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Full text of "On the trail of a Spanish pioneer; the diary and itinerary of Francisco Garcés (missionary priest) in his travels through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775-1776; translated from an official contemporaneous copy of the original Spanish manuscript, and ed., with copious critical notes"

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On tbe Urail of a Spanisb pioneer. 



Photograph by G. Wharton James, 1897 






(^Missionary Priest) 



2- / 3 g S 






Editor of Lewis and Clark, of Pike, of Henry and Thompson, 
Fowler fournal, Larpenteur, etc., etc. 



Vol. II 




Copyright, 1900, 







From Mojave to Moqui, June, 1776, 313 

Among the Moquis, July 2-4, 1776 361 


From Moqui to Mojave, July, 1776, 392 


From Mojave down Rio Colorado to Yuma, up Rio 

Gila, and over to Bag, July 25-September 17, 1776, 415 


Reflections on the Diary, 441 

Point I. Number of Nations, etc., 443 

Point 2. Amities and Enmities, 449 

Point 3. Nations Most Ready for Catechism and Vas- 
salage, etc., 454 



Reflections on the Dairy — Continued. 

Point 4. Presidios Necessary, 455 

Point _$. How to Subdue the Apache, . . . -457 
Point 6. Communication with New Mexico and Mon- 
terey, 467 

Point 7. On the Reports of Silvestre Velez de Esca- 

lante, etc., 469 

Point 8. On the Equipment of Missions, . . . 493 

Postscript by the Scholiast, Miguel Valero Olea, . . 502 


Eusebio Francisco Kino. By Elliott Coues, . . . 522 

Index, 557 



KOHAT, Chief of the Havasupai, . . • Frontispiece 

The Hopi Pueblo OF Oraibi, . . . • Facing page ib^ 

A Native of Oraibi, " "365 

Old Spanish Church at Acoma, ... " •' 367 

Church at Lacuna, " " 3^9 

The ONate and Letrado Inscriptions Ac- 
cording TO Simpson, .... •• «• 3^5 
The True Letrado Inscription of 1632, . *' " 377 
Present Church at ZuJ5i, .... " " 379 

A MoKi Maiden, .c .. 384 

Autograph of Escalante, Page 391 

Map of the Mesa Country Occupied by the 

Hopi Indians. Facing page 393 


V ' 2- 

2. / ' 6 i' 

June 4. I ascended along the bank of the river and 
went two leagues northwest, arriving at the place ob- 
served on m^ coming in 35° 01'/ 

June 5. I went one league north, and having 
crossed the river went down it half a league south. 
In the afternoon I traveled three leagues eastnorth- 

' See back, p. 234, date of Mar. 3, where we found this posi- 
tion in the immediate vicinity of modern Fort Mojave, but on 
the other (west) side of the river. June 4 is Garces' 104th 
day's journey. 

' The crossing of the Colorado is to be taken at or near Fort 
Mojave. Hence Garces starts in Arizona on his tour to the 
Moquis, as memorable as that he has just made to the Tulares 
of California, his being the first such journey ever made by a 
white man. His present objective point is the settlement of the 
Yavasupai or Suppai Indians, who lived then as they do now 
in Cataract canon, where I visited them in June, 1881. In this 
and earlier years I traveled on horseback or by wagon through 
this whole region in several different directions, and am so 
familiar with the topography that we shall be able to trail 
Garces very closely. His route from Fort Mojave to Cataract 
cafion is closely coincident with that traveled in 1858 by Lieu- 


June 6. I ascended the sierra that I called Sierra de 
Santiago to the eastnortheast, having traveled a 

tenant J. C. Ives, under the guidance of the noble Mojave chief 
Iriteba. A glance at Ives' beautiful map will show it in outline, 
and we shall be able to fill in many details. Chapters vii and 
viii, pp. 93-112, figs. 26-36, of Ives' admirable Report, may be 
pleasantly and profitably read in this connection; it still remains 
one of the best descriptions extant of this region. On p. 8 
of App. B Ives gives a tabular itinerary, with distances, etc., 
of his camps 60-73; some of these are identical with those of 
Garces. Another notable itinerary to be considered in this 
connection is the Report of E. F. Beale, 35th Congr., ist Sess., 
Ho. Rep. Ex. Doc. No. 124, half-titled " Wagon Road from 
Fort Defiance to the Colorado River," etc., 8vo, Washington, 
1858, pp. 87, map. "Beak's route" is traditional in Arizona; 
everybody has heard of it, but few know anything accurately 
about it, and " Beale's springs " (for which see beyond) is now 
its most pointed reminder. Mr. Beale came through in Sept. 
and Oct., 1857, with a motley outfit which included Greeks, 
Turks, and camels, besides the men and animals more familiarly 
American, passing on and near the 35th parallel, approximately 
along the earlier lines of march of Sitgreaves and Whipple; he 
passed on to Fort Tejon in California, and came back through 
Arizona in Jan. and Feb., 1858. His report is that of an en- 
thusiastic and energetic explorer, who believed in camels and 
was confident he had found the best route for a railroad across 
northern Arizona; his narrative is a lively one, but loose in 
the joints, and with the serious defect that text and map do 
not always agree with each other; it exhibits a profusion of 
original place-names, very few of which have ever come into use, 
and on the whole is entirely overshadowed by the better wo'-k of 
Sitgreaves, Whipple, and Ives. All the same, the present rail- 
road does run nearer Beale's route than any single one of the 
other explorers' routes; and Beale almost retraced Garces' trail 


league and a half to finish it; and with yet another 
league and a half did I arrive at the watering-place 
that I named (Aguage) de San Pacifico. In the 
afternoon I went two leagues to the southsoutheast, 
and one other eastward.^ Plenty of grass. 

from Mojave as far as Truxton's springs (which see, beyond). 
So we can confidently follow Garces into this desert, where 
all travel before the railroad came through was necessarily 
directed from one aguage to another, and the traveler who failed 
to find them was liable to perish of thirst. 

° The Sierra de Santiago or St. James range of Garces is that 
immediately bordering the Colorado on the east, separating the 
great river valley from the Sacramento valley which intervenes 
between this range and the Cerbat range. In my time (1865) 
the Sierra de Santiago was called the Sacramento range, from 
the name of the Sacramento valley of which it forms most of 
the western boundary. But the earliest name I know of is the 
Black range, of Ives' Report and map, given because the range 
to the northward is traversed by Black caiion, through which 
the Colorado flows; and Black mountains is also the name on 
the latest U. S. Geological Survey maps, though the Land Ofifice 
maps call this range the Blue Ridge mountains. The main 
road over the range goes through Union pass, which I have 
traversed five times. It is perfectly easy for light wagons, and 
not very difficult for freight trains. Going across the Sacra- 
mento valley from Beale's springs (vicinity of Kingman, on the 
railroad) the road is due west to Union pass, on the summit 
of which the Mojave valley of the Colorado spreads before the 
view in a beautiful prospect; the descent is rapid to the river 
at Hardy, or Hardyville, consisting of a house or two in the 
river bottom; whence it is five or six miles down river to old 
Fort Mojave. Union pass has been the scene of at least one 
Indian ambuscade and attack upon passing whites; and I have 


June 7. I traveled four leagues east, and arrived 

painful recollections of the atrocious cruelties inflicted upon the 
cattle of a wagon train I met near the summit. This pass is 
not the one Garces made. Striking easterly from Mojave he 
followed an Indian trail now disused, or so little known that no 
name is to be found on the modern maps. But it is notable 
as the one by which Beale's expedition crossed the range on 
Oct. 15-16, 1857; it is also the one taken Mar. 25, 1858, by Ives, 
who calls it Sitgreaves' pass. Why Ives should have done this 
I do not know; certainly Sitgreaves did not use it: see his 
map, trail from camp No. 31 to No. 32, showing that Sitgreaves 
crossed the range by Union pass, Nov. 5, 1851, as correctly 
delineated on Beale's map. The Aguage de San Pacifico of 
Garces is present Meadow creek, so named by Ives in his Report 
and on his map. This streamlet has its source in springs on 
the eastern slope, and flows a short distance toward the Sacra- 
mento valley. It is illustrated by fig. 26 on p. 93 of Ives' Re- 
port, where we read: "The grazing at the camp in Sitgreaves' 
Pass was poor, and the mules were ill prepared for the rough 
road before them. A few miles brought us to the base of a 
steep and difficult ascent that led to the summit of the Black 
mountains. The path was narrow and devious, and attended 
with hazard to the weak and heavily-loaded beasts. All of the 
party had to clamber up on foot, leading their riding animals. 
. . A rapid descent led through a ravine to the eastern base 
of the range we were crossing. When nearly down the hill the 
head of a creek [Meadow] was encountered, and half a mile 
from the valley the ravine spread out for a few hundred yards, 
forming a snug meadow carpeted with good grass, and fringed 
on one side with a growth of willows that bordered the stream." 
Such is the Aguage de San Pacifico in the Sierra de Santiago, 
first seen of white men by Garces. Ives made Meadow creek 
distant 20^ miles by the trail from Mojave; the latitude 35" 
02' 17.6", and the summit of the pass 3652 feet. Later observa- 


at the Jaguallapais/ who had provided much game 
for our refreshment. These people are in the same 

tions leave the latitude about the same, but reduce the altitude 
to about 3000. Garces appears to have gone in the afternoon 
some six miles or more beyond the spring head of Meadow 
creek, into the Sacramento valley, thus approaching the present 
railroad which, having crossed the Colorado between the lower 
end of the Black mountains and the Needles, follows up Sacra- 
mento wash into the valley, on its way to Kingman, etc. 

As already stated, Beale first made this pass, Oct. 15-16, 1857; 
he recrossed it Jan. 24, 1858. He called it John Howell's pass, 
and the source of Meadow creek he named Murray's spring, 
after Frank Murray, one of his men (Rep., pp. T], 78). 

* Crossing what remained to him of the Sacramento valley, 
Garces finds the Hualapai or Walapai Indians living in the vicin- 
ity of present Kingman, seat of Mojave county. He says the 
rancheria was in an arroyo of running water; I have been there 
several times, without finding any stream, but that may have 
been due to season. The watershed is toward the Sacramento 
valley. This " arroyo " is Railroad pass, originally indicated 
as such by Whipple in 1854, but first so called and mapped by 
Ives in March, 1858; the railroad through it later justified the 
name. It appears to be that called by Beale Engle's pass, 
Oct. 8, 1857, after Captain Engle, U. S. N.; but Beale's itinerary 
is confusing, especially on any attempt to adjust it to his map. 
It is the main defile through the Cerbat range; or, if this range 
be considered to end here, it separates the Cerbat range on the 
north from the Hualpai mountains on the south. It is the best 
watered place for many miles in any direction. The original 
and best known aguage hereabouts is Beale's springs, for many 
years the usual camping place on the main wagon road between 
Fort Mojave and Fort Whipple, about 6 miles northwest of 
Kingman, and thus about halfway to Coyote holes, which are 


condition as their enemies the Yabipais Tejua. They 
conducted themselves with me as comported with 
the affection that I had shown toward them. I gave 
them to understand that I sought to pass on to 
the Moqui. I encountered great difficulty in this 
through the opposition of the Jamajabs, who feared 
they (Moquis) might kill me; but finally I convinced 

further out in the Sacramento valley. Beale's springs are two, 
near together, apparently those described by him, p. 68 of his 
Report, as " strong heads of water," but left unnamed, Oct. 8, 
1857. Other watering places within easy reach are Johnson's 
springs, a few miles northward, and Railroad or Gentle springs 
in the opposite direction, south of the defile; besides others 
artificially secured of late years. At which of these aguages 
Garces actually stopped it is hardly possible to say; most likely 
it was not Beale's springs, but Railroad or Gentle springs. 
Railroad pass is shown in fig. 28 on p. 95 of Ives' Report, which 
I will quote again: " Leaving Meadow creek and its abundant 
pasturage we descended to the [Sacramento] valley. . . The 
pass by which we were to cross the Cerbat mountains was 
apparent as soon as we left the Black range, and Ireteba [the 
Mojave chief who was guiding Ives], who had joined us early 
in the morning, headed directly for it. The pure atmosphere 
made it seem close by, and it was disappointing to plod through 
the hot sand hour after hour, and find it appearing as far off 
as ever. When the base of the [Cerbat] mountains was at last 
reached, it was found that the ascent was scarcely perceptible. 
A place more like a cafion than an ordinary mountain pass pre- 
sented itself, and we penetrated the range for a few miles 
through the windings of a nearly level avenue. In a pretty ra- 
vine, hemmed in by picturesque bluffs, our guide pointed out a 
good spring of water, with grass enough near by to afford a 


them by my insistency. At this rancheria there is an 
arroyo with running water, plenty of grass, much 
game, and much seed of chia. I spoke to them of 
God, of whom I could perceive that they already had 
some knowledge; then they all kissed the crucifix, and 
made their children kiss it too. They go dressed in 
antelope-skins and some shirts of Moqui; they have 

tolerable camping place. [This answers all the requirements of 
Garces' " arroyo with running water and plenty of grass " — 
arroyo con agua, corriente, bastante sacate, etc.] The next day, after 
proceeding one or two miles along the pass, which we called 
the Railroad Pass, we emerged from the Cerbat range, and came 
into what was at first supposed to be a broad valley, but which 
turned out to be a basin [Ives' fig. 29, Cerbat Basin], formed by 
the chain we had passed and spurs extending from it. There 
was a low divide on the rim of the basin nearly opposite the east- 
ern entrance to the Railroad Pass. [This divide was between the 
Hualapai and Peacock mountains, leading over to Cactus pass, 
etc.] The altitudes of these opposite edges are about the same. 
Lieutenant Whipple, while locating a railroad line near the 35th 
parallel, had reached a point [Cactus pass] a short distance 
east of this divide, where he struck the headwaters [White Cliflf 
creek and Big Sandy wash] of Bill Williams's Fork, at that 
time [Jan., 1854] an unexplored stream. Supposing that it 
would conduct directly to the Colorado, he followed it till it 
was too late to return, and was compelled to pursue a difficult 
and circuitous route to its mouth. He was confident, however, 
from a careful study of the country at either end, that the direct 
route from the divide to the Colorado would be practicable for 
a railroad, besides greatly shortening the distance. The obser- 
vations of the past two days have demonstrated the accuracy 
of his judgment." 


belts of Castille, awls, and other implements that they 
obtain from Moqui. I saw no crops, and so I believe 
that they subsist on mezcal and game. I tarried to 
rest me for two days [June 8 only]. 

June p. I went three leagues and a half northeast 
by the foot of a sierra that I named Sierra Morena;^ 

" Sierra Morena is of course the Cerbat range, already suffi- 
ciently indicated as the one first so called by Whipple in 1854. 
Morena means blackish or swarthy, and is doubtless Garces' 
rendering of what the Indians told him was their name for it — 
very likely the same Indian word that later became applied to 
the other range — the Black, with which the Cerbat runs parallel. 
On Beale's map the name stands " Cerbals," rather in the posi- 
tion of the Hualapai than of the Cerbat mountains proper. 
This word cerbat is said to be the Indian name of the wild 
sheep or bighorn, called camera cimarron in Spanish. This 
is a very conspicuous range, culminating in a peak, about 7,000 
feet high, called Cherum's from an Indian chief whom I knew 
in 1881 — a venerable whiskey-soaker also called Sherum, Se- 
rum, or Srum. These mountains are crossed by two roads, both 
available for wagons; I have driven twice over the one which 
passes through Mineral Park, a mining town which was flourish- 
ing in 1881 under Cherum's peak; the other road crosses 
further south, through places called Stockton, Cerbat, and New 
London. Each of these passes is easily approached by the road 
coming northwest through Hualapai valley from Hualapai 
spring (a place on the main wagon road between Mojave and 
Prescott or Fort Whipple) ; and Mineral Park is also reached 
by the road which comes due west across Hualapai valley from 
Hackberry (a station on the railroad, a couple of miles from 
the original mining camp of Hackberry, near Peacock peak of 
the Peacock range). Now Ives says, p. 96, that when he left 


in the afternoon two and a half, in the same direction. 
I halted in a rancheria where they regaled us — the 
captain of the rancheria last passed, with an Indian of 
his nation, and a Jamajab who accompanied me, 
whom said captain assured that no one would do him 
harm. There is no water in this rancheria, and in 
order (to procure some) to drink an Indian woman 
went for it two hours before dawn to the sierra, not- 
withstanding the weather was very cold. 

Railroad pass, " Ireteba took us north, for ten or fifteen miles 
along the eastern base of the Cerbat range, to an excellent 
grazing camp, but where there was only a small spring of sul- 
phurous water." This is Bitter spring of his map, with camp 
mark "63," and Isabel spring of modern maps: I know the spot, 
having been there twice. The two roads above noted, re- 
spectively from Hualapai spring and from Hackberry, come 
together close by Isabel spring. Garces says he went to-day 
six leagues, or about 16 miles, northeast, to a dry camp. If he 
went on that course, he followed precisely the line of the 
railroad, up the Hualapai valley; and his mileage sets him in the 
vicinity of present Hualapai station, on the western flank of the 
Peacock range. A dry camp is always hard to set, and the 
whole country thereabouts is usually dry; but I think we have 
him pretty closely. The nearest water I know of to Hualapai 
station is Peacock spring, a few miles in the mountains of this 
name; and I think this must be the place to which the squaw 
went for water, two hours before that cold gray dawn. If so, 
the sierra she climbed was not the Cerbat, but the Peacock 
range, on the eastern side of Hualapai valley. The location of 
Garces' dry camp here indicated also fadges well with what we 
have next to consider — his Arroyo de San Bernabe. 


June 10. I traveled five leagues east, and arrived at 
the Arroyo de San Bernabe/" which runs in part and 

'The Arroyo de San Bernabe is now called Truxton wash, 
and Garces' mileage sets him at or near Truxton spring, on the 
railroad. The railroad takes a very crooked course to get here, 
first continuing northeast from Hualapais station to flank Pea- 
cock mountains on the north, then turning at a right angle 
southeast to run down to Hackberry, then curving around to 
the north to run up into Truxton wash nearly to Truxton 
spring before it makes more easting. Garces went more 
directly through or past Hackberry into the wash. This is 
the defile through what are called Cottonwood cliffs; these are 
simply the northward extension of the Aquarius range, and are 
themselves extended unbroken northwestward by the Grand 
Wash cliflfs, bounding the upper part of Hualapai valley on 
the east and northeast. The whole extent of cliffs is the Aulick 
range of Beale (Rep., p. 66, Oct. 6, 1857). Truxton spring is 
one of the few place-names we owe to Beale (Rep., p. 79, Jan. 
28, 1858) ; Truxton was one of his men, but whether the spring 
now called Truxton is the one originally so named may be 
a question. It is situated on the railroad, three miles west- 
southwest of Truxton station, a mile and a half south of Crozier 
spring, and about three miles north of Cottonwood spring. To 
judge from Ives' map, Truxton spring is the same as that called 
Peacock's spring by Ives for one of his men: see his camp- 
mark " 65 " (which certainly is not near the position of Peacock 
spring of our latest G. L. O. and U. S. G. S. maps, this being 
over 12 miles off, on the other side of Peacock mountains). 
The circumstances of Ives' naming this spring are these, p. 97: 
" Mar. 31. Leaving the Cerbat basin, the course lay towards a 
low point in the extension [Cottonwood cliffs] of Aquarius 
mountains — another chain almost parallel to the Black and Cer- 
bat ranges. The gap much resembles the Railroad Pass. After 
entering it the trail took a sudden turn to the north, in which 


in Others is dry; in the evening I went one league in 
the same arroyo and direction. I halted in an unin- 

direction it continued [compare what is already said in this 
note]. . . Ten or twelve miles from [last] camp, Mr. Peacock, 
who was riding in advance, discovered a large spring of clear, 
sweet water in a ravine near the road. There were no signs 
of the place having been used as a camp, and even Ireteba did 
not appear to have known previously of its existence. A Mex- 
ican subsequently found a running stream a mile or two further 
on, where the Indians passing this way had been in the habit of 
stopping." This identifies Ives' Peacock spring with modern 
Truxton spring, without prejudice to the question whether or 
not it is what Beale called by the latter name. Now for the 
stream which Garces says " runs in part and in others is dry " 
in his Arroyo de San Bernabe. Captain Lorenzo Sitgreaves 
came westward through this wash or arroyo, first of the modern 
explorers whose trails are of record, and we read in his Rep. 
Expl. Zufii and Col. R., 8vo, 1853, p. 14, at date of Oct. 28, 
185 1 : "A party sent out to reconnoitre brought back the grati- 
fying intelligence that twelve miles in advance was a small 
stream of running water and abundance of good grass. A band 
of Yampais were found encamped upon it, from whom Mr. 
Leroux [Antoine, the guide] learned that the numerous trails 
we had observed for the last two or three days united and led 
to the Mohaves." Again, p. 15, Oct. 30: " This rivulet, which I 
have called the Yampai, has its source in three small springs; it 
is repeatedly lost in the ground within a distance of half a mile; 
after which it disappears entirely. A few willow and cotton- 
wood trees grow upon its banks, and green grass was here seen 
for the first time since leaving the San Francisco mountains." 
In this rediscovery, post-dating Garces three-quarters of a cen- 
tury, we have the origin of the name Yampai creek, lettered 
to-day on the G. L. O. map, and appearing in various forms on 
many another map. The word is a bad shape of Yabipai or 


habited rancheria in which my companions set fire 
to a wickiup (xacdJ,) in order to ascertain if there 
were any Indians about; but seeing that none ap- 
peared we continued on the same course. At a Httle 
distance a companion saw at the foot of a tree two 
small boys, who were reluctant to show themselves, 
through fear. We asked them where their father 
was; they gave us to understand that soon would he 
come, as in fact he did, together with his wife, about 
ten o'clock of the following day 

[June 11'], both showing themselves much pleased. 
Presently this Indian begged me for my mule, 
in order to bring in a buro or large deer' which he 
had left dead. It is admirable, the reciprocity (cor- 
respondencia) with which the gentiles, whenever they 

Yavapai, the name of a tribe of Indians with which the reader 
is already familiar. 

Whipple was never quite so far north as this point; and here 
also we can dismiss both Beale and Sitgreaves, but keep com- 
pany with Ives, in taking Garces on to his next station — as we 
do by rail, very comfortably. 

' Buro 6 venado grande. Buro or bura is Garces' style for burro, 
a word almost English as the name of the little donkeys so well 
known in the Southwest. The deer here so called is Cariacus 
macrotis or Odontoccelus hemionus, the common mule deer or 
black-tailed deer of the west, the largest of its genus in North 
America, with immense ears like a donkey's, whence the name. 
It also has a white tail tipped with Hack, short and slim except 
the tuft at the end, like the tail of a mule shaven into the shape 
the drivers consider stylish. 


procure any game, make all participants thereof, 
though small may be each share; as I have experi- 
enced repeatedly; and on this occasion I witnessed it 
in this Indian, for, having cut up the buro or deer, be- 
fore packing it he gave one-half to the captain who 
was accompanying me, contenting himself with the 
other. Both regaled me during the days that I 
tarried. This rancheria is of the Yabipais,^ who only 
in name differ from the Jaguallapais. The Indian 
sent a runner reporting my arrival to his relatives, 
four of whom had seen me in past years among the 
Jalchedunes; and for this reason he sought with in- 
sistency my detention until they arrived. On the 
following day 

[June 12? i^f 14 f] there were arriving bands now 
of six, now of eight men, he who came at the head of 
each one of them making his harangue in my pres- 
ence, and the Jaguallapai captain who was accom- 
panying me responding to them on my behalf. 
This address of welcome is a custom among 
them; and at its conclusion each (speaker) turns 
to his band, asking them if he has spoken 
well and if that which he has set forth to 

* The Yavapais or Yampais of the previous note: see also 
note ", p. 208. They were commonly called Apache Mojaves 
in my Arizona days, and have given name to Yavapai county, 
Ariz., into which Garces is about to pass from Mojave county. 


them has suited them. I observed on this occasion 
that all those of the band unanimously responded alike 
to their respective captains that it was good. Finally 
the Jaguallapai captain concluded this ceremony, 
saying: " This padre has a good heart; he is a great 
[friend] of our intimate friends the Jalchedunes; he 
has made us friendly with the Jamajabs; and now he 
begs your leave to proceed to the Moquis." Re- 
sponded all that it was good; that I could pass on, 
since I was an Espanol, and those of Moqui had 
friendship with those of New Mexico. There had 
arrived at this rancheria an Indian man and woman 
who said they were from Moqui. They were well- 
dressed, and so genteel (alinados) that they ap- 
peared rational.* Both of them, with another who 
arrived on my departure, offered themselves to ac- 
company me, which they fulfilled in part. Betook 
themselves back from here those who had accom- 
panied me. 

June 75. Having taken leave of the assemblage, 
which consisted of about 60 Indians — there were no 
women or children — I set out up the arroyo, north- 

* Que parecian de rason. The Spaniards called themselves gente 
de rason, " rational beings," in contradistinction from Indians 
— with unconcious irony, for no more unreasonable people have 
ever professed civilization and preached Christianity to Indians 
since 1492. " Gente de razon " is much as if our colored 
brethren should say, " We'se w'ite folks." 


east and north, I found one rancheria of about 40 
souls. We partook of food, and following the same 
arroyo came upon some wells which I named (Pozos) 
de San Basilio/" whereat I met some little girls who 

^^ Pozos de San Basilio, St. Basil's wells, are Peach springs 
of latter-day nomenclature, in a very well known place. Garces 
mileage seems a little short; but that he is at Peach springs is 
evident from the courses and distance of his next long lap. 
He proceeds along the railroad from Truxton station to Peach 
Springs station, about ten miles northeast, whence it is only four 
miles due north to the springs themselves, from which the name 
of the latter station is derived. The spring nearest the station 
is Young's, a mile and a half southeast. The station is notable 
as the northernmost point on the railroad, about 35° 31' 30", 
and the one nearest the Grand cafion of the Colorado, distant 
16 miles in air-line due north, and not over 20 by the nearly 
straight trail. The station and the spring will be found by 
name on almost any modern map; on some, the name is ex- 
tended to Peach Tree springs; on Ives', the position of the 
springs is lettered " New Creek," with camp-mark " (JS " (his 
latitude about right, longitude a good deal too far east). Peach 
springs is so called from the fruit-trees of that name planted 
there, some of which were in evidence when I was on the spot, 
June 18 and 19, 1881. The situation is at a head of a caiion 
through which the descent is easy enough into the bowels of 
the earth, down to the level of the river itself. On June 19 
I made the round trip from the springs to the river in company 
with Lieutenant Carl F. Palfrey of the Corps of Engineers, 
U. S. A. The trail was plain, and though then unimproved, we- 
made the descent on horseback, only finding it convenient to 
dismount once or twice at some little jump-ofif or awkward 
twist of the path, and noting hoW' readily a carriage road could 
be worked through even the worst places. About halfway down 

328 editor's descent of peach springs canon. 

came for water with ollas that seemed to me (to be 
made) of wood of mulberry {moral) with which this 
land abounds, and that are fitted for this purpose by 
smearing with gum." Thereafter I went in various 

to the Colorado, in a small side caiaon on the right hand, there 
is a spring — the one marked " * Hualpais Spr. 68 " on Ives' 
map, and indicated without name on the U. S. G. S. sheet. 
This Peach Springs or New Creek canon which we descended 
was dry as a bone till it ran into Diamond Creek canon, nearly 
at a right angle; it is only a collateral canon of the latter. The 
junction is about a mile and a half from the main river. Turn- 
ing sharp to the left at this point, we followed down Diamond 
creek till we stood on the brink of the vast current of the 
Colorado which rushes through the abyss. The sensation at 
the sight was satisfactory; the view was decidedly disappointing 
in spectacular effect. There is nothing specially inspiring in 
blank walls of rock, such as shut out every prospect except 
that of a patch of sky directly overhead; and this is all that is 
visible at the depth of some six thousand feet, where Diamond 
creek makes its modest contribution to the mighty flood. 
Plate vi of Ives' Report gives an excellent idea of the scenery 
at this spot. We spread saddle blankets over some scrawny 
bushes for shelter from the heat, creeping under them to eat 
lunch, during which I noticed some birds I was interested to 
find so far below the surface of the earth — a covey of Gambel's 
quail (Lophortyx gambeli) and a pair of black pewits (Sayornis 
nigricans). I took a bath in the river, more for the name of the 
thing than because I needed it, and was quite willing to return 
as soon as my companion wished to do so. The round trip 
was thus easily made between an early breakfast and a late 
supper, and I have never regretted the 32-mile ride. 

" An oUa is a large water-jar, usually made somewhat spheri- 
cal and of porous earth, so that evaporation may keep the water 


directions to another rancheria, where I passed the 
night, having traveled during the whole day four and 
a half leagues. 

June 16. In the morning I went four leagues 
northeast and north, over highlands {en monies) 
clothed with junipers (savinos) and pines; ^^ in the 

cool. Another name of the thing is alcarrasa. Such utensils 
are in common use throughout the Southwest. The ollas of 
the Indian girls were woven of wicker work, like corpulent little 
jugs, with small mouths and no handles, rendered water-tight 
with gum. The moral is the mulberry, but there is some mis- 
take about this; Garces simply missed a shot in the dark, as 
there is no mulberry in these lands. The Mexican mulberry, 
Morus celtidifolia, grows in southern Arizona, but is not known 
to occur north of the Gila; it grows sparingly in the Santa 
Rita mountains. 

"£« monies is not "on mountains"; I have set "over high- 
lands," which is true of the ground, but " through woods " 
would be as correct a translation. The savinos said are the trees 
universally called " cedars " in Arizona. They are two species 
of Juniperus, which used to be confounded under the name of 
/. occidentalis, namely, /. utahensis and /. monosperma, both 
common in northern Arizona. A third species, /. pachyphloea, 
the rough- or checkered-bark juniper, occurs sparingly about 
Flagstaff, but really belongs to a more southern flora, and 
abounds on the mountains south of the Gila. The principal and 
most conspicuous pine of the Colorado plateau is Pinus ponde- 
rosa scopulorum, a species very widespread in the West. On the 
lower slopes of the San Francisco mountains grows P. Hexilis, 
remarkable for the great size of its cones; while on the same 
mountain P. aristata of large stature grows up to timber line. 
These pines are, of course, exclusive of the piiion, P. edulis. 


evening five north, nearly to a sierra of red earth." 
The Indians who were accompanying me said that 

which forms extensive forests toward the rim of the great canon, 
especially on the first level below the main plateau. An oak 
which abounds in the region near and north of the railroad is 
the white oak of the Rocky mountains, Quercus gambeli; accom- 
panied in some parts of the Colorado plateau by scrubby forms 
of Q. undulata. 

" The " sierra of red earth " is the Aubrey cliffs, bounding 
the general chasm of the Grand cafion on the east at a varying 
distance, some 8 to i6 miles, in that portion of its course 
where it is running southward with little westing. The line 
of clifTs is nearly north and south. Standing on these heights, 
the view westward is sublime. The area between the cliffs and 
the canon is largely occupied by the ramifications of the Dia- 
mond Creek cafion system, dividing and subdividing like the 
fronds of a fern, and spreading as a whole like a fan, north, east, 
and south. It is to head this impassable cafion that Garces 
goes easting before he makes his northing. His position after 
his 9 leagues or 24 miles of swinging around is uncertain. His 
aguage, he says, was scanty, and there is no telling exactly 
which one of the several tanks or water holes that there are 
on this trail was the one at which he made night. It was some- 
where in the vicinity of the Snow spring marked on Ives' map 
between his Cedar Forest and Pine Forest camps (marks " *69 " 
and " *7i "). Some maps mark Pocomattee springs hereabouts. 
His trail, however, is definite and fairly well known, through 
the highlands more or less thickly wooded with junipers and 
pines, conspicuous on nearly all of his route to-day. Barring 
the difference at the start from that of Ives — for Ives started 
from his Hualpais spring, halfway down the cafion leading to 
Diamond creek, as above described — Garces' trail coincides pre- 
cisely; and with the same difference, it is the trail dotted on 
the U. S. G. S. map. In fact, I know of no other way of getting 


the Rio Colorado was near, and already were visible 
cajones very profound which had the color of the 
sierra. The aguage where we slept was very scanty. 
The two Indians and the Indian woman who were 
accompanying me divided with me the mezcal they 
were carrying for food. On this day the married 

from Peach springs into the extraordinary place for which 
Garces is heading, except by an immense detour which would 
have taken him to an entirely different base of departure for 
Cataract cafion. Aubrey clifTs form the western edge or jump- 
ing-off place of the vast Colorado plateau stretching eastward 
at an average elevation of about 6,000 feet, with isolated eleva- 
tions up to about 7,000, to the region of the great Bill Williams 
and the San Francisco mountains, and northward to the Grand 
canon itself. South of the cliffs lies Aubrey valley, near Mt. 
Floyd and the Picacho, leading into Chino valley. Franqois 
Xavier Aubrey, Aubray, or Aubry, who was through this coun- 
try in 1854, was the famous French-Canadian plainsman and 
pony express rider, born in Maskinonge Dec. 4, 1824, killed in 
a fracas at Santa Fe, N. M., Aug. 20, 1854, by Major R. H. 
Weightman, U. S. A., who was killed at the battle of Wilson's 
Creek, Mo., Aug. 10, 1861. Aubrey City, or Landing, was a 
projected settlement on the Colorado at the mouth of Bill 
Williams' fork, and Fort Aubrey once stood on the Arkansaw 
river in Colorado. A biography of this humble hero will be 
found in Tasse's Les Canadiens de I'Ouest, ii, 1878, pp. 179-227, 
portrait. See also Pike's Travels, ed. 1895, p. 731. 

Garces traveled a part of yesterday and the whole of to-day 
in the present Hualapai Indian reservation (Executive Order 
of Jan. 4, 1883) ; and after leaving Peach springs he passed from 
Mojave into Yavapai county, on crossing the meridian of 113° 
20' W. 


Indian chanted the whole hendito " with little differ- 
ence in intonation from that in which it is chanted in 
the missions. I admired this novelty, and presented 
him with a string of beads, asking him eagerly {con 
gusto) who had taught it to him. He gave me to 
understand that the Yutas ^^ his neighbors knew it, 

" The Benedictus, beginning in Spanish " Bendito y alabado 
sea," etc. Benediction is certainly better than malediction, and 
I think a mode of treatment like that upon which Garces was 
intent was preferable to such as sometimes resulted from educa- 
tion in the language of the whites. Thus, Beale says that in 
his time the Mojaves had learned enough English to salute a 
stranger with " God damn my soul eyes! How de do?" 

"The Utas or Utes, of the Shoshonean stock, after whom 
the State of Utah was named. They are divided into numerous 
bands or subtribes, whose habitat extended over southern Colo- 
rado and Utah, and into northern New Mexico and Arizona. 
On the upper Rio Grande in New Mexico the Utes came in con- 
tact with the pueblo tribes, particularly the Tigua Indians at 
Taos and Picuris, of whom Garces here speaks. Of the two 
villages mentioned Taos is the more important; it is situated on 
the Rio de Taos, a tributary of the Rio Grande, about 60 miles 
north by east from Santa Fe. Its inhabitants within historic 
times have had several conflicts with the Utes, who have left 
their impress on the tribe; indeed the Taos people resemble the 
Utes more closely than they do their near kindred in Picuris 
or in Sandia and Isleta farther southward. Taos was the seat 
of the mission of San Geronimo, established in the seventeenth 
century; it was also the scene of a rebellion in 1847, which 
resulted in the killing of Governor Bent, but the revolt was 
quelled a month later and the leaders executed by Col. Sterling 
Price. The Indians lost 150 killed, the American force 7 killed 


for they had heard it many times among the Tiguas; 
whereupon he fell to chanting it twice over again. 

June ly. I went two leagues with some windings 
through a rough sierra/" and arrived at the rancheria 
of the unmarried Indian who was accompanying me. 
I talked with the captain, who applauded my coming, 
and soon dispatched a runner, in order that the 
rancherias of the north should come to see me. Men 
and women came bringing me various little gifts 
(regalitas) of mezcal, with which the land abounds. 
All were very festive, men and women dancing at 
their pleasure, and applauding loudly what I told 
them, that the Castillas — as they call the Espaiioles 
— were driving the Yabipais from the south and keep- 
ing them far aloof." They drew on the ground a 
sort of map, explaining to me by this means the na- 
tions of the vicinity and their directions; and even 
with admiration did they rejoice when on their own 
map I showed them my route, we understanding each 
other in this way reciprocally. By this means was 

and 45 wounded (some of them, including Capt. Burgwin, 
fatally). Toas was the Valladolid and Braba of Coronado's 
narrators in 1540. Present population about 400. — F. W. H. 

" Simply continuing on the trail along the Aubrey cliffs for 
some five miles, to a position which appears by to-morrow's 
itinerary to have been two or three miles west of Pine spring. 

" Amarraban a los Yabipais del Sur para llebarlos mui lexos^ 
a clause I have slightly turned. These were the Apaches. 

r I 


I enabled to acquire a clear understanding of the 
situation of all the nations. 

The married Indian who came with me, and who 
said he was from near Moqui, remained here with his 
wife to continue his journey to his home through a 
level and well-watered valley. With them I could 
have gone to Moqui; but the captain of this rancheria 
and all those who had come to see me urged me to 
proceed to view their land. Being under obligations 
for their services (a cuyo obsequio obligado) I could not 
refuse, and so I determined to go with them whither- 
soever they wished; the occasion being favorable to 
see yet other peoples and discover new regions. 
This length of time gave me an opportunity to speak 
to them of God and of the things divine, to which they 
showed that they gave credence. They all kissed the 
crucifix, and held it up toward the sky, passing it thus 
from hand to hand, even unto the least of them. In 
this and other rancherias I had much to announce, 
for the halt, the blind, the sick and the weary ones 
came to beg me to lay hands upon them and teach 
them somewhat; I gave them some gospel, or the 
Magnificat, and thus did I continue in all the land of 
the Yabipais, even unto my return to the Jamajabs. 
I was at a loss to discover whence arose this good 
faith, sufficing unto salvation. Here I tarried one 
day [i8th]. 


June ig. I went one league east, accompanied by 
the captain and three of his rancheria, with another 
principal (man) who had a beard, though a slight one, 
from the Rio Jabesiia/* Here there was a rancheria, 
and before I reached thereto a well of abounding 
water, to which, as it was crowned with roses, I gave 
the name (Pozo) de la Rosa/^ Throughout this 
region there are many and lofty pines. I went up 
thereafter two leagues to the north, ^° and halted in a 
rancheria whereat, being importuned by the Indians, 
I passed the night. 

June 20. I went five leagues east, two northeast, 
and three north, the last four of these over very bad 
{malisima) ground through some cajones the most 
profound, though all were well grassed and with 

" Rio Jabesiia = Cataract creek, for which Garces has been 
heading from the start. See on, when we get there. 

" Pozo de la Rosa, or Rose Well, is Pine spring of present 
nomenclature, which either named itself from the coniferous 
character of the forest or else may be traceable to what Ives 
says of his Pine Forest camp, marked " *7i "; p. 103 of his Re- 
port, Apr. 10, 1858. 

"About five miles north of Pine spring is another, now 
known as Oak spring. This fits Garces' advance to a nicety, 
and each spring seems to confirm the identification of the other 
here made. There is a third spring called Aubrey's, about the 
same distance west of Oak spring. From his present position 
Garces makes a straight break for the " horrible abyss " of the 
Hualapai trail by which he enters Cataract cafion. 


plenty of trees. I arrived at a rancheria which is on 
the Rio Jabesiia, which I named (Rio) de San An- 
tonio; and in order to reach this place I traversed a 
strait {pase por tm estrecho) which I called the Nuebo 
Canfran. This extends about three quarters (of a 
league) ; on one side is a very lofty cliff, and on the 
other a horrible abyss (voladcro). This difficult road 
passed, there presented itself another and a worse one, 
which obliged us to leave, I my mule and they their 
horses, in order that we might climb down a ladder 
of wood.^^ All the soil of these caxones is red; there 

" This ladder was probably not the identical one which Ives 
found on Apr. 13, 1858; but it was in the identical spot — there 
is no other way down the awful chasm which leads from the 
6,000-foot level of the plateau to the 4,000-foot bed of Cataract 
canon. The trail down this side caiion is thus a descent of 2,000 
feet into the bowels of the earth, to the place where the Hava- 
supais live now as they did in 1776. Garces' few words on his 
" horrible abyss," leading to depths still more profound, may 
be amplified by Ives' vivid description of his experiences: "Ten 
miles conducted to the head of a ravine, down which was a well- 
beaten Indian trail. There was every prospect, therefore, that 
we were approaching a settlement similar to that of the Hual- 
pais on Diamond river. The descent was more rapid than the 
former had been, and in the course of a few miles we had gone 
down into the plateau one or two thousand feet, and the bluffs 
on either side had assumed stupendous proportions [see his 
fig- 34, P- 106]. Still no signs of habitations were visible. The 
worn-out and thirsty beasts had begun to flag, when we were 
brought to a standstill by a fall a hundred feet deep in the 
bottom of the cafion. At the brink of the precipice was an 


is in them much mezcal; there are some cows and 
horses, most of which are branded, and some have sev- 
eral such marks (los mas de estos tieiien Herro, y algimos 

overhanging ledge of rocks, from which we could look down 
as into a well upon the continuation of the gorge far below. 
The break reached completely across the ravine, and the side 
walls were nearly perpendicular. There was no egress in that 
direction, and it seemed a marvel that a trail should be found 
leading to a place where there was nothing to do but to return. 
A closer inspection showed that the trail still continued along 
the caiion, traversing horizontally the face of the right-hand 
bluff. A short distance off it seemed as though a mountain 
goat could scarcely keep its footing upon the slight indenta- 
tion that appeared like a thread attached to the rocky wall, but 
a trial proved that the path, though narrow and dizzy, had been 
cut with some care into the surface of the cliff, and afforded a 
foothold level and broad enough both for men and animals. 
I rode upon it first, and the rest of the party and the train 
followed — one by one — looking very much like insects crawl- 
ing upon the side of a building. We proceeded for nearly a 
mile along this singular pathway, which preserved its horizontal 
direction. The bottom of the caiion had meanwhile been rap- 
idly descending, and there were two or three falls where it 
dropped a hundred feet at a time, thus greatly increasing the 
depth of the chasm. The change had taken place so gradually 
that I was not sensible of it, till glancing down the side of my 
mule I found that he was walking within three inches of the 
brink of a sheer gulf a thousand feet deep; and on the other 
side, nearly touching my knee, was an almost vertical wall 
rising to an enormous altitude. [This is what Garces merely 
calls "a difficult road"!] The sight made my head swim, and' 
I dismounted and got ahead of the mule, a difficult and delicate 
operation which I was thankful to have safely performed. A 


nnichos); I recognized none of them, but of a single 
one I doubted whether it were not of the mission of 
San Ignacio. I aslced these Indians, as I had done 

party of the men became so giddy that they were obliged to 
creep upon their hands and knees, being unable to stand or 
walk. In some places there was barely room to walk, and a 
slight deviation in a step would have precipitated one into the 
frightful abyss. I was a good deal alarmed lest some obstacle 
should be encountered that would make it impossible to go 
ahead, for it was certainly impracticable to return. After an 
interval of uncomfortable suspense the face of the rock made 
an angle, and just beyond the turn was a projection from the 
main wall with a surface fifteen or twenty feet square that would 
afford a foothold. The continuation of the wall was perfectly 
vertical, so that the trail could no longer follow it, and we 
found that the path descended the steep face of the cliff to the 
bottom of the caiion. It was a desperate road to traverse, but 
located with a good deal of skill — zigzaging down the precipice, 
and taking advantage of every crevice and fissure that could 
afford a foothold. It did not take long to discover that no 
mule could accomplish this descent, and nothing remained tiut 
to turn back." 

This is the road which Garces calls " another and a worse 
one," where he had to leave his mule for the Indians to take 
Iback and bring around into Cataract cation by a different trail. 
But we have not yet come to the ladder part of the story. Ives 
afterward made up a party to explore the cafion further; and 
we resume his narrative at the critical point: " At the end of 
thirteen miles from the precipice an obstacle presented itself 
that there seemed to be no possibility of overcoming. A stone 
slab, reaching from one side of the cafion to the other, termi- 
nated the plain which we were descending. Looking over the 
edge, it appeared that the next level was forty feet below. This 


before in other rancherias, whence did they procure 
these horses and cows; and they repHed, from Moqui, 
where there are many ill-gotten cattle and horses. I 

time there was no trail along the side bluffs, for these were 
smooth and perpendicular. A spring of water rose from the 
bed of the cation not far above, and trickled over the ledge, 
forming a pretty cascade. It was supposed that the Indians 
must have come to this point merely to procure water, but this 
theory was not altogether satisfactory, and we sat down upon 
the rocks to discuss the matter. Mr. EgloflFstein lay down by 
the side of the creek, and projecting his head over the ledge 
to watch the cascade, discovered a solution of the mystery. 
Below the shelving rock, and hidden by it and the face, stood 
a crazy-looking ladder, made of rough sticks bound together 
with thongs of bark. It was almost perpendicular, and rested 
upon a bed of angular stones. The rounds had become rotten 
from the incessant flow of water. Mr. EgloflFstein, anxious to 
have the first view of what was below, scrambled over the ledge 
and got his feet upon the upper round. Being a solid weight, 
he was too much for the insecure fabric, which commenced 
giving way. One side fortunately stood firm, and holding on 
to this with a tight grip, he made a precipitate descent. The 
other side and all the rounds broke loose and accompanied him 
to the bottom in a general crash, effectually cutting ofif the com- 
munication. Leaving us to devise means of getting him back 
he ran to the bend to explore. The bottom of the cafion had 
been reached. He found he was at the edge of a stream, ten 
or fifteen yards wide, fringed with cottonwoods and willows. 
The walls of the cation spread out for a short distance, leaving 
room for a narrow belt of bottom land, on which were fields of 
corn and a few scattered huts." 

Such was Garces' plunge into Cataract canon — certainly no 
facilis descensus Averni — but the most direct access to the 


arrived at the place of our stopping for the night, and 
as I saw the Jabesua Indians well supplied with some 
pieces of red cloth, I suspected therefrom that they 

strange people of his Rio Jabesua. His Indians then took his 
animals back, and brought them in by an easier trail, more 
eastwardly, which follows down another side caiion into 
Cataract canon at a point a few miles above the Havasupai set- 
tlement. Lieutenant Ives did not follow Mr. EglofTstein; but, 
having extricated him from his predicament by hauling him up 
the remaining piece of the shattered ladder by means of slings 
from the soldiers' muskets knotted together, he beat a retreat 
in good order. His subsequent route is nowhere near that of 
Garces, till both reach the Moqui villages. In taking leave of 
him here I must note that, accurate as his map is for the whole 
region he actually explored, it is quite the reverse in all that he 
lays down for the course of the Grand caiion in the parts he 
never saw. This is all hypothetical, and far out of the way. 
Thus he sends the main Colorado of? through something that 
appears to correspond to Kanab wash, and brings the Colorado 
Chiquito clear westward, approximately in the course of the 
Grand caiion itself, to join Cataract caiion! This error of at 
least one whole degree of longitude, as well as the wrong con- 
fluence, was reflected on maps for many years, till the actual 
junction of the Colorado Chiquito with the main stream was 
properly determined, about long. iii° 47' 30". 

The Cataract cafion system is of great extent; its ramifica- 
tions, fissuring the great Colorado plateau in every direction, 
and as it were dissecting the surface of the earth, may be traced 
to the vicinity of Bill Williams' mountain and Mt. Sitgreaves. 
The general trend of the system is northwest, but the collateral 
fissures run in every direction. This is an effectual barrier to 
travel east and west, almost to the head of the system, across 
which Beale made his wagon road in 1857, at no point north 


might be some of the Apaches who harass these 
provinces. My suspicion increased when the women 
came, and among them some whiter than is the rule 

of 35° 30'. The bed of the main canon sometimes runs water 
from near its head downward; but is ordinarily dry almost 
down to the Havasupai settlement. When I traversed it, 
the bed was as dry as tinder, sandy, rocky, and choked with 
cactus; only here and there was some seepage through the 
walls, either trickling idly away and soon evaporating, or, if 
stronger, collecting in some little rocky tank. The scene 
changes as if by magic at the point said, where Cataract creek 
bursts out of the ground at a beautiful spring, almost immedi- 
ately attaining a volume of some 5,000 miners' inches, equaling 
a creek eight feet wide and four feet deep. The water is of 
a deep blue color, and so heavily charged with lime that it 
forms stalactites wherever it drips, and incrusts everything upon 
which it dries. A kind of maidenhair fern grows here in pro- 
fusion, and some of the delicate fronds seem as if petrified. 
The arable land, including that rendered available by artificial 
irrigation, is probably not over 400 acres; on this little farm 
stretched along the creek the Indians raised their corn, beans, 
melons, squashes, peaches, apricots, and sunflower-seeds. They 
lived in brush lodges scattered over their secluded demesne, ex- 
cept some whom I found occupying caves in the rocky sides of 
the cafion which they had walled up, quite like the prehistoric 
clifif-dwellers. These hermits seemed quite content with their 
half-underground lot, and only anxious to be let alone. A little 
distance below the settlement, following a trail not devoid of all 
danger, may be witnessed the spectacle to which Cataract cation 
owes its name, as the water of the creek falls away in three 
beautiful cascades, with pitches in the aggregate of perhaps 250 
feet, before disappearing in the unfathomable abyss beyond. 
My own entrada into this caxon was neither so dramatic as 


in Other nations. In spite of this I had no fear, see- 
ing all well content at my arrival, and that they em- 
braced with pleasure the peace proposed with their 

that of Garces, nor yet so precipitate as Mr. EglofFstein's — but 
it was enough to make my head swim. I reached the brink of 
the chasm at an entirely different place, some 20 miles higher 
up; and as this point is not marked in any way on any map 
1 know of, my little-known trail may be worth recording here. 
In June, 1881, I was the medical officer of an expedition to the 
Havasupais — or, as they were sometimes then called, the Agua 
Azul Indians — a name supposed to be derived from the blue 
water above mentioned, but really a wrenching into Spanish of 
Yavasu-pa\, which is the same word as Garces' Jabesiia. The 
party consisted of a detachment of Company K. 6th Cavalry, 
Lieut. H. P. Kingsbury, under command of Lt.-Col. Wm. Red- 
wood Price; the Lieutenant Palfrey mentioned before; with an 
old Arizonian scout, whose name I have forgotten, to show us 
the way. We went from Fort Verde, on the river of that name, 
to Fort Whipple and Prescott, and thence through Williamson's 
and Chino valleys, in which latter we camped at Roger's ranch, 
June 4. Next day we flanked the west base of the Picacho and 
followed an Indian trail to Cullen's well, as it was called, near 
the base of Mt. Floyd. The proper name of this tinaja or tank 
is Kerlin's — so called from Beale's clerk of 1857-58, F. E. Kerlin, 
whose name is cut in the rocks. It is oti the Beale road, but 
hard to find, at the head of a ravine, and is not living water. 
On the 6th we sought unsuccessfully for Kisaha tank, and re- 
turned to Kerlin's. On the 7th, with a detour eastward along 
the Beale road, and then a turn northward past that other ele- 
vation which is 6 miles due N. of Mt. Floyd and about 7,000 feet 
high, we kept on north with some westing to what was known 
in those days as Black tank, but is now lettered Wagathile tank 
on the U. S. G. S. maps. This was a stretch of some 30 miles, 


inveterate enemies the Jamajabs, the Yumas, the Jal- 
chedunes, Cocomaricopas, and Pimas Gileiios; and also 
did I propose to them to cidtivate pleasant relations 

not halfway to the rancheria of which we were in quest, and the 
last water hence to Cataract cafion. Blank tank was a nasty 
hole in the rocks, containing perhaps 5,000 gallons of dead 
water and filth, in which lurked an enormous number of the re- 
pulsive " fishes with legs," or axolotls, also called guaholotes 
— a species of Amblystoma. Here we rested on the 8th, and 
next day made a straight break due north, along a dim 
Indian trail, over good ground, partly wooded, to a dry 
camp. On the loth a march of 10 miles in the same direc- 
tion brought us abruptly to the brink of the precipice — a 
sharp-edged jump-ofT of perhaps a thousand feet. There was 
no side caiion here for gradual descent — the firm level ground 
gave no hint of the break before us till we were actually upon 
the verge, and when the soldiers lined up to look down an in- 
voluntary murmur of astonishment ran through the ranks. 
Dismounting and going in single file, each man leading his 
horse, we took the dizzy trail — a narrow footpath, in many parts 
of which a misstep would have been destruction to man or 
beast. The way zigzagged at first for some distance, on the 
" switchback " principle by which railroads sometimes make 
grades otherwise impracticable; the face of the precipice was 
so steep that, as we filed along, those of us at the head of the 
procession looked up to see the other sections of the train 
almost overhead — certainly a fall of any man there would have 
been right on top of us. Then the trail took a long lurch to 
the left with little descent, hugging the face of the cliflf, and we 
looked like a row of ants on a wall. This brought us at length 
to the head of a great talus, down which the trail zigzagged — 
the incline was too steep for straight descent, probably at an 
angle of 45°. This 'etched us into the bed of Cataract cafion. 


with the padres and Espaholes who would soon come 
to hve on the Rio Colorado among those nations. 
So pressing was the insistency with which they urged 
me to remain in this rancheria that, as I found myself 
constrained perforce in this place, I had to remain five 
days;-" during which they waited upon me and re- 
galed me with flesh of deer and of cow, with maize, 
beans, qiielites,-^ and mezcal, with all of which were 
they well provided. They also eat a berry of the 

perfectly dry; the trail was nearly a mile long, and it took us 
an hour to make our creepy way down. The Havasupai chief, 
who had been advised of our coming, was there to meet us 
with some of his men, all mounted; and he took us up the cafion 
about five miles to a place where there was a scanty aguage, 
not sufficing for the wants of the whole party. Next morning 
we retraced our steps down the caiion and kept on in its bed 
till we reached the wonderful blue spring above described and 
the rancheria of the Indians — a distance from last night's camp 
of about 25 miles, as we had struck the caiaon some 20 miles 
above the living water. On our way down we were shown a 
side cafion on our right, up which was a plain trail. This led 
to the Moquis, and this is the way by which Garces is about 
to leave Cataract cafion en route to his ulterior destination. 

" Fueran tantas las instancias que me hicieron en esta Ran- 
cheria para que me quedase, que enmedio de hallarme violento 
en aquel Parage me hube de detener cinco dias, etc. This 
detention was until June 25. 

■^ Quelite is the Nahuatl word qiiilitl, meaning grass or some 
edible herb, " greens," etc. Simeon's Nahuatl Diet, renders it 
legume frais in French. But exactly what quelites stands for in 
the above text is uncertain. — F. W. H. 


juniper, a tree which is very abundant in these lands. 
I had much complacency to see that as soon as it was 
dawn each married man with his wife and grown sons 
went forth to till his milpas, taking the necessary im- 
plements, as hatchets, dibbles (coas),^* and hoes, all 
of which they procure from Moqui. These people go 
decently clothed, and are very fond (miiy apasionados) 
of any red cloth of Castilla which comes from New 
Mexico. That there are here (el ser aqiii) women so 
white — I saw one who looked like an Espafiola — I 
attribute to the situation of the place wherein they 
live; for this is so deep '^ that it is ten o'clock in the 
day when the sun begins to shine. Whithersoever I 
have gone I have seen no situation more strong and 
secure by nature. These families do not exceed 34 
in number; -® yet it is the largest rancheria that I 
have seen among the Yabipais. Close by runs the 

^* Coa is the Nahuatl coatl, meaning, among other things, a 
species of shovel or spade, i. e., this was the typical planting 
stick or dibble of the southwestern tribes, made of wood with 
a shoulder for forcing into the ground with the foot. — F. W. H. 

" In round numbers, the rancheria is about 2,000 feet below 
the general level of the plateau, and about half of this depth 
is sheer in some parts of the cafion. The river then drops 2,000 
feet more to reach the Colorado. The plateau may be taken 
at 6,000 feet; the rancheria, at 4,000; the Colorado there at 2,000. 

"° In 1881, when I was on the spot, the total population by 
actual count was 214 — 60 men, 53 women, loi children. In 1858 
Ives supposed the census to be about 200. 


Rio Jabesua, which arises in the labyrinth of caxones 
there are in every direction; the course it here takes is 
to the westnorthwest and north, and at a little dis- 
tance " it falls into the Rio Colorado. This is a river 
of middling size but very rapid, and the Jabesuas 
utilize it well with many dams and ditches. 

June 25. I set forth ^® accompanied by five Indians, 
and traveled two leagues south and east, now on 
horseback, now on foot, but in both these ways with 
great exertion, and halted on the slope of the sierra 
at a scanty aguage. In the afternoon I finished the 
most difficult part of it (the ascent) — they cause 
horror, those precipices it presents — and thereafter 
traveling north over good ground, with much grass, 

" The air-line distance is about 15 miles, and the actual dis- 
tance not much more, as the creek runs pretty straight, a little 
west of north, to the confluence with the Colorado at about 
lat. 36° 16'. The tiny Suppai Indian reservation is on and near 
lat. 36° 05', long. 112° 47' (Executive Orders of June 8, 1880; 
Nov. 3, 1880; and Mar. 31, 1882). The original survey of the 
settlement was made for this purpose by Lieutenant C. F. Pal- 
frey, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., June 11-13, on the expedi- 
tion of 1881 which I have already described in part. 

"' Garces starts from the Havasupais to go to the Moqui 
Pueblo of Oraibi, in the Province of Tusayan. His air-line 
course would be almost due east — a very little south of east. 
The air-line distance is about 112 miles; but no such straight 
line is possible, owing to the nature of the ground. Yet his 
laps foot up altogether only 41 leagues, or about 107 miles, and 
he goes winding about a good deal. Hence it is obvious that 


and many junipers, pines, and other trees among 
which I went about three leagues, I arrived at a ran- 
cheria which appertains to the Jabesua, whither had 
come some of this nation to gather the fruit of the 
juniper. The principal Indian offered himself to ac- 
company me next day. 

June 26. I traveled four leagues southeast, and 
south, and turning to the east; and halted at the sight 
of the most profound caxones which ever onward con- 
tinue {que aun todavia sigucn) ; and within these flows 
the Rio Colorado. There is seen (vese) a very great 
sierra, which in the distance (looks) blue; and there 
runs from southeast to northwest a pass open to the 
very base, as if the sierra were cut artificially to 
give entrance to the Rio Colorado into these lands. 

neither his courses nor his distances can be taken at the foot of 
the letter. He lost his compass in the Tulares of California, 
and merely guesses at the cardinal points as well as at the 
leagues made. The country over which he passes is almost as 
much of a howling wilderness to-day as it was in 1776; if we 
could trace his very footsteps we should be able to name very 
few places. We shall find him when he strikes the Grand 
cafion, and again when he crosses the Colorado Chiquito, but 
that is about all. This first day he goes southeast up Cataract 
caiion to the place indicated in note "', p. 344, where the old 
trail to Moqui takes up a side caiion to his left. He seems to 
finish this side cafion and camp at a scanty watering place, 
having made some northing. He is thus on the plateau, be- 
tween Cataract Cafion on his right and the Grand caiion on his 
left. Approx. position lat. 35° 55', long. 112° 30'. 


I named this singular (pass) Puerto de Bucareli,^' and 
though to all appearances would not seem to be very 

" Puerto de Bucareli, so named by Garces for the great 
viceroy, is the Grand canon of the Colorado itself. It may 
seem singular to give the name of a " pass " to an utterly im- 
passable place; but the impassability is for man, not for the 
river, which Garces distinctly says passes through his Puerto 
de Bucareli. His use of the term " sierra," and reference to 
blue distance, have caused some to misapprehend the Puerto 
de Bucareli for a mountain pass, and locate it off somewhere 
northwest of the Colorado. But Garces repeatedly speaks of the 
cliffs which wall in Cataract cafion, for example, as " sierras " ; 
while, as for a puerto being a river gorge, compare the name 
Puerto de la Concepcion for the narrow place through which 
the Colorado flows just below Yuma. The formation in ques- 
tion is duly lettered on Font's map, where the legend is set 
against the river itself, with no mountain pass about it. There 
are three points in Garces' description which enable us to 
identify the puerto with considerable precision: (i) From his 
position it bears E. N. E. (2) It runs from S. E. to N. W. (3) 
He says beyond that the Colorado Chiquito falls into the Colo- 
rado Grande above the Puerto de Bucareli. Now, if anyone 
would like to see the Puerto de Bucareli in all its grandeur, he 
has only to leave the railroad at Flagstaff, and drive some 75 
miles N. by W. over the wagon road opened of late years to 
strike the Grand caiion at the point where it dips furthest S. 
Here, at Canon spring, is about where Garces named the puerto. 
At Caiion spring, on the brink of the great chasm, the general 
level of the plateau is about 7,500 feet; whence the face of the 
earth drops down 5,000 feet in the course of five or six miles, 
and there in the bottom of the abyss runs the Colorado through 
the Puerto de Bucareli, only 2,500 feet above the level of the sea. 

South of the Grand caiion, in Garces' present vicinity, the 
most conspicuous landmark is the isolated elevation known as 


great the difficulty of reaching thereunto, I considered 
this to be impossible in consequence of the difficult 

Red Butte, some 7,750 feet high, standing on the plateau 10 
miles (air line) from the nearest point on the brink of the 
canon. Its former and probably earliest name was Mt. Thor- 
burn, given by Beale for Lt. C. E. Thorburn, U. S. N., Sept. 
15, 1857 (Report, p. 54). The trail to Moqui passes a little 
north of this butte, keeping eastward to Red Horse spring, 
which is on the tourist's wagon road above said, some 12 or 15 
miles south of the canon. 

Garces is the first white man known to have reached the 
Grand caiion from the west; perhaps he is also the first to view 
it at this particular point and give it a specific name, as dis- 
tinguished from that of the river flowing through the chasm. 
In Escalante's writings of about this year it is given the name 
of Rio Grande de los Cosninos. But in 1776 this one of the 
wonders of the world had been known to the Spanish for 236 
years — since 1540, in which year it was discovered by a detach- 
ment of Coronado's men. The main facts in outline are these: 
Coronado being at Cibola (Zuiii) sent Pedro de Tobar, Juan 
de Padilla, and about 20 men, to discover Tusayan (Moqui); 
they heard there of a great river beyond, and so reported on 
their return to Cibola. Thereupon Coronado sent Garcia 
Lopez de Cardenas with about 12 men to find this river. This 
party started on or about August 25, went to Tusayan, con- 
tinued in what direction is not said, and came to the river, after 
20 days. Then, says Castafieda, in his Relacion of this expedi- 
tion, " llegaron a las barrancas del rio que puestos a el bade de 
ellas parecia al otro bordo que auia mas de ires quatro leguas par 
el ayre." This statement has been variously translated. 
Ternaux-Compans has: " les bords sont tellement eleves qu'ils 
croyaient etre a trois ou quatre lieues en I'air." Winship trans- 
lates: "they came to the banks of the river which seemed to 
be more than 3 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed be- 


caxones which intervened. From this position said 
pass bore eastnortheast. Also were there seen on the 

tween them." It is pretty rocky old Spanish, but the transla- 
tion seems to me to be: "They arrived at the gorges of the 
river which, (to the people who were) standing (puestos, mascu- 
line) on the expanse thereof, would seem to be more than three 
or four leagues wide in an air-line,' i. e., through the air, from 
one side of the chasm to the other. I doubt that even Spanish 
imagination could have made the canon eight or ten miles deep 
or "up in the air." This description, like the rest of it that I 
might quote, of the magnitude and impassability of the chasm, 
fits so many places along the Grand canon, that it has never been 
determined, and probably never will be known, at what point 
Cardenas discovered the wonderful abyss. The requisite data 
do not exist; in their absence, conjecture has been rife; I can 
point to maps on which Cardenas' hypothetical trail is looped 
up river to the vicinity of Lee's ferry, and others on which it is 
dotted down river nearly to Mojave. I believe both these no- 
tions to be wild. Cardenas was guided to the great river by 
Moquis, i. e., he was on a known trail from Moqui to the caiion 
— and what more probable than that this trail was the imme- 
morial one on which Garces is now being taken? If so, Car- 
denas reached the river at about the place Garces now names 
Puerto de Bucareli. What next? Nothing forbids us to be- 
lieve that he simply kept on westward. How far? Well, the 
narrative speaks of a cataract; and this colors the view that Car- 
denas kept on into Cataract canon along the same Moqui trail by 
which Garces has just left that cafion; whence he returned to 
Moqui by the same way he went from that place, with no loop- 
ing up or down river. All that we know favors this dictamen, 
and nothing that we know is obnoxious thereto; so I hold it en 
mi corto entendimiento, salvo otro mejor — as Garces some- 
where says about something else. But that is immaterial to 
the main point of discovery of the Grand cation by Cardenas 


north some smokes, which my companions said were 
those of the Indians whom they name Payuches, who 
hve on the other side of the river. I am astonished 
at the roughness of this country, and at the barrier 
which nature has fixed therein. 

The Indians took down the beasts to give them 
water in those caxones, but I did not see any (water) 
myself.^" There were awaiting us here three families, 
in order to go in our company; because this road was 
for them very hazardous, on account of the war that 
they wage with the Yabipais Tejua and Napao; *^ 

in September, 1540; and what is more, the Colorado in that 
situation was about that time correctly identified with the Rio 
del Tizon or Firebrand river of Melchior Diaz. 

