States. Formerly the Navaho and Pueblo Indians un-
raveled the bayeta and used the weft in the manufacture of their
finest blankets; but the introduction of cheaper yarns and the
more common use of the native wool have practically put an
end to the use of this material. The Pimas used it for making
blankets worn by both men and women. The only textiles
manufactured by these Indians at present are baskets, splen-

PIMA SPINNING AND WEAVING. IO5

to drink, and served us in all respects as well as the
most faithful Christian vassals of the king could have

didly made and well decorated by interweaving ingenious frets
in black.— F. W. H.

Regarding spinning and weaving cotton, the Rudo Ensayo
says, p. 185: " In these things they take a pride and a pleasure,
while the Pimas of the mountains make their women work in
the fields, and they themselves spin and weave, although this
is a woman's trade. With the instruments that these women
employ, the be"st weavers in the world could not do better. They
weave however with a kind cf rude beauty. Their spun cotton
is a good but rough imitation of the table cloths and napkins
made in Germany, which on this account are called Alemanis-
cas. They also imitate ticking and any other thing they see,
provided they are allowed to undo the warp of the model."

The primitive loom of the Pimas is thus described by Emory,
Reconn. of 1846-47, Ex. Doc. No. 41, 1848, p. 85: "A woman
was seated on the ground under the shade of one of the cotton
sheds. Her left leg was tucked under her seat and her foot
turned sole upwards; between her big toe and the next was a
spindle about 18 inches long, with a single fly of four or six
inches. Ever and anon she gave it a twist in a dexterous man-
ner, and at its end was drawn a coarse cotton thread. This
was their spinning jenny. Led on by this primitive display, I
asked for their loom by pointing to the thread and then to the
blanket girded about the woman's loins. A fellow stretched in
the dust sunning himself, rose up leisurely and untied a bundle
which I had supposed to be a bow and arrow. This little pack-
age, with four stakes in the ground, was the loom. He
stretched his cloth and commenced the process of weaving."

A fuller account of the Pima loom, with figure of an Indian
in the act of weaving, occupies pp. 225, 226 of vol. ii of Bart-
lett's Narrative: "The implements used by these tribes for
spinning and weaving are of the most primitive character. A

106 ENCARNACION DEL SUTAQUISON.

done. They were given tobacco and glass beads
(abalorio). 6

Nov. 2. After the 3 padres had celebrated nine
masses, which some Indians attended, we traveled 4
leagues west \ northwest, and halted on the bank of
the Rio Gila near the pueblo called La Encarnacion
del Sutaquison. 9

slender stick about two feet long passing through a block of
wood which serves to keep up the momentum imparted to it,
constitutes the spindle. One end of this rests on a wooden cup
inserted between the toes, and the other is held and twirled by
the fingers of the right hand; while the left hand is occupied in
drawing out the thread from the supply of cotton, which is
coiled upon the left arm in loose rolls. In weaving, the warp
is attached to two sticks, and stretched upon the ground by
means of stakes. Each alternate thread of the warp is passed
round a piece of cane, which, being lifted, opens a passage for
the shuttle in the manner of a sley. The operator sits in the
fashion of a tailor, and, raising the sley with one hand, with the
other passes the shuttle, which is simply a pointed stick with
the thread wound upon it, between the threads of the warp.
The work is beaten up after the passage of each thread by the
use of a sharp smooth-edged instrument made of hard wood. . .
The weaving is generally done by the old men."

* There is no reason to suppose that these beads differed
greatly from those which the Pimas still wear in profusion as
necklaces and ear-pendants. They are usually ordinary Vene-
tian glass beads, turquoise blue in color, although other tints
are also employed. A blue bead of this description was found
in the ruin of Halona, at Zuni, one of the Seven Cities of
Cibola, which was abandoned about 1680. — F. W. H.

' For the name, see a previous note. Bartlett, ii, p. 268, quot-

PIMA AGRICULTURE. 107

There came forth to receive us the Indians of the
pueblo with demonstrations of much joy, and me-
thought that they might be about 500 souls. In all
these pueblos they raise large crops of wheat, some
of corn {maiz), cotton, calabashes, etc., to which end
they have constructed good acequias, 10 surrounding

ing Font's Journal for Nov. 1 and 2, gives the name as Sutagui-
son; but the q is plain in Font's handwriting before me. The
Rudo Ensayo, 1762, Engl, trans. 1894, p. 129, speaks of two im-
portant Pima rancherias on opposite sides of the river, one called
Tusonimo, and " the other, Sudacson or the Incarnation, where
the principal of their chiefs, called Tavanimo, lived " — besides a
third further down, Santa Theresa (sic), at a copious spring of
water. I do not think Sutaquison can be exactly located now,
especially as different itineraries of this trip give the distance
from the last place as either 2 or 4 leagues. But we cannot be
much out of the way if we set Sutaquison on the Gila not far
from the place now called Sweetwater, the settlement next below
Sacaton. It may, however, have been a little further along, near
the place now known as Store.

10 It would take us too far to go into the matter of Pima agri-
culture by means of irrigating canals — the acequias of the text:
see Hodge's Prehistoric Irrigation in Arizona, Amer. Anthrop.
vi, pp. 323-330, July, 1893. The Rudo Ensayo has a misleading
statement, p. 128: "Their irrigating canals, leading from the
river and some springs, are well planned, the Indians undoubt-
edly having been taught how to build them by Father Kino and
other missionary fathers of the Society of Jesus, in their apos-
tolic visits made from 1694 to 1751 "! This is loyal faith, but not
fact; for ages before any white man entered Arizona immense
acequias had been constructed by the builders of Casa Grande
or their ancestors — works comparable in magnitude and effi-

108 PIMA DRESS.

the fields (milpas) in one circuit common (to all), and
divided (are) those of different owners by particular
circuits. Go dressed do these Indians in blankets of
cotton (fresadas de algodon) " which they fabricate,
and others of wool, either of their own sheep or ob-
tained from Moqui. Not is this portion of the river

ciency to the greatest of the present-day irrigating systems,
which have altered the whole hydrography of the Gila-Salado-
Verde water-shed — some of these modern ditches utilizing por-
tions of the prehistoric ones! But the Rudo Ensayo is about
right in saying, /. c. : " Between these Casas Grandes, the Pimas,
called Gilenos, inhabit both banks of the river Gila, occupying
ranches for ten leagues further down, which as well as some
islands are fruitful and suitable for wheat, Indian corn, etc. So
much cotton is raised and so wanting in covetousness is the
husbandman, that, after the crop is gathered in, more remains
in the fields, than is to be had for a harvest here in Sonora —
this upon the authority of a missionary father who saw it with
his own eyes in the year 1757." The Moquis were noted for
their cotton and weaving from the earliest times of which we
have Spanish records (1540).

" The dress of the men consisted of a cotton serape [fre-
sada, blanket] of domestic manufacture, and a breech cloth . . .
The women wore nothing but the serape pinned about the loins,
etc.," Emory, Reconn. 1848, p. 84. The same styles of garments
were worn until very recently, when town ordinances prevented
the entrance into white settlements of Indians only partially
clad. The men are now adorned with overalls, the women with
calico skirts to or below the knees and a camisa or chemisette
hanging loosely somewhat below the waist. Pimas still some-
times wear sandals with soles of rawhide, but not moccasins. —
F. W. H.

LAS LACUNAS DEL HOSPITAL. IO9

abounding in pasturage (de pastos), but in this last
pueblo called Sutaquison there is abundance, even to
maintain a presidio, as has reported Sefior Capitan
Don Bernardo de Vrrea, 12 having passed personally
to inspect the situations most fit for founding mis-
sions. In this Pueblo de Sutaquison and in San Juan
Capistrano I manifested to the Indians the image of
Maria SSma and that of the damned, and explained
them in their language, which is the same as that of
my pueblo (de San Xavier del Bac).

Nov. j. Padre Font and I went from the place
where we had camped to the Pueblo de Sutaquison,
to distribute tobacco and glass beads. We returned
to camp, and having gone 2 leagues northwest ar-
rived at some pools of bad water, where some of our
party were made sick, and for that were they called
Las Lagunas del Hospital. 13 To the west of these

u I have failed to trace the officer of whom Garces speaks,
and the only mention of a contemporary Bernardo de Urrea I
have happened upon is in Bancroft, North Mex. States, i, p.
569, who speaks of one of that name as a colonel on duty at
Altar, Mar. 32. 1767, citing Cancio, Cartas, 1881-83, regarding
operations at Guaymas. See chap, v, note 2 , Jan. 3, beyond.

"The Hospital lagoons are hardly identifiable with requi-
site precision by the data the text affords, but I cannot doubt
that they are the place well known since the American occu-
pancy as Maricopa Wells, six miles west of Sacaton station on
the Maricopa and Phoenix railroad. Observe that " lagunas "
and " wells " are both plural— the only case of the kind here-
abouts.

HO SIERRA DE ESTRELLA.

lagunas is the Sierra de San Joseph de Cumars, 14
which ends on the Gila close to (junto) the place
where this river is united with the Rio de la Asump-
cion. 11 This river is much larger than the Gila,

This is as far down the Gila as Garces goes before striking
across country to cut off the Great Bend. But there is one old
name of a place to be identified in this vicinity, if possible.
This is the San Andres of Kino, more fully San Andres Coata.
As early as 1694, according to the Apost. Afan., p. 253, Kino
visited and named both Encarnacion (Sutaquison) and San
Andres, the latter being given as 4 leagues below the former,
both being Piman rancherias. Again, in 1699, coming up the
Gila, Kino is said by the same authority, p. 276, to have dis-
covered a Rio Azul, before reaching his San Andres, which was
therefore above the mouth of Salt river, these two names being
of the same river. Unfortunately, the distance of San Andres
above Salt river is uncertain, as the various indications we have
are vague or discrepant; but I think it was near Maricopa
Wells, if not at that very spot; in which latter contingency, it
would be identical with Garces' Lagunas del Hospital. Garces
found nothing here; and on Nov. 28, beyond, where he first
speaks of San Andres, he says that it was then depopulated.

14 These mountains, designated by the curiously mongrel
name San Joseph de Cumars, are the Sierra de Estrella, or
Estrella or Star range, sometimes lettered Santa Estrella mts.,
extending some 20 m. about N. W. and S. E., parallel with the
Gila, on its left side, and for the most part above the confluence
of Salt river, near which the mts. end, as text says. There is a
similar range across the Gila, running down to the point be-
tween this and Salt river. Font on the 8th applies the name
Sierra de Comars to the Maricopa Divide: see beyond,
note '*.

15 Or Rio de la Asuncion; present Rio Salado or Salt river,

CUTTING OFF THE GREAT BEND. Ill

which becomes very much (muchisimo) swollen in the
summer by reason of the snows that there are in the
sierras in which it rises and through which it flows,
of which I will speak at the conclusion of the Diary.
This position is found in 33 14' 30". Here we re-
mained the 4th, 5th, and 6th days. 16

Nov. J. We departed from Las Lagunas (del Hos-
pital); and having gone 6 leagues — 1 southwest, 2
westsouthwest, 3 west — we halted in an arroyo 17

the main branch of the Gila: see a note beyond, at date of
Nov. 28.

ie We are elsewhere told that the detention of three days was
caused by the sickness of a woman. Font gives all the particu-
lars, and various things happened. On the 4th, it being the day
of San Carlos, and so of the King of Spain, Font and Eixarch
said mass " with all possible solemnity," and Garces sang.
When they were ready to march the woman was too sick. Then
the senor comandante gave the troops a treat, which amounted
to a pint of aguardiente apiece, with which they had a bigger
drunk than usual (una borrachera mas que mediana), and some of
them kept up the spree two days. On the 5th and 6th there
was more sickness, apparently colic. Font was taken down
with tertian ague, which he did not throw off till he had crossed
the Colorado. The morning of the 6th, after mass, he passed
in the tent of the commanding officer, drawing for him a plan
of Casa Grande which Anza had desired. This was before
he had had a chance to breakfast, and what with the heat of the
tent on an empty stomach he presently fell sick with the chill
of the fever (el frio de la calentura).

17 Arroyo is the most general name of a gully or gulch, less
precipitous than the barranca, gorge or ravine, much less so
than the cajon, caxon, or canon. An arroyo is generally the

112 ARROYO SECO OR DRY WASH.

without water. In all these 6 leagues there is good
pasturage, though no water.

dry bed of a possible water-course, like a ivady in Arabian
countries, a nullah in Indian, a flume in Italian, etc. This is
familiarly styled a " wash " in our West and especially South-
west. In fact, the arroyo sin agua of the text, oftener called
arroyo seco or dry arroyo, is the one marked Dry Wash on
some of our modern maps, though not shown at all on others;
it makes northward with some westing into the Gila, 5 or 6 m.
above the place where the similar dry wash of the Hassayampa
river comes to the Gila in the opposite direction, from the N.
Having left Maricopa Wells and cotoyed or flanked the Estrella
range already mentioned, Garces has come little S. of W. along
the old emigrant road to the Dry Wash, where he camps on the
spot called Chimney and so marked on some modern maps
(not shown on the latest G. L. O. map). The day's march,
which takes Garces out of Pima into Maricopa county, is for
the most part parallel with and a little north of the S. P. R. R.,
ending not far from Montezuma station. This road cuts off the
whole of the Great Bend of the Gila, passing directly westward,
with considerable inclination southward, from Maricopa Wells
to the place on the Gila known as Gila Bend. In the bight of
the bend, south of the river, are the Estrella range on the E.,
then the above described Dry Wash, in the middle, and next on
the west the Maricopa range or divide, which Garces will cross
to-morrow. In the course of its bend the Gila receives Salt
river at the N. W. corner of the Gila river reservation — a point
where the Gila and Salt River meridian crosses the base line
of official Land Office surveys. Three miles below this point is
the confluence of Agua Fria river — or was. before the Agua
Fria W. & L. Co. canal carried off the water westward. From
the Salt river junction the Estrella canal meanders the whole
bight of the Great Bend; and the lower part of the Bend. S. of

SAN SIMON Y JUDAS. 113

Nov. 8. We marched 9 leagues — 2 westsouthwest,
1 west, in order to pass through a gap in a sierra, 18
and the rest westsouthwest with some inclination to
the west — and arrived at the Pueblo de los Santos
Apostoles San Simon y Judas 19 of the Opa nation,

the Hassayampa river and \V. of the Maricopa divide, is also
meandered by the Gila Bend and Noonan canals.

Font has much description of the Pimas at this date, and
among other things a new name. Speaking of the adaptability
of these Indians to missionary purposes, because they live in
regular towns, he states that within an extent of some six
leagues along the Gila there were five pueblos — the four above
?aid on this side, and on the other one which Garces had called
San Serafino de Nabcub, after Kino. See Venegas' map, i,
1759, for San Serafin, and diaries quoted in Bancroft's Ariz, and
N. M., pp. 359, 360, 385, 392, where appear the terms Guactum,
S. Serafin, S. Serapin Actum, and S. Serafino del Napcub — all
apparently synonymous.

J " Sierra Maricopa, the Maricopa range or divide already men-
tioned, intervening between the Dry Wash and that portion of
the Great Bend of the Gila which flows on a mean course due S.
from the mouth of the Hassayampa to the place called Great
Bend, a direct distance of about 24 m. — more by the sinuosity
of the stream. Garces passes the divide by the regular old
road through the gap or puerto he mentions, elsewhere called
Puerto de los Cocomaricopas, a little north of the place where
the railroad now goes through. Across the Gila at a distance
are the Gila Bend mts. and mesa. Font at this date speaks of
going through the gap in the range " which is the Sierra de
Comars."

" San Simon y San Judas had previously been visited by Anza
and Garces (1774), by whom it was probably given this saint
name. The Maricopas called it Upasoitac (Opasoitac, Opar-

114 AMONG THE COCOMARICOPAS.

or Cocomaricopa, 20 which is the same, who received

soitac, Uparsoitac), a name of unknown meaning. It will be
observed that this is the first settlement of the Maricopa en-
countered by the Spaniards coming from the eastward, which
definitely fixes the limits of the tribe in that direction at the
date given (1775). There was another San Simon y San Judas
rancheria (probably Papago) situated in Sonora between the
missions of Cocospera and Busanic, which Kino visited and so
named in 1700. The San Simon y San Judas of Anza is sus-
picously identical with the San Simon de Tuesani of Kino and
Mange. — F. W. H.

The village of the Holy Apostles Sts. Simon and Jude —
characters who probably need no introduction to my Christian
readers, though nobody has succeeded in establishing their re-
spective identities — corresponds to the place at the elbow of the
river called Gila Bend; -railroad station of this name near there,
and also the Gila Bend Indian reservation, six miles square (tp.
5 S., range 5 W., Executive Order of Dec. 12, 1882). Garces
strikes the river on lat. 33 N., at the E. border of this reserva-
tion, after a march of about 26 m. The extensive and high-
flown name of the place he uses may have been originally im-
posed by Father Kino during one of his Arizona entradas; but
it does not appear on his map of 1701, though there is a " S.
Simon Tuesani," perhaps the same place: see also " S. Simon de
Tuesani " on Venegas' map of 1757, and " S. Simeon de Tue-
sani " on the Kino map in Stocklein's Neue Welt-Bott. It is to
be distinguished from a better known San Simon y Judas post in
Sonora. It is given beyond (Nov. 28) by Garces as Vparsoytac,
and appears in the Anza-Font itineraries of this trip as S. Simon
y Judas de Opasoitac (or Uparsoitac) and also Posociom. It
is the spot marked " 27 " on Font's map of the route.

20 The Opa, or Cocomaricopa, or Maricopa, tribe belongs
to the Yuman stock and therefore speaks a language totally dis-
tinct from that of the Pima. The Pima name of the Maricopa

COCOMARICOPAS. I 15

us with great joy. There gathered in this pueblo to

tribe, Awp-pa-pa, (aw/> = " enemy," the Pima name of the
Apache) would seem to signify that the Yuman and Piman
tribes were not always so friendly as they have been during late
historic times, and indeed, farther on, Garces notes the fact that
the Pima and Maricopa were not on amicable terms with the
Yuman tribes to the west and north. It is stated that the
Maricopa is a direct offshoot from the Cuchan or Yuma, and
that they separated from the latter owing to a difficulty arising
from an election of chiefs, establishing their settlements some-
what farther up the Gila, the Yuma or Cuchan being settled
about its mouth and on the lower Colorado. The Maricopa
appear to have trended gradually eastward up the Gila until
they came in contact with their old enemies the Pima, with
whom they then formed a lasting friendship. According to
Bartlett this occurred about 1822, but from Garces it is
learned that the Maricopa as early as 1775 occupied San
Simon y Judas, at Gila Bend: see note 3l . Like the Pimas
they are agriculturists, and in all their general habits and
customs the Maricopas and Pimas are similar. The two
tribes have extensively intermarried, although they speak
two entirely different languages. There are about 340
Maricopas under the Pima agency in southern Arizona.
The Maricopas call themselves Pipatsje, meaning "people";
their Yavapai (Yuman) name is Atchihwa. Other forms of
their Piman name occurring in literature are Cocamaricopa,
Comari, Cocomarecopper, Cocomarisepa, Cocomiracopa, Co-
komaricopa, Comaniopa. Comaricopa, Coro Marikopa, Mapi-
copa, Maracopa, Marecopa, Miracope, etc. — F. W. H.

After speaking of some ranches of these people on the Gila,
the author of Rudo Ensayo says, p. 129: " The other ranches,
well known on the South, are Stucabitic, Ojia-taibues, Uparch,
Tuquisan, and Sudacsasaba; and, on the other side Tucsasic,
and some others less well known— all possessing very rich soil.

Il6 COCOMARICOPAS.

see us some 10 hundred 21 souls, and they were given
tobacco and glass beads. Here the Indians raise
all sorts of grain (semillas), and regularly two crops
each year, whether the season be good or bad;
but apparently (segun vimos — according to what we
saw) an acequia can be brought from the river, 28
which, as it already has been joined by the Rio de la
Asumpcion, always carries much water. These In-
dians go clothed much like (casi como) the Pimas
Gilenos, of whom they are very good friends and
companions in the campaigns that the one and the
other make against the Yabipais Tejua, of whom I
will speak beyond. Having shown them the Virgin
and the lost soul, I preached through an interpreter,
because theij language is not Pima, but Yuma. I
asked them if they wished with all their heart to be
Christians and to admit the padres in their land, and
they replied very cheerfully, " Yes." Here we re-
mained the 9th and 10th days.

From Tumac, the most remote ranche of this nation, one does
not encounter any more towns for forty leagues until this river
[Gila] unites with the Colorado."

n The MS. has a peculiar way of giving this number, 1000:
it is a 10. (with a dot after it) and the circle of the cipher opened
on top, making it look like a bad 6.

a Not only one, but three large acequias concentrically
flow past now— the Estrella, the Gila Bend, and the Noonan
canals.

SAN DIEGO — ARITOAC. 1 17

Nov. II. We went about 2 leagues west, and ar-
rived at a rancheria of Opas Indians which was near
the river. 23

Nov. 12. After going 5 leagues we arrived at ran-
cherias of the same nation which were near the river
and which we called (Rancherias de) San Diego; 24
the course was west \ northwest.

Nov. IS- Having gone 4 leagues west \ southwest
we arrived at a place called Aritoac, 25 having crossed
the river a little above this locality.

"One itinerary says i J / 2 league, and calls the place San Mar-
tin rancheria; Font says two leagues short, and has no name.
The place was probably within the reservation or township last
said, about its W. border, very likely on the spot marked Cot-
terrell's on some maps. The place is Font's camp mark " 28."

"One itinerary says 4 leagues only; Font gives same name of
San Diego, whose day is Nov. 12. The term was first applied
on this occasion. Four or five leagues, following the river,
should bring Garces into the township of range 7 W.; but there
is nothing to identify the spot, unless, very likely, it was Ken-
yon's. In this vicinity are the celebrated Piedras Pintadas or
Painted Rocks, covered with native petroglyphs, and for this
reason also called Piedras Escritas. They have been known
since 1744 at least. Three plates of the petroglyphs illustrate
Bartlett's Nam, ii, opp, p. 196, and three others opp. p. 206.

26 If we adjust the last two days' marches by Cotterrell's and
Kenyon's respectively — both likely camping-places, and quite
agreeable with the designated " leaguage " (or mileage) — we
are brought to-day exactly to the most notorious spot on this
portion of the Gila — no other than Oatman's Flat, sad scene of
the massacre of Feb. 18, (or in March) 1851, when Roys (or

Il8 OATMAN'S FLAT AGUA CALIENTE.

Nov. 14. Having traveled 4 leagues westsouth-
west we arrived at the Agua Caliente. 28 Immedi-

Royse) Oatman, his wife, and four of his seven children were
murdered, probably by Apaches, a son Lorenzo was left for
dead, and two daughters, Olive and Mary Ann, were carried off
captives. They were emigrants who had left Missouri in Aug.,
1850, and were then traveling alone. Lorenzo recovered; the
younger girl, aged 10, died in 1852; Olive, aged 16, was sold to
the Mojaves, and ransomed in 1857; she is said to have died in
an insane asylum in New York before 1877. Almost all books
on Arizona treat of the tragedy: see especially that by Rev. R.
B. Stratton, Captivity of the Oatman Girls, etc., i2mo, San
Francisco, 1857, pp. 231; 21st thousand, New York, 1859, pp.
290, ills. One of the early accounts may be read in Bartlett's
Narr., ii, 1854, pp. 203 and 218. Hinton's Handb. Ariz, has a cut
of Oatman's Flat and grave on p. 174. Garces appears to have
crossed the river at or near this flat, just below which on the
other side was his Aritoac, so named also in Font, but called
Rinconado in another itinerary. This is doubtless the same as
Aritutoc of Father Jacob Sedelmair, Sedelmayr, or Sedelmayer,
who visited it in 1744 on his way down the Gila: see his Rela-
cion, p. 850. (His name appears as Jacobi Sedalman in Hin-
ton's Handbook, p. 393; Sedlemayer in Bartlett, etc.) The
crossing shows on Font's map: see mark "30."

M Having come from Aritoac about 10 m. down the right bank,
north side of the Gila, to a point at the S. end of the Bighorn
mts., which here approach the river, Garces reaches a precisely
identified spot, to be found by the Spanish name he uses on maps
of to-day. This Agua Caliente, Ojo Caliente, or Hot Spring is
situated almost exactly on lat. 33 in the N. W. *4, or about the
middle of the W. border, of tp. 5 S., range 10 W., in the close
vicinity (V/2 m.) of King Woolsey's ranche. (He was a famous
character in Arizona a generation ago. I knew him in Pres-
cott in 1864-65, when his reputation as an Indian fighter was

SAN BERNARDINO. I K)

ately in this position are the rancherias called of San
Bernardino, and they are of the same nation. There

great, especially after his infamous " Pinole treaty," in which
many Indians, invited unarmed to a feast and council, were
treacherously butchered in cold blood.) The spring is near
the point of a hill; the Castle Dome canal runs by it; across the
river is (or was) Burke's ranche, at a place later and now called
Alpha. This long noted spring seems to have escaped Father
Kino; but it has been known since 1744, when Sedelmair speaks
of it unmistakably as at or near a Cocomaricopa rancheria he
called Dueztumac. We hear of It from him still more explicitly
on his next entrada, in 1748, when he came down the Gila again,
and named the spring, as a fine site for a mission, Santa Maria
del Agua Caliente.

Sedelmair's Dueztumac appears to be the same ran-
cheria above called San Bernardino; at any rate, the
locations are practically identical; and all authors of the
period agree that here was the last (lowest) settlement
of the Cocomaricopas. Thus the author of the Rudo
Ensayo, writing in 1762, says, p. 129: " These very nu-
merous nations inhabit both sides for a distince of 36 leagues
down the river, and at the far end of their territory there is a
very abundant spring of hot water, a short distance from the
river to the north." Standing at any sufficient elevation in this
vicinity, and looking N. W., between the two parallel ranges
of the Bighorn and Eagletail mts., which approach the river on
S. E. courses, and are about 18 miles apart, we see, at a some-
what greater distance from us, the bold prominences of Cathe-
dral Rock and Sentinel mt. We are also almost upon the W. of
Maricopa county, whence Garces will enter Yuma county on
his first move. A plate of the Bighorn range and Gila at this
point faces p. 198 of vol. ii of Bartlett's Narrative.

Font's Diary for to-day is explicit concerning Agua Caliente

120 GOVERNOR AND ALCALDE.

came about 200 souls to visit us. I showed them the
pictures, and preached to them, and to the proposition
whether (de que si) they wished to be baptized and
have padres in their land, they answered, " Yes."
] proposed to the old men that they join our party,
in order that the senor comandante might make in
the name of the king a governor and an alcalde; 27 to

and may be cited, especially as the name San Bernardino is in
question: " This place has a grand spring of hot water, and
some small springs of cold water, very good; and there is also
grass, though not much, and rather poor, as far as the river,
distant from Agua caliente about two leagues. . . The place
is open, with a good outlook, but very inconvenient for settle-
ment. On leaving camp (last night's) we climbed some low
hills of black rocks heaped up as it were, and of mal pais, until
we defended to the river, and were soon upon its borders,
or bottomlands, which are very wide, and extend far from it.
From the top of the hills we discovered at a great distance the
Sierra de la Cabeza del Gigante, which the Indians call Bauqui-
buri." On the 15th Font stayed, as Garces says. The governor
^nd alcalde whom Anza made were respectively given the names
Carlos and San Francisco. After this function was over, and a
semblance of civil government thus set up, " se intitulo este
parage y su govcrmc'wn. San Bernardino del Agua Caliente."
This fact should be borne in mind; for Anza, on his return trip
of 1774, applied the name San Bernardino to a place four leagues
further down river, as will be seen by referring to my note for
Nov. 16, on p. 126.

''' An officer allied to a mayor, whose sole function was to
direct the civil affairs of a settlement. As almost everything
pertaining to the affairs of the natives of a village or a tribe,
however, were directed by a religious priesthood or a society

GOVERNMENT OF THE INDIANS. 121

which responded one old man very seriously: " Be-
hold, the justice is to punish the bad; but none of us
being bad, for what is the justice? Already have ye

of warriors (whose function was also religious), the civil offi-
cers appointed or selected had little or no power among their
own people beyond the settlement of such petty squabbles and
the like as would appear to be below the dignity of the heredi-
tary social or religious priests. — F. W. H.

The Rudo Ensayo. pp. 235, 236, has the following: "The
civil government of the Indian towns consists in a Governor
and Alcalde, a police officer, and an inferior minister of justice
[to pile]. The governor is elected by the Indians themselves,
the Ministering Father being present. By royal decrees ac-
companying an order of the Royal Court of Guadalajara, dated
September 25, 1786 [read 1746?], and a warrant of His Excel-
lency the Lord Viceroy D. Juan Francisco de Guemes y Hor-
casitas, dated in Mexico on the 25th of November, 1746, the
Ministering Father guides the people in this election, so that
they may give their votes to someone whose conduct of life
will not serve as a stumbling-block but as a check upon evil
and a spur for all good [just as Piatt and Croker do in N. Y.
and Quay in Penn.]. . . The Governor having been elected
they proceed in the same manner to elect the Alcalde, and these
two officers, together with the ministering father, in the pres-
ence of the people, appoint the Police Officer and the Topil
[completing the bloom of bossism]. In the same manner a
War Captain is chosen. Such is the Senate or body politic of
this Indian commonwealth, and it governs the Indians with a
view to their own protection and maintenance, and for the
preservation of the Royal service [i. e., the spoils system] and
of the Church and its Ministers [as it was in the beginning,
is now, and ever will be, at the combined hands of priests and
politicians who construct and operate a machine]."

122 INDIAN COSMOGONY.

seen, Espaiioles, that we steal not, neither do we quar-
rel, and though we be with a woman we take no lib-
erty of doing anything wrong." I do not believe
all that of their goodness, yet it is certain that this
Opa nation is not less serious than the Pima. Hav-
ing been asked what information they possessed of
their ancestors (antepasados), they told me about the
same things as {lo misnio poco mas 6 menos que) the
(Pimas) Gilenos said to the senor comandante, and
Padre Font put in his diary, concerning the deluge
and creation; and added, that their origin was from
near the sea in which an old woman created their
progenitors; that this old woman is still somewhere
(quien sabe en donde), and that she it is who sends the
corals that come out of the sea; that when they die
their ghost {corazon) goes to live toward the western
sea; that some, after they die, live like owls (teco-
lotes); 28 and finally they said that they themselves
do not understand such things well, and that those
who know it all are those who live in the sierra
over there beyond the Rio Colorado. 29 The senor
comandante made a governor and alcalde, who be-

" From the Aztec or Nahuatl word tecolotl or teculutl, an owl.
Some old maps show a place so called near the Arizona and
Sonora boundary, and there is one now in New Mexico.

"" This seems to be commendable as a simple yet compre-
hensive system of cosmogony and eschatology; it is certainly
modest, in disclaiming omniscience, and polite, in respectfully

LAST OF THE COCOMARICOPAS. I23

haved very haughtily, saying that now their names
would reach the king; this, perhaps, may cause some
jealousy on the part of the (a vista del) Captain
Palma. 30 Here is where ends this Opa or Coco-
maricopa nation, which is all one; though neverthe-
less some of them are found further down river. 31
It appears to me that this nation will number some
30 hundred souls. We saw, furthermore, that still

referring the good padre to more authentic sources of informa-
tion, just over the great river. It is also as credible as most
others with which we are acquainted, and more consistent than
are the different stories related in early chapters of Genesis.

80 The most noted Yuma chief of that time: much about him
beyond, in his double character of model Christian convert and
immodel heathen massacrer. See also my biography of Garces,
antea, pp. 11-24.

81 The extension of the Maricopas varied at different periods.
Thus Emory, Reconn., Ex. Doc. No. 41, 1848, p. 89: "we
know the Maricopas have moved gradually from the gulf of
California to their present location in juxtaposition with the
Pimos. Carson found them, so late as the year 1826 at the
mouth of the Gila; and Dr. Anderson, who passed from Sonora
to California in 1828, found them, as near as one could reckon
from his notes, about the place [Gila Bend] we are now en-
camped in." This statement, however, is controverted by Bart-
lett, ii, p. 269, who says: " I cannot learn that they were ever on
thj Gulf; although it appears from the missionary authorities,
that there was a band of them on the western bank of the
Colorado, ' living in a valley 36 leagues in length, and for the
space of 9 leagues, remarkably fertile and pleasant,' who were
' allied to the Coco-Mariocopas of the Gila.' "

124 JALCHEDUNES OR ALCHEDOMAS.

continues the peace 32 which the last expedition 3S
made through our intervention between this nation
and the Yuma, when in order to assure it some of the
Opas went down with us to the Yumas, where it was
ratified with great rejoicing on the part of each (de
ambas partes); and thus our assistance, among other
good results, has the effect of preventing the innu-
merable murders which were committed on both
sides. 34 From this place word was sent to the Jal-
chedun 35 nation of our coming, and that they should

33 Las pases, " peaces," in the plural, a locution we can only
render by the paraphrase of the treaties or articles of peace.

33 The " last expedition " which Garces mentions is that of
1774, when he and Padre Juan Diaz accompanied Captain Anza
with 34 men, 140 horses, and 65 cattle, from Tubac Jan. 8, via
Caborca, Sonoita, etc., to Yuma and so on into California, to
the mission of San Gabriel near Los Angeles, returning to
Yuma May 10 and passing on up the Gila to vicinity of Casa
Grande 24th, and home by Tucson and Bac, 26th. Orig.
itinerary in Anza MS., Descubr. Sonora a California, aiio de
1774, etc.; digested in Bancroft, Cal., i, pp. 221-223, from Arri-
civita, Cron. Seraf., p. 450 seq. See also Fourth Entrada of
Garces, antea, pp. 38-46.

"The sense of the clause is clear, as above; the wording is:
" y consuelo nuestro pues entre otros bienes que de aqui se
siguen resulta impedir innumerables muertes que de una y
otra parte se hazian."

" These were the Alchedomas, a Yuman tribe, or more prop-
erly a subdivision of the Cocopa, formerly scattered at intervals
along the Colorado near the mouth of the Gila and extending
above and below the former stream from about its mouth to the

PROGRESS DOWN THE GILA. I25

go down without fear to the Yumas in order to cele-
brate peace. This position is found in latitude 33
02' 30". The 15th day we remained here.

Nov. 16. We traveled 9 leagues westsouthwest,
and came to a halt near the river, whose bed is here
very broad. 36

vicinity of lat. 33 and perhaps farther northward along the
stream on both banks. Their name seems to contain the
Cuchan (Yuma) term ha-eli, "river" (Gatschet). Other forms of
the name occurring in literature are Alchedomes, Alchedumas.
Alchidoma, Algodomes, Algodones. Algodonnes, Halchedoma.
Hudcoadamas, Hudcoadan, Jakechedunes, Jalchedon, Jalche-
dum, Talchedon, Talchedums. As late as 1852 the remnants of
the tribe were located on the Colorado below the mouth of the
Gila, where Lieut. G. H. Derby marks " Algodonnes " on his
map of 1852. They doubtless soon after became a part of the
Yumas, but the name seems to survive in the California settle-
ment of Algodones (as if Sp. "cotton" by corruption), near
the Lower California line. — F. W. H.

s " Continuing down the right bank, north side, of the Gila,
about 24 m., Garces camps at or near Texas hill, in tp. 7 S.,
range 14 W. This is an isolated elevation close to the river,
nearly midway between the points where the Eagletail mts. and
the Castle Dome range respectively approach the Gila. The
place is Font's camp mark " 32." His trail shows a long march
to-day, which the other itinerary gives as 7 leagues, not 9. as
above; it should also be noted that the published account, as
digested in Bancroft, for example, says that San Bernardino is
reached to-day — not yesterday, as Garces has it. There is noth-
ing special to note on this side of the river; on the other, the
railroad runs a few miles off, with stations called Aztec, Cristo-
bal (" Chrystoval " by the kind of Spanish that appears on the

126 ANOTHER SAN BERNARDINO.

Nov. if. Having traveled 2 leagues westsouth-
west we came upon the river. 37
Nov. 18. With 4 leagues southwest we halted near

G. L. O. map), and Texas Hill; there also are, or were, places
on this side known as Sentinel, Stanwix, and Texas Hill camp.

The difficulty or ambiguity in the case of the name San Ber-
nardino lies simply in the fact that it was applied by Anza to
two different places, and disappears on consulting Font's Diary.
I have already cited him for the 14th and 15th. Now, on the
16th, he says, in substance: " Left Agua Caliente at 9.30 a. m.
and at 4.30 p. m. halted near the river, having come some 9
leagues W. S. W. As this was my bad day, lest the calentura
should catch me on the road, the sehor comandante let me go
ahead with two soldiers, my young fellow, and my two pack-
mules; and Padre Fray Thomas [Eixarch] came with me for
the same reason, having caught a quartan ague, and this being
also his bad day. The day's journey had to be about 4 leagues
to the place that on the last expedition they called San Bernardino,
which is an island that the river makes temporarily (por poco)
when it rises, where there is grass enough, and some Indian
rancherias." The poor padre had a hard time of it to-day; the
guide lost the way, and they had to travel 10 leagues; the fever
came on him; the guide said he would budge no further in any
direction; the boy with the pack-mules got lost alone by him-
self; and there is no saying what might have happened if Anza,
seeing by their tracks that they had gone beyond where he
intended to camp, had not sent a sergeant with two men to
hunt them up and fetch them into camp.

"To-day's advance is given in another itinerary as only ij4
league, and the camp made is there called El Pescadero. It is
not an identifiable spot, and we simply hold the expedition in
the vicinity of the Texas Hill camp above said. See Font's
mark " 33."

CERRO DE SAN PASQUAL. 1 27

the river at the foot of the Cerro de San Pasqual.'' 8

"* Garces says nothing of crossing the river on this lap, but
Font's map takes the trail from N. to S. of the river (see his
camp-marks " 33 " to " 34 "), and his Diary says that halfway
on the road to-day they passed the river for the second time.
This is correct; and we shall recross the river again to get to
the Yuma camp on the 28th. Now we are on the S. side, and
camp at the foot of Cerro de San Pasqual (better Pascual),
which corresponds closely to Mohawk Summit, on the rail-
road; camp apparently in vicinity of the place called Mohawk,
close to the river. Cerro de San Pasqual, so named by Anza on
the last trip, 1774, is the modern Mohawk range, otherwise called
Sierra de la Cabeza Prieta, or Black Head range, extending
S. E. from the Gila to within a short distance of the Sonora
boundary, and apparently so named from the Tinaja de la
Cabeza Prieta, a watering-place on the road through Mo-
hawk valley to Quitovaquito, Sonora. Font describes it as
very rough and rocky, of moderate elevation, and as coming to
the river from Papagueria, i. e., from the south. This extensive
range is directly in line with another from which it is separated
by the Gila; for on the north side of the river the Castle Dome
range continues in the same S. E. to N. W. direction. The
latter is so named from its most conspicuous summit, known
as the Dome, or Dome Rock, or Castle Dome, some 25 m. off
the river. The Dome lends its name also to a landing on the
Colorado river, by no means to be confounded with the rock
or peak itself; and to Castle Dome District, a mining area
bounded by this range on the E., Chocolate mts. on the N.,
the Gila on the S., and the Colorado on the W. Castle Dome
range appears to be that sometimes called the Pagoda mts.,
the date of origin of which name is no doubt found in the fol-
lowing passage of Bartlett's Narr., ii, p. 188, June 20, 1852,
when his party had come 39 m. by road up the Gila: " On
the northern side of the river, arose a mountain chain about

128 CERRO DE SANTA CECILIA.

This locality was found to be in latitude 32 48'.
Here we remained the 19th, 20th, and 21st days. 39
Nov. 22. Having gone 6 leagues southwest
we arrived at the hill that the Indians call
Cerro del Metate; 40 and we, (Cerro) de Santa

12 miles distant, presenting a continuation of fantastic summits,
among which were three resembling the tops of Hindu pagodas.
I took a sketch of these singular mountains; although at such
a distance, but little more than the outlines could be discerned."
A lettered plate of " Pagoda mountain " faces the page cited.

