130NV-SOV
u
n
^■1
vANGfL£j
V-
u
AjIPOPi'
III.
AMERICAN EXPLORERS SERIES.
On tbe Urail of a Spanisb pioneer.
VOL. II.
KOHAT, CHIEF OF THE HAVAbLl'Al
Photograph by G. Wharton James, 1897
ON THE TRAIL OF A SPANISH PIONEER
THE
DIARY AND ITINERARY
OF
FRANCISCO GARCES
(^Missionary Priest)
IN HIS TRAVELS THROUGH SONORA,
ARIZONA, AND CALIFORNIA
1775-1776
2- / 3 g S
TRANSLATED FROM AN OFFICIAL CONTEMPORANEOUS COPY OF
THE ORIGINAL SPANISH MANUSCRIPT, AND EDITED,
WITH COPIOUS CRITICAL NOTES
BY
ELLIOTT COUES
Editor of Lewis and Clark, of Pike, of Henry and Thompson,
Fowler fournal, Larpenteur, etc., etc.
EIGHTEEN MAPS, VIEWS, AND FACSIMILES
IN TWO VOLUMES
Vol. II
NEW YORK
FRANCIS P. HARPER
1900
Copyright, 1900,
BY
FRANCIS P. HARPER.
F
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VIII.
PAGE
From Mojave to Moqui, June, 1776, 313
CHAPTER IX.
Among the Moquis, July 2-4, 1776 361
CHAPTER X.
From Moqui to Mojave, July, 1776, 392
CHAPTER XI.
From Mojave down Rio Colorado to Yuma, up Rio
Gila, and over to Bag, July 25-September 17, 1776, 415
CHAPTER XII.
Reflections on the Diary, 441
Point I. Number of Nations, etc., 443
Point 2. Amities and Enmities, 449
Point 3. Nations Most Ready for Catechism and Vas-
salage, etc., 454
VI CONTENTS.
PAGE
Reflections on the Dairy — Continued.
Point 4. Presidios Necessary, 455
Point _$. How to Subdue the Apache, . . . -457
Point 6. Communication with New Mexico and Mon-
terey, 467
Point 7. On the Reports of Silvestre Velez de Esca-
lante, etc., 469
Point 8. On the Equipment of Missions, . . . 493
Postscript by the Scholiast, Miguel Valero Olea, . . 502
Appendix.
Eusebio Francisco Kino. By Elliott Coues, . . . 522
Index, 557
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOL. II.
KOHAT, Chief of the Havasupai, . . • Frontispiece
The Hopi Pueblo OF Oraibi, . . . • Facing page ib^
A Native of Oraibi, " "365
Old Spanish Church at Acoma, ... " •' 367
Church at Lacuna, " " 3^9
The ONate and Letrado Inscriptions Ac-
cording TO Simpson, .... •• «• 3^5
The True Letrado Inscription of 1632, . *' " 377
Present Church at ZuJ5i, .... " " 379
A MoKi Maiden, .c .. 384
Autograph of Escalante, Page 391
Map of the Mesa Country Occupied by the
Hopi Indians. Facing page 393
CHAPTER VIII.
V ' 2-
FROM M0;AVE to MOQUI, JUNE, I776.
2. / ' 6 i'
June 4. I ascended along the bank of the river and
went two leagues northwest, arriving at the place ob-
served on m^ coming in 35° 01'/
June 5. I went one league north, and having
crossed the river went down it half a league south.
In the afternoon I traveled three leagues eastnorth-
east.^
' See back, p. 234, date of Mar. 3, where we found this posi-
tion in the immediate vicinity of modern Fort Mojave, but on
the other (west) side of the river. June 4 is Garces' 104th
day's journey.
' The crossing of the Colorado is to be taken at or near Fort
Mojave. Hence Garces starts in Arizona on his tour to the
Moquis, as memorable as that he has just made to the Tulares
of California, his being the first such journey ever made by a
white man. His present objective point is the settlement of the
Yavasupai or Suppai Indians, who lived then as they do now
in Cataract canon, where I visited them in June, 1881. In this
and earlier years I traveled on horseback or by wagon through
this whole region in several different directions, and am so
familiar with the topography that we shall be able to trail
Garces very closely. His route from Fort Mojave to Cataract
cafion is closely coincident with that traveled in 1858 by Lieu-
314 SIERRA DE SANTIAGO.
June 6. I ascended the sierra that I called Sierra de
Santiago to the eastnortheast, having traveled a
tenant J. C. Ives, under the guidance of the noble Mojave chief
Iriteba. A glance at Ives' beautiful map will show it in outline,
and we shall be able to fill in many details. Chapters vii and
viii, pp. 93-112, figs. 26-36, of Ives' admirable Report, may be
pleasantly and profitably read in this connection; it still remains
one of the best descriptions extant of this region. On p. 8
of App. B Ives gives a tabular itinerary, with distances, etc.,
of his camps 60-73; some of these are identical with those of
Garces. Another notable itinerary to be considered in this
connection is the Report of E. F. Beale, 35th Congr., ist Sess.,
Ho. Rep. Ex. Doc. No. 124, half-titled " Wagon Road from
Fort Defiance to the Colorado River," etc., 8vo, Washington,
1858, pp. 87, map. "Beak's route" is traditional in Arizona;
everybody has heard of it, but few know anything accurately
about it, and " Beale's springs " (for which see beyond) is now
its most pointed reminder. Mr. Beale came through in Sept.
and Oct., 1857, with a motley outfit which included Greeks,
Turks, and camels, besides the men and animals more familiarly
American, passing on and near the 35th parallel, approximately
along the earlier lines of march of Sitgreaves and Whipple; he
passed on to Fort Tejon in California, and came back through
Arizona in Jan. and Feb., 1858. His report is that of an en-
thusiastic and energetic explorer, who believed in camels and
was confident he had found the best route for a railroad across
northern Arizona; his narrative is a lively one, but loose in
the joints, and with the serious defect that text and map do
not always agree with each other; it exhibits a profusion of
original place-names, very few of which have ever come into use,
and on the whole is entirely overshadowed by the better wo'-k of
Sitgreaves, Whipple, and Ives. All the same, the present rail-
road does run nearer Beale's route than any single one of the
other explorers' routes; and Beale almost retraced Garces' trail
AGUAGE DE SAN PACIFICO. 315
league and a half to finish it; and with yet another
league and a half did I arrive at the watering-place
that I named (Aguage) de San Pacifico. In the
afternoon I went two leagues to the southsoutheast,
and one other eastward.^ Plenty of grass.
from Mojave as far as Truxton's springs (which see, beyond).
So we can confidently follow Garces into this desert, where
all travel before the railroad came through was necessarily
directed from one aguage to another, and the traveler who failed
to find them was liable to perish of thirst.
° The Sierra de Santiago or St. James range of Garces is that
immediately bordering the Colorado on the east, separating the
great river valley from the Sacramento valley which intervenes
between this range and the Cerbat range. In my time (1865)
the Sierra de Santiago was called the Sacramento range, from
the name of the Sacramento valley of which it forms most of
the western boundary. But the earliest name I know of is the
Black range, of Ives' Report and map, given because the range
to the northward is traversed by Black caiion, through which
the Colorado flows; and Black mountains is also the name on
the latest U. S. Geological Survey maps, though the Land Ofifice
maps call this range the Blue Ridge mountains. The main
road over the range goes through Union pass, which I have
traversed five times. It is perfectly easy for light wagons, and
not very difficult for freight trains. Going across the Sacra-
mento valley from Beale's springs (vicinity of Kingman, on the
railroad) the road is due west to Union pass, on the summit
of which the Mojave valley of the Colorado spreads before the
view in a beautiful prospect; the descent is rapid to the river
at Hardy, or Hardyville, consisting of a house or two in the
river bottom; whence it is five or six miles down river to old
Fort Mojave. Union pass has been the scene of at least one
Indian ambuscade and attack upon passing whites; and I have
3l6 OTHERWISE MEADOW CREEK.
June 7. I traveled four leagues east, and arrived
painful recollections of the atrocious cruelties inflicted upon the
cattle of a wagon train I met near the summit. This pass is
not the one Garces made. Striking easterly from Mojave he
followed an Indian trail now disused, or so little known that no
name is to be found on the modern maps. But it is notable
as the one by which Beale's expedition crossed the range on
Oct. 15-16, 1857; it is also the one taken Mar. 25, 1858, by Ives,
who calls it Sitgreaves' pass. Why Ives should have done this
I do not know; certainly Sitgreaves did not use it: see his
map, trail from camp No. 31 to No. 32, showing that Sitgreaves
crossed the range by Union pass, Nov. 5, 1851, as correctly
delineated on Beale's map. The Aguage de San Pacifico of
Garces is present Meadow creek, so named by Ives in his Report
and on his map. This streamlet has its source in springs on
the eastern slope, and flows a short distance toward the Sacra-
mento valley. It is illustrated by fig. 26 on p. 93 of Ives' Re-
port, where we read: "The grazing at the camp in Sitgreaves'
Pass was poor, and the mules were ill prepared for the rough
road before them. A few miles brought us to the base of a
steep and difficult ascent that led to the summit of the Black
mountains. The path was narrow and devious, and attended
with hazard to the weak and heavily-loaded beasts. All of the
party had to clamber up on foot, leading their riding animals.
. . A rapid descent led through a ravine to the eastern base
of the range we were crossing. When nearly down the hill the
head of a creek [Meadow] was encountered, and half a mile
from the valley the ravine spread out for a few hundred yards,
forming a snug meadow carpeted with good grass, and fringed
on one side with a growth of willows that bordered the stream."
Such is the Aguage de San Pacifico in the Sierra de Santiago,
first seen of white men by Garces. Ives made Meadow creek
distant 20^ miles by the trail from Mojave; the latitude 35"
02' 17.6", and the summit of the pass 3652 feet. Later observa-
ACROSS THE SACRAMENTO VALLEY, 317
at the Jaguallapais/ who had provided much game
for our refreshment. These people are in the same
tions leave the latitude about the same, but reduce the altitude
to about 3000. Garces appears to have gone in the afternoon
some six miles or more beyond the spring head of Meadow
creek, into the Sacramento valley, thus approaching the present
railroad which, having crossed the Colorado between the lower
end of the Black mountains and the Needles, follows up Sacra-
mento wash into the valley, on its way to Kingman, etc.
As already stated, Beale first made this pass, Oct. 15-16, 1857;
he recrossed it Jan. 24, 1858. He called it John Howell's pass,
and the source of Meadow creek he named Murray's spring,
after Frank Murray, one of his men (Rep., pp. T], 78).
* Crossing what remained to him of the Sacramento valley,
Garces finds the Hualapai or Walapai Indians living in the vicin-
ity of present Kingman, seat of Mojave county. He says the
rancheria was in an arroyo of running water; I have been there
several times, without finding any stream, but that may have
been due to season. The watershed is toward the Sacramento
valley. This " arroyo " is Railroad pass, originally indicated
as such by Whipple in 1854, but first so called and mapped by
Ives in March, 1858; the railroad through it later justified the
name. It appears to be that called by Beale Engle's pass,
Oct. 8, 1857, after Captain Engle, U. S. N.; but Beale's itinerary
is confusing, especially on any attempt to adjust it to his map.
It is the main defile through the Cerbat range; or, if this range
be considered to end here, it separates the Cerbat range on the
north from the Hualpai mountains on the south. It is the best
watered place for many miles in any direction. The original
and best known aguage hereabouts is Beale's springs, for many
years the usual camping place on the main wagon road between
Fort Mojave and Fort Whipple, about 6 miles northwest of
Kingman, and thus about halfway to Coyote holes, which are
3l8 VICINITY OF KINGMAN.
condition as their enemies the Yabipais Tejua. They
conducted themselves with me as comported with
the affection that I had shown toward them. I gave
them to understand that I sought to pass on to
the Moqui. I encountered great difficulty in this
through the opposition of the Jamajabs, who feared
they (Moquis) might kill me; but finally I convinced
further out in the Sacramento valley. Beale's springs are two,
near together, apparently those described by him, p. 68 of his
Report, as " strong heads of water," but left unnamed, Oct. 8,
1857. Other watering places within easy reach are Johnson's
springs, a few miles northward, and Railroad or Gentle springs
in the opposite direction, south of the defile; besides others
artificially secured of late years. At which of these aguages
Garces actually stopped it is hardly possible to say; most likely
it was not Beale's springs, but Railroad or Gentle springs.
Railroad pass is shown in fig. 28 on p. 95 of Ives' Report, which
I will quote again: " Leaving Meadow creek and its abundant
pasturage we descended to the [Sacramento] valley. . . The
pass by which we were to cross the Cerbat mountains was
apparent as soon as we left the Black range, and Ireteba [the
Mojave chief who was guiding Ives], who had joined us early
in the morning, headed directly for it. The pure atmosphere
made it seem close by, and it was disappointing to plod through
the hot sand hour after hour, and find it appearing as far off
as ever. When the base of the [Cerbat] mountains was at last
reached, it was found that the ascent was scarcely perceptible.
A place more like a cafion than an ordinary mountain pass pre-
sented itself, and we penetrated the range for a few miles
through the windings of a nearly level avenue. In a pretty ra-
vine, hemmed in by picturesque bluffs, our guide pointed out a
good spring of water, with grass enough near by to afford a
RAILROAD PASS. 319
them by my insistency. At this rancheria there is an
arroyo with running water, plenty of grass, much
game, and much seed of chia. I spoke to them of
God, of whom I could perceive that they already had
some knowledge; then they all kissed the crucifix, and
made their children kiss it too. They go dressed in
antelope-skins and some shirts of Moqui; they have
tolerable camping place. [This answers all the requirements of
Garces' " arroyo with running water and plenty of grass " —
arroyo con agua, corriente, bastante sacate, etc.] The next day, after
proceeding one or two miles along the pass, which we called
the Railroad Pass, we emerged from the Cerbat range, and came
into what was at first supposed to be a broad valley, but which
turned out to be a basin [Ives' fig. 29, Cerbat Basin], formed by
the chain we had passed and spurs extending from it. There
was a low divide on the rim of the basin nearly opposite the east-
ern entrance to the Railroad Pass. [This divide was between the
Hualapai and Peacock mountains, leading over to Cactus pass,
etc.] The altitudes of these opposite edges are about the same.
Lieutenant Whipple, while locating a railroad line near the 35th
parallel, had reached a point [Cactus pass] a short distance
east of this divide, where he struck the headwaters [White Cliflf
creek and Big Sandy wash] of Bill Williams's Fork, at that
time [Jan., 1854] an unexplored stream. Supposing that it
would conduct directly to the Colorado, he followed it till it
was too late to return, and was compelled to pursue a difficult
and circuitous route to its mouth. He was confident, however,
from a careful study of the country at either end, that the direct
route from the divide to the Colorado would be practicable for
a railroad, besides greatly shortening the distance. The obser-
vations of the past two days have demonstrated the accuracy
of his judgment."
320 SIERRA MORENA OR CERBAT RANGE.
belts of Castille, awls, and other implements that they
obtain from Moqui. I saw no crops, and so I believe
that they subsist on mezcal and game. I tarried to
rest me for two days [June 8 only].
June p. I went three leagues and a half northeast
by the foot of a sierra that I named Sierra Morena;^
" Sierra Morena is of course the Cerbat range, already suffi-
ciently indicated as the one first so called by Whipple in 1854.
Morena means blackish or swarthy, and is doubtless Garces'
rendering of what the Indians told him was their name for it —
very likely the same Indian word that later became applied to
the other range — the Black, with which the Cerbat runs parallel.
On Beale's map the name stands " Cerbals," rather in the posi-
tion of the Hualapai than of the Cerbat mountains proper.
This word cerbat is said to be the Indian name of the wild
sheep or bighorn, called camera cimarron in Spanish. This
is a very conspicuous range, culminating in a peak, about 7,000
feet high, called Cherum's from an Indian chief whom I knew
in 1881 — a venerable whiskey-soaker also called Sherum, Se-
rum, or Srum. These mountains are crossed by two roads, both
available for wagons; I have driven twice over the one which
passes through Mineral Park, a mining town which was flourish-
ing in 1881 under Cherum's peak; the other road crosses
further south, through places called Stockton, Cerbat, and New
London. Each of these passes is easily approached by the road
coming northwest through Hualapai valley from Hualapai
spring (a place on the main wagon road between Mojave and
Prescott or Fort Whipple) ; and Mineral Park is also reached
by the road which comes due west across Hualapai valley from
Hackberry (a station on the railroad, a couple of miles from
the original mining camp of Hackberry, near Peacock peak of
the Peacock range). Now Ives says, p. 96, that when he left
HACKBERRY AND OTHER PLACES. 32 1
in the afternoon two and a half, in the same direction.
I halted in a rancheria where they regaled us — the
captain of the rancheria last passed, with an Indian of
his nation, and a Jamajab who accompanied me,
whom said captain assured that no one would do him
harm. There is no water in this rancheria, and in
order (to procure some) to drink an Indian woman
went for it two hours before dawn to the sierra, not-
withstanding the weather was very cold.
Railroad pass, " Ireteba took us north, for ten or fifteen miles
along the eastern base of the Cerbat range, to an excellent
grazing camp, but where there was only a small spring of sul-
phurous water." This is Bitter spring of his map, with camp
mark "63," and Isabel spring of modern maps: I know the spot,
having been there twice. The two roads above noted, re-
spectively from Hualapai spring and from Hackberry, come
together close by Isabel spring. Garces says he went to-day
six leagues, or about 16 miles, northeast, to a dry camp. If he
went on that course, he followed precisely the line of the
railroad, up the Hualapai valley; and his mileage sets him in the
vicinity of present Hualapai station, on the western flank of the
Peacock range. A dry camp is always hard to set, and the
whole country thereabouts is usually dry; but I think we have
him pretty closely. The nearest water I know of to Hualapai
station is Peacock spring, a few miles in the mountains of this
name; and I think this must be the place to which the squaw
went for water, two hours before that cold gray dawn. If so,
the sierra she climbed was not the Cerbat, but the Peacock
range, on the eastern side of Hualapai valley. The location of
Garces' dry camp here indicated also fadges well with what we
have next to consider — his Arroyo de San Bernabe.
322 ARROYO DE SAN BERNABE.
June 10. I traveled five leagues east, and arrived at
the Arroyo de San Bernabe/" which runs in part and
'The Arroyo de San Bernabe is now called Truxton wash,
and Garces' mileage sets him at or near Truxton spring, on the
railroad. The railroad takes a very crooked course to get here,
first continuing northeast from Hualapais station to flank Pea-
cock mountains on the north, then turning at a right angle
southeast to run down to Hackberry, then curving around to
the north to run up into Truxton wash nearly to Truxton
spring before it makes more easting. Garces went more
directly through or past Hackberry into the wash. This is
the defile through what are called Cottonwood cliffs; these are
simply the northward extension of the Aquarius range, and are
themselves extended unbroken northwestward by the Grand
Wash cliflfs, bounding the upper part of Hualapai valley on
the east and northeast. The whole extent of cliffs is the Aulick
range of Beale (Rep., p. 66, Oct. 6, 1857). Truxton spring is
one of the few place-names we owe to Beale (Rep., p. 79, Jan.
28, 1858) ; Truxton was one of his men, but whether the spring
now called Truxton is the one originally so named may be
a question. It is situated on the railroad, three miles west-
southwest of Truxton station, a mile and a half south of Crozier
spring, and about three miles north of Cottonwood spring. To
judge from Ives' map, Truxton spring is the same as that called
Peacock's spring by Ives for one of his men: see his camp-
mark " 65 " (which certainly is not near the position of Peacock
spring of our latest G. L. O. and U. S. G. S. maps, this being
over 12 miles off, on the other side of Peacock mountains).
The circumstances of Ives' naming this spring are these, p. 97:
" Mar. 31. Leaving the Cerbat basin, the course lay towards a
low point in the extension [Cottonwood cliffs] of Aquarius
mountains — another chain almost parallel to the Black and Cer-
bat ranges. The gap much resembles the Railroad Pass. After
entering it the trail took a sudden turn to the north, in which
OTHERWISE TRUXTON WASH. 323
in Others is dry; in the evening I went one league in
the same arroyo and direction. I halted in an unin-
direction it continued [compare what is already said in this
note]. . . Ten or twelve miles from [last] camp, Mr. Peacock,
who was riding in advance, discovered a large spring of clear,
sweet water in a ravine near the road. There were no signs
of the place having been used as a camp, and even Ireteba did
not appear to have known previously of its existence. A Mex-
ican subsequently found a running stream a mile or two further
on, where the Indians passing this way had been in the habit of
stopping." This identifies Ives' Peacock spring with modern
Truxton spring, without prejudice to the question whether or
not it is what Beale called by the latter name. Now for the
stream which Garces says " runs in part and in others is dry "
in his Arroyo de San Bernabe. Captain Lorenzo Sitgreaves
came westward through this wash or arroyo, first of the modern
explorers whose trails are of record, and we read in his Rep.
Expl. Zufii and Col. R., 8vo, 1853, p. 14, at date of Oct. 28,
185 1 : "A party sent out to reconnoitre brought back the grati-
fying intelligence that twelve miles in advance was a small
stream of running water and abundance of good grass. A band
of Yampais were found encamped upon it, from whom Mr.
Leroux [Antoine, the guide] learned that the numerous trails
we had observed for the last two or three days united and led
to the Mohaves." Again, p. 15, Oct. 30: " This rivulet, which I
have called the Yampai, has its source in three small springs; it
is repeatedly lost in the ground within a distance of half a mile;
after which it disappears entirely. A few willow and cotton-
wood trees grow upon its banks, and green grass was here seen
for the first time since leaving the San Francisco mountains."
In this rediscovery, post-dating Garces three-quarters of a cen-
tury, we have the origin of the name Yampai creek, lettered
to-day on the G. L. O. map, and appearing in various forms on
many another map. The word is a bad shape of Yabipai or
324 OR YAMPAI CREEK.
habited rancheria in which my companions set fire
to a wickiup (xacdJ,) in order to ascertain if there
were any Indians about; but seeing that none ap-
peared we continued on the same course. At a Httle
distance a companion saw at the foot of a tree two
small boys, who were reluctant to show themselves,
through fear. We asked them where their father
was; they gave us to understand that soon would he
come, as in fact he did, together with his wife, about
ten o'clock of the following day
[June 11'], both showing themselves much pleased.
Presently this Indian begged me for my mule,
in order to bring in a buro or large deer' which he
had left dead. It is admirable, the reciprocity (cor-
respondencia) with which the gentiles, whenever they
Yavapai, the name of a tribe of Indians with which the reader
is already familiar.
Whipple was never quite so far north as this point; and here
also we can dismiss both Beale and Sitgreaves, but keep com-
pany with Ives, in taking Garces on to his next station — as we
do by rail, very comfortably.
' Buro 6 venado grande. Buro or bura is Garces' style for burro,
a word almost English as the name of the little donkeys so well
known in the Southwest. The deer here so called is Cariacus
macrotis or Odontoccelus hemionus, the common mule deer or
black-tailed deer of the west, the largest of its genus in North
America, with immense ears like a donkey's, whence the name.
It also has a white tail tipped with Hack, short and slim except
the tuft at the end, like the tail of a mule shaven into the shape
the drivers consider stylish.
IN THE YABIPAIS RANCHERIA. 325
procure any game, make all participants thereof,
though small may be each share; as I have experi-
enced repeatedly; and on this occasion I witnessed it
in this Indian, for, having cut up the buro or deer, be-
fore packing it he gave one-half to the captain who
was accompanying me, contenting himself with the
other. Both regaled me during the days that I
tarried. This rancheria is of the Yabipais,^ who only
in name differ from the Jaguallapais. The Indian
sent a runner reporting my arrival to his relatives,
four of whom had seen me in past years among the
Jalchedunes; and for this reason he sought with in-
sistency my detention until they arrived. On the
following day
[June 12? i^f 14 f] there were arriving bands now
of six, now of eight men, he who came at the head of
each one of them making his harangue in my pres-
ence, and the Jaguallapai captain who was accom-
panying me responding to them on my behalf.
This address of welcome is a custom among
them; and at its conclusion each (speaker) turns
to his band, asking them if he has spoken
well and if that which he has set forth to
* The Yavapais or Yampais of the previous note: see also
note ", p. 208. They were commonly called Apache Mojaves
in my Arizona days, and have given name to Yavapai county,
Ariz., into which Garces is about to pass from Mojave county.
326 ADDRESS OF WELCOME.
them has suited them. I observed on this occasion
that all those of the band unanimously responded alike
to their respective captains that it was good. Finally
the Jaguallapai captain concluded this ceremony,
saying: " This padre has a good heart; he is a great
[friend] of our intimate friends the Jalchedunes; he
has made us friendly with the Jamajabs; and now he
begs your leave to proceed to the Moquis." Re-
sponded all that it was good; that I could pass on,
since I was an Espanol, and those of Moqui had
friendship with those of New Mexico. There had
arrived at this rancheria an Indian man and woman
who said they were from Moqui. They were well-
dressed, and so genteel (alinados) that they ap-
peared rational.* Both of them, with another who
arrived on my departure, offered themselves to ac-
company me, which they fulfilled in part. Betook
themselves back from here those who had accom-
panied me.
June 75. Having taken leave of the assemblage,
which consisted of about 60 Indians — there were no
women or children — I set out up the arroyo, north-
* Que parecian de rason. The Spaniards called themselves gente
de rason, " rational beings," in contradistinction from Indians
— with unconcious irony, for no more unreasonable people have
ever professed civilization and preached Christianity to Indians
since 1492. " Gente de razon " is much as if our colored
brethren should say, " We'se w'ite folks."
POZOS DE SAN BASILIO. 327
east and north, I found one rancheria of about 40
souls. We partook of food, and following the same
arroyo came upon some wells which I named (Pozos)
de San Basilio/" whereat I met some little girls who
^^ Pozos de San Basilio, St. Basil's wells, are Peach springs
of latter-day nomenclature, in a very well known place. Garces
mileage seems a little short; but that he is at Peach springs is
evident from the courses and distance of his next long lap.
He proceeds along the railroad from Truxton station to Peach
Springs station, about ten miles northeast, whence it is only four
miles due north to the springs themselves, from which the name
of the latter station is derived. The spring nearest the station
is Young's, a mile and a half southeast. The station is notable
as the northernmost point on the railroad, about 35° 31' 30",
and the one nearest the Grand cafion of the Colorado, distant
16 miles in air-line due north, and not over 20 by the nearly
straight trail. The station and the spring will be found by
name on almost any modern map; on some, the name is ex-
tended to Peach Tree springs; on Ives', the position of the
springs is lettered " New Creek," with camp-mark " (JS " (his
latitude about right, longitude a good deal too far east). Peach
springs is so called from the fruit-trees of that name planted
there, some of which were in evidence when I was on the spot,
June 18 and 19, 1881. The situation is at a head of a caiion
through which the descent is easy enough into the bowels of
the earth, down to the level of the river itself. On June 19
I made the round trip from the springs to the river in company
with Lieutenant Carl F. Palfrey of the Corps of Engineers,
U. S. A. The trail was plain, and though then unimproved, we-
made the descent on horseback, only finding it convenient to
dismount once or twice at some little jump-ofif or awkward
twist of the path, and noting hoW' readily a carriage road could
be worked through even the worst places. About halfway down
328 editor's descent of peach springs canon.
came for water with ollas that seemed to me (to be
made) of wood of mulberry {moral) with which this
land abounds, and that are fitted for this purpose by
smearing with gum." Thereafter I went in various
to the Colorado, in a small side caiaon on the right hand, there
is a spring — the one marked " * Hualpais Spr. 68 " on Ives'
map, and indicated without name on the U. S. G. S. sheet.
This Peach Springs or New Creek canon which we descended
was dry as a bone till it ran into Diamond Creek canon, nearly
at a right angle; it is only a collateral canon of the latter. The
junction is about a mile and a half from the main river. Turn-
ing sharp to the left at this point, we followed down Diamond
creek till we stood on the brink of the vast current of the
Colorado which rushes through the abyss. The sensation at
the sight was satisfactory; the view was decidedly disappointing
in spectacular effect. There is nothing specially inspiring in
blank walls of rock, such as shut out every prospect except
that of a patch of sky directly overhead; and this is all that is
visible at the depth of some six thousand feet, where Diamond
creek makes its modest contribution to the mighty flood.
Plate vi of Ives' Report gives an excellent idea of the scenery
at this spot. We spread saddle blankets over some scrawny
bushes for shelter from the heat, creeping under them to eat
lunch, during which I noticed some birds I was interested to
find so far below the surface of the earth — a covey of Gambel's
quail (Lophortyx gambeli) and a pair of black pewits (Sayornis
nigricans). I took a bath in the river, more for the name of the
thing than because I needed it, and was quite willing to return
as soon as my companion wished to do so. The round trip
was thus easily made between an early breakfast and a late
supper, and I have never regretted the 32-mile ride.
" An oUa is a large water-jar, usually made somewhat spheri-
cal and of porous earth, so that evaporation may keep the water
GARCES IN THE WOODS. 329
directions to another rancheria, where I passed the
night, having traveled during the whole day four and
a half leagues.
June 16. In the morning I went four leagues
northeast and north, over highlands {en monies)
clothed with junipers (savinos) and pines; ^^ in the
cool. Another name of the thing is alcarrasa. Such utensils
are in common use throughout the Southwest. The ollas of
the Indian girls were woven of wicker work, like corpulent little
jugs, with small mouths and no handles, rendered water-tight
with gum. The moral is the mulberry, but there is some mis-
take about this; Garces simply missed a shot in the dark, as
there is no mulberry in these lands. The Mexican mulberry,
Morus celtidifolia, grows in southern Arizona, but is not known
to occur north of the Gila; it grows sparingly in the Santa
Rita mountains.
"£« monies is not "on mountains"; I have set "over high-
lands," which is true of the ground, but " through woods "
would be as correct a translation. The savinos said are the trees
universally called " cedars " in Arizona. They are two species
of Juniperus, which used to be confounded under the name of
/. occidentalis, namely, /. utahensis and /. monosperma, both
common in northern Arizona. A third species, /. pachyphloea,
the rough- or checkered-bark juniper, occurs sparingly about
Flagstaff, but really belongs to a more southern flora, and
abounds on the mountains south of the Gila. The principal and
most conspicuous pine of the Colorado plateau is Pinus ponde-
rosa scopulorum, a species very widespread in the West. On the
lower slopes of the San Francisco mountains grows P. Hexilis,
remarkable for the great size of its cones; while on the same
mountain P. aristata of large stature grows up to timber line.
These pines are, of course, exclusive of the piiion, P. edulis.
330 ALONG THE AUBREY CLIFFS.
evening five north, nearly to a sierra of red earth."
The Indians who were accompanying me said that
which forms extensive forests toward the rim of the great canon,
especially on the first level below the main plateau. An oak
which abounds in the region near and north of the railroad is
the white oak of the Rocky mountains, Quercus gambeli; accom-
panied in some parts of the Colorado plateau by scrubby forms
of Q. undulata.
" The " sierra of red earth " is the Aubrey cliffs, bounding
the general chasm of the Grand cafion on the east at a varying
distance, some 8 to i6 miles, in that portion of its course
where it is running southward with little westing. The line
of clifTs is nearly north and south. Standing on these heights,
the view westward is sublime. The area between the cliffs and
the canon is largely occupied by the ramifications of the Dia-
mond Creek cafion system, dividing and subdividing like the
fronds of a fern, and spreading as a whole like a fan, north, east,
and south. It is to head this impassable cafion that Garces
goes easting before he makes his northing. His position after
his 9 leagues or 24 miles of swinging around is uncertain. His
aguage, he says, was scanty, and there is no telling exactly
which one of the several tanks or water holes that there are
on this trail was the one at which he made night. It was some-
where in the vicinity of the Snow spring marked on Ives' map
between his Cedar Forest and Pine Forest camps (marks " *69 "
and " *7i "). Some maps mark Pocomattee springs hereabouts.
His trail, however, is definite and fairly well known, through
the highlands more or less thickly wooded with junipers and
pines, conspicuous on nearly all of his route to-day. Barring
the difference at the start from that of Ives — for Ives started
from his Hualpais spring, halfway down the cafion leading to
Diamond creek, as above described — Garces' trail coincides pre-
cisely; and with the same difference, it is the trail dotted on
the U. S. G. S. map. In fact, I know of no other way of getting
TO A SCANTY AGUAGE. 331
the Rio Colorado was near, and already were visible
cajones very profound which had the color of the
sierra. The aguage where we slept was very scanty.
The two Indians and the Indian woman who were
accompanying me divided with me the mezcal they
were carrying for food. On this day the married
from Peach springs into the extraordinary place for which
Garces is heading, except by an immense detour which would
have taken him to an entirely different base of departure for
Cataract cafion. Aubrey clifTs form the western edge or jump-
ing-off place of the vast Colorado plateau stretching eastward
at an average elevation of about 6,000 feet, with isolated eleva-
tions up to about 7,000, to the region of the great Bill Williams
and the San Francisco mountains, and northward to the Grand
canon itself. South of the cliffs lies Aubrey valley, near Mt.
Floyd and the Picacho, leading into Chino valley. Franqois
Xavier Aubrey, Aubray, or Aubry, who was through this coun-
try in 1854, was the famous French-Canadian plainsman and
pony express rider, born in Maskinonge Dec. 4, 1824, killed in
a fracas at Santa Fe, N. M., Aug. 20, 1854, by Major R. H.
Weightman, U. S. A., who was killed at the battle of Wilson's
Creek, Mo., Aug. 10, 1861. Aubrey City, or Landing, was a
projected settlement on the Colorado at the mouth of Bill
Williams' fork, and Fort Aubrey once stood on the Arkansaw
river in Colorado. A biography of this humble hero will be
found in Tasse's Les Canadiens de I'Ouest, ii, 1878, pp. 179-227,
portrait. See also Pike's Travels, ed. 1895, p. 731.
Garces traveled a part of yesterday and the whole of to-day
in the present Hualapai Indian reservation (Executive Order
of Jan. 4, 1883) ; and after leaving Peach springs he passed from
Mojave into Yavapai county, on crossing the meridian of 113°
20' W.
332 ADMIRABLE NOVELTY — UTES NOTED.
Indian chanted the whole hendito " with little differ-
ence in intonation from that in which it is chanted in
the missions. I admired this novelty, and presented
him with a string of beads, asking him eagerly {con
gusto) who had taught it to him. He gave me to
understand that the Yutas ^^ his neighbors knew it,
" The Benedictus, beginning in Spanish " Bendito y alabado
sea," etc. Benediction is certainly better than malediction, and
I think a mode of treatment like that upon which Garces was
intent was preferable to such as sometimes resulted from educa-
tion in the language of the whites. Thus, Beale says that in
his time the Mojaves had learned enough English to salute a
stranger with " God damn my soul eyes! How de do?"
"The Utas or Utes, of the Shoshonean stock, after whom
the State of Utah was named. They are divided into numerous
bands or subtribes, whose habitat extended over southern Colo-
rado and Utah, and into northern New Mexico and Arizona.
On the upper Rio Grande in New Mexico the Utes came in con-
tact with the pueblo tribes, particularly the Tigua Indians at
Taos and Picuris, of whom Garces here speaks. Of the two
villages mentioned Taos is the more important; it is situated on
the Rio de Taos, a tributary of the Rio Grande, about 60 miles
north by east from Santa Fe. Its inhabitants within historic
times have had several conflicts with the Utes, who have left
their impress on the tribe; indeed the Taos people resemble the
Utes more closely than they do their near kindred in Picuris
or in Sandia and Isleta farther southward. Taos was the seat
of the mission of San Geronimo, established in the seventeenth
century; it was also the scene of a rebellion in 1847, which
resulted in the killing of Governor Bent, but the revolt was
quelled a month later and the leaders executed by Col. Sterling
Price. The Indians lost 150 killed, the American force 7 killed
FESTIVE RANCHERIA NEAR PINE SPRING. 333
for they had heard it many times among the Tiguas;
whereupon he fell to chanting it twice over again.
June ly. I went two leagues with some windings
through a rough sierra/" and arrived at the rancheria
of the unmarried Indian who was accompanying me.
I talked with the captain, who applauded my coming,
and soon dispatched a runner, in order that the
rancherias of the north should come to see me. Men
and women came bringing me various little gifts
(regalitas) of mezcal, with which the land abounds.
All were very festive, men and women dancing at
their pleasure, and applauding loudly what I told
them, that the Castillas — as they call the Espaiioles
— were driving the Yabipais from the south and keep-
ing them far aloof." They drew on the ground a
sort of map, explaining to me by this means the na-
tions of the vicinity and their directions; and even
with admiration did they rejoice when on their own
map I showed them my route, we understanding each
other in this way reciprocally. By this means was
and 45 wounded (some of them, including Capt. Burgwin,
fatally). Toas was the Valladolid and Braba of Coronado's
narrators in 1540. Present population about 400. — F. W. H.
" Simply continuing on the trail along the Aubrey cliffs for
some five miles, to a position which appears by to-morrow's
itinerary to have been two or three miles west of Pine spring.
" Amarraban a los Yabipais del Sur para llebarlos mui lexos^
a clause I have slightly turned. These were the Apaches.
r I
334 SPREADING THE GOSPEL.
I enabled to acquire a clear understanding of the
situation of all the nations.
The married Indian who came with me, and who
said he was from near Moqui, remained here with his
wife to continue his journey to his home through a
level and well-watered valley. With them I could
have gone to Moqui; but the captain of this rancheria
and all those who had come to see me urged me to
proceed to view their land. Being under obligations
for their services (a cuyo obsequio obligado) I could not
refuse, and so I determined to go with them whither-
soever they wished; the occasion being favorable to
see yet other peoples and discover new regions.
This length of time gave me an opportunity to speak
to them of God and of the things divine, to which they
showed that they gave credence. They all kissed the
crucifix, and held it up toward the sky, passing it thus
from hand to hand, even unto the least of them. In
this and other rancherias I had much to announce,
for the halt, the blind, the sick and the weary ones
came to beg me to lay hands upon them and teach
them somewhat; I gave them some gospel, or the
Magnificat, and thus did I continue in all the land of
the Yabipais, even unto my return to the Jamajabs.
I was at a loss to discover whence arose this good
faith, sufficing unto salvation. Here I tarried one
day [i8th].
POZO DE LA ROSA — PINE AND OAK SPRINGS. 335
June ig. I went one league east, accompanied by
the captain and three of his rancheria, with another
principal (man) who had a beard, though a slight one,
from the Rio Jabesiia/* Here there was a rancheria,
and before I reached thereto a well of abounding
water, to which, as it was crowned with roses, I gave
the name (Pozo) de la Rosa/^ Throughout this
region there are many and lofty pines. I went up
thereafter two leagues to the north, ^° and halted in a
rancheria whereat, being importuned by the Indians,
I passed the night.
June 20. I went five leagues east, two northeast,
and three north, the last four of these over very bad
{malisima) ground through some cajones the most
profound, though all were well grassed and with
" Rio Jabesiia = Cataract creek, for which Garces has been
heading from the start. See on, when we get there.
" Pozo de la Rosa, or Rose Well, is Pine spring of present
nomenclature, which either named itself from the coniferous
character of the forest or else may be traceable to what Ives
says of his Pine Forest camp, marked " *7i "; p. 103 of his Re-
port, Apr. 10, 1858.
"About five miles north of Pine spring is another, now
known as Oak spring. This fits Garces' advance to a nicety,
and each spring seems to confirm the identification of the other
here made. There is a third spring called Aubrey's, about the
same distance west of Oak spring. From his present position
Garces makes a straight break for the " horrible abyss " of the
Hualapai trail by which he enters Cataract cafion.
7,2,^ ENTRANCE INTO CATARACT CANON.
plenty of trees. I arrived at a rancheria which is on
the Rio Jabesiia, which I named (Rio) de San An-
tonio; and in order to reach this place I traversed a
strait {pase por tm estrecho) which I called the Nuebo
Canfran. This extends about three quarters (of a
league) ; on one side is a very lofty cliff, and on the
other a horrible abyss (voladcro). This difficult road
passed, there presented itself another and a worse one,
which obliged us to leave, I my mule and they their
horses, in order that we might climb down a ladder
of wood.^^ All the soil of these caxones is red; there
" This ladder was probably not the identical one which Ives
found on Apr. 13, 1858; but it was in the identical spot — there
is no other way down the awful chasm which leads from the
6,000-foot level of the plateau to the 4,000-foot bed of Cataract
canon. The trail down this side caiion is thus a descent of 2,000
feet into the bowels of the earth, to the place where the Hava-
supais live now as they did in 1776. Garces' few words on his
" horrible abyss," leading to depths still more profound, may
be amplified by Ives' vivid description of his experiences: "Ten
miles conducted to the head of a ravine, down which was a well-
beaten Indian trail. There was every prospect, therefore, that
we were approaching a settlement similar to that of the Hual-
pais on Diamond river. The descent was more rapid than the
former had been, and in the course of a few miles we had gone
down into the plateau one or two thousand feet, and the bluffs
on either side had assumed stupendous proportions [see his
fig- 34, P- 106]. Still no signs of habitations were visible. The
worn-out and thirsty beasts had begun to flag, when we were
brought to a standstill by a fall a hundred feet deep in the
bottom of the cafion. At the brink of the precipice was an
BY THE NUEBO CANFRAN. 337
is in them much mezcal; there are some cows and
horses, most of which are branded, and some have sev-
eral such marks (los mas de estos tieiien Herro, y algimos
overhanging ledge of rocks, from which we could look down
as into a well upon the continuation of the gorge far below.
The break reached completely across the ravine, and the side
walls were nearly perpendicular. There was no egress in that
direction, and it seemed a marvel that a trail should be found
leading to a place where there was nothing to do but to return.
A closer inspection showed that the trail still continued along
the caiion, traversing horizontally the face of the right-hand
bluff. A short distance off it seemed as though a mountain
goat could scarcely keep its footing upon the slight indenta-
tion that appeared like a thread attached to the rocky wall, but
a trial proved that the path, though narrow and dizzy, had been
cut with some care into the surface of the cliff, and afforded a
foothold level and broad enough both for men and animals.
I rode upon it first, and the rest of the party and the train
followed — one by one — looking very much like insects crawl-
ing upon the side of a building. We proceeded for nearly a
mile along this singular pathway, which preserved its horizontal
direction. The bottom of the caiion had meanwhile been rap-
idly descending, and there were two or three falls where it
dropped a hundred feet at a time, thus greatly increasing the
depth of the chasm. The change had taken place so gradually
that I was not sensible of it, till glancing down the side of my
mule I found that he was walking within three inches of the
brink of a sheer gulf a thousand feet deep; and on the other
side, nearly touching my knee, was an almost vertical wall
rising to an enormous altitude. [This is what Garces merely
calls "a difficult road"!] The sight made my head swim, and'
I dismounted and got ahead of the mule, a difficult and delicate
operation which I was thankful to have safely performed. A
338 OR THE HUALAPAI TRAIL.
nnichos); I recognized none of them, but of a single
one I doubted whether it were not of the mission of
San Ignacio. I aslced these Indians, as I had done
party of the men became so giddy that they were obliged to
creep upon their hands and knees, being unable to stand or
walk. In some places there was barely room to walk, and a
slight deviation in a step would have precipitated one into the
frightful abyss. I was a good deal alarmed lest some obstacle
should be encountered that would make it impossible to go
ahead, for it was certainly impracticable to return. After an
interval of uncomfortable suspense the face of the rock made
an angle, and just beyond the turn was a projection from the
main wall with a surface fifteen or twenty feet square that would
afford a foothold. The continuation of the wall was perfectly
vertical, so that the trail could no longer follow it, and we
found that the path descended the steep face of the cliff to the
bottom of the caiion. It was a desperate road to traverse, but
located with a good deal of skill — zigzaging down the precipice,
and taking advantage of every crevice and fissure that could
afford a foothold. It did not take long to discover that no
mule could accomplish this descent, and nothing remained tiut
to turn back."
This is the road which Garces calls " another and a worse
one," where he had to leave his mule for the Indians to take
Iback and bring around into Cataract cation by a different trail.
But we have not yet come to the ladder part of the story. Ives
afterward made up a party to explore the cafion further; and
we resume his narrative at the critical point: " At the end of
thirteen miles from the precipice an obstacle presented itself
that there seemed to be no possibility of overcoming. A stone
slab, reaching from one side of the cafion to the other, termi-
nated the plain which we were descending. Looking over the
edge, it appeared that the next level was forty feet below. This
WHICH IVES ALSO TOOK. 339
before in other rancherias, whence did they procure
these horses and cows; and they repHed, from Moqui,
where there are many ill-gotten cattle and horses. I
time there was no trail along the side bluffs, for these were
smooth and perpendicular. A spring of water rose from the
bed of the cation not far above, and trickled over the ledge,
forming a pretty cascade. It was supposed that the Indians
must have come to this point merely to procure water, but this
theory was not altogether satisfactory, and we sat down upon
the rocks to discuss the matter. Mr. EgloflFstein lay down by
the side of the creek, and projecting his head over the ledge
to watch the cascade, discovered a solution of the mystery.
Below the shelving rock, and hidden by it and the face, stood
a crazy-looking ladder, made of rough sticks bound together
with thongs of bark. It was almost perpendicular, and rested
upon a bed of angular stones. The rounds had become rotten
from the incessant flow of water. Mr. EgloflFstein, anxious to
have the first view of what was below, scrambled over the ledge
and got his feet upon the upper round. Being a solid weight,
he was too much for the insecure fabric, which commenced
giving way. One side fortunately stood firm, and holding on
to this with a tight grip, he made a precipitate descent. The
other side and all the rounds broke loose and accompanied him
to the bottom in a general crash, effectually cutting ofif the com-
munication. Leaving us to devise means of getting him back
he ran to the bend to explore. The bottom of the cafion had
been reached. He found he was at the edge of a stream, ten
or fifteen yards wide, fringed with cottonwoods and willows.
The walls of the cation spread out for a short distance, leaving
room for a narrow belt of bottom land, on which were fields of
corn and a few scattered huts."
Such was Garces' plunge into Cataract canon — certainly no
facilis descensus Averni — but the most direct access to the
340 TO THE HAVASUPAI VILLAGE.
arrived at the place of our stopping for the night, and
as I saw the Jabesua Indians well supplied with some
pieces of red cloth, I suspected therefrom that they
strange people of his Rio Jabesua. His Indians then took his
animals back, and brought them in by an easier trail, more
eastwardly, which follows down another side caiion into
Cataract canon at a point a few miles above the Havasupai set-
tlement. Lieutenant Ives did not follow Mr. EglofTstein; but,
having extricated him from his predicament by hauling him up
the remaining piece of the shattered ladder by means of slings
from the soldiers' muskets knotted together, he beat a retreat
in good order. His subsequent route is nowhere near that of
Garces, till both reach the Moqui villages. In taking leave of
him here I must note that, accurate as his map is for the whole
region he actually explored, it is quite the reverse in all that he
lays down for the course of the Grand caiion in the parts he
never saw. This is all hypothetical, and far out of the way.
Thus he sends the main Colorado of? through something that
appears to correspond to Kanab wash, and brings the Colorado
Chiquito clear westward, approximately in the course of the
Grand caiion itself, to join Cataract caiion! This error of at
least one whole degree of longitude, as well as the wrong con-
fluence, was reflected on maps for many years, till the actual
junction of the Colorado Chiquito with the main stream was
properly determined, about long. iii° 47' 30".
The Cataract cafion system is of great extent; its ramifica-
tions, fissuring the great Colorado plateau in every direction,
and as it were dissecting the surface of the earth, may be traced
to the vicinity of Bill Williams' mountain and Mt. Sitgreaves.
The general trend of the system is northwest, but the collateral
fissures run in every direction. This is an effectual barrier to
travel east and west, almost to the head of the system, across
which Beale made his wagon road in 1857, at no point north
CATARACT CANON NOTED FURTHER. 34I
might be some of the Apaches who harass these
provinces. My suspicion increased when the women
came, and among them some whiter than is the rule
of 35° 30'. The bed of the main canon sometimes runs water
from near its head downward; but is ordinarily dry almost
down to the Havasupai settlement. When I traversed it,
the bed was as dry as tinder, sandy, rocky, and choked with
cactus; only here and there was some seepage through the
walls, either trickling idly away and soon evaporating, or, if
stronger, collecting in some little rocky tank. The scene
changes as if by magic at the point said, where Cataract creek
bursts out of the ground at a beautiful spring, almost immedi-
ately attaining a volume of some 5,000 miners' inches, equaling
a creek eight feet wide and four feet deep. The water is of
a deep blue color, and so heavily charged with lime that it
forms stalactites wherever it drips, and incrusts everything upon
which it dries. A kind of maidenhair fern grows here in pro-
fusion, and some of the delicate fronds seem as if petrified.
The arable land, including that rendered available by artificial
irrigation, is probably not over 400 acres; on this little farm
stretched along the creek the Indians raised their corn, beans,
melons, squashes, peaches, apricots, and sunflower-seeds. They
lived in brush lodges scattered over their secluded demesne, ex-
cept some whom I found occupying caves in the rocky sides of
the cafion which they had walled up, quite like the prehistoric
clifif-dwellers. These hermits seemed quite content with their
half-underground lot, and only anxious to be let alone. A little
distance below the settlement, following a trail not devoid of all
danger, may be witnessed the spectacle to which Cataract cation
owes its name, as the water of the creek falls away in three
beautiful cascades, with pitches in the aggregate of perhaps 250
feet, before disappearing in the unfathomable abyss beyond.
My own entrada into this caxon was neither so dramatic as
342 EDITOR S TRAIL TO THE CANON.
in Other nations. In spite of this I had no fear, see-
ing all well content at my arrival, and that they em-
braced with pleasure the peace proposed with their
that of Garces, nor yet so precipitate as Mr. EglofFstein's — but
it was enough to make my head swim. I reached the brink of
the chasm at an entirely different place, some 20 miles higher
up; and as this point is not marked in any way on any map
1 know of, my little-known trail may be worth recording here.
In June, 1881, I was the medical officer of an expedition to the
Havasupais — or, as they were sometimes then called, the Agua
Azul Indians — a name supposed to be derived from the blue
water above mentioned, but really a wrenching into Spanish of
Yavasu-pa\, which is the same word as Garces' Jabesiia. The
party consisted of a detachment of Company K. 6th Cavalry,
Lieut. H. P. Kingsbury, under command of Lt.-Col. Wm. Red-
wood Price; the Lieutenant Palfrey mentioned before; with an
old Arizonian scout, whose name I have forgotten, to show us
the way. We went from Fort Verde, on the river of that name,
to Fort Whipple and Prescott, and thence through Williamson's
and Chino valleys, in which latter we camped at Roger's ranch,
June 4. Next day we flanked the west base of the Picacho and
followed an Indian trail to Cullen's well, as it was called, near
the base of Mt. Floyd. The proper name of this tinaja or tank
is Kerlin's — so called from Beale's clerk of 1857-58, F. E. Kerlin,
whose name is cut in the rocks. It is oti the Beale road, but
hard to find, at the head of a ravine, and is not living water.