^'' So Garces is at a dry camp. This makes me think he has 
not reached Canon spring, the terminus of the modern wagon 
road on the plateau. It does not follow, however, that, because 
the Indians took the beasts down somewhere to water, there- 
fore they were at a place where the river itself was accessible. 
The animals probably drank at some spring or waterhole in a 

" There seems to be no question that the " Napao " tribe of 
Garces and the Navajo or Navaho of the present time are one 
and the same. The origin of the name is not known with cer- 
tainty, although its derivation is variously explained. Their 
own name is Dene. Although classified linguistically as Atha- 
pascan, the tribe is composed of many small bodies of Indians 
either related by language or bearing no relationship with the 
Athapascan nucleus with which they became consolidated at one 
time or another during several generations, by voluntary adop- 
tion or through capture. Their original range extended from 


these live in a sierra they call Napac,^^ which disparts 
(se desprende) from that of the Puerto de Bucareli and 

San Francisco mountains in Arizona on the west to the vicinity 
of Jemez pueblo in New Mexico on the east, and from the San 
Juan mountains on the north to Mt. San Mateo or Taylor on 
the south. They are now gathered on a reservation comprising 
7,680,000 acres, largely of desert land, in northwestern New 
Mexico and northeastern Arizona, extending into southern 
Utah, of which area only about 8,000 acres are under cultivation. 
They are a pastoral people, with about a million and a quarter 
sheep from which they derive considerable income through 
the sale of wool and of blankets, in the weaving of which they 
are adept. In addition to their sheep they possess about 250,000 
goats, and over 100,000 horses, mules, and burros. Among 
them are several expert silversmiths, whose art was originally 
derived from the Mexicans. Their desert range, most of which 
is devoid of grass during most of the year, compels constant 
shifting from place to place with their sheep, and prevents any 
considerable part of the population from settling for more than 
a brief period in any locality. The Navaho have become known 
to science through the noteworthy researches of Dr. Washing- 
ton Matthews, U. S. A., whose work " Navaho Legends " (Bos- 
ton, 1897) is of high authority. The present population of the 
tribe is believed to be about 20,000. Other names applied to 
the tribe by various writers are: Apaches de Nabajoa, Apaches 
de Nabaju, Apaches de Navaio, Apaches de Navajox (and other 
similar forms combined with the name of the cognate Apache), 
Nabaho, Nabajo, Nabajoa, Nabajoe, Nabbeho, Nabijo, Naboja, 
Nabojo, Nahjo, Namakan, Nanahaw, Nauajo, Nauajoa, 
Navago, Navahoe, Navajai, Navajhoe, Navajoa, Navajoe, Nava- 
joo, Navajoses, Navejo, Navijo, Navijoe, Nevajoes, Novajo, 
etc.— F. W. H. 

" Sierra Napac is the San Francisco mountains, apart from 
the Grand cafion, running westward, rising into other peaks, 


runs to the west, rising at intervals (a trechos) very- 
high, and maintaining itself even at this season 
snowy. This sierra have I kept continually to the 
right ;^^ and arising therefrom flows the Rio de la 
Asumpcion. This day they showed me on the road 
some tracks that trended northward, and told me that 
these were of the Yabipais Tejua, who take that way 
their journey to go to see and trade with their friends 
the Chemeguaba; those who live as already said on 
the other side of the Rio Colorado. In the afternoon 
we set forth all together, and having traveled four 
leagues southeast we camped for the night in pine 

as Kendrick's, Sitgreaves', and Bill Williams', mountains; 
Garces has had these in plain view, on his right, ever since he 
reached Cataract caiion, and even before that; and from the 
southern slopes of them flow the headwaters of the Rio de la 
Asumpcion, i. c, of the Verde or San Francisco river, a branch 
of the Gila system. This identifies the Sierra Napac; and no 
doubt Napac is merely the scribe's error for Napao, which 
Garces elsewhere uses, and which is the same word as Navajo. 
When and by whom the San Francisco mountains were first so 
named, and which of the two eminent saints of that name they 
were called for, has hitherto eluded my observation. I am 
under the impression that the name is a very old one. It is 
only within recent years that several of the peaks have been 
distinguished by name, as Agassiz, Humphreys, etc. 

^ That is to say, in traveling eastward he is north of the San 
Francisco and Bill Williams' mountains, and so has them on 
his right. 

'* This camp cannot be set exactly. The nearest named place 


June 2/. I traveled four leagues southeast and 
east, passing most of the way through a lowland (un 
bajio) toward the sierra of the Puerto de Bucareli; and 
we halted near an aguage at a place where there is a 
cave {en un sitio de una cueba).^^ 

June 28. I traveled three and a half leagues on 
courses south, southeast, and east, and I arrived at the 
Rio Jaquesila, and I called it {y le puse) the Rio de San 
Pedro. ^^ It was running water enough, but very 

to where I suppose it to have been is the Red Horse spring 
already mentioned. 

^' If this cave could be found it would clear up the otherwise 
obscure itinerary to-day. I can make nothing of it as it stands. 
If Garces continues S. E. and E., he is going toward the San 
Francisco mountains and thus away from his Sierra del Puerto 
de Bucareli. This cannot be; for he continues the same course 
to-morrow to the Colorado Chiquito, and could never strike it 
in this direction. I believe that he went N. E. and E. He 
must make some northing to strike the Colorado Chiquito 
where he does, in the vicinity of Moencopie wash, in order to 
get into Moqui on anything like the course he gives us as his 
route beyond. 

^■^ Rio Jaquesila, otherwise Rio de San Pedro, is the Colorado 
Chiquito, the only large branch of the Colorado in northern 
Arizona. There is no doubt about this; and the text correctly 
runs it into the Colorado above the place where Garces named 
the Puerto de Bucareli: see also Font's map. But how he ever 
reached the river on any such courses and in any such distances 
as he gives, is another question. It is also uncertain at what 
point he struck it; though I give some reason (beyond) for 
supposing the place to have been in the vicinity of the mouth 


dirty and red, that could not be drunk; but in the 
pools of the border of the river there was good water. 
This river runs to the westnorthwest, and unites with 
the Rio Colorado a little before this passes through 
the Puerto de Bucareli. The bed of this river, as far 
as the confluence, is a trough of solid rock (un foso 
en pena viva), very profound and wide about a stone's 
throw, and on that account impassable even on foot; 
wherefore with much travail did I enter into said bed 
of the river, following down a trough not so profound, 

of Moencopie wash, which joins the Colorado Chiquito from 
the N. E. The river is one of the discoveries of 1540, when 
Coronado or some of his men first called it Rio del Lino — a 
name which, either in the Spanish form or translated Flax river, 
it has borne on many maps almost to the present day. It was 
common down to the surveys of the 50's, though in my earliest 
Arizona days of 1865 it had been mostly supplanted by the term 
Colorado Chiquito. As I say elsewhere, the name Colorado or 
Red seems to have been first attached to this river in 1604, by 
Juan de Ofiate, and been subsequently transferred to the main 
stream; but when the term Colorado Chiquito or Little Colo- 
rado was first applied I do not know. Some have supposed 
Coronado's name Rio Vermejo to belong here; it may have been 
sometimes so used, but its proper and original application was 
to Zufii river, a branch of this one. Garces' term San Pedro I 
do not think ever had any vogue for this stream; his other 
name, Jaquesila, occasionally appears in print, also in the forms 
Jaquevila, Jaquecila, etc. It is curious to note the similarity of 
Jaquesila to Hah-qua-si-il-la, given in Whipple's Report as a 
Yuman name of the Gila. See further regarding the Colorado 
Chiquito in Pike, ed. 1895, pp. 730, 731. 


in the direction eastnortheast." In the afternoon, 
having crossed the river, and entering upon another 
similar cajon, I traveled eight leagues north and east, 
having gone somewhat out of the way through failing 
to find the Indians where we sought them. I arrived 
at a rancheria of Yabipais that should have as it 
were 30 souls; I was received with many civilities, 

" This seems to be warrant enough for the statement in the 
last note that Garces struck the Little Colorado in the vicinity 
of Moencopie wash, difficult if not impossible as it may be to 
fetch him here by his alleged courses and distances. The river 
is comparatively open and easy down to this point, where it be- 
comes suddenly cafionated or boxed up, in such way as to be 
" intransitable " across its " trough of live rock." The west or 
left side which Garces reaches is more precipitous than the 
other; but with much difficulty he found a " trough not so pro- 
found," i. e., some side caiion, by which he gained access to the 
bed of the stream, and thus crossed it. These side cafions also 
have the general trend northeasterly, as he says. The further 
direction, north and then northeast, is quite right for following 
up Moencopie wash; on and near which, at distances fairly 
agreeable wdth the eight leagues he gives to his Yabipais 
rancheria, are inhabited places now known as Moencopie, Moa 
Ave, and Tuba, in the Painted desert, on and near the well- 
known Mormon road hence to Lee's ferry. This wash, there- 
fore, would seem to be the " other similar cajon " upon which 
he entered, i. e., resembling the one by which, on the other side 
of the river, he descended to the bed of the latter. Furthermore, 
if we take him up Moencopie wash we can account for his 
otherwise inexplicable meeting with his Jaquesila river again 
(see note '"') ; and also, we can fetch him into Oraibi by a 
known trail, in the direction he indicates. 


for here was the Indian who, as said above, had 
sung the hymn. The captain of this rancheria, 
who wore the beard very long, was brother of the 
Jabestia Indian that accompanied me. There ar- 
rived later two Indians from Moqui, dressed in leather 
jackets almost as well as (cueras y poco menos que) 
Espanoles,^* and they came to trade with these 
Yabipais, and the word was sent to a neighboring 
rancheria. One of them kissed my hand, and having 
presented him with a little tobacco and some shells, 
he gave them back to me. I called to the other, who 
would neither draw nigh nor kiss the crucifix which 
the Yabipais handed him for that purpose (para que 
lo hiziese). These Moqui Indians went away early 
next day, and I did not depart until the ist of July. 

July I. I went one league and half eastsoutheast, 
and found a river that seemed to me to be the Rio de 
San Pedro Jaquesila,^"* and on a mesa contiguous 

^ Spanish soldiers of some classes wore a sort of leather 
jackets called cueras. The Spanish corasa, coracero, cuirass, 
cuirassier, Lat. coratia, a breastplate originally of leather, and 
several other similar words, are all from the Lat. coriaceiis, 
leathern; corium, hide, skin, leather. 

" The apparent difficulty of again striking the Colorado 
Chiquito on such a course, after six leagues' northing and east- 
ing, disappears on considering that Garces simply comes to a 
part of Moencopie wash which was running, and fancied it 
might be his San Pedro Jaquesila, of which, of course, he knew 
nothing above the place where he crossed it. In strictness. 


thereto a half-ruined pueblo. I asked what that was, 
and they answered me that it had been a pueblo of the 
Moqui, and that some crops which were near to a 
spring of water were theirs, they coming to cultivate 
them from the same Moqui pueblo [Oraibi] that is to- 
day so large. The river runs little, and it was yel- 
lowish; having crossed it and ascended some hills, I 
entered upon some very wide plains, without one tree, 
though there is some small grass; and having gone 
six leagues in the same direction I arrived at some 
pastures where the Moquis keep their horseherd. 
These pastures are of difficult entrance and worse 
exit; there are found some scanty aguages. There is 
not to be discovered from this place any sierra on the 
north and east; only is seen that which runs toward 

therefore, his Jaquesila = Moencopie wash -}- Colorado Chi- 
quito below their junction; but it is not necessary to insist upon 
this point. See Font's map, which traces " R. Jaquesila " 
entirely N. and W. of Oraybe, a portion of it running S. W. 
(= Moencopie wash) before it turns N. W. (= Colorado Chi- 
quito) to join the main Colorado. The wash is intermittent, 
commonly quite dry below, contributing no water to the Little 
Colorado; but higher up. in the vicinity of its sources, it runs 
sometimes. It is possible to identify the half-ruined pueblo, 
the mesa, and the Moqui pastures of which Garces speaks; cer- 
tainly the latter are Moencopie, better spelled Moencapi, and 
curiously styled " Muca concabe " in the text beyond: see the 
note on p. 393. From this position Garces can make his entrada 
into Moqui on a well-known trail southeast, by going the fif- 
teen miles or so which he next indicates. 


Apacheria *^ on the south and southwest, whereof 
already have I made mention. 

July 2. I went three leagues eastsoutheast, and 
yet other three east;*^ whereupon I arrived at the 
pueblo that the Yabipais call Muca, and this is the 
(Pueblo) de Oraibe.^^ Three leagues before my 

** Apacheria = " Apacheland," the indefinite region in Ari- 
zona and New Mexico over which the Apaches roamed. 

" This course is over a nearly level plain to near its end, the 
most conspicuous object being the isolated mesa on Garces' 
right, rising to 6,500 feet from the general level of 5,500 to 5,575. 
On nearing Oraibi, when about 5 m. due W. of that pueblo, the 
road rises 250 feet to the level of 6,000 feet, and at this elevation 
rounds Oraibi butte, which rises to 6,750; it then sinks again to 
the general level, and finally rises abruptly to the butte or mesa 
on the edge of which is Oraibi, at an altitude of 6,250. 

*'^ Oraibi, Oraybe, Oraibe, etc., is the isolated westernmost 
one of the seven pueblos of the Province of Tusayan, directly or» 
the bluff, and very near the end of a narrow spur of one of the 
Moqui mesas, in lat. 35° 53' very nearly, about long. 110° 38'. 
It stands to-day on the identical spot where it was discovered 
by a party of Coronado's men in the summer of 1540, and is 
one of the most obdurately conservative, fixed facts in all the 
history of Arizona. When it was built is unknown; but for 
three centuries and a half it has stood like the rock on which it 
is intrenched, sturdily resisting the encroachments of eccle- 
siastic and military power. In Garces' time, it had known 
the Spanish priest and soldier to its cost for more than 200 
years, sometimes entertaining, sometimes expelling, sometimes 
slaying the intruders; and we shall see what sort of reception its. 
traditional policy of independence induced this pueblo to ex- 
tend to the new missionary. 


«ntrada I met a young man, to whom I offered 
3. little tobacco, and he would have none of it. One 
league further on there .came two on good horses and 
well dressed; and I approaching them as if to take 
them by the hand, they drew away, making signs that 
I should betake myself back. Spake then on the sub- 
ject and in my favor the Yabipais who accompanied 
me, but I knew that they were encountering opposi- 
tion, since having returned to me they asked me what 
it was that I was of a mind to do (que era lo que deter- 
minaba). As well as I could I gave the Moquis to 
understand that if they received me not I would pass 
on to the Gualpes; *^ or if not that, to the Espaiioles; ** 
for I was an Espanol. So leaving them all at the very 
word,*^ I proceeded alone, as already the Yabipais 
had told me that I was near the pueblo. 

*' These were the Moquis of the pueblo of Gualpi, Hualpi, or 
Walpi, one of the easternmost cluster of three towns, adjoining 
Sichomovi and Hano, the other two of this group. The dis- 
tance of Gualpi from Oraibi is about 25 miles by the trail, E. by 
S. The three other Moqui pueblos of Shipaulovi, Mishong- 
novi, and Shumopovi, form an intermediate group, E. S. E. of 
Oraibi and W. S. W. of Walpi, nearer to the latter than to the 
former. An extended historical and ethnographic note on all 
of these pueblos will be found beyond, pp. 393-402. 

" Namely, the Spaniards at Santa Fe. 

" Y asi dexandolos a todos con la palabra en la boca; literally, 
" with the word in the mouth " — so saying, or forthwith. The 
-expression is idiomatic. 



Those who had come with me, and they were eight, 
parted company with me {se dividieron) henceforth, 
and there only followed me an old man and a boy, 
with whom I made my entrada. In order to sur- 
mount the mesa whereon stands the pueblo there is 
quite a steep ascent and very narrow pathway. On 
the same ascent there was a sheepfold {corral de ganado 
menor), of which there were kept here about three 
atajos} The ewes are larger than those of Sonora, 
and the black ones have a finer color. Having as- 
cended the slope I commenced my journey over the 
mesa, and passed through some sandy places 
{medanos)\xnt\\ I reached a small spring of water which 
is in front of the pueblo. In the cafiadas at this place 
there are many peachtrees; and though the soil is 
sterile, since no grass grows, nor any other tree than 
the peaches they have planted, it is well cultivated, 

' An atajo is a mule-train, and Garces uses the word as if 
such a train represented a particular number of animals; but no 
doubt he simply means flock. 



and on the very border of the spring of water I saw 
some gardens or inclosures containing onions, beans, 
and several other kinds of garden-truck which have 
evidently cost much labor to produce.^ Descending 
and turning about I suddenly found myself in sight 
of the pueblo. There are two or three tumble-down 
(caydas) houses in front of the entrance thereof, and 
there is seen neither any door nor window. The 
street which is entered is quite wide, and runs straight 
from east to west, or from west to east, to the exit 
from the pueblo, and I believe it to be the only one 
there is. On one side and the other of this are other 
cross-streets of the same width, forming perfect 
squares. I saw also two small open places {plasuelas). 
The surface {piso) is not level, but firm. The pueblo 
is situated with the lower part toward the east, so that 
only the streets which run from north to south are 
level. The houses are of heights some greater, others 
lesser; according to what I found they have this ar- 
rangement: From the ground {piso) of the street 
there rises a wall as it were of a vara and a half, at 
which height is the courtyard {patio), which is 
mounted by means of a wooden ladder that may be 
taken away when they wish. The ladder has no 
more rungs than are necessary to ascend to the patio; 
but both the up-rights (side sticks — pdos de los lados) 
* Hortalizas que se conocia haver costado mucho componer. 

'6 < 

< 3 

^ o 


are very tall. On this patio there are two, or three, 
or four — all of which (numbers) I saw — dwelling- 
places (quartos), each with its own door, closed with 
bolts and keys of wood. Of the house where there is 
poultry, the coop stands in the patio. Against the 
wall on the right or left — for there are each of these — 
is placed a ladder for ascending to the upper stories 
(d los altos). These contain a large hall that there is 
in the middle, and a room at the sides. At the same 
collateral walls there is another ladder to ascend to the 
roof, which for all the houses is one with those adjoin- 
ing in the same square; which latter is commonly not 
very large, owing to the number of streets which in- 
tersect. I found, to be more particular, that the 
houses all present their rear walls (se dan todas la 
espalda), in such manner that no one can see what his 
neighbor is doing without going up on the roof. The 
shape of the pueblo is neither perfectly square nor 
perfectly round. 

As soon as I entered therein, and we alighted in 
sight of the very many women and children that there 
were on the house-tops, I approached with the inten- 
tion of going up into a house known to the Yabipai 
who accompanied me, and who had already saluted 
from below the proprietor who stood on the roof. 
But before I could ascend she told the Yabipai to 
notify me there was no admittance for myself, and not 


even for my baggage; and that he should bring up 
only his own.^ Thereupon I betook me to a corner 
that there was in the street, where I unsaddled, and 
the Yabipai took the mule to a sheep-corral. There 
were coming all day in succession to stare at me men, 
women, and children, yet not one of them would come 
near me, even though I offered them the sea-shells 
they prize so highly; nevertheless, they kept up ap- 
pearances well (ponian biien semblante). When the old 
Yabipai parted company with me he said to me: " Re- 
main alone here; these people do not want thee; they 
are a bad lot." Of the cornstalks (olotes) * that were 
strewn in the street I gathered some to build a fire; 
I struck a light with the lens ^ and made a little atole. 
I heard that the Yabipais, who by this time had ar- 
rived — all those who had accompanied me — were 
talking in the houses, and no doubt they were taking 
my part. At evening I saw entering the pueblo the 
men who were coming from work, and they brought 
their hatchets, dibbles, and hoes. At nightfall there 

' What the inhospitable lady said to the Yabipai is rendered 
by Garces thus: " Esta, antes que yo subiera, le dixo al Yabipai 
que me avisara para que no entrarse ni tampoco mis trastes, que 
subiese solo los suyos." 

* Olote is the Spanish form of Nahuatl olotl, cornstalk. 

° Con el ente in our copy. But this is a slip of the scribe's pen 
for con el lente, with the lens, sc, burning-glass. Both the 
Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. read lente. 

^ ^ 

5 z. 




came to me one old man to whom I made a present, 
and allowed to kiss el Cristo; when he received the to- 
bacco and shells he said in Castilla, " May God reward 
thee" {Dios te lo pague). Soon there came a young 
man to whom I made the same offering, and he began 
to speak in Espanol, saying unto me, " Padre, these 
(people) are chichimecos,^ who do not wish to be bap- 

• Chichimeco or chichimeca is a Mexican word adopted by the 
Spanish from the very earliest times for any wild or hostile In- 
dian, as opposed to manso, a tame one; and in time it came to 
mean what we do when we speak of a " bully," " bravo," " fire- 
eater," etc. Some of the dictionaries treat it as the proper 
name of a tribe: thus, one to which I have just referred says: 
" Chichimecos, one of the ancient races of America, of the Mexi- 
can family, which at some remote period came from the north 
of the continent and established itself in what is now Mexico, 
and was ultimately exterminated by the Spaniards." The 
Teatro Americano of J. A. de Villa-Seiior y Sanchez, 1746, i, p. 
3, speaks of " el Imperio Chichimeco." F. L. Gomara, Hist., 1554, 
chap. 214, has a " tierra de Chichimecas," etc. The Relacion de 
Castafieda, pt. ii, chap. 5, speaking of Cicuye, says that the Pecos 
" generalmente llaman estas gentes teyas por gentes ualietes 
[valientes] como dicen los mexicanos chichimecas o teules " — 
generally called the Teyas so because they were valiant, as the 
Mexicans say chichimecas or teules. The French translation of 
Ternaux-Compans, 1838, p. 178, renders this: " lis nomment 
cette nation Teyas, ce qui veut dire vaillants, comme les Mexi- 
cains s'appellant chichimecas ou braves." The word chichimeca 
is found in the title of Fernando de Alvarado Tezozamoc, 
Cronica Mexicana, Historia Chichimeca por Don Fernando de 
Alva Ixtlilxochitl, forming vol. ix of Viscount Kingsborough's 
sumptuous Antiquities of Mexico, etc., 1848; and Ixtlilxochitl's 


tized, and do not believe that thou art a padre; but 
I myself believe it, for I have been baptized at Zufii; 
all the people of my pueblo are good, and content 
with the padre whom we have; we know that those 
who are baptized go to heaven. Our padre was also 
here not long ago {poco ha), and when he returned to 
us he said that these were evil people, unwilling to be 
baptized, and that with us only was he content. The 
padre whom we have came but lately {poco haze) from 
Mexico, and the old one went to the Villa.' Also is 

History of the Chichimecas also forms vols. 13 and 14 of Ter- 
naux-Compans' works, Paris, 1837-41. The fact is, as Winship 
says in his admirable edition of Castafieda, " the term was ap- 
plied to all wild tribes" (14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p. 
524). Chichimeca was never a nation, an empire, or a country; 
but the Moqui were chichimecos, because they wouldn't be bap- 
tized. (Compare note ', p. 52.) 

' Santa Fe, N. M. " The old one," whom the friendly Zunian 
means, was Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, resident 
missionary at Zufii. Escalante is famous for his expedition in 
Colorado and Utah, but less is known of his visits to the 
Moquis and attempts to subdue their obduracy. Garces came to 
Moqui between two of Escalante's entradas there; and very 
likely their fresh impressions of Escalante were a factor in 
their inhospitality to Garces. Garces. beyond, alludes to a letter 
or report of Escalante on the subject of the Moquis, etc., dated 
Aug. 15, 1775. The best known such report is dated Oct. 28, 
1775, being Informe y Diario de la Entrada que en Junio de 
1775 hizo en la Provincia de Moqui. Escalante spent eight days 
there in that June, 1775, and tried in vain to go beyond to the 
Rio Grande de los Cosninas — the Grand Cafion of the Colorado, 


there a padre in Acome, and one in Laguna.* Thou 

from which Garces has just come to Moqui. His report of 1775 
speaks of the seven Moqui pueblos on three diflferent mesas, with 
7,494 total population, two-thirds of them at Oraibi alone. We 
thus learn that Oraibi then outnumbered all the other Moqui 
pueblos together. Escalante advised heroic, not to say drastic, 
measures to be taken with this stiflf-necked generation of gen- 
tiles, whom he wished to be subjugated and converted by force 
of arms; a presidio to be established there, as well as a mission, 
etc. After this Escalante went to Santa Fe, full of his ideas of 
a northern route from that capital to Monterey, in undertaking 
to carry out which he failed, but made his well-known tour just 
mentioned. He and Padre Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, 
with a party of eight men, started from Santa Fe July 29, 1776; 
his second visit to Moqui was on his return, Nov. 16-20, 1776; 
and he was back in Santa Fe Jan. 2, 1777. So we see Garces' 
experiences at Moqui sandwiched between those of Escalante, 
who, at present date of July 2, 1776, had gone to Santa Fe, as 
the Zufiian told Garces, to make ready for his long tour. 

' Who were the padres at Acoma and Laguna respectively in 
July, 1776, I have not been able to discover. In my search for 
them the nearest I can come is: At Acoma, Pedro Ignacio Pino. 
1760, and Tomas Salvador Fernandez, 1782. At Laguna, Juan 
Jose Oronzo (or Orontaro), 1760; Jose Palacios, 1782; Jose 
Corral, 1788. 

Acoma is a pueblo tribe of western central New Mexico, 
fifteen miles south of the Santa Fe Pacific (Atlantic and Pacific) 
Railroad. First known to Marcos de Niza in 1539 under the 
name Acus. Their own name is Acome, signifying " people 
of the white rock." It was first visited by Coronado's army in 
1540 and described, under the name Acuco, as situated on an 
almost impregnable peiiol, just as it exists now. It has the 
distinction of being the only New Mexican pueblo that has not 
changed its site since the middle of the sixteenth century. The 


canst come to-morrow with us; we are three; the road 

village has been most prominent in early Spanish history of the 
southwest, it having been visited by all the important expedi- 
tions into New Mexico during the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries. The inhabitants, who belong to the Keresan 
(Queres) stock, early established a reputation for hostility. 
They fought bravely against Zaldivar in 1599, but were over- 
come after a three days' conflict. They killed Fray Lucas Mal- 
donado, their missionary, during the Pueblo revolt of August, 
1680, were reconquered with the other Pueblo Indians by Var- 
gas in 1692, rebelled again in 1696, but finally submitted. 
Present population, about 566. Among the names applied by 
various writers to the people and their village are: Abucios, 
Acama, Acmaat, A-co, Acogiya, Acoman, Acomeses, Acomo, 
Acona, Aconia, Acquia, Acu, Acuca, Acuco, Acucu, 
Acus, Acux, Aioma, Ako-ma, Alcuco, A-quo, Asoma, Coco, 
Peiiol, Quebec of the Southwest, Queres Gibraltar, San 
Esteban de Acoma (mission name), San Pedro (de Acoma, an- 
other mission name), Suco, Vacus, Vsacus, Yacco. Yaco. — 
F. W. H. 

The proper name of Laguna is Ka-waik', of unknown signifi- 
cation. This is a Queres pueblo of 1,143 inhabitants on San Jose 
river and the Santa Fe Pacific Railroad in western central New 
Mexico, about fifty miles west of Albuquerque. It is the most 
recent of all the pueblos in New Mexico, having been settled 
probably not long before 1689 (when the first documentary 
mention of the pueblo appears to have been made) by a Zuiii 
and a Sia family, later joined by some natives of Acoma, San 
Felipe, Moki, Sandia, and Jemez. Laguna derived its popular 
name from a lake which formerly existed west of the village. 
The settlement is gradually being abandoned, the inhabitants 
preferring to reside the year around at what were formerly 
only summer farming villages. These are: Mesita (Hat-sat-yi), 
Paguate (Kwi'-st'yi). Santa Ana (Pun-yis'-t'yi), Casa Blanca 






runs whither the sun rises; ® it is good, and has water; 
before midday shall we arrive at the first pueblo, and 
therein will the beasts fare well, for there is much 
grass; and setting forth betimes on the next day, in 
the whole of that and the night following shalt thou 
come unto the mission. Have no fear of the Apaches 
Nabajai; for they have come down in peace, begging 
hatchets, dibbles, and hoes in return for antelope 
skins. Already are they in great fear; ^" they say that 

(Pur-tyi-tyi'-ya), Paraje (Tsi-mu-na), Encinal (Ha-pun-ti'-ka), 
Puertecito (Wa-pu-tyu-tsi-am'-a), and Canada de Cruz (Tsi- 
a-ma). Cubero and Sevilleta were also formerly summer vil- 
lages (the former occupied jointly by Acomas and Lagunas), 
but they were made penal settlements by the Mexican authori- 
ties and ultimately became completely Mexicanized. — F. W. H. 

' " El camino va por donde sale el sol, etc. So Garces says, but 
perhaps misunderstood the Indian, who meant to tell him they 
would start next morning at sunrise. He certainly did not 
know where Zuni was, and supposed it to be eastward from 
Oraibi: see Font's map, whereon Zufii is set down nearly east 
(a little north) of Oraibi — above lat. 36°, the position of Oraibi 
being marked just below that parallel. Zuiii is nearly S. E. 
from Oraibi, a little above lat. 35°. 

" The scholiast notes in the margin that this fear might well 
proceed from the stroke lately inflicted upon them by the sol- 
diers and settlers of New Mexico, and refers for particulars to 
the official reports of Governor Mendinueta. The governor 
of New Mexico was Seiior Don Pedro Firmin (often called 
Fernando) Lara y Mendinueta. The archives of New Mexico, 
which I have examined at Santa Fe, during this period include 
many autograph signatures of Viceroy Bucar^li, all spelled 


the Espanoles are valiant, and that a long-beard hath 
come unto them, saying that no longer is there to be 
any war. All of which is the padre writing to the 

I infer from this that fear alone will have restrained 
the Apaches; since I have spoken no otherwise in 
what I have had to say of this matter in regard to the 
Yumas, refer to that, and also to the reflections in 
this Diary.^^ I did not enter into this question with 
the Indian, nor did I write thereupon to the padre, for 
lack of paper, a stock of which would be required to 
tell him all that goes on in Sonora with the Apaches. 

Bucarely. One of them, dated Mexico, Dec. 25, 1776 (Doc. 
No. 696, A. F. B.) advises Mendinueta of the arrival there of 
El Senor Brigadier Cavallero de Croix, comandante general 
nombrado por el Rey de esa Provincia, de las de Senora (sic), 
Cinaloa, Californias, Nueva Viscaya, Coahuila y Texas — whose 
usual autograph vfas " El Cavro De Croix." Colonel or Briga- 
dier Mendinueta has been represented by some writers as ruling 
in 1759 and 1762; but he succeeded Cachupin in 1767 as gov- 
ernor and captain-general of New Mexico, and was the last to 
hold the latter title. He retired in 1778, leaving instructions of 
date March 14 to his successor. Acting Governor Francisco 
Trebol Navarro, who was in turn succeeded by Lt. Col. Juan 
Bautista de Anza, appointed in June, 1777, and taking office 
probably in 1778, certainly by Jan., 1779. But what particular 
stroke of Governor Mendinueta against hostile Indians, or what 
ones of his numerous reports to Bucareli, the scholiast means, 
I have not ascertained. 

"For the Yuma reference see p. 204; the "reflexions" are 
those given beyond, after the Diary proper is concluded. 


I only replied to the Indians that it was well, and that 
I was much pleased to meet them/- I asked for the 
captain of the Moqui; and he (the Zufiian) spoke to 
me thus: " The Cazique does not wish to come here; 
who knows where he has hidden himself? " I urged 
him to say to the persons who were present that I was 
a padre of the Espanoles of Sonora, and of other In- 
dians hke themselves; that I had come through the 
rest of the nations and had seen their lands; that it 
were fitting (sigiiiero) that they should send me the 
children [to be baptized] ; that I came to declare unto 
them things of God. With that arose the Indian, and 
spake in a low voice to those who were near; and 
then he asked me if I wished to go to sleep in the 
house where he was staying. I did not accept this 
offer, inasmuch as it was not made by the proprietor 
(dueno). During the night, as the people sleep on 
the housetops or corridors, there was much noise; 
some were singing, others played the flute, yet others 
conversed loudly. After awhile a shrill-voiced person 
broke forth (uno de vos atiplada soltose), who in a high 
key delivered a very long harangue or sermon. I 
observed a total silence whilst he preached, and at 
the conclusion of his discourse the bustle {huUicio) 
was resumed. After another while another hoarse 

" Encontrarlos: to meet those who were standing about while 
he was talking with the Zunian. 


voice burst out and made an argument, during which 
the same silence was preserved. This night I also 
noticed various men passing back and forth through 
the streets, especially two or three hours before day- 
break, just as would be the case {como se fiiera) in 
large pueblos of Espanoles. I was lying down when 
my friends the Yabipais arrived, whom I advised of 
the determination I had formed to go to Zufii; to 
which they answered me that they were not going 
with me, and that it would be better that I should re- 
turn to the Jabesiia. They also added, that the 
Moquis would have none of me {no me querian). I 
then gave them some white shells wherewith they 
might purchase maiz, and they told me that not even 
at this price {por ellas) would the Moquis part with 
any, and for that very reason did they not wish to take 
them (the shells). I entered into greater concern 
when I saw that the two other young men brought me 
back the (shells) that I had given them on the road; 
for from this action I inferred that the (people) of the 
pueblo had caused them to look with suspicion upon 
my gifts." 

" No doubt some old Trojan of a Moqui had said to these 
young fellows, in substance: " Timeo Danaos ci dona ferentes." 
They were not hostile; they were simply afraid of the white 
man's "medicine," which included his crucifix, breviary, 
rosary, sea-shells, and even his tobacco. How could they tell 


July 3. As soon as it was dawn came the three 
young Indians of Zuni, to whom I imparted the new- 
resolution, that I would not go to their pueblo, much 
as I desired to do so; and I told them my reasons: 
since I was to be unaccompanied by any of the Yabi- 
pais I could not well return by way of Moqui, of whose 
Indians I should have cause to be afraid if I were to 
return without those companions, and even though 
the Zufiians might bring me back to Moqui they 
could not take me on to the Yabipais, with whom they 
had no friendship. It was not unknown to me that 
the Yutas were friends of the Espafioles, and likewise 
of the Yabipais; but this business^* would require the 

with which one of these articles Garces would " hoodoo " 
them? They would be wise not to meddle with things they 
did not understand. Could they ever forget what their own 
sages and soothsayers had told them of the year 1680? Had 
they not gods enough of their own to fear and propitiate with- 
out undertaking strange Spanish deities? The situation was 
certainly serio-comic. Like his master, Garces had not where 
to lay his head; and in all that populous pueblo there was no 
one to take his hand, or offer him a morsel of food — him who 
had come so far, with such weariness, for his love of them and 
desire to save their souls. Our sympathies are with the good 
missionary, keeping his lonely vigil on the street corner, a- 
hungered and an outcast, alone in a crowd. But our judgment 
sides with the sagacious Moquis. They had the right of it, 
from their own point of view, and we cannot blame them. 

" Negocio — Any idea he might have of going to the Yutas, or 
plan to that end. 


journey to be prolonged, a new relay of beasts and a 
stock of presents for those same Indians, in all of 
which was I lacking; and moreover, the need of some 
escort would arise on certain portions of the route. 
As all these things would have to be procured in New 
Mexico, I took into consideration many contingen- 
cies, especially that of finding the sefior governador 
with perhaps the same notions as the sehor coman-' 
dante of Monte-Rey,^^ holding this entrada to be 
pernicious, and by no means performed in the service 
of the king, as it had not been expressly ordered by 
his excellency (the viceroy). For these reasons I de- 
termined to write to the padre ministro of Zuhi, even 
though I did not know his name,^*' telling him that I 

" Garces did not know Governor Mendinueta, and was afraid 
of getting into official hot water with him, after his experience 
at San Gabriel with Rivera y Moncada: note '", p. 252. 

" His name was Fray Mariano Rosate. He was officially as 
padre at Zuiii in July, 1776, during the absence of Padre Silves- 
tre Velez de Escalante, who happened just then to be away on 
his well-known exploration. Escalante's whole incumbency at 
Zufii seems to have been 1774-78, with several temporary ab- 
sences. It appears from the title-page (obligingly furnished to 
me by Mr. Frank H. Gushing, May 4, 1899) of " El Libro 2° 
de las Partidas Baptizadas en esta Mission y Pueblo de N. S** 
[Nuestra Santisima] Sefiora de Guadalupe de Zuiii," for such 
was the full title of the Zuiii mission, that Escalante was the 
ministro doctrinero or resident missionary " de dicha Mis- 
sion en el Ano de 1775, dia 8 de Henero." From this date on, 
the baptismal entries show that he was continuously there until 
at least the 28th of November of that year; and again other 


had arrived at the pueblo of Moqui, having passed 
through the other intermediate nations, who had re- 
entries appear, signed by him, from the 7th of January to the 
5th of March, 1776. We give here one of his autographs, in 
facsimile. Then on the 3d of May, 1776, appears for the first 
time the name of his successor, or locum tenens. Fray Mariano 
Rosate. He was followed by Andres Garcia, 1779-80; and he, 
by Manuel Vega and Rafael Benavides, 1788. Dan. Martinez 
was at El Paso and Zufii before 1792. 

The first mission among the Zuiiis was established by Fray 
Francisco Letrado (erroneously called " Detrado " by Ladd, 
Story of New Mexico, p. 116, 1891), evidently in 1629. At this 
date Letrado came to New Mexico with Fray Estevan de Perea 
and 29 other missionaries, being first assigned to the Jumanos 
east of the Rio Grande, then to the Zunis, doubtless in the same 
year; for before 1630 there were two churches among the Zuiiis, 
one at Hawiku (near the present farming village of Ojo Ca- 
liente), the other probably at Halona on the site of and across 
the river (Rio Zuhi) from the present Zufii pueblo. Letrado 
applied for permission to establish himself among the Zipias or 
Cipias, a tribe now known only by name, but said to be still 
traditionally familiar to the Zunis as Tsipia-Kwe. His applica- 
tion was denied and Fray Martin de Arvide was sent in his 
stead, via Zufii. On Sunday. Feb. 22, 1630 or 1632 (according 
to varying authorities), Letrado was murdered by the Zuiiis 
while they were being urged to attend mass, and five days later 
(Feb. 27) Arvide met a similar fate, probably at the hands of the 
Zuiiis who followed him on his way to the mysterious Zipias. 
For the establishment of the first Moqui missions see note ^ p. 
395. One of the oldest and most interesting of the cryptograms 
now or lately legible on the famous Inscription Rock or El 
Morro of New Mexico, 35 miles east of Zufii, is that which 
records the fact of Padre Letrado's death. Quite a bit of 
modern history attaches to this inscription. In a report of 

376 '' THE LUJAN OF 1632." 

ceived me with great gusto; but that (the people of) 
this pueblo of Oraibe did not so much as wish to look 

the Secretary of War, giving certain Reconnoissances by various 
officers of the U. S. Army, pubHshed as Senate Ex. Doc. No. 
64, 31st Congr., 1st Sess., 8vo, Washington, 1850, is an invalu- 
able paper by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, with numerous plates (pll. 
65-74) illustrating in lithographic facsimile many transcriptions 
of these Rock legends, as made by himself and Mr. R. H. Kern, 
Sept. 17, 1849. Among these is the one question on pi. 68, 
which looks something like the following — as nearly as type 
will reproduce the characters: 

ga o 

SE P A 23 D M D 1632 f' 


AC A Beng»° D M Dl P« lebad" 

This is a sort of cipher to which Lieut. Simpson had no clew, 
and he missed it altogether in translating, on p. 124 of the 
book, as follows: " Country of Mexico, in the year 1632, folio 
(some characters not intelligible), Bengoso, by order of Father 
Liebado Lugan " !! This is enough to remind us of the famous 
"Bill Stumps his mark" in Dickens' Pickwick! Simpson 
got " Country of Mexico " by mistaking the " PA23 " for the 
word "pais," and the " Dm° " for "del Mexico"; then 
the apparent " f° " for " folio " (this being A°, for Alio) ; then he 
was stumped; then he took "M'°" for " mandado," "order"; 
and finished with a misprint of the padre's name as a part of the 
name of the person who inscribed the legend. 

The cipher was explained by Charles F. Lummis, who calls 
it " the Lujan of 1632 " in his Strange Corners, New York, 
1892: see his article on the " Stone Autograph Album," pp. 170- 
180, where the glyph appears nearly as follows — for it cannot 
be exactly reproduced in type: 

1: W[l^.>aCvMlf6(A \ 


5^1 , -1-0 r e li 


(Compare the latter with tlie next plate) 


2 -^ 
< "3- 



•r '^ '^ 






at me; and that I should esteem it a favor if he 
would send copies of this letter to the sefior gover- 

on A 

SE p«* A 23 D M D 1632 A"' 

AlA Beng«* D M "* Dl p« Letrado 

This stands for " Se pasaron a 23 de Marzo de 1632 afios 
a la benganza de Muerte del padre Letrado. Lujan"; or, in 
English — " They passed on March 23, 1632, to the avenging of 
the death of Father Letrado. Lujan." The then governor of 
New Mexico was Francisco de la Mora Ceballos, who sent this 
expedition to avenge the murder, under Maestro de Campo 
Tomas de Albizu, and the inscriber, Lujan, was a soldier on 
this expedition. Father Letrado had come to New Mexico in 
1628 (Lummis, after Vetancurt) or 1629 (Bandelier), and been 
first a missionary to the Jumanos; on the founding of the mis- 
sion at Zuiii in 1629 he was sent there, only to be killed on Feb- 
ruary 22, 1630 or 1632, as already said. We find the facts in 
Vetancurt, Cronica de la Provincia, etc., iii, pp. 320, 321, where 
we read. 

" Estos [the people of the Zufii pueblo of Aguico = Hawiku, 
one of the Seven Cities of Cibola] se rebelaron el afio de [i6-]32 
y mataron al venerable padre fray Francisco Letrado, cuya vida 
esta en el Menologio a 22 de Febrero, y quemaron la iglesia." 
. . And on turning to Vctancurt's Menologio Franciscano, pp. 
52, 53, we find further as follows, kindly transcribed for us by 
Mr. Hodge: 

El venerable padre fray Francisco Letrado, natural de 
Talavera de la Reina, hijo de la Santa Provincia de Castilla, 
paso con deseo de convertir almas para Dios a la Provincia del 
Santo Evangelio; y viendo que estaban convertidos, decia que 
su intento principal era buscar que convertir, y asi paso al 
Nuevo-Mexico el afio de 1628 con los treinta religiosos que 


nador and to the reverendo padre custodio, to whom 
I commended myself with the greatest respect; in- 

fueron a la conversion. Entro en la nueva conversion de los 
humanas; bautizo a muchos; edifice iglesia y morada para 
religioso; y habiendo oido decir que en Zuni (provincia popu- 
losa) habia que convertir, pidio el pasar a ella, donde junto en 
cinco pueblos muchos infieles que catequizo y bautizo. Es- 
tando ya instruidos, no le permitia su fervor dejar de buscar 
nuevas conversiones: pidio licencia para pasar a los Zipias; 
y pareciendole al custodio que seria de mas servicio a Dios que 
acabase la obra empezada donde estaba, no le concedio la 
licencia. Envio al padre fray Martin de Arvide, que pasando 
por alii le quedo el padre Letrado muy envidioso, y le rogaba 
le dejase despachar al prelado para la permuta; pero Dios 
nuestro Seiior, que dispone las cosas segun sus investigables 
juicios, permitio que se quedase el uno, y se fuese, por la 
obediencia, el otro, para darles la corona a entrambos. Un 
domingo de cuaresma, viendo que tardaban algunos en venir a 
misa, salio a buscarlos: encontro con unos idolatras, y encen- 
dido en fervor les empezo a predicar; y viendo se conjuraban a 
quitarle la vida, con un Cristo pintado en una cruz que traia 
al cuello para su defensa, puesto de rodillas y encomendandose 
al Senor, murio predicando, f^echado. No fue hallado su 
cuerpo de los soldados cristianos, porque los barbaros se lo 
Ilevaron, quitandole de la cabeza la piel para sus bailes gen- 
tilicos. Deseando tener alguna reliquia, vieron que por el aire 
cayo en manos de los soldados una cuerda, que la dividieron en 
pedazos. Padecio a 22 de Febrero del afio de 1632. 

As to the conflict of dates, Bandelier, in Doc. Hist. Zufii 
Tribe, 1892, p. 98, says: "The dates of these events are positive 
as far as the days and the months are concerned. Strange to 
say, the same certainty does not prevail in regard to the year. 
Vetancurt places the death in 1632. A document of undoubted 
authenticity found by me in the archives of Mexico, fixes the 

c p 
'=L 3 

2 > 

< 3 


eluding also in this letter some (account) of the petty 

date at 1630. Which is to be regarded as right? Benavides, 
who wrote in 1630, leads to the inference that at his time the 
murders had not yet been committed. But Benavides was in 
Spain when he wrote the ' Memorial ' to the king, and he had 
left New Mexico in 1628. He might have been in Mexico even 
when the tragedy occurred and not have heard of it before his 
sailing for Spain. I therefore incline in favor of the date 1630, 
until better informed." Aside from the documentary evidence 
thus referred to, we may agree with Mr. Hodge that the state- 
ment of this eminent authority seems reasonable from the point 
of view of time. It seems hardly likely that the news of the 
murder of Letrado could have reached Santa Fe, the usual red- 
tape been unwound, and the avenging party have come within a 
day's march of Zuiii, within a month from the date of the 

Zuiii is identical with the present pueblo of the same name 
in western central New Mexico. It is built on a part of the 
site of Halona, one of the Seven Cities of Cibola, to visit which, 
in search of gold, the practically fruitless expedition of Fran- 
cisco Vasquez Coronado was organized in 1540. The Zuiii In- 
dians (who call themselves Shiwi or Ashiwi) occupied seven 
pueblos, the ruins of which are still readily traceable. Their 
first missionary was Fray Francisco Letrado, as above said. 
The Zuiiis took an active part in the Pueblo revolt of 1680, 
killing their priest. Fray Juan de Bal, and fleeing to the 
summit of Taaiylone, popularly called Thunder mountain. 
The population has diminished, during the last fifty years, 
from about 3,000 to approximately 1,400 (nearly 200 having suc- 
cumbed to the smallpox epidemic of 1898-99). Writers on the 
Zunis and their tribal range during three and a half centuries 
have greatly confused the names, some of the attempts being 
Cabri, Cami, Cibola-Zuiii, ^uni, Cuiii, Juni, Luni, Nuestra 
Senora de Guadalupe (mission name), Siiiis, Soones, Sounes, 


happenings/'' The letter having been deUvered, and 
the Zuhi Indians having started on the road, there 

Sumi, Suiii, Sunne, Suny, Tennis, Truni, Tunis, Zani, Zouni, 
Zugnis, Zum, Zumis, Zun, Zuna, Zune, Zunia, Zuni-Cibola, 
Zunie, Zunni, Zunu, Zuny, Zura, Zuyi, etc. — F. W. H. 

" " Que estimaria remitiese aquella carta por su traslado al 
So"" Governador y al R. P. Custodio, a quienes me encomendaba 
con el mayor respeto, inqiriendo en esta carta alguna de las 
menudencias acontezidas." This letter of July 3, intrusted to 
the Zuiiians, was duly delivered by them to the padre of their 
pueblo, in the absence of Escalante, to whom it was addressed, 
and who does not appear to have received it before starting on 
his long tour; the original or a copy finally reached its ulterior 
destination in Mexico. It was probably the first word direct 
from Garces since his departure from San Gabriel. The docu- 
ment is extant: Bancroft refers to it, Hist. Ariz, and N. M., 
p. 263, and says that it was copied in N. Mex. Doc. MS., 828-30 
(= Archivo General de Mexico, MS., vol. xxv). Desiring to 
obtain a copy if possible, I requested Mr. F. W. Hodge to 
correspond with Dr. Nicolas Leon, who promptly replied by 
sending with his compliments a copy made by his own hand, 
and the following memorandum: " Existe esta carta MS. en el 
Vol. xxv folio 260 frente y vuelto de ' Documentos para la His- 
toria de Nuevo Mexico ' con fojas 355 en nuestro archivo gen- 
eral de la Nacion. En este volumen es la unica carta del P. 
Garces que en el se encuentra. Scripsi & contuli, Mexico, 
Enero 10 de 1899. N. Leon." So here is the document, in the 
original Spanish: 

Copia de la Carta del R. P. Garces, escrita desde Oraibe 
en Moqui, al Ministro de Zuiii. 
Viva Jesus. 
Muy Rmo y carisimo hermano: despues de haber caminado 
por el rio desde su desembogue hasta 38 grados de altura, y 


came to me after a little while the old Yabipai, with 
another Indian, one of the leading men of Moqui, who 
urged me to pay a visit to the other pueblos of the 
vicinity, where they might give me something to eat; 
for they were unwilling to do so here. 

I saddled the mule and descended the declivity 
which is at the eastern side of the pueblo, accom- 

por las naciones que pueblan los intermedios del rio hasta 
Sonora los nuevos establecimientos de Monterrey he 
pasado hasta este pueblo de Moqui, donde ningun obsequio 
me han hecho, ni aun querido arrimarse quando en las 
demas naciones se han excedido en obsequiarme, y cinco 
del rio Colorado estan dispuestos a recibir Padres, y los 
del Rio Gila de nacion Pima: gustoso fuera por esa, pero 
estando estos Moquis disgustados, era precise volver con 
tropa e Indies Cristianos y traer regalo, por lo que me 
habia de demorar por contestar con el Sr. Gobernador. 
Me alegrare que V. P. goce de perfecta salud, tenemos 
camino para comunicarnos en estableciendose presidio, y 
Misiones en el Colorado, y para pasar ganados de esta pro- 
vincia, y el comercio de Sonora, puede que se asegure, por- 
que los Apaches, que pueden estorvarlo son enemigos de 
los Yumas y Xomajabas [Jamajabs = Mojaves] que creo 
vengan Padres con brevedad, y ellos dicen, que no negan a 
los Espafioles, ni estos a ellos. No hay lugar para mas 
con esta y su contenido suplico a V. P. avise al Senor Go- 
bernador a quien me encomiendo de veras, sabiendo que 
gobierna esa provincia a satisfaccion de todos lo mismo el 
M. R. P. Custodio. Moqui y Julio 3 de 76. = B. L. [sic] 
a V. P. su menor hermano Fr. Francisco Garces. = M. 
R. P. Ministro de Zuiii. Concuerda con su original, que 
queda en mi poder y a que me refiero. = Dominguez. 


panied by those two, and followed thereto by a great 
crowd of boys and girls. They pointed out to me 
therefrom the road by which I was to go to 
the other pueblos, and this was all that they 
offered (to do). I objected to this, for I saw 
that they were about to leave me all alone; 
and not even would the Yabipai accompany me. 
Observing my objection, the old man became much 
excited (se enfervorizo mucho), and told me that I and 
my mule both knew we were hungry, and must go to 
the (other) pueblos; that he would wait here for five 
days, because he had not yet finished selling the mez- 
cal and other things which he had brought. With 
this I resigned myself to go alone, and having com- 
pleted the descent of the declivity entered upon a 
plain of sandy soil, to which on the south no end was 
visible. On one side and the other of the road there 
were many fields of maiz and beans, and therein var- 
ious Indians working at their respective employments. 
Having crossed this valley I ascended another mesa 
similar to that of the pueblo (of Oraibe) ; whereupon 
I saw another level tract (llanada) not less extensive 
than the former. On this mesa I found some small 
flocks (utajitos) of sheep with two pastors, and one 
woman who was going with her hatchet in search of 
wood. Yelled the three when I drew near to them, 
whereupon was I completely convinced of the ill will 



of those persons; and considering- that, as the proverb 
hath it {segitn la voa comim),''mas vale malo conocido que 
bueno por conozer," ^^ and that 1 still had in the preced- 
ing pueblo my friends the Yabipais, I determined to 
retrace my short journey, which altogether had been 
thus far three leagues," after giving my mule a chance 

" Like most pithy and sententious sayings, this is difficult to 

translate literally, though the sense is obvious. The nearest 

English I can construct is: " More is a bad acquaintance worth 

than a good (one) to be known," i. c. " better a known evil 

than an unknown good." It reminds us that a bird in the hand 

is worth two in the bush. Perhaps the best translation may be 

found in Hamlet's soliloquy, where the Prince of Denmark 


"... rather bear those ills we have, 
Than fly to others that we know not of." 

Garces knew how bad the Mokis of Oraibi were, and would 
take no chances of finding those of the other pueblos any better; 
so he preferred to return. This reminds me of an incident that 
happened to me in the Sweetgrass hills of Montana in 1874. I 
sent a hunter out for meat, giving him a mule to ride and pack 
in his game. He shot a mountain sheep, and was preparing to 
put the carcass on the mule, when the latter objected strenu- 
ously, broke away, and ran to camp, leaving him afoot. When 
he came in I told him to take another mule and go out again 
next day. " Oh, no, doctor! I know how bad that mule can be, 
and am taking no chances on any other one." 

There is a parallel Spanish proverb which says: " Mas vale 
ajuste malo que pleito bueno " — a bad settlement is better than 
a good lawsuit. And again: " Mas vale mala composicion que 
buen pleito " — a bad compromise is better than good litigation. 

" Garces went down the Oraibi bluff in a mile or so, and kept 
on eastward with some southing across the valley which inter- 


to feed. At dusk I ascended the acclivity at the en- 
trance of the pueblo, wondering at the multitude of 
people that I saw there were (que hahia y vi); foras- 
much as they were now returned from labor they all 
stood on the house-tops, gazing at me whilst I passed, 
mounted on my mule, in search of the corner of the 
night before, which I found after some turns. 

There are in this pueblo two languages, and I noted 
that even the modes of singing are diverse, as are the 
two classes of persons, who are distinguished from 
each other in the stature and color of both males and 
females {Indios y Indias). There are some of a very 
light (claro) and somewhat ruddy (rubio) complexion, 
as well-formed as the Yabipais; there are others small, 
dark, and ill-favored. When they go away from the 
pueblo, one and the other dififer little from the Espa- 
fioles in dress; I saw them wearing a leather jacket 

venes between the Oraibi mesa and the middle one, which latter 
has three of the other pueblos on its southern bluff borders. 
The distance to the top of this next mesa is about seven miles. 
When he got there, he found the road forked, one trail keeping 
on eastward to Hano, Walpi, and Sichomovi on the third mesa, 
the other turning south on the second mesa to Shumopovi, 
Shipaulovi, and Mashongnovi. Perhaps the uncertainty which 
to take was a factor in determining him rather to return to the 
ills he knew than {\y to others he knew not. Like many another 
indefatigable traveler he could not find his way anywhere 
alone; he was perfectly helpless, on the back of his mule and 
in the hands of his God. 



Photograpli by (1. Wharton James 


fitted with sleeves {cuera mangas ajustadas), trousers, 
boots, and shoes. Their weapons are arrows and 
spears. Inside the pueblo they regularly wear mocca- 
sins, sleeves of striped woolen, or of black blanketing, 
such as they make themselves. The women with a 
black blanket make for themselves a smock without 
sleeves reaching to their heels, and put on over this 
another, either white or black, like a square mantilla; 
the black smock is fitted with a girdle of various col- 
ors. They neither gum nor paint themselves, nor did 
I see them ornamented either with shells or ear-rings. 
The hair they wear done up in two braids; the old 
women in a former Spanish style, the young ones with 
a puff over each ear, or all tied up on one side; it would 
appear from this that they take great care of the hair.^** 
Notwithstanding the fact that no one did me a 
single favor, they gave me a concept that there 
are many good (persons) among them, and that the 

" Not being overconfident of my qualifications as a fashion 
reporter for the Moqui ladies of a hundred years ago, I wili 
give what Garces says: " Las mugeres con una fresada prieta se 
hazen una tunica talar sin mangas, y se ponen encima otra, ya 
blanca ya negra como mantilla quadrada, la tunica prieta se 
la ajustan con una cefiidor de varios colores. No se embijan ni 
pintan, ni les vi adorno de cuentas ni aretes. El pelo lo lleban 
hecho dos trenzas, las viejas al modo antiguo de Espana, las 
mozas con un mofio encimo de cada oreja, 6 todo amarrado 
a un lado: echase de ver en esto que cuydan mucho del pelo." 


trouble was, as the Zunian told me, with the chief or 
chiefs {cavesa 6 cahesas), who ordered them that they 
should give me neither food nor shelter; which (man- 
date) they punctually obeyed. Various other reasons, 
besides their unwillingness to be baptized, or even to 
admit Espafioles in their land, could there be for this 
order; such are, their having learned that I came 
through the Jamajabs their enemies, and that I had 
gone with other Espafioles among the Yumas, friends 
of the Yabipais Tejua and of the Chemeguaba, with 
whom the Moquis are at war; so that they suspected 
my coming as that of a spy. Also they knew that I 
was padre ministro of the Pimas, who likewise are 
their enemies. This hostility had been told me by 
the old Indians of my mission, by the Gilefios, and 
Cocomaricopas; from which information I have im- 
agined {he discurrido) that the Moqui nation anciently 
extended to the Rio Gila itself. I take my stand 
(fimdome, ground myself) in this matter on the ruins 
that are found from this river as far as the land of the 
Apaches; and that I have seen between the Sierras de 
la Florida and San Juan Nepomuzeno. Asking a few 
years ago some Subaipuris Indians who were living 
in my mission of San Xavier, if they knew who had 
built those houses whose ruins and fragments of pot- 
tery (losd, for loca) are still visible — as, on the suppo- 
sition that neither Pimas nor Apaches knew how to 


make (such) houses or pottery, no doubt it was done 
by some other nation — they replied to me that the 
Moquis had built them, for they alone knew how 
to do such things; and added that the Apaches who 
are about the missions are neither numerous nor 
valiant; that toward the north was where there 
were many powerful people; " there went we," 
they said, " to fight in former times (antigna- 
mente) ; and even though we attained unto their lands 
we did not surmount the mesas whereon they lived." 
It is confirmatory of this that I have observed among 
the Yabipais some circumstances bearing upon this 
information; for they brought me to drink a large 
earthenware cup very like the potsherds that are 
found in the house called (Casa) de Moctezuma and 
on the Rio Gila. Asking them whence they had pro- 
cured it, they answered me that in Moqui there is 
much of that. As I entered not into any house of Mo- 
qui, I could not assure myself by sight; but from the 
street I saw on the roofs some large, well-painted ollas. 
Also have the Pimas Gilerios told me repeatedly that 
the Apaches of the north came anciently to fight with 
them for the Casa that is said to be of Moctezuma; 
and being sure that the Indians whom we know by 
the name of Apaches have no house nor any fixed 
abode, I persuaded myself that they could be the 
Moquis who came to fight; and that, harassed by the 


Pimas, who always have been numerous and valiant, 
they abandoned long ago these habitations on the 
Rio Gila, as also have they done this with that ruined 
pueblo which I found before my arrival at Moqui and 
of which I have made mention above; and that they 
retired to the place where now they live, in a situation 
so advantageous, so defensible, and with such precau- 
tions for self-defense in case of invasion. Within this 
pueblo I saw no water; but at the edge of the bluff 
(cuesta) on the east I saw a very copious spring of 
water, though I did not observe that it was running; 
the descent thereto is by some steps well formed of 
stone, and all round it is a curbing of the same ma- 

As soon as I reached the desired corner of the street 
I disposed the things in order to take rest, for it was 
already night; and presently there came a young man 
of the Yabipais, and without saying to me one word 
he took away the mule. 

July 4. As soon as day broke I heard singing and 

dancing in the streets; the rout (<?/ bayle) passed by 

the (place) where I was, and then only did I see that 

some of the Indians were painted red, with feathers 

and other decorations on the head, beating the sound 

of the dance on a kind of drum {hatcay^ with two 

" The instrument which Garces calls hatea, and I have trans- 
lated " kind of drum," was a deep tray, usually of oval form, 


small sticks, to which the flutes played an accompani- 
ment; and many persons kept time to the music (seguia 
el haile mucha gente) as well through the streets as on 
the house-tops. I observed that in some places the 
procession paused. The sun having now risen, I saw 
coming nigh unto me a great multitude of people, 
(the sight of) which caused me some fear of losing my 
life. There came forward four Indians who appeared 

carved from a single piece of wood, like the chopping-bowl our 
cooks use. This was beaten with sticks to make a noise, and 
thus became a sort of kettledrum, probably as musical as a 
Chinese tomtom is, or a tin pan would be if so treated. Las 
■ftautas of the text {los pitos, pipes or fifes, in the Beaumont MS.) 
is quite correctly translated " flutes," as the Moquis are well 
known to have long had an instrument blown by mouth to 
which the term " flute " could properly be and usually is ap- 
plied. In fact, the baile which Garces witnessed was none other 
than the famous Flute Dance of the Moquis, for which they 
have long been and are still celebrated. It was therefore not a 
demonstration for or against the poor priest, but a regular 
religious ceremonial, the time for performing which is now 
known to have been determined by certain phases of the moon. 
I am not quite sure that " kept time to the music " is actually 
the idea of the clause seguia el baile; but my MS. admits of no 
other construction, as people who stayed on the house-tops 
were certainly not following the rout or procession through 
the streets. The Beaumont MS. has: siguendo el bayle mucha 
gente por las calles, y par las acoteas, apparently meaning that the 
rabble ran after the procession through the streets and over the 
housetops, as they easily could do. The pub. Doc. says simply, 
p. 331: seguia mucha gente. 

390 " FETCH MY MULE. ' 

to be principals, of whom the tallest one asked me 
with a grimace (risuefio)," '' For what hast thou 
come here ? Get thee gone without delay — back to thy 
land!" I made them a sign to be seated, but they 
would not. I arose with the Santo Cristo in my hand, 
and partly in Yuma, partly in Yabipai, and partly in 
Castillian, with the aid of signs, which are the best 
language to use with Indians, I explained to them my 
route, naming the nations whom I had seen, those 
who had kissed el Cristo; I told them that all these 
had been good to me, that I also loved the Moquis, 
and for that reason I came to say to them that God 
is in the sky, and that this seiior whom they saw on 
the cross was the image of God, Jesu-Christo, who is 
good. To this responded an old man in Castillian 
language and making a wry face, " No! No! " Then 
I said, " Fetch my mule! " After a little the Yabipai 
youth appeared with her, and having arranged my 

"I have necessarily turned the climax a little; but Garces 
himself is satirical, and how close to the original I have kept 
myself may be judged by the following, beginning where the 
tall fellow cheerfully undertook to make the padre " walk Span- 
ish": " Por que has venido aqui? Vete sin detencion otra 
vez a tu tierra. Hizeles sefia para que sentasen, pero no quisi- 
eron. Levanteme con el Santo Cristo en la mano, y medio en 
Yuma, medio en Yabipai y medio en Castellano, con la ayuda 
de las sefias que son el mejor lenguage para los Indios les 
explique mi derrotero, nombrandoles las naciones que habia 



things I mounted on her back, showing by my smiling 
face how highly I appreciated their pueblo and their 

visto, las que habian besado el Cristo, y que todas habian 
estado buenas para conmigo, que yo tambien queria a los Mo- 
quis, y que por eso venia a decides que Dios esta en el cielo, y 
que aquel Senor que vian en la cruz imagen era de Dios Jesu- 
Christo, que es bueno: respondia a esto un viejo en lengua 
castellana y torciendo la cara no no. Entonzes dixe traygan mi 
mula. A poco vino el mozo Yabipai con ella y dispuestas las 
cosas monte a caballo alabando mucho con cara de risa su 
pueblo y sus vestidos." 

^•-yyCylA^e/hce^ M/ez ckCr<x<Jci. 



I set forth accompanied by the whole retinue until 
I was outside the pueblo, where, they having taken 
leave of me, I began my return by the very route of 
the entrada. I soon lost my way among the sandy 
places and the small peach orchards, without being 
able to find a sign of the small spring of water that I 
had seen on my coming. I found a small well {pozito) 
whence with great fatigue, now afoot and now on 
muleback, I was able to make the ascent of the mesa, 
on whose smooth surface I saw some junipers, which 
were the only ones I had seen this side of the Rio 
Jaquesila. I found the place of descent after many 
turnings, and soon lost myself again, taking the road 
that goes to the Yutas^ who live north of Moqui and 

^ Instead of continuing on the road by which he had come, 
past the small spring, Garces wandered to the right, and 
fetched up in a recess at the well which is about 2^ miles from 
Oraibi, under the bluff. There he had to climb the mesa again, 
follow it a little ways, and descend again from it to the plain 
below. Here he kept to the right too far, and got on to " the 
road that goes to the Yutas," northward with little westing. 




are enemies only of this pueblo of Oraibe and of the 
Moqui concave [sic]. 

The names of the pueblos of Moqui,- according to 

If he had continued in that direction he would have fetched up 
at Lee's ferry over the Colorado, near the northern border of 
Arizona. There is a multiplicity of confusing trails all through 
the Moqui, Zuni, and Navajo country, which no stranger should 
undertake without a guide. 

The Moqui concave or Muqui concabe of Garces, rendered in 
both places Muqui concabe in the Beaumont MS. and Munqui- 
concabc in the pub. Doc, p. 332, does not mean " concave " or 
"hollow" Moqui; but what it means is not clear at first sight. 
The phrase is not Spanish, and Mr. Hodge suggests in a letter 
to me that it is a mangled form of the word Moencapi or Moen- 
copie, the name of the Oraibe farming place or suburb which 
has already come up in my note on Moencopie wash. I have 
myself no doubt that he has hit it exactly right. This interpre- 
tation of Muqui concabe is borne out by the form Munquicon- 
cabe (one word, with an n in the first syllable) which we find 
in print, and by the fact that it renders the rest of Garces' list 
of names much more nearly correct. 

*MoKi: Spanish form, Moqui, evidently derived from the Zuni 
name A'-mu-kzve, an opprobrious epithet, although moki in 
the Moki language signifies " dead." Their own name is 
Hopituh-shinumuh ("peaceful people"), abbreviated to Ho- 
pituh and Hopi, the last form now being generally applied to 
the people by ethnologists. They are a group of Indians occu- 
pying six villages on a large desert reservation in northeastern 
Arizona. They first became definitely known to civilization in 
1540, when Francisco Vasquez Coronado, having reached 
Granada, one of the " Seven Cities of Cibola " (identified as the 
ruined Zufii pueblo of Hawiku, in western New Mexico), 
learned from the natives of those pueblos of a province of seven 


the way the Yabipais pronounced them to me, are: 
Sesepaulaba; Masagnebe; Jano; Gualpa; Muqui con- 
towns, collectively called " Tusayan," variously estimated as 
being situated from 20 to 35 leagues northwestward. Dispatch- 
ing a small force under Pedro de Tobar, accompanied by Fray 
Juan de Padilla, the province was visited, and after a brief pas- 
sage at arms the natives succumbed to the Spaniards. It was 
on this journey that news was first gained by white men of 
the existence of the Grand caiion of the Colorado river, which 
was visited the same year by another party of Coronado's fol- 
lowers under Garcia Lopez de Cardenas. There is some doubt 
regarding the situation and composition of the Tusayan pueblos 
of the middle of the sixteenth century. In the opinion of Dr. 
T. Walter Fewkes, our leading authority on the Hopi Indians, 
the Tusayan of Coronado's time was situated considerably 
southward of its present location, probably on or near the Rio 
Colorado Chiquito, and the migration to the present area 
occupied by the Hopi villages occurred between 1540 and the 
time of Antonio de Espejo's visit in 1583. However this may 
be, the estimates of distance from Cibola to Tusayan, as given 
by Coronado's chroniclers, certainly accord more closely with 
Dr. Fewkes' theory of the location than with the actual dis- 
tance from Zufii to the Hopi pueblos of the present time. 