30 For the 19th Font says that last night a woman happily
gave birth to a boy, on which account the expedition remained;
after mass he solemnly baptized the newborn, who was named
Diego Pasqual, because the day was the octave of San Diego,
and the camp was San Pasqual. He also speaks of the moun-
tains visible at a distance, looking northward, beyond which
he was told lived the Jalchedunes; these mountains being evi-
dently the Castle Dome range said in my last note. There came
to camp the governor and alcalde who had been appointed such
at Agua Caliente, with other Indians, intending to accompany
the expedition to the Yumas. On the 20th, the lying-in woman
was still unable to travel, and Font was much troubled with his
passages, besides his fever. On the 21st a soldier found across
the river a deposit of very fine salt, white as snow, with which
the troops were supplied abundantly. The cold was intense,
and there was not wood enough for fires.

40 From the Aztec or Nahuatl metlatl. A stone usually 18 in.
or 2 ft long and about a foot wide, of sandstone or lava, of vary-
ing degrees of coarseness, on which corn (and by the Mexican
Indians also cacao) is ground by means of a mano or muller,
generally of the same material, held in the hands. A coarse
metate is usually first employed to crush the corn, then one of
finer material, and lastly a metate of still closer grain which
produces a fine meal. — F. W. H.

SALINE LAGOON. 120,

Cecilia. 41 Here were remained the 23d and 24th
days. 42

Nov. 25. Having traveled 5 leagues west I north-
west, we arrived at the edge of a saline lagoon (La-
guna salobrc).* 3 Here came a Yuma Indian sent by

41 The distances for the 22d vary in different itineraries, and
Metate or St. Cecilia hill is not easily identified. It may be
Antelope hill, in the vicinity of Tacna station of the railroad,
or possibly Pozo butte. But it may be also noted that there
is hereabouts, on the north side of the river, a very conspicuous
picacho, sometimes called Coronacion, at others Pagoda.
Font in one place makes the full name Cerro de Santa Cecilia
del Metate.

** On the 23d the pack-trains started, but were ordered back,
as it was already past eleven o'clock, and the horse-herd had
not been rounded up, the animals having wandered far in
search of grass; also, the beef-herd arrived only at this late hour,
having been unable to come up the day before. Some of the
cattle had died of fatigue, hunger, and cold. The delay of the
24th was occasioned by a pregnant woman, who woke up sick,
but was cured by the help of Anza, who took a notion to give
her a plate of victuals (la que se retnedio Jiaviendola socorrido el
senor comandantc con un antojo que tuvo, que fue un plato de
comida — and if I do not mistake the Spanish the padre is
satirical).

** Garces does not appear to use the term as a name; but it
is given as such, in the form Laguna Salada, by Anza, who
makes to-day's leagues 4 instead of 5. Font names Laguna
salobre, which he says is about one league from the river from
which it is derived. He describes the whole way to-day as sub-
ject to overflow when the Gila rises, and without any grass
except in the place where they camped, in which there were
piles of driftwood and other debris brought down by the river

I30 EXPECTED BY THE YUMAS.

Captain Palma to assure us that all his people were
awaiting us with great eagerness. From here has-
tened on ahead the Cocomaricopa justices who were
accompanying us, and they went to the Yumas.

Nov. 26. With 4 leagues northwest we halted on
the bank of the river. 44

in its formidable risings. The party appears to have come
along past the place to be found on some maps by the name
of Filibuster, and to have reached a point in the vicinity of
what was called Mission camp in the stage-coach days, not far
from present Adonde station of the railroad. " Filibuster " is
perhaps a reminiscence of the abortive expedition of Henry A.
Crabb, 1856-57.

44 At a point named in the other itinerary as Cerros del Cajon;
it is hardly determinable with exactitude, but was in the vicinity
of a mining camp once known as Oroville. The name has
disappeared with the camp; the nearest I can find to it on maps
of to-day is Monitor P. O. It will be observed that to-day is
the first decided northwestlng, showing what bend of the river
Garces is descending. Font records that the road yesterday
was bad, but to-day worse, following the river and within sight
of it, at greater or less distance, over sandy ground subject to
overflow. He and Eixarch went fishing, and caught a fish they
called matalote, which seemed to be the only kind in the river,
and which was no doubt the so-called scaleless Gila " trout."
There was found in camp some straw for the horses, and it
seemed that some Yumas had lately been ranching there. Font
speaks of the Gila range as a rather high sierra, rough, rocky,
and arid, which comes from Papagueria to the river; on the
other side of which latter is a similar range, of a reddish color;
and there, facing camp, was seen a squarish peak with four
points, which they called the Bonnet (El Bonete).

GILA NARROWS. I3I

Nov. 27. Having gone 2 leagues westnorthwest
we halted in a very narrow gap {puerto) 45 through

* Los Cerritos is the name given to this place in another
itinerary, which makes the distance 3 instead of 2 leagues. The
puerto or gap is the place where the river is hemmed in between
the Gila range on the S. and other elevations on the N. (See
Emory's map.) Font underscores the phrase Puerto por donde
passa el rio Gila recogido, as much as to say Gila Narrows.
This is not far from Gila City, once a notable mining camp,
then a deserted village indeed, then in succession a station of the
stage road and railroad. Gila City sprang up in 1858 with the
discovery of gold placers along the Gila, and may have had
a population of 500 at one time; but the diggings were soon
exhausted, and in 1862 the place was drowned out. J. Ross
Browne's lively description of 1863 is typical of many another
mining town: " We camped at Gila City, a very pretty place,
encircled in the rear by volcanic hills and mountains, and pleas-
antly overlooking the bend of the river, with its sand-flats,
arrow-weeds, and cottonwoods in front. Gold was found in the
adjacent hills a few years ago, and a grand furor for the ' placers
of the Gila ' raged throughout the territory. At one time over
a thousand hardy adventurers were prospecting the gulches and
canons in this vicinity. The earth was turned inside out.
Rumors of extraordinary discoveries flew on the wings of the
wind in every direction. Enterprising men hurried to the spot
with barrels of whiskey and billiard-tables; Jews with ready-
made clothing and fancy wares; traders crowded in with wagon
loads of pork and beans; and gamblers came with cards and
monte-tables. There was everything in Gila City within a few
months but a church and a jail, which were accounted bar-
barisms by the mass of the population. When the city was
built, bar-rooms and billiard-saloons opened, monte-tables es-
tablished, and all the accommodations necessary for civilized
society placed upon a firm basis, the gold placers gave out. In

1$2 CAPTAINS PALMA AND PABLO.

which flows the Rio Gila. Here came a brother of
Captain Palma, and presently also Captains Pablo
and Palma," who manifested singular joy, especially
Palma, who went about embracing everybody.

other words, they had never given in anything of account.
There was ' pay-dirt ' back in the hills, but it didn't pay to carry
it down the river and wash it out by any ordinary process.
Gila City collapsed. In about the space of a week it existed
only in the memory of disappointed speculators."

" I will cite in full Font's portraiture of this interesting savage
and his brother. " On the road there came to receive us a rela-
tive of Captain Palma; and as soon as we camped, being at
mess, there came to see us Captain Salvador Palma, and another
captain, to whom we gave the name Pablo, accompanied by
several Yuma Indians, and they saluted us with many demon-
strations of contentment, especially Captain Palma, who em-
braced us all, and presented some beans to the senor coman-
dante, who in the evening took him through camp to visit the
people, all of whom he went about saluting, giving an embrace
to all, men, women, and children, in token of benevolence.
This Captain Palma is he who at present commands in all the
Yuma nation, which he has dominated by his intrepidity and
verbosity, as commonly happens among Indians, but more by
the appreciation of himself which the Spaniards have shown
him, in these latter times, now on the part of Captain Ansa,
and before that, of Captain Urrea; for which reason the other
Captain Pablo recognizes him — he to whom we gave this name
because he is captain of the rancherias that there are in the
cerrito which Padre Garces antecedently called San Pablo — the
same whom, on account of his ugly looks, on the last expedi-
tion they named Captain Feo. The people of the rancherias
of this Captain Pablo Feo are more numerous than those of the
rancherias of Captain Palma, and he seemed to me to be of as

CROSSING THE GILA. I33

Nov. 28. Having forded the Rio Gila at (con) * 7
5 leagues west | southwest, we halted in a bower

much spirit as Palma, if not more, though he is subordinated
to the latter. He is a great preacher, with a thick voice, and
they say he is also a sorcerer, and to-night he made a grand
sermon and long harangue to his people, which amounted to
telling them that they must not rob or do any harm to the
Spaniards, for these were friends who did no wrong. The
senor comandante told me that this Captain Feo, the last time
he was with the first expedition [of 1774], set himself to count
the soldiers, and seeing they were not many, began to say to
his people that it would not be difficult to kill them all and get
hold of their horses and everything else the Spaniards had, and
such were his intentions; which being learned by the senor
comandante, he gave him (Pablo) to understand that if war was
wanted, all his people and many others would unite, and he
would see how they could defend themselves, and what ill would
result; whereupon he (Pablo) forbore; and now he is very
obsequious, and has manifested much affection, though then he
sought to oppose the passage of the expedition over the rio
Colorado."

47 " Habiendo vadeado el Rio Gila con 5 leguas . . . paramos
en una enrramada," etc. The clause is ambiguous as to the
crossing-place, but Font makes it clear that they went five
leagues along the S. side and then forded the river to the N.,
within a league of its mouth. Font's words are, " paramos en
la Playa del rio Colorado, despues de vadear tercera vez el
rio Gila, haviendo caminado unas cinco leguas," etc. — we halted
on the shore of the Colorado, after fording for the third time
the Gila, having traveled some five leagues: see also his camp-
mark " 39." " About a league below this place," continues
Font, "which is that which on the former expedition [1774]
they called the Isla de Trinidad, because then this piece of
ground was isolated by the Gila and an arm of the Colorado^

134 SAN DIONISIO.

(enrramada) which Captain Palma had ordered to be
built for this purpose. Many very festive Indians of
both sexes soon gathered here, and in the presence

though now there is no such island, owing to the shifting of
land which the rivers make in their risings, the Rio Gila joins
the Rio Colorado." Here we have the expedition, of course,
with precision, in a place which received the name of San
Dionisio from Father Kino on his entrada of 1700, because he
reached it on the Areopagite's day, Oct. 3: " Poco mas adelante
en la Rancheria grande de los Yumas del Rio Colorado en
terreno mui bueno, y mui immediato al lugar, en que se junta
con el Gila, llamado San Dionisio, por haver llegado alii dia
de este Santo," Apost. Afan., 1754, p. 287. The location is in
Arizona, N. of the Gila, E. of the Colorado, opposite the site
of Fort Yuma: see Kino's map of 1701, place marked "$ S.
Doonysio 1700"; Venegas' map of 1757, etc. On the edition of
" Chino's " map of 1702, with Latin and German names, " S
Dionysias 1700 " is marked with a mission house as big as any
mountain in the vicinity, and so San Dionisio has often been
treated as if it were a mission or settlement of whites, which
it never was in Spanish times; for the establishments of 1780
were across the river, in California, where Fort Yuma was
founded in 1850. Thus even Emory, a strong, able, and usually
safe authority, in his Reconn. of 1846-47 (Ex. Doc. No. 41,
1848), p. 95, says: " Near the junction, on the north side [of the
Gila], are the remains of an old Spanish church, built near
the beginning of the 17th century, by the renowned missionary,
Father Kino. This mission was eventually sacked by the In-
dians, and the inhabitants all murdered or driven off." Here
the allusion is evidently to the mission of 1780, destroyed by
Palma on July 17, 1781, at Yuma, on the California side of the
Colorado, and I have no idea what church ever stood on the
Arizona side. The persistence of the fable that Kino estab-

AT THE MOUTH OF THE GILA. I35

of all was confirmed the peace between the two na-
tions, Cocomaricopa and Yuma. About a league

lished a mission here is remarkable: what Kino established was
a name — nothing more. Thus Bartlett, Narr., ii, 1854, p. 183,
says: " He established a mission at the mouth of the Colo-
rado [!] and one at the mouth of the Gila. The former did not
last many years [never existed]. The latter was in existence as
late as 1776, when Fathers Pedro Font and Garces came with a
large party from Sonora to replenish the missions of California,"
etc. But this is obviously wrong; for here we have Garces
on the spot in 1775 — nothing there whatever. Unless a hut or
two, in which lived a priest or two, on an occasion or two,
1776 to 1779, can be called an establishment, no Spaniards were
ever established here or hereabouts till the fall of 1780, and
then they built on the west side of the Colorado. Indeed, I
do not know that the Arizona site of San Dionisio was ever
permanently peopled, except by Yumas, until about 1850. In
Nov., 1849, just after the establishment of Camp Calhoun on
the Californian side, a ferry was started; there was much emi-
grant and other travel in 1850-54, and the latter year a paper
" city " was surveyed and named Colorado City (later Arizona
City). There was only a house or two in 1861, and hardly more
than that in 1864 when I was there. Fort Yuma was then
flourishing as a military post, and Arizona City, or Colorado
City, later called Yuma, had more or less bona fide existence,
becoming the county seat in 1871. The railroad came by in
1877, and its station, Yuma, on the S. side of the mouth of the
Gila, where the Colorado was bridged, became a permanency.
It will be understood that I here speak of the several settlements,
including a mile or more on either side of the Gila, from
Kino's original San Dionisio to present Yuma of the railroad.
The geodetic position of the Gila disembogue is lat. 32° 43'
32" N., long., 114 36' 10" W.

I36 HISTORY OF THE GILA.

further down from this place the Rio Gila joins with
the Colorado. The Rio Gila, 48 for all that I have

* Rio Gila, Hila, Jila, Xila, Chila, also Hela, Helah, Helay,
etc., has been longer known than the Colorado itself, and than
any other river in Arizona or New Mexico; its present name
is comparatively recent, taken from that of some place or region
on its upper waters in Apacheria, dating from 1630. It was
probably discovered in 1538 by two friars named Juan de la
Asuncion and Pedro Nadal; this presumption is strengthened
by the name Rio de la Asumpcion long applied to its principal
branch, and colored by a statement Garces himself makes, be-
yond. The Gila was certainly discovered in 1539 by the negro
Stephen, Estevan, or Estebanico, avant-courier of Fray Marcos
de Niza en route to Cibola, being crossed also by the latter
immediately. Its mouth was passed in 1540 by Hernando de
Alarcon, and of course the river was crossed and recrossed by
Coronado's expedition, 1540-42, being doubtless the " deep and
reedy " stream mentioned by Jaramillo. I do not know what
name, if any, the Gila bore from 1539 to 1604, in which latter
year it was named Rio del Nombre de Jesus by Juan de Onate,
at the same time that he called the Colorado Rio Grande de
Buena Esperanza, on his very memorable entrada from Santa
Fe. There is almost silence till we come to Kino's time, when
Gila or Hila first appears as a name of the river itself (above the
confluence of Salt river, its main fork). The date of this appli-
cation is said to be 1697, and that is probably about right,
though Kino's biographer uses Gila in speaking of his earliest
Arizona entrada of 1694. Feb. 27, 1699, is the exact date on
which Kino named the Gila Rio de los Apostoles, at the same
time he called four of its principal branches Los Evangelistas,
and named the Colorado Rio de los Martires. Be the precise
Kino dates what they may, his map of 1701 shows " R. Hila "
for the main stream above Salt river, which latter is marked

SIERRA DEL MOGOLLdN. 1 37

been able to ascertain in my travels, arises in the Si-
erra del Mogollon, 49 and flows regularly from east to

" R. Azul." We thus have Gila, in the form " Hila," definitely
affixed to an upper portion of the stream; it appears as R. Gila
on Venegas' map of 1757, but still above Salt river; the date
when it first descended to the mouth of the river does not
appear. The name Rio de los Apostoles or Apostles' river long
stuck to the Gila; thus, it is given on some maps of the present
century; for example, the one drawn by Captain Clark at the
Mandans and forwarded to President Jefferson on Apr. 7, 1805;
and it appears in fuller form Rio Grande de los Apostoles on
Vaugondy's map of 1783. The misapplication to the Gila of
the name Rio de los Martires, which Kino had bestowed upon
the Colorado, and which appears on Humboldt's map, and
various others, is of uncertain date, perhaps not prior to the
time of Font and Garces; the latter bestows it upon the Mojave
river, as we shall see beyond. Among the changes in names
rung by mappists upon Kino of 1701 may be noted the " Tabula
California; Anno 1702," whereon " spinnfluss Hila fl." appears
for the Gila above Salt river, and " Azul oder Blaufluss " is
made the main stream down to the Colorado. For considera-
tion of this case, involving origin of the terms Rio Azul, Rio
Salado, and Rio de la Asumpcion for the main Gila tributary,
see a following note.

49 Named for Don Juan Ignacio Flores de Mogollon, native
of Seville in Spain, once governor of Nuevo Leon, governor
and captain-general of New Mexico, 1712-15. It appears that
he was commissioned as such for five years at Madrid Sept. 27,
and qualified Oct. 9, 1707, but did not take office till Oct. 5,
1712, when he was installed at Santa Fe, with a salary of $2,000.
He is commonly called Governor Flores. He was accused of
various things, relieved from duty by the king's order Oct. 5,
1715, and succeeded Oct. 30 by Felix Martinez. Some years

138 RIO DE SAN JUAN NEPOMUZENO.

west, though from Vparsoytac 50 it inclines to the
westsouthwest. In its course it is joined by (se
le agregan) the Rios de San Juan Nepomuzeno, 51 de

after he had left New Mexico his case was tried in 1721, and
went against him, which, however, was of no consequence to
him, as neither his person nor any assets could be found. He
was an old man, in poor health, of whom we hear no more.
(Bancroft, Ariz, and N. M., p. 231, seq.) The application of his
name to the mountains which still bear it was no doubt during
the period of his gubernatorial incumbency; it is also borne by
a tribe of Apaches, who are so called from their former habitat
on the Mogollon " mesa." The Mogollon mts. of present no-
menclature are a range in New Mexico near the Arizona border,
not far below the ultimate sources of the Gila. The Mogollon
mesa, formerly often mapped as the mountains or range of that
name, may be described as the elevated plateau which forms the
watershed between the basin of the Colorado Chiquito on the
N. and that of Salt river (including the Tonto basin) on the S.
The name is frequently spelled Mogoyon, being pronounced
in Arizona mogy-yon' or muggy-yon', g hard and a strong ac-
cent on the final long syllable.

50 Otherwise San Simon y Judas of p. 113: see the note there.

n Otherwise John of Nepomucen, Nepomuk, or Pomuk,
patron saint of Bohemia, b. at Pomuk, a village in Klatau dis-
trict, ca. 1330, tortured and murdered 1383 or Mar., 1393, re-
garded as a martyr and miracle worker, canonized by Bene-
dict XIII., Mar. 19, 1729; day fixed for May 16, and still
celebrated at Prague. Marne, Vie de St. Jean de Nepomucene,
Paris, 1741. Abel, Legende des heiligen Johannes von Nepo-
muk, Berlin, 1855. The identity of two persons is supposed to
be confused in the legends and myths which cluster about the
name.

mOS DE SAN PEDRO Y SAN CARLOS. 1 39

San Pedro, 52 de San Carlos, 53 and by that (river) which
is doubtless the one traditionally (en las memorias
antiguas) called Rio de San Francisco 54 and de la
Asumpcion; this is composed of two, which are the
Verde and the Salado. (The Gila) receives the prin-
cipal volume of its waters from the Rio de la Asump-

02 For this note see p. 152.

M The San Carlos is one of the smaller upper tributaries of
the Gila, lying wholly in the present White Mountain Indian
Reservation between the Gila and Salt river. It is chiefly nota-
ble as forming, for most of its extent, a portion of the boundary
between Gila and Graham counties, and for giving name to the
important San Carlos Agency, once Camp or Fort San Carlos,
where the dregs of the Apache dose are now being consumed.

" This is simply a blunder of Garces, confusing the San
Francisco with Salt river. The name seems to have been a
very early one, and there was much confusion regarding the
river which should bear it, in the minds of the comparatively
early Spanish writers, for it has been applied to several, even
as low down as the Verde. The original application or impli-
cation of the term has escaped my search; we may recall in
this connection that there were two Sts. Francis, one specially
honored by the Jesuits, the other the founder of the rival Fran-
ciscan order. The name has properly applied for about 100
years to one of the two initial forks of the Gila, arising in New
Mexico in that portion of the Continental Divide represented
by the San Francisco range and the Tulerosa mts., in the
vicinity of old Fort Tulerosa. At the same time, the name San
Francisco was applied for many years to the Verde. Emory
speaks of " where the San Francisco flows into the Salt river "
in 1848; and in my own Arizona time. 1864-65, I heard and used
this name oftener than I did Verde.

140 RIO DE LA ASUNCION.

cion," which is very much increased by the melting
of the snows of the sierra through which it flows. On

64 Garces is quite right in composing Assumption river of the
Verde and Salado, and in assigning so great a volume of water
to their joint stream. They were comparatively well known in
his day — quite well known in their lower reaches. Thus the
author of the Rudo Ensayo, writing in 1762, says, p. 129:
"... the Gila . . . receives the waters of the Assumption
River, which, eight or nine leagues farther up to the northwest,
is formed by two other rivers, taking their rise, according to
an account of Father James Sedelmayr [of his travels to the
Yumas in 1748], in an extensive ridge of mountains in the land
of the Apaches, on the other side of the Gila, farther up towards
the east. Of these two branches, one is called Verde, owing
to the verdure of the groves which adorn its banks, and the
other Salado, because it is salty to such a degree, that after its
union with the Verde, and even after joining the Gila, the
water for some distance is unpalatable." And again, p. 200:
" The river Gila receives the Asuncion, whose two branches, the
Verde and the Salado, of which it is composed, come . . . from
the mountains of the Apaches and descend, in a southwesterly-
direction, to the Gila." All of which is quite true, and the
nomenclature of the two branches is the same as now, except
that we usually say Salt for Salado, and properly consider this
the main stream, which we fetch down to the Gila, thus throw-
ing out Assumption river. Now turning to the state of the
case a little earlier than the Rudo Ensayo, we find Rio Asul,
Blue river, to be the recognized name of the joint stream.
Thus Ortega, writing the Apost. Afan. of 1754, says of Kino's
visit to his Gilan rancherias Encarnacion and San Andres, in
Nov., 1694: '' A.qui supieron, que por el rio Gila abaxo al Poni-
ente, y entre Norte, y Poniente en el rio Asul, y mas adelante
en el rio Colorado viven las Naciones Opas," etc., p. 253.
Again, p. 276, noting Kino's entrada of 1699, he says: " descu-

HISTORY OF THIS RIVER. I4I

the banks of the Rio Gila there are cottonwoods, wil-
lows, and mezquites. Generally this river is found

brieron otro rio llamado Azul, poblado de muchas frondosas
alamedas; juzgaron, que recogeria sin duda sus primeros
manantiales en las cercanias de la Provincia del Moqui." I
take this passage to indicate the actual discovery and naming
of the river, leafy with cottonwoods, and supposed to flow from
Moqui, on March 2, 1699. The case is exactly set forth on
Kino's map of 1701, where " R. Azul " starts from Moqui by
several branches, is joined by one large branch, and brought
into the Gila at about the right place, below the Santa Cruz.
The Blue name was given from the New Mexican Sierra Azul
where the river was supposed to head. This date of Mar. 2,
1609, is almost that on which Kino named the two branches
Verde and Salado, lumped these with the Santa Cruz and San
Pedro as the Four Evangelists, and styled the Gila itself Rio de
los Apostoles; but we may search these records in vain for a
Kinotic Rio de la Asuncion. The date of the latter name,
sometimes given more fully as Rio de Nuestra Sehora de la
Asumpcion or Asuncion, I have been able to trace to Sedel-
mayr, 1743-44. On Venegas' map of 1757 it appears in due
form, " R. Asump.", correctly composed of R. Verde and R.
Salado, but brought into the Gila far too low down; while in
its proper position " R. Azul" is also given! I have not
Venegas' text at hand, nor Sedelmayr's Relacion; but the
Apost. Afan., narrating Sedelmayr's entrada of 1743, p. 353-
speaks of this padre's descent of the Gila, " que, incorporando-
sele en aquel parage el de Assumption, corre bastamente
caudaloso." Again, p. 357, referring to Sedelmayr's next en-
trada, 1744, Ortega speaks of the river " muy caudaloso llamado
de la Assumption, que se compone de otros dos nombrados el
Verde, y el Salado; seSala el sitio, en que se junta el de la
Assumpcion con el Gila," etc. This is conclusive of an As-
sumption river dating back at least to 1743-44- It is curious to

142 HISTORY OF THIS RIVER.

short of grass; but the soil of the rancherias de San
Andres, now depopulated, and that in all the vicinity
of Sutaquison, abounds in brushwood and carrizo
(Phragmites communis?). There is found in this
river no other fish than that which they call matalote 56

observe that in this very passage Ortega speaks also of a Rio
Azul; but this one, which Sedelmayr had approached, travel-
ing up the Colorado, was Bill Williams' fork, supposed to
come from the Moquis. The origin of the name has been duly
noted by Bandelier, Final Rep. pt. i, 1890, p. 113: " Fathers
Sedelmair and Keller both visited the banks of the Salado,
which they baptized Rio de la Asuncion, and they also examined
the lower Verde." The only other nomenclatural point
— the process by which this river was sometimes carried down
to the Colorado, restricting the name Gila correspondingly —
has been already noted. The Verde is the principal river in
central Arizona, draining an extensive region south of the San
Francisco mountains, but by no means approximating to
Moqui, for the basin of the Colorado Chiquito intervenes.
The Salado is still larger, with a course approximately parallel
with that of the Gila, almost from the New Mexican border.
Its earliest name dates from 1539, as it is the stream which
Jaramillo, writing of the Coronado expedition, calls Rio de las
Balsas, or River of the Rafts, because it had to be crossed by
such means: see Hodge, in Brower's Mem. Expl., ii, Harahey,
1899, p. 42. An upper portion of its extent is sometimes called
Black river. An alternative name of Rio Salado or Salt river
was Salinas; and I have already noted that the Verde was for
years called San Francisco river.

" From the Nahuatl name of a certain or rather uncertain
fish. No doubt those to which Garces refers were of the genus
Gila, so named by Baird and Girard in 1853 from the river they
inhabit. There are several species, as G. robusta, G. gracilis, etc.

PREHISTORIC EDIFICES. I43

which is so very savory to the taste, but is trouble-
some on account of the many bones that it has.
On this river is found the Casa (Grande) said to be
(que dizen scr) of Moctezuma, and very many other
ruins, and other edifices with very many fragments
of pottery (cascos de losd [sic, error of the scribe for
loza]),* 1 as well with painting as without it; from
what I have seen since (my visit to) Moqui I have
formed a conception respecting these structures very
different from that which I previously entertained.

Nov. 29. This day was occupied in search of a
path, in opening a way through the heavy woods

" The prehistoric pueblo ruins of the Gila-Salado drainage,
some of which, as Casa Grande, still rise to a considerable
height above the surface of the sand drift, are usually of adobe;
where stone was available for structural purposes, however, it
was used, but generally to a limited extent, as the natural soil
formed an admirable building material. Wherever such re-
mains occur, their mounds and the vicinity are thickly strewn
with pieces of earthenware, and it is these to which Garces
refers as cascos de losd (read loza). Where adobe was em-
ployed, the larger walls were usually constructed by first
erecting two parallel rows of upright logs, the width of the pro-
posed walls, then wattling them and filling in with grout. The
smaller walls were made by rolling up balls of adobe mortar
mixed with ashes or fine gravel, setting them in the wall as if
stones, and plastering the exposed surfaces with the same ma-
terial. So tenacious is this native mortar that, when dry, it
withstands the elements sometimes for centuries, as Casa
Grande still testifies.— F. W. H.

144 RI ° COLORADO.

(grande arboleda) of the Rio Colorado, 53 and in seek-

58 This fixed name of one of the greatest rivers of North
America is only one of many and by no means the earliest it
has borne. Garces tells us beyond that the Yuman name was
Javill; a word also rendered Hah-weal. Colorado is said to be
the Spanish translation of the Piman name buqui aquimuti; I
presume it to be of Kinotic date, as Kino's map of 1701 legends
" R. Colorado del Norte," though the great Piman apostle also
called it Rio de los Martires, perhaps commemorating the Three
Holy Martyrs of Japan, as they were styled (there was a prin-
cipal rectorate or missionary jurisdiction of this name in Sonora
in Jesuit times). " Colorado 6 del Norte " also appears on
Venegas' map, 1757, which is dressed on Kino's. " Coloratus
fl. seu Nord-Strom " is the Latin-German legend of the Tabula
California?, 1702, likewise based on " Chino." The " Norte "
clause seems to have soon dropped out, leaving Colorado as
we have it; a term often translated Red in English, and not
seldom specified, among the many Red rivers of our country,
as Red River of the West, or Red River of California, other-
wise Rio Colorado del Occidente. But the great stream was
discovered in 1540, and had a string of names for about half a
century. The discovery was made at its mouth by Hernando
de Alarcon, Aug. 26, 1540; he is said to have navigated it for 85
leagues, but this distance is dubious; he called it Rio de Buena
Guia, or Good Guide river. The same year, Coronado, being at
Zuhi (Cibola), sent a party under Cardenas to explore westward.
They went through Moqui and on to the Colorado somewhere
in the course of the Grand Canon, which they have the honor
of discovering on or about Sept. 15. 1540. Melchior Diaz, who
reached the mouth of the river overland from Sonora via the
Gulf coast, probably early in October, 1540, called it Rio del
Tizon, a term translated Firebrand river, on account of the cus-
toms of the natives, who carried firebrands with which to warm
themselves. On Jan. 25, 1605, Juan de Onate also reached the

RIO COLORADO. 1 45

ing the ford, in order that the expedition might cross
(the river). 69

Nov. 30. The Cocomaricopa justices (justicias)

mouth, or nearly there, coming overland from Santa Fe;
he named it Rio Grande de Buena Esperanza. But the
most remarkable point in this connection is, that Onate
crossed the branch now known as Colorado Chiquito or
Little Colorado, and named this Rio Colorado; whence it
appears, that " Colorado " was first applied to the minor stream
at this date, and later extended to the principal river: the actual
connection of the two rivers cannot have been known to Onate,
as it was many a long year from his date before the place where
the one flows into the other was determined.

" For the 29th Font gives further particulars. He said mass
in the " bower," which was about eight varas long and four
wide, and in which an altar was set up with the banner of the
Virgin, which Garces carried. " As the rio Colorado has such
a current, and runs so scattered through the bottomlands, we
found no Isla de Trinidad, neither was there now the ford by
which passed the expedition on the former occasion, the In-
dians saying that the river was now very deep at that ford: for
these two rivers Colorado and Gila rise every year to such ex-
cess, and run through these flat and friable grounds with such
lack of restraint, that they appear to shift their channels, form-
ing wash-outs, and dividing into branches, according as the
force of the current bears more or less to this side or to that.
The result is, that at its greatest flood the Gila itself extends
more than a league, and presumably the Colorado much more.
Wherefore it was intended to cross the river on rafts; but the
senor comandante, considering that it would be a long and
tedious job to cross such a train on rafts, went with some sol-
diers to examine the river, and with some difficulty found a ford
across the Colorado higher up than it formerly was, and above

I46 FROM ARIZONA TO CALIFORNIA.

departed on their return to their land. The whole
expedition passed over the Rio Colorado 60 without

the place where we were; and having found it, he opened a road
in the afternoon through the brush and woodland of the river
bottom, in order to make the crossing next day."

Emory's Report already cited has a plate of the Gila junction
with the Colorado, and the condition of things he describes on
p. 95 may be compared with Font's: "The Gila comes into it
nearly at right angles, and the point of junction, strangely
chosen, is the hard butte through which, with their united forces
they cut a canon, and then flow off due magnetic west, in a
direction of the resultant due to the relative strength of the
rivers. The walls of the canon are vertical, and about 50 feet
high, and 1,000 feet long. Almost before entering the canon, in
descending the Gila, its sea-green waters are lost in the chrome-
colored hue of the Colorado. For a distance of three or four
miles below the junction, the river is perfectly straight, and
about 600 feet wide." This " canon " is exactly what the mis-
sionaries of 1775-81 called the Puerto (or Puertezuelo) de la
Purisima Concepcion; and the mission of the latter name was
precisely on the site of Fort Yuma.

00 On making the ford the party passes from Arizona into
California, and camps in the well-known locality of Fort Yuma,
if not on the very site of this military post, which dates from
1850. The first establishment there was made in Sept., 1849,
when Camp Calhoun was formed by Lt. Cave Johnson Couts,
U. S. Dragoons, in command of an escort for Whipple's boun-
dary survey. The tide of travel was just then setting strongly,
the Indians were uneasy, and military protection was impera-
tive. Next year a ferry boat was running; and on Nov. 27,
1850, Capt. and Bvt. Major Samuel Peter Heintzelman of the 2d
Infantry arrived from San Diego with three small companies.
The post he established that winter was called Camp Inde-
pendence. Lt. George Hasket (or Horatio?) Derby, of the

YUMA. 147

any mishap. Having gone about a league northwest

Topographical Engineers, better known as a humorist by the
alias of John Phoenix, sailed from San Francisco Nov. 1, 1850,
and was up the river in January, 1851, then meeting Heintzel-
man. (See his Report, Reconn. Gulf Cala. and Col. R., 1850-
51, Senate Ex. Doc. No. 81, 326. Cong. 1st sess., June 19, 1852,
8vo, pp. 28, map.) In March, 1851, Camp Independence was
shifted to the site of the old Spanish mission of 1780-81 called
La Purisima Concepcion, and thus was Camp Yuma or Fort
Yuma established. In June, 1851, on account of the difficulty
of getting supplies by wagon across the desert, the troops were
withdrawn to Santa Isabel (then a shiftless Indian village, with
a roofless church), except a small guard left at Yuma under Lt.
Thomas Wm. Sweeny. In Nov., 1851, this guard was re-enforced
by a detachment under Capt. Delozier Davidson, 2d Infantry,
but he abandoned Yuma in a few days, some time in December,
owing to Indian troubles, scurvy, and exhausted supplies, first
destroying some of the stores and caching others. Major
Heintzelman returned Feb. 29, 1852, to rebuild the fort and per-
manently establish a garrison. This consisted of the original
one, another company of infantry, and two of dismounted dra-
goons; though the latter remained only a month. The Indians
uncached the stores and carried them off, together with the
boats, and were troublesome till late that year, when some sort
of peace was made. (See Heintzelman's letter of July 15, 1853,
in Ho. Rep. Ex. Doc. No. 76, 34th Cong., 3d sess., 1857; also,
on early Yuma annals, articles in Yuma Sentinel, May 4, n,
18, 25, 1878.) In Oct., 1852, the Yumas are said to have been
972 in number; on the 26th, a fire destroyed much of the fort,
in Dec. an earthquake altered the river to some extent, and that
month the first steamer, Uncle Sam, which had been brought to
the head of the gulf and there put together, reached Yuma.
Indian disturbances continued in 1853. Some of Walker's
filibusters arrived in Apr., 1854, and Capt. Geo. H. Thomas of

148 YUMA.

we halted on the bank of the river. We crossed this

the 3d Artillery took command in July of that year. Then also
the steamer General Jesup was running; the steamer Colorado
was put on in 1855; since which time the navigation of the river
may be considered to have been established. The General
Jesup, under Capt. Johnson, ran for some years; on Jan. 23,
1858, she ferried E. F. Beale's party at Mojave, and left that day
for Yuma. Ives' important exploration of 1857-58 is fully
noted elsewhere. In Sept., 1865, when I spent some time at
Yuma, it was a flourishing post, well built on the bluff, in adap-
tation to the excessive heat, which often sent the mercury over
ioo°, sometimes to 120 . One report gives a mean annual
temperature of about 76° F., with a monthly mean of 93° for
one July, and a daily rise to ioo° for 19 successive days. It
is of Yuma, as of the hottest place in the United States, that
are told the three stock stories; of the dog that ran howling
on three legs across the parade ground because it burnt his
paws, of the soldier who died and went to hell, but who came
back for blankets, and of the hens that laid hard-boiled eggs.
The egg story has some foundation in the fact that the mois-
ture soon evaporates, leaving the contents sodden and sticky.
But the air is so dry that the highest temperature is borne with
comparative ease, if one keeps out of the sun. I often went
shooting, and have suffered more from the heat in Washington,
New York, and Quebec than I did at Yuma. Fort Yuma was
turned over to the Interior Department by Executive Order of
January 9, 1884; the military reservation was thus disposed of
under Act of July 5, 1884, and by ruling of March 5, 1892, became
part of the Yuma Indian reservation.

The identity of Fort Yuma with the site of La Purisima Con-
cepcion, the pueblo-presidio-mission founded in 1780 and de-
stroyed by massacre in July, 1781, is established in the letter of
Major Heintzelman above cited. I would quote it extensively,
but it is too full of historical errors: for example, he says that

YUMA. I49

river (where it was) divided into three branches

" Pedro " Garces and Father Kino! founded the mission, that
it lasted 7 or 8 years, etc. But some portions of the letter, de-
scribing what was within the writer's knowledge, are extremely
interesting. I extract as follows, pp. 34, 35:

"A little east of north from here [Fort Yuma], 45 miles on
the top of a ridge of barren mountains, is a detached rock,
several hundred feet high, resembling a dome [i. e., Castle
Dome] . . . and in a direction west of north about 18 miles
distant, on another range of similar mountains, rises a solitary
rock, 500 feet high, which we here call Chimney Peak . . .
The Colorado winds its way between these two ranges, runs
south along the base of the hill we are on, then turns short to
the west, through this cleft, for nearly seven miles, giving us
both banks for that distance, and turns again more to the
south, and finds its way to the Gulf. . .

" When we occupied this point the rough stone foundations of
the houses, with their earthen ruins, could be clearly traced.
The buildings appear to have been of mud, between upright
poles or forks, to support the roof. The charred ends we dug
up, with the remains of a copper, urn-shaped vessel, of the
capacity of about a quart. There were eight or ten buildings,
fifteen or twenty feet, nearly square, irregularly placed, cover-
ing an area of about an acre, and including the site of the
present commanding officer's quarters. It was an excellent
position for defence against Indians; the only point above it
being beyond the range of arrows, and commanding a fine
view of the surrounding country. During the high water a
broad slough, in the rear of the post, is filled, and cuts off all
communication with the main land, except by the means of
boats. On a detached sandy plateau, above the rise of the river,
near Hut-ta-mi-ne, are also the ruins of an old Spanish estab-
lishment."

In the course of the foregoing Major Heintzelman speaks

150 YUMA.

(brazos); its width I judged would be 400 varas, 81

of one Jose Maria Ortega, founder of the Concepcion " pre-
sidio " as son of Don Francisco Ortega, commandant " of
the expedition of the discoverers of Alta California"; also of
Martinez Ortega (brother of Joachim Ortega, both living in
1853 at Santa Maria, Cal.) as a child three years of age at the
time of the massacre. I know nothing of these names in the
present connection. Mr. Hodge informs me that there was a
ranch owned by Don Jose Maria Ortega, 7^ leagues west of
Santa Isabel, S. Cala., visited by Whipple in 1849, this being
evidently private claim 514 on the G. L. O. map of California.
(See Schoolcraft, ii, pp. 101, 102.)

This identity of Concepcion with Yuma is also evident from
Bartlett's Narrative, ii, p. 161 : " Close by Fort Yuma the traces
of the old Spanish Mission buildings may still be seen [June
16, 1852]. These consist of partly demolished stone walls of old
buildings; though a few years since the walls of a church were
also visible. At the time of our visit these had been removed,
and used for building the barracks. There were 200 soldiers,
artillery and infantry, here, under the command of Major
Heintzelman." This garrison was then still cantoned in tents.
Thus the identity of the two establishments extends to incor-
poration of some of the building materials of the old one in
the new.