On the 6th we sought unsuccessfully for Kisaha tank, and re-
turned to Kerlin's. On the 7th, with a detour eastward along
the Beale road, and then a turn northward past that other ele-
vation which is 6 miles due N. of Mt. Floyd and about 7,000 feet
high, we kept on north with some westing to what was known
in those days as Black tank, but is now lettered Wagathile tank
on the U. S. G. S. maps. This was a stretch of some 30 miles,
HIS DESCENT THEREINTO. 343'
inveterate enemies the Jamajabs, the Yumas, the Jal-
chedunes, Cocomaricopas, and Pimas Gileiios; and also
did I propose to them to cidtivate pleasant relations
not halfway to the rancheria of which we were in quest, and the
last water hence to Cataract cafion. Blank tank was a nasty
hole in the rocks, containing perhaps 5,000 gallons of dead
water and filth, in which lurked an enormous number of the re-
pulsive " fishes with legs," or axolotls, also called guaholotes
— a species of Amblystoma. Here we rested on the 8th, and
next day made a straight break due north, along a dim
Indian trail, over good ground, partly wooded, to a dry
camp. On the loth a march of 10 miles in the same direc-
tion brought us abruptly to the brink of the precipice — a
sharp-edged jump-ofT of perhaps a thousand feet. There was
no side caiion here for gradual descent — the firm level ground
gave no hint of the break before us till we were actually upon
the verge, and when the soldiers lined up to look down an in-
voluntary murmur of astonishment ran through the ranks.
Dismounting and going in single file, each man leading his
horse, we took the dizzy trail — a narrow footpath, in many parts
of which a misstep would have been destruction to man or
beast. The way zigzagged at first for some distance, on the
" switchback " principle by which railroads sometimes make
grades otherwise impracticable; the face of the precipice was
so steep that, as we filed along, those of us at the head of the
procession looked up to see the other sections of the train
almost overhead — certainly a fall of any man there would have
been right on top of us. Then the trail took a long lurch to
the left with little descent, hugging the face of the cliflf, and we
looked like a row of ants on a wall. This brought us at length
to the head of a great talus, down which the trail zigzagged —
the incline was too steep for straight descent, probably at an
angle of 45°. This 'etched us into the bed of Cataract cafion.
344 GARCES DETAINED PERFORCE.
with the padres and Espaholes who would soon come
to hve on the Rio Colorado among those nations.
So pressing was the insistency with which they urged
me to remain in this rancheria that, as I found myself
constrained perforce in this place, I had to remain five
days;-" during which they waited upon me and re-
galed me with flesh of deer and of cow, with maize,
beans, qiielites,-^ and mezcal, with all of which were
they well provided. They also eat a berry of the
perfectly dry; the trail was nearly a mile long, and it took us
an hour to make our creepy way down. The Havasupai chief,
who had been advised of our coming, was there to meet us
with some of his men, all mounted; and he took us up the cafion
about five miles to a place where there was a scanty aguage,
not sufficing for the wants of the whole party. Next morning
we retraced our steps down the caiion and kept on in its bed
till we reached the wonderful blue spring above described and
the rancheria of the Indians — a distance from last night's camp
of about 25 miles, as we had struck the caiaon some 20 miles
above the living water. On our way down we were shown a
side cafion on our right, up which was a plain trail. This led
to the Moquis, and this is the way by which Garces is about
to leave Cataract cafion en route to his ulterior destination.
" Fueran tantas las instancias que me hicieron en esta Ran-
cheria para que me quedase, que enmedio de hallarme violento
en aquel Parage me hube de detener cinco dias, etc. This
detention was until June 25.
■^ Quelite is the Nahuatl word qiiilitl, meaning grass or some
edible herb, " greens," etc. Simeon's Nahuatl Diet, renders it
legume frais in French. But exactly what quelites stands for in
the above text is uncertain. — F. W. H.
AMONG THE HAVASUPAIS. 345
juniper, a tree which is very abundant in these lands.
I had much complacency to see that as soon as it was
dawn each married man with his wife and grown sons
went forth to till his milpas, taking the necessary im-
plements, as hatchets, dibbles (coas),^* and hoes, all
of which they procure from Moqui. These people go
decently clothed, and are very fond (miiy apasionados)
of any red cloth of Castilla which comes from New
Mexico. That there are here (el ser aqiii) women so
white — I saw one who looked like an Espafiola — I
attribute to the situation of the place wherein they
live; for this is so deep '^ that it is ten o'clock in the
day when the sun begins to shine. Whithersoever I
have gone I have seen no situation more strong and
secure by nature. These families do not exceed 34
in number; -® yet it is the largest rancheria that I
have seen among the Yabipais. Close by runs the
^* Coa is the Nahuatl coatl, meaning, among other things, a
species of shovel or spade, i. e., this was the typical planting
stick or dibble of the southwestern tribes, made of wood with
a shoulder for forcing into the ground with the foot. — F. W. H.
" In round numbers, the rancheria is about 2,000 feet below
the general level of the plateau, and about half of this depth
is sheer in some parts of the cafion. The river then drops 2,000
feet more to reach the Colorado. The plateau may be taken
at 6,000 feet; the rancheria, at 4,000; the Colorado there at 2,000.
"° In 1881, when I was on the spot, the total population by
actual count was 214 — 60 men, 53 women, loi children. In 1858
Ives supposed the census to be about 200.
346 DEPARTURE FROM RIO JABESUA.
Rio Jabesua, which arises in the labyrinth of caxones
there are in every direction; the course it here takes is
to the westnorthwest and north, and at a little dis-
tance " it falls into the Rio Colorado. This is a river
of middling size but very rapid, and the Jabesuas
utilize it well with many dams and ditches.
June 25. I set forth ^® accompanied by five Indians,
and traveled two leagues south and east, now on
horseback, now on foot, but in both these ways with
great exertion, and halted on the slope of the sierra
at a scanty aguage. In the afternoon I finished the
most difficult part of it (the ascent) — they cause
horror, those precipices it presents — and thereafter
traveling north over good ground, with much grass,
" The air-line distance is about 15 miles, and the actual dis-
tance not much more, as the creek runs pretty straight, a little
west of north, to the confluence with the Colorado at about
lat. 36° 16'. The tiny Suppai Indian reservation is on and near
lat. 36° 05', long. 112° 47' (Executive Orders of June 8, 1880;
Nov. 3, 1880; and Mar. 31, 1882). The original survey of the
settlement was made for this purpose by Lieutenant C. F. Pal-
frey, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., June 11-13, on the expedi-
tion of 1881 which I have already described in part.
"' Garces starts from the Havasupais to go to the Moqui
Pueblo of Oraibi, in the Province of Tusayan. His air-line
course would be almost due east — a very little south of east.
The air-line distance is about 112 miles; but no such straight
line is possible, owing to the nature of the ground. Yet his
laps foot up altogether only 41 leagues, or about 107 miles, and
he goes winding about a good deal. Hence it is obvious that
APPROACHING THE GRAND CANON. 347
and many junipers, pines, and other trees among
which I went about three leagues, I arrived at a ran-
cheria which appertains to the Jabesua, whither had
come some of this nation to gather the fruit of the
juniper. The principal Indian offered himself to ac-
company me next day.
June 26. I traveled four leagues southeast, and
south, and turning to the east; and halted at the sight
of the most profound caxones which ever onward con-
tinue {que aun todavia sigucn) ; and within these flows
the Rio Colorado. There is seen (vese) a very great
sierra, which in the distance (looks) blue; and there
runs from southeast to northwest a pass open to the
very base, as if the sierra were cut artificially to
give entrance to the Rio Colorado into these lands.
neither his courses nor his distances can be taken at the foot of
the letter. He lost his compass in the Tulares of California,
and merely guesses at the cardinal points as well as at the
leagues made. The country over which he passes is almost as
much of a howling wilderness to-day as it was in 1776; if we
could trace his very footsteps we should be able to name very
few places. We shall find him when he strikes the Grand
cafion, and again when he crosses the Colorado Chiquito, but
that is about all. This first day he goes southeast up Cataract
caiion to the place indicated in note "', p. 344, where the old
trail to Moqui takes up a side caiion to his left. He seems to
finish this side cafion and camp at a scanty watering place,
having made some northing. He is thus on the plateau, be-
tween Cataract Cafion on his right and the Grand caiion on his
left. Approx. position lat. 35° 55', long. 112° 30'.
348 PUERTO DE BUCARELI.
I named this singular (pass) Puerto de Bucareli,^' and
though to all appearances would not seem to be very
" Puerto de Bucareli, so named by Garces for the great
viceroy, is the Grand canon of the Colorado itself. It may
seem singular to give the name of a " pass " to an utterly im-
passable place; but the impassability is for man, not for the
river, which Garces distinctly says passes through his Puerto
de Bucareli. His use of the term " sierra," and reference to
blue distance, have caused some to misapprehend the Puerto
de Bucareli for a mountain pass, and locate it off somewhere
northwest of the Colorado. But Garces repeatedly speaks of the
cliffs which wall in Cataract cafion, for example, as " sierras " ;
while, as for a puerto being a river gorge, compare the name
Puerto de la Concepcion for the narrow place through which
the Colorado flows just below Yuma. The formation in ques-
tion is duly lettered on Font's map, where the legend is set
against the river itself, with no mountain pass about it. There
are three points in Garces' description which enable us to
identify the puerto with considerable precision: (i) From his
position it bears E. N. E. (2) It runs from S. E. to N. W. (3)
He says beyond that the Colorado Chiquito falls into the Colo-
rado Grande above the Puerto de Bucareli. Now, if anyone
would like to see the Puerto de Bucareli in all its grandeur, he
has only to leave the railroad at Flagstaff, and drive some 75
miles N. by W. over the wagon road opened of late years to
strike the Grand caiion at the point where it dips furthest S.
Here, at Canon spring, is about where Garces named the puerto.
At Caiion spring, on the brink of the great chasm, the general
level of the plateau is about 7,500 feet; whence the face of the
earth drops down 5,000 feet in the course of five or six miles,
and there in the bottom of the abyss runs the Colorado through
the Puerto de Bucareli, only 2,500 feet above the level of the sea.
South of the Grand caiion, in Garces' present vicinity, the
most conspicuous landmark is the isolated elevation known as
DISCOVERY OF THE GRAND CANON NOTED. 349
great the difficulty of reaching thereunto, I considered
this to be impossible in consequence of the difficult
Red Butte, some 7,750 feet high, standing on the plateau 10
miles (air line) from the nearest point on the brink of the
canon. Its former and probably earliest name was Mt. Thor-
burn, given by Beale for Lt. C. E. Thorburn, U. S. N., Sept.
15, 1857 (Report, p. 54). The trail to Moqui passes a little
north of this butte, keeping eastward to Red Horse spring,
which is on the tourist's wagon road above said, some 12 or 15
miles south of the canon.
Garces is the first white man known to have reached the
Grand caiion from the west; perhaps he is also the first to view
it at this particular point and give it a specific name, as dis-
tinguished from that of the river flowing through the chasm.
In Escalante's writings of about this year it is given the name
of Rio Grande de los Cosninos. But in 1776 this one of the
wonders of the world had been known to the Spanish for 236
years — since 1540, in which year it was discovered by a detach-
ment of Coronado's men. The main facts in outline are these:
Coronado being at Cibola (Zuiii) sent Pedro de Tobar, Juan
de Padilla, and about 20 men, to discover Tusayan (Moqui);
they heard there of a great river beyond, and so reported on
their return to Cibola. Thereupon Coronado sent Garcia
Lopez de Cardenas with about 12 men to find this river. This
party started on or about August 25, went to Tusayan, con-
tinued in what direction is not said, and came to the river, after
20 days. Then, says Castafieda, in his Relacion of this expedi-
tion, " llegaron a las barrancas del rio que puestos a el bade de
ellas parecia al otro bordo que auia mas de ires quatro leguas par
el ayre." This statement has been variously translated.
Ternaux-Compans has: " les bords sont tellement eleves qu'ils
croyaient etre a trois ou quatre lieues en I'air." Winship trans-
lates: "they came to the banks of the river which seemed to
be more than 3 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed be-
350 THE SUBJECT CONTINUED.
caxones which intervened. From this position said
pass bore eastnortheast. Also were there seen on the
tween them." It is pretty rocky old Spanish, but the transla-
tion seems to me to be: "They arrived at the gorges of the
river which, (to the people who were) standing (puestos, mascu-
line) on the expanse thereof, would seem to be more than three
or four leagues wide in an air-line,' i. e., through the air, from
one side of the chasm to the other. I doubt that even Spanish
imagination could have made the canon eight or ten miles deep
or "up in the air." This description, like the rest of it that I
might quote, of the magnitude and impassability of the chasm,
fits so many places along the Grand canon, that it has never been
determined, and probably never will be known, at what point
Cardenas discovered the wonderful abyss. The requisite data
do not exist; in their absence, conjecture has been rife; I can
point to maps on which Cardenas' hypothetical trail is looped
up river to the vicinity of Lee's ferry, and others on which it is
dotted down river nearly to Mojave. I believe both these no-
tions to be wild. Cardenas was guided to the great river by
Moquis, i. e., he was on a known trail from Moqui to the caiion
— and what more probable than that this trail was the imme-
morial one on which Garces is now being taken? If so, Car-
denas reached the river at about the place Garces now names
Puerto de Bucareli. What next? Nothing forbids us to be-
lieve that he simply kept on westward. How far? Well, the
narrative speaks of a cataract; and this colors the view that Car-
denas kept on into Cataract canon along the same Moqui trail by
which Garces has just left that cafion; whence he returned to
Moqui by the same way he went from that place, with no loop-
ing up or down river. All that we know favors this dictamen,
and nothing that we know is obnoxious thereto; so I hold it en
mi corto entendimiento, salvo otro mejor — as Garces some-
where says about something else. But that is immaterial to
the main point of discovery of the Grand cation by Cardenas
ASTONISHING ROUGHNESS OF THE COUNTRY. 35 1
north some smokes, which my companions said were
those of the Indians whom they name Payuches, who
hve on the other side of the river. I am astonished
at the roughness of this country, and at the barrier
which nature has fixed therein.
The Indians took down the beasts to give them
water in those caxones, but I did not see any (water)
myself.^" There were awaiting us here three families,
in order to go in our company; because this road was
for them very hazardous, on account of the war that
they wage with the Yabipais Tejua and Napao; *^
in September, 1540; and what is more, the Colorado in that
situation was about that time correctly identified with the Rio
del Tizon or Firebrand river of Melchior Diaz.
^'' So Garces is at a dry camp. This makes me think he has
not reached Canon spring, the terminus of the modern wagon
road on the plateau. It does not follow, however, that, because
the Indians took the beasts down somewhere to water, there-
fore they were at a place where the river itself was accessible.
The animals probably drank at some spring or waterhole in a
side-caiion.
" There seems to be no question that the " Napao " tribe of
Garces and the Navajo or Navaho of the present time are one
and the same. The origin of the name is not known with cer-
tainty, although its derivation is variously explained. Their
own name is Dene. Although classified linguistically as Atha-
pascan, the tribe is composed of many small bodies of Indians
either related by language or bearing no relationship with the
Athapascan nucleus with which they became consolidated at one
time or another during several generations, by voluntary adop-
tion or through capture. Their original range extended from
352 NAVAJO INDIANS NOTED.
these live in a sierra they call Napac,^^ which disparts
(se desprende) from that of the Puerto de Bucareli and
San Francisco mountains in Arizona on the west to the vicinity
of Jemez pueblo in New Mexico on the east, and from the San
Juan mountains on the north to Mt. San Mateo or Taylor on
the south. They are now gathered on a reservation comprising
7,680,000 acres, largely of desert land, in northwestern New
Mexico and northeastern Arizona, extending into southern
Utah, of which area only about 8,000 acres are under cultivation.
They are a pastoral people, with about a million and a quarter
sheep from which they derive considerable income through
the sale of wool and of blankets, in the weaving of which they
are adept. In addition to their sheep they possess about 250,000
goats, and over 100,000 horses, mules, and burros. Among
them are several expert silversmiths, whose art was originally
derived from the Mexicans. Their desert range, most of which
is devoid of grass during most of the year, compels constant
shifting from place to place with their sheep, and prevents any
considerable part of the population from settling for more than
a brief period in any locality. The Navaho have become known
to science through the noteworthy researches of Dr. Washing-
ton Matthews, U. S. A., whose work " Navaho Legends " (Bos-
ton, 1897) is of high authority. The present population of the
tribe is believed to be about 20,000. Other names applied to
the tribe by various writers are: Apaches de Nabajoa, Apaches
de Nabaju, Apaches de Navaio, Apaches de Navajox (and other
similar forms combined with the name of the cognate Apache),
Nabaho, Nabajo, Nabajoa, Nabajoe, Nabbeho, Nabijo, Naboja,
Nabojo, Nahjo, Namakan, Nanahaw, Nauajo, Nauajoa,
Navago, Navahoe, Navajai, Navajhoe, Navajoa, Navajoe, Nava-
joo, Navajoses, Navejo, Navijo, Navijoe, Nevajoes, Novajo,
etc.— F. W. H.
" Sierra Napac is the San Francisco mountains, apart from
the Grand cafion, running westward, rising into other peaks,
SIERRA NAPAC SIGHTED AND NOTED. 355
runs to the west, rising at intervals (a trechos) very-
high, and maintaining itself even at this season
snowy. This sierra have I kept continually to the
right ;^^ and arising therefrom flows the Rio de la
Asumpcion. This day they showed me on the road
some tracks that trended northward, and told me that
these were of the Yabipais Tejua, who take that way
their journey to go to see and trade with their friends
the Chemeguaba; those who live as already said on
the other side of the Rio Colorado. In the afternoon
we set forth all together, and having traveled four
leagues southeast we camped for the night in pine
woods.^*
as Kendrick's, Sitgreaves', and Bill Williams', mountains;
Garces has had these in plain view, on his right, ever since he
reached Cataract caiion, and even before that; and from the
southern slopes of them flow the headwaters of the Rio de la
Asumpcion, i. c, of the Verde or San Francisco river, a branch
of the Gila system. This identifies the Sierra Napac; and no
doubt Napac is merely the scribe's error for Napao, which
Garces elsewhere uses, and which is the same word as Navajo.
When and by whom the San Francisco mountains were first so
named, and which of the two eminent saints of that name they
were called for, has hitherto eluded my observation. I am
under the impression that the name is a very old one. It is
only within recent years that several of the peaks have been
distinguished by name, as Agassiz, Humphreys, etc.
^ That is to say, in traveling eastward he is north of the San
Francisco and Bill Williams' mountains, and so has them on
his right.
'* This camp cannot be set exactly. The nearest named place
354 RIO JAQUBSILA OR RIO DE SAN PEDRO.
June 2/. I traveled four leagues southeast and
east, passing most of the way through a lowland (un
bajio) toward the sierra of the Puerto de Bucareli; and
we halted near an aguage at a place where there is a
cave {en un sitio de una cueba).^^
June 28. I traveled three and a half leagues on
courses south, southeast, and east, and I arrived at the
Rio Jaquesila, and I called it {y le puse) the Rio de San
Pedro. ^^ It was running water enough, but very
to where I suppose it to have been is the Red Horse spring
already mentioned.
^' If this cave could be found it would clear up the otherwise
obscure itinerary to-day. I can make nothing of it as it stands.
If Garces continues S. E. and E., he is going toward the San
Francisco mountains and thus away from his Sierra del Puerto
de Bucareli. This cannot be; for he continues the same course
to-morrow to the Colorado Chiquito, and could never strike it
in this direction. I believe that he went N. E. and E. He
must make some northing to strike the Colorado Chiquito
where he does, in the vicinity of Moencopie wash, in order to
get into Moqui on anything like the course he gives us as his
route beyond.
^■^ Rio Jaquesila, otherwise Rio de San Pedro, is the Colorado
Chiquito, the only large branch of the Colorado in northern
Arizona. There is no doubt about this; and the text correctly
runs it into the Colorado above the place where Garces named
the Puerto de Bucareli: see also Font's map. But how he ever
reached the river on any such courses and in any such distances
as he gives, is another question. It is also uncertain at what
point he struck it; though I give some reason (beyond) for
supposing the place to have been in the vicinity of the mouth
THIS IS THE COLORADO CHIQUITO. 355
dirty and red, that could not be drunk; but in the
pools of the border of the river there was good water.
This river runs to the westnorthwest, and unites with
the Rio Colorado a little before this passes through
the Puerto de Bucareli. The bed of this river, as far
as the confluence, is a trough of solid rock (un foso
en pena viva), very profound and wide about a stone's
throw, and on that account impassable even on foot;
wherefore with much travail did I enter into said bed
of the river, following down a trough not so profound,
of Moencopie wash, which joins the Colorado Chiquito from
the N. E. The river is one of the discoveries of 1540, when
Coronado or some of his men first called it Rio del Lino — a
name which, either in the Spanish form or translated Flax river,
it has borne on many maps almost to the present day. It was
common down to the surveys of the 50's, though in my earliest
Arizona days of 1865 it had been mostly supplanted by the term
Colorado Chiquito. As I say elsewhere, the name Colorado or
Red seems to have been first attached to this river in 1604, by
Juan de Ofiate, and been subsequently transferred to the main
stream; but when the term Colorado Chiquito or Little Colo-
rado was first applied I do not know. Some have supposed
Coronado's name Rio Vermejo to belong here; it may have been
sometimes so used, but its proper and original application was
to Zufii river, a branch of this one. Garces' term San Pedro I
do not think ever had any vogue for this stream; his other
name, Jaquesila, occasionally appears in print, also in the forms
Jaquevila, Jaquecila, etc. It is curious to note the similarity of
Jaquesila to Hah-qua-si-il-la, given in Whipple's Report as a
Yuman name of the Gila. See further regarding the Colorado
Chiquito in Pike, ed. 1895, pp. 730, 731.
356 LITTLE COLORADO RIVER CROSSED.
in the direction eastnortheast." In the afternoon,
having crossed the river, and entering upon another
similar cajon, I traveled eight leagues north and east,
having gone somewhat out of the way through failing
to find the Indians where we sought them. I arrived
at a rancheria of Yabipais that should have as it
were 30 souls; I was received with many civilities,
" This seems to be warrant enough for the statement in the
last note that Garces struck the Little Colorado in the vicinity
of Moencopie wash, difficult if not impossible as it may be to
fetch him here by his alleged courses and distances. The river
is comparatively open and easy down to this point, where it be-
comes suddenly cafionated or boxed up, in such way as to be
" intransitable " across its " trough of live rock." The west or
left side which Garces reaches is more precipitous than the
other; but with much difficulty he found a " trough not so pro-
found," i. e., some side caiion, by which he gained access to the
bed of the stream, and thus crossed it. These side cafions also
have the general trend northeasterly, as he says. The further
direction, north and then northeast, is quite right for following
up Moencopie wash; on and near which, at distances fairly
agreeable wdth the eight leagues he gives to his Yabipais
rancheria, are inhabited places now known as Moencopie, Moa
Ave, and Tuba, in the Painted desert, on and near the well-
known Mormon road hence to Lee's ferry. This wash, there-
fore, would seem to be the " other similar cajon " upon which
he entered, i. e., resembling the one by which, on the other side
of the river, he descended to the bed of the latter. Furthermore,
if we take him up Moencopie wash we can account for his
otherwise inexplicable meeting with his Jaquesila river again
(see note '"') ; and also, we can fetch him into Oraibi by a
known trail, in the direction he indicates.
MOENCOPIE WASH. 357
for here was the Indian who, as said above, had
sung the hymn. The captain of this rancheria,
who wore the beard very long, was brother of the
Jabestia Indian that accompanied me. There ar-
rived later two Indians from Moqui, dressed in leather
jackets almost as well as (cueras y poco menos que)
Espanoles,^* and they came to trade with these
Yabipais, and the word was sent to a neighboring
rancheria. One of them kissed my hand, and having
presented him with a little tobacco and some shells,
he gave them back to me. I called to the other, who
would neither draw nigh nor kiss the crucifix which
the Yabipais handed him for that purpose (para que
lo hiziese). These Moqui Indians went away early
next day, and I did not depart until the ist of July.
July I. I went one league and half eastsoutheast,
and found a river that seemed to me to be the Rio de
San Pedro Jaquesila,^"* and on a mesa contiguous
^ Spanish soldiers of some classes wore a sort of leather
jackets called cueras. The Spanish corasa, coracero, cuirass,
cuirassier, Lat. coratia, a breastplate originally of leather, and
several other similar words, are all from the Lat. coriaceiis,
leathern; corium, hide, skin, leather.
" The apparent difficulty of again striking the Colorado
Chiquito on such a course, after six leagues' northing and east-
ing, disappears on considering that Garces simply comes to a
part of Moencopie wash which was running, and fancied it
might be his San Pedro Jaquesila, of which, of course, he knew
nothing above the place where he crossed it. In strictness.
35^ MOQUI PASTURES, OR " MUCA CONCABE."
thereto a half-ruined pueblo. I asked what that was,
and they answered me that it had been a pueblo of the
Moqui, and that some crops which were near to a
spring of water were theirs, they coming to cultivate
them from the same Moqui pueblo [Oraibi] that is to-
day so large. The river runs little, and it was yel-
lowish; having crossed it and ascended some hills, I
entered upon some very wide plains, without one tree,
though there is some small grass; and having gone
six leagues in the same direction I arrived at some
pastures where the Moquis keep their horseherd.
These pastures are of difficult entrance and worse
exit; there are found some scanty aguages. There is
not to be discovered from this place any sierra on the
north and east; only is seen that which runs toward
therefore, his Jaquesila = Moencopie wash -}- Colorado Chi-
quito below their junction; but it is not necessary to insist upon
this point. See Font's map, which traces " R. Jaquesila "
entirely N. and W. of Oraybe, a portion of it running S. W.
(= Moencopie wash) before it turns N. W. (= Colorado Chi-
quito) to join the main Colorado. The wash is intermittent,
commonly quite dry below, contributing no water to the Little
Colorado; but higher up. in the vicinity of its sources, it runs
sometimes. It is possible to identify the half-ruined pueblo,
the mesa, and the Moqui pastures of which Garces speaks; cer-
tainly the latter are Moencopie, better spelled Moencapi, and
curiously styled " Muca concabe " in the text beyond: see the
note on p. 393. From this position Garces can make his entrada
into Moqui on a well-known trail southeast, by going the fif-
teen miles or so which he next indicates.
ARRIVAL AT ORAIBI. 359
Apacheria *^ on the south and southwest, whereof
already have I made mention.
July 2. I went three leagues eastsoutheast, and
yet other three east;*^ whereupon I arrived at the
pueblo that the Yabipais call Muca, and this is the
(Pueblo) de Oraibe.^^ Three leagues before my
** Apacheria = " Apacheland," the indefinite region in Ari-
zona and New Mexico over which the Apaches roamed.
" This course is over a nearly level plain to near its end, the
most conspicuous object being the isolated mesa on Garces'
right, rising to 6,500 feet from the general level of 5,500 to 5,575.
On nearing Oraibi, when about 5 m. due W. of that pueblo, the
road rises 250 feet to the level of 6,000 feet, and at this elevation
rounds Oraibi butte, which rises to 6,750; it then sinks again to
the general level, and finally rises abruptly to the butte or mesa
on the edge of which is Oraibi, at an altitude of 6,250.
*'^ Oraibi, Oraybe, Oraibe, etc., is the isolated westernmost
one of the seven pueblos of the Province of Tusayan, directly or»
the bluff, and very near the end of a narrow spur of one of the
Moqui mesas, in lat. 35° 53' very nearly, about long. 110° 38'.
It stands to-day on the identical spot where it was discovered
by a party of Coronado's men in the summer of 1540, and is
one of the most obdurately conservative, fixed facts in all the
history of Arizona. When it was built is unknown; but for
three centuries and a half it has stood like the rock on which it
is intrenched, sturdily resisting the encroachments of eccle-
siastic and military power. In Garces' time, it had known
the Spanish priest and soldier to its cost for more than 200
years, sometimes entertaining, sometimes expelling, sometimes
slaying the intruders; and we shall see what sort of reception its.
traditional policy of independence induced this pueblo to ex-
tend to the new missionary.
360 ALREADY IN TROUBLE.
«ntrada I met a young man, to whom I offered
3. little tobacco, and he would have none of it. One
league further on there .came two on good horses and
well dressed; and I approaching them as if to take
them by the hand, they drew away, making signs that
I should betake myself back. Spake then on the sub-
ject and in my favor the Yabipais who accompanied
me, but I knew that they were encountering opposi-
tion, since having returned to me they asked me what
it was that I was of a mind to do (que era lo que deter-
minaba). As well as I could I gave the Moquis to
understand that if they received me not I would pass
on to the Gualpes; *^ or if not that, to the Espaiioles; **
for I was an Espanol. So leaving them all at the very
word,*^ I proceeded alone, as already the Yabipais
had told me that I was near the pueblo.
*' These were the Moquis of the pueblo of Gualpi, Hualpi, or
Walpi, one of the easternmost cluster of three towns, adjoining
Sichomovi and Hano, the other two of this group. The dis-
tance of Gualpi from Oraibi is about 25 miles by the trail, E. by
S. The three other Moqui pueblos of Shipaulovi, Mishong-
novi, and Shumopovi, form an intermediate group, E. S. E. of
Oraibi and W. S. W. of Walpi, nearer to the latter than to the
former. An extended historical and ethnographic note on all
of these pueblos will be found beyond, pp. 393-402.
" Namely, the Spaniards at Santa Fe.
" Y asi dexandolos a todos con la palabra en la boca; literally,
" with the word in the mouth " — so saying, or forthwith. The
-expression is idiomatic.
CHAPTER IX.
AMONG THE MOQUIS, JULY, 2-4, I776.
Those who had come with me, and they were eight,
parted company with me {se dividieron) henceforth,
and there only followed me an old man and a boy,
with whom I made my entrada. In order to sur-
mount the mesa whereon stands the pueblo there is
quite a steep ascent and very narrow pathway. On
the same ascent there was a sheepfold {corral de ganado
menor), of which there were kept here about three
atajos} The ewes are larger than those of Sonora,
and the black ones have a finer color. Having as-
cended the slope I commenced my journey over the
mesa, and passed through some sandy places
{medanos)\xnt\\ I reached a small spring of water which
is in front of the pueblo. In the cafiadas at this place
there are many peachtrees; and though the soil is
sterile, since no grass grows, nor any other tree than
the peaches they have planted, it is well cultivated,
' An atajo is a mule-train, and Garces uses the word as if
such a train represented a particular number of animals; but no
doubt he simply means flock.
361
362 DESCRIPTION OF ORAIBI.
and on the very border of the spring of water I saw
some gardens or inclosures containing onions, beans,
and several other kinds of garden-truck which have
evidently cost much labor to produce.^ Descending
and turning about I suddenly found myself in sight
of the pueblo. There are two or three tumble-down
(caydas) houses in front of the entrance thereof, and
there is seen neither any door nor window. The
street which is entered is quite wide, and runs straight
from east to west, or from west to east, to the exit
from the pueblo, and I believe it to be the only one
there is. On one side and the other of this are other
cross-streets of the same width, forming perfect
squares. I saw also two small open places {plasuelas).
The surface {piso) is not level, but firm. The pueblo
is situated with the lower part toward the east, so that
only the streets which run from north to south are
level. The houses are of heights some greater, others
lesser; according to what I found they have this ar-
rangement: From the ground {piso) of the street
there rises a wall as it were of a vara and a half, at
which height is the courtyard {patio), which is
mounted by means of a wooden ladder that may be
taken away when they wish. The ladder has no
more rungs than are necessary to ascend to the patio;
but both the up-rights (side sticks — pdos de los lados)
* Hortalizas que se conocia haver costado mucho componer.
'6 <
< 3
^ o
DESCRIPTION OF ORAIBI. 363
are very tall. On this patio there are two, or three,
or four — all of which (numbers) I saw — dwelling-
places (quartos), each with its own door, closed with
bolts and keys of wood. Of the house where there is
poultry, the coop stands in the patio. Against the
wall on the right or left — for there are each of these —
is placed a ladder for ascending to the upper stories
(d los altos). These contain a large hall that there is
in the middle, and a room at the sides. At the same
collateral walls there is another ladder to ascend to the
roof, which for all the houses is one with those adjoin-
ing in the same square; which latter is commonly not
very large, owing to the number of streets which in-
tersect. I found, to be more particular, that the
houses all present their rear walls (se dan todas la
espalda), in such manner that no one can see what his
neighbor is doing without going up on the roof. The
shape of the pueblo is neither perfectly square nor
perfectly round.
As soon as I entered therein, and we alighted in
sight of the very many women and children that there
were on the house-tops, I approached with the inten-
tion of going up into a house known to the Yabipai
who accompanied me, and who had already saluted
from below the proprietor who stood on the roof.
But before I could ascend she told the Yabipai to
notify me there was no admittance for myself, and not
364 INHOSPITALITY OF THE ORAIBIANS.
even for my baggage; and that he should bring up
only his own.^ Thereupon I betook me to a corner
that there was in the street, where I unsaddled, and
the Yabipai took the mule to a sheep-corral. There
were coming all day in succession to stare at me men,
women, and children, yet not one of them would come
near me, even though I offered them the sea-shells
they prize so highly; nevertheless, they kept up ap-
pearances well (ponian biien semblante). When the old
Yabipai parted company with me he said to me: " Re-
main alone here; these people do not want thee; they
are a bad lot." Of the cornstalks (olotes) * that were
strewn in the street I gathered some to build a fire;
I struck a light with the lens ^ and made a little atole.
I heard that the Yabipais, who by this time had ar-
rived — all those who had accompanied me — were
talking in the houses, and no doubt they were taking
my part. At evening I saw entering the pueblo the
men who were coming from work, and they brought
their hatchets, dibbles, and hoes. At nightfall there
' What the inhospitable lady said to the Yabipai is rendered
by Garces thus: " Esta, antes que yo subiera, le dixo al Yabipai
que me avisara para que no entrarse ni tampoco mis trastes, que
subiese solo los suyos."
* Olote is the Spanish form of Nahuatl olotl, cornstalk.
° Con el ente in our copy. But this is a slip of the scribe's pen
for con el lente, with the lens, sc, burning-glass. Both the
Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. read lente.
^ ^
5 z.
'\K
.^^
" THESE PEOPLE ARE CHICHIMECOS/' 365
came to me one old man to whom I made a present,
and allowed to kiss el Cristo; when he received the to-
bacco and shells he said in Castilla, " May God reward
thee" {Dios te lo pague). Soon there came a young
man to whom I made the same offering, and he began
to speak in Espanol, saying unto me, " Padre, these
(people) are chichimecos,^ who do not wish to be bap-
• Chichimeco or chichimeca is a Mexican word adopted by the
Spanish from the very earliest times for any wild or hostile In-
dian, as opposed to manso, a tame one; and in time it came to
mean what we do when we speak of a " bully," " bravo," " fire-
eater," etc. Some of the dictionaries treat it as the proper
name of a tribe: thus, one to which I have just referred says:
" Chichimecos, one of the ancient races of America, of the Mexi-
can family, which at some remote period came from the north
of the continent and established itself in what is now Mexico,
and was ultimately exterminated by the Spaniards." The
Teatro Americano of J. A. de Villa-Seiior y Sanchez, 1746, i, p.
3, speaks of " el Imperio Chichimeco." F. L. Gomara, Hist., 1554,
chap. 214, has a " tierra de Chichimecas," etc. The Relacion de
Castafieda, pt. ii, chap. 5, speaking of Cicuye, says that the Pecos
" generalmente llaman estas gentes teyas por gentes ualietes
[valientes] como dicen los mexicanos chichimecas o teules " —
generally called the Teyas so because they were valiant, as the
Mexicans say chichimecas or teules. The French translation of
Ternaux-Compans, 1838, p. 178, renders this: " lis nomment
cette nation Teyas, ce qui veut dire vaillants, comme les Mexi-
cains s'appellant chichimecas ou braves." The word chichimeca
is found in the title of Fernando de Alvarado Tezozamoc,
Cronica Mexicana, Historia Chichimeca por Don Fernando de
Alva Ixtlilxochitl, forming vol. ix of Viscount Kingsborough's
sumptuous Antiquities of Mexico, etc., 1848; and Ixtlilxochitl's
366 FRIENDLY YOUNG ZUNIAN.
tized, and do not believe that thou art a padre; but
I myself believe it, for I have been baptized at Zufii;
all the people of my pueblo are good, and content
with the padre whom we have; we know that those
who are baptized go to heaven. Our padre was also
here not long ago {poco ha), and when he returned to
us he said that these were evil people, unwilling to be
baptized, and that with us only was he content. The
padre whom we have came but lately {poco haze) from
Mexico, and the old one went to the Villa.' Also is
History of the Chichimecas also forms vols. 13 and 14 of Ter-
naux-Compans' works, Paris, 1837-41. The fact is, as Winship
says in his admirable edition of Castafieda, " the term was ap-
plied to all wild tribes" (14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p.
524). Chichimeca was never a nation, an empire, or a country;
but the Moqui were chichimecos, because they wouldn't be bap-
tized. (Compare note ', p. 52.)
' Santa Fe, N. M. " The old one," whom the friendly Zunian
means, was Padre Fray Silvestre Velez de Escalante, resident
missionary at Zufii. Escalante is famous for his expedition in
Colorado and Utah, but less is known of his visits to the
Moquis and attempts to subdue their obduracy. Garces came to
Moqui between two of Escalante's entradas there; and very
likely their fresh impressions of Escalante were a factor in
their inhospitality to Garces. Garces. beyond, alludes to a letter
or report of Escalante on the subject of the Moquis, etc., dated
Aug. 15, 1775. The best known such report is dated Oct. 28,
1775, being Informe y Diario de la Entrada que en Junio de
1775 hizo en la Provincia de Moqui. Escalante spent eight days
there in that June, 1775, and tried in vain to go beyond to the
Rio Grande de los Cosninas — the Grand Cafion of the Colorado,
ESCALANTE HEARD FROM. 367
there a padre in Acome, and one in Laguna.* Thou
from which Garces has just come to Moqui. His report of 1775
speaks of the seven Moqui pueblos on three diflferent mesas, with
7,494 total population, two-thirds of them at Oraibi alone. We
thus learn that Oraibi then outnumbered all the other Moqui
pueblos together. Escalante advised heroic, not to say drastic,
measures to be taken with this stiflf-necked generation of gen-
tiles, whom he wished to be subjugated and converted by force
of arms; a presidio to be established there, as well as a mission,
etc. After this Escalante went to Santa Fe, full of his ideas of
a northern route from that capital to Monterey, in undertaking
to carry out which he failed, but made his well-known tour just
mentioned. He and Padre Francisco Atanasio Dominguez,
with a party of eight men, started from Santa Fe July 29, 1776;
his second visit to Moqui was on his return, Nov. 16-20, 1776;
and he was back in Santa Fe Jan. 2, 1777. So we see Garces'
experiences at Moqui sandwiched between those of Escalante,
who, at present date of July 2, 1776, had gone to Santa Fe, as
the Zufiian told Garces, to make ready for his long tour.
' Who were the padres at Acoma and Laguna respectively in
July, 1776, I have not been able to discover. In my search for
them the nearest I can come is: At Acoma, Pedro Ignacio Pino.
1760, and Tomas Salvador Fernandez, 1782. At Laguna, Juan
Jose Oronzo (or Orontaro), 1760; Jose Palacios, 1782; Jose
Corral, 1788.
Acoma is a pueblo tribe of western central New Mexico,
fifteen miles south of the Santa Fe Pacific (Atlantic and Pacific)
Railroad. First known to Marcos de Niza in 1539 under the
name Acus. Their own name is Acome, signifying " people
of the white rock." It was first visited by Coronado's army in
1540 and described, under the name Acuco, as situated on an
almost impregnable peiiol, just as it exists now. It has the
distinction of being the only New Mexican pueblo that has not
changed its site since the middle of the sixteenth century. The
368 ACOMA AND LAGUNA NOTED.
canst come to-morrow with us; we are three; the road
village has been most prominent in early Spanish history of the
southwest, it having been visited by all the important expedi-
tions into New Mexico during the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. The inhabitants, who belong to the Keresan
(Queres) stock, early established a reputation for hostility.
They fought bravely against Zaldivar in 1599, but were over-
come after a three days' conflict. They killed Fray Lucas Mal-
donado, their missionary, during the Pueblo revolt of August,
1680, were reconquered with the other Pueblo Indians by Var-
gas in 1692, rebelled again in 1696, but finally submitted.
Present population, about 566. Among the names applied by
various writers to the people and their village are: Abucios,
Acama, Acmaat, A-co, Acogiya, Acoman, Acomeses, Acomo,
Acona, Aconia, Acquia, Acu, Acuca, Acuco, Acucu,
Acus, Acux, Aioma, Ako-ma, Alcuco, A-quo, Asoma, Coco,
Peiiol, Quebec of the Southwest, Queres Gibraltar, San
Esteban de Acoma (mission name), San Pedro (de Acoma, an-
other mission name), Suco, Vacus, Vsacus, Yacco. Yaco. —
F. W. H.
The proper name of Laguna is Ka-waik', of unknown signifi-
cation. This is a Queres pueblo of 1,143 inhabitants on San Jose
river and the Santa Fe Pacific Railroad in western central New
Mexico, about fifty miles west of Albuquerque. It is the most
recent of all the pueblos in New Mexico, having been settled
probably not long before 1689 (when the first documentary
mention of the pueblo appears to have been made) by a Zuiii
and a Sia family, later joined by some natives of Acoma, San
Felipe, Moki, Sandia, and Jemez. Laguna derived its popular
name from a lake which formerly existed west of the village.
The settlement is gradually being abandoned, the inhabitants
preferring to reside the year around at what were formerly
only summer farming villages. These are: Mesita (Hat-sat-yi),
Paguate (Kwi'-st'yi). Santa Ana (Pun-yis'-t'yi), Casa Blanca
i-*--attj:vS»^:S"^i
n4
:'ieB'
'1
INVITATION TO GO TO ZUNI. 369
runs whither the sun rises; ® it is good, and has water;
before midday shall we arrive at the first pueblo, and
therein will the beasts fare well, for there is much
grass; and setting forth betimes on the next day, in
the whole of that and the night following shalt thou
come unto the mission. Have no fear of the Apaches
Nabajai; for they have come down in peace, begging
hatchets, dibbles, and hoes in return for antelope
skins. Already are they in great fear; ^" they say that
(Pur-tyi-tyi'-ya), Paraje (Tsi-mu-na), Encinal (Ha-pun-ti'-ka),
Puertecito (Wa-pu-tyu-tsi-am'-a), and Canada de Cruz (Tsi-
a-ma). Cubero and Sevilleta were also formerly summer vil-
lages (the former occupied jointly by Acomas and Lagunas),
but they were made penal settlements by the Mexican authori-
ties and ultimately became completely Mexicanized. — F. W. H.
' " El camino va por donde sale el sol, etc. So Garces says, but
perhaps misunderstood the Indian, who meant to tell him they
would start next morning at sunrise. He certainly did not
know where Zuni was, and supposed it to be eastward from
Oraibi: see Font's map, whereon Zufii is set down nearly east
(a little north) of Oraibi — above lat. 36°, the position of Oraibi
being marked just below that parallel. Zuiii is nearly S. E.
from Oraibi, a little above lat. 35°.
" The scholiast notes in the margin that this fear might well
proceed from the stroke lately inflicted upon them by the sol-
diers and settlers of New Mexico, and refers for particulars to
the official reports of Governor Mendinueta. The governor
of New Mexico was Seiior Don Pedro Firmin (often called
Fernando) Lara y Mendinueta. The archives of New Mexico,
which I have examined at Santa Fe, during this period include
many autograph signatures of Viceroy Bucar^li, all spelled
370 RECENT OPERATIONS AGAINST APACHES.
the Espanoles are valiant, and that a long-beard hath
come unto them, saying that no longer is there to be
any war. All of which is the padre writing to the
Villa."
I infer from this that fear alone will have restrained
the Apaches; since I have spoken no otherwise in
what I have had to say of this matter in regard to the
Yumas, refer to that, and also to the reflections in
this Diary.^^ I did not enter into this question with
the Indian, nor did I write thereupon to the padre, for
lack of paper, a stock of which would be required to
tell him all that goes on in Sonora with the Apaches.
Bucarely. One of them, dated Mexico, Dec. 25, 1776 (Doc.
No. 696, A. F. B.) advises Mendinueta of the arrival there of
El Senor Brigadier Cavallero de Croix, comandante general
nombrado por el Rey de esa Provincia, de las de Senora (sic),
Cinaloa, Californias, Nueva Viscaya, Coahuila y Texas — whose
usual autograph vfas " El Cavro De Croix." Colonel or Briga-
dier Mendinueta has been represented by some writers as ruling
in 1759 and 1762; but he succeeded Cachupin in 1767 as gov-
ernor and captain-general of New Mexico, and was the last to
hold the latter title. He retired in 1778, leaving instructions of
date March 14 to his successor. Acting Governor Francisco
Trebol Navarro, who was in turn succeeded by Lt. Col. Juan
Bautista de Anza, appointed in June, 1777, and taking office
probably in 1778, certainly by Jan., 1779. But what particular
stroke of Governor Mendinueta against hostile Indians, or what
ones of his numerous reports to Bucareli, the scholiast means,
I have not ascertained.
"For the Yuma reference see p. 204; the "reflexions" are
those given beyond, after the Diary proper is concluded.
THE WATCHES OF THE NIGHT. 37I
I only replied to the Indians that it was well, and that
I was much pleased to meet them/- I asked for the
captain of the Moqui; and he (the Zufiian) spoke to
me thus: " The Cazique does not wish to come here;
who knows where he has hidden himself? " I urged
him to say to the persons who were present that I was
a padre of the Espanoles of Sonora, and of other In-
dians hke themselves; that I had come through the
rest of the nations and had seen their lands; that it
were fitting (sigiiiero) that they should send me the
children [to be baptized] ; that I came to declare unto
them things of God. With that arose the Indian, and
spake in a low voice to those who were near; and
then he asked me if I wished to go to sleep in the
house where he was staying. I did not accept this
offer, inasmuch as it was not made by the proprietor
(dueno). During the night, as the people sleep on
the housetops or corridors, there was much noise;
some were singing, others played the flute, yet others
conversed loudly. After awhile a shrill-voiced person
broke forth (uno de vos atiplada soltose), who in a high
key delivered a very long harangue or sermon. I
observed a total silence whilst he preached, and at
the conclusion of his discourse the bustle {huUicio)
was resumed. After another while another hoarse
" Encontrarlos: to meet those who were standing about while
he was talking with the Zunian.
372 NO PRIEST WANTED IN ORAIBI.
voice burst out and made an argument, during which
the same silence was preserved. This night I also
noticed various men passing back and forth through
the streets, especially two or three hours before day-
break, just as would be the case {como se fiiera) in
large pueblos of Espanoles. I was lying down when
my friends the Yabipais arrived, whom I advised of
the determination I had formed to go to Zufii; to
which they answered me that they were not going
with me, and that it would be better that I should re-
turn to the Jabesiia. They also added, that the
Moquis would have none of me {no me querian). I
then gave them some white shells wherewith they
might purchase maiz, and they told me that not even
at this price {por ellas) would the Moquis part with
any, and for that very reason did they not wish to take
them (the shells). I entered into greater concern
when I saw that the two other young men brought me
back the (shells) that I had given them on the road;
for from this action I inferred that the (people) of the
pueblo had caused them to look with suspicion upon
my gifts."
" No doubt some old Trojan of a Moqui had said to these
young fellows, in substance: " Timeo Danaos ci dona ferentes."
They were not hostile; they were simply afraid of the white
man's "medicine," which included his crucifix, breviary,
rosary, sea-shells, and even his tobacco. How could they tell
IN GREAT PERPLEXITY. 373
July 3. As soon as it was dawn came the three
young Indians of Zuni, to whom I imparted the new-
resolution, that I would not go to their pueblo, much
as I desired to do so; and I told them my reasons:
since I was to be unaccompanied by any of the Yabi-
pais I could not well return by way of Moqui, of whose
Indians I should have cause to be afraid if I were to
return without those companions, and even though
the Zufiians might bring me back to Moqui they
could not take me on to the Yabipais, with whom they
had no friendship. It was not unknown to me that
the Yutas were friends of the Espafioles, and likewise
of the Yabipais; but this business^* would require the
with which one of these articles Garces would " hoodoo "
them? They would be wise not to meddle with things they
did not understand. Could they ever forget what their own
sages and soothsayers had told them of the year 1680? Had
they not gods enough of their own to fear and propitiate with-
out undertaking strange Spanish deities? The situation was
certainly serio-comic. Like his master, Garces had not where
to lay his head; and in all that populous pueblo there was no
one to take his hand, or offer him a morsel of food — him who
had come so far, with such weariness, for his love of them and
desire to save their souls. Our sympathies are with the good
missionary, keeping his lonely vigil on the street corner, a-
hungered and an outcast, alone in a crowd. But our judgment
sides with the sagacious Moquis. They had the right of it,
from their own point of view, and we cannot blame them.
" Negocio — Any idea he might have of going to the Yutas, or
plan to that end.
374 IN COMMUNICATION WITH ZUNI.
journey to be prolonged, a new relay of beasts and a
stock of presents for those same Indians, in all of
which was I lacking; and moreover, the need of some
escort would arise on certain portions of the route.
As all these things would have to be procured in New
Mexico, I took into consideration many contingen-
cies, especially that of finding the sefior governador
with perhaps the same notions as the sehor coman-'
dante of Monte-Rey,^^ holding this entrada to be
pernicious, and by no means performed in the service
of the king, as it had not been expressly ordered by
his excellency (the viceroy). For these reasons I de-
termined to write to the padre ministro of Zuhi, even
though I did not know his name,^*' telling him that I
" Garces did not know Governor Mendinueta, and was afraid
of getting into official hot water with him, after his experience
at San Gabriel with Rivera y Moncada: note '", p. 252.
" His name was Fray Mariano Rosate. He was officially as
padre at Zuiii in July, 1776, during the absence of Padre Silves-
tre Velez de Escalante, who happened just then to be away on
his well-known exploration. Escalante's whole incumbency at
Zufii seems to have been 1774-78, with several temporary ab-
sences. It appears from the title-page (obligingly furnished to
me by Mr. Frank H. Gushing, May 4, 1899) of " El Libro 2°
de las Partidas Baptizadas en esta Mission y Pueblo de N. S**
[Nuestra Santisima] Sefiora de Guadalupe de Zuiii," for such
was the full title of the Zuiii mission, that Escalante was the
ministro doctrinero or resident missionary " de dicha Mis-
sion en el Ano de 1775, dia 8 de Henero." From this date on,
the baptismal entries show that he was continuously there until
at least the 28th of November of that year; and again other
FIRST ZUNI MISSION NOTED. 375
had arrived at the pueblo of Moqui, having passed
through the other intermediate nations, who had re-
entries appear, signed by him, from the 7th of January to the
5th of March, 1776. We give here one of his autographs, in
facsimile. Then on the 3d of May, 1776, appears for the first
time the name of his successor, or locum tenens. Fray Mariano
Rosate. He was followed by Andres Garcia, 1779-80; and he,
by Manuel Vega and Rafael Benavides, 1788. Dan. Martinez
was at El Paso and Zufii before 1792.
The first mission among the Zuiiis was established by Fray
Francisco Letrado (erroneously called " Detrado " by Ladd,
Story of New Mexico, p. 116, 1891), evidently in 1629. At this
date Letrado came to New Mexico with Fray Estevan de Perea
and 29 other missionaries, being first assigned to the Jumanos
east of the Rio Grande, then to the Zunis, doubtless in the same
year; for before 1630 there were two churches among the Zuiiis,
one at Hawiku (near the present farming village of Ojo Ca-
liente), the other probably at Halona on the site of and across
the river (Rio Zuhi) from the present Zufii pueblo. Letrado
applied for permission to establish himself among the Zipias or
Cipias, a tribe now known only by name, but said to be still
traditionally familiar to the Zunis as Tsipia-Kwe. His applica-
tion was denied and Fray Martin de Arvide was sent in his
stead, via Zufii. On Sunday. Feb. 22, 1630 or 1632 (according
to varying authorities), Letrado was murdered by the Zuiiis
while they were being urged to attend mass, and five days later
(Feb. 27) Arvide met a similar fate, probably at the hands of the
Zuiiis who followed him on his way to the mysterious Zipias.