None of the names of the Tusayan villages are recorded until 
1583, when Espejo visited the province of " Mohoce," which, 
according to his statement, contained five large towns, with 
50,000 (!) inhabitants: Comupavi (Shumopovi), Majanani 
(Mashongnovi), Gaspe (doubtless Gualpe or Walpi). Olalla 
(Oraibi), and Aguato or Zaguato (Awatobi). All of these save 
" Aguato " are mentioned indefinitely, and it is now possible to 
identify them only through resemblance of their names to mod- 
ern forms. In 1604 " Mohoce " or " Mohoqui " was visited by 
Juan de Oiiate, who mentions the villages of Mohoqui, Naybe, 
Xumupami, Cuanrabi, and Esperiez, while among the chiefs the 


cabe [sic] ; and this pueblo of Muca which the Zunis 
name Oraybe, and it was in this that I was. The 
Yutas, enemies of the last two pueblos, live on the 
one and the other side of the Rio Colorado in the very 
confluences {juntas) of the two rivers that compose it. 

name Aguatuyba appears. It is difficult to identify all of these 
names. Naybe is evidently a misprint of Oraybe or Oraibi, 
Xumupami of Shumopovi, while the chief's name, Aguatuyba, 
was apparently intended for the important town of Awatobi. 
We are left to surmise (assuming the Hopi villages of 1583 and 
of 1598 to have been the same) the proper pairing of the un- 
identified names given by Ofiate and Espejo respectively; and 
it cannot be satisfactorily done. 

The first active missionary work among the Hopi Indians was 
begun about 1629, when Francisco Porras, with Andres Gutierrez 
and Cristobal de la Concepcion arrived at Awatobi, which was 
named San Bernardino in honor of the day. Porras was poi- 
soned by the natives June 28, 1633, but the fate of his companions 
and the missions to which they were assigned is not known. 
In 1650 Jose de Espeleta became missionary at San Francisco 
(or San Miguel) de Oraibi, the westernmost of the Hopi 
pueblos; in 1674 Jose Trujillo assumed charge of San Bartolome 
de Shumopovi (with the visita of Mashongnovi), and in the 
same year Jose de Figueroa and Agustin de Santa Maria went 
to Tusayan and became established at the missions of San Ber- 
nardino de Awatobi and Walpi respectively (the latter being 
reported as a visita or sub-mission of Oraibi). Thus, at the time 
of the great Pueblo revolt against Spanish authority in 1680, 
Tusayan contained four missionary priests in charge of five vil- 
lages, all of whom were slain by the Indians on August 10 of 
the year named. 

All the pueblos, including those of the Hopi, enjoyed im- 
munity from Spanish interference until 1692, when Diego de 



I learned the error of the road, and that the one which 
I took went to the Yutas, from two Moquis whom I 

Vargas' reconquered the entire province of New Mexico; but 
although attempts were made to re-establish the missions, the 
Hopi remained obdurate, and the efforts of Padre Juan Garai- 
coechea, who, in 1700, visited Awatobi at the instance of the 
chief of Oraibi, were in vain, although he succeeded in baptiz- 
ing some of the Awatobi natives. 

Whether as the result of the efforts of some of the Hopi to 
encourage the re-establishment of the Spanish missions, or as 
the effect of the practice of witchcraft, the other villages joined 
in the destruction of Awatobi and the slaughter of most of its 
inhabitants, is not absolutely known, although Dr. Fewkes has 
recorded all the current traditions bearing on the subject. At 
any rate the fate of San Bernardino de Awatobi dates from the 
year 1700. 

A few years later, probably not subsequently to 1710, a pueblo 
was established at Tusayan by refugee Tano or Tewa Indians 
(or both) from the Rio Grande in New Mexico. They were 
assigned a site at the head of the trail to East Mesa, where they 

1 Much manuscript relating to his reconquest has escaped the ravages of 
time and ofificial imbecility in the archives of New Mexico at Santa Fe, 
where I have examined it with some care, noting many of his autograph 
signatures. For example, one document of date July 30, 1692, signed "Don 
Diego de Vargas ZapataLuj an Ponze de Leon," begins as follows: "Enelpue' 
delpaso delrio delnorte en trienta dias del mes de Julio de mil seis cientos 
y nobta y dosanos ante mi Dn Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon 
Gov. or y Capp.n Genl. deeste dho Rno y pro Vin Cias de lanuea mex,co" etc. 
Expanding this into Spanish it reads : " En el pueblo del Paso del Rio del 
Norte, en trienta dias del mes de Julio de mil seiscientos y noventa dos aSos, 
ante m.i Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon, Gobernador y 
Cappitan general de este dicho Reyno y Provincias de la Nueva Mexico," 
etc. Or in English : " In the town of El Paso of the River of the North, on 
the 30th of the month of July of 1692, before me, Don Diego de Vargas 
Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon, Governor and Captain General of this said 
Kingdom and Provinces of New Mexico," etc. — E. C. 


met, who very affably showed me the way {me encumi- 
naron) to that which I ought to take; and having of- 

built the present village of Hano, sometimes improperly called 

About the same time, or possibly during the period of the 
great revolt between 1680 and 1692, a Tewa village known as 
Payupki was founded on Middle Mesa by mixed Tiwa (or 
Tigua) and Tewa natives of Sandia on the Rio Grande. This 
pueblo was occupied about half a century, when, in 1742, they 
were induced to return to their former home in New Mexico. 
Sandia (Spanish, " watermelon "), like the village built in the 
Tusayan country, still bears the name Payupki. The ruined 
walls of this Middle Mesa town are still standing. 

Not long after the abandonment of Payupki, or about the 
middle of the eighteenth century, another pueblo was built 
on East Mesa. It was called Sichomovi, and still exists as an 
occupied town, between Walpi and Hano. It was settled prin- 
cipally by two clans (one of them being of eastern origin), who 
resided first at Walpi, but through a trifling dispute abandoned 
that village and with the Badger people occupied the new site. 

Yet another town was established in the eighteenth century, 
this time by people from Walpi and Mashongnovi, who erected 
their houses on Middle Mesa, on the site called Shipaulovi, 
" place of the peaches." So far as known, Garces is the first 
writer to record the name of this village, although, as received 
from the mouths of the Yavapai, it became corrupted into 
" Sesepaulaba." The next reference to the town was by Juan A. 
Morfi, who recorded it under the name Xipaolabi, with the 
statement that it contained 14 families. 

It will be seen that the seven Tusayan villages of Coronado's 
time were by no means identical with the one Tewa and six 
Hopi pueblos of Tusayan at the present time; indeed, with the 
possible exception of Oraibi, none of the villages occupies its 
sixteenth-century site, even if we accept the belief that the 


fered them tobacco and shells, these were they unwill- 
ing to receive. The same occurred to me with a 

Tusayan province of 1540 covered practically the same area as 
it does to-day. 

As above intimated, several attempts were made to rehabili- 
tate the Hopi missions, both from the Rio Grande settlements 
and from the missionary establishments of Sonora; but all 
efforts in that direction vi^ere as fruitless as those of the indomi- 
table Garces, and the Hopi remained untouched by Spanish 
missionary influence after the massacre of their four padres 
above named, on the loth of August, 1680. 

The Tusayan villages of the present time, with their popula- 
tion and the corrupted forms of their names as given by various 
writers, as well as the synonyms of Hopi and Tusayan, are as 

Synonyms of Hopi and Tusayan: Amaque, Asay, Chinouns, 
Ci-nyn-mtih, Cummoaqui, Cummooqui, Hapitus, Ho-pees, Ho- 
pii, Hopite, Hopitii, Hopituh, H6-pi-tiih-ci-nu-miih, Ho-pi-tuh- 
lei-nyu-muh, Hiipi, Maastoetsjkwe, Macueques, Magui, Maki, 
Maqui, Mawkey, Miqui, Moca, Mochi, Mochies, Mogeris, Mo- 
gin, Mogul, Mohace, Mohoce, Mohoqui, Mohotze, Moke, 
Mokee, Mokes, Moki (i63o),Monquoi, Mooqui, Mo-o-tza, Moq, 
Moqni, Moqua, Moques, Moquian pueblos, Moqui (1626), Mo- 
quinas, Moquinos, Moquins, Moquois, Moquy, Mosquies, Mou- 
guis, Muca, Mu-gua, Munchies, Muqua, Muqui, Opii, Osaij, 
Osay, Pokkenvolk, She-noma, Shimii'-shinoma, Shinome, Shi- 
nu-mo, Shumi, Ta-sa-iin, Tesayan, Tonteac, Tonteaca, Ton- 
tonteac, Totanteac, Totonteac, Totonteal, Totontoac, Tototeac, 
Tugan, Tucano, Tucayan, Tuchano, Tusayn, Tu-se-an, Tusyan, 
Tuzan, Usaya, Usayan, Welch Indians, White Indians. 

East Mesa Villages: (i) Hano (settled by the Tewa, of 
whom, by reason of intermarriage with the Hopi, few of pure 
blood survive); population (Fewkes' census, Dec, 1898), 159. 
Synonyms: Hanoki, Hanom, Ha-no-me, Hanomuh, Harno, 


herder (pastor) whom I met with two others who were 
driving horses from the potreros. I entered into these 

Haro, lano, Jano (Garces), Janogualpa (" Jano " and " Gualpa " 
combined), Tano, Tanoquevi, Tanoquibi, Tanos, Tanus, Taucos, 
Te-e-wun-na (given as Zuni name), Teh-wa, Tevva, Tevve, 

(2) Sichomovi (= " at the wild current-bush mound "). Popu- 
lation 103. Synonyms: Chemovi, Ci-cho-mo-oi, Cichomovi, 
Citcum-ave, Ci-tcum-wi, Se-cho-ma-we, Sechumevay, Se-chum'- 
i-way, See-cho-mah-wee, Se-tc6-mo-we, Setshomave, Setsho- 
move, Sheeourkee, Shi-choam-a-vi, Shu-chum-a-vay, Shu-sho- 
no-vi, Si-choan-avi, Sichomivi, Si-chum'-a-vi, Sichumnavi, 
Sichumniva, Sichumovi, Sickmunari, Si-tchom-ovi, Sitcomovi. 
Si-tcum'-o-vi, Suchongnevvy, Tsitsumevi, Tsi-tsumo-vi, Tsitii- 

(3) Walpi (= " place of the gap," or " place of the notch," 
referring to the gap in the East Mesa). Population 232. 
Synonyms: Cuelpe, Gualpa {Garces), Gualpi, Gualpimas (the 
people of Walpi), Guelpee, Hoepeekee, Huallpi, Hual-pe, 
Hualpec, Hual-pee, Hualpi, Hualpy, Hualvi, Huatl-vi, Jano- 
gualpa ("Jano" and "Gualpa" combined), Jual-pi, Obiki, 
O-pe-ki, Opijique, Opquive, Opquivi, Quai-1-pi, San Bernardino 
Gualpi, Talvoi, Wa-ci-pi, Wall-a-pi, Wal-pe, Wathl-pi-e, 
Wolapi, Wolpi. 

Middle Mesa Villages: (4) Mashongnovi (the syncopated 
form of Mashonginiptuovi = " at the place of the other which 
remains erect," having reference to two irregular massive pillars 
of sandstone, one of which had fallen). Population 244. 
Synonyms: Buenaventura, Macanabi, Maconabi, Majanani, 
Manzana, Masagnebe (Garces), Masagneve, Masanais, Mas- 
sang-na-vay, Masaqueve, Ma-shong'-ni-vi, Mausand, Mee- 
shom-e-neer, Me-shong-a-na-we, Meshongnavi, Me-shung-a- 
na-we, Me-shung-ne-vi, Michonguave, Micongnivi, Mi-cori-in- 
o-vi, Mi-con-o-vi, Mi-shan-qu-na-vi, Mi-shong-i-niv, Mi- 


(pastures), where I lost myself once more, without 
being able to find my way out. Here overtook me 

shong'-i-ni-vi, Mi-shong-in-ovi, Mishongnavi, Mishongop-avi, 
Mi-shon-na-vi, Monsonabi, Monsonavi, Mooshahneh, Moosha- 
nave, Moo-sha-neh, Mooshongae nay vee, Mooshongeenayvee, 
Moo-song'-na-ve, Mosanais, Mosanis, Mosasnabi, Mosasnave, 
Moshanganabi, Moshongnave, S. Buen. de Mossaquavi, Mos- 
zasnavi, Mow-shai-i-na, Moxainabe, Moxainabi, Moxainavi, 
Moxionavi, Moxonaui, Moxonavi, Mu-shai-i-na, Mushanga- 
nevi, Mushangene-vi, Mu-shang-newy, Mushanguewy, Mu- 
sha-ni, Mushaugnevy. 

(5) Shumopovi (said to be from chumoa, a kind of grass used 
in making basketry, and ovi, locative). Population 225, prior 
to winter of 1898-99, when most are said to have died of small- 
pox. Synonyms: Ci-mo-pave, Ci-moth-pivi, Comupavi, Cuiio- 
pavi, logopani, logopapi, Jongoapi, Jongopabi, Jongopai, 
Jongopavi, Jongvapi, Jon-joncali, Samoupavi, San Bartolome de 
Jongopavi, San Bartolome de Jougopavi, San Bartolome de 
Xongopabi, San Bartolome de Xongopavi, San Bernardo de 
Jongopabi, San Bernabe de Jongopavi, She-mo-pa'-ve, Shi-ma- 
co-vi, Shimopavi, Shimopova, Shomonpavi, Shomoparvee, 
Shongapave, Shong'-a-pa-vi, Shongoba-vi, Shongopavi, Show- 
mowth-pa, Shu-mo-pa-vay, Shu-muth-pa, Shu-muth-pa, Shu- 
muth-pai-6-wa, Shung-a-pa-vi, Shung-o-pah-wee, Shung-o- 
pa-we, Shungopawee, Shung-op-ovi, Songoapt, Sumonpavi, 
Sumo-porvy, Sumopowy, Sumopoy, Xangopany, Xommapavi, 
Xongopabi, Xongopani, Xongopaui, Xongopavi, Xougopavi, 
Xumupami, Xumupani. 

(6) Shipauhvi (=: " the place of peaches "). Population 126. 
Synonyms: C€-pa'-le-ve', Cipaulire, Ci-pau'-lo-vi, Cipolivi, Ci- 
pow-lovi, Clipalines, Guipaolave, Guipaulavi, Inparavi, Jupa- 
rivi, Sesepaulaba (Garces), Sesepaulabe, Shapalawee, Sha-pan- 
la-vi, Shapanlobi, Sha-pau-lah-wee, She-banlavi. Shebaula-vi, 
Shebaulavi, She-bo-pav-wee, Sheepon-arleeve, Sheepowarleeve, 


the Yabipais who had remained in the pueblo and 

who, as soon as I had set forth, did so themselves. 

Shepalave, Shepalawa, She-pa-la-wee, She-pau'-la-ve, Shepau- 
liva, Shepolavi, She-powl-a-we, She-pau-la-ve, Shi-pau-a-luv-i, 
Shi-pau-i-luv-i, Shi-pau'-la-vi, Shi-pav-i-luv-i, Shi-powl-ovi, 
Shu-par-la-vay, Shupowla, Shupowlewy, Suponolevy, Supowo- 
lewy, Xipaolabi. 

Western Mesa Village: (7) Oraibi (=" place of the rock"). 
Population (estimated) 900. Synonyms: Areibe, Craybe, Es- 
peleta, Rio Grande de Espeleta, Muca (Garces), Musquins, Mus- 
quint, Naybe, Naybi, Olalla, Orabi, Oraiba, Oraibe, Oraibi, 
(1630), Oraiby, Ovaiva, Oraivaz, Oraive, Oraivi, Orambe, 
Orawi, Oraybe (1748), Oraybi, Orayha, Orayve, Orayvee, 
Orayvi, Orayxa, Orehbe, Oreiba, O-rey-be, Oriabe, Oriba, 
Oribe, Oribi, Oriva, Orribies, Oryina, Osaybe, O-zai, Ozi, San 
Francisco de Oraibe, San Francisco de Oraybe, San Miguel 

All the villages mentioned by Garces, chiefly through inform- 
ation obtained from the Yavapai, are here accounted for with 
the exception of his " Moqui (or Muqui) Concabe," which can 
be no other than the Oraibi summer or farming village of 
Moenkapi or Moencopi, on Moencopi wash, about 50 miles 
westward from Oraibi. The present settlement consists of two> 
irregular rows of one-story houses, built on the site of a more 
ancient village. The Mormons, who established a mill here 
some years ago, in a fruitless attempt to corner the Navaho 
wool market, assert that the present Moencopi was built within 
their recollection, and they consequently lay claim to the site 
by virtue of prior occupancy; but the disciples of Joseph Smith 
were evidently unfamiliar with Garces' observations, half a cen- 
tury before Mormonism was dreamed of. The ruins referred tO' 
by Garces are doubtless those still traceable on the western 
edge of the mesa summit about a quarter of a mile north of the 
village. The name of Moencopi is said to signify " place of 


When they perceived me they began to shout " Jata- 
paina! " which means Pima, laughing heartily at the 
same time. Then they again shouted, saying: " How 
hast thou come into these lands, being a Pima? " I 
knew by this that the aversion (desvio) of the Moquis 
haply proceeded in part from their having known that 
I came from the Pimas. They hurried me on (dieron- 
me nmcha piesa), in order that I should travel at 
speed, pointing to the land of the Yabipais Tejua or 
Apaches, where were visible many smokes, as a signal 
that they were gathering on the warpath. It was 
already night when we reached the Rio de San Pedro 
Jaquesila,' having gone thus far twelve leagues west- 
running water." It is natural to presume that as the Utes were 
unfriendly toward Oraibi proper, they were at enmity also with 
the occupants of its summer village. The Oraibis have always 
held somewhat aloof from the other Hopi or Moqui. 

The total present population of Tusayan is nearly 2,000. The 
Hopi have been classified as belonging to the Shoshonean 
stock, but this is due to the fact that the Shoshonean clans seem 
to have made deeper impression on the tribal tongue than any 
other of the many accretions which from time to time, during 
many generations and from various localities, have contributed 
to the population of the present province of Tusayan. — F. W. H. 

' Garces could never have reached the Colorado Chiquito in 
that direction in 12 leagues, or in any other number of leagues. 
He means Moencopie wash, and this is additional evidence of 
the view taken in note ', p. 393, which see. He is retracing 
his steps very nearly, and there will be little to note till he is 
again among the Havasupai of Cataract cafion. 




northwest, with some aberrations (rodeos). The 
Yabipais here gave me to sup of that which they 
brought from Moqui, the same being some tortillas a 
Httle thicker than holy wafers (ostias, for hostias), re- 
sembling totopostle.* 

July 5. I arrived at the rancheria of Yabipais, hav- 
ing gone a league and a half westnorthwest. The 
bearded captain and his people were much grieved 
that the Moquis had given me nothing to eat, and 
themselves did even more than at the going.* They 
had killed a beef,^ and (it was) one of those head of 
cattle which run wild, on the whole of which did they 
feast me. On this occasion I became aware that it 
was the head of a cow that on the 6th day of May I 
took for that of a mule.'^ These Yabipais told me that 
they desired peace with the Jamajabs, esteeming and 
believing that which I said to them. They gave me 

* Totopostle is a word apparently based on the Nahuatl verb 
totopochtli, to cook, roast, grill. — F. W. H. 

' Ellos lo hizieron mejor qm a la yda — they treated him better 
than they had done before when he was with them on his out* 
ward journey to Moqui. 

" Cibola is the word used, which in Spanish annals of the 
Southwest commonly means buffalo; but there were never any 
buffaloes in Arizona. The construction is: "habian muerto una 
cibola y una res de las que andan cintarronas," where the con- 
junction y does not mean that more than one cow was 

' See the date, p. 297. 


information of a nation they call Guamua,® who were 
friends of the Moqui, and enemies of theirs. They 
named yet other nations whom they called Guanabepe, 
Gualliba, and Aguachacha,^ who also are their ene- 
mies. I asked if the Yabipais Lipan^'* were good, and 
tbey said to me, "Yea " ; whence I inferred that the 
horses which these Yabipais possess will be of those 
stolen from us by these other Yabipais Lipan or 
Apaches, and that the hostility will be only with the 
Yabipais Tejua who live in the sierras of the Rio de la 
Asumpcion. Aside from the Yutas" and Chemegua- 

• Not identified.— F. W. H. 

* These tribes also remain unidentified. — F. W. H. 

" These were Apaches, a note on whom will be found beyond. 

" Ute or Uta, whence the name of the State of Utah. A 
Shoshonean tribe or group of tribes formerly occupying the 
central and western portions of Colorado and the northeastern 
part of Utah, including the eastern part of Salt Lake valley and 
Utah valley; on the south they extended into New Mexico, 
occupying much of the area drained by the upper Rio San Juan. 
The Utes manifested a warlike spirit from early times, and their 
aggressive character became intensified with the acquirement of 
horses, probably from the Pueblos on the upper Rio Grande 
and the Hopi or Moki of N. E. Arizona. Of their political 
organization little is known, but it is possible that the various 
Uta divisions were once united into a loose confederacy; indeed, 
the seven Uta tribes of Utah were found to be organized into 
a confederacy in 1873 under chief Tabby (Tavivi). In the 
northern part of their range they became considerably inter- 
mixed with the northern Shoshoneans — the Bannock, Shoshoni, 
and Paiute — and on the south, in later times, with the Jicarilla 


bas of the Rio Colorado they named yet other nations. 
calHng them Payuchas/- Japul, Gualta, and Ba- 

Apache. They are now confined to reservations in south- 
western Colorado, northwestern New Mexico, and north- 
eastern Utah, where they number in all 2,890. They appear to 
be decreasing in numbers. The principal divisions now offi- 
cially recognized are the Capote, Muache, Wiminuchi, Tabe- 
quache, Uinta, and White River Utes. Other published names 
for the group are: Eutah, Eutaw, Gutah, luta, Jutjoat, Utaw, 
Yiuhta, Youta, Youts, Yutas, Yute, Yutta, etc.— F. W. H. 

" The Paiute Indians of the Shoshonean linguistic stock. The 
name is of rather indefinite application, having been given by 
various writers to most of the Shoshonean tribes of eastern 
Utah, northern Arizona, southern Idaho, eastern Oregon and 
Nevada, and eastern and southern California. According to 
Powell, the leading authority on the Shoshonean tribes, the 
name signifies " true (= pai) Ute," although it is popularly ac- 
cepted to mean " water Ute." In its strict application the 
name belongs exclusively to the Corn Creek tribe of south- 
western Utah, but for convenience ethnologists now employ 
the name to designate the Shoshonean tribes of southwestern 
Utah from about the locality of Beaver, the southwestern part of 
Nevada, and the northwestern part of Arizona, including the 
Chemehuevi of the Colorado river. Under it are included also 
the tribes of southeastern California from about the neighbor- 
hood of Owens valley, along the eastern slopes of the sierras and 
to the southward of Tulare lake and east of the Coast range. 
The Paiute population is not definitely known. Those gath- 
ered on reservations in Nevada number 1,350, but in that State 
alone there are 6,815 natives not under an agent. The entire 
population is probably not far from 2,500, distributed as follows: 
Utah, 500; northern Arizona, 500; southern Nevada,; south- 
eastern California, 500. Other Paiute names found in literature 
are Digger? (applied also to other root-digging Indians), Pah- 


quioba.^^ I suppose that all these nations will be no 
more than rancherias, and that all will form one stock 
(cuerpo), in language and customs like the Yabipais 
themselves. They sought to detain me by force six 
days, saying to me that I was a-hungered, for that I 
had eaten not in Moqui, and that they had much meat 
and were well content with me. Notwithstanding all 
this I did not accept their favor. 

July 6. I went to the southwest four leagues, and 
re-encountered" the Rio San Pedro Jaquesila. 

July 7. I traveled two leagues to the northwest and 
west, and halted near the cave where I was on my 
coming [June 27]. Here there were Indians who 
had much beef and venison {came de cihola y hura). 

July 8. I ascended the sierra and passed the low- 
lands (bajio), whence the Indians showed me a road 
more direct, easier, and shorter, to return to the Jam- 
metes, Pahnutes Utahs, Pah-Touts, Pah-Utah, Pah-Utes, Pai- 
iiches, Paiulee, Pasuchis, Pa-uches, Pa-utes, Pau-Utahs, Pay- 
nutes, Payoche, Payucha, Paiute Snakes, Payutas, Payutes, 
Pey-Ute, Piedes, Pie Edes, Pi-eeds, Pieutes, Piutahs, Pi-Utes, 
Pi-u-chas, Pi-Utah, Pyeeds, Pyentes, Py-ute, Snake Diggers, 
Ute Diggers.— F. W. H. 

" The Japul, Gualta, and Baquioba, remain unidentified. — 
F. W. H. 

''* Volbi a enconirar; not that he went back or returned to the 
river, but that he went on to strike it again at another point. 
This time he is on the Colorado Chiquito proper, at the same 
place where he crossed it before, June 28. See p. 354. 


ajabs. I did not determine to take it without first 
assuring them that I wished to return to their home, 
according to the promise that I had made them, in 
consideration of how well they had behaved on my 
coming. This day I traveled four leagues southwest 
and west, and we halted at a well of very abundant 
water that I named Pozo de Santa Isabel.^^ 

July p. We traveled five leagues northwest and fell 
upon the Caxones del Jabesua, and in three leagues 
more to the westnorthwest with some windings about 
I alighted in their rancheria after nightfall. The de- 
scent is very perilous, but thereafter is smooth to the 
xacales (huts), with very high sierras (cliffs) on each 
side. All were filled with unspeakable joy when they 
saw me, and such was their importunity that I should 
sojourn here six days, that it was impossible to depart 
until the 15th day. I was well served by all of them, 
and elaborately {con esmero) did these Indians regale 
me. They were much delighted to hear me recite the 
litany, whereof they apprehended some terms; and to 
aflfect them still more, when I named San Antonio I 
added " de Jabesua," and when I named San Pedro 
I added " de Yj.bipai" ; all of which caused them much 

" I should suppose this to be Red Horse spring (already 
Mentioned, note ", p. 349) ; but there is no possibility of reach- 
ing the Havasnpai in anything like the 8 leagues which are given 
as to-morrow's journey. 


merriment, and for that did they repeat (the names), 
asking me, " And I — what do you call me too? " ^* 
Whereat I went about, calling every one of them by 
the name of some saint, of which names each one 
learned his own, and they set themselves to recite all 
that they had been taught. This served me to divert 
the melancholy that it caused me to see myself buried 
alive in that calaboose (calaboso) of cliffs and canons, 
after having encountered such rebels at the Moquis; 
at the same time by this means increasing the gusto 
of the Indians, likewise their affection for the things 
of God. 

Jttly 15 [misdated " dia 16"]. I set forth on the 
west, albeit against the will of the Indians, who 
counseled me that I should return by the way of the 
ladder; ^^ but I having looked to see if perchance there 
were some other more commodious exit, insisted that 
they should take me by the way the beasts had de- 

"" Y por eso repetian preguntandome y yo como?" 
" Garces would not essay the ladder again — see note "\ p. i2>^ 
— but insisted on taking the trail by which the mules were 
brought down on the former occasion, June 20. In this way 
he surmounted a flat bench which he estimated to be (as the 
future tense, " shall have," shows) a quarter of a league long; 
and finally escaped from Cataract cafion through the same side- 
cafion by which he first entered it — the " New Canfran." He 
goes altogether to-day about 12 miles, mostly south, but to 
some point he does not specify. 


scended, which is in the direction of the west, where 
with some windings it mounts to a level place (piano) 
that shall have of length about a quarter of a league, 
encompassed on the west and south by a very rough 
and rocky cliff (sierra). I turned to go out by the 
Nuebo Canfran, having traveled about five leagues, 
for the most part south. 

July 16 [so copy, correctly]. I traveled six leagues 
west, and arrived at the Pozo de las Rosas. ^^ 

July ly. I set forth by the southwest, and making 
a turn to the west, passed over the Sierra de los Fi- 
nales that I had named (Sierra) de San Diego,^^ and 
in the evening arrived at the Arroyo de San Alexo.'"* 

"Pine spring, his former camp: note ^^ p. 335, June 19. 

" If Garces named this sierra before he omitted to so state 
in his journal, where no such name appears for June 18 or 19. 
But his Sierra de los Finales or de San Diego is obviously the 
pine-clad heights of Aubrey's clifTs: note ^^ p. 330. 

'" Arroyo de San Alexo is Diamond creek, or one of the 
heads of that system of caiions, but I cannot locate this Cuer- 
comache rancheria to my satisfaction. The Cuercomaches ap- 
pear to be a division of Yavapais unknown except for this 
single mention by our author. Furthermore, we shall have 
great difficulty in following Garces for the next few days. His 
language is altogether too short hereabouts to fetch him on to 
any position whence he can make the northing and westing 
presently indicated. I think he must be set to-day over into 
Mojave county, somewhere north of Feach springs — perhaps 
at the spring in the collateral canon of Diamond creek down 
which we have already gone to the Colorado (p. 327). His 


To-day I departed from the road of the going (de la 
yda, i. e., former route). I went six leagues onward 
{mas) in the direction said in order to arrive at this 
arroyo, where I made night, and therein I found a 
rancheria of Yabipais Cuercomaches, who received 
me well, on account of the information that they had 
received from the other Indians, and also because I 
had in my company two principal Indians of the Jabe- 
sua, who were going to trade at the Jamajab, attest- 
ing (protextando) therein the peace and harmony re- 
cently established. On this day I met four Yabipais 
who by order of their captain were going to seek me, 
apprehensive lest some ill had befallen me, in view of 
my tardiness — an act which proves the great affection 
he (the captain) had for me. 

July i8. I traveled down the arroyo a league and a 
half northwest, and then, having gone over some hills, 
came out upon a little valley that I called (Valle) del 
Lino" for the much wild (flax) that there was, and it 

trail back to Mojave is henceforth entirely north of the route by 
which he went before, as every place he reaches has a different 
name, excepting the two main ranges, the Cerbat and Black 
mountains — his Sierra Morena and Sierra de Santiago. Never- 
theless the genral trend is the same; the difference is only in 
details which we cannot satisfactorily make out. 

" " Que Hanie del Lino por el mucho (lino) cimarron que habia," 
etc. This is a well-known plant in Arizona, Linum perenne or 
a closely related species. As we have already seen, it gave the 


gave me great joy, not having seen any since I de- 
parted from Aragon. Having traveled three leagues 
and a half west, I arrived at a rancheria in which they 
gave me to eat of piiiones, with which that land 
abounds, and made me tarry one day [July 19] in 
order that others might come to see me. 

July 20. I went half a league north to the Aguage 
de la Rancheria de Santa Margarita; thereafter I 
traveled two leagues west within sight of (a la vista 
de) another rancheria, and having passed over the 
sierra that on my coming I named (Sierra) Morena,"^ 
I found a w^ell that I called (Pozo) de las Abispas for 
the many (wasps) that it had. I passed through a val- 
ley about four leagues wide, and having gone four 

first name to the Colorado Chiquito, originally Rio del Lino or 
Flax river, in Coronado's time, 1540. But where is this Flax 
valley? It is a physical impossibility that Garces should have 
reached the Hualapais valley from any position to which his 
previous mileage has advanced him; and this valley is hardly 
to be called " little " (pequeho). 

"Here. we are confronted with the Cerbat range. This much 
is certain; but the details given for to-day remain for me un- 
explained. I cannot point to St. Margaret or Wasp well, nor 
do I see how Garces crosses the Cerbat range to-day as he 
says — for we are told to-morrow that he goes two leagues 
to its summit; what is said of the rancheria sighted is not clear, 
nor is it quite certain whether he goes 75^ or 11 leagues. I 
believe that the valley four leagues wide is Hualapais valley, 
and that our traveler is somewhere on the eastern slope of the 
Cerbat range, in the vicinity of Isabel spring. 


leagues more (mas) to the west and one league south- 
west, I arrived at the rancheria seen {vista), whose 
captain I had met before; and he went in my company. 
Here I tarried two days [July 21, 22]. 

July 2 J. I traveled along the skirt of the sierra two 
leagues, and arrived at a rancheria that had its pozo.-' 

July 24. I ascended the Sierra Morena by the east, 
having traveled to its summit two leagues; thereafter 
I went one (league) north, and found a rancheria 
wherein they regaled us; here there are two pozos, 
and a valley extends on the two sides of the river. 
This (river) from the Jamajabs upward comes through 
formidable caxones. In the evening I traveled a 
league and a half south, and two leagues and a half 
southwest, and arrived at a rancho that had an 
aguage; which is yet another {que aim es todavia) of 
the Cuercomaches."* 

" Unidentifiable, as we are not told whether he skirts the 
Cerbat range north or south; nor are we certain, indeed, 
whether he is on the east or west side of these mountains. (The 
Beaumont MS. has sudueste; pub. Doc. prints surueste.) 

"This day's itinerary is equally confused; I cannot understand 
his allusions to the Colorado river and its valleys, as well as to 
its course above Mojave. What he says is perfectly true, but 
seems out of place; for he is not yet on the Black range, where 
remarks upon the river valley would be in order. He is in his 
Sierra Morena, the Cerbat range, which he traverses either 
through Mineral park or through Cerbat — most probably the 
former, as he continues south and west across the head of the 


July 25. Having traveled two leagues southwest, 
I came upon the Sierra de Santiago, the which I 
passed over by the west and northwest, and found a 
watering-place that I named (Aguage) de Santa 
Anna; and having gone one league and a half I 
reached the Rio Colorado; following down the course 
of which to a distance of yet other two leagues south- 
ward I arrived at the Punta de los Jamajabs.^^ 

Soon as these people saw me they ran to embrace 
me, leaped for joy, and knew not how to express their 
delight. They told me that already had their rela- 
tions mourned for me, it having been reported to 
them that I had been killed at Moqui; and that they 
themselves had so notified the Cuercomaches, that 

Sacramento valley, and at the rancho where he stays to-night 
is still a couple of leagues northeast of the entrance to Union 
pass in the Black mountains. The Cuercomache watering-place 
of which he speaks is not identifiable; there are numerous 
springs in this vicinity, some of which are now known as Mud, 
Willow, Cottonwood, and Cane. 

^^ This appears to be about the position of Fort Mojave, a few 
miles above the locality which Garces formerly named San 
Pedro de los Jamajabs, as we see by what he says beyond, July 
26. He seems to have struck the Colorado at Hardyville; 
whence it is most probable that he crossed the Black mountains 
— his Sierra de Santiago — by Union pass; though there is an- 
other way — a mere trail, not a road — over the mountains which 
also fetches out at Hardyville. If he made Union pass, his 
Aguage de Santa Anna is the well-known watering place in that 
pass. I never heard any other name for it, if it has one. 


these might search for me, and, if I returned, ac- 
company me. They informed me that Sevastian, he 
who is the Indian whom I left among the Jamajabs 
(when I departed) for Moqui, had a bad heart, for he 
had given away the shells and other things that I 
left him; that one of the mules had been drowned, 
and the other they had killed. In fine, they talked 
a great deal, and ceased not to converse with me. 
There came with me to this rancheria the captain of 
the Cuercomaches, (and also?) a young fellow who 
knew the language of the Jamajabs and had served 
me as interpreter to the Yabipais, and two Yabipais 
Jabesua who brought mantas, leggings, and pieces of 
cowhide {pedazos de ciiero de hacd) to trade with the 
Jamajabs for shells — only for white sea-shells, for no 
others do they receive in exchange. In this rancheria 
remained all those who had accompanied me hitherto. 
I taking leave of them with the utmost {grandisimo) 
affection, especially the Jabesuas, to whom I was in- 
debted for so many favors. 



I would have recompensed them well, for this they 
merited, had I not been robbed of everything I had 
left in the trunk (petdca) ; but seeing myself so poor 
I charged it upon (encargue) the Jamajabs of this 
rancheria that they should do this for me, and that 
they should be true friends as long as they lived (toda 
la vida), persevering in the peace established. I 
worked so hard to establish the treaties of peace of 
which so many times do I make mention in this diary, 
not only for the purpose of putting an end to death 
and destruction in these nations, by whom I now find 
myself so greatly favored, but also in order that the 
foundation of missions may be facilitated, and opened 
may be the way for the transit which is sought from 
New Mexico to Monte-Rey; being evident these and 
other utilities which ensue from the peace of these and 
other nations among themselves and with us, as also 
the damage which may result from the contrary. 


July 26. I went two and a half leagues south down 
river, and arrived at the rancheria of the Jamajabs 
that I had named San Pedro.^ 

July 2J. I went one league south to another ranch- 
eria. All this (way) is populated. 

July 28. I went three leagues southeast to arrive 
at the Rancherias de la Pasion/ where I was detained 
two days [July 29, 30], because they all wished to see 

Here the Jamajabs told me that the Yabipais Tejua 
were already friends of the Cocomaricopas, so that I 
could proceed through their land in four or five days, 
without making the former circuit to the Yumas. But 
as I knew that these had killed three Jalchedunes, and 
that both nations were much disgusted, I held it to be 
more advisable to take the trouble of the circuit, and 
proceed to visit them both, in order to reconcile them; 
investigating first the feeling of the Jalchedunes in 
this matter, and their disposition for the catechism and 
vassalag^e of his Majesty, such being my principal com- 
mission to the nations of the Rio Colorado; and hav- 
ing to leave one of the nations without making them 

^ And made to be in lat 35° 01', Mar. 3. The position is a 
little below Fort Mojave: see note ^ p. 234. Observe that 
Garces now goes down the Colorado on the Arizona side. 

' So named Feb. 28: see p. 226 for the position of these ran- 
cherias, which were on the Arizona side of the river. 


any presents, owing to the little that I possessed, it was 
inconvenient to pass on to the next one with empty- 
hands. Besides this, the Cocomaricopas being 
friends of the Apaches {i. e., of the Yabipais Tejua), 
there was some question about my entering their 
lands first; for, my entrada being for the purpose of 
making peace between these and the Gilefios, I was 
in doubt of their good feeling, even though they 
(the Jamajabs) told me that this was already estab- 
lished. I then raised and still raise the question of its 
formality, until there be realized a large presidio on the 
Rio de la Asumpcion, as I will say in the sequel.^ 

' The whole of this paragraph is so singularly involved, owing 
to equivocal pronouns, present participles, and defective punctu- 
ation, that it cannot be translated literally. Whether or not I 
have given the exact sense of it may be judged on examination 
of the Spanish, which stands as follows. " Aqui me dixeron los 
Jamajabs que los Yabipais Tejua eran ya amigos de los Coco- 
maricopas por lo que podia salir por su tierra a los Yumas en 
quatro 6 cinco dias sin llebar el rodeo antezedente pero como 
yo sabia que estos havian muerto 3 Jalchedunes, y ambas nacio- 
nes estaban muy disgustadas, tube por mas conveniente sufrir 
la molestia del rodeo y pasar a visitarlos todos para componer- 
los indagando primero para esta y para la disposicion del cate- 
quismo y vasallage de S. M. el animo de los Jalchedunes, siendo 
mi principal comision para las naciones del Rio Colorado, y 
haviendo de dexar a una de las naciones sin regalo por lo poco 
que tenia era inconveniente pasar a la otra immediata con las 
manos vacias. A mas de esto siendo los Cocomaricopas amigos 
de los Apaches, habia algun rezelo para entrar yo primero a 


In this place I baptized three infirm old men and 
one little damsel (doncellita) who was dying; and the 
Jamajabs confirmed the same unanimously {se con- 
Urmaron en lo dicho con iguales expresiones.) 

July 31. I traveled two leagues southsouthwest, 
and came to other rancherias. This day arrived a 
Yabipai Tejua Indian, in the name of his nation, to 
learn whether I had come and to convey me in order 
that I should go to his land — he who told me that 
already was it days that they had awaited me, to 

sus tierras pues siendo mi entrada para hazer las pazes entre 
estos y los Gilenos, dudaba del buen afecto y aunque me dezian 
que esto ya estaba hecho, dificultaba y dificulto su formalidad 
hasta que se verifique vn presidio grande en el Rio de la Asump- 
cion como despues dire." In other words: Garces was told he 
could go to the Cocomaricopas through the Yabipais Tejua 
without taking his former roundabout way. But the Yumas had 
killed three Jalchedunes, and both these nations were disaffected; 
so he thought best to keep on down river, and visit all its na- 
tions, to find out how they stood on the question of catechism, 
etc., as he had been ordered to do; besides, he was just leaving 
the Jamajabs without making any presents, and did not like to 
encounter the Yabipais Tejua empty-handed. Moreover, he 
mistrusted the temper of the latter, who he supposed would 
continue to make trouble, as they had done in the past, until 
a fort was established on the Rio de la Asumpcion. 

On comparing the Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. with 
our copy I find that the scribe misplaced the clause d los Yumas 
in the third line of the Spanish above given; it belongs in the 
fourth line, where we should read el rodeo antesedente a los 
Yumas. I make it so in my English of the main text. 


which end had they killed much wild meat. Soon as 
he delivered this message to the Jamajabs he returned 
without my seeing him, as I desired to do, in order to 
reward him and to send by him many regrets, with 
the reasons why I was not going there on this occa- 

Aug. I. Having traveled two leagues south I 
reached the Sierra de San Ildefonso,* which the river 
traverses; hereunto extend the lands of my beloved 
particular benefactors the Jamajabs, whose nation ap- 
pears to me the best adapted, as well by its temper 
as by the situation where it abides, for the founding 
of missions. 

Aug. 2, J, 4. 5. I traveled down river fourteen 
leagues southward, with some deflections to the 
southeast and southwest, over ground rough enough, 
without trees and without grass. On the 5th day I 
found a river to which I gave the name of (Rio) de 
Santa Maria.^ This river has a very wide bed, but on 

* Sierra de San Ildefonso is of course the Mojave range, 
" which the river traverses " in the Mojave canon, beginning 
above at the Needles: see note ", p. 227, at date of Feb. 28, when 
Garces first crossed this range, " which ends on the Rio Colo- 
rado," but did not then give it any name. 

' Rio de Santa Maria is Bill Williams' river or fork of the 
Colorado, the largest branch in Arizona between the Gila and 
the Colorado Chiquito. Garces is not to be credited with 
actual discovery of this stream, for it had been located and 
named long before. Perhaps it was passed by Alarcon in 


this occasion carried not much water; there are on its 

1540; but if so, there is no particular indication of the fact. 
Definite knowledge of this stream goes back as far as to the 
early overland expedition of Juan de Onate, 1604-05, who first 
named it Rio de San Andres, after St. Andrew of discipular and 
apostolic fame, whose day is Nov. 30 — very likely actual date 
of the discovery, as Oiiate started Oct. 7, and was at tidewater 
of the Colorado on Jan. 23, 1605. The Amacavas or Amajavas 
(Jamajabs = Mojaves) were then living both above and below 
its mouth; and one of Ofiate's men, Capt. Marquez, made a 
short excursus up the Colorado from this point. But the dis- 
covery went to sleep and the name lapsed; I do not know where 
to point to anything concerning this river till the time of Jacob 
Sedelmair, ca. 1744-48, when we hear of a Rio Azul which cer- 
tainly was no other than this one, to which the name Azul was 
sadly misapplied. Sedelmair does not seem to have reached 
the river, but heard of it; and an instance of its being called 
Rio Azul is found in the Rudo Ensayo, written in 1762, p. 130: 
" Between this junction [of the Gila with the Colorado] and 
that of the river Azul with the Colorado, the former of which 
[Rio Azul] unites with the latter [Rio Colorado] forty leagues 
farther up to the north, and comes almost directly from the 
east, there dwells on the left bank of the Colorado the numerous 
Hudcoadan nation, possessed of fertile soil and fine springs. 
The river Azul is not large, and according to what the natives 
say, comes from the Province of Mogui [Moqui], at a distance 
of three or four days' march." Next we have Garces on the 
spot, at or near the mouth of the river, present site of the paper- 
town of Aubrey, or Aubrey " city," where there was nothing to 
justify a name when I passed it in Sept., 1865. The name which 
Garces now bestows appears upon Font's map, came into gen- 
eral use, and is still retained for one of the two main forks of 
the river. The precise date of application of Bill Williams' 
name has escaped me, but it scarcely antedates the period of the 


banks grass and all the woods proper to a river; as far 

Pacific Railroad surveys, and I am under the impression it 
originated with Joseph R. Walker, about 1840. Sitgreaves' Re- 
port, pub. 1854, p. 13, at date of Oct. 23, 1851, when he was at 
one of the headwaters, speaks of " a small stream, called by 
trappers Bill Williams's fork." That same season he identified 
at its mouth the river which he correctly supposed to be the 
same one. The name thus acquired literary currency, and in 
this full form, or shortened to Williams, appears on all the maps 
of Sitgreaves, Whipple, Ives, Beale, etc. The original use of 
the term is no doubt synchronous or nearly so with the appli- 
cation of that worthy's name to the magnificent mountains 
which still uphold it. " Old Bill Williams " was the noted 
character of unsavory repute with whom Fremont had his dis- 
astrous experiences in the San Juan mountains in 1848; it is 
probable that cannibalism saved some lives on that expedition, 
and this led to the saying I have heard in the West, that Bill 
Williams was not a man one would want to walk in front of if 
there was no meat in camp! The river was first fully explored 
in January and February, 1854, when Lieut. A. W. Whipple 
followed it down from some of its sources to its mouth. 
Having gone through Aztec pass, Whipple fell upon one 
of the headwaters of the river, Jan. 26. This is the present 
Trout creek, arising in the vicinity of Cross mountain, of 
the subsequent Fort Rock, etc. Next day he was on another, 
which he named White Clifif creek. Both of these flow into 
what he called Big Sandy wash and supposed to be what 
had been so named by Walker. This wash, joined by various 
other tributaries, becomes Bill Williams' river, after the 
junction of its main fork. Following it down, Whipple came 
to this fork on Feb. 7, and says in his report (P. R. R. 
Reps. vol. iii, p. 103) : " We call it Rio Santa Maria, a name 
which early Spanish map makers applied to the whole river." 
This restriction is now the accepted nomenclature — that is, 


as the view disclosed its course came from the east, 
always along the skirt of a large sierra. ° 

Big Sandy wash and Santa Maria river compose Bill Williams' 
river. The mountains northwest of Prescott, giving rise to 
sources of the Santa Maria, take the same name which Garces 
gave to the whole river. I have dwelt upon this case, because 
it is perhaps the only instance of the survival to the present 
day of a name which originated with our author. The Yuman 
name is given by Whipple as Hah-weal-ha-mook; the Piute 
name, as Hah-cu-cha-pah. 

* This sierra is the eastward continuation of the Monument 
range which crosses the Colorado here, and extends up Bill 
Williams' river and valley. Lest Garces' statement of the little 
water in so extensive a river be thought strange, I will cite 
Ives' Report, p. 58, at date of Feb. i, 1858: " We had reached 
the Chemuhuevis valley and the mouth of Bill Williams's Fork, 
which is the only important tributary to the Colorado between 
the Virgen and the Gila. Having accompanied, in 1853 [and 
'54] the expedition of Lieutenant Whipple to explore for a 
railroad route along the 35th parallel, and having, with that 
party, descended Bill Williams's Fork to its confluence with the 
Colorado, I was confident of the locality. The mouth of the 
stream was at that time, which happened to be in the present 
month, February [of 1854], about 30 feet wide, and several feet 
deep. I now looked in vain for the creek. The outline of the 
bank, though low, appeared unbroken, and for a while I was 
quite confounded. My companions were of opinion that I 
had made a great topographical blunder, but I asked Captain 
Robinson to head for the left shore, proposing to camp and 
make an examination. As we approached the bank I perceived, 
while closely scanning its outline, a small dent, and after land- 
ing repaired to the spot, and found a very narrow gulley, 
through which a feeble stream was trickling, and this was all 


Aug. 6, 7, 8. I traveled fourteen leagues on courses 
south and southwest, wherewithal I arrived at the first 
rancherias of the Jalchedun nation, called (Ranch- 
erias) de San Antonio on my last entrada.' Be- 
haved themselves admirably the Jalchedunes. So I 
appointed {deje puesto) a captain of the nation as 
justica, on behalf of his majesty, as I had done 
among the Jamajabs; inasmuch as the Jalchedunes are 
so well disposed, and ready to receive padres and 
Espaiioles. The old men said to me that not less 
than the Yumas did they themselves desire the Es- 
paiioles, whom they loved even as did the Yumas; 
and they added: " Well might ye have come this way, 
for we have a road as well to go to the Gecuiches 
(they are the Danzarines) as also to pass to the Geni- 
gueches (they are those of the Valles de San Joseph 
and de Santa Anna)." It must be observed that 
these Jalchedun Indians are the best dressed, not only 
in such goods as they themselves possess, but also in 
such as they trade with the Jamajabs,® Genigueches, 

that was left of Bill Williams's Fork. The former mouth is now 
filled up, and overgrown with thickets of willow." 

^ His Fourth Entrada, of 1774: see the passage where the 
name occurs in my account of this entrada, p. 45. 

' Debe advertirse que estos Indios Jalchedunes son los mas 
bien vestidos para lo qual no tienen solo para si sino tambien 
para comerciar con los Jamajabs," etc. The Beaumont MS. 
and pub. Doc. differ with each other here, and both are widely 


Cocomaricopas, Yabipais, and Moquis, obtaining 
from these last mantas, girdles, and a coarse kind of 
cloth (sayal), in exchange for cotton, of which they 
raise much. Here came to see me very joyfully the 
two damsels whom, as is said above,® I rescued and 
sent off with the old interpreter; the eldest one 
brought wood and cooked the little things with which 
they regaled me, all of which caused me great gusto. 
I sojourned here the 9th and loth days. 

Aug. II. I traveled two leagues west and south- 
west, and found myself in the Rancherias de Santa 
Coleta, much abounding in crops; the heat was ex- 
cessive. These rancherias were near the river. 

variant from our copy; but the sense is the same in all three 

I have translated my copy literally and correctly, and it seems 
a better text than the variants I find in the Beaumont MS. and 
pub. Doc. The former has. foja 45 vuelta: " Ya se supone que 
estos Indios van los mas vestidos, pues no solamte tienen para 
si para comerciar con los Jamajabs, Yumas, y Jenigueches, 
porque siembran algodon, y comercian con los Cocomaricopas, 
Yavipais, y Moquis, de donde sacan ms. (muchas) mantas, 
cefiidores, y sayal." The latter has, p. 341: " Supongo que estos 
indios van vestidos, pues como sienbran algodun y sacan del 
Moqui mantas, cefiidores y sayal, tienen ropa para si y para 
comerciar con los jamajabs, yumas y los jenigueches " — i. e., " I 
suppose these Indians go clothed, for as they sow cotton and 
get from Moqui mantas, girdles, and sayal, they have clothing 
(enough) for themselves and for trading with the Jamajabs, 
Yumas, and Jenigueches." 

' See p. 219, date of Feb. 26, for the incident. 


Aug. 12. I traveled two and a half leagues, and 
slept near the Laguna de la Trinidad, of which I make 
mention on the other journey/" Here I was one 
day [Aug. 13] detained to talk with the old men, my 
antique acquaintances. This day came a Cocomari- 
copa and said that the Yabipais Tejua had killed five 
Cocomaricopas. Much did I regret this information, 
and for the occasion thereof I blamed the fact that 
the Cocomaricopas had given to the Yabipais concu- 
bines, as I already knew (they had done), and this 
alone could be the cause of the murders, in case they 
were confirmed. For this reason I notified the Jal- 
chedunes that, if any Yabipai under pretext of peace 
came to their land, they should by no means permit 

" To wit, on his entrada of 1774. The distances Garces gives 
for his descent of the river from Bill Williams' fork are now 
altogether 14 -f 2 + 2^ = i8>4 leagues = 49 miles. Most of 
this way is through the present Colorado River Indian Reserva- 
tion (Executive Orders of Nov. 22, 1873; Nov. 16, 1874; May 15, 
1876), which extends on the Arizona side from the vicinity of 
a place called Parker to a little below La Paz, in Yuma county. 
I suppose him to be now some ten miles above La Paz; and 
very likely his Laguna de la Trinidad was at or near the place 
known as Half-way bend, where the river is now divided into 
separate channels. Some formation of this sort is a plausible 
explanation of a " laguna," and a place where the river thus 
spreads out would be a natural crossing. As he crosses here, 
we can set him down at this point with considerable confidence 
that we have it about right. See also Font's map, on which 
this first crossing is marked agreeably with the determination I 
here oflFer. 


him to reconnoiter the rancherias; but only that, giv- 
ing him to eat and doing him no harm, they should 
dispatch him forthwith, attempting to make with 
them [i. e., with the Yabipais] neither war nor peace; 
still less should they permit those of their nation to 
give concubines to the Yabipais as had done the 
Cocomaricopas. To the Jamajabs who were present 
I said that they should advise the Yabipais Tejua that 
there were to come soon padres and Espafioles to the 
Cocomaricopas, and that therefore they should re- 
frain from injuring the latter, lest they should make 
themselves enemies of ours. I wondered at the 
whopping lie with which this Cocomaricopa stuffed 
us in the report of the murders, when I learned after- 
ward to the contrary." 

Aug. 14. I crossed the Rio Colorado on a raft and 
traveled half a league southwest, whereupon I ar- 
rived at some rancherias I called (Rancherias) de la 
Asumpcion.^^ This night they robbed me of five 
articles; next day I sent word to the old men on the 
other side, asking them if they allowed that, and 
what would have to say about it all the other nations 

" Admireme de la mentira garrafal que nos emboco el Coco- 
maricopa con la noticia de las muertes pues supe despues habia 
sido al contrario. 

" On the Californian side of the river, nearly opposite Laguna 
de la Trinidad, apparently at or near the place called Granite 
point on Ives' map. This is still a few miles above La Paz. 


through whom I had passed without any such thing 
happening to me. Bestirred themselves thereat the old 
men, and they did operate with such lively diligence 
upon the thieves, that restitution was effected of all 
that which had been stolen, though the cloak did 
come back in rags {volhio heclto pedazos), through no 
fault of theirs. I tarried here the 15th day. 

Aug. 16. I went one league and a half south, with 
some decHnation southeast. 

Aug. 77. I traveled one league in the same direc- 
tions, and halted in a rancheria where there was a 
very great chieftain {un capitano miii principal), who 
bore himself well with us, regaling us with elotes, 
whereof were there many. To this rancheria and to 
all those contiguous I gave the name Lagrimas de 
San Pedro." 

Aug. 18, ip, 20, 21, 22. I traveled five leagues and 
one half southsouthwest, and passed by two ranch- 
erias and some ranchos, detaining myself in the first 
one a day, and on the last of these [i. e., the 22dj 
they passed me on a raft over the river, on whose op- 
posite bank I found a rancheria.^* 

" The tears of St. Peter were shed along the Californian side 
of the river, nearly opposite La Paz and thence downward oppo- 
site Ehrenberg and Mineral City. 

" Crossing back again to the Arizona side of the river, ap- 
parently below Mineral City. 


Aug. 2 J. I went one league and a half south, and 
slept in the last rancherias of the Jalchedun nation.^'' 
I met here certain Yumas, in spite of (sin perjuicio de) 
the three murders of Jalchedunes that these (Yumas) 
had committed a little time before, on account 
of some stolen horses, in the matter of which 
grievance were they already reconciled (compiiestos). 
In all the rancherias of Jalchedunes they assured me 
that, had they wished to fight, already would they 
have gone down to avenge on the Yumas the death 
of their relations, but that certainly they did not now 

" This statement enables us to fix the limits of the tribe with 
considerable precision. These Indians inhabited the Great 
Colorado valley or arable lowland between the Chemehuevis 
valley above and the country of the Yumas below. The valley 
begins above at the point where the Monument mountains 
cease to hem in the river, a few miles below the confluence of 
Bill Williams' river, and extends some 30 miles in air line S. S. 
W., to the point where outliers from the Chocolate mountains 
began to close in upon the river. This is a little below the 
small tributary from the west known as Carroll's creek, in the 
vicinity of the Long bend and Dismal flats. This whole 
stretch is still almost as much of a waste as it was in Garces' 
time, the most notable places on the river being La Paz, Ehren- 
berg, and Mineral City, from two-thirds to three-fourths of the 
way down the valley. The most conspicuous features of the 
country are Riverside mountain and the Halfway mountains, 
approaching the river on the Californian side in the upper half 
of the extent of the great valley; while lower down and further 
away from the river, on the Arizona side, is the Dome Rock 


wish for war; and that though the immediate rela- 
tives of the dead were soHciting some revenge, pubHc 
opinion (el comim) of the nation never consented 
thereto, protesting the estabhshed peace; though from 
their lack of judgment there could be no assurance that 

peace would be maintained. 

Aug. 24. I went four leagues southsoutheast, albeit 

here runs the river southwest.^® Here I was the 25th 
day, having found some Yuma and Jalchedun families 

Aug. 26. I crossed the river ^^ and traveled one half 
league south, and about one west, whereupon I halted 
at a large tank (tanqitc — water-hole) that there is in 
the sierra. In the evening I traveled two leagues 
west and south, and at night five on this course with 
various windings through broken ground. ^^ 

The following day [Aug. 27] I went four (leagues) 

" More nearly south, in the region where the river begins to 
run through the Chocolate mountains; then in passing these 
mountains it begins to veer to a mean S. E. course, and thence- 
forward runs due east, till it turns south with a broad sweep 
past Castle dome and thus bends toward Yuma. 

" His third crossing, this time from the Arizona to the Cali- 
fornia side. 

" Traveling in the vicinity of the Spires, Chimney peak, etc., 
thus getting on his former trail; on which he reaches Yuma 
next day. On his arrival there was no one to welcome the 
wanderer back from his long journey except the Indians; for 
on Anza's and Font's return to Yuma, May 11, with the expedi- 


south unto the Puerto de la Concepcion del Rio Colo- 
rado, as I will now relate. 

Aug. 2/. I arrived at the Puerto de la Concepcion, 
where I was received by the Yuma nation with par- 
ticular pleasure, for they had already mourned me as 
one dead, from another report like that at the Jama- 
jabs. They solicited me that I should not depart 
from their land, in view of the fact that in the follow- 
ing moon, said they, the Espafioles were due to arrive 
{debian ya venir). They also expressed to me their 
grief and emotion, for that the Cocomaricopas, with 
wiles and under cloak of peace, had murdered 
treacherously seven Yabipais Tejua, friends of theirs. 
Here I found out (acabe de conozer) the big lie that the 
Cocomaricopa told me among the Jalchedunes, cited 
on the 1 2th day. I gave them to understand how 
deeply I felt the treachery of the Cocomaricopas, and 
charged it upon Captain Pablo, who was governing 
in absence of Palma, that when he should see the 
Yabipais he should express to them on my behalf my 
sentiments concerning this deed of the Cocomari- 
copas, and (tell them) that I was not going to visit 
them because I had not the wherewithal to regale 

tion from San Francisco, they took Padre Eisarc and Captain 
Palma with them when they went on. May i6: see note ", p. 311. 
The pub. Doc. at this point sums " Total 666 leguas." Beau- 
mont MS. has nothing. 


them, but that I would do so at the coming of the 
Espaiioles to the Pimas Gilenos and to the Rio Colo- 
rado; for I was ever the friend of the Yabipais, and 
the same would be also all the Espaiioles. I added, 
moreover, to the captain, that he should keep the 
peace with the Cocomaricopas and all the rest of the 
neighboring nations. On this occasion I recognized 
the great providence of God in (ordering) that I 
should go not from the Jamajabs to the Yabipais 
Tejua, as all had persuaded me (that I should do), 
inasmuch as through this treachery of the Cocomari- 
copas would I have run the risk of my life. 

The river which the Yumas call JavilP* and we 
Colorado — not, as some think, because its waters be 
always reddened, but it is because, the whole region 
(territorio) being colored, they became tinged in the 
month of April, that in which the snows melt, and 
there are the greatest freshets — is very peculiar, inas- 
much as in all the year it rises and falls more or less, 
but in each case for a long space (of time); it com- 
mences to rise from the last days of February until 
the end of June, and continues to subside (va bajando) 

" Javill is the same word or name that is rendered Hah Weal, 
with addition of the word Asientic, on a sketch map drawn by 
a Yuma Indian for Lieutenant Whipple and pubHshed in the 
P. R. R. Reps., vol. iii, 1856, p. 16, pi. 2, of the Indian report 
by Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, and William W. Turner. 


until the last of December. Its source it draws from 
the septentrional parts, and even in its beginnings 
did they assure me it was full of water (caudaloso). 
This much is certain, that from the Yutas, who are on 
the north of the Moqui, unto its disemboguement in 
the Golfo de Californias, it gathers to itself no notable 
volume of water (caudal); wherefore is it very likely 
that the greater part of its abundance comes from far 
beyond.^" I have not been able to obtain more par- 
ticular information about that, though I have solicited 
it; only that among the Yutas there unite with it two 
small streams {riachuclos),^^ of which the one comes 
from the north and the other from the northeast; and 
among the Yabipais the Rio de San Pedro Jaquesila ^^ 
which, though in times of snow-waters it is of some 
volume, when I passed it was dry {cortado). Among 

^^ Mui adentro — " very much within," sc, the Yuta nation, or 
within those northern parts said; as is very true, considering 
the size of the Grand and the Green, which compose the 

" To what streams Garces here alludes is quite uncertain. He 
can hardly mean by riachuelos the Green and the Grand, which 
compose the Colorado, for these are both great rivers. We may 
rather imagine that his stream from the north is the Rio Virgen 
or Virgin river, which flows south through Utah and a small 
corner of Nevada; and that the one from the northeast is the 
San Juan. 

"Garces' name of the Colorado Chiquito: note ^\ p. 354, 
June 28. 


the Jabesuas falls in the Rio de San Antonio,"'' which 
rather can be called an arroyo than a river. Among 
the Jalchedunes and Jamajabs falls in the Rio de 
Santa Maria/* which also is usually dry. Among the 
Yumas falls in the Gila, which though it is so volu- 
minous, yet is not so all the year. I inquired likewise 
if, on the part of the north and northwest, there 
entered into the Colorado any other; and all answered 
me nay, reducing their information solely to those (riv- 
ers) mentioned. In the parts where I have observed 
this river, only in one can it be forded on horseback, 
and that is at the Yumas, when it goes dow^n; but for 
fording (is it even then) very risky and shifty, as we 
experienced the past year [1775], finding no transit 
where we had crossed it the preceding year [1774]. 
It has copious woods on its banks, with the exception 
of the situations where it flows walled up {encaxonado, 
" cafionated " ) between cliffs; it grows on them wil- 
lows, cottonwoods, mezquites, and screws." It is 

'* Garces' name of Cataract Canon and creek: note ", p. 335, 
and text of June 20, p. 336. 

" Garces' name of Bill Williams' river: note ', p. 419, Aug. 5. 

" The willows of the Colorado bottoms are not well deter- 
mined. The Cottonwood is Populus fremonti. The mesquite is 
Prosopis juliHora, for which another Spanish name is algarroba, 
source of the botanical generic name under which the tree used 
to be classified as Algarohia glandulosa. The tornilla or screw 
mesquite is Prosopis ptibescens. Among various grasses which 


scant of pasturage, though in some stretches is found 
a low grass; it abounds in carrizo, tides, bledos, and 
other tall grasses (sacatones), whose seeds the Indians 
eat. The quality of the soil on its banks is good, ex- 
cept here and there an alkaline piece of ground, so that 
the Indians sow and harvest every kind of grain; and 
the banks of this river being cultivated, and widened 
in some places, not only can it support its own in- 
habitants and those adjacent (havitadores y circunves- 
inos), but also a much larger population. This river 
is as it were a barrier to the Serranos and Yabipais, 
who do not venture to ford it, and on particularly 
necessary occasions the natives cross it on some logs 
{mws palos). Hence may be inferred the little trouble 
the Apaches will cause us, fixing our estabHshments 
on the other side of the river. The nations who in- 
habit from the disemboguement thereof, on one and 
the other side, and in their successive order, are: 
Cucapa; Jalliquamai; Cajuenche; Yuma; Jalchedun; 
Jamajab; Chemeguaba; Yabipai; Payuchas; and 
Yutas. I note that crops only extend up to the 
Jamajabs, for that thence upward the river runs so 
boxed-up (encaxonado) that neither does the ground 
yield anything nor can cultivation be effected; aye. 

Garces proceeds to name we recognize carrizo as Phragmites 
communis, the common cane; tule is any bulrush or species of 
Scirpus; bledo and other zacatones are wholly uncertain. 


even the Indians live distant therefrom. Seek the 
friendship of these nations of the river do all the 
others, as well for their numerousness as for their 
abundant harvests. The Indian men of its banks are 
well-formed, and the Indian women fat and healthy; 
the adornment of the men, as far up as the Jamajabs, 
is total nudity; that of the women is reduced to cer- 
tain short and scanty petticoats of the bark of trees; 
they bathe at all seasons, and arrange the hair, which 
they always wear long (siielto), in diverse figures, util- 
izing for this purpose a kind of gum or sticky mud. 
Always are they painted, some with black, others with 
red (encarnado), and many with all colors. In pass- 
ing from the Jamajabs they are found clothed with 
decency, as well the men as the women. All those 
of the banks of the river are very generous (liverales), 
and lovers of their country, in which they do not hunt 
game because they abound in all provisions. On the 
contrary, from the Jamajabs upward, they subsist upon 
game and forest fruits, for lack of crops. 

The Yumas told me that there had been drowned 
a Spaniard who came up from the Cajuenches and was 
unwilling to wait till the Indians should take him 
across. Among the Quabajais, near the Tulares, I 
had myself known to have passed a Spaniard on foot, 
and who struck out for the sierra; he who could pro- 
ceed to the Cajuenches and be the drowned one. 