"The Spanish vara in Mexico is 32.9927 inches; it is taken in
California at 33 inches, in Texas at 33 1-3 inches. Garces judged
the river to be about 366 yards wide. Font gives the particu-
lars of crossing the river, in substance as follows. We broke
camp at 9.00 a. m. and the whole expedition made the ford at
1. 00 p. m. without any special mishap. Camped on the other
side, having come a short league north. The width of the
river where we crossed I judged to be 300 to 400 varas, and
this is at its lowest; when it overflows it is some leagues wide.
It was lucky to find the river here divided into three arms, so

YUMA. 151

and at this time it was very low, but when it is
swollen it extends for leagues.

that the crossing was facilitated, which otherwise would have
been difficult. The first branch was wide and deep; the second,
not so deep, and more contracted; the third was deep and much
wider than the first. All the people got over safely, though
there might have been trouble, because the beasts were swim-
ming before they got through. One person took a different
course, as if he had no fear of the river, and soon went under
so far that the water washed away a blanket and some coritas,
and he let go a child he was carrying; but the Virgin wanted us
to get over without anything worse than a wetting; for the
water came up to the horses' backs, though they were tall ones,
like my own, and I was wet up to the knees. The three pack
trains crossed in four sections, thus lightening each pack by
one-third, and thus the whole beef-herd, horse-herd, and pack-
mules went over with felicity, except that my pack was wetted,
in which were the holy oils and ornaments; for they made so
little of me, and of anything I said, though I charged the mule-
teers to take care not to wet this pack, and supplicated the
senor comandante to the same effect, perhaps on this very
account was my pack the less cared for. Three Yumas took Padre
Garces over on their shoulders, two by his head and one at his
feet, stretched out stiff, face upward, like a corpse. I crossed on
horseback, and as I was sick, with my head dizzy, three naked
servants went with me, one in front, leading the horse, and one
on each side to keep me from falling off. The whole train was
so large that it took three hours to cross, and in order to dry
ourselves we stopped on the very bank of the river. . . In
the afternoon the senor comandante went with Padre Garces
and Padre Thomas to Palma's residence, to see where to build
a shed or hut for the habitation of said padres, who were going
to stay on the Colorado to catechise the Yumans and explore
the minds of other nations, etc.

152 NOTE ON RIO DE SAN PEDRO.

Note transferred from p. /jg.

n Present name of one of the two principal tributaries of the
Gila from the south, the other being Rio Santa Cruz. The San
Pedro appears to have been so called from a place of that name,
otherwise Casas de San Pedro, near its head, just over the
Sonoran border, about lat. 31 ° 18', near long. uo°. This is
an obscure spot in the vicinity of the old Spanish Presidio
de Terrenate. There was another San Pedro, lower down the
river, in Arizona, vicinity of our modern Camp Wallen and
Camp Huachuca; and yet another application of the name to
some mines still further down the river. No San Pedro appears
on Kino's map in this connection, nor on Venegas' of 1757; so
I suppose all these names to be post-Kinotic. In his time the
name of the river was Rio de Quipuri, or Quiburi, so called
from a then better known place in the vicinity of present Tomb-
stone, Ariz. It may be noted that a place called San Pablo de
Quipuri existed in Kino's time; and that Peter and Paul were
so often paired off by their devotees that their names were
sometimes transposed. " Kino passo a San Pablo de Quipuri,"
Dec. 10, 1696; again Nov. 9, 1697, " Kino llego a San Pablo de
Quiburi," and therefrom " siguiendo las orillas del mismo rio
Quiburi" he reached the Gila: Apost. Afan., pp. 266-68. In
fact, the San Pedro or Quiburi was a highway from Sonora into
Arizona in those early days and had been traveled as
such since 1539-42, when Friar Marcos and the Coronado expe-
dition took that route to Cibola, and one writer of the journey,
Jaramillo, named it Rio Nexpa. The place on it above called
San Pablo de Quipuri also figures later (about 1702) as San
Ignacio Guibori, in Doc. para Hist. Mex., 4th ser., v, p. 136.
The course of the river is approx. parallel with that of
the Santa Cruz, a similar highway; the two are separated
by the Santa Catalina, Santa Rita, and some lesser mountain
ranges. Entering Arizona near long. uo°, just E. of the Hua-

NOTE ON RIO DE SAN PEDRO. 1 53

chuca mts., the river runs N. with a little inclination westward
through Cochise co., Ariz., cuts off a small N. E. corner of
Pima co., continues between the Santa Catalina and " Galiuro "
ranges, is joined by Arivaipa creek at Camp Grant, and joins
the Gila at Dudleyville, Pinal co. The name " Galiuro " is a
curiosity; as Bandelier says, Final Rep., ii, 1892, p. 473, " it can
be traced on the maps, through Salitre, Calitre, Calitro. to
Galiuro."

CHAPTER IV.

DOWN RIO COLORADO FROM YUMA TO THE GULF AND
RETURN, DECEMBER, 1775-

Dec. i. We went — the sefior comandante, Padre
Tomas (Eisarc), and I — with some muleteers (arri-
eros) to the house of Captain Palma, which was dis-
tant from the place where we had halted about one
league westward, for the purpose of building the hut
(xacal) 1 which had to serve as our habitation until
the return of the expedition. This evening Captain
Palma put on the clothes which the sefior viceroy had
presented to him in recognition of the good services
he has rendered to the Espafloles. 2 This same even-

1 Aztec or Nahuatl xacalli (xalli, sand; calli, house, probably
for the reason that it was originally a form of dugout or a
brush shelter covered with sand or earth for temporary use).
The term xacal or jacal is now applied to a low structure, made
of brush or thatch usually closed on three sides, and sometimes
covered with earth. It is the typical house shelter of the Yuma,
Seri, and other southwestern Indians. Among the Pima and
Papago the houses, although thatched, are much more elabo-
rately finished and are more permanent in character. — F. W. H.

1 Some further information relating to this episode is rendered
in the postscript which Garces' scholiast appends to the Diary

CAPTAIN PALMA. I 55

ing came four Jalchedun women with one man, say-
ing on behalf of their nation that already was it de-

(see beyond). The Documentos para la Historia de Mexico,
ser. i, tomo vi, pub. Mexico, 1854, contains the Diario Curioso
de Mexico de D. Jose Gomez, Cabo de Alabarderos, on p. 11 of
which is the following choice bit: " El dia 4 de Noviembre de

1776 en Mexico, en el real palacio, el Sr. virey D. Antonio Maria
Bucareli; y Urzua dio el baston de capitan a un indio meco, y
por bien le hizo poner un vestido de uniforme azul con vuelta
encarnada, la chupa galeonada de oro: este indio se llamaba el
capitan Palma, no tenia otro nombre porque no era cristiano:
no se sabe cuando se bautizara: y fue en lunes el dia de San
Carlos." And on p. 17 the following: " El dia 13 Febrero de

1777 en Mexico, en el Sagrario de la santa iglesia, se bauti-
zaron cinco indios mecos, y entre ellos uno que era el capitan
Palma, y les pusieron los nombres de Carlos, y fue su padrino
. . . y fue en jueves." Here we have the date of the noble
Yuman's investiture with the baton cf authority, likewise with
a blue coat faced with red, and waistcoat trimmed with gold,
also the date of his baptism, etc. These, however, were events
after 1775, and we have only to turn ,in the present instance to
Font, whose Diary for to-day has some particulars very much
to the point regarding the same amiable savage: " Captain
Palma appeared in the uniform which had been given to him on
the part of the most excellent sehor Virrey (Bucareli), con-
sisting of a shirt, trousers, waistcoat yellow in front with some
trimmings, coat or cloak of blue cloth laced, and black velvet
cap adorned with false gems, and a plume a modo de Palma.
This captain is called Palma on account of the friendship that
in past times he had with a majordomo of the mission of
Caborca whose name was Palma, and which name he took;
and he is called Salvador because he was given this name by
the Indian Sebastian Tarabel when the latter came from Cali-
fornia to Sonora, and was detained for some days in the house

I56 VARIOUS INCIDENTS.

termined, from the message that we had sent to them,
to make peace with the Yumas. Here ensued this
night a great joke (chiste). Asking the Jalchedun
of affairs in his country, he told us that there was in
his land a man who had fled from the new Conver-
sions of Californias; 3 that this man had been killed

of said captain. The seiior comandante brought the clothes
on behalf of the Viceroy, and gave them to Palma this night,
and made him put them on in his (Anza's) tent, without our
concurrence, or letting us know anything about it; for he is
so fond of keeping to himself all his actions, and setting him-
self up in the opinion of others, that he will let nobody else have
a hand in his affairs, nor admit to his presence anyone who
might in any way attract the attention of the people he wants to
keep for himself. So, though it would have been more regular
for the presentation of glass beads and tobacco which he brought
for the gentiles in the name of his majesty to have been made
to the Indians at the hands of we three padres who accompa-
nied the expedition, in order to exalt their minds, since in the
end the religious have to be their ministers, and the Indians are
inclined to recognize those who make them presents; never-
theless, the sefior comandante always made such distributions
with his own hand, and would never let us do it, and not once
on the whole journey did he ask me if I wanted a string of
beads to give to some Indian, excepting when we were return-
ing, in the mission of San Luis (Obispo), where he gave me a
few strings for which I begged." — Let us sympathize with poor
Font, snubbed and abused, truculent and jealous, while we ad-
mire the discipline enforced in all things, great and small, by
the model commanding officer Anza.

s The new conversions of California were the missions which
had recently been established, namely: 1. San Diego de Alcala,

A GREAT WIZARD. 157

and burned by the nations through which he passed,
but that he had managed to come to life again in
some mysterious manner (tenia havilidud de volverse
remolino); that he carried with him a viper, and finally
that he was a great sorcerer, and that he was killing
the Jalchedunes; in consequence of which they were
in great terror. The sefior comandante was some-
what mortified notwithstanding the great patience
which he expends upon Indians, worthy to be imitated
by all who devote themselves to such enterprises. I
begged him for a few glass beads, which I gave them
(these Jalchedunes). 4

July 16, 1769; 2. San Carlos de Monterey, June 3, 1770; 3- San
Antonio de Padua, July 14, 1771; 4. San Gabriel Arcangel, Sept
8, 1771; 5. San Luis Obispo, Sept. 1, 1772. These are fully
noted beyond.

* While Garces was thinking of such things, for his heart was
in his missionary work, Padre Font, who had no stomach for
anything but theology, continued full of trouble on this Dec.
1, and spreads it upon his pages. He proposed to Anza to take
a geodetic observation, but Anza would not let him, he says,
because Anza did not wish observations to be made in Font's
name; and lest it should be said that Font made them, Anza
always assisted in the operation, and would never let Font have
possession of the instrument which Bucareli had sent, or do
anything to enable Font to obey the orders he had received,
etc. So to-day, as Anza could not assist in the operation, be-
cause he was busy helping to build Garces' hut, he told Font
that the observation could be taken next day. Then there was
also trouble about a certain musical instrument. From the
time Anza went through Font's mission of San Jose de Pimas,

358 FATHER FONT'S TROUBLES.

Dec. 2. I continued the building of the hut with
the sefior comandante; the Indians assisted some-
he persisted in carrying this instrument, persuading Font that
the psaltery would be very convenient to attract the Indians,
especially the festive Yumas, and though Font strongly objected
to this, for fear the instrument should be lost on so long a jour-
ney, yet he had to condescend to Anza's importunities; and
then, after Font had taken it along with detriment enough,
Anza never said anything about it, nor wished to hear it, nor
would let the people assemble in Font's tent for music — and all
the while Font was carrying the useless thing along without
being able to try it on the Yumas or anybody else — it was
really quite too awful! Then again, Anza wanted to finish the
hut in one day, but no, that could not be done; and to-night,
after supper, Font asked him if they were going to start next
day, and Anza said no. So Font begged him that, as they were
to be detained another day, he would order camp shifted to the
place where the hut was building, to escape the inconvenience
to which they were subjected from dust and wind, which were
such that no cooking could be done; but Anza condescended
not to this supplication, etc. Again, Font asked him in what
sort of a fix Padres Garces and Eixarch were going to be left
on that river, among gentiles, with no escort, and other ques-
tions that he wished answered. Then Anza got very hot, and
wanted to know whose business that was, saying that he did
not have to give Font reasons for anything he did; that he was
already doing more than he was obliged to in building the hut,
as he had no orders to that effect; and that it was none of his
affair to look out for the way in which the padres had to live
on the Colorado, for they had come of their own account, in
fact had asked to be sent, without being ordered to do so by
the viceroy, and so, having chosen to come, they could look
out for themselves. Font admitted that there was some force
in this, and Anza finally told him that the three interpreters,

THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. 1 59

what, and to those who worked were given beads.
This day was distributed tobacco to all the Yumas
and beads to all the women who assembled.

two muleteers, and two servants should stay with the padres.
But the three interpreters were three useless Indians, good for
nothing, not even as interpreters, because their Spanish was so
bad. One of the muleteers was the Indian Sebastian Tarabel,
who had already accompanied Garces on former travels, and
the other was a boy who had come along with a soldier, and
served Eixarch faithfully, and was the only one who was good
for anything, though he got no pay for his services, as the sehor
comandante said that the boy was none of his to look out for.
The two servants were one of them a worthless young fellow
who had volunteered to go with Garces, for whom he did noth-
ing, and from the Colorado went back to Sonora, and the
other a small boy whom Eixarch had brought along to take
care of his horse. Font says that he notes all this that it may
not remain unknown what commonly happens on such expedi-
tions in dealing with los sehores comandantes, and to shed
light on what ought to be assured from the start, without
trusting to promises and smooth words, as Garces did, who
having confided in the general offers Anza made him, found
out afterward that they were not fulfilled in particulars; seeing
as how these sefiores who command such expeditions have
nobody over them to contend with, and are so absolute that
there is need of real patience in putting up with them, etc. The
unhappy padre, whose tale of woe is thus recorded, concludes
for the day by citing the Venerable Padre Fray Antonio Margil
de Jesus (1655-1726), who seems to have known how it was him-
self, for he used to say: A militibus libera nos, Domine! To do
Font justice, he must have rubbed his chin with an afterthought,
for he adds in the margin the saving clause, Bien que no hay regla
sin exception.

l60 RATIONS ISSUED TO GARCES AND EISARC.

Dec. 3. The hut was finished, and the expedition
arrived on this spot. The sefior comandante issued
to Padre Fray Tomas and to me what was allowed
us for our subsistence. 5

5 Dec. 3 was Sunday, and Font's Diary is much more explicit.
" The commanding officer determined to do as I begged him
on the 1st, but not out of respect to my petition, or moved by
my supplication. Padre Thomas said mass, and we all attended;
after which we moved from the bank of the river Colorado at
10.30 a. m., and at noon reached the rancheria of Captain Pablo,
having marched a matter of a league west one quarter south-
west [see map. camp marks "40" to "41"]. The rest of the
day was occupied in finishing the hut, and though it was not
quite done, it was put in fair shape, and the padres were satis-
fied with what was given them for their two selves and the
seven persons who stayed with them, which was: one tercio of
tobacco; two boxes of beads; one arroba [25 lbs.] of chocolate;
one arroba of sugar; one arroba of lard; five oxen; three tercios
of jerked beef; one carga [about 4 bushels] of beans; one carga
of coarse flour; a little fine flour; one almud [from s l / 2 to n
pints] of peas; a box of biscuit; three hams; six cheeses; one
frying pan; one other pan; one ax; twelve cakes of soap; twelve
wax candles; and one jug of wine, with which they could not say
mass, for it was so bad that it neither looked nor tasted like
wine, and they had to send to Caborca for some. This was
something, but not much for nine mouths, and the time they
had to wait for more provisions, on the return of the expedi-
tion." At night Padre Font sent for Captains Palma and Pablo
to come to his tent, and exhorted them to take good care of the
two padres, promising to report them favorably to the king if
they behaved themselves, etc. To all of which they replied
that Font need have no fear; that since Palma had received his
baton and uniform he represented Captain Don Juan (Riv-

DEPARTURE OF THE EXPEDITION. l6l

Dec. 4. The expedition went on its destination,*
and there remained in our company six persons — two

era y Moncada, lieutenant-governor of California), and would
be a father to the padres, etc., and Pablo chimed in that if any-
one tried to rob or hurt the padres, he would kill them. Upon
which the padre responded that neither he, Font, nor God,
wanted any killing done, for that would not be right; but
if anybody hurt the padres, to catch him and give him a thrash-
ing. This suited Pablo so well that he lay on the ground with
his arms and legs stretched out, and said very impressively,
" Ajot, ajot," which means " Bueno, bueno." During Font's
speech Anza sent for Palma, for no other purpose than to get
him away from the padre's tent, for it did not suit him to have
anyone talk to the Indians, especially to captains, or give them
any instructions; and in order to entertain the Indians he got
up a dance for them by the light of the fire in front of his tent,
so that Font had no chance to say anything more.

* Font's Diary for the 4th, on the departure of the expedition,
is specially interesting, as it clearly indicates the topography.
Having said mass in the hut, and taken leave of his compadres,
he left Palma's rancheria at 9.30 a. m., and at 2.30 p. m. was near
a laguna where Pablo had his rancheria, one league below the
Cerro de San Pablo, having gone some 5 leagues west one quar-
ter southwest. Soon after breaking camp he forded an arm of
the Colorado, which was given off a good way higher up, and
here joined the river. About one league from camp he came
to the Puerto de la Concepcion, a strait between two low hills
through which the now united Gila and Colorado flowed. He
stopped awhile to look at the very extensive lowlands which
stretched before him, and through which the river ran, as it
seemed to him from eastnortheast to westsouthwest; and at the
northeast, some ten leagues off, was descried the Cabeza del
Gigante, which the Indians call Bauquiburi, a great round peak
in the rough sierra between the Gila and Colorado; while to the

l62 GARCES PREPARES TO FOLLOW.

Espanoles, one little boy, and three interpreters on
account of the expedition — and another Indian that
Serior Don Bernardo Urrea let me have.

Dec. 5. Seeing that the occasion was very pro-
pitious for visiting the nations of the Rio Colorado
down to the disemboguement, and investigating their
willingness to be catechised, which is what the senor
viceroy ordered me (to do), I determined to depart
for this purpose. I set apart what there was where-
north, three or four leagues off, was the other peak called
Pefiasca de la Campana, surmounting another rough sierra,
the Cerro de San Pablo, by whose base the river runs, etc. The
road, though mostly level, was toilsome, being so overgrown
with brush that in many places only a narrow trail could be
found, and for the most part so choked with mezquite, screw
mezquite and other growths, among them one called cachanilla,
that the expedition only got along with much delay and the
loss of some animals.

No one familiar with the scenery about Fort Yuma can fail
to recognize the fidelity of this description. On the west, the
Cerro de San Pablo is the range capped by Chimney Rock (La
Campana) to the north, and ending on the south at Pilot Knob;
while much further northeast rises Castle Dome, or Giant's
Head (Cabeza del Gigante or Bauquiburi). From Palma's
rancheria to Pablo's was five leagues; Palma's was one league
above Puerto de Concepcion and Pablo's was one league below
the ending of Cerro de San Pablo in Pilot Knob, leaving three
leagues between Yuma and Pilot Knob, which is just about
right. The identification of Pilot Knob with the end of Cerro
San Pablo is assured; for Font's Diary of the 5th says that here
cl rio da una quinada quasi al sur (takes a turn about south).

GARCES DEPARTS FROM YUMA. 163

with to make them presents, and taking in my com-
pany the Indian Sevastian Taraval and the other two
interpreters I departed, after taking leave of my well-
beloved companion padre. Having traveled five
leagues westsouthwest I halted in the first Ran-
cherias de San Pablo. 7 I talked to them, and ex-
hibited the linen print of Maria Santisima and the
lost soul. They told me that she was a nice lady,

T This was a Cuchan (Yuman) rancheria the native name of
which, if it had one, is unknown, but the position of which is
fixed within a league of Pilot Knob, the prominent landmark
already mentioned, on the right side of the Colorado, some
seven miles west of Fort Yuma, and nearly on the present boun-
dary of Lower California. The rancheria is also called Laguna
de San Pablo, or Laguna del Capitan Pablo, apparently from
the similarity of the names of the Yuman Indian and of the
mountain range Garces called Cerro de San Pablo, ending at
Pilot Knob near the rancheria. I also believe this place to be
identical, or nearly so, with the site of the subsequent presidio-
pueblo-mission of San Pablo y San Pedro de Bicuher, which
was founded in the fall of 1780, and shared the sad fate of La
Concepcion July 17, 1781. The location has been much dis-
cussed, as it seems to me with needless uncertainty, and too
great insistence upon the discrepancies found in the mileages of
several writers. It was some eight or ten miles below Fort
Yuma, about a league south of Pilot Knob, and thus so near
the boundary between California Alta and Baja as to have
occasioned some question whether the Franciscans or Domini-
cans had the better right' there. This Californian San Pablo y
San Pedro, on the west bank of the Colorado, is of course to be
distinguished from each of the two places, the one called San
Pablo and the other San Pedro, which Kino named on the

164 LAGUNA DE SANTA OLALLA.

that sefiora; that the lost soul was very bad; that
they were not such fools as not to know that up in
heaven above are the good people, and down under
the ground are the bad ones, the dogs, and the very
ugly wild beasts; and that this they knew to be a
fact because the Pimas had told them so. I laid be-
fore them the proposition, whether they wished that
Espanoles and padres should come to live in their
land, and they answered " Yes," that they should then
be well content, for then they would have meat and
clothing. I gave them some tobacco and glass beads,
with which they were much pleased.

Dec. 6. I went 10 leagues southwest, though in
order to visit various rancherias I changed it (this
course) now west, now south, and arrived at the La-
guna de Santa Olalla, 8 where I met the sefior coman-

south side of the Gila, and which have never been identified,
if they ever existed except in name.

Pilot Knob is notable, among other things, as the locality of
a certain Fort Defiance, a stone structure built in 1849 or 1850
by some Americans in connection with a ferry which had been
established in that vicinity. The name of the fort appears only
on Derby's map, among the many I have examined on this
point. There was trouble here, owing to the behavior of the
whites, ending in the massacre of a dozen or more of them by
the Yumas. Accounts of the affair which have reached us are
confusing: compare, for example, Bartlett's Narr., ii, pp. 174-
176, and Bancroft, Hist. Ariz, and N. M., p. 487. The existence
of Fort Defiance was brief, and it never became well known.

* Otherwise Santa Olaya, as on some representations of Font's

LAGUNA DE SANTA OLALLA. 1 65

dante, Padre Font, and all the expedition. In these
rancherias I met many of the Indians who live in the

map: see his camp mark "44" (the 4th one down the W. side
of the Colorado from the Gila confluence), made by Font to be
in lat. 32° 33'. This latitude is nearly the same as that of the
place, about 32° 30', where the international boundary line
strikes the river on the other side, 20 m. S. of the mouth of the
Gila, close by a place called Pedrick's or Padrick's. Santa Olalla
(Santa Eulalia, St. Eulalie) appears to have been in the flood-
plain of the Colorado in the course of New river, or nearly so,
and not far from the spot to be found on some modern maps
by the name of Captain Juan's. Examine also the places
marked Bajadura and Five Wells on Sitgreaves' map, pub. 1854.
It is probably not now determinable more closely than this.
The floodplain down which Garces is wandering has an average
breadth of six or eight miles on his side of the river.

Font's Diary of the 6th gives the origin of the name Olalla
on Anza's expedition of the year before (1774). It says that
having left the Rancheria de Cojat (where was camp of the 5th,
about halfway between Pablo's rancheria and Santa Olalla) he
reached at five leagues southwest the Laguna de Santa Olalla,
" nombre que se le puso en la expedition primera." The leag-
uage given was not straight, for the road went twisting like a
snake (culebreando) from south to west. On the return trip of
1774, the position of Santa Olalla is given as four leagues west
of the river and altogether eight leagues (by the crooked road)
westsouthwest of the mouth of the Gila. As already intimated,
probably no closer location of Santa Olalla can be made than
near (somewhat above) the entrance of New river into the main
floodplain of the Colorado, and some six to ten miles west of
the latter. It was a notable place in those days, as the end of
the Yumas and beginning of the Cajuenches. Font describes
it as follows: La Laguna de Santa Olalla is narrow, like a great
ditch, more than a league long, approximately parallel with the

l66 QUEMEYA OR COMEYA INDIANS.

sierras and whom the Yumas call Quemeya. 9 They
wear sandals of maguey-fiber (guarachas de mescal),
to protect themselves from the stones. These In-
dians descend to this land to eat calabashes and other

river, but apart therefrom about two leagues or rather more,
whence may be inferred how many leagues the river spreads
when it overflows, even to the depth of two varas, as we saw
by the rubbish high up on the trunks of the willows which grow
on the borders of the laguna, left there by the river when at its
flood it overruns those lands. It was humid ground, with
plenty of grass, and quail [Lophortyx gambeli] in the brush; the
Indians also caught the fish called matalote in the laguna, and
one of a kind named lisa.

9 Or Cotneya. (Also found on some copies of Font's map as
Quemexa, and elsewhere Quemeyab.) This appears to have
been a collective name and to have been applied to several
Yuman bands from the vicinity of San Diego (occupied by the
Dieguenos) a hundred miles inland and even to the vicinity of
the Colorado, in southern California, north and south of the
present boundary, especially along San Felipe and Carrizo
creeks, New river, and about Salton Lake. It is not unlikely
that part at least of the Dieguenos were included by Garces in
the group. They are no longer known as a tribe, having doubt-
less consolidated with the Yuma, and probably with other Yu-
man tribes now confined to reservations, except a small band
known to the Mohave as Camilya in northern Lower California.
As late as 1869 they were referred to, under the name " New
River Indians," as a tribe, numbering 750, on intimate terms
with the Cuchan (Yuma). Other forms of the name for them
are Comaiyah, Comedas, Comoyah, Comoyatz, Comoyee,
Comoyei, etc. — F. W. H.

The Comeya were commonly identified with the Dieguenos.
Thus Bartlett, Narr., ii, 1854, p. 179: "The Dieguenos, who de-
rived their name from San Diego, are the Comeya of early times."

HOME OF THE QUEMEYA. 167

fruits of the river. These Quemeya Indians live in
the situations of San Jacome and San Sevastian 10 in
the sierra, and as far as San Diego. In these ran-
cherias ends the nation of the Yumas. 11

10 Neither of these places may be now identified, but both
were on the route of the expedition, and Font's Diary throws
some light on San Sebastian: Being at Santa Olalla on the 6th,
Font went some 7 leagues W. N. W. to a place called Pozo
salobre del Carrizal on the 9th; thence 7 leagues W. N. W to
a dry gulch on the 10th; thence 14 leagues, mostly W. N. W.,
to Pozo de Santa Rosa de las Laxas on the nth; thence three
leagues N. to a dry arroyo on the 12th; whence on the 13th, at
7 leagues further, about N. N. W., he arrived at San Sebastian,
" which is a small rancheria of the mountain Cajuenches, or
more properly of the Jecuiches." See his camp mark " 49 "
X " 126." This place was a spring of warm or tepid water, deep
and permanent, like a cienega, with little current, with rushes
and some grass not very good, for the whole of the low ground
was whitened with alkali, as if it had been dusted with flour,
though the water itself was not very bad; also, near the spring
was a creek (zanjon) much choked up, and with very unwhole-
some water, and some mezquites and other brush. Here lived
a few mountain Jecuiches, 20 or 30 souls, the most miserable
creatures Font ever saw. He supposed them to be of the
Quemaya nation, according to the account of Garces, and the
same as some he afterward found in the Puerto de San Carlos.
So much for the Rancheria de San Sebastian, which Font made
in lat. 33° 08' N., and where the expedition stayed several days.
But there was also a Sierra de San Sebastian, so named on the
expedition of 1774, in front of camp, all snowy from summit to
base.

11 On the other (east) side of the river, the last rancheria of
the Yumas was named Santa Isabel by Kino in Nov., 1701.

l68 THE CAJUENCHE NATION.

Dec. 7. I remained at the Laguna de Santa Olalla
in company with the seiior comandante, Padre
Font, and the whole expedition. The latitude of this
place was observed and found in 32 33'. At this
laguna commences the Cajuenche 12 nation, and many
of them joined us to-day, but not all, and so the popu-
lation could not be ascertained. I distributed among
them tobacco and glass beads, showed them the
image of Maria Santisima and the figure of the lost
soul, and gave them to understand the things of God.
All showed by their great delight how much they
were pleased with Maria Santisima, exclaiming that
everything was all right, but the sight of the lost soul
so horrified them that they would not look at it and
wanted the picture reversed; 13 and (also exclaiming)

12 A Yuman tribe formerly living on the Colorado from a
short distance below the influx of the Gila, especially on the
eastern side. They had palisaded towns and spoke a dialect of
the Cocopa. There are probably remnants of the tribe still in
Lower California, and it is not improbable that others have
been consolidated with the Yumas. Garces speaks beyond of
the difference of their language from Yuman. This is as was
to have been expected, as the Cajuenche were more closely re-
lated to the Cocopa than to the Cuchan or Yuma proper,
although all three belonged to the same linguistic stock. Font
estimated the Yumas at 3000, and the Cajuenches at somewhat
more (algo mas). — F. W. H.

18 Lest I be suspected of embroidering the passage a bit, I
give the original: todas con gran regozijo manifestaron lo
mucho que les quadraba Maria SSma, gritando que todo

HOW HOLY MARY SUITED THEM. 1 69

that it suited them that the padres and Espaiioles
should come to their lands. At this laguna and in
all its vicinity there is so much grass that the soldiers
all agreed that the horseherd {cavallada — cavalry)

estaba mucho bueno: pero la vista del condenado les causo
tanto horror que no querian mirarlo — " all with great joy
manifested how much Holy Mary suited them, shouting that
all was very good; but the sight of the damned caused them
such horror that they wished not to see it." It would be hardly
credible that a grown-up man could write such nonsense — but
there it is! The gentle, lovable Garces, simple as a child in
religion, his heart inflamed with zeal for souls, clutched at
every straw which seemed to show which way the wind blew for
his missionary enterprise. Font himself seems to have been im-
mensely edified by the performance, though he was a stark theo-
logian who detested and despised Indians, seeking their salva-
tion only in an official and perfunctory manner. His Diary has
the following on the same occasion. " In the evening Padre
Garces assembled the Indians, distributed a little tobacco and
some beads, and then showed them a grand picture of the SSma
Virgin with the infant Jesus in her arms, and they manifested
a great joy and hurrah at seeing the image, and said, through
the interpreters, that it was good, and that they wished to be
christians in order to be as white and handsome as the Virgin,
and that with pleasure would they be baptized; to the which he
told them, that just now it could not be — some other time it
might. He whipped about the cloth, on the reverse of which
was painted a lost soul, and they raised a loud cry, saying that
that did not suit them, etc. He did the same with the Gilenos,
Opas, and Yumas, and all responded alike, without manifesting
repugnance to christianism; many rather desired it, and have
begged to be baptized, but nobody has been baptized, because
none have been catechised; and it is known that the people are

170 FRUIT OF THE LAND.

could be well kept here. The Indians here raise
countless calabashes and melons, 14 much corn and
beans, with all of which the expedition was well sup-
plied; and by bartering glass beads which the senor
comandante gave to the troops a large stock of pro-
visions was obtained. The whole expedition ceased

sufficiently disposed to enter into the holy church, whenever
arrangements are made therefor; and that they do not refuse
subjection to the law of God, and to our sovereign, for they say
that they wish that Spaniards and priests may come to live with
them. It seems to me that a great Christianity could be had in
these nations; yet, such is the fickleness of Indians that a pretty
big presidio is always necessary, in order that respect for force
of arms may restrain any insult they might intend to offer in
the process of reducing them to subjection." Font evidently
knew the use of having two strings to your bow — the man with
a musket to back up the man with a crucifix. He was a saga-
cious workman in the vineyard of the Lord.

14 Calabazas y melones, perhaps better translated squashes and
cantaloupes, or pumpkins and muskmelons. The Piman and
Yuman tribes cultivated a full assortment of cucurbitaceous
plants, not always easy to identify by their old Spanish names.
The sandia was the watermelon, invariably; the melon, usually
a musk-melon, or cantaloupe; the calabasa, a calabash, gourd,
pumpkin, or squash of some sort, including one large rough
kind like our crook-neck squash. The cantaloupe is properly
cantalu in Spanish, but this word does not occur in records like
Garces'. Major Heintzelman says of the Yumans, p. 36 of his
Report already cited: "They cultivate water melons, musk
melons, pumpkins, corn and beans. The water melons are
small and indifferent, musk melons large, and the pumpkins
good. These latter they cut and dry for winter use."

PREPARATIONS FOR DEPARTURE. ljl

not to extol this land. The 8th day I also remained
here. 16

16 Font assigns the above-said exhibition of the Virgin to the
8th — very likely there was more than one such performance —
and has much more for this day. It appears in his Diary that
Garces was balked in starting on his tour down river by the
unwillingness of the interpreters to accompany him, for fear
they might be killed, even though the padre should not be
harmed. Font counseled him not to go alone, for there was no
use of going to see the nations Garces had already visited [in
1771]; that the present purpose was so to order his journey as
to sound the minds of the people for catechism and christian-
ism, which could not be done without interpreters; and so it
would be best for Garces to return to Eixarch and thence go
to the Jalchedunes and neighboring nations; as for those down
river, they could be got at when the presidio and mission should
be established at the confluence of the Gila. Garces was about
to take this advice, when this night there came an Indian say-
ing that Palma and Pablo intended to go down river on the
other side, to secretly observe how the Indians treated the
padre, accompanied by some of their people, both on horseback
and afoot. Font said this was not right, for if Palma went in
that fashion people down river would think him on the war
path, and then it might go hard with the padre — better tell the
Indian to go back to Palma and ask him not to take that trip,
or at any rate, if he must take it, to do so openly, in company
with the padre; for he whose heart was right had no need of
secrecy. While the interpreters were talking this matter over,
there came the Indian, a relative of Palma's, who had gone out
to receive the expedition on Nov. 15, and who, after agreeing
with Garces that a messenger should be sent to Palma to tell
the latter that he should not leave his rancheria, said that the
thing to do was to send ahead of Garces two women, either
from among the slaves that there were among the Cajuenches,

172 font's portraiture of garces.

Dec. p. Having taken leave of the senor coman-
dante, of Padre Font, and of all the expedition I de-
parted, accompanied by several Cajuenches and one
Yuma who lives among them, and by my inter-
preters. Having traveled 4 leagues southwest I
arrived at the Rancherias called de la Merced, 16 in-

or from among persons of that nation who were married there,
to say that Garces was about to return to visit those whom he
had seen before, bringing presents for them, and establishing
peace with the Yumas; and this project so pleased the inter-
preters that they plucked up courage to go, and so Garces held
to his previous intention. Apparently wondering that he should
do so, under circumstances which Font would never have util-
ized for missionary purposes, the latter indulges in some private
reflections on Garces. " Padre Garces," he writes, " is so fit to
get along with Indians, and go about among them, that he
seems just like an Indian himself {que no parece sino Indio).
He shows in everything the coolness of the Indian (gasta una
Aetna en todo como los Indies) ; he squats cross-legged in a circle
with them, or at night around the fire, for two or three hours or
even longer, all absorbed, forgetting aught else, discoursing to
them with great serenity and deliberation; and though the food
of the Indians is as nasty and disgusting as their dirty selves,
the padre eats it with great gusto, and says that it is appetising,
and very nice. In fine, God has created him, I am sure, totally
on purpose to hunt up these unhappy, ignorant and boorish
people." What Padre Font does not say in his Diary, but
doubtless thought is, " Faugh! what a fool that fellow Garces
is! Catch me doing anything of that sort!" There is all the
difference between the Good Samaritan and the Pharisee. Font
could have preached and quoted De Imitatione Christi; Garces
was imitating Christ.
1S I know of no other reference to the Rancheria de la Merced,

AT THE RANCHERIAS DE LA MERCED. 1 73

habited by Cajuenches. In this land there is plenty
of grass, with very heavy crops of calabashes, water-
melons, corn, and beans; but little wheat grows. I
gave them some tobacco, and through the Yumas
who live among them I talked to them of God and his
mysteries, and explained to them the pictures on the
linen. They all showed great joy at seeing me; for
no sooner had they known who I was and learned
that I was among the Yumas than they expressed
their desire to see me. The language of the Cajuen-
ches is so very different from that of the Yumas
that my interpreters could hardly use it; what I
caused to be done was, that the interpreters should
talk to the Yumas and these to the Cajuenches, inas-
much as they are neighboring nations who under-
stand each other. It was really wonderful to see this
land so abounding in crops, for the other time I was
here, in the year 1771, 17 it was very barren; and on

the exact site of which is not now recoverable. According to
his language, Garces should be found somewhere west of a
place on the river called Ogden's landing.

17 This was Garces third entrada (second 1770, first 1768) : for
details see this entrada, pp. 30-38. A point to be noted here is,
that he distinctly affirms his previous being here, on the west
side of the river, which has been questioned by some, e. g.,
Bancroft, Hist. Ariz, and N. M., pp. 387, 388. True, Arricivita's
account is obscure and confusing; but he distinctly makes the
same affirmation that Garces here confirms; so there can be no
doubt of it.

174 ALL WELL WITH THE CAJUENCHES.

my asking the reason why, they told me that they had
also planted much then, but could gather no crops,
because the Yumas were their enemies, who de-
scended upon them in harvest time, killed them, and
laid waste their milpas; but now that they are friends
they have plenty to eat. I saw here about 300 souls.
Dec. 10. I went a league and a half southwest, fol-
lowing the rancherias, saw the same abundance of
provisions, and they gave me the same reason there-
for, saying that as they kept the peace with the
Yumas which I effected on the former occasion when
I was in their lands, now all was well with them; and
for this, perhaps, was it that they showed me so much
affection, and made me so many gifts; for it was a
profusion of watermelons, muskmelons, corncakes
(panes dc maiz), gruels of seeds (atoles 18 de semillas),
and fish 19 that they presented to me.

18 Atole was a boiled mess or concoction which might be called
soup, broth, gruel, porridge or mush, according to the con-
sistency to which it was brought; any sort of grain or seed
might enter into its composition. — E. C.

The Yumas planted wheat in the river and laguna bottoms in
Dec. or Jan., which ripened in May and June. The Cajuenche
also had some wheat, Garces says. The atole, however, was
possibly made of grass seed, as the Yumas at least are known to
have raised it for food, though mesquite was their principal
food, in all probability. It was usually prepared by pounding
the pod in wooden mortars, then mixing the meal with water,
kneading into a mass, and drying in the sun. — F. W. H.

" Doubtless all the coast tribes ate fish. The Navaho,

THE COCOPAS NOTED. 175

Dec. II. To-day I only went about a league south-
west. I observed this position with the quadrant
that Padre Font had given me, and found it in 32
25'. 20 There assembled at this rancheria an extra-
ordinary crowd (un desmedido gentio). This day
there came into it an Indian of the Cucapa 21 nation,

Apache, and Pueblos strictly tabooed it and everything else
that came out of the water, especially sea water, regarding such
as sacred. — F. W. H.

20 To-day's league does not materially alter Garces' position;
and if we are to take his 32 25' on its face, we must still hold
him west of Ogden's landing, — rather above than below this
place. His observations for latitude, as a rule, are less reliable
than Font's, but in this instance I should suppose him to be
about right.

21 More properly Cocopa. This tribe, which, like all the In-
dians of Lower California, belongs to the Yuman stock, has
occupied during historic times the lower Colorado from its
mouth to a point about fifty miles up-stream where the Cuchan
or Yuma rancherias formerly began, especially on the right
bank of the river and extending into the mountains. They were
once reputed to be a populous tribe, but probably on account
of the incessant hostility of the Yumas, they were reduced to
about a thousand by 1853. In arms, dress, manners, and cus-
toms they were quite similar to the Yuma; and indeed, from
their general appearance it was difficult to distinguish one from
the other. They were agriculturists, raising corn, melons, pump-
kins, and beans, and eking out their somewhat precarious exist-
ence with grass seeds, roots, mesquite beans, fish, oysters, clams,
mussels, etc. — in fact, nothing edible went amiss. The Alche-
doma, Bagiopa, Coanopa, Cuculato, Cunai, Hebonuma, and
Quigyuma (or Quiquima) have been regarded as former Cocopa
divisions. The name appears in literature also as Cacopa,

I76 JALLIQUAMAY OR QUIQUIMA NOTED.

which occupies a wide area from the Laguna de San
Matheo 22 to the sierra and the desemboguement of
the Rio Colorado. This nation is hostile to the Jalli-
quamay or Quiquima, 23 to the Quemeya who live in

Cacupa, Cocapa, Cochopa, Co-co-pah, Cucapachas, Cucassus,
Cucopa, Cucupah, Cupachas, Kokopa, etc. — F. W. H.