For the establishment of the first Moqui missions see note ^ p.
395. One of the oldest and most interesting of the cryptograms
now or lately legible on the famous Inscription Rock or El
Morro of New Mexico, 35 miles east of Zufii, is that which
records the fact of Padre Letrado's death. Quite a bit of
modern history attaches to this inscription. In a report of
376 '' THE LUJAN OF 1632."
ceived me with great gusto; but that (the people of)
this pueblo of Oraibe did not so much as wish to look
the Secretary of War, giving certain Reconnoissances by various
officers of the U. S. Army, pubHshed as Senate Ex. Doc. No.
64, 31st Congr., 1st Sess., 8vo, Washington, 1850, is an invalu-
able paper by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, with numerous plates (pll.
65-74) illustrating in lithographic facsimile many transcriptions
of these Rock legends, as made by himself and Mr. R. H. Kern,
Sept. 17, 1849. Among these is the one question on pi. 68,
which looks something like the following — as nearly as type
will reproduce the characters:
ga o
SE P A 23 D M D 1632 f'
to
AC A Beng»° D M Dl P« lebad"
LVJAn
This is a sort of cipher to which Lieut. Simpson had no clew,
and he missed it altogether in translating, on p. 124 of the
book, as follows: " Country of Mexico, in the year 1632, folio
(some characters not intelligible), Bengoso, by order of Father
Liebado Lugan " !! This is enough to remind us of the famous
"Bill Stumps his mark" in Dickens' Pickwick! Simpson
got " Country of Mexico " by mistaking the " PA23 " for the
word "pais," and the " Dm° " for "del Mexico"; then
the apparent " f° " for " folio " (this being A°, for Alio) ; then he
was stumped; then he took "M'°" for " mandado," "order";
and finished with a misprint of the padre's name as a part of the
name of the person who inscribed the legend.
The cipher was explained by Charles F. Lummis, who calls
it " the Lujan of 1632 " in his Strange Corners, New York,
1892: see his article on the " Stone Autograph Album," pp. 170-
180, where the glyph appears nearly as follows — for it cannot
be exactly reproduced in type:
1: W[l^.>aCvMlf6(A \
\^\l6Wca
5^1 , -1-0 r e li
THE ONATIC AND LETRADO INSCRIPTIONS ACCORDING TO SIMPSON
(Compare the latter with tlie next plate)
ci'?S
2 -^
< "3-
rSl
{:^.
•r '^ '^
*-^-
^
^1
>^/^
THE CIPHER DECIPHERED. 377
at me; and that I should esteem it a favor if he
would send copies of this letter to the sefior gover-
on A
SE p«* A 23 D M D 1632 A"'
AlA Beng«* D M "* Dl p« Letrado
LvjAn
This stands for " Se pasaron a 23 de Marzo de 1632 afios
a la benganza de Muerte del padre Letrado. Lujan"; or, in
English — " They passed on March 23, 1632, to the avenging of
the death of Father Letrado. Lujan." The then governor of
New Mexico was Francisco de la Mora Ceballos, who sent this
expedition to avenge the murder, under Maestro de Campo
Tomas de Albizu, and the inscriber, Lujan, was a soldier on
this expedition. Father Letrado had come to New Mexico in
1628 (Lummis, after Vetancurt) or 1629 (Bandelier), and been
first a missionary to the Jumanos; on the founding of the mis-
sion at Zuiii in 1629 he was sent there, only to be killed on Feb-
ruary 22, 1630 or 1632, as already said. We find the facts in
Vetancurt, Cronica de la Provincia, etc., iii, pp. 320, 321, where
we read.
" Estos [the people of the Zufii pueblo of Aguico = Hawiku,
one of the Seven Cities of Cibola] se rebelaron el afio de [i6-]32
y mataron al venerable padre fray Francisco Letrado, cuya vida
esta en el Menologio a 22 de Febrero, y quemaron la iglesia."
. . And on turning to Vctancurt's Menologio Franciscano, pp.
52, 53, we find further as follows, kindly transcribed for us by
Mr. Hodge:
El venerable padre fray Francisco Letrado, natural de
Talavera de la Reina, hijo de la Santa Provincia de Castilla,
paso con deseo de convertir almas para Dios a la Provincia del
Santo Evangelio; y viendo que estaban convertidos, decia que
su intento principal era buscar que convertir, y asi paso al
Nuevo-Mexico el afio de 1628 con los treinta religiosos que
378 DEATH OF PADRE LETRADO.
nador and to the reverendo padre custodio, to whom
I commended myself with the greatest respect; in-
fueron a la conversion. Entro en la nueva conversion de los
humanas; bautizo a muchos; edifice iglesia y morada para
religioso; y habiendo oido decir que en Zuni (provincia popu-
losa) habia que convertir, pidio el pasar a ella, donde junto en
cinco pueblos muchos infieles que catequizo y bautizo. Es-
tando ya instruidos, no le permitia su fervor dejar de buscar
nuevas conversiones: pidio licencia para pasar a los Zipias;
y pareciendole al custodio que seria de mas servicio a Dios que
acabase la obra empezada donde estaba, no le concedio la
licencia. Envio al padre fray Martin de Arvide, que pasando
por alii le quedo el padre Letrado muy envidioso, y le rogaba
le dejase despachar al prelado para la permuta; pero Dios
nuestro Seiior, que dispone las cosas segun sus investigables
juicios, permitio que se quedase el uno, y se fuese, por la
obediencia, el otro, para darles la corona a entrambos. Un
domingo de cuaresma, viendo que tardaban algunos en venir a
misa, salio a buscarlos: encontro con unos idolatras, y encen-
dido en fervor les empezo a predicar; y viendo se conjuraban a
quitarle la vida, con un Cristo pintado en una cruz que traia
al cuello para su defensa, puesto de rodillas y encomendandose
al Senor, murio predicando, f^echado. No fue hallado su
cuerpo de los soldados cristianos, porque los barbaros se lo
Ilevaron, quitandole de la cabeza la piel para sus bailes gen-
tilicos. Deseando tener alguna reliquia, vieron que por el aire
cayo en manos de los soldados una cuerda, que la dividieron en
pedazos. Padecio a 22 de Febrero del afio de 1632.
As to the conflict of dates, Bandelier, in Doc. Hist. Zufii
Tribe, 1892, p. 98, says: "The dates of these events are positive
as far as the days and the months are concerned. Strange to
say, the same certainty does not prevail in regard to the year.
Vetancurt places the death in 1632. A document of undoubted
authenticity found by me in the archives of Mexico, fixes the
c p
'=L 3
2 >
< 3
FURTHER NOTICE OF ZUNI. 379
eluding also in this letter some (account) of the petty
date at 1630. Which is to be regarded as right? Benavides,
who wrote in 1630, leads to the inference that at his time the
murders had not yet been committed. But Benavides was in
Spain when he wrote the ' Memorial ' to the king, and he had
left New Mexico in 1628. He might have been in Mexico even
when the tragedy occurred and not have heard of it before his
sailing for Spain. I therefore incline in favor of the date 1630,
until better informed." Aside from the documentary evidence
thus referred to, we may agree with Mr. Hodge that the state-
ment of this eminent authority seems reasonable from the point
of view of time. It seems hardly likely that the news of the
murder of Letrado could have reached Santa Fe, the usual red-
tape been unwound, and the avenging party have come within a
day's march of Zuiii, within a month from the date of the
tragedy.
Zuiii is identical with the present pueblo of the same name
in western central New Mexico. It is built on a part of the
site of Halona, one of the Seven Cities of Cibola, to visit which,
in search of gold, the practically fruitless expedition of Fran-
cisco Vasquez Coronado was organized in 1540. The Zuiii In-
dians (who call themselves Shiwi or Ashiwi) occupied seven
pueblos, the ruins of which are still readily traceable. Their
first missionary was Fray Francisco Letrado, as above said.
The Zuiiis took an active part in the Pueblo revolt of 1680,
killing their priest. Fray Juan de Bal, and fleeing to the
summit of Taaiylone, popularly called Thunder mountain.
The population has diminished, during the last fifty years,
from about 3,000 to approximately 1,400 (nearly 200 having suc-
cumbed to the smallpox epidemic of 1898-99). Writers on the
Zunis and their tribal range during three and a half centuries
have greatly confused the names, some of the attempts being
Cabri, Cami, Cibola-Zuiii, ^uni, Cuiii, Juni, Luni, Nuestra
Senora de Guadalupe (mission name), Siiiis, Soones, Sounes,
380 GARCES' LETTER NOW FIRST PRINTED.
happenings/'' The letter having been deUvered, and
the Zuhi Indians having started on the road, there
Sumi, Suiii, Sunne, Suny, Tennis, Truni, Tunis, Zani, Zouni,
Zugnis, Zum, Zumis, Zun, Zuna, Zune, Zunia, Zuni-Cibola,
Zunie, Zunni, Zunu, Zuny, Zura, Zuyi, etc. — F. W. H.
" " Que estimaria remitiese aquella carta por su traslado al
So"" Governador y al R. P. Custodio, a quienes me encomendaba
con el mayor respeto, inqiriendo en esta carta alguna de las
menudencias acontezidas." This letter of July 3, intrusted to
the Zuiiians, was duly delivered by them to the padre of their
pueblo, in the absence of Escalante, to whom it was addressed,
and who does not appear to have received it before starting on
his long tour; the original or a copy finally reached its ulterior
destination in Mexico. It was probably the first word direct
from Garces since his departure from San Gabriel. The docu-
ment is extant: Bancroft refers to it, Hist. Ariz, and N. M.,
p. 263, and says that it was copied in N. Mex. Doc. MS., 828-30
(= Archivo General de Mexico, MS., vol. xxv). Desiring to
obtain a copy if possible, I requested Mr. F. W. Hodge to
correspond with Dr. Nicolas Leon, who promptly replied by
sending with his compliments a copy made by his own hand,
and the following memorandum: " Existe esta carta MS. en el
Vol. xxv folio 260 frente y vuelto de ' Documentos para la His-
toria de Nuevo Mexico ' con fojas 355 en nuestro archivo gen-
eral de la Nacion. En este volumen es la unica carta del P.
Garces que en el se encuentra. Scripsi & contuli, Mexico,
Enero 10 de 1899. N. Leon." So here is the document, in the
original Spanish:
Copia de la Carta del R. P. Garces, escrita desde Oraibe
en Moqui, al Ministro de Zuiii.
Viva Jesus.
Muy Rmo y carisimo hermano: despues de haber caminado
por el rio desde su desembogue hasta 38 grados de altura, y
DEPARTURE FROM ORAIBI. 38 1
came to me after a little while the old Yabipai, with
another Indian, one of the leading men of Moqui, who
urged me to pay a visit to the other pueblos of the
vicinity, where they might give me something to eat;
for they were unwilling to do so here.
I saddled the mule and descended the declivity
which is at the eastern side of the pueblo, accom-
por las naciones que pueblan los intermedios del rio hasta
Sonora los nuevos establecimientos de Monterrey he
pasado hasta este pueblo de Moqui, donde ningun obsequio
me han hecho, ni aun querido arrimarse quando en las
demas naciones se han excedido en obsequiarme, y cinco
del rio Colorado estan dispuestos a recibir Padres, y los
del Rio Gila de nacion Pima: gustoso fuera por esa, pero
estando estos Moquis disgustados, era precise volver con
tropa e Indies Cristianos y traer regalo, por lo que me
habia de demorar por contestar con el Sr. Gobernador.
Me alegrare que V. P. goce de perfecta salud, tenemos
camino para comunicarnos en estableciendose presidio, y
Misiones en el Colorado, y para pasar ganados de esta pro-
vincia, y el comercio de Sonora, puede que se asegure, por-
que los Apaches, que pueden estorvarlo son enemigos de
los Yumas y Xomajabas [Jamajabs = Mojaves] que creo
vengan Padres con brevedad, y ellos dicen, que no negan a
los Espafioles, ni estos a ellos. No hay lugar para mas
con esta y su contenido suplico a V. P. avise al Senor Go-
bernador a quien me encomiendo de veras, sabiendo que
gobierna esa provincia a satisfaccion de todos lo mismo el
M. R. P. Custodio. Moqui y Julio 3 de 76. = B. L. [sic]
a V. P. su menor hermano Fr. Francisco Garces. = M.
R. P. Ministro de Zuiii. Concuerda con su original, que
queda en mi poder y a que me refiero. = Dominguez.
382 LEFT ALL ALONE.
panied by those two, and followed thereto by a great
crowd of boys and girls. They pointed out to me
therefrom the road by which I was to go to
the other pueblos, and this was all that they
offered (to do). I objected to this, for I saw
that they were about to leave me all alone;
and not even would the Yabipai accompany me.
Observing my objection, the old man became much
excited (se enfervorizo mucho), and told me that I and
my mule both knew we were hungry, and must go to
the (other) pueblos; that he would wait here for five
days, because he had not yet finished selling the mez-
cal and other things which he had brought. With
this I resigned myself to go alone, and having com-
pleted the descent of the declivity entered upon a
plain of sandy soil, to which on the south no end was
visible. On one side and the other of the road there
were many fields of maiz and beans, and therein var-
ious Indians working at their respective employments.
Having crossed this valley I ascended another mesa
similar to that of the pueblo (of Oraibe) ; whereupon
I saw another level tract (llanada) not less extensive
than the former. On this mesa I found some small
flocks (utajitos) of sheep with two pastors, and one
woman who was going with her hatchet in search of
wood. Yelled the three when I drew near to them,
whereupon was I completely convinced of the ill will
]
A CHOICE OF EVILS. 383
of those persons; and considering- that, as the proverb
hath it {segitn la voa comim),''mas vale malo conocido que
bueno por conozer," ^^ and that 1 still had in the preced-
ing pueblo my friends the Yabipais, I determined to
retrace my short journey, which altogether had been
thus far three leagues," after giving my mule a chance
" Like most pithy and sententious sayings, this is difficult to
translate literally, though the sense is obvious. The nearest
English I can construct is: " More is a bad acquaintance worth
than a good (one) to be known," i. c. " better a known evil
than an unknown good." It reminds us that a bird in the hand
is worth two in the bush. Perhaps the best translation may be
found in Hamlet's soliloquy, where the Prince of Denmark
would
"... rather bear those ills we have,
Than fly to others that we know not of."
Garces knew how bad the Mokis of Oraibi were, and would
take no chances of finding those of the other pueblos any better;
so he preferred to return. This reminds me of an incident that
happened to me in the Sweetgrass hills of Montana in 1874. I
sent a hunter out for meat, giving him a mule to ride and pack
in his game. He shot a mountain sheep, and was preparing to
put the carcass on the mule, when the latter objected strenu-
ously, broke away, and ran to camp, leaving him afoot. When
he came in I told him to take another mule and go out again
next day. " Oh, no, doctor! I know how bad that mule can be,
and am taking no chances on any other one."
There is a parallel Spanish proverb which says: " Mas vale
ajuste malo que pleito bueno " — a bad settlement is better than
a good lawsuit. And again: " Mas vale mala composicion que
buen pleito " — a bad compromise is better than good litigation.
" Garces went down the Oraibi bluff in a mile or so, and kept
on eastward with some southing across the valley which inter-
384 RETURN TO ORAIBI.
to feed. At dusk I ascended the acclivity at the en-
trance of the pueblo, wondering at the multitude of
people that I saw there were (que hahia y vi); foras-
much as they were now returned from labor they all
stood on the house-tops, gazing at me whilst I passed,
mounted on my mule, in search of the corner of the
night before, which I found after some turns.
There are in this pueblo two languages, and I noted
that even the modes of singing are diverse, as are the
two classes of persons, who are distinguished from
each other in the stature and color of both males and
females {Indios y Indias). There are some of a very
light (claro) and somewhat ruddy (rubio) complexion,
as well-formed as the Yabipais; there are others small,
dark, and ill-favored. When they go away from the
pueblo, one and the other dififer little from the Espa-
fioles in dress; I saw them wearing a leather jacket
venes between the Oraibi mesa and the middle one, which latter
has three of the other pueblos on its southern bluff borders.
The distance to the top of this next mesa is about seven miles.
When he got there, he found the road forked, one trail keeping
on eastward to Hano, Walpi, and Sichomovi on the third mesa,
the other turning south on the second mesa to Shumopovi,
Shipaulovi, and Mashongnovi. Perhaps the uncertainty which
to take was a factor in determining him rather to return to the
ills he knew than {\y to others he knew not. Like many another
indefatigable traveler he could not find his way anywhere
alone; he was perfectly helpless, on the back of his mule and
in the hands of his God.
■■-^^^'
A MOKI MAIDEN, SHOWING MODE OF HAIRDRESSING NOTED BY GARCES
Photograpli by (1. Wharton James
MOQUI FASHIONS. 385
fitted with sleeves {cuera mangas ajustadas), trousers,
boots, and shoes. Their weapons are arrows and
spears. Inside the pueblo they regularly wear mocca-
sins, sleeves of striped woolen, or of black blanketing,
such as they make themselves. The women with a
black blanket make for themselves a smock without
sleeves reaching to their heels, and put on over this
another, either white or black, like a square mantilla;
the black smock is fitted with a girdle of various col-
ors. They neither gum nor paint themselves, nor did
I see them ornamented either with shells or ear-rings.
The hair they wear done up in two braids; the old
women in a former Spanish style, the young ones with
a puff over each ear, or all tied up on one side; it would
appear from this that they take great care of the hair.^**
Notwithstanding the fact that no one did me a
single favor, they gave me a concept that there
are many good (persons) among them, and that the
" Not being overconfident of my qualifications as a fashion
reporter for the Moqui ladies of a hundred years ago, I wili
give what Garces says: " Las mugeres con una fresada prieta se
hazen una tunica talar sin mangas, y se ponen encima otra, ya
blanca ya negra como mantilla quadrada, la tunica prieta se
la ajustan con una cefiidor de varios colores. No se embijan ni
pintan, ni les vi adorno de cuentas ni aretes. El pelo lo lleban
hecho dos trenzas, las viejas al modo antiguo de Espana, las
mozas con un mofio encimo de cada oreja, 6 todo amarrado
a un lado: echase de ver en esto que cuydan mucho del pelo."
386 MOQUI TRADITIONS.
trouble was, as the Zunian told me, with the chief or
chiefs {cavesa 6 cahesas), who ordered them that they
should give me neither food nor shelter; which (man-
date) they punctually obeyed. Various other reasons,
besides their unwillingness to be baptized, or even to
admit Espafioles in their land, could there be for this
order; such are, their having learned that I came
through the Jamajabs their enemies, and that I had
gone with other Espafioles among the Yumas, friends
of the Yabipais Tejua and of the Chemeguaba, with
whom the Moquis are at war; so that they suspected
my coming as that of a spy. Also they knew that I
was padre ministro of the Pimas, who likewise are
their enemies. This hostility had been told me by
the old Indians of my mission, by the Gilefios, and
Cocomaricopas; from which information I have im-
agined {he discurrido) that the Moqui nation anciently
extended to the Rio Gila itself. I take my stand
(fimdome, ground myself) in this matter on the ruins
that are found from this river as far as the land of the
Apaches; and that I have seen between the Sierras de
la Florida and San Juan Nepomuzeno. Asking a few
years ago some Subaipuris Indians who were living
in my mission of San Xavier, if they knew who had
built those houses whose ruins and fragments of pot-
tery (losd, for loca) are still visible — as, on the suppo-
sition that neither Pimas nor Apaches knew how to
MOQUI TRADITIONS. 387
make (such) houses or pottery, no doubt it was done
by some other nation — they replied to me that the
Moquis had built them, for they alone knew how
to do such things; and added that the Apaches who
are about the missions are neither numerous nor
valiant; that toward the north was where there
were many powerful people; " there went we,"
they said, " to fight in former times (antigna-
mente) ; and even though we attained unto their lands
we did not surmount the mesas whereon they lived."
It is confirmatory of this that I have observed among
the Yabipais some circumstances bearing upon this
information; for they brought me to drink a large
earthenware cup very like the potsherds that are
found in the house called (Casa) de Moctezuma and
on the Rio Gila. Asking them whence they had pro-
cured it, they answered me that in Moqui there is
much of that. As I entered not into any house of Mo-
qui, I could not assure myself by sight; but from the
street I saw on the roofs some large, well-painted ollas.
Also have the Pimas Gilerios told me repeatedly that
the Apaches of the north came anciently to fight with
them for the Casa that is said to be of Moctezuma;
and being sure that the Indians whom we know by
the name of Apaches have no house nor any fixed
abode, I persuaded myself that they could be the
Moquis who came to fight; and that, harassed by the
388 ANOTHER LONELY VIGIL.
Pimas, who always have been numerous and valiant,
they abandoned long ago these habitations on the
Rio Gila, as also have they done this with that ruined
pueblo which I found before my arrival at Moqui and
of which I have made mention above; and that they
retired to the place where now they live, in a situation
so advantageous, so defensible, and with such precau-
tions for self-defense in case of invasion. Within this
pueblo I saw no water; but at the edge of the bluff
(cuesta) on the east I saw a very copious spring of
water, though I did not observe that it was running;
the descent thereto is by some steps well formed of
stone, and all round it is a curbing of the same ma-
terial.
As soon as I reached the desired corner of the street
I disposed the things in order to take rest, for it was
already night; and presently there came a young man
of the Yabipais, and without saying to me one word
he took away the mule.
July 4. As soon as day broke I heard singing and
dancing in the streets; the rout (<?/ bayle) passed by
the (place) where I was, and then only did I see that
some of the Indians were painted red, with feathers
and other decorations on the head, beating the sound
of the dance on a kind of drum {hatcay^ with two
" The instrument which Garces calls hatea, and I have trans-
lated " kind of drum," was a deep tray, usually of oval form,
MOQUI FLUTE DANCE. 389
small sticks, to which the flutes played an accompani-
ment; and many persons kept time to the music (seguia
el haile mucha gente) as well through the streets as on
the house-tops. I observed that in some places the
procession paused. The sun having now risen, I saw
coming nigh unto me a great multitude of people,
(the sight of) which caused me some fear of losing my
life. There came forward four Indians who appeared
carved from a single piece of wood, like the chopping-bowl our
cooks use. This was beaten with sticks to make a noise, and
thus became a sort of kettledrum, probably as musical as a
Chinese tomtom is, or a tin pan would be if so treated. Las
■ftautas of the text {los pitos, pipes or fifes, in the Beaumont MS.)
is quite correctly translated " flutes," as the Moquis are well
known to have long had an instrument blown by mouth to
which the term " flute " could properly be and usually is ap-
plied. In fact, the baile which Garces witnessed was none other
than the famous Flute Dance of the Moquis, for which they
have long been and are still celebrated. It was therefore not a
demonstration for or against the poor priest, but a regular
religious ceremonial, the time for performing which is now
known to have been determined by certain phases of the moon.
I am not quite sure that " kept time to the music " is actually
the idea of the clause seguia el baile; but my MS. admits of no
other construction, as people who stayed on the house-tops
were certainly not following the rout or procession through
the streets. The Beaumont MS. has: siguendo el bayle mucha
gente por las calles, y par las acoteas, apparently meaning that the
rabble ran after the procession through the streets and over the
housetops, as they easily could do. The pub. Doc. says simply,
p. 331: seguia mucha gente.
390 " FETCH MY MULE. '
to be principals, of whom the tallest one asked me
with a grimace (risuefio)," '' For what hast thou
come here ? Get thee gone without delay — back to thy
land!" I made them a sign to be seated, but they
would not. I arose with the Santo Cristo in my hand,
and partly in Yuma, partly in Yabipai, and partly in
Castillian, with the aid of signs, which are the best
language to use with Indians, I explained to them my
route, naming the nations whom I had seen, those
who had kissed el Cristo; I told them that all these
had been good to me, that I also loved the Moquis,
and for that reason I came to say to them that God
is in the sky, and that this seiior whom they saw on
the cross was the image of God, Jesu-Christo, who is
good. To this responded an old man in Castillian
language and making a wry face, " No! No! " Then
I said, " Fetch my mule! " After a little the Yabipai
youth appeared with her, and having arranged my
"I have necessarily turned the climax a little; but Garces
himself is satirical, and how close to the original I have kept
myself may be judged by the following, beginning where the
tall fellow cheerfully undertook to make the padre " walk Span-
ish": " Por que has venido aqui? Vete sin detencion otra
vez a tu tierra. Hizeles sefia para que sentasen, pero no quisi-
eron. Levanteme con el Santo Cristo en la mano, y medio en
Yuma, medio en Yabipai y medio en Castellano, con la ayuda
de las sefias que son el mejor lenguage para los Indios les
explique mi derrotero, nombrandoles las naciones que habia
EXPULSION FROM ORAIBI.
391
things I mounted on her back, showing by my smiling
face how highly I appreciated their pueblo and their
fashions.
visto, las que habian besado el Cristo, y que todas habian
estado buenas para conmigo, que yo tambien queria a los Mo-
quis, y que por eso venia a decides que Dios esta en el cielo, y
que aquel Senor que vian en la cruz imagen era de Dios Jesu-
Christo, que es bueno: respondia a esto un viejo en lengua
castellana y torciendo la cara no no. Entonzes dixe traygan mi
mula. A poco vino el mozo Yabipai con ella y dispuestas las
cosas monte a caballo alabando mucho con cara de risa su
pueblo y sus vestidos."
^•-yyCylA^e/hce^ M/ez ckCr<x<Jci.
■ CHAPTER X.
FROM MOQUI TO MOJAVE, JULY, 1 776.
I set forth accompanied by the whole retinue until
I was outside the pueblo, where, they having taken
leave of me, I began my return by the very route of
the entrada. I soon lost my way among the sandy
places and the small peach orchards, without being
able to find a sign of the small spring of water that I
had seen on my coming. I found a small well {pozito)
whence with great fatigue, now afoot and now on
muleback, I was able to make the ascent of the mesa,
on whose smooth surface I saw some junipers, which
were the only ones I had seen this side of the Rio
Jaquesila. I found the place of descent after many
turnings, and soon lost myself again, taking the road
that goes to the Yutas^ who live north of Moqui and
^ Instead of continuing on the road by which he had come,
past the small spring, Garces wandered to the right, and
fetched up in a recess at the well which is about 2^ miles from
Oraibi, under the bluff. There he had to climb the mesa again,
follow it a little ways, and descend again from it to the plain
below. Here he kept to the right too far, and got on to " the
road that goes to the Yutas," northward with little westing.
392
I
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS. 393
are enemies only of this pueblo of Oraibe and of the
Moqui concave [sic].
The names of the pueblos of Moqui,- according to
If he had continued in that direction he would have fetched up
at Lee's ferry over the Colorado, near the northern border of
Arizona. There is a multiplicity of confusing trails all through
the Moqui, Zuni, and Navajo country, which no stranger should
undertake without a guide.
The Moqui concave or Muqui concabe of Garces, rendered in
both places Muqui concabe in the Beaumont MS. and Munqui-
concabc in the pub. Doc, p. 332, does not mean " concave " or
"hollow" Moqui; but what it means is not clear at first sight.
The phrase is not Spanish, and Mr. Hodge suggests in a letter
to me that it is a mangled form of the word Moencapi or Moen-
copie, the name of the Oraibe farming place or suburb which
has already come up in my note on Moencopie wash. I have
myself no doubt that he has hit it exactly right. This interpre-
tation of Muqui concabe is borne out by the form Munquicon-
cabe (one word, with an n in the first syllable) which we find
in print, and by the fact that it renders the rest of Garces' list
of names much more nearly correct.
*MoKi: Spanish form, Moqui, evidently derived from the Zuni
name A'-mu-kzve, an opprobrious epithet, although moki in
the Moki language signifies " dead." Their own name is
Hopituh-shinumuh ("peaceful people"), abbreviated to Ho-
pituh and Hopi, the last form now being generally applied to
the people by ethnologists. They are a group of Indians occu-
pying six villages on a large desert reservation in northeastern
Arizona. They first became definitely known to civilization in
1540, when Francisco Vasquez Coronado, having reached
Granada, one of the " Seven Cities of Cibola " (identified as the
ruined Zufii pueblo of Hawiku, in western New Mexico),
learned from the natives of those pueblos of a province of seven
394 NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS.
the way the Yabipais pronounced them to me, are:
Sesepaulaba; Masagnebe; Jano; Gualpa; Muqui con-
towns, collectively called " Tusayan," variously estimated as
being situated from 20 to 35 leagues northwestward. Dispatch-
ing a small force under Pedro de Tobar, accompanied by Fray
Juan de Padilla, the province was visited, and after a brief pas-
sage at arms the natives succumbed to the Spaniards. It was
on this journey that news was first gained by white men of
the existence of the Grand caiion of the Colorado river, which
was visited the same year by another party of Coronado's fol-
lowers under Garcia Lopez de Cardenas. There is some doubt
regarding the situation and composition of the Tusayan pueblos
of the middle of the sixteenth century. In the opinion of Dr.
T. Walter Fewkes, our leading authority on the Hopi Indians,
the Tusayan of Coronado's time was situated considerably
southward of its present location, probably on or near the Rio
Colorado Chiquito, and the migration to the present area
occupied by the Hopi villages occurred between 1540 and the
time of Antonio de Espejo's visit in 1583. However this may
be, the estimates of distance from Cibola to Tusayan, as given
by Coronado's chroniclers, certainly accord more closely with
Dr. Fewkes' theory of the location than with the actual dis-
tance from Zufii to the Hopi pueblos of the present time.
None of the names of the Tusayan villages are recorded until
1583, when Espejo visited the province of " Mohoce," which,
according to his statement, contained five large towns, with
50,000 (!) inhabitants: Comupavi (Shumopovi), Majanani
(Mashongnovi), Gaspe (doubtless Gualpe or Walpi). Olalla
(Oraibi), and Aguato or Zaguato (Awatobi). All of these save
" Aguato " are mentioned indefinitely, and it is now possible to
identify them only through resemblance of their names to mod-
ern forms. In 1604 " Mohoce " or " Mohoqui " was visited by
Juan de Oiiate, who mentions the villages of Mohoqui, Naybe,
Xumupami, Cuanrabi, and Esperiez, while among the chiefs the
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS. 395
cabe [sic] ; and this pueblo of Muca which the Zunis
name Oraybe, and it was in this that I was. The
Yutas, enemies of the last two pueblos, live on the
one and the other side of the Rio Colorado in the very
confluences {juntas) of the two rivers that compose it.
name Aguatuyba appears. It is difficult to identify all of these
names. Naybe is evidently a misprint of Oraybe or Oraibi,
Xumupami of Shumopovi, while the chief's name, Aguatuyba,
was apparently intended for the important town of Awatobi.
We are left to surmise (assuming the Hopi villages of 1583 and
of 1598 to have been the same) the proper pairing of the un-
identified names given by Ofiate and Espejo respectively; and
it cannot be satisfactorily done.
The first active missionary work among the Hopi Indians was
begun about 1629, when Francisco Porras, with Andres Gutierrez
and Cristobal de la Concepcion arrived at Awatobi, which was
named San Bernardino in honor of the day. Porras was poi-
soned by the natives June 28, 1633, but the fate of his companions
and the missions to which they were assigned is not known.
In 1650 Jose de Espeleta became missionary at San Francisco
(or San Miguel) de Oraibi, the westernmost of the Hopi
pueblos; in 1674 Jose Trujillo assumed charge of San Bartolome
de Shumopovi (with the visita of Mashongnovi), and in the
same year Jose de Figueroa and Agustin de Santa Maria went
to Tusayan and became established at the missions of San Ber-
nardino de Awatobi and Walpi respectively (the latter being
reported as a visita or sub-mission of Oraibi). Thus, at the time
of the great Pueblo revolt against Spanish authority in 1680,
Tusayan contained four missionary priests in charge of five vil-
lages, all of whom were slain by the Indians on August 10 of
the year named.
All the pueblos, including those of the Hopi, enjoyed im-
munity from Spanish interference until 1692, when Diego de
396
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS.
I learned the error of the road, and that the one which
I took went to the Yutas, from two Moquis whom I
Vargas' reconquered the entire province of New Mexico; but
although attempts were made to re-establish the missions, the
Hopi remained obdurate, and the efforts of Padre Juan Garai-
coechea, who, in 1700, visited Awatobi at the instance of the
chief of Oraibi, were in vain, although he succeeded in baptiz-
ing some of the Awatobi natives.
Whether as the result of the efforts of some of the Hopi to
encourage the re-establishment of the Spanish missions, or as
the effect of the practice of witchcraft, the other villages joined
in the destruction of Awatobi and the slaughter of most of its
inhabitants, is not absolutely known, although Dr. Fewkes has
recorded all the current traditions bearing on the subject. At
any rate the fate of San Bernardino de Awatobi dates from the
year 1700.
A few years later, probably not subsequently to 1710, a pueblo
was established at Tusayan by refugee Tano or Tewa Indians
(or both) from the Rio Grande in New Mexico. They were
assigned a site at the head of the trail to East Mesa, where they
1 Much manuscript relating to his reconquest has escaped the ravages of
time and ofificial imbecility in the archives of New Mexico at Santa Fe,
where I have examined it with some care, noting many of his autograph
signatures. For example, one document of date July 30, 1692, signed "Don
Diego de Vargas ZapataLuj an Ponze de Leon," begins as follows: "Enelpue'
delpaso delrio delnorte en trienta dias del mes de Julio de mil seis cientos
y nobta y dosanos ante mi Dn Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon
Gov. or y Capp.n Genl. deeste dho Rno y pro Vin Cias de lanuea mex,co" etc.
Expanding this into Spanish it reads : " En el pueblo del Paso del Rio del
Norte, en trienta dias del mes de Julio de mil seiscientos y noventa dos aSos,
ante m.i Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon, Gobernador y
Cappitan general de este dicho Reyno y Provincias de la Nueva Mexico,"
etc. Or in English : " In the town of El Paso of the River of the North, on
the 30th of the month of July of 1692, before me, Don Diego de Vargas
Zapata Lujan Ponze de Leon, Governor and Captain General of this said
Kingdom and Provinces of New Mexico," etc. — E. C.
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS, 397
met, who very affably showed me the way {me encumi-
naron) to that which I ought to take; and having of-
built the present village of Hano, sometimes improperly called
Tewa.
About the same time, or possibly during the period of the
great revolt between 1680 and 1692, a Tewa village known as
Payupki was founded on Middle Mesa by mixed Tiwa (or
Tigua) and Tewa natives of Sandia on the Rio Grande. This
pueblo was occupied about half a century, when, in 1742, they
were induced to return to their former home in New Mexico.
Sandia (Spanish, " watermelon "), like the village built in the
Tusayan country, still bears the name Payupki. The ruined
walls of this Middle Mesa town are still standing.
Not long after the abandonment of Payupki, or about the
middle of the eighteenth century, another pueblo was built
on East Mesa. It was called Sichomovi, and still exists as an
occupied town, between Walpi and Hano. It was settled prin-
cipally by two clans (one of them being of eastern origin), who
resided first at Walpi, but through a trifling dispute abandoned
that village and with the Badger people occupied the new site.
Yet another town was established in the eighteenth century,
this time by people from Walpi and Mashongnovi, who erected
their houses on Middle Mesa, on the site called Shipaulovi,
" place of the peaches." So far as known, Garces is the first
writer to record the name of this village, although, as received
from the mouths of the Yavapai, it became corrupted into
" Sesepaulaba." The next reference to the town was by Juan A.
Morfi, who recorded it under the name Xipaolabi, with the
statement that it contained 14 families.
It will be seen that the seven Tusayan villages of Coronado's
time were by no means identical with the one Tewa and six
Hopi pueblos of Tusayan at the present time; indeed, with the
possible exception of Oraibi, none of the villages occupies its
sixteenth-century site, even if we accept the belief that the
398 NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS.
fered them tobacco and shells, these were they unwill-
ing to receive. The same occurred to me with a
Tusayan province of 1540 covered practically the same area as
it does to-day.
As above intimated, several attempts were made to rehabili-
tate the Hopi missions, both from the Rio Grande settlements
and from the missionary establishments of Sonora; but all
efforts in that direction vi^ere as fruitless as those of the indomi-
table Garces, and the Hopi remained untouched by Spanish
missionary influence after the massacre of their four padres
above named, on the loth of August, 1680.
The Tusayan villages of the present time, with their popula-
tion and the corrupted forms of their names as given by various
writers, as well as the synonyms of Hopi and Tusayan, are as
follows:
Synonyms of Hopi and Tusayan: Amaque, Asay, Chinouns,
Ci-nyn-mtih, Cummoaqui, Cummooqui, Hapitus, Ho-pees, Ho-
pii, Hopite, Hopitii, Hopituh, H6-pi-tiih-ci-nu-miih, Ho-pi-tuh-
lei-nyu-muh, Hiipi, Maastoetsjkwe, Macueques, Magui, Maki,
Maqui, Mawkey, Miqui, Moca, Mochi, Mochies, Mogeris, Mo-
gin, Mogul, Mohace, Mohoce, Mohoqui, Mohotze, Moke,
Mokee, Mokes, Moki (i63o),Monquoi, Mooqui, Mo-o-tza, Moq,
Moqni, Moqua, Moques, Moquian pueblos, Moqui (1626), Mo-
quinas, Moquinos, Moquins, Moquois, Moquy, Mosquies, Mou-
guis, Muca, Mu-gua, Munchies, Muqua, Muqui, Opii, Osaij,
Osay, Pokkenvolk, She-noma, Shimii'-shinoma, Shinome, Shi-
nu-mo, Shumi, Ta-sa-iin, Tesayan, Tonteac, Tonteaca, Ton-
tonteac, Totanteac, Totonteac, Totonteal, Totontoac, Tototeac,
Tugan, Tucano, Tucayan, Tuchano, Tusayn, Tu-se-an, Tusyan,
Tuzan, Usaya, Usayan, Welch Indians, White Indians.
East Mesa Villages: (i) Hano (settled by the Tewa, of
whom, by reason of intermarriage with the Hopi, few of pure
blood survive); population (Fewkes' census, Dec, 1898), 159.
Synonyms: Hanoki, Hanom, Ha-no-me, Hanomuh, Harno,
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS. 399
herder (pastor) whom I met with two others who were
driving horses from the potreros. I entered into these
Haro, lano, Jano (Garces), Janogualpa (" Jano " and " Gualpa "
combined), Tano, Tanoquevi, Tanoquibi, Tanos, Tanus, Taucos,
Te-e-wun-na (given as Zuni name), Teh-wa, Tevva, Tevve,
Towas.
(2) Sichomovi (= " at the wild current-bush mound "). Popu-
lation 103. Synonyms: Chemovi, Ci-cho-mo-oi, Cichomovi,
Citcum-ave, Ci-tcum-wi, Se-cho-ma-we, Sechumevay, Se-chum'-
i-way, See-cho-mah-wee, Se-tc6-mo-we, Setshomave, Setsho-
move, Sheeourkee, Shi-choam-a-vi, Shu-chum-a-vay, Shu-sho-
no-vi, Si-choan-avi, Sichomivi, Si-chum'-a-vi, Sichumnavi,
Sichumniva, Sichumovi, Sickmunari, Si-tchom-ovi, Sitcomovi.
Si-tcum'-o-vi, Suchongnevvy, Tsitsumevi, Tsi-tsumo-vi, Tsitii-
movi.
(3) Walpi (= " place of the gap," or " place of the notch,"
referring to the gap in the East Mesa). Population 232.
Synonyms: Cuelpe, Gualpa {Garces), Gualpi, Gualpimas (the
people of Walpi), Guelpee, Hoepeekee, Huallpi, Hual-pe,
Hualpec, Hual-pee, Hualpi, Hualpy, Hualvi, Huatl-vi, Jano-
gualpa ("Jano" and "Gualpa" combined), Jual-pi, Obiki,
O-pe-ki, Opijique, Opquive, Opquivi, Quai-1-pi, San Bernardino
Gualpi, Talvoi, Wa-ci-pi, Wall-a-pi, Wal-pe, Wathl-pi-e,
Wolapi, Wolpi.
Middle Mesa Villages: (4) Mashongnovi (the syncopated
form of Mashonginiptuovi = " at the place of the other which
remains erect," having reference to two irregular massive pillars
of sandstone, one of which had fallen). Population 244.
Synonyms: Buenaventura, Macanabi, Maconabi, Majanani,
Manzana, Masagnebe (Garces), Masagneve, Masanais, Mas-
sang-na-vay, Masaqueve, Ma-shong'-ni-vi, Mausand, Mee-
shom-e-neer, Me-shong-a-na-we, Meshongnavi, Me-shung-a-
na-we, Me-shung-ne-vi, Michonguave, Micongnivi, Mi-cori-in-
o-vi, Mi-con-o-vi, Mi-shan-qu-na-vi, Mi-shong-i-niv, Mi-
400 NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS.
(pastures), where I lost myself once more, without
being able to find my way out. Here overtook me
shong'-i-ni-vi, Mi-shong-in-ovi, Mishongnavi, Mishongop-avi,
Mi-shon-na-vi, Monsonabi, Monsonavi, Mooshahneh, Moosha-
nave, Moo-sha-neh, Mooshongae nay vee, Mooshongeenayvee,
Moo-song'-na-ve, Mosanais, Mosanis, Mosasnabi, Mosasnave,
Moshanganabi, Moshongnave, S. Buen. de Mossaquavi, Mos-
zasnavi, Mow-shai-i-na, Moxainabe, Moxainabi, Moxainavi,
Moxionavi, Moxonaui, Moxonavi, Mu-shai-i-na, Mushanga-
nevi, Mushangene-vi, Mu-shang-newy, Mushanguewy, Mu-
sha-ni, Mushaugnevy.
(5) Shumopovi (said to be from chumoa, a kind of grass used
in making basketry, and ovi, locative). Population 225, prior
to winter of 1898-99, when most are said to have died of small-
pox. Synonyms: Ci-mo-pave, Ci-moth-pivi, Comupavi, Cuiio-
pavi, logopani, logopapi, Jongoapi, Jongopabi, Jongopai,
Jongopavi, Jongvapi, Jon-joncali, Samoupavi, San Bartolome de
Jongopavi, San Bartolome de Jougopavi, San Bartolome de
Xongopabi, San Bartolome de Xongopavi, San Bernardo de
Jongopabi, San Bernabe de Jongopavi, She-mo-pa'-ve, Shi-ma-
co-vi, Shimopavi, Shimopova, Shomonpavi, Shomoparvee,
Shongapave, Shong'-a-pa-vi, Shongoba-vi, Shongopavi, Show-
mowth-pa, Shu-mo-pa-vay, Shu-muth-pa, Shu-muth-pa, Shu-
muth-pai-6-wa, Shung-a-pa-vi, Shung-o-pah-wee, Shung-o-
pa-we, Shungopawee, Shung-op-ovi, Songoapt, Sumonpavi,
Sumo-porvy, Sumopowy, Sumopoy, Xangopany, Xommapavi,
Xongopabi, Xongopani, Xongopaui, Xongopavi, Xougopavi,
Xumupami, Xumupani.
(6) Shipauhvi (=: " the place of peaches "). Population 126.
Synonyms: C€-pa'-le-ve', Cipaulire, Ci-pau'-lo-vi, Cipolivi, Ci-
pow-lovi, Clipalines, Guipaolave, Guipaulavi, Inparavi, Jupa-
rivi, Sesepaulaba (Garces), Sesepaulabe, Shapalawee, Sha-pan-
la-vi, Shapanlobi, Sha-pau-lah-wee, She-banlavi. Shebaula-vi,
Shebaulavi, She-bo-pav-wee, Sheepon-arleeve, Sheepowarleeve,
NOTES ON THE MOQUI PUEBLOS. 4OI
the Yabipais who had remained in the pueblo and
who, as soon as I had set forth, did so themselves.
Shepalave, Shepalawa, She-pa-la-wee, She-pau'-la-ve, Shepau-
liva, Shepolavi, She-powl-a-we, She-pau-la-ve, Shi-pau-a-luv-i,
Shi-pau-i-luv-i, Shi-pau'-la-vi, Shi-pav-i-luv-i, Shi-powl-ovi,
Shu-par-la-vay, Shupowla, Shupowlewy, Suponolevy, Supowo-
lewy, Xipaolabi.
Western Mesa Village: (7) Oraibi (=" place of the rock").
Population (estimated) 900. Synonyms: Areibe, Craybe, Es-
peleta, Rio Grande de Espeleta, Muca (Garces), Musquins, Mus-
quint, Naybe, Naybi, Olalla, Orabi, Oraiba, Oraibe, Oraibi,
(1630), Oraiby, Ovaiva, Oraivaz, Oraive, Oraivi, Orambe,
Orawi, Oraybe (1748), Oraybi, Orayha, Orayve, Orayvee,
Orayvi, Orayxa, Orehbe, Oreiba, O-rey-be, Oriabe, Oriba,
Oribe, Oribi, Oriva, Orribies, Oryina, Osaybe, O-zai, Ozi, San
Francisco de Oraibe, San Francisco de Oraybe, San Miguel
Oraybi.
All the villages mentioned by Garces, chiefly through inform-
ation obtained from the Yavapai, are here accounted for with
the exception of his " Moqui (or Muqui) Concabe," which can
be no other than the Oraibi summer or farming village of
Moenkapi or Moencopi, on Moencopi wash, about 50 miles
westward from Oraibi. The present settlement consists of two>
irregular rows of one-story houses, built on the site of a more
ancient village. The Mormons, who established a mill here
some years ago, in a fruitless attempt to corner the Navaho
wool market, assert that the present Moencopi was built within
their recollection, and they consequently lay claim to the site
by virtue of prior occupancy; but the disciples of Joseph Smith
were evidently unfamiliar with Garces' observations, half a cen-
tury before Mormonism was dreamed of. The ruins referred tO'
by Garces are doubtless those still traceable on the western
edge of the mesa summit about a quarter of a mile north of the
village. The name of Moencopi is said to signify " place of
402 ON RIO DE SAN PEDRO JAQUESILA AGAIN.
When they perceived me they began to shout " Jata-
paina! " which means Pima, laughing heartily at the
same time. Then they again shouted, saying: " How
hast thou come into these lands, being a Pima? " I
knew by this that the aversion (desvio) of the Moquis
haply proceeded in part from their having known that
I came from the Pimas. They hurried me on (dieron-
me nmcha piesa), in order that I should travel at
speed, pointing to the land of the Yabipais Tejua or
Apaches, where were visible many smokes, as a signal
that they were gathering on the warpath. It was
already night when we reached the Rio de San Pedro
Jaquesila,' having gone thus far twelve leagues west-
running water." It is natural to presume that as the Utes were
unfriendly toward Oraibi proper, they were at enmity also with
the occupants of its summer village. The Oraibis have always
held somewhat aloof from the other Hopi or Moqui.
The total present population of Tusayan is nearly 2,000. The
Hopi have been classified as belonging to the Shoshonean
stock, but this is due to the fact that the Shoshonean clans seem
to have made deeper impression on the tribal tongue than any
other of the many accretions which from time to time, during
many generations and from various localities, have contributed
to the population of the present province of Tusayan. — F. W. H.
' Garces could never have reached the Colorado Chiquito in
that direction in 12 leagues, or in any other number of leagues.
He means Moencopie wash, and this is additional evidence of
the view taken in note ', p. 393, which see. He is retracing
his steps very nearly, and there will be little to note till he is
again among the Havasupai of Cataract cafion.
.1
J
A GOOD SUPPER. 4O3
northwest, with some aberrations (rodeos). The
Yabipais here gave me to sup of that which they
brought from Moqui, the same being some tortillas a
Httle thicker than holy wafers (ostias, for hostias), re-
sembling totopostle.*
July 5. I arrived at the rancheria of Yabipais, hav-
ing gone a league and a half westnorthwest. The
bearded captain and his people were much grieved
that the Moquis had given me nothing to eat, and
themselves did even more than at the going.* They
had killed a beef,^ and (it was) one of those head of
cattle which run wild, on the whole of which did they
feast me. On this occasion I became aware that it
was the head of a cow that on the 6th day of May I
took for that of a mule.'^ These Yabipais told me that
they desired peace with the Jamajabs, esteeming and
believing that which I said to them. They gave me
* Totopostle is a word apparently based on the Nahuatl verb
totopochtli, to cook, roast, grill. — F. W. H.
' Ellos lo hizieron mejor qm a la yda — they treated him better
than they had done before when he was with them on his out*
ward journey to Moqui.
" Cibola is the word used, which in Spanish annals of the
Southwest commonly means buffalo; but there were never any
buffaloes in Arizona. The construction is: "habian muerto una
cibola y una res de las que andan cintarronas," where the con-
junction y does not mean that more than one cow was
killed.
' See the date, p. 297.
404 UNIDENTIFIED TRIBES UTES NOTED.
information of a nation they call Guamua,® who were
friends of the Moqui, and enemies of theirs. They
named yet other nations whom they called Guanabepe,
Gualliba, and Aguachacha,^ who also are their ene-
mies. I asked if the Yabipais Lipan^'* were good, and
tbey said to me, "Yea " ; whence I inferred that the
horses which these Yabipais possess will be of those
stolen from us by these other Yabipais Lipan or
Apaches, and that the hostility will be only with the
Yabipais Tejua who live in the sierras of the Rio de la
Asumpcion. Aside from the Yutas" and Chemegua-
• Not identified.— F. W. H.
* These tribes also remain unidentified. — F. W. H.
" These were Apaches, a note on whom will be found beyond.
" Ute or Uta, whence the name of the State of Utah. A
Shoshonean tribe or group of tribes formerly occupying the
central and western portions of Colorado and the northeastern
part of Utah, including the eastern part of Salt Lake valley and
Utah valley; on the south they extended into New Mexico,
occupying much of the area drained by the upper Rio San Juan.
The Utes manifested a warlike spirit from early times, and their
aggressive character became intensified with the acquirement of
horses, probably from the Pueblos on the upper Rio Grande
and the Hopi or Moki of N. E. Arizona. Of their political
organization little is known, but it is possible that the various
Uta divisions were once united into a loose confederacy; indeed,
the seven Uta tribes of Utah were found to be organized into
a confederacy in 1873 under chief Tabby (Tavivi). In the
northern part of their range they became considerably inter-
mixed with the northern Shoshoneans — the Bannock, Shoshoni,
and Paiute — and on the south, in later times, with the Jicarilla
PAIUTES NOTED OTHER TRIBES. 405
bas of the Rio Colorado they named yet other nations.
calHng them Payuchas/- Japul, Gualta, and Ba-
Apache. They are now confined to reservations in south-
western Colorado, northwestern New Mexico, and north-
eastern Utah, where they number in all 2,890. They appear to
be decreasing in numbers. The principal divisions now offi-
cially recognized are the Capote, Muache, Wiminuchi, Tabe-
quache, Uinta, and White River Utes. Other published names
for the group are: Eutah, Eutaw, Gutah, luta, Jutjoat, Utaw,
Yiuhta, Youta, Youts, Yutas, Yute, Yutta, etc.— F. W. H.
" The Paiute Indians of the Shoshonean linguistic stock. The
name is of rather indefinite application, having been given by
various writers to most of the Shoshonean tribes of eastern
Utah, northern Arizona, southern Idaho, eastern Oregon and
Nevada, and eastern and southern California. According to
Powell, the leading authority on the Shoshonean tribes, the
name signifies " true (= pai) Ute," although it is popularly ac-
cepted to mean " water Ute." In its strict application the
name belongs exclusively to the Corn Creek tribe of south-
western Utah, but for convenience ethnologists now employ
the name to designate the Shoshonean tribes of southwestern
Utah from about the locality of Beaver, the southwestern part of
Nevada, and the northwestern part of Arizona, including the
Chemehuevi of the Colorado river. Under it are included also
the tribes of southeastern California from about the neighbor-
hood of Owens valley, along the eastern slopes of the sierras and
to the southward of Tulare lake and east of the Coast range.