The Yumas wished to take me to Caborca,^* but I 
desired rather to return by the same route that I took 
with the expedition. I arrived at the Cocomaricopas, 
where I met many Yumas who were returning to 
their lands. The Cocomaricopas of the Agua Cali- 
ente ^^ told me that they had not concurred in the 
death of the Yabipais Tejua; I praised their inde- 
pendence, saying that they had done well, and coun- 
seling them that even though their relatives should 
call for them they should not go to fight in the lands 
of the Yabipais, inasmuch as they are few and live 
apart (from the others) ; that they should neither per- 
mit that the Yabipais should come to their lands, nor 
themselves should go to the latter's, because such in- 
tercourse (correspondencia) with the Yabipais was not 
to be carried into effect till the Espaiioles should 
come; and that for bartering they could go down to 
the Yumas, but without fighting, even though they 
should encounter (the Yabipais) on the road. The 
Yabipais Tejua do not yet know the lands of the 
Cocomaricopas, with exception of the Rancheria de 
la Pasion de Tucavi.^* 

I continued my journey, visiting the rancherias of 

"In Sonora: the place is fully noted elsewhere. 
"On the Gila: note "', p. 118, Nov. 14, 1775. 
" This name of one of the Cocomaricopa rancherias I presume 
to have been given by Garces on his previous entrada. 


the Opas, who received me with great gusto. I cen- 
sured the treachery committed upon the Yabipais 
Tejua, but also gave them to understand that there 
would be no peace agreed upon until there should 
enter into their lands the Espaiioles and padres, who 
would examine the mind and heart of the Tejua, from 
whom, if they allowed them to enter into their lands 
and explore them, they could fear much.-® The 
treachery of the Cocomaricopas with the Yabipais 
happened in this wise : A Yabipai of peace came 
down to the Cocomaricopas, these receiving him 
with great joy, feasting him, and giving him a 
concubine. Seeing this the Yabipai returned to 
his land and gave notice of it all. Then the Yabi- 
pais, thinking that now they were friends, which 
they desired much, came down, seven of them, to 
the Cocomaricopas. These received them with 
great joy, made a dance to entertain them, and 
therein killed them all treacherously. I have sus- 
pected that this may have been done through 
some evil counsel of the Pimas Gilefios. 

** Literally rendered from the original, which is a model of 
ambiguity. The clause means that from them (Tejuas) if they 
(Opas) allowed them (Tejuas) to enter into their (Opas') lands 
and explore them (these lands), they (Opas) would have much 
to fear — a quienes si dexaban entrar en sus tierras y registrar- 
las podian temer mucho. 


I arrived at the Pimas Gileilos, accompanied by the 
governor of the Cocomaricopas. There was great 
rejoicement, for there had spread thus far the report 
that they (the Moquis) had me killed. The governor 
of the Pimas told me that all the relatives were well 
content, and wishing to make a feast, all the pueblos 
together. I agreed to this, but on condition that it 
should be apart from me, foreseeing in this what 
would come to pass. In a little while I heard that 
they were singing "a heap" (de monton); this was 
stopped presently, but was followed by a great uproar 
of discordant voices, and shouting, in which they 
said, "We are good! We are happy! We know 
God! We are the fellows to fight Apaches! We 
are glad the old man (as they call me) has come, and 
not been killed! " ^° This extravagant shouting (ex- 
orbitante griteria), a thing foreign to the seriousness 
of the Pimas, I knew came from drinking, which pro- 
duced various efifects. Some came and took me by 
the hand, saluting me. One said, '' I am padre de 
Pedro." Another said to me, " Thou hast to baptize 
a child." Another, " This is thy home — betake not 
thyself to see the king, nor to Tucson." Others 

'" „ Nosotros estamos buenos, estamos contentos, conozemos 
a Dios, somos gente para pelear con los Apaches, nos alegramos 
por que ha venido el viejo, (asi me nombran) y no lo han 
muerto „ — 


made the sign of the cross, ^^ partly in Spanish; so that 
though I felt very angry at such general drunkenness, 
there did not fail me some gusto to hear the good ex- 
pressions into which they burst, even when deprived 
of reason. The next day I complained of these ex- 
cesses to the governor, who told me that it only hap- 
pened a few times and in the season of saguaro,^^ and 
adding that it made his people vomit yellow and kept 

'^ " Se persinaban " in copy, obviously for se persignaban. 

" Otherwise sahiiaro, etc., also pitahaya, petahaya, etc., the 
giant cactus or candelabra cactus, altogether the most conspicu- 
ous arborescence in many parts of New Mexico, Arizona, So- 
nora, and California. Its most frequent botanical name is 
Cereus giganteus, bestowed by Dr. Geo. Engelmann of St. Louis, 
first printed in 1858 on p. 158 of Emory's Reconn. of 1846-47; 
but this is far from being its earliest designation. I doubt not 
the history of the plant could be traced back to the very 
earliest Spanish records. Modern descriptions and figures are 
innumerable; aside from botanical accounts, such as Engel- 
mann's in the Mex. Bound. Surv. Reports, a good notice may be 
read in Bartlett, Nam, ii, 1854, pp. 188-193, fig. on p. 189. The 
Pimas and other Indians make a kind of fig-paste of the fruit, 
also a sort of molasses, besides the intoxicating drink Garces 
mentions. Salvatierra says, that the petahaya months among 
some Indians " resemble the carnival in some parts of Europe, 
when men are in a great measure stupefied or mad. The natives 
here, also, throw aside what little reason they have, giving 
themselves up to feastings, dancings, entertainment of the 
neighboring rancherias, buffooneries, and comedies, such as 
they are; and in these whole nights are spent to the high diver- 
sion of the audience." It should be observed, regarding the 
two names saguaro and pitahaya, that both are applied by some 


them in good health.'^ What most pleased me was 
to see that no woman got drunk; instead of which I 
)saw many of them leading by the bridle the horse 
upon which her husband was mounted, gathering up 
' at the same time the clothes and beads that the men 
scattered about, in order that none should be lost. 

Finally I arrived at my mission of San Xavier del 
Bac the 17th day of September of the year 1776: for 
which did I give and still do I give infinite thanks to 
God and to all my celestial patrons by whose favor 
and intercession I succeeded in escaping from every 
ill. Leagues 698^. 

writers to Ceretis giganieus, and that each is also used of diflfer- 
ent species. Thus the author of the Rudo Ensayo, p. 149, uses 
" pitahaya " of a small Sonora cactus, with " stalks as thick as 
a large wax taper," evidently not meaning the giant cactus; and 
adds on the next page that the " saguaro " is larger, and found 
only in the highlands of the Pimas. In my own Arizona 
travels, I heard both names used indiscriminately of the unmis- 
takable giant of those rocky fastnesses. 

^ Clause turned a little from — y anadio asi bomitan amarillo los 
Parientes y qued^ el cuerpo bueno. 




Although I have given in the Diary some account 
of the nations whom I have seen, and of others of 
whom I have been informed, all these being many and 
wide-spread, yet for this very reason is its disorder 
the greater; neither have I been able to explain my- 
self properly, nor even when I could treat day by day 
to some extent of that which I saw, heard, or experi- 
enced, could I do so with particularity, it happening 
to me at every step to verify in a succeeding nation 
that which in the preceding one I had not under- 
stood or had doubted. Furthermore, having been 
twice in some nations, time and circumstances 
have multiplied the accounts and elucidated informa- 
tion. I have not had an interpreter for every nation, 
but I am confident of having comprehended their 
reports well enough; for, whenever they desired to 
know whence I came and whither I was going (mi 
origeti y camino), they seated themselves on the 
ground and with a little stick drew a map, upon 


which they wished that the matter should be ex- 
plained; and, as I also availed myself of the same 
means of answering them and questioning them, so 
could I not be left in doubt of the points of the com- 
pass, of the nations, of their situations, and by signs 
quite plain, of their friendship or hostility, style of 
dress, and other characteristics. Of the same means 
I availed myself to improve upon my information of 
the most distant (nations) in all directions; that In- 
dians are naturally very intelligent is confirmed by 
repeated experiences, in which they never err, and 
anyone can rely in every respect upon what they 

These and other considerations have impelled me to 
complement with these Reflections the principal mat- 
ters of my Diary concerning all the information that 

^ The construction of this sentence seems to me involved, and 
I may not have translated it literally, though the sense appears 
clear. Its stands thus: " De este mismo medio me valia para 
adelantar las noticias de las mas distantes por todos rumbos, en 
lo que son mui inteligentes los Indios a lo natural confirmado 
con repetidas experiencias, en que nunca yerran, y puede fiarse 
qualquiera en el particular por lo que ellos dezen." Supposing 
that I have given the sense of the passage with substantial accu- 
racy, I think Garces overconfident in what he says, for two 
reasons: first, he may not always have understood what the 
Indians tried to tell him; and secondly, Indians are notorious 
adepts in parrying questions and throwing one off the track 
when they wish to do so. 



I have acquired, touching at the same time upon 
other points which seem to me to be required. 


Number of Nations and of Souls that 1 have visited, and 
of those of which I have had notification. 

Nations. Souls. 

Papaga, .... 3000 

Pima, 2500 

Cocomaricopa, . . 2500 B. 





Cucapa, . . 

. . 3000 \ 

Jalliquamay, . 

. . 2000 > C. 


. . 3000 ) 

Yuma, . . , 

. . 3000)g 
. . 2500 5 


Jamajab, . . 

. . 3000 B* 





I note that the nations comprehended under the 
very same letter have the very same language, and 
those underneath the very same letter with the aster- 
isk differ in some terms, being different in all from 
those comprehended under a different letter. From 
the Jamajab nation upward the Rio Colorado comes 
through profound caxones, wherefore do the Indians 
live distant therefrom. Those that I saw and of 
which I had information are the following: 





Chemegue, . . . 
Chemeguc Cuajala, 
Chemegue Sevinta, 
Chemeg^aba, . . 



Payuchas and Yutas, 
Jaguallepai, . . . 
Yabipai Cajuala, 



Yabipai Cuercomache, j 
Yabipai Jabesua, . . J 
Yabipai Muca, or Oraibe, FG 

On the north of the Rio Colorado I had informa- 
tion were Hving the following nations: 






I. [No letter affixed.] 



Those who inhabit the Sierra de California by the 
contiguities of the Rio Colorado and New Establish- 
ments of Monte-Rey, between which they have their 
abode or wander about {tmven sit asiento 6 vague- 
acion), are the following: 

Cuneil ; bounded by San Diego and by the disembogue- 

ment H. 

Quemaya ; bounded by San Diego and by the Jalliqua- 

mais, Cajuenches, and Yumas, I. 

rjecueche ; extends to the first Jalchedunes and to the 

I Puerto de San Carlos, J. 

-t Jenigueche ; bounded by the Jalchedunes and Santa Anna J. 
I Beneme ; bounded by San Gabriel and Santa Clara, and 
(^ by the Chemeguabas and Jamajabs, , . . .J. 


CuabajAi ; extends to the canal [de Sta. Barbara] and on 
the East to the Cobajis, J* 

Noche ; extends beyond San Luis [Obispo], and on the 
East to the Cobajis K 

Cobaji ; extends on the East to the Chemegue and on the 
West to the Noches, L. 

The space between the Rios Colorado and Gila is 
all occupied by the Yabipais. To the south of the 
Moqui is all Yabipais, noting that the name Yabipais 
is the same as Apaches; from which may be inferred 
how extensive is the territory that this nation occu- 
pies. Also I note that the number of souls is un- 
marked (senalado es corto), inasmuch as never could I 
succeed in seeing the whole nation. For those that 
I mark no number of souls, it is because I was only 
in the nearest (primeras) rancherias, or because I met 
the Indians in other nations, as happened to me with 
the Serranos and others; but I infer from their reports 
and from others I have obtained that they are neither 
so numerous nor restricted to so small a district as 
those of the Rios Colorado and Gila. Let it be borne 
in mind {tengase presente) also that in the names I set 
down there may be variation, seeing that the Indians 
call by different names one and the same nation, as 
I have observed in the case of the Jamajabs, whom 
the Jalchedunes and Cocomaricopas call Cuesninas ' 

' It is notable to find Garces speaking of the Mojaves by the 
name he uses, for this is almost invariably applied to the Hava- 


or Cuisnurs, howbeit (siendo asi que) the other na- 
tions give them the name of Jama jabs. To the Yabi- 
pais the Pimas Gileiios give the name of Taros or 
Nifores;^ the Jamajabs call them Yabipais, and the 
Espanoles call them Apaches. Finally, I have learned 
that the dominant nations, and the most warlike of 
all are, with preference for their order, the following : 
On the Rio Gila, the Pima; on the Colorado, the 
Yuma, Jalchedun, and Jamajab; and the rest in the 
order antecedently collocated. No vestiges of relig- 
ion * have I found in any of these nations ; that which 

supai of Cataract canon; regarding whom, see a note beyond, 
under Point 7. 

^ Nifores may have been a general or collective name used by 
the Pimas for the wild tribes living north of them, otherwise 
called Yabipais; but it is certain that Nifores is a term which 
has been used in a different sense from that here implied. For 
example, I cite a passage in Font's Diary, folio 325. Font is 
detailing one of his grievances against Ansa, in the matter of 
the number of interpreters, and says that Ansa put down an 
interpreter " of the nation Nixora, and there is no such nation, 
for in Pimeria are called Nixoras those Indians whom the 
nations beyond capture in their wars among themselves, and 
whom the Yumas and Papagos afterward bring to Altar and 
•^ other places to sell as captives or slaves, of whatever nation 
they may be." Also, if we refer back to the scene of Garces' 
murder (p. 22), we find that it was a " Nifora " among the 
Yumans who instigated that foul deed. 

* Garces must have had some strictly orthodox or otherwise 
professional notions about idolatry, or else he did not see very 
far into the religious cults of the Indians. They had an elabo- 


I have seen is only some sorcerers, and no doubt they 

rate system of dogma, ritual, and priestcraft, the difference 
between which and that of Garces' church was simply the dif- 
ference between an Indian and a Spaniard. The underlying 
principle was the same, on the Colorado as on the Tiber, in 
Arizona as in Rome. 

The unanimity with which the padres, both Jesuit and Fran- 
ciscan, disclaimed idolatry among their Indians is to me incom- 
prehensible; sometimes I think I do not know what they mean 
by " idolatry." For if there is a basic fact in Indian religion, 
it is reverence for sacred symbols or fetiches of the most con- 
crete material sort; just as the Catholics make fetiches of cruci- 
fixes and other images or paintings, strings of beads, bits of 
bread, sups of wine, and other objects, so do the Indians of their 
carvings and paintings of various things, bits of wood or bone, 
stones, feathers, hairs, seeds, etc. Where is the difference? Yet 
the Rudo Ensayo says, with comical naivete, p. 171: "A favor- 
able characteristic of all the nations which people the Province 
of Sonora, even including the Seris and Apaches, is that they 
neither have been nor are at present idolaters; nor have they 
any inclination to become so. Thus far no trace has been 
found at all of such a worship or adoration — no idols or 
objects which would indicate that such a thing had existed up 
to the present time. The only devotion that has been observed 
is one to the Devil, and this is rather caused by fear and stupid- 
ity than by inclination. I am led to believe this because in all 
the ranches or villages there has always been one or more 
sorcerers; at least they are called so; and these have ever been 
suspected and feared on account of the belief that they can do 

" I said that at least they are called so, because I cannot be 
persuaded to think that there have been real sorcerers among 
the Indians, and this for many reasons, ist, Because the mis- 
chief they do is very little, considering the insatiable fury of the 


have their superstitions (abusiones) ; but I persuade 
myself that among them there is no formal idolatry. 

Devil towards man. 2nd, All that is done in the way of charms 
is such that it can be explained by natural causes. 3d, Should 
the Indians have had any intercourse with the Devil, there 
would be a name for him in their language. But it is a fact 
well known to all persons acquainted with the language spoken 
in this Province, that there is no such name. We may, there- 
fore, come to the conclusion that the enemy of mankind was 
unknown to the heathen nation." 

All of which is vastly diverting to an initiate in the mysteries 
of the churches, and to one who knows as well as I do that his 
religion is the last thing an Indian wnll reveal to a white man. 
Very likely the Indians had no such " sorcerers " as they found 
the missionaries to be, after enforced conversion to sorcery of 
another variety! Perhaps they never knew the Spanish Diablo 
or El Demonio till they heard his name. But sorcery was their 
religion, as of a truth it was that of the missionaries, and they 
had plenty of devils of their own, while the missionaries could 
boast of but one. 

'* Point of view " makes a great difference. Take for exam- 
ple the Christian and heathen practice of praying for rain. The 
Rudo Ensayo, p. 173, says: "The Opatas had retained, until 
lately, among others a very curious custom. A number of 
girls, dressed in white or simply wearing a chemise, would come 
out at night to dance in a place previously well swept and em- 
bellished, leaving behind them, in the house from which they 
came, their musicians, who consisted of old men and women, 
making a noise with hollow gourds, sticks, and bones. This 
ceremony was called ' invoking the clouds,' for they performed 
it in times of drought, fully believing that in consequence of this 
performance the clouds would stop and sprinkle their fields. 
With God's help, however, this incantation became known to 
the Missionary Fathers in spite of the secrecy with which it was 



Amities and Enmities. 

At the present time ^ we must suppose at peace all 
the nations which inhabit the banks of the Rios Gila 
and Colorado, with the others adjoining (colaterales) 
except the Yabipais Tejua, who in some way have re- 
mained enemies of the Pimas and Cocomaricopas 
Gilehos; but as it is not possible to rely with confidence 
upon a state of things so unstable (pero como no 
se piiede contar sohrc segitro con ajuste tan de 

held; and being shown their evident delusion, the abuse was 
stopped." But why was this considered a delusion and an 
abuse, unless the padres wanted a monopoly of the business of 
praying for rain? Nothing is more orthodox or commoner 
than for Christians of all sects to invoke heaven for rain and 
all other sorts of favors. Did the padres fear that the Indian 
ceremonial of incantation might be not less efficacious than 
their own? Indeed they were too firm believers in their 
own powers of causing vapor to condense from the clouds, 
" with God's help," to imagine for a moment that the heathen 
could have anything like the same ability. Yet this ability, or 
disability, was identical in the two cases — Arcades ambo! But 
an Indian was never known to dance for rain and not get it, 
because he continued to dance till it came, if he had to dance /, 
all summer; in which respect his religion was superior to that 
of the missionaries. 
' En el dia de hoy — literally, " in the day of to-day." 



paso), it will not be out of place to particularize 
the former friendships and hostilities whose effects 
still continue to smolder.^ In the first place, the 
Cucapa have always been friends of the Cuneiles 
who extend to the sea, and enemies of the Papa- 
gos who live on the coast of the Golfo de Cali- 
fornia,^ as also of the Jalliquamais and Cajuenches. 
The Jalliquamais and Cajuenches have always pre- 
served friendship with the Quemaya of the sierra who 
extend to the rancherias of San Diego, as also with the 
Jalchedunes; and have been enemies of the Yumas 
and Papagos of the seacoast (marina). The Yumas 
have always been on good terms with the Jamajabs, 
Yabipais Tejua, and Papagos of Sonoitac and of the 
seacoast; and have waged open (viva) war with the 
Jalchedunes, Cocomaricopas, Pimas Gilefios, with all 
the nations down the river, and with the Jequiches of 
the sierra. The Jalchedunes have always been well dis- 
posed toward the Cocomaricopas, the Pimas Gilefios, 
and all the nations that there are from the Yumas 
downward, as also toward the Papagos of the north, 

* Pero como ne se puede contar sobre seguro con ajuste tan 
de paso no sera fuera de proposito individuar las amistades, 
6 enemestades antiguas cuyos efectos aun se ven todavia 

'The scholiast notes in the margin: " De esta parte de aca 
con Sonora," »'. e., on the Sonoran side of the Gulf of 


toward all the Yabipais excepting the Yabipais Tejua, 
and likewise toward the Jeqiiiches and Jenigueches 
of the sierra who extend to the sea; being unable ever 
to reconcile themselves with their enemies the Jama- 
jabs, the Yabipais Tejua, the Chemeguet, and the 
Yumas. The Jamajabs have been always united with 
the Yumas, with the Yabipais Tejua of the other side 
of the river, and with all the nations that there are as 
far as San Gabriel and San Luis (Obispo), and with 
the Chemeguet who inhabit the Rio Colorado on the 
side of the northwest and north ; and have been in arms 
against all the Yabipais, including the pueblo of Orai- 
be and excluding the Tejua, and against the Jalche- 
dunes, Jenigueches, and Jecuiches. The Pueblo of 
Oraybe holds and has held as friends all the Yabi- 
pais who dwell between the Colorado and Gila, ex- 
cepting the Tejua and certain Yutas who inhabit 
those contiguities; the rest of the pueblos of Mo- 
qui, the missions of New Mexico, the Yabipais or 
Apaches of the south, who are those who infest these 
provinces; and their (i. e., Oraibes') enemies are the 
Yabipais Tejua, the Yutas of the Colorado, the Yu- 
mas, the Chemeguabas, the Jamajabs, the Pimas 
Gilefios, and the Cocomaricopas. The Yabipais 
whom I visited on the road to Moqui hold for friends 
those of the pueblo of Oraybe, the Jalchedunes, 
Chemeguabas, Cocomaricopas, Pimas, Yutas, Baqui- 


ovas, Yabipais Lipanes, and the Yabipais Natage;® 
and their enemies are the Yabipais Tejua, the Jama- 
jabs, and the Yumas, and further, on good grounds 
(con mucho fundamento) can I say that these Yabi- 
pais are also enemies of New Mexico.^ The Yabi- 
pais Tejua are friends of the Yumas, of the Jamajabs, 
of the Chemeguabas, of the Yabipais Natage, and of 
the Yabipais Gileiios; ^° and are enemies of the Jalche- 
dunes, of the Pimas Gilefios, of the Cocomaricopas, 
of the Yabipais of above, and of Oraibe. The Che- 
meguaba nation is friendly to the Yutas and to all the 
Yabipais including the Tejua, as also to all the nations 
of the west; it is hostile to the Comanches, to the Jal- 
chedunes, and to the Moqui. Those of the Rio Gila 

* Yabipais Natage = wild Natage or Nataje Apache — a divi- 
sion of the Lipan or of the Llanero of Texas and New Mexico, 
according to varying authorities; more probably of the Lipan, 
who have doubtless been included in the collective term 
Llaneros, i. e., "plains people" or "plains Indians," the Apaches 
Vaqueros of other writers, the Querechos of Coronado's narra- 
tors (1541). The Natage or Nataje are now known only by the 
name, which according to Gatschet is probably derived from 
no^to^, nante, or na^tan, " chief." See note ^* beyond. — F. W. H. 

"The scholiast notes in the margin: " Se sabe esto por las 
hostilidades del Nuevo Mexico " — the actual hostilities in New 
Mexico warranted Garces' statement. 

^"Yabipais Gilefios are the Apaches of the Gila: see the 
Apache note beyond. Here as elsewhere it is evident that 
Garces applied the term Yabipais to any and all " wild " In- 
dians. It is no more specific than Chichimecos. 


are all friends of one another and of the Jalchedunes, 
but enemies of the Tejua and Apaches. 

In this array {convinacion) of nations is evidenced 
how necessary it is for the arms of our king and lord 
to subdue and rule over all the Rio Colorado, in order 
to render permanent the establishments of Monterey 
and elsewhere, the nations of this river being con- 
nected as they are therewith; for if these (nations) of 
the Colorado prove to be hostile to us and betake 
themselves to join those of those establishments, the 
latter will be unable to subsist without great expense 
to the royal exchequer; and on the other hand it may 
be taken into account that whatever is expended in 
ruling over the Rio Colorado serves also to lighten 
the burden of the subsistence of those missions; and 
though the Serranos may remain beyond this domina- 
tion, they are not a nation capable of doing anything 
worthy of being feared, especially as, whenever it 
might be necessary, through an insurrection or for 
any other reason, it would be easy and handy to send 
help from the Rio Colorado, and conversely. There 
may also be seen in the aforesaid array the connection 
or relation that the Apaches who infest these prov- 
inces maintain with all the nations beyond {de aden- 
tro); and they being friends, as just said, of the Yabi- 
pais Tejuas, as these are of the Chemeguabas who live 
on the other side of the river, there is also clearly seen 


what a grand and safe refuge they (Apaches) have 
among them (Tejuas and Chemeguabas) after their 
robberies, and how difficult it becomes on this account 
to subdue them. 


Nations who are most ready to receive the catechism 
and render vassalage to our sovereign; and Mis- 
sions which among them all can he most readily 

All the nations who inhabit the Rios Gila and 
Colorado, and as far as the Jamajab inclusive, have 
manifested very particular affection (partictdarisimo 
afecto) for the Espanoles, as already said in the Diary; 
whom and whose ministers it appears to me they will 
receive with good grace. The missions which for 
their catechism become necessary are: In the Cucapa 
nation, two; one at Las Llagas, and the other at the 
Laguna de San Matheo. In the Jalliquamai nation, 
one, in the situation of Santa Rosa, on this side of the 
river. In the Yuma nation, two; one at San Pablo, 
and the other at Puerto de la Concepcion. In the 
Jalchedun nation, two; one at San Pedro, and the 
other at San Antonio. In the Jamajab nation, two; 
one at Santa Isabel, and the other at La Pasion. For 
the Rio Gila: In the Pima nation, two; one at San 


Juan de Capistrano, and the other at La Encarnacion. 
In the Cocomaricopa nation, two; one at San Simon 
y Judas de Vpasoitac, and the other at San Diego de 
Uitorrum." In the Papago nation, one at least at 
Sonoitac, and by good providence another at Ati." 


Presidios Necessary. 

The necessary presidios, number of their soldiers, 
and collocation that they are to have, are at the ex- 
clusive disposition of the superior government; but 
if my opinion is worth anything, it is this: On the sup- 
position that the king our lord has allowed two 
presidios, one for the Rio Gila and the other for the 
Colorado, each of these being of fifty men, there could 
be founded under their protection two missions on 
each river; and if on the Colorado it be desired to 

" Of all these missions which Garces proposed for the Colo- 
rado and Gila rivers, the only ones actually founded were the 
two among the Yumas, at Concepcion and San Pablo respect- 
ively, as already sufficiently indicated in the biography of 
Garces and elsewhere in this work. All the localities here in 
mention have also been duly noted in earlier portions of the 

" Sonoita or Sonoitac has already been repeatedly mentioned' 
in this work. Ati was a place in Pimera Alta, on Rio Altar, 
between Tubutama and Altar; it appears as At on my blue print 
of a copy of Font's map, and elsewhere as Adi or Addi. 


found Others, these being from the Yumas downward, 
it seems to me expedient that each presidio have ten 
men more, which I consider necessary for the guard 
(escolta — escort) of the missions — that is, for each one 
which may be founded. The reason is, because all 
these nations are numerous, powerful, and warlike, 
and in all parts have friends; and if we have to secure 
this river properly (segun conviene), this must be done 
with an adequate force (gente suHciente). This guard 
of ten men indicated for each mission ought to be al- 
ways therein, and the captain be not allowed to decrease 
it or give it any other destination; and when they 
may be no longer considered necessary, let them vacate 
the premises as a relief to (baquen las plazas d fabor 
de) the royal coffers, or with them may be founded 
other missions. It appears to me also proper that all 
these men of the guard be married, in order that with- 
out hindrance may be accomplished the cause of God. 
Also am I of opinion that as far as may be possible, 
both the presidio and the missions be founded on the 
other side of the river, since with this defense (balu- 
arte — bulwark) would be secured from the Apaches the 
horses and cattle; these do not know how to swim, 
nor, according to the foregoing suppositions, will 
there be anyone to drive them across the river, and 
consequently there cannot be experienced there that 
which to such great grief is experienced now in these 


provinces. This precaution may not be held useless, 
since from all that I have seen and heard I have 
formed an idea that the Apache, though it is not a 
very numerous nation, is to be dreaded for the great 
refuge that it possesses, as I have said in Point 2, in 
the country of its friends and of its own, beyond the 
Rio Colorado toward the north. All those whom I 
designate by the name of Yabipais are in reality 
Apaches. Also have they a great refuge and dispatch | 
for the horse-herds they steal, in Moqui; for, as I | 
have said, those of the Pueblo de Oraibe have friend- | 
ship with the Yabipais Nabajay,^^ who are those who j 
infest these lands. Considering, therefore, all these 
arguments and circumstances, I have held for an 
effectual means of subduing the Apache that which 
now I set forth in the following Point : 


How to subdue the Apuche}^ 

From all that has been said it is inferred, and it can 
be clearly seen on the map, that Moqui is not so far 

" This is another instance of the comprehensiveness with 
which the author uses the term Yabipais, it being here extended 
to include the Navajos. 

"Apache, from the Cuchan (Yuma) apa, man; ahwa, war. 


distant as has been presumed from the Pimas Gilenos. 

On the supposition, then, that, as I said, our sover- 

fight, battle; tche, the nominal suffix of the plural = Apahuatche, 
contracted to Apache, hostile man, warrior, etc. Owing to the 
comprehensiveness of the term, it having been applied since 
early historic times to many warlike tribes regardless of their 
affinity, it would be difficult to determine just which Indians 
were meant under Garces' designation of " Apache " had not 
Don Jose Cortes, an officer of the Spanish royal engineers, 
stationed evidently at one of the Sonoran presidios a quarter 
of a century later, left a MS. that clears up the point. This 
document, dated 1799, is in the Peter Force collection in the 
Library of Congress, but a considerable extract from it, trans- 
lated by the scholarly Buckingham Smith, appears as chap, vii, 
part iii, pp. 118-27, of Whipple's Pacific Railroad Report, vol. iii 
(H. R., 33d Cong., 2d Sess., Ex. Doc. 91), Washington, 1856. 
Cortes says: " The Spaniards understand by Apache nation the 
Tonto Indians, the Chiricagiiis, Gileiios, Mimbreiios, Tara- 
cones, Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, and Navajos. All these 
bands are called by the generic name of Apache, and each of 
them governs itself independently of the rest. There are other 
tribes, to whom it is usual to give the same name, such as the 
Xicarilla Indians." These divisions may be analyzed as fol- 
lows: (i) Tonto (Span, "foolish," "stupid," so called "from 
their notorious imbecility "). The name has been almost inex- 
tricably confused by authors and has been applied: (a) to a tribe 
of the Yuman family (also called Apache Yuma, Gohun, Kohun, 
Quejuen), since 1875 settled on the San Carlos reservation, 
Arizona; best designated as the Tulkepaia; (b) to an Athapascan 
tribe well known as the Pinal Coyotero (properly the Deldje, 
Red Ant, or Red Earth people) ; (c) to the Pinaleiio or Pinal 
Apache (properly the Tchi-kun); (d) to a body of Indians 
mostly Yavapai (Yuman) men and Pinalefio (Athapascan) 
women who have intermarried. At the time of Garces they 


eign monarch has allowed a presidio for the missions 
which will be founded on the banks of this river: it is 

ranged over the country occupied by the Tonto basin and Pinal 
mountains in central Arizona. (2) Chiricahua (from ts'ihl or 
tsil, mountain; kawa, great). Their own name is Aiha, Aiaha, 
or Haya-a, but they have been variously termed Apaches Bron- 
cos, Cochise Apaches (from their chief's name), Chericahui, 
Chigui-cagui, Chilecago, Chile Cowe, Chilicagua, Chiricagiii, 
Chiriguai, Chirikahwa, Chirocahue, Cochees, etc., etc. The 
band took its name from its mountainous habitat, the Sierra 
Chiricahua in southeastern Arizona, although they frequently 
ranged to the Gila, and throughout the neighboring territory 
of northern Chihuahua. (3) Gilefios; so called from their hab- 
itat, the Rio Gila. Some writers have divided them into the 
Coyoteros, Mogollones, Tontos Mimbrenos, Chiricahuas, and 
Pinaleiios; in other words they were the outlying bands of vari- 
ous Apache divisions, especially the Mogollon and Mimbreiio, 
residing on or near the Gila. They are the Apaches de Xila of 
Benavides (1630), the Jilenos, Coppermine Apaches, Gilans, 
Mangus Colorado's band. Southern Apache, and Xileiios of 
other writers, and the Yavipais-Gilefios of Garces. (4) Mim- 
brefio: formerly a numerous band which took its name from 
the Mimbres (Sp. willows) mountains over which they gen- 
erally roamed in southern New Mexico and northern Chihua- 
hua. Their own name, according to Orozco y Berra and Escu- 
dero, is Iccu-jenne or Yecujen-ne. Others have called them 
Membrenos, Miembres, Mimbres, Mimbrenas, and Mimvres. 
(5) Taracone. More generally called Faraone, an Apache divi- 
sion whose name alone survives. Orozco y Berra says their 
Apache name is Yuta-jenne, which would suggest the name 
Uta or Ute. Under the names Faraone, Taracone, Pharaona, 
etc., they roamed over southeastern New Mexico, between the 
Pecos and the Rio Grande, and as far south as the present Mexi- 
can boundary. Early writers regarded them as more closely 


my Opinion, with due deference to a better one {salvo 
otro mejor), that this presidio should be located in the 

allied to the Jicarilla than to any other Apache division, and 
it is not unlikely that they were absorbed by the Jicarilla and 
Mescalero. (6) Mescalero (from mescal, a cactaceous product 
made into bread and used by these and other tribes). They 
occupied the valley of the Pecos in New Mexico and Mexico, 
ranging as far south as the Bolson de Mapimi. They have also 
been termed Mescatera, Mescolero, Mezcalero, Miscalero, Mos- 
calara, Mu-ca-la-moes, Musalero, Muscalaroe, Muskalero, etc. 
Other Apache tribes apply to them the names Na-isha, Na-ishi, 
Na-ishtishe; the Navaho name is Nashkali-dinne. The rem- 
nants of the tribe, numbering 450, are now on the Mescalero 
reservation in southeastern New Mexico. 7. Llaneros, i. e., 
People of the Plains, Plains Indians. Formerly said to be 
a numerous division, but determined by Mooney to be in real- 
ity only a division of the Mescalero, with whom they have evi- 
dently been consolidated. The Llanero band ranged the plains 
eastward of the Mescalero habitat proper, between the lower 
Pecos and lower Rio Grande. Like the names Gilefio, Mim- 
breno, Taracone or Faraone, the term Llanero, as applied to a 
geographical division of the Apache, is known only in history. 
8. Lipan. From Ipa-nde (tide =^ men, people), their own 
name; also called by various writers Gipanes, Lapan, Lapana, 
Lapane, Lee Pani, Lee Pawnee, Lipaines, Lipau, Lipaw, Lip- 
pan, Seepan, Sinapan, etc. ; the Yavipai-Lipanes of Garces. 
They were apparently mentioned for the first time in 1699 
(Margry) as allies of the Comanche. About this time and for 
at least a century later they occupied the region of Texas 
drained by the San Saba and Colorado rivers, being east of the 
Llaneros. In 1805 they were said to have 750 warriors, but the 
population had dwindled to 150 souls in 1840, when their prin- 
cipal habitat was on the Rio Nueces. Later (1856) they were 
ranging the country from Tucumcari creek, along the Canadian 


region intervening between the Pimas Gilefios and 
the Moqui; to which end I find the most suitable 

and occasionally to the Pecos, as well as in Mexico. The prin- 
cipal remnant of the tribe is now in the Santa Rosa moun- 
tains, northern Coahuila; the remaining few are with the 
Mescaleros in New Mexico, and on the Ponca, Pawnee, and 
Otoe reservation in Indian Territory. 9. Navajo or Navaho. 
The name of this important and populous tribe is of doubtful 
origin. It has been suggested that it is derived from the Span- 
ish navaja, a clasp-knife, the term having been applied in allu- 
sion to the tribal sign for the Navaho among the plains Indians, 
which is translated " knife-whetters." Inasmuch as the first 
reference to the tribe, however, is given by a Spaniard (Zarate- 
Salmeron, 1626) under the designation " Apaches de Nabaju," 
this interpretation does not hold. According to Benavides 
(about 1630) the name Navajo signifies sementeras grandes 
("great sowings"), but the reason for such an interpretation is 
involved in doubt, as the Navaho could scarcely have been 
regarded as an agricultural tribe at that time. During the first 
200 years of Spanish exploration in New Mexico the Navaho 
were not mentioned. Indeed the Apache were not mentioned 
until 1598 (Onate), although New Mexico had been scoured by 
Coronado and his subordinates, by Chamuscado, Espejo, and 
others prior to Ofiate's time. The Navaho early came into pos- 
session of sheep, which required them to lead a semi-sedentary 
life and thus to remain in practically the same area, which they 
have occupied since known to history. The present Navaho 
reservation, in northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Ari- 
zona, practically covers their earliest habitat. The tribe num- 
bers about 20,500. The most important work on this tribe is 
Matthews' " Navaho Legends," Boston and New York, 1897. 
10. Xicarilla; better known under the more modern form 
Jicarilla; also called by various writers Gicarillas, Icarilla, 
Icharilla, licarrillas, Jacarilla, Jecorilla, Jicara, Jicarillo, Jic- 


(place to be) on the Rio de la Asumpcion or in such 
of its vicinity as may be within the Tejua nation. 
This presidio would very suitably consist of 50 cui- 
rassiers {soldados de citera), 80 dragoons, and 50 con- 
victs — and if more, so much the better. In this way, 
and in this situation of good pasturage, can be fur- 
nished the guard necessary for the missions which 
may be founded on the Rio Gila. I regard this presi- 
dio as a formidable defense (antemurdl) against the 
Apaches; for when they, harassed by our arms, may 
seek to retreat to our — I mean to their — lurking 

carilla, Jickorie, Ticorilla, etc., from xicara, a cup-shaped basket, 
from the Aztec xicara, a cup; so called on account of the small 
baskets which they made. These were the northernmost divi- 
sion of the Apache, being regarded as the northern stem of the 
Faraones or Apaches Vaqueros. Their principal habitat was 
northeastern and northern New Mexico and southeastern Colo- 
rado, about the headwaters of the Arkansaw and Canadian and 
the upper Rio Grande. They are now on a reservation in 
northwestern New Mexico, where they number 853. — F. W. H. 
" How to subdue the Apache " when we took possession of 
New Mexico and Arizona in 1846 was as serious a question as 
it had been in Garces' time; and it was not settled till General 
Crook finally accomplished the task, after these Indians had 
devastated much of the country for nearly 30 years after we ac- 
quired it. It is interesting to note that one of the means to 
this end which Garces recommended was the establishment of 
a presidio on Rio de la Asumpcion — precisely the measure 
which our government took when it planted Fort Verde on the 
river of that name. I was post surgeon there in 1881, and know 
how important a military establishment this one had been. 


places," they have to encounter it, and to sustain 
great injury at httle cost to its garrison; it will also 
prevent them from going to their friends the Tejua 
who, intimidated by the strength of this presidio, 
will abstain from rendering them assistance. I stated 
before in the Diary what these Indians imparted to 
me when I saw them among the Yumas, and also who 
are their friends; from all of which I gather that the 
missions being founded on the Rio Gila and Colorado, 
they will be the only friends left of the Apaches who 
harass us; on which account, recognizing our superior 
forces, I do not doubt that they will be prevailed upon 
to seek rather our friendship. This presidio will be 
able to cut off communication with Oraibe,^^ and by 
this means we can ascertain whether the Moquinos 
and other Yabipais furnish aid to the Apaches, or 
receive a share of our horse-herds; supposing that 
the beasts I saw, as I noted in the Diary, were 
stolen. Also will this presidio serve to open the com- 
munication of these provinces with New Mexico, and 
do away with any occasions for alarm (evitard algunos 

^'^ Literally rendered after the original — " retirar a (nuestras 
madrigueras) digo (a sus madrigueras," etc. Copy does not 
close the last parenthesis. 

" Este presidio podra cortar hasta Oraibe, etc. Here the ex- 
pression cortar hasta seems to be used in the military sense of 
cutting oflf an enemy's communication in a certain quarter. 


sustos) that the missions of the Colorado can have, ef- 
fecting by the respect (it inspires) the result that the 
treaties of peace these nations have celebrated may be 
permanent. Equally well can this presidio serve in 
\ time for the subjection of the Moquis, who at pres- 
ient without it show themselves so insolent. These 
■are the masters (duenos) of the nations in the com- 
^merce they carry on, for the awls, dibbles, hoes, 
knives, leggings of red baize, and certain fabrics, 
which are found in the other nations, all issue from 
Moqui, whereto they come from New Mexico. Fur- 
thermore, according to what the Indian from Zuni 
told me, there comes every year to Oraibe a black- 
smith to make for them awls, knives, and other hard- 
ware. That is the reason why this pueblo holds itself 
very much aloof, refusing to adopt the (Catholic) 
faith, on the pretense that the friendship of the Espa- 
fioles can be said to be feigned, or at least not dis- 
interested, since they abhor the very ones with whom 
they trade.^^ On all which account I say that 

" Causa por que este Pueblo se mantiene mui sobre si resis- 
tiendo el admitir la Fe, con el pretexto de los Espanoles cuya 
amistad se puede decir que es fingida 6 a lo menos interesable 
pues aborrezen a los mismos con quienes comercian. I am not 
sure of my translation, and suspect some misconstruction of the 
clause, con el pretexto de los Espanoles cuya, etc. The pub. Doc. 
has nothing of the sort. The Beaumont MS. reads: ". . . y resiste 
el admitir la fe, con el pretexto de los Espanoles, cuya amistad 


this presidio can well serve the purpose of humiliat- 
ing and subduing them, the gentiles being able {i. e., 
allowed), if we deal with them as the king commands, 
to come for these and other necessary things to the 
presidio; in which they will procure their own advan- 
tage, and we the profits that now (accrue to) the Mo- 
quinos; and if thereupon it may appear expedient to 
prohibit to them the commerce with New Mexico, 
this will be the better reason for them to humble 
themselves and even seek the friendship of the 
Espafioles, to which they are at present so repugnant. 
Not less can this presidio serve to defend the roujte 
that there is, so far as I have seen and gone over it, 
to pass to Monte Rey; for, according to the idea I 
have formed, this will be the most fitting {tnas propor- 
cionado): From Chiguagua ^^ to Janos; from Janos to 

bien se puede dezir, que es fingida, 6 a lo menos interesable,. 
quando comercian con ellos, y los aborrezen." 

" From the city of Chihuahua there was and is a highway to 
the Presidio de Janos via Carmen. Thus far between the two 
points named the way is northward, not far from coincident 
with the railroad. At Carmen it turns northwestward, and 
passes through Galeana, Casas Grandes (not those of Arizona!), 
Barranca, and Corralita, to Janos. Continuing northwest from 
Janos, San Bernardino is reached, almost in the extreme S. E. 
corner of Arizona. The route is thence to the Santa Cruz of 
which Garces speaks, a place not on the present Santa Cruz 
river, but on Rio San Pedro; following down which stream its 
confluence with the Gila is reached at present Dudleyville, about 


San Bernardino; from San Bernardino to Santa Cruz; 
from Santa Cruz to the confluence of the Rios Gila 
and San Pedro; hence to that of the Rio de la 
Asumpcion; from Rio de la Asumpcion to Rio de 
Santa Maria; hence to the Rio Colorado, and by the 
route that I took to the Rio de San Felipe, or crossing 
the sierra through the Chemeguet Cajuala to come 
out upon the same Rio de San Felipe; and if also it is 
wished to cross the Sierra de California, it is possible 
by way of the Jecuiches, or Jenegueches, to reach 
San Gabriel. This conception have I formed on the 
supposition that it will not be possible to succeed in 
what is thus far set forth until our arms cut off retreat 
from the Apache. The Jamajabs assured me that the 
nations of the north possessed horses, and as I noted 
in the Diary I myself saw the trail of the Yabipais 
Tejua that led to the Chemeguabas who live on the 
other side of the Rio Colorado, where it seems to me 
probable there will be brought (baya a parar) a great 
part of the numerous horse-herds that they have 
stolen from us, and that thence they pass beyond. It 

10 miles north of old Camp Grant, in Pinal county. Garces 
would continue this route to the place on the Rio de la Asump- 
cion, or the modern Rio Verde, where he hoped to see the 
presidio established, and thence onward to his Rio de Santa 
Maria, or present Bill Williams' fork of the Colorado; from 
which last river he offers alternative routes in California to 
reach the mission of San Gabriel. 


appears to me that on the Rio de la Asumpcion are 
found situations very suitable for crops; and if not, 
there is immediate recourse to the Gila. Given the 
missions, together with this presidio, and care being 
taken in New Mexico that the Apaches do not lurk 
there, I trust may be greatly furthered the project of 
subduing them entirely. 


Routes which can sei've for the communication of these 
Provinces with New Mexico and Monte-Rey. 

I assume at the outset that for 700 or 1000 men to 
pass there is no road whatever in all that (region) 
which I have seen and gone over; but for a moderate 
outfit (cosa) there is primarily the road which has been 
taken by the two expeditions of these years past. Be- 
sides this, there are the two roads that I put in the 
Diary: that of the going to San Gabriel, and that of 
the return; one and the other are good in the footing, 
and abounding in grass, but both have a scanty 
aguage; may be it can be made more abundant by dig- 
ging and purifying. ^^ The shortest and best way, in 

" Puede ser se haga mas abundante profundisandolo y limpiandolo. 
meaning that the scanty water supply of such an aguage as is 
usually found on these routes can probably be increased suffi- 
ciently by digging such a place deeper and allowing the water 
to settle. 


my Opinion, must be, to proceed from the Rio Gila 
to the Jalchedunes, whence, the river (Colorado) be- 
ing passed, there are at a day's journey the Tinajas de 
San Joseph, abounding in water, and next day to the 
Jecuiches or Danzarines, where they tell me there are 
lagunas with carrizo and no lack of grass of that (sort) 
which the soldiers call galleta; and through here to 
proceed to the Puerto de Sail Carlos; but if it be not 
desired to go by this last, it is possible from the near- 
est Jecuiches to proceed by the skirt of the Sierra Ne- 
vada to the Jenigueches of the same sierra; and f^ni 
these in a day's journey to the Arroyo de losMartires, 
and thence to San Gabriel or San Luis (Obispo) by 
the road that Don Pedro Faxes took; and if even 
this road does not suit (no quadra), there can be taken 
that which I went over. This is what I can say con- 
cerning the communication of Sonora with Monte- 
Rey."** As regards that of New Mexico, it is pos- 
sible to proceed through the Yutas and seek the Rio 
de San Felipe, and down the banks of this will be 
found my road. I doubt not that there may open 
another, better, and shorter than that which I traced 

^^ The tribes and places named in the above paragraph have 
all been noted in the body of the Diary where they came up. 
It will be here recalled that the Puerto de San Carlos is the 
modern San Gorgonio pass through which the railroad goes; 
the Arroyo de los Martires, the Mojave river; and Rio de San 
Felipe, Kern river. 


from Oraibe to the Jalchedunes, for inasmuch as I 
was at the mercy of the Indians I went where they 
took me, though I did not fail to know how rounda- 
bout I was going; but it was necessary for me to be 
careful to give them pleasure, and let them know 
I was not going through their lands for mere curi- 
osity, but to visit them and speak to them of the good 
things. Even more of this will I say under the fol- 
lowing Point: 


On the Reports communicated to Mexico by the Rev. 
Padre Fray Silvestre Veles de Escalante, Minister of 
the Missions of Zurii, year of lyy^. 

One month after having arrived from my journey 
at the Mision de San Xavier del Bac I received a let- 
ter from the most excellent senor viceroy and with 
it a copy of another of the Rev. Padre Fray Silvestre 
Velez de Escalante, dated in New Mexico on the i8th 
of August of aforesaid year,'^ which (letter), though 

"^ As we have seen, p. 440, Garces reached his mission of Bac 
Sept. 17, 1776; so his reception there of Escalante's letter of 
Aug. 18, 1775, with the one from the viceroy, was on or about 
Oct. 17, 1776. To exactly what letter of Escalante Garces here 
refers is uncertain. It cannot have been any report of the fa- 
mous expedition he made with Francisco Atanasio Dominguez 
in New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Arizona, for this began 


they sent it to me to the Rio Colorado, they had to 
bring back, for I had already set forth for above (up 

July 29, 1776, at Santa Fe, and ended there Jan. 2, 1777; and 
we observe by the heading of Point 7, above, that Garces is 
referring to some Escalante writings of 1775. What he means 
may be the same as or similar to the report cited by Bancroft, 
Hist. Ariz, and N. M., p. 261, as of date Oct. 28, 1775, entitled: 
Informe y Diario de la Entrada que en junio 1775 hizo en la 
provincia de Moqui, MS., in N. Mex. Doc. 1022-57, and also 
without title, ibid., 951-84; followed ibid., 985-1013, by Escalante's 
Carta de 1776 sobre Moqui. As well as I can judge, being thus 
somewhat in the dark, the subject of Garces' criticisms in the 
above text is Escalante's report of his visit to the Moquis in 
June, 1775, when, as said by Bancroft, /. c, " he spent eight days 
in the Moqui towns, trying in vain to reach the Rio Grande 
de Cosninas beyond. In a report to the governor [Mendi- 
nueta] he gave a description of the pueblos — where he found 
7,494 souls, two thirds of them at Oraibe, in seven pueblos on 
three separate mesas — and his ideas of what should be done. 
He earnestly recommended — subsequently writing to his su- 
perior a long argument in support of his proposition — that the 
Moquis should be reduced by force of arms, and a presidio 
established there. The Moquinos, he said, were well disposed, 
but their chiefs had determined not to give up their power, not 
only keeping their own people from submission, but the Cos- 
ninas as well, who were eager to be Christians." From all of 
which it is obvious that Escalante was not only an orthodox 
Spanish ecclesiastic, but also what would be called to-day an 
expansionist and an imperialist, who proposed to evangelize 
and civilize the Moquis by the methods of militarism we are 
now applying to the Filipinos, with the approval of the jingos 
amongst us and to the disgust of decent American citizens who 
blush with shame at the dishonor of their country in reverting 
to Spanish methods of catechism and vassalage. But the 


river). I read with the closest attention said copy, 
and as to the statement made to the cited reverend 

sturdy Moquis were too much for the combined machinations 
of the Spanish priests and Spanish soldiers; their patriotism and 
good sense saved them from the fate of most other pueblos; 
there never was a presidio at Moqui, and the result is that those 
people are living peacefully, happily, and prosperously on the 
site of their ancient settlement. 

I should say more of Escalante in this connection, did I not 
meditate making his famous tour of 1776-77 the subject of a 
future volume of the American Explorer Series. Here, how- 
ever, I will insert an interesting bit relating to that expedition, 
which I noted and copied when I was overhauling the archives 
of New Mexico at Santa Fe in Aug.-Sept., 1898. It is simply 
a letter from the Marques de Croix to Governor Mendinueta, 
acknowledging the reception of the diaries and map of Do- 
minguez and Escalante, which the governor had sent to him 
on May 5, 1777. The letter speaks of the discoveries of these 
priests from the " capital de ese reyno," i. e., from Santa Fe, 
N. M., *' al Puerto de Monterey," though of course they never 
went to Monterey, nor even entered the California of to-day. 
The letter is a fair example of the form of routine official cor- 
respondence in those days, beginning " my dear Sir " {Muy S. "'' 
mio), ending with " God keep you many years " (Dios gue. a 
VS. m. a. — Dios guarde a Usted muchos afios), and concluding 
with the customary kissing of the hands to the governor on 
the part of his most obedient faithful servant the Cavallero De 
Croix; the whole subscription being autographic, but the body 
of the letter in a clerk's handwriting. Here is the letter word 
for word: 

Muy S.**"" mio: He recivido los Diarios, y la Mapa, que VS. 
me remite en carta de 5 de Mayo, sobre los descubrimientos 
que los RR. PP. Fr. Fran.'=° Atanasio Dominguez, y fr. Sil- 


padre by the Cosnina Indian I say that what he called 
Rio de los Misterios is the Colorado; the assertion 
that it is impassable to the Cosninas and that they do 
not know if there be people on the other side was ex- 
aggeration or misunderstanding of the Indian, for it 
is certain that there are people, and friends of theirs, 
on the other side of the river; such are the Chemegua- 
bas, the Chemeguabas Sevintas, and the Cajuales. It 
is true that the river may be difficult for them to cross, 
because, as said already, from the Jama jabs upward, 
it goes much encaiioned and the ground is very_ 
rough; but for all that they pass, not only the Yabi- 
pais who live in the contiguities, but also the Yabi- 
pais Tejua. The Cosninas ^^ that the padre speaks of 

vestre Velez de Escalante, han hecho desde la Capital de ese 
Reyno al Puerto de Monterey. Y oportunamente comunicare 
a VS. mis resoluciones sobre este asunto. 

Dios gue. a VS. m. a. Mexico 30 de Julio de 1777 
[Signed] B. I. M. de V. S. su mas 
atento seg.*"** servidor 
El Cav.'-*' De Croix. 
S.'"°D."Pedro fermin ) 
de Mendinueta f 

S. f* fee 
" Garces seems to have persuaded himself of error on this 
point; though it is possible that the name in question may 
have been applied to the Mojaves, yet is it certain that the 
Cosninas of present and recent literature are the Havasupai of 
Cataract canon. The name appears in many forms; for exam- 
ple, I have noted the following passage in Bartlett's Nam, ii. 


I persuade myself are the Jamajabs, for I heard other 
nations call them Culisnurs, or Culisnisna, instead of 

1854, p. 178: " The Cosninos I presume to be the same as the 
Coch-nich-nos, whom Mr. [Antoine] Leroux met in his late 
journey down the Colorado, although, on account of their 
hostility, he had no intercourse with them." Mr. Hodge fur- 
nishes the following note regarding the Cosninos: 

A small tribe, more correctly known as Havasupai, but offi- 
cially recognized as Supai or Suppai, residing in the gorge of 
Cataract creek, a tributary of the Colorado, in northwestern 
Arizona. The name Havasupai bears the interpretation " people 
of the green water," and is believed to refer to the numerous 
willows that line the banks of the creek where they have made 
their home since before Garces' time; hence also another desig- 
nation, " Willow people," or " Nation of the Willows." By 
others the name is said to be a Walapai term signifying 
" Down-in people." Although belonging to the Yuman stock, 
a linguistic group composed of tribes far removed from the 
culture of the Pueblos, the Havasupai have preserved traditions 
of their former occupancy of now-ruined pueblos on the Colo- 
rado Chiquito, and indeed the cavate lodges near San Francisco 
mountains still bear the name " Cosonino " or " Cohonino " 
caves. They are reputed to have abandoned these villages and 
to have sought refuge in their caiion home at the time the 
Apache made their appearance in the territory which the latter 
occupied in Arizona until within recent times — a period trace- 
able to about the latter part of the sixteenth or beginning of the 
seventeenth century. The houses of the Havasupai consist of 
temporary cabins or shelters of wattled canes and branches and 
earth in summer, and of natural caves and rocky crevices in 
winter. They subsist by agriculture, although fifty years ago 
they made hunting excursions for a hundred miles southward. 
In addition to their crops of corn, calabashes, melons, peaches, 
and apricots, they eke out a livelihood by means of sunflower 


Jama jabs, though I cannot understand how the Indian 
informant went from their rancherias, for these are 
enemies of the pueblos of Moqui, and before my pas- 
sage were also (enemies) of the intermediate Yabipais. 
It is certain that these Jama jabs or Culisnisnas know 
from the Yabipais Tejua and from the Yumas that we 
live in these lands. The Chidumas, who I persuade 
myself are the Yumas,^^ up to the present time have 
I not heard that they eat human flesh, as the Indian 
informed the reverend padre. As to the sierras he 
speaks of, he does not go far from the truth, for it is 
certain that there are those two sierras; but as to the 
points of the compass and the number of days there 
is much contradiction in the notion of the reverend 
padre that the transit has itself to seek (i. e., must be 
sought) through the Yutas who live at the confiu- 

seeds, prickly-pears (tunas), and mescal, together with the 
limited game supply afforded by the immediately surrounding 
country. Population in 1896, 253. Other forms of their name 
are: Agua Supais, Ah-supai, Ava-supies, Casinos, Casnino, Co- 
a-ni-nis, Cochineans, Cochnichnos, Co^oninos, Cohoninos, 
Cojnino, Cominas, Coninas, Cosninas, Cuesninas, Cuismer, 
Culisnisnas, Culisnurs, Habasopis, Havasopis, Hava-su-pay, 
Havesu-pai, Havisua Pai, Java Supais, Javeusa, Kochonino, 
Ku'h-nis, Supies, Supis, Suppai, Tonto Cosnino, Yavai Suppai, 
Yuva-Supai. — F. W. H. 

" This is correct, in the sense that the Chidumas of Escalante 
were the Yuman tribe variously called Alchedomas, Halche- 
domas, Jalchedomas, Jalchedums, etc. 


ence of the rivers to the north of Moqui, of whom I 
learned that they were friends of New Mexico, and 
that, having here passed the Rio Colorado, they roam ^* 
southwest, descending to the Chemeguet Cajuala who 
live on the other side, and seeking the Rio de San 
Felipe, they follow it to where I was. If from the 
said Yutas be taken the direction westnorthwest, as 
says the reverend padre, it is certain one could go to 
Monte-Rey and also to the Puerto de San Francisco, 
if there did not intervene the broad Tulares which 
have now been discovered, and through which only 
will it be possible to pass by means of boats (en case de 
disponer emharcaciones) . But even proceeding on this 
course it appears to me possible to traverse the large 
river of which I had information among the Noches, 
and which is that which discharges {desagua) in the 
Tulares united with the Rio de San FeHpe or very 
close thereto; yet this seems to me a great circuit for 
the transit to Monte Rey, and in any event there is 
required the descent to head ^^ said Tulares. For this 
would be very useful, in spite of the greater distance, 
the discovery of the cited large river which according 
to reports comes from the northwest and may be the 

^* The word used is jirar for girar, to gyrate, turn about. The 
sense is clear, though " turn " would be more literal than 
" roam." 

^'' Descahezar, literally decapitate, behead, or "head off." The 
" descent " said to be required is southward. 

476 COMMENTARY ON 05fATE, 1604-O5. 

one which they called (Rio) del Tizon "^ on the ex- 
pedition that in the year 1604 Don Juan de Ofiate ^^ 

" There is a double error here, for the Rio del Tizon or Fire- 
brand river was the Colorado itself, and it was so called by 
Melchior Diaz in 1540, not by Onate in 1604, who named it Rio 
Grande de Buena Esperanza: see note **, p. 136. Another name 
of the Colorado was Rio de Buena Guia (Alarcon, 1540). 

" See note ", p. 144, for a brief mention of Ofiate's expedi- 
tion, some further account of which may be here given, in part 
from Bancroft's digest of the records in Hist. Ariz, and N. M., 
pp. 154-157. Onate was at the time governor, and desired to 
reach the Mar del Sur or South Sea (Gulf of California) from 
his capital of New Mexico, which was then at San Juan (de los 
Caballeros — for Santa Fe had not as yet been founded). He 
started on Oct. 7, 1604, with Padres Francisco Escobar and 
San Buenaventura, and some 30 men. He passed through 
Zuiii, whose chief town was Havico or Ha Huico (otherwise 
Hawiku, one of the cities of Cibola), and thence on to the 5 or 6 
Moqui pueblos, with their 450 houses and inhabitants weaving 
cotton. Ten leagues westward the expedition crossed a river 
flowing from S. E. to N. W., named Rio Colorado from the 
redness of its waters, and said to flow into the Sea of California 
after a turn to the west and a course of 200 leagues through a 
country of pines. This stream was of course the one now 
known as the Colorado Chiquito or Little Colorado river, sup- 
posed to be the main water-course; and the name bestowed is 
no doubt the original application of the term Colorado to any 
portion of the great water-course which bears the name to-day. 
The Colorado Chiquito was crossed at a place called San Jose, 
and the expedition next came upon two streams which were 
named respectively Rio San Antonio and Rio Sacramento. 
These were no doubt two branches of the present Rio Verde 
in the region north of Prescott, Ariz., where Espejo had been 
23 years before. The people hereabouts were called Cruzados 


made from New Mexico. Also do I persuade myself 

from their fashion of wearing little crosses in the hair of the 
forehead, and they said that the sea was 20 days or 100 leagues 
distant, and to be reached by going two days to a small river 
which flowed into a larger one, which itself flowed into the sea. 
The expedition verified this by coming in 15 leagues to a 
stream they named Rio San Andres, where the tierra caliente 
produced pitahaya, and by going down it they found the large 
stream they had sought. In other words, Oiiate went down the 
present Bill Williams' fork (which it will be remembered is the 
Santa Maria of Garces) to its confluence with the Colorado, 
which was then and there named Rio Grande de Buena 
Esperanza, or Good Hope river. He does not appear to have 
recognized this as the main stream of which his Rio Colorado 
was a branch; but he knew it to be the one which had long 
before been named Rio del Tizon or Firebrand river. 

The Indians then living on the Colorado for some distance \/ 
above and below the mouth of the San Andres were the Ama- 
cava or Amajava nation — that is, the Mojave. Captain Mar- 
quez went up the river a short distance, and then the expedition 
followed it downward. Next below the Amacavas were found 
the Bahacechas, and then the Ozaras, these last living on a 
large river which entered from the east, and was named Rio del 
Nombre de Jesus. This was of course the Gila. For 20 leagues 
below the junction the country was populated by tribes similar 
in language and manners to the Bahacechas — i. e., Yuman 
tribes, the population of which, on the eastern bank alone, was 
given as 20,000. There were the Halchedumas in 8 rancherias; 
Coahuanas, in 9; Tlaglli, or Haglli, in 5; Tlalliguamayas, in 6; 
and finally Cocopas in 9 settlements at the head of tidewater, 5 
leagues from the river's mouth. This tidewater was reached 
on Jan. 23, 1605, and on the 25th Oiiate with the two friars and 
nine men went down to the disemboguement, where he found 
a fine harbor, with an island in the center, where it was thought 


this river may be the very one of which they gave in- 

that a thousand ships might ride at anchor. This was formally 
named Puerto de la Conversion de San Pablo. The expedition 
returned by the same way it had gone, and reached San Gabriel 
April 25, 1605. (This San Gabriel was so named by Onate in 
1599; it was the place he had begun to build Aug. 23, 1598, and 
had called San Francisco de los Espafioles. This and the 
above mentioned San Juan (de los Caballeros) were on opposite 
sides of the Rio Grande del Norte, about the mouth of the 
Rio Chama; and these settlements were prior to the location of 
Santa Fe in 1608.) 

Though the itinerary of this extremely important expedition 
across New Mexico and Arizona, from the Rio Grande at the 
mouth of Rio Chama to the Colorado at the mouth of Bill 
Williams' fork, is not so precise and detailed as we could wish, 
it is easy to appreciate the route approximately, as coinciding 
more or less nearly with the line of the present railroad, and 
with the explorations of Sitgreaves, Whipple, and E. F. Beale. 
But there is one point on Ofiate's journey where we can actually 
put our finger on him, so to speak; for he was at El Morro or 
Inscription Rock, and the record thereon inscribed is still 
legible in part — or was so recently. As rendered in alleged 
facsimile by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, on his lithographic plate 69. 
in the Senate Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congr., ist session, 8vo, 
Washington, 1850, the inscription looks something like this: 

" Paso pora quielanzadod on 
del descubrim 
16 dea briball6o6 " 

The able officer who has given us this and many other invalu- 
able records from the same rock had evidently no clew to the 
meaning, though he had the assistance of Chief Justice J. 
Houghton, Sefior Donaciano Vigil, secretary of the province. 


formation to the Reverend Padre Fray Juan de la 
Asumpcion, " a religious of N. P. S. Francisco, who 
in the year of 1538 entered through Sinaloa by order 
of the M. R. P. Fray Marcos de Nisa/* in whose rela- 

and Samuel Ellison, the official translator (!); for on p. 125 of 
his book he rendered the glyph as follows: 

" Passed by this place with despatch, (a word or two not 
decipherable,) i6th day of April, 1606." 

But Lummis, in his Strange Corners, as heretofore cited, has 
been more fortunate. He reads as follows: 

" Paso por aqi el adelantado don ju* de oiiate ? a 

descubrimiento de la mar del sur a 16 de Abril ao 1606." With 
this indication, parting off the letters to make the right words, 
and supplying in brackets illegible parts of the inscription, we 
arrive at the following close approximation to the original: 

" Paso por aqui el adelantado don [Juan de Onate] 
del descubrim[iento de la Mar del Sur] 
16 de abril ao 1606 " 

Or in English: " Passed by here the adelantado Don Juan 
de Oiiate from the discovery of the Sea of the South 16 of 
April year 1606." 

" Adelantado " was Oiiate's official title at that time, and there 
seems to be no question that we have here the genuine original 
record left on the stone on his return trip. But the date is out 
one year, if we read " 1606." I have no doubt that the correct 
date is April 16, 1605, as the journey was finished on April 25, 
1605, unless all our other authorities agree in being mistaken. 

** This note, too long to set here, will be found at the end of 
the chapter, p. 505. Read it before you go on to note '"'! 

" Otherwise Marcos de Niza, Nizza, or Niga, that is, Mark of 
Nice, Italy, at that time in the Duchy of Savoy; he was there- 
fore a Savoyard; his full name is unknown. He came to 


tion of journey it is said that this religious, having 
traveled some 600 leagues to the northwest of the 

America in 1531, went with Pizarro to Peru in 1532, and after 
some service in Nicaragua came north with Pedro de Alvarado. 
In 1539 he was vice-commissary in the order of St. Francis, and 
in 1540-43 was provincial, succeeding Fray Antonio de Ciudad 
Rodrigo in that high ecclesiastical office. His personal char- 
acter has been handed down to us by his enemies as that of an 
impostor, liar, and coward: none of the which was he, but an 
honest, brave, and zealous priest, who, in 1539, accomplished the 
ever memorable discovery of Zufii or the Seven Cities of Cibola, 
and thus of New Mexico — an exploit which opened the way 
immediately to the famous expedition of Coronado in 1540. 
We have his own Relacion or personal report of this pregnant 
feat, and many other original sources of information; which, as 
critically examined by modern scholars, especially Bandelier, 
Hodge, and Winship, enable us to set forth the man in his 
true light, and state with very close approximation to accuracy 
where he went and what he did. 