In June. 1852, Bartlett notices the Cocopa as follows, Narr.,
ii, p. 179: " Between the Gila and the Gulf, and near the latter,
there is also found a tribe called the Cocopas. They occasionally
visit Fort Yuma, and profess to be at peace with the Americans.
They are less numerous than the Yumas, with whom they are
at war. Recently a party of Yumas were surprised by them,
their chief and many others kille X and the party completely
routed. At the latest accounts the Yumas were preparing for
a campaign against them; and as their numbers are much larger,
it may result in the annihilation of the Cocopas, who would not
be the first tribe which the warlike Yumas have extinguished."

" The Laguna de San Mattheo which Garces gives as a limit
of the Cocopas was some sluice or overflow channel of the
Colorado, not now identifiable, and very likely non-existent; I
find no such name anywhere else, excepting beyond, at date of
Dec. 16.

" Of the Jalliquamay (Halliquamaya, Jallicuamai, Jallicuamay,
Jallicumay, Tallignamay, Talligumai, Talliguamayque, Tlallai-
guamaya. Tlalliquamalla, etc.) nothing is known beyond the
fact that they were a Yuman tribe, allied to the Cocopa, residing
on the lower Colorado, not far from its mouth. As Garces
states, they and their Cocopa kindred were not on friendly terms.
The padre also intimates that they were the same as the Qui-
quima (Quigyuma, Quicima, Quihuima, Quigyama, Quimac,
Quinquima, etc.), but whether or not this was true is now un-
known. Indeed practically nothing more is known of these
tribes than that which Garces gives. On Kino's map the Qui-

KINO AMONG THE QUIQUIMA. 1 77

the sierra, and to the Cajuenche. I warmly em-
braced this Cucapa Indian, and made much of him;

quimas are placed farther southward in Lower California on
the eastern coast, being divided from the Bagiopas by the
" Sierra Azul " of his map. Garces seems to have been the first
authority to apply the terms Jalliquamay and Quiquima to a
lingle tribe, although they have many times since been loosely
employed as distinctive names. From Zarate-Salmeron (1626),
cited by Bandelier, Final Rep., i, 1890, p. no, it appears that be-
low the mouth of the Gila dwelt successively the Halchedoma,
the Haclli, the Cohuana, the Halliquamayas, and finally the
Cucupas, who ranged as far as the gulf. Bandelier here identi-
fies the Halliquamayas with the Comoyei or Comeya, but, not-
withstanding the similarity in names, this is an evident error if
we are to accept Garces' assertion as authoritative. There is
little doubt that Garces' Jalliquamay or Quiquima (p. 176) are
the Quigyumas, Quicimas, Quihuimas, etc., of other writers, as
above noted. They were visited in 1604 by Onate, who men-
tions them under the name Tlalliguamayas, as living in six ran-
cherias not far above the head of tidewater, where Kino (1701
and 1702) likewise found them as below noted. — F. W. H.

Kino visited the so-called Quiquima in Nov., 1701, and on
the 19th entered the first of their rancherias on the east
(Sonoran) side of the river, naming it San Felix de Valois.
This was next to the last Yuman rancheria he called Santa
Isabel. On the 21st, still going down the left bank, he crossed
the river on a raft where it was 200 varas wide, naming this
place La Presentacion. There, on the California side, he was
still among the Quiquimas; he was visited by a throng of
Coanopas, Cuteanas or Cutganas, and Giopas, Ojiopas, or
Bagiopas; and was told he was only one day's journey from the
mouth of the Colorado. Returning in Feb., 1702, with Father
Francisco Gonzalez, he reached Santa Isabel March 1st, passed
San Felix de Valois and La Presentacion, and came to a large

178 GARCES STILL AMONG THE CAJUENCHES.

and he told me that he already knew in his own coun-
try that I was traveling in these parts, and therefore
came to see me on behalf of his nation. He was
accompanied by an old woman; and I charged them
both that they should deliver many greetings to their
people, and should tell them that within three days
I would come there. I showed them the crucifix, the
breviary, and the compass-needle, that they might
know I was the same who had been in their land years

Quiquima rancheria they named San Rudesindo. Continuing
down the left bank they passed other rancherias of the same
nation, one of which they named San Casimiro on the 4th; on
the 5th they were at tide water (now Heintzelman's point) ; on
the 6th they failed in an attempt to cross from the Sonoran to
the Californian side, and on the 7th reached the very mouth
of the Colorado — the first and last time Kino was ever actually
there.

The Quiquimas long continued to be heard of by this name.
Thus the Rudo Ensayo, written in 1762, p. 131, speaks of a
portion of the Colorado that " affords ample space for a commo-
dious dwelling place to the Cuhana nation; but on the other
turn of the river, on resuming its course toward the South,
there dwells, on a most fertile plain, ten or twelve leagues in
length, on the left [bank], the nation of Quiqitionas, the largest
of all the nations along the river until it empties into the Gulf
of California." This is a mere misprint for Quiquimas; for on
p. 132, the Rudo Ensayo continues: "He [Kino] particularly
sets down in his diary of that journey [of 1701] that, besides
the Quiquimas, who are to be found on the other [left] side,
there are Cutcanas, Coanopas, Ojiopas, etc." (names appearing
elsewhere as Cutaganas, Coanopas, and Giopas).

A CAJUENCHE SHOT. 1 79

past (1771), and with this I dismissed them. The
Cajuenches continued to show their satisfaction with
great dancing and much shouting, and in the even-
ing I went the league above said, all full of crops.

Dec. 12. There gathered at the rancheria where I
had slept a great crowd, almost all men, who were
performing an extraordinary dance; and so great was
the confusion of people that fell upon me when I
came out of my little tent that I was obliged to re-
tire into it, full of fear. At noon I heard great shout-
ings and noise of runnings about. I came forth,
and learned the news that a Jalliquamay Indian had
wounded a Cajuenche in such manner that the flint
penetrated near the heart, 24 and it had entered
through the shoulder, and also there had remained
within (the wound) a part of the shaft; they deter-
mined to extract it in front, martyrizing him a sec-
ond time. The medicine-man (hechizero) began to
play his part of running, blowing, and gyrating. I
commenced to pacify them when they sought to kill
a young man whom they brought into my presence,
and as this intention was not justified I told them

24 The expression is: havia jareado a un Cajuenche de tal
modo que se tocaba el pedernal cerca del corazon. Here jareado
is for hereado or herido, and pedernal may be either arrowhead or
spearhead; but as we are told that a piece of the shaft remained
in the wound, doubtless it was an arrow with which the
Cajuenche was shot.

I So OTHER INCIDENTS.

that they should release him and that as soon as he
went to his rancheria there would come others to
defend him, whereupon both sides would be able to
fight " a heap " (de monton). The old men shot ar-
rows, and the boys came to gather up those that the
other party shot. There were no further mishaps,
except that one man was given a beating. I
spoke to the captain of the rancheria. complaining
that they should have so little sense {ton poco entcndi-
micnto) as to set themselves to fighting. I being here
who came to put them all at peace. He replied to
me that since it had happened it could not be helped.
but thc.t there would be no more of it (que ya lo hecho
no tenia rcmedio, pero que ya no habia mas). The in-
terpreters whom I brought, as they saw what was
going on, told me that they were not going to the
Cucapas in my company, and the Indians terrified
them more by assuring them that those down river
(de aba.ro) would do the same with us if we passed
through their lands: on which transit the guides re-
fused (to go). Not only were these afraid, but also
those who had accompanied me were terrified, and
they made me depart with all haste, fearing that at
night they might come to injure us, or the animals
be stolen; to which I agreed, first catechising the
wounded man as well as I could, who joyfully re-
ceived holy baptism.

ARRIVAL AMONG JALLIQUAMAIS. l8l

At this rancheria ends the Cajuenche nation. I
departed thence, and accompanied by many Jalli-
quamais traveled about 2 leagues east, 25 and arrived
at a rancheria of the Jalliquamais nation, where I saw
about 200 souls. Through these lands there is little
grass but they have plenty of provisions, and are very
generous Indians. I also noticed that these Indians
are more cleanly than the Yumas and Cajuenches,
and as the women do not paint so much they appear
middling white. All received me with great pleas-
ure and entertained me handsomely, and having
spoken to them as well as I could of God, they seemed
to believe what I told them; and at sight of the pic-
tures they used the same expressions as the Cajuen-
ches. I could not explain myself well to them, for
though the idiom appears to be the same as that of
the Cajuenches, yet it differs much. 36 My next
project was to cross the Rio Colorado and thus go to

*• We can only conjecture where Garces was after these five
miles. As he goes E., toward the river, the rancherias pre-
viously visited must have been on or near W. border of the
flood-plain; and as he makes no southing, we cannot yet take
him much if any below Ogden's landing. It is a pity he is not
more explicit with topographical details, for no one gives the
various tribal limits more definitely than he does, so that we
should know them exactly, if we could identify his localities.

M This apparent contradiction in terms is easily explained.
All these Indians were of the same (Yuman) linguistic stock,
speaking different dialects of one language.

l82 STILL AMONG THE JALLIQUAMAIS.

visit the Cucapa nation; and for this destination I de-
parted the following day, as I will relate.

Dec. 13. I departed for the east, but could not fol-
low that route, for all told me that neither to the east,
nor to the south, were there any people; for, though
it was true that I had seen many on the other occa-
sion when I went alone through these parts, yet all
had retired to that (a aqudla, i. e., to the other) side
of the riverthrough fear of the enemy. It was neces-
sary to agree with them, and having turned from the
east I took to the northeast, traveling about a league
and a half, and halted at a rancheria of Jalliquamais
of 200 souls, in form of a pueblo, 27 such as the Cajuen-
ches also build, the one and the other the better to
defend themselves thus from their enemies; in all
these rancherias they received me well. Almost all
these Jalliquamais were living in the year 1771 on the
other side of the river in the rancherias which I then
saw and named (Rancherias) de Santa Rosa. 28 See-

"' That is to say, a village of more or less permanency, per-
haps arranged in an orderly manner, perhaps with a plaza, etc.,
as distinguished from a rancheria, which might be occupied only
at certain seasons.

"A name occurring nowhere else, to my knowledge, and of
no other identification than present text affords. The inference
is that Santa Rosa was inhabited in 1771 and had been since
deserted. We are still somewhere in the vicinity of Ogden's
landing, but at a point impossible to specify.

ARRIVAL AMONG THE COCOPAS. 1 83

ing that my purpose of crossing the river was frus-
trated, I determined to return to the nearest rancheria
of the Cajuenches.

Dec. 14. I returned to the rancheria whence I de-
parted the day before.

Dec. 75. I went 2 leagues west and halted near the
rancheria of the wounded Indian whom I had bap-
tized, as said above, and who had died that night in
a rancheria which consisted of 200 souls of Jalliqua-
mais and Cajuenches. In this rancheria I remained
the whole day and also the next, because it was very
cold; and all went well (y lo pase bien).

Dec. 16. Having gone 3 leagues southsoutheast
(sic — sursueste) 29 I arrived at the Laguna de San
Mateo. The Cajuenches who accompanied me took
me over in their arms, and leaving me on the other
side departed; for here ends their land and com-
mences that of the Cucapa nation to whom they are
hostile. I pursued my route, and traveling 4 leagues
in the same direction arrived at (a rancheria of) the

" I cannot help suspecting this to be an error for southsouth-
west, which is approximately the course of the river for many
miles. Garces could hardly go his 34-4=7 leagues S. E. to-
day without running into the Colorado, from any position
whence we can conjecture him to have staited. Whatever the
exact course, this is a long lap, ostensibly between 18 and 19
miles southward. I should suppose this distance to bring
Garces within a few miles of tide water at Heintzelman's point.

184 AMONG THE COCOPAS.

Cucapa nation; this was abandoned and destroyed,
for here was the place where recently had fought the
Yumas, Cajuenches, and Jalliquamais with the Cu-
capa. Here I camped (" made night " — hize ncche),
and regaled myself with some very savory water-
melons. In all this land there is plenty of grass.

Dec. 18. When I was ready to resume my march,
I saw some Indians who were passing on their way
up; I called to them, and they came very joyfully,
shouting as is their wont. These Indians were Cu-
capas; they told me that they were in search of me,
that already had they gone forth once before for the
same purpose, because already they had been given
word that within three days I would come to
visit them; that already were all their people ex-
pecting me. Here there is plenty of grass, much
carrizo [PJwagmitcs communis], and tule [Scirpus
califomicus, probably] ; there are good mesas with
a very beautiful prospect; and as the river is
distant hence some 3 leagues, I consider that there
could be founded here a good mission, without fear
of inundations. I am persuaded that during the
freshets this Laguna de San Mateo, which has now
some 10 leagues of length, will be a large arm of the
river; but its channel is so deep that no doubt it will
keep free from overflow the mesas that there are in
this locality. I mounted my horse and in 4 leagues

AMONG THE COCOPAS. 185

southsoutheast, having on my right the Sierra de San
Geronimo, distant about 3 leagues, I halted at a
rancheria of Cucupas, who were so very numerous
that though I began to make presents to them all I
had to limit myself to only the women. Already had
I halted when the Indian Sevastian, who was the only
one that accompanied me, since the other two had
stayed with the Cajuenches, possessed by fear, urged
me not to remain here, as there was little grass, and
the water was in wells (or pot-holes — pozos), where
the animals could not drink. With the object of
entertaining us both, an old man who seemed to be a
chief invited us, saying that he would conduct us to
his house. Whereupon we departed, traveling 3
leagues southeast, on which route I found two
rancherias. I arrived at the house of the old man
after nightfall {entrada la noche); there were very
many persons gathered here, and among them was
an old woman who well understood the Yuma
tongue. I spoke to them of peace, (saying) that now
all the nations above continued friendly and would
not come down to do them any harm, and that they
themselves had no occasion now to go up to fight.
This proposition suited them well; for they said that
the wars had impoverished them and compelled them
to live where there was little water and no wood.
But the old woman would not believe what I said. I

1 86 THE VIRGIN NOT ON EXHIBITION.

asked her about the two little boys whom I had bap-
tized when I was in this country in the year 1771, and
presently she fell a-weeping, saying, " now they are
both dead — dost thou not remember that I am the
mother of one of them? " I made some presents to
all, and consoled the old woman by telling her that
her son was now in heaven. As all the baggage
(ropa) had been left with the Cajuenche interpreters,
I could not exhibit the Virgin, though they begged
me to do so; for they had been told by those who
brought them my message that they had seen her at
the Cajuenches and thus they knew that I was now
carrying her (que ya la llcbaba). But I told them
about God and exhibited the crucifix, which they all
kissed. All examined the breviary, and I had to
show them all the leaves, because those who had seen
them above had already told them that there were
four or five, and so they were not satisfied to see only
one. The compass-needle also I was obliged to pass
from hand to hand, notwithstanding that they had
already seen it on my other journey. I asked about
the sea, and for those Indians who in the year 1771
took me across the river; and they replied that all
were near by.

Dec. 19. In the morning I went 3 leagues south-
southeast and southwest, visiting various rancherias
consisting of people of the lowlands and of moun-

APPROACHING SALT WATER. 1 87

taineers (de la tierra y Serranos). At the last ran-
cheria they insisted strongly upon my staying; but 1
did not do so because the Indian Sevastian did not
wish it, for the reason that here there were no tulares
and the water was in wells. 30 The Indians urged that
I should not proceed, saying that further down there
was no more grass or fresh water. But 1 did not
mind them, and continued my journey, and soon
(came upon) some shores (or beaches — playas) with-
out grass, without water except that of some pools,
and it was brackish. I halted on this strand, and
took an observation as well as I could, and found
the position to be in latitude 32 17'. 31 I began again

80 Pozos — not that we must understand wells artificially dug,
but natural potholes or deep places in which water stood, as if
in a well. This is the usual locution for water-holes in open
country, those occurring among rocks being commonly called
tinajas, and the latter being frequently known as " tanks " in
Arizona, sometimes called tanques in Spanish. The tulares
above said are low marshy places where grow tules or bulrushes
and other coarse aquatic plants. A very extensive tract of
country in California is known as the Tulares, and the term was
also applied to Indians who lived there. The Californian tule
or rush is of two species: Scirpus calif ornicus of the latest bo-
tanical nomenclature, very similar to the widespread 5". lacustris
of North America and Europe, in fact sometimes known as 5".
lacustris occidentalis ; and the more different S. tatara.

81 This observation, if correct, would put Garces almost
exactly halfway between Ogden's landing and Heintzelman's
point; but he comes to tidewater so soon that I think he must
have been lower down.

1 88 RANCHERIAS DE LAS LLAGAS.

my journey south, with some deviations southwest
and southeast, and continued along the same shore.
The Indians who accompanied me, who were from
the last rancheria whence I had departed in the morn-
ing, insisted that now there would be found no more
good water nor grass; that all this land was covered
by the sea at high tide (quando crecia). The Indian
Sevastian then told me that the animals had not
drunk during the whole day; for which reason I de-
termined to return to the nearest rancheria, in order
to take the road the following day, after a rest (mas
de espacio). I did so, and that night arrived at the
rancherias which I persuade myself are the last ones
there are down river; and the other time that I was
through here I called them (Rancherias) de las
Llagas. 32 Here I met the Indians who in the year of

32 The rancherias of the wounds or sores (of Christ) are not
now identifiable, but the statement is noteworthy as indicating
about how far down the west side of the Colorado Garces
went in 1771. That these rancherias were within reach of the
tide or bore of the river appears from a statement made by
Garces on the 22d, beyond. This would indicate a position
somewhere below Heintzelman's point, which is at the head of
tide water, or very nearly so. Regarding the name Llagas, it
may be observed that Garces was here or hereabouts in 1771 on
Sept. 17, which is given as the day of the wounds or sores of the
seraphic St. Francis Assisi, founder of the Franciscans, upon
whom in his sleep an angel is said to have impressed the
stigmata or llagas de Jesus, sc. the marks of the nails and spear

AT TIDEWATER. 1 89

1 771 had crossed me over the Rio Colorado; which
was to them and to me a great comfort. To reach
this rancheria I went from where I took the observa-
tion 4 leagues northeast.

Dec. 20. I remained in this rancheria, regaled the
Indians, and as well as I could spoke to them of God
and of having padres, which they heard with gusto.
I observed this place and found it in latitude 32 18'.

Dec. 21. I went five leagues along a very extensive
shore with neither grass nor any tree, on a general
southwest course, with some deviations southeast and
south. I arrived at the water and found that it was
the sea; for it was salt, though from being neverthe-
less mingled with that of the Rio Colorado it had not
all the bitterness (acrimonia) which has that of the
high sea (del mar adentro). This water made great
waves like the sea; on the northeast it extended till

with which Christ was wounded at the crucifixion. St. Francis
was Giovanni Francesco Bernardino, b. at Assisi in Italy in
1 182, it is said with a nsevus or birthmark of a cross on his
shoulder; d. there Oct. 4, 1226. He is described as an unedu-
cated, dissolute youth, who early in life had an illness which
appears to have unsettled his mind, as he retired to voluntary
poverty in the convent of Porciuncula, to found his order in
1210; confirmed by Pope Honorarius III. in 1223. The miracu-
lous stigmata, according to the legend, were impressed upon
him after a visit to Egypt, which he made in 1219. He was
then a hermit at Monte Alverno. He was canonized by
Gregory IX. in 1228, and calendared for Oct. 4.

190 AT THE MOUTH OF THE COLORADO.

the end was lost to view — hasta perderle el fin) ; on
the south it was the same; and from east to west it
would reach more than a league. Although now I
knew by all the signs that I was on the sea and at the
mouth of the Rio Colorado, 33 nevertheless to make
myself more sure of this I went a little less than a
league further down, ordered the Indian to get some
water, and it could not be drunk for saltness. Then
I retraced (deshize, " undid ") this league that I had
gone, and halted on the edge of the water in the place
where I had (first) tried it. Here I camped for the

" That Garces has fairly reached the mouth of the Colorado
is obvious from all that he says. But I cannot pretend to stick
a pin in any modern map and say that this is the very point.
In the first place, there is no assurance that the hydrography of
the Coloradan delta, with its lowlands alternately submerged
and exposed every day, its numerous side-sluices and its tremen-
dous " bore " or push of rushing waters heaped up from the
Gulf in the straitening of their course, is now or lately much
like what it was a hundred years ago. In fact, it is impossible
to square Font's map, the only one we have for 1775, with
modern charts, most of which I have studied with care for our
present purpose. Yet there is a position which answers pretty
well, on the whole, to the indications that Garces gives. This
is Arnold's point, about the upper end of the collateral channel
called Hardy's Colorado, opposite Howard's Point, above Point
Invincible and the five or six more or less well marked islands
in the delta; and that such was Garces' position, approximately,
I have no doubt. It should be observed that Font brings the
trail-dots clear down to the open coast of the Gulf, at an ap-
parently impossible point.

THE BORE OF THE TIDE. 1 9 1

night {hize noche). About dark I noticed that the
current of the waters (la corriente de las aguas, i. e.,
the tide) which in the morning ran toward the north-
east, was turning to the southwest, and that it went
down disclosing a low island; at the same time I heard
a great noise of rushing waters [the "bore"], and
hence inferred that the Rio Colorado runs to disem-
bogue in the sea through two arms a little distance
apart; but the next day I satisfied myself to the con-
trary.

Dec. 22. This (last) night I heard a very loud noise
of waters; as soon as it was dawn I returned to the
place where I had been the day before at dusk, and
found that now was dry the whole shore (playa,
strand, beach), nor was heard any noise of waters,
there remaining only a little water in a tide-pool
(sanjon) 3 * into which I threw a stick to see if there
were any current, but it was no longer running (pero
no se men-eo). That night had risen in the son j ones
the water more than 30 paces (at the place where I
was on the 21st). The water of the zanjon and of the
other pools (charcos) which remained I saw was salt,
but not so much so as that of the sea, from which I
infer that on the 21st when I came to this spot I ar-

84 Sanjon — or sanjon, for copy has both forms — is literally a
great ditch, here used for tide-pool ; cut-off, sluice-way, or col-
lateral channel of the river.

I92 EARLIER DISCOVERERS.

rived at high tide, and that this is the legitimate dis-
embogue of the Rio Colorado, 35 whose noise heard

35 We have seen the discovery of the mouth of the Colorado
by Alarcon and Diaz in 1540; also, its rediscovery by Kino in
1702, March 7. In July, 1746, Fernando Consag entered the
mouth by way of the Gulf; details may be read in Apost. Afanes,
pp. 348-388: see also Venegas, ii, p. 308; Bartlett, Narr., ii, p. 170;
Bancroft, No. Mex. St., i, pp. 463-464, with Consag's map re-
duced. On this map an island at the mouth is named San
Ignacio. Garces appears next, on the present journey — for we
have no assurance that he descended quite so far in 1771. In
1826 Lieut. R. W. H. Hardy, R. N., made an exploration: see
his Travels, London, 1829, p. 320. He put the mouth in lat.
30 51' N., long. 114 01' W. (it is about 115 ). The rest of
the case seems to be quite modern, subsequent to our occupation
of California in 1847. Probably the original map of this period
is Derby's, already cited, 4 m. to the inch, plotting the river up
to Yuma. This marks Pelican and Gull islands near the mouth;
Point Invincible in lat. 31 ° 50' N., long. 114 39' W.; Howard's
and Arnold's Points opposite each other, at the mouth of the
river, where it was joined by the side sluice called Hardy's
Colorado, inclosing a large island; and higher up Heintzel-
man's point, near the head of tidewater; then Ogden's landing,
Algodonnes, Fort Defiance, and Camp Yuma, with the mouth
of the Gila in lat. 32 43' 32" N., long. 114° 32' 51" W.; such
being almost his entire nomenclature. In 1857-58 came the de-
tailed exploration of Lt. J. C. Ives, with full report and the
beautiful map pub. in 1861. This has nearly the identical
nomenclature of Derby's, and hardly any more names up to
Yuma, though it marks Pedrick's at 32 30', close to where the
U. S. and Mexican boundary line strikes the E. side of the
river. His survey started at Camp No. 1, called Robinson's
landing from the boat's captain (with whom I navigated the
Colorado from Mojave to Yuma and back in 1865), near

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SECTION OF IVES' MAP OF THE LOWER COLORADO

BACK TO RANCHERIA DE LAS LLAGAS. 1Q3

the preceding night was [the " bore "] of the next
tide.

I returned to the Rancheria de las Llagas by the
same road that I went on the 21st. The Indians told
me, and I observed, that the tide reaches these ran-
cherias; for here the shore is very flat. When the
Rio Colorado overflows {viene crecido) these waters
extend to the Sierra de Santa Barbara, which is a
spur (ramo) of the sierra that, separated from the
Sierra Madre de Californias, 36 runs southeast and

Unwin's point. Comparison of Derby's with Ives' map, so
near together in dates, shows very notable discrepancies in the
details of formation of the delta. It may be added that Derby
marks the sites of three different Indian rancherias, presumably
of Cocopas, all below the head of tidewater. The later maps I
have, as that of the U. S. Hydrographic Office (1877, based on
surveys by Commdr. George Dewey and officers of the U. S. S.
Narragansett in 1873-75, corrected to 1895), of the War Depart-
ment, etc., throw no further light on the situation.

°* Sic, in the plural, probably not referring to the two modern
Californias, but a reminder of the time when California was
supposed to be an archipelago of many islands — Islas de las
Californias. When Alarcon went up the Colorado in 1540 he
proved to the contrary; but his discoveries were forgotten or
ignored for many years, till, at the end of that century and be-
ginning of the next, Father Kino made several journeys and
took great pains for the main purpose of setting this matter
right — though not with such complete success that many per-
sons did not long continue in doubt on the subject. In later
times, on the political and ecclesiastical separation of the two
modern Californias, they were distinguished by several differ-

194 VARIOUS MOUNTAINS SIGHTED.

ends on these shores, leaving a large valley open
hence to the Sierra de San Geronimo, which ends
where I passed the night of the 18th. Thus I per-
ceive that at time of the great risings of the river the
water can very well overflow this valley or strand
that there is between the two sierras of Santa Bar-
bara and of San Geronimo, 37 as far as the place where
the first expedition [of 1774] found stranded that
heap of fish of which is made mention in the diary.
Beyond the Sierra de Santa Barbara I saw another,
somewhat larger, which begins in the Sierra Madre
de Californias and comes to an end on the shore of the

ent pairs of antithetical names, as California Antigua or Vieja
and California Nueva, California del Sur and California del
Norte, California Baxa or Baja and California Alta — these last
being of course the source of our Lower California and Upper
California, though we have lately dropped the qualifying term
for the latter.

17 Garces' Santa Barbara and San Geronimo mountains are
easily recognized on any good modern map, but mostly without
these or any other names. Sierra de Santa Barbara is the short
range which lies immediately west of and runs approx. parallel
with the Colorado river down to about opposite Heintzelman's
point, where it ends, leaving the " valley or strand " between it-
self and the next range; which latter begins about opposite the
mouth of the river, in the conspicuous white bluff called Range
hill, 813 feet high, and continuous southward, approx. parallel
with the west coast of the Gulf of California; this is Garces'
Sierra de San Geronimo. On one of my maps I find the other"
range lettered " Cocopas mts."

VARIOUS MOUNTAINS SIGHTED. 195

sea; this I called (Sierra) de la Natividad. Beyond
(both of) these I saw another larger one which, aris-
ing also on the coast — I mean, in the Sierra Madre —
ends likewise on the coast; this has at its point a pass
or gap by which, according to what the Indians said,
the waters communicated, and I called it (Puerto de)
San Pedro. Looking eastward I discerned another
sierra, high but short, which appeared to me to be
the Sierra Prieta 38 that is about west of Sonoitac,'"

*" Immediately west of and south of Sonoita is the Sierra de
Sonoita, "short and high," as Garces says; but this is behind
the range which immediately skirts the gulf on the Sonoran
side, and I should suppose the latter range to be the one he
means. This is the Sierra Nazareno or Nazarine range — the
name dating back to Kino's time. Among its summits is a
northern one called Pinaculo or Pinnacle, 4.235 feet high, in the
offing northeast of Adair bay; another is Table peak, 1,363 feet.
over George's bay. Still the Sonoita mountains rise above
9,000 feet, and may have been in view from Garces' position.
There is a Sierra de la Cabeza Prieta, suggested by the name
(Sierra Prieta) which Garces uses, but this is entirely in
Arizona, northwest of Sonoita.

39 Sonoita, Sonoitac, Sonoitag, Sonoyta, etc., Sonoaita, etc.,
was a rather notable place in N. W. Sonora, just over the
Arizona line, on a small water course sometimes called Rio
Papago, sometimes Rio de Sonoita, and also on the most direct
route, almost necessary to be taken for water, between several
points on the lower Gila, and such places as Caborca, Saric,
Tubutama, etc. It still exists, and may be found by its original
name on modern maps. Its history dates from Feb. 16, 1690,
when it was a Papago rancheria visited on that day by Kino,
Adam Gil, and J. M. Mange — " la rancheria que intitulamos

It)6 SONOITA NOTED.

of which I make mention in the year of 177 1. I per-
suade myself by all the above said, which I have seen,
that in the time of the lesser waters of the Rio Colo-
rado it will be possible to pass this way to the mis-
sions of California Baxa.

During my stay (plies estando yd) in this place ar-
rived many mountain Indians (Jndios Serranos — the
Comeyas) to eat of the fruits which those of these
rancherias gather, and they asked me if I was going

San Marcelo de Sonoita " says Mange in his Diary, pub. in 1856,
Doc. para Hist. Mex., 4th ser., i, p. 296. Some years afterward
the name was changed to San Miguel de Sonoita, " in accord-
ance with the wishes of the Marques de Villapuente, who at his
death in 1739 had endowed this mission and that of Busanic,"
Bancroft, No. Mex. St., i, p. 543. Such was its style as a mis-
sion in November, 1751, when it was destroyed in the dreadful
Pima insurrection which laid waste also Saric, Tubutama,
Caborca, etc., and cost many lives — among them that of
Padre Henry or Henrique Ruen, Ruhen, Rhuen, or Ruhn, the
missionary at Sonoita. Aside from perpetual Apache ravages,
this revolt of Pima was the most serious disturbance Sonora
ever suffered from the Indians. The Rudo Ensayo says, p. 167:
" One single malcontent, one puffed up, haughty man like a
Luis del Saric, with the reputation of a sorcerer, is sufficient to
cause the ruin of a whole nation. We are still [in 1762] deplor-
ing the sad consequence of the rebellion plotted by this man in
1751, traces of which, together with the cruel Seris, still keep
the royal troops in continual motion." The author, moraliz-
ing on the subject, gives as the " four foundations of Indian
character " ignorance, ingratitude, inconstancy, and laziness —
" the pivot on which the life of the Indian turns."

VARIOUS INCIDENTS. 1 97

to visit the padres of California Baxa, or those of San
Diego. These Serranos who come down to these na-
tions of the river are different in many respects.
They are very poor, they are very ugly, and degener-
ated (desmcdrados); they are very dirty, on account
of the much mezcal that they eat; their idiom is for-
eign to those of the river. 40 They were very affable
to me, and to divert me they brought a girl of about
10 years, who, covering up what was most necessary,
threw the right leg over the left shoulder, took a
stick in the hand, and in this shape danced, ran, and
leaped, repeating then (the performance) with the left
leg; all the which was greeted with loud laughs by the
Serranos and Cucapas of the rancherias where I was.
Here they stole a knife that my Indian was carrying;
at which the river Indians manifested so much feeling
that if I had not interfered they would have destroyed
the rancheria of the petty thief. It is evident that
these poor (people) have never before seen do-
mestic animals, especially mules; because the In-
dian Sevastian told me that they saluted them (the
mules) as if they were people. This is certain, that
two or three nights they removed the hobbles, and

40 The Comeya or Quemaya, with whom the Diegueno are
also sometimes classed, had a different dialect from that of the
Cocopas and other Yuman tribes of the Colorado of the same
linguistic stock. — F. W. H.

I98 THE JOURNEY CONTINUED.

took them (the mules) to another rancheria to give
them to eat calabashes. One day the jack mule
mired down; and the Indians, seeing that he could
not get out, all came to his assistance, took him in
their arms, carried him to the fire, and warmed and
consoled him.

Dec. 23. We departed for the east, and passing by
a laguna, having gone half a league there was a ran-
cheria of about 200 souls, and another which would
appear to be of mountain Indians (Serranos). I
made them some presents, and having gone about
4 leagues northwest [sic] and north approached the
river opposite (en f rente de) some high hills which
were on the other side of the river, to which in the
diary of the year of 1771 I gave the name of Buena-
vista. 41 I said to the Indians, " See! that is the place
where is to be situated (donde se ha de potter) the house
of the padre and of the Espanoles who may come with
him." The Indians were overjoyed at this news, and
told me that they would fetch the poles (pahs) to
build the house of the padre. I observe that this sit-

" I cannot locate Buenavista, for I have not the Diary of 1771,
and what Arricivita says of it throws no light on the situation.
We quite lose the good padre here, and do not find him till he
is with Eisarc again at Yuma. The place where anything which
could be called a mesa touches the river on the east side is
Ogden's landing; but it is certain that no mission was ever
founded there.

THE RETURN TO YUMA. 199

uation is the best, or one of the best, that there is on
the Rio Colorado for founding a mission. It is a
large and very high mesa immediately upon the river,
with plenty of grass below it (azia abajo), and a
cienega of water at a little distance. The Indians
asked me when we should go on, for the fear that they
have of the Indians above. From here they returned
to their rancherias, and I continued my journey up
river, examining well the places (passed) until (I
reached) the Yumas.

I put the Cucapa nation at about 30 hundred souls.
The Jalliquamais, at about 20 hundred. The Ca-
juenche, at about 30 hundred. Of the Serranos I
could form no estimate, because I only saw those who
came down to the river; but those of this (river) say
that those of the sierra are few compared with them-
selves.

Until my arrival at the Yumas, where I had left
my companion Padre Eisarc, I consumed the rest of
the month of December, and three days of the fol-
lowing January. 42

a I have nothing whatever of Garces' movements for Dec.
2 4. 1775 — Jan. 2, 1776. No doubt, however, he traveled up the
west of the Colorado to Yuma, where we find him on the 3d.

CHAPTER V.

UP RIO COLORADO FROM YUMA TO MOJAVE, JANUARY,
FEBRUARY, I776.

Jan. 3, 1776. I arrived at the Puerto de la Con-
cepcion at night, and unspeakable is the joy that I
felt, finding my beloved Padre Eisarc in health and
well content with the Yumas. He told me that in
my absence they had served and obeyed him very well
(grand 'entente), bringing wood and making him cakes
to eat, almost in the same manner as it is done in the
missions. I gave a thousand thanks to God to hear
them sing some psalms divine that the padre had
taught them, and to see that many came to hear mass.
In all these pious things is singular the Captain
Palma, who though still gentile would put to the
blush (era confusion de) many veteran Christians by
the reverence and humility with which he assisted at
the holy sacrifice, imitating the most devout in mak-
ing the sign of the cross, beating the breast, and other
demonstrations of devotion. The padre has formed
a concept, and I with him, that the Yumas are in a

CAPTAIN PALM A S THEOLOGY. 20 r

disposition proximate to Christianism, which nation
will be able to aggregate themselves in a little while
in the church. I asked the Captain Palma if he had
any knowledge of God before he had treated with
the padres. He replied to me, " Yes, though not so
clear (an understanding) as now." In regard to the
destiny of souls he coincided with the nonsense
(delirios) already related of the Opas. He told me
further that we did not feel the death of our relatives
as they (the Yumas) that of theirs, since having seen
funerals of Espanoles (he knew that the Yumas)
mourn not as we do. (This captain has been several
times * in the Presidio del Altar, 2 as also in the Villa

1 Twice, in March, 1778, and subsequently. In referring to
these visits Garces is not writing ex post facto, as his Diary was
completed at Tubutama Jan. 3, 1777. The parenthetical state-
ment is therefore an interpolation of the copyist or scholiast.
I find it in parentheses in my copy, breaking in upon Garces'
statement of Spanish and Yuman mortuary ceremonies.

2 The name of this place originated with Kino, on or about
Mar. 19, 1694, when he was traveling with Mange down the
river from Tubutama to Caborca on an entrada to the Sobas.
Mange's diary of the trip may be read in Doc. para Hist. Mex..
4th ser., vol. i, p. 242, seq. : see also my notice of Kino, beyond.
The name clung to the place, which later became, as it is now,
the principal one on the river, and was early extended to the
whole river, which in 1694 was known as Rio de Tubutama;
it is the principal branch of the one known as Rio de la Asun-
cion, Rio de San Ignacio, and sometimes Rio Magdalena.
Altar is the present name of the place and of the river. El Altar,

202 ALTAR AND HORCASITAS NOTED.

de San Miguel de Orcasitas, 3 when he went to visit
the Senor Governador Don Francisco Antonio

the place, was a settlement of the Soba branch of the Papago
tribe, and was known as Pitic (not to be confounded with Pitic,
otherwise San Pedro de la Conquista, the Seri rancheria that be-
came the present town of Hermosilla on Rio de Sonora; pre-
sidio founded there 1741). In 1694 the mission of Tubutama
was in charge of Daniel Januski, or Janusqui, who had come in
1693; but after the mission of Caborca was founded Pitic or
Altar became a visita of the latter, prior to 1701, and had 313
inhabitants in 1730. In 1753-54 the Presidio del Altar was estab-
lished, in consequence of the great Pima revolt of 1751, under
Captain Don Bernardo de Urrea, with a garrison of about 50
men, these being 20 added to the 30 of the old Presidio de
Cinaloa which was removed to Buenavista at the Yaqui rebel-
lion of 1741, and to Pimeria Alta in 1751: see Rudo Ensayo, p.

255-

' Orcasitas, or Horcasitas, or San Miguel de Orcasitas, was a
place on Rio de San Miguel or Rio de Horcasitas, the principal
branch of Rio de Sonora. The place will be found on some
modern maps by the name simply of San Miguel. Horcasitas
is a part of the name of Don Juan Francisco de Giiemes y
Horcasitas, otherwise Conde de Revilla Gigedo, 41st viceroy
of New Spain, July 9, 1746, to 1755. San Miguel de Horcasitas,
the town, and its presidio of the same name, were close together
on the left bank of the river. In 1741, when Don Augustin
Vildasola became governor of Sonora, two new presidios were
erected, one of them at Pitic (or San Pedro de la Conquista,
modern Hermosilla), which was ordered to be disestablished
in 1744. But the governor resisted, and the order was not at
once carried into effect, as we have record of the Presidio de
Pitiqui for a few years (for example in Villa-Sefior y Sanchez,
Teatro Amer., ii, 1748, p. 392). This presidio appears, however,
to have been moved about 1748-50 from Pitic to Horcasitas,

CAPTAIN PALMA S DISCOURSE. JO3

Crespo, 4 and to beg liim that there should come to his
land padres and Espaiioles.) How this nation and
the others that I have seen do (mourn their dead) I
will tell in the reflections that I will give at the end
(of this Diary).

One day of those that I was here came the Coco-
maricopas and Jalchedunes, and according to what
the interpreter told me Captain Palma spoke to them
in this manner: " Now are we brothers who formerly
were enemies. This good has come upon us by
means of the padres and Espanoles, on whose account
have I already laid down arms. Think not that this
has been through fear; for indeed ye know that I have
many people, and that now are my friends the Ca-
juenches, Quemayas, Yabipais, and Jamajabs. They
have told me that ye Jalchedunes are not firm in the
peace which we have made. Take up arms if ye will;

and the new Presidio de Horcasitas thus founded long con-
tinued a notable post in its new site. In 1763 it was one of the
five Sonoran presidios, the four others being at Altar, Tubac,
Terrenate, and Fronteras; at this date the neighboring town of
San Miguel de Horcasitas was the most populous and poorest
place in the vicinity, and the presidio was the residence of the
governor. About this time the place seems to have had some
claim or pretension to be considered the capital of Sonora, but
does not appear to have ever actually enjoyed that distinction.
4 Governor of Sonora and Sinaloa from 1774. when he suc-
ceeded Mateo Sastre, to the organization of the Provincias
Internas in 1777.

204 PUERTO DE SAN CARLOS NOTED.

but I am enough, with the Espanoles, to chastise ye.
Tell me, who are we, that we should oppose the
soldiers? These are now on the march; for indeed
ye know that there are Espanoles on the coast, 5 and
near Moqui."