The Paiute population is not definitely known. Those gath-
ered on reservations in Nevada number 1,350, but in that State
alone there are 6,815 natives not under an agent. The entire
population is probably not far from 2,500, distributed as follows:
Utah, 500; northern Arizona, 500; southern Nevada, i.ooo; south-
eastern California, 500. Other Paiute names found in literature
are Digger? (applied also to other root-digging Indians), Pah-
406 AGAIN ON THE COLORADO CHIQUITO,
quioba.^^ I suppose that all these nations will be no
more than rancherias, and that all will form one stock
(cuerpo), in language and customs like the Yabipais
themselves. They sought to detain me by force six
days, saying to me that I was a-hungered, for that I
had eaten not in Moqui, and that they had much meat
and were well content with me. Notwithstanding all
this I did not accept their favor.
July 6. I went to the southwest four leagues, and
re-encountered" the Rio San Pedro Jaquesila.
July 7. I traveled two leagues to the northwest and
west, and halted near the cave where I was on my
coming [June 27]. Here there were Indians who
had much beef and venison {came de cihola y hura).
July 8. I ascended the sierra and passed the low-
lands (bajio), whence the Indians showed me a road
more direct, easier, and shorter, to return to the Jam-
metes, Pahnutes Utahs, Pah-Touts, Pah-Utah, Pah-Utes, Pai-
iiches, Paiulee, Pasuchis, Pa-uches, Pa-utes, Pau-Utahs, Pay-
nutes, Payoche, Payucha, Paiute Snakes, Payutas, Payutes,
Pey-Ute, Piedes, Pie Edes, Pi-eeds, Pieutes, Piutahs, Pi-Utes,
Pi-u-chas, Pi-Utah, Pyeeds, Pyentes, Py-ute, Snake Diggers,
Ute Diggers.— F. W. H.
" The Japul, Gualta, and Baquioba, remain unidentified. —
F. W. H.
''* Volbi a enconirar; not that he went back or returned to the
river, but that he went on to strike it again at another point.
This time he is on the Colorado Chiquito proper, at the same
place where he crossed it before, June 28. See p. 354.
THE RETURN TO THE HAVASUPAI. 4O7
ajabs. I did not determine to take it without first
assuring them that I wished to return to their home,
according to the promise that I had made them, in
consideration of how well they had behaved on my
coming. This day I traveled four leagues southwest
and west, and we halted at a well of very abundant
water that I named Pozo de Santa Isabel.^^
July p. We traveled five leagues northwest and fell
upon the Caxones del Jabesua, and in three leagues
more to the westnorthwest with some windings about
I alighted in their rancheria after nightfall. The de-
scent is very perilous, but thereafter is smooth to the
xacales (huts), with very high sierras (cliffs) on each
side. All were filled with unspeakable joy when they
saw me, and such was their importunity that I should
sojourn here six days, that it was impossible to depart
until the 15th day. I was well served by all of them,
and elaborately {con esmero) did these Indians regale
me. They were much delighted to hear me recite the
litany, whereof they apprehended some terms; and to
aflfect them still more, when I named San Antonio I
added " de Jabesua," and when I named San Pedro
I added " de Yj.bipai" ; all of which caused them much
" I should suppose this to be Red Horse spring (already
Mentioned, note ", p. 349) ; but there is no possibility of reach-
ing the Havasnpai in anything like the 8 leagues which are given
as to-morrow's journey.
408 BURIED ALIVE IN CATARACT CANON.
merriment, and for that did they repeat (the names),
asking me, " And I — what do you call me too? " ^*
Whereat I went about, calling every one of them by
the name of some saint, of which names each one
learned his own, and they set themselves to recite all
that they had been taught. This served me to divert
the melancholy that it caused me to see myself buried
alive in that calaboose (calaboso) of cliffs and canons,
after having encountered such rebels at the Moquis;
at the same time by this means increasing the gusto
of the Indians, likewise their affection for the things
of God.
Jttly 15 [misdated " dia 16"]. I set forth on the
west, albeit against the will of the Indians, who
counseled me that I should return by the way of the
ladder; ^^ but I having looked to see if perchance there
were some other more commodious exit, insisted that
they should take me by the way the beasts had de-
"" Y por eso repetian preguntandome y yo como?"
" Garces would not essay the ladder again — see note "\ p. i2>^
— but insisted on taking the trail by which the mules were
brought down on the former occasion, June 20. In this way
he surmounted a flat bench which he estimated to be (as the
future tense, " shall have," shows) a quarter of a league long;
and finally escaped from Cataract cafion through the same side-
cafion by which he first entered it — the " New Canfran." He
goes altogether to-day about 12 miles, mostly south, but to
some point he does not specify.
EXIT BY THE NUEBO CANFRAN. 409
scended, which is in the direction of the west, where
with some windings it mounts to a level place (piano)
that shall have of length about a quarter of a league,
encompassed on the west and south by a very rough
and rocky cliff (sierra). I turned to go out by the
Nuebo Canfran, having traveled about five leagues,
for the most part south.
July 16 [so copy, correctly]. I traveled six leagues
west, and arrived at the Pozo de las Rosas. ^^
July ly. I set forth by the southwest, and making
a turn to the west, passed over the Sierra de los Fi-
nales that I had named (Sierra) de San Diego,^^ and
in the evening arrived at the Arroyo de San Alexo.'"*
"Pine spring, his former camp: note ^^ p. 335, June 19.
" If Garces named this sierra before he omitted to so state
in his journal, where no such name appears for June 18 or 19.
But his Sierra de los Finales or de San Diego is obviously the
pine-clad heights of Aubrey's clifTs: note ^^ p. 330.
'" Arroyo de San Alexo is Diamond creek, or one of the
heads of that system of caiions, but I cannot locate this Cuer-
comache rancheria to my satisfaction. The Cuercomaches ap-
pear to be a division of Yavapais unknown except for this
single mention by our author. Furthermore, we shall have
great difficulty in following Garces for the next few days. His
language is altogether too short hereabouts to fetch him on to
any position whence he can make the northing and westing
presently indicated. I think he must be set to-day over into
Mojave county, somewhere north of Feach springs — perhaps
at the spring in the collateral canon of Diamond creek down
which we have already gone to the Colorado (p. 327). His
410 ON A NEW ROUTE TO MOJAVE.
To-day I departed from the road of the going (de la
yda, i. e., former route). I went six leagues onward
{mas) in the direction said in order to arrive at this
arroyo, where I made night, and therein I found a
rancheria of Yabipais Cuercomaches, who received
me well, on account of the information that they had
received from the other Indians, and also because I
had in my company two principal Indians of the Jabe-
sua, who were going to trade at the Jamajab, attest-
ing (protextando) therein the peace and harmony re-
cently established. On this day I met four Yabipais
who by order of their captain were going to seek me,
apprehensive lest some ill had befallen me, in view of
my tardiness — an act which proves the great affection
he (the captain) had for me.
July i8. I traveled down the arroyo a league and a
half northwest, and then, having gone over some hills,
came out upon a little valley that I called (Valle) del
Lino" for the much wild (flax) that there was, and it
trail back to Mojave is henceforth entirely north of the route by
which he went before, as every place he reaches has a different
name, excepting the two main ranges, the Cerbat and Black
mountains — his Sierra Morena and Sierra de Santiago. Never-
theless the genral trend is the same; the difference is only in
details which we cannot satisfactorily make out.
" " Que Hanie del Lino por el mucho (lino) cimarron que habia,"
etc. This is a well-known plant in Arizona, Linum perenne or
a closely related species. As we have already seen, it gave the
UNDETERMINED WELLS. 4II
gave me great joy, not having seen any since I de-
parted from Aragon. Having traveled three leagues
and a half west, I arrived at a rancheria in which they
gave me to eat of piiiones, with which that land
abounds, and made me tarry one day [July 19] in
order that others might come to see me.
July 20. I went half a league north to the Aguage
de la Rancheria de Santa Margarita; thereafter I
traveled two leagues west within sight of (a la vista
de) another rancheria, and having passed over the
sierra that on my coming I named (Sierra) Morena,"^
I found a w^ell that I called (Pozo) de las Abispas for
the many (wasps) that it had. I passed through a val-
ley about four leagues wide, and having gone four
first name to the Colorado Chiquito, originally Rio del Lino or
Flax river, in Coronado's time, 1540. But where is this Flax
valley? It is a physical impossibility that Garces should have
reached the Hualapais valley from any position to which his
previous mileage has advanced him; and this valley is hardly
to be called " little " (pequeho).
"Here. we are confronted with the Cerbat range. This much
is certain; but the details given for to-day remain for me un-
explained. I cannot point to St. Margaret or Wasp well, nor
do I see how Garces crosses the Cerbat range to-day as he
says — for we are told to-morrow that he goes two leagues
to its summit; what is said of the rancheria sighted is not clear,
nor is it quite certain whether he goes 75^ or 11 leagues. I
believe that the valley four leagues wide is Hualapais valley,
and that our traveler is somewhere on the eastern slope of the
Cerbat range, in the vicinity of Isabel spring.
412 OVER THE SIERRA MORENA.
leagues more (mas) to the west and one league south-
west, I arrived at the rancheria seen {vista), whose
captain I had met before; and he went in my company.
Here I tarried two days [July 21, 22].
July 2 J. I traveled along the skirt of the sierra two
leagues, and arrived at a rancheria that had its pozo.-'
July 24. I ascended the Sierra Morena by the east,
having traveled to its summit two leagues; thereafter
I went one (league) north, and found a rancheria
wherein they regaled us; here there are two pozos,
and a valley extends on the two sides of the river.
This (river) from the Jamajabs upward comes through
formidable caxones. In the evening I traveled a
league and a half south, and two leagues and a half
southwest, and arrived at a rancho that had an
aguage; which is yet another {que aim es todavia) of
the Cuercomaches."*
" Unidentifiable, as we are not told whether he skirts the
Cerbat range north or south; nor are we certain, indeed,
whether he is on the east or west side of these mountains. (The
Beaumont MS. has sudueste; pub. Doc. prints surueste.)
"This day's itinerary is equally confused; I cannot understand
his allusions to the Colorado river and its valleys, as well as to
its course above Mojave. What he says is perfectly true, but
seems out of place; for he is not yet on the Black range, where
remarks upon the river valley would be in order. He is in his
Sierra Morena, the Cerbat range, which he traverses either
through Mineral park or through Cerbat — most probably the
former, as he continues south and west across the head of the
OVER THE SIERRA DE SANTIAGO. 413
July 25. Having traveled two leagues southwest,
I came upon the Sierra de Santiago, the which I
passed over by the west and northwest, and found a
watering-place that I named (Aguage) de Santa
Anna; and having gone one league and a half I
reached the Rio Colorado; following down the course
of which to a distance of yet other two leagues south-
ward I arrived at the Punta de los Jamajabs.^^
Soon as these people saw me they ran to embrace
me, leaped for joy, and knew not how to express their
delight. They told me that already had their rela-
tions mourned for me, it having been reported to
them that I had been killed at Moqui; and that they
themselves had so notified the Cuercomaches, that
Sacramento valley, and at the rancho where he stays to-night
is still a couple of leagues northeast of the entrance to Union
pass in the Black mountains. The Cuercomache watering-place
of which he speaks is not identifiable; there are numerous
springs in this vicinity, some of which are now known as Mud,
Willow, Cottonwood, and Cane.
^^ This appears to be about the position of Fort Mojave, a few
miles above the locality which Garces formerly named San
Pedro de los Jamajabs, as we see by what he says beyond, July
26. He seems to have struck the Colorado at Hardyville;
whence it is most probable that he crossed the Black mountains
— his Sierra de Santiago — by Union pass; though there is an-
other way — a mere trail, not a road — over the mountains which
also fetches out at Hardyville. If he made Union pass, his
Aguage de Santa Anna is the well-known watering place in that
pass. I never heard any other name for it, if it has one.
414 AMONG THE MOJAVES AGAIN.
these might search for me, and, if I returned, ac-
company me. They informed me that Sevastian, he
who is the Indian whom I left among the Jamajabs
(when I departed) for Moqui, had a bad heart, for he
had given away the shells and other things that I
left him; that one of the mules had been drowned,
and the other they had killed. In fine, they talked
a great deal, and ceased not to converse with me.
There came with me to this rancheria the captain of
the Cuercomaches, (and also?) a young fellow who
knew the language of the Jamajabs and had served
me as interpreter to the Yabipais, and two Yabipais
Jabesua who brought mantas, leggings, and pieces of
cowhide {pedazos de ciiero de hacd) to trade with the
Jamajabs for shells — only for white sea-shells, for no
others do they receive in exchange. In this rancheria
remained all those who had accompanied me hitherto.
I taking leave of them with the utmost {grandisimo)
affection, especially the Jabesuas, to whom I was in-
debted for so many favors.
CHAPTER XI.
FROM MOJAVE DOWN RIO COLORADO TO YUMA, UP RIO
GILA, AND OVER TO BAC, JULY 25-SEPTEMBER I/,
1776.
I would have recompensed them well, for this they
merited, had I not been robbed of everything I had
left in the trunk (petdca) ; but seeing myself so poor
I charged it upon (encargue) the Jamajabs of this
rancheria that they should do this for me, and that
they should be true friends as long as they lived (toda
la vida), persevering in the peace established. I
worked so hard to establish the treaties of peace of
which so many times do I make mention in this diary,
not only for the purpose of putting an end to death
and destruction in these nations, by whom I now find
myself so greatly favored, but also in order that the
foundation of missions may be facilitated, and opened
may be the way for the transit which is sought from
New Mexico to Monte-Rey; being evident these and
other utilities which ensue from the peace of these and
other nations among themselves and with us, as also
the damage which may result from the contrary.
41 6 DOWN ARIZONA SIDE OF THE COLORADO.
July 26. I went two and a half leagues south down
river, and arrived at the rancheria of the Jamajabs
that I had named San Pedro.^
July 2J. I went one league south to another ranch-
eria. All this (way) is populated.
July 28. I went three leagues southeast to arrive
at the Rancherias de la Pasion/ where I was detained
two days [July 29, 30], because they all wished to see
me.
Here the Jamajabs told me that the Yabipais Tejua
were already friends of the Cocomaricopas, so that I
could proceed through their land in four or five days,
without making the former circuit to the Yumas. But
as I knew that these had killed three Jalchedunes, and
that both nations were much disgusted, I held it to be
more advisable to take the trouble of the circuit, and
proceed to visit them both, in order to reconcile them;
investigating first the feeling of the Jalchedunes in
this matter, and their disposition for the catechism and
vassalag^e of his Majesty, such being my principal com-
mission to the nations of the Rio Colorado; and hav-
ing to leave one of the nations without making them
^ And made to be in lat 35° 01', Mar. 3. The position is a
little below Fort Mojave: see note ^ p. 234. Observe that
Garces now goes down the Colorado on the Arizona side.
' So named Feb. 28: see p. 226 for the position of these ran-
cherias, which were on the Arizona side of the river.
WHICH WAY TO GO NEXT? 417
any presents, owing to the little that I possessed, it was
inconvenient to pass on to the next one with empty-
hands. Besides this, the Cocomaricopas being
friends of the Apaches {i. e., of the Yabipais Tejua),
there was some question about my entering their
lands first; for, my entrada being for the purpose of
making peace between these and the Gilefios, I was
in doubt of their good feeling, even though they
(the Jamajabs) told me that this was already estab-
lished. I then raised and still raise the question of its
formality, until there be realized a large presidio on the
Rio de la Asumpcion, as I will say in the sequel.^
' The whole of this paragraph is so singularly involved, owing
to equivocal pronouns, present participles, and defective punctu-
ation, that it cannot be translated literally. Whether or not I
have given the exact sense of it may be judged on examination
of the Spanish, which stands as follows. " Aqui me dixeron los
Jamajabs que los Yabipais Tejua eran ya amigos de los Coco-
maricopas por lo que podia salir por su tierra a los Yumas en
quatro 6 cinco dias sin llebar el rodeo antezedente pero como
yo sabia que estos havian muerto 3 Jalchedunes, y ambas nacio-
nes estaban muy disgustadas, tube por mas conveniente sufrir
la molestia del rodeo y pasar a visitarlos todos para componer-
los indagando primero para esta y para la disposicion del cate-
quismo y vasallage de S. M. el animo de los Jalchedunes, siendo
mi principal comision para las naciones del Rio Colorado, y
haviendo de dexar a una de las naciones sin regalo por lo poco
que tenia era inconveniente pasar a la otra immediata con las
manos vacias. A mas de esto siendo los Cocomaricopas amigos
de los Apaches, habia algun rezelo para entrar yo primero a
4l8 CONTINUING DOWN THE COLORADO.
In this place I baptized three infirm old men and
one little damsel (doncellita) who was dying; and the
Jamajabs confirmed the same unanimously {se con-
Urmaron en lo dicho con iguales expresiones.)
July 31. I traveled two leagues southsouthwest,
and came to other rancherias. This day arrived a
Yabipai Tejua Indian, in the name of his nation, to
learn whether I had come and to convey me in order
that I should go to his land — he who told me that
already was it days that they had awaited me, to
sus tierras pues siendo mi entrada para hazer las pazes entre
estos y los Gilenos, dudaba del buen afecto y aunque me dezian
que esto ya estaba hecho, dificultaba y dificulto su formalidad
hasta que se verifique vn presidio grande en el Rio de la Asump-
cion como despues dire." In other words: Garces was told he
could go to the Cocomaricopas through the Yabipais Tejua
without taking his former roundabout way. But the Yumas had
killed three Jalchedunes, and both these nations were disaffected;
so he thought best to keep on down river, and visit all its na-
tions, to find out how they stood on the question of catechism,
etc., as he had been ordered to do; besides, he was just leaving
the Jamajabs without making any presents, and did not like to
encounter the Yabipais Tejua empty-handed. Moreover, he
mistrusted the temper of the latter, who he supposed would
continue to make trouble, as they had done in the past, until
a fort was established on the Rio de la Asumpcion.
On comparing the Beaumont MS. and the pub. Doc. with
our copy I find that the scribe misplaced the clause d los Yumas
in the third line of the Spanish above given; it belongs in the
fourth line, where we should read el rodeo antesedente a los
Yumas. I make it so in my English of the main text.
SIERRA DE SAN ILDEFONSO. 419
which end had they killed much wild meat. Soon as
he delivered this message to the Jamajabs he returned
without my seeing him, as I desired to do, in order to
reward him and to send by him many regrets, with
the reasons why I was not going there on this occa-
sion,
Aug. I. Having traveled two leagues south I
reached the Sierra de San Ildefonso,* which the river
traverses; hereunto extend the lands of my beloved
particular benefactors the Jamajabs, whose nation ap-
pears to me the best adapted, as well by its temper
as by the situation where it abides, for the founding
of missions.
Aug. 2, J, 4. 5. I traveled down river fourteen
leagues southward, with some deflections to the
southeast and southwest, over ground rough enough,
without trees and without grass. On the 5th day I
found a river to which I gave the name of (Rio) de
Santa Maria.^ This river has a very wide bed, but on
* Sierra de San Ildefonso is of course the Mojave range,
" which the river traverses " in the Mojave canon, beginning
above at the Needles: see note ", p. 227, at date of Feb. 28, when
Garces first crossed this range, " which ends on the Rio Colo-
rado," but did not then give it any name.
' Rio de Santa Maria is Bill Williams' river or fork of the
Colorado, the largest branch in Arizona between the Gila and
the Colorado Chiquito. Garces is not to be credited with
actual discovery of this stream, for it had been located and
named long before. Perhaps it was passed by Alarcon in
420 RIO DE SANTA MARIA.
this occasion carried not much water; there are on its
1540; but if so, there is no particular indication of the fact.
Definite knowledge of this stream goes back as far as to the
early overland expedition of Juan de Onate, 1604-05, who first
named it Rio de San Andres, after St. Andrew of discipular and
apostolic fame, whose day is Nov. 30 — very likely actual date
of the discovery, as Oiiate started Oct. 7, and was at tidewater
of the Colorado on Jan. 23, 1605. The Amacavas or Amajavas
(Jamajabs = Mojaves) were then living both above and below
its mouth; and one of Ofiate's men, Capt. Marquez, made a
short excursus up the Colorado from this point. But the dis-
covery went to sleep and the name lapsed; I do not know where
to point to anything concerning this river till the time of Jacob
Sedelmair, ca. 1744-48, when we hear of a Rio Azul which cer-
tainly was no other than this one, to which the name Azul was
sadly misapplied. Sedelmair does not seem to have reached
the river, but heard of it; and an instance of its being called
Rio Azul is found in the Rudo Ensayo, written in 1762, p. 130:
" Between this junction [of the Gila with the Colorado] and
that of the river Azul with the Colorado, the former of which
[Rio Azul] unites with the latter [Rio Colorado] forty leagues
farther up to the north, and comes almost directly from the
east, there dwells on the left bank of the Colorado the numerous
Hudcoadan nation, possessed of fertile soil and fine springs.
The river Azul is not large, and according to what the natives
say, comes from the Province of Mogui [Moqui], at a distance
of three or four days' march." Next we have Garces on the
spot, at or near the mouth of the river, present site of the paper-
town of Aubrey, or Aubrey " city," where there was nothing to
justify a name when I passed it in Sept., 1865. The name which
Garces now bestows appears upon Font's map, came into gen-
eral use, and is still retained for one of the two main forks of
the river. The precise date of application of Bill Williams'
name has escaped me, but it scarcely antedates the period of the
BILL WILLIAMS RIVER NOTED. 42 1
banks grass and all the woods proper to a river; as far
Pacific Railroad surveys, and I am under the impression it
originated with Joseph R. Walker, about 1840. Sitgreaves' Re-
port, pub. 1854, p. 13, at date of Oct. 23, 1851, when he was at
one of the headwaters, speaks of " a small stream, called by
trappers Bill Williams's fork." That same season he identified
at its mouth the river which he correctly supposed to be the
same one. The name thus acquired literary currency, and in
this full form, or shortened to Williams, appears on all the maps
of Sitgreaves, Whipple, Ives, Beale, etc. The original use of
the term is no doubt synchronous or nearly so with the appli-
cation of that worthy's name to the magnificent mountains
which still uphold it. " Old Bill Williams " was the noted
character of unsavory repute with whom Fremont had his dis-
astrous experiences in the San Juan mountains in 1848; it is
probable that cannibalism saved some lives on that expedition,
and this led to the saying I have heard in the West, that Bill
Williams was not a man one would want to walk in front of if
there was no meat in camp! The river was first fully explored
in January and February, 1854, when Lieut. A. W. Whipple
followed it down from some of its sources to its mouth.
Having gone through Aztec pass, Whipple fell upon one
of the headwaters of the river, Jan. 26. This is the present
Trout creek, arising in the vicinity of Cross mountain, of
the subsequent Fort Rock, etc. Next day he was on another,
which he named White Clifif creek. Both of these flow into
what he called Big Sandy wash and supposed to be what
had been so named by Walker. This wash, joined by various
other tributaries, becomes Bill Williams' river, after the
junction of its main fork. Following it down, Whipple came
to this fork on Feb. 7, and says in his report (P. R. R.
Reps. vol. iii, p. 103) : " We call it Rio Santa Maria, a name
which early Spanish map makers applied to the whole river."
This restriction is now the accepted nomenclature — that is,
422 BILL WILLIAMS RIVER NOTED.
as the view disclosed its course came from the east,
always along the skirt of a large sierra. °
Big Sandy wash and Santa Maria river compose Bill Williams'
river. The mountains northwest of Prescott, giving rise to
sources of the Santa Maria, take the same name which Garces
gave to the whole river. I have dwelt upon this case, because
it is perhaps the only instance of the survival to the present
day of a name which originated with our author. The Yuman
name is given by Whipple as Hah-weal-ha-mook; the Piute
name, as Hah-cu-cha-pah.
* This sierra is the eastward continuation of the Monument
range which crosses the Colorado here, and extends up Bill
Williams' river and valley. Lest Garces' statement of the little
water in so extensive a river be thought strange, I will cite
Ives' Report, p. 58, at date of Feb. i, 1858: " We had reached
the Chemuhuevis valley and the mouth of Bill Williams's Fork,
which is the only important tributary to the Colorado between
the Virgen and the Gila. Having accompanied, in 1853 [and
'54] the expedition of Lieutenant Whipple to explore for a
railroad route along the 35th parallel, and having, with that
party, descended Bill Williams's Fork to its confluence with the
Colorado, I was confident of the locality. The mouth of the
stream was at that time, which happened to be in the present
month, February [of 1854], about 30 feet wide, and several feet
deep. I now looked in vain for the creek. The outline of the
bank, though low, appeared unbroken, and for a while I was
quite confounded. My companions were of opinion that I
had made a great topographical blunder, but I asked Captain
Robinson to head for the left shore, proposing to camp and
make an examination. As we approached the bank I perceived,
while closely scanning its outline, a small dent, and after land-
ing repaired to the spot, and found a very narrow gulley,
through which a feeble stream was trickling, and this was all
ARRIVAL AT JALCHEDUN RANCHERIAS. 423
Aug. 6, 7, 8. I traveled fourteen leagues on courses
south and southwest, wherewithal I arrived at the first
rancherias of the Jalchedun nation, called (Ranch-
erias) de San Antonio on my last entrada.' Be-
haved themselves admirably the Jalchedunes. So I
appointed {deje puesto) a captain of the nation as
justica, on behalf of his majesty, as I had done
among the Jamajabs; inasmuch as the Jalchedunes are
so well disposed, and ready to receive padres and
Espaiioles. The old men said to me that not less
than the Yumas did they themselves desire the Es-
paiioles, whom they loved even as did the Yumas;
and they added: " Well might ye have come this way,
for we have a road as well to go to the Gecuiches
(they are the Danzarines) as also to pass to the Geni-
gueches (they are those of the Valles de San Joseph
and de Santa Anna)." It must be observed that
these Jalchedun Indians are the best dressed, not only
in such goods as they themselves possess, but also in
such as they trade with the Jamajabs,® Genigueches,
that was left of Bill Williams's Fork. The former mouth is now
filled up, and overgrown with thickets of willow."
^ His Fourth Entrada, of 1774: see the passage where the
name occurs in my account of this entrada, p. 45.
' Debe advertirse que estos Indios Jalchedunes son los mas
bien vestidos para lo qual no tienen solo para si sino tambien
para comerciar con los Jamajabs," etc. The Beaumont MS.
and pub. Doc. differ with each other here, and both are widely
424 RANCHERIAS DE SANTA COLETA.
Cocomaricopas, Yabipais, and Moquis, obtaining
from these last mantas, girdles, and a coarse kind of
cloth (sayal), in exchange for cotton, of which they
raise much. Here came to see me very joyfully the
two damsels whom, as is said above,® I rescued and
sent off with the old interpreter; the eldest one
brought wood and cooked the little things with which
they regaled me, all of which caused me great gusto.
I sojourned here the 9th and loth days.
Aug. II. I traveled two leagues west and south-
west, and found myself in the Rancherias de Santa
Coleta, much abounding in crops; the heat was ex-
cessive. These rancherias were near the river.
variant from our copy; but the sense is the same in all three
cases.
I have translated my copy literally and correctly, and it seems
a better text than the variants I find in the Beaumont MS. and
pub. Doc. The former has. foja 45 vuelta: " Ya se supone que
estos Indios van los mas vestidos, pues no solamte tienen para
si para comerciar con los Jamajabs, Yumas, y Jenigueches,
porque siembran algodon, y comercian con los Cocomaricopas,
Yavipais, y Moquis, de donde sacan ms. (muchas) mantas,
cefiidores, y sayal." The latter has, p. 341: " Supongo que estos
indios van vestidos, pues como sienbran algodun y sacan del
Moqui mantas, cefiidores y sayal, tienen ropa para si y para
comerciar con los jamajabs, yumas y los jenigueches " — i. e., " I
suppose these Indians go clothed, for as they sow cotton and
get from Moqui mantas, girdles, and sayal, they have clothing
(enough) for themselves and for trading with the Jamajabs,
Yumas, and Jenigueches."
' See p. 219, date of Feb. 26, for the incident.
LAGUNA DE LA TRINIDAD. 425
Aug. 12. I traveled two and a half leagues, and
slept near the Laguna de la Trinidad, of which I make
mention on the other journey/" Here I was one
day [Aug. 13] detained to talk with the old men, my
antique acquaintances. This day came a Cocomari-
copa and said that the Yabipais Tejua had killed five
Cocomaricopas. Much did I regret this information,
and for the occasion thereof I blamed the fact that
the Cocomaricopas had given to the Yabipais concu-
bines, as I already knew (they had done), and this
alone could be the cause of the murders, in case they
were confirmed. For this reason I notified the Jal-
chedunes that, if any Yabipai under pretext of peace
came to their land, they should by no means permit
" To wit, on his entrada of 1774. The distances Garces gives
for his descent of the river from Bill Williams' fork are now
altogether 14 -f 2 + 2^ = i8>4 leagues = 49 miles. Most of
this way is through the present Colorado River Indian Reserva-
tion (Executive Orders of Nov. 22, 1873; Nov. 16, 1874; May 15,
1876), which extends on the Arizona side from the vicinity of
a place called Parker to a little below La Paz, in Yuma county.
I suppose him to be now some ten miles above La Paz; and
very likely his Laguna de la Trinidad was at or near the place
known as Half-way bend, where the river is now divided into
separate channels. Some formation of this sort is a plausible
explanation of a " laguna," and a place where the river thus
spreads out would be a natural crossing. As he crosses here,
we can set him down at this point with considerable confidence
that we have it about right. See also Font's map, on which
this first crossing is marked agreeably with the determination I
here oflFer.
426 RIO COLORx\DO CROSSED.
him to reconnoiter the rancherias; but only that, giv-
ing him to eat and doing him no harm, they should
dispatch him forthwith, attempting to make with
them [i. e., with the Yabipais] neither war nor peace;
still less should they permit those of their nation to
give concubines to the Yabipais as had done the
Cocomaricopas. To the Jamajabs who were present
I said that they should advise the Yabipais Tejua that
there were to come soon padres and Espafioles to the
Cocomaricopas, and that therefore they should re-
frain from injuring the latter, lest they should make
themselves enemies of ours. I wondered at the
whopping lie with which this Cocomaricopa stuffed
us in the report of the murders, when I learned after-
ward to the contrary."
Aug. 14. I crossed the Rio Colorado on a raft and
traveled half a league southwest, whereupon I ar-
rived at some rancherias I called (Rancherias) de la
Asumpcion.^^ This night they robbed me of five
articles; next day I sent word to the old men on the
other side, asking them if they allowed that, and
what would have to say about it all the other nations
" Admireme de la mentira garrafal que nos emboco el Coco-
maricopa con la noticia de las muertes pues supe despues habia
sido al contrario.
" On the Californian side of the river, nearly opposite Laguna
de la Trinidad, apparently at or near the place called Granite
point on Ives' map. This is still a few miles above La Paz.
RIO COLORADO RECROSSED. 427
through whom I had passed without any such thing
happening to me. Bestirred themselves thereat the old
men, and they did operate with such lively diligence
upon the thieves, that restitution was effected of all
that which had been stolen, though the cloak did
come back in rags {volhio heclto pedazos), through no
fault of theirs. I tarried here the 15th day.
Aug. 16. I went one league and a half south, with
some decHnation southeast.
Aug. 77. I traveled one league in the same direc-
tions, and halted in a rancheria where there was a
very great chieftain {un capitano miii principal), who
bore himself well with us, regaling us with elotes,
whereof were there many. To this rancheria and to
all those contiguous I gave the name Lagrimas de
San Pedro."
Aug. 18, ip, 20, 21, 22. I traveled five leagues and
one half southsouthwest, and passed by two ranch-
erias and some ranchos, detaining myself in the first
one a day, and on the last of these [i. e., the 22dj
they passed me on a raft over the river, on whose op-
posite bank I found a rancheria.^*
" The tears of St. Peter were shed along the Californian side
of the river, nearly opposite La Paz and thence downward oppo-
site Ehrenberg and Mineral City.
" Crossing back again to the Arizona side of the river, ap-
parently below Mineral City.
428 LAST RANCHERIAS OF THE JALCHEDUNES.
Aug. 2 J. I went one league and a half south, and
slept in the last rancherias of the Jalchedun nation.^''
I met here certain Yumas, in spite of (sin perjuicio de)
the three murders of Jalchedunes that these (Yumas)
had committed a little time before, on account
of some stolen horses, in the matter of which
grievance were they already reconciled (compiiestos).
In all the rancherias of Jalchedunes they assured me
that, had they wished to fight, already would they
have gone down to avenge on the Yumas the death
of their relations, but that certainly they did not now
" This statement enables us to fix the limits of the tribe with
considerable precision. These Indians inhabited the Great
Colorado valley or arable lowland between the Chemehuevis
valley above and the country of the Yumas below. The valley
begins above at the point where the Monument mountains
cease to hem in the river, a few miles below the confluence of
Bill Williams' river, and extends some 30 miles in air line S. S.
W., to the point where outliers from the Chocolate mountains
began to close in upon the river. This is a little below the
small tributary from the west known as Carroll's creek, in the
vicinity of the Long bend and Dismal flats. This whole
stretch is still almost as much of a waste as it was in Garces'
time, the most notable places on the river being La Paz, Ehren-
berg, and Mineral City, from two-thirds to three-fourths of the
way down the valley. The most conspicuous features of the
country are Riverside mountain and the Halfway mountains,
approaching the river on the Californian side in the upper half
of the extent of the great valley; while lower down and further
away from the river, on the Arizona side, is the Dome Rock
range.
THIRD CROSSING OF THE COLORADO. 429
wish for war; and that though the immediate rela-
tives of the dead were soHciting some revenge, pubHc
opinion (el comim) of the nation never consented
thereto, protesting the estabhshed peace; though from
their lack of judgment there could be no assurance that
peace would be maintained.
Aug. 24. I went four leagues southsoutheast, albeit
here runs the river southwest.^® Here I was the 25th
day, having found some Yuma and Jalchedun families
a-hunting.
Aug. 26. I crossed the river ^^ and traveled one half
league south, and about one west, whereupon I halted
at a large tank (tanqitc — water-hole) that there is in
the sierra. In the evening I traveled two leagues
west and south, and at night five on this course with
various windings through broken ground. ^^
The following day [Aug. 27] I went four (leagues)
" More nearly south, in the region where the river begins to
run through the Chocolate mountains; then in passing these
mountains it begins to veer to a mean S. E. course, and thence-
forward runs due east, till it turns south with a broad sweep
past Castle dome and thus bends toward Yuma.
" His third crossing, this time from the Arizona to the Cali-
fornia side.
" Traveling in the vicinity of the Spires, Chimney peak, etc.,
thus getting on his former trail; on which he reaches Yuma
next day. On his arrival there was no one to welcome the
wanderer back from his long journey except the Indians; for
on Anza's and Font's return to Yuma, May 11, with the expedi-
430 ARRIVAL AT YUMA.
south unto the Puerto de la Concepcion del Rio Colo-
rado, as I will now relate.
Aug. 2/. I arrived at the Puerto de la Concepcion,
where I was received by the Yuma nation with par-
ticular pleasure, for they had already mourned me as
one dead, from another report like that at the Jama-
jabs. They solicited me that I should not depart
from their land, in view of the fact that in the follow-
ing moon, said they, the Espafioles were due to arrive
{debian ya venir). They also expressed to me their
grief and emotion, for that the Cocomaricopas, with
wiles and under cloak of peace, had murdered
treacherously seven Yabipais Tejua, friends of theirs.
Here I found out (acabe de conozer) the big lie that the
Cocomaricopa told me among the Jalchedunes, cited
on the 1 2th day. I gave them to understand how
deeply I felt the treachery of the Cocomaricopas, and
charged it upon Captain Pablo, who was governing
in absence of Palma, that when he should see the
Yabipais he should express to them on my behalf my
sentiments concerning this deed of the Cocomari-
copas, and (tell them) that I was not going to visit
them because I had not the wherewithal to regale
tion from San Francisco, they took Padre Eisarc and Captain
Palma with them when they went on. May i6: see note ", p. 311.
The pub. Doc. at this point sums " Total 666 leguas." Beau-
mont MS. has nothing.
DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORADO. 43 1
them, but that I would do so at the coming of the
Espaiioles to the Pimas Gilenos and to the Rio Colo-
rado; for I was ever the friend of the Yabipais, and
the same would be also all the Espaiioles. I added,
moreover, to the captain, that he should keep the
peace with the Cocomaricopas and all the rest of the
neighboring nations. On this occasion I recognized
the great providence of God in (ordering) that I
should go not from the Jamajabs to the Yabipais
Tejua, as all had persuaded me (that I should do),
inasmuch as through this treachery of the Cocomari-
copas would I have run the risk of my life.
The river which the Yumas call JavilP* and we
Colorado — not, as some think, because its waters be
always reddened, but it is because, the whole region
(territorio) being colored, they became tinged in the
month of April, that in which the snows melt, and
there are the greatest freshets — is very peculiar, inas-
much as in all the year it rises and falls more or less,
but in each case for a long space (of time); it com-
mences to rise from the last days of February until
the end of June, and continues to subside (va bajando)
" Javill is the same word or name that is rendered Hah Weal,
with addition of the word Asientic, on a sketch map drawn by
a Yuma Indian for Lieutenant Whipple and pubHshed in the
P. R. R. Reps., vol. iii, 1856, p. 16, pi. 2, of the Indian report
by Whipple, Thomas Ewbank, and William W. Turner.
432 DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORADO.
until the last of December. Its source it draws from
the septentrional parts, and even in its beginnings
did they assure me it was full of water (caudaloso).
This much is certain, that from the Yutas, who are on
the north of the Moqui, unto its disemboguement in
the Golfo de Californias, it gathers to itself no notable
volume of water (caudal); wherefore is it very likely
that the greater part of its abundance comes from far
beyond.^" I have not been able to obtain more par-
ticular information about that, though I have solicited
it; only that among the Yutas there unite with it two
small streams {riachuclos),^^ of which the one comes
from the north and the other from the northeast; and
among the Yabipais the Rio de San Pedro Jaquesila ^^
which, though in times of snow-waters it is of some
volume, when I passed it was dry {cortado). Among
^^ Mui adentro — " very much within," sc, the Yuta nation, or
within those northern parts said; as is very true, considering
the size of the Grand and the Green, which compose the
Colorado.
" To what streams Garces here alludes is quite uncertain. He
can hardly mean by riachuelos the Green and the Grand, which
compose the Colorado, for these are both great rivers. We may
rather imagine that his stream from the north is the Rio Virgen
or Virgin river, which flows south through Utah and a small
corner of Nevada; and that the one from the northeast is the
San Juan.
"Garces' name of the Colorado Chiquito: note ^\ p. 354,
June 28.
DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORADO. 433
the Jabesuas falls in the Rio de San Antonio,"'' which
rather can be called an arroyo than a river. Among
the Jalchedunes and Jamajabs falls in the Rio de
Santa Maria/* which also is usually dry. Among the
Yumas falls in the Gila, which though it is so volu-
minous, yet is not so all the year. I inquired likewise
if, on the part of the north and northwest, there
entered into the Colorado any other; and all answered
me nay, reducing their information solely to those (riv-
ers) mentioned. In the parts where I have observed
this river, only in one can it be forded on horseback,
and that is at the Yumas, when it goes dow^n; but for
fording (is it even then) very risky and shifty, as we
experienced the past year [1775], finding no transit
where we had crossed it the preceding year [1774].
It has copious woods on its banks, with the exception
of the situations where it flows walled up {encaxonado,
" cafionated " ) between cliffs; it grows on them wil-
lows, cottonwoods, mezquites, and screws." It is
'* Garces' name of Cataract Canon and creek: note ", p. 335,
and text of June 20, p. 336.
" Garces' name of Bill Williams' river: note ', p. 419, Aug. 5.
" The willows of the Colorado bottoms are not well deter-
mined. The Cottonwood is Populus fremonti. The mesquite is
Prosopis juliHora, for which another Spanish name is algarroba,
source of the botanical generic name under which the tree used
to be classified as Algarohia glandulosa. The tornilla or screw
mesquite is Prosopis ptibescens. Among various grasses which
434 DESCRIPTION OF THE COLORADO.
scant of pasturage, though in some stretches is found
a low grass; it abounds in carrizo, tides, bledos, and
other tall grasses (sacatones), whose seeds the Indians
eat. The quality of the soil on its banks is good, ex-
cept here and there an alkaline piece of ground, so that
the Indians sow and harvest every kind of grain; and
the banks of this river being cultivated, and widened
in some places, not only can it support its own in-
habitants and those adjacent (havitadores y circunves-
inos), but also a much larger population. This river
is as it were a barrier to the Serranos and Yabipais,
who do not venture to ford it, and on particularly
necessary occasions the natives cross it on some logs
{mws palos). Hence may be inferred the little trouble
the Apaches will cause us, fixing our estabHshments
on the other side of the river. The nations who in-
habit from the disemboguement thereof, on one and
the other side, and in their successive order, are:
Cucapa; Jalliquamai; Cajuenche; Yuma; Jalchedun;
Jamajab; Chemeguaba; Yabipai; Payuchas; and
Yutas. I note that crops only extend up to the
Jamajabs, for that thence upward the river runs so
boxed-up (encaxonado) that neither does the ground
yield anything nor can cultivation be effected; aye.
Garces proceeds to name we recognize carrizo as Phragmites
communis, the common cane; tule is any bulrush or species of
Scirpus; bledo and other zacatones are wholly uncertain.
INDIANS OF THE COLORADO. 435
even the Indians live distant therefrom. Seek the
friendship of these nations of the river do all the
others, as well for their numerousness as for their
abundant harvests. The Indian men of its banks are
well-formed, and the Indian women fat and healthy;
the adornment of the men, as far up as the Jamajabs,
is total nudity; that of the women is reduced to cer-
tain short and scanty petticoats of the bark of trees;
they bathe at all seasons, and arrange the hair, which
they always wear long (siielto), in diverse figures, util-
izing for this purpose a kind of gum or sticky mud.
Always are they painted, some with black, others with
red (encarnado), and many with all colors. In pass-
ing from the Jamajabs they are found clothed with
decency, as well the men as the women. All those
of the banks of the river are very generous (liverales),
and lovers of their country, in which they do not hunt
game because they abound in all provisions. On the
contrary, from the Jamajabs upward, they subsist upon
game and forest fruits, for lack of crops.
The Yumas told me that there had been drowned
a Spaniard who came up from the Cajuenches and was
unwilling to wait till the Indians should take him
across. Among the Quabajais, near the Tulares, I
had myself known to have passed a Spaniard on foot,
and who struck out for the sierra; he who could pro-
ceed to the Cajuenches and be the drowned one.
436 THE START UP RIO GILA.
The Yumas wished to take me to Caborca,^* but I
desired rather to return by the same route that I took
with the expedition. I arrived at the Cocomaricopas,
where I met many Yumas who were returning to
their lands. The Cocomaricopas of the Agua Cali-
ente ^^ told me that they had not concurred in the
death of the Yabipais Tejua; I praised their inde-
pendence, saying that they had done well, and coun-
seling them that even though their relatives should
call for them they should not go to fight in the lands
of the Yabipais, inasmuch as they are few and live
apart (from the others) ; that they should neither per-
mit that the Yabipais should come to their lands, nor
themselves should go to the latter's, because such in-
tercourse (correspondencia) with the Yabipais was not
to be carried into effect till the Espaiioles should
come; and that for bartering they could go down to
the Yumas, but without fighting, even though they
should encounter (the Yabipais) on the road. The
Yabipais Tejua do not yet know the lands of the
Cocomaricopas, with exception of the Rancheria de
la Pasion de Tucavi.^*
I continued my journey, visiting the rancherias of
"In Sonora: the place is fully noted elsewhere.
"On the Gila: note "', p. 118, Nov. 14, 1775.
" This name of one of the Cocomaricopa rancherias I presume
to have been given by Garces on his previous entrada.
TREACHERY OF THE YABIPAIS TEJUA. 437
the Opas, who received me with great gusto. I cen-
sured the treachery committed upon the Yabipais
Tejua, but also gave them to understand that there
would be no peace agreed upon until there should
enter into their lands the Espaiioles and padres, who
would examine the mind and heart of the Tejua, from
whom, if they allowed them to enter into their lands
and explore them, they could fear much.-® The
treachery of the Cocomaricopas with the Yabipais
happened in this wise : A Yabipai of peace came
down to the Cocomaricopas, these receiving him
with great joy, feasting him, and giving him a
concubine. Seeing this the Yabipai returned to
his land and gave notice of it all. Then the Yabi-
pais, thinking that now they were friends, which
they desired much, came down, seven of them, to
the Cocomaricopas. These received them with
great joy, made a dance to entertain them, and
therein killed them all treacherously. I have sus-
pected that this may have been done through
some evil counsel of the Pimas Gilefios.
** Literally rendered from the original, which is a model of
ambiguity. The clause means that from them (Tejuas) if they
(Opas) allowed them (Tejuas) to enter into their (Opas') lands
and explore them (these lands), they (Opas) would have much
to fear — a quienes si dexaban entrar en sus tierras y registrar-
las podian temer mucho.
438 ARRIVAL AMONG PIMAS OF THE GILA.
I arrived at the Pimas Gileilos, accompanied by the
governor of the Cocomaricopas. There was great
rejoicement, for there had spread thus far the report
that they (the Moquis) had me killed. The governor
of the Pimas told me that all the relatives were well
content, and wishing to make a feast, all the pueblos
together. I agreed to this, but on condition that it
should be apart from me, foreseeing in this what
would come to pass. In a little while I heard that
they were singing "a heap" (de monton); this was
stopped presently, but was followed by a great uproar
of discordant voices, and shouting, in which they
said, "We are good! We are happy! We know
God! We are the fellows to fight Apaches! We
are glad the old man (as they call me) has come, and
not been killed! " ^° This extravagant shouting (ex-
orbitante griteria), a thing foreign to the seriousness
of the Pimas, I knew came from drinking, which pro-
duced various efifects. Some came and took me by
the hand, saluting me. One said, '' I am padre de
Pedro." Another said to me, " Thou hast to baptize
a child." Another, " This is thy home — betake not
thyself to see the king, nor to Tucson." Others
'" „ Nosotros estamos buenos, estamos contentos, conozemos
a Dios, somos gente para pelear con los Apaches, nos alegramos
por que ha venido el viejo, (asi me nombran) y no lo han
muerto „ —
IN THE SEASON OF SAGUARO, 439
made the sign of the cross, ^^ partly in Spanish; so that
though I felt very angry at such general drunkenness,
there did not fail me some gusto to hear the good ex-
pressions into which they burst, even when deprived
of reason. The next day I complained of these ex-
cesses to the governor, who told me that it only hap-
pened a few times and in the season of saguaro,^^ and
adding that it made his people vomit yellow and kept
'^ " Se persinaban " in copy, obviously for se persignaban.
" Otherwise sahiiaro, etc., also pitahaya, petahaya, etc., the
giant cactus or candelabra cactus, altogether the most conspicu-
ous arborescence in many parts of New Mexico, Arizona, So-
nora, and California. Its most frequent botanical name is
Cereus giganteus, bestowed by Dr. Geo. Engelmann of St. Louis,
first printed in 1858 on p. 158 of Emory's Reconn. of 1846-47;
but this is far from being its earliest designation. I doubt not
the history of the plant could be traced back to the very
earliest Spanish records. Modern descriptions and figures are
innumerable; aside from botanical accounts, such as Engel-
mann's in the Mex. Bound. Surv. Reports, a good notice may be
read in Bartlett, Nam, ii, 1854, pp. 188-193, fig. on p. 189. The
Pimas and other Indians make a kind of fig-paste of the fruit,
also a sort of molasses, besides the intoxicating drink Garces
mentions. Salvatierra says, that the petahaya months among
some Indians " resemble the carnival in some parts of Europe,
when men are in a great measure stupefied or mad. The natives
here, also, throw aside what little reason they have, giving
themselves up to feastings, dancings, entertainment of the
neighboring rancherias, buffooneries, and comedies, such as
they are; and in these whole nights are spent to the high diver-
sion of the audience." It should be observed, regarding the
two names saguaro and pitahaya, that both are applied by some
440 AT HOME AT SAN XAVIER DEL BAG.
them in good health.'^ What most pleased me was
to see that no woman got drunk; instead of which I
)saw many of them leading by the bridle the horse
upon which her husband was mounted, gathering up
' at the same time the clothes and beads that the men
scattered about, in order that none should be lost.
Finally I arrived at my mission of San Xavier del
Bac the 17th day of September of the year 1776: for
which did I give and still do I give infinite thanks to
God and to all my celestial patrons by whose favor
and intercession I succeeded in escaping from every
ill. Leagues 698^.
writers to Ceretis giganieus, and that each is also used of diflfer-
ent species. Thus the author of the Rudo Ensayo, p. 149, uses
" pitahaya " of a small Sonora cactus, with " stalks as thick as
a large wax taper," evidently not meaning the giant cactus; and
adds on the next page that the " saguaro " is larger, and found
only in the highlands of the Pimas. In my own Arizona
travels, I heard both names used indiscriminately of the unmis-
takable giant of those rocky fastnesses.
^ Clause turned a little from — y anadio asi bomitan amarillo los
Parientes y qued^ el cuerpo bueno.
END OF THE DIARY.
CHAPTER XII.
REFLECTIONS ON THE DIARY.
Although I have given in the Diary some account
of the nations whom I have seen, and of others of
whom I have been informed, all these being many and
wide-spread, yet for this very reason is its disorder
the greater; neither have I been able to explain my-
self properly, nor even when I could treat day by day
to some extent of that which I saw, heard, or experi-
enced, could I do so with particularity, it happening
to me at every step to verify in a succeeding nation
that which in the preceding one I had not under-
stood or had doubted. Furthermore, having been
twice in some nations, time and circumstances
have multiplied the accounts and elucidated informa-
tion. I have not had an interpreter for every nation,
but I am confident of having comprehended their
reports well enough; for, whenever they desired to
know whence I came and whither I was going (mi
origeti y camino), they seated themselves on the
ground and with a little stick drew a map, upon
442 SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
which they wished that the matter should be ex-
plained; and, as I also availed myself of the same
means of answering them and questioning them, so
could I not be left in doubt of the points of the com-
pass, of the nations, of their situations, and by signs
quite plain, of their friendship or hostility, style of
dress, and other characteristics. Of the same means
I availed myself to improve upon my information of
the most distant (nations) in all directions; that In-
dians are naturally very intelligent is confirmed by
repeated experiences, in which they never err, and
anyone can rely in every respect upon what they
say.^
These and other considerations have impelled me to
complement with these Reflections the principal mat-
ters of my Diary concerning all the information that
^ The construction of this sentence seems to me involved, and
I may not have translated it literally, though the sense appears
clear. Its stands thus: " De este mismo medio me valia para
adelantar las noticias de las mas distantes por todos rumbos, en
lo que son mui inteligentes los Indios a lo natural confirmado
con repetidas experiencias, en que nunca yerran, y puede fiarse
qualquiera en el particular por lo que ellos dezen." Supposing
that I have given the sense of the passage with substantial accu-
racy, I think Garces overconfident in what he says, for two
reasons: first, he may not always have understood what the
Indians tried to tell him; and secondly, Indians are notorious
adepts in parrying questions and throwing one off the track
when they wish to do so.
CENSUS OF THE INDIANS.
443
I have acquired, touching at the same time upon
other points which seem to me to be required.
POINT I.
Number of Nations and of Souls that 1 have visited, and
of those of which I have had notification.
RIO GILA.
Nations. Souls.