Unless Fray Juan de la Asumpcion in 1538, Fray Marcos was 
the first white man to enter what is now Arizona, as well as the 
present New Mexico. But he was preceded on much of his 
own route by a person of different color who had been given 
him for his guide — a negro named Estevan, or Estevanico, 
native of Azamor or Asimur, on the coast of Morocco, who had 
before made the transcontinental journey (1528-36) with Alvar 
Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, and 
Andres Dorantes. Black Stephen was in fact the first " white 
man " who ever laid eyes on a pueblo of Zuiii or Cibola; but he 
did so on Fray Marcos' expedition and by order of the latter. 
The friar was also accompanied part way by a lay brother, the 
Savoyard Fray Honorato, Onorato, or Norato, and some In- 

Friar Marcos received a copy of the instructions of the 


[City of] Mexico, fell upon a river so large and full 
of water (caudaloso) that it prevented his crossing; 

viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, at Tonala, in New Galicia, Nov. 
25, 1538. We have these instructions, in Spanish, French, 
Italian, and English, in divers records; also Friar Marcos' own 
acknowledgment of their reception by him, as just said. Pur- 
suant thereto, he left San Miguel de Culiacan, in Sinaloa, Mar. 
7, 1539. with his guide Stephen, his lay brother Honorato, and 
the Indians. His course was by the highway northnorthwest 
to Rio de Petatlan, the modern Rio del Fuerte, where Fray 
Honorato fell sick and was left behind. Continuing the same 
course, approximately parallel with, but at considerable distance 
from, the coast, Fray Marcos crossed the Rios Mayo and Yaqui, 
and about the middle of April was at a place called Vacapa or 
Bacapa. This is specially to be noted; for the name has been 
confounded with a certain San Luis Beltran de Bacapa, in 
northwestern Sonora near the Arizona line, and thus Fray Mar- 
cos has been sent by various writers promenading in a country 
he never even approached, to the dire confusion of his whole 
route. But Bacapa was an Indian village on the headwaters 
of the Rio Matapa, about lat. 29", and was at or near the modern 
town of Matape, in central Sonora, where the Jesuit mission of 
San Jose de Matapa was founded in 1629. It was this miserable 
malidentification of Bacapa, traceable back at least to Mange, 
Mar. 12, 1702,^ which threw Friar Marcos' route out, altogether 
too far to the northwest, at the hands of many historians or 
commentators, who fetched him up low down on the Gila, made 

' At this date, when Mange was with Kino at San Luis de Bacapa, he 
indulged in the bit of historical and geographical mythology I wish to 
signalize as such : " Y parece es por la que paso el ejercito de Francisco 
Vazquez Coronado el aiio de 1540 cuando fueron a descubrir las 7 ciudades 
de los llanos de Zivola, pues este nombre mismo le da el cronista Antonio 
de Herrera en la de cada 4. a descubriendo este viaje, y que dista 40 leguas 
del mar, y la misma distancia hallamos en ella," etc. Bacapa ! One day's 
journey from Sonoita ! O Coronate .' Quandoque qualescunque quantcB- 
cunque fabulce de te narrantur ! It all comes from mistaking this Bacapa 
for the place on Rio Matape of the same or similar name, which happens to 
be about the same distance from the gulf. 


(this was no doubt the Colorado — interpolation of the 
scholiast) ; and he (or it — the relation) continues, say- 

him the discoverer of the Casa Grande of that river, and then 
spirited him to Cibola as best they could: see for example Niza's 
alleged but impossible route, on the map facing p. 42 of Ban- 
croft's Hist. Ariz, and N. M. 

Friar Marcos stayed some days at Bacapa, whence he dis- 
patched Stephen ahead to reconnoiter, telling him to go north 
some 50 or 60 leagues and send back word of what he found. 
The second day after Easter Sunday he followed after, and in 
three days reached the Rio Sonora in the vicinity of modern 
Babiacora. Here was a village of Opatas, who had given 
Stephen his first reports of Cibola, duly sent back to the friar; 
Cibola was said to be 30 days' journey thence, to be the first one 
of seven cities; and other provinces called Marata, Acus, and 
Totonteac were reported. Friar Marcos followed up the Rio 
Sonora for a week in the wake of the negro, who appears to 
have been meanwhile hurrying on ahead to Cibola, thus to 
secure for himself the glory of discovering that kingdom of 
which so many wonders had been narrated — and in fact he did 
acquire that glory, meeting death at the same time. The friar 
took formal possession of the Sonora valley, and on the seventh 
day reached the last settlement, somewhere in the vicinity of 
modern Bacuachi, a little north of the better known Arizpe. 
Then for four days he traveled northward " en el despoblado." 
This term " despoblado," translated " desert," has been a fruit- 
ful source of misunderstanding regarding the route of Coronado 
as well as of Friar Marcos. It does not mean a desert, in a 
physiographic sense, but simply a deserted, depopulated, or an 
uninhabited place — in fine, a wilderness; the traverse of which, 
still northward, took the friar over from headwaters of Rio 
Sonora to sources of Rio Nexpa or the modern San Pedro 
river, on the confines of Arizona. I regard this identification 
as assured; those who have sent Marcos down the modern Rio 


ing that the Indians of this (river) informed him that 

at about ten days' journey to the north there was an- 

Santa Cruz, through Tucson, Florence, Phoenix, or anywhere 
else so far west, are certainly at fault; he was on the San Pedro, 
as he was also with Coronado the next year; and he went down 
that river, past the vicinity of Tombstone and other well-known 
Arizona places. 

At this point in the Relacion comes up a matter which 
seems to have needlessly puzzled many commentators, and 
even caused some of them to send Fray Marcos to a sup- 
posed west coast in an impossible lat. 35°. But I find 
nothing in the original Spanish to require such a forcible 
construction of his words. I think that he does not say 
he went to see about the trend of the coast, but simply sought 
to learn about it ("quiselo saber," he says) from hearsay; "y asi 
fui en demanda delta y vi claramente " need not mean more than 
that he demanded of Indians how the case was, and was given 
to understand clearly what they told him. At this stage of his 
journey he was on the Rio San Pedro, then called Nexpa, say 
200 miles or more from the Gulf of California in an air line, say 
lat. 31° 30' or 40', among the Sobaipuri Indians; and he was fol- 
lowing down the river northward. 

At the last village of the Sobaipuris Friar Marcos remained 
three days and then plunged into the despoblado or wilderness, 
which he was told it would take him 15 days to cross, to reach 
Cibola. This was on the 9th of May old style, or the 19th 
new style. He was still traveling on the trail of the negro, 
which probably is not now ascertainable with entire precision, 
as it was " across country " and not along any recognizable 
water-course after the San Pedro had been left. His point of 
departure from this river is not fixed; but in any event his mean 
course was about northnortheast, across the Gila and the 
Salado, necessarily, and so on to Zuiii. It seems to me alto- 
gether most probable that Estevan's trail, which Friar Marcos 


Other larger river, inhabited by much people, whose 

multitude they explained with fistfuls of sand; that 

followed exactly, was the same as, or scarcely differed from, 
that which Coronado followed, accompanied by the friar, the 
very next year. As lately worked out by Mr. Hodge, this 
route left the San Pedro in the vicinity of the present Benson; 
went through Dragoon and Railroad passes, as the railroad 
does now; reached the Gila at or near Solomonville (in which 
vicinity was the much mooted Chichilticalli or Red House of 
the Coronado relations); passed the Gila Bonito high up, and 
thus in the S. E. corner of the present White Mountain reser- 
vation; crossed the Salado or Salt river, believed to be the Rio 
de las Balsas or Raft river of the Coronado relations; and thus 
attained some of the headwaters of the Colorado Chiquito; 
whence the distance was short to the Rio Vermejo or modern 
Zuni river, which appears to have been struck a few miles below 
the point where it crosses the present boundary between 
Arizona and New Mexico. Thence it was only a day's journey 
to the first Zunian or Cibolan pueblo, Hawiku, about six miles 
east of the boundary last said. 

Pursuing the route thus sketched, or one closely approxi- 
mate thereto, for twelve days, which brought the friar within 
two or three days of his destination, on the 2ist-3ist of May, 
he was met by a fugitive from Cibola — one of the many Indians 
who had accompanied Estevanico thither — with the startling 
news that the negro had been killed by the Cibolans. Ac- 
counts of the affair differ in detail, as usual, and it is not neces- 
sary to go into them here; of the main fact there is no question. 
This catastrophe put an entrada into Cibola out of the ques- 
tion; but Friar Marcos determined not to desist without at 
least a view of the promised land. He was led by two of his 
Indians to a spot whence he sighted the nearest one of the 
Seven Cities of Cibola, la qual estd scntada en un llano, a la fald-a 
de un cerro redondo — " which is situated in a plain at the skirt 


they had houses of three stories, and walled about 
(were) their pueblos, and that they went clothed 
and shod with antelope (skins) and mantles of cotton. 
My opinion is confirmed by the fundamental fact {el 
fundamento grabe) that, the river coming from the 
northeast with regard to the place where I acquired 
information thereof, there is agreement of the ten- 
days' journey to the river cited in the relation above 
mentioned. Also in the circumstances of the cloth- 
ing I have grounds (fundamento — for my opinion), 

of a round hill." This was not Kiakima, as Bandelier once 
thought, but, as Hodge has shown, it was the Pueblo of 
Hawiku, Hauicu, or Havico, a mile or so from modern Zuni 
Hot Springs, or Ojo Caliente. At his coign of vantage, in full 
view of this southwestern one of the Zuiii pueblos or Cities of 
Cibola, Friar Marcos erected a stone cairn with a wooden cross 
atop, took possession in due form of Cibola, Totonteac,Acus, and 
Marata, named the whole country Nuevo Reyno de San Fran- 
cisco, and turned back from his great discovery " with much 
more fright than food " (con harto mas temor que comida), as he 
pithily says in his Relacion. 

Such, in briefest outline, are the journey and discovery of Friar 
Marcos de Niza. There never need have been the slightest 
question, much less mystery, of the location of the Seven Cities 
of Cibola, whose identification with the Zuiiian pueblos has 
never been entirely lost sight of, though so often disputed or 
denied, down to the present day. After this exploit the monk 
made all haste to return to Culiacan by the way he had gone 
then to Cibola: and by September, 1539, he had duly attested 
the report which he made to the proper authorities at the City 
of Mexico, where he died March 25, 1558. 


since, besides (the fact) that all the Yabipais I have 
seen are dressed in antelope (skins) and the Moquinos 
in mantles, the Jamajabs informed me that all the 
people that they have to the north (of themselves) go 
clothed. The report of the houses and walled pueb- 
los of which the Indians informed the Reverend Padre 
Fray Juan de la Asumpcion is also so conclusive that 
I find not any difSculty in believing it, considering 
that in the pueblo of Oraibe I saw houses of two or 
three stories, and that as, on the side where I en- 
tered in it, they had no window, they resembled walls 
rather than houses, as is already said in the Diary. 
Such is the verisimilitude which I find in the cited 

I find also a notice of this river in the, to me, 
verific relation of the journey of Captain Francisco 
Vazquez Coronado,^^ made in the year of 1540 [and 
1 541] by order of the Sefior Don Antonio de Men- 
doza.^^ I call this relation very verific, for all that it 

™ This note, discussing the vexed question of what Relacion 
Garces cites, goes over to p. 509, which see. 

^^ This very long note on the Coronado expedition goes over 
to the end of Garces' text, pp. 513-21, which see. 

°' The first viceroy of New Spain, born about 1485, died at 
Lima, Peru, July 21, 1552. He was of noble birth, son of the 
second Conde de Tendilla, and among his titles was that of 
Marques de Mondejar. His appointment to the viceroyalty is 
said to have been formally made out April 17, 1535; he entered 


says have I seen. The pueblo of Bacapa, of which it 
makes mention, is found to-day by the name of Qui- 
tobaca, in Papaguera.^^ Apa in Pima language 

Mexico at Vera Cruz about the beginning of that year, and was 
viceroy until November, 1549, when he was succeeded by Don 
Luis de Velasco. After a short interval he became viceroy of 
Peru, Sept. 23, 1551. He was regarded as a righteous ruler, of 
austere personal habits, perfect integrity, and great administra- 
tive ability. 

°^ See note "°, p. 481, regarding the Bacapa or Vacapa of the 
Marcos de Niza and Coronado Relations, on the headwaters of 
the Rio Matape or Fuerte, near Rio Sonora. Needless to add, 
Garces' Bacapa or Quitobac, in Papagueria, is a different one of 
the places so called, near the boundary line of southwestern 
Arizona, and not the central Sonoran village Garces mistook 
it for. Mr. Hodge furnishes the following note regarding it: 

Bacapa was a Papago rancheria in the " Papagueria " of 
northwestern Sonora, not far below the present Arizona bound- 
ary. It was visited in 1700 by Kino and Mange, who applied to 
it the name San Luis de Bacapa (" St. Ludlovic de Vacapa," 
" San Ludlov de Bacapa," " San Luis Beltram de Bacapa," etc., 
according to various citations). The saint name was retained 
by Anza and Font (1774), but the name of the settlement seems 
to have been changed to Quitobac, and later to Quitovaquito. 
The etymology of the names is doubtful. Both Garces and 
Buelna (Geog. Indig. de Sinaloa, 1887) assert that the term 
contains the element bac or baca, tule, carrizo, but there is no 
doubt that the former erred in interpreting the prefix quifo as a 
Spanish diminutive. The name Bacapa was applied by Marcos 
de Niza in 1539 to Matape, on a river of the same name much 
farther southeastward, and this has misled some students in at- 
tempting to trace the route of that friar and of Coronado the 
following year. — F. W. H. 


means in; and Bac, tide; and the combination Qiiito- 
bac means en tide chiquito {" in small tule ").^* The 
Rio de las Balsas which it also cites, is the Rio Colo- 
rado.^'* It says that following northward they ar- 
rived at the Alchedum nation; in this very direction 
I myself went to the nation that I call Jalchedum. 
Whatsoever this relation says of the sea has much con- 
nection with what I have seen, as in (the instance of) 
the small ships that are found in the Canal (de Santa 
Barbara), and about the smell of amber, which I also 
have noted on my journey, though I do not assure 
myself that it could be amber exactly; the same is re- 

'■* Garces' etymology, like his theology, will satisfy those who 
believe in miracles. To make Quitobac mean " in small reeds," 
he clips the Spanish adjective chiquito, " small," down to 'quito, 
and adds bac from Piman to finish the word; then drawing from 
a diflferent word, Bacapa, the apa for his " in." I am familiar 
with false etymologies of many sorts, but think I never before 
saw quite such a stunner as this miraculous ingenuity. See the 
preceding note by Mr. Hodge. 

^' I do not recognize the place in any of the numerous Rela- 
tions of different portions of the Coronado expeditions where 
the Colorado is called Rio de las Balsas. Coronado himself was 
never on the Colorado, and the Rio de las Balsas of Jaramillo. 
who was with him on his inland march to Zufii, Tiguex, and 
Quivira, is most probably the Rio Salado, in southeastern Ari- 
zona. Those of Coronado's men who were up the Colorado 
river to the Jalchedunes were Melchior Diaz and Hernando de 
Alarcon, who called the stream Rio del Tizon and Rio de la 
Buena Guia. 


lated to me by those who have been on the Canal. 
The having seen, as the relation says, people with the 
hair crisp and others who have it straight, that also 
have I seen myself; and the pointing out of their land 
toward the west would be for the island of Santa Cruz, 
which lies in this direction, though the discoverers 
could not discern this and others of the Canal, espe- 
cially in a fog, as is now also the case. The tents 
which that relation says they saw in the land have 
connection with those which I saw of sewn tule 
among the Cobajais, of which I make mention in the 
Diary. It also says that they pitched the camp 
(sentaron el real) near Moqui, and that after six days' 
journey they came upon the Llanos de la Zibola," 
which the nations that they called Baqueros inhabited. 
Being myself among the Yabipais nigh unto Moqui 
they gave me information of the Acquiora nation, 
whose name either is the same or bespeaks quite a 
hint of {dise mucha alusion a) Baqueros, indicating to 
me its habitation toward the north. The flax " and 

" Not meaning any of the plains about Cibola (Zuni), but 
the Plains of the Buffalo {cibola). The Baqueros of the text, or 
Vaqueros, were Indians who hunted the bufifalo, the term being 
collective, not distinctive. " Acquiora " of the text seems to 
stand for Baquiopa. 

" Rio del Lino, or Flax river, it will be remembered, was a 
name of the Colorado Chiquito in Coronado's time. But our 
author's commentary is becoming so confused and beside the 


hemp cited in the relation as having been seen, al- 
ready have I left it said in the Diary that I also met 
with the same; and considering that thus far I find that 
relation so conformable with that which I have seen 
and experienced, I do not hesitate to give it credence. 
It goes on to say that from the place where they 
halted in the nation of the Baqueros the soldiers set 
forth toward the northwest [sic], and having gone 
six days' journey descried on the border of a great 
river a populous city, with houses of three stories sur- 
rounded with high walls, as they could distinguish 
from the top of a hill close by the settlement, called 
Quevira, of the Teguayo nation. They may be truth- 
ful, in my humble opinion (en mi corto entender), both 
this and the other relation, and there may really exist 
the great river cited and the populations referred to. 
A part thereof has been related to me by an Apache 
there is in these provinces. Upon these advices, 
those that I have acquired of the Comanches, and the 
knowledge that, as I have said, the Chemeguabas and 
Yutas are their enemies, it appears to me that the in- 
habitants of that large river and of those settlements 

point that it seems hardly worth pursuing. He appears to be 
dreaming, or writing from vague memory of traditions or rela- 
tions of the Coronado period. Quivira, presently mentioned, was 
of course in Kansas; but it may be found on maps in almost any 
part of the western and southwestern United States. 


are the Comanches.^® In Tejas (qu: in Taos?) have 
they said that they come from afar, and that they set 
forth from a great river; wherefore would it be fitting 
that before undertaking any expedition, peace should 
be effected with them, when they come for the sale of 
their antelope skins. For the effectiveness of this ex- 
pedition I consider necessary at least 80 men, well- 
armed and well-disciplined, with whom may go two 
priests; that there be taken the wherewithal to regale 
the Indians, and for barter awls and other trifles 
(bugerias), together with red ribbons (encarnados 
listones), for J have noticed that this is the color which 
best suits them; not permitting the very least {mas 
mwiMo) misbehavior on the part of anyone of the com- 
pany; and that the trade with the Indians by barter be 
in the presence of the chief,^^ so that there may be no 

^ A tribe of the Shoshonean stock, occupying the southern 
plains region, especially of Texas and Indian Territory within 
historic times (since about 1700), but there is good traditionary 
evidence that previously their habitat was more generally con- 
fined to the north and northwest. They call themselves N'em or 
Neme, are the Padoucas of the early French, and the Aliatans, 
latans, letans, etc., of other writers. Their popular designation, 
Comanche, is believed to be of Mexican origin. They are now 
gathered on the Kiowa and Comanche reservation in Oklahoma, 
where they numbered 1,526 in 1897. They were formerly re- 
garded as one of the most warlike tribes of the plains, their 
raids extending far into the north and southward as far as Du- 
rango, Mexico. — F. W. H. 

^' Gefe — the first instance of the use of this term in our MS. 


cheating; and also if any one of the expedition do a 
wrong thing, let him be punished right before the gen- 
tiles themselves, in order to give them satisfaction. To 
this advice am I bound by the loud complaints made 
to me by the Noches and Quabajais Indians, as I said 
in the Diary. If successful be the attempt to possess 
this river perhaps will it be possible to descend 
thereby to the Tulares, and through these in small 
boats to San Francisco, which would be of great avail 
for the commerce even of China,*" whose ship, arriving 
at San Francisco, could take its goods by way of the 
Puerto Dulze " and Tulares to the disemboguement 
of said great river, and by this upward for New Mex- 
ico. Supplying in this manner the missions of the 
interior with the commerce of China by way of this 
river, and that of Spain by that of the Missisipi, then 
could happy be these Provincias Intemas.*^ 

** Referring to the Spanish galleon that came each year from 
Manila of the Philippines by way of Cape Horn to Spain, and 
was required by royal reglamento to touch at some Californian 
port. The scholiast notes in the margin, " Projecto de 
comercio de Manila con el Nuevo Mexico." 

*^ The Bay of San Francisco was sometimes called Puerto 
Dulze; and it would appear from the context that the "great 
river " which Garces had in mind was the San Joaquin, of 
which he had acquired some notion when he was in the 

*" The dreamer in his cell at Tubutama was conceiving in the 
womb of imagination that transcontinental traffic to the realiza- 



On the Equipmeni of the Missions. 

Since the first time that I was at San Gabriel, and 
saw the neediness of those missions, I have been pon- 
dering the means there may be to equip those of the 
Rio Colorado, when these shall come to be founded 
and the presidio that is proposed, inasmuch as always 
have I found difficulty enough. Leaving now to 
whomsoever may undertake to do it, to think up a 
better plan, I will speak my mind.*^ By sea and by land 
I find that these establishments can be equipped, the 
country being pacified as I expect it to be, in view of 
the special providences which give themselves to this 
end. The route may be that which I indicated above: 
from Chihuahua to Janos, San Bernardino, Santa 
Cruz, Rio Gila, thence down river to the Yumas, if not 
to the [proposed] Presidio de la Asumpcion and to 
the Rio de Santa Maria down to the Colorado. But, 
considering that this road, taken from [the city of] 
Mexico, is of more than of 600 leagues; that there are 

tion of which those times, pregnant though they were with 
possibility, had not yet quickened. 

*' " Dejando aora a quien toca hazerlo el pensar lo mejor dire 
mi dictamen " — let he who may devise better means, neverthe- 
less I will give my opinion. 


encountered some difficulties thereon; that there may 
occur in the future some disturbance among the in- 
termediate nations; and lastly (considering) the very 
great expense necessarily incurred (que ha de tener) 
in equipping missions and presidios by this route; I 
have pondered the other (way) by sea. This may 
be either by the Golfo de Californias or by the Mar del 
Sur ** and Puerto de San Diego. By the Golfo de 
Californias it could be made in one small vessel with 
oars and sail, at the times when it has already been 
observed that this sea is less raging. If it were found 
possible to take the vessel up river to the Yumas, it 
would be a very great convenience, for she could 
unload at the very presidio and missions; and when 
this should not be practicable, founding a mission 
among the Cucapa will avail to unload the bark in 
some one of the creeks or coves of that shore, and 
thence to take all the cargo on pack-animals up to the 
presidio and missions. That the bark may be small 
does not appear to me to be a hindrance to equipping 
all the missions, for these in a few years from their 
foundation will not need provisions, but only cloth- 
ing, panocha,*^ etc., which will not be difficult to trans- 

** Mar del Sur: the Pacific ocean was so called; and so, some- 
times, was the Gulf of California. 

*° Panocha is not a frequent synonym of asucar, but it means a 
coarse sugar of native manufacture, almost necessary in any In- 


port, however small may be the bark. And if in this 
(plan) there be found inconveniences, it can be 
ordered that the barks which equip the establishments 
of Monte-Rey take also the supplies for the presidio 
and missions of the Colorado as far as the Puerto de 
San Diego, and here let there be a storehouse in which 
to keep them in order to carry them afterward on 
pack-animals by land. For this (purpose) it would 
appear fitting that the detachment of troops at San 
Diego should be under the orders of (sujeto a) the 
comandante or captain of the Rio Colorado; in which 
(plan) would be found many expediencies: The ist, 
in that, this detachment being more contiguous to 
the Rio Colorado than to Monte-Rey, it would be 
able to give aid more promptly in case of necessity. 
The 2d, in that, the road from San Diego to the Rio 
Colorado being safer than that from Monte-Rey, and 
having missions founded on this river, controlled are 
all the intermediate nations. The 3d, in that, in view 
of this arrangement, the soldiers not having to pass 
from San Diego to Monte-Rey with so great frequency 

dian establishment, and one which would of course have to be 
imported at first. The sense of the whole passage is clear: the 
proposed missions would be self-supporting in a few years, so 
far as commissary supplies were concerned, and would only re- 
quire to be furnished with panocha, clothing, and other articles 
coming under the head of quartermaster stores, all of which 
could be brought in a comparatively small vessel. 


as heretofore, there will be prevented complaints and 
disgusts among the Indians of the Canal. The 4th, 
in that, by this means and with greater facility can 
that detachment be furnished with provisions when 
it is found necessary, by the same pack-trains which 
bring the supplies [to San Diego], For all these 
reasons it seems to me to be fitting, in case this 
method of equipment (by land) be adopted, that the 
detachment at San Diego be under the orders of the 
comandante of the Rio Colorado; for otherwise (y de 
lo contrario) there might arise many dififerences be- 
tween the two chiefs (gefcs), which would work great 
disadvantage to both establishments. These missions 
having their equipment by way of San Diego, there 
is avoided also the set-back that might be given in 
case of insurrection or impediment of right of way on 
the part of the nations that there are on the route by 
land above indicated; which they could not obstruct, 
conveyance being by sea; and for this reason also is 
the support (of the mission) by way of the South Sea 
to be preferred." 

In view of that which the first Espanoles did; of 
that which the next ones left undone; and of that 

^'Y con esto se le da tambien este fomento mas a la Marina 
del Sur — a phrase which requires to be paraphrased in English. 
Garces had, as is seen, a bold plan, involving some very radical 


which is now beginning to be done; I cannot do less 
than thank God. The first Espaiioles commenced to 
catechise in Sinaloa, and made discoveries unto the 
coast of the sea at the Canal, in connection with the 
settlements that they called Quevira^^ — those which 
some of their successors held to be supposititious {por 
supuestas) but which in these times seem to us proba- 

measures, for his much-desired Coloradan missions and presidio 
— in fact, he wished them to take precedence over those already 
estabhshed at San Diego, for the reasons that he gives, among 
which was the avoidance of friction between the commanding 
officers of the two establishments. He would make San Diego 
a mere entrepot, tributary to the foundations upon the Colo- 
rado, and for this among other reasons favored the supplying 
of the latter by way of the seacoast. We have already seen, 
in the Biography of Garces with which this work opens, how 
the Colorado missions were established overland from Sonora; 
how brief, precarious, and finally disastrous was their existence,-; 
and how the relief that was sent to them from the seacoast 
failed of its purpose, appearing upon the scene only to increase 
the number of victims of the massacre. 

" The actual Quivira of Coronado, as we see on p. 520, was 
somewhere in central Kansas; but with the lapse of time it 
shifted in myths and on maps all over western and southwestern 
United States, even to the Pacific coast of California — its 
position in the mind of Garces when he penned the above. 
The most definite and persistent of all these traditions or 
legends was that which malidentified Coronado's Quivira with 
the Piro pueblo of Tabira, in New Mexico, east of the Rio 
Grande. This was a pueblo abandoned on account of Apache 
depredations about 1675, whose ruins long bore and still bear 
the name of Gran Quivira. How the mythical Quivira " has- 


ble (se nos hazen provables), since in view of the houses 
of Moqui there is no reason to deny the others. I see 
that for a century has the faith been planted in these 
provinces, and that nothing prospered in those most 
propitious times when there were no enemies, and 
when his Majesty had no other expenses on these 
frontiers than the Presidio de Janos. For the Es- 
pafioles having- lapsed {decaydo) from that primal 
fervor of conquest of souls for God and of provinces 
for their sovereign, when was alluring them the man- 
come to Tabira to stay " may be read in the strenuous language 
of Lummis' The Cities that were Forgotten, Scribner's Mag.. 
Apr., 1893, pp. 466-477, and eke in Bandelier's two articles on 
Quivira in The Nation, N. Y., Oct. 31 and Nov. 7, 1889. Such 
a wrong view of the case was doubtless favored by the 
mere similarity of the names Tabira and Quivira; it was 
taken by Lieut. J. W. Abert, in his Report of 1846-47, 
30th Congr., 1st sess., Ex. Doc. No. 41, 8vo, Washington, 
1848, p. 487, seq., and after him by many other writers. 
Among these was so deservedly high an authority as Albert 
Gallatin, whose articles on the Ancient Semicivilization of New 
Mexico, in Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc, ii, 1848, set an example 
followed by many other authors of equal or less repute, as 
Squire, Schoolcraft, W. W. H. Davis, etc. In fact the curious 
error flourished as an almost undisputed fact till 1869, when J. 
H. Simpson, the most judicious and reasonable writer upon 
Coronado up to that time, let a new light into the former fog; 
and even since then — to say nothing of times since Bandelier 
and Lummis proved the identity of Gran Quivira with Tabira — 
the ancient myth has never lacked believers among the credu- 
lous and the uncritical. 


ageability of so many vicinities, I persuade myself 
that God permitted to infuriate itself more and more 
every day the Apache nation, until not only was pur- 
suit impeded and rendered impracticable, but also 
were devastated our lands, we becoming obliged to 
spend immense sums in war defensive, and therein to 
sacrifice many lives. If that which has been expended 
in contending against the Apache from the beginning 
of his hostilities, or better say since God took him for 
an instrument to punish our sins, had been employed 
in new establishments, where would not now be raised 
the standard of the holy cross? In how many prov- 
inces as yet unknown would not now be obeyed the 
name of the catholic monarch? Thank God that it 
seems that in our times revives that antique Spanish 
spirit of discovering and possessing new lands, sacri- 
ficing in this enterprise lives and moneys for the ac- 
quisition of the precious pearls that are souls.*® Within 
a short time (en brebes dias) have we seen discovered 
anew the coasts of the Mar del Sur to the far-famed 

" This sentence is translatable almost word for word from the 
original: " Alabo a Dios por que pareze que en nuestros tiem- 
pos resucita aquel antiguo espiritu Espanol de descubrir y 
poseer nuebas tierras sacrificando a este empresa vidas y cau- 
dales por el logro de las preciosas Margaritas que son las 
Almas." Our good friend and fervid missionary is waxing 
eloquent as he approaches the professional peroration of these 
reflections on his Diary. 



and never-so-well praised Puerto de San Francisco, 
where there is rendered already worship to the great 
God, and this is pushed with sacred intrepidity still 
further up the coast, I see the grand providences 
which have given and still give themselves to the end 
that we may be able to penetrate further inland 
(internar mas). I believe firmly that God must help 
us and that he must domesticate the nations most 
ferocious, if we oblige him, aggregating to his church 
so many thousands of souls as I say in the Diary are 
available for that purpose {dispuestas para haserlo), 
and who are awaiting us with open arms. When 
I have heard tell that the king our lord, in his royal 
cedulas of the new reglamento, expresses himself in 
these or some such words: '' As one of the things that 
most occupy my royal attention is the conversion of 
the gentiles, I command to my viceroy that he give 
me notice if there be any nation or nations who wish 
to flock (agregar) to our religion " — I say, that when 
I have heard these expressions I have persuaded my- 
self that his majesty must have (ha de tener) an especial 
complacency at the sight of so many as I enumerate 
in this Diary, who, having been questioned and ex- 
amined in this particular, have manifested desires to 
receive the catechism, and to submit themselves to his 
royal dominion; as also do I persuade myself that the 
desires which his majesty manifests will be carried into 


effect, even though for this it may be necessary to in- 
crease the royal costs. All of us who have the good 
fortune to be vassals of such a great king have learned 
his royal disposition to desire rather souls for God 
than moneys for his exchequer; inasmuch as there is 
no doubt it will redound to his greater glory in this 
world and in the other, opening the gates of heaven 
to so many souls, even though there remain few mill- 
ions in the royal coffers. I conclude with lively hope 
thus : The king our lord wills. The king our lord 
is able. Soon the king our lord will do that which 
is at once so sacred and suitable a thing. Amen. 

I protest that in all which I say in the Diary and in 
the Reflections thereupon nothing else moves me but 
the glory and honor of God, nor do I intend to preju- 
dice the- opinion of any one. I have told with Chris- 
tian candor what I have learned, communicating 
without invidiousness what I have seen, heard, and 
experienced, which perhaps may serve to throw some 
light upon the decisions which the superior govern- 
ment may wish to make. Well do I recognize that 
my shortcomings, and the many faults and errors that 
I have committed in this and other entradas that I 
have made into gentiledom may be in part or perhaps 
altogether such as never have been seen hitherto; 
but I have consolation that the way is open to be able 
to enter to reap the harvest, and that if it be not 


gathered now it will be simply because no laborers are 

In this Diary will be found many defects, but I con- 
fess that all are unavoidable {por no alcansar nias). 
If there be found any discrepancy between the Diary 
and the map in number of leagues, points of the com- 
pass, and observations for latitude, I advise that 
always must the map prevail; for it has been drawn 
since the Diary was written, and pains have been taken 
to make some corrections, though none of much con- 
sequence, and for this purpose the map was made in 
my presence. The figures which were promised to 
be put upon it to show each day's journey have since 
been omitted, there being so many. — Tubutama and 
January 3 of 1777. — Fray Francisco Garzes [sic]. 

[Postscript, manu aliena.*^] 

As a result of all this, and of the expeditions of 
Captain Don Juan Bautista de Ansa to Monterrey 
and San Francisco, it was determined to put a presidio 

*" This postscript or addendum is in another handwriting, 
which is the same as that of the scholiast who makes his mar- 
ginalia passim throughout the Diary. It is without heading, 
and is in fact nothing more than the annotator's final note. 
Fortunately it is dated and signed in autograph, and tells us 
who Miguel Valero Olea was. Also, the date of Aug. 4, 1785, 


and mission on the Rio Colorado under the auspices 
of the Yuma Captain Salbador Palma, who was pre- 

gives us approximately the date of the whole transcription of 
Garces' Diary; for Garces says that he finished writing it on 
January 3, 1777, and the transcription was necessarily made be- 
tween the two dates here in mention — 1777-1785. 

For the matter of which this postscript speaks, refer to what 
is said of Palma and the Yuma massacre in the Biography of 
Garces, antea, p. 21 seq.; and to other mention of Palma in the 
Diary, as at p. 155. I will amplify the curious memorandum 
which I happened upon in the Documentos para la Historia 
de Mexico, ist series, vol. i, pub. Mexico, 1854, which includes 
among other things an article entitled: Diario Curioso de 
Mexico de D. Jose Gomez, Cabo de Alabarderos. On p. 11 of 
this Diary we read: 

" El dia 4 de Noviembre de 1776 en Mexico, en el real palacio, 
el Sr. virey D. Antonio Maria Bucareli y Urzua dio el baston 
de capitan a un indio meco, y por bien le hizo poner un vestido 
de uniforme azul con veulta encarnada, la chupa galoneada de 
oro: este indio se llamaba el capitan Palma, no tenia otro nombre 
porque no era cristiano: no se sabe cuando se bautizara: y fue 
en lunes el dia de San Carlos." And again, p. 17: " El dia 13 
de Febrero de 1777 en Mexico, en el Sagrario de la santa iglesia, 
se bautizaron cinco indios mecos, y entre ellos uno que era el 
capitan Palma, y les pusieron los nombres de Carlos, y fue su 
padrino . . . y fue en jueves." That is to say, p. 11: "on Nov. 
4, 1776, at Mexico, in the royal palace, Viceroy Bucareli gave 
a captain's baton to a wild Indian, and kindly clothed him in a 
blue uniform with red facings and gold-laced waistcoat; this 
Indian was named Captain Palma, having no other name be- 
cause he was not a Christian; it is not known when he will be 
baptized; this was on Monday, the day of San Carlos." And 
p. 17: ■' On Feb 13, 1777, at Mexico, in the sacristy of the holy 
church, were baptized five wild Indians, among whom was Cap- 


tending (afectaba) to be christianized with his nation 
and others adjacent. In order the better to win him 
over and confirm him in acknowledgment of the king, 
he was brought to Mexico, with three or four of his 
relatives. They lived in a house on Calle de la 
Merced with Captain Ansa; they were catechised, 
clothed, regaled, and distinguished as far as possible; 
whereof I am an unexceptionable witness (testigo de 
cxcepcion), because, being a clerk of the viceroyal 
secretary's office {dependiente de la secretaria del vir- 
reynato), all such matters were under my charge; and 
they went home very proud (vfanos). 

Perhaps, if the presidio had been well garrisoned 
(puesto wumeroso) and put under the conditions recom- 
mended in this Diary by the venerable Padre Fray 
Francisco Garces, those conquests would have pros- 
pered and the gospel would have found itself propa- 
gated among other nations; and he would not have 
fallen a victim to those revolts, with the other padres 
and the soldiers — for whilst they were living in the 
most profound confidence, both mission and presidio 
perished one day [Tuesday, July 17, 1781], when they 
were coming from the mass, and for that reason were 
defenseless; as is confirmed by the evidence that they 
were all killed with sticks and stones, which were the 

tain Palma, and they were given the name of Carlos; I stood 
sponsor; . . . this was on Thursday." 


only weapons of those apostates and gentiles, who 
spared only the women. 

Of all of which will be given a better account in due 
time (quando se liable de proposito). 

[Signed] Miguel Valero Olea. 

This 4 of August of 1785. 

" Mention of this Franciscan friar, Fray Juan de la Asump- 
cion, raises a notable question which never has been and per- 
haps never will be answered satisfactorily. The person in 
mention, also known as Juan de la Asuncion, or Juan de 01- 
meda, is said to have entered Arizona in 1538, before September 
of that year, with another friar named Pedro Nadal. If this be 
the fact, they were the discoverers of Arizona, about a year be- 
fore the negro Estevan and Friar Marcos de Niza made their 
celebrated entrada of 1539. The whole question will be found 
exhaustively discussed, in the light of all known original docu- 
ments bearing upon it, by A. F. Bandelier, in his Contributions 
to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United 
States, published in connection with the Hemenway South- 
western Archaeological Expedition, in Papers of the Archaeo- 
logical Institute of America, American Series, vol. v, 8vo, 
Cambridge, 1890, pp. 84-105. Some of the testimony that Ban- 
delier presents may be here summarized. After showing that 
the reports of the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, contain nothing 
to the point about Friar Juan's supposed operations of 1538. 
though much about Friar Marcos, Bandelier first adduces the 
evidence of Fray Toribio de Paredes, better known as Moto- 
linia, regarding explorations made in 1538. It appears in his 
Historia de los Indios de la Nueva Espafia (Coll. Doc. para 
Hist. Mex., by J. G. Icazbalceta, 1858, vol. i, tratado iii, cap. v. p. 
171), that in 1538 the Provincial Fray Antonio de Ciudad Rod- 
rigo sent two friars, names not given, on a journey, some de- 


tails of which seem to indicate the entrada we have now in 
question, while others recall Fray Marcos' of 1539. " But in 
the very year Motolinia wrote," says Bandelier, " Fray Marcos 
was Provincial of the order, consequently his immediate 
superior, and Fray Toribio would not have failed to state that 
his provincial had made the discovery, provided he meant to 
allude to the journey of Fray Marcos, and not to another ex- 
pedition previous to it executed by another less prominent 
monk of Saint Francis," etc. Fifty-six years later, Fray Ge- 
ronimo de Mendieta gives in his Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana 
an account which, Bandelier thinks, for the most part looks 
suspiciously like a copy of Motolinia, but with certain addi- 
tional data, " so that all tends to indicate that the journey of 
1538, if performed by some monk whose position was rather 
inferior at the time, succeeded in reaching Southern Arizona. 
We should then have a discovery of Arizona one year previous 
to that of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza " (p. 91). 

Bandelier finds no more to the point regarding this supposed 
expedition of 1538 in any one of the official documents at his 
command, from the sixteenth century until the eighteenth; in 
writers of which last there " are not only detailed references 
to the problematical journey of 1538, but many details not re- 
vealed by writers of the sixteenth, and, lastly, the names of the 
two friars who made the journey. The first such author whom 
Bandelier cites is Captain Juan Mateo Mange (the same whom 
we have seen as the companion and itinerist of Father Kino's 
entradas), in a document of date 1720, entitled Luz de Tierra 
Incognita, etc. Here Mange states distinctly that in 1538 Friar 
Marcos dispatched " Fray Juan de la Asumpcion and a lay 
brother," who passed through Culiacan, etc. ; that the lay brother 
was taken sick, and left behind; that the other friar continued 
his journey 600 leagues to the northwest of Mexico, etc. — in 
fine, giving an account of a journey quite like that which 
Garces is about to signalize in his text, p. 479. The duration of 
the journey is put at nine months by Mange; and as we are told 


by Arricivita (see beyond) that it began in January, it seems to 
have ended in September, 1538. As Bandelier remarks, the 
name of the priest, Juan de la Asumpcion, can hardly have 
been invented, though he found no Franciscan of that name 
on the lists of the i6th century: "the whole looks genuine, it 
agrees fairly well with the older reports, and yet is sufficiently 
distinct from those of Friar Marcos to suggest that it refers to 
independent facts and occurrences. But the author fails to give 
his sources, and this we can but deeply regret" (p. 97). 

The next authority adduced by Bandelier is Matias de la 
Mota-Padilla, whose Historia de Nueva Galicia was written in 
1742. " The version of Mota-Padilla differs again from all 
others, in that it gives the name of the priest as Fray Juan de 
Olmeda: 'This information was given by one of the ecclesi- 
astics, called Fray Juan de Olmeda, to Father Fray Antonio 
de Ciudad Rodrigo, who sent it, through him, to the Venerable 
F. Fray Marcos of Nizza, Commissary General, who was of 
such a fiery spirit that he set out on foot and without shoes on 
the journey, taking the said Father Olmeda with him. And 
having reconnoitered the provinces of Marata, Acus, and To- 
tonteac, and obtained information concerning the province of 
Tzibola, he found it advisable to return to Mexico to give a 
detailed account to the Viceroy.' Fray Marcos was Vice Com- 
missary General in 1538. His companion on the journey was 
not Fray Olmeda, but a Savoyard lay brother called Fray 
Honorato. I cannot find as yet any trace of that Fray Olmeda 
in the sources at my disposition, as little as of Fray de la 
Asuncion, and yet neither of these names can have been in- 
vented by those who mentioned them " (p. 98). 

This brings Bandelier to consider what our own author, Garces, 
has to say on the subject: see my next note ^°, p. 509. 

After Garces, the only mention of the supposed expedition of 
1538 adduced by Bandelier from the eighteenth century is that 
given in Arricivita's Cronica Serafica, 1792. Turning to the 
Prologo of this work, I read as follows: " El ano de quinientos 


treinta y ocho por Enero salieron de Mexico, por orden del 
Senor Virrey, los Padres Fr. Juan de la Asuncion, y Fr. Pedro 
Nadal; y caminando al Norueste como seiscientas leguas, 
llegaron a un Rio muy caudaloso que no pudieron pasar; y el 
Padre Nadal, que era muy inteligente en las Matematicas, 
observo la altura del Polo en treinta y cinco grados. El 
siguiente ano de treinta y nueve entro con otros tres Religiosos 
el Padre Fr. Marcos de Niza en la expedicion Militar; y camin- 
ando al Norte, llegaron al dicho Rio, que llamaron de las Bal- 
sas, y es el que hoy llaman Colorado, y tomada la altura se hallo 
en treinta y quatro grados y medio, confirmando la identidad 
del Rio," etc. Or, in English: "In January. 1538, there started 
from Mexico, by order of the viceroy, Fathers Juan de la Asun- 
cion and Pedro Nadal; and traveling northwest about 600 
leagues they reached a river very full of water which they could 
not cross, and Father Nadal, who was versed in mathematics, 
observed the altitude of the pole in 35°. The next year of 1539 
there entered with three other religious Father Fray Marcos de 
Niza on the military expedition [Coronado's], and travelling 
north reached the said river, which they called River of Rafts, 
and the altitude being taken it was found in 34° 30', confirming 
the identity of the river," etc. The only weight that I am my- 
self inclined to allow this passage in Arricivita is the bare fact 
that there was an expedition in 1538 by the two friars named; 
for certainly they never reached either 35° or 34° 30'; certainly 
Coronado's expedition was not in 1539, but in 1540; and also, 
Rio de las Balsas was not the Colorado, but was no doubt the 
Rio Salado. 

Returning once more to Bandelier's admirable essay, we find 
him summing the case in the following terms (p. loi): "I 
frankly confess, that, while all the evidence presented above 
does not come up to the requirements of historical certainty, 
and while I should not be surprised or disappointed if subse- 
quently proof were furnished that the story originated through 
a confusion with the reports of Fray Marcos, the present con- 


dition of the case leads me to believe that the journey was really 
made, that Fray Juan de la Asuncion was the man who per- 
formed it, and that he reached as far north as the Lower Gila, 
and perhaps the lower course of the Colorado of the West; and 
that consequently there was a discovery of Southern Arizona 
one year previous to that of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of 

" The principal objection lies in the fact that the Viceroy 
makes no mention of the journey in his letter quoted by me. 
But we must not lose sight of the fact that he mentions other 
communications to the Emperor, the text of which I have not, 
and in which he says that he had sent ' two members of the 
order of Saint Francis to discover the cape of the mainland that 
runs in the direction of the north.' This passage may refer to 
Fray Marcos and his companion, but it may also allude to two 
other monks. Furthermore, if we compare the statement of 
Arricivita, that the monks left Mexico in January, 1538, and the 
statement of Mange, that the trip lasted nine months, with the 
time of departure of Fray Marcos on his journey to the north, 
we notice that the latter left only after the two monks are sup- 
posed to have returned. At the end of November, 1538, Fray 
Marcos was already in New Galicia, and the others are sup- 
posed to have returned in October." 

It only remains for me to add that the foregoing represents 
nearly or quite all the known original data on the subject; and 
that the modern writing upon this case, having nothing to add 
to our information, is merely compilation or expression of 
opinion on these sources. 

°° Whose or what Relacion Garces has thus cited is unknown, 
or at least uncertain. As the above text is obliquely con- 
structed, for the most part, yet without due indication of what 
clauses are quoted and what are Garces' own, it offers some 
difficulty of translation. I will therefore first give the Spanish, 
exactly as it stands, in order that my translation may be com- 


pared therewith, and any error I may have made be detected. 
Beginning immediately after mention of Nisa, in the last line of 
our p. 479, the text continues: 

" en cuya relacion de viage se dize que haviendo caminado 
este Religioso [i. e., Juan de la Asumpcion] como 600. leguas al 
Noroeste de Mexico Ilego a un Rio tan grande y caudaloso que 
le impidio el paso [fue sin duda el Colorado — interlineation of 
the scholiast] ; y prosigue diciendo que los Indios de este le 
informaron que como a diez jornadas al Norte habia otro mayor 
Rio, poblado de mucha Gente cuya multitud explicaron con 
pufios de arena; que tenian Casas de tres altos, y amurallados 
sus Pueblos y que andaban bestidos y calzados de gamuza y 
mantas de algodon. Confirma mi pensamiento el fundamento 
grabe de que viniendo este Rio del Nordeste respecto del 
Parage donde adquiri noticia del corresponden las diez jornadas 
hasta el Rio que cita la Relacion arriba expresada. Tambien 
en la circunstancia del bestido tengo fundamento pues a mas 
de que todos los Yabipais he visto que se visten de gamuza y 
los Moquinos de mantas; me informaron los Jamajabs que 
todas las Gentes que ellos tienen al Norte andan bestidas; con- 
viene tambien en la noticia de las Casas y Pueblos amurallados 
de que los Indios informaron al R. P. Fr. Juan de la Asump- 
cion en lo que no hallo dificultad alguna para creerlo respecto 
de que en el Pueblo de Oraibe vi Casas de dos 6 tres altos, y 
por la parte que entre en el, en la que no tenian ventana alguna 
mas parecian murallas que Casas. Asi lo dexo dicho en el 
Diario. Esta es la verosimilitud que hallo en las noticias de la 
citada relacion." 

What with peculiarity of punctuation and involution of con- 
struction the foregoing is not easy to turn into word-for-word 
English; but the sense is plain, and I regard this whole passage 
as of prime importance in its bearing upon the question of Juan 
de la Asumpcion's entrada. For it would seem to be almost con- 
clusive evidence that such an entrada was actually made into 
Arizona in 1538. The same view of the case is taken by Ban- 


delier, in the work already cited, where the author writes as 
follows, pp. 98-100: 

" Still more attention is due to the testimony of Father Fran- 
cisco Garces, of the College of the Propaganda Fide of Quere- 
taro, who in the years 1775 and 1776 performed the remarkable 
journey from Southern Arizona to the Moquis alone. In this 
report he states: 

" 'This river is doubtless the one of which, in the year 1538, 
they gave information to the R. F. [sic] Fray Juan de la Asun- 
cion, when he came into the country by the way of Sinaloa, by 
order of the R. F. [sic] Nisa, in whose report it is said that, 
having travelled six hundred leagues to the northwest of 
Mexico, he reached a river so large that it impeded his passage; 
and he adds, that the Indians of this river told him that ten 
days' journey to the north there was another, settled by many 
people, the numbers of whom they indicated by handfuls of 
sand, that they had houses of three stories, that their villages 
were walled in, and the people clothed and shod with buckskin 
and cotton mantles.' " 

Bandelier, in the above paragraph, translates not from my 
MS., but from the published version of Garces. As the matter 
is intrinsically interesting, I will transcribe the Spanish text of 
the pub. Doc. pp. 364-65, for comparison of the two texts. It 
will be observed that the following is to the identical purport 
of my own MS., yet diflfers much in the wording: 

" Tambien este rio es sin duda del que en el afio de 1538, le 
dieron noticia al R. P. Fr. Juan de Asuncion quando entro por 
Sinaloa, por mandado del R. P. Nisa, en cuya relacion se dice: 
* Que caminadas 600 leguas al norueste de Mexico, llego a un 
rio tan grande que le impidio el paso, y afiade, que los indios 
de este rio le dijeron que diez jornadas al norte habia otro 
mayor poblado de mucho gentio, cuya multitud esplicaban con 
puiios de arena; que tenian casas de tres altos, que sus pueblos 
estaban amurallados y que andaban vestidos y calzados de 


gamuza y mantas de algodon.' Mi pensamiento se funda en 
que viniendo este rio del nordeste, corresponde, segun mi dieron 
noticia, las diez jornadas cabales hasta el rio Colorado, que 
fue el grande que detuvo al padre y donde le dieron la noticia. 
Fundome tambien en la circunstancia de los vestidos, pues a 
mas de las naciones que he visto con gamuzas y mantas, me 
dijeron los jamajabs, que todas las del norte andan vestidas. 
Las casas y pueblos amurallados se hacen creibles en vista del 
Moqui en donde las casas tienen dos y tres altos, y por la parte 
de mi entrada, sin puertas ni ventana alguna, mas que casas 
parecian murallas; tengo, pues, por verosimiles las noticias de 
la relacion citada." 

But whose relation is it that Garces thus cites, comments 
upon, and credits? That is the question we cannot answer. 
Bandelier, calling special attention to the fact that Garces uses 
quotation marks, and has therefore some original relation be- 
fore him, goes on to conclude: " It cannot have been the 
Relacion of Fray Marcos which we have, for that document con- 
tains nothing of the kind. It must therefore be either the 
other report of that friar mentioned by him as having been 
written, or else a report of Fray Juan de la Asuncion, or one 
written by Father Marcos in the former's name and behalf. I 
regard the testimony of Father Garces as almost conclusive on 
this point." I agree with Bandelier that Garces' testimony is 
conclusive to the fact that there was someone's Relacion to be 
cited; but unluckily, the construction of the sentence in which 
the words " en cuya relacion " occur leaves it entirely am- 

Again, what river did Juan de la Asumpcion reach, so large 
that it impeded his passage, and what was the still larger river 
ten days further on, inhabited by numerous people clothed in 
cotton and living in walled pueblos? I see no possibility of 
settling the case satisfactorily. If we suppose the friar to have 
reached the Gila, at a time when it ran water enough to im- 
pede his passage, a still larger river to the north would be 


the Salado or Salt river; but that would not be ten days 
off, nor inhabited in 1538 by numerous people in walled 
pueblos, etc. Again, supposing the friar on either the 
Gila or the Salt, and the larger river beyond to be the 
Colorado, it could not be reached in going ten days north- 
ward, nor on it would be found the required populace. 
Turn and twist the data as we may, we find insuperable difficul- 
ties in adjusting them with known facts of geography and 
ethnology. I believe Juan de la Asumpcion to have entered 
Arizona in 1538; I suppose him to have reached the Gila; and 
the rest of the Relacion seems simply a confused account of the 
Colorado and of the Zufii or Moqui pueblos, thus erroneously 
brought together. 

" Coronado's march from Culiacan to Kansas is a singular 
climax of fame and futility. Perhaps no other expedition of 
equal extent, which discovered so much, was ever so barren of 
immediate results. It led to nothing but chagrin in Coronado's 
own time, and speedily lapsed from effect upon current affairs. 
Years afterward, all that it had accomplished acquired the 
aspect of a feverish dream, and needed to be done over again 
by different men, under different circumstances, and in a new 
light, to be carried into any actual effect. By the time that 
this was done, the actual annals of Coronado's exploitation had 
been thrown out of sober historical focus into the blurred 
chromatics of tradition, and become incrusted with myth — 
hardly anything was too fabulous to be acceptable as fact in the 
legends of Coronado's cometary orbit. Time passed; three 
centuries had their day during Coronado's aphelion, so to 
speak, and the whole subject acquired a shroud of mystery, 
which antiquarian curiosity inspected to little real purpose; for 
where Coronado went and what he did became the worn-out 
toys of would-be commentators, who juggled as they pleased 
with the actual sources of information on the subject. It is only 
within the last half century that Coronado's march has swung 


slowly into historical perihelion, the swathing has been stripped 
from this benighted mummy, and the forgotten or misinter- 
preted facts in the case have been recovered and interpreted 
aright in the critical light of modern methods of historical 

Yet it must not be assumed that when competent scholars 
had brought about this consummation the myths in the matter 
ceased to be current. They are in full swing to-day, at the 
hands of ignorant, slovenly, or willfully perverse writers. For 
example, there is not to be found in all the 300 years of tinker- 
ing at tradition a more mythical narration than that given by 
F. S. Dellenbaugh as " The True Route of Coronado's March," 
in the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, New 
York, Dec, 1897. This is not simply erroneous — it is prepos- 
terous — a sort of crazy-quilt thrown over the whole affair, only 
to be matched by the quisquillious scribblings of an Inman. 

Turning away from all such matters, whose name is legion, 
we may note some points of serious concern. One of the first 
writers of modern note in this case is James Hervey Simp- 
son, a distinguished engineer officer of the United States Army, 
whose article entitled " Coronado's March in Search of the 
' Seven Cities of Cibola ' and Discussion of their Probable Lo- 
cation " occupies the Smithsonian Report for 1869, pp. 309-340, 
map. -Simpson simply let daylight into the subject by using a 
little common sense and much personal knowledge of the coun- 
try; he is not right in every particular, but he came so near 
laying out Coronado's route that I would advise any one to 
approach the subject by first reading what Simpson had to say 
about it. He found Cibola at Zuni (as Espejo did in 1583!); 
he found Tiguex on the Rio Grande near the Rio Puerco; he 
found Cicuye at Pecos; he found Quivira in Kansas. In all of 
which main points he was right, and in many lesser points he 
was so nearly right that it is a marvel, considering that he 
wrote before such critical methods as Bandelier later used had 
ever been applied to the elucidation of early Spanish history of 


the southwestern United States. Simpson's main errors were 
committed on the plains of Texas and thenceforward, in con- 
sequence of taking Jaramillo at his word regarding a certain 
" northeast " course, instead of which Jaramillo meant to say 
"southeast"; in not sending Coronado along the left bank of 
the Arkansaw river where it flows northeast to present Great 
Bend, Barton county, Kansas; and (as I think) in putting Coro- 
nado finally too far north in Kansas — quite up to lat. 40°, or the 
border of Nebraska. Yet Simpson's route will stand forever as 
the closest approximation ever made down to 1869; for what 
has since been done in the case amounts to little more than 
readjustment of Simpson in some particulars, and addition of 
many other details. 

After Simpson, Bandelier by all means. His story of Cibola 
may be conveniently read in the book called The Gilded Man, 
N. Y., 1893, pp. 111-192. This is occupied with Coronado in 
Arizona and New Mexico, not going abroad with the explorer 
on the boundless plains of Texas; and in other writings, in 
which this painstaking, learned, and critical author deals with 
Coronado on the plains, he seems to me to have been less felici- 
tous in his conclusions. 

It was not until May, 1897, when the Fourteenth Annual Re- 
port of the Bureau of American Ethnology for 1896 appeared, 
that the original sources of information regarding Coronado's 
march were brought together and set forth with anything like 
desirable completeness, as was done by George Parker Win- 
ship in the monograph entitled: "The Coronado Expedition, 
1540-42," occupying pp. 329-613, with maps and other plates. 
This is altogether the most notable contribution ever made to 
Coronal history, dealing not only with the main expedition of 
the great explorer, but with collateral matters for twenty years, 
1527-1547. The body of Mr. Winship's article is occupied with 
the Spanish text and an English translation of Castaiieda — 
the former published for the first time, the latter original with 
Mr. Winship. For it is a curious fact that Castaneda's narrative, 


the principal source of information on the whole subject, had 
never before appeared in Spanish, having been chiefly known 
in the faulty French translation printed by Henri Ternaux- 
Compans in 1838, in the ninth volume of his collection known 
as Voyages, etc., Paris, 1837-41. The Spanish MS. used by both 
of these editors is a copy of the lost original, completed at 
Seville, Oct. 26, 1596, and is now in the Lenox Library of New 
York. The title is: " Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola con- 
puesta per Pedro de Castafieda de Naqera. Donde se trata de 
todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la qual fue el 
Afio de 1540." The Lenox MS. is here printed verbatim, or as 
nearly so as it could be deciphered, and as just said is followed 
by Mr. Winship's very painstaking English translation. Cas- 
tafieda makes a mighty good story-teller, a bad historian, a 
worse geographer, and a jaundiced critic of the affair in which 
he took part; he also wrote from memory some twenty years 
after the event; but he is altogether the most circumstantial, if 
not the most reliable, authority we possess. How extensive is 
this contribution may be inferred from the fact that with its 
English translation it runs pp. 414-546 of Mr. Winship's mono- 
graph. The Castaneda matter is preceded by the editor's his- 
torical introduction, which treats of the causes of the Coronado 
expedition, 1528-39; the expedition itself; and various collateral 
subjects. The Castafieda relation is followed by various transla- 
tions: the letter from Viceroy Mendoza to the King of Spain, 
Apr. 17, 1540; letter from Coronado to Mendoza, Aug. 3, 1540; 
the anonymous Traslado de las Nuevas, from Pacheco y Car- 
denas, Doc. de Indias, xix, p. 529, originally of date 1540; both 
Spanish text and a translation of the Relacion Postrera de 
Sivola, apparently a transcript of letters written from Tiguex in 
1541; the anonymous Relacion del Suceso; letter from Coronado 
to the king, Oct. 20, 1541; the Narrative of Jaramillo; report of 
Hernando de Alvarado; certain other testimony, abridged from 
depositions as printed in Pacheco y Cardenas; and finally, an 
extensive annotated bibliography of the whole subject. The 


work is thus a historical study of the greatest possible interest 
and value, of which the author has acquitted himself in a 
scholarly manner. 

Regarding the actual route of Coronado, the above-mentioned 
narrative of Jaramillo I think more important and less unsatis- 
factory than Castaiieda's — I can follow it better myself, and am 
not without experience in such an undertaking. Jaramillo, like 
the other man, wrote from memory after the event; but he had 
a better eye for topography, or remembered the lay of the land 
better than Castatieda; and therefore I set him over all other 
chroniclers of the expedition as its prime itinerist. There are 
also points about the anonymous Relacion del Suceso of special 
importance to the recovery of Coronado's actual route; and this 
brings up the particular matter to which I wish to devote the 
remainder of this inadequate note. 

Winship says, p. 398, that " the two texts of the Relacion del 
Suceso differ on a vital point; but in spite of this fact I am in- 
clined to accept the evidence of this anonymous document as 
the most reliable testimony concerning the direction of the 
army's march " (where it was out on the plains of Texas and 
beyond). " According to this," Winship continues, " the Span- 
iards traveled due east across the plains for 100 leagues — 265 
miles — and then 50 leagues either south or southeast." Now 
Jaramillo has it that the general bearing was northeast; and this 
has led even Bandelier astray, to say nothing of most other 
writers and far lesser authorities. Winship's acceptance of the 
easting and southeasting, rather than northeasting, adumbrates 
the most crucial point of the very notable contribution lately 
made to the whole subject by my colleague in the present work, 
Mr. F. W. Hodge. 

" Coronado's March to Quivira. An Historical Sketch," by 
Mr. Hodge, occupies pp. 29-73 of my friend J. V. Brower's 
Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, vol. 
ii, Harahay, 4to, St. Paul, Minn., 1899. In my judgment this 
is the closest approximation ever made to the actual route, as 


it is also the most critical study of all that relates to the itiner- 
ary. In this it is seen that Coronado's march from Culiacan to 
Cibola was practically identical with that of Friar Marcos de 
Niza, as outlined in my previous note ^°, p. 479 seq. Coronado 
was in fact led by the friar, who had reached Cibola the year be- 
fore, having been led there by the negro Stephen, who was led 
there by Indians who knew the way. In spite of conflicting 
statements of Marcos de Niza, of Coronado himself, of Casta- 
fieda, of Jaramillo, of anybody else, this portion of the route is 
approximately fixed; in whatever stretches the trail may be 
still a little dim, it is never lost, and probably will never be 
materially altered from what has just now been determined by 
Mr. Hodge. Not less certitude attaches to Coronado's route 
from Cibola or Zufii to the Rio Grande at Tiguex, at or near 
present Bernalillo; and the same is the happy case thence to 
Cicuye or Pecos, where the trouble begins, and where Mr. 
Hodge seems to have overcome much difificulty in a very simple 
and effectual manner. It is done by reading southeast for Jara- 
millo's " northeast," and by identifying as Rio Pecos the Rio 
de Cicuye over which the bridge was built, on the positive state- 
ment of Castafieda. I cite the paragraph in which Mr. Hodge 
makes this necessary correction (p. 60) : 

" That Jaramillo makes at least one serious error in this direc- 
tion is obvious, for, after stating that, if his memory did not 
fail him, they went in a northeasterly course from Cicuye to 
the river named after that pueblo (because, as Castafieda, p. 
504 [of Winship], says, 'it Hozved down toward Cicuye'), they 
crossed it, and ' turned more to the left hand, which would be 
more to the northeast.' There can be little room for doubt, 
therefore, that Jaramillo's first direction from Cicuye Village 
should be southeast instead of northeast, because after turn- 
ing more to the left from a northeasterly course, they could 
hardly have pursued the same course; moreover, to reach the 
plains from Cicuye or Pecos, why should the Spaniards have 
extended their march directly into the rugged mountains to 


the northeast? Furthermore, where, after traveling four days 
in that direction, could there have been found a river which 
flowed down to Cicuye, the current of which was so ' large and 
deep ' that it became necessary to spend four days of rapid 
work to build a bridge ere the army could cross? Such an in- 
significant tributary of the Pecos as the Gallinas is certainly 
out of the question, as Bandelier concluded after deciding the 
point in its favor, and the Mora and Canadian are likewise in- 
appropriate, inasmuch as neither the latter nor its branch flows 
by Cicuye or Pecos. Further proof that the Pecos could have 
been the only stream over which the bridge was built four days 
after the army left the last pueblo is given in the definite and 
important statement of Castafieda (p. 510) that, * On its return 
[from the plains] the army reached the Cicuye River more than 
thirty leagues below there — I mean below the bridge they had 
made when they crossed it, and they followed it up to that 
place . . . The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex 
[= Rio Grande] more than twenty days from here, and that its 
course turned toward the east ... As I said, the army fol- 
lozved the river up as far as Cicuye.' It is far easier to find 
error in the direction given [by Jaramillo] than in the con- 
sistent statements regarding the Rio Cicuye and its relation to 
the pueblo of that name. All the evidence (save the statements 
of the direction followed from Cicuye Pueblo) and all the 
physiographic features of the country are to the effect that the 
river which it became necessary to bridge was the Pecos and 
that it was crossed southeastwardly from the pueblo. There is 
absolutely nothing save the direction (on which, as we have 
frequently seen, little reliance can be placed) to support the 
conclusion that a northeasterly course was pursued from the 
pueblo of Cicuye-Pecos." 

In my view, Mr. Hodge has here let the cat out of a very large 
mealbag, and I do not hesitate to accept his contention. There 
are other strong features of his case, upon which I cannot dweli 
further than to emphasize the fact that the adjustment he makes 


provides for the wide sweep or loop on the Texas plains re- 
quired to adjust the direction, the distances, and the days of the 
march to the Arkansaw river. This Texan sweep must have 
been over a portion of the Llanos Estacados or Staked Plains; 
exactly how far will probably never be known. The chances are 
that Coronado reached some upper waters of the Rio Colorado 
or Red river of Texas, if not even the Nueces, before he sent 
his main army back and pushed on north. It was probably a 
point somewhere about longitude 99° or 100°. 

Wherever this furthest east or southeast may have been, 
thence the main body of Coronado's party returned to Pecos, 
making back in 25 days what had taken them Z7 days in the 
going forth. Then Coronado, with some 36 men, pushed on 
" north by the needle " for 42 days to Quivira. Now, whatever 
scope there be for speculation and contention regarding the 
exact extent of the great loop made in Texas and Oklahoma, 
there is no room whatever for uncertainty regarding the place 
where the Arkansaw was struck, crossed, and the march made 
along that river for several days. Jaramillo is explicit and con- 
clusive on this point. The river was reached on the day of 
St. Peter and St. Paul, was named for those saints, and was fol- 
lowed down stream, on its left bank, for about a week, north- 
eastward. The only place where this is possible is the stretch 
from the vicinity of Ford, where Mulberry creek comes in, some 
little distance below Dodge City, past Larned, to Great Bend, 
in Barton county, Kansas. Here was the first village of Qui- 
vira; and I regard this point as not less well assured than the 
identification of Cibola, Tiguex, or Cicuye. Therefore I repeat: 
However much or little slack-rope we pay out for Coronado's 
swing in Texas, let us hold fast to the two ends — the place where 
the Pecos was bridged and the place where the Arkansaw was 

Exactly how far, or in what direction, from Great Bend 
Coronado or any of his men proceeded in Kansas to the end of 
the province or Kingdom of Quivira will probably never be 


known. It is only by taking the text at the foot of the letter, 
pro forma, that lat. 40°, the Kansas-Nebraska boundary, can be 
assumed to have been reached; and such latitude is wholly un- 
certain. Most probably the journey ended with the discovery 
of the Republican Fork of the Kansas river, very likely not far 
from Junction City. 