From this discourse it is seen that Indians are not
such fools as some think; and that by special divine
providence they are afraid where there is nothing to
fear. 6

In these days I baptized seven moribund persons.

As the Danzarines, who live in the sierra at the
Puerto de San Carlos 7 and thence northward, saw

5 Of California, at San Diego de Alcala (but mission destroyed
Nov. 4, 1775), San Carlos de Monterey, San Gabriel Arcangel,
San Luis Obispo, and San Juan Capistrano (begun 1775, but
not formally existent till Nov. 1, 1776). Padre Escalante was,
in 1775, the missionary at Zufii, " near Moqui."

6 In the original: " En este discurso se ve que los Indios .no
son tan tontos como algunos piensan, y que por especial
providencia divina temen donde no hay que temer " — that is
to say, it took a miracle to make such clever Indians afraid to
oppose the Spaniards under the circumstances.

7 Puerto de San Carlos or St. Charles pass can be located
with precision as the modern San Gorgonio pass or San Ti-
moteo canon, through which the railroad runs between the
San Bernardino mts. on the N. and the San Jacinto mts. on
the S. ; stations San Gorgonio, Banning, San Jacinto, White-
water, etc. It was named Mar. 15, 1774, on Anza's expedition
with Garces and Juan Diaz; on the 20th they crossed Rio de
Santa Ana, and on the 22d were at the mission of San Gabriel.
This fixes the habitat of the otherwise somewhat elusive Dan-

THE DANZARINES OR JEQUICHES. 205

that their friends the Jalchedunes had already made
peace with the Yumas, and knew that we were there,
they came down and made peace also. This nation,
whom on the former expedition we called Danzarines
on account of the ridiculous gesticulations they make
when they talk, is known to the nations on the river
by the name of Jequiches. 8

In token of friendship the Cajuenches called upon
Palma and his friends to come down on a tour
through their lands to eat calabashes.

There came one day a Quemaya who brought word
that he had heard {refirio segun trajeron el recado) that

zarines or Jequiches, lettered " Jecuich " on the map Font made
at Tubutama in 1777. We hear of the Puerto de San Carlos
again, in connection with our present expedition of 1775-76;
for on p. 87 of Font's Diary, at date of Dec. 26, 1775, we read
that the expedition left a certain dry arroyo at 9.15 a. m., and
at 2.00 p. m. halted in a piece of low ground (baxio) immediately
under the steep rocks {penascas) which form the Puerto de la
Sierra Madre de California, called the Puerto de San Carlos,
etc. On the 31st they were on the Rio de Santa Ana, and they
arrived at the mission of San Gabriel Jan. 4, 1776.

s This was the Yuman name of these Indians, whom Garces
called the " Dancers." They were probably of Shoshonean
stock, and we may look for their survivors among the so-called
Mission Indians. Just north of the Puerto de San Carlos or
San Gorgonio pass was the boundary between the Shoshonean
tribes and the Yuman. The name appears as Tecuiche in Jose
Cortes, as quoted in Whipple's Report, iii, pt. 3. p. 125, where we
read that they " have their hordes as far as the port of San Car-
los " — apparently a statement derived from Garces.— F. W. H.

206 BAD NEWS FROM SAN DIEGO.

already were united two or three nations to fight
against the Espanoles of the seacoast; that already
had they killed a padre and burned his house; that to
the Espanoles who had passed through the Yumas 9
they had done nothing, because they knew that they
(Spaniards) were their (Yumas') friends; that if these
Espanoles united themselves with those that there
were on the coast and should make war together, then
they (the Indians) would defend themselves and rob
them (the Spaniards) of all they possessed; that he
brought this message on behalf of his nation, because
they well knew that they were very old friends; that
they did not seek to take up arms, but only to remain
quiet if perchance there should be war. As almost
every day we heard various idle tales (cuentos) that
the Indians told us, we did not then credit {no dimos
asenso entonzes a) this information; but it turned out
to be true. 10 It is easily seen how important it is to

* That is, to the Spaniards of Anza's present expedition of
1775-76, which had just passed through the Yumas and not
been molested on the coast of California while en route to San
Francisco.

10 Unfortunately it was only too true, for this report was that
of the outbreak at San Diego of Nov. 4, 1775, when Padre Luis
Jaume or Jaime and others were killed, and the mission was
temporarily broken up by the Dieguenos. This was the first
mission ever established in California Alta; its full name was
San Diego de Alcala, the same as that long before given by
Vizcaino to the Bay of San Diego on which the foundation was

SAN DIEGO MISSION NOTED. 207

have on our side the nations of the river, not only
in order that we may be able to pass whenever it may

made, so called from St. James of Alcala in Spain, a Franciscan
friar who lived 1400-63, was canonized 1588, and still has his
day on Nov. 12. About 40 persons of all sorts formed the
settlement at the Indian rancheria Cosoy, identical with modern
Old Town on the bay, on Sunday, July 16, 1769, when Padre
Junipero Serra formally started the establishment by raising
and blessing the cross and executing the other ecclesiastical
functions which were " to put to flight all the hosts of hell and
subject to the mild yoke of our holy faith the barbarity of the
gentile Dieguinos." But these gentile, though not gentle, bar-
barians were a squalid and stolid set who did not fancy a yoke
of any sort, and preferred to go scot-free in the ways to which
they had been used, as we shall see. The original site of the
mission, and of the presidio founded there very soon after-
ward, did not prove desirable, and by 1773 there were several
propositions made for its removal. The change was made in
August, 1774, when the mission was moved about five miles
northeastward, up the valley, to a place called by the Indians
Nipaguay, some six miles from the present harbor and city of
San Diego. Hence the mission was often called San Diego
de Nipaguay, and by the end of 1774 consisted of a wooden
church thatched with tule, 57 x 18 feet, an adobe blacksmith's
shop, several dwellings or storehouses, etc. There had been
no great change from this condition at the time when the
storm burst, on the night of Nov. 4-5, 1775, without any warn-
ing. The disaffected Dieguenos attacked and burned the mis-
sion, killing Padre Jaume and several other persons of the little
company of eleven Spaniards. The cause of the outbreak is
not very specific, but seems rather to have been a general dis-
satisfaction of the Indians far and near at the way they were
treated by their new masters; it is therefore the same old story.
We have full details of the disaster, as in the report of Nov. 30,

208 APACHE MOJAVES NOTED

be convenient to the establishments of Monte-Rei,
but also in order that these may subsist; as I will
make clear at the end of the Diary.

Besides the continual visits which the Jalchedunes
made us, there arrived here nine Indians whose na-
tion they here call Yabipias Tejua, 11 and we Apaches.

J 77S. by Lieut. Ortega to Lt.-Col. Anza, and in the mission
books, especially the account by Padre Fuster, who survived
his compadre Jaume: for these and other original sources of
information, see Bancroft, Hist. Cal., i, pp. 249-256. The San
Diego mission was re-established in October of the next year,
1776, and continued to flourish without special mishap till its
abolition in 1834.

11 This tribe is more widely known under the name Apache
Mohave, meaning " hostile " or " wild " Mohaves, and not indi-
cating an admixture of Apache and Mohave. When they first
became definitely known the Yavapai or Apache Mohave occu-
pied the interior region of western Arizona from Bill Williams
fork southward to Castle Dome, Eagletail, and Bighorn moun-
tains, eastward to the vicinity of a line drawn about south of
Prescott. They seem gradually to have drifted eastward, and in
1873, vvhen they were rounded up and placed under the Rio
Verde agency, they claimed as their territory the valley of the
Verde and the Black mesa, and from the Rio Salado northward
to the neighborhood of Bill Williams mountain. At this time
they are said to have numbered about 1,000. In 1875 they were
removed to San Carlos Agency, Arizona, where they now num-
ber 526. The name is said to be derived from a native term
signifying "sun people." Other forms are: Cruzados (of
Onate, 1604); Jum-pys, Nichoras, Niforas, Nigoras, Nijor,
Nijoras (Pima name); Nijotes, Niojoras, Nixoras (in Font),
Nyavapai, Tontos (not the Tonto Apache), Tubessias, Yabapais.

THESE YABIPAIS TEJUA. 200.

These Yabipais are old friends of the Yumas, and so
they had a great feast. They came as they are accus-
tomed to do every year, to eat of the fruits of the
land; they come in winter, for then is the road
good, which is a five-days' journey through very
rough (quebrada, broken) country. These Yabipais
danced whilst we were eating, and afterward
we showed them the images, vestments, and
other trifles (y demas cositas) which we possessed;
at all of which they manifested great compla-
cency, and the next day they heard mass with the
same attention as Captain Palma (did). There was
a Yuma who understood the Yabipai language well,
and by this means I asked them how they lived; on
what did they subsist; who were their friends; and
whether they ever came to the land of the Espanoles,
or the Espanoles to theirs. They replied that they
lived scattered about (csparramados) ; that the regular
means of subsistence was the chase, though they also

Yabijoias, Yabipaces, Yabipaiye, Yabipay, Yabipias, Yalipays,
Yampaio, Yampais, Yampaos, Yampas, Yampay, Yampi, Yam-
pias, Yapapi, Yavape, Yavapies, Yavaipais, Yavipay, Yubipias,
Yubissias, Yum-pis, Yupapais, Yurapeis.

" The Tejuas are neighbors [of the Mohave] on the east bank
of the Colorado, below the little Colorado," says Taylor in
California Farmer, Jan. 31, 1862. This would make them
Yuman, and doubtless a branch of the Yavapai. They of course
have no connection with the Tigua or Tegua, pueblo In-
dians of New Mexico. — F. W. H.

210 THE SUBJECT CONTINUED.

raised some corn and a few calabashes; that their old
friends are the Yumas, Jamajabs, and (certain) other
Yabipais of the east who are enemies of the Es-
pafioles, and that these never have come to their
lands, nor have they themselves ever gone to those
of the Espafioles; that they are enemies of (certain)
other Yabipais that there are on the north of the
Moquinos (Moquis), of the Cocomaricopas and (Pi-
mas) Gilefios; but once that all made peace, as indeed
they saw and had heard said (was to be done), then
they would do likewise with all; and (they said) also
that they knew that the Yabipais of the East, their
friends, had great fear because many Espafioles were
entering into their lands. I told them that they
should seek to live all together in some good place,
and give their children for baptism; that I would
come to see them, and they should procure peace with
all their enemies; that soon would come the padres
and the Espafioles to live on the Rio Gila and also
on the Rio Colorado; then no longer would be their
enemies either the Jalchedunes, or the Yabipais of
the North, or the Moquinos, because these are friends
of the Espaholes of New Mexico; and thus would
everything be settled (todo se compondria). They re-
plied that on returning to their land they would
assemble the people, and tell them all that Captain
Palma and I said. To the nine I gave to understand

REMOVAL TO PUERTO DE LA CONCEPCION. 211

that Espanoles only do harm to bad people, and when
they cease to be bad, then war ceases.

These Yabipais reported, and the same did the Co-
comaricopas, that the Rio Gila was beginning to rise
and would run much water; and for this reason was
it necessary to move the hut (xacal) from the house
of Captain Palma to the Puerto de la Concepcion.
Padre Fray Tomas did this, aided by the interpreters
and by some Yumas. Not because these Indians as-
sisted in this work is it to be supposed that the gen-
tiles can be compelled hereafter to build the habita-
tion of the minister, or the church, for already are
known the evils which may result ; and this being con-
sidered a thing certain and just, it will be necessary
for these first buildings to go on under the hands of
the Espanoles, or of the soldiers themselves, in so far
at least that there may be an adobe apartment in
which can be kept safe from accidental or incendiary
fire our most valuable and necessary possessions. "

u Garces is thinking of certain official regulations or restric-
tions regarding employment of Indians in the construction of
buildings for the Spaniards. The whole sentence, not easy to
render word for word, stands as follows in the original: "No
por que estos Indios ayudaron a este trabajo se ha de pensar
que se puede obligar desde luego a los Gentiles a que hagan la
avitacion (for habitacion) del Ministro e Yglesia pues se deja
conocer las malas resultas que puede tcner, y supuesto esto
como cosa cierta y justa, sera preciso que estas primeras fabricas

212 EXAMINATION OF PUERTO DE SAN PABLO.

One day during my stay here I went down to the
Puerto de San Pablo, to examine more carefully the
site where could be best founded the mission. I
found one very advantageous, between the sierra and
the shore (medandl), among some high hills that are
beyond the puerto, in whose immediate vicinity there
is a channel (zanjon) through which runs the water
when the river is high; and when it is not, with facility
can be dug wells which may hold much water; and
even now water can be had by opening a little the
paderon 13 of the river. This situation affords plenty
of grass, and I consider it as very much to the pur-
pose of founding a mission.

corren por mano de los Espanoles, 6 de los mismos Soldados
como tambien que a lo menos una pieza sea de adove para poder
guardar en ella libre de un Yncendio casual 6 maquinado lo
mas precioso 6 preciso que se Hebe."

13 The clause runs: " y aun se puede hazer ya por ella abriendo
un poco el Paderon del Rio." This word paderon would be a
corker, could we not discover that it is an anagram by the
scribe's slip of the pen for paredon, large wall, sc. high bank of
the river. The Beaumont MS., fol. 17, and the pub. Doc, p.
267, both read paredon. Nevertheless it is a curious fact that
in Arizona to-day you can hear paderon said by Mexicans as a
sort of provincialism. Garces means that if the wells he speaks
of should not answer, water could be fetched directly from the
river or from the side channel. The whole passage is in good
evidence of the position I have already assigned to San Pablo,
in the immediate vicinity of modern Pilot Knob, which makes
a sort of puerto where the river turns sharp from west to south.

GARCES STARTS UP RIVER. 213

During this period the Jalchedunes came repeat-
edly to see me, and urged me to go to their land. I
gladly agreed to do so, on condition that (con tal que)
they should conduct me afterward to the Jamajabs.
To this they objected, for fear that I should be of
assistance to them (i. e., to the Jamajabs), and con-
cluded that not (would they do so); but that they
would take me all through their land, and then ac-
company me (back) to the Yumas. Seeing this
repugnance I determined to go first to the Jamajabs
with an Indian of that nation who was here.

Feb. 14. Having taken leave of my companion I
departed from the Puerto de la Concepcion in com-
pany with two interpreters, Sevastian and a Jamajab,
and went 2\ leagues northwest.

Feb. 15. I went two leagues in the same direc-
tion. 14

Feb. 16. I set out to the westnorthwest and went
two leagues, passing the Sierra de San Pablo 15

M Having started from Yuma, Garces goes up the Colorado
on the California side, but for these first two days bears away
from the river, which is here flowing about southsouthwest, he
going northwest. His twelve miles for the two days should
place him opposite and west of the Purple hills, but not yet
abreast of Chimney Rock.

"The Sierra de San Pablo, it will be remembered, is Garces*
own name for the range which reaches from the vicinity of
Chimney Rock southward to Pilot Knob. He is now west of

214 INDICATIONS OF GOLD.

through a gap, and on the other side found rain
water in a canada. The old interpreter whom I
brought is versed in mines, and told me that this
land indicated much gold, for there was much tepustete
de color™ In this land there is little grass. I called
this Aguage de San Marzelo.

Feb. if. I went one league northwest.

Feb. 18. I went 4 leagues northwest. Soon after
my start this day I sighted the Cavesa del Gigante on

this range, but not yet up to the Rock, of which he does not
speak till the 18th. His mileage is excessive, for any direct
distance from Yuma, but doubtless much less so by the way he
came. He finds water in a box-canon, and names this aguage
or watering place in the rocks for St. Marcellus.

18 Tepustete is a word derived from the Nahuatl tepustetl =
tepustli metal, -(- tetl, stone, and will not be found in ordinary
Spanish dictionaries. It means a kind of rock which was re-
garded as a sign of gold. Thus the author of the Rudo Ensayo,
p. 243: "... the idea that the ground contains those qualities
which concur in the generation and maturation of gold. This
occurs particularly in those places where the stones called
tepustete are found, which are very heavy like stones of lead.
They are called ' gold guide ' because if the ground is dug
wherever the tepustete is found there is a certainty of finding
gold." Again, the Diario y Derrotero of Escalante, 1776-77, in
the pub. Doc. of 1854, p. 435, speaks of a rock " que los mineros
llaman Tepustete, y que era indicio de mineral de oro." A
similar word, tepetete, is in modern mining use for the rubbish or
tailings left when ore is cleaned up, and also for barren rock
through which a vein of ore runs. This is apparently the
Nahuatl tepetlatl, meaning limestone.

CASTLE DOME — CHIMNEY ROCK. 215

the east. Also I discerned the great Medanal de
San Sevastian and its surroundings, and passed near
the Penon de la Campana, which from here has a
diverse aspect. 17

Feb. 19. I went 8 leagues north with some short
turns northnortheast, and passed the sierra 18 that is
north of the great Medanal (de San Sevastian) by a
very easy gap. The watering-place where I camped
consists of several tanks (tinajas) that are on
the surface of the ground in a canada, with conven-
iences for the animals to drink; there is also much

" The Cabesa del Gigante or Giant's Head we have already
(p. 162) found to be Castle Dome, the most conspicuous feature
of the range of the same name on the E. side of the Colorado.
As Garces sights it on the E., he evidently started to-day from
the vicinity of Chimney Rock, which he says he passed near;
for this is his Penon de la Campana, called by Font Pefiasca
de la Campana on Dec. 4, antea, note 8 , p. 162; the terms both
mean " great rock of the bell," or Bell peak, the applicability
of which will be evident to one who knows the shape of this
remarkable landmark: see, for example, the fine view of the
peak which forms the frontispiece of Lt. Ives' report, pub.
1861. It bears about 15 miles N. N. W. of Fort Yuma in air-
line, and has a different appearance at such distance from that
which it presents as Garces passes near it on its west. The
Medanal de San Sebastian, of which he speaks, is the great
sandy plain or desert to his left.

18 This sierra is simply the extension of the great San Ber-
nardino range to the Colorado, where it takes the name of
Chocolate hills on both sides of the river.

2l6 A PARTY OF MOJAVE INDIANS.

grass. I called this place (Aguage de) San Joseph. 19
From here it is one day's journey to the river, travel-
ing to the east, and another of the same length to the
Jequiches, on which they tell me there are many
lagunas of water which, though somewhat saline, is
not undrinkable(?zo impide el beberse);hom all of which
it is inferred that this road is more suitable than that
which the expedition has taken. 20

Feb. 20. I tarried and took an observation in this
Parage de San Joseph, finding it to be in 33 28'.
There is a sierra in this aguage that runs from west
to east and unites with that of California.

Feb. 21. I went a league and a half northnorth-
west and two (leagues) eastnortheast; passed the
sierra, and arrived at a valley 21 where I met a party
(una patrulla) of Jamajab Indians who would be about
80; they were going down to the Yumas, moved by
the reports that they had heard. These I comforted
and regaled, for they were going very hungry; and
having spoken of the peace made between the Yumas

16 San Joseph of the text appears elsewhere in the more usual
form of San Jose. The location is not easy to find, and I know
of no modern equivalent of the name.

20 The direct route thus indicated is that now taken by the
railroad; the expedition went roundabout, much further south.

11 Still south of the Halfway mts., and at a considerable dis-
tance from the river; but we lack data for greater precision, and
have no modern names of places along here.

HALFWAY AND RIVERSIDE MOUNTAINS. 217

and Jalchedunes, they told me that they were taking
with them two captive Jalchedun women. These I
begged them for with great insistency; and many
objections being overcome, I succeeded in that they
gave them to me for a poor horse and some other
small presents. They proceeded on their route,
the greater part of them, there remaining the captain
and some others here with me, where we passed the
night; and the animals went to drink at San Joseph.

Feb. 22. I went four leagues northnorthwest and
two eastnortheast, in a roundabout way (rodeando),
because they told me that the packmules could not
proceed on a direct course (por derecho).

Feb. 23. I went two leagues eastnortheast and
four north. After surmounting a sierra that comes
from the west, which I called Santa Margarita, 22 I
found myself on the border of the Rio Colorado. I
passed a valley and arrived at an aguage that is in
a caiiada of another sierra 23 which comes likewise
from the west. This route is not necessary; for I
came thus roundabout on account of the Jamajabs
being at war with the Jalchedunes.

Feb. 24. I observed this position and found it in
33 25'. In the afternoon I went a league and a half

" This sierra de Santa Margarita is apparently the range now
known as the Halfway mts.
iS This other sierra is the Riverside mts.

2l8 JENEQUICHES NOTED.

west, winding about because the passage of the sierra
is bad. 2 *

Feb. 25. I passed over the sierra by a good gap
on a northwest course and by the westnorthwest ar-
rived at the Tinajas del Tesquier, 25 having gone three
leagues. Said tinajas hold plenty of water, and are
very commodious for the animals to drink. This
aguage is one day's journey from the river, and ad-
mits of passage {proporciona el camino) from the Jal-
chednnes to the Jenequiches, 26 who are those of the

14 He went westward of his way to find the good gap in the
mountain crossed next day.

" Tesquier, plainly, in my copy. Beaumont MS., foja 17
vuelta, has Tesquien, and pub. Doc, p. 270, prints Tezquien.

M Of the Jenequiches we know no more than Garces says.
His location of them on the Rio Santa Anna agrees with Font's
map, on which the " Jenicueich " appear among the mountains
of California, in the vicinity of the " Jecuich " (the Jequiches or
Danzarines of Garces). The name has appeared as Teneque-
ches by mistaking manuscript J for T. Thus Jose Cortes, who
seems to have cribbed most of his matter from Garces, and
bungled it in the process, says in Whipple's Report, iii, pt. 3,
p. 125, that the Teniqueches " adjoin the Talchedums and the
mission of Santa Ana," by which he means San Gabriel. This
throws light on who these and the Tecuiche or Jecuiche actually
were. Eliminating the first syllable we have the Spanish
form of Kizh (sig. " houses "), a division of the Kavouya
(Cahuilla, Coahuila, etc.) of Shoshonean stock (according to
Gatschet) and the name of the natives of San Gabriel (accord-
ing to Hale). It is practically impossible to fix the bounds of
any of these tribes, as they seem to have roamed at will. —
F. W. H.

AMONG THE CHEMEBETS. 2IO.

Rio de Santa Anna. 27 In the evening I went three
leagues through quite a difficult sandy place (par un
medano bastantc perwsd).

Feb. 26. I determined to send to their home the
little Jalchedunes (Inditas Jalchcduncs) whom I had
rescued from captivity, which I did, with the old
interpreter, and with many assurances of my friend-
ship, such as that he should say to them on my part
that already were they friends, and that they had
ceased to war with the Jamajabs; and that he should
await me there. The Jamajab captain who was go-
ing with me made a great harangue to the Indian
women (Indias) and to the interpreter, in order that
they should repeat it there, breaking a bow and
throwing away the arrows in his presence, as a sign
of veritable peace.

This day I went eight leagues northnortheast and
north. I passed through the gap of a sierra that runs
northwest, and at its base made a halt at some small
springs of water that I called (Ojitos) del Santo
Angel, where I met some 40 persons of the Cheme-
bet 28 nation. Six Indians of this nation that were

17 Present name of the river in the San Bernardino valley of
California: see beyond, date of Mar. 22.

28 The Chemebet and Chemeguagua of Garces (beyond) are
synonymous, being the Chemehuevi. These were the most
southerly of the Paiute tribes, of Shoshonean stock, formerly
occupying two distinct areas. The first was in Nev. and Colo.,

220 THEY ARE THE CHEMEHUEVIS.

on a hill came down as soon as we called them, with
the speed of deer, and regaled me with very good
mezcal. The garb of these Indians is, Apache mocas-
sins (zapato), shirt of antelope skin (vestido de ga-
muza), white headdress like a cap {gorra blanca a nwdo
de solideo) with a bunch of those very curious feathers
which certain birds of this country have in their crest.
These Indians give me the impression of being the
most swift-footed of any I have seen. This nation
inhabits the territory that there is between the

west of the great bend of the Colorado, as far as Providence
mts.; there were probably several hundred of these. Another,
formerly (1853) in five bands (the names of which are not
known) occupied the E. bank of the Colorado between Bill
Williams fork and the Needles, being thus, in later times at
least, between the Cuchan and the Mohave, both Yuman tribes,
with whom the Chemehuevi were on friendly terms. Their
chief seat was the beautiful Chemehuevi valley, extending 8 or
10 miles — in width for 5 miles — along the river. They are
agriculturists and are physically inferior to their Yuman neigh-
bors. There are about 300 on the Colo. Riv. reservation, and
probably a few at Moapa agency; others probably roam with
their kindred, the Paiute. Other forms: Chemahuava, Chema-
wawa, Chemchuevis, Chemegerabas, Chemehueris, Chemehue-
vitz, Chemeonahas, Chemiguabos, Chemiheavis, Chemihuahua,
Chemihuevis, Cheminares, Chimawava, Chimchinves, Chimeh-
whuebes, Chimhuevas, Chimohueois, Chimwoyos, Genigneihs,
Itchi-mehueros (Mohave and Walapai name), Kemahwivi,
Simojueves. Their own name is Tantawats, which signifies
" southern men " (Powell), evidently in reference to their hab-
itat, which is south of that of the other Paiute tribes. — F. W. H.

WHAT ARE CORITAS? 221

Beneme, a tract of land very scant of water, follow-
ing thence the border of the Rio Colorado on the
northern side as far as (hasta lie gar a) the Yuta
nation, of whom they give much information; and
they are friends of these, as enemies of the Coman-
ches and Moquis. The Chemebets say that their
nation extends to another river, north of the Colo-
rado, and that there they sow. They also keep
friendship with the Apaches Tejua; they have a lan-
guage distinct from all the nations of the river; they
are intimate friends of the Jamajabs, and when these
break their weapons, so do they also. They make
some baskets (coritas) 29 very similar to those of the

29 Corita is the name now used in Mexico for a sort of pannier
borne by pack-mules; it is not a Spanish dictionary word, and
Garces' meaning of " basket " is not evident at first sight. But
a passage in Ortega, Apost. Afanes, 1754, p. 298, clears up this
matter: " Los [Indios] que estavan a la [orilla] del Poniente
[del Rio Colorado] passaron los mas a nado a la contraria.
para saludar al Padre [Kino], y en unas bateas, qui son proprias
de la Pimeria Alta, texidas de ciertas particulares yervas visto-
mente entreveradas, que llegan a recibir el agua, sin que pueda
penetrar dentro, traxeron sus comidas, y sustento. Mas en este
parage las bateas llamadas coritas, que en la Pimeria son por
lo comun mas pequenas, eran tan crecidas, que cargavan mas
de una fanega de maiz, y los Indios por el rio, rempujandolas
a manera de barquitas andantes, las trasportavan a la otra
banda " — that is to say, in fine, most of the Indians who were
across the river swam over to salute Father Kino, bringing their
victuals in vessels (bateas) proper to Pimeria Alta, woven

222 CANAL DE SANTA BARBARA NOTED.

Canal. 30 Through the different lands that they in-
water-tight of certain plants and handsomely ornamented. But
these vessels, called coritas, were so much larger than those
commonly used in Pimeria, that they held more than a bushel
of corn, and were shoved over the water like little boats.
Thus these coritas were evidently the large shallow baskets, like
circular platters or trays, so well known throughout the south-
west. See also Garces beyond, p. 282, where he is taken across
a river and his effects are carried over in coritas.

I find a much earlier and different use of the word corita in
Doc. para Hist. Mex., 4th ser., i, p. 327, where J. M. Mange
wrote of Mar. 12, 1701 : " Dimos a mano con coritas 6 gicaras
[for jicaras] agua a las mulas de carga que ya peridian de sed,"
i. e., gave the pack-mules, which were perishing of thirst, water
by hand by means of coritas, here used in a sense which the
synonym gicaras shows. These vessels were probably small
jugs of basketware, made water-tight with gum or pitch, and
with them water was dipped up or ladled out of a scanty
source. The word jicara is not very common, but has become
very well known in its diminutive form as the designation of
the Indians called Jicarilla Apaches, often pronounced " Hick-
ory " Apaches, who are now on their reservation in northern
New Mexico and southern Colorado.

w The Canal, as Garces calls it, with a capital and without
qualifying term, is the Canal de Santa Barbara, or Santa Bar-
bara channel, between the coast of California and the collection
of islands in the offing. Font's map of 1776, for example, letters
Canal de Sa. Barbara below Punta de la Concepcion, with one
large island lettered I. de Sa. Cruz, and four smaller ones
unnamed. In modern nomenclature the five largest islands of
the group are Santa Cruz, Santa Rosa, Santa Catalina, San
Nicolas, and San Clemente; besides which are several smaller
ones, including that called Santa Barbara, 60 miles S. W. of
Los Angeles. All are collectively known as the Santa Barbara

THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. 22$

habit they take different names, as are Cajuala Se-

islands; they are eight in number without counting Begg's rock
as a ninth. The history of the channel and its islands goes back
to 1542, in the fall of which year Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo sailed
northward along the coast, and named many places, but not
the channel itself. He died on this navigation Jan. 3, 1543, at
a place he called La Posesion, on present San Miguel island,
the northwest one of the group, lat. 34 . His names need not
detain us, as they never acquired vogue and had mostly been
forgotten or were ignored when the expedition of Sebastian
Vizcaino came along in 1603. He was in San Diego de la
Alcala bay in November, so naming it for the saint whose day
is Nov. 14. Before the end of the month he named San Pedro
bay for St. Peter, bishop of Alexandria, whose day is Nov. 26,
and also the islands still known as Santa Catalina and San
Clemente. Next was named the Canal de Santa Barbara, which
saintess' day is Dec. 4, and also the Isla de Santa Barbara and
Isla de San Nicolas, both of which names persist. The four
islands of the more northern group appear on Vizcaino's map
by other names than they now bear. Passing and naming
Punta de la Concepcion, now Point Conception, the voyage
was continued past Rio de Carmelo, so called from Carmelite
friars who accompanied it, round Punta de los Pinos, still
known as Point Pinos, and on Dec. 16 into the Bay of Mon-
terey, so named for the ninth viceroy of Mexico, Gaspar de
Zuhiga y Acebedo, Conde de Monterey. Even this glance shows
how much of the present nomenclature of the California coast is
derived from Vizcaino of 1603, how little from Cabrillo of 1542.
But we have still to account for Santa Barbara mission and the
saint herself. A project for occupying the channel was formed
by Neve in June, 1779, and some new regulations for California
took effect in 1781, providing for the founding of a new presidio
and mission of Santa Barbara, with two others on the channel
to be called San Buenaventura and La Purisima Concepcion.

224 OTHER INDIANS NOTED.

vinta, Cajuala Chemebet, or Chemeguagua. 31 They
conducted themselves with me most beautifully; by

San Buenaventura was soon established, Mar. 31, 1782, but Santa
Barbara not till Dec. 4, 1786, and Purisima not till Dec. 8, 1787.
Dec. 4 is the day of Santa Barbara Virgen y Martir, as already-
said, and on that day of 1786 the ceremonies were begun which
founded the mission in the course of the month. She is a
legendary character, never satisfactorily identified, and some
very wild stories attach to her name. She is the patroness of
Spanish artillerists and sailors in the Spanish navy, and her
name is the synonym of a powder-magazine. The present town
of Santa Barbara is the capital of Santa Barbara co., Cal.

31 Cajuala Se vinta, Cajuala Chemebet, etc. As Garces states,
these were evidently names applied to various small Shoshonean
tribes. The Sevinta or " Cajuala Sevinta " were apparently the
Shivwits, who occupied the plateau of the same name, bounded
by the Grand Wash cliffs, in extreme northwestern Arizona,
although they extended into the surrounding region. Some
of the Shivwits were seen as far south as Peach spring in 1871.
They were a division of the Paiute, and are not popularly dis-
tinguished from the rest of that Shoshonean tribe. Beadle
called them " Lee-Biclies ; " Cortes corrupted Garces* form of the
name into Chemeque-sabinta; Orozco y Berra, Chemegue sebita
and Chemegue sevicta. Other forms: Seviches, Sheav-wits, Sher-
wits. Major J. W. Powell, 1873-74, was the first to call attention
to the tribe under its proper name, and probably the first white
man to see them after Garces' time. They then numbered 182.

I do not know the signification of " Cahuala " in connection
with the tribal names. There is a Shoshonean tribe known as
Kauvuya, formerly in Cabezon, San Jacinto, and Coahuila val-
leys, E., S. W., and S. E. of San Bernardino, Cal., and thence
extending in straggling bands to the river Colorado. In 1873
they numbered 1,937 in *3 rancherias. They were later placed
on the Mission reservation, where they are still officially re-

ARRIVAL AT MO J AVE. J_5

no means were they thievish or troublesome, but
rather quite considerate. They all carried a crook 32
besides their weapons.

Feb. 2/. I observed the position of Santo Angel,
and found it in 34 31'. Thereafter I went six
leagues northwest and northeast, though for the most
part northeast. I halted where there was grass, but
no water.

Feb. 28. I went seven leagues northnortheast and

garded as " Coahuilas." Other forms: Caguilla, Caqulla, Cah-
nillo, Cahual-chitz, Cah-wee-os, Cah-willa, Carvilla, Cavio,
Caweo, Cohuilla, Cowela, Cowilla, Kahweaks, Kah-\ve-as, Kah-
weyahs, Kavayos, Koahualla.

Jose Cortes (in Whipple's Report, p. 125-126) has: " North-
ward of the river Colorado live other bands, which may be
considered as one numerous nation; they are the Chemeque-
caprala, Cehmeque-sabinta, Chemequaba, Chemeque, and Pay-
uches [Paiute]; all speaking the same language, with the ex-
ception of the last." All of these, except the " Payuches,"
would seem to be divisions of the Chemehuevi, and probably
the Shivwits or " Sabinta " were an offshoot of the same. Both
the Shivwits and Chemehuevi are now regarded as Paiute divi-
sions — this is based on linguistic classification by Powell. Cor-
tes' " Caprala " seems to be the same as Garces' " Cajuala." I
can identify them with no other than the Kauvuya or " Coa-
huila," who, as previously mentioned, extended to the Rio
Colorado. On a Yuma map of the river in Whipple, iii, pt. 3,
p. 16, the " Ca-hnal-chitz " are located above Bill Williams'
fork (Hah-weal-ha-mook) and the Mohaves. — F. W. H.

" Alcayata, hook, crook. He means the hooked stick which
these and many other Indians habitually carried for the pur-

226 AMONG THE MOJAVES.

arrived at the Jamajab 33 nation, having passed over

pose of pulling rats, gophers, and other small game out of
their holes. This instrument was about the size of an ordinary
walking-stick.

" The Jamajab = Mohave were the most populous tribe of the
Yuman family, and formerly the most warlike. In historic
times they occupied the valley of the Rio Colorado, but mainly
the eastern bank, between the Needles and the entrance to Black
canon, especially the vicinity of Camp Mohave. Their name
is derived from hamok, " three "; habi hemi, " big rock or moun-
tain," and points to one of their oldest habitats around the
Needles on the E. side of the Colorado. They numbered 1371
in 1890, on the Colorado River, Mohave, and Yuma reservations.
Other forms: Amacava, Amaguagua, Amahuayas, Amajabas.
Amajavas, Amochave, Amojaves, Amoxawi, Amuchabas, Ha-
mockhaves, Hamoekhave, Hamokiavi, Hamukahava, Jamajas,
Jamalas, Machaves, Macjave, Mahaos, Majabos, Majave, Mo-
hahve, Mohave (1841: present form), Mohavi, Mohawa, Mo-
hawe, Mohaoes, Mojaris, Mojaur, Mojave, Molxaves, Moyave,
Soyopa, Tamajabs (misprint; after Garces' Jamajabs), Tamasa-
bes, Wah-muk-a-hah'-ve, Yamagas, Yamajab. — F. W. H.

It is probable that the Mojaves have been known to the
whites, or known of, since 1540, when Alarcon went up the
Colorado by boat, mostly cordelled by Indians, for 15 days.
How far he went is uncertain; but it took only 2 l / 2 days to de-
scend with the current. Again he started, Sept. 14, 1540, in
three boats loaded with provisions and merchandise, and went,
it is said, 85 leagues, or some 225 miles. Probably he saw all
the tribes on the river excepting the Havasupais; I am inclined
to allow him up to the Needles, and thus to the Mojaves. In
1604-05, Juan de Ofiate may have come into some relation,
direct or indirect, with the Mojaves. After that we only hear
vaguely of them till these full accounts by Garces of 1776. But
even these seem to have made little impression; and how little

AMONG THE MOJAVES. 227

a sierra 34 that runs to the northwest and ends on the
Rio Colorado. Having continued further, the ran-

was really known of them till into the '50's, when Whipple, Sit-
greaves, E. F. Beale, and especially Ives told us so much, may
be judged from the following extract from Bartlett's Narr.,
1854, ii, p. 178:

" At Fort Yuma [in June, 1852] we heard of a tribe called the
Mohavi, who occupy the country watered by a river of the
same name, which empties into the Colorado about 150 miles
above the fort. They are said to be a fine athletic people, ex-
ceedingly warlike, and superior to the other tribes on the river."
Needless to add, the Mojaves never lived on the Mojave river,
which does not flow into the Colorado.

34 This sierra is of course the Mojave range, which separates
the Chemehuevi valley from that of the Mojaves. Garces
has no name for it here; but on his return down the Arizona
side of the river, he names it Sierra de San Ildefonso, Aug. 1 ;
see the date, p. 419. From the N. W. this range comes S. E.
to the Colorado, and continues on the other side of the river,
which thus cuts through it to the extent of the Mojave canon.
This runs N. and S. between lats. 34° 30' and 34 45'; whence
it appears that Garces' observation of 34 31' on the 27th is
too low. Some of the elevations of the range immedi-
ately upon the river, where the canon is most boxed, take
the forms of spires; these are called the Needles, having been
known as such since the time of Ives, 1857-58, on whose
map they are delineated and so lettered. His report also
gives figures 15 and 16 of the outlet and inlet of Mojave
canon, together with a panoramic view (No. 2, opp. p. 64)
of the whole Mojave valley up to Pyramid canon. The rail-
road now crosses the river near the Needles, and Needles
is the name of the last station on the California side. In
Garces' time, as in Ives' and ours, the villages or rancherias

228 AMONG THE MOJAVES.

cherias of the Jamajab I saw were on the opposite
bank of the river; these I called (Rancherias) de la
Pasion, without crossing to the other side. Here
came soon all the Jamajabs, because the captain who
was accompanying me hastened on to inform them of
my arrival. Those who came to see me that day
remained to sleep in this place, so that I could speak
to them to my satisfaction on all subjects. To all
that I set forth to them they replied that it was good;
and added that license was given me to remain here
to baptize them, because they knew that thus would
result all sorts of good things. I can say with entire
truth that these Indians have great advantages over
the Yumas and the rest of the nations of the Rio
Colorado; they are less molestful, and none are

of the Mojaves extended along the river all through the valley,
to the next (Pyramid) canon, above the site of the military
camp or Fort Mojave, now an Indian school reservation with
the name Mojave City on some maps. This is a little N. of 35 ,
about 14 miles N. of Needles station, and twice as far above
the Needles themselves. Whipple's crossing of Feb. 27, 1854,
was in close vicinity of the present railroad station; Beale's
crossing of 1857 was a little above Fort Mojave, at or very near
present Hardyville, or Hardy. I was three times at Fort Mo-
jave in 1865, and post surgeon there in March, 1881; in the
former year, when I navigated the Colorado from Mojave to
Yuma and back, the master of the sternwheeler Cocopa, Cap-
tain Robinson, was the same who had piloted the Explorer on
Ives' expedition.

AMONG THE MOJAVES. 22<)

thieves; they seem valiant, and nowhere have I been
better served. I showed them the picture of the Vir-
gin; it pleased them much, but they did not like to
look at that of the lost soul. As I am the first Es-
panol 30 who has been in their land they celebrated it
beyond bounds (sobre manera) by their great desire
to become acquainted with them (Espanoles); and
considering them to be very valiant, they manifested
extraordinary joy at being now friends of a people so
valorous.