Papaga, .... 3000
Pima, 2500
Cocomaricopa, . . 2500 B.
8000
KIO COLORADO.
Nations.
Souls.
Cucapa, . .
. . 3000 \
Jalliquamay, .
. . 2000 > C.
Cajuenche,
. . 3000 )
Yuma, . . ,
. . 3000)g
. . 2500 5
Jalchedun,
Jamajab, . .
. . 3000 B*
16,500
8,000
Total,
24,500
I note that the nations comprehended under the
very same letter have the very same language, and
those underneath the very same letter with the aster-
isk differ in some terms, being different in all from
those comprehended under a different letter. From
the Jamajab nation upward the Rio Colorado comes
through profound caxones, wherefore do the Indians
live distant therefrom. Those that I saw and of
which I had information are the following:
444
CENSUS OF THE INDIANS.
ON THE NORTH AND
NORTHWEST.
ON THE SOUTH AND
SO UH EAST.
Chemegue, . . .
Chemeguc Cuajala,
Chemegue Sevinta,
Chemeg^aba, . .
;J
l^D.
Payuchas and Yutas,
Jaguallepai, . . .
Yabipai Cajuala,
1
E.
Yabipai Cuercomache, j
Yabipai Jabesua, . . J
Yabipai Muca, or Oraibe, FG
On the north of the Rio Colorado I had informa-
tion were Hving the following nations:
Gualliva,
Aguachacha,
Japui,
Gualta,
Baquiova,
1
I
I. [No letter affixed.]
i
J
Those who inhabit the Sierra de California by the
contiguities of the Rio Colorado and New Establish-
ments of Monte-Rey, between which they have their
abode or wander about {tmven sit asiento 6 vague-
acion), are the following:
Cuneil ; bounded by San Diego and by the disembogue-
ment H.
Quemaya ; bounded by San Diego and by the Jalliqua-
mais, Cajuenches, and Yumas, I.
rjecueche ; extends to the first Jalchedunes and to the
I Puerto de San Carlos, J.
-t Jenigueche ; bounded by the Jalchedunes and Santa Anna J.
I Beneme ; bounded by San Gabriel and Santa Clara, and
(^ by the Chemeguabas and Jamajabs, , . . .J.
CENSUS OF THE INDIANS. 445
CuabajAi ; extends to the canal [de Sta. Barbara] and on
the East to the Cobajis, J*
Noche ; extends beyond San Luis [Obispo], and on the
East to the Cobajis K
Cobaji ; extends on the East to the Chemegue and on the
West to the Noches, L.
The space between the Rios Colorado and Gila is
all occupied by the Yabipais. To the south of the
Moqui is all Yabipais, noting that the name Yabipais
is the same as Apaches; from which may be inferred
how extensive is the territory that this nation occu-
pies. Also I note that the number of souls is un-
marked (senalado es corto), inasmuch as never could I
succeed in seeing the whole nation. For those that
I mark no number of souls, it is because I was only
in the nearest (primeras) rancherias, or because I met
the Indians in other nations, as happened to me with
the Serranos and others; but I infer from their reports
and from others I have obtained that they are neither
so numerous nor restricted to so small a district as
those of the Rios Colorado and Gila. Let it be borne
in mind {tengase presente) also that in the names I set
down there may be variation, seeing that the Indians
call by different names one and the same nation, as
I have observed in the case of the Jamajabs, whom
the Jalchedunes and Cocomaricopas call Cuesninas '
' It is notable to find Garces speaking of the Mojaves by the
name he uses, for this is almost invariably applied to the Hava-
446 WHO WERE THE NIFORES ?
or Cuisnurs, howbeit (siendo asi que) the other na-
tions give them the name of Jama jabs. To the Yabi-
pais the Pimas Gileiios give the name of Taros or
Nifores;^ the Jamajabs call them Yabipais, and the
Espanoles call them Apaches. Finally, I have learned
that the dominant nations, and the most warlike of
all are, with preference for their order, the following :
On the Rio Gila, the Pima; on the Colorado, the
Yuma, Jalchedun, and Jamajab; and the rest in the
order antecedently collocated. No vestiges of relig-
ion * have I found in any of these nations ; that which
supai of Cataract canon; regarding whom, see a note beyond,
under Point 7.
^ Nifores may have been a general or collective name used by
the Pimas for the wild tribes living north of them, otherwise
called Yabipais; but it is certain that Nifores is a term which
has been used in a different sense from that here implied. For
example, I cite a passage in Font's Diary, folio 325. Font is
detailing one of his grievances against Ansa, in the matter of
the number of interpreters, and says that Ansa put down an
interpreter " of the nation Nixora, and there is no such nation,
for in Pimeria are called Nixoras those Indians whom the
nations beyond capture in their wars among themselves, and
whom the Yumas and Papagos afterward bring to Altar and
•^ other places to sell as captives or slaves, of whatever nation
they may be." Also, if we refer back to the scene of Garces'
murder (p. 22), we find that it was a " Nifora " among the
Yumans who instigated that foul deed.
* Garces must have had some strictly orthodox or otherwise
professional notions about idolatry, or else he did not see very
far into the religious cults of the Indians. They had an elabo-
THEOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS. 44/
I have seen is only some sorcerers, and no doubt they
rate system of dogma, ritual, and priestcraft, the difference
between which and that of Garces' church was simply the dif-
ference between an Indian and a Spaniard. The underlying
principle was the same, on the Colorado as on the Tiber, in
Arizona as in Rome.
The unanimity with which the padres, both Jesuit and Fran-
ciscan, disclaimed idolatry among their Indians is to me incom-
prehensible; sometimes I think I do not know what they mean
by " idolatry." For if there is a basic fact in Indian religion,
it is reverence for sacred symbols or fetiches of the most con-
crete material sort; just as the Catholics make fetiches of cruci-
fixes and other images or paintings, strings of beads, bits of
bread, sups of wine, and other objects, so do the Indians of their
carvings and paintings of various things, bits of wood or bone,
stones, feathers, hairs, seeds, etc. Where is the difference? Yet
the Rudo Ensayo says, with comical naivete, p. 171: "A favor-
able characteristic of all the nations which people the Province
of Sonora, even including the Seris and Apaches, is that they
neither have been nor are at present idolaters; nor have they
any inclination to become so. Thus far no trace has been
found at all of such a worship or adoration — no idols or
objects which would indicate that such a thing had existed up
to the present time. The only devotion that has been observed
is one to the Devil, and this is rather caused by fear and stupid-
ity than by inclination. I am led to believe this because in all
the ranches or villages there has always been one or more
sorcerers; at least they are called so; and these have ever been
suspected and feared on account of the belief that they can do
evil.
" I said that at least they are called so, because I cannot be
persuaded to think that there have been real sorcerers among
the Indians, and this for many reasons, ist, Because the mis-
chief they do is very little, considering the insatiable fury of the
448 THEOLOGICAL REFLECTIONS.
have their superstitions (abusiones) ; but I persuade
myself that among them there is no formal idolatry.
Devil towards man. 2nd, All that is done in the way of charms
is such that it can be explained by natural causes. 3d, Should
the Indians have had any intercourse with the Devil, there
would be a name for him in their language. But it is a fact
well known to all persons acquainted with the language spoken
in this Province, that there is no such name. We may, there-
fore, come to the conclusion that the enemy of mankind was
unknown to the heathen nation."
All of which is vastly diverting to an initiate in the mysteries
of the churches, and to one who knows as well as I do that his
religion is the last thing an Indian wnll reveal to a white man.
Very likely the Indians had no such " sorcerers " as they found
the missionaries to be, after enforced conversion to sorcery of
another variety! Perhaps they never knew the Spanish Diablo
or El Demonio till they heard his name. But sorcery was their
religion, as of a truth it was that of the missionaries, and they
had plenty of devils of their own, while the missionaries could
boast of but one.
'* Point of view " makes a great difference. Take for exam-
ple the Christian and heathen practice of praying for rain. The
Rudo Ensayo, p. 173, says: "The Opatas had retained, until
lately, among others a very curious custom. A number of
girls, dressed in white or simply wearing a chemise, would come
out at night to dance in a place previously well swept and em-
bellished, leaving behind them, in the house from which they
came, their musicians, who consisted of old men and women,
making a noise with hollow gourds, sticks, and bones. This
ceremony was called ' invoking the clouds,' for they performed
it in times of drought, fully believing that in consequence of this
performance the clouds would stop and sprinkle their fields.
With God's help, however, this incantation became known to
the Missionary Fathers in spite of the secrecy with which it was
INDIAN FRIENDS AND FOES. 449
POINT II.
Amities and Enmities.
At the present time ^ we must suppose at peace all
the nations which inhabit the banks of the Rios Gila
and Colorado, with the others adjoining (colaterales)
except the Yabipais Tejua, who in some way have re-
mained enemies of the Pimas and Cocomaricopas
Gilehos; but as it is not possible to rely with confidence
upon a state of things so unstable (pero como no
se piiede contar sohrc segitro con ajuste tan de
held; and being shown their evident delusion, the abuse was
stopped." But why was this considered a delusion and an
abuse, unless the padres wanted a monopoly of the business of
praying for rain? Nothing is more orthodox or commoner
than for Christians of all sects to invoke heaven for rain and
all other sorts of favors. Did the padres fear that the Indian
ceremonial of incantation might be not less efficacious than
their own? Indeed they were too firm believers in their
own powers of causing vapor to condense from the clouds,
" with God's help," to imagine for a moment that the heathen
could have anything like the same ability. Yet this ability, or
disability, was identical in the two cases — Arcades ambo! But
an Indian was never known to dance for rain and not get it,
because he continued to dance till it came, if he had to dance /,
all summer; in which respect his religion was superior to that
of the missionaries.
' En el dia de hoy — literally, " in the day of to-day."
i^
450 INDIAN FRIENDS AND FOES.
paso), it will not be out of place to particularize
the former friendships and hostilities whose effects
still continue to smolder.^ In the first place, the
Cucapa have always been friends of the Cuneiles
who extend to the sea, and enemies of the Papa-
gos who live on the coast of the Golfo de Cali-
fornia,^ as also of the Jalliquamais and Cajuenches.
The Jalliquamais and Cajuenches have always pre-
served friendship with the Quemaya of the sierra who
extend to the rancherias of San Diego, as also with the
Jalchedunes; and have been enemies of the Yumas
and Papagos of the seacoast (marina). The Yumas
have always been on good terms with the Jamajabs,
Yabipais Tejua, and Papagos of Sonoitac and of the
seacoast; and have waged open (viva) war with the
Jalchedunes, Cocomaricopas, Pimas Gilefios, with all
the nations down the river, and with the Jequiches of
the sierra. The Jalchedunes have always been well dis-
posed toward the Cocomaricopas, the Pimas Gilefios,
and all the nations that there are from the Yumas
downward, as also toward the Papagos of the north,
* Pero como ne se puede contar sobre seguro con ajuste tan
de paso no sera fuera de proposito individuar las amistades,
6 enemestades antiguas cuyos efectos aun se ven todavia
humear.
'The scholiast notes in the margin: " De esta parte de aca
con Sonora," »'. e., on the Sonoran side of the Gulf of
California.
INDIAN FRIENDS AND FOES. 45 1
toward all the Yabipais excepting the Yabipais Tejua,
and likewise toward the Jeqiiiches and Jenigueches
of the sierra who extend to the sea; being unable ever
to reconcile themselves with their enemies the Jama-
jabs, the Yabipais Tejua, the Chemeguet, and the
Yumas. The Jamajabs have been always united with
the Yumas, with the Yabipais Tejua of the other side
of the river, and with all the nations that there are as
far as San Gabriel and San Luis (Obispo), and with
the Chemeguet who inhabit the Rio Colorado on the
side of the northwest and north ; and have been in arms
against all the Yabipais, including the pueblo of Orai-
be and excluding the Tejua, and against the Jalche-
dunes, Jenigueches, and Jecuiches. The Pueblo of
Oraybe holds and has held as friends all the Yabi-
pais who dwell between the Colorado and Gila, ex-
cepting the Tejua and certain Yutas who inhabit
those contiguities; the rest of the pueblos of Mo-
qui, the missions of New Mexico, the Yabipais or
Apaches of the south, who are those who infest these
provinces; and their (i. e., Oraibes') enemies are the
Yabipais Tejua, the Yutas of the Colorado, the Yu-
mas, the Chemeguabas, the Jamajabs, the Pimas
Gilefios, and the Cocomaricopas. The Yabipais
whom I visited on the road to Moqui hold for friends
those of the pueblo of Oraybe, the Jalchedunes,
Chemeguabas, Cocomaricopas, Pimas, Yutas, Baqui-
452 INDIAN FRIENDS AND FOES.
ovas, Yabipais Lipanes, and the Yabipais Natage;®
and their enemies are the Yabipais Tejua, the Jama-
jabs, and the Yumas, and further, on good grounds
(con mucho fundamento) can I say that these Yabi-
pais are also enemies of New Mexico.^ The Yabi-
pais Tejua are friends of the Yumas, of the Jamajabs,
of the Chemeguabas, of the Yabipais Natage, and of
the Yabipais Gileiios; ^° and are enemies of the Jalche-
dunes, of the Pimas Gilefios, of the Cocomaricopas,
of the Yabipais of above, and of Oraibe. The Che-
meguaba nation is friendly to the Yutas and to all the
Yabipais including the Tejua, as also to all the nations
of the west; it is hostile to the Comanches, to the Jal-
chedunes, and to the Moqui. Those of the Rio Gila
* Yabipais Natage = wild Natage or Nataje Apache — a divi-
sion of the Lipan or of the Llanero of Texas and New Mexico,
according to varying authorities; more probably of the Lipan,
who have doubtless been included in the collective term
Llaneros, i. e., "plains people" or "plains Indians," the Apaches
Vaqueros of other writers, the Querechos of Coronado's narra-
tors (1541). The Natage or Nataje are now known only by the
name, which according to Gatschet is probably derived from
no^to^, nante, or na^tan, " chief." See note ^* beyond. — F. W. H.
"The scholiast notes in the margin: " Se sabe esto por las
hostilidades del Nuevo Mexico " — the actual hostilities in New
Mexico warranted Garces' statement.
^"Yabipais Gilefios are the Apaches of the Gila: see the
Apache note beyond. Here as elsewhere it is evident that
Garces applied the term Yabipais to any and all " wild " In-
dians. It is no more specific than Chichimecos.
THE NECESSITY OF THE CASE. 453
are all friends of one another and of the Jalchedunes,
but enemies of the Tejua and Apaches.
In this array {convinacion) of nations is evidenced
how necessary it is for the arms of our king and lord
to subdue and rule over all the Rio Colorado, in order
to render permanent the establishments of Monterey
and elsewhere, the nations of this river being con-
nected as they are therewith; for if these (nations) of
the Colorado prove to be hostile to us and betake
themselves to join those of those establishments, the
latter will be unable to subsist without great expense
to the royal exchequer; and on the other hand it may
be taken into account that whatever is expended in
ruling over the Rio Colorado serves also to lighten
the burden of the subsistence of those missions; and
though the Serranos may remain beyond this domina-
tion, they are not a nation capable of doing anything
worthy of being feared, especially as, whenever it
might be necessary, through an insurrection or for
any other reason, it would be easy and handy to send
help from the Rio Colorado, and conversely. There
may also be seen in the aforesaid array the connection
or relation that the Apaches who infest these prov-
inces maintain with all the nations beyond {de aden-
tro); and they being friends, as just said, of the Yabi-
pais Tejuas, as these are of the Chemeguabas who live
on the other side of the river, there is also clearly seen
454 MISSIONS REQUIRED.
what a grand and safe refuge they (Apaches) have
among them (Tejuas and Chemeguabas) after their
robberies, and how difficult it becomes on this account
to subdue them.
POINT III.
Nations who are most ready to receive the catechism
and render vassalage to our sovereign; and Mis-
sions which among them all can he most readily
founded.
All the nations who inhabit the Rios Gila and
Colorado, and as far as the Jamajab inclusive, have
manifested very particular affection (partictdarisimo
afecto) for the Espanoles, as already said in the Diary;
whom and whose ministers it appears to me they will
receive with good grace. The missions which for
their catechism become necessary are: In the Cucapa
nation, two; one at Las Llagas, and the other at the
Laguna de San Matheo. In the Jalliquamai nation,
one, in the situation of Santa Rosa, on this side of the
river. In the Yuma nation, two; one at San Pablo,
and the other at Puerto de la Concepcion. In the
Jalchedun nation, two; one at San Pedro, and the
other at San Antonio. In the Jamajab nation, two;
one at Santa Isabel, and the other at La Pasion. For
the Rio Gila: In the Pima nation, two; one at San
PRESIDIOS REQUIRED. 455
Juan de Capistrano, and the other at La Encarnacion.
In the Cocomaricopa nation, two; one at San Simon
y Judas de Vpasoitac, and the other at San Diego de
Uitorrum." In the Papago nation, one at least at
Sonoitac, and by good providence another at Ati."
POINT IV.
Presidios Necessary.
The necessary presidios, number of their soldiers,
and collocation that they are to have, are at the ex-
clusive disposition of the superior government; but
if my opinion is worth anything, it is this: On the sup-
position that the king our lord has allowed two
presidios, one for the Rio Gila and the other for the
Colorado, each of these being of fifty men, there could
be founded under their protection two missions on
each river; and if on the Colorado it be desired to
" Of all these missions which Garces proposed for the Colo-
rado and Gila rivers, the only ones actually founded were the
two among the Yumas, at Concepcion and San Pablo respect-
ively, as already sufficiently indicated in the biography of
Garces and elsewhere in this work. All the localities here in
mention have also been duly noted in earlier portions of the
Diary.
" Sonoita or Sonoitac has already been repeatedly mentioned'
in this work. Ati was a place in Pimera Alta, on Rio Altar,
between Tubutama and Altar; it appears as At on my blue print
of a copy of Font's map, and elsewhere as Adi or Addi.
456 HOW TO GARRISON THE PRESIDIOS.
found Others, these being from the Yumas downward,
it seems to me expedient that each presidio have ten
men more, which I consider necessary for the guard
(escolta — escort) of the missions — that is, for each one
which may be founded. The reason is, because all
these nations are numerous, powerful, and warlike,
and in all parts have friends; and if we have to secure
this river properly (segun conviene), this must be done
with an adequate force (gente suHciente). This guard
of ten men indicated for each mission ought to be al-
ways therein, and the captain be not allowed to decrease
it or give it any other destination; and when they
may be no longer considered necessary, let them vacate
the premises as a relief to (baquen las plazas d fabor
de) the royal coffers, or with them may be founded
other missions. It appears to me also proper that all
these men of the guard be married, in order that with-
out hindrance may be accomplished the cause of God.
Also am I of opinion that as far as may be possible,
both the presidio and the missions be founded on the
other side of the river, since with this defense (balu-
arte — bulwark) would be secured from the Apaches the
horses and cattle; these do not know how to swim,
nor, according to the foregoing suppositions, will
there be anyone to drive them across the river, and
consequently there cannot be experienced there that
which to such great grief is experienced now in these
HOW TO SUBDUE THE APACHE. 457
provinces. This precaution may not be held useless,
since from all that I have seen and heard I have
formed an idea that the Apache, though it is not a
very numerous nation, is to be dreaded for the great
refuge that it possesses, as I have said in Point 2, in
the country of its friends and of its own, beyond the
Rio Colorado toward the north. All those whom I
designate by the name of Yabipais are in reality
Apaches. Also have they a great refuge and dispatch |
for the horse-herds they steal, in Moqui; for, as I |
have said, those of the Pueblo de Oraibe have friend- |
ship with the Yabipais Nabajay,^^ who are those who j
infest these lands. Considering, therefore, all these
arguments and circumstances, I have held for an
effectual means of subduing the Apache that which
now I set forth in the following Point :
POINT v.
How to subdue the Apuche}^
From all that has been said it is inferred, and it can
be clearly seen on the map, that Moqui is not so far
" This is another instance of the comprehensiveness with
which the author uses the term Yabipais, it being here extended
to include the Navajos.
"Apache, from the Cuchan (Yuma) apa, man; ahwa, war.
458 NOTE ON THE APACHE TRIBES.
distant as has been presumed from the Pimas Gilenos.
On the supposition, then, that, as I said, our sover-
fight, battle; tche, the nominal suffix of the plural = Apahuatche,
contracted to Apache, hostile man, warrior, etc. Owing to the
comprehensiveness of the term, it having been applied since
early historic times to many warlike tribes regardless of their
affinity, it would be difficult to determine just which Indians
were meant under Garces' designation of " Apache " had not
Don Jose Cortes, an officer of the Spanish royal engineers,
stationed evidently at one of the Sonoran presidios a quarter
of a century later, left a MS. that clears up the point. This
document, dated 1799, is in the Peter Force collection in the
Library of Congress, but a considerable extract from it, trans-
lated by the scholarly Buckingham Smith, appears as chap, vii,
part iii, pp. 118-27, of Whipple's Pacific Railroad Report, vol. iii
(H. R., 33d Cong., 2d Sess., Ex. Doc. 91), Washington, 1856.
Cortes says: " The Spaniards understand by Apache nation the
Tonto Indians, the Chiricagiiis, Gileiios, Mimbreiios, Tara-
cones, Mescaleros, Llaneros, Lipanes, and Navajos. All these
bands are called by the generic name of Apache, and each of
them governs itself independently of the rest. There are other
tribes, to whom it is usual to give the same name, such as the
Xicarilla Indians." These divisions may be analyzed as fol-
lows: (i) Tonto (Span, "foolish," "stupid," so called "from
their notorious imbecility "). The name has been almost inex-
tricably confused by authors and has been applied: (a) to a tribe
of the Yuman family (also called Apache Yuma, Gohun, Kohun,
Quejuen), since 1875 settled on the San Carlos reservation,
Arizona; best designated as the Tulkepaia; (b) to an Athapascan
tribe well known as the Pinal Coyotero (properly the Deldje,
Red Ant, or Red Earth people) ; (c) to the Pinaleiio or Pinal
Apache (properly the Tchi-kun); (d) to a body of Indians
mostly Yavapai (Yuman) men and Pinalefio (Athapascan)
women who have intermarried. At the time of Garces they
NOTE ON THE APACHE TRIBES. 459
eign monarch has allowed a presidio for the missions
which will be founded on the banks of this river: it is
ranged over the country occupied by the Tonto basin and Pinal
mountains in central Arizona. (2) Chiricahua (from ts'ihl or
tsil, mountain; kawa, great). Their own name is Aiha, Aiaha,
or Haya-a, but they have been variously termed Apaches Bron-
cos, Cochise Apaches (from their chief's name), Chericahui,
Chigui-cagui, Chilecago, Chile Cowe, Chilicagua, Chiricagiii,
Chiriguai, Chirikahwa, Chirocahue, Cochees, etc., etc. The
band took its name from its mountainous habitat, the Sierra
Chiricahua in southeastern Arizona, although they frequently
ranged to the Gila, and throughout the neighboring territory
of northern Chihuahua. (3) Gilefios; so called from their hab-
itat, the Rio Gila. Some writers have divided them into the
Coyoteros, Mogollones, Tontos Mimbrenos, Chiricahuas, and
Pinaleiios; in other words they were the outlying bands of vari-
ous Apache divisions, especially the Mogollon and Mimbreiio,
residing on or near the Gila. They are the Apaches de Xila of
Benavides (1630), the Jilenos, Coppermine Apaches, Gilans,
Mangus Colorado's band. Southern Apache, and Xileiios of
other writers, and the Yavipais-Gilefios of Garces. (4) Mim-
brefio: formerly a numerous band which took its name from
the Mimbres (Sp. willows) mountains over which they gen-
erally roamed in southern New Mexico and northern Chihua-
hua. Their own name, according to Orozco y Berra and Escu-
dero, is Iccu-jenne or Yecujen-ne. Others have called them
Membrenos, Miembres, Mimbres, Mimbrenas, and Mimvres.
(5) Taracone. More generally called Faraone, an Apache divi-
sion whose name alone survives. Orozco y Berra says their
Apache name is Yuta-jenne, which would suggest the name
Uta or Ute. Under the names Faraone, Taracone, Pharaona,
etc., they roamed over southeastern New Mexico, between the
Pecos and the Rio Grande, and as far south as the present Mexi-
can boundary. Early writers regarded them as more closely
460 NOTE ON THE APACHE TRIBES.
my Opinion, with due deference to a better one {salvo
otro mejor), that this presidio should be located in the
allied to the Jicarilla than to any other Apache division, and
it is not unlikely that they were absorbed by the Jicarilla and
Mescalero. (6) Mescalero (from mescal, a cactaceous product
made into bread and used by these and other tribes). They
occupied the valley of the Pecos in New Mexico and Mexico,
ranging as far south as the Bolson de Mapimi. They have also
been termed Mescatera, Mescolero, Mezcalero, Miscalero, Mos-
calara, Mu-ca-la-moes, Musalero, Muscalaroe, Muskalero, etc.
Other Apache tribes apply to them the names Na-isha, Na-ishi,
Na-ishtishe; the Navaho name is Nashkali-dinne. The rem-
nants of the tribe, numbering 450, are now on the Mescalero
reservation in southeastern New Mexico. 7. Llaneros, i. e.,
People of the Plains, Plains Indians. Formerly said to be
a numerous division, but determined by Mooney to be in real-
ity only a division of the Mescalero, with whom they have evi-
dently been consolidated. The Llanero band ranged the plains
eastward of the Mescalero habitat proper, between the lower
Pecos and lower Rio Grande. Like the names Gilefio, Mim-
breno, Taracone or Faraone, the term Llanero, as applied to a
geographical division of the Apache, is known only in history.
8. Lipan. From Ipa-nde (tide =^ men, people), their own
name; also called by various writers Gipanes, Lapan, Lapana,
Lapane, Lee Pani, Lee Pawnee, Lipaines, Lipau, Lipaw, Lip-
pan, Seepan, Sinapan, etc. ; the Yavipai-Lipanes of Garces.
They were apparently mentioned for the first time in 1699
(Margry) as allies of the Comanche. About this time and for
at least a century later they occupied the region of Texas
drained by the San Saba and Colorado rivers, being east of the
Llaneros. In 1805 they were said to have 750 warriors, but the
population had dwindled to 150 souls in 1840, when their prin-
cipal habitat was on the Rio Nueces. Later (1856) they were
ranging the country from Tucumcari creek, along the Canadian
NOTE ON THE APACHE TRIBES. 461
region intervening between the Pimas Gilefios and
the Moqui; to which end I find the most suitable
and occasionally to the Pecos, as well as in Mexico. The prin-
cipal remnant of the tribe is now in the Santa Rosa moun-
tains, northern Coahuila; the remaining few are with the
Mescaleros in New Mexico, and on the Ponca, Pawnee, and
Otoe reservation in Indian Territory. 9. Navajo or Navaho.
The name of this important and populous tribe is of doubtful
origin. It has been suggested that it is derived from the Span-
ish navaja, a clasp-knife, the term having been applied in allu-
sion to the tribal sign for the Navaho among the plains Indians,
which is translated " knife-whetters." Inasmuch as the first
reference to the tribe, however, is given by a Spaniard (Zarate-
Salmeron, 1626) under the designation " Apaches de Nabaju,"
this interpretation does not hold. According to Benavides
(about 1630) the name Navajo signifies sementeras grandes
("great sowings"), but the reason for such an interpretation is
involved in doubt, as the Navaho could scarcely have been
regarded as an agricultural tribe at that time. During the first
200 years of Spanish exploration in New Mexico the Navaho
were not mentioned. Indeed the Apache were not mentioned
until 1598 (Onate), although New Mexico had been scoured by
Coronado and his subordinates, by Chamuscado, Espejo, and
others prior to Ofiate's time. The Navaho early came into pos-
session of sheep, which required them to lead a semi-sedentary
life and thus to remain in practically the same area, which they
have occupied since known to history. The present Navaho
reservation, in northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Ari-
zona, practically covers their earliest habitat. The tribe num-
bers about 20,500. The most important work on this tribe is
Matthews' " Navaho Legends," Boston and New York, 1897.
10. Xicarilla; better known under the more modern form
Jicarilla; also called by various writers Gicarillas, Icarilla,
Icharilla, licarrillas, Jacarilla, Jecorilla, Jicara, Jicarillo, Jic-
462 BEST LOCATION FOR A PRESIDIO.
(place to be) on the Rio de la Asumpcion or in such
of its vicinity as may be within the Tejua nation.
This presidio would very suitably consist of 50 cui-
rassiers {soldados de citera), 80 dragoons, and 50 con-
victs — and if more, so much the better. In this way,
and in this situation of good pasturage, can be fur-
nished the guard necessary for the missions which
may be founded on the Rio Gila. I regard this presi-
dio as a formidable defense (antemurdl) against the
Apaches; for when they, harassed by our arms, may
seek to retreat to our — I mean to their — lurking
carilla, Jickorie, Ticorilla, etc., from xicara, a cup-shaped basket,
from the Aztec xicara, a cup; so called on account of the small
baskets which they made. These were the northernmost divi-
sion of the Apache, being regarded as the northern stem of the
Faraones or Apaches Vaqueros. Their principal habitat was
northeastern and northern New Mexico and southeastern Colo-
rado, about the headwaters of the Arkansaw and Canadian and
the upper Rio Grande. They are now on a reservation in
northwestern New Mexico, where they number 853. — F. W. H.
" How to subdue the Apache " when we took possession of
New Mexico and Arizona in 1846 was as serious a question as
it had been in Garces' time; and it was not settled till General
Crook finally accomplished the task, after these Indians had
devastated much of the country for nearly 30 years after we ac-
quired it. It is interesting to note that one of the means to
this end which Garces recommended was the establishment of
a presidio on Rio de la Asumpcion — precisely the measure
which our government took when it planted Fort Verde on the
river of that name. I was post surgeon there in 1881, and know
how important a military establishment this one had been.
TO OPPOSE THE APACHES. 463
places," they have to encounter it, and to sustain
great injury at httle cost to its garrison; it will also
prevent them from going to their friends the Tejua
who, intimidated by the strength of this presidio,
will abstain from rendering them assistance. I stated
before in the Diary what these Indians imparted to
me when I saw them among the Yumas, and also who
are their friends; from all of which I gather that the
missions being founded on the Rio Gila and Colorado,
they will be the only friends left of the Apaches who
harass us; on which account, recognizing our superior
forces, I do not doubt that they will be prevailed upon
to seek rather our friendship. This presidio will be
able to cut off communication with Oraibe,^^ and by
this means we can ascertain whether the Moquinos
and other Yabipais furnish aid to the Apaches, or
receive a share of our horse-herds; supposing that
the beasts I saw, as I noted in the Diary, were
stolen. Also will this presidio serve to open the com-
munication of these provinces with New Mexico, and
do away with any occasions for alarm (evitard algunos
^'^ Literally rendered after the original — " retirar a (nuestras
madrigueras) digo (a sus madrigueras," etc. Copy does not
close the last parenthesis.
" Este presidio podra cortar hasta Oraibe, etc. Here the ex-
pression cortar hasta seems to be used in the military sense of
cutting oflf an enemy's communication in a certain quarter.
464 TO SUBDUE THE MOQUIS.
sustos) that the missions of the Colorado can have, ef-
fecting by the respect (it inspires) the result that the
treaties of peace these nations have celebrated may be
permanent. Equally well can this presidio serve in
\ time for the subjection of the Moquis, who at pres-
ient without it show themselves so insolent. These
■are the masters (duenos) of the nations in the com-
^merce they carry on, for the awls, dibbles, hoes,
knives, leggings of red baize, and certain fabrics,
which are found in the other nations, all issue from
Moqui, whereto they come from New Mexico. Fur-
thermore, according to what the Indian from Zuni
told me, there comes every year to Oraibe a black-
smith to make for them awls, knives, and other hard-
ware. That is the reason why this pueblo holds itself
very much aloof, refusing to adopt the (Catholic)
faith, on the pretense that the friendship of the Espa-
fioles can be said to be feigned, or at least not dis-
interested, since they abhor the very ones with whom
they trade.^^ On all which account I say that
" Causa por que este Pueblo se mantiene mui sobre si resis-
tiendo el admitir la Fe, con el pretexto de los Espanoles cuya
amistad se puede decir que es fingida 6 a lo menos interesable
pues aborrezen a los mismos con quienes comercian. I am not
sure of my translation, and suspect some misconstruction of the
clause, con el pretexto de los Espanoles cuya, etc. The pub. Doc.
has nothing of the sort. The Beaumont MS. reads: ". . . y resiste
el admitir la fe, con el pretexto de los Espanoles, cuya amistad
AND TO OPEN COMMUNICATION 465
this presidio can well serve the purpose of humiliat-
ing and subduing them, the gentiles being able {i. e.,
allowed), if we deal with them as the king commands,
to come for these and other necessary things to the
presidio; in which they will procure their own advan-
tage, and we the profits that now (accrue to) the Mo-
quinos; and if thereupon it may appear expedient to
prohibit to them the commerce with New Mexico,
this will be the better reason for them to humble
themselves and even seek the friendship of the
Espafioles, to which they are at present so repugnant.
Not less can this presidio serve to defend the roujte
that there is, so far as I have seen and gone over it,
to pass to Monte Rey; for, according to the idea I
have formed, this will be the most fitting {tnas propor-
cionado): From Chiguagua ^^ to Janos; from Janos to
bien se puede dezir, que es fingida, 6 a lo menos interesable,.
quando comercian con ellos, y los aborrezen."
" From the city of Chihuahua there was and is a highway to
the Presidio de Janos via Carmen. Thus far between the two
points named the way is northward, not far from coincident
with the railroad. At Carmen it turns northwestward, and
passes through Galeana, Casas Grandes (not those of Arizona!),
Barranca, and Corralita, to Janos. Continuing northwest from
Janos, San Bernardino is reached, almost in the extreme S. E.
corner of Arizona. The route is thence to the Santa Cruz of
which Garces speaks, a place not on the present Santa Cruz
river, but on Rio San Pedro; following down which stream its
confluence with the Gila is reached at present Dudleyville, about
466 BETWEEN DISTANT POINTS.
San Bernardino; from San Bernardino to Santa Cruz;
from Santa Cruz to the confluence of the Rios Gila
and San Pedro; hence to that of the Rio de la
Asumpcion; from Rio de la Asumpcion to Rio de
Santa Maria; hence to the Rio Colorado, and by the
route that I took to the Rio de San Felipe, or crossing
the sierra through the Chemeguet Cajuala to come
out upon the same Rio de San Felipe; and if also it is
wished to cross the Sierra de California, it is possible
by way of the Jecuiches, or Jenegueches, to reach
San Gabriel. This conception have I formed on the
supposition that it will not be possible to succeed in
what is thus far set forth until our arms cut off retreat
from the Apache. The Jamajabs assured me that the
nations of the north possessed horses, and as I noted
in the Diary I myself saw the trail of the Yabipais
Tejua that led to the Chemeguabas who live on the
other side of the Rio Colorado, where it seems to me
probable there will be brought (baya a parar) a great
part of the numerous horse-herds that they have
stolen from us, and that thence they pass beyond. It
10 miles north of old Camp Grant, in Pinal county. Garces
would continue this route to the place on the Rio de la Asump-
cion, or the modern Rio Verde, where he hoped to see the
presidio established, and thence onward to his Rio de Santa
Maria, or present Bill Williams' fork of the Colorado; from
which last river he offers alternative routes in California to
reach the mission of San Gabriel.
ROUTES TO NEW MEXICO AND CALIFORNIA. 46/
appears to me that on the Rio de la Asumpcion are
found situations very suitable for crops; and if not,
there is immediate recourse to the Gila. Given the
missions, together with this presidio, and care being
taken in New Mexico that the Apaches do not lurk
there, I trust may be greatly furthered the project of
subduing them entirely.
POINT VI.
Routes which can sei've for the communication of these
Provinces with New Mexico and Monte-Rey.
I assume at the outset that for 700 or 1000 men to
pass there is no road whatever in all that (region)
which I have seen and gone over; but for a moderate
outfit (cosa) there is primarily the road which has been
taken by the two expeditions of these years past. Be-
sides this, there are the two roads that I put in the
Diary: that of the going to San Gabriel, and that of
the return; one and the other are good in the footing,
and abounding in grass, but both have a scanty
aguage; may be it can be made more abundant by dig-
ging and purifying. ^^ The shortest and best way, in
" Puede ser se haga mas abundante profundisandolo y limpiandolo.
meaning that the scanty water supply of such an aguage as is
usually found on these routes can probably be increased suffi-
ciently by digging such a place deeper and allowing the water
to settle.
468 ROUTES TO NEW MEXICO AND CALIFORNIA.
my Opinion, must be, to proceed from the Rio Gila
to the Jalchedunes, whence, the river (Colorado) be-
ing passed, there are at a day's journey the Tinajas de
San Joseph, abounding in water, and next day to the
Jecuiches or Danzarines, where they tell me there are
lagunas with carrizo and no lack of grass of that (sort)
which the soldiers call galleta; and through here to
proceed to the Puerto de Sail Carlos; but if it be not
desired to go by this last, it is possible from the near-
est Jecuiches to proceed by the skirt of the Sierra Ne-
vada to the Jenigueches of the same sierra; and f^ni
these in a day's journey to the Arroyo de losMartires,
and thence to San Gabriel or San Luis (Obispo) by
the road that Don Pedro Faxes took; and if even
this road does not suit (no quadra), there can be taken
that which I went over. This is what I can say con-
cerning the communication of Sonora with Monte-
Rey."** As regards that of New Mexico, it is pos-
sible to proceed through the Yutas and seek the Rio
de San Felipe, and down the banks of this will be
found my road. I doubt not that there may open
another, better, and shorter than that which I traced
^^ The tribes and places named in the above paragraph have
all been noted in the body of the Diary where they came up.
It will be here recalled that the Puerto de San Carlos is the
modern San Gorgonio pass through which the railroad goes;
the Arroyo de los Martires, the Mojave river; and Rio de San
Felipe, Kern river.
COMMENTARY ON ESCALANTE. 469
from Oraibe to the Jalchedunes, for inasmuch as I
was at the mercy of the Indians I went where they
took me, though I did not fail to know how rounda-
bout I was going; but it was necessary for me to be
careful to give them pleasure, and let them know
I was not going through their lands for mere curi-
osity, but to visit them and speak to them of the good
things. Even more of this will I say under the fol-
lowing Point:
POINT VII,
On the Reports communicated to Mexico by the Rev.
Padre Fray Silvestre Veles de Escalante, Minister of
the Missions of Zurii, year of lyy^.
One month after having arrived from my journey
at the Mision de San Xavier del Bac I received a let-
ter from the most excellent senor viceroy and with
it a copy of another of the Rev. Padre Fray Silvestre
Velez de Escalante, dated in New Mexico on the i8th
of August of aforesaid year,'^ which (letter), though
"^ As we have seen, p. 440, Garces reached his mission of Bac
Sept. 17, 1776; so his reception there of Escalante's letter of
Aug. 18, 1775, with the one from the viceroy, was on or about
Oct. 17, 1776. To exactly what letter of Escalante Garces here
refers is uncertain. It cannot have been any report of the fa-
mous expedition he made with Francisco Atanasio Dominguez
in New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, and Arizona, for this began
470 COMMENTARY ON ESCALANTE.
they sent it to me to the Rio Colorado, they had to
bring back, for I had already set forth for above (up
July 29, 1776, at Santa Fe, and ended there Jan. 2, 1777; and
we observe by the heading of Point 7, above, that Garces is
referring to some Escalante writings of 1775. What he means
may be the same as or similar to the report cited by Bancroft,
Hist. Ariz, and N. M., p. 261, as of date Oct. 28, 1775, entitled:
Informe y Diario de la Entrada que en junio 1775 hizo en la
provincia de Moqui, MS., in N. Mex. Doc. 1022-57, and also
without title, ibid., 951-84; followed ibid., 985-1013, by Escalante's
Carta de 1776 sobre Moqui. As well as I can judge, being thus
somewhat in the dark, the subject of Garces' criticisms in the
above text is Escalante's report of his visit to the Moquis in
June, 1775, when, as said by Bancroft, /. c, " he spent eight days
in the Moqui towns, trying in vain to reach the Rio Grande
de Cosninas beyond. In a report to the governor [Mendi-
nueta] he gave a description of the pueblos — where he found
7,494 souls, two thirds of them at Oraibe, in seven pueblos on
three separate mesas — and his ideas of what should be done.
He earnestly recommended — subsequently writing to his su-
perior a long argument in support of his proposition — that the
Moquis should be reduced by force of arms, and a presidio
established there. The Moquinos, he said, were well disposed,
but their chiefs had determined not to give up their power, not
only keeping their own people from submission, but the Cos-
ninas as well, who were eager to be Christians." From all of
which it is obvious that Escalante was not only an orthodox
Spanish ecclesiastic, but also what would be called to-day an
expansionist and an imperialist, who proposed to evangelize
and civilize the Moquis by the methods of militarism we are
now applying to the Filipinos, with the approval of the jingos
amongst us and to the disgust of decent American citizens who
blush with shame at the dishonor of their country in reverting
to Spanish methods of catechism and vassalage. But the
COMMENTARY ON ESCALANTE. 47I
river). I read with the closest attention said copy,
and as to the statement made to the cited reverend
sturdy Moquis were too much for the combined machinations
of the Spanish priests and Spanish soldiers; their patriotism and
good sense saved them from the fate of most other pueblos;
there never was a presidio at Moqui, and the result is that those
people are living peacefully, happily, and prosperously on the
site of their ancient settlement.
I should say more of Escalante in this connection, did I not
meditate making his famous tour of 1776-77 the subject of a
future volume of the American Explorer Series. Here, how-
ever, I will insert an interesting bit relating to that expedition,
which I noted and copied when I was overhauling the archives
of New Mexico at Santa Fe in Aug.-Sept., 1898. It is simply
a letter from the Marques de Croix to Governor Mendinueta,
acknowledging the reception of the diaries and map of Do-
minguez and Escalante, which the governor had sent to him
on May 5, 1777. The letter speaks of the discoveries of these
priests from the " capital de ese reyno," i. e., from Santa Fe,
N. M., *' al Puerto de Monterey," though of course they never
went to Monterey, nor even entered the California of to-day.
The letter is a fair example of the form of routine official cor-
respondence in those days, beginning " my dear Sir " {Muy S. "''
mio), ending with " God keep you many years " (Dios gue. a
VS. m. a. — Dios guarde a Usted muchos afios), and concluding
with the customary kissing of the hands to the governor on
the part of his most obedient faithful servant the Cavallero De
Croix; the whole subscription being autographic, but the body
of the letter in a clerk's handwriting. Here is the letter word
for word:
Muy S.**"" mio: He recivido los Diarios, y la Mapa, que VS.
me remite en carta de 5 de Mayo, sobre los descubrimientos
que los RR. PP. Fr. Fran.'=° Atanasio Dominguez, y fr. Sil-
4/2 COMMENTARY ON ESCALANTE.
padre by the Cosnina Indian I say that what he called
Rio de los Misterios is the Colorado; the assertion
that it is impassable to the Cosninas and that they do
not know if there be people on the other side was ex-
aggeration or misunderstanding of the Indian, for it
is certain that there are people, and friends of theirs,
on the other side of the river; such are the Chemegua-
bas, the Chemeguabas Sevintas, and the Cajuales. It
is true that the river may be difficult for them to cross,
because, as said already, from the Jama jabs upward,
it goes much encaiioned and the ground is very_
rough; but for all that they pass, not only the Yabi-
pais who live in the contiguities, but also the Yabi-
pais Tejua. The Cosninas ^^ that the padre speaks of
vestre Velez de Escalante, han hecho desde la Capital de ese
Reyno al Puerto de Monterey. Y oportunamente comunicare
a VS. mis resoluciones sobre este asunto.
Dios gue. a VS. m. a. Mexico 30 de Julio de 1777
[Signed] B. I. M. de V. S. su mas
atento seg.*"** servidor
El Cav.'-*' De Croix.
S.'"°D."Pedro fermin )
de Mendinueta f
S. f* fee
" Garces seems to have persuaded himself of error on this
point; though it is possible that the name in question may
have been applied to the Mojaves, yet is it certain that the
Cosninas of present and recent literature are the Havasupai of
Cataract canon. The name appears in many forms; for exam-
ple, I have noted the following passage in Bartlett's Nam, ii.
NOTE ON THE HAVASUPAIS. 4/3
I persuade myself are the Jamajabs, for I heard other
nations call them Culisnurs, or Culisnisna, instead of
1854, p. 178: " The Cosninos I presume to be the same as the
Coch-nich-nos, whom Mr. [Antoine] Leroux met in his late
journey down the Colorado, although, on account of their
hostility, he had no intercourse with them." Mr. Hodge fur-
nishes the following note regarding the Cosninos:
A small tribe, more correctly known as Havasupai, but offi-
cially recognized as Supai or Suppai, residing in the gorge of
Cataract creek, a tributary of the Colorado, in northwestern
Arizona. The name Havasupai bears the interpretation " people
of the green water," and is believed to refer to the numerous
willows that line the banks of the creek where they have made
their home since before Garces' time; hence also another desig-
nation, " Willow people," or " Nation of the Willows." By
others the name is said to be a Walapai term signifying
" Down-in people." Although belonging to the Yuman stock,
a linguistic group composed of tribes far removed from the
culture of the Pueblos, the Havasupai have preserved traditions
of their former occupancy of now-ruined pueblos on the Colo-
rado Chiquito, and indeed the cavate lodges near San Francisco
mountains still bear the name " Cosonino " or " Cohonino "
caves. They are reputed to have abandoned these villages and
to have sought refuge in their caiion home at the time the
Apache made their appearance in the territory which the latter
occupied in Arizona until within recent times — a period trace-
able to about the latter part of the sixteenth or beginning of the
seventeenth century. The houses of the Havasupai consist of
temporary cabins or shelters of wattled canes and branches and
earth in summer, and of natural caves and rocky crevices in
winter. They subsist by agriculture, although fifty years ago
they made hunting excursions for a hundred miles southward.
In addition to their crops of corn, calabashes, melons, peaches,
and apricots, they eke out a livelihood by means of sunflower
474 NOTE ON THE HAVASUPAIS.
Jama jabs, though I cannot understand how the Indian
informant went from their rancherias, for these are
enemies of the pueblos of Moqui, and before my pas-
sage were also (enemies) of the intermediate Yabipais.
It is certain that these Jama jabs or Culisnisnas know
from the Yabipais Tejua and from the Yumas that we
live in these lands. The Chidumas, who I persuade
myself are the Yumas,^^ up to the present time have
I not heard that they eat human flesh, as the Indian
informed the reverend padre. As to the sierras he
speaks of, he does not go far from the truth, for it is
certain that there are those two sierras; but as to the
points of the compass and the number of days there
is much contradiction in the notion of the reverend
padre that the transit has itself to seek (i. e., must be
sought) through the Yutas who live at the confiu-
seeds, prickly-pears (tunas), and mescal, together with the
limited game supply afforded by the immediately surrounding
country. Population in 1896, 253. Other forms of their name
are: Agua Supais, Ah-supai, Ava-supies, Casinos, Casnino, Co-
a-ni-nis, Cochineans, Cochnichnos, Co^oninos, Cohoninos,
Cojnino, Cominas, Coninas, Cosninas, Cuesninas, Cuismer,
Culisnisnas, Culisnurs, Habasopis, Havasopis, Hava-su-pay,
Havesu-pai, Havisua Pai, Java Supais, Javeusa, Kochonino,
Ku'h-nis, Supies, Supis, Suppai, Tonto Cosnino, Yavai Suppai,
Yuva-Supai. — F. W. H.
" This is correct, in the sense that the Chidumas of Escalante
were the Yuman tribe variously called Alchedomas, Halche-
domas, Jalchedomas, Jalchedums, etc.
END OF COMMENT ON ESCALANTE. 475
ence of the rivers to the north of Moqui, of whom I
learned that they were friends of New Mexico, and
that, having here passed the Rio Colorado, they roam ^*
southwest, descending to the Chemeguet Cajuala who
live on the other side, and seeking the Rio de San
Felipe, they follow it to where I was. If from the
said Yutas be taken the direction westnorthwest, as
says the reverend padre, it is certain one could go to
Monte-Rey and also to the Puerto de San Francisco,
if there did not intervene the broad Tulares which
have now been discovered, and through which only
will it be possible to pass by means of boats (en case de
disponer emharcaciones) . But even proceeding on this
course it appears to me possible to traverse the large
river of which I had information among the Noches,
and which is that which discharges {desagua) in the
Tulares united with the Rio de San FeHpe or very
close thereto; yet this seems to me a great circuit for
the transit to Monte Rey, and in any event there is
required the descent to head ^^ said Tulares. For this
would be very useful, in spite of the greater distance,
the discovery of the cited large river which according
to reports comes from the northwest and may be the
^* The word used is jirar for girar, to gyrate, turn about. The
sense is clear, though " turn " would be more literal than
" roam."
^'' Descahezar, literally decapitate, behead, or "head off." The
" descent " said to be required is southward.
476 COMMENTARY ON 05fATE, 1604-O5.
one which they called (Rio) del Tizon "^ on the ex-
pedition that in the year 1604 Don Juan de Ofiate ^^
" There is a double error here, for the Rio del Tizon or Fire-
brand river was the Colorado itself, and it was so called by
Melchior Diaz in 1540, not by Onate in 1604, who named it Rio
Grande de Buena Esperanza: see note **, p. 136. Another name
of the Colorado was Rio de Buena Guia (Alarcon, 1540).
" See note ", p. 144, for a brief mention of Ofiate's expedi-
tion, some further account of which may be here given, in part
from Bancroft's digest of the records in Hist. Ariz, and N. M.,
pp. 154-157. Onate was at the time governor, and desired to
reach the Mar del Sur or South Sea (Gulf of California) from
his capital of New Mexico, which was then at San Juan (de los
Caballeros — for Santa Fe had not as yet been founded). He
started on Oct. 7, 1604, with Padres Francisco Escobar and
San Buenaventura, and some 30 men. He passed through
Zuiii, whose chief town was Havico or Ha Huico (otherwise
Hawiku, one of the cities of Cibola), and thence on to the 5 or 6
Moqui pueblos, with their 450 houses and inhabitants weaving
cotton. Ten leagues westward the expedition crossed a river
flowing from S. E. to N. W., named Rio Colorado from the
redness of its waters, and said to flow into the Sea of California
after a turn to the west and a course of 200 leagues through a
country of pines. This stream was of course the one now
known as the Colorado Chiquito or Little Colorado river, sup-
posed to be the main water-course; and the name bestowed is
no doubt the original application of the term Colorado to any
portion of the great water-course which bears the name to-day.
The Colorado Chiquito was crossed at a place called San Jose,
and the expedition next came upon two streams which were
named respectively Rio San Antonio and Rio Sacramento.
These were no doubt two branches of the present Rio Verde
in the region north of Prescott, Ariz., where Espejo had been
23 years before. The people hereabouts were called Cruzados
COMMENTARY ON ONATE_, 1604-O5. 477
made from New Mexico. Also do I persuade myself
from their fashion of wearing little crosses in the hair of the
forehead, and they said that the sea was 20 days or 100 leagues
distant, and to be reached by going two days to a small river
which flowed into a larger one, which itself flowed into the sea.
The expedition verified this by coming in 15 leagues to a
stream they named Rio San Andres, where the tierra caliente
produced pitahaya, and by going down it they found the large
stream they had sought. In other words, Oiiate went down the
present Bill Williams' fork (which it will be remembered is the
Santa Maria of Garces) to its confluence with the Colorado,
which was then and there named Rio Grande de Buena
Esperanza, or Good Hope river. He does not appear to have
recognized this as the main stream of which his Rio Colorado
was a branch; but he knew it to be the one which had long
before been named Rio del Tizon or Firebrand river.