One bit of Quiviran aftermath may be here recorded. Coro- 
nado was accompanied from Culiacan by four ecclesiastics, viz.: 
I. Our friend Marcos de Niza, who went to Cibola and soon re- 
turned; died at Mexico, Mar. 25, 1558. 2. Fray Juan de la Cruz, 
who stayed at Tiguex and was killed there on or about Nov. 25, 
1542. 3. Fray Luis de Escalona, an old lay brother, who went 
to Pecos (Tshiquiti = Cicuye) and was killed there. 4. Fray 
Juan de Padilla. This priest went first from Zufii to Moqui 
(Cibola to Tusayan) under Pedro de Tobar, and returned. Then 
he went from Tiguex to Quivira with Coronado, and returned. 
After that, in the fall of 1542, he again left Tiguex for Quivira, 
taking with him a Portuguese soldier named Andres Docampo, 
two young men of Michoacan "amed Lucas and Sebastian, sur- 
named Los Donados, and some Mexican Indian boys. Fray 
Juan de Padilla started his mission at some place in Quivira, 
and was killed before the end of 1542. Docampo and the young 
fellows were kept as prisoners or slaves for nearly a year; after 
which they wandered about for some eight years, from Kansas 
to Tampico in Mexico. Thereupon Docampo disappears from 
history. Sebastian soon died in Culiacan; his brother Lucas 
lived to a ripe old age as a missionary in Zacatecas. 



Eusebio Francisco Kino. 
The main source of information on this subject is 
a rare book entitled: Apostolicos | Afanes | de la] 
Compafiia de Jesus, | escritos | por un Padre [Jose 
Ortega] | de la | misma sagrada religion ] de su Pro- 
vincia | de Mexico. | I. H. S. | Con Licencia. | — | Bar- 
celona : Por Pablo Nadal Impressor, | en la calle de la 
Canuda. Aiio 1754. | i vol., small 4to or square 8vo; 
6 unpaged leaves + pp. 1-452 + 5 unpaged leaves. 
Book II, Chaps, i-xvii, pp. 224-343, is entirely devoted 
to Kino's life-work. It appears from page 242 that 
the author found a package of Kino's papers, " in 
which are co-ordinated his travels, enterprises, and dis- 
coveries " ; so that the book, being derived to some 
extent from Kino's own MSS., is of the most un- 
questionable authenticity in this regard. Padre Jose 
Ortega was also a Jesuit, but he is more particular 
and painstaking in his history and geography than 
most writers of that company in those days; dates 



abound in his writing, in orderly sequence and with 
precision; so do names of persons and places. Bar- 
ring theological bias, we can take our Ortega for 
prime authority regarding the facts of Kino's life. 

The following notice is compiled mainly from this 
source.^ The copy of the book I handle is in good 

^ Ortega has it, in his Breve Elogio del Padre Kino, forming 
chap, xvi of Book ii of his work, p. 330, that the following 
missions of Pimeria were due to this missionary: 

(1) Mission de los Dolores: with two pueblos de visita. 

(2) Mission de San Ignacio: with two pueblos de visita. 

(3) Mission de Tubutama: with nine pueblos de visita. 

(4) Mission de Caborca: which included very many persons. 

(5) Mission de Santa Maria Suamca: which, though it had few 
at headquarters, counted many persons in the pueblos de 
visita, which extended to the Sobaypuris. 

(6) Mission de Guevevi: which included no fewer Indians in 
their rancherias than Spaniards in their outposts. 

(7) Mission de San Xavier del Bac: very populous among them 

" Besides these missions, whose beginning was due to Father 
Kino, his indefatigable charity is witnessed in all those ran- 
cherias there are on the south to the Serys, on the northwest 
from the shores of Caborca to the head of the Gulf, on the 
northeast to the Rio Gila; which surely would be well occupied 
by four to six missionaries. Yet eight other missionaries would 
have field enough for their zeal in the pueblos which Father 
Kino visited, domesticated, fostered, and brought to embrace 
our holy religion, on the banks of the Gila and Colorado, being 
those of the Pimas, Opas, Cocomaricopas, Yumas, and Qui- 

Thus far Ortega, summing results of Father Kino's ministry. 


condition in the library of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology at Washington. Among other original or 
contemporary authorities, the most important one in 

With this exhibit of the state of afifairs about the close of this 
apostle's labors it may be interesting to compare the state of 
the missions in Sonora at the close of the Jesuit period, just 
before Garces appeared upon the scene. The data for this pur- 
pose are conveniently accessible in the tract I have already 
cited so often in other connections — the Rudo Ensayo, written 
for the most part in 1762 and completed in 1763; the matter 
here to be condensed beginning chap, vii, p. 204. I follow the 
spelling of proper names given in this tract, though they are 
far from being uniform and are sometimes obviously erroneous. 


All under the jurisdiction of the Visitador de Sonora — 
Visitador being the title of the superior of each Missionary 
Province, because it is his duty to visit the missions under his 
charge once, twice, or oftener during the triennial period of his 
administration, as the Provincial does with the Colleges of his 

Missions 29 in number, divided into 4 Rectorships, viz.: 

I. St. Francis Borgia: .... 8 missions. 

II. Holy Martyrs of Japan: . . . 6 " 

III. St. Francis Xavier: .... 7 " 

IV. Lady of Sorrows: 8 " 

Total 29 

The superiors of these four divisions are called Rectors, hav- 
ing the same authority over the missionaries as is given to 
rectors over colleges. 


bearing on Kino's travels is Juan Mateo Mange, 
whose itineraries, etc., are published in the Docu- 
mentos para la Historia de Mexico, 4th series, vol. i, 

/. Rectorship of St. Francis Borgia. 

This is chiefly in the Province of Ostimuri. 

1. Onapa, in charge of Fray Michael de Almela. Pimas. 

Visita: Taraichi. 

2. Aribechi or Arivetzi, in charge of Padre Roldan, the rector. 

Opatas, Jovas, Elzuis, and Eudeves. Visitas: Ponida, 

3. Saguaripa, in charge of Padre Thomas Perez. Jovas. Visita: 

Tespari; also ranchos of San Cayetano de Chamada, and of 

4. Movas, in charge of Fray Bernard Middendorf?. Pimas. 

Visita: Nuri. 

5. Onabas, in charge of Fray Henry Kirtzel. Pimas. Visitas: 

Tonitzi, Soyopa, in both of which Pimas and Eudebes live 

6. Cumuripa, in charge of Fray Joseph Joachim Franco. Pimas. 

Visita: Buena Vista. 

7. Tecoripa, in charge of Padre James (Jacobo) Sedelmayr. 

Pimas. Visitas: Zuaqui, San Jose de los Pimas. 

8. Matape, in charge of Padre William David Borio. Visitas: 

Nacori, Alamos. 

//. Rectorship of the Three Holy Martyrs of Japan. 

9. Batuco, in charge of Fray Alexander Rapicani. Visita: Te- 


10. Oposura, in charge of Padre Visitador Joseph Garrucho. 
Opatas. Visitas: Terapa, Cumpas. 

11. Tonovavi, in charge of Fray John Mentuig. Opatas. 

12. Bacadequatzi, in charge of Padre Rector Manuel de Aguirre. 


Mexico, 1856, pp. 226-402. This clean record is in 
twelve chapters, the first eight of which, running to 
p. 343, relate to travels which Mange made in person 

Opatas. Visitas: Nacori (bis — see No. 8), Mochopa; also, 
rancho of Satechi. (Jovas and Taraumares.) 

13. Vaseraca or Baseraca (Santa Maria de), in charge of Padre 
Joseph Och. Opatas. Visita: Guatzinera. 

14. Bavispe, temporarily in charge of Och, since March, 1762. 

///. Rectorship of St. Francis Xavier. 

15. Cuquiaratsi or Cuquiarachi, in charge of Padre Bartholomew 
Saenz. Visitas: Enchuta, Teuricatzi. 

16. Arispe, in charge of Padre Charles de Rojas, Vice-rector. 
Visitas: Bacoguetzi, Chinapa. 

17. Banamichi, in charge of Padre Joseph Toral. Visitas: Sino- 

quipa, Guapaca. 

18. Acotzi or Acontsi, in charge of Padre Nicolas Perera. 
Visita: Baviacora. 

19. Ures, in charge of Padre Andrew Michel; the Padre Rector 
Philip Seseger having died Sept. 28 (1762). Visita: Santa 

20. Opodepe, in charge of Padre Francis Loaisa. Eudebes. 
Visitas: Nacameri, Pimas. 

21. Cucurpe, in charge of Padre Salvador de la Peiia. Opatas 
and Eudebes. Visita: Toape. 

IV. Rectorship of our Lady of Sorrows (or Pimeria Alta). 

22. Soamca (Santa Maria de), in charge of Padre Diego Joseph 
Barrera. Pimas. Visita: Cocospera or Coespan. (The 
original mission of this Rectorship was Dolores, with 
Remedios as its visita.) 

23. Bac (San Xavier del), in charge of Padre Alphonsus Es- 


with Kino, 1694-1701, and represent a fine combina- 
tion of the good soldier with the good priest. 
Mange's matter is followed to p. 466 — almost to the 
end of the volume — with some of Kino's own papers, 
relating to prior operations of his, 1683-84, which are 
not distinctly treated by Ortega in the Apostolicos 

pinosa. Pimas. No visita; last Piman mission to the 
north. I 

24. Guevavi or Gusudac, in charge of Padre Ignatius Pfeffercorn. 
Visitas: Sonoitac, Calabazas, Tumacacori. There had been 
a fourth, called Ari[vaca], where the rebels camped in 1751. 

25. Saric, in charge of Padre Michel Gerstner; scene of the 
massacre of Nov. 20, 1751. Visitas: Busani, Arizona (or 
Arizonac), Aquimuri. 

26. Tubutama, in charge of Padre Rector Luis Vivas. Visita: 
Santa Teresa. 

27. Ati, lately in charge of Padre Joseph Hafenrichter, now 
dead; cared for by Luis Vivas. Visita: Uquitoa (or 

28. Caborca, in charge of Padre Anthony Maria Venz. Visitas: 

Pitic, Bisani. (At Caborca Father Tello murdered Nov. 
21, 1751, when Father Henry Ruhen or Ruen was murdered 
at San Miguel de Sonoitac.) 

29. San Ignacio, in charge of Padre Francis Paver, since the 
death, last April, of Padre Caspar Stiger, who administered 
it more than 30 years. Visitas: Santa Magdalena, Himuri. 

Thus there were 29 missions, 73 towns and several rancherias: 

3 towns and 2 rancherias of Jovas; 27 towns of Opatas and 
Eudebes, forming together with Jovas 11 missions; 10 towns, 

4 missions, of Eudebes alone; 14 towns, 6 missions, in Pimeria 
Baja; 22 towns, 8 missions, in Pimeria Alta. 


Afanes. Again: In the same Documentos, etc., 3d 
series, vol. iv, is found the Relacion, etc., of Cristobal 
Martin Bernal, 1697, containing much about Kino. 
Consult also Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 3 vols., Mex- 
ico, 1 84 1. Outlines of Kino's operations, derived from 
the foregoing and various other sources, are accessi- 
ble in Bancroft's works, though somewhat incon- 
veniently scattered through his several volumes on 
the North Mexican States and on Arizona and New 

The real name of this great and good padre may- 
have been Eusebius Kiihn, Kiihne, or Kiihner, 
which in Spanish became sometimes Chino, oftener 
Quino, and finally Kino. He was a native of Trent in 
the Austrian Tyrol, and a near relation of Father 
Martin Martin, S. J., a notable missionary in Asia. 
The date of his birth is unknown — it was about 1640. 
His early devotions were paid to mathematics, during 
his education at Ala in Tyrol, and his connection with 
the college of Ingolstadt in Bavaria; such being his 
proficiency in the science that a professorial chair was 
offered to him by the Most Serene Duke of Bavaria. 
This honorable academic preferment he declined, 
esteeming it only something to be sacrificed to God, 
and ardently desiring to be sent to the Indies for the 
salvation of souls. Having fancied that on one oc- 
casion he owed his recovery from sickness to the in- 

OPENING OF Ortega's eulogy of kino. 529 

tercession of St. Francis Xavier at the Throne of 
Grace, he inserted that saint's name in his own, 
which thus became in Spanish Eusebio Francisco 

' Ortega's Breve Elogio opens as follows, p. 328, literally 
translated: "He [Kino] was native of the City of Trento 
[Trent, in Tyrolese Austria], a near relative of Father Martin 
Martini, a distinguished operator of our company and Apostolic 
missionary of the Empire of Grand China, whose footsteps he 
[Kino] followed gloriously in this North America. He so ap- 
plied himself to the study of mathematics, and improved him- 
self in such manner with his great mind, that the most serene 
Duke of Bavaria, with his son Maximilian, glorious progenitor 
of the defunct emperor Carlos VII., visiting the college of 
Ynglostat [Ingolstadt], his electoral Highness [the Duke] de- 
sired to employ him [Kino] in a chair of this most useful 
science in that so celebrated university; he renounced this hon- 
orable preferment, which only served him to have the more to 
sacrifice to God, seeking to pass to the Indies, moved by his 
ardent zeal of souls, and succeeding in this soon afterward: for 
he esteemed rather the painful fatigues, dedicating himself to 
the conversion of the infidels, than the literary shining of his 
lively genius in the most elevated chairs. Having arrived in 
Mexico on the occasion of a celebrated comet [Newton's, 1680], 
which in those times occupied the curiosity and application of 
the mathematician, he discovered almost without advertising it 
that he penetrated the most delicate points of that most noble 

" Rather directing soon afterward all his vigilance to the 
greater glory of God, and of souls as well, he extended his 
ardent apostolic zeal into California, whose reduction, in the 
character of Superior of Ours he undertook; he labored there 
gloriously more than a year and a half with not a few conver- 


Ortega says, p. 328, that he reached Mexico on the 
occasion of a celebrated comet: Newton's was of 
1680, Halley's of 1682. Ortega says, p. 230, that he 
reached a mission of New Spain in 1681. Both dates 
may easily be correct. His Explicacion del Cometa 
appeared in Mexico in 1681; he became noted for his 
astronomical discussion with Sigiienza y Gongora, and 
these matters probably determined his assignation to 
duty in Lower California as cosmographer major and 
superior missionary, with two other priests, on the ex- 

sions, and with many discoveries; this so important enterprise 
ceased for lack of the necessary means to continue it; yet this 
zealous apostolic man always conserved the love of this spiritual 
conquest, firstborn of his great fiery charity; by the port of 
Guaymas, by the vicinity of Caborca, by that of Santa Clara, by 
the island that he first discovered and named de Santa Ines, by 
the disemboguement of the Rio Colorado, and by the verifica- 
tion of that peninsula to be land continuous with new Spain, he 
always sought to open the way to enter; and when once it was 
conquered, he established communication and commerce at the 
cost of continual very painful voyages, in order to facilitate its 
assistance, and remedy its natural sterility. It is almost incred- 
ible how he worked in opening the way by the Rio Colorado to 
the port of Monterrey and Cape Mendocino, judging on very 
weighty grounds that it could not be distant hence more than 
8, 9, or 10 days' journey; and it is certain that if he had suc- 
ceeded in this purpose, he would have co-operated much and 
facilitated in grand manner the reduction of an extended and 
dilated land of California, with the result of many thousands 
of souls which inhabit it, and it was to this that this indefatiga- 
ble missionary directed his efforts." 


pedition under command of Admiral Isidro Otondo 
y Antillon, which sailed in two ships from Chacala, 
Jan. 18, 1683: for particulars, see Bancroft, Hist. N. 
Mex. States, i, p. 187 et seq., with authorities there 
cited, especially Kino himself, Tercera Entrada de 
los Jesuitas en California, printed in Doc. para la Hist. 
Mex., 4th sen, i, 1856, pp. 408-468, being a diary of 
affairs at San Bruno from Dec. 21, 1683, to May 8, 

Kino is little in evidence during 1685-86, but was 
very soon transferred to the new field of exploitation 
which he was destined to make his own, where he won 
the title of Apostle of the Pimas after labors in Sonora 
and Arizona which ended only with his death; and 
during all these years he was the most commanding 
figure in Pimeria Alta. Ortega's first fixed date is 
Nov. 20, 1686, the day on which this " Apostolico 
Varon " left the City of Mexico to proceed to that of 
Guadalaxara. Here he secured from the Real 
Audiencia an order exempting his prospective con- 
verts from forced labor in mines and haciendas for a 
period of five years — not a great concession, in view 
of the previous Real Cedula of May 14, 1686, extend- 
ing such exemption to 20 years. As a late writer re- 
marks, such orders were " strictly obeyed, perhaps — 
in districts where there were neither mines nor 
haciendas " ! 


Kino left Guadalaxara Dec. i6, arrived at Ures in 
Sonora in February, 1687, and on March 13 reached 
the place where he founded the first mission, Nuestra 
Senora de los Dolores. The name '* Dolores " is still 
on our maps, at the head of that branch of Rio de 
Sonora indifferently called Rio de San Miguel and 
Rio de Horcasitas, next above Cucurpe. He went 
10 leagues westward to a place called Caborca — to be 
carefully distinguished from the better known Ca- 
borca, much further w^est, on Rio Altar — and there 
founded a pueblo called San Ignacio; this was in the 
close vicinity of modern Magdalena, on Rio Magda- 
lena (also called Rio San Ignacio). Thence going 
northward to a suitable spot, he founded a second 
pueblo, San Jose de Himeris, now best known as 
Imuris, on the same Magdalen river; and at a like 
distance eastward, a third pueblo, Nuestra Sefiora de 
los Remedios. All these in the same year, 1687; and 
to the end of his Hfe " Our Lady of Sorrows " con- 
tinued to be Kino's home or headquarters — close to 
the " Remedies " of the same lady. Soon after 1687 
the pueblos thus founded were divided into two mis- 
sions, of which Dolores and Remedios were one, San 
Jose and San Ignacio (Imuris and Caborca) were an- 
other, the former in charge of Kino, the latter in that 
of another Jesuit. 

Affairs were satisfactory, in spite of el Demonio, 

kino's first ARIZONA ENTRADA, 169I. 533 

and in 1690 Kino had a church in each one of his 
villages. In December of that year Father Juan 
Maria de Salvatierra was appointed superior and vis- 
itador of Sinaloa and Sonora; he came to Dolores, 
whence he went with Kino to the other places above 
named; whence the two congenial spirits pushed fur- 
ther into Pimeria Alta, laying great plans for spiritual 
conquests to be extended to California and elsewhere. 
Ortega, pp. 248-252, names places visited on this 
entrada of 1691 as follows: From Dolores by way of 
Santa Maria Magdalena pueblo and a land called el 
Tupo to the mission of San Pedro y San Pablo de 
Tubutama (on Rio Altar: place still so called, and 
probably in 1691 not yet a regular mission, though 
Kino may have operated there) ; thence to Saric (still 
so called, on the same river) and Tucubabia in the 
same vicinity. Here they were met by a delegation 
of Sobaipuris, from the region about the modern San 
Xavier del Bac and (San Cayetano de) Tumacacori in 
southern Arizona, begging for padres. The fathers 
determined to go to {acercarse) the Sobaipuris, and 
did so, says Ortega, p. 249, reaching in 15 leagues the 
rancheria called Guevavi where, in Ortega's time {al 
presente — 1752) there was a mission; but it does not 
appear that Guevavi was the place where the Sobai- 
puris were met or a mission was then founded, and 
all those who so state must have misread their Ortega. 

534 kino's second Arizona entrada, 1692. 

However, the latter clearly states that the priests 
pushed on to San Cayetano Tumagacori (sic) ; and this 
place being close to Tubac Kino now makes his first 
entrada into Arizona, at or near our recent Fort 
Mason, on the Santa Cruz river. The fathers then 
went to Santa Maria de Suamca, a place almost on 
our boundary, east of Los Nogales; and thence to 
Cocospera, easily found on a modern map. There 
they separated. Kino tarrying awhile, and Salvatierra 
returning from his extended tour of inspection. 

Early in September, 1692, Kino returned to 
Suamca, presumably starting from his own mission of 
Dolores, which he had meanwhile regained; he is also 
said to have pushed on to San Xavier del Bac, thus 
making his second Arizona entrada, and returning to 
Dolores on Dec. 11, 1692. Either immediately, or 
early in 1693, he made a tour westward through 
Tubutama and thence down Rio Altar far enough 
to sight the Gulf of California from a hill he then 
or afterward called Cerro Nazareno. On this journey 
he was accompanied by Father Agustin Campos, who 
had meanwhile come to take charge of the mission 
of San Ignacio. At a place on the river called Ca- 
borca — the one still well known by this name — 
they found many Sobas, so named for their cacique, 
who were infidels, and at war with the Indians of the 
vicinity of Dolores. The fathers composed the dififi- 

kino's entradas of 1693-94. 535 

culty and imposed upon the small place the large 
name of Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepcion de Caborca, 
which in Ortega's time (1752) still remained the most 
remote mission of Sonora. This journey is notable as 
the first on record to reach the Gulf coast via Altar 
river. Kino was at Caborca in July, 1693, and 
again examined the country thereabouts in February, 
1694, as will presently appear. Ortega being too curt 
just here, I turn to Mange's Diary for original infor- 

At that very date, Domingo Jironza Petriz de 
Crusate, an ex-governor of New Mexico, was put in 
command in Sonora, to wage war against Apaches 
and other hostiles during 1694. His nephew, Juan 
Mateo Mange, was commissioned as lieutenant, or- 
dered to escort padres, and report in writing; his dia- 
ries are extant, as above said. Mange reached Kino's 
Dolores mission Feb. 3, 1694; and on the 7th both 
started over the Sierra del Comedio to reach Santa 
Maria Magdalena (de Buquibava), where they were 
joined on the 8th by Marcos Antonio Kappus from 
Opodepe; and starting on the 9th they reached 
Pueblo de Caborca in two days. They followed down 
the river; on the 14th crossed the hills whose highest 
point was Cerro Nazareno, whence they viewed the 
gulf, and on the 15th reached the coast — first of white 
men to have done so from Pimeria Alta. The return 

536 kino's entradas of 1694. 

to Dolores, by nearly the same route, was accom- 
plished on the 23d. Among places mentioned by 
Mange on this excursion are: Tupocuyos, San Miguel 
Bosna or Bosua, Laguna de Oacue, alias San Barto- 
lome, Rancheria de Pitiqui, Caborca, San Valentin, 
Cerro Nazareno, and Paraje de las Ollas — from 
which last it was nine leagues to the coast. Four 
Californian hills, seen on the contracosta across the 
gulf, were called Santos Evangelistas; an island with 
three hills, Tres Marias; and the supposed Seri island 
of Tiburon, San Agustin (now Angel de la Guarda). 

This journey was soon repeated; for Kino and 
Mange left Dolores Mar. 16, 1694, to visit the Sobas 
again with the intention of having a boat built to 
carry supplies to Salvatierra; but it was never com- 
pleted. This time they went by Santa Maria Mag- 
dalena to San Pedro Tubutama, then a mission under 
Father Daniel Januske, or Januusqui, sometimes 
Jarniuke, who had taken charge in 1693. They de- 
scended the river past places they called Santa Teresa, 
San Antonio de Oquitoa cr Uquitoa and El Altar^ — 
the latter name has stuck to the place, and become 
that of the whole river — to Caborca on the 20th; hav- 

* Mange says, p. 244, that being at the rancheria de San An- 
tonio de Uquitoa. " proseguimos 2 leguas adelante al remate 
del rio, que aqui se sume a un paraje que llamamos el Altar," 
etc. This was where the river ceased to run. 

kino's third caborca entrada, 1694. 537 

ing also made a side trip through places called Quesoll 
and Vacpia, Kino went no further; Mange passed a 
Rancheria de Unnicat, visited the coast, and named 
a small port Santa Sabina; both returned to Dolores 
April 4. 

For a third time Kino made the Caborca trip to 
attend to his futile boat-building. Mange left him at 
Tubutama June 8, 1694, and went up the river past 
rancherias of Gutubur, Saric, Tucubavia, and Gubo to 
a rancheria named Cups, so called from a smoking 
rocky cave in the vicinity, 23 leagues beyond Tucu- 
bavia, whence he brought word of Casas Grandes 
when he joined Kino at Caborca on the nth.* 
Kino's return from this tour, to his Dolores mission, 
is not noted. But he was soon there, probably by 
the end of June. 

In October, 1694, Father F. X. Saeta arrived at 
Dolores, and Kino took him to the mission of 
Caborca, where he was murdered April 2, 1695. 

* As this is an important matter, I give the passage from 
Mange himself, whom I am collating with Ortega along here. 
Mange says, p. 253, that when he was at Cups he registered some 
Indians, etc., who " tambien noticiaron que como cinco dias de 
camino, hacia el Nordeste, al margen de un rio grande [t. e., 
Rio Gila] que corre de Oriente al Poniente, habia muchos 
indios caribes y unas casas grandes, gruesas y muy altas " — so 
far as I know the very first intimation the Spaniards had of 
these remarkable structures. 

538 kino's third ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 694. 

Meanwhile, some Indians from Bac confirmed at 
Dolores the report of Casas Grandes on the Gila, and 
in November, 1694, the tireless Kino went alone to 
examine them. This time he reached the Gila, and 
said mass in the Casa Grande. The journey is thus 
notable.^ Kino reported upon the venerable ruins; 
named two Piman rancherias, Encarnacion and San 
Andres, 4 leagues apart; Ortega uses the name Rio 
Azul for the main branch of the Gila, though this is 
perhaps not in Kino's MSS. of that date (it appears 
on his map of 1701 as " R. Hila"); and speaks of 
Kino's being persuaded that the region of the Casa 
Grande was that called the Seven Cities (of Cibola) 
by Marcos de Niza (1539). Kino's return to his mis- 
sion is not noted; no doubt it was soon after this fly- 
ing visit to the Gila. 

' I have already (p. 92) noted Kino's discovery, on Mange's 
authority, but will here quote from the latter, p. 259, the whole 
paragraph concerning it: 

" En el interin de esta campana [which Mange made] mismo 
mes y ano [Nov., 1694] salio por si el reverendo padre Fran- 
cisco Eusebio Kino, a descubrir el rio [Gila] y casas grandes 
dentro de las cuales dijo misa porque cuando a mi me noticia- 
ron los pimos de ellas estuvo incredulo su reverencia algun 
tiempo hasta que viniendo a verlo a los Dolores algunos indios 
de la poblacion de San Javier del Bac, preguntandolos, se lo 
certificaron y le acompanaron de guias para ir a verlas y descu- 
brirlas, contando mucho gentio por el camino que anduvo de 
ida y vuelta fue de mas de 200 leguas, y lo apunto en embrion 
por no haber ido yo a este descubrimiento." 

kino's travels of 1695-97. 539 

During the bloody disturbances of 1695, in which 
Father Saeta, a few Spaniards, and many Indians were 
killed, Kino seems to have made no entradas. But 
on Nov. 16, leaving Father Agustin de Campos in 
charge at Dolores, he started on a journey to the 
City of Mexico, which he accomplished in six weeks, 
to lay the case of the Pimas and other matters orally 
before the viceroy (Conde de Galvez) and the padre 
provincial. There he met Salvatierra, who arrived 
Jan. 6, 1696, to see about his own California affairs. 
Kino left Mexico Feb. 8, and reached Dolores in the 
middle of May, having traveled via the country of the 
Tarahumara Indians; Father Caspar de las Barillas, 
or Varillas, came with him. 

On Dec. 10, 1696, Kino started from Dolores, and 
went to San Pablo de Quipuri, a place near the head 
of that branch of the Gila now called San Pedro, in 
vicinity of present Tombstone, Ariz. His return is 
not noted, but was speedy. 

On Jan. 19, 1697, he started for San Cayetano de 
Tumacacori and San Xavier del Bac, which he visited 
and returned. 

On Feb. 3 Kino was at Caborca, with Mange and 
Father Agustin de Campos, to settle Father Varillas 
in that mission. 

On Mar. 17 Kino went to inspect the posts of San 
Luis, San Cayetano, San Geronimo, Santa Maria, and 

540 kino's fourth Arizona entr>.\da, 1697. 

San Pablo. At this time Father Pedro Ruiz de Con- 
treras was settled in the mission of Santa Maria de 
Suamca, with the Pueblo de Cocospera as his visita. 
On the 30th the Rancheria de Santa Cruz on Rio 
Quiburi was attacked and sacked. 

In September, 1697, some Pima Indians came for 
missionaries to Dolores, and even to Baseraca, where 
resided Horacio Polici, superior of the Sonoran mis- 
sions. Kino accompanied them, arriving at Baseraca 
Oct. 6. He returned at once to Dolores; and on Nov. 
2 left that mission to join an important military and 
ecclesiastical expedition at Quiburi. Mange was 
with him, and the route is given much more fully in 
Mange's Capitulo Quinto, p. 275 seq., than in Or- 
tega's narrative. They went from Dolores to Reme- 
dios, 2d; to Cocospera, 4th; San Lazaro and Santa 
Maria Suamca, 5th; San Joaquin Basosuma, 6th; a 
place they called Santa Cruz Gaibanipitea or Gaibau- 
ipetea, 7th, 8th; where they joined Captain Cristo- 
bal M. Bernal with 22 soldiers; Quiburi, 9th. Thence, 
starting on the nth, they went down Rio Quiburi 
(present Rio San Pedro), passing places called Ala- 
mos, nth; Baicadeat, 12th; Causae and El Rosario 
or Jiaspi, 13th; Muiva, San Pantaleon Aribaiba, 14th; 
Tutoida or Zutoida, Comarsuta, and Victoria de Ojio, 
15th; and noting on this day two other rancherias, 
Busac and Tubo, east of the line of march. On the 

kino's fourth ARIZONA ENTRADA^ 1 697. 54I 

i6th they reached the Gila, and descended it three 
leagues. " El gran rio Gila " Mange calls it, and 
speaks of its origin south of the New Mexican 
pueblo Peiiol de Acoma. The river may have been 
first so called on this occasion; though the word Xila 
occurs in Benavides, about 1630, and though the river 
had been named Rio del Nombre de Jesus by Juan de 
Ofiate in 1604-05, and known to the Spaniards since 
1538 or 1539. During Nov. 17-20 they traveled down 
the Gila, mostly at some little distance therefrom. 
They went eight leagues to a spring they called San 
Gregorio Taumaturgo, and two leagues further to San 
Fernando, on the river, 17th; over plains on the i8th 
to Casas Grandes, " dentro de las cuales dijo misa el 
padre Kino que hasta alia camino en ayunas," and of 
which great houses Mange's Diary gives more than a 
page of description. On the 19th, four leagues were 
passed over sterile plains to Tusonimon, Tusonimo, 
or Santa Isabel; on the 20th, seven leagues to San 
Andres, which was the extent of the outgoing. On 
the 2 1 St they made a dry camp, on the way south- 
ward to ascend Rio Santa Cruz; 22d, camped at Santa 
Catarina de Cuitciabaqui; 23d, up the river to a ranch- 
eria in Valle de Correa and to San Agustin de Oiaur 
(at or near modern Tucson, Ariz.); 24th and 25th, 
San Xavier del Bac, or Batosda; 26th, San Cayetano 
Tumacacori, where Kino left Bernal's party. The 

542 kino's fifth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1698. 

rest of the route homeward was by Guevavi, 27th; 
San Lazaro and Santiago de Cocospera, 28th; Nues- 
tra Senora de los Remedios, 29th; Tuape, Dec. 2, 
reaching Dolores that day or the 3d. The round trip 
of this entrada was supposed to be 260 leagues, and 
to have nearly approached the Moquis! We have 
full details from various sources besides Mange's 
Diary, including Bernal's own official report, and a 
relacion by Kino himself. 

In the summer of 1698 Kino was sick; but by au- 
tumn he had recovered, and undertook a still more 
extended entrada in Arizona. The fame of Salva- 
tierra's exploitation of Californian heathen had 
spread, and Kino was charged by the viceroy and 
superiors of the Jesus company wath a reconnoissance 
of northern Pimeria and Papagueria, to see how best 
to send supplies from that quarter to Salvatierra on 
the sterile peninsula. On Sept. 22 Kino started 
with Captain Diego Carrasco from Dolores, went via 
Bac to the Gila, down this river some distance, and 
then continued from San Andres 80 leagues south- 
west to the gulf, at a place he supposed to be that 
called Santa Clara " by the ancient geographers." 
This is uncertain; but Kino speaks of " fresh water " 
and " wood " there, and elsewhere says that in 1698 
he saw from the Cerro Santa Clara how the gulf 
ended at the disembogue of the Rio Colorado; so we 

kino's sixth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 698. 543 

may accept it as a fact that he was in sight of that im- 
portant point for the first time. The return trip is 
not very clear. Rancherias were named San Fran- 
cisco, San Seraphin, Merced, San Rafael (modern 
Actum) ; 22 leagues westward of which latter he called 
by the name of San Marcelo a place the natives knew 
as Sonoydag (/. e., the well-known Sonoitac or Son- 
oita); 15 leagues from which he came to Bacapa, 
whence it was 40 more to Caborca; whence, via Tubu- 
tama, he reached Dolores about the middle of Octo- 
ber, as he reported his journey in a letter dated the 
1 8th or 20th. (For some conflicting statements, cf. 
Bancroft, No. Mex. St., i, p. 266, note®^; I have fol- 
lowed the Apost. Afan. This entrada is not given in 
Mange. ) 

Again the thoughts of the restless Kino turned like 
the needle to the north; and on Feb. 7, 1699, he 
undertook a new entrada with Mange and Father 
Adan Gilg, or Adamo Gilo as Mange has it. The 
route from Dolores was: to San Tgnacio Caborica, 
7th; to Santa Magdalena de Buquivaba and Tupo, 8th; 
San Pedro del Tubutama, 9th; Saric, Busanic, and 
Tucubavia, loth; Guvoverde, nth; a spring of crystal- 
line water they called Santa Eulalia, 12th; past a 
watering-place in vicinity of which was a high castel- 
lated rock they named Area de Noe or Noah's Ark, 
13th; continued westward, 14th; to San Rafael, Ac- 

544 kino's seventh Arizona entrada, 1699. 

tun or Actum, 15th; San Marcelo de Sonoita, i6th; 
down the arroyo to a carrizal, 17th; to an Aguage de 
la Luna, i8th; and thence, it is said, 33 leagues 
about northwest to the Gila, some three leagues 
from its mouth, on the 21st. We owe this itine- 
rary to that capital fellow Mange — I wish Kino 
had gone nowhere without him! In broad out- 
line, this trip was from Rio Magdalena over 
to and up Rio Altar, over to and down Rio 
Papago, and thence obliquely to Rio Gila three 
leagues from Rio Colorado; arrived Feb. 21st. 
There they met Pimas, Yumas, Opas, and Cocomari- 
copas; named two rancherias San Pedro and San 
Pablo; and heard of Indians beyond called Iguanes, 
Cutganes, and Alchedomas, besides many more won- 
derful things not necessary to specify here. On the 
23d they started up the Gila, and continued on that 
course to the 27th inclusive. Kino then first called 
this river Rio de los Apostoles, and the Colorado he 
named Rio de los Martires; he also grouped the four 
Gilan branches (Verde, Salado, Santa Cruz, San Pe- 
dro) as Los Evangelistas — to such an absurd extent 
did he carry his craze for theological geography.* 
Rancherias passed thus far along the Gila were called 

' Mange's record of this nomenclature is on Feb. 27, 1699, p. 
305, as follows: " llamo a este rio grande de los Apostoles, al 
Colorado por el terreno sanguino, de los Martines [sic, mis- 

kino's seventh ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 699. 545 

San Mateo de Caut, San Matias Tutum, San Tadeo 
de Vaqui, and San Simon Tucsani, On the 28th they 
reached the great bend, which they cut off by going 
east March i; on the 2d descried from a hill the 
Rio Verde, and camped that night at a Piman ranch- 
eria they called San Bartolome del Comae, above the 
mouth of the Verde or Salado (but compare Kino's 
map of 1 70 1, where places are marked along the Gila 
to the Salado as follows: Tota, Tutomagoidag, 
Sicoroidag, S. Simon Tucsani, Santiago, S. Tadeo 
Batqui, and S. Felipe). On the 3d, at 10 leagues 
above Rio Salado, they were at San Andres de Coata, 
which was as far down as they had come in 1697; 
they went on past Encarnacion, apparently to Casas 
Grandes, on the 4th; turned southward to Santa Cata- 
rina, 5th; continued to San Agustin Oiaur (Tucson), 
6th ; and reached San Xavier del Bac on the 7th. The 
rest of the homeward journey was by San Cayetano de 
Tumagacori or Tumacacori, Guevavi, Bacuancos, 
Cocospera, Remedios, to Dolores March 14, 1699. 

The same year of 1699 the superior of the Sonoran 
missions was Father Antonio Leal, who wished to 
make an inspection. So he and Kino, with Father 
Francisco Gonzalez (or Antonio Gonsalvo), and the 

print for Martires], y el Salado, el Verde, y los dos de los 
sobaipuris que se juntan con este [Gila], dijo se llamasen de 
Ids Evangelistas." 

546 kino's eighth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1699. 

good Mange, left Dolores Oct. 24, and went by the 
same route last said above to S. X. del Bac. Mange 
names Remedios, 24th; Rio de Santa Maria and plains 
of San Lorenzo, 25th; Quiquiborica and San Luis de 
Bacuancos, 26th; Guevavi or Gusutaqui, and San 
Cayetano de Jumagacori (Tumacacori), 27th; a de- 
populated place, 28th; to Bac on the 29th. Here 
Leal and Gonzalez stayed, while Kino and Mange 
continued down river to San Agustin de Oiaur (Tuc- 
son ) , Nov. I ; then 1 5 leagues further to places 
they called Santa Catarina de Caituagaba and San 
Clemente, 2d; and back to Bac on the 4th. Kino's 
return homeward was by quite a different route. On 
the 5th he started westward and went 12 leagues to no 
named place; 6th, west 6 leagues to Tups or Tupo, 
and 3 leagues to Cups, Cops, or (Rancheria) del 
Humo; 7th, west 8 leagues to San Serafin de Actum, 
where they received a delegation of Indians from San 
Francisco Ati; 8th, 13 leagues northwest and west to 
San Rafael; 9th, 9 leagues to Baquiburisac, at 16 
leagues to Coat and Siboida or Sibagoida; loth, to San 
Marcelo del Sonoita; nth, San Ambrosio de Busanic; 
13th, San Pedro del Tubutama; 14th, Santa Maria 
Magdalena de Buquibava; 15th, San Ignacio; 17th, 
Remedios; i8th, Dolores. This trail cannot be made 
out satisfactorily from Ortega; but it is plain enough 
in Mange's itinerary, pp. 317-320. 

kino's ninth' ARIZONA ENTRADA, I/OO. 54/ 

It is just now at the turn of the years 1699-1700 
that Kino receives from his biographer the crowning 
title of Apostle of the Pimas: " nuestro insigne grande 
Jesuita, a quien por su incansable afan en alumbrar 
a esta tan numerosa Nacion, con razon pudieramos 
llamar Apostol de los Pimas," says Ortega, p. 280. 

The year 1700 was the eighteenth of the apostle's 
active operation on souls. On March 29, he received 
at Dolores from some Cocomaricopas a present of 
blue seashells, such as had already excited his geo- 
graphical curiosity when he was among the Yumas; 
and this started him off on a new exploration. He left 
Dolores April 21, passed through Cocospera, and 
continued by San Luis Guevavi to San Cayetano 
Tumacacori, 5 leagues beyond which he was in the 
Rancheria de los Reyes, and thence proceeded to San 
Xavier del Bac. Here he enquired about seashells 
to no purpose; but the occasion is memorable as that 
on which he laid the foundations of a large church, 
of the light workable stone which Ortega calls tu- 
zontle, and others tetzontli — certainly the foretelling if 
not actually the beginning of the historic edifice still 
standing in Bac. He regained Dolores May 5. 

On Sept. 24, 1700, our " incansable Operario de la 
vifia del Sefior " started for the Gila by a mostly new 
route. He went from Dolores by way of Remedios, 
San Simon y San Judas, San Ambrosio de Busanic, 

548 kino's tenth ARIZONA ENTRADA^ I7OO. 

Tucubabia, Aguage de Santa Eulalia, Nuestra Seiiora 
de la Merced, and Rancheria de San Geronimo, thus 
striking Rio Gila above its great bend, which is 
recognizably described on his journey down this river 
to the Yumas. Here he climbed a hill to see whether 
California was mainland or an island, and heard of 
Indians called Quiquima, Bagiopa, Hoabonoma, and 
Cutgana. Crossing to the north side of the Gila he 
went dovv'n to its confluence with Rio Colorado, and 
the Yuma rancheria there, on the east side of the 
latter river, he named San Dionisio, that being the 
ecclesiastical functionary on whose day he reached the 
spot; the name is printed " Doonysio " on his map of 
1701. Having made his geographical observations, 
among which it is interesting to observe the use, per- 
haps for the first time, of the name " Alta California," 
and for which he was afterward/ considered to have 
settled the question of Californian peninsularity, he 
started to return home. This was by way of places 
called Aguage de la Trinidad and Agua Escondida to 
San Marcelo (Sonoita): thence by San Luis de 
Bacapa and San Eduardo to Caborca; thence by 
Tubutama and San Ignacio to Dolores, Oct. 20. 

The fame of this exploration spread to Father Juan 
Maria de Salvatierra at his post of duty in California 
Baxa. In January, 1701, he reached Sinaloa at the 
mouth of Rio Yaqui; on Feb. 16 he was found by 


Mange at Cucurpe, and before the end of the month 
Salvatierra was with Kino at Dolores — par nohile fra- 
trum. These congenial souls immediately planned a 
new journey, of which Mange gives us the itinerary. 
According to this, the expedition went from Dolores 
over Sierra del Comedio to San Ignacio, Feb. 27; by 
Santa Maria Magdalena to Tups or Tupo, 28th; San 
Pedro del Tubutama, Mar. i ; Ati or Addi, and Uqui- 
toa, 5th; Pitquin or Pitiqui, and Caborca, 6th. Kino 
appears to have followed a little later, starting March 
I, by way of Cocospera, San Simon, Busanic, etc., 
to Caborca. On March 10 both padres and Mange 
left Caborca, reaching San Eduardo Baipia or Paipia 
that day; northwest to a dry camp, nth; San Luis de 
Bacapa, 12th; San Marcelo de Sonoita, 14th; whence 
they took up a route directly toward the mouth of 
Rio Colorado. This is barely indicated by Ortega 
as approximately down the arroyo sometimes called 
Rio Papago and so on to the coast of the gulf, around 
the lower end of the Santa Clara mountains (modern 
Gila range?). Places named by Mange are: Coma- 
quidam or Anunciata, 10 leagues from Sonoita, i6th; 
Sicobutovabia or Totonat, 10 leagues down the dry 
arroyo, i8th; Basotutcan or San Jose Ramos Ayod- 
sudao, 8 leagues more westerly over a plain at foot of 
mountains, 19th; Tupo or Aibacusi, 8 leagues west 
over volcanic malpais, 20th; Cabo Guasivavia or Du- 

550 kino's eleventh Arizona entrada, 1701. 

burcopota, 8 leagues west over desert, and only two 
leagues from the coast, which was reached on the 
2 1 St. This was at a point where the gulf was judged 
to be 12 leagues wide, perhaps at or near modern 
Adair bay. Geodetic and other observations were 
made which satisfied both padres, but not Mange, 
that California was a peninsula. It being judged im- 
possible to ascend the coast to the head of the gulf 
the party started back on the 23d, and retraced their 
steps to Sonoita. They were there and thereabouts, 
with some short side trips, till April 6, when Salva- 
tierra started to go direct to Dolores, en route for 
Guaymas; while Kino and Mange proceeded eastward 
via San Rafael, Merced, and San Seraphin to San 
Xavier del Bac on the 9th; whence, continuing south- 
ward by the regular route I have several times indi- 
cated, they reached Dolores April 14 or 16. This is 
the last we have of Mange's itineraries. 

Fulfilling his pledge to Salvatierra, Kino planned 
another tour of exploration and evangelization, which 
he hoped would be less futile than the last. Leaving 
Dolores on Nov. 3, 1701, he traveled by Remedies, 
Cocospera, San Lazaro, San Luis de Babi, and San 
Simon, to Busanic. There, leaving Tubutama and 
Caborca aside, he took a new route to San Marcelo 
Sonoita, by places called Rancheria de Ooltan (other- 
wise San Estanislao de Ooltan), Rancheria de Anamic 

kino's twelfth ARIZONA ENTRADA, I/OI. 55I 

(otherwise Santa Ana de Animic, 15 leagues from the 
last place), San Martin, and San Rafael. From 
Sonoita, departing on Nov. 12, he reached the Gila 
at San Pedro by the route already noted on other 
journeys. Mange accompanied him no further; he 
went alone, or with one soldier, who soon ran away, 
but with a crowd of Indians, down the Gila to the 
Colorado at San Dionisio, immediately opposite mod- 
ern Fort Yuma. Crossing the Gila at its mouth, to 
the south side, he went through the rancherias of the 
Yumas, to the last of which he gave the name Santa 
Isabel; and on Nov. 19 he arrived at the first ran- 
cheria of the Quiquimas, which he called San Felix 
de Valois. On the 21st, still going down the left 
bank of the Colorado, he crossed the river on a raft, 
where it was 200 varas wide, and named the place 
Presentacion; there, still among the Quiquimas, he 
was visited by a throng of Coanopas, Cuteanas or 
Cutganas, and Ojiopas or Giopas (elsewhere Bagio- 
pas). He was told that the blue seashells did indeed 
come from the Californian contracosta, eight or ten 
days distant, and that he was only one day from the 
mouth of the Colorado. It seems to me miraculous, 
almost, that he did not proceed that one more day, 
after so many weary weeks and months as he had al- 
ready spent in several attempts to determine this 
point; but he did not, perhaps being fully satisfied 

'552 kino's thirteenth ARIZONA ENTRADA, I702. 

that he was in CaHfornia, and that that was not an 
island. He recrossed the Colorado to the east side, 
retraced his steps to San Dionisio and San Pedro del 
Gila, and by the same route he had come, through 
San Marcelo de Sonoitac, he went on to Dolores, 
reaching home Dec. 7, 1701. 

Kino's map, supposed to be of 1701, has often been 
published. It was then, and long remained, by far 
the best delineation of Sonora, southern Arizona, and 
the gulf coast of Lower California. But the holy 
father was not yet to rest from his weary work. The 
possibility that California might after all be an island 
haunted his imagination, and the devil was still busy 
in partibus inMelium. 

Therefore he left Dolores Feb. 5, 1702, starting on 
what proved to be his last entrada northward, in com- 
pany with Father Francisco Gonzalez, the missionary 
at Oposura. (This brother missionary is named 
Francisco Gonzalez in Bancroft, i, pp. 259 and 500, as 
being with Kino in November and December, 1701. 
He is apparently the Manuel Gonsalez given in Rudo 
Ensayo, p. 132, as having accompanied Kino to the 
mouth of the Colorado.) They passed through 
Remedios, San Simon, Busanic, San Estanislao, Santa 
Eulalia, Santa Sabina, San Martin, and San Rafael, 
to San Marcelo (Sonoita); whence by the same route 
as before they reached San Dionisio at the mouth of 


the Gila, Feb. 28. The next day they went down to 
Santa Isabel; and leaving to the right San FeHx de 
Valois and La Presentacion, they reached a large 
Quiquima rancheria which they named San Rude- 
sindo. Continuing southward, they found on the 
4th rancherias of the same nation to one of which they 
gave the name of San Casimiro; on the 5th they were 
at tidewater; on the 6th they failed in attempting to 
cross the river from its left to right shore, and on the 
7th they reached the very mouth of Rio Colorado, at 
a point where nothing but land could be seen on the 
south, west, and north. On the 8th they were be- 
sought by natives to cross to the California side, but 
did not do so; they were told of a certain Rio Ama- 
rillo in that direction, and that in eight or ten days 
they might reach the opposite seacoast. But Father 
Gonzalez was sick; Kino essayed a cut across country 
to Sonoita, which proved impracticable; and so the 
return was by the way they had come, through Santa 
Isabel, San Dionisio, and so on, to Sonoita on the 22d. 
Here the witness of Kino's first and last view of the 
mouth of the river grew worse; at Santa Sabina he 
received the viaticum; at Tubutama he was dying, at 
San Ignacio dead. Kino wrote his report of this 
entrada April 2; he never saw the Gila or Colorado 

This year of 1702 the veteran missionary was as- 

554 kino's movements in 1704-06. 

sisted at Dolores by Father Louis Velarde; the 
weight of years was coming upon him, his career as 
an explorer nearly ended. During this year or 1703 
he wished to go to the City of Mexico, but gave it up. 
In 1704 he opened new communication with Guay- 
mas via Opodepe, Nacomeri, and Santa Maria del 
Popolo; the same year saw the completion of fine 
churches at Remedios and Cocospera. The year of 
1705 was troublous, without results which concern 
us here. In January and February, 1706, he visited 
the Sobas, and from Caborca proceeded southwest 
over a new route to the gulf, at a point at or near 
modern La Libertad, which seems to have been 
Kino's Puerto de San Juan Bautista; he named an 
island Santa Inez, a cape San Vicente, and returned 
to Dolores Feb. ^y. We read of some comparatively 
short trips in April, May, and June. 

The last record of an extended tour northward is 
of October and November, 1706. Having been to 
Cuquiarchi for two corporals who were to escort him, 
he arrived at Bacoachi Oct. 14; at Bacanuchi the 
15th, and was home next day. He left Dolores on 
Oct. 21 en route to Tubutama, swinging around by 
way of Remedios, where he met Fray Manuel de 
la Ojuela, 22d; to Cocospera, 23d; to San Simon y 
San Judas del Syboda, 24th; to Babasaqui, 25th; 
Santa Barbara, 26th; San Ambrosio del Busanic, 

kino's last entrada, 1706. 555 

Santa Gertrudis del Saric, and San Bernardo del 
Aquimuri, 27th. Kino and Ojuela thus reached 
Tubutama on the 28th, and were welcomed by Father 
Geronimo Minutih. Thence they passed by Santa 
Theresa to San Antonio del Uquitoa, 29th; by San 
Diego del Pytquin (Pitiqui) to Caborca, 30th; to San 
Eduardo del Baypia, 31st; through San Luis Beltran 
de Bacapa and far beyond, Nov. i ; to San Marcelo 
Sonoydag (Sonoita), 2d; remained 3d; to a good 
aguage del carrizal (reedy watering place), 4th; to 
Santa Clara mountain at a water-tank in rocks, 5th. 
Ascending the heights, Kino took his last view of the 
waters of the gulf, noting the continuity of California 
with Pimeria, and returned to San Marcelo on the 
7th. Thence the route was: San Rafael del Actum 
and Aguage de San Martin, 8th; Santa Bibiana, 9th; 
San Estanislao de Octam, loth; Busanic and Tubu- 
tama, nth, remaining 12th and 13th; Santa Maria 
Magdalena, 14th; Dolores, i6th. 

This was the last long earthly pilgrimage of the 
great Jesuit and typical missionary, whose Afanes 
were geographic exploration and the salvation of 
souls. He continued to labor with tongue and pen, 
indeed, from 1707 to 1710 or 171 1, when he went his 
eternal way. The date of his death, like that of his 
coming to Mexico, is in question by one year. All 
agree that his labors lasted 30 years; the author of the 


Apostolicos Afanes gives 1680- 17 10; others say 1681- 
1711; Mange has death in 1711, age " de casi " 70 
years, of which 24 were in Pimeria. This uncertainty 
is the more remarkable, in that there is perhaps not 
another missionary record more abounding in exact 
dates, as may be judged by the foregoing summary. 


abalorio, io6 

Abel, , 138 

Abert, J. W., 498 

Abruzzi, Italy, 102 

Abucios, 368 

Acama, 368 

acequias, 107 

Achoic, Achois Comihavit, 266 

Acmaat, A-co, Acogiya, Aco- 
ma, Acoman, Acomas, Aco- 
me, Acomeses, Acomo, 
Acona, Aconia, 367, 368, 369 

Acontzi Mission, 526 

acorns, 244 

Acotzi Mission, 526 

Acquia, 368 

Acquiora, 489 

Actum, Actun, 543, 544 

Acu, Acuca, Acuco, Acucu, 
Acus, Acux, 367, 368, 482, 
485- 507 

Adair bay, 195, 550 

Addi, 451, 459, see Ati 

Adelantado, 479 

Adi, 455, see Ati 

Adonde sta., 130 

Agassiz peak, 353 

Agua Azul Inds., 342 

Agua Caliente, on the Gila, 
118, 119,. 120, 126, 128, 436 

Aguachacha, 404, 444 

Agua Escondida, 39, 548 

Agua Fria r., 112 

Agua Fria W. & L. Co. canal, 

Aguage. Besides the follow- 
ing list of watering places, 
see also their names 

Aguage de la Luna, 544 

Aguage de la Rancheria de 
Santa Margarita, 411 

Aguage de la Trinidad, 307, 

Aguage de San Joseph, 216 

Aguage de San Martin, 555 

Aguage de San Marzelo, 214 

Aguage de San Pacifico, 315, 

Aguage de Santa Anna, 413 

Aguage de Santa Eulalia, 548 

Agua Supais, 474 

Aguato, 394 

Aguatubay, a chief, 395 

Aguico, 377 

Aguirre, Manuel de, 525 

Ah-supai, 474 

Aiaha, 459 

Ai-a-pai Inds., 270 

Aibacusi, 459 

Aiha, 459 

ail-loh, 272 

Ainsa, J. B. de, 81 

Ainsa meteorite, 81 

Aioma, 368 




Aki is found for ati 
Ako-ma, 368 

Alamos, Sonora, 525, 540 
Alarcon, Hernando de, 136, 

144, 192, 193, 226, 229, 419, 

Ala, Tyrol, 528 
Alaxar, 24 
Alba, dukes of, 56 
Albizu, Tomas de, 377 
Albuquerque, N. M., 368 
Alburquerque, dukes of, 56 
Alcala, Spain, 207 
alcalde, 120 
alcayata, 225 
Alchedomas, Alchedomes, Al- 

chedumas, Alchidoma, 124, 

125, 175,474, 488, 544 
Alcuco, 368 

Alder gulch, Cal., 43, 247 
Alegre, Francisco Javier, 61 
Alemaniscas, 105 
Alfonso IX., 267 
Algarobia glandulosa, 433 
Algodomes, Algodones, Algo- 

donnes, 125, 192 
Aliatans, 491 
Alita sta., 286 
al-lit, 272 
Alraarza, 24 
Almela, Michael de, 525 
Alnus incana, 298 
Alnus oregona, 298 
Alnus rhombifolia, 298 
Alnus serrulata, 298 
Alpha, Ariz., 119 
Alta California, 150, 548, see 

California Alta 
Altar r., 535 
Altar, Sonora, 14, 15, 17, 23, 

61, 109, 201, 202, 203, 446, 

Alvarado, Hernando de, 516 
Alvarado, Pedro de, 480 

Amacava, Amacavas, Ama- 
guagua, Amahuayas, Ama- 
jabas, Amajavas, 226, 420, 

Amaque, 398 

Amblystoma, 343 

American Catholic Historical 
Society, 61, 92 

American Ethnological Soci- 
ety, 498 

American Geographical Soci- 
ety, 514 

Amochave, Amojaves, Amo;t- 
awi, Amuchabas, 226 

A'-mu-kwe, 393 

Anderson, Dr., 123 

Andrews sta., Cal., 267 

Angel de le Guarda isl., 536 

Ansa, J. B. de, see Anza 

Antelope hill, 129 

Anunciata, 549 

Anza-Font exped., 303 

Anza or Ansa, J. B. de, 5, ir, 
12, 15, 19, 24, 38, 40, 41, 43, 
44, 45, 48, 57, 58, 63, 66, 67, 
69, 70, 71, 73, 79. 81, 82, 83, 
84, 85, 87, 96, 102, III, 113, 
114, 120, 124, 126, 127, 129, 
132, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161, 
165, 204, 206, 208, 247, 249, 
252, 257, 291, 303, 308, 309, 
311, 370, 429, 446, 487, 502, 

Apa, 487 

Apache campaign, 7, 88 

Apache division, 459, 460 

Apacheland, 359 

Apache mocassins, 220 

Apache Mohave, Mojaves, 208, 

Apache name, 458 
Apache nation, 49, 458 
Apacheria, 60, 136, 359 
Apaches, 6, 26, 46, 57, 59, 60, 



6i, 64, 65, 69, 70, 74, 75, 78, 

80, 83, 88, 96, 115, 118, 138, 

139, 140, 175, 196, 208, 333, 

341, 359. 370, 381, 386, 387. 

402, 404, 417, 434, 438, 445. 

446, 447, 451, 453, 454, 456, 

457, 458, 459. 460, 461, 462, 

463, 466, 467, 473, 490, 497, 

499. 535 
Apaches Broncos, 459 
Apaches de Nabaho, Nabajai, 

Nabajoa, Nabaju, 352, 369, 

Apaches de Xila, 459 
Apaches Gilenos, 85, 458 
Apaches of the Gila r., 452 
Apaches Tejua, 221 
Apaches Vaqueros, 452, 462 
Apache Yuma, 458 
Apahuatche, 458 
Apostle of the Pimas, 531, 547 
Apostle's r., 137 
Apostol de los Pimas, 547 
Aquarius- mts., range, 231, 322 
Aquimuri, 527 
Aquitoa, Aquitun, Aquituni, 

Aquituno, 27, 84, 87, 527 
A-quo, 368 
Aragon, 2, 411 
Aranda, Conde de, 58 
Area de Noe, 543 
Arcos, dukes of, 56 
Areibe, 401 
Areopagite, 134 
Aribaipa, 39 
Aribechi mission, 325 
Arispe mission, 526 
Aritoac, Aritutoc, 117, Ii8 
Arivaca, 527 
Arivaca val., 39 
Arivaipa cr., 153 
Arivetzi mission, 525 
Arizona City, Ariz., 135 
Arizona entradas, 114 

Arizona, Arizonac, in Sonora, 

Arizona Terr., 25, 59, 68, 70, 
74. 75. 77. 81, 82, 83, 87, 88, 
89, 90, 107, 115, 118, 122, 134, 
135, 136, 138, 139. 142, 146, 

152, 153, 187, 19s, 208, 212, 
224, 227. 232, 233, 314, 325, 

393, 425, 447. 459. 461. 462, 

465, 469, 473, 478, 480, 481, 

482, 484, 487, 505, 509, 510, 

511, 513, 515. 528, 531, 533. 

534. 542. 552 
Arizpe, i8, 59, 482 
Arkansaw r., 331, 462, 515, 520 
Armistead, Capt. L. A., 235 
Arona, Count of, 250 
Arona, Italy, 250 
Arrequivar, Pedro, 68 
Arricivita, J. D., i, 5, 8, 10, 17, 

18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 30, 34, 38, 

39, 41. 44. 51. 84, 173, 198. 

507. 509 

Arrillaga, , 251 

arroyo, no, and see names of 

arroyos besides the following 

Arroyo de la Ascencion, 305 
Arroyo de los Alisos, 43, 247, 

Arroyo de los Martires, 238, 

239, 468 
Arroyo de los Osos, 43, 247 
Arroyo de San Alexo, 409 
Arroyo de San Bernabe, 321, 

322, 323 
Arroyo de San Gabriel, 259 
Arroyo de San Joseph, 248 
Arroyo de Santa Angela de 

Fulgino, 292 
Arroyo de Santa Catarina, 279 
arroz zimarron, 292 
Arvide, Martin de, 375 
Asay, 398 



Ashiwi, 379 

Asimur, 480 

Asoma, 368 

Assisi, Italy, 189, 258 

Assumption, Asuncion r., 140 

Asumpcion, Asuncion, Juan de 
la, 136, 141, 479, 480,486,505, 
506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 511, 
512, 513 

At, 455, see Ati 

atajos, 361 

Atchihwa, 115 

Athapascan Inds., 351, 458 

Ati, Sonora, 31, 39, 455, 527, 

Atlantic and Pacific R. R., 367 
atole, 174 
Aubray, Aubrey, Aubry, F. 

X., 331 
Aubrey City or Landing, 331, 

Aubrey or Aubrey's clififs, 330, 

331, 333, 409 
Aubrey's spring, 335 
Aubrey val., 331 
Aulick range, 322 
Austrian Tyrol, 528 
Ava-supies, 474 
Awatobi, 394, 395, 396 
axolotls, 343 
Azamor, 480 
azotado, 82 
Aztec civilization, 52 
Aztec language, 122, 128, 154, 

Aztec pass, Ariz., 421 
Aztec sta., Ariz., 125 
Azul Oder Blaufluss, 137 
Azul r. , 28, 420 


Babasaqui, 554 
Babiacora, 482 

Bac, 5, 9, II, 26, 27, 28, 44, 73, 
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79- 81, 124, 
415, 469, 538, 542, 546, 547, 
and see San Xavier del Bac 

Bacadequatzi Mission, 525 

Bacanora, 525 

Bacanuchi, 554 

Bacapa, Sonora, 481, 482, 487, 

Bacoachi, 554 
Bacoguetzi. 526 
Bacuachi, 69, 482 
Bacuanchos, Bacuancos, 69, 

Badger people, 397 
Bagiopas, 175, 177, 548, 551 
Bahacechas, 477 
Baicadeat, 540 
Baird, Spencer F., 142 
Bajadura, 165 
Ba]io de Aquituno, 84 
Bakersfield, Cal., 2, 70, 280, 299, 


Bal, Juan de, 379 

Banamichi Mission, 526 

Bancroft, H. H., 25, 41, 52, 
53, 58, 79, 109. 113, 124, 125, 
138, 164, 173, 192, ig6, 208, 
234, 239, 245, 247, 251, 252, 
268, 271, 286, 304, 380, 470, 
476, 482, 528, 531, 543, 552 

Bandelier, A. F., 89, 90, 142, 
153. 177, 377. 378, 480, 485, 
498, 505, 506, 507, 510, 511, 
512, 514, 515, 517, 519 

Banning sta., Cal., 204 

Bannock Inds., 404 

Baqueros, 489, 490 

Baquiburisac, 546 

Baquioba, Baquiopa, Baquiova, 
Baquiovas, 405,406, 444, 451, 

Barbour, G. W., 289 
Barillas, Caspar de las, 539 



Barraneche, Barrenche, J. A., 
18, 20, 22, 24 

Barrera, D. J., 526 

Bartlett, J. R., 70, 77, 78, 80, 81, 
85, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 
106, 115, 117, 118, 119, 123, 
127, 135, 150, 164, 166, 176, 192, 
227, 439, 472 

Barton Co., Kas., 515, 520 

Baseraca, 60, 526, 540 

Basotutcan, 549 

Basquez, Feliciana, 24 

batea, 388 

Batosda, 76, 541 

Batuco Mission, 525 

Bauquiburi, 120, 161, 162 

Bautista, Juan, 52 

Bavaria, 528 

Bavaria, Duke of, 529 

Baviacora, 526 

Bavispe Mission, 526 

bayeta, 104 

Baylon, Corp., 21 

Bay, see also names of bays 

Bay of Monterey, 250 

Bay of San Diego, 206 

Bay of San Francisco, 492 

Baxajita, Sonora, 68 

Beadle, J. H., 224 

Beale, E. F., 148, 227, 228, 314, 
316, 317, 320, 322, 323, 324, 
332, 340, 342, 349. 421, 478 

Beale's road or route, 314, 342 

Beale's springs, 314, 315, 317,318 

Bear gulch, Cal., 43, 247, 249 

Bear valley, Cal., 246 

Beaumont, Francisco de Gor- 
raez, 89 

Beaumont, Pablo de la Purisima 
Concepcion, 66, 212, 218, 234, 
235, 236, 241, 242, 247, 273, 
281, 285, 287, 289, 291, 305, 
364, 389, 393, 412, 418, 423. 
424, 430, 464 

Beaver 1., 235 

Beaver, Utah, 405 

beavers, 230 

Begg's rock, 223 

Be-ku Inds., 271 

Belarde, Joachin, 66 

Belgrade, Servia, 102 

Bell peak, Cal., 215 

Benavides, Alonso de, 379, 459, 

461, 541 
Benavides, Rafael, 375 
Benedict XIII., 138 
Beneme Inds., 221, 237, 338, 

240, 243, 269, 284 
Bengachea, Jose Ignacio, 23 
Benson, Ariz., 484 
Bent, Gov. Charles, 332 
Bentura, an Ind., 302, 305 
Berengaria, 267 
Bergland, Eric, 233 
Berlin, 138 
Bernal, Cristobal M., 528, 540, 

541. 542 
Bernalillo, N. M., 518 
Bernardino, G. F., 188, 189 
Bicuner, 20, 21, 22, see San 

Pablo y San Pedro de 
Bighorn, Big Horn mts., 118, 

119, 208 
Big Sandy wash, 319, 421, 422 
Bill Williams' fork orr., 142, 

208, 220, 225, 231, 319, 331, 

419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 425, 

428, 433, 466, 477, 478 
Bill Williams' mts., 208, 331, 

340, 353 
Bill Williams' val., 422 
Bisani, 527 
Bitter spring, 321 
Black cailon, 226, 315 
Black Face mts., 81 
Black Head range, 127 
Black mesa, 208 
Black mts., or range, 315, 316, 



317, 318, 320, 322, 410, 412, 

black pewits, 328 
Black r., 142 
black-tailed deer, 324 
Black tank, 342, 343 
Blaufluss, 137 
Blue Ridge mts., 315 
Blue r. , 140 
Boca del Puerto Dulce, 292 

Bocanegra, , 55 

Bohemia, 102, 138 
Bolander, Prof., 273 
Bolson de Mapimi, 460 
Bonete, Bonnet, 130 
Borica, D. de, 266 
Borio, Wm. D., 525 
Borromeo, Count Carlo, 250 
Braba, 333 

Brower, J. V. 142, 517 
Brown, John Nicholas, 58 
Browne, J. Ross, 131 
Bucareli, Bucarely, y Ursua, 

Urza, Vrsua, A. M. de, 10, 

II, 12,47, 55,56, 155. 157. 369, 

370, 503 
Buelna, Eustaquio, 487 
Buenaventura, 399 
Buena Vista, Buenavista, 

Sonora, 10, 13, 17, 198, 202, 


Buenavista!., 278, 299 

Buesanet Inds., 289 

bulrush, 251, 434 

Bureau of American Eth- 
nology, 90, 100, loi, 366, 515, 

Burgwin, Capt., J. H. K., 

Burke's ranche, Ariz., 119 
Busac, 540 
Busani, Busanic, 114, 196, 527, 

543, 549- 550, 552. 555 
Bustamente, Carlos M., 61 

Cabesa, Cabeza del Gigante, 
161, 162, 215 

Cabeza de Vaca, A. N., 480 

Cabezon val. , 224 

Cabo Duburcopota, 549 

Cabo Guasivavia, 549 

Caborca, on Rio Altar, 38, 39, 
43, 44, 86, 88, 124, 155, 160, 
195, 196, 201, 202, 436, 523, 
527, 530, 532, 536, 537. 539. 
543. 548, 549. 550, 554, 555 

Caborca, on Rio Magdalena, 
532, 534. 535, 536 

Cabri, 379 

Cabrillo, Juan R., 223 

gacatl, 87 

Cachupin, Gov., 370 

Cacopa, Cacupa Inds., 175, 176, 
see Cocopa 

Cactus pass, Ariz., 319 

Caguilla, 225 

Cahita. 86 

Cahnilio, 225 

Cahuala, 224 

Cahual-chitz, Ca-hual-chitz, 

Cahuilla, 218 

Cah-wee-os, Cah-willa, 225 

Cajon pass, Cal., 233, 245 

Cajuala Chemebet, 224 

Cajuala Sevinta, 223, 224 

Cajuales, 472 

Cajuenches, 11, 41, 42, 72, 165, 
167, i63, 171, 172, 173, 174, 
177. 179. 181, 182, 183, 1S4, 
185, 186, 199, 203, 205, 434, 

435. 443. 444. 450 

Calabazas, 527 

Calatayud, 3 

California, ii, 2X, 38, 41, 58, 
59, 102, 123, 124, 125, 134, 
135, 146, 150, 155, 161, 166, 



177, 178, 187, 192, igs, 204, 
206, 213, 216, 218, 219, 222, 
223, 240, 253, 264, 313. 370, 
426, 466, 471, 492, 497, 529, 
533. 539, 548, 550. 552, 553. 