Feb. 29. I tarried here, because there came suc-
cessively many persons, and among them three cap-
tains, of whom one said that he was the head chief (el
principal) of the nation, against whose will was
naught determined; that he had come in order that
I should tell him that which there was for him to do;
that I should know him for what he was when I
should see him do out of the goodness of his heart all
that which I might propose; and finally he said that

85 1 see no reason to doubt Garces' claim that he was the first
Spaniard who was ever among the Mojaves — actually " in their
land " and on terms with them. At the same time we must not
forget the original ascent of the river by Alarcon in 1540. The
point he reached will ever remain uncertain, but he may easily
have come to the Needles, and thus to the verge of the Mojave
country. Also, there is the question of Ofiate of 1604-05; for
he may then have had some communication with these Indians,
direct or indirect, though he was never actually among them.

23O AMONG THE MOJAVES.

he would be baptized and married to a woman, add-
ing other good things of like tenor. This is the cap-
tain general of them all (que ay), and he lives in the
center of this nation. The female sex (el mugerio)
is the most comely on the river; the male (la gente)
very healthy and robust. 36 The women wear petti-
coats of the style and cut that the Yumas (wear).
The men go entirely naked, and in a country so cold
this is well worthy of compassion. These say that
they are very strong; and so I found them to be, es-
pecially in enduring hunger and thirst. It is evident
that this nation goes on increasing, for I saw many
lusty young fellows (gandules), and many more boys;
the contrary is experienced in the other nations of
the river. There came together to visit me about 20
hundred souls. Abound here certain blankets that
they possess and weave of furs of rabbits and otters ST

s " Perhaps there could be no more striking instance of the
absurdity of grammatical gender than is shown in this sentence,
where women collectively are el mugerio, masculine, and men
collectively are la gente, feminine!

" Nutrias is the word used, properly meaning otters, but
Garces may have meant beavers. In proof of this use of
nutrias for beavers I can cite a passage in Escalante's Diario,
Doc. para Hist. Mex., 2d ser., i, 1854, p. 426: " Aqui tienen las
nutrias hechos con palizades tales tanques, que representan a
primera vista un rio mas que mediano — here have the beavers
made with sticks such ponds that they look at first sight like
a river larger than usual "; the reference being of course to the

AMONG THE MOJAVES. 23 I

brought from the west and northwest, with the people
of which parts they keep firm friendship. They have
been also intimate friends of the Yumas. Their lan-
guage is different; but through constant communica-
tion they understand well enough the Yuma. They
talk rapidly and with great haughtiness (arrogancia).
I have not heard any Indian who talked more, or with
less embarrassment, than their captain general. The
enemies that they have are, on the northeast the Yabi-
pais Cuercomaches; 38 on the east the Jaguallapais; 3 *

damming of the stream by these animals. Mr. Hodge observes
that the above-mentioned rabbit-skin robes are those so well
known to be manufactured principally by the Paiutes, who are
the people referred to by Garces as living on the west and
northwest.

38 A division or mere rancheria of Yavapais, on one of the
heads of Diamond creek near the Grand canon, unknown by
name save for mention by Garces. Compare date of July 17,
beyond.

39 The Jaguallapais of Garces are the Walapai or Hualapai, a
Yuman tribe whose habitat in early historic times was the
middle Rio Colorado, above the Mohave tribe, from the great
bend eastward. They extended from the southern bank of the
river well into the interior, occupying Hualapai, Yavapai, and
Sacramento valleys, and the territory of the Cerbat, Hualapai.
and Aquarius mts. Present Bill Williams' fork and its brancli.
Rio Santa Maria, formed their southern extremity. Their name
is derived from huala, " pine tree," " pinery," " pine forest," and
pax, "all men," "people" — i. e., "pinery Indians." The Co-
honino or Havasupai are an offshoot frum the Walapai, and still
speak a dialect more nearly like the Walapai than any other of

232 AMONG THE MOJAVES.

and on the south the Jalchedunes. During the ha-
rangues that they make they give smart slaps with
the palms on the thighs. 40 Manifesting to these
people the desires that I had to go to see the padres
that were living near the sea, 41 they agreed and offered

the Yuman languages. They are now confined to a reservation
bordering the great bend of the Colorado in N. W. Arizona,
where they number 631. They seem to be gradually diminish-
ing in numbers. Other forms of the name are: Hah-wal-coes,
Haulapais, Ha-wol-la Pai, Ho-allo-pi, Huaepais, Hualapais,
Hualipais, Hualopais, Hualpaich, Hualpais, Hualpas, Hualpias,
Huallapais, Hulapais, Hwalapai, Jagullapai (after Garces),
Jaguyapay, Jaqualapai, Jaquallapai, Tiqui-llapai, Wallapais, Wil-
ha-py-ah. — F. W. H.

*" Jose Cortes (in Whipple's Report) must have had access
to Garces, for his statement of the language and gesticulation
of the Mojave, whom he miscalls " Tamajabs," is almost a literal
translation of the above: "The language is very strange; it is
spoken with violent utterance and a lofty arrogance of manner;
and in making speeches, the thighs are violently struck with the
palms of the hands "!

41 That is to say, at the mission of San Gabriel, in the vicinity
of Los Angeles, Cal., whither we will now follow the good mis-
sionary. We shall be able to trace his very steps on this jour-
ney, as I once followed his route very closely, and have my own
itinerary before me, Oct. 30-Nov. 14, 1865, from Mojave to
San Gabriel. Besides myself the party consisted of John N.
Goodwin, governor of Arizona; Lieutenant Charles A. Curtis,
5th U. S. Infantry; two servants, one of them my Mexican boy
Jose, whose full name I never knew, and the other Curtis'
striker; and two teamsters, one of the 4-mule ambulance in
which we rode, the other of the 6-mule wagon for our baggage
and rations. The route, in brief, was west to Soda lake, then

DEPARTURE FROM MOJAVE. 2 /, .:

soon to accompany me, saying that already they had
informations of them and knew the way. But as now
I had few provisions, I determined to depart imme-
diately (quanto antes); and told them that on the re-
turn we would see them again (de espacio). I left
here the greater part of my baggage and the inter-
preter that I had sent with the Indian girls (Inditas)
that I had rescued; and in company with the Indian
Sevastian and the Jamajabs I departed from this
place.

up the Mojave river, through the Cajon pass to San Ber-
nardino valley, and thence to San Gabriel mission near Los
Angeles. The clearest map of the road that I know of is one
on a scale of 16 miles to the inch published by the Wheeler
survey of 1875, being a topographical sketch of the route fol-
lowed by a party under Lieut. Eric Bergland, corps of Engi-
neers, U. S. A. This road does not agree well with the present
railroad line, but in those earlier years it was the only road from
Mojave westward.

CHAPTER VI.

FROM MOJAVE TO SAN GABRIEL, MAR.-APR. 8, 1 776.

Mar. 1. I went three leagues northwest, accom-
panied by the principal captain of the Jamajabs; and
having turned aside from the fields of wheat I arrived
at the rancherias where was his house, and which I
named (Rancherias) de Santa Isabel. 1

Mar. 2. I tarried at request of the captain in order
to satisfy others who desired to see me. This day
visited me another captain with his people, and two
Indians of the Chemebet nation.

Mar. 5. I proceeded three leagues on the course
northwest with some turns to the westnorthwest. 2 I
observed this locality to be in 35 01', and I named
it San Pedro de los Jamajabs. 3 In this situation and

1 These rancherias were in the vicinity of the present railroad
station Needles.

2 So my copy, oestnoroeste, but there seems to be some doubt
of this reading. Bancroft's copy had the impossible " east-
northwest " (Hist. Cal., i, p. 275) ; Beaumont MS. has estnor-
ueste, and so has the pub. Doc, p. 276. I am inclined to make
it estnordeste, eastnortheast.

' If we allow the reading eastnortheast, we can bring Garces

POZOS DE SAN CASIMIRO. 235

in that below there are good mesas for the founda-
tion of missions, and though they are near the river
they are free from inundation.

Mar. 4, on which was made the observation noted
on the 3d day. I departed, accompanied by three
Jamajab Indians and by Sevastian, on a course south-
west, and in two leagues and a half arrived at some
wells [which I named Pozos de San Casimiro. 4
There is some grass.

around a bend of the river, and take his 35 01' at its face value,
as a mile above the point where the Nevada boundary line
strikes the Colorado at 35 . This sets his San Pedro de los
Jamajabs nearly opposite the well-known site of Fort Mojave.
This military post was built in 1858 on a bluff on the left bank
of the river, lat. about 35 03', and some five miles below Hardy.
The Mojaves and other Indians were then hostile; but they
were defeated in battle by troops under Capt. and Bvt. Major
Lewis A. Armistead of the 6th Infantry (who soon afterward
joined the C. S. A. and was killed at Gettysburg July 3, 1863),
and thereafter gave no trouble. The fort was abandoned May,
1861, but reoccupied the same month of 1863 by two companies
of the 4th California volunteers. The military reservation,
established by Executive Order of Mar. 30, 1870, was turned
over to the Interior Department by President Harrison, Sept.
19, 1890, under A. of C. approved July 31, 1882.

4 Lacuna here in our copy, by fault of the scribe. I bracket
the required matter from the Beaumont MS. and ihe pub. Doc,
both of which name these wells: see also beyond, p. 308. When
I ferried across the river from Fort Mojave, Oct. 30, 1865, I
went 3 miles to some water called Beaver lake; whence it was
22 miles to Piute springs, the usual first camp out from the fort.
The road was fair, though mostly up and down hill, and either

236 SIERRA DE SANTA COLETA.

Mar. 5. 5 Departing by the northwest I traveled
eight leagues west one quarter westsouthwest, on a
road level and grassy, and halted at some wells of
excellent but little abundant water. Sebastian said
that two mule-trains could drink.]

Mar. 6. I traveled five leagues west and three west-
southwest, through land level and grassy. I arrived
at a sierra that has pines, though small ones, and I
named it (Sierra) de Santa Coleta. 6 The aguage,

sandy or rocky. But it appears that Garces did not go exactly
this way. He started west from the river below Fort Mojave,
and took an Indian trail that runs approx. parallel with, but a
few miles S. of, the main wagon road I was on, joining the
latter further on.

s No entry for Mar. 5 in our copy, by continued scribal omis-
sion, which I supply in brackets; for both the Beaumont MS. and
the pub. Doc. give an 8-league journey between San Casimiro
wells and another day's journey to camp on the 6th. I have no
doubt this is correct, as this interpolation adjusts Garces' camps
well with what I know of the route he is on. March 5, therefore,
we send Garces eight leagues west x /\ westsouthwest to some
nameless wells. These should be found on Pahute or Piute
wash, at a point a few miles S. of the well-known Piute springs
of my last note.

8 When I traveled the main road on Oct. 31, 1865, from Piute
springs it was 20 miles to Rock springs, where I found no
water and went two miles further to water at what were called
Government holes in those days; total, 22 miles. Now Garces
is coming along his trail but little south of my road, and nearly
parallel therewith. His eight leagues to-day, nearly west, takes
him on to the Sierra de Santa Coleta, in which range he finds

CANADA DE SANTA TOM AS, ETC. 2yj

which is somewhat scanty, is in the midst of the sierra,
but there is much grass and of good quality. Here
I met four Indians that were coming from Santa
Clara, 7 after trading in shells (cucntas)* I was lost
in wonder (quede admirado) to see that they brought
no provisions whatever on a route where there is
naught to eat, nor did they carry bows for hunting.
They replied to my amazement, " the Jamajabs en-
dure hunger and thirst for four days," to give me to
understand that indeed are they valiant men.

Mar. 7. In the afternoon I passed the sierra
through a good gap, and at the outlet (a la salida)
entered into a Canada that on both sides has hills of
sand; I named it Canada de Santo Tomas, 9 and hav-
ing traveled four leagues westnorthwest I halted,
though better would it have been to follow the

a scanty aguage. This watering-place is Cedar springs, in the
Providence mountains of modern geography. Observe the
name " Cedar " springs, and the statement that the sierra " has
pines, though small ones."

7 The note on Santa Clara will be found on p. 257.

8 Cuentas were certain seashells highly prized by the Indiana,
and a brisk trade was carried on in them between tribes of the
interior and those of the coast where they were found. Much
more about cuentas beyond.

"There are more than one of the name; I presume Garces
named the Canada for St. Thomas Didymus, one of the 12
apostles, not for St. Thomas a Becket, b. London 11 18, mur-
dered in Canterbury cathedra! Dec. 29. 1170. canonized 1x72.
Observe the northing to' the dry camp.

238 SIERRA PINTA — ARROYO DE LOS MARTIRES.

Canada, since the footing was firm. Here there was
grass, but no water.

Mar. 8. I went six leagues westsouthwest, in part
through the cafiada and in part through the medano.
I arrived at some very abundant wells which I named
Pozos de San Juan de Dios, 10 and there is sufficient
grass. Here begins the Befieme nation. 11

Mar. p. I went 5 leagues [west] \ westsouthwest,
and arrived at a gap in the sierra that I named
(Sierra) Pinta for the veins that run in it of various
colors. Here T encountered an arroyo of saltish
water that I named (Arroyo) de los Martires. 12
There is good grass.

10 For note on the ''ozos de San Juan de Dios see p. 258.

11 Befieme. These ;re doubtless the Panamint Indians, of Sho-
shoean stock, after whom the valley and range west of Death
valley (their present habitat) were named. Formerly they occu-
pied the region mentioned (in Inyo county, Cal.), and the ad-
jacent desert stretches. As late as 1883 they numbered about
150; ten years later their number did not exceed 50. These
Indians live mainly on herbs and roots, and therefore have
been popularly known, with other tribes, as " Root Diggers,"
or " Diggers."— F. W. H.

The above text of Garces is evidently the basis of Cortes in
Whipple's Report, p. 124: "Journeying from the nation of the
Tamajabs [sic] to the west quarter northwest, at the end of 20
leagues begins the nation of the Beneme."

13 Mar. 9 is the memorable day on which Garces discovers
Mojave river, never before seen by a white man. He has
reached the sink of the river, modern Soda lake, and names it

DISCOVERY OF THE MOJAVE RIVER. 239

Mar. 10. I went 6 leagues up the arroyo on a course
westsouthwest, and with various windings I halted
in the same arroyo, at a place where it has cotton-
woods, much grass, and lagunas. 1 '

Mar. ii. Having gone one league eastsoutheast
I arrived at some rancherias so poor that they had to
eat no other thing than the roots of rushes (rayses de

Arroyo de los Martires — a term appearing as " R. de los Mar-
tires " on Font's map of 1777, but " R. de los Martinez " by mis-
print on the reduced copy in Bancroft, and Rio de los Martires
having originally been Kino's name of the Colorado in 1609.
Hence arose some confusion; but there is not the slightest doubt
of Garces' discovery and present position. Mojave river has
no outlet, but sinks in the sand at Soda lake or marsh, a place
which varies much in appearance at different seasons or condi-
tions of water supply. The sink has an extent of about 20 miles
from N. to S., but is narrow in the opposite direction, and the
main road takes directly across the middle of it from E. to W.
when the water is low. When I crossed it- was nearly dry ex-
cept in some reedy patches, and most of the surface was whit-
ened with alkaline efflorescence; the water was bad, as Garces
says; the grass was poor, there was no wood, and myriads of
mosquitos tormented us, though water had frozen half an inch
thick on our buckets on the night of Oct. 31. On the W. side
of the sink a road goes northward; the road to follow is the
left-hand one, which runs about W. S. W. and strikes the river
a few miles higher up, as the river comes into the extreme S.
end of the sink. This is Garces' course for to-morrow, " arroyo
arriba con rumbo al Oestsudoeste."

"The distance given should set Garces in the vicinity of a
place on the river called the Caves— a usual first stopping place
in going up the Mojave from Soda lake.

24O BENEME INDIANS SAN JOSE NOTED.

title); they are of the Beneme nation and there were
about 25 souls. I gave them of my little store (los
regale con mi pobreza), and they did the same with
their tule-roots, which my companions the Jamajabs
ate with repugnance. The poor people manifested
much concern at their inability to go hunting in order
to supply me, inasmuch as it was raining and very
cold, and they were entirely naked. Here grows the
wild grape; there is much grass; also mezquites and
trees that grow the screw. 14 This nation is the same
as that of San Gabriel, Santa Clara, and San Joseph. 15
They have some baskets (coritas) like those of the
Canal (de Santa Barbara). They have coats of otter,

14 Arboles que crian el tornillo, literally as above rendered.
This is the screw-mezquite, Prosopis pubescens.

u Of San Gabriel more anon, when we come to it. For Santa
Clara see note 7 , p. 257. San Joseph is frequently written instead
of the Spanish form, San Jose, in annals of this period; the mis-
sion of this name was not founded till June 11, 1797, and the
first pueblo in Upper California was not established till Nov.
2 9, T-777- This was named San Jose, more fully San Jose de
Guadalupe from the river on which it was situated, sometimes
called San Jose de Alvaredo for the governor, sometimes San
Jose de Galvez for the visitador general of that name, who in
a pronunciamiento of Nov. 21, 1768, appointed St. Joseph patron
or overseer at large of the operations about to be undertaken
for the new conversions of California, because his image had
driven away locusts from San Jose del Cabo in 1767. But this
Pueblo de San Jose is not the place meant by Garces; he means
the Valle de San Joseph which he names beyond, Mar. 22, and

CONTINUING UP MOJAVE RIVER. J.\ I

and of rabbits, and some very curious snares that they
make of wild hemp, of which there is much in these
lands. As a rule are they very effeminate, and the
women uncleanly, like those of the sierras; but all are
very quiet and inoffensive, and they hear with atten-
tion that which is told them of God.

Mar. 12. I traveled two leagues westsouthwest,
and halted in the same arroyo [*. e., on the Mojave
river], at an uninhabited rancheria; the rain, the cold,
and hunger continued, for there were no roots of tule,
and the remaining inhabited rancherias were afar
(largo trecho). In which emergency I determined
that my companions should kill a horse to relieve the
necessity; not even was the blood thereof wasted, for
indeed there was need to go on short rations (poncr
coto en las raciou-es) in order to survive the days that
we required to reach the next rancherias. On ac-
count of the severe cold turned back from here one
Jamajab Indian of those who were accompanying
me; of the other two Indians of his nation I covered
the one with a blanket, and the other with a shirt
(tunica). As there Avas much to eat of the dead
horse, they would not depart hence until the 15th
day.

Mar. 15. I went two leagues westnorthwest [and

which is the modern San Bernardino. See note :4 , p. 247, at date
of Mar. 23.

242 PAST OLD CAMP CADY.

a league and a half northwest. I halted in the same
arroyo. There is much grass.

Mar. i6. l& I traveled two leagues westnorthwest] ;
then quitting the arroyo I traveled southwest until I
fell into it again, and continued therein with some in-
clination to the south. Having gone four leagues (I
came to where) there were good grass, large cotton-
woods, cranes, and crows of the kind that there is at
San Gabriel.

Mar. 17. At the passage of the river the mule
mired down, and wetted was all that he was carrying,
and for this did I tarry here. This day I dispatched
one Jamajab and Sevastian, that they should seek
the inhabited rancherias. I observed, and found this

"No entry for the 16th, and that for the 15th defective, owing
to hiatus in our copy, which I fill up in brackets from the
Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. Hence it appears that
about this time Garces passes what was once a notable point
on the Mojave river — the site of Camp Cady. This mili-
tary post was occupied when I came by, Nov. 4, 1865, 16 miles
from my camp at the Caves already mentioned. I find the fol-
lowing in my journal of that day: " Half a day's pull through
heavy sandy and gravelly washes brought us to this God-
forsaken Botany Bay of a place, the meanest I ever saw yet for
a military station, where four officers and a handful of men
manage to exist in some unexplained way in mud and brush
hovels. The officers were Capt. West, Lieut. Forster, Lieut.
Davidson, and Dr. Lauber — glad enough to see us — or any-
body else."

ANOTHER BENEME RANCHERIA. 243

position in 34 37'. 1T This day there came five Jama-
jab Indians who were returning from San Gabriel
from their commerce, and very content to have seen
the padres, who had given them corn; they imitated
the bleating of calves.

Mar. 18. Sevastian returned without mishap, prais-
ing the kind reception that had been given them
[himself and his companion] by the Indians whom
they had seen; and thereupon I went five leagues
southwest up river, 13 and arrived at a rancheria of
some 40 souls of the same Beneme nation. Inas-
much as I observed that I was going below {bajaba)
the 35th degree, I entreated the Indians that they
should take me toward the west; but with all the in-
sistency that I urged I could not succeed, and they

17 Regarding the observation of 34 37' see beyond, p. 306, at
date of May 19, when Garces returns to the river.

18 We have recovered Garces' mileage, and we have him safe
enough on the river. From what he says of his southwest
course, and his anxiety at finding himself going so far below
lat. 35 , I should suppose him to be somewhere between Grape-
vine and Cottonwood. From Camp Cady to Grapevine
(Jacobi's) is about 25 miles; at 1 1 miles of this distance is a
point called Forks of the Road, where a road to Salt Lake
City branches. Most of the way is along the left bank, north
side of the river; then comes a stretch off the river, which is
regained at a place called Fish Pond; whence it is four miles
further to Grapevine. The railroad now crosses the river in
this vicinity, between stations Fish Pond and Waterman. I
was last there in Dec, 1891.

244 POLITENESS OF THESE POOR INDIANS.

simply responded that they knew no other road. In
this rancheria they regaled me with hares, rabbits,
and great abundance of acorn porridge, wherewith we
relieved the great neediness that we had.

Mar. 19. I went one league southsoutheast (sic)
and arrived at the house of the captain of these ran-
cherias. He presented me with a string of about two
varas of white sea-shells; and his wife sprinkled me
with acorns and tossed the basket, which is a sign
among these people of great obeisance. In a little
while after that she brought sea-shells in a small
gourd, and sprinkled me with them in the way which
is done when flowers are thrown. Likewise when the
second woman came she expressed her affection by
the same ceremonies. I reciprocated these atten-
tions as well as I could (del modo que pude), and mar-
veled to see that among these people so rustic are
found demonstrations proper to the most cultivated,
and a particular prodigality (magnificenciu) in scat-
tering their greatest treasures, which are the shells.

Mar. 20. I went two leagues and a half east and
southsoutheast (sic), following up the river. I took
an observation near the gap between two small cerros
through which the river passes, and found it in 34
18'. In the afternoon I went five leagues south and
southeast (sic) 19 and arrived at a rancheria of about

" Garces continues up river, as he says h*e does; the words

LEAVING THE RIVER BY A CANADA. 245

70 souls, where I was received with great joy. On
my arrival (quando iba llcgando) some howled like
wolves, and others made long harangues in a very
high key (en voz muy alta). Here there were two
captains who with all the other men presented me
with white sea-shells, and the women made the
demonstration of sprinkling me with acorns; some
extended this favor to my mules.

Mar. 21. Leaving the river I set forth southwest-
ward, and having gone two leagues through a Canada
and some hills, I arrived at a rancheria of five huts
(xacales) on the bank of the river. I continued on a

" est " " sursueste " and " sueste " are unmistakable in the hand-
writing before me. The road which I followed in 1865 crosses
from left to right bank of the river a few miles above the Grape-
vine place said, continues past -Cottonwood to Point of Rocks,
22 miles from Grapevine, on a southwest course; at Point of
Rocks it turns due south to what was called Lane's, or the
Upper crossing, and there leaves the river entirely to strike
straight south by west for Cajon pass in the mountains, reached
in 19 miles from Lane's. This is the way I went, as my itinerary
shows: "Nov. 9. To Martin's ranch, 29 miles S. from Lane's
crossing; more than half the distance in open country, and
then we entered the Cajon pass in the mountains, where there
is a tollgate. The pass is a narrow, deep, and tortuous canon,
the roughest I have ever traversed on wheels: there was 10
miles of this from the tollgate to Martin's ranch." Now Garces
has been sent through Cajon pass, with a query, as by Ban-
croft, Hist. Cala., i, p. 275; but I do not think he went that way.
Taking his courses on their face, he continued up the Mojave

246 OVER THE SIERRA.

course to the south and entered into a Canada 20 of
much wood, grass, and water; I saw many cotton-
woods, alders, oaks, very tall firs, and beautiful juni-
pers (sabinos); and having gone one league I arrived
at a rancheria of about 80 souls, which I named
(Rancheria) de San Benito. I was received with
great joy, and they made me the same obeisance.
Mar. 22. I went three leagues and passed over the
sierra by the southsouthwest. 21 The woods that I
said yesterday reach to the summit of this sierra,
whence I saw clearly the sea, the Rio de Santa Anna,

river, with considerable easting as said, passed Huntington's
on the river, and then through Bear or Holcomb valley rounded
up to the mountains directly north of the San Bernardino valley,
and crossed them by the well-known trail into this valley. See
notes following.

20 This cafiada is the pass through which Garces crossed the
mountains, between the San Gabriel and the San Bernardino
ranges, from Holcomb's valley into the beautiful one which
became the site of the present city of San Bernardino. He is
tracing the Mojave river up to its very source, near which is the
rancheria he calls San Benito. See last and next notes.

31 Into the San Bernardino valley, which is Garces' Valle de
San Joseph, on the upper reaches of his Rio de Santa Anna,
which is the present name of this river, commonly in the form
Santa Ana. This rises in the San Bernardino mts., runs
through the valley just said, and takes a mean S. W. course to
the sea at Newport, under Point Lasuen. Garces is about to
fall upon the trail of the main expedition, and the names he
uses for the river and valley are easily identified by this: see
note for Mar. 23.

UPON THE ROAD OF THE EXPEDITION. 247

and the Valle de San Joseph. Its descent is little
wooded. At a little distance from its foot I found
another rancheria where the Indians received me
very joyfully. I continued westsouthwest," and
having traveled three leagues along the skirt of the
sierra, I halted in the Arroyo de los Alisos. 23

Mar. 23. I traveled half a league westsouthwest,
and one south, at the instance of some Indians who
met me and made me go to eat at their rancheria.
Thereafter having gone another league westsouth-
west I came upon the road of the expedition. 24 which

13 Bancroft, /. c, misprints this course " E. S. E.," no doubt by
error of his copy; it is very plainly " Oestsudoeste " in my copy.
The Beaumont MS. has " Oestsudueste, y al Oeste"; the pub.
Doc, p. 281, has " estsudueste y al oest."

23 Arroyo de los Alisos, which would be Alder (or Sycamore)
gulch in English, is a tributary of Santa Ana river, and on it is
Cocomungo or Cucamonga, which was merely a ranch when I
passed it in 1865, between San Bernardino and the modern
Pomona, on the main road to San Gabriel and Los Angeles.
It was called Arroyo de Osos or Bear gulch on Anza's expedi-
tion of 1774, which Garces accompanied. His halt to-night is
at or near the site of this ranch.

M Route of the main party under Anza, easily picked up from
Font's Diary, which enables us to identify the names used by
Garces along here. Refer to note 7 p. 204, after date of Jan 3.
where Puerto de San Carlos is identified with modern San Gor-
gonio pass; and see Font's map, camp-mark " 55," on this spot.
Thence on Dec. 27 the expedition went some 6 leagues N. \V.
and W. N. W. to the beginning of the Canada de San Patricio;
mark "56." Dec. 28, remained; observed lat. 33° 37'. Dec. 20.

248 ARRIVAL AT SAN GABRIEL MISSION.

I followed at a good gait (a paso largo) till nightfall;
and having gone eight leagues in this direction and to
the northwest, I halted [on Rio de San Gabriel, at
or near a place now called El Monte].

Mar. 24. At two leagues westnorthwest I arrived
at the mission of San Gabriel, 26 where I was received
by the padres with great kindness, and had the special
pleasure to have arrived on the day on which my
seraphic religion celebrates the Santo Principe; to

7 full leagues N. W. J4 W., with some turns N., to the Arroyo
de San Joseph, where ended the Canada which had been fol-
lowed; mark " 57." Dec. 29, the crystalline water of the Arroyo
de San Joseph, from the Sierra Nevada, was so beautiful that
they called the gorge down which it ran the Canada del Paraiso
(Paradise), and thence it flowed through the Valle de San Jo-
seph; route 5 leagues W. N. W. from Arroyo de San Joseph
into Valle de San Joseph at foot of a hill; mark " 58." Dec. 31,

8 leagues W. N. W. in the valley to Rio de Santa Ana; mark
"59." Here the expedition is at or near modern San Bernardino.
(Observe that Font's other map, of 1777, connects Rio de Santa
Ana with R. de los Martires or Mojave river, making the latter
run to the Pacific — at least, such is the connection on the copy
of the map in my hands; but there is no such blunder on the
original Font map of 1776.) Jan. 1, 1776, remained. Jan. 2, 6
leagues W. N. W. to Arroyo de los Alisos; mark " 60." Jan. 3,
some 6 leagues W. N. W. to an arroyo which joins another to
form the Rio de San Gabriel; mark " 61." This seems to have
been at the place now known as El Monte; wherever it was,
Garces camps there this night of Mar. 23, for he gets into the
mission to-morrow at a couple of leagues, just as Font does
Jan. 4; camp mark "62," and big letter " B " of his maps.

* This long note on San Gabriel begins on p. 258.

SAN LUIS OBISPO MISSION NOTED.

which was added that of seeing this mission so ad-
vanced, both in the spiritualities and the temporali-
ties, since the former occasion when I was here. 28
My principal intention since I departed from the Ja-
majabs was to see if I could go directly to the mission
of San Luis, 27 or further upward, in order that thus
might be facilitated (quedasc facil) the communica-

24 In March, 1774: see antea, Garces' Fourth Entrada. p. 43.

" San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, the fifth in order of time of
the Californian conversions, founded Sept. 1, 1772; named for
St. Louis, bishop of Toulouse, son of Charles of Anjou (King
of Naples), and nephew of San Luis Rey de Francia (Louis IX..
King of France, 1226-70); b. 1275, became Franciscan 1294,
d. 1298, canonized 1 3 1 7 ; his day, Aug. 19. The mission was
sometimes called San Luis de los Tichos, an Indian tribe, and
must not be confounded with the other of similar name, San
Luis Rey, so called from the King of France just said, founded
June 13, 1798. San Luis Obispo was started by Governor Fages
and Padre Serra on a spot called by the natives Tixlini, a mile
or more from the Canada de los Osos or Bear gulch. The
present San Luis Obispo county of California, its present county
seat, and also San Luis bay and Point San Luis on the coast,
all take name from this original establishment. The first min-
ister was Padre Jose Cavalier. Missionaries there about 1773.
besides Cavalier, were Padres Domingo Juncosa, Jose Antonio
Murguia, Juan Prestamero, and Tomas de la Pena. In 1774
a church of some size lacked only the roof. On the present
expedition of 1776, Mar. 2, Anza brought a number of immi-
grants to San Luis Obispo, and stood godfather to some chil-
dren Font baptized. Most of the buildings were destroyed by
native incendiary fires on Nov. 29 of this year, while Cavalier
and Figuer were in charge, assisted by Murguia and Mugar-

250 SAN CARLOS MISSION NOTED.

tion, as the most excellent seiior viceroy desires, of the
provinces of Sonora and Moqui with Monte-Rey. 28

tegui; and there were two other extensive fires within a few
years.

38 Otherwise the Bay of Monterey, where the mission of San
Carlos Borromeo de Monterey was founded June 3, 1770, mak-
ing the second one in California Alta (San Diego, 1769). The
name is that of Count Carlo Borromeo, son of the Count of
Arona, nephew of Pope Pius IV., an Italian nobleman, arch-
bishop of Milan, cardinal, etc., b. at Arona near Lake Maggiore
in Italy Oct. 2, 1538, d. at Milan Nov. 3, 1584, canonized in
1610; his day is Nov. 4; he is commonly called St. Charles
Borromeo in English, and his colossal statue, 70 feet high,
finished 1697, stands on a hill near his birthplace. The San
Carlos was also one of the ships which composed the extensive
expeditions by sea and land for the occupation of the Bay of
Monterey and the founding there of new conversions; and
Carlos III. was then King of Spain. The expeditions came
together about the last of May or first of June, and on the 3d
of the latter month, when the people assembled in an enramada,
a shelter made of boughs, Captain Gaspar de Portola took
formal possession in the name of his sovereign, while Padre
Junipero Serra planted the cross and sprinkled holy water to
rout the devil and all his imps. Thus were started both the
mission and presidio of Monterey. On May 21, 1771, there
came on the ship San Antonio ten padres for service in five
other missions it was proposed to establish soon. But the
original site of San Carlos did not suit Padre Serra, who wished
to transfer the mission about one league to Rio Carmelo, so
named from the Carmelite friars. Permission to this effect
seems to have been given by the Viceroy Croix Nov. 12, 1770,
and the transfer was soon effected. The exact date is in ques-
tion; some say Dec, 1770; some, late in 1771; others, 1772.
Be this as it may, the new mission of San Carlos Borromeo del

THE TULARES NOTED. J51

Not having been able to effect this purpose (lograr),
because the Jamajab Indians who were accompany-
ing me refused, I determined to ascend to San Luis
by the royal road (camino real — regular highway), in
order to depart thence to the east, and explore the
Tulares 28 that I was already informed there were in

Carmelo de Monterey was firmly established on its permanent
site, where it continued to flourish till the secularization of
missions by order of Aug. 9, 1834.

** " It is recorded that some time during 1773 Comandante
Fages, while out in search of deserters, crossed the Sierra east-
ward and saw an immense plain covered with tulares and a
great lake, . . . This may be regarded as the discovery of
the Tulare Valley," Bancroft, Hist. Cala., i, p. 197. A tular
was any marshy place in which grew tule, the common bulrush
of California, either Scirpus calif ornicus or .9. tatara; and Tulares
became the name of the whole basin of which Tulare lake is
the sink: see "Tulares" lettered on Font's map of 1777, where
the whole valley is delineated, probably for the first time. But
if Fages first saw the Tulares in 1773, our indefatigable Garces
in 1776 is the original explorer of that region, thus adding fresh
laurels to those won by the first white man who ever went from
Yuma to Mojave by land, and thence to San Gabriel, discover-
ing and traversing the whole of the Mojave river. In 1806
Arrillaga desired this whole interior region — a great refuge for
deserters from the army and apostates from the missions — to
be explored, and by order of July 10 an expedition started from
Santa Barbara July 19. The record of this entrada, made by
Padre Zalvidea, is extant, and is extracted in brief by Bancroft,
Hist. Cal., ii, pp. 48-50, with map, p. 49, tracing the route. On
this is lettered Laguna Grande de los Tulares; and Garces' own
route of 1776 is also dotted. This will be found more helpful

252 RIVERA Y MONCADA.

that direction, and to return by the same to the
Jamajabs. To this end I asked the corporal (cabo)
who was on duty at San Gabriel for an escort and
some rations, which he refused me. I then had re-
course to Sefior Comandante Rivera, 30 who at the

than the very poor indication of Garces' route on Font's map;
the latter is practically useless. There was another exploration
of Tulare valley in 1806 under Ensign Moraga, whose route
is also dotted on the same map; and Padre Pedro Munoz' diary
of this tour is fully abstracted by Bancroft, /. c, pp. 52, 53, under
the title: Diario de la Expedicion hecha por Don Gabriel
Moraga, Alferez de la Compania de San Francisco, a los
Nuevos Descubrimientos del Tular, 1806. Garces' route we are
about to follow is also digested by Bancroft, Cal., i, pp. 275-77,
with which the following account may be compared. The
Tulare region he explored lies in present Kern and Tulare
counties.

80 Don Fernando Xavier Rivera y Moncada, then command-
ing in California Alta. We have already noted in Font's Jour-
nal his arrival at San Gabriel Jan. 2, 1776, on his way from
Monterey to San Diego to reinforce the presidio and punish
the Dieguehos for destroying the mission, and now we have
his return to San Gabriel. Rivera and Anza had joined forces
in the San Diego affair, but do not seem to have got along well
together. Rivera was certainly a difficult man for anyone to
deal with; some of his associates appear to have doubted that
he was in his right mind. We here see how he treated Garces,
and what a singular order he issued for the treatment of any
Indians who should come to the California establishments from
the Colorado river. He seems to have been " rattled " by the
San Diego affair; indeed, in relation to the very order of which
Garces goes on to complain, the scholiast of the MS. notes in
the margin that this was what made Rivera so timid (produjo

THE COMMANDING OFFICES IS HUFFY. -'5.;

time (en la actualidad) was in San Diego, and in the
same manner did he absolutely deny me all that which
I requested. A few days after I received his reply
His Worship (sit Merced) arrived at San Gabriel; I i
whom I represented that there could be no such im-
possibility as he had written me, considering that
here there were many animals belonging to the expe-
dition; that the padres would furnish provisions on
his order; that as His Worship was going on to Monte-
rey I could go in his company as far as the end of the
Canal (hasta salir de la Canal), to which point was the
escort necessary, we then separating to proceed on
our respective routes. Seeing the truthfulness
(verosimil) and feasibility (facil) of this proposal, he
no longer alleged impossibility, as he had done in
writing; but simply said that he had no orders from
His Excellency, and for that reason could furnish me
with nothing; only he did let me have a horse belong-
ing to the expedition.

este timido motivo en Rivera), and sums his character in the fol-
lowing terms: " Rivera era vn Payo juicioso, pero corto de
entendimiento y practica en otras cosas finas. pero conocia el
caracter de los Indios del suelo " — he was a judicious churl, but
lacked insight and experience in delicate matters, though he
knew the character of the natives. As the reader of the biog
raphy of Garces, antea, will remember, Rivera was killed in hifl
camp at the mouth of the Gila on the first day of the Yum.i
massacre, July 17, 1781.

254 HE IS ALSO OBSTINATE.

These circumstances persuade me that the senor
comandante has taken it much amiss that I came into
these parts, inasmuch as in his reply to the (letter
I wrote him) on my arrival he states to me that not in
the very least (ni tantito) does it please him that the
Indians of the Rio Colorado should come to the
establishments of Monte-Rey. In fact, a little while
before I arrived at San Gabriel there had been here
some Jamajab Indians for their commerce in shells —
those whom I met on their return to their land, as
I say above [Mar. 17]; and information of this hav-
ing reached the senor comandante, he ordered in
writing the corporal who is in the mission that he
should seize those Jamajab Indians, and take them as
prisoners on the way to their land till they should be
left afar from here. This order was not carried into
execution because the Indians had already taken their
departure when it arrived. I do not doubt that the
senor comandante would remain unshaken in his
resolution (pensaria solidamente para esta determina-
tion), in consequence of the opinion he has formed
that communication and trade between the nations
of the Rio Colorado and those of the coast is perni-
cious; but, by his leave, I say that this appears to me
so far from being pernicious that rather do I consider
it necessary, in order to carry out with security the
project of opening communication between these

HE IS TAKEN TO TASK BY GARCES. 255

provinces and those establishments. 31 It is the com-
mon policy in every nation, to refuse right of way
(negar el paso) to all those whom they know to be
going to favor their enemies; so, if the nations of the
river and those of the coast are at war, how then
will the Espanoles get to those missions, the transit
being necessary through the former? Furthermore:
the king our lord commands that all the gentiles
who arrive at the presidios be admitted with demon-
strations of kindness and benevolence; then how can
an order be given to arrest them, without contraven-
ing the mandate of his majesty? International law
(el derecho dc las gcntes) allows the commerce of na-
tions with one another; how then can be prevented
the legitimate and most ancient commerce of the
nations of the river with those of the sea, which con-
sists of certain white shells? If we go to preach to
the gentiles the law of love (una ley que toda es cari-

" Garces is writing this at Tubutama in Sonora. next year
after the date of the events narrated; hence "these" provinces
(Provincias Internas) and "those" establishments of California.
His scholiast notes in the margin that the padre reasoned well
at the time, but that the rebellion and outrages of Palma and
his Yumas (1781), in which the padre lost his life, would seem
to have justified Rivera's fears of what might happen if the
Indians of the Colorado and of the coast should join forces, as
he believed they already had done; hence his anxiety to keep
them apart.