The Indians then living on the Colorado for some distance \/
above and below the mouth of the San Andres were the Ama-
cava or Amajava nation — that is, the Mojave. Captain Mar-
quez went up the river a short distance, and then the expedition
followed it downward. Next below the Amacavas were found
the Bahacechas, and then the Ozaras, these last living on a
large river which entered from the east, and was named Rio del
Nombre de Jesus. This was of course the Gila. For 20 leagues
below the junction the country was populated by tribes similar
in language and manners to the Bahacechas — i. e., Yuman
tribes, the population of which, on the eastern bank alone, was
given as 20,000. There were the Halchedumas in 8 rancherias;
Coahuanas, in 9; Tlaglli, or Haglli, in 5; Tlalliguamayas, in 6;
and finally Cocopas in 9 settlements at the head of tidewater, 5
leagues from the river's mouth. This tidewater was reached
on Jan. 23, 1605, and on the 25th Oiiate with the two friars and
nine men went down to the disemboguement, where he found
a fine harbor, with an island in the center, where it was thought
478 COMMENTARY ON ONATE, 1604-O5.
this river may be the very one of which they gave in-
that a thousand ships might ride at anchor. This was formally
named Puerto de la Conversion de San Pablo. The expedition
returned by the same way it had gone, and reached San Gabriel
April 25, 1605. (This San Gabriel was so named by Onate in
1599; it was the place he had begun to build Aug. 23, 1598, and
had called San Francisco de los Espafioles. This and the
above mentioned San Juan (de los Caballeros) were on opposite
sides of the Rio Grande del Norte, about the mouth of the
Rio Chama; and these settlements were prior to the location of
Santa Fe in 1608.)
Though the itinerary of this extremely important expedition
across New Mexico and Arizona, from the Rio Grande at the
mouth of Rio Chama to the Colorado at the mouth of Bill
Williams' fork, is not so precise and detailed as we could wish,
it is easy to appreciate the route approximately, as coinciding
more or less nearly with the line of the present railroad, and
with the explorations of Sitgreaves, Whipple, and E. F. Beale.
But there is one point on Ofiate's journey where we can actually
put our finger on him, so to speak; for he was at El Morro or
Inscription Rock, and the record thereon inscribed is still
legible in part — or was so recently. As rendered in alleged
facsimile by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, on his lithographic plate 69.
in the Senate Ex. Doc. No. 64, 31st Congr., ist session, 8vo,
Washington, 1850, the inscription looks something like this:
" Paso pora quielanzadod on
del descubrim
16 dea briball6o6 "
The able officer who has given us this and many other invalu-
able records from the same rock had evidently no clew to the
meaning, though he had the assistance of Chief Justice J.
Houghton, Sefior Donaciano Vigil, secretary of the province.
COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, I539. 479
formation to the Reverend Padre Fray Juan de la
Asumpcion, " a religious of N. P. S. Francisco, who
in the year of 1538 entered through Sinaloa by order
of the M. R. P. Fray Marcos de Nisa/* in whose rela-
and Samuel Ellison, the official translator (!); for on p. 125 of
his book he rendered the glyph as follows:
" Passed by this place with despatch, (a word or two not
decipherable,) i6th day of April, 1606."
But Lummis, in his Strange Corners, as heretofore cited, has
been more fortunate. He reads as follows:
" Paso por aqi el adelantado don ju* de oiiate ? a
descubrimiento de la mar del sur a 16 de Abril ao 1606." With
this indication, parting off the letters to make the right words,
and supplying in brackets illegible parts of the inscription, we
arrive at the following close approximation to the original:
" Paso por aqui el adelantado don [Juan de Onate]
del descubrim[iento de la Mar del Sur]
16 de abril ao 1606 "
Or in English: " Passed by here the adelantado Don Juan
de Oiiate from the discovery of the Sea of the South 16 of
April year 1606."
" Adelantado " was Oiiate's official title at that time, and there
seems to be no question that we have here the genuine original
record left on the stone on his return trip. But the date is out
one year, if we read " 1606." I have no doubt that the correct
date is April 16, 1605, as the journey was finished on April 25,
1605, unless all our other authorities agree in being mistaken.
** This note, too long to set here, will be found at the end of
the chapter, p. 505. Read it before you go on to note '"'!
" Otherwise Marcos de Niza, Nizza, or Niga, that is, Mark of
Nice, Italy, at that time in the Duchy of Savoy; he was there-
fore a Savoyard; his full name is unknown. He came to
480 COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, 1 539-
tion of journey it is said that this religious, having
traveled some 600 leagues to the northwest of the
America in 1531, went with Pizarro to Peru in 1532, and after
some service in Nicaragua came north with Pedro de Alvarado.
In 1539 he was vice-commissary in the order of St. Francis, and
in 1540-43 was provincial, succeeding Fray Antonio de Ciudad
Rodrigo in that high ecclesiastical office. His personal char-
acter has been handed down to us by his enemies as that of an
impostor, liar, and coward: none of the which was he, but an
honest, brave, and zealous priest, who, in 1539, accomplished the
ever memorable discovery of Zufii or the Seven Cities of Cibola,
and thus of New Mexico — an exploit which opened the way
immediately to the famous expedition of Coronado in 1540.
We have his own Relacion or personal report of this pregnant
feat, and many other original sources of information; which, as
critically examined by modern scholars, especially Bandelier,
Hodge, and Winship, enable us to set forth the man in his
true light, and state with very close approximation to accuracy
where he went and what he did.
Unless Fray Juan de la Asumpcion in 1538, Fray Marcos was
the first white man to enter what is now Arizona, as well as the
present New Mexico. But he was preceded on much of his
own route by a person of different color who had been given
him for his guide — a negro named Estevan, or Estevanico,
native of Azamor or Asimur, on the coast of Morocco, who had
before made the transcontinental journey (1528-36) with Alvar
Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca, Alonzo del Castillo Maldonado, and
Andres Dorantes. Black Stephen was in fact the first " white
man " who ever laid eyes on a pueblo of Zuiii or Cibola; but he
did so on Fray Marcos' expedition and by order of the latter.
The friar was also accompanied part way by a lay brother, the
Savoyard Fray Honorato, Onorato, or Norato, and some In-
dians.
Friar Marcos received a copy of the instructions of the
COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, 1 539- 481
[City of] Mexico, fell upon a river so large and full
of water (caudaloso) that it prevented his crossing;
viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, at Tonala, in New Galicia, Nov.
25, 1538. We have these instructions, in Spanish, French,
Italian, and English, in divers records; also Friar Marcos' own
acknowledgment of their reception by him, as just said. Pur-
suant thereto, he left San Miguel de Culiacan, in Sinaloa, Mar.
7, 1539. with his guide Stephen, his lay brother Honorato, and
the Indians. His course was by the highway northnorthwest
to Rio de Petatlan, the modern Rio del Fuerte, where Fray
Honorato fell sick and was left behind. Continuing the same
course, approximately parallel with, but at considerable distance
from, the coast, Fray Marcos crossed the Rios Mayo and Yaqui,
and about the middle of April was at a place called Vacapa or
Bacapa. This is specially to be noted; for the name has been
confounded with a certain San Luis Beltran de Bacapa, in
northwestern Sonora near the Arizona line, and thus Fray Mar-
cos has been sent by various writers promenading in a country
he never even approached, to the dire confusion of his whole
route. But Bacapa was an Indian village on the headwaters
of the Rio Matapa, about lat. 29", and was at or near the modern
town of Matape, in central Sonora, where the Jesuit mission of
San Jose de Matapa was founded in 1629. It was this miserable
malidentification of Bacapa, traceable back at least to Mange,
Mar. 12, 1702,^ which threw Friar Marcos' route out, altogether
too far to the northwest, at the hands of many historians or
commentators, who fetched him up low down on the Gila, made
' At this date, when Mange was with Kino at San Luis de Bacapa, he
indulged in the bit of historical and geographical mythology I wish to
signalize as such : " Y parece es por la que paso el ejercito de Francisco
Vazquez Coronado el aiio de 1540 cuando fueron a descubrir las 7 ciudades
de los llanos de Zivola, pues este nombre mismo le da el cronista Antonio
de Herrera en la de cada 4. a descubriendo este viaje, y que dista 40 leguas
del mar, y la misma distancia hallamos en ella," etc. Bacapa ! One day's
journey from Sonoita ! O Coronate .' Quandoque qualescunque quantcB-
cunque fabulce de te narrantur ! It all comes from mistaking this Bacapa
for the place on Rio Matape of the same or similar name, which happens to
be about the same distance from the gulf.
482 COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, 1 539-
(this was no doubt the Colorado — interpolation of the
scholiast) ; and he (or it — the relation) continues, say-
him the discoverer of the Casa Grande of that river, and then
spirited him to Cibola as best they could: see for example Niza's
alleged but impossible route, on the map facing p. 42 of Ban-
croft's Hist. Ariz, and N. M.
Friar Marcos stayed some days at Bacapa, whence he dis-
patched Stephen ahead to reconnoiter, telling him to go north
some 50 or 60 leagues and send back word of what he found.
The second day after Easter Sunday he followed after, and in
three days reached the Rio Sonora in the vicinity of modern
Babiacora. Here was a village of Opatas, who had given
Stephen his first reports of Cibola, duly sent back to the friar;
Cibola was said to be 30 days' journey thence, to be the first one
of seven cities; and other provinces called Marata, Acus, and
Totonteac were reported. Friar Marcos followed up the Rio
Sonora for a week in the wake of the negro, who appears to
have been meanwhile hurrying on ahead to Cibola, thus to
secure for himself the glory of discovering that kingdom of
which so many wonders had been narrated — and in fact he did
acquire that glory, meeting death at the same time. The friar
took formal possession of the Sonora valley, and on the seventh
day reached the last settlement, somewhere in the vicinity of
modern Bacuachi, a little north of the better known Arizpe.
Then for four days he traveled northward " en el despoblado."
This term " despoblado," translated " desert," has been a fruit-
ful source of misunderstanding regarding the route of Coronado
as well as of Friar Marcos. It does not mean a desert, in a
physiographic sense, but simply a deserted, depopulated, or an
uninhabited place — in fine, a wilderness; the traverse of which,
still northward, took the friar over from headwaters of Rio
Sonora to sources of Rio Nexpa or the modern San Pedro
river, on the confines of Arizona. I regard this identification
as assured; those who have sent Marcos down the modern Rio
COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, 1 539- 483
ing that the Indians of this (river) informed him that
at about ten days' journey to the north there was an-
Santa Cruz, through Tucson, Florence, Phoenix, or anywhere
else so far west, are certainly at fault; he was on the San Pedro,
as he was also with Coronado the next year; and he went down
that river, past the vicinity of Tombstone and other well-known
Arizona places.
At this point in the Relacion comes up a matter which
seems to have needlessly puzzled many commentators, and
even caused some of them to send Fray Marcos to a sup-
posed west coast in an impossible lat. 35°. But I find
nothing in the original Spanish to require such a forcible
construction of his words. I think that he does not say
he went to see about the trend of the coast, but simply sought
to learn about it ("quiselo saber," he says) from hearsay; "y asi
fui en demanda delta y vi claramente " need not mean more than
that he demanded of Indians how the case was, and was given
to understand clearly what they told him. At this stage of his
journey he was on the Rio San Pedro, then called Nexpa, say
200 miles or more from the Gulf of California in an air line, say
lat. 31° 30' or 40', among the Sobaipuri Indians; and he was fol-
lowing down the river northward.
At the last village of the Sobaipuris Friar Marcos remained
three days and then plunged into the despoblado or wilderness,
which he was told it would take him 15 days to cross, to reach
Cibola. This was on the 9th of May old style, or the 19th
new style. He was still traveling on the trail of the negro,
which probably is not now ascertainable with entire precision,
as it was " across country " and not along any recognizable
water-course after the San Pedro had been left. His point of
departure from this river is not fixed; but in any event his mean
course was about northnortheast, across the Gila and the
Salado, necessarily, and so on to Zuiii. It seems to me alto-
gether most probable that Estevan's trail, which Friar Marcos
484 COMMENTARY ON MARK OF NICE, 1 539.
Other larger river, inhabited by much people, whose
multitude they explained with fistfuls of sand; that
followed exactly, was the same as, or scarcely differed from,
that which Coronado followed, accompanied by the friar, the
very next year. As lately worked out by Mr. Hodge, this
route left the San Pedro in the vicinity of the present Benson;
went through Dragoon and Railroad passes, as the railroad
does now; reached the Gila at or near Solomonville (in which
vicinity was the much mooted Chichilticalli or Red House of
the Coronado relations); passed the Gila Bonito high up, and
thus in the S. E. corner of the present White Mountain reser-
vation; crossed the Salado or Salt river, believed to be the Rio
de las Balsas or Raft river of the Coronado relations; and thus
attained some of the headwaters of the Colorado Chiquito;
whence the distance was short to the Rio Vermejo or modern
Zuni river, which appears to have been struck a few miles below
the point where it crosses the present boundary between
Arizona and New Mexico. Thence it was only a day's journey
to the first Zunian or Cibolan pueblo, Hawiku, about six miles
east of the boundary last said.
Pursuing the route thus sketched, or one closely approxi-
mate thereto, for twelve days, which brought the friar within
two or three days of his destination, on the 2ist-3ist of May,
he was met by a fugitive from Cibola — one of the many Indians
who had accompanied Estevanico thither — with the startling
news that the negro had been killed by the Cibolans. Ac-
counts of the affair differ in detail, as usual, and it is not neces-
sary to go into them here; of the main fact there is no question.
This catastrophe put an entrada into Cibola out of the ques-
tion; but Friar Marcos determined not to desist without at
least a view of the promised land. He was led by two of his
Indians to a spot whence he sighted the nearest one of the
Seven Cities of Cibola, la qual estd scntada en un llano, a la fald-a
de un cerro redondo — " which is situated in a plain at the skirt
COMMENTARY OK MARK OF NICE, 1 539- 485
they had houses of three stories, and walled about
(were) their pueblos, and that they went clothed
and shod with antelope (skins) and mantles of cotton.
My opinion is confirmed by the fundamental fact {el
fundamento grabe) that, the river coming from the
northeast with regard to the place where I acquired
information thereof, there is agreement of the ten-
days' journey to the river cited in the relation above
mentioned. Also in the circumstances of the cloth-
ing I have grounds (fundamento — for my opinion),
of a round hill." This was not Kiakima, as Bandelier once
thought, but, as Hodge has shown, it was the Pueblo of
Hawiku, Hauicu, or Havico, a mile or so from modern Zuni
Hot Springs, or Ojo Caliente. At his coign of vantage, in full
view of this southwestern one of the Zuiii pueblos or Cities of
Cibola, Friar Marcos erected a stone cairn with a wooden cross
atop, took possession in due form of Cibola, Totonteac,Acus, and
Marata, named the whole country Nuevo Reyno de San Fran-
cisco, and turned back from his great discovery " with much
more fright than food " (con harto mas temor que comida), as he
pithily says in his Relacion.
Such, in briefest outline, are the journey and discovery of Friar
Marcos de Niza. There never need have been the slightest
question, much less mystery, of the location of the Seven Cities
of Cibola, whose identification with the Zuiiian pueblos has
never been entirely lost sight of, though so often disputed or
denied, down to the present day. After this exploit the monk
made all haste to return to Culiacan by the way he had gone
then to Cibola: and by September, 1539, he had duly attested
the report which he made to the proper authorities at the City
of Mexico, where he died March 25, 1558.
486 REFERENCE TO OTHER EARLY RELATIONS.
since, besides (the fact) that all the Yabipais I have
seen are dressed in antelope (skins) and the Moquinos
in mantles, the Jamajabs informed me that all the
people that they have to the north (of themselves) go
clothed. The report of the houses and walled pueb-
los of which the Indians informed the Reverend Padre
Fray Juan de la Asumpcion is also so conclusive that
I find not any difSculty in believing it, considering
that in the pueblo of Oraibe I saw houses of two or
three stories, and that as, on the side where I en-
tered in it, they had no window, they resembled walls
rather than houses, as is already said in the Diary.
Such is the verisimilitude which I find in the cited
relation.^*^
I find also a notice of this river in the, to me,
verific relation of the journey of Captain Francisco
Vazquez Coronado,^^ made in the year of 1540 [and
1 541] by order of the Sefior Don Antonio de Men-
doza.^^ I call this relation very verific, for all that it
™ This note, discussing the vexed question of what Relacion
Garces cites, goes over to p. 509, which see.
^^ This very long note on the Coronado expedition goes over
to the end of Garces' text, pp. 513-21, which see.
°' The first viceroy of New Spain, born about 1485, died at
Lima, Peru, July 21, 1552. He was of noble birth, son of the
second Conde de Tendilla, and among his titles was that of
Marques de Mondejar. His appointment to the viceroyalty is
said to have been formally made out April 17, 1535; he entered
CASE OF THE TWO BACAPAS. 48/
says have I seen. The pueblo of Bacapa, of which it
makes mention, is found to-day by the name of Qui-
tobaca, in Papaguera.^^ Apa in Pima language
Mexico at Vera Cruz about the beginning of that year, and was
viceroy until November, 1549, when he was succeeded by Don
Luis de Velasco. After a short interval he became viceroy of
Peru, Sept. 23, 1551. He was regarded as a righteous ruler, of
austere personal habits, perfect integrity, and great administra-
tive ability.
°^ See note "°, p. 481, regarding the Bacapa or Vacapa of the
Marcos de Niza and Coronado Relations, on the headwaters of
the Rio Matape or Fuerte, near Rio Sonora. Needless to add,
Garces' Bacapa or Quitobac, in Papagueria, is a different one of
the places so called, near the boundary line of southwestern
Arizona, and not the central Sonoran village Garces mistook
it for. Mr. Hodge furnishes the following note regarding it:
Bacapa was a Papago rancheria in the " Papagueria " of
northwestern Sonora, not far below the present Arizona bound-
ary. It was visited in 1700 by Kino and Mange, who applied to
it the name San Luis de Bacapa (" St. Ludlovic de Vacapa,"
" San Ludlov de Bacapa," " San Luis Beltram de Bacapa," etc.,
according to various citations). The saint name was retained
by Anza and Font (1774), but the name of the settlement seems
to have been changed to Quitobac, and later to Quitovaquito.
The etymology of the names is doubtful. Both Garces and
Buelna (Geog. Indig. de Sinaloa, 1887) assert that the term
contains the element bac or baca, tule, carrizo, but there is no
doubt that the former erred in interpreting the prefix quifo as a
Spanish diminutive. The name Bacapa was applied by Marcos
de Niza in 1539 to Matape, on a river of the same name much
farther southeastward, and this has misled some students in at-
tempting to trace the route of that friar and of Coronado the
following year. — F. W. H.
488 A CURIOUS ETYMOLOGY.
means in; and Bac, tide; and the combination Qiiito-
bac means en tide chiquito {" in small tule ").^* The
Rio de las Balsas which it also cites, is the Rio Colo-
rado.^'* It says that following northward they ar-
rived at the Alchedum nation; in this very direction
I myself went to the nation that I call Jalchedum.
Whatsoever this relation says of the sea has much con-
nection with what I have seen, as in (the instance of)
the small ships that are found in the Canal (de Santa
Barbara), and about the smell of amber, which I also
have noted on my journey, though I do not assure
myself that it could be amber exactly; the same is re-
'■* Garces' etymology, like his theology, will satisfy those who
believe in miracles. To make Quitobac mean " in small reeds,"
he clips the Spanish adjective chiquito, " small," down to 'quito,
and adds bac from Piman to finish the word; then drawing from
a diflferent word, Bacapa, the apa for his " in." I am familiar
with false etymologies of many sorts, but think I never before
saw quite such a stunner as this miraculous ingenuity. See the
preceding note by Mr. Hodge.
^' I do not recognize the place in any of the numerous Rela-
tions of different portions of the Coronado expeditions where
the Colorado is called Rio de las Balsas. Coronado himself was
never on the Colorado, and the Rio de las Balsas of Jaramillo.
who was with him on his inland march to Zufii, Tiguex, and
Quivira, is most probably the Rio Salado, in southeastern Ari-
zona. Those of Coronado's men who were up the Colorado
river to the Jalchedunes were Melchior Diaz and Hernando de
Alarcon, who called the stream Rio del Tizon and Rio de la
Buena Guia.
FURTHER REFERENCE TO EARLY RELATIONS. 489
lated to me by those who have been on the Canal.
The having seen, as the relation says, people with the
hair crisp and others who have it straight, that also
have I seen myself; and the pointing out of their land
toward the west would be for the island of Santa Cruz,
which lies in this direction, though the discoverers
could not discern this and others of the Canal, espe-
cially in a fog, as is now also the case. The tents
which that relation says they saw in the land have
connection with those which I saw of sewn tule
among the Cobajais, of which I make mention in the
Diary. It also says that they pitched the camp
(sentaron el real) near Moqui, and that after six days'
journey they came upon the Llanos de la Zibola,"
which the nations that they called Baqueros inhabited.
Being myself among the Yabipais nigh unto Moqui
they gave me information of the Acquiora nation,
whose name either is the same or bespeaks quite a
hint of {dise mucha alusion a) Baqueros, indicating to
me its habitation toward the north. The flax " and
" Not meaning any of the plains about Cibola (Zuni), but
the Plains of the Buffalo {cibola). The Baqueros of the text, or
Vaqueros, were Indians who hunted the bufifalo, the term being
collective, not distinctive. " Acquiora " of the text seems to
stand for Baquiopa.
" Rio del Lino, or Flax river, it will be remembered, was a
name of the Colorado Chiquito in Coronado's time. But our
author's commentary is becoming so confused and beside the
490 FURTHER REFERENCE TO EARLY RELATIONS.
hemp cited in the relation as having been seen, al-
ready have I left it said in the Diary that I also met
with the same; and considering that thus far I find that
relation so conformable with that which I have seen
and experienced, I do not hesitate to give it credence.
It goes on to say that from the place where they
halted in the nation of the Baqueros the soldiers set
forth toward the northwest [sic], and having gone
six days' journey descried on the border of a great
river a populous city, with houses of three stories sur-
rounded with high walls, as they could distinguish
from the top of a hill close by the settlement, called
Quevira, of the Teguayo nation. They may be truth-
ful, in my humble opinion (en mi corto entender), both
this and the other relation, and there may really exist
the great river cited and the populations referred to.
A part thereof has been related to me by an Apache
there is in these provinces. Upon these advices,
those that I have acquired of the Comanches, and the
knowledge that, as I have said, the Chemeguabas and
Yutas are their enemies, it appears to me that the in-
habitants of that large river and of those settlements
point that it seems hardly worth pursuing. He appears to be
dreaming, or writing from vague memory of traditions or rela-
tions of the Coronado period. Quivira, presently mentioned, was
of course in Kansas; but it may be found on maps in almost any
part of the western and southwestern United States.
NOTE ON THE COMANCHES. 49I
are the Comanches.^® In Tejas (qu: in Taos?) have
they said that they come from afar, and that they set
forth from a great river; wherefore would it be fitting
that before undertaking any expedition, peace should
be effected with them, when they come for the sale of
their antelope skins. For the effectiveness of this ex-
pedition I consider necessary at least 80 men, well-
armed and well-disciplined, with whom may go two
priests; that there be taken the wherewithal to regale
the Indians, and for barter awls and other trifles
(bugerias), together with red ribbons (encarnados
listones), for J have noticed that this is the color which
best suits them; not permitting the very least {mas
mwiMo) misbehavior on the part of anyone of the com-
pany; and that the trade with the Indians by barter be
in the presence of the chief,^^ so that there may be no
^ A tribe of the Shoshonean stock, occupying the southern
plains region, especially of Texas and Indian Territory within
historic times (since about 1700), but there is good traditionary
evidence that previously their habitat was more generally con-
fined to the north and northwest. They call themselves N'em or
Neme, are the Padoucas of the early French, and the Aliatans,
latans, letans, etc., of other writers. Their popular designation,
Comanche, is believed to be of Mexican origin. They are now
gathered on the Kiowa and Comanche reservation in Oklahoma,
where they numbered 1,526 in 1897. They were formerly re-
garded as one of the most warlike tribes of the plains, their
raids extending far into the north and southward as far as Du-
rango, Mexico. — F. W. H.
^' Gefe — the first instance of the use of this term in our MS.
492 VISIONARY COMMERCIAL PROJECT.
cheating; and also if any one of the expedition do a
wrong thing, let him be punished right before the gen-
tiles themselves, in order to give them satisfaction. To
this advice am I bound by the loud complaints made
to me by the Noches and Quabajais Indians, as I said
in the Diary. If successful be the attempt to possess
this river perhaps will it be possible to descend
thereby to the Tulares, and through these in small
boats to San Francisco, which would be of great avail
for the commerce even of China,*" whose ship, arriving
at San Francisco, could take its goods by way of the
Puerto Dulze " and Tulares to the disemboguement
of said great river, and by this upward for New Mex-
ico. Supplying in this manner the missions of the
interior with the commerce of China by way of this
river, and that of Spain by that of the Missisipi, then
could happy be these Provincias Intemas.*^
** Referring to the Spanish galleon that came each year from
Manila of the Philippines by way of Cape Horn to Spain, and
was required by royal reglamento to touch at some Californian
port. The scholiast notes in the margin, " Projecto de
comercio de Manila con el Nuevo Mexico."
*^ The Bay of San Francisco was sometimes called Puerto
Dulze; and it would appear from the context that the "great
river " which Garces had in mind was the San Joaquin, of
which he had acquired some notion when he was in the
Tulares.
*" The dreamer in his cell at Tubutama was conceiving in the
womb of imagination that transcontinental traffic to the realiza-
EQUIPMENT OF PROPOSED MISSIONS. 493
POINT VIII.
On the Equipmeni of the Missions.
Since the first time that I was at San Gabriel, and
saw the neediness of those missions, I have been pon-
dering the means there may be to equip those of the
Rio Colorado, when these shall come to be founded
and the presidio that is proposed, inasmuch as always
have I found difficulty enough. Leaving now to
whomsoever may undertake to do it, to think up a
better plan, I will speak my mind.*^ By sea and by land
I find that these establishments can be equipped, the
country being pacified as I expect it to be, in view of
the special providences which give themselves to this
end. The route may be that which I indicated above:
from Chihuahua to Janos, San Bernardino, Santa
Cruz, Rio Gila, thence down river to the Yumas, if not
to the [proposed] Presidio de la Asumpcion and to
the Rio de Santa Maria down to the Colorado. But,
considering that this road, taken from [the city of]
Mexico, is of more than of 600 leagues; that there are
tion of which those times, pregnant though they were with
possibility, had not yet quickened.
*' " Dejando aora a quien toca hazerlo el pensar lo mejor dire
mi dictamen " — let he who may devise better means, neverthe-
less I will give my opinion.
494 EQUIPMENT OF PROPOSED MISSIONS.
encountered some difficulties thereon; that there may
occur in the future some disturbance among the in-
termediate nations; and lastly (considering) the very
great expense necessarily incurred (que ha de tener)
in equipping missions and presidios by this route; I
have pondered the other (way) by sea. This may
be either by the Golfo de Californias or by the Mar del
Sur ** and Puerto de San Diego. By the Golfo de
Californias it could be made in one small vessel with
oars and sail, at the times when it has already been
observed that this sea is less raging. If it were found
possible to take the vessel up river to the Yumas, it
would be a very great convenience, for she could
unload at the very presidio and missions; and when
this should not be practicable, founding a mission
among the Cucapa will avail to unload the bark in
some one of the creeks or coves of that shore, and
thence to take all the cargo on pack-animals up to the
presidio and missions. That the bark may be small
does not appear to me to be a hindrance to equipping
all the missions, for these in a few years from their
foundation will not need provisions, but only cloth-
ing, panocha,*^ etc., which will not be difficult to trans-
** Mar del Sur: the Pacific ocean was so called; and so, some-
times, was the Gulf of California.
*° Panocha is not a frequent synonym of asucar, but it means a
coarse sugar of native manufacture, almost necessary in any In-
EQUIPMENT OF PROPOSED MISSIONS. 495
port, however small may be the bark. And if in this
(plan) there be found inconveniences, it can be
ordered that the barks which equip the establishments
of Monte-Rey take also the supplies for the presidio
and missions of the Colorado as far as the Puerto de
San Diego, and here let there be a storehouse in which
to keep them in order to carry them afterward on
pack-animals by land. For this (purpose) it would
appear fitting that the detachment of troops at San
Diego should be under the orders of (sujeto a) the
comandante or captain of the Rio Colorado; in which
(plan) would be found many expediencies: The ist,
in that, this detachment being more contiguous to
the Rio Colorado than to Monte-Rey, it would be
able to give aid more promptly in case of necessity.
The 2d, in that, the road from San Diego to the Rio
Colorado being safer than that from Monte-Rey, and
having missions founded on this river, controlled are
all the intermediate nations. The 3d, in that, in view
of this arrangement, the soldiers not having to pass
from San Diego to Monte-Rey with so great frequency
dian establishment, and one which would of course have to be
imported at first. The sense of the whole passage is clear: the
proposed missions would be self-supporting in a few years, so
far as commissary supplies were concerned, and would only re-
quire to be furnished with panocha, clothing, and other articles
coming under the head of quartermaster stores, all of which
could be brought in a comparatively small vessel.
496 EQUIPMENT OF PROPOSED MISSIONS.
as heretofore, there will be prevented complaints and
disgusts among the Indians of the Canal. The 4th,
in that, by this means and with greater facility can
that detachment be furnished with provisions when
it is found necessary, by the same pack-trains which
bring the supplies [to San Diego], For all these
reasons it seems to me to be fitting, in case this
method of equipment (by land) be adopted, that the
detachment at San Diego be under the orders of the
comandante of the Rio Colorado; for otherwise (y de
lo contrario) there might arise many dififerences be-
tween the two chiefs (gefcs), which would work great
disadvantage to both establishments. These missions
having their equipment by way of San Diego, there
is avoided also the set-back that might be given in
case of insurrection or impediment of right of way on
the part of the nations that there are on the route by
land above indicated; which they could not obstruct,
conveyance being by sea; and for this reason also is
the support (of the mission) by way of the South Sea
to be preferred."
In view of that which the first Espanoles did; of
that which the next ones left undone; and of that
^'Y con esto se le da tambien este fomento mas a la Marina
del Sur — a phrase which requires to be paraphrased in English.
Garces had, as is seen, a bold plan, involving some very radical
NOTE ON GRAN QUIVIRA. 497
which is now beginning to be done; I cannot do less
than thank God. The first Espaiioles commenced to
catechise in Sinaloa, and made discoveries unto the
coast of the sea at the Canal, in connection with the
settlements that they called Quevira^^ — those which
some of their successors held to be supposititious {por
supuestas) but which in these times seem to us proba-
measures, for his much-desired Coloradan missions and presidio
— in fact, he wished them to take precedence over those already
estabhshed at San Diego, for the reasons that he gives, among
which was the avoidance of friction between the commanding
officers of the two establishments. He would make San Diego
a mere entrepot, tributary to the foundations upon the Colo-
rado, and for this among other reasons favored the supplying
of the latter by way of the seacoast. We have already seen,
in the Biography of Garces with which this work opens, how
the Colorado missions were established overland from Sonora;
how brief, precarious, and finally disastrous was their existence,-;
and how the relief that was sent to them from the seacoast
failed of its purpose, appearing upon the scene only to increase
the number of victims of the massacre.
" The actual Quivira of Coronado, as we see on p. 520, was
somewhere in central Kansas; but with the lapse of time it
shifted in myths and on maps all over western and southwestern
United States, even to the Pacific coast of California — its
position in the mind of Garces when he penned the above.
The most definite and persistent of all these traditions or
legends was that which malidentified Coronado's Quivira with
the Piro pueblo of Tabira, in New Mexico, east of the Rio
Grande. This was a pueblo abandoned on account of Apache
depredations about 1675, whose ruins long bore and still bear
the name of Gran Quivira. How the mythical Quivira " has-
498 NOTE ON GRAN QUIVIRA.
ble (se nos hazen provables), since in view of the houses
of Moqui there is no reason to deny the others. I see
that for a century has the faith been planted in these
provinces, and that nothing prospered in those most
propitious times when there were no enemies, and
when his Majesty had no other expenses on these
frontiers than the Presidio de Janos. For the Es-
pafioles having- lapsed {decaydo) from that primal
fervor of conquest of souls for God and of provinces
for their sovereign, when was alluring them the man-
come to Tabira to stay " may be read in the strenuous language
of Lummis' The Cities that were Forgotten, Scribner's Mag..
Apr., 1893, pp. 466-477, and eke in Bandelier's two articles on
Quivira in The Nation, N. Y., Oct. 31 and Nov. 7, 1889. Such
a wrong view of the case was doubtless favored by the
mere similarity of the names Tabira and Quivira; it was
taken by Lieut. J. W. Abert, in his Report of 1846-47,
30th Congr., 1st sess., Ex. Doc. No. 41, 8vo, Washington,
1848, p. 487, seq., and after him by many other writers.
Among these was so deservedly high an authority as Albert
Gallatin, whose articles on the Ancient Semicivilization of New
Mexico, in Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc, ii, 1848, set an example
followed by many other authors of equal or less repute, as
Squire, Schoolcraft, W. W. H. Davis, etc. In fact the curious
error flourished as an almost undisputed fact till 1869, when J.
H. Simpson, the most judicious and reasonable writer upon
Coronado up to that time, let a new light into the former fog;
and even since then — to say nothing of times since Bandelier
and Lummis proved the identity of Gran Quivira with Tabira —
the ancient myth has never lacked believers among the credu-
lous and the uncritical.
WHAT GOD DID WITH THE APACHE. 499
ageability of so many vicinities, I persuade myself
that God permitted to infuriate itself more and more
every day the Apache nation, until not only was pur-
suit impeded and rendered impracticable, but also
were devastated our lands, we becoming obliged to
spend immense sums in war defensive, and therein to
sacrifice many lives. If that which has been expended
in contending against the Apache from the beginning
of his hostilities, or better say since God took him for
an instrument to punish our sins, had been employed
in new establishments, where would not now be raised
the standard of the holy cross? In how many prov-
inces as yet unknown would not now be obeyed the
name of the catholic monarch? Thank God that it
seems that in our times revives that antique Spanish
spirit of discovering and possessing new lands, sacri-
ficing in this enterprise lives and moneys for the ac-
quisition of the precious pearls that are souls.*® Within
a short time (en brebes dias) have we seen discovered
anew the coasts of the Mar del Sur to the far-famed
" This sentence is translatable almost word for word from the
original: " Alabo a Dios por que pareze que en nuestros tiem-
pos resucita aquel antiguo espiritu Espanol de descubrir y
poseer nuebas tierras sacrificando a este empresa vidas y cau-
dales por el logro de las preciosas Margaritas que son las
Almas." Our good friend and fervid missionary is waxing
eloquent as he approaches the professional peroration of these
reflections on his Diary.
V
500 PERORATION.
and never-so-well praised Puerto de San Francisco,
where there is rendered already worship to the great
God, and this is pushed with sacred intrepidity still
further up the coast, I see the grand providences
which have given and still give themselves to the end
that we may be able to penetrate further inland
(internar mas). I believe firmly that God must help
us and that he must domesticate the nations most
ferocious, if we oblige him, aggregating to his church
so many thousands of souls as I say in the Diary are
available for that purpose {dispuestas para haserlo),
and who are awaiting us with open arms. When
I have heard tell that the king our lord, in his royal
cedulas of the new reglamento, expresses himself in
these or some such words: '' As one of the things that
most occupy my royal attention is the conversion of
the gentiles, I command to my viceroy that he give
me notice if there be any nation or nations who wish
to flock (agregar) to our religion " — I say, that when
I have heard these expressions I have persuaded my-
self that his majesty must have (ha de tener) an especial
complacency at the sight of so many as I enumerate
in this Diary, who, having been questioned and ex-
amined in this particular, have manifested desires to
receive the catechism, and to submit themselves to his
royal dominion; as also do I persuade myself that the
desires which his majesty manifests will be carried into
PROTESTATION. $01
effect, even though for this it may be necessary to in-
crease the royal costs. All of us who have the good
fortune to be vassals of such a great king have learned
his royal disposition to desire rather souls for God
than moneys for his exchequer; inasmuch as there is
no doubt it will redound to his greater glory in this
world and in the other, opening the gates of heaven
to so many souls, even though there remain few mill-
ions in the royal coffers. I conclude with lively hope
thus : The king our lord wills. The king our lord
is able. Soon the king our lord will do that which
is at once so sacred and suitable a thing. Amen.
I protest that in all which I say in the Diary and in
the Reflections thereupon nothing else moves me but
the glory and honor of God, nor do I intend to preju-
dice the- opinion of any one. I have told with Chris-
tian candor what I have learned, communicating
without invidiousness what I have seen, heard, and
experienced, which perhaps may serve to throw some
light upon the decisions which the superior govern-
ment may wish to make. Well do I recognize that
my shortcomings, and the many faults and errors that
I have committed in this and other entradas that I
have made into gentiledom may be in part or perhaps
altogether such as never have been seen hitherto;
but I have consolation that the way is open to be able
to enter to reap the harvest, and that if it be not
502 EXPLANATION.
gathered now it will be simply because no laborers are
sent.
In this Diary will be found many defects, but I con-
fess that all are unavoidable {por no alcansar nias).
If there be found any discrepancy between the Diary
and the map in number of leagues, points of the com-
pass, and observations for latitude, I advise that
always must the map prevail; for it has been drawn
since the Diary was written, and pains have been taken
to make some corrections, though none of much con-
sequence, and for this purpose the map was made in
my presence. The figures which were promised to
be put upon it to show each day's journey have since
been omitted, there being so many. — Tubutama and
January 3 of 1777. — Fray Francisco Garzes [sic].
[Postscript, manu aliena.*^]
As a result of all this, and of the expeditions of
Captain Don Juan Bautista de Ansa to Monterrey
and San Francisco, it was determined to put a presidio
*" This postscript or addendum is in another handwriting,
which is the same as that of the scholiast who makes his mar-
ginalia passim throughout the Diary. It is without heading,
and is in fact nothing more than the annotator's final note.
Fortunately it is dated and signed in autograph, and tells us
who Miguel Valero Olea was. Also, the date of Aug. 4, 1785,
POSTSCRIPT OF THE SCHOLIAST. 503
and mission on the Rio Colorado under the auspices
of the Yuma Captain Salbador Palma, who was pre-
gives us approximately the date of the whole transcription of
Garces' Diary; for Garces says that he finished writing it on
January 3, 1777, and the transcription was necessarily made be-
tween the two dates here in mention — 1777-1785.
For the matter of which this postscript speaks, refer to what
is said of Palma and the Yuma massacre in the Biography of
Garces, antea, p. 21 seq.; and to other mention of Palma in the
Diary, as at p. 155. I will amplify the curious memorandum
which I happened upon in the Documentos para la Historia
de Mexico, ist series, vol. i, pub. Mexico, 1854, which includes
among other things an article entitled: Diario Curioso de
Mexico de D. Jose Gomez, Cabo de Alabarderos. On p. 11 of
this Diary we read:
" El dia 4 de Noviembre de 1776 en Mexico, en el real palacio,
el Sr. virey D. Antonio Maria Bucareli y Urzua dio el baston
de capitan a un indio meco, y por bien le hizo poner un vestido
de uniforme azul con veulta encarnada, la chupa galoneada de
oro: este indio se llamaba el capitan Palma, no tenia otro nombre
porque no era cristiano: no se sabe cuando se bautizara: y fue
en lunes el dia de San Carlos." And again, p. 17: " El dia 13
de Febrero de 1777 en Mexico, en el Sagrario de la santa iglesia,
se bautizaron cinco indios mecos, y entre ellos uno que era el
capitan Palma, y les pusieron los nombres de Carlos, y fue su
padrino . . . y fue en jueves." That is to say, p. 11: "on Nov.
4, 1776, at Mexico, in the royal palace, Viceroy Bucareli gave
a captain's baton to a wild Indian, and kindly clothed him in a
blue uniform with red facings and gold-laced waistcoat; this
Indian was named Captain Palma, having no other name be-
cause he was not a Christian; it is not known when he will be
baptized; this was on Monday, the day of San Carlos." And
p. 17: ■' On Feb 13, 1777, at Mexico, in the sacristy of the holy
church, were baptized five wild Indians, among whom was Cap-
504 POSTSCRIPT OF THE SCHOLIAST.
tending (afectaba) to be christianized with his nation
and others adjacent. In order the better to win him
over and confirm him in acknowledgment of the king,
he was brought to Mexico, with three or four of his
relatives. They lived in a house on Calle de la
Merced with Captain Ansa; they were catechised,
clothed, regaled, and distinguished as far as possible;
whereof I am an unexceptionable witness (testigo de
cxcepcion), because, being a clerk of the viceroyal
secretary's office {dependiente de la secretaria del vir-
reynato), all such matters were under my charge; and
they went home very proud (vfanos).
Perhaps, if the presidio had been well garrisoned
(puesto wumeroso) and put under the conditions recom-
mended in this Diary by the venerable Padre Fray
Francisco Garces, those conquests would have pros-
pered and the gospel would have found itself propa-
gated among other nations; and he would not have
fallen a victim to those revolts, with the other padres
and the soldiers — for whilst they were living in the
most profound confidence, both mission and presidio
perished one day [Tuesday, July 17, 1781], when they
were coming from the mass, and for that reason were
defenseless; as is confirmed by the evidence that they
were all killed with sticks and stones, which were the
tain Palma, and they were given the name of Carlos; I stood
sponsor; . . . this was on Thursday."
COMMENTARY ON JUAN DE LA ASUNCION. 505
only weapons of those apostates and gentiles, who
spared only the women.
Of all of which will be given a better account in due
time (quando se liable de proposito).
[Signed] Miguel Valero Olea.
This 4 of August of 1785.
" Mention of this Franciscan friar, Fray Juan de la Asump-
cion, raises a notable question which never has been and per-
haps never will be answered satisfactorily. The person in
mention, also known as Juan de la Asuncion, or Juan de 01-
meda, is said to have entered Arizona in 1538, before September
of that year, with another friar named Pedro Nadal. If this be
the fact, they were the discoverers of Arizona, about a year be-
fore the negro Estevan and Friar Marcos de Niza made their
celebrated entrada of 1539. The whole question will be found
exhaustively discussed, in the light of all known original docu-
ments bearing upon it, by A. F. Bandelier, in his Contributions
to the History of the Southwestern Portion of the United
States, published in connection with the Hemenway South-
western Archaeological Expedition, in Papers of the Archaeo-
logical Institute of America, American Series, vol. v, 8vo,
Cambridge, 1890, pp. 84-105. Some of the testimony that Ban-
delier presents may be here summarized. After showing that
the reports of the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, contain nothing
to the point about Friar Juan's supposed operations of 1538.
though much about Friar Marcos, Bandelier first adduces the
evidence of Fray Toribio de Paredes, better known as Moto-
linia, regarding explorations made in 1538. It appears in his
Historia de los Indios de la Nueva Espafia (Coll. Doc. para
Hist. Mex., by J. G. Icazbalceta, 1858, vol. i, tratado iii, cap. v. p.
171), that in 1538 the Provincial Fray Antonio de Ciudad Rod-
rigo sent two friars, names not given, on a journey, some de-
506 COMMENTARY ON JUAN DE LA ASUNCION.
tails of which seem to indicate the entrada we have now in
question, while others recall Fray Marcos' of 1539. " But in
the very year Motolinia wrote," says Bandelier, " Fray Marcos
was Provincial of the order, consequently his immediate
superior, and Fray Toribio would not have failed to state that
his provincial had made the discovery, provided he meant to
allude to the journey of Fray Marcos, and not to another ex-
pedition previous to it executed by another less prominent
monk of Saint Francis," etc. Fifty-six years later, Fray Ge-
ronimo de Mendieta gives in his Historia Ecclesiastica Indiana
an account which, Bandelier thinks, for the most part looks
suspiciously like a copy of Motolinia, but with certain addi-
tional data, " so that all tends to indicate that the journey of
1538, if performed by some monk whose position was rather
inferior at the time, succeeded in reaching Southern Arizona.
We should then have a discovery of Arizona one year previous
to that of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of Nizza " (p. 91).
Bandelier finds no more to the point regarding this supposed
expedition of 1538 in any one of the official documents at his
command, from the sixteenth century until the eighteenth; in
writers of which last there " are not only detailed references
to the problematical journey of 1538, but many details not re-
vealed by writers of the sixteenth, and, lastly, the names of the
two friars who made the journey. The first such author whom
Bandelier cites is Captain Juan Mateo Mange (the same whom
we have seen as the companion and itinerist of Father Kino's
entradas), in a document of date 1720, entitled Luz de Tierra
Incognita, etc. Here Mange states distinctly that in 1538 Friar
Marcos dispatched " Fray Juan de la Asumpcion and a lay
brother," who passed through Culiacan, etc. ; that the lay brother
was taken sick, and left behind; that the other friar continued
his journey 600 leagues to the northwest of Mexico, etc. — in
fine, giving an account of a journey quite like that which
Garces is about to signalize in his text, p. 479. The duration of
the journey is put at nine months by Mange; and as we are told
COMMENTARY ON JUAN DE LA ASUNCION. 507
by Arricivita (see beyond) that it began in January, it seems to
have ended in September, 1538. As Bandelier remarks, the
name of the priest, Juan de la Asumpcion, can hardly have
been invented, though he found no Franciscan of that name
on the lists of the i6th century: "the whole looks genuine, it
agrees fairly well with the older reports, and yet is sufficiently
distinct from those of Friar Marcos to suggest that it refers to
independent facts and occurrences. But the author fails to give
his sources, and this we can but deeply regret" (p. 97).
The next authority adduced by Bandelier is Matias de la
Mota-Padilla, whose Historia de Nueva Galicia was written in
1742. " The version of Mota-Padilla differs again from all
others, in that it gives the name of the priest as Fray Juan de
Olmeda: 'This information was given by one of the ecclesi-
astics, called Fray Juan de Olmeda, to Father Fray Antonio
de Ciudad Rodrigo, who sent it, through him, to the Venerable
F. Fray Marcos of Nizza, Commissary General, who was of
such a fiery spirit that he set out on foot and without shoes on
the journey, taking the said Father Olmeda with him. And
having reconnoitered the provinces of Marata, Acus, and To-
tonteac, and obtained information concerning the province of
Tzibola, he found it advisable to return to Mexico to give a
detailed account to the Viceroy.' Fray Marcos was Vice Com-
missary General in 1538. His companion on the journey was
not Fray Olmeda, but a Savoyard lay brother called Fray
Honorato. I cannot find as yet any trace of that Fray Olmeda
in the sources at my disposition, as little as of Fray de la
Asuncion, and yet neither of these names can have been in-
vented by those who mentioned them " (p. 98).
This brings Bandelier to consider what our own author, Garces,
has to say on the subject: see my next note ^°, p. 509.
After Garces, the only mention of the supposed expedition of
1538 adduced by Bandelier from the eighteenth century is that
given in Arricivita's Cronica Serafica, 1792. Turning to the
Prologo of this work, I read as follows: " El ano de quinientos
508 COMMENTARY ON JUAN DE LA ASUNCION.
treinta y ocho por Enero salieron de Mexico, por orden del
Senor Virrey, los Padres Fr. Juan de la Asuncion, y Fr. Pedro
Nadal; y caminando al Norueste como seiscientas leguas,
llegaron a un Rio muy caudaloso que no pudieron pasar; y el
Padre Nadal, que era muy inteligente en las Matematicas,
observo la altura del Polo en treinta y cinco grados. El
siguiente ano de treinta y nueve entro con otros tres Religiosos
el Padre Fr. Marcos de Niza en la expedicion Militar; y camin-
ando al Norte, llegaron al dicho Rio, que llamaron de las Bal-
sas, y es el que hoy llaman Colorado, y tomada la altura se hallo
en treinta y quatro grados y medio, confirmando la identidad
del Rio," etc. Or, in English: "In January. 1538, there started
from Mexico, by order of the viceroy, Fathers Juan de la Asun-
cion and Pedro Nadal; and traveling northwest about 600
leagues they reached a river very full of water which they could
not cross, and Father Nadal, who was versed in mathematics,
observed the altitude of the pole in 35°. The next year of 1539
there entered with three other religious Father Fray Marcos de
Niza on the military expedition [Coronado's], and travelling
north reached the said river, which they called River of Rafts,
and the altitude being taken it was found in 34° 30', confirming
the identity of the river," etc. The only weight that I am my-
self inclined to allow this passage in Arricivita is the bare fact
that there was an expedition in 1538 by the two friars named;
for certainly they never reached either 35° or 34° 30'; certainly
Coronado's expedition was not in 1539, but in 1540; and also,
Rio de las Balsas was not the Colorado, but was no doubt the
Rio Salado.
Returning once more to Bandelier's admirable essay, we find
him summing the case in the following terms (p. loi): "I
frankly confess, that, while all the evidence presented above
does not come up to the requirements of historical certainty,
and while I should not be surprised or disappointed if subse-
quently proof were furnished that the story originated through
a confusion with the reports of Fray Marcos, the present con-
COMMENTARY ON JUAN DE LA ASUNCION. 509
dition of the case leads me to believe that the journey was really
made, that Fray Juan de la Asuncion was the man who per-
formed it, and that he reached as far north as the Lower Gila,
and perhaps the lower course of the Colorado of the West; and
that consequently there was a discovery of Southern Arizona
one year previous to that of New Mexico by Fray Marcos of
Nizza.
" The principal objection lies in the fact that the Viceroy
makes no mention of the journey in his letter quoted by me.
But we must not lose sight of the fact that he mentions other
communications to the Emperor, the text of which I have not,
and in which he says that he had sent ' two members of the
order of Saint Francis to discover the cape of the mainland that
runs in the direction of the north.' This passage may refer to
Fray Marcos and his companion, but it may also allude to two
other monks. Furthermore, if we compare the statement of
Arricivita, that the monks left Mexico in January, 1538, and the
statement of Mange, that the trip lasted nine months, with the
time of departure of Fray Marcos on his journey to the north,
we notice that the latter left only after the two monks are sup-
posed to have returned. At the end of November, 1538, Fray
Marcos was already in New Galicia, and the others are sup-
posed to have returned in October."
It only remains for me to add that the foregoing represents
nearly or quite all the known original data on the subject; and
that the modern writing upon this case, having nothing to add
to our information, is merely compilation or expression of
opinion on these sources.
°° Whose or what Relacion Garces has thus cited is unknown,
or at least uncertain. As the above text is obliquely con-
structed, for the most part, yet without due indication of what
clauses are quoted and what are Garces' own, it offers some
difficulty of translation. I will therefore first give the Spanish,
exactly as it stands, in order that my translation may be com-
5IO i EN CUYA RELACION.^
pared therewith, and any error I may have made be detected.
Beginning immediately after mention of Nisa, in the last line of
our p. 479, the text continues:
" en cuya relacion de viage se dize que haviendo caminado
este Religioso [i. e., Juan de la Asumpcion] como 600. leguas al
Noroeste de Mexico Ilego a un Rio tan grande y caudaloso que
le impidio el paso [fue sin duda el Colorado — interlineation of
the scholiast] ; y prosigue diciendo que los Indios de este le
informaron que como a diez jornadas al Norte habia otro mayor
Rio, poblado de mucha Gente cuya multitud explicaron con
pufios de arena; que tenian Casas de tres altos, y amurallados
sus Pueblos y que andaban bestidos y calzados de gamuza y
mantas de algodon. Confirma mi pensamiento el fundamento
grabe de que viniendo este Rio del Nordeste respecto del
Parage donde adquiri noticia del corresponden las diez jornadas
hasta el Rio que cita la Relacion arriba expresada. Tambien
en la circunstancia del bestido tengo fundamento pues a mas
de que todos los Yabipais he visto que se visten de gamuza y
los Moquinos de mantas; me informaron los Jamajabs que
todas las Gentes que ellos tienen al Norte andan bestidas; con-
viene tambien en la noticia de las Casas y Pueblos amurallados
de que los Indios informaron al R. P. Fr. Juan de la Asump-
cion en lo que no hallo dificultad alguna para creerlo respecto
de que en el Pueblo de Oraibe vi Casas de dos 6 tres altos, y
por la parte que entre en el, en la que no tenian ventana alguna
mas parecian murallas que Casas. Asi lo dexo dicho en el
Diario. Esta es la verosimilitud que hallo en las noticias de la
citada relacion."