California Academy of Sci- 
ences, 81 

California Alta, 163, 194, 206, 

California Antigua, 194 

California Baja, Baxa, 163, 
194, 196, 197, 264, 548 

California del Norte, 194 

California del Sur, 194 

California expedition, 57 

California Farmer, a paper, 

California, gulf of, 123 

California missions, 266 

California Nueva, 194 

California Vieja, 194 

California volunteers, 235 

Calif ornian hills, 536 

Californian peninsularity, 548 

Calif ornian settlements, 21 

Calle de la Merced, a street in 
City of Mexico, 504 

Calitre, Calitro, 153, see 

Camani, 65, 87, 93, 102 

Cambon, Padre, 259 

Cami, 379, see Zunis 

Camilya, 166 

Campana, 162 

Camp Cady, 242, 243 

Camp Calhoun, 135, 146 

Camp Grant, 153 

Camp Grant, old, 466 

Camp Huachuca, 152 

Camp Independence, 146 

Camp Mohave, 226 

Campos, Agustin de, 534, 539 

Camp Wallen, 152 

Camp Yuma, 147, 192 
Canada de Cruz, 369 
Canada de la Laguna, 268 
Canada de los Osos, 249 
Canada del Paraiso, 248 
Caiiada de San Patricio, 247 
Canada de Santo Tomas, 237 
Canadian r., 460, 462, 519 
Canal de Santa Barbara, 222, 
223, 241, 253, 257, 445, 488, 
489, 496, 497 

Cancio, , 109 

candelabra cactus, 439 
cane, 434 

Cane Spring, Ariz., 413 
Canoa, Ariz., 63, 74. The 
word canoa is also used for 
the trough or flume in which 
an acequia is conducted over 
a broken piece of ground, and 
this may be the implication 
in the present case. 
Canoa claim, 74 
"Canoe Crossg.," 74 
Canon spring, Ariz., 348, 351 
Canterbury cathedral, 237 
Cape Horn, 492 
Cape Mendocino, 530 
Capistrano, Giovanni di, 102 
Capistranus, Johannes, 102 
Capote, 405 
Cappus; see Kappus 
Caprala, 225 

Capsella bursa-pastoris, 272 
Captain Juan's, a place, 165 
Capuchin nunnery, 57 
CaquUa, 225 
Cardenas, G. L. de, 349, 350, 

Cariacus macrotis, 324 
Carleton, Gen. J. H., 81 
Carlos, an alcalde, 120 
Carlos III., 56, 58, 75, 250 
Carlos VII., 529 



Carmelite friars, 223, 250 

Carmen, Chihuahua, 465 

Carquines strait, 292 

Carrasco, Diego, 542 

Carrizal, Sonora, 39 

carrizo, 184 

Carrizo or., 166 

Carroll's cr., 428 

Carson, Kit, 123 

Cartagena, Romualdo, 47 

Carvilla, 225 

Caryophyllum mexicanum, 299 

Casa Blanca, 368 

Casa de Ejercicios of San 

Felipe, 57 
Casa, Casas de Moctezuma, 

Montezuma, 66, 89, 387 
Casa Grande, Casas Grandes, 

44, 61, 63, 76, 87, 88, 90, 91, 

92, 93. 94, 95. 96, 97, 99. 100, 

loi, 107, 108, III, 124, 143, 

4S2, 537. 538, 541, 545 

Casa Grande de Moctezuma, 66 

Casas de San Pedro, 152 

Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, 

cascos de losa, loza, 143 
Casinos, Casnino, 474 
Casita, 68 
Castac, Cal., 268 
Castac cr., 26S 
Castaneda, P. de, 349, 365, 366, 

515, 516, 517, 518, 519 
Castani, Padre, 263 
Castile, King of, 267 
Castle Dome, 127, 149, 162, 208, 

215, 429 
Castle Dome canal, 119 
Castle Dome District, 127 
Castle Dome range, 125, 127, 

Castro, Matias de, 23 
Cataract canon or cr., 313, 331, 

335, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341. 

343. 344, 347, 348, 350, 353, 

402, 408, 433, 446, 472, 473 
Cathedral Rock, 119 
Causae, Sonora, 540 
Cavalier, Jose, 249 
Cavesa del Gigante, 214, see 

Cabesa del Gigante 
Caves, the, 239, 242 
Cavillo, Balthasar, 77 
Cavio, Caweo, 225 
Caxones del Jabesua, 407 
Ceballos, F. de la Mora, 377 
Cedar Forest camp, 330 
Cedar springs, 237, 258, 307 
Cehmeque-sabinta, 225 
Central America, 98 
Ce-pa-le-ve', 400 
" Cerbals " range, 320 
Cerbat, Ariz., 320, 412 
Cerbat basin, 319, 322 
Cerbat mts. or range, 231, 317, 

318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 410, 

411, 412 
Cereus giganteus, 83, 439 
Cerrito Colorado, 52 
Cerritos, 131 
cerro, 85, and see also names 

of cerros 
Cerro de las Campanas, 50 
Cerro del Cajon, 130 
Cerro del Matate, 128 
Cerro de San Pablo, 161, 162, 

Cerro de San Pascual, Pasqual, 

Cerro de Santa Cecilia del 

Matate, 128, 129 
Cerro de Tacca, 64 
Cerro Nazareno, 534, 535, 536 
Cerro Santa Clara, 542 
Chai-nim'i-ai-ri, 270 
Chametla, 59 
Chamuscado, F. S., 461 
Charco de Guana, 68 



Charco del Canelo, 67 
Charles of Anjou, 249 
Charles III., 56, 5S, 75, 250 
chelis, 272 
Chemahuava, Chemawawa, 

Chemchuevis, 220 
Chemebet Quajala, 303 
Chemebet rancheria, 307 
Chemebets, 219, 221, 234, 308 
Cheraegerabas, 220 
Chemeguabas, 353, 386, 404, 

434, 444, 451, 452, 453. 454. 

466, 472, 490 
Chemeguabas Sevintas, 472 
Chemeguagua, 219, 224 
Chemegue Cuajala, 444, 445 
Chemegue sebita, sevicta, 

Sevinta, 224, 444 
Chemeguet, 451 
Chemeguet Cajuala, 466, 475 
Chemehueris, 220 
Chemehuevi, Chemehuevis, 

Chemehuevitz, 219, 220, 225, 

Chemehuevi val., 220, 227, 422, 

Chemeonahas, 220 
Chemequaba, 225 
Chemeque, 225 
Chemeque-caprala, 225 
Chemeque-sabinta, 224 
Cheminares, 220 
Chemovi, 399 
Chericahui, 459 
Cherum, a chief, 320 
Cherum's peak, 320 
chia, 272 

Chichilticalli, 484 
Chichimeca, Chichimeco, 52, 

53, 365, 366, 452 
Chidunas, 474 
Chief of Men, 89 
Chiguagua, 465 
Chigui-cagui Inds., 459 

Chihuahua, City of, 13, 15, 465. 

Chihuahua, State, 59, 89, 459 
Chilecago, Chile Cowe, Chili- 

cagua, 459 
Chimawava, Chimchves, 

Chimehwhuebes, Chimhue- 

vas, Chimohuevis, Chim- 

woyos, 220 
Chimney, Ariz., 112 
Chimney peak or rock, 149, 162, 

213, 214, 215, 429 
China, Empire of, 492, 529 
Chinapa, 526 
Chino, E. F., 134, 144, 528, see 

Kino, E. F. 
Chinouns, 398 
Chino val., 331, 342 
Chipafora rancho, 525 
Chiricagiiis, Chiricahuas.Chiri- 

guai, 458, 459 
Chiricahua mts., 459 
Chirikahwa, Chirocahue, 459 
Chocolate hills or mts., 127, 

215, 428, 429 
Cho-e-nuco, Choinoc, Choi- 

nucks, Choo-noot, 289 
Chrystoval sta., Ariz., 125 
Chu-kai-mi-na, 270 
Chi:k'-chan-si, 269 
chumoa, 400 

Chu-nut, Chunut, 270, 289 
Chupisonora, 67 
Cibita, 68 
cibola, 403 
Cibola, 91, 136, 144, 152, 349, 

377, 379, 394, 476, 482, 483, 

484, 485, 489, 514. 515, 518, 

520, 521 
Cibola, Seven cities of, 379, 

393, 480, 484, 485 
Cibola-Zuiii, 379 
Cibolan pueblo, 484 
Cibolans, 484 



Ci-cho-mo-oi, Cichomovi, 399 
Cicuye, 365, 514, 518, 519, 520, 

Cicuye-Pecos, 519 
Cicuye r., 519 

Cienega de Santa Clara, 267 
Cilenos, 85, seeGilenos 
Ci-moth-pivi, 400 
Cinaloa, 370 
Ci-no-pave, 400 
Ci-nyu-mfih, 398 
Cipaulire, Ci-pau'-lo-vi, 400 
Cipias, 375 

Cipolivi, Ci-pow-lovi, 400 
Citcum-ave, Ci-tcum-wi, 399 
Cities of Cibola, 485, see Cibola 
City of Jlexico, 56, 91, 481, 485, 

493, 531. 539. 554 
Ciudad Rodrigo, A. de, 505, 

Clark, Capt. Wm., 137 
Clement X., 267 
Clipalines, 400 
Coahuanas, 477 
Coahuila, 59, 370, 461 
Coahuila val., 224 
Coahuilas, 218, 225 
Co-a-ni-nis, 474 
Coanopas, 175, 177, 178, 551 
coas, 345 

Coast range, 266, 405 
Coat, 546 
Cobajais, Cobajis, 304, 445, 

Cocapa, 168, 176, see Cocopa 
Cochees, 459 
Cochimi, 86 
Cochineans, 474 
Cochise Apaches, 459 
Cochise Co., Ariz., 153 
Coch-nich-nos, Cochnichnos, 

473. 474 
Cochopa, 176 
Coco, 368 

Cocomarecopper, Cocomari- 
copas, Coco-Maricopas, Coco- 
marisepa, Cocomiracopa, 28, 
37, 46, 86, 100, 114, 115, 119, 
123, 130, 135, 203, 210, 211, 
343, 386, 416, 417, 418, 424, 
425, 426, 430, 431, 436, 437, 
438, 443. 445, 450, 451. 452, 
455. 523, 544, 547 

Cocomaricopa justices, 145 

Cocomaricopa rancheria, ist, 

Cocomaricopas Gilenos, 449 

Coco-Maricopas of the Gila, 

Cocomungo, Cal., 247 

Cogoninos, 474 

Cocopa, a boat, 228 

Cocopa, Co-co-pah, Cocopas, 
86, 124, 175, 176, 193, 197, 

Cocopas mts., 194 

Cocospera, 86, 114, 526, 534, 540, 

545, 547, 549, 55°, 554 
Coespan, 526 
Coguifa, 289 
Cohonino caves, 473 
Cohoninos, 231, 474 
Cohuana Inds., 177 
Cohuilla, 225 
Cojnino, 474 
Cokomaricopa, 115 
Colegio de la Santa Cruz de 

Queretaro, 4, 71 
College of the Holy Cross of 

Queretaro, 47, 50, 52 
Coloradan delta, 190 
Coloradan missions, 497 
Coloradan presidio, 497 
Colorado, 57, 219, 222, 331, 366, 

Colorado, a steamer, 148 
Colorado Chiquitor., 138, 142, 

145, 340, 347, 348, 354. 355> 



357, 358, 402, 406, 411, 419, 

432, 473, 476, 484, 489, and see 

Little Colorado r. 
Colorado City, Ariz., 135 
Colorado Grande, 348 
Colorado 6' del Norte, 144 
Colorado of the West, 509, see 

Colorado r. 
Colorado plateau, 331, 340 
Colorado r., 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 

16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 28, 32, 34, 

36, 37, 38, 40, 41. 43, 44, 45, 
59, 60, 66, 70, 71, 72, 86, 87, 
III, 115, 116, 124, 125, 127, 
135, 136, 137, 142, 149. 152, 
158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 165, 
166, 168, 175, 176, 177, 178, 
183, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194, 
197, 199, 209, 213, 215, 220, 
221, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 
232, 235, 239, 253, 306, 308, 
309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 315, 
317, 319, 323, 328, 329, 330, 
331, 340. 345, 346, 348, 351. 
354, 355, 358, 393, 405, 409, 
412, 413, 416, 419, 420, 422, 
431, 433, 446, 447- 451, 455, 
463, 464, 468, 472, 473, 476, 
477, 478, 482, 488, 493, 495, 
497, 508, 509, 510, 513, 523, 
551, 552, and see Rio Colo- 

Colorado r. of Texas, 460 

Colorado River res., 220, 226, 

Colorado val., 428 

Columbia r., 290 

Comaiyah, 166 

Comanche campaign, 58 

Comanche res., 491 

Comanches, 57, 221, 452, 460, 
490, 491 

Comaniopa, 115 

Comaquidam, 549 

Comari, Comaricopa, 115 

Comarsuta, 540 

Comedas, Coraeyds, 166, 196, 

197, 257 
Cominas, 474 
Comoyah, Comoyatz, Comoyee, 

Comoyei, 166 
Compositae, 272 
Comupavi, 394, 400 
Concepcion, Christobal de la, 

Concepcion mission, at Yuma, 

20, 21, 22, 40, 150, 455, see 

Puerto de la Concepcion 
Concha, Fernando de la, 57 
Confederate troops, 81 
Congregation of the Oratory, 

Coninas, 474 
Consag, Fernando, 192 
Continental Divide, 60, 139 
Contreras, P. R. de, 540 
Convent of San Francisco, 61 
Conversions of California, 156 
Copala, 59 

Copper-mine Apaches, 459 
Cops, 546 
Cora Inds., 86 
Corbalan, Pedro, 15 
Cordova, 267 

corita, coritas, 221, 222, 240 
Corn Creek tribe, 405 
Coro Marikopa, 115, see Co- 

Coronacion peak, 129 
Coronado, F. V., go, 136, 142, 

144, 152, 283, 333, 349, 355, 

359, 367, 379, 393, 394, 397, 
411, 452, 461, 480, 481, 482, 
483, 484, 486, 487, 488, 489, 
490, 497, 498, 508, 513, 515, 
516, 517, 518, 520, 521 

Corral, Jose, 367 

Cortes, Hernando, 89 



Cortes, Jose, 205, 218, 224, 225, 

232, 238, 458 
Cosninas, Cosninos, 470, 472, 

473. 474 
Cosonino caves, 473 
Cosoy, 207 

Cotterrel's, Ariz., 117 
Cottonwood, 433 
Cottonwood, Cal., 243, 245 
Cottonwood cliffs, 322 
Cottonwood spring, 322, 413 
Couts, Lt. C. J., 146 
Cowela, Cowilla, 225, see Co- 

Coyote, a chief, 52 
Coyote holes, 317 
Coyoteros, 459 
Crabb, Henry A., 130 
Craig, CoL, 70 
Craybe, 401, see Oraibi 
Crespo, Francisco Antonio, 202 
Cristobal sta., 125 
Croix, Marques de, 56, 57, 58, 

75, 250, 370, 471, 472 
Croix, Teodoro de, 12, 13, 14, 

15, 18, 23 
Croker, Richard, 121 
Crook, Gen. Geo., 462 
Cross mt., 421 
Crozier spring, 322 
Cruciferffi, 273 
Crusate, D. J. P. de, 535 
Cruz, Juan de la, 53, 521 
Cruzado, Antonio, 260 
Cruzados, 208, 476 
Cuabajai, Cuabajay Inds., 269, 

272, 445 
Cuanrabi village, 394 
Cuba, 24, 56 
Cubac, 31 
Cubero, 369 
Cucamonga, Cal., 247 
Cucapa, Cucapachas, Cucapas, 

Cucassus, 175, 176, 177, 180, 

182, 183, 184, 185, 197, 199,434, 

443, 450, 454, 494, see Cocopas 
Cuchan, 86, 115, 125, 163, 166, 

168, 175, 220, 457 
Cuculato Inds., 175 
Cucupah, Cucupas, 176, 177, 

see Cocopas 
Cucurpe mission, 86, 526, 532, 

Cuelpe, 399 
cuentas, 237 
Cuercomaches, 231, 409, 412, 

413. 414 
Cuerno Verde, a chief, 57 
Cuesninas, 445, 474 
Cuhana, Cuhuanas, 86, 178 
Cuismer, Cuisnurs, 446, 474 
Cuitoa, Cuitoat, 27, 84, 87 
Cujant, 37 
Culiacan, 59, 66, 4S5, 506, 513, 

518. 521 
Culiacan, San Miguel de, 481 
Culisnisnas, Culisnurs. 473, 474 
Cullen's well, Ariz., 343 
Cummoaqui, Cummooqui, 398 
Cumpas, 525 

Cumuripa mission, 85, 525 
Cunai, 175 
Cuneiles, 444, 450 
Cuni, Cuiii, 379 
Cunopavi, 400 
Cupachas, 176 
Cups, 537, 546 

Cuquiarachi, Cuquiaratzi mis- 
sion, 526, 554 
Curtis, Lt. Chas. A., 232 
Cushing, Frank H., 374 
Cutaganas, Cuteanas, Cutga- 

nas, 177, 178, 544, 548, 551 
Cuytoa, 84 


Dancers, Danzarines, 42, 43, 
204, 205, 21S, 423, 468 



Davidson, Capt. Delozier, 147 
Davidson, Lieut. , 242 
Davis, W. W. H., 498 
Death val., 238 
deer, 324, 325 
Deer cr., 269 
Delano sta., Cal., 286 
Deldje, 458 

Dellenbaugh, F. S., 514 
Dene, 351 
Denia, dukes of, 56 
Denmark, Prince of, 383 
Derby, George H., 125, 146, 

164, 192, 193 
Desert peak, 85 
Desert People, 84 
Desert Wells sta., Ariz., 84 
Dewey, Comm. George, 193 
Diamond cr. or r., and canon, 

231, 328, 330, 336, 409 
Diaz, Alonzo, 24 
Diaz or Diez del Castillo, Ber- 

nal, 89 
Diaz, Juan, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 

21, 24, 38, 39, 43, 44, 66, 124, 

Diaz, Juan Marcelo, 24 
Diaz, Melchior, 144, 351, 476, 

Dickens, Charles, 376 
Dieguenos, Dieguinos, 86, 166, 

197, 206, 207, 252 
Diggers, 238, 405 
Dismal flats, 428 
Ditt-pax, 83 
Docampo, Andres, 521 
Dodge City, Kas., 520 
Dolores mission, 69, 75, 76, 86, 

526, 532, 533, 534, 535, 536, 

537. 538, 539, 540. 542, 543. 

545. 546. 547. 548, 549. 55o, 

552. 554. 555 
Dome Rock, 127 
Dome Rock range, 428 

Dominguez, , 381 

Dominguez, Francisco Atana- 

sio, 367, 469, 471 
Dominicans, 163 
Dorantes, Andres, 480 
Down-in people, 473 
Dragoon pass, 484 
Dry cr., 270 
Dry wash, 112, 113 
Duburcopota, 549 
Dudley ville, Ariz., 153, 465 
Dueztumac, 119 
Dumetz, Francisco, 266, 267 
Durango, Mex., 491 


Eagletail mts., 119, 125, 208 
East Mesa, 396, 397, 399 
East Mesa villages, 398 
Egloff stein, F. W., 339, 340, 

Ehrenberg, Ariz., 427, 428 
Eichasch, Eirarch, Eisarc, 
Eixarc, Eixarch, Elrach, 
Eyzarch, Thomas, Tomas, 

II, 49, 62, 63, 68, 71, 73, 74, 

III, 126, 130, 152, 154, 158, 
159, 160, 171, 198, 199, 200, 
211, 308, 309, 311, 430 

El Altar, 201, 536, see Altar 
El Bonete, 130 
El Hombre Amargo, 96 
Elizabeth I., 268 
Ellison, Samuel, 479 
El Monte, Cal., 248 
El Morro, 375, 478 
El Paso, 375, 396 
El Pescadero, 126 
El Rosario, 540 
Elzuis, 525 

Emory, Wm. H., 96, 123, 131, 
134, 139, 146, 439 



Encarnacion, Encarnacion del 
Sutaquison, 88, ic6, no, 140, 

455. 538, 545 
Enchuta, 526 
Encina val., 266 
Encinal, 369 

Engle, Capt., U. S. N., 317 
Engleman, Dr. Geo., 439 
Engle's pass, 317 
enramada, 103 
Entrada, 62 
Equituni, 65, 87 
Escalante, S. V. de, 204, 214. 

230, 349. 366, 367. 380, 469, 

470, 471, 472, 474 
Escalona, Luis de, 521 
Escobar, Francisco, 476 
Escobedo, Gen. Mariano, 50 
Escudero, J. A. de, 459 
Espejo, Antonio de, 394, 395, 

461, 476, 514 
Espeleta, 401 
Espeleta, Jose de, 395 
Esperiez, 394 
Espinosa, Alonzo or Alphonsus, 

77. 526 
Espinosa, Isidore Felis or 

Felix de, 50, 51, 52, 53 
Estancia, 39 
Estebanico, Estevan, Este- 

vanico, a negro, 136, 480, 483, 

484. 505 
Estrella canal, 112, 116 
Estrella range, no, 112 
Eudebes, Eudeves, 525, 526, 527 
Eutah, Eutaw, 405 
Evangelistas, 136, 544 
Ewbank, Thomas, 431 
Explorer, a boat, 228 
Eyzarch, see Eisarc 

Fages, Faxes, Pedro, 249, 251, 
259, 269, 468 

Faraones, 459, 460, 462 

Faxes, see Fages 

Feo, Capt., 132, 133 

Fernandez, T. S., 367 

Fernando III., 267 

Fewkes, Dr. J. W., 90, 100, 

394, 396. 398 

Figuer, Padre, 249 

Figueroa, Jose de, 395 

Filibuster, Ariz., 130 

Filipinos, 470 

Firebrand r., 144, 351, 476, 477 

First Dragoons, So 

Fish Pond, Cal., 243 

Five Wells, Cal., 165 

Flagstaff, Ariz., 329, 348 

flax, 410 

Flax r. and val., 355, 411, 489 

Florence, Ariz., 81, 87, 89, 483 

Florence, Italy, 307 

Florentine, 56 

Flores, Gov., 137, see Mogollon, 
J. I. F. de 

Flute dance of Moquis, 389 

Font, Pedro, Peter, 11, 13, 48, 
58, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 
70, 71, 72, 73. 74. 78, 79. 82, 
83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, 93, 95, 
96, 97, loi, 102, 107, 109, no, 
113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 122, 
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 
131, 132, 135, 137, 145. 146, 
150, 151, 155, 156, 157. 158. 
159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 165, 
166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 
172, 175, 176, igo, 205, 208, 
215, 218, 222, 247, 248, 249, 251, 

252, 259, 264, 280, 2S3, 286, 
290, 291, 292, 303, 308, 311, 
348, 354, 358, 369. 420, 425, 
429, 446, 455. 487 

Force, Peter, 458 

Ford, Kas., 520 

Forks of the Road, Cal., 243 



Forster, Lieutenant, 242 

Fort Aubrey, 331 

Fort Defiance, 19, 164, 192, 314 

Fort Mason, 68, 534 

Fort Mojave, 228, 235, 313, 315, 

317, 413, 416 
Fort Rock, 421 
Fort San Carlos, 139 
FortTejon, 269, 270, 271, 314 
Fort Tulerosa, 139 
Fort Verde, 342, 462 
Fort Whipple, 317, 320, 342 
Fort Yuma, 19, 134, 135, 146, 

147, 148, 149, 150, 162, 163, 

215, 227, 309, 551, and see 

Yuma (the place) 
Forum Judicum, 267 
Four Evangelists, 141 
Franciscans, 24, 25, 53, 58, 62, 

77, 163, 188, 207 
Franco, Joseph Joachim, 525 
Fremont, J. C., 421 
Frente Negra, 64 
fresadas, 108 
Fresno r. , 269 
Fronteras, presidio of, 60, 61, 

70, 203 
Fruson, Fucson, 79, see Tucson 
Fuster, Padre, 208 

Gadsden Purchase, 59, 80 
Galeana, Chih., 465 
Galiuro mts., 153 
Gallatin, Albert, 498 
gallinas, 104 
Gallinas r., 519 
Galvez, Conde de, 539 
Galvez, Jose de, 30 
Gamarra, Felix, 68 
Gambel's quail, 328 
ganado de cerda, 104 
ganado mayor, 104 

ganado menor, 104 

Garaicoechea, Juan, 396 

Garcia, Andres, 375 

Garrucho, J., 525 

Garzes, Juan, 2 

Garzes, M. D., 2 

Gatschet, A. S., 125, 452 

Gecuiches, 423, see jecuiches 

Gen. Jessup, a steamer, 148 

Genigneihs, 220 

Geniguechs, 423, see Jenigue- 

Gentle springs, Ariz., 318 

Geomys tuza, 301 

George's bay, 195 

Gerstner, Michel, 527 

Gettysburg, Pa., 235 

giant cactus, 83, 439 

Giant's Head, 162, 215 

Gicarillas, 461 

Gil, Adam, 195 

Gila and Salt River meridian, 

Gila Bend, Ariz., 112, 114, 115, 

Gila Bend canal, 113, 116 

Gila Bend mesa, 113 

Gila Bend mts., 113 

Gila Bend res,, 114 

Gila Bonito r., 484 

Gila City, Ariz., 131, 132 

Gila county, Ariz., 139 

Gila gracilis, 142 

Gila Narrows, 131 

Gilans, 459 

Gila range, 130, 131, 549 

Gila r., 7, 10, 13, 21, 25, 26, 27, 
28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38, 
40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 59, 60, 76, 
81, 83. 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 
90, 91, 93, 94, 100, 107, 108, 
no. III, 112, 113, 115, 116, 
117, 118, 119, 123, 124, 125, 
127, 129, 131, 135, 138, 139, 



140, X41, 142, 145, 146, 152, 
153, 161, 164, 165, 168, 171, 
176, 177, 192, 195, 253, 309. 
311, 329, 353, 355, 419, 420, 
422, 433, 436, 451, 455, 459, 
465, 466, 467, 477, 481, 483, 
484, 509, 513, 538, 539. 541, 
542, 544, 545, 547, 548, 551, 
553, see Rio Gila 

Gila River res., 87 

Gila robusta, 142 

Gila-Salado- Verde drainage, or 
watershed, 100, loS 

Gilenos Apaches, 85, 86, 386, 
458, 460 

Gilg, Adan, 543 

Gil, J. C, 4 

Gil, Maria Catalina, 24 

Gilo, Adamo, 543 

Giopas, 177, 178, 551 

Gipans, 460 

Girard, Charles, 142 

Gohun, 458 

Golfo de California, 432, 450, 

Gomara, F. L., 365 
Gomez, Capt., 70 
Gomez, Jose, 155, 503 
Gonsalez, Manuel, 552 
Gonsalvo, Antonio, 545 
Gonzales, Antonio, 76 
Gonzalez, Francisco, 177, 545, 

546, 552, 553 
Good Guide r., 144 
Good Hope r., 477 
Goodwin, John N., 232 
Government holes, Cal., 236, 

Graham county, Ariz., 139 
Granada, N. M., 393 
Grand canon of the Colorado 

r., 144, 231, 327, 331, 340, 347, 

348, 349, 350, 352, 366, 394 
Grand r., 432 

Grand Wash cliffs, 224, 322 

Granite point, 426 

Gran Quivira, N. M., 497, 498 

Grapevine, Cal., 243, 245 

Gray, Asa, 273 

Great Bend, Kas., no, 112, 515, 

Great Bend of the Colorado 

r., 231, 232 
Great Bend of the Gila r., 112, 

Great Houses, 97, see Casas 

Green Horn, a chief, 57 
Green r., 432 
Gregory IX., 189 
Grijalba, Juan Pablo, 71 
ground squirrels, 270, 301 
Guactum, 113 
Guadalaxara, 59, 531, 532 
Guadalupe, 56 

Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty, 50 
guaholotes, 343 
Gualliba, Gualliva, 404, 444 
Gualpa, Gualpe, Gualpes, 

Gualpi, Gualpimas, 360, 394, 

399, see Walpi 
Gualta, 405, 406, 444 
Guambiit, 68 
Guamua, 404 
Guanabepe, 404 
Guapaca, 526 
Guasavas, 61 
Guatzinera, 526 
Guaymas, 25, 68, 75, 109, 530, 

550. 554 
Gubo rancheria, 537 
Guelpee, 399 
Giiemes y Horcasitas, Juan 

Francisco de, 121, 202 
Guevavi, 68, 69, 75, 527, 533, 

542, 545, 546 
Guipaolave, Guipaulavi, 400 
Guiteras, Eusebio, 61 



Gulf of California, 59, 60, 149, 
154, 176, 177, 178, 190, 192, 
194, 476, 483. 494, 523. 534. 

Gull isl., 192 

Gusudac mission, 527 

Gusutaqui, 546 

Gutah, 405 

Gutierres, Narciso, 77 

Gutierrez, Andres, 395 

Gutubur rancheria, 537 

Guvoverde, 543 


Habana, 56 

Habasopis, 474 

Hacelli, 177 

Hackberry camp, Ariz. , 320 

Hackberry sta., Ariz., 320, 321, 

Hafenrichter, Joseph, 527 
Haglli, 477 

Hah-cu-cha-pah r., 422 
Hah-qua-si-il-la r., 355 
Ha Huico, 476 
Hah-wal-coes, 232 
Hah Weal r., 144, 431 
Hah-weal-ha-mook r., 225, 422 
Halchedoma, Halchedomas, 

Halchedumas, 125, 177, 474, 

Hale, H., 218 
Half-way bend, 425 
Halfway mts., 216, 217, 428 
Halley's comet, 530 
Halliguamayas, Halliquamaya, 

176, 177 
Halona, 106, 375, 379 
Hamlet, Prince of Denmark, 

Hamockaves, Hamockhdve, 
Hamokiavi, Hamukahava, 

Hano, Hanoki, Hdnom, Ha-no- 
me, Hanomuh, 360, 384, 397, 

Hapitus, 398 

Ha-pun-ti'-ka, 369 

Hardy, Hardyville, Ariz., 228, 
235. 315. 413 

Hardy, R. W. H., 192 

Hardy's Colorado, 190, 192 

Harno, Haro, 398, 399, see 

Harrison, B., 235 

Hassayampa r., 112, 113 

Hat-sat-yi, 368 

Hauicu, 485 

Haulapais, 232 

hau'-pun, 272 

Hava-, see also Yava- 

Havasopis, Havasupai, Hava- 
su-pay, Havesu-pai, 86, 226, 
231, 402,445- 472, 473, 474 

Havico, Haviku, 377, 476, 485 

Havisua Pai, 474 

Hawiku, 283, 375, 393, 476, 484, 

Ha-wol-la Pai, 232 
Haya'-a, 459 
Hebonuma, 175 
Heintzelman, S. P., 146, 147, 

148, 149, 150, 170 
Heintzelman's point, 178, 183, 

187, 188, 192, 194 
Hemenway Southwestern 

Archaeological expedition, 

Henry I. of Castile, 267 
Hermosilla, Sonora, 202 
Herrera, Antonio de, 481 
Hickory Apaches, 222 
High Pimas, 60, 85 
Hill of the Bells, 50 
Himuri, 527 
Hinton, R. J., 62, 118 
Hispano-American war, 283 



Hoabonoma Inds., 54S 

Ho-allo-pi, 232 

Hodge, F. W., 54, 55, 100, 107, 
142, 150, 231, 264, 272, 377, 
379- 380, 393, 473. 480, 484, 
485, 487, 4S8, 517, 518, 519 

Hoepeekee, 399 

Holcomb val. , Cal., 246 

Holy Martyrs of Japan Rector- 
ship, 524 

Hombre Amargo, 96 

Honorarius HI., 189 

Honorato, Fray, 4S0, 481, 507 

Ho-pees, Hopi, Hopii, Hopite, 
Hopitu, Hopituh, Ho'-pi- 
tuh-ci-nu-muh, Ho-pi-tuh-lei- 
nyu-muh, Hopi-tuh-shinu- 
muh, 100, 393, 394, 395, 396, 
398, 402, 404 

Horcasitas, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 202 

Hot Spring, of the Gila, 118, 
see Agua Caliente 

Hot Springs of Zuni, 485 

Houghton, J., 47S 

Howard's point, 190, 192 

Huachuca mts., 153 

Huaepais, Hualapai, Huala- 
pais, Hualipais, Huallapais, 
Hualopais, Hualpaich, Hual- 
pais, Hualpas, 231, 232, 317 

Hualapai, Hualpai mts., 231, 
317. 319, 320 

Hualapai, Hualpais Spring, 

320, 321, 328, 330 
Hualapai, Hualapais sta., Ariz., 

321, 322 

Hualapai, Hualapais val., 231, 

320, 321, 322, 411 
Hualapai res., 331 
Hualapai trail, 335 
Huallpi, Hualpec, Hual-pe', 

Hual-pee, Hualpi, Hualpy, 

Hualvi, Huatl-vi, 360, 399, 

see Walpi 

Hualpais r., 336 

Hudcoadam, Hudcoadamas, 

Hudcoadan, 86, 125, 420 
Huevavi, 68 
Hulapais, 232 

Humboldt, Baron A. von, 137 
Humphreys' peak, 353 
Hungary, 102 
Huntington's, Cal., 246 
Hiipi, 398 
Hussites, 102 
Hu-ta-mi-ne, 149 
Hwalapai, 232, see Hualapai 
Hydrographic Ofl&ce, 193 

lano, 399 

latans, 491 

Icarilla Inds., 461 

Icazbalceta, J. G., 505 

Iccu-jenne, 459 

Icharilla Inds., 461 

letans, 491 

Iguanes, 544 

licarrillas, 461 

lllock, Slavonia, 102 

Imuris, 532 

Incarnation, 107 

Indian Terr., 461, 491 

Ingolstadt, college of, 528, 529 

Inman, Col. H., 514, died 

Topeka, Kas., Nov. 13, 1899 
Inparavi, 400 
Inscription Rock, N. M., 375, 

Inyo CO., Cal., 23S 
logopani, logopapi, 400 
Ireteba, Iriteba, a chief, 314, 

318, 321, 323 
Isabel spring, 321, 411 
Isla de la Trinidad, 40, 133, 

Isla de San Nicolas, 223 



Isla de Santa Barbara, 223 

Isla de Santa Cruz, 222 

Islas de las Californias, 193 

Islas, Ensign Santiago de las, 
20, 21 

Isleta, N. M., 332 

Italy, 56 

Itchi-mehueros, 220 

It-i-cha, 270 

luta, 405 

Ives, J. C, 148, 192, 193, 215, 
227, 228, 314, 315, 316, 317, 
318, 324, 327, 328, 330, 335, 
336, 338, 340, 345. 421, 422, 

Ixtlilxochitl, F. de A., 365 

Jabesua, Jabesuas, 340, 346, 
347. 372, 410, 414. 433 

jacal, 103, 154 

Jacarilla, 461 

Jacobi's, Cal., 243 

Jaen, 267 

Jaguallapai, Jaguallapais, Ja- 
gullapai, Jaguyapay, 231, 
232, 308, 310, 311, 312, 317, 
325. 326 

Jaime, Jaume, Jayme, Luis, 
206, 207, 208, 260 

Jakechedunes, 125 

Jalchedomas, Jalchedon, Jal- 
chedum, Jalchedums, Jal- 
chedun, Jalchedunes, 17, 45, 
72, 124, 125, 128, 155, 156, 157, 
171, 203, 205, 208, 210, 213, 
217, 218, 219, 232, 308, 309, 
310, 312, 325, 326, 343, 416, 
418, 423, 425, 428, 429, 430, 
433. 434, 443. 444. 445. 446, 
450, 451. 452, 453. 454, 468, 
469, 474, 488 

Jallaguapais, 309 

Jallicuamai, Jallicuamay, Jalli- 
cumay, Jalliquamai, Jalliqua- 
mais, Jalliquamays, 176, 177, 
179, 181, 182, 183, 184, igg, 
434. 443. 444, 450, 454 

Jamaja, Jamajabas, Jamajas, 
Jamalas, 203, 210, 213, 216, 
217, 219, 221, 226, 227, 228, 
232, 233, 235, 237, 240, 248, 
249, 251, 252, 254, 256, 267, 
268, 269, 274, 275, 277, 279, 
288, 300, 302, 303, 304, 305, 
306, 308, 310, 311, 312, 318, 
326, 334, 343, 381, 386, 403, 
406, 410, 412, 414, 415, 416, 
417, 418, 419, 420, 423, 426, 
430, 431, 433, 434, 435. 443, 
444. 445, 446, 450, 451. 452, 
454, 466, 472, 473, 474, 486, 
510, 512, and see Mohave or 

Janisse, Augusta, 25 

Jano, pueblo, 394, 399 

Janogualpa, 399 

Janos presidio, 465, 493 

Januske, Januski, Janusqui, 
Januusqui, Jarniuke, 202, 
536, name also found as 
Janus Ke 

Japan, 144 

Japui, 444 

Japul, 405, 406 

Jaqualapai, Jaquallapai, 232 

Jaquesila r. , 356 

Jaramillo, Juan, 136, 142, 153, 
448, 515, 516, 517, 518, 519. 

Jatapaina, 402 

Jaul-pi, 399 

Jaume, see Jaime 

Java Supais, 474 

Javeusa, 474 

Javill r., 144, 431 

Jayme, see Jaime 



Jecorilla, 461 

Jecueche, Jecuich, Jecuiche, 

Jecuches, 167, 205, 218, 444, 

451, 466, 468 
Jefferson, Thos., 137 
Jemez pueblo, N. M., 352, 368 
Jenegueches, Jene-quiches, 

Jenicueich, Jenigueches, 218, 

424, 444, 451,466, 468 
Jequiches, 205, 216, 218, 450, 

Jesuits, 58, 62, 139 
Jesus, A. M. de, 159 
Jesus of the Earthquake r., 

Jiaspi, 540 
Jicara, Jicarilla, Jicarillo, Jic- 

carilla, Jickorie Inds., 222, 

404, 460, 461, 462 
Jilenos, 459, see Gilenos 

John Carter Brown Library, 

John Howell's pass, 315 
Johnson, Capt. , 148 
Johnson's springs, 318 
Johnston, Adam, 289 
Jongoapi, Jongopabi, Jongo- 

pai, Jongopavi, Jongvapi, 

Jon-joncali, 400 
Jose, a Mexican boy, 232 
Jovas, 525, 526,527 
Jumanos, 375, 377 
Jum-pys, 208 
Juncosa, Domingo, 249 
Junction City, Kas., 521 
Juni, 279, see Zuni 
junipers, 329 

Juniperus monosperma, 329 
Juniperus occidentalis, 329 
Juniperus pachyphloea, 329 
Juniperus utahensis, 329 
Juparivi, 400 
Jutjoat, 405 


Kahweaks, Kah-we-as, Kah- 

weyahs, 225 
Kai-a-wet'-ni, 270 
Kaino, see Kino 
Kanab wash, 340 
Kansas, 490, 497, 513, 514, 520, 

Kansas-Nebraska boundary, 

Kansas r., 521 

Kappus, Marcos Antonio, 535 
Kas-so'-vo, 270 
Kau-i'-a, 270 
Kauvuya, 224, 225, 270 
Kavayos, Kavouya, 218, 225 
Ka-waik, 368 
Kaweah r., 269, 270 
Ka-wi'-a-suh, 271 
Keller, Father, 142 
Kelso val., 304 
Kemahwivi, 220 
Kendrick's peak, 353 
Kenyon's, Ariz., 117 
Keresan stock, 368 
Kerlin, F. E., 342 
Kerlin's tank, 342 
Kern, R. H., 376 
Kern co., Cal., 252, 280 
Kern 1., 269, 270, 271, 278, 299 
Kern r., 269, 271, 278, 279, 280, 

283, 286, 288, 290, 299, 468 
ke'-yet-sah, 273 
Kiakima, 4S5 
Kingman, Ariz., 315, 317 
King of France, 249 
King of Naples, 249 
King of Spain, iii, 250, 516 
Kingsborough, Viscount, 365 
Kingsbury, Lieut. H. P., 342 
King's r., 269 
Kingston, Cal., 270 
King Woolsey's ranch, 118 



Kino, E. F., 36, 40, 6q, 75, 76, 
77. 79. 83. 88, 90, 91, 92, 97, 
107, no, 113, 114, 119, 134, 
135, 136, 137, 140, 141. 144. 
149, 152, 163, 167, 176, 177, 
178, 192, 193, 195, 201, 221, 
239, 481, 487, 506, 522, and 
to end of book 

Kiowa res., 491 

Kirtzel, Henry, 525 

Kisaha tank, 342 

Klatau district, 138 

Koahualla, 225 

Kochonino, 474 

Kohun, 458 

Kokopa, 176 

Koran, the, 258 

Ku-chi-bich-i-wa-nap' Pal-up', 

Kiihn, Kiihne, Kiihner, Eu- 
sebius, 528, see Kino 

Ku'h-nis, 474 

Kuino, see Kino 

Kwi-st'yi, 368 

La, see also some names with- 
out the definite article 

La Campana, 162 

Lacazor, 24 

la-chun, 272 

Ladd, H. O., 375 

Lady of Sorrows Rectorship, 
524, 526 

La Encamacion del Sutaqui- 
son, 106, 455 

La Estancia, 39 

Lagrimas de San Pedro, 427 

Laguna, see also names of 
lagunas or lakes 

Laguna de la Trinidad, 425, 

Laguna del Capt. Pablo, 163 

Laguna del Predicador, 42 
Laguna de Oacue, 536 
Laguna de San Antonio de 

Bucareli, 43 
Laguna de San Mateo, Matheo, 

176, 183, 184, 454 
Laguna de San Pablo, 163 
Laguna de San Patricio, 42 
Laguna de Santa Olalla, Olaya, 

41, 48, 164, 165, 168 
Laguna de San Venancio, 304 
Laguna Grande de los Tulares, 


Laguna pueblo, N. M., 367, 

368, 369 
Laguna Salada, salobre, 129 
Lagunas, Ariz., 68 
Lagunas del Hospital, 109, no, 


Lake Maggiore, 250 

La Libertad, 554 

Lamy, J. B., 77 

Lane's crossing, 245 

Lapan, Lapana, Lapane, 460, 

see Lipan 
La Pasion, 454 
La Paz, Ariz., 425, 426, 427, 

La Posesion, 223 
La Presentacion, 177, 553 
La Purisima Concepcion, 147, 

148, 223 
Lara y Mendinueta, P. F., 369 
Larned, Kas., 520 
Las Californias, 59 
Las Lagunas, Ariz., 68 
Las Lagunas del Hospital, 

Ariz., 109, no, in 
Las Llagas, 454 
Lasuen, F. F., 266 
Lauber, Dr. , 242 
Leal, Antonio, 76, 545, 546 
Lee-Biches, 224 
Lee Pani, Pawnee Inds. , 460 



Lee's ferry, 250, 356 
Lenox Library, N. Y., 516 
Leon, Dr. Nicolas, 380 
Leon, King of, 267 
Lerma, duke of, 56 
Leroux, Antoine, 323, 473 
Les Clarisses, 258 
Letrado, Francisco, 375, 376, 

377. 379 
Libra mts., 268 
Library of Congress, 458 
Lima, Peru, 486 
lime-leaved sage, 272 
Limon, Ensign, 23 
Linum perenne, 410 
Lipaines, Lipan, Lipanes, Lip- 
pan, Lipau, Lipaw, 452, 458, 

Little Colorado r., 145, 209, 

355. 356, 358, 476, and see 

Colorado Chiquito r. 
liza, 166 

Llaneros, 452, 458, 460 
Llano del Azotado, 82 
Llano del Puerto del Azotado, 

Llano Grande, 74 
Llanos de la Zibola, 4S9 
Llanos Estacados, 520 
Loaisa, Francis, 526 
London, Eng., 192, 237 
Long bend, 428 
Lophortyx gambeli, 166, 328 
Los Angeles, Cal., 43, 124, 222, 

232, 233, 247, 259, 266. 305 
Los Angeles co., Cal., 267 
Los Angeles r., 259 
Los Cerritos, 131 
Los Donados, two lay brothers, 

Los Evangelistas, 136, 544 
Los Nogales, 68, 534 
Louis IX., 249 
Lower California, 20, 125, 163, 

166, 168, 175, 177. 194. 530, 

Low Pimas, 60, 85 
Lucas, a person, 521 
Lucson, 79 

Louis, a Jamajab, 301, 302, 305 
Lujan of 1632, the, 376, 377 
Lummis, Charles F., 376, 377, 

479, 498 
Luni, 379 


Maastoetsjkwe, 398 

Macanabi, 399 

Machaves, 226 

Machebeuf, J. P., 77 

Macjave, 226 

Maconabi, 399 

Macori, 526 

Macueques, 36, 398 

Madrid, Spain, 4, 137 

Maestro, Antonia, 2 

Magdalena, 68, 77, 532 

Magdalen r.. 532 

Magui, 398 

Mahaos, 226 

Mai-ai'-u Inds., 270 

Majabos, 226 

Majanani', 394, 399 

Majave, 226 

Maki, 398 

Maldonado, A. del C, 480 

Maldonado, Lucas, 368 

Mandans, 137 

Mange, Juan Mateo, 76, 91, 92, 
114, 195, 196, 201, 222, 481, 
4S7, 506, 509, 525, 526, 527, 
535. 536. 537, 538, 539. 540. 
541, 542, 543. 544. 546. 549. 
550, 551, 556 

Mangus Colorado's band, 459 

Manila, P. I., 492 

Manzana, 399 



Mapicopa, 115 

Maqui, 398 

Maracopa, 115 

Marata, 482, 485, 507 

Marcelo, Juan, 24 

Marcos of Nizza, 90, 152, 507, 

509, see Niza 
Mar del Sur, 476, 494, 499 
Marecopa, 115 
Margry, Pierre, 460 
Mariano, Fray, 30 
Maricopa and Phoenix R. R. , 109 
Maricopa county, 112, 119 
Maricopa divide, no, 113 
Maricopa range, 112, 113 
Maricopas, 86, 104, 113, 114, 

115. 123 
Maricopa Wells, 109, no, 112 
Mariposan stock, 269, 2S8, 289, 

Mark of Nice, Italy, 479, see 

Marcos of Nizza 
Marl springs, 258 

Marne, , 138 

marquesote, 299 
Marquez, Capt., 420, 477 
Martin, Martini, Martin, S. J., 

528, 529 
Martinez, Dan., 375 
Martinez, Felix, 137 
Martin's ranch, 245 
Masagnebe, Masagneve, Masa- 

nais, Masaqueve, Mashon- 

giniptuovi, Ma-shong'ni-vi, 

Mashong-novi, 284, 394, 395, 

397, 399 
Maskinonge, 331 
Mas-sang-na-vay, 399 
matolote, 142, 166 
Matanzas, Cuba, 61 
Matape pass, 525 
Matape, Sonora, 481, 487 
Matthews, Dr. W., U. S. A., 

352, 461 

Mausand, 399 
Mawkey, 398 
Maximilian, Emperor, 50 
Maximilian, of Bavaria, 529 
Meadow cr., 316, 317, 318 
Medanal de San Sebastian, 

Sevastian, 215 
Medina, Baltasar de, 54 
Mee-shom-e-neer, 399 
Mejia, Gen., 50 
Membrenos, 459, 460 
Mendieta, Geronimo de, 506 
Mendinueta, Gov. Pedro F. de, 

57, 369, 370, 374, 470, 471, 472 
Mendoza, Antonio de, 481, 486, 

505, 516 
Mentuig, Nentoig, Nentvig, 

John, 61, 525 
Merced rancheria, Cal., 172 
Merced rancheria, Sonora, 

543. 550 
Mesa, Capt., 67 

mescal, 460, " is not a cactace- 
ous product " 
Mescalero, Mescatera, Mesco- 

lero, 458, 460, 461 
Mesea, C, 78 
Me-shong-a-na-we, Meshong- 

navi, Me-shung-a-na-we, Me- 

shung-ne-vi, 399 
Mesita, 368 
mesquite, 433 
Metate hill, 129 
metlatl, 128 
Mexican allies, 52 
Mexican boundary, 459 
Mexican Council^263 
Mexican Inds., 128 
Mexican mulberry, 329 
Mexican Nation, 91 
Mexicans, 70 
Mexican War, 79 
Mexico, 5, 12, 13, 14, 24, 25, 47, 

50. 52, 59, 61, 80, 89, 94, 104, 



121, 150, 155, 370, 460, 461, 469, 

457, 503, 506, 507, 509, 510, 511, 
526. 528, 529, 530, 539, 555 

Mexico, City of, 11, 521 
Mezcalero, 460, see Mescalero 
Michel, Andrew, 526 
Michoacan, 53, 521 
Michonguave, Micongnivi, Mi- 

coii-in-o-vi, Mi-con-o-vi, 399 
Middendorff, Bernard, 525 
Middle Mesa, 397 
Middle Mesa villages, 399 
Miembres, 459 
Milan, Italy, 250 
Mill cr., 269 
Millerton, Cal., 269 
Mimbrenas, Mimbrenos, Mim- 

breiios, Mimbres, Mimvres, 

458, 459 

Mindeleff, Cosmos, 90, loi 
Mineral City, Ariz., 427, 428 
Mineral Park, 320, 412 
Minutili, Geronimo, 555 
Miqui, 398 
Miracope, 115 
Miramon, Gen., 50 
Miranda, Juan Jose, 23 
Miscalero, 460 

Mi-shan-qu-na-vi, Mi-shong-i- 
niv, Mi-shong'-i-ni-vi, Mi- 
shong-in-ovi, Mishongnavi, 
Mishongnovi, Mishongop- 
avi, Mi-shon-na-vi, 360, 399, 
Mision de Caborca, 523 
Mision de Guevevi, 523 
Mision del Gloriosisimo, Prin- 
cipe San Gabriel, 43 
Mision de los Dolores, 523 
Mision de San Ignacio, 523 
Mision de San Joseph de 

Pimas, 66 
Mision de Santa Maria Suamca, 

Mision de San Xavier del Bac^ 

Mision de Tubutama, 523 
Mission camp, 130 
Mission Inds., 205 
Mississippi r. , 492 
Missouri, 118 
Moa Ave, Ariz., 356 
Moapa Agency, 220 
Moca, Mochi, Mochies, 398 
Mochopa, 526 

Moctezuma, 66, 89, 93, 94, 143 
Moctezuma, house of, 92 
Moencapi, Moencopi, Moen- 

copie, Moenkapi, 356, 358, 

393. 401 

Moencopi, Moencopie wash, 
354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 393, 
401, 402 

Mogeris, Mogin, 398 

Mogollones, 459 

Mogollon, J. I. F. de, 137 

Mogollon mesa, 138 

Mogollon mts., 138 

Mogoyon, 138 

Mogul, 398 

Mogul, Province of, 420 

Mohace, 398 

Mohahve, 226 

Mohammed, 258 

Mohammed II., 102 

Mohaoes, 226 

Mohave, Mohaves, Mohavi, 
166, 208, 209, 220, 225, 226, 
227, 231, 323, see Mojaves 

Mohave res., 226 

Mohawa, Mohawe, 226 

Mohawk, Ariz., 127 

Mohawk range, 127 

Mohawk Summit, 127 

Mohawk valley, 127 

Mohoce, Mohoqui, Mohotze, 

394, 398 
Mojaris, Majaur, 226 



Mojave, Ariz., 148, ig2, 200, 

228, 229, 232, 251, 265, 311, 
313, 315. 316, 320, 392, 410, 
412, 415 

Mojave canon, 227, 419 

Mojave City, Ariz., 228 

Mojave co., Ariz., 317, 325, 331, 

Mojave range, 227, 419 

Mojave res., 226 

Mojave r., 137, 227, 233, 238, 
239, 241, 242, 245, 246, 248, 
251, 258, 303, 305, 306, 46S 

Mojave Sta., Cal., 303, 305 

Mojave val., 227, 315 

Mojaves, 86, 118, 226, 227, 228, 

229, 232, 235, 258, 303, 332, 
381, 420, 445, 472, 477, see 

Moke, Mokee, Mokes, Moki, 
Mokis, 100, 368, 383, 393, 398, 
404, see Moquis 

Molxaves, 226 

Moncarda y Rivera, Juan, 160 

Mondejar, Marques de, 486 

Monitor P. O., 130 

Monquoi, 398 

Monsonabi, Monsonavi, 400 

Montana, 383 

Montanez, Nicolas de San 
Luis de, 52, 53 

Monte Alverno, 189 

Monterey bay, 223 

Monte-Rei, Monte Rey, Mon- 
terey, Monterrey, Cal., 8, 12, 
13, 20, 42, 43, 44, 49, 59, 66, 
71, 208, 250, 252, 254, 260, 367, 
374, 381, 415, 444- 465, 467. 
468, 471, 475, 495, 502, 530 

Monterey, Conde de, 223 

Monterey mission and presidio, 

Monte Rey missions, 287 

Montezuma, 89 

Montezuma sta., 112 

Montezumas, 89 

Monument mts. or range, 422, 

Mooqui, 398 

Moors, 267 

Mooshahneh, Mooshanave, 
Moo-sha-neh, Mooshongae 
nay vee, Mooshongneenay- 
vee, Moo-song-na-ve, 400 

Mo-o-tza, 398 

Moq, Moqni, Moqua, Moques, 

Moqui, 8, 65, 104, 108, 141, 142, 
143, 144, 204, 250, 309, 310, 
313, 320, 326, 334, 339, 340, 
347. 349. 350, 354. 357, 358. 
359. 366, 367, 373. 375, 381, 
387, 388, 392, 393, 398, 403. 
406, 413, 414, 420, 451, 457, 
464, 470, 474, 475, 476, 489, 
498, 513, 521 

Moqui concabe, concave, 393, 

Moqui ladies, 385 

Moqui language, 393 

Moqui pastures, 358 

Moqui trail, 350 

Moquinas, Moquinos, Moquins, 
210, 398, 463, 465, 470, 486, 510 

Moquis, 13,29, 45, 108, 142,210, 
221, 313, 318, 319, 326, 344, 
345, 346. 350, 357. 358, 360, 
361, 366, 371, 372, 381, 386, 
387. 389. 390. 396. 402, 403. 
404, 408, 424, 432, 445, 452, 
461, 464, 470, 471, 511, 512, 

Moquois, Moquy, 398 

Mora r., 519 

Moraga, Gabriel, 252 

Moraga, Joseph J., 67, 71 

Moreno, Matias, 19, 20, 21, 24 

Moreno, Matias, Sr., 24 



Morfi, Juan A., 397 

Mormon road, 356 

Mormons, 401 

Morocco, 480 

Morus celtidifolia, 329 

Mosanais, Mosanis, Mosasnabi, 

Mosasnavi, 400 
Moscalara, 460 
Moshanganabi, Moshongnabe, 

Mosquies, 398 
Moszasnavi, 400 
Mota-Padilla, M. de la, 507 
Mo-tecuh-zoma, Motecuhzoma, 

89, 96 
Mothecusuma Ilhuicamina, 51 
Motolinia, T. de, 505, 506 
Mouguis, 398 
Mt. Fagan, 74 
Mt. Floyd, 331, 342 
Mt. Hopkins, 74 
Mt. Sitgreaves, 340 
Mt. Taylor, 352 
Mt. Thorburn, 349 
Movas, 85, 525 
Mow-shai-i-na, 400 
Moxainabe, Moxainabi, Moxai- 

navi, Moxionavi, Moxonaui, 

Moxonavi, 400 
Moyave, 226 
Muache Inds., 405 
Muca concabe, 358 
Muca Inds., 359, 395, 398, 401 
Mu-ca-la-moes, 460 
Mud spring, 413 

Mugartegui, , 249 

Mu-gua, 398 

Muiva, 540 

Mulberry cr., 520 

mule-deer, 324 

mule-train,. 361 

Munchies, 398 

Munquiconcabe, Munqui-con- 

cabe, 393 

Munoz, Pedro, 252 
Muqua, Muqui, 398 
Muqui concabe, 393, 394, 401 
Murguia, Jose Antonio, 249 
Murray, Frank, 317 
Murray's spring, 317 
Muscalaroe, Muscalero, 460 
Museo Nacional of Mexico, 56 
Mu-shai-i-na, Mushanganevi, 
Mushangene-vi, Mu-shang- 
newy, Mushanguewy, Mu- 
shaugnevy, Mu-sha'-ni, 400 
Musquins, Musquint, 401 


Nabaho, Nabajo, Nabajoa, Na- 
bajoe, Nabbeho, Nabijo, 
Naboja, Nabojo, 352, see 

Nacameri, Nacomeri, 85, 525, 


Nacori, 525, 526 

Nadal, Pablo, 522 

Nadal, Pedro, 136, 505, 508 

Nahjo, 532 

Nahuatl Inds., 87, 89, 122, 128, 
142, 154, 214 

Nahuatl language, 89 

Na-isha, Na-ishi, Na-ish-tishe, 

Namakan, Nanahaw, 352 

Napao, 351, 353 

Napeut, 27 

Narragansett, a ship, 193 

Nashkali-dinne, 460 

Nasson peak, 82 

Natage, Nataje Apaches, 452 

"Nation of the Willows," 473 

Nauajo, Nauajoa, 352 

Navago, Navaho, Navahoe, 
Navajai, Navajhoe, Navajo, 
Navajoa, Navajoe, Navajoo 
Navajos, Navajoses, Navejo 



Navijo, Navijoe, 104, 174, 351, 
352, 353, 393, 457. 458, 460, 461 

Navarre, Kingdom of, 24 

Navarro, F. T., 57, 370 

Naybe, 394, 395, 401 

Naybi, 401 

Nayiska sta. , Ariz., 84 

Nazarine range, 195 

Nebraska, 515 

Needles sta., Cal., 227, 234 

Needles, the, 220, 226, 227, 229, 

317. 419 

N'em, Neme Inds., 491 

Nentoig, Nentvig, John, 61, 
see Mentuig 

Nepomucen, Nepomuk, Po- 
miik, John of, 138 

Neri, Filippo de, 307 

Nevada, 219, 235 

Nevajoes, 352 

Neve, Gov., 23, 223 

Nevome village, 85 

New Biscay, 59 

New Canfran, 408 

New Creek caiion, 328 

New Creek springs, 327 

New Galicia, 59, 481, 504 

Newhall sta., Cal., 267, 268 

New London, Ariz., 320 

New Mexican Sierra Azul, 141 

New Mexico, 8, 12, 25, 36, 45, 
49- 57, 136, 137, 138, 139, 209, 
210, 222, 309, 326, 367, 452, 
459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 464, 
465, 467, 468, 469, 470, 471, 
475, 476, 478, 480, 484, 492. 
506, 515, 528, 535, 541 

Newport, Cal., 246 

New r., 165, 166 

New River Inds., 166 

New Spain, 47, 55, 56, 58, 59, 
91, 202, 406, 530 

Newton's comet, 529, 530 

New York, 118, 121 

New York City, 148, 515 

New York Nation, 498 

Niga, Marcos de, 479, see Niza 

Nicaragua, 480 

Nicholas V., 102 

Nichoras, 208 

Nicotiana plumbaginifolia, 273 

Nicotiana quadrivalvis, 273 

Niforas, Nifores, Nigoras, 

Nijor, Nijoras, Nijotes, 22, 

36, 45, 208, 446 
Nino Dios, 50 
Niojoras, 208 
Nipaguay, 207 
Nisa, Marcos de, 479, 511, see 

Niza, Marcos de 
Nixoras, 208, 446 
Niza, Nizza, Marcos de, 91, 136, 

367, 479, 480, 481, 482, 483, 

484, 485, 487, 505, 506, 507, 

508, 512, 518, 521, 538 
Noah's Ark, 543 
Noches, 8, 279, 280, 284, 28S, 

297, 304, 445, 475, 492 
Noches Colteches, 295, 304 
Noches Pagninoas, 288, 298 
Nogales, 68, 534 
Noonan canal, 113, 116 
Noraguas, 31 
Norato, a friar, 480 
Northern Pimas, 60, 83, 86 
North Mexican States, 528 
No-toan'-ai-ti Inds., 270 
Novajo, 352 
Nueba Viscaya, 59 
Nuebo Canfran, 336, 409 
Nuebo Mexico, 59 
Nueces r. , 520 
Nuestra Santisima Seiiora de 

Guadalupe de Zuiii, 374, 379 
Nuestra Senora de la Concep- 

cion de Caborca, 535 
Nuestra Senora de la Merced, 




Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores, 

Nuestra Senora de los Re- 
medies, 532, 542 

Nueva Espaiia, 61 

Nueva Viscaya, 370 

Nuevo Leon, 137 

Nuevo Reyno de San Fran- 
cisco, 485 

Nuri, 85, 525 

nutrias, 230 

Nyavapai, 208 


Oak spring, 335 

Oapars, 83 

Oatman, Lorenzo, 118 

Oatman, Mary Ann, 118 

Oatman, Olive, 118 

Oatman, Roys or Royse, 118 

Oatman's Flat, 117 

Obiki, 399 

Och, Joseph, 526 

O-ching'-i-ta, 270 

Odontocoelus hemionus, 324 

Ogden's landing, 173, 175, 181, 

182, 187, 192, 198 
Oitapars, 83 
Ojia-taibues, 115 
Ojiopas, 177, 178, 551 
Ojitosdel Santo Angel, 219 
Ojo Caliente, of the Gila, 118 
Ojo Caliente, of Zuni, 375, 485 
Ojuela, Manuel de la, 554, 555 
Oklahoma, 491, 520 
Olalla, 394, 401, see Oraibi 
Olalla, see Santa Olalla 
Old Town, Cal., 207 
Olea, M. Y., 502, 505 
Olive, Ariz., 74 
Olmeda, Juan de, 505, 507 
olotes, 364 
Onabas, Onapa, 85, 525 

Ofiate, Juan de, 136, 144, 145, 
177, 208, 226, 229, 355, 394, 
395. 420, 461, 476, 477, 478, 

479. 541 
Onorato, a friar, 480 
ootam, 83 

Opa, 113, 114, see Opas 
Opars, 27 
Oparsoitac, 113 
Opas, 28, 29, 86, 117, 124, 169, 

201, 437, 523, 544, see Opatas 
Opasoitac, 113 
Opatas, 61, 77, 86, 448, 482, 525, 

526, 527 
O-pe'-ki, 399 
Opii, 398 
Opijique, 399 
Opodepe, 526, 535, 554 
Oposura, 525, 552 
Opquive, Opquivi, 399 
Oquitoa, 39 
Orabi, Oraiba, 401 
Oraibe, 376, 382, 383, 393, 401, 

444. 451, 452, 457, 463, 464, 

469, 470, 486 
Oraibi, 346, 356, 358, 359, 360, 

367, 369. 383. 384, 392, 393. 