256 THE ARGUMENT CONTINUES.

dad), how can be approved anything that sows dis-
cord? Some of the nations who are nearest to the
new establishments are most justly irritated with the
Spanish soldiers at the outrages they have suffered,
especially from deserters; soon, if these same motives
be given to the remote nations, they may unite with
one another, then will the new establishments be un-
able to subsist, and still less can others be founded;
remaining thus defeated the Catholic wishes of our
monarch. Wherefore can I not assent to the dictum
of the seiior comandante; rather do I well persuade
myself that it would have been both just and useful
for him to have ordered those Jamajab Indians to be
received and treated kindly, in order that they should
carry this good news to their land, to the end that the
good conduct of the Espaiioles should become known
to the Gentiles. They were entertained by the offi-
ciating padres, the soldiers, and the neophytes;
whereupon they went back contented, and speaking
well of them (their hosts), as I found by the informa-
tion (they gave me) on the road; which would not
have been the case but quite the reverse (antes
bien todo lo contrario), if the arrest ordered to
be made had been carried into effect; and even
would they have complained to their friends
the Yumas, through which nation had the
Seiior Teniente Coronel Don Juan Bautista de

DEFERRED NOTE ON SANTA CLAKA. jz,j

Ansa to pass on his return, who perhaps in conse-
quence might not have been received by them in the
same manner as theretofore. Already have I said
above that the prompt tranquilization of San Diego
resulted from this: that the Quemaya having come
with the information, 32 found friends of the Spaniards
in all the nations of the river, and witnessed at the
same time the affability and good treatment that they
were experiencing from the senor comandante of the
expedition. Such is my opinion.

With regard to provisions, that which the Senor
Comandante Rivera did not do was then made up for
by the kindness of my brothers the padres, who also
outfitted (regalaron) my companions; and with these
I proceeded to carry out my designs, but not by way
of the Canal, the padres having assured me that there
was much risk in going that way. I was in this mis-
sion until the 8th of April (inclusive).

M See back, p. 206, where the Comeya brings to Yuma the
report of the destruction of San Diego.

' This Santa Clara has nothing to do with the mission of the
same name which was founded in Jan., 1777, and long afterward
gave name to Santa Clara count)', etc.; the reference is to the
Santa Clara river or valley, greatly further south than the said
county, falling into the Santa Barbara channel near San Buena-
ventura. As early as 1772 or 1773 it had been proposed to found
a mission on the river, or in this valW, but the project was
never carried into effect. This double employ of the name

258 DEFERRED NOTES.

should be borne in mind to prevent misunderstanding. The
four Mojaves whom Garces met were evidently returning from
this Santa Clara river or region, which is not far north of San
Gabriel mission, whither he was going. But the woman in the
two cases appears to be identical. She was born of a noble
family of Assisi, Italy, in 1193, died in 1253, was canonized 1255.
and has her day on Aug. 12. She is described as a frivolous
fashionable girl, who at the early age of 17 was so much affected
by the preaching of St. Francis that she became a religious,
retired to the convent of Porciuncula, and finally became
famous for her piety and austerity. In 1212 she founded the
religious sorosis called in French l'Ordre de Sainte-Claire or
Les Clarisses — a name which reminds us of Clarissa Harlowe.
the virtuous heroine of Samuel Richardson's novel of 1748.
See beyond, date of Apr. 13, p. 267.

10 Marl springs is the principal watering place between the
Rock springs or Government holes already said and the Sink
of the Mojave river to which we presently come; but Garces'
mileages of the 7th, 8th, and 9th are not so adjustable that we
can confidently identify his Pozos de San Juan de Dios with
Marl springs, though his total leaguage from Cedar springs to
the Sink is near enough. Also, the trail we have followed thus
far joins the main road at Marl springs, and if he was not there
on the 8th there is no named place that I know of where he
could have found abundant water and grass. When I left Gov-
ernment holes I nooned at Marl springs, Nov. 1, went 15 miles
further to a dry camp, and made the sink in 20 miles next day.

25 More fully San Gabriel Arcangel, a notable character in old
Jewish and new Christian mythology, also utilized in the Ko-
ran as a medium of revelation to Mohammed: see Dan. viii,
16; ix, 21; Luke i, 19, 26, where the archangel is supposed to
interpret Daniel's dreams, and announce the birth of John the
Baptist and Jesus. The name is Hebrew, translated " God is

FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION'. 2 5 )

my strong one." This mission was the fourth of the California
series, founded Sept. 8, 1771. and still in evidence in the en-
virons of Los Angeles, which latter city was originally estab-
lished as a pueblo Sept. 4, 178L It had been intended at first
to set the mission on Rio de Santa Ana, which at one time was
known as Rio Jesus de los Temblores, or Jesus of the Earth-
quakes river; whence the mission was sometimes called San
Gabriel de los Temblores, though its actual site was near the
later San Gabriel river, which had been called Rio dc San
Miguel in 1768, and of which the principal branch is Los An-
geles river, originally called more extensively Rio de Nuestra
Sefiora de los Angeles de Porciuncula, sometimes also Rio Por-
ciuncula. The people who were to start the new mission were
drawn from San Diego in August, 1771. and the first ministers
were Padres Somera and Cambon. There was almost imme-
diately a fracas with the natives, on account of the outraging of
Indian women by Spanish soldiers, and some blood was shed;
re-enforcements were at once brought by Governor Fages, and
two new padres replaced the former ones. Who these were on
the arrival of Font on Jan. 4 and of Garces on Mar. 24, 1776.
together with some account of the mission at this date, is given
in the following extract from Font's Diary:

" Jan. 4, Thursday. The mission of San Gabriel is situated
about eight leagues distant from the sea, in a place of most beau-
tiful proportions, with enough water and very good grounds.
The site is level and unobstructed {despejado), about two leagues
from the Sierra Nevada, which bounds it on the north, and
from which at the Puerto de San Carlos we came, having it on
the right; it seems that here it ceases to be snowy, but it does
not end, for it is the [San Bernardino and San Gabriel ranges of
the] same Sierra Madre de California, which continues on very
far into the country, and to all appearances is the same continu-
ous sierra which Padre Garces passed on this journey and
named Sierra de San Marcos [for which see beyond, at date of
Apr. 25, p. 271]. On leaving camp [this morning at the Arroyo

260 FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION.

de San Gabriel] we went by a bed of swollen river [overflow
channel of the river — caxa de rio crecido] which was without
water, and has enough small woods, and it is the river which
runs to the old site of the mission, where it has always sufficient
water. In this mission we found the sehor capitan comandante
de Monterey Don Fernando de Ribera y Moncada [commonly
Rivera y Moncarda], who, on account of the insurrection of the
Indians of the mission of San Diego, which they destroyed and
killed its minister, Padre Fr a y Luis Jaume, had come on his
way to that presidio from Monterey and arrived at this mission
[San Gabriel] on the night of the 2d. A little before our arrival
there came out on the road to receive us the senor comandante
Rivera, and the padre ministro of the mission Fray Antonio
Paterna; and our arrival was (a matter) of much joy to all, the
guard of the mission receiving us with a salute, and the other
two padres who were here, Padre Fray Antonio Cruzado and
Padre Fray Miguel Sanchez, with many peals of bells and with
especial demonstrations of content.

"Jan. 5. We remained to rest; and the sehores comandantes
talked over the business of the rebellion of the Indians of San
Diego. After breakfast I went with Padre Sanchez to see the
spring of water whence they bring the acequia for this mission
of San Gabriel, by means of which are conferred the greatest
conveniences; for, besides being sufficient, and passing
in front of the house of the padres, and of the little huts
(jacalitos) of the Christian Indians who compose this new mis-
sion, who will be some 50 souls of recent converts, big and
little, this acequia renders all the flats of the immediate
site apt for sowing, so that the fields are close to the pueblo;
and it is a mission which has such good adaptabilities (propor-
tions) to crops, and is of such good pastures for cattle and
horses, that no better could be desired. The cows that it has
are very fat, and give much rich milk, with which they make
many cheeses and very good butter; there is a litter of pigs
and a small flock of sheep, of which on our coming they killed

FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION. 26]

three or four muttons that they had, whose meat was particu-
larly good, and I do not remind myself of having eaten mutton
more fat and beautiful; and they have also some chickens. It
has enough wood of oak (madera de enzinos) and other logs
(pahs) for building, and consequently much fuel (leha) ; only
is wanting lime, which has not been found hitherto, though
perhaps by searching well it may be found, to improve the
buildings, which at present are some of adobe, and the most of
wattles and tule, for which reason they are very risky and ex-
posed to fire. At present the whole building is reduced to one
very large hovel (jacalon), all in one piece with three divisions,
and this serves as the habitation of the padres, granary (store-
house — troxe, for troje), and every thing else; somewhat apart
from this there is another square hovel (jacal) which serves as
a church; and near this another, which is the guardhouse, as
they call it, or quarters of the soldiers of the escort, who
live in it, who are eight; and close by some little huts (jacalitoj
of tule which are the little houses (casitas) of the Indians, be-
tween the which and the house of the padres runs the acequia.
In the spring of water grows naturally apio, and other
herbs which appear to be lettuces (lechuguitas) and some roots
like parsnips; and there are thereabouts many coleworts
(nabcs) which from a little seed that was sown now cover the
ground; and near the old site of the mission, which is distant
from this new one about a league southward, grows great
abundance of water-cresses (berros) of which I ate enough; and
finally is the land, as Padre Paterna says, like the Land of
Promise; though indeed the padres have suffered in it many
needinesses and travails, because beginnings are always difficult,
and more so in those lands where there was nothing, and they
would suffer the inconvenience of lacking supplies for two years.
The converted Indians of this mission, who are of the Benenre
nation, and also Jeneguechi (sic), seem tame, and of middling
good heart; they are of medium stature, and the women some-
what smaller; round-faced (cariredondos). flat-nosed (chatos).

262 FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION.

and rather ugly; their custom in gentiledom is for the men to
go entirely naked, and the women wear some sort of deer skin
with which they cover themselves, and also some small coat
(cobija) of skins of otter or of hare; though the padres try to
make the converts dress as well as they can. The method which
the padres observe in the reduction is not to force anybody to
make himself christian, and they only admit those who volun-
tarily offer themselves, and this they do in this fashion: As
these Indians are accustomed to live in the plains and hills like
beasts, so if they wish to be christians they must not take to
the woods (no se luin de ir al monte), but they must live in
the mission, and if they leave the rancheria (for thus they
call the huts and dwelling place of the Indians) they will be
gone in search of, and be punished. Whereupon they (the
padres) begin to catechize the gentiles who voluntarily come,
showing them how to make the sign of the cross and the rest
that is necessary, and if they (the Indians) persevere in the
catechism for two or three months with the same mind, being
instructed therein they pass on to baptism. The discipline of
every day is this: in the morning at sunrise mass is said regu-
larly, and in this, or without it if it is not said, all the Indians
join together, and the padre recites with all the christian doc-
trine, which is finished by singing the Alabado, which is sung in
all the missions in one way and in the same tone, and the padres
sing it even though they may not have good voices, inasmuch
as uniformity is best. Then they go to breakfast on the mush
(atole) which is made for all, and before partaking of it they
cross themselves and sing the Bendito; then they go to work at
whatever can be done, the padres inclining them and applying
them to the work by setting an example themselves; at noon
they eat their soup (pozole), which is made for all alike (de
comunidad) ; then they work another stint; and at sunset they
return to recite doctrine and end by singing the Alabado. The
christians are distinguished from the gentiles in that they
manage to go clothed after a fashion (tal qual vestidos), or cov-
ered as well as the indigence of these lands will permit; and no

FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION. 263

account is kept with the catechumens of the soup, unless
some of what is left over is given to them. If any Indian wishes
to go to the woods to see his relatives, or to gather acorns, he i->
given permission for a specified number of days (f>or dias SfOa-
lados), and regularly they do not fail to return, and sometimes
they come with a gentile relative who stays to catechism, either
through the example of the others, or attracted by the soup,
which suits them better than their herbs and eatables of the
woods, and thus these Indians are wont to be gathered in by the
mouth [as we say, " the way to a man's heart is through his
stomach"]. The doctrine which is recited in all the missions
is the brief of Padre Castani, with total uniformity, without
any padre being able to vary it by a word or add a single thing;
and this is recited in Castillian, even though the padre may
understand the (Indian) language, as is the case in the mission
of San Antonio, whose minister, Padre Fray Buenaventura
Sitjar, understands and speaks well the language of the Indians
of that mission, and with all is recited the doctrine in Castillian,
and as the padre translated (saco) the doctrine in the ver-
nacular, the most that is done is to recite daily once in that,
and again in Castillian; conforming thereby with that which has
been so many times ordered since the first Mexican Council,
and treated so well by Serior Solorrano, that the Indian be
taught doctrine in Castillian, and be made to speak in Castillian,
inasmuch as all the languages of the Indians are barbarous, and
very lacking in terms (muy faltas de terminos). In the missions
it is arranged that the grown-up girls (muchachas grandes
doncellas) sleep apart in some place of retirement (recogimicnto) .
and in the mission of San Luis (Obispo) I saw that a married
soldier acted as mayordomo of the mission, so that the padre
had some assistance, and his wife took care of the girls, under
whose charge they were, and whom they called the matron (la
maestro), and she by day kept them with her, teaching them to
sew, and other things, and at night locked them up in a room,
where she kept them safe from every insult, and for this were
they called the nuns; the which seemed to me a very good thing.

264 FONT ON SAN GABRIEL MISSION.

Finally, the method which the padres observe in these new mis-
sions seemed to me very good, and I note that the same which
is done in one, is done in the rest, and this is what suited me
best; excepting the mission of San Diego, in which, it being
the poorest, and the soil not permitting through the little suit-
ability that it has, there are no fields in common, nor any
private ones, nor is given soup to all, and the Indians are
allowed to live on their rancherias, under obligation to come
to mass on Sundays, as is done in California Baxa; and this is
the reason why this mission is so backward, besides that its
Indians are the worst of these new missions."

The foregoing is no doubt the best description extant of San
Gabriel as it was in 1776, just before Garces' visit. It is also
the clearest indication I have found of the relative positions of
the first temporary and second definitive sites; the former of
which, however, was such a mere beginning that San Gabriel
may be said to have always been in the other position. Font
also gives us a very clear insight into the working of these
missions in early days. Fancy a pack of stolid squalid root-
diggers put through such a " demnition grind" of theology!
But it can be said in favor of the system that they were fed,
and allowed to sing; that the girls were locked up at night;
and that all were taught to talk Spanish while they were being
made to " walk Spanish."

Mr. Hodge reminds me to say that those who would like to
hear more of Padre Sitjar may look up his Vocabulary of the
Language of San Antonio Mission, California. By Father
Bonaventure Sitjar, of the Order of St. Francis. Printed under
the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution. New York: Cra-
moisy Press. 1861. (Shea's Library of American Linguistics,
vii.) The author was son of Antonio Sitjar and Juana Pastor,
born at Perreras, near Palmas, in Majorca, Dec. 9, 1739;
founder of the San Antonio mission, July 14, 1771, with Juni-
pero Serra, and of the San Miguel mission, July 25, 1797. He
died at San Antonio, Sept. 3, 1808, and was buried near the altar
of the church.

CHAPTER VH.

FROM SAN GABRIEL THROUGH THE TULARES TO MO!
APRIL 9-MAY, I776.

Apr. p. I departed from this mission of San
Gabriel, accompanied by two Indians of the mission
and by my former companions. Having traveled a
league and a half northwest and westnorthwest I
arrived at a rancheria where were the Indians well
content. I preached to them by means of an Indian
of the mission, who is Castellano. 1 Hence 2 the two
from San Gabriel returned.

Apr. 10. With a guide whom the gentiles gave me
I departed, and having gone two leagues and a half
northwest arrived at another rancheria where 1
nooned (donde hizc media did); in the afternoon I
traveled three leagues northnorthwest with some
windings in other directions, holding always to the
skirt of the Sierra de San Gabriel on my right/

1 That is to say, tlie Indian understood Spanish, and could
act as interpreter.

'Not on account of the good father's sermon, let us hope;
but hence, de aqui, from this place.

' San Gabriel range is still the name of the mountains Garcea

265

266 TRAVELING TOWARD THE TULARES.

Apr. ii. I tarried in this place to send back to San
Gabriel for a small book that I had left there.

Apr. 12. I went two leagues and a half northwest
with some turns; passed a cienega and two arroyos,
and arrived at a rancheria where the young women
were in hiding on account of some experiences they
had on the passing of the soldiers; for, though this is
not the road, yet these people go down at times to the
sea, and then have they seen and experienced various
abuses. Since I departed from San Gabriel there was
on my left another sierra. 4 I observed this position
and found it in 34 13'. 5

is cotoying northwestward, approximately in line with the rail-
road which now runs into Los Angeles. He is passing this
way up San Fernando valley, and his progress thus far sets
him somewhere between Sepulveda and the mission mentioned
in the next note but one.

* Portions of the Coast range now known as Santa Monica
and Santa Susanna mts. lie in the direction indicated.

1 Observation not exact, but it is evident from the distances
and courses that Garces is now in the vicinity of the mission
of San Fernando, which was founded Sept. 8, 1797, and gave
name to the valley in which it was situated. This was the 17th
in order of time of the Californian missions, and the 4th of the
five founded in 1797-98, between San Buenaventura and San
Gabriel; it was started in Encina valley at Reyes' ranch, a spot
known to the natives as Achois or Achoic Comihavit. It was
under Gobernador Diego de Borica that Padre Presidente Fer-
min Fernando Lasuen, with Padre Francisco Dumetz, dedicated
the establishment to San Fernando Rey de Espaha. This saint

VALLE DE SANTA CLARA. 267

Apr. ij. I passed over a sierra 8 that comes off
from the Sierra Nevada and runs to the westnorth-
west, and entered into the Valle de Santa Clara, 7 hav-
ing gone two leagues on a north course; in the after-
noon, having gone a league and a half northwest,
I arrived at the Cienega de Santa Clara. One of the
Jamajabs having been taken sick, I tarried in this
place until the 23d day; during which time I visited
various rancherias that there are in these sierras, as
also the caxones and arroyos, with much water and
most abundant grass, and from whose inhabitants I

was Fernando III. of Spain, b. about 1200, d. 1252, King of Cas-
tile 1217, and King of Leon 1230, thus uniting these crowns;
canonized by Clement X. in 1671, and calendared for May 30.
He was son of Alfonso IX. of Leon and Berengaria, sister of
Henry I. of Castile; his exploits were directed against the
Moors, from whom he took Ubeda in 1234, Cordova in 1236,
Jaen in 1246, and Seville in 1248; he also caused to be trans-
lated and codified the Forum Judicum or Visigothic laws. At
the new mission besides Dumetz there was Padre Francisco
Xavier Uria, and both served for several years, with very fair
luck in raising neophytes, stock, and crops.

* Making the pass through which the railroad now runs, and
reaching the vicinity of stations Andrews, Newhall, etc., still
in Los Angeles county, near the border of Ventura county.

7 Present name of the valley through which flows the large
river of the same name from Los Angeles county through
Ventura county to the sea near San Buenaventura; to be dis-
tinguished from any application of the name in the much further
northward Santa Clara county, etc., though the saint concerned
is the same: see note 7 , p. 257.

268 OVER THE LIBRA MOUNTAINS.

experienced particular meekness and affability. I
baptized one infirm old man, the father of the chief of
these rancherias, having instructed him by means of
Sevastian, though with difficulty. There came other
Indians from the northnortheast and promised to
conduct me to their land, as also they did with five
more Jamajabs who arrived these days to trade.

Apr. 23. I departed west, and at a little distance
took a course north, on which I surmounted the great
sierra; and halted at a cienega that is on the descent,
having traveled thus far nine leagues. 8

Apr. 24. I went half a league northeast and found
a laguna, 9 and near thereto a rancheria where, accord-

* This is a long lap, chiefly northward, with but little to guide
us on his trail. But it appears probable, as well as I can gather
from the scant indications, that the Santa Clara river was
crossed at or near Castac, a place at the mouth of the creek of
the same name; up which creek Garces went as far as its first
fork, there taking the right-hand branch, to be found on modern
maps by the name of Canada de la Laguna, and following this
up over the Libra mts. There is no question that this range is
the "great sierra" he makes to-day; the course here noted is
quite right for Garces' " north," with due allowance for mag-
netic variation E. ; and the laguna he finds to-morrow, half a
league from to-night's camp, may not impossibly be the very
one which gives name to the Canada de la Laguna.

* This laguna is queried by Bancroft, Hist. Cal., i, p. 276, as
Elizabeth lake, which it would be if Garces went on the usual
road from Newhall, up San Francisco creek, and thus by the
pass of the same name, over the Libra mts. But it seems to me

VARIOUS INDIANS NOTED. 260,

ing to the signs, had been Senor Capitan Faxes. '*
The Indians were very affable, and the women clean-
lier and neater than any I had seen before of this
same Beneme nation. In the evening there came
two Indians from the north, known to the Jamajabs
by the name of Cuabajay. 11

a little too far E., and I must adhere to the determination made
in my last note.

10 Or Fages — Capt. and afterward Lt.-Col. Don Pedro Fages,
governor, etc., who seems to have been the first to approach
the Tulares in 1773, as noted on p. 251.

"I cannot trace the Cuabajay; they were, however, more likely
Shoshonean (Paiutes) than Mariposan (Yakuts). Of the Inds.
about Tulare valley and eastward. Powers (Tribes of Cala..
pp. 370-371) says: "So severe were the latter [the Paiute attacks]
that the Yokuts, as a geographically solid body of allied tribes,
were cut in two in one place and nearly in another. Their
habitat stretched originally from the Fresno river to Fort Tejon;
but the Paiuti tribes, swarming through Ta-hi'-cha-pa, Tejon.
and Walker's passes, seized and occupied Kern river, White
river, Posa creek, and Kern lake, thus completely severing the
Yokuts nation, and leaving an isolated fragment of it at Fort
Tejon, in a nook of the mountains. . . At the time of the
American advent, therefore, the Yokuts occupied the south bank
of the Fresno; the San Joaquin, from Whisky creek down to
the mouth of the Fresno; King's river, from Mill creek down to
the mouth; the Kaweah, Tule river, and Deer creek: the west
shore of Tulare lake, and the isolated mountain nook at Fort
Tejon. Their tribal distribution was as follows: On the San
Joaquin, from Whisky creek down to Millerton, are the Chuk'-
chan-si; farther down, the Pit'-ka-chi, now extinct. On King's
river, going down stream, are the following bands, in their

27O VARIOUS INDIANS NOTED.

Apr. 25. I completed the passage of the sierra,
crossed a valley, and came upon another large sierra

order: Tis-e'-chu, Chai-nim'-ai-ri, It-i-cha, Wi'-chi-kik, Ta'-chi,
No-toan'-ai-ti, the latter on the lake, the Tachi at Kingston.
On Dry creek are the Kas-so'-vo; in Squaw valley the Chu-
kai'-mi-na. On the Kaweah river, beginning in the mountains,
are the Wik'-sach-i, Wik-chum-si (in the foot-hills), Kau-i'-a
[not the Shoshonean Kauvuya] (on the edge at the plains),
Yu'-kol (on the plains), Te'-lum-ni (two miles below Visalia),
Chu'-nut (at the lake). On Tule river are the O-ching'-i-ta (at
Painted Rock), Ai'-a-pai (at Soda spring), Mai-ai'-u (on South
fork), Sa-wakh'-tu (on the main river), Kai-a-wet'-ni (at Porter-
ville). At Fort Tejon are the Tin-lin-neh (from tin'-nilh, ' a
hole ' ), so called on account of some singular depressions in the
earth in that vicinity. A little further north, near Kern lake, are
the Po-hal'-lin-Tin'-leh (squirrel holes), so named on account of
the great number of ground-squirrels [Spermophilus beecheyi] liv-
ing in that place. . . Every [Yokuts] village consists of a
single row of wigwams, conical or wedge-shaped, generally
made of tule, and just enough hollowed out within so that the
inmates may sleep with the head higher than the feet, all in per-
fect alignment, and with a continuous awning of brushwood
stretching along in front. In one end-wigwam lives the village
captain; in the other the shaman or si-se-ro (Spanish hechizero) ."
These houses do not agree with Garces' description. But see
the Shoshone houses following: " Among these [Paiute] tribes
[bordering on the Yokuts] are the Pal-li-ga-wo-nap' (from
pal-up', ' stream,' and c-kc'-zvan, ' large ') on Kern river; the
Ti-pa-to-la'-pa on the south fork of the Kern; and the Wi-nan-
gik' on the north fork. Another name for the Tipatolapa was
the Ku-chi-bich-i-wa-nap' Pal-up' (little stream). At Bakers-
field was a tribe called by the Yokuts, Pal'-e-um-ni. In the
famous Tahichapah pass was a tribe called by themselves Ta-
hi-cha-pa-han'-na; by the Kern river Indians, Ta-hichp'; and by

SIERRA DE SAN MARCOS. _7 I

which makes off from the Sierra Nevada and extends
northeastward; to which I gave the name of (Sierra
de) San Marcos. 12 We made the ascent (hurimos
alto) near an arroyo, having traveled thus far four
leagues north. In the evening 1 went a league in the
same direction, and halted in the cited arroyo.

the Yokuts, Ka-wi'-a-suh. They are now extinct. The Kern
River Indians were called by the Yokuts of Fort Tejon, Pi-tan'-
ni-suh; and the Indians of Kern lake, Pal-wu'-nuh (which de-
notes 'down below')- On Kern River slough are the Po-e'-lo;
at Kern River falls, the To-mo'-la; on Posa creek, the Bc'-ku.
On White river there are no Indians, neither have there been
for many years, owing to the prevalence of malaria; but there
are indications that the lands along this stream were once in-
habited " (p. 393). [The Palligawonap] " live in wigwams
made of tule, woven and matted into various fashions. Tule is
also the material from which they construct a rude water-craft.
This is only about six feet in length, with the bow very long
and sharp-rounded, and the stern cut nearly square across " (p.
394)--F. W. H.

13 The Tehachapai or Tehachepi range of modern nomencla-
ture, given off in the direction said from the main Sierra
Nevada. It is crossed in several places, the best known of
which is the Tejon pass, in which was situated Fort Tejon, a
military post which was flourishing in the '50's. The San Mar-
cos or Tehachapai range is what shuts in the Tulare valley on
the southeast, across the head of the valley, by connecting the
main Sierra Nevada on the west with the mountains which
enclose the valley on the east. I take no exception to Ban-
croft's statement that Garces " entered the great Tulare valley
by way of Turner's and Tejon passes," for I think that this is
most probable; yet I should hesitate to so affirm without a sav-
ing clause.

2"J2 RANCHERIAS OF THE CUABAJAY.

There are on this sierra large pines, oaks, and other
trees.

Apr. 26. I surmounted the Sierra de San Marcos,
having traveled two leagues and a half north;
thereupon I saw large sierras, and caxones very-
leafy and grassy, and in three leagues and a
half further, on courses west and southwest, I
arrived at some rancherias of the Cuabajay na-
tion, wherein they received me well, the old
women regaling me with many seeds, especially
of the chia 13 with which those grounds abound.

13 Chia is the Spanish name of the lime-leaved sage, Salvia
tilinfolia, a labiate plant of the mint family. In Mexico, Ari-
zona, and California chia is applied to several different indige-
nous species of the same genus, especially S. columbarice, the
seeds of which are edible, and also used for making a mucilagi-
nous infusion something like flaxseed tea.

On the general subject of food plants in the Tulare valley
Mr. Hodge writes me: " Chia is doubtless the chelis of the
Yokuts of the Tule River reservation. It is the shepherd's
purse (Capsella bursa-pastoris, a well-known cruciferous plant) ;
' the seed highly esteemed for pinole, a very nutritious, fari-
naceous beverage which the Indians learned from the Mexi-
cans ' (Powers, Tribes of Cala., p. 428). The la-chun (Com-
posite) is used for the same purpose. Tule pollen, ail-loh, is
also used for making pinole or mush; this is derived from
Scirpus califomicus or 5". tatara. Hau'-pun (Span, fresnio) is a
root highly esteemed as a purgative in certain internal diseases.
Al'-lit is a " kind of salt," principally alum in a crude state,
collected by these Indians as a seasoning for greens. They
go in the morning, when the dew is on, to a low, alkaline piece

RANCHERIA DE SAN TASQUAL. 2J3

This I named the Rancheria de San Pasqual. The
disposition and form of their dwelling-house is as
follows: A spacious square inclosure, completed by
an archway or covering of mats upon bows of willow,
the mats sewn of the same tule, of which material is
the roof composed, in which are there some openings
for the escape of smoke. 14 It has only two doors, on

of ground, and either pull up the grass and dissolve the salt
off from the water, or collect it by sweeping a stick through
the grass and washing off the adhering salt (Ibid., p. 429).
Ke'-yet-sah is a plant of the Crucxfera, with reversed siliques;
its seed is used in making panada or mush. So'-gbn is a wild
tobacco; dried and beaten up very fine, then wet and com-
pressed together in solid lumps or plugs. Around old camps
and corrals there is found a wild tobacco (pan) which Asa
Gray pronounces Nicotiana quadrivalvis, and Prof. Bolander
N. plumbaginifolia. Smoked alone or mixed with dried manza-
nita leaves it has a pungent peppery taste, not unpleasant."

"In the original: " Vn claustro ancho en quadro perfecto de
bobeda, 6 cubierta de petates con arcos de saus cozidos los
petates del mismo tule de su materia con que esta cubierto en
el que ay algunas ventanas para que saiga el humo." This is
a description of a type of the large communal houses built by
various tribes of the Pacific slopes, the sides of upright logs or
poles like palisades, the roof thatched with bulrush mats sup-
ported on bowed sticks, the interior divided into separate rooms
whose entrances face each other, and the outer wall with op-
posite entrance on two sides. Compare note ", this chapter.

The Beaumont MS. has: " Vn claustro ancho, con arcos de
sauz, y la bobeda hecha de petates de tule dclgado y cosido, en
la que ay algs. ventanas para que saiga el humo." etc. The
printed Doc. differs again: " un claustro quadrado y grande

274 COMMUNAL DWELLING DESCRIBED.

the east and on the west, and at each of these there is
a sentinel all night. This cloister or corridor
(daustro 6 galera) consists of several cells or compart-
ments on all four sides wherein they enter to sleep
whenever the hour arrives, and at this time each
family stays by the fire in front of the door of its own
room. I said that only the old women entertained
me; inasmuch as, the Jamajabs having hastened for-
ward to give notice of my approach, so soon as they
knew that I was an Espafiol, all the young persons
fled to the woods, and there remained none when I
arrived at this rancheria. Therein they also thought
might be Espanoles the two Jamajabs who went
clothed on the whole journey, the one in my shirt
and the other in my blanket; wherefore were they also
regarded with suspicion. But after a while, seeing
that I did them no harm, and that my companions
were not Espanoles, but Jamajabs, all the people were
coming out of the woods; and with much content-
ment at the sight of me they kissed the crucifix, and
showed by their manner that it was good, and that
they would believe whatsoever I told them. They
gave me to understand that for the night their cap-
tain had caused to be sent all the animals from the
part of the west to that of the east, for the reason that

con arcos de sauz, y el techo de petates de tide delgado y
cosido; tiene algunas ventanas," etc.

SERVICES HELD IN THE GREAT HUT. JJ^

on the former side were there bad people. My
Jamajabs were grieved because those of the rancheria
ceased not to ask me if I was an Espanol of the west ;
they said no, that I was of the east, that I did harm
to no one, and that for this reason did all the nations
desire me much; that they themselves accounted me
as a Jamajab, and therefore came they with me.

As these stories pleased them {sabidas estas borucas),
at the approach of night I entered in the great hut.
where I found each family at its own fireside; I went
on greeting and laughing with them all until I came
to that of the captain, where I seated myself, and by
means of Sevastian and of another Indian who was
well versed in the language of San Gabriel, I told him
that I well knew he had a good heart and that no
harm would he do me; but that they told me that
hereabouts were there bad people, and would he in-
form me if he knew anything about it? " Have no
fear," he replied, " that any will do thee harm. I will
accompany thee to-morrow with all my people to the
next rancheria. We know that thou hast behaved
well to the people of the great river." With which
response was I greatly comforted. Thereupon I
arose and recited the rosary (corona) of Maria San-
tisima, singing the hymn (alabado) with the Indian
Sevastian and the two Jamajabs who accompanied
me from the beginning, and who already knew the

276 OTHER INCIDENTS.

Ave Maria. This have I practiced in all the
rancherias, and it has served to the great astonish-
ment of all the nations. The first who witnessed and
heard this performance gave prompt notification
thereof, and of the compass-needle, breviary, and
Santo Cristo, to all the others; and thus it occurred to
me that they themselves asked me, " When dost thou
pray? See! Those persons who are not now
present do not wish thee to leave till they may see
thee pray and sing." I have observed that this was
to set me praying, that then their shoutings, dancings
and chaffings (bonicas) ceased, and everything re-
mained in profound silence. In many places they
sought to trade my rosary for a multitude of white
shells. A little while after the service began the wife
of the chief arose, took a basket (corita) of seed
(chico) and scattered it over the Santo Cristo I wore on
my breast; the same did other women, and they even
threw some of this seed (semi! I a) on the fire, in order
that there should be a bright light. 14 " Having fin-
ished the praying and singing I seated myself by the
captain and the rest of the elders of the rancheria, who

"°Garces misinterprets their design, which was not to make
the fire blaze up. The casting of seed into the fire was doubt-
less a form of sacrifice. The present Pueblos, before eating,
frequently throw a small quantity of food into the fire. —
F. W. H.

EFFECTS OF TOBACCO JUICE. 277

had assembled as soon as I began the services. They
smoked the tobacco that I gave them, and begged me
to exhibit again — already had I done this with some
of them during the evening — the breviary, compass-
needle, and other little things, manifesting great de-
light throughout. This seen (visto csto), the captain
took a white stone, which he drew out of a bag and
threw it on the fire, in order that it should be heated;
he withdrew it at the proper time, and braying it well
in a stone mortar mixed it with wild tobacco (tabaco
del monte) and water till it became as it were a paste
(atdle). Then he handed me the pestle of the mor-
tar, that also was of stone, in order that I should taste
that mess (caldo), which I found extremely bitter. I
returned him the pestle, which he wetted again, and
gave to an old man, who licked it very well though it
was with great effort that he was able to swallow that
sauce (salsa), which all the others successively tasted.
My companions the Jamajabs having tried it were at-
tacked at once with vomitings so violent that I
thought one of them would die; which those of the
rancheria greeted (celebraron) with great laughter.
Then the meeting was broken up, for that there was
no one else who would try it any more. I slept
within the lodge near the door. I have been able to
ascertain that they drink this sort of gruel (cstc gencre
de atole) to cure fatigue, and consequently it is cus-

278 THE JOURNEY RESUMED.

tomary to offer it to all their guests. I saw here
small baskets (coritas), knives of flint, vessels (bateas)
with inlays (embiitidos) of mother of pearl, like the
shell-work {texidos de cuentas) on the handles of the
knives, and all the other articles (obras — manufac-
tures) that it is said there are on the Canal, with (the
people of) which they carry on much commerce, and
perhaps it is that very nation; according to the re-
ports that I have they also agree closely in the dress
and cleanliness of the women.

Apr. 27. Accompanied by the captain and the
greater part of his people I went a league and a half
on a course westnorthwest. I passed by good
grounds and woods of the same arroyo, and arrived
at another rancheria composed of several large huts.
They received me with pleasure and entertained me
as in the former one. I observed this position and
found it in 35 09'. 15

This was the last observation that I made on my
journey; concerning which I note that for all former
ones I availed myself of the tables computed by a re-
ligious of my college for the meridian of Sonora.
The Indians urged me not to proceed further, all of

16 This is about the latitude of Kern and Buenavista lakes,
which are connected, both discharging northwestward into
Kern river a few miles above Tulare lake. As Garces men-
tions no such bodies of water, it is clear that he was east of
them.

TO WALKER RIVER. j~>,

them, even Sevastian and the Jamajabs, refusing to
accompany me; for which reason I tarried here until
the 30th day, in which interval I mounted a horse
twice and explored the neighborhood of this locality,
returning to sleep on the same spot. Knowing the
longings that I had to pass onward, they told me that
could not be, for that the next nation called them-
selves Noches, were very bad, and no relations of
theirs. Finally, seeing me grieved, an old man of the
Noche nation who was housed (casado — married) in
this rancheria agreed to be my guide and companion.
Apr. 50. Informing Sevastian and the Jamajabs
that they should await me here for the four or five
days during which I might dally, I set forth in com-
pany with the old man eastward until we passed over
some hills, and halted in an arroyo which I named
Arroyo de Santa Catarina; 10 having gone thus far
eight leagues north. On the road I met some small
boys of the Noche nation, to whom I made presents.
The Sierra de San Marcos extends through these
parts to the northeast and north, and is distant from
that of San Luis some eleven leagues. Whilst I was
eating with the old man a very good herb which
grows in the arroyo, we descried on the sierra three

10 This is Walker river, which Garces strikes two or three
miles above its entrance into Kern river, having crossed the
line of the present railroad near Pampa station.

280 TO KERN RIVER.

Noches Indians; my old man went to speak to them,
but seeing that they drew not nigh to where I was I
directed my steps (me encamine) toward them in
order to regale them. In all of which could I suc-
ceed no further than that one of them approached
and threw me from some distance two squirrels. I
did the same with some white shells for himself and
his companions, each one of whom, as soon as they
saw them (the shells), threw me two squirrels; so that,
with six others which they had already given to the
old man, our larder abounded. We went to sleep
lower down on the border of the same arroyo, where
I found two families on their ranchos.

May i. Having gone one league northwest I came
upon a large river 17 which made much noise, at the

17 This is Kern river, which Garces beyond calls Rio de San
Felipe, lettered Rio de San Phelipe on Font's map. He strikes
Kern river at an exactly identifiable place where it leaves the
mountains, and goes down it a little piece, then crossing it to
the rancheria on its right bank. We thus have him safe and
^ sure on Kern river, a little distance above Bakersfield, capital
of Kern county. This stream is the principal affluent of Tulare
lake, emerging from the mountains on the east side of the valley,
and below Bakersfield rounding northward to the lake. The
Southern Pacific railroad, coming south through the valley,
turns eastward through Bakersfield and so on across the moun-
tains. See beyond, note S6 , p. 299, at date of May 7, when
Garces returns to Kern river, and descends it a piece to Bakers-
field.

KERN" RIVER CROSSED. 28 1

outlet (al salir) of the Sierra de San Marcos, and
whose waters, crystalline, bountiful, and palatable,
flowed on a course from the (del) east through a
straitened channel. As soon as I came thereupon I
desired to cross; albeit the current was very rapid, to
withstand it was not impossible; from which the old
man dissuaded me. We proceeded down river, and
in a little while found a rancheria, where they were
obsequious to us; I descended further, accompanied
by three Indians whom I met on the road, and
reached a position wherefrom I perceived a rancheria
on the other side of the river, and my old man told
me that here could I cross. But great difficulties
presented themselves. They asked me if I knew
how to swim, and I answered them nay; I supplicated
them that they should make a raft, and they answered
me that they knew not (how to do so). 18 At last they
ordered me to undress (desnudar), which I did, down
to shirt and drawers; they insisted that I should put
off every garment, but this I refused to do. They
convoyed me across between four of them by swim-
ming, two taking me by the arms, and the other two
by the body; whereupon I took advantage of the

" Respondieronme que no sabian — which might mean either that
they did not understand what he said, or did not know how
to make a raft. Both the Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc.
take the latter alternative; one adds hazerlas, the other hacerU.

282 NAMED RIO DE SAN FELIPE.

occasion to bathe at my pleasure in that water so
limpid and beautiful. The mule crossed by swim-
ming, with the clothing {avito, for habito) and saddle
in baskets {en coritas). The people of the rancheria
had a great feast over my arrival, and having regaled
me well I reciprocated to them all with tobacco and
glass beads, congratulating myself on seeing the
people so affable and affectionate. The young men
are fine fellows, and the women very comely and
clean, bathing themselves every little while; they
take great care of the hair and do it up in a topknot
(copete); they wear petticoats of antelope skin and
mantas of furs, though they are not very coy (aunque
son poco recatadas). 19 I rinsed my clothes, and in the
evening came a captain of the rancheria on the west
to invite me thither. I declined, with the statement
that I was journeying northward; but even then they
did not wish me to leave. Then I produced the com-
pass-needle (agujon), and seeing that for all that they
moved it about it always pointed in the direction
that I said; they left me, all alike lost in amazement.
No wonder — for in other nations, when they have
seen the mariner's compass (bruxula) they have been
given to understand that it possesses intelligence.
On this famous river, which I named Rio de San

" The scholiast notes in the margin playfully, " Casi en todas
partes experimentaba buena hospitalidad este padre."