What with peculiarity of punctuation and involution of con-
struction the foregoing is not easy to turn into word-for-word
English; but the sense is plain, and I regard this whole passage
as of prime importance in its bearing upon the question of Juan
de la Asumpcion's entrada. For it would seem to be almost con-
clusive evidence that such an entrada was actually made into
Arizona in 1538. The same view of the case is taken by Ban-
C EN CUYA RELACION ? 5 1 1
delier, in the work already cited, where the author writes as
follows, pp. 98-100:
" Still more attention is due to the testimony of Father Fran-
cisco Garces, of the College of the Propaganda Fide of Quere-
taro, who in the years 1775 and 1776 performed the remarkable
journey from Southern Arizona to the Moquis alone. In this
report he states:
" 'This river is doubtless the one of which, in the year 1538,
they gave information to the R. F. [sic] Fray Juan de la Asun-
cion, when he came into the country by the way of Sinaloa, by
order of the R. F. [sic] Nisa, in whose report it is said that,
having travelled six hundred leagues to the northwest of
Mexico, he reached a river so large that it impeded his passage;
and he adds, that the Indians of this river told him that ten
days' journey to the north there was another, settled by many
people, the numbers of whom they indicated by handfuls of
sand, that they had houses of three stories, that their villages
were walled in, and the people clothed and shod with buckskin
and cotton mantles.' "
Bandelier, in the above paragraph, translates not from my
MS., but from the published version of Garces. As the matter
is intrinsically interesting, I will transcribe the Spanish text of
the pub. Doc. pp. 364-65, for comparison of the two texts. It
will be observed that the following is to the identical purport
of my own MS., yet diflfers much in the wording:
" Tambien este rio es sin duda del que en el afio de 1538, le
dieron noticia al R. P. Fr. Juan de Asuncion quando entro por
Sinaloa, por mandado del R. P. Nisa, en cuya relacion se dice:
* Que caminadas 600 leguas al norueste de Mexico, llego a un
rio tan grande que le impidio el paso, y afiade, que los indios
de este rio le dijeron que diez jornadas al norte habia otro
mayor poblado de mucho gentio, cuya multitud esplicaban con
puiios de arena; que tenian casas de tres altos, que sus pueblos
estaban amurallados y que andaban vestidos y calzados de
512 (i EN CUYA RELACION?
gamuza y mantas de algodon.' Mi pensamiento se funda en
que viniendo este rio del nordeste, corresponde, segun mi dieron
noticia, las diez jornadas cabales hasta el rio Colorado, que
fue el grande que detuvo al padre y donde le dieron la noticia.
Fundome tambien en la circunstancia de los vestidos, pues a
mas de las naciones que he visto con gamuzas y mantas, me
dijeron los jamajabs, que todas las del norte andan vestidas.
Las casas y pueblos amurallados se hacen creibles en vista del
Moqui en donde las casas tienen dos y tres altos, y por la parte
de mi entrada, sin puertas ni ventana alguna, mas que casas
parecian murallas; tengo, pues, por verosimiles las noticias de
la relacion citada."
But whose relation is it that Garces thus cites, comments
upon, and credits? That is the question we cannot answer.
Bandelier, calling special attention to the fact that Garces uses
quotation marks, and has therefore some original relation be-
fore him, goes on to conclude: " It cannot have been the
Relacion of Fray Marcos which we have, for that document con-
tains nothing of the kind. It must therefore be either the
other report of that friar mentioned by him as having been
written, or else a report of Fray Juan de la Asuncion, or one
written by Father Marcos in the former's name and behalf. I
regard the testimony of Father Garces as almost conclusive on
this point." I agree with Bandelier that Garces' testimony is
conclusive to the fact that there was someone's Relacion to be
cited; but unluckily, the construction of the sentence in which
the words " en cuya relacion " occur leaves it entirely am-
biguous.
Again, what river did Juan de la Asumpcion reach, so large
that it impeded his passage, and what was the still larger river
ten days further on, inhabited by numerous people clothed in
cotton and living in walled pueblos? I see no possibility of
settling the case satisfactorily. If we suppose the friar to have
reached the Gila, at a time when it ran water enough to im-
pede his passage, a still larger river to the north would be
COMMENTARY ON CORONADO. 513
the Salado or Salt river; but that would not be ten days
off, nor inhabited in 1538 by numerous people in walled
pueblos, etc. Again, supposing the friar on either the
Gila or the Salt, and the larger river beyond to be the
Colorado, it could not be reached in going ten days north-
ward, nor on it would be found the required populace.
Turn and twist the data as we may, we find insuperable difficul-
ties in adjusting them with known facts of geography and
ethnology. I believe Juan de la Asumpcion to have entered
Arizona in 1538; I suppose him to have reached the Gila; and
the rest of the Relacion seems simply a confused account of the
Colorado and of the Zufii or Moqui pueblos, thus erroneously
brought together.
" Coronado's march from Culiacan to Kansas is a singular
climax of fame and futility. Perhaps no other expedition of
equal extent, which discovered so much, was ever so barren of
immediate results. It led to nothing but chagrin in Coronado's
own time, and speedily lapsed from effect upon current affairs.
Years afterward, all that it had accomplished acquired the
aspect of a feverish dream, and needed to be done over again
by different men, under different circumstances, and in a new
light, to be carried into any actual effect. By the time that
this was done, the actual annals of Coronado's exploitation had
been thrown out of sober historical focus into the blurred
chromatics of tradition, and become incrusted with myth —
hardly anything was too fabulous to be acceptable as fact in the
legends of Coronado's cometary orbit. Time passed; three
centuries had their day during Coronado's aphelion, so to
speak, and the whole subject acquired a shroud of mystery,
which antiquarian curiosity inspected to little real purpose; for
where Coronado went and what he did became the worn-out
toys of would-be commentators, who juggled as they pleased
with the actual sources of information on the subject. It is only
within the last half century that Coronado's march has swung
514 COMMENTARY ON CORONADO.
slowly into historical perihelion, the swathing has been stripped
from this benighted mummy, and the forgotten or misinter-
preted facts in the case have been recovered and interpreted
aright in the critical light of modern methods of historical
research.
Yet it must not be assumed that when competent scholars
had brought about this consummation the myths in the matter
ceased to be current. They are in full swing to-day, at the
hands of ignorant, slovenly, or willfully perverse writers. For
example, there is not to be found in all the 300 years of tinker-
ing at tradition a more mythical narration than that given by
F. S. Dellenbaugh as " The True Route of Coronado's March,"
in the Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, New
York, Dec, 1897. This is not simply erroneous — it is prepos-
terous — a sort of crazy-quilt thrown over the whole affair, only
to be matched by the quisquillious scribblings of an Inman.
Turning away from all such matters, whose name is legion,
we may note some points of serious concern. One of the first
writers of modern note in this case is James Hervey Simp-
son, a distinguished engineer officer of the United States Army,
whose article entitled " Coronado's March in Search of the
' Seven Cities of Cibola ' and Discussion of their Probable Lo-
cation " occupies the Smithsonian Report for 1869, pp. 309-340,
map. -Simpson simply let daylight into the subject by using a
little common sense and much personal knowledge of the coun-
try; he is not right in every particular, but he came so near
laying out Coronado's route that I would advise any one to
approach the subject by first reading what Simpson had to say
about it. He found Cibola at Zuni (as Espejo did in 1583!);
he found Tiguex on the Rio Grande near the Rio Puerco; he
found Cicuye at Pecos; he found Quivira in Kansas. In all of
which main points he was right, and in many lesser points he
was so nearly right that it is a marvel, considering that he
wrote before such critical methods as Bandelier later used had
ever been applied to the elucidation of early Spanish history of
COMMENTARY ON CORONADO. 515
the southwestern United States. Simpson's main errors were
committed on the plains of Texas and thenceforward, in con-
sequence of taking Jaramillo at his word regarding a certain
" northeast " course, instead of which Jaramillo meant to say
"southeast"; in not sending Coronado along the left bank of
the Arkansaw river where it flows northeast to present Great
Bend, Barton county, Kansas; and (as I think) in putting Coro-
nado finally too far north in Kansas — quite up to lat. 40°, or the
border of Nebraska. Yet Simpson's route will stand forever as
the closest approximation ever made down to 1869; for what
has since been done in the case amounts to little more than
readjustment of Simpson in some particulars, and addition of
many other details.
After Simpson, Bandelier by all means. His story of Cibola
may be conveniently read in the book called The Gilded Man,
N. Y., 1893, pp. 111-192. This is occupied with Coronado in
Arizona and New Mexico, not going abroad with the explorer
on the boundless plains of Texas; and in other writings, in
which this painstaking, learned, and critical author deals with
Coronado on the plains, he seems to me to have been less felici-
tous in his conclusions.
It was not until May, 1897, when the Fourteenth Annual Re-
port of the Bureau of American Ethnology for 1896 appeared,
that the original sources of information regarding Coronado's
march were brought together and set forth with anything like
desirable completeness, as was done by George Parker Win-
ship in the monograph entitled: "The Coronado Expedition,
1540-42," occupying pp. 329-613, with maps and other plates.
This is altogether the most notable contribution ever made to
Coronal history, dealing not only with the main expedition of
the great explorer, but with collateral matters for twenty years,
1527-1547. The body of Mr. Winship's article is occupied with
the Spanish text and an English translation of Castaiieda —
the former published for the first time, the latter original with
Mr. Winship. For it is a curious fact that Castaneda's narrative,
5l6 COMMENTARY ON CORONADO.
the principal source of information on the whole subject, had
never before appeared in Spanish, having been chiefly known
in the faulty French translation printed by Henri Ternaux-
Compans in 1838, in the ninth volume of his collection known
as Voyages, etc., Paris, 1837-41. The Spanish MS. used by both
of these editors is a copy of the lost original, completed at
Seville, Oct. 26, 1596, and is now in the Lenox Library of New
York. The title is: " Relacion de la Jornada de Cibola con-
puesta per Pedro de Castafieda de Naqera. Donde se trata de
todos aquellos poblados y ritos, y costumbres, la qual fue el
Afio de 1540." The Lenox MS. is here printed verbatim, or as
nearly so as it could be deciphered, and as just said is followed
by Mr. Winship's very painstaking English translation. Cas-
tafieda makes a mighty good story-teller, a bad historian, a
worse geographer, and a jaundiced critic of the affair in which
he took part; he also wrote from memory some twenty years
after the event; but he is altogether the most circumstantial, if
not the most reliable, authority we possess. How extensive is
this contribution may be inferred from the fact that with its
English translation it runs pp. 414-546 of Mr. Winship's mono-
graph. The Castaneda matter is preceded by the editor's his-
torical introduction, which treats of the causes of the Coronado
expedition, 1528-39; the expedition itself; and various collateral
subjects. The Castafieda relation is followed by various transla-
tions: the letter from Viceroy Mendoza to the King of Spain,
Apr. 17, 1540; letter from Coronado to Mendoza, Aug. 3, 1540;
the anonymous Traslado de las Nuevas, from Pacheco y Car-
denas, Doc. de Indias, xix, p. 529, originally of date 1540; both
Spanish text and a translation of the Relacion Postrera de
Sivola, apparently a transcript of letters written from Tiguex in
1541; the anonymous Relacion del Suceso; letter from Coronado
to the king, Oct. 20, 1541; the Narrative of Jaramillo; report of
Hernando de Alvarado; certain other testimony, abridged from
depositions as printed in Pacheco y Cardenas; and finally, an
extensive annotated bibliography of the whole subject. The
COMMENTARY ON CORONADO. 517
work is thus a historical study of the greatest possible interest
and value, of which the author has acquitted himself in a
scholarly manner.
Regarding the actual route of Coronado, the above-mentioned
narrative of Jaramillo I think more important and less unsatis-
factory than Castaiieda's — I can follow it better myself, and am
not without experience in such an undertaking. Jaramillo, like
the other man, wrote from memory after the event; but he had
a better eye for topography, or remembered the lay of the land
better than Castatieda; and therefore I set him over all other
chroniclers of the expedition as its prime itinerist. There are
also points about the anonymous Relacion del Suceso of special
importance to the recovery of Coronado's actual route; and this
brings up the particular matter to which I wish to devote the
remainder of this inadequate note.
Winship says, p. 398, that " the two texts of the Relacion del
Suceso differ on a vital point; but in spite of this fact I am in-
clined to accept the evidence of this anonymous document as
the most reliable testimony concerning the direction of the
army's march " (where it was out on the plains of Texas and
beyond). " According to this," Winship continues, " the Span-
iards traveled due east across the plains for 100 leagues — 265
miles — and then 50 leagues either south or southeast." Now
Jaramillo has it that the general bearing was northeast; and this
has led even Bandelier astray, to say nothing of most other
writers and far lesser authorities. Winship's acceptance of the
easting and southeasting, rather than northeasting, adumbrates
the most crucial point of the very notable contribution lately
made to the whole subject by my colleague in the present work,
Mr. F. W. Hodge.
" Coronado's March to Quivira. An Historical Sketch," by
Mr. Hodge, occupies pp. 29-73 of my friend J. V. Brower's
Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi, vol.
ii, Harahay, 4to, St. Paul, Minn., 1899. In my judgment this
is the closest approximation ever made to the actual route, as
5l8 COMMENTARY ON CORONADO.
it is also the most critical study of all that relates to the itiner-
ary. In this it is seen that Coronado's march from Culiacan to
Cibola was practically identical with that of Friar Marcos de
Niza, as outlined in my previous note ^°, p. 479 seq. Coronado
was in fact led by the friar, who had reached Cibola the year be-
fore, having been led there by the negro Stephen, who was led
there by Indians who knew the way. In spite of conflicting
statements of Marcos de Niza, of Coronado himself, of Casta-
fieda, of Jaramillo, of anybody else, this portion of the route is
approximately fixed; in whatever stretches the trail may be
still a little dim, it is never lost, and probably will never be
materially altered from what has just now been determined by
Mr. Hodge. Not less certitude attaches to Coronado's route
from Cibola or Zufii to the Rio Grande at Tiguex, at or near
present Bernalillo; and the same is the happy case thence to
Cicuye or Pecos, where the trouble begins, and where Mr.
Hodge seems to have overcome much difificulty in a very simple
and effectual manner. It is done by reading southeast for Jara-
millo's " northeast," and by identifying as Rio Pecos the Rio
de Cicuye over which the bridge was built, on the positive state-
ment of Castafieda. I cite the paragraph in which Mr. Hodge
makes this necessary correction (p. 60) :
" That Jaramillo makes at least one serious error in this direc-
tion is obvious, for, after stating that, if his memory did not
fail him, they went in a northeasterly course from Cicuye to
the river named after that pueblo (because, as Castafieda, p.
504 [of Winship], says, 'it Hozved down toward Cicuye'), they
crossed it, and ' turned more to the left hand, which would be
more to the northeast.' There can be little room for doubt,
therefore, that Jaramillo's first direction from Cicuye Village
should be southeast instead of northeast, because after turn-
ing more to the left from a northeasterly course, they could
hardly have pursued the same course; moreover, to reach the
plains from Cicuye or Pecos, why should the Spaniards have
extended their march directly into the rugged mountains to
COMMENTARY ON CORONADO. 519
the northeast? Furthermore, where, after traveling four days
in that direction, could there have been found a river which
flowed down to Cicuye, the current of which was so ' large and
deep ' that it became necessary to spend four days of rapid
work to build a bridge ere the army could cross? Such an in-
significant tributary of the Pecos as the Gallinas is certainly
out of the question, as Bandelier concluded after deciding the
point in its favor, and the Mora and Canadian are likewise in-
appropriate, inasmuch as neither the latter nor its branch flows
by Cicuye or Pecos. Further proof that the Pecos could have
been the only stream over which the bridge was built four days
after the army left the last pueblo is given in the definite and
important statement of Castafieda (p. 510) that, * On its return
[from the plains] the army reached the Cicuye River more than
thirty leagues below there — I mean below the bridge they had
made when they crossed it, and they followed it up to that
place . . . The guides said this river joined that of Tiguex
[= Rio Grande] more than twenty days from here, and that its
course turned toward the east ... As I said, the army fol-
lozved the river up as far as Cicuye.' It is far easier to find
error in the direction given [by Jaramillo] than in the con-
sistent statements regarding the Rio Cicuye and its relation to
the pueblo of that name. All the evidence (save the statements
of the direction followed from Cicuye Pueblo) and all the
physiographic features of the country are to the effect that the
river which it became necessary to bridge was the Pecos and
that it was crossed southeastwardly from the pueblo. There is
absolutely nothing save the direction (on which, as we have
frequently seen, little reliance can be placed) to support the
conclusion that a northeasterly course was pursued from the
pueblo of Cicuye-Pecos."
In my view, Mr. Hodge has here let the cat out of a very large
mealbag, and I do not hesitate to accept his contention. There
are other strong features of his case, upon which I cannot dweli
further than to emphasize the fact that the adjustment he makes
520 COMMENTARY ON CORONADO.
provides for the wide sweep or loop on the Texas plains re-
quired to adjust the direction, the distances, and the days of the
march to the Arkansaw river. This Texan sweep must have
been over a portion of the Llanos Estacados or Staked Plains;
exactly how far will probably never be known. The chances are
that Coronado reached some upper waters of the Rio Colorado
or Red river of Texas, if not even the Nueces, before he sent
his main army back and pushed on north. It was probably a
point somewhere about longitude 99° or 100°.
Wherever this furthest east or southeast may have been,
thence the main body of Coronado's party returned to Pecos,
making back in 25 days what had taken them Z7 days in the
going forth. Then Coronado, with some 36 men, pushed on
" north by the needle " for 42 days to Quivira. Now, whatever
scope there be for speculation and contention regarding the
exact extent of the great loop made in Texas and Oklahoma,
there is no room whatever for uncertainty regarding the place
where the Arkansaw was struck, crossed, and the march made
along that river for several days. Jaramillo is explicit and con-
clusive on this point. The river was reached on the day of
St. Peter and St. Paul, was named for those saints, and was fol-
lowed down stream, on its left bank, for about a week, north-
eastward. The only place where this is possible is the stretch
from the vicinity of Ford, where Mulberry creek comes in, some
little distance below Dodge City, past Larned, to Great Bend,
in Barton county, Kansas. Here was the first village of Qui-
vira; and I regard this point as not less well assured than the
identification of Cibola, Tiguex, or Cicuye. Therefore I repeat:
However much or little slack-rope we pay out for Coronado's
swing in Texas, let us hold fast to the two ends — the place where
the Pecos was bridged and the place where the Arkansaw was
forded.
Exactly how far, or in what direction, from Great Bend
Coronado or any of his men proceeded in Kansas to the end of
the province or Kingdom of Quivira will probably never be
COMMENTARY ON CORONADO. 521
known. It is only by taking the text at the foot of the letter,
pro forma, that lat. 40°, the Kansas-Nebraska boundary, can be
assumed to have been reached; and such latitude is wholly un-
certain. Most probably the journey ended with the discovery
of the Republican Fork of the Kansas river, very likely not far
from Junction City.
One bit of Quiviran aftermath may be here recorded. Coro-
nado was accompanied from Culiacan by four ecclesiastics, viz.:
I. Our friend Marcos de Niza, who went to Cibola and soon re-
turned; died at Mexico, Mar. 25, 1558. 2. Fray Juan de la Cruz,
who stayed at Tiguex and was killed there on or about Nov. 25,
1542. 3. Fray Luis de Escalona, an old lay brother, who went
to Pecos (Tshiquiti = Cicuye) and was killed there. 4. Fray
Juan de Padilla. This priest went first from Zufii to Moqui
(Cibola to Tusayan) under Pedro de Tobar, and returned. Then
he went from Tiguex to Quivira with Coronado, and returned.
After that, in the fall of 1542, he again left Tiguex for Quivira,
taking with him a Portuguese soldier named Andres Docampo,
two young men of Michoacan "amed Lucas and Sebastian, sur-
named Los Donados, and some Mexican Indian boys. Fray
Juan de Padilla started his mission at some place in Quivira,
and was killed before the end of 1542. Docampo and the young
fellows were kept as prisoners or slaves for nearly a year; after
which they wandered about for some eight years, from Kansas
to Tampico in Mexico. Thereupon Docampo disappears from
history. Sebastian soon died in Culiacan; his brother Lucas
lived to a ripe old age as a missionary in Zacatecas.
APPENDIX.
BY ELLIOTT COUES.
Eusebio Francisco Kino.
The main source of information on this subject is
a rare book entitled: Apostolicos | Afanes | de la]
Compafiia de Jesus, | escritos | por un Padre [Jose
Ortega] | de la | misma sagrada religion ] de su Pro-
vincia | de Mexico. | I. H. S. | Con Licencia. | — | Bar-
celona : Por Pablo Nadal Impressor, | en la calle de la
Canuda. Aiio 1754. | i vol., small 4to or square 8vo;
6 unpaged leaves + pp. 1-452 + 5 unpaged leaves.
Book II, Chaps, i-xvii, pp. 224-343, is entirely devoted
to Kino's life-work. It appears from page 242 that
the author found a package of Kino's papers, " in
which are co-ordinated his travels, enterprises, and dis-
coveries " ; so that the book, being derived to some
extent from Kino's own MSS., is of the most un-
questionable authenticity in this regard. Padre Jose
Ortega was also a Jesuit, but he is more particular
and painstaking in his history and geography than
most writers of that company in those days; dates
533
MISSIONS FOUNDED BY KINO. 523
abound in his writing, in orderly sequence and with
precision; so do names of persons and places. Bar-
ring theological bias, we can take our Ortega for
prime authority regarding the facts of Kino's life.
The following notice is compiled mainly from this
source.^ The copy of the book I handle is in good
^ Ortega has it, in his Breve Elogio del Padre Kino, forming
chap, xvi of Book ii of his work, p. 330, that the following
missions of Pimeria were due to this missionary:
(1) Mission de los Dolores: with two pueblos de visita.
(2) Mission de San Ignacio: with two pueblos de visita.
(3) Mission de Tubutama: with nine pueblos de visita.
(4) Mission de Caborca: which included very many persons.
(5) Mission de Santa Maria Suamca: which, though it had few
at headquarters, counted many persons in the pueblos de
visita, which extended to the Sobaypuris.
(6) Mission de Guevevi: which included no fewer Indians in
their rancherias than Spaniards in their outposts.
(7) Mission de San Xavier del Bac: very populous among them
all.
" Besides these missions, whose beginning was due to Father
Kino, his indefatigable charity is witnessed in all those ran-
cherias there are on the south to the Serys, on the northwest
from the shores of Caborca to the head of the Gulf, on the
northeast to the Rio Gila; which surely would be well occupied
by four to six missionaries. Yet eight other missionaries would
have field enough for their zeal in the pueblos which Father
Kino visited, domesticated, fostered, and brought to embrace
our holy religion, on the banks of the Gila and Colorado, being
those of the Pimas, Opas, Cocomaricopas, Yumas, and Qui-
quimas."
Thus far Ortega, summing results of Father Kino's ministry.
524 JESUIT MISSIONS OF SONORA, 1 762.
condition in the library of the Bureau of American
Ethnology at Washington. Among other original or
contemporary authorities, the most important one in
With this exhibit of the state of afifairs about the close of this
apostle's labors it may be interesting to compare the state of
the missions in Sonora at the close of the Jesuit period, just
before Garces appeared upon the scene. The data for this pur-
pose are conveniently accessible in the tract I have already
cited so often in other connections — the Rudo Ensayo, written
for the most part in 1762 and completed in 1763; the matter
here to be condensed beginning chap, vii, p. 204. I follow the
spelling of proper names given in this tract, though they are
far from being uniform and are sometimes obviously erroneous.
JESUIT MISSIONS OF SONORA IN I762.
All under the jurisdiction of the Visitador de Sonora —
Visitador being the title of the superior of each Missionary
Province, because it is his duty to visit the missions under his
charge once, twice, or oftener during the triennial period of his
administration, as the Provincial does with the Colleges of his
Province.
Missions 29 in number, divided into 4 Rectorships, viz.:
I. St. Francis Borgia: .... 8 missions.
II. Holy Martyrs of Japan: . . . 6 "
III. St. Francis Xavier: .... 7 "
IV. Lady of Sorrows: 8 "
Total 29
The superiors of these four divisions are called Rectors, hav-
ing the same authority over the missionaries as is given to
rectors over colleges.
JESUIT MISSIONS OF SONORA, 1 762. 525
bearing on Kino's travels is Juan Mateo Mange,
whose itineraries, etc., are published in the Docu-
mentos para la Historia de Mexico, 4th series, vol. i,
/. Rectorship of St. Francis Borgia.
This is chiefly in the Province of Ostimuri.
1. Onapa, in charge of Fray Michael de Almela. Pimas.
Visita: Taraichi.
2. Aribechi or Arivetzi, in charge of Padre Roldan, the rector.
Opatas, Jovas, Elzuis, and Eudeves. Visitas: Ponida,
Bacanora.
3. Saguaripa, in charge of Padre Thomas Perez. Jovas. Visita:
Tespari; also ranchos of San Cayetano de Chamada, and of
Chipafora.
4. Movas, in charge of Fray Bernard Middendorf?. Pimas.
Visita: Nuri.
5. Onabas, in charge of Fray Henry Kirtzel. Pimas. Visitas:
Tonitzi, Soyopa, in both of which Pimas and Eudebes live
together.
6. Cumuripa, in charge of Fray Joseph Joachim Franco. Pimas.
Visita: Buena Vista.
7. Tecoripa, in charge of Padre James (Jacobo) Sedelmayr.
Pimas. Visitas: Zuaqui, San Jose de los Pimas.
8. Matape, in charge of Padre William David Borio. Visitas:
Nacori, Alamos.
//. Rectorship of the Three Holy Martyrs of Japan.
9. Batuco, in charge of Fray Alexander Rapicani. Visita: Te-
puspe.
10. Oposura, in charge of Padre Visitador Joseph Garrucho.
Opatas. Visitas: Terapa, Cumpas.
11. Tonovavi, in charge of Fray John Mentuig. Opatas.
12. Bacadequatzi, in charge of Padre Rector Manuel de Aguirre.
526 JESUIT MISSIONS OF SONORA, I762.
Mexico, 1856, pp. 226-402. This clean record is in
twelve chapters, the first eight of which, running to
p. 343, relate to travels which Mange made in person
Opatas. Visitas: Nacori (bis — see No. 8), Mochopa; also,
rancho of Satechi. (Jovas and Taraumares.)
13. Vaseraca or Baseraca (Santa Maria de), in charge of Padre
Joseph Och. Opatas. Visita: Guatzinera.
14. Bavispe, temporarily in charge of Och, since March, 1762.
///. Rectorship of St. Francis Xavier.
15. Cuquiaratsi or Cuquiarachi, in charge of Padre Bartholomew
Saenz. Visitas: Enchuta, Teuricatzi.
16. Arispe, in charge of Padre Charles de Rojas, Vice-rector.
Visitas: Bacoguetzi, Chinapa.
17. Banamichi, in charge of Padre Joseph Toral. Visitas: Sino-
quipa, Guapaca.
18. Acotzi or Acontsi, in charge of Padre Nicolas Perera.
Visita: Baviacora.
19. Ures, in charge of Padre Andrew Michel; the Padre Rector
Philip Seseger having died Sept. 28 (1762). Visita: Santa
Rosalia.
20. Opodepe, in charge of Padre Francis Loaisa. Eudebes.
Visitas: Nacameri, Pimas.
21. Cucurpe, in charge of Padre Salvador de la Peiia. Opatas
and Eudebes. Visita: Toape.
IV. Rectorship of our Lady of Sorrows (or Pimeria Alta).
22. Soamca (Santa Maria de), in charge of Padre Diego Joseph
Barrera. Pimas. Visita: Cocospera or Coespan. (The
original mission of this Rectorship was Dolores, with
Remedios as its visita.)
23. Bac (San Xavier del), in charge of Padre Alphonsus Es-
JESUIT MISSIONS OF SONORA, I762. 527
with Kino, 1694-1701, and represent a fine combina-
tion of the good soldier with the good priest.
Mange's matter is followed to p. 466 — almost to the
end of the volume — with some of Kino's own papers,
relating to prior operations of his, 1683-84, which are
not distinctly treated by Ortega in the Apostolicos
pinosa. Pimas. No visita; last Piman mission to the
north. I
24. Guevavi or Gusudac, in charge of Padre Ignatius Pfeffercorn.
Visitas: Sonoitac, Calabazas, Tumacacori. There had been
a fourth, called Ari[vaca], where the rebels camped in 1751.
25. Saric, in charge of Padre Michel Gerstner; scene of the
massacre of Nov. 20, 1751. Visitas: Busani, Arizona (or
Arizonac), Aquimuri.
26. Tubutama, in charge of Padre Rector Luis Vivas. Visita:
Santa Teresa.
27. Ati, lately in charge of Padre Joseph Hafenrichter, now
dead; cared for by Luis Vivas. Visita: Uquitoa (or
Aquitoa).
28. Caborca, in charge of Padre Anthony Maria Venz. Visitas:
Pitic, Bisani. (At Caborca Father Tello murdered Nov.
21, 1751, when Father Henry Ruhen or Ruen was murdered
at San Miguel de Sonoitac.)
29. San Ignacio, in charge of Padre Francis Paver, since the
death, last April, of Padre Caspar Stiger, who administered
it more than 30 years. Visitas: Santa Magdalena, Himuri.
Thus there were 29 missions, 73 towns and several rancherias:
3 towns and 2 rancherias of Jovas; 27 towns of Opatas and
Eudebes, forming together with Jovas 11 missions; 10 towns,
4 missions, of Eudebes alone; 14 towns, 6 missions, in Pimeria
Baja; 22 towns, 8 missions, in Pimeria Alta.
528 NAME AND EARLY LIFE OF KINO.
Afanes. Again: In the same Documentos, etc., 3d
series, vol. iv, is found the Relacion, etc., of Cristobal
Martin Bernal, 1697, containing much about Kino.
Consult also Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, 3 vols., Mex-
ico, 1 84 1. Outlines of Kino's operations, derived from
the foregoing and various other sources, are accessi-
ble in Bancroft's works, though somewhat incon-
veniently scattered through his several volumes on
the North Mexican States and on Arizona and New
Mexico.
The real name of this great and good padre may-
have been Eusebius Kiihn, Kiihne, or Kiihner,
which in Spanish became sometimes Chino, oftener
Quino, and finally Kino. He was a native of Trent in
the Austrian Tyrol, and a near relation of Father
Martin Martin, S. J., a notable missionary in Asia.
The date of his birth is unknown — it was about 1640.
His early devotions were paid to mathematics, during
his education at Ala in Tyrol, and his connection with
the college of Ingolstadt in Bavaria; such being his
proficiency in the science that a professorial chair was
offered to him by the Most Serene Duke of Bavaria.
This honorable academic preferment he declined,
esteeming it only something to be sacrificed to God,
and ardently desiring to be sent to the Indies for the
salvation of souls. Having fancied that on one oc-
casion he owed his recovery from sickness to the in-
OPENING OF Ortega's eulogy of kino. 529
tercession of St. Francis Xavier at the Throne of
Grace, he inserted that saint's name in his own,
which thus became in Spanish Eusebio Francisco
Kino.^
' Ortega's Breve Elogio opens as follows, p. 328, literally
translated: "He [Kino] was native of the City of Trento
[Trent, in Tyrolese Austria], a near relative of Father Martin
Martini, a distinguished operator of our company and Apostolic
missionary of the Empire of Grand China, whose footsteps he
[Kino] followed gloriously in this North America. He so ap-
plied himself to the study of mathematics, and improved him-
self in such manner with his great mind, that the most serene
Duke of Bavaria, with his son Maximilian, glorious progenitor
of the defunct emperor Carlos VII., visiting the college of
Ynglostat [Ingolstadt], his electoral Highness [the Duke] de-
sired to employ him [Kino] in a chair of this most useful
science in that so celebrated university; he renounced this hon-
orable preferment, which only served him to have the more to
sacrifice to God, seeking to pass to the Indies, moved by his
ardent zeal of souls, and succeeding in this soon afterward: for
he esteemed rather the painful fatigues, dedicating himself to
the conversion of the infidels, than the literary shining of his
lively genius in the most elevated chairs. Having arrived in
Mexico on the occasion of a celebrated comet [Newton's, 1680],
which in those times occupied the curiosity and application of
the mathematician, he discovered almost without advertising it
that he penetrated the most delicate points of that most noble
faculty.
" Rather directing soon afterward all his vigilance to the
greater glory of God, and of souls as well, he extended his
ardent apostolic zeal into California, whose reduction, in the
character of Superior of Ours he undertook; he labored there
gloriously more than a year and a half with not a few conver-
530 ARRIVAL OF KINO IN MEXICO.
Ortega says, p. 328, that he reached Mexico on the
occasion of a celebrated comet: Newton's was of
1680, Halley's of 1682. Ortega says, p. 230, that he
reached a mission of New Spain in 1681. Both dates
may easily be correct. His Explicacion del Cometa
appeared in Mexico in 1681; he became noted for his
astronomical discussion with Sigiienza y Gongora, and
these matters probably determined his assignation to
duty in Lower California as cosmographer major and
superior missionary, with two other priests, on the ex-
sions, and with many discoveries; this so important enterprise
ceased for lack of the necessary means to continue it; yet this
zealous apostolic man always conserved the love of this spiritual
conquest, firstborn of his great fiery charity; by the port of
Guaymas, by the vicinity of Caborca, by that of Santa Clara, by
the island that he first discovered and named de Santa Ines, by
the disemboguement of the Rio Colorado, and by the verifica-
tion of that peninsula to be land continuous with new Spain, he
always sought to open the way to enter; and when once it was
conquered, he established communication and commerce at the
cost of continual very painful voyages, in order to facilitate its
assistance, and remedy its natural sterility. It is almost incred-
ible how he worked in opening the way by the Rio Colorado to
the port of Monterrey and Cape Mendocino, judging on very
weighty grounds that it could not be distant hence more than
8, 9, or 10 days' journey; and it is certain that if he had suc-
ceeded in this purpose, he would have co-operated much and
facilitated in grand manner the reduction of an extended and
dilated land of California, with the result of many thousands
of souls which inhabit it, and it was to this that this indefatiga-
ble missionary directed his efforts."
TRANSFER OF KINO TO SONORA. 53 1
pedition under command of Admiral Isidro Otondo
y Antillon, which sailed in two ships from Chacala,
Jan. 18, 1683: for particulars, see Bancroft, Hist. N.
Mex. States, i, p. 187 et seq., with authorities there
cited, especially Kino himself, Tercera Entrada de
los Jesuitas en California, printed in Doc. para la Hist.
Mex., 4th sen, i, 1856, pp. 408-468, being a diary of
affairs at San Bruno from Dec. 21, 1683, to May 8,
1684.
Kino is little in evidence during 1685-86, but was
very soon transferred to the new field of exploitation
which he was destined to make his own, where he won
the title of Apostle of the Pimas after labors in Sonora
and Arizona which ended only with his death; and
during all these years he was the most commanding
figure in Pimeria Alta. Ortega's first fixed date is
Nov. 20, 1686, the day on which this " Apostolico
Varon " left the City of Mexico to proceed to that of
Guadalaxara. Here he secured from the Real
Audiencia an order exempting his prospective con-
verts from forced labor in mines and haciendas for a
period of five years — not a great concession, in view
of the previous Real Cedula of May 14, 1686, extend-
ing such exemption to 20 years. As a late writer re-
marks, such orders were " strictly obeyed, perhaps —
in districts where there were neither mines nor
haciendas " !
532 KINGS EARLIEST FOUNDATIONS.
Kino left Guadalaxara Dec. i6, arrived at Ures in
Sonora in February, 1687, and on March 13 reached
the place where he founded the first mission, Nuestra
Senora de los Dolores. The name '* Dolores " is still
on our maps, at the head of that branch of Rio de
Sonora indifferently called Rio de San Miguel and
Rio de Horcasitas, next above Cucurpe. He went
10 leagues westward to a place called Caborca — to be
carefully distinguished from the better known Ca-
borca, much further w^est, on Rio Altar — and there
founded a pueblo called San Ignacio; this was in the
close vicinity of modern Magdalena, on Rio Magda-
lena (also called Rio San Ignacio). Thence going
northward to a suitable spot, he founded a second
pueblo, San Jose de Himeris, now best known as
Imuris, on the same Magdalen river; and at a like
distance eastward, a third pueblo, Nuestra Sefiora de
los Remedios. All these in the same year, 1687; and
to the end of his Hfe " Our Lady of Sorrows " con-
tinued to be Kino's home or headquarters — close to
the " Remedies " of the same lady. Soon after 1687
the pueblos thus founded were divided into two mis-
sions, of which Dolores and Remedios were one, San
Jose and San Ignacio (Imuris and Caborca) were an-
other, the former in charge of Kino, the latter in that
of another Jesuit.
Affairs were satisfactory, in spite of el Demonio,
kino's first ARIZONA ENTRADA, 169I. 533
and in 1690 Kino had a church in each one of his
villages. In December of that year Father Juan
Maria de Salvatierra was appointed superior and vis-
itador of Sinaloa and Sonora; he came to Dolores,
whence he went with Kino to the other places above
named; whence the two congenial spirits pushed fur-
ther into Pimeria Alta, laying great plans for spiritual
conquests to be extended to California and elsewhere.
Ortega, pp. 248-252, names places visited on this
entrada of 1691 as follows: From Dolores by way of
Santa Maria Magdalena pueblo and a land called el
Tupo to the mission of San Pedro y San Pablo de
Tubutama (on Rio Altar: place still so called, and
probably in 1691 not yet a regular mission, though
Kino may have operated there) ; thence to Saric (still
so called, on the same river) and Tucubabia in the
same vicinity. Here they were met by a delegation
of Sobaipuris, from the region about the modern San
Xavier del Bac and (San Cayetano de) Tumacacori in
southern Arizona, begging for padres. The fathers
determined to go to {acercarse) the Sobaipuris, and
did so, says Ortega, p. 249, reaching in 15 leagues the
rancheria called Guevavi where, in Ortega's time {al
presente — 1752) there was a mission; but it does not
appear that Guevavi was the place where the Sobai-
puris were met or a mission was then founded, and
all those who so state must have misread their Ortega.
534 kino's second Arizona entrada, 1692.
However, the latter clearly states that the priests
pushed on to San Cayetano Tumagacori (sic) ; and this
place being close to Tubac Kino now makes his first
entrada into Arizona, at or near our recent Fort
Mason, on the Santa Cruz river. The fathers then
went to Santa Maria de Suamca, a place almost on
our boundary, east of Los Nogales; and thence to
Cocospera, easily found on a modern map. There
they separated. Kino tarrying awhile, and Salvatierra
returning from his extended tour of inspection.
Early in September, 1692, Kino returned to
Suamca, presumably starting from his own mission of
Dolores, which he had meanwhile regained; he is also
said to have pushed on to San Xavier del Bac, thus
making his second Arizona entrada, and returning to
Dolores on Dec. 11, 1692. Either immediately, or
early in 1693, he made a tour westward through
Tubutama and thence down Rio Altar far enough
to sight the Gulf of California from a hill he then
or afterward called Cerro Nazareno. On this journey
he was accompanied by Father Agustin Campos, who
had meanwhile come to take charge of the mission
of San Ignacio. At a place on the river called Ca-
borca — the one still well known by this name —
they found many Sobas, so named for their cacique,
who were infidels, and at war with the Indians of the
vicinity of Dolores. The fathers composed the dififi-
kino's entradas of 1693-94. 535
culty and imposed upon the small place the large
name of Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepcion de Caborca,
which in Ortega's time (1752) still remained the most
remote mission of Sonora. This journey is notable as
the first on record to reach the Gulf coast via Altar
river. Kino was at Caborca in July, 1693, and
again examined the country thereabouts in February,
1694, as will presently appear. Ortega being too curt
just here, I turn to Mange's Diary for original infor-
mation.
At that very date, Domingo Jironza Petriz de
Crusate, an ex-governor of New Mexico, was put in
command in Sonora, to wage war against Apaches
and other hostiles during 1694. His nephew, Juan
Mateo Mange, was commissioned as lieutenant, or-
dered to escort padres, and report in writing; his dia-
ries are extant, as above said. Mange reached Kino's
Dolores mission Feb. 3, 1694; and on the 7th both
started over the Sierra del Comedio to reach Santa
Maria Magdalena (de Buquibava), where they were
joined on the 8th by Marcos Antonio Kappus from
Opodepe; and starting on the 9th they reached
Pueblo de Caborca in two days. They followed down
the river; on the 14th crossed the hills whose highest
point was Cerro Nazareno, whence they viewed the
gulf, and on the 15th reached the coast — first of white
men to have done so from Pimeria Alta. The return
536 kino's entradas of 1694.
to Dolores, by nearly the same route, was accom-
plished on the 23d. Among places mentioned by
Mange on this excursion are: Tupocuyos, San Miguel
Bosna or Bosua, Laguna de Oacue, alias San Barto-
lome, Rancheria de Pitiqui, Caborca, San Valentin,
Cerro Nazareno, and Paraje de las Ollas — from
which last it was nine leagues to the coast. Four
Californian hills, seen on the contracosta across the
gulf, were called Santos Evangelistas; an island with
three hills, Tres Marias; and the supposed Seri island
of Tiburon, San Agustin (now Angel de la Guarda).
This journey was soon repeated; for Kino and
Mange left Dolores Mar. 16, 1694, to visit the Sobas
again with the intention of having a boat built to
carry supplies to Salvatierra; but it was never com-
pleted. This time they went by Santa Maria Mag-
dalena to San Pedro Tubutama, then a mission under
Father Daniel Januske, or Januusqui, sometimes
Jarniuke, who had taken charge in 1693. They de-
scended the river past places they called Santa Teresa,
San Antonio de Oquitoa cr Uquitoa and El Altar^ —
the latter name has stuck to the place, and become
that of the whole river — to Caborca on the 20th; hav-
* Mange says, p. 244, that being at the rancheria de San An-
tonio de Uquitoa. " proseguimos 2 leguas adelante al remate
del rio, que aqui se sume a un paraje que llamamos el Altar,"
etc. This was where the river ceased to run.
kino's third caborca entrada, 1694. 537
ing also made a side trip through places called Quesoll
and Vacpia, Kino went no further; Mange passed a
Rancheria de Unnicat, visited the coast, and named
a small port Santa Sabina; both returned to Dolores
April 4.
For a third time Kino made the Caborca trip to
attend to his futile boat-building. Mange left him at
Tubutama June 8, 1694, and went up the river past
rancherias of Gutubur, Saric, Tucubavia, and Gubo to
a rancheria named Cups, so called from a smoking
rocky cave in the vicinity, 23 leagues beyond Tucu-
bavia, whence he brought word of Casas Grandes
when he joined Kino at Caborca on the nth.*
Kino's return from this tour, to his Dolores mission,
is not noted. But he was soon there, probably by
the end of June.
In October, 1694, Father F. X. Saeta arrived at
Dolores, and Kino took him to the mission of
Caborca, where he was murdered April 2, 1695.
* As this is an important matter, I give the passage from
Mange himself, whom I am collating with Ortega along here.
Mange says, p. 253, that when he was at Cups he registered some
Indians, etc., who " tambien noticiaron que como cinco dias de
camino, hacia el Nordeste, al margen de un rio grande [t. e.,
Rio Gila] que corre de Oriente al Poniente, habia muchos
indios caribes y unas casas grandes, gruesas y muy altas " — so
far as I know the very first intimation the Spaniards had of
these remarkable structures.
538 kino's third ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 694.
Meanwhile, some Indians from Bac confirmed at
Dolores the report of Casas Grandes on the Gila, and
in November, 1694, the tireless Kino went alone to
examine them. This time he reached the Gila, and
said mass in the Casa Grande. The journey is thus
notable.^ Kino reported upon the venerable ruins;
named two Piman rancherias, Encarnacion and San
Andres, 4 leagues apart; Ortega uses the name Rio
Azul for the main branch of the Gila, though this is
perhaps not in Kino's MSS. of that date (it appears
on his map of 1701 as " R. Hila"); and speaks of
Kino's being persuaded that the region of the Casa
Grande was that called the Seven Cities (of Cibola)
by Marcos de Niza (1539). Kino's return to his mis-
sion is not noted; no doubt it was soon after this fly-
ing visit to the Gila.
' I have already (p. 92) noted Kino's discovery, on Mange's
authority, but will here quote from the latter, p. 259, the whole
paragraph concerning it:
" En el interin de esta campana [which Mange made] mismo
mes y ano [Nov., 1694] salio por si el reverendo padre Fran-
cisco Eusebio Kino, a descubrir el rio [Gila] y casas grandes
dentro de las cuales dijo misa porque cuando a mi me noticia-
ron los pimos de ellas estuvo incredulo su reverencia algun
tiempo hasta que viniendo a verlo a los Dolores algunos indios
de la poblacion de San Javier del Bac, preguntandolos, se lo
certificaron y le acompanaron de guias para ir a verlas y descu-
brirlas, contando mucho gentio por el camino que anduvo de
ida y vuelta fue de mas de 200 leguas, y lo apunto en embrion
por no haber ido yo a este descubrimiento."
kino's travels of 1695-97. 539
During the bloody disturbances of 1695, in which
Father Saeta, a few Spaniards, and many Indians were
killed, Kino seems to have made no entradas. But
on Nov. 16, leaving Father Agustin de Campos in
charge at Dolores, he started on a journey to the
City of Mexico, which he accomplished in six weeks,
to lay the case of the Pimas and other matters orally
before the viceroy (Conde de Galvez) and the padre
provincial. There he met Salvatierra, who arrived
Jan. 6, 1696, to see about his own California affairs.
Kino left Mexico Feb. 8, and reached Dolores in the
middle of May, having traveled via the country of the
Tarahumara Indians; Father Caspar de las Barillas,
or Varillas, came with him.
On Dec. 10, 1696, Kino started from Dolores, and
went to San Pablo de Quipuri, a place near the head
of that branch of the Gila now called San Pedro, in
vicinity of present Tombstone, Ariz. His return is
not noted, but was speedy.
On Jan. 19, 1697, he started for San Cayetano de
Tumacacori and San Xavier del Bac, which he visited
and returned.
On Feb. 3 Kino was at Caborca, with Mange and
Father Agustin de Campos, to settle Father Varillas
in that mission.
On Mar. 17 Kino went to inspect the posts of San
Luis, San Cayetano, San Geronimo, Santa Maria, and
540 kino's fourth Arizona entr>.\da, 1697.
San Pablo. At this time Father Pedro Ruiz de Con-
treras was settled in the mission of Santa Maria de
Suamca, with the Pueblo de Cocospera as his visita.
On the 30th the Rancheria de Santa Cruz on Rio
Quiburi was attacked and sacked.
In September, 1697, some Pima Indians came for
missionaries to Dolores, and even to Baseraca, where
resided Horacio Polici, superior of the Sonoran mis-
sions. Kino accompanied them, arriving at Baseraca
Oct. 6. He returned at once to Dolores; and on Nov.
2 left that mission to join an important military and
ecclesiastical expedition at Quiburi. Mange was
with him, and the route is given much more fully in
Mange's Capitulo Quinto, p. 275 seq., than in Or-
tega's narrative. They went from Dolores to Reme-
dios, 2d; to Cocospera, 4th; San Lazaro and Santa
Maria Suamca, 5th; San Joaquin Basosuma, 6th; a
place they called Santa Cruz Gaibanipitea or Gaibau-
ipetea, 7th, 8th; where they joined Captain Cristo-
bal M. Bernal with 22 soldiers; Quiburi, 9th. Thence,
starting on the nth, they went down Rio Quiburi
(present Rio San Pedro), passing places called Ala-
mos, nth; Baicadeat, 12th; Causae and El Rosario
or Jiaspi, 13th; Muiva, San Pantaleon Aribaiba, 14th;
Tutoida or Zutoida, Comarsuta, and Victoria de Ojio,
15th; and noting on this day two other rancherias,
Busac and Tubo, east of the line of march. On the
kino's fourth ARIZONA ENTRADA^ 1 697. 54I
i6th they reached the Gila, and descended it three
leagues. " El gran rio Gila " Mange calls it, and
speaks of its origin south of the New Mexican
pueblo Peiiol de Acoma. The river may have been
first so called on this occasion; though the word Xila
occurs in Benavides, about 1630, and though the river
had been named Rio del Nombre de Jesus by Juan de
Ofiate in 1604-05, and known to the Spaniards since
1538 or 1539. During Nov. 17-20 they traveled down
the Gila, mostly at some little distance therefrom.
They went eight leagues to a spring they called San
Gregorio Taumaturgo, and two leagues further to San
Fernando, on the river, 17th; over plains on the i8th
to Casas Grandes, " dentro de las cuales dijo misa el
padre Kino que hasta alia camino en ayunas," and of
which great houses Mange's Diary gives more than a
page of description. On the 19th, four leagues were
passed over sterile plains to Tusonimon, Tusonimo,
or Santa Isabel; on the 20th, seven leagues to San
Andres, which was the extent of the outgoing. On
the 2 1 St they made a dry camp, on the way south-
ward to ascend Rio Santa Cruz; 22d, camped at Santa
Catarina de Cuitciabaqui; 23d, up the river to a ranch-
eria in Valle de Correa and to San Agustin de Oiaur
(at or near modern Tucson, Ariz.); 24th and 25th,
San Xavier del Bac, or Batosda; 26th, San Cayetano
Tumacacori, where Kino left Bernal's party. The
542 kino's fifth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1698.
rest of the route homeward was by Guevavi, 27th;
San Lazaro and Santiago de Cocospera, 28th; Nues-
tra Senora de los Remedios, 29th; Tuape, Dec. 2,
reaching Dolores that day or the 3d. The round trip
of this entrada was supposed to be 260 leagues, and
to have nearly approached the Moquis! We have
full details from various sources besides Mange's
Diary, including Bernal's own official report, and a
relacion by Kino himself.
In the summer of 1698 Kino was sick; but by au-
tumn he had recovered, and undertook a still more
extended entrada in Arizona. The fame of Salva-
tierra's exploitation of Californian heathen had
spread, and Kino was charged by the viceroy and
superiors of the Jesus company wath a reconnoissance
of northern Pimeria and Papagueria, to see how best
to send supplies from that quarter to Salvatierra on
the sterile peninsula. On Sept. 22 Kino started
with Captain Diego Carrasco from Dolores, went via
Bac to the Gila, down this river some distance, and
then continued from San Andres 80 leagues south-
west to the gulf, at a place he supposed to be that
called Santa Clara " by the ancient geographers."