394. 395. 396, 397, 40i, 402 
Oraiby, Oraivaz, Oraive, 

Oraivi, Orambe, Orawi, 

Oraybe, Oraybi, Orayha, 

Orayve, Orayvee, Orayvi, 

Orayxa, 401 
Orcasitas, 67, 202 
Order of St. Francis, 264 
Orehbe, Oreiba, O-rey-be, 

Oriabe, Oriba, Oribe, Oribi, 

Oriva, 401 
Orontaro, Oronzo, J. J., 367 
Oroville, Ariz., 130 
Orozco y Berra, M., 55, 224, 459 
Orribies, 401 
Ortega, Francisco, 150 
Ortega, Joachim, 150 



Ortega, Jose, 69, 140, 142, 220, 
522, 523, 527, 529, 530, 531, 

533. 535. 537. 538. 540, 546. 549 
Ortega, Jose Maria, 150 
Ortega, Lieut. Jose, 208 
Ortega, Martinez, 150 
Oryina, 401 
Osaij, Osay, 398 
Osaybe for Oraiva, 401 
Osma, 24 
Ostimuri, 59, 525 
Otoe res., 461 
Otomi, 52 

Otondo y Antillon, Isidro, 531 
otters, 230 

Our Lady of Sorrows, 532 
Our Wrathy Chieftain, 89 
Ovaiva, for Oraiva, 401 
Owens valley, 405 
Oytapars, Oytaparts, Oyta- 

payts, 64, 83 
O-zai', Ozi, 401 
Ozaras, 477 

Pablo, Capt., 11, 132, 133, 160, 

161, 162, 165, 171, 430 
Pacheco, Jose Reyes, 23 
Pacheco-Cardenas collection, 

Pacific coast, 487 
Pacific ocean, 248, 494 
Pacific Railroad surveys, 421 
paderon, 212 

Padilla, Juan de, 349, 394, 521 
Padoucas, 491 
Padrick's, Pedrick's, Ariz., 

165, 192 
Pagoda mts., 127, 129 
Paguate, 368 
Pahmetes, Pahnutes Utahs, 

Pah-Touts, Pah-Utah, Pah- 

Utes, 405, 406 

Pahute wash, 236 

Painted desert, 356 

Painted Rocks, 117, 270 

Paiuches, 406 

Paiulee, 406 

Paiutes, 219, 220, 224, 225, 231, 
269, 270, 288, 295, 404, 405 

Paiute Snakes, 406 

Palacios, Jose, 367 

Pal'-e-um-ni Inds., 270 

Palfrey, C. F., 327, 342, 346 

Pal-li-ga-wo-nap', Palligawo- 
nap Inds., 270, 271, 288 

Palma, a place, 67 

Palma, Capt., 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 
22, 39, 40, 41, 44, 123, 130, 
132, 133, 134, 152, 154, 160, 
162, 171, 200, 201, 203, 205, 
209, 210, 211, 255, 309, 311, 
430, 503, 504 

Palmas, Majorca, 264 

Palomino, Juan Miguel, 20 

Pampa sta., Cal., 279 

Pamplona, 24 

Panamint Inds., 238 

panocha, 494 

Papabi-ootam, Papabi-Otawas, 
Papabootam, Papabos, Pa- 
pabotas, Papaga, Papagi, 
Papago, Pa-Pagoe, Papa- 
goes, Papagoose, Papagos, 6, 
16, 17, 26, 27, 29, 30, 39, 40, 
60, 64, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77, 
78, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 114, 154, 
195, 202, 443. 446, 450, 455, 4S7 

Papago res., 75 

Papaguera, Papagueria, 60, 83, 
127, 130, 487, 542 

Papahi - Ootam, Papahotas, 
Papalotes, Papa-Otam, Papa- 
pootam, Papavicotam, 84 

papavi-ootam, 83 

Papavo, Papawar, Papayos, 
Papelotos, Papigo, 84 



Paradise canon, 248 

Parage de las OUas, 536 

Parage de San Joseph, 216 

Paraje, 369 

Paredes, Toribio de, 505, 506 

Paris, France, 138, 516 

Parker, Ariz., 425 

Pasion, 454 

Pasqual, Diego, 128 

Pastor, Juana, 264 

pastos, pastures, 87 

Pasuchis, 406 

Paterna, Antonio, 260, 261 

Pa-uches, Pa-utes, Pau-Utahs, 

Paver, Francis, 527 
Pawnee res., 461 
Paynutes, Payoche, Payucha, 

Payuchas, Payuches, 225, 

351, 405, 406, 434, 444 
Payupk:, 397 
Payutas, Payntes, 406 
Peach springs, 224, 327, 328, 

331. 409 

Peach Springs sta., Ariz., 327 

Peach Tree springs, 327 

Peacock, Mr., 323 

Peacock mts., 319, 320, 321, 322 

Peacock peak, 320 

Peacock's spring, 321, 322, 323 

Pecos, N. M,, 365, 514, 518, 519, 
520, 521 

Pecos r., 459, 460, 461, 519, 

Pedrick's, Ariz., 192, see Pad- 

Pelican isl., 192 

Peiia. Salvador de la, 526 

Peiia, Tomds de la, 249 

Penafiel, Antonio, 54 

Penasca de la Campana, 215 

Penasca de San Pablo, 162 

Pennsylvania, 121 

Peiiol, 368 

Penol de Acoma pueblo, 541 

Pefion de la Campana, 215 

Perea, Estevan de, 375 

Perera, Nicolas, 526 

Perez, Hernan, 55 

Perreras, Majorca, 264 

Peru, 480, 487 

petahaya, 439 

Pey-ute, 406 

Pfeffercorn, Ignatius, 527 

Pharaona Inds. , 459 

Philadelphia, Pa., 61 

Philip v., 58 

Philippines, 492 

Phoenix, Ariz., 81, 483 

Phoenix, John, 147 

Phragmites communis, 184,434 

Piatos, 84 

picacho, 64, 84 

Picacho peak, 84, 342 

Picacho r., 331 

Picacho sta., Ariz., 85, 86 

Picuris, N. M., 332 

Piedes, 406 

Piedras Escritas, 117 

Piedras Pintadas, 117 

Pie Edes, Pi-eeds, 406 

Pientes, 406 

Pike, Z. M., 331, 355 

Pilot Knob, 19, 162, 163, 164, 

212, 213 
Pima Agency, 78, 115 
Pima allies, 69 
Pima Alta, 83 

Pima CO., Ariz., 84, 112, 153 
Pima insurrection, 196, 202 
Pima language, 28, 78, 96, 116, 


Piman rancherias, 107, no, 

Pimas, 8, 23, 29, 31, 32, 45, 69, 
75, 76, 78, 79, 83, 85, 86, 88, 
89, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 
113, 114, 122, 154, 164, 170, 



208, 381, 386, 402, 439, 440, 
443, 446. 449, 454, 523, 525, 
527, 539, 540, 544 

Pimas, a visita in Sonora, 526 

Pimas Bajas, 88 

Pimas Frijoleros, 83 

Pimas Gileiios, 27, 37, 46, 64, 
65, 85, 87, 93, 94, 108, 116, 
122, 169, 210, 343, 417, 431, 
437, 438, 446, 450, 451, 458, 
461, 487, 488 

Pimas of Sutaquison, 29 

Pimas of the Gila, 6, 76 

Pimas Sobaypuris, 74 

Pimeria, 75, 523. 542, 555, 556 

Pimeria Alta, 6, 10, 24, 60, 85, 
202, 221, 222, 455, 526, 527, 

531, 533, 535 
Pimeria Baja, Baxa, 60, 85, 

Pimos, 78, 100, 123 
Pinaculo, Pinnacle, 195 
Pinal Apache, 458 
Pinal CO., Ariz., 84, 153, 460 
Pinal Coyotero, 458 
Pinal mts.,459 
Pinaleno Inds., 458, 459 
Pineda, Juan de, 5 
Pine Forest camp, 330, 335 
Pinery Inds., 231 
Pine spring, 333, 335, 409 
pines, 329 

Pino, Pedro Ignacio, 367 
Pinole treaty, 119 
pinon, 329, 411 
Pinus aristata, 329 
Pinus edulis, 329 
Pinus flexiles, 329 
Pinus ponderosa scopulorum, 

Pipatsje, 115 
Piriguita, 68 
Piro pueblo, 497 
Pitac, 27 

pitahaya, 83,439, 477 

Pi-tan'-ni-suh Inds., 271 

Pitic, 39, 202, 527 

Pitic, on Rio de Sonora, 202 

Pitiqui, 549 

Pit'-ka-chi Inds., 269 

Pitquin, 549 

Pi-u-chas, Pi-Utah, Piutahs, 

Piute, Pi-Utes, 422, 406 
Piute springs, 235, 237, 307 
Piute wash, 236 
Pizarro, Francisco, 480 
Plains of the Buffalo, 4S9 
Piatt, T. C, 121 

Plinico, , 54 

pocket-gophers, 301 
Pocomattee springs, 330 
Po-e'-lo Inds., 271 
Po-hal'-lin-Tin'-leh, Pohal-lin- 

tinleh, 270, 301 
Point Concepcion, 223 
Point Invincible, 190, 192 
Point Lasuen, 246 
Point of Rocks, 245 
Point of the Plains, 63 
Point Pinos, 223 
Point San Luis, 249 
Pokkenvolk, 398 
Polici, Horacio, 540 
Pomona, Cal., 247 
Pomuk, a village, 138 
Ponca res., 461 
Ponida, 525 
Pope Pius IV., 250 
Populus fremonti, 433 
Porciuncula, convent of, 189, 

Porras, Francisco, 395 
Porterville, Cal., 270 
Portola, Capt. Gaspar de, 250, 
Posa cr., 269, 271, 283 
Posesion, 223 
Posey cr., 283 



Poso cr. 283, 294 

Posocium, 114 

pouched rats, 301 

Powell, J. W., 220, 224, 225, 

Powers, Stephen, 269, 272, 286, 

Poza cr., 286 
Pozo butte, 129 
Pozo de la Rosa, Rosas, 335, 

Pozo de las Abispas, 411 
Pozo de San Felipe Neri, 307 
Pozo de Santa Isabel, 407 
Pozo salobre del Carrizal, 167 
pozos, 187 
Pozos de San Casimiro, 235, 

Pozos de San Eusebio, 42 
Pozos de San Juan de Dios, 

238, 258, 306 
Pozos de Santa Rosa de las 

Lajas, Laxas, 42, 167 
Prague, 138 
Preacher's lagoon, 42 
Prescott, Ariz., 81, 118, 208, 

320, 342, 422, 476 
Presentacion, 117, 551, 553 
Presidio de Altar, 16, 39, 201, 

Presidio de Cinaloa, 202 
Presidio de Horcasitas, 5, 203 
Presidio de Janos, 91, 465, 498 
Presidio de la Asumpcion, 493 
Presidio de Pitiqui, 202 
Presidio de San Agustin del 

Tuquison, 79 
Presidio de San Miguel de 

Orcasitas, 66 
Presidio de Tubac, Tubaca, 5, 

39, 44. 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 79 
Presidio de Terrenate, 152 
Presidio of Tucson, 77 
Prestamero, Juan, 249 

Price, Col. Sterling, 332 
Price, Wm. R., 342 
Prosopis juliflora, 433 
Prosopis pubescens, 240, 433 
Providence mts., 220, 237 
Providence, R. I., 58 
Provincias Internas, 12, 59, 203, 

255. 492 
Pueblo de Caborca, 535 
Pueblo de Calabazas, 68 
Pueblo de Cocospera, 540 
Pueblo de Imuris, 68 
Pueblo de los Santos Apostoles 

San Simon y Judas, 113 
Pueblo de Oparsoitac, 45 
Pueblo de Oraibe, 359, 457, 510 
Pueblo de Oueretaro, 51 
Pueblo de San Cristobal Eca- 

tepec, 57 
Pueblo de San Jose, 240 
Pueblo de San Pasqual, 301 
Pueblo de Santa Ana, 68 
Pueblo de Sutaquison, 109 
Pueblo Inds., 104, 175 
Pueblo revolt, 368, 379, 395 
Pueblo viejo, 83 
Puertecito, 369 
Puertezuelo de la Purisima 

Concepcion, 146 
puerto, 131 
Puerto de Bucareli, 352, 354, 

Puerto de Guaymas, 5 
Puerto de la Concepcion, 161, 

162, 163, 200, 211, 213, 222, 

309, 310, 348,454 
Puerto de la Concepcion del 

Rio Colorado, 430 
Puerto de la Conversion de San 

Pablo, 478 
Puerto de la Purisima Con- 
cepcion, 19, 20, 146 
Puerto de la Sierra ^ladre de 

California, 205 



Puerto de los Cocomaricopas, 

Puerto de los Conejos, 6S 
Puerto de Monterey, 471, 472 
Puerto de San Bias, 5 
Puerto de San Carlos, Cal., 42, 

T67, 204, 205, 247, 259, 444, 468 
Puerto de San Diego, Cal., 494, 

495. 496 
Puerto de San Francisco, 8, 

48, 290, 475, 500 
Puerto de San Juan Bautista, 

Puerto de San Pablo, 212 
Puerto de San Pedro, 195 
Puerto Dulze, 492 
Pumpelly, R., 70, 74, Si 
Punta de la Concepcicn, 223 
Punta de los Jamajabs, 413 
Punta de los Llanos, 74 
Punta de los Pinos, 223 
Pun-yis'-t'yi, 368 
Purificacion, 39 
Purisima Concepcion, 147, 148, 

Purple hills, 213 
Pur-tyi-tyi'-ya, 369 
Pyeeds, 406 

Pyramid canon, 227, 228 
Py-ute, 406 


Quabajais, Quabajay, 300, 301, 

~304. 435, 492 
quail, 166 
Qudi-1-pi, 399 
Quay, M. S., 121 
Quebec, 148 

Quebec of the Southwest, 368 
Quejuen, 458 
quelites, 344 

Quemaya, Quemayab, Que- 
mayas, Quemexa, Quemeya, 

166, 167, 176, 197, 203, 205, 

257, 444 
Quercus gambeli, 330 
Quercus undulata, 330 
Querechos, 452 
Querenda, Querendaro, 55 
Queres Gibraltar, pueblo, 

stock, 368 
Oueretaro, 50, 52, 53. 54, 55, 511 
Queretaro, college of, 24 
Querobabi, 68 
Quesoll, 537 

Quevira, 490, 497, see Quivira 
Quiburi, 540 
Quiburi r., 76 
Quicima, Quicimas, Quig- 

yama, Quigyuma, Quigyu- 

ma, Quihuima, 175, 176, 177 
Quilmurs, 45 
Quimac, 176 

Quino, E., 528, see Kino 
Quinquima, 176 
Quiquiborica, 546 
Quiquima, Quiquimas, 8, 32, 33 

35, 86, 175, 176, 177, 178, 523. 

548, 551. 553 
Quitcac, Quitoa, Quitoac, 65, 

84, 87 
Quitobac, Quitobaca, 39, 69, 

487, 488 
Quitovaquito, 83, 127, 487 
Quivira, 488, 490, 497, 498, 514, 

517, 520, 521 


Raft r. , 484 

Railroad pass, 317, 318, 319, 

321, 322, 484 
Railroad springs, 31S 
ramada, 103 
rancheria, 84 
Rancheria, see also names of 




Rancheria de Atiamic, 550 
Rancheria de Cojat, 165 
Rancheria de la Merced, 172 
Rancheria de la Pasion de 

Tucavi, 436 
Rancheria de las Llagas, 37, 

1S8, 193 
Rancheria del Humo, 546 
Rancheria de Ooltan, 550 
Rancheria de Pitiqui. 536 
Rancheria de San Benito, 246 
Rancheria de San Geronirao, 

Rancheria de San Juan Capis- 

trano, 102 
Rancheria de San Pasqual, 

273. 302, 303 
Rancheria de San Sebastian, 

Rancheria de Santa Cruz, 540 
Rancheria de Unnicat, 537 
Rancheria Quitoac, 64 
Rancherias de la Asumpcion, 

Rancherias de la Pasion, 228, 

Rancherias de San Antonio, 

Rancherias de San Diego, 117 
Rancherias de San Pablo, 163 
Rancherias de Santa Coleta, 

Rancherias de Santa Isabel, 

Range hill, 194 
Rapicani, Alex., 525 
Real Audiencia, 531 
Real Cedula, 531 
Real de Cheguagua, 91 
Red Ant people, 45S 
Red Butte, 349 
Red Earth people, 458 
Red Horse spring, 340, 354, 


Red House, Ariz., 484 
Red Rock sta., Ariz., 84, 85 
Red r. of Arizona, 355, see 

Colorado Chiquito 
Red r. of California, 144, see 

Colorado r. 
Red r. of Texas, 520 
Red River of the West, 144, 

see Colorado r., 
Remedios mission, 86, 526, 532, 

540, 545. 546, 547, 550. 552, 

Republican Fork of Kansas r., 


Reventon, Ariz., 70, 74 

Revilla Gigedo, Conde de, 61, 

Reyes' ranch. Col., 266 

Reyno de Aragon, 2 

Rhodes, Wm., 70 

Rhuen, 196, see Ruen, Hen- 

Richardson, Samuel, 258 

Rillitocr., 82 

Rillito sta., Ariz., 82, 84 

Rinconado, Ariz., 118 

Rio, see also names of rivers 

Rio Altar, 60, 455, 532, 533. 534, 

Rio Amarillo, 553 

Rio Azul, 31, no, 137, 140, 141, 

Rio Azul, another, 142, 420 

Rio Bavispe, 60 

Rio Carmelo, 223, 250 

Rio Chama, 478 

Rio Chico, 59 

Rio Chila, 136, see Rio Gila 

Rio Colorado, 7, 8, 13, 29, 37, 
45, 48, 122, 133, 134, 143. 145. 
146, 154, 162, 176, 181, 189, 
190, 191, 192, 193, 196, 199, 
200, 210, 217, 221, 225, 226, 
228, 231, 253, 254, 331, 344, 



346, 347, 353, 355, 3S1, 395. 

405, 413, 415, 416, 419, 420, 

426, 431, 443, 444, 445, 449, 

451, 453, 454. 457, 463, 466, 

470, 475, 476, 488, 493, 495, 

496, 503, 512, 530, 542, 544, 548, 

549, 553, ^Qd see Colorado r. 

Rio Colorado Chiquito, 394, 

and see Colorado Chiquito 

and Little Colorado r. 

Rio Colorado del Norte, 144 

Rio Colorado del Occidente, 

Rio Colorado of Texas, 520 
Rio de Buena Guia, 144, 476, 

Rio de Carmelo, 223, 250 
Rio de Cicuye, 518 
Rio de Horcasitas, 60, 202, 532 
Rio de la Assumpcion, Asump- 
cion, Asuncion, no, 116, 136, 
137, 139, 141, 142, 201, 353, 
404, 417, 418, 462, 466, 467 
Rio de la Santa Cruz, 286, see 

Rio Santa Cruz 
Rio de las Balsas, 4S4, 488, 508 
Rio del Fuerte, 4S1 
Rio del Lino, 355, 411, 489 
Rio del Norabre de Jesus, 136, 

477. 541 
Rio de los Apostoles, 136, 137, 

141, 544 
Rio de los Martinez (misprint) 

Rio de los Martires, 136, 137, 

144, 239, 248, 306, 544 
Riode los Misterios, 472 
Rio del Tizon, 144, 351, 476, 

477, 488 
Rio del Tuquison y San Xavier, 

Rio de Nuestra Sefiora de la 

Asumpcion, Asuncion, 141, 

see Rio de la Assumpcion 

Rio de Nuestra Sefiora de los 

Angeles de Porciuncula, 259 
Rio de Petatlan, 481 
Rio de Quiburi, Quipuri, 91, 

152. 540 
Rio de San Andres, 420, 477 
Rio de San Antonio, 336, 433 
Rio de San Carlos, 139 
Riode San Felipe, 280, 282, 283, 

290, 297, 299, 302, 303, 466, 

468, 475 
Rio de San Francisco, 139 
Rio de San Gabriel, 248 
Rio de San Ignacio, 60, 201, 532 
Rio de San Juan Nepomuzeno, 

Rio de San Miguel, 60, 67, 202, 

259, 532 
Rio de San Pedro, 60, 91, 139, 

465, 466, 483, 540 
Rio de San Pedro Jaquesila, 

354. 357, 402, 406, 432 
Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo, 

Rio de Santa Ana, Anna, 43, 

204, 205, 218, 219, 246, 247, 

248, 259 
Rio de Santa Maria, 231, 419, 

421, 433, 466, 493, 546 
Rio de Santiago, 2S3, 294, 296 
Rio de San Xavier del Bac, 76 
Rio de Sonoita, 195 
Rio de Sonora, 60, 202, 482, 487, 

Rio de Taos, 332 
Rio de Tubutama, 201 
Rio Fuerte, 487 
Rio Gila, 63, 64, 65, 88, 102, 106, 

132, 133, 134, 135, 141, 210, 

211, 381, 386, 387, 388, 415, 

443, 445, 446, 449- 452, 454, 

455, 459, 462, 463, 466, 468, 

493. 523. 537. 541, 544, 548. 
and see Gila r. 



Rio Grande de Buena Espe- 

ranza, 136, 145, 476, 477 
Rio Grande de Espeleta, 401 
Rio Grande del Norte, 332, 375, 

396, 397, 393, 404, 459. 460, 

462. 478, 497, 514, 518, 519 
Rio Grande de los Apostoles, 

Rio Grande de los Cosninas, 

349, 366, 470 
Rio Hela, Helah, Helay, Hila, 

136, 137, 538, see Rio Gila and 

Gila r. 
Rio Hiaqui, 60, see Rio Yaqui 
Rio Jabesua, 335, 336, 340, 346 
Rio Jacquecila, Jaquesila, 

Jaquevila, 354, 355, 358, 392, 

and see Rio de San Pedro 

Rio Jesus de los Temblores, 

Rio Jila, 136, see Rio Gila 
Rio Magdalena, 60, 68, 201, 

532, 544 
Rio Matape, 60, 481, 487 
Rio Mayo, 481 
Rio Moctezuma, 60 
Rio Nexpa, 153. 482, 483 
Rio Nueces, 460 
Rio Papago, 60, 195, 544, 549 
Rio Pecos, 518 
Rio Porciuncula, 259 
Rio Puerco, 514 
Rio Sacramento, 476 
Rio Salado, 110, 137, 141, 208, 

488, 508, 545 
Rio San Antonio, 476 
Rio San Jose, 60 
Rio San Juan, 404 
Rio San Phelipe, 280, 283, see 

Rio de San Felipe 
Rio Santa Cruz, 60, 69, 74, 75, 

82, 85, 152, 283, 286, 483, 541 
Rio Ures, 60 

Rio Verde, 141, 466, 476, 545 

Rio Verde agency, 208 

Rio Vermejo, 355, 484 

Rio Virgen, 432 

Rio Xila, 136, see Rio Gila 

Rio Yaqui, 60, 481, 548 

Rio Zuiii, 375 

Rivera, Corp. Pascual, 20, 22 

Rivera y Moncada, F. X., 20, 

23, 252, 253, 255, 257, 260, 374 
River of Rafts, 508 
River of the North, 396 
Riverside mts., 217, 428 
Robinson, Capt., 228, 422 
Robinson's landing, 192 
Rock legends, 376 
Rock springs, 236, 258, 307 
Rocky mts., 330 
Roger's ranch, Ariz., 342 
Rojas, Charles de, 526 
Roldan, Padre, 525 
Rome, Italy, 307, 447 
Romero, Miguel Antonio, 23 
Root diggers, 238 
Rosate, Mariano, 374, 375 
Rose Well, Ariz., 335 
Royal Academy of History, 

Madrid, 61 
Royal Court of Guadalajara, 

Ruen, Ruhen, Ruhn, Henrique, 

Henry, 88, 196, 527 

Sabino Otero claim, 70 

Sabinta, 225 

sacate, sacaton, 87 

Sacaton, Ariz., 88, 102, 107, 109 

Sacramento range, 315 

Sacramento val., or wash, 

Ariz., 231, 315, 316, 317, 318, 

Saenz, Bartholomew, 526 



Saeta, F. X., 88, 537, 539 
Safford, A. K. P., 82 
Safford peak, 82 
Saguaripa, 525 
saguaro, sahuaro, 439 
Saint, besides the following, 

see under San, Santa, and 

St. Basil's wells, 327 
St. Cecilia hill, 129 
St. Charles Borromeo, 250 
St. Charles pass, 204 
Sainte-Claire, Ordre de, 25.8 
St. Eulalie, 165 
St. Francis, order of, 480 
St. Francis Borgia Rectorship, 

524, 525 
St. Francis Xavier Rectorship, 

524, 526 
St. James of Alcala, 207 
St. James range, 315 
St. Joseph, 240 
St. Louis, bishop of Toulouse, 

St. Ludlovic de Vacapa, 487 
St. Marcellus, 214 
St. Margaret well, 411 
St. Paul, Minn., 517 
St. Peter and St. Paul r., 520 
St. Peter, bishop of Alexandria, 

St. Philip Neri, 307 
St. Thomas a Becket, 237 
St. Thomas Didymus, 237 
Salado r., 28, 87, 139, 140, 141, 

142, 483, 484, 513, 544. 545. see 

Salt r. 
Salinas r., 100, 142 
Salitre, 153, see Galiuro 
Salpointe, J. B., 74 
Salt Lake City, Utah, 243 
vSalt Lake valley, 404 
Salton lake, 166 
Salt r., 87, 90, 100, 112, 136, 137, 

138, 139, 140, 484, 513, see 

Salado r., Salinas r. 
Salvatierra, J. M. de, 75, 439, 

533, 534. 536, 539. 542, 548, 

549. 550 
Salvia columbariae, 272 
Salvia tiliaefolia, 272 
Samaniego peak, 74 
Samoupavi, 400 
San, besides the following see 

also under Saint, Santa, 

San Agustin, 76, 536 
San Agustin del Pueblito de 

Tucson, 79 
San Agustin de Oiaur, 541, 545, 

San Agustin de Tubac, 79 
San Agustin de Tucson, 79 
San Ambrosio de Busanic, 

546, 547, 554 
San Andres de Coata, 88, no, 

541. 542, 545 
San Andres rancheria, 140, 142, 

San Antonio, among the 

Jalchedunes, 454 
San Antonio, a ship, 250 
San Antonio de Oquitoa, 

Uquitoa, 536, 555 
San Antonio de Padua mission, 

Cal., 157, 263, 265 
San Bartoiome, 536 
San Bartolme de Jongopavi, 

Jougopavi, Shumopovi, Xon- 

gopabi, Xongopavi, 395, 400 
San Bartoiome del Comae, 

San Benito, 246 

San Bernabe de Jongopavi, 400 
San Bernardino, Ariz., 44, 119, 

120, 125, 126, 465, 466, 473 
San Bernardino, Cal., 224, 246, 

247, 248 



San Bernardino de Awatobi, 

395, 396 
San Bernardino del Agua Cali- 

ente, 120 
San Bernardino Gualpi, 399 
San Bernardino mts., or range, 

204, 215, 246, 259 
San Bernardino val., Cal., 219, 

233, 241, 246 
San Bernardo de Jongopabi, 

San Bernardo del Aquimuri, 

San Bias, 25 
San Bruno, 531 
San Buenaventura, a person, 

San Buenaventura de Mos- 

saquavi, 400 
San Buenaventura mission, 

Cal., 223, 224, 257, 266, 267 
San Carlos, iii, 155, 503 
San Carlos Agency, Ariz., 139, 

208, 458 
San Carlos, a ship, 250 
San Carlos Borromeo del Car- 

melo de Monterey mission, 

157, 204, 250 
San Carlos, port of, 205 
San Carlos r., 139 
San Casimiro, 178, 553 
San Casimiro, another place, 

San Cayetano de Chamada, 525 
San Cayetano de Jumagacori, 

Tumacacori, Tumagacori, 

69. 533, 534. 539, 54i. 545. 54^, 

Sanchez, Miguel, 260 
San Clemente isl., 222, 223 
San Clemente, Sonora, 546 
Sandia, 332, 368, 397 
San Diego mission, Cal., 36, 

43, 146, 166, 197, 206, 207, 20S, 

252. 253, 257, 259, 260, 444, 450. 

San Diego de Alcald, 156, 204, 

206, 223 
San Diego del Pitqui, Pytquin, 

San Diego de Nipaguay, 207 
San Diego de Uitorrum, 455 
San Dionisio, Dionysias, 

Doonysio, 40, 134, 135, 548, 

551, 552. 553 
San Eduardo, 39, see next 
San Eduardo Baipia, Baypai, 

Paipai, 548, 549, 555 
San Estanislas de Octam, 

Ooltan, 550, 552, 555 
San Esteban de Acoma, 368 
San Felipe, Ariz., 545 
San Felipe cr., 166 
San Felipe, N. M., 368 
San Felix de Valois, 177, 551, 

San Fernando, Ariz., 541 
San Fernando mission, 266 
San Fernando Rey de Espana, 

San Fernando val., Cal., 266 
San Francisco, an alcalde, 120 
San Francisco, a saint, 2 
San Francisco Ati, 546 
San Francisco bay, 66, 72, 291 
San Francisco, Cal., 13, 70, 74, 

81, iiS, 147, 206, 292, 295, 303, 

308, 430, 492, 502 
San Francisco, convent of, 

San Francisco cr., 268 
San Francisco de los Espano- 

les, N. M., 478 
San Francisco de Oraibe, 

Oraybe, 401 
San Francisco mts,, or range, 

139, 142, 323. 329, 331, 352, 

353. 354. 473 



San Francisco, Nuevo Reyno 
de, 485 

San Francisco rancheria, 543 

San Francisco r., 142, 353 

San Gabriel Arcangel, 157, 
204, 258 

San Gabriel de los Temblores, 

San Gabriel mission, Cal., 8, 
23. 24, 38, 43, 124, 204, 205, 
2i3, 232, 233, 240, 242, 247, 
248, 251, 252, 254, 258, 259, 
260, 264, 265, 266, 275, 310, 
374, 380, 444, 451, 466, 467, 
468, 493 

San Gabriel mts., or range, 

246, 259, 265 

San Gabriel, N. M., 478 

San Gabriel r., 259 

San Geronirao mission, 332, 539 

San Geronimo mts., 194 

San Gorgonio pass, 204, 205, 

247, 468 

San Gorgonio sta., 204 
San Gregorio, Cal., 42 
San Gregorio Taumaturgo 

spr., 541 
Sangre Mai, a hill, 52 
San Hermenegildo, 2 
San Ignacio Caborica, 543 
San Ignacio de la Canoa, 74 
San Ignacio de Tubac, 69 
San Ignacio ford, 39 
San Ignacio Guibori, 153 
San Ignacio isl., 192 
San Ignacio mission, 63, 338, 

527. 532, 534, 546. 548, 549. 553 
San Ignacio pueblo, 532 
San Ildefonso, 39 
San Jacinto mts., 204 
San Jacinto sta. , 204 
San Jacinto val., 224 
San Jacome, 167 
San Joaquin Basosuma, 540 

San Joaquin r., or val., 269, 

289, 290, 291, 292, 492 
sanjon, 191 
San Jose, 216, .see Aguage de 

San Joseph 
San Jose, Ariz., 476 
San Jose de Alvaredo mission, 

San Jose de Galvez mission, 240 
San Jose de Guadalupe mission, 

San Jose de Himeris, Imuris 

pueblo, 532 
San Jose del Cabo, 240 
San Jose de los Pimas, 525 
San Jose de Matapa mission, 

San Jose de Pimas, 157 
San Jose de Tucson, 78 
San Jose mission, Cal., 240 
San Joseph, 216, 217, see 

Aguage de San Joseph 
San Joseph de Cumars mts. , 1 10 
San Joseph of the Pimas, 85 
San Joseph valley. 240, 
San Jose Ramos Ayodsudas, 


San Jose r., 368 

San Juan Capistrano, Capis- 
trans de Tutiritucar, Tutuni- 
tucan, Ulurituc, Utilltuc, 
Uturicut, Virtud, Vturituc, 
44, 87, 102, 109, 204, 454 

San Juan de los Caballeros, 
476, 478 

San Juan de Mata, 39 

San Juan mts., 352, 421 

San Juan Nepomuzeno, 386 

San Juan r., 432 

San Lazaro, 540, 542, 550 

San Lorenzo, plains of, 546 

San Ludlov de Bacapa, 487 

San Luis Bacapa, 39 

San Luis bay, 249 



San Luis Beltran de Bacapa, 

481, 487, 548, 549, 555 
San Luis de Babi, 550 
San Luis de Bucuancos, 546 
San Luis de los Tichos, 249 
San Luis Guevavi, 547 
San Luis Obispo, a mission, 

156, 157, 204, 249, 251, 263, 

279, 445. 451, 468, 539 
San Luis Obispo co., Cal., 249 
San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, 249 
San Luis range, 291 
San Luis Rey de Francia, 

San j\Iarcelo de Sonoita, 

Sonoitac, Sonoydag, Sonoy- 

tac, 39, 196, 543. 544, 546, 548, 

549. 550, 552, 555 
San Marcial, 67 
San Marcos range, 271, 291 
San Martin, 117, 551, 552 
San Mateo de Caut, 545 
San Mateo mt., 352 
San Matias Tutum, 545 
San Miguel Bosna, Bosua, 536 
San Miguel, Cal , 299 
San Miguel de Culiacan, 481 
San Miguel de Horcasitas, 

Orcasitas, 61, 75 202 
San Miguel de los Noches por el 

Santo Principe, 299 
San Miguel de Oraibi, Oraybi, 

395- 401 

San Miguel de Sonoita, Sonoi- 
tac, 196, 527 

San Miguel isl., 223 

San Miguel mission, Cal., 264 

San Miguel, Sonora, 202 

San Nicolas isl., 222 

San Pablo, 212, 454, 45^, see 
San Pablo y San Pearo' de 

San Pablo de Quipuri, 152, 153, 

San Pablo rancherias, of 

Garces, 132, 163, 454 
San Pablo rancheria, of Kino, 

San Pablo, Sonora, 540 
San Pablo y San Pedro de 

Bicuner, 163 
San Pantaleon Aribaiba, 540 
San Pascual, Pasqual, 44, 128, 

San Pedro, Ariz., 152 
San Pedro bay, 223 
San Pedro de Acoma, 368 
San Pedro de la Conquista, 202 
San Pedro de los Jamajabs, 

234, 235. 413, 416 
San Pedro del Tubutama, 536, 

543. 546, 549 
San Pedro rancheria, of Kino, 

163, 544. 551, 552 
San Pedro r., 60, 76, 86, 141, 

152. 482, 483, 484, 539, 544 
San Pedro r., another, 355 
San Pedro y San Pablo de Bi- 
cuiier, 19, 20, 163 
San Pedro y San Pablo de 

Tubutama, 533 
San Rafael del Actum, Actun, 

543. 546, 550, 551, 552, 555 
San Rudesindo, 178, 553 
San Saba r., 460 
San Sebastian Peregrino, 42, 

San Serafin, 113 
San vSerafin de Actum, 546 
San Serafino de Nabcub, Nap- 
cub, 113 
San Seraphin, 543, 550 
San Serapin Actum, 113 
San Simon, 549, 550, 552, see 

San Simon y Judas, Sonora 
San Simon de Tucsani, 114, 545 
San Simon y Judas, 44, 45, 114 
San Simon y Judas de Opa- 



soitac, Uparsoitac, Vpasoi- 

tac, 114, 455 
San Simon y Judas, Sonora, 

114, 115, 138, 547 
San Simon y San Judas del 

Syboda, 554 
Santa Ana mission, Cal., 218 
Santa Ana de Animic, 551 
Santa Anna Befieme, 444 
Santa Anapueblito, N. M., 368 
Santa Ana r., 246, 247 
Santa Ana, Sonora, 86 
Santa Barbara, Cal., 224, 251, 

Santa Barbara channel, 222, 

257, and see canal de Santa 

Santa Barbara co., Cal., 224 
Santa Barbara isl., 222 
Santa Barbara mission, 223, 224 

Santa Barbara mts., 194 
Santa Bibiana, 555 
Santa Catalina isl., 222, 223 
Santa Catalina mts., 153 
Santa Catarina, Cal., 42, 43 
Santa Catarina de Caituagaba, 
' Cuitciabaqui, 541, 545, 546 
Santa Clara co., Cal., 257, 267 
Santa Clara mission, Cal., 302, 

Santa Clara mts., 549, 555 
Santa Clara r., or val., 237, 240, 

257, 25S, 268 
Santa Clara, Sonora, 530, 542 
Santa Clara, volcano of, 31 
Santa Cruz, a place on San 

Pedro r., 465, 466 
Santa Cruz, Ariz., 80, 493 
Santa Cruz de Querataro, col- 
lege of, 74, see Queretaro 
Santa Cruz Gaibanipitea, 

Gaibauipetea, 540 
Santa Cruz isl., 222, 489 

Santa Cruz r., 76, 80, 84, 86, 141, 

153. 465, 534. 544 
San Tadeo Batqui, de Vaqui, 

Santa Estrella mts., no 
Santa Eulalia, Cal., 58, 165 
Santa Eulalia, Sonora, 543, 552 
Santa Fe, N. M., 77, 79, 93, 136, 

137. 145, 310, 331, 332, 360, 

366, 367, 369, 379, 396, 470, 

471, 476, 478 
Santa Fe Pacific R. R., 367, 368 
Santa Gertrudis del Saric, 555 
Santa Isabel, Cal., 147, 150 
Santa Isabel, of Garces, 454 
Santa Isabel of Kino, 167, 177, 

541. 551, 553 

Santa Ines, Inez, isl., 530, 554 

Santa Magdalena de Bu- 
quivaba, 543 

Santa Magdalena visita, 527 

Santa Margarita mts., 217 

Santa Maria, Agustin de, 395 

Santa Maria, Cal., 150 

Santa Maria de Baseraca, 
Vaseraca, 526 

Santa Maria del Agua Caliente, 

Santa Maria del Popolo, 554 

Santa Maria de Soamca, 
Suamca, 526, 534, 539, 540 

Santa Maria Magdalena, So- 
nora, 68, 533, 536, 549, 555 

Santa Maria Magdalena de 
Buquibava, 535, 543, 546 

Santa Maria r., 422, 477 

Santa Monica mts., 226 

Santa Olalla, Olaya, 41, 42, 58, 
164, 165, 167, see Santa Eu- 
lalia, Cal. 

Santa Rita mines, 70 

Santa Rita mts., 74, 153, 329 

Santa Rita peak, 74 

Santa Rosa isl., 222 



Santa Rosa mts., 461 

Santa Rosa of Garces, 182, 454 

Santa Rosalia, 85, 526 

Santa Sabina port, 537, 552, 


Santa Susanna mts., 266 

Santa Teresa, 527, 536, 555 

Santa Theresa, 107 

Santiago, a saint, 283 

Santiago, on the Gila, 545 

Santiago de Cocospera, 542 

San Timoteo, 204 

Santo Angel, 225 

Santos Evangelistas hills, 536 

Santo Tomas, 242 

San Valentin, 536 

San Venancio, 304 

San Vicente cape, 554 

San Xavier del Bac, 5, 25, 30, 
38, 46, 63, 64, 69, 75, 76, 77, 
78, 79, 83, 88, 109, 386, 440, 
469, 526, 533, 534. 539. 541. 
546, 547. 550, see Bac 

Saric, Luis del, 196 

Saric, Sonora, 39, 195, 196, 527, 

533, 537, 543 
Sarmiento, Antonio de Oca, 89 
Sastre, Mateo, 203 
Satichi, 526 
savinos, 329 
Savoy, 479 
Savoyard, 479 
Sa-wakh'-tu Inds., 270 
Sayornis nigricans, 328 
Schoolcraft, H. R., 92, 150, 498 
Scirpus, 434 
Scirpus californicus, 1S4, 187, 

251, 272 
Scirpus lacustris, 187 
Scirpus lacustris occidentalis, 

Scirpus tatara, 1S7, 251, 172 
screw-mesquite, 240, 433 
Sea of California, 476 

Sea of the South, 479 
seashells, 244, 245, see cuentas 
Sebastian, an lud., 39, 235, 236, 

521, see Sevastian, also Tara- 

Se-cho-ma-we, Sechumevaj'-, 

Se-chum'-i-way, 399 
Sedalman, Sedelmair, Sedel- 

mayer, Sedelmayr, James, 

Jacob, Jacobi, Jacobo, 118, 

119, 141, 142, 420, 525 
See-cho-mah-wee, 399 
Seepan Inds., 460, see Lipan 
Senora, 370, see Sonora 
Sentinel, Ariz., 126 
Sentinel mt., 119 
Sepulveda, 266 
Seri, Seris, 26, 85, 86, 88, 154, 

196, 202, 447, 536 
Serra, Junipero, 43, 207, 249, 

250, 264 
Serranos, 197, 198, 199, 300, 301, 

434, 445, 453 
Serum, Sherum, Srum, a chf., 

320, see Cherum 
Serys, 523, see Seri 
Seseger, Philip, 526 
Sesepaulaba, Sesepaulabe, 394, 

397, 400 
Se-tco'-mo-we, Setshomave, 

Setsh6move, 399 
Sevastian, an Ind., 185, 187, 

188, 197, 213, 232, 233, 242, 

243, 268, 275, 279, 2S8, 297, 300, 

302, 312, 414, see Tarabel, S. 
Seven Cities of Cibola, 91, 106, 

377, 393. 4S0, 484, 538 
Seviches, 224 
Seville, Spain, 24, 56, 137, 267, 

Sevilleta, 369 
Shapalawee. Sha-pan-la-vi, 

Shapanlobi, Sha-pau-lah- 

wee, 400 



Shea, J. G., 264 

Sheav-wits, 224 

shebang, 103 

She-banlavi, Shebaula-vi, She- 

baiilavi, She-bo-pav-wee, 

Sheepon-arleeve, Sheepo- 

warleeve, 400 
Sheeourkee, 399 
She-mo-pa'-ve, 400 
She-noma, 398 

Shepdlave, Shepalawa, She- 
pa-la-wee, She-pau'-l^-ve, 

Shapauliva, 401 
shepherd's purse, 272 
Shepolavi, She-powl-a-we, 401 
Sherwits, 224 
Shi-choam-a-vi, 399 
Shi - ma -co - vi, Shimopava, 

Shimopavi, 400 
Shimu'-shinoma, Shinome, Shi- 

nu-mo, 398 
Shipaulovi, Shi-pai:-a-luv-i, 

Shi-pau-i-luv-i, Shi-pau'-la-vi, 

Shi-pav-i-luv-i, Shi-powl-ovi, 

360, 384, 397, 400, 401 
Shivwits, 224, 225 
Shiwi, 379 

Shomonpavi, Shomoparvee, 
, Shongdpave, Shong'-a-pa-vi, 

Shongobavi, Shongopavi, 

Shoshone, Shoshoni, Inds., 

270, 404 
Shoshonean stock, 205, 218, 

219, 238, 269, 270, 332, 402, 

405. 491 
Shoshonean tribes, 205, 224, 

404, 405 

Show-mowth-pa, 400 

Shu-chum-a-vay, 399 

Shumi, 398 

Shu-mo-pa- vay, Shumo-povi, 
Shu-miith-pa, Shu-muth-pa, 
Shu-muth-pai-6-\va, Shung-a- 

pa-vi, Shung - o - pah - wee, 
Shung-o-pa-we, Shungopa- 
wee, Shung-op-ovi, 360, 394, 
395, 400 

Shu-par-la-vay, Shupowla, Shu- 
powlewy, 401 

Shu-sho-no-vi, 399 

Sia Inds., 368 

Siaqui, 85 

Sibagoida, Siboida, 546 

Si-choan-avi, Sichomivi, Sicho- 
movi, Si-chum'-a-vi, Sichum- 
navi, Sichumniva, Sichu- 
movi, Sickmunari, 360, 384, 

397, 399 
Sicobutovabia, 549 
Sicoroidag, 545 
Sierra Azul, 177 
Sierra de California, 444, 446 
Sierra de Comars, no, 113 
Sierra de Estrella, no 
Sierra de la Cabeza del Gi- 

gante, 120 
Sierra de la Cabeza Prieta, 127, 

Sierra de la Florida, 386 
Sierra de la Madera, 8r 
Sierra de la Natividad, 195 
Sierra del Comedio, 535, 549 
Sierra del Mongollon, 137 
Sierra de los Finales, 409 
Sierra del Puerto de Bucareii, 

Sierra de San Diego, 409 
Sierra de San Gabriel, 265 
Sierra de San Geronimo, 185, 

Sierra de San Ildefonso, 227, 

Sierra de San Joseph de Cu- 

mars, no 
Sierra de San Luis, 292 
Sierra de San Marcos, 259, 271, 

279, 28i', 290, 291, 304 



Sierra de San Pablo, 213 
Sierro de San Sebastian, 167 
Sierra de Santa Barbara, 193, 

Sierra de Santa Coleta, 236, 

Sierra de Santa Margarita, 217 
Sierra de Santiago, 314, 315, 

316. 410, 413 
Sierra de Sonoita, 195 
Sierra de Tucson, 81 
Sierra Frente Negra, 81 
Sierra Madre, 36, 59, 60 
Sierra Madre de Californias, 

193, 194, 195, 259 
Sierra Maricopa, 113 
Sierra Morena, 320, 410, 411, 

Sierra Napac, 352, 353 
Sierra Nazareno, 195 
Sierra Nevada, 248, 259, 267, 

271, 291, 292, 303, 468 
Sierra Pinta, 23S 
Sierra Prieta, 195 
Sigiienza y Gongora, 530 
Simeon, R., 54, 284, 299, 344 
Simojueves, 220 
Simpson, J. H., 376, 478, 498, 

514. 515 

Sinaloa, 59, 66, 203, 479, 4S1, 
497. 511. 526, 533. 543 

Sinapan Inds., 460 

Sitlis, 379 

Sink of the Mojave r., 258 

Sisters of St. Joseph, 78 

Sitcomovi, Si-tcum'-o-vi, 399 

Sitjar, Antonio, 264 

Sitjar, Bonaventura, Buena- 
ventura, 263, 264 

Sitgreaves, Lorenzo, 165, 227, 
314, 316, 324, 323, 421, 47S 

Sitgreaves' pass, 316 

Sitgreaves' peak, 353 

Smith, Buckingham, 61, 62, 458 

Smith, Joseph, 401 
Smithsonian Institution, 81, 96, 

Snake Diggers, 406 
Snow spring, 330 
Soamca, Santa Maria de, 

mission, 526 
Sobahipuris, 76, 86 
Sobahipuris r., 86 
Sobaipuris, 69, 75, 78, 85. 483, 


Sobas, 201, 202, 534, 536, 554 

Sobaypuris, 523 

Soda 1., 232, 238, 239 

Soda spring, 270 

so'-gon, 273 

Solares, Pedro, 23 

Solis, Antonio, 76 

Solomonville, Ariz., 484 

Solorrano, , 263 

Somera, Padre, 259 

Songoapt, 400 

Sonoaita, Sonoaitac, Sonoi, 
Sonoita, Sonoitac, Sonoitag, 
17, 31. 32, 37, 39. 88, 124, 195, 
196, 450, 455. 527, 543, 543, 
549. 550, 551, 553 

Sonoita mts., 195 

Sonora, 4, 8, 13, 17, 20, 21, 25, 
57, 59. 60, 61, 68, 69, 71, 73, 
84, 85, 108, 114, 122, 123, 127, 
135, 144, 152, 155, 196, 202, 
203, 250, 278, 361, 370, 371, 
381, 39S, 436, 447. 450, 468, 
481, 487, 497. 524, 531, 532, 
533. 535. 552 

Sonora r. , 60 

Sonora val., 482 

Sonoran border, 152 

Sonoran missions, 540 

Sonoran presidios, 66, 203 

Sonoydag, 543 

Sonoyta, 195 

Soones, 379, see Zuni 


60 1 

Sopori, 69 

Sopori cr., 74 

Soria, 24 

Sounes, 379, see Zuni 

Southern Apaches, 459 

Southern Pacific R. R., 112, 

Southern Pimas, 60, 86 

South sea, 476, 496 

Soyopa, 226, 525 

Spain, 56, 58, 492 

Spain, King of, 12, 13, 25 

Spanish America, 59 

Spanish authority, 23 

spermophile, 301 

Spermophilusbeecheyi, 270, 301 

" spinefluss Hila fl.," 137 

Spires, the, 429 

Squaw val., 270 

Squire, (for Squier), F. G., 498 

Staked Plains, 520 

Stanley, J. M., 96 

Stanwix, Ariz., 126 

Star range, no 

State Department of Mexico, 60 

Stephen, a negro, 136, 480, 481, 

Stiger, Caspar, 527 

Stocklein, Joseph, 114 

Stockton, Ariz., 320 

Store, Ariz., 107 

Stratton, R. B., 118 

Stucabitic, 115 

Styucson, 88 

styuk-son, 78. The alternative 
interpretation of the word is 
"dark or black base," in 
allusion to a stratum of that 
character in a neighboring 

Suamca, 75 

Subaipuris, 386 

Suchongnewy, 399 

Suco, 386 

Sudacsasaba, iig 
Sudacson, 88, 107 
Suisun bay, 292 
Sumi, 380, see Zuni 
Sumonpavi, Sumo-porvy, Su- 

mopowy, Sumopoy, 400 
Suni, Sunne, Suny, 380, see 

Supai, Supies, Supis, 473, 474 
Suponolevy, Supowolewy, 401 
Suppai, 313, 473, 474 
Suppai Ind. res., 346 
Sutaguison, Sutaquison, 28, 44, 

65, 88, 106, 109, no, 142 
Sweeny, Thomas Wm., 147 
Sweetgrass hills, 383 
Sweetwater, Ariz., 107 
sycamore, 298 
Sycamore gulch, 247 

Taaiyalone mt., 379 
Tabby, a Uta chf., 404 
Tabequache Inds., 405 
Tabira, N. M., 497, 498 
Table peak, 195 
Tacca, Taceo, 85 
Ta'-chi Inds., 270 
Tacna sta., 129 

Ta-hi-cha-pa-han'-na Inds., 270 
Ta-hi'-cha-pa,Tahichapah pass, 

269, 270 
Ta-hichp' Inds., 270 
ta-kju, 85 
Talchedon, Talchedums, 125, 


Tallignaraay, Talliguamayque, 

Talligiimai, 176 
Talvoi, 399 
Tamajabs, 226, 232, 238, see 

Tamasabes, 226 
Tampico, Mex., 521 



Tano, Tanoquevi, Tanoquibi, 

Tanos, 396, 399 
Tantawats, 220 
Tanus, 399 

Taos, N. M., 332, 333, 490 
Tapia, Fernando, Hernando 

de. 52, 55 
Tarabel, Sebastian, 155, 159, 

see also Sebastian, Sevastian 
Taracones, 458, 459, 460 
Tarahumara, 86, 539 
Taraichi, 525 
Taraitzi, 85 
Tarascan, 54 
Taraumara, 59 
Taraumares, 526 
Taraval, Sevastian, 163, see 

Tarbox, a person, 74 
Taros, 446 
Ta-sa-un, 398 
Tasse, Joseph, 331 
Taucos, 399 
Tavanim6, 107 
Tavivi, a Uta chf., 404 
Taxco, 54 

Taylor, Alex. S., 209 
Tazco, 54 
Tch-kun Inds., 458 
tecol6tes, tecolotl, 122 
Tecoripa, 525 
Tecuiche, 205, 218 
teculutl, 122 
Te-^-wun-na, 399 
Tegua pueblo Inds., 209 
Teguayo nation, 490 
Tehachapai, Tahachepi range, 

271, 291, 303 
Tehachepi pass, 304 
Teh-wa, 399 
Tejas, 490 

Tejon pass, 269, 271, 303 
Tejua, Tejuas, 208, 209, 453, 


Telamoteris, 289 

Telam 6 Torim, 289 

Tello, Tomas, 88, 527 

Te'-lum-ni Inds., 270 

temascdl, 284 

Tendilla, Conde de, 486 

Tenequeches, Teniqueches, 218 

Tennis, 380 

Tepeguana, 86 

Tepique, 5 

Tepuspe, 525 

tepustetl, tepustete de color, 

tepuztli, 214 
Terapa, 525 
Ternaux-Compans, Henri, 93, 

94. 365. 366, 516 
Terrenate, 60, 61, 71, 86, 203 
Tesayan, 398 
Tespari, 525 
Tesquien, 218 
tetl, 214 
Teuricatzi, 526 
Teuson, 79 
Tewa, Tewe Inds., 396, 397, 

398. 399 
Tewa vil., 397 
Texas, 59, 150, 370, 460, 491, 

515, 517. 520 
Texas hill, 125 
Texas Hill camp, 126 
Texas Hill sta., 126 
Teyas, 365 

Tezozamoc, F. de A., 365 
Tezquien, 218 
Thomas, Geo. H., 147 
Thorburn, Lt. C. E., 349 
Three Holy Martyrs of Japan 

Rectorships, 525 
Thunder mt., 379 
Tiber r., 447 
Tiburon isl., 536 
Ticorilla Inds., 462 
Tigua, Tiguas, 209, 332, 333, 




Tiguex, 488, 514, 516, 518, 520, 

Tiguex r., 519 

Tinaja de la Cabeza Prieta, 127 
tinajas, 187 

Tinajas del Tesquier, 218 
Tinajas de San Joseph, 468 
Tinajita mts. , 74 
Tin-lin-neh Inds., 270 
tin'-nilh, 270 
Ti-pa-to-la'-pa Inds., 270 
Tiqui-llapai, 232 
Tis-e'-chu Inds., 270 
Tiwa Inds., 397 
Tixlini, 249 
Tlaca-tecuhtli, 89 
Tlachco, Tlacho, 54 
Tlaglli Inds., 477 
Tlallaiguamay, Tlalliguama- 

yas, Tlalliquamalla, 176, 177, 

Toape, 526 

Tobar, Pedro de, 349, 394, 521 
Toison, 79 

Tombstone, Ariz., 152, 483, 539 
To-mo'-la Inds., 271 
Tomosatzi, r., 59 
Tonala, 481 
Tonitzi, 525 
T<5no Ootam, 84 
Tonovavi, 525 
Tonteac, Tonteaca, 398 
Tonto Apache, 208 
Tonto basin, 138, 459 
Tonto Cosnino, 474 
Tontonteac, 398 
Tontos, 208, 458, 459 
Toral, Joseph, 526 
tornilla, 433 
Torquemada, Juan, 54 
Tortolita mts. , 82 
Tota, 545 
Totanteac, 398 
Totonat, 549 

Totonteac, Totonteal, Toton- 

toac, Tototeac, 398, 482, 485, 

totopochtli, totopostle, 403 
Tows, 399 

Trent, Austria, 528, 529 
Tres Marias isl., 536 
Trout cr. , 421 
Trujillo, Jose, 395 
Truni, 380, see Zuni 

Truxton, , 322 

Truxton spring, 315, 322, 323 
Truxton sta., 322, 327 
Truxton wash, 322 
Tshiquiti, 521 
Tsi-a-ma, 369 
Tsi-mu-na, 369 
Tsipia-Kwe, 375 
Tsitsumevi, Tsi-tsumo-vi, Tsi- 

tumovi, 399 
Ttacca, 85 
Tuape, 542 
Tuba, Ariz., 356 
Tubac, 8, 39, 44, 57, 60, 63, 67, 

68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 79, 80, 124, 

203, 534 
Tubasa, 27 
Tubessias, 208 
Tubo, 540 
Tubso, Tubson, 79 
Tubutama, 24, 58, 195, 196, 201, 

202, 205, 225, 455, 492, 527, 

534, 537. 543. 548, 550, 553, 

554, 555 
tuca, tusa, tuza, 301 
Tu9an, Tucano, Tuchano, Tu- 

cayan, 398, see Tusayan 
Tucsasic, 115 
Tucson, Tucsson, Ariz., 17, 23, 

44, 64, 69, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 

79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 88, 124, 438, 

483, 541, 545, 546 
Tucson desert, 88 
Tucson range, Si 



Tucubabia, Tucubavia, 533, 

537, 543. 548 
Tucumcari cr., 460 
Tuczon, 79, 
Tueros, Pedro, 15 
Tueson, Tugson, Tuguison, 

Tuison, 79, see Tucson 
Tulare co. , Cal., 252 
Tulare 1., 251, 278, 280, 283, 286, 

290, 299, 405 
Tulare region, 252 
Tulare r., 286 
tulares, 187 

Tulares, the, 187, 251, 265, 269, 

291, 294, 303, 313, 347, 435. 
475, 492 

Tulare val., 251, 252, 269, 271, 

272, 291, 292 
tule, 184, 187, 434 
tule pollen, 272 
Tule r. , 269, 270 
Tule River res,, 272 
Tulerosa mts., 139 
Tulkepaia Inds., 458 
Tulquson, 79 
Tumac, 116 

Tumacacori, 68, 75, 76, 77, 80, 527 
Tunis, 38, see Zufii 
Tuntunitucan, 102 
Tupo, 533, 543, 546, 549 
Tupocuyos, 536 
Tups, 546, 549, see Tupo 
Tuquisan, Tuquison, 79, 115 
Turner's pass, 271 
Turner, Wm. W., 431 
tusas, 301 

Tusayan Inds., 100 
Tusayan, Province of, 346, 349, 

359. 394, 395, 396, 398, 402, 521 
Tusayan villages, 394, 397, 398 
Tusayn, Tu-se-an, 398 
Tusonimo, Tusonimon, 107, 541 
Tusyan, 398 
Tutiritucar, 44, 102 

Tutoida, 540 
Tutomagoidag, 545 
Tutuetac, 82 
Tuzan, 398 
Two Sicxlies, 58 
Tzibola, 507, see Cibola 

Ubeda, 267 
Ugly man, 96 
Uinta Inds., 405 
Union pass, 315, 316, 413 
United States and Mexican 

boundary, 192 
Unwin's point, 193 
Uparch, 115 
Uparsoitac, Upasoitac, 44, 113, 

Upper California, 194, 240 
Upper crossing, 245 
Uquitoa, 527, 549 
Ures, 67, 85, 526, 532 
Uria, F. X., 267 
Urrea, Bernardo de, rog, 162, 

Urrea, Capt., 132 
Urrea, Jose, 23 
Ursuas, 56, see Bucareli 
Usaya, Usayan, 398 
Uta, 404, 454 
Uta divisions, 404 
Utah, 366, 469 
Utahs, Utas, Utaw, 332, 405, 

Utah valley, 404 
Uta tribes, 404 
Ute Diggers, 406 
Utes, 332, 402, 404, 406, 454 
Uturituc, 44, 93, 96, 102 


Vaca, see Cabesa de 
Vacapa, Sonora, 481, 487 



Vacpia, 537 

Vacus, 368 

Valladolid, 333 

Valle de Correa, 541 

Valle del Lino, 410 

Valle de San Jose, 43 

Valle de San Joseph, 240, 247, 

248, 423 
Valle de Santa Anna, 423 
Valle de Santa Clara, 267 
Vallejo, F. A., 56 
Vaqueros, 489 
varas, 150 

Vargas, Diego de, 368, 395, 396 
Varillas, Gaspar de las, 539 
Vaseraca, Santa Maria de, 526 
Vaugondy (Robert de), G., 137 
Vega, Manuel, 375 
Vega, Padre, 61 
Vega, Jose or Juan de la, 20, 22 
Velarde, Louis, 554 
Velasco, Luis de, 487 
Venegas, Miguel, 113, 114, 134, 

141. 144, 152, 192 
Ventura co., 267 
Venz, Anthony M., 527 
Vera Cruz, 56, 487 
Verde r., 28, 139, 140, 141, 142, 

208, 352, 544, 545 
Vetancurt, A. de, 377, 378 
Victoria de Ojio, 540 
Vidal, Mariano, 67, 71 
Vigil, Donaciano, 478 
Vildasola, Augustin, 202 
Villa de Morata del Conde, 2 
Villa de San Miguel de Orca- 

sitas, 202 
Villapuente, Marques de, 196 
Villar del Aquila, Marques de, 

Villa Real de la Santa Fe, 366, 

Villa-Senor y Sanchez, J. A., 


Virgen, Virgin r., 432 
Visalia, Cal., 270 
Visigothic laws, 267 
Vivas, Luis, 527 
Vizcaino, Sebastian, 206, 223 
Vparsoytac, 114, 138 
Vrrea, Bernardo de, 109 
Vsacus, 368 
Vturitac, 65, 87 


Wa-ci-pi, 399 

Wagathile tank, 342 

Wah-muk-a-hah'-ve, 226 

Waicuru, 86 

Walapai, 86, 231, 232, 317, 473 

"Walker, , 147 

Walker, Joseph R., 421 
Walker r., 279, 299 
Walker's pass, 269 
Wallapais, Wall-a-pi, Wdl-pe, 
Walpi, 232, 360, 384, 394, 395, 

397. 399 
Wa-pu-tyu-tsi-am'-a, 369 
Washington, D. C, 70, 148, 

314, 458, 478 
Wasp well, 411 
Wasson, John, 82 
Waterman, Cal., 243 
Wathl-pi-e, 399 
Weekly Arizonian, 70, 80 
Weightman, Maj. R. H., 331 
Welch Inds., 398 
Wells of St. Rose of the Flat 

Rocks, 42 
Wessells, Henry W., 289 
West, Capt., 242 
Wheeler, G. M., 233 
Whipple, A. W., 146, 150, 205, 

218, 225, 227, 228, 232, 238, 

3M, 317, 319. 320, 324, 355, 

421, 422, 431, 458, 478 
Whisky cr., 269 



White Cliff cr., 319, 421 
White Inds., 398 
White Mountain res., 139, 484 
white oak, 330 
White r., 269, 271, 286, 303 
White River, Cal., 286 
White River Utes, 405 
Whitewater sta., 204 
Whitney, J. D., 81 
Whittemore, Rev. I. T., loi 
Wi-chi-kik, 270 
wickiup, 103 
Wik-chum-si, 270 
Wik-sach-i, 270 
Wilbur, A. R., 78 
wild rice, 292 
wild tobacco, 273 
Wil-ha-py-ah, 232 
Williams, Bill, 421 
Williamson's valley, 342 
Willow people, 473 
Willow spring, 413 
Wilson's Creek, Mo., 331 
Wiminuchi Inds., 405 
Wi-nan-gik' Inds., 270 
Winship, G. P., 58, 349, 366, 

480, 515, 516, 517, 5i3 
Wolapi, Wolpai, 399 
Woolsey's, Ariz., iiS 


xacal, xacales, xacalli, 154, 245 
Xangopany, 400 
Xicarilla Inds., 458, 461 
Xila r. , 541, and see Gila 
Xilenos, 85, 459, see Gilenos 
Ximenez, Diego, 47 
Xipaolabi, 397, 401 
Xomajabas, 381 

Xommapavi, Xongopabi, Xon- 
gopani, Xongopaui, Xongo- 
pavi, Xougopavi, Xumu- 
pame, Xumupani, 394, 395, 

Yabapais, Yabijoias, Yabipa- 
ces, Yabapai, 208, 209, 323 

Yabipai Cajuala, 444 

Yabipai Jabesua, 444 

Yabipai Muca, 444 

Yabipais, 45, 203, 208, 209, 21 r, 
325, 333, 334. 345, 356, 357, 
359, 360, 363, 364, 372, 373. 
381, 383, 384, 387, 388, 390, 
394, 401, 403, 404, 406, 410, 
414, 424, 426, 430, 431, 432, 
434, 436, 437, 445. 446, 45i, 
452, 457, 463, 472, 474, 486, 
489, 510 

Yabipais Cuercomanches, 231, 
410, 444 

Yabipais Gilenos, 452 

Yabipais Jabesua, 414 

Yabipais language, 209, 390 

Yabipais Lipan, Lipanes, 404, 

Yabipais Nabajay, Natage, 452, 


Yabipais of the East, 210 

Yabipais of the North, 210 

Yabipais Tejua, Tejuas, 116, 
308, 318, 351, 353, 386, 402, 
404, 416, 417, 418, 425, 426, 
430, 431, 436, 437. 449. 450, 
451, 452, 453, 454, 466, 472, 474 

Yabipaiye, Yabipay, Yabipais, 

Yaco, Yacco, 368 

Yalipays, 209 

Yakuts, 269 

Yamagas, Yamajab, 226 

Yampai cr., 323 

Yampai r., 323 

Yampaio, 209 

Yampais, Yampaos, Yampas, 
Yampay, Yampi, Yampias, 
Yapapi, 209, 323, 325 



Yaqui rebellion, 202 

Yaqui r., and val., 59, 60 

Yava, see Hava 

Yavaipais, Yavapai, 86, 115, 2o3, 

209, 324 
Yavapai cr., 325, 331 
Yavapais, 231, 325, 397, 401, 

409. 458 
Yavapai val., 231 
Yavape, Yavapies, 209 
Yavipai-Lipanes, 460 
Yavipais, 424 
Yavipais-Gilefios, 459 
Yavipay, 209 

Yavai Suppai, Yava-Supai, 474 
Yavasupai chf., 344 
Yavasupais, 313, 336, 342, 346, 

407, see Havasupais 
Yavasupai settlement, 340, 341 
Yecujen-ne, 459 
Yiuhta, 405 

Ynglostat, college of, 529 
Yokuts, 269, 270, 271, 272, 288 
Yokuts vil., 270 
Young's spring, 327 
Youta, Youts, 405 
Yubipais, Yubissias, 209 
Yucatan, 98 
Yukol Inds., 270 
Yulas, 405 
Yuma, Ariz., 8, 10, 11, 15, 17, 

18, 20, 21, 34, 102, 124, 134, 

135, 147, 148, 150, 154, 162, 

192, 198, 199, 200, 213, 214, 

228, 343, 415, 429 
Yuma, Cal., 251, 257, 308 
Yuma camp, 127 
Yuma chief, 123 
Yuma CO., Ariz., 119, 425 
Yuma language, 116, 185, 231, 

232, 390, 457 
Yuma massacre, 253, 503 
Yuma nation, 124, 132, 430, 454 
Yuma res., 148, 226 

Yuma Sentinel, 147 

Yuman family, 86, 222, 458 

Yuman rancherias, 163, 177, 

Yuman stock, 114, 175, 473 

Yuman tribes, 124, 166, i63, 

170, 176, 197, 205, 220, 231, 

Yumas, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20, 
21, 28, 31, 32, 35, 36. 37, 39, 

40, 44, 72, 86, 115, 124, 125, 

128, 129, 130, 132, 135, 140, 

144, 147, 148, 151, 152, 154, 

155. 156, 158, 159, 163, 164, 

165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 

173, 174, 175, 176, 181, 184, 

199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 209, 

210, 211, 213, 216, 228, 230, 

231, 255, 256, 308, 310, 343, 

370, 381, 386, 416, 418, 422, 

423, 424, 428, 429, 431, 433, 

434, 435, 436. 443. 444. 44^. 

450, 451. 452, 455. 456, 458. 

463, 474. 493, 494, 503, 523. 
544, 547. 548. 551 

Yum-pis, Yupapais, Yurapeis, 

Yuta-jenne, 459 

Yuta nation, 221, 432 

Yutas, Yute, Yutta, 332, 373, 

392. 395. 396, 404, 405, 432. 

434. 444, 451, 452, 468, 474. 

zacate, 65, 87 
Zacatecas, 521 
zacaton, 88 
Zaguato, 394 
Zaldivar, Juan de, 368 
Zalvidea, Padre, 251 
Zani, 380 
zanjon, 191 


Zarate-Salmeron, Geronimode, 

Zinaloa, 59 

Zipias, 375 

Zivola, 481, see Cibola 

Zizania aquatica, 292 

Zouni, 380 

Zuaqui, 85, 525 

Zum, Zugnis, Zumis, Zun, Zu- 
nas, Zufie, 380 

Zuni, 106, 144, 204, 323, 349, 
366, 369, 372, 373, 374, 375. 
377, 379, 380, 393, 394, 399, 
464, 469, 476, 480, 483, 485, 
488, 489, 513, 514, 518, 521 

Zunia, 380 

Zunian, Zunians, 366, 367, 371, 

373, 380, 386, 484, see Zuni 

and Zunis 
Zuiii-Cibola, 3S0 
Zunie, 380 
Zuniga, 37 

Zuniga, Francisco, 68 
Zuiiiga y Acebedo, G. de, 

Zuni Inds., Zunis, 103, 368, 375, 

379, 380, 395 
Zuni r., 355, 484 
Zunni, Zunny, Zura, Zuyi, 3S0 
Zutoida, 540 




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