RIO DE SANTIAGO OR POSA CREEK. 283

Felipe, there are abundant pastures, famous woods,
and much irrigated ground (ticrra dc rcgadio). Dis-
engaging myself as best I could from the Indians, I
set forth from this rancheria on the bank of the river,
and went this evening three leagues northwest and
partly north; whereupon I reached a river that I
named (Rio) de Santiago.- There is no great vol-
ume of water at this time, but by the breadth of its
bed it is evident the river increases largely on other
occasions; it abounds in heavy timber. Here I
" made night " in a rancheria of very handsome (bcl-
lisima) people, who showed me every attention; and
I managed to reciprocate with some trifling presents.
As ever since I set forth from Rio de San Felipe my
old man had traversed broken ground, he was weary,

70 This is the next stream north of Kern river, to be found
on various maps as Posa, Poso, and Posey creek — one of a
series of many streams, which successively come out of the
mountains from the east into the great valley, and flow to or
toward its sink in Tulare lake. It is delineated on Font's map.
but without any name: see his trace between Rio de San Phelipe
and " R. Sta Cruz." The saint concerned is James, one of
several persons of apostolic times not very well identified, there
being at least three in question. The one who became Santiago
in Spanish acquired the character of a sort of national patron;
his name attaches to much geography, besides furnishing a
war cry which has occasionally been heard in territory now-
owned or controlled by the United States from the time when
Coronado stormed Hawiku in 1540 to the Hispano- American
war of 1898.

284 SWEATHOUSES OF THE NOCHES.

and determined to proceed not beyond this rancheria,
saying that someone else should go in his stead. In
this Noche nation, even as in the Beneme, is common
the use of the temascal, 21 which consists of an under-
ground room covered with sticks and grass after the
manner of an oven ; it has no more than one opening,
which in some (cases) is in the roof and in others at
the side. The hour of entering therein is either dur-
ing the morning, or during the evening. When once
the persons are inside, they kindle a fire; and as there
is little ventilation (desavgo), they cease not with the
heat and the smoke to cry out and to sweat until the
earth grows wet; when indeed they can endure no
more they climb out by means of their ladder of sticks
and throw themselves into the river. This is with-
out doubt the cause of these peoples being so clean;
but though of good habit of body (disposition) they
are meager and quite tender-footed (de bastante deli-
cadeza para andar a pie).

51 Temascal is a word adopted in Spanish for the estufa or
sweathouse which Garces describes, from the Nahuatl temascalli,
which is thus defined: " Salle, etablissement, maison de bain,
etuve. Ces sortes de bains de vapeur sont encore en usage
principalement sur les hauteurs du centre du Mexique, et le
mot a passe dans la langue espagnole (temazcal). Avec la
postp. co: temascako, dans un bain; yuhquin temazcalco, il fait
chaud comme dans un bain." — Simeon, Dictionnaire de la
Langue Nahuatl, 1885.— F. W. H.

ANOTHER RANCHERIA. 285

May 2. I went in company with an Indian four
leagues and a half north, and passing by some unin-
habited {despobladas) rancherias I arrived at another
where there were some bearded Indians, and among
them one old man who had it (the beard) so grown
{poblada) " long and gray that he resembled an
anchorite much to be revered; and even more so
when, having begged of me the crucifix, he hung it
upon his breast. In this rancheria I found that the
little damsels went naked; and though in other parts
the same occurred among the women grown, I have
not seen in them all (t*. e., in any rancheria) an im-
modest action. 228

May 5. I went two and a half leagues to the north,
accompanied by another Indian, and came upon the

" Poblada is the word I have translated " grown " in this case,
as I suppose it would not do to say " populous," or even " in-
habited " of the reverend old man's beard, though that is the
most usual meaning of poblada. Let us hope that it was neither,
but despoblada, like the rancherias the friar passed by; for other-
wise he might have regretted that he allowed the crucifix to
be placed upon the graybeard's breast!

" a My MS. has: " En esta Rancheria repare que las Doncel-
litas iban indecentes, y aunque en otras partes sucede lo mismo,
en las Mugeres mayores no he visto en todas ellas accion al-
guna menos decente." The Beaumont MS. variant is: "En
esta rancheria, repare, que las doncellas, ivan indecentes; y con
todo que a vezes succede lo mismo en las mugeres, no he adver-
tido, ni en esta, ni en otra rancheria de esta nacion la accion
menos decente." The printed Doc. varies again, as follows:

286 RIO DE LA SANTA CRUZ OR WHITE RIVER.

river that I called Rio de la Santa Cruz, 23 nigh unto
which there was a rancheria as it were of 150 souls,
who received me with great acclamation, commenc-

" Repare aqui que las dencellitas (sic) iban indecentes, y aun a
veces las mujeres, pero no vi ni aqui ni en otra rancheria
accion menos decente."

" R. Sta Cruz " on Font's map of 1777. This is no doubt
present White river; the mileage alleged, 7 leagues north from
Kern river, is near enough, and the small dry creek which
intervenes between Poza creek and White river would hardly
be named as a river by Garces. White river is one of the same
series of streams making out of the mountains into the valley,
and running toward or into Tulare lake according to the state
of the water. Higher up than Garces comes to the stream
there is a place on it called White River; and the railroad
crosses it much lower down, between stations Alita and
Delano.

At White river Garces is quite up to the latitude of the
southern border of Tulare lake, or rather beyond; but he is too
far east to see or have anything to say of the great lake, being
on the skirts of the mountains. The parallel of lat. 36° crosses
about the middle of the lake, which is some 30 miles broad in
any direction, though very variable in different states of the
water, especially on its N. and S. sides. Garces on White
river is at the northward limit of his excursion; and any map
or record which carries him further on does so in error. His
trail as dotted on the map in Bancroft, Hist. Cal., i, p. 59, loops
around a branch of Tulare river itself, N. of lat. 36°; but this
is a mistake. " On White river there are no Indians, neither
have there been any for many years; . . . but there are indica-
tions that the lands along this stream were once inhabited,"
says Powers, p. 393: see also note", this chapter. Garces here
furnishes the evidence of the fact which Powers indicates.

INDIAN REFUGEE — DYING CHILD. jSj

ing to shout soon as they saw me, " Ba! Ba! Ba! Ba! "
Then they gave themselves smart slaps with the palms
on the thighs. To all I presented of the small store
that I bore. Whilst they were kissing the Santo
Cristo, there came to me one, and begged of me in
Spanish {Castillo) paper wherewith to make cigars.
I wondered much, and on questioning him he told
me that he was from the sea where there were padres
like myself; that in four parts had he seen Espanoles,
and that it was distant herefrom a four days' journey.
When he took to kiss it the Santo Cristo, he did so
with great veneration, and set himself to preach to
the rest. I had a suspicion that he might be some
Christian who had just fled from the missions of
Monte-Rey, since he made signs of shooting and of
flogging. 24 Here there lay dying a little boy. I
asked of his parents if they wished him to be baptized;
they gave me so to understand, and I administered
the sacrament with great consolation ; I fondled him
and called him muchachito (dear little boy). Then
spake the Indian who had begged of me the paper.
saying, "Pare," pointing to the west; " Pare muclni-
r/n'/o." 24a Whereupon I was finally assured that

M Pues hazia senas de cscopeta, y dc azotar. I think tin. sen
as above, qu: bore the marks of shooting and flogging?

Ma My MS. and the Beaumont copy both have the word pare,
and the former repeats pare as above indicated. The sense is

288 NOCHES PAGNINOAS.

he was an Indian refugee from the missions.
There came to conduct me to their rancherias
some Noche Indians from the west, whom I de-
nied. There came yet other Noches from the north
to see me, called Noches Pagninoas, 25 and sought to
take me to their land; but equally did I deny myself
unto them, fearing lest Sevastian and the Jamajabs
should betake themselves off and should leave me
thus alone, if I returned not at the time appointed.
Those Indians related to me that in their land had
they taken the life of two soldiers (who I persuaded
myself were deserters), because they were very wicked
with the women; adding that they had cut off the
hands, had laid open the breast and all the body, had
torn them asunder, and scattered the remains. 28 I

uncertain, unless the Indian meant to say that it was all over
with the little boy. But the printed Doc. gives an entirely dif-
ferent turn to the clause, having padre and muchachito in italics,
as if the Indian simply pronounced these Spanish words,
thereby indicating that he had picked them up at some mission.

n Unidentified, but apparently some small division or ran-
cheria of Yokuts, of the Mariposan linguistic stock; unless we
can do violence to the dissimilarity in names, and regard them
as possibly the Palligawonap, a Paiute division formerly on
Kern river. — F. W. H.

2 " . . . . anadien lo que les habian cortado las manos, les ha-
bian abierto el pecho y todo el cuerpo, los havian despedazado y
tirado." What was done is plain, but the ambiguity of Spanish
pronouns in such a construction makes it equivocal. Did the
soldiers do that to the women, or did the Indians do that to

OTHER UNIDENTIFIED INDIANS. 289

told them that also did the Espanoles put to death
those who are evil-doers, and that presently would
they punish two who had done wrong things with
Indian women. They named to me toward the north
yet other nations that I believe arc no more than ran-
cherias of the same nation, and they call themselves
Choinoc, Coguifa, Buesanet. 27 On the northwest 28
live the Telamoteris, 19 who slay and possess fire-arm?,
and have stolen from these Indians some grown girls.
They told me that nortlnvard seven days' journey
there was a very great water that, according to their
signs, was a river 30 and ran from the northeast, unit-

the soldiers? A somewhat different locution, both in the Beau-
mont MS. and the pub. Doc. makes it clear that the Indians
thus disposed of the soldiers who had maltreated the women
in some other way.

a These three rancherias all belonged to the Mariposan
linguistic stock. The Choinoc of Garces were doubtless the
Chunut of Powers, the Choo-noot of Wessells (1853), the Cho-
e-nuco of Barbour (1852), and the Choi-nucks of Johnston
(1851).— F. W. H.

38 Copy is blind at the word, whether Nordcst. northea6t. or
Noroest, northwest. The Beaumont MS. and pub. Doc, p. 297,
both have norucstc, and so I read northwe-t.

"Los Tclamoteris—sic, one word, as name of the tribe. The
Beaumont MS. has Telam 6 Torim, three words (with the two
accents grave instead of acute); pub. Doc, p. 297, prints Te-
lam 6 Torim. But who the Telam or Torim wore i^ Kit open
to conjecture.

*°This great river is of course the San Joaquin: see the trace

290 SAN JOAQUIN RIVER NOTED.

ing itself with the Rio de San Felipe. Let it be as
I will say hereafter; one of the two branches into
which it divides runs a course to the north; but they
gave me to understand that the other river was three
times larger than that of San Felipe. They insisted
that I should go to see it, telling me that in all direc-
tions except to the northwest and west there were
good people. I desired much to see the river, which
according to my computation should be distant from
this place some 35 or 40 leagues, howbeit they told
me seven days were necessary to reach it; but these
Indians travel little, because they bathe much, and do
not have any covering on the feet. I determined not
to go, for the reason said above, and because I had
no longer the wherewithal (que regular). The Sierra
de San Marcos runs by here to the northnorthwest,

on Font's map with the legend " Rio de quien se tiene noticia
por el P Garces." What the text says of its " branches," and
of its joining Rio de San Felipe, is a little dubious at first sight,
but is correct in fact. Kern river runs into Tulare lake, and
the issue from the lake unites with the San Joaquin. No doubt
this connection of the lake with the river is what is meant by
the " branch " of the latter, which " runs a course to the north."
The pub. Doc. has a footnote on p. 297: " Este gran rio que
corre a los 36° puede ser el que entre al puerto de San Francisco
en la California, 6 al brazo del rio Colombia"; but we can take
our stand on the San Joaquin as against any tributary of the
Columbia river! It is a little remarkable that the Indians did
not inform Garces of the lake itself.

SIERRA NEVADA NOTED. 20J

and between this and that of San Luis intervene some
very broad plains; whence I infer that these are the
Tulares of which Padre Font makes mention in his
diary, and which his map shows with particularity.
This Sierra de San Marcos is that which they saw
snowy at about 40 leagues of distance on the east of
the Tulares; for, though here there is no such dis-
tance, I saw clearly how the sierras go widening or
disparting (from each other) in such a manner that at
the last only is seen that of San Marcos. 31

31 The last sentence stands thus in the original: " Esta Sierra
de San Marcos es la que vian nevada como 40 leguas de di>
tancia al Oriente de los Tulares, pues aunque aqui no ay
esta distancia, vi claramente que se van abriendo, 6 apartandn
de las sierras, de modo que a lo ultimo solo se ve lo de
San Marcos." This puzzling statement is cleared up com-
pletely if we omit the preposition de before las sierras; and that
this de is a scribal error is evident on comparing our copy with
the Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. I accordingly translate as
above, but I may paraphrase it in plainer English, thus: '"This
San Marcos range is the Sierra Nevada which Font, when
he was with Anza's expedition, on the Bay of San Fran-
cisco, saw at a distance of about 40 leagues across thr San
Joaquin valley; and though here where I am the Tulares have-
no such breadth, I could see them widening northward till
the San Luis range ends and there is left only the Sierra \'<
vada." The Sierra de San Marcos, which Garces first named at
the Tehachapai range, he subsequently extended to include the
Sierra Nevada as far as he knew it, on the east side of the whole
Tulare and San Joaquin valleys; and this is the Sierra Nevada
delineated and so lettered on Font's map, which runs " Tulare-, "

292 BACK TO A FORMER RANCHERIA.

May 4. I went half a league east to visit a ran-
cheria where they gave me wild rice, 32 urging me at
the same time that I should make a night of it with
them; and in order the more to oblige me, hardly
had I arrived when all the young women came forth
to bring grass for the beast, a thing whereat I won-
dered much, not having seen the like in any other
place. I gave them of the small store that I brought,
and betook myself back to the rancheria whence I had
set forth; where, refusing me the guide, they made
it necessary for me to pass the day with them. The
little boy that I baptized was now about to die (se iba
ya muriendo); whereupon began to wail sorely his
parents, with whom some old women took turns

clear up through the San Joaquin valley from the Tulare valley
proper to north of San Francisco. Garces' Sierra de San Luis
is the whole range or ranges bounding this same interior valley
on the west. The passage in Font's Diary which speaks of
sighting the Sierra Nevada at 40 leagues is found on p. 209, at
date of Apr. 2, 1776: " Como a distancia de unas quarente leguas
divisamos una gran Sierra Nevada, cuyo rumbo me parecio
correr de sursudeste a nornoroeste." On that date Font left
Boca del Puerto Dulce, which " mouth of the fresh water port "
he made out to be in lat. 38 05' 30", and which was about the
modern Suisun bay and Carquines strait; traveled E. some 7
leagues, to the Arroyo de Santa Angela de Fulgino, where he
camped (see his mark " 100 ") ; and between these two localities
it was that from a hill he descried said " gran Sierra Nevada."

M Arroz simarron; which, if we may take it botanically upon
its face, means the seeds of the common Zicania aquatica.

THE DANCE OF DEATH. J<;^

(alternaban) in weeping and singing. Successively
came yet other women, and all the young fellows
(gandulcs) of the rancheria, the same making a large
circle and within it a bonfire; the parents of the boy
began to wail anew, and the old women to accom-
pany them in counter tenor (por contraulto) ; suddenly
these ceased, and the captain, together with the men
of the circle, commenced to sing in a mournful tone,
yet keeping time (a compas). Presently all the men
arose, and did so without putting the hands to the
ground; they danced, bending the body to the meas-
ures of the same incantation, with the arms hanging
down; then opening the hands and putting the arms
together they extended them forward, drew them
back to the breast, stretched them out crosswise (en
forma de criiz) palms downward {mirando las palmas
d tierra), raised them over the head, and finally clasp-
ing hands with a loud noise they squatted down
plump (de golpe) on their hams, in all this keeping
time to the tune of the song. I visited the little boy
many times, and saw that his mother placed upon him
all the shells that she had; I laid a small cross upon
his breast, and left with him the cloth-of-gold (paiiito
de sol) that I carried, to serve as a shroud when he
should die.

May 5. Still had not died the small boy. They
urged me that I should not betake myself away, for

294 BACK TO RIO DE SANTIAGO.

they said that there were coming from all parts people
to visit me; but having the care of my companions
upon me, and seeing that there was none willing to
accompany me, I resolved to set forth alone. Soon
did I perceive (eche de ver) that the refusal solely
originated in a desire to detain me; for at a little dis-
tance an Indian overtook me, and guided me to the
rancheria whereat I had been before, which was dis-
tant two and a half leagues south. From this five
Indians set forth to accompany me; I traveled with
them two leagues in the same direction, on the east
of which I saw one rancheria; and on a southeast
course I arrived at the Rio de Santiago. In the inte-
rior of the sierra that is there the river runs more
water. I passed over it, having gone thus far three
leagues. 33

Here we halted to partake of that which the In-
dians offered us to eat, and the same was not a little;
they making me also great importunities, in order
that I should rest myself. In this I did not concur,
for the purpose of reaching the rancheria that I had
seen on this very river when I came. Accompanied

" Altogether "j l / 2 leagues S. and S. E., taking him back beyond
Posa creek, which he strikes higher up than where he crossed
it before. He is now on his return trip, and will soon bear away-
eastward to leave the Tulares by a different pass through moun-
tains from that by which he entered the valley.

SPANISH DESERTER. 295

by all the men and women of this one, I depart c 1
down river, course southwest, and soon found an-
other, and therein a captain very grave, who insisted
that I should tarry, giving- me to understand that <»n
the next day he would take me to see an Espanol
who was married to an Indian woman of the Noches
Colteches, 34 who are very nigh unto here on the east;
adding that said Espanol wore on the breast a certain
round thing that I conceived should be some medal
or reliquary; that he spoke of God, and pointed out
to them that he (God) lived in the sky; that he (the
Espanol) already had a little son; that he was of a
good heart, and was much in request of all, living (as
he did) like the rest of the Indians; and finally he
(the chief) made me signs that he (the Espanol) was
still wearing some sort of clothes (ulgo de ropa). I
persuaded myself that this should be some one of the
deserters, whose life was spared with great clemency.
This captain gave me some pieces of dried bear's
meat (tasajos de oso) and with much feeling on the
part of all I took my leave when it was already very
late, beginning to travel with the assurance that I
should soon arrive at the rancheria which I had seen
when I entered [May 1]. Two Indians set out

"Compare beyond, p. 304, date of May 12. These Indian-*
were probably of the Mariposan linguistic stock, bordered on
the east and south by intrusive Paiute bands— F. VV. H.

296 TRAVELING IN THE DARK.

in my company, upon whom I urged that we should
follow the current of the river; but they assured me
that could not be, on account of the extent of the
cajones in some places. Having passed a very high
hill they put me on the road, making a sign whither
were the rancheria and the river, and then left me
alone, in spite of all the remonstrances that I made
to them, to the end that they should accompany me.
This is not to be attributed to any disaffection, but
only to (the fact) that they went naked, it was very
cold, and for another thing they were much afraid
of the bears in which these lands abound. To noth-
ing of this did I give heed, in the anxiety that I felt
to reach the place where I had left my companions;
and so at a little distance I fell upon great precipices,
and already was it dark. It is true that I saw some
tracks; but they being for those who go afoot, I soon
encountered an impediment to the progress of the
mule; whereupon (hasta que) God willed that I could
descend into a large Canada that I judged led to some
one of the rivers, or at least to the plains on the west.
I traveled through this the rest of the night, having
the happiness of coming out, though making some
turns, upon the same Rio de Santiago, on whose
banks I arrived at the break of day, having traveled
four leagues and a half since 1 departed from the last
rancheria, on courses west and southwest.

TO THE NOCIIE RANCHER! A. _■■ ,J

May 6. Ascending and descending the river, at
a loss for the situation of the rancheria I sought, 1
descried on the upper part four Indians. I directed
my steps toward them, and when they saw me ap-
proach they fell to shouting and laughing. They
were squatting down to rest under the burden of the
much meat that they were carrying. They threw me
some half-cooked squirrels, and bade me partake of
the meat they were carrying, opening for this purpose
a gray hide which appeared to be that of a mule; and
as I saw with the meat a similar head, I formed the
opinion that Sevastian had come in search of me, and
that they had killed his beasts. Nevertheless, on ac-
count of the kind treatment I experienced from them.
I condescended to go to their rancheria, whither they
invited me, traveling three leagues southeast and
east, the whole way through the sierra. The ran-
cheria contained more than ioo souls, of the same
Noche nation, who received me with great gusto, and
in a little while entertained me with a dance. Here
they repeated the information of the Espanol. and
urged upon me that I should go to see him, saying
that I should arrive in a day and a half; under appre-
hension of the injury I imagined done to Sevastian,
I only desired to be freed from my care.

May 7. I went three leagues southsouthea>t and
came upon the Rio de San Felipe about one league

298 ON RIO DE SAN FELIPE.

above the place where I first crossed it (mas arriba
del paso de mi venida). I arrived at the rancheria
where I had been on that occasion, and where they
now advised me that I should descend the same river,
and cross it without wetting myself. To this end I
traveled two leagues southwest, wondering again at
the extent of woodland, pasturage, and fitness for irri-
gation (proporciones de regadio). I arrived at a ran-
cheria which should contain some 150 souls; in which
place runs the river now divided in two branches
(brazos), and has the bed wider; so that they have
been able to make a bridge of two trunks of alders, 36
which serve for the crossing, though at some hazard.
The branch of this river which passes immediately by
the rancheria takes a course to the westnorthwest,
and they told me that lower down it turns to the
north till it unites with that very large river of which
the Noches Pagninoas cited above gave me some in-
formation in the last rancheria. The other branch of
this river, which is smaller, flows to the west, dis-
charging its waters when they are swollen over some
very fertile plains, in which are formed large lagunas

" Alisos is the word used. Those whose notions of alders
are based on such bushes as Alnus serrulata or A. incana, might
wonder at a bridge said to be built of alders. But A. rhombi-
folia, the species of the region where Garces is traveling, is
a tree sometimes 70 or 80 feet high, and A. oregona grows still
larger. The sycamore is also called aliso in California.

AT SITE OF BAKERSFIELD.

and marshes (pautdnos). This place, which has beau-
tiful hills for the situation of missions free from all
inundation, I named San Miguel de los Noches por
el Santo Principe, 38 one of the patrons of the expedi-
tion. The people were rejoiced at my coming, and
regaled me with much game and fish, and with a kind
of marquesote, 37 somewhat sweet, which they make
of certain roots abounding in those surroundings.
Nevertheless, I had the feeling that the greater part
of the people would not kiss the crucifix, when they
saw that one old man objected thereto. This indi-
vidual said that indeed shells and tobacco were good,
but that el Cristo was not, and that he held it in great
dread. Hence arises the great risk that there is in
these entradas, and in the beginning of the Founda-
tions (of missions); a scene of the highest felicity and

M Garces is back on Kern river, his Rio de San Felipe, at the
point where it sends off two arms; one of these, the main
stream, continuing to Tulare lake, and the other, an overflow
stream, spilling in the direction of Kern and Buenavista lakes
(apparently the lagunas and pantanos of the text). The ran-
cheria named San Miguel, etc., may therefore be identified with
the site of Bakersfield; see note ". p. 280. The whole context
of to-day would indicate that he first struck Kern river at or
near the mouth of Walker river, and thus not far above Bakers-
field, to which place he now comes down.

37 Unidentified: compare macuilxochitl, defined in Simeon's
Nahuatl Diet, as " Caryophyiium mexicanum, a medicinal
plant."— F. W. H.

300 DEPARTURE FROM KERN RIVER.

docility shifting in an instant to one of mishaps and
fatalities. They told me that the sea was very far off;
that otters they catch in lagunas very large; they
possess many skins of deers, and there come to pur-
chase them the Indians of the west, of whom I saw
some who urged me that I should go to their land,
conducting themselves toward me with great affabil-
ity, and assisting the mule and the baggage to cross
over. Though I used diligence to ascertain the
depth of this branch of the river with a stout stick
of about three varas in length, I was unable (to do
so); for the strong current bent it, though it was
steadied against the bridge. The Indian Sevastian
told me afterward that when he came in search of me
on this very spot, he tried it by fastening a large stone
to the hitching-rope (cctbresto, for cabcstro), and that
it took the whole length of the same, which was seven
varas. The Indians told me that here had been Se-
vastian, and that already had he gone away with the
Jamajabs, and they gave (me) also to understand that
they had killed (jareado) the mule; all of which added
much concern to that which I felt, and confirmed me
in the idea that had occurred to me above, when I
saw the meat and the skull.

May 8. I departed, accompanied by three Quaba-
jay Indians, and by other mountain Indians (Serranos)
who had come to that rancheria, and went three

ON GROUND SQUIRREL PLAINS. 301

leagues southsouthwest. The Serranos betook them-
selves to their land, and I proceeded with the Quaba-
jay on courses southeast and east, passing by dry

lagunas, woods, and a level plain much undermined
by the tusas, 38 of which there are infinite numbers in
all the plains that I have seen of the Quabajay higher
up; we fell down, the mule and myself, and several
times I was in danger of the same, because of the
insecurity of the ground. In the fall I lost the com-
pass needle, and did not think of returning to search
for it, because it made me afraid to see a land so dry
and dangerous to travel. I arrived at the Quabajais,
having gone six leagues further. So festive were the
Quabajais, that there was a dance this night and the
next day; but I meanwhile was full of concern at find-
ing here not one of my companions. There came
next day [May 9] the Jamajab Luis with two beasts
and a message from the captain of the Pueblo de San

38 Tuza, tusa, or tuga is a Mexican name of certain pouched
rats or pocket-gophers of the genus Geontys, one species of
which, inhabiting Florida, is now technically known as G. hUO.
But these animals do not burrow in such fashion as t<> render
a plain dangerous to ride over, and what Garces means is the
common gray ground squirrel or spermophile of California,
Spermophilus beecheyi, extremely abundant in the region he U
now traversing, where it honeycombs the ground with its bur-
rows, and is a nuisance to agriculture. See note ". this chapter,
where the Pohallin-tinleh are so called on account of these
squirrel holes.

302 AGAIN AT RANCHERIA DE SAN PASQUAL.

Pasqual that I should come quickly to his rancheria.
He told me that Sevastian had gone back in search
of me to the Rio de San Felipe; I determined to await
him, and he arrived in the evening with no news.

May io. I went over to the Rancheria de San
Pasqual, where I found two Jamajabs recently arrived
from their land (the others who had accompanied me
had already gone back, leaving only Luis and Ben-
tura): hence is to be inferred the frequent commerce
that the Jamajabs hold with these nations and those
of the sea. Here they supplied us with pinole de
chia, rabbits, and small loaves (*. e., cakes — panecillos)
of seeds, offered in great glee and not even half paid
for by what was given in return (ni aim medio pagado
en la recampensa). They reiterated the question of
when would I come back again ; I continued to coun-
sel the captain that there should be no more war
against those of Santa Clara, where they had killed
another captain. I was intent upon persuading him
that the Espanoles were a good people; to which he
would by no means assent, bearing very much in
mind the baskets (coritas) and other valuables of
which the passengers 39 had robbed them. One old
man among others who arrived gave the information
that in those days there had passed by the western

" Pasageros, passengers, travelers, wayfarers; sc, the members
of the Spanish expedition.

RETURNING BY A DIFFERENT ROUTE. 303

border of the sierra women and cattle; and further,
that many people and horses had come back. 40 1 was
obsequious to said old man, and urged upon the
Jamajabs that they should return with me to (Rio de)
San Felipe in order to follow up river to the Cheme-
bet Quajala, but this they refused to do; for, though
there was no difficulty about it, yet thence to their
land there intervened very rough sierras that the
beasts could not traverse because they were very
lame. Although this project was unsuccessful, I ac-
complished the return journey by a different route. 41

40 The return of the Anza-Font expedition of 1776, from San
Francisco southward, was in April along those portions of the
route to which Garces' old man referred in saying that mounted
troops " had come back." It can be followed with precision in
Font's Diary before me, but this is not the place to go into
those particulars.

a " Aunque no se consiguio esto logre el volvcr por dist into
camino," which I have rendered rather freely in the text. From
Apr. 24, when through the Tejon (?) pass Garces entered the
Tulares, he has been knocking about a comparatively small
area on the S. and E. of the valley and adjoining skirts of the
mountains, never further N. than White river. We have fol-
lowed him pretty closely, though not with entire precision.
To-day, May 10, he starts from his Rancheria de San Pasqual
to return to the Mojaves by a different route, until he strikes
his outward trail on reaching the Mojave river. His mean
course will be due E. to the Mojave river, crossing the moun-
tains by the pass between the Sierra Nevada and Tehachapai
ranges — the same by which the railroad now goes from Bakers-
field to Mojave station. I was last over this road in 1891.

304 LEAVING THE TULARES.

May 11. I surmounted the Sierra de San Marcos
on the east and northeast, and having gone thus far
two leagues I halted at a laguna which I called (La-
guna) de San Venancio. 42

May 12. I went one league in the same direction;
half a league northwest (sic), one league southsouth-
east, and yet another southeast. Here I found a ran-
cheria of a people of a different language from the
Noches and Quabajais, and whom the Jamajabs call
Cobaji; and I discovered them to be those whom the
Noches themselves call by the name of Noches Col-
teches. 43 There were here none but women and chil-
dren, who made us presents of meat, seeds, and even
of two baskets to take along with us. There are here
firs, oaks, and many other kinds of trees. I returned
the favor with some small shells (cuentesillas), such as
they prize, but the women told me that they regaled
me solely because we were so needy; that their nation
was generous (bizarra), not stingy like that on the
west. I believe they are right about this, for those
of the west are dealers even among their very selves,

42 Certainly Garces never got over the main range in anything
like two leagues; which I suppose to be only the distance he
traveled between his San Pasqual and San Venancio. See May
17, P- 305, when he came out of the mountains. Bancroft, Hist.
Cal., i, p. 277, says Garces " left the valley probably by the
Tehachepi Pass but possibly by Kelso Valley."

43 See back, p. 295, date of May 5.

NOCHES COLTECIIES — JOURNEY CONTINUED. $0$

and by so much the more do they value and take care
of their possessions — though certainly I have no
reason to complain of them. These people arc very
robust, the women at least, who are the only ones I
saw, as the men were out hunting. They told me
that toward the northnortheast there were many peo-
ple, and that I could go there. As the hospitality
was good, I tarried at their invitation the 13th day.

May 14. I went one league and a half southeast
and halted in an arroyo that I called (Arroyo) de la
Ascencion. 44 The Jamajabs knew not the road, so
that I was obliged to charge it upon Sevastian that
he should go to seek it accompanied by Bentura, I
remaining with Luis [May 15, 16]. 45

May iy. I went six and a half leagues southsouth-
east, and having come out from the sierra entered
upon some plains, grassy but lacking in trees and
water. 46 Nevertheless I found a small pozo; and at

M Unidentified.

48 No entries for the 15th and 16th, during which days no
doubt Garces stayed in camp, awaiting the return of his two
scouts. Neither the Beaumont MS. nor the pub. Doc. has any-
thing.

48 Garces emerges from the mountains in the vicinity of Mo-
jave station, where the railroad branches, one line running due
S. toward Los Angeles, the other continuing eastward to the
Mojave river and so on. One who has traversed the dreary
waste upon which Garces now enters will recognize the fidelity
of his description.

306 BACK AGAIN ON MOJAVE RIVER.

half a league further southward I found another, with
only water enough for ourselves and the beasts; but
by digging deeper these wells they would hold water
in abundance, for the plain is marshy (pantanoso) like
an alkaline cienega.

May 18. Having gone two and a half leagues
southsoutheast I entered upon a very wide plain
wherein I found a pozo like the foregoing ones; it is
evident that this plain has been a laguna in times
past. 47

May ig. I traveled four and a half leagues in the
same direction and fell upon the Rio de los Martires
near the position observed before in 34 37'. 48

May 20, 21, 22. I retraced the same road that I
had come, as far as the Pozos de San Juan de Dios. 49

May 23. Quitting the road of the coming, I di-
rected my steps to the eastnortheast, and having gone

47 The whole alkaline waste between the mountains and the
Mojave river is marked with small dry lakes, pools, and pot-
holes, fully justifying this observation.

w He is again upon the Mojave river: see back, 242, Mar. 17,
where the observation for latitude taken on the river is given
as 34 37'. Garces appears to strike the river about where the
railroad does.

48 Having descended the Mojave river, Garces reaches the
wells where he was on Mar. 8: see note 10 , p. 258. From this
position he reaches the Colorado by a road a little further north
than the one on which he went before.

ADVANCING TOWARD MOJA\ ;.

two leagues I halted in the sandy plain (mcdano)
where there was a Chemebet rancheria.

May 24. Here I tarried because some of the
Jamajabs who had arrived at this rancheria for the
commerce of shells were taken sick.

May 25. I went four and a half leagues eastsouth
east, completing the crossing of the sandy plain and
of the Sierra de Santa Coleta. 50

May 26. I traveled three leagues eastnortheast,
with one turn to the south, and halted nigh unto a
pozo, scant of water in consequence of its shallowness,
which I named (Pozo de) San Felipe Neri.'' 1

May 27. I traveled five leagues east and northeast.
The continuous sierras abound in grass and arc
clothed with a few trees.

May 28. I went one league and a half on a course
northeast, and came to a good watering-place that I
named Aguage de la Trinidad. Here I saw a
Chemebet rancheria. In the afternoon I went a

00 So named Mar. 6, when Garces was at Cedar springs: see
back, p. 236.

"St. Philip Neri. or Filippo de' Neri in Italian, was born at
Florence July 22, 1515, founded the Congregation of the Ora-
tory, died at Rome May 25, 1595, and was canonized in 162a. I
do not feel quite sure of the Pozo named for him, but if it were
not modern Rock springs, it was in that vicinity. Likt
the place named Aguage de la Trinidad on the 28th was prob-
ably Piute springs.

308 ARRIVAL AT MOJAVE.

league and a half southeast and halted in another
rancheria at the request of its Indians. In the sierra
there is a water-tank.

May 29. Having gone two leagues east I found a
well of very abundant water, and having gone seven
more on a course southeast, I reached the Pozo de
San Casimiro. 52

May 50. Having gone three leagues eastsoutheast
I re-entered into the Jamajab nation. Inexplicable
are the expressions of delight which said nation
made to see me again in their land. They had sum-
monsed to my arrival the Yabipais Tejua, Jaguallapai,
Chemebets, and Jalchedunes, in order that in my
presence all might speak at great length and celebrate
peace firmly. To this end they gave me to under-
stand that a detention of eight days was required,
notwithstanding they were aware {en medio de saber
cllos) that I had received a letter from the senor
comandante of the expedition, and another from my
companion Fray Tomas (Eisarc), in which they noti-
fied me to return without delay to the Yumas. 53 In

52 See back, at date of Mar. 4, p. 235 and note there.

63 Anza's expedition, having left the vicinity of San Francisco
early in April, reached the Colorado at Yuma on May n
(Font's camp mark "130"). The following extract from
Font's Diary of that day bears upon the above passage:

" Reciprocal and great was the joy that I had to see Padre
Fray Thomas Eixarch content and safe in this place, living with

WORD RECEIVED FROM THE EXPEDITION. 309

the general council of these five nations, such was the
crowd, clamor, and confusion they made, that for this
and the heat I feared that I might be sick. At last
they all made terms of peace (las paces) with signs
that it was to be kept up (con scnalcs de per sever ancia),
to their great joy and my entire satisfaction. On this
occasion I talked much with the Jallaguapais [sic]
about the distance of Moqui and New Mexico; to

such satisfaction among so many gentiles, who are well disposed
toward the Spaniards, and worthy of appreciation and esteem,
especially Captain Palma. This Puerto de la Concepcion,
situated a little below the confluence of the Gila and Colorado,
is a place of some bluffs (territos) of moderate elevation, which
form a little pass, through which the Colorado is straitened,
and on leaving which it again spreads; so that this is the situa-
tion of a very pleasant vista, and the hest place I have seen on
the river for settlement, because it is immediately upon the
river, yet secure from its inundations, however much it may
overflow; though of such little extent, that the small uneven
mesa which it makes would hold no more than the church and
a few houses, [etc. — a good description of the bluffs on which
Fort Yuma stands]. Here we met Padre Fray Thomas
Eixarch, who came to live here with Captain Palma, as this
was a better place than that where we left him when we went
away, distant from this puerto one league up river, where also-
one could not maintain himself during the rise in the river.
We were expecting to find in this place Padre Fray Francisco
Garces; but he was not here, nor had Padre Fray Thomas had!
any word from him since he went up river to the Jalchedunes.
The last word we had had from Garces was the letter of Apri)
15 which he wrote to senor comandante Ansa from the mission

3IO DEPARTURE FROM MOJAVE.

which they responded fully, giving me information of
all the land that lay hence to the capital [Santa Fe].
I desired to go there, but the letters received obliged
me to descend to the Yumas.

Next day [May 31] I took leave of all, first mak-
ing some presents, especially to the Jaguallapais. At
the departure of these for their lands, when they
reached the river some of the Jamajabs set up a yell.

of San Gabriel, where he was during holy week, early in
April. . . In this letter he said that he should return to the
Jamaja nation, as that was necessary, and that afterward, if he
should learn of anything worth his while (algo de bueno) he
would keep on [to Moqui], but if not, he would come down the
Colorado to await us, so that we could go back together.
When we arrived at the mission of San Gabriel the padres there
told us, that when Padre Garces left he said, speaking of his
journey, that if he met Indians who would accompany him,
and he did not think there would be much difficulty in this, his
intention was to keep on inland (internarse) and discover a
route to New Mexico. When we reached Puerto de la Concep-
cion we got a rather confused report that Padre Garces was
among the Jalchedunes. So the sehor comandante immedi-
ately sent an Indian interpreter there with a letter in which he
informed him (Garces) of our arrival, and saying that in three
days we should continue our journey. This was time enough
for the padre to come here, if he was there; but the padre did not
come in the three days, nor did the messenger return, nor could
we get any word of him after the more than three months which
had passed. Whence I inferred, that Padre Garces had found
a way and the means of going to New Mexico as he desired, or
else that he had met with some great setback in his apostolic

FRACAS AVOIDED. 3 I I

wishing to kill them on account of some relatives of
theirs whom they (the former) had killed in the pre-
vious wars. This determination was repressed by
the principal Indians of the rancheria, agreeably with
the peace which had just been celebrated through my
intervention. They brought the Jaguallapais to
where I was; and seeing them so terrified and mis-
trustful — as I likewise was, having little faith in the
Jamajabs — I instantly told them to have no fear, for
I was determined to accompany them myself. Noth-

journeyings, on which he had started somewhat sick; if indeed
he had not died or been killed by Indians. I note that when
Sefior Ansa dispatched the interpreter with the letter, he
ordered him, if he did not find Padre Garces, but found his
beasts, to bring them. This he did without minding (sin
hacersc cargo) that Padre Garces might be there, or further off,
and would need them when he should return, as actually hap-
pened. It shows the delicacy of Sefior Ansa, and such are the
favors which he says he always shows to padres. This I knew
for certain, because the interpreter himself told me so when he
returned; on my asking him why he had brought the beasts,
leaving the padre in want of them, he replied that he could do
nothing else, being under orders, and that his master Sefior
Ansa had so ordered; and this he said in the presence of Sefior
Ansa, without being contradicted."

Thus things are seen to have been as pleasant as ever be-
tween Anza and Font, when they returned to the Colorado.
The letter above said, which was dispatched on the 12th, ap-
pears to have reached Garces at Mojave. The expedition
crossed the Colorado, and left the mouth of the Gila on the 16th,
taking with them Padre Eisarc and Captain Palma.

312 DETERMINATION TO GO TO MOQUI.

ing could dissuade me from this resolution, even
though there are encountered as a rule, many difficul-
ties in such an enterprise. Immediately went on
ahead one Jaguallapai with two Jamajabs to notify
the nation of the former that I was coming to their
lands. Anticipating that I should be unable to re-
turn to the Jamajabs, I left orders with Sevastian that
unless I was there within a few days he should go
down with the Jalchedunes to their lands. This In-
dian, who was the only one that remained still in my
service — for the interpreters had returned to the ex-
pedition — was unwilling to follow me, for all that I
begged him to do so.

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