This is uncertain; but Kino speaks of " fresh water "
and " wood " there, and elsewhere says that in 1698
he saw from the Cerro Santa Clara how the gulf
ended at the disembogue of the Rio Colorado; so we
kino's sixth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 698. 543
may accept it as a fact that he was in sight of that im-
portant point for the first time. The return trip is
not very clear. Rancherias were named San Fran-
cisco, San Seraphin, Merced, San Rafael (modern
Actum) ; 22 leagues westward of which latter he called
by the name of San Marcelo a place the natives knew
as Sonoydag (/. e., the well-known Sonoitac or Son-
oita); 15 leagues from which he came to Bacapa,
whence it was 40 more to Caborca; whence, via Tubu-
tama, he reached Dolores about the middle of Octo-
ber, as he reported his journey in a letter dated the
1 8th or 20th. (For some conflicting statements, cf.
Bancroft, No. Mex. St., i, p. 266, note®^; I have fol-
lowed the Apost. Afan. This entrada is not given in
Mange. )
Again the thoughts of the restless Kino turned like
the needle to the north; and on Feb. 7, 1699, he
undertook a new entrada with Mange and Father
Adan Gilg, or Adamo Gilo as Mange has it. The
route from Dolores was: to San Tgnacio Caborica,
7th; to Santa Magdalena de Buquivaba and Tupo, 8th;
San Pedro del Tubutama, 9th; Saric, Busanic, and
Tucubavia, loth; Guvoverde, nth; a spring of crystal-
line water they called Santa Eulalia, 12th; past a
watering-place in vicinity of which was a high castel-
lated rock they named Area de Noe or Noah's Ark,
13th; continued westward, 14th; to San Rafael, Ac-
544 kino's seventh Arizona entrada, 1699.
tun or Actum, 15th; San Marcelo de Sonoita, i6th;
down the arroyo to a carrizal, 17th; to an Aguage de
la Luna, i8th; and thence, it is said, 33 leagues
about northwest to the Gila, some three leagues
from its mouth, on the 21st. We owe this itine-
rary to that capital fellow Mange — I wish Kino
had gone nowhere without him! In broad out-
line, this trip was from Rio Magdalena over
to and up Rio Altar, over to and down Rio
Papago, and thence obliquely to Rio Gila three
leagues from Rio Colorado; arrived Feb. 21st.
There they met Pimas, Yumas, Opas, and Cocomari-
copas; named two rancherias San Pedro and San
Pablo; and heard of Indians beyond called Iguanes,
Cutganes, and Alchedomas, besides many more won-
derful things not necessary to specify here. On the
23d they started up the Gila, and continued on that
course to the 27th inclusive. Kino then first called
this river Rio de los Apostoles, and the Colorado he
named Rio de los Martires; he also grouped the four
Gilan branches (Verde, Salado, Santa Cruz, San Pe-
dro) as Los Evangelistas — to such an absurd extent
did he carry his craze for theological geography.*
Rancherias passed thus far along the Gila were called
' Mange's record of this nomenclature is on Feb. 27, 1699, p.
305, as follows: " llamo a este rio grande de los Apostoles, al
Colorado por el terreno sanguino, de los Martines [sic, mis-
kino's seventh ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1 699. 545
San Mateo de Caut, San Matias Tutum, San Tadeo
de Vaqui, and San Simon Tucsani, On the 28th they
reached the great bend, which they cut off by going
east March i; on the 2d descried from a hill the
Rio Verde, and camped that night at a Piman ranch-
eria they called San Bartolome del Comae, above the
mouth of the Verde or Salado (but compare Kino's
map of 1 70 1, where places are marked along the Gila
to the Salado as follows: Tota, Tutomagoidag,
Sicoroidag, S. Simon Tucsani, Santiago, S. Tadeo
Batqui, and S. Felipe). On the 3d, at 10 leagues
above Rio Salado, they were at San Andres de Coata,
which was as far down as they had come in 1697;
they went on past Encarnacion, apparently to Casas
Grandes, on the 4th; turned southward to Santa Cata-
rina, 5th; continued to San Agustin Oiaur (Tucson),
6th ; and reached San Xavier del Bac on the 7th. The
rest of the homeward journey was by San Cayetano de
Tumagacori or Tumacacori, Guevavi, Bacuancos,
Cocospera, Remedios, to Dolores March 14, 1699.
The same year of 1699 the superior of the Sonoran
missions was Father Antonio Leal, who wished to
make an inspection. So he and Kino, with Father
Francisco Gonzalez (or Antonio Gonsalvo), and the
print for Martires], y el Salado, el Verde, y los dos de los
sobaipuris que se juntan con este [Gila], dijo se llamasen de
Ids Evangelistas."
546 kino's eighth ARIZONA ENTRADA, 1699.
good Mange, left Dolores Oct. 24, and went by the
same route last said above to S. X. del Bac. Mange
names Remedios, 24th; Rio de Santa Maria and plains
of San Lorenzo, 25th; Quiquiborica and San Luis de
Bacuancos, 26th; Guevavi or Gusutaqui, and San
Cayetano de Jumagacori (Tumacacori), 27th; a de-
populated place, 28th; to Bac on the 29th. Here
Leal and Gonzalez stayed, while Kino and Mange
continued down river to San Agustin de Oiaur (Tuc-
son ) , Nov. I ; then 1 5 leagues further to places
they called Santa Catarina de Caituagaba and San
Clemente, 2d; and back to Bac on the 4th. Kino's
return homeward was by quite a different route. On
the 5th he started westward and went 12 leagues to no
named place; 6th, west 6 leagues to Tups or Tupo,
and 3 leagues to Cups, Cops, or (Rancheria) del
Humo; 7th, west 8 leagues to San Serafin de Actum,
where they received a delegation of Indians from San
Francisco Ati; 8th, 13 leagues northwest and west to
San Rafael; 9th, 9 leagues to Baquiburisac, at 16
leagues to Coat and Siboida or Sibagoida; loth, to San
Marcelo del Sonoita; nth, San Ambrosio de Busanic;
13th, San Pedro del Tubutama; 14th, Santa Maria
Magdalena de Buquibava; 15th, San Ignacio; 17th,
Remedios; i8th, Dolores. This trail cannot be made
out satisfactorily from Ortega; but it is plain enough
in Mange's itinerary, pp. 317-320.
kino's ninth' ARIZONA ENTRADA, I/OO. 54/
It is just now at the turn of the years 1699-1700
that Kino receives from his biographer the crowning
title of Apostle of the Pimas: " nuestro insigne grande
Jesuita, a quien por su incansable afan en alumbrar
a esta tan numerosa Nacion, con razon pudieramos
llamar Apostol de los Pimas," says Ortega, p. 280.
The year 1700 was the eighteenth of the apostle's
active operation on souls. On March 29, he received
at Dolores from some Cocomaricopas a present of
blue seashells, such as had already excited his geo-
graphical curiosity when he was among the Yumas;
and this started him off on a new exploration. He left
Dolores April 21, passed through Cocospera, and
continued by San Luis Guevavi to San Cayetano
Tumacacori, 5 leagues beyond which he was in the
Rancheria de los Reyes, and thence proceeded to San
Xavier del Bac. Here he enquired about seashells
to no purpose; but the occasion is memorable as that
on which he laid the foundations of a large church,
of the light workable stone which Ortega calls tu-
zontle, and others tetzontli — certainly the foretelling if
not actually the beginning of the historic edifice still
standing in Bac. He regained Dolores May 5.
On Sept. 24, 1700, our " incansable Operario de la
vifia del Sefior " started for the Gila by a mostly new
route. He went from Dolores by way of Remedios,
San Simon y San Judas, San Ambrosio de Busanic,
548 kino's tenth ARIZONA ENTRADA^ I7OO.
Tucubabia, Aguage de Santa Eulalia, Nuestra Seiiora
de la Merced, and Rancheria de San Geronimo, thus
striking Rio Gila above its great bend, which is
recognizably described on his journey down this river
to the Yumas. Here he climbed a hill to see whether
California was mainland or an island, and heard of
Indians called Quiquima, Bagiopa, Hoabonoma, and
Cutgana. Crossing to the north side of the Gila he
went dovv'n to its confluence with Rio Colorado, and
the Yuma rancheria there, on the east side of the
latter river, he named San Dionisio, that being the
ecclesiastical functionary on whose day he reached the
spot; the name is printed " Doonysio " on his map of
1701. Having made his geographical observations,
among which it is interesting to observe the use, per-
haps for the first time, of the name " Alta California,"
and for which he was afterward/ considered to have
settled the question of Californian peninsularity, he
started to return home. This was by way of places
called Aguage de la Trinidad and Agua Escondida to
San Marcelo (Sonoita): thence by San Luis de
Bacapa and San Eduardo to Caborca; thence by
Tubutama and San Ignacio to Dolores, Oct. 20.
The fame of this exploration spread to Father Juan
Maria de Salvatierra at his post of duty in California
Baxa. In January, 1701, he reached Sinaloa at the
mouth of Rio Yaqui; on Feb. 16 he was found by
KINO ON THE GULF COAST IN I/OI. 549
Mange at Cucurpe, and before the end of the month
Salvatierra was with Kino at Dolores — par nohile fra-
trum. These congenial souls immediately planned a
new journey, of which Mange gives us the itinerary.
According to this, the expedition went from Dolores
over Sierra del Comedio to San Ignacio, Feb. 27; by
Santa Maria Magdalena to Tups or Tupo, 28th; San
Pedro del Tubutama, Mar. i ; Ati or Addi, and Uqui-
toa, 5th; Pitquin or Pitiqui, and Caborca, 6th. Kino
appears to have followed a little later, starting March
I, by way of Cocospera, San Simon, Busanic, etc.,
to Caborca. On March 10 both padres and Mange
left Caborca, reaching San Eduardo Baipia or Paipia
that day; northwest to a dry camp, nth; San Luis de
Bacapa, 12th; San Marcelo de Sonoita, 14th; whence
they took up a route directly toward the mouth of
Rio Colorado. This is barely indicated by Ortega
as approximately down the arroyo sometimes called
Rio Papago and so on to the coast of the gulf, around
the lower end of the Santa Clara mountains (modern
Gila range?). Places named by Mange are: Coma-
quidam or Anunciata, 10 leagues from Sonoita, i6th;
Sicobutovabia or Totonat, 10 leagues down the dry
arroyo, i8th; Basotutcan or San Jose Ramos Ayod-
sudao, 8 leagues more westerly over a plain at foot of
mountains, 19th; Tupo or Aibacusi, 8 leagues west
over volcanic malpais, 20th; Cabo Guasivavia or Du-
550 kino's eleventh Arizona entrada, 1701.
burcopota, 8 leagues west over desert, and only two
leagues from the coast, which was reached on the
2 1 St. This was at a point where the gulf was judged
to be 12 leagues wide, perhaps at or near modern
Adair bay. Geodetic and other observations were
made which satisfied both padres, but not Mange,
that California was a peninsula. It being judged im-
possible to ascend the coast to the head of the gulf
the party started back on the 23d, and retraced their
steps to Sonoita. They were there and thereabouts,
with some short side trips, till April 6, when Salva-
tierra started to go direct to Dolores, en route for
Guaymas; while Kino and Mange proceeded eastward
via San Rafael, Merced, and San Seraphin to San
Xavier del Bac on the 9th; whence, continuing south-
ward by the regular route I have several times indi-
cated, they reached Dolores April 14 or 16. This is
the last we have of Mange's itineraries.
Fulfilling his pledge to Salvatierra, Kino planned
another tour of exploration and evangelization, which
he hoped would be less futile than the last. Leaving
Dolores on Nov. 3, 1701, he traveled by Remedies,
Cocospera, San Lazaro, San Luis de Babi, and San
Simon, to Busanic. There, leaving Tubutama and
Caborca aside, he took a new route to San Marcelo
Sonoita, by places called Rancheria de Ooltan (other-
wise San Estanislao de Ooltan), Rancheria de Anamic
kino's twelfth ARIZONA ENTRADA, I/OI. 55I
(otherwise Santa Ana de Animic, 15 leagues from the
last place), San Martin, and San Rafael. From
Sonoita, departing on Nov. 12, he reached the Gila
at San Pedro by the route already noted on other
journeys. Mange accompanied him no further; he
went alone, or with one soldier, who soon ran away,
but with a crowd of Indians, down the Gila to the
Colorado at San Dionisio, immediately opposite mod-
ern Fort Yuma. Crossing the Gila at its mouth, to
the south side, he went through the rancherias of the
Yumas, to the last of which he gave the name Santa
Isabel; and on Nov. 19 he arrived at the first ran-
cheria of the Quiquimas, which he called San Felix
de Valois. On the 21st, still going down the left
bank of the Colorado, he crossed the river on a raft,
where it was 200 varas wide, and named the place
Presentacion; there, still among the Quiquimas, he
was visited by a throng of Coanopas, Cuteanas or
Cutganas, and Ojiopas or Giopas (elsewhere Bagio-
pas). He was told that the blue seashells did indeed
come from the Californian contracosta, eight or ten
days distant, and that he was only one day from the
mouth of the Colorado. It seems to me miraculous,
almost, that he did not proceed that one more day,
after so many weary weeks and months as he had al-
ready spent in several attempts to determine this
point; but he did not, perhaps being fully satisfied
'552 kino's thirteenth ARIZONA ENTRADA, I702.
that he was in CaHfornia, and that that was not an
island. He recrossed the Colorado to the east side,
retraced his steps to San Dionisio and San Pedro del
Gila, and by the same route he had come, through
San Marcelo de Sonoitac, he went on to Dolores,
reaching home Dec. 7, 1701.
Kino's map, supposed to be of 1701, has often been
published. It was then, and long remained, by far
the best delineation of Sonora, southern Arizona, and
the gulf coast of Lower California. But the holy
father was not yet to rest from his weary work. The
possibility that California might after all be an island
haunted his imagination, and the devil was still busy
in partibus inMelium.
Therefore he left Dolores Feb. 5, 1702, starting on
what proved to be his last entrada northward, in com-
pany with Father Francisco Gonzalez, the missionary
at Oposura. (This brother missionary is named
Francisco Gonzalez in Bancroft, i, pp. 259 and 500, as
being with Kino in November and December, 1701.
He is apparently the Manuel Gonsalez given in Rudo
Ensayo, p. 132, as having accompanied Kino to the
mouth of the Colorado.) They passed through
Remedios, San Simon, Busanic, San Estanislao, Santa
Eulalia, Santa Sabina, San Martin, and San Rafael,
to San Marcelo (Sonoita); whence by the same route
as before they reached San Dionisio at the mouth of
AT THE MOUTH OF THE COLORADO, I702. 553
the Gila, Feb. 28. The next day they went down to
Santa Isabel; and leaving to the right San FeHx de
Valois and La Presentacion, they reached a large
Quiquima rancheria which they named San Rude-
sindo. Continuing southward, they found on the
4th rancherias of the same nation to one of which they
gave the name of San Casimiro; on the 5th they were
at tidewater; on the 6th they failed in attempting to
cross the river from its left to right shore, and on the
7th they reached the very mouth of Rio Colorado, at
a point where nothing but land could be seen on the
south, west, and north. On the 8th they were be-
sought by natives to cross to the California side, but
did not do so; they were told of a certain Rio Ama-
rillo in that direction, and that in eight or ten days
they might reach the opposite seacoast. But Father
Gonzalez was sick; Kino essayed a cut across country
to Sonoita, which proved impracticable; and so the
return was by the way they had come, through Santa
Isabel, San Dionisio, and so on, to Sonoita on the 22d.
Here the witness of Kino's first and last view of the
mouth of the river grew worse; at Santa Sabina he
received the viaticum; at Tubutama he was dying, at
San Ignacio dead. Kino wrote his report of this
entrada April 2; he never saw the Gila or Colorado
again.
This year of 1702 the veteran missionary was as-
554 kino's movements in 1704-06.
sisted at Dolores by Father Louis Velarde; the
weight of years was coming upon him, his career as
an explorer nearly ended. During this year or 1703
he wished to go to the City of Mexico, but gave it up.
In 1704 he opened new communication with Guay-
mas via Opodepe, Nacomeri, and Santa Maria del
Popolo; the same year saw the completion of fine
churches at Remedios and Cocospera. The year of
1705 was troublous, without results which concern
us here. In January and February, 1706, he visited
the Sobas, and from Caborca proceeded southwest
over a new route to the gulf, at a point at or near
modern La Libertad, which seems to have been
Kino's Puerto de San Juan Bautista; he named an
island Santa Inez, a cape San Vicente, and returned
to Dolores Feb. ^y. We read of some comparatively
short trips in April, May, and June.
The last record of an extended tour northward is
of October and November, 1706. Having been to
Cuquiarchi for two corporals who were to escort him,
he arrived at Bacoachi Oct. 14; at Bacanuchi the
15th, and was home next day. He left Dolores on
Oct. 21 en route to Tubutama, swinging around by
way of Remedios, where he met Fray Manuel de
la Ojuela, 22d; to Cocospera, 23d; to San Simon y
San Judas del Syboda, 24th; to Babasaqui, 25th;
Santa Barbara, 26th; San Ambrosio del Busanic,
kino's last entrada, 1706. 555
Santa Gertrudis del Saric, and San Bernardo del
Aquimuri, 27th. Kino and Ojuela thus reached
Tubutama on the 28th, and were welcomed by Father
Geronimo Minutih. Thence they passed by Santa
Theresa to San Antonio del Uquitoa, 29th; by San
Diego del Pytquin (Pitiqui) to Caborca, 30th; to San
Eduardo del Baypia, 31st; through San Luis Beltran
de Bacapa and far beyond, Nov. i ; to San Marcelo
Sonoydag (Sonoita), 2d; remained 3d; to a good
aguage del carrizal (reedy watering place), 4th; to
Santa Clara mountain at a water-tank in rocks, 5th.
Ascending the heights, Kino took his last view of the
waters of the gulf, noting the continuity of California
with Pimeria, and returned to San Marcelo on the
7th. Thence the route was: San Rafael del Actum
and Aguage de San Martin, 8th; Santa Bibiana, 9th;
San Estanislao de Octam, loth; Busanic and Tubu-
tama, nth, remaining 12th and 13th; Santa Maria
Magdalena, 14th; Dolores, i6th.
This was the last long earthly pilgrimage of the
great Jesuit and typical missionary, whose Afanes
were geographic exploration and the salvation of
souls. He continued to labor with tongue and pen,
indeed, from 1707 to 1710 or 171 1, when he went his
eternal way. The date of his death, like that of his
coming to Mexico, is in question by one year. All
agree that his labors lasted 30 years; the author of the
556 DEATH OF THE APOSTLE OF THE PIMAS.
Apostolicos Afanes gives 1680- 17 10; others say 1681-
1711; Mange has death in 1711, age " de casi " 70
years, of which 24 were in Pimeria. This uncertainty
is the more remarkable, in that there is perhaps not
another missionary record more abounding in exact
dates, as may be judged by the foregoing summary.
INDEX.
abalorio, io6
Abel, , 138
Abert, J. W., 498
Abruzzi, Italy, 102
Abucios, 368
Acama, 368
acequias, 107
Achoic, Achois Comihavit, 266
Acmaat, A-co, Acogiya, Aco-
ma, Acoman, Acomas, Aco-
me, Acomeses, Acomo,
Acona, Aconia, 367, 368, 369
Acontzi Mission, 526
acorns, 244
Acotzi Mission, 526
Acquia, 368
Acquiora, 489
Actum, Actun, 543, 544
Acu, Acuca, Acuco, Acucu,
Acus, Acux, 367, 368, 482,
485- 507
Adair bay, 195, 550
Addi, 451, 459, see Ati
Adelantado, 479
Adi, 455, see Ati
Adonde sta., 130
Agassiz peak, 353
Agua Azul Inds., 342
Agua Caliente, on the Gila,
118, 119,. 120, 126, 128, 436
Aguachacha, 404, 444
Agua Escondida, 39, 548
Agua Fria r., 112
Agua Fria W. & L. Co. canal,
112
Aguage. Besides the follow-
ing list of watering places,
see also their names
Aguage de la Luna, 544
Aguage de la Rancheria de
Santa Margarita, 411
Aguage de la Trinidad, 307,
548
Aguage de San Joseph, 216
Aguage de San Martin, 555
Aguage de San Marzelo, 214
Aguage de San Pacifico, 315,
316
Aguage de Santa Anna, 413
Aguage de Santa Eulalia, 548
Agua Supais, 474
Aguato, 394
Aguatubay, a chief, 395
Aguico, 377
Aguirre, Manuel de, 525
Ah-supai, 474
Aiaha, 459
Ai-a-pai Inds., 270
Aibacusi, 459
Aiha, 459
ail-loh, 272
Ainsa, J. B. de, 81
Ainsa meteorite, 81
Aioma, 368
557
558
INDEX.
Aki is found for ati
Ako-ma, 368
Alamos, Sonora, 525, 540
Alarcon, Hernando de, 136,
144, 192, 193, 226, 229, 419,
438
Ala, Tyrol, 528
Alaxar, 24
Alba, dukes of, 56
Albizu, Tomas de, 377
Albuquerque, N. M., 368
Alburquerque, dukes of, 56
Alcala, Spain, 207
alcalde, 120
alcayata, 225
Alchedomas, Alchedomes, Al-
chedumas, Alchidoma, 124,
125, 175,474, 488, 544
Alcuco, 368
Alder gulch, Cal., 43, 247
Alegre, Francisco Javier, 61
Alemaniscas, 105
Alfonso IX., 267
Algarobia glandulosa, 433
Algodomes, Algodones, Algo-
donnes, 125, 192
Aliatans, 491
Alita sta., 286
al-lit, 272
Alraarza, 24
Almela, Michael de, 525
Alnus incana, 298
Alnus oregona, 298
Alnus rhombifolia, 298
Alnus serrulata, 298
Alpha, Ariz., 119
Alta California, 150, 548, see
California Alta
Altar r., 535
Altar, Sonora, 14, 15, 17, 23,
61, 109, 201, 202, 203, 446,
455
Alvarado, Hernando de, 516
Alvarado, Pedro de, 480
Amacava, Amacavas, Ama-
guagua, Amahuayas, Ama-
jabas, Amajavas, 226, 420,
477
Amaque, 398
Amblystoma, 343
American Catholic Historical
Society, 61, 92
American Ethnological Soci-
ety, 498
American Geographical Soci-
ety, 514
Amochave, Amojaves, Amo;t-
awi, Amuchabas, 226
A'-mu-kwe, 393
Anderson, Dr., 123
Andrews sta., Cal., 267
Angel de le Guarda isl., 536
Ansa, J. B. de, see Anza
Antelope hill, 129
Anunciata, 549
Anza-Font exped., 303
Anza or Ansa, J. B. de, 5, ir,
12, 15, 19, 24, 38, 40, 41, 43,
44, 45, 48, 57, 58, 63, 66, 67,
69, 70, 71, 73, 79. 81, 82, 83,
84, 85, 87, 96, 102, III, 113,
114, 120, 124, 126, 127, 129,
132, 156, 157, 158, 159, 161,
165, 204, 206, 208, 247, 249,
252, 257, 291, 303, 308, 309,
311, 370, 429, 446, 487, 502,
504
Apa, 487
Apache campaign, 7, 88
Apache division, 459, 460
Apacheland, 359
Apache mocassins, 220
Apache Mohave, Mojaves, 208,
325
Apache name, 458
Apache nation, 49, 458
Apacheria, 60, 136, 359
Apaches, 6, 26, 46, 57, 59, 60,
INDEX.
559
6i, 64, 65, 69, 70, 74, 75, 78,
80, 83, 88, 96, 115, 118, 138,
139, 140, 175, 196, 208, 333,
341, 359. 370, 381, 386, 387.
402, 404, 417, 434, 438, 445.
446, 447, 451, 453, 454, 456,
457, 458, 459. 460, 461, 462,
463, 466, 467, 473, 490, 497,
499. 535
Apaches Broncos, 459
Apaches de Nabaho, Nabajai,
Nabajoa, Nabaju, 352, 369,
461
Apaches de Xila, 459
Apaches Gilenos, 85, 458
Apaches of the Gila r., 452
Apaches Tejua, 221
Apaches Vaqueros, 452, 462
Apache Yuma, 458
Apahuatche, 458
Apostle of the Pimas, 531, 547
Apostle's r., 137
Apostol de los Pimas, 547
Aquarius- mts., range, 231, 322
Aquimuri, 527
Aquitoa, Aquitun, Aquituni,
Aquituno, 27, 84, 87, 527
A-quo, 368
Aragon, 2, 411
Aranda, Conde de, 58
Area de Noe, 543
Arcos, dukes of, 56
Areibe, 401
Areopagite, 134
Aribaipa, 39
Aribechi mission, 325
Arispe mission, 526
Aritoac, Aritutoc, 117, Ii8
Arivaca, 527
Arivaca val., 39
Arivaipa cr., 153
Arivetzi mission, 525
Arizona City, Ariz., 135
Arizona entradas, 114
Arizona, Arizonac, in Sonora,
527
Arizona Terr., 25, 59, 68, 70,
74. 75. 77. 81, 82, 83, 87, 88,
89, 90, 107, 115, 118, 122, 134,
135, 136, 138, 139. 142, 146,
152, 153, 187, 19s, 208, 212,
224, 227. 232, 233, 314, 325,
393, 425, 447. 459. 461. 462,
465, 469, 473, 478, 480, 481,
482, 484, 487, 505, 509, 510,
511, 513, 515. 528, 531, 533.
534. 542. 552
Arizpe, i8, 59, 482
Arkansaw r., 331, 462, 515, 520
Armistead, Capt. L. A., 235
Arona, Count of, 250
Arona, Italy, 250
Arrequivar, Pedro, 68
Arricivita, J. D., i, 5, 8, 10, 17,
18, 19, 20, 25, 26, 30, 34, 38,
39, 41. 44. 51. 84, 173, 198.
507. 509
Arrillaga, , 251
arroyo, no, and see names of
arroyos besides the following
list
Arroyo de la Ascencion, 305
Arroyo de los Alisos, 43, 247,
248
Arroyo de los Martires, 238,
239, 468
Arroyo de los Osos, 43, 247
Arroyo de San Alexo, 409
Arroyo de San Bernabe, 321,
322, 323
Arroyo de San Gabriel, 259
Arroyo de San Joseph, 248
Arroyo de Santa Angela de
Fulgino, 292
Arroyo de Santa Catarina, 279
arroz zimarron, 292
Arvide, Martin de, 375
Asay, 398
56o
INDEX.
Ashiwi, 379
Asimur, 480
Asoma, 368
Assisi, Italy, 189, 258
Assumption, Asuncion r., 140
Asumpcion, Asuncion, Juan de
la, 136, 141, 479, 480,486,505,
506, 507, 508, 509, 510, 511,
512, 513
At, 455, see Ati
atajos, 361
Atchihwa, 115
Athapascan Inds., 351, 458
Ati, Sonora, 31, 39, 455, 527,
549
Atlantic and Pacific R. R., 367
atole, 174
Aubray, Aubrey, Aubry, F.
X., 331
Aubrey City or Landing, 331,
420
Aubrey or Aubrey's clififs, 330,
331, 333, 409
Aubrey's spring, 335
Aubrey val., 331
Aulick range, 322
Austrian Tyrol, 528
Ava-supies, 474
Awatobi, 394, 395, 396
axolotls, 343
Azamor, 480
azotado, 82
Aztec civilization, 52
Aztec language, 122, 128, 154,
462
Aztec pass, Ariz., 421
Aztec sta., Ariz., 125
Azul Oder Blaufluss, 137
Azul r. , 28, 420
B
Babasaqui, 554
Babiacora, 482
Bac, 5, 9, II, 26, 27, 28, 44, 73,
74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79- 81, 124,
415, 469, 538, 542, 546, 547,
and see San Xavier del Bac
Bacadequatzi Mission, 525
Bacanora, 525
Bacanuchi, 554
Bacapa, Sonora, 481, 482, 487,
543
Bacoachi, 554
Bacoguetzi. 526
Bacuachi, 69, 482
Bacuanchos, Bacuancos, 69,
545
Badger people, 397
Bagiopas, 175, 177, 548, 551
Bahacechas, 477
Baicadeat, 540
Baird, Spencer F., 142
Bajadura, 165
Ba]io de Aquituno, 84
Bakersfield, Cal., 2, 70, 280, 299,
303
Bal, Juan de, 379
Banamichi Mission, 526
Bancroft, H. H., 25, 41, 52,
53, 58, 79, 109. 113, 124, 125,
138, 164, 173, 192, ig6, 208,
234, 239, 245, 247, 251, 252,
268, 271, 286, 304, 380, 470,
476, 482, 528, 531, 543, 552
Bandelier, A. F., 89, 90, 142,
153. 177, 377. 378, 480, 485,
498, 505, 506, 507, 510, 511,
512, 514, 515, 517, 519
Banning sta., Cal., 204
Bannock Inds., 404
Baqueros, 489, 490
Baquiburisac, 546
Baquioba, Baquiopa, Baquiova,
Baquiovas, 405,406, 444, 451,
489
Barbour, G. W., 289
Barillas, Caspar de las, 539
INDEX.
561
Barraneche, Barrenche, J. A.,
18, 20, 22, 24
Barrera, D. J., 526
Bartlett, J. R., 70, 77, 78, 80, 81,
85, 92, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105,
106, 115, 117, 118, 119, 123,
127, 135, 150, 164, 166, 176, 192,
227, 439, 472
Barton Co., Kas., 515, 520
Baseraca, 60, 526, 540
Basotutcan, 549
Basquez, Feliciana, 24
batea, 388
Batosda, 76, 541
Batuco Mission, 525
Bauquiburi, 120, 161, 162
Bautista, Juan, 52
Bavaria, 528
Bavaria, Duke of, 529
Baviacora, 526
Bavispe Mission, 526
bayeta, 104
Baylon, Corp., 21
Bay, see also names of bays
Bay of Monterey, 250
Bay of San Diego, 206
Bay of San Francisco, 492
Baxajita, Sonora, 68
Beadle, J. H., 224
Beale, E. F., 148, 227, 228, 314,
316, 317, 320, 322, 323, 324,
332, 340, 342, 349. 421, 478
Beale's road or route, 314, 342
Beale's springs, 314, 315, 317,318
Bear gulch, Cal., 43, 247, 249
Bear valley, Cal., 246
Beaumont, Francisco de Gor-
raez, 89
Beaumont, Pablo de la Purisima
Concepcion, 66, 212, 218, 234,
235, 236, 241, 242, 247, 273,
281, 285, 287, 289, 291, 305,
364, 389, 393, 412, 418, 423.
424, 430, 464
Beaver 1., 235
Beaver, Utah, 405
beavers, 230
Begg's rock, 223
Be-ku Inds., 271
Belarde, Joachin, 66
Belgrade, Servia, 102
Bell peak, Cal., 215
Benavides, Alonso de, 379, 459,
461, 541
Benavides, Rafael, 375
Benedict XIII., 138
Beneme Inds., 221, 237, 338,
240, 243, 269, 284
Bengachea, Jose Ignacio, 23
Benson, Ariz., 484
Bent, Gov. Charles, 332
Bentura, an Ind., 302, 305
Berengaria, 267
Bergland, Eric, 233
Berlin, 138
Bernal, Cristobal M., 528, 540,
541. 542
Bernalillo, N. M., 518
Bernardino, G. F., 188, 189
Bicuner, 20, 21, 22, see San
Pablo y San Pedro de
Bighorn, Big Horn mts., 118,
119, 208
Big Sandy wash, 319, 421, 422
Bill Williams' fork orr., 142,
208, 220, 225, 231, 319, 331,
419, 420, 421, 422, 423, 425,
428, 433, 466, 477, 478
Bill Williams' mts., 208, 331,
340, 353
Bill Williams' val., 422
Bisani, 527
Bitter spring, 321
Black cailon, 226, 315
Black Face mts., 81
Black Head range, 127
Black mesa, 208
Black mts., or range, 315, 316,
562
INDEX.
317, 318, 320, 322, 410, 412,
413
black pewits, 328
Black r., 142
black-tailed deer, 324
Black tank, 342, 343
Blaufluss, 137
Blue Ridge mts., 315
Blue r. , 140
Boca del Puerto Dulce, 292
Bocanegra, , 55
Bohemia, 102, 138
Bolander, Prof., 273
Bolson de Mapimi, 460
Bonete, Bonnet, 130
Borica, D. de, 266
Borio, Wm. D., 525
Borromeo, Count Carlo, 250
Braba, 333
Brower, J. V. 142, 517
Brown, John Nicholas, 58
Browne, J. Ross, 131
Bucareli, Bucarely, y Ursua,
Urza, Vrsua, A. M. de, 10,
II, 12,47, 55,56, 155. 157. 369,
370, 503
Buelna, Eustaquio, 487
Buenaventura, 399
Buena Vista, Buenavista,
Sonora, 10, 13, 17, 198, 202,
525
Buenavista!., 278, 299
Buesanet Inds., 289
bulrush, 251, 434
Bureau of American Eth-
nology, 90, 100, loi, 366, 515,
524
Burgwin, Capt., J. H. K.,
333
Burke's ranche, Ariz., 119
Busac, 540
Busani, Busanic, 114, 196, 527,
543, 549- 550, 552. 555
Bustamente, Carlos M., 61
Cabesa, Cabeza del Gigante,
161, 162, 215
Cabeza de Vaca, A. N., 480
Cabezon val. , 224
Cabo Duburcopota, 549
Cabo Guasivavia, 549
Caborca, on Rio Altar, 38, 39,
43, 44, 86, 88, 124, 155, 160,
195, 196, 201, 202, 436, 523,
527, 530, 532, 536, 537. 539.
543. 548, 549. 550, 554, 555
Caborca, on Rio Magdalena,
532, 534. 535, 536
Cabri, 379
Cabrillo, Juan R., 223
gacatl, 87
Cachupin, Gov., 370
Cacopa, Cacupa Inds., 175, 176,
see Cocopa
Cactus pass, Ariz., 319
Caguilla, 225
Cahita. 86
Cahnilio, 225
Cahuala, 224
Cahual-chitz, Ca-hual-chitz,
225
Cahuilla, 218
Cah-wee-os, Cah-willa, 225
Cajon pass, Cal., 233, 245
Cajuala Chemebet, 224
Cajuala Sevinta, 223, 224
Cajuales, 472
Cajuenches, 11, 41, 42, 72, 165,
167, i63, 171, 172, 173, 174,
177. 179. 181, 182, 183, 1S4,
185, 186, 199, 203, 205, 434,
435. 443. 444. 450
Calabazas, 527
Calatayud, 3
California, ii, 2X, 38, 41, 58,
59, 102, 123, 124, 125, 134,
135, 146, 150, 155, 161, 166,
INDEX.
563
177, 178, 187, 192, igs, 204,
206, 213, 216, 218, 219, 222,
223, 240, 253, 264, 313. 370,
426, 466, 471, 492, 497, 529,
533. 539, 548, 550. 552, 553.
555
California Academy of Sci-
ences, 81
California Alta, 163, 194, 206,
252
California Antigua, 194
California Baja, Baxa, 163,
194, 196, 197, 264, 548
California del Norte, 194
California del Sur, 194
California expedition, 57
California Farmer, a paper,
209
California, gulf of, 123
California missions, 266
California Nueva, 194
California Vieja, 194
California volunteers, 235
Calif ornian hills, 536
Californian peninsularity, 548
Calif ornian settlements, 21
Calle de la Merced, a street in
City of Mexico, 504
Calitre, Calitro, 153, see
Galiuro
Camani, 65, 87, 93, 102
Cambon, Padre, 259
Cami, 379, see Zunis
Camilya, 166
Campana, 162
Camp Cady, 242, 243
Camp Calhoun, 135, 146
Camp Grant, 153
Camp Grant, old, 466
Camp Huachuca, 152
Camp Independence, 146
Camp Mohave, 226
Campos, Agustin de, 534, 539
Camp Wallen, 152
Camp Yuma, 147, 192
Canada de Cruz, 369
Canada de la Laguna, 268
Canada de los Osos, 249
Canada del Paraiso, 248
Caiiada de San Patricio, 247
Canada de Santo Tomas, 237
Canadian r., 460, 462, 519
Canal de Santa Barbara, 222,
223, 241, 253, 257, 445, 488,
489, 496, 497
Cancio, , 109
candelabra cactus, 439
cane, 434
Cane Spring, Ariz., 413
Canoa, Ariz., 63, 74. The
word canoa is also used for
the trough or flume in which
an acequia is conducted over
a broken piece of ground, and
this may be the implication
in the present case.
Canoa claim, 74
"Canoe Crossg.," 74
Canon spring, Ariz., 348, 351
Canterbury cathedral, 237
Cape Horn, 492
Cape Mendocino, 530
Capistrano, Giovanni di, 102
Capistranus, Johannes, 102
Capote, 405
Cappus; see Kappus
Caprala, 225
Capsella bursa-pastoris, 272
Captain Juan's, a place, 165
Capuchin nunnery, 57
CaquUa, 225
Cardenas, G. L. de, 349, 350,
394
Cariacus macrotis, 324
Carleton, Gen. J. H., 81
Carlos, an alcalde, 120
Carlos III., 56, 58, 75, 250
Carlos VII., 529
564
INDEX.
Carmelite friars, 223, 250
Carmen, Chihuahua, 465
Carquines strait, 292
Carrasco, Diego, 542
Carrizal, Sonora, 39
carrizo, 184
Carrizo or., 166
Carroll's cr., 428
Carson, Kit, 123
Cartagena, Romualdo, 47
Carvilla, 225
Caryophyllum mexicanum, 299
Casa Blanca, 368
Casa de Ejercicios of San
Felipe, 57
Casa, Casas de Moctezuma,
Montezuma, 66, 89, 387
Casa Grande, Casas Grandes,
44, 61, 63, 76, 87, 88, 90, 91,
92, 93. 94, 95. 96, 97, 99. 100,
loi, 107, 108, III, 124, 143,
4S2, 537. 538, 541, 545
Casa Grande de Moctezuma, 66
Casas de San Pedro, 152
Casas Grandes, Chihuahua,
465
cascos de losa, loza, 143
Casinos, Casnino, 474
Casita, 68
Castac, Cal., 268
Castac cr., 26S
Castaneda, P. de, 349, 365, 366,
515, 516, 517, 518, 519
Castani, Padre, 263
Castile, King of, 267
Castle Dome, 127, 149, 162, 208,
215, 429
Castle Dome canal, 119
Castle Dome District, 127
Castle Dome range, 125, 127,
128
Castro, Matias de, 23
Cataract canon or cr., 313, 331,
335, 336, 338, 339, 340, 341.
343. 344, 347, 348, 350, 353,
402, 408, 433, 446, 472, 473
Cathedral Rock, 119
Causae, Sonora, 540
Cavalier, Jose, 249
Cavesa del Gigante, 214, see
Cabesa del Gigante
Caves, the, 239, 242
Cavillo, Balthasar, 77
Cavio, Caweo, 225
Caxones del Jabesua, 407
Ceballos, F. de la Mora, 377
Cedar Forest camp, 330
Cedar springs, 237, 258, 307
Cehmeque-sabinta, 225
Central America, 98
Ce-pa-le-ve', 400
" Cerbals " range, 320
Cerbat, Ariz., 320, 412
Cerbat basin, 319, 322
Cerbat mts. or range, 231, 317,
318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 410,
411, 412
Cereus giganteus, 83, 439
Cerrito Colorado, 52
Cerritos, 131
cerro, 85, and see also names
of cerros
Cerro de las Campanas, 50
Cerro del Cajon, 130
Cerro del Matate, 128
Cerro de San Pablo, 161, 162,
163
Cerro de San Pascual, Pasqual,
127
Cerro de Santa Cecilia del
Matate, 128, 129
Cerro de Tacca, 64
Cerro Nazareno, 534, 535, 536
Cerro Santa Clara, 542
Chai-nim'i-ai-ri, 270
Chametla, 59
Chamuscado, F. S., 461
Charco de Guana, 68
INDEX.
565
Charco del Canelo, 67
Charles of Anjou, 249
Charles III., 56, 5S, 75, 250
chelis, 272
Chemahuava, Chemawawa,
Chemchuevis, 220
Chemebet Quajala, 303
Chemebet rancheria, 307
Chemebets, 219, 221, 234, 308
Cheraegerabas, 220
Chemeguabas, 353, 386, 404,
434, 444, 451, 452, 453. 454.
466, 472, 490
Chemeguabas Sevintas, 472
Chemeguagua, 219, 224
Chemegue Cuajala, 444, 445
Chemegue sebita, sevicta,
Sevinta, 224, 444
Chemeguet, 451
Chemeguet Cajuala, 466, 475
Chemehueris, 220
Chemehuevi, Chemehuevis,
Chemehuevitz, 219, 220, 225,
405
Chemehuevi val., 220, 227, 422,
428
Chemeonahas, 220
Chemequaba, 225
Chemeque, 225
Chemeque-caprala, 225
Chemeque-sabinta, 224
Cheminares, 220
Chemovi, 399
Chericahui, 459
Cherum, a chief, 320
Cherum's peak, 320
chia, 272
Chichilticalli, 484
Chichimeca, Chichimeco, 52,
53, 365, 366, 452
Chidunas, 474
Chief of Men, 89
Chiguagua, 465
Chigui-cagui Inds., 459
Chihuahua, City of, 13, 15, 465.
493
Chihuahua, State, 59, 89, 459
Chilecago, Chile Cowe, Chili-
cagua, 459
Chimawava, Chimchves,
Chimehwhuebes, Chimhue-
vas, Chimohuevis, Chim-
woyos, 220
Chimney, Ariz., 112
Chimney peak or rock, 149, 162,
213, 214, 215, 429
China, Empire of, 492, 529
Chinapa, 526
Chino, E. F., 134, 144, 528, see
Kino, E. F.
Chinouns, 398
Chino val., 331, 342
Chipafora rancho, 525
Chiricagiiis, Chiricahuas.Chiri-
guai, 458, 459
Chiricahua mts., 459
Chirikahwa, Chirocahue, 459
Chocolate hills or mts., 127,
215, 428, 429
Cho-e-nuco, Choinoc, Choi-
nucks, Choo-noot, 289
Chrystoval sta., Ariz., 125
Chu-kai-mi-na, 270
Chi:k'-chan-si, 269
chumoa, 400
Chu-nut, Chunut, 270, 289
Chupisonora, 67
Cibita, 68
cibola, 403
Cibola, 91, 136, 144, 152, 349,
377, 379, 394, 476, 482, 483,
484, 485, 489, 514. 515, 518,
520, 521
Cibola, Seven cities of, 379,
393, 480, 484, 485
Cibola-Zuiii, 379
Cibolan pueblo, 484
Cibolans, 484
566
INDEX.
Ci-cho-mo-oi, Cichomovi, 399
Cicuye, 365, 514, 518, 519, 520,
521
Cicuye-Pecos, 519
Cicuye r., 519
Cienega de Santa Clara, 267
Cilenos, 85, seeGilenos
Ci-moth-pivi, 400
Cinaloa, 370
Ci-no-pave, 400
Ci-nyu-mfih, 398
Cipaulire, Ci-pau'-lo-vi, 400
Cipias, 375
Cipolivi, Ci-pow-lovi, 400
Citcum-ave, Ci-tcum-wi, 399
Cities of Cibola, 485, see Cibola
City of Jlexico, 56, 91, 481, 485,
493, 531. 539. 554
Ciudad Rodrigo, A. de, 505,
507
Clark, Capt. Wm., 137
Clement X., 267
Clipalines, 400
Coahuanas, 477
Coahuila, 59, 370, 461
Coahuila val., 224
Coahuilas, 218, 225
Co-a-ni-nis, 474
Coanopas, 175, 177, 178, 551
coas, 345
Coast range, 266, 405
Coat, 546
Cobajais, Cobajis, 304, 445,
489
Cocapa, 168, 176, see Cocopa
Cochees, 459
Cochimi, 86
Cochineans, 474
Cochise Apaches, 459
Cochise Co., Ariz., 153
Coch-nich-nos, Cochnichnos,
473. 474
Cochopa, 176
Coco, 368
Cocomarecopper, Cocomari-
copas, Coco-Maricopas, Coco-
marisepa, Cocomiracopa, 28,
37, 46, 86, 100, 114, 115, 119,
123, 130, 135, 203, 210, 211,
343, 386, 416, 417, 418, 424,
425, 426, 430, 431, 436, 437,
438, 443. 445, 450, 451. 452,
455. 523, 544, 547
Cocomaricopa justices, 145
Cocomaricopa rancheria, ist,
44
Cocomaricopas Gilenos, 449
Coco-Maricopas of the Gila,
123
Cocomungo, Cal., 247
Cogoninos, 474
Cocopa, a boat, 228
Cocopa, Co-co-pah, Cocopas,
86, 124, 175, 176, 193, 197,
477
Cocopas mts., 194
Cocospera, 86, 114, 526, 534, 540,
545, 547, 549, 55°, 554
Coespan, 526
Coguifa, 289
Cohonino caves, 473
Cohoninos, 231, 474
Cohuana Inds., 177
Cohuilla, 225
Cojnino, 474
Cokomaricopa, 115
Colegio de la Santa Cruz de
Queretaro, 4, 71
College of the Holy Cross of
Queretaro, 47, 50, 52
Coloradan delta, 190
Coloradan missions, 497
Coloradan presidio, 497
Colorado, 57, 219, 222, 331, 366,
469
Colorado, a steamer, 148
Colorado Chiquitor., 138, 142,
145, 340, 347, 348, 354. 355>
INDEX.
567
357, 358, 402, 406, 411, 419,
432, 473, 476, 484, 489, and see
Little Colorado r.
Colorado City, Ariz., 135
Colorado Grande, 348
Colorado 6' del Norte, 144
Colorado of the West, 509, see
Colorado r.
Colorado plateau, 331, 340
Colorado r., 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, 18, 19, 22, 28, 32, 34,
36, 37, 38, 40, 41. 43, 44, 45,
59, 60, 66, 70, 71, 72, 86, 87,
III, 115, 116, 124, 125, 127,
135, 136, 137, 142, 149. 152,
158, 159, 160, 161, 163, 165,
166, 168, 175, 176, 177, 178,
183, 188, 190, 192, 193, 194,
197, 199, 209, 213, 215, 220,
221, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228,
232, 235, 239, 253, 306, 308,
309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 315,
317, 319, 323, 328, 329, 330,
331, 340. 345, 346, 348, 351.
354, 355, 358, 393, 405, 409,
412, 413, 416, 419, 420, 422,
431, 433, 446, 447- 451, 455,
463, 464, 468, 472, 473, 476,
477, 478, 482, 488, 493, 495,
497, 508, 509, 510, 513, 523,
551, 552, and see Rio Colo-
rado
Colorado r. of Texas, 460
Colorado River res., 220, 226,
425
Colorado val., 428
Columbia r., 290
Comaiyah, 166
Comanche campaign, 58
Comanche res., 491
Comanches, 57, 221, 452, 460,
490, 491
Comaniopa, 115
Comaquidam, 549
Comari, Comaricopa, 115
Comarsuta, 540
Comedas, Coraeyds, 166, 196,
197, 257
Cominas, 474
Comoyah, Comoyatz, Comoyee,
Comoyei, 166
Compositae, 272
Comupavi, 394, 400
Concepcion, Christobal de la,
395
Concepcion mission, at Yuma,
20, 21, 22, 40, 150, 455, see
Puerto de la Concepcion
Concha, Fernando de la, 57
Confederate troops, 81
Congregation of the Oratory,
307
Coninas, 474
Consag, Fernando, 192
Continental Divide, 60, 139
Contreras, P. R. de, 540
Convent of San Francisco, 61
Conversions of California, 156
Copala, 59
Copper-mine Apaches, 459
Cops, 546
Cora Inds., 86
Corbalan, Pedro, 15
Cordova, 267
corita, coritas, 221, 222, 240
Corn Creek tribe, 405
Coro Marikopa, 115, see Co-
comaricopas
Coronacion peak, 129
Coronado, F. V., go, 136, 142,
144, 152, 283, 333, 349, 355,
359, 367, 379, 393, 394, 397,
411, 452, 461, 480, 481, 482,
483, 484, 486, 487, 488, 489,
490, 497, 498, 508, 513, 515,
516, 517, 518, 520, 521
Corral, Jose, 367
Cortes, Hernando, 89
568
INDEX.
Cortes, Jose, 205, 218, 224, 225,
232, 238, 458
Cosninas, Cosninos, 470, 472,
473. 474
Cosonino caves, 473
Cosoy, 207
Cotterrel's, Ariz., 117
Cottonwood, 433
Cottonwood, Cal., 243, 245
Cottonwood cliffs, 322
Cottonwood spring, 322, 413
Couts, Lt. C. J., 146
Cowela, Cowilla, 225, see Co-
ahuilas
Coyote, a chief, 52
Coyote holes, 317
Coyoteros, 459
Crabb, Henry A., 130
Craig, CoL, 70
Craybe, 401, see Oraibi
Crespo, Francisco Antonio, 202
Cristobal sta., 125
Croix, Marques de, 56, 57, 58,
75, 250, 370, 471, 472
Croix, Teodoro de, 12, 13, 14,
15, 18, 23
Croker, Richard, 121
Crook, Gen. Geo., 462
Cross mt., 421
Crozier spring, 322
Cruciferffi, 273
Crusate, D. J. P. de, 535
Cruz, Juan de la, 53, 521
Cruzado, Antonio, 260
Cruzados, 208, 476
Cuabajai, Cuabajay Inds., 269,
272, 445
Cuanrabi village, 394
Cuba, 24, 56
Cubac, 31
Cubero, 369
Cucamonga, Cal., 247
Cucapa, Cucapachas, Cucapas,
Cucassus, 175, 176, 177, 180,
182, 183, 184, 185, 197, 199,434,
443, 450, 454, 494, see Cocopas
Cuchan, 86, 115, 125, 163, 166,
168, 175, 220, 457
Cuculato Inds., 175
Cucupah, Cucupas, 176, 177,
see Cocopas
Cucurpe mission, 86, 526, 532,
549
Cuelpe, 399
cuentas, 237
Cuercomaches, 231, 409, 412,
413. 414
Cuerno Verde, a chief, 57
Cuesninas, 445, 474
Cuhana, Cuhuanas, 86, 178
Cuismer, Cuisnurs, 446, 474
Cuitoa, Cuitoat, 27, 84, 87
Cujant, 37
Culiacan, 59, 66, 4S5, 506, 513,
518. 521
Culiacan, San Miguel de, 481
Culisnisnas, Culisnurs. 473, 474
Cullen's well, Ariz., 343
Cummoaqui, Cummooqui, 398
Cumpas, 525
Cumuripa mission, 85, 525
Cunai, 175
Cuneiles, 444, 450
Cuni, Cuiii, 379
Cunopavi, 400
Cupachas, 176
Cups, 537, 546
Cuquiarachi, Cuquiaratzi mis-
sion, 526, 554
Curtis, Lt. Chas. A., 232
Cushing, Frank H., 374
Cutaganas, Cuteanas, Cutga-
nas, 177, 178, 544, 548, 551
Cuytoa, 84
D
Dancers, Danzarines, 42, 43,
204, 205, 21S, 423, 468
INDEX.
569
Davidson, Capt. Delozier, 147
Davidson, Lieut. , 242
Davis, W. W. H., 498
Death val., 238
deer, 324, 325
Deer cr., 269
Delano sta., Cal., 286
Deldje, 458
Dellenbaugh, F. S., 514
Dene, 351
Denia, dukes of, 56
Denmark, Prince of, 383
Derby, George H., 125, 146,
164, 192, 193
Desert peak, 85
Desert People, 84
Desert Wells sta., Ariz., 84
Dewey, Comm. George, 193
Diamond cr. or r., and canon,
231, 328, 330, 336, 409
Diaz, Alonzo, 24
Diaz or Diez del Castillo, Ber-
nal, 89
Diaz, Juan, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20,
21, 24, 38, 39, 43, 44, 66, 124,
204
Diaz, Juan Marcelo, 24
Diaz, Melchior, 144, 351, 476,
488
Dickens, Charles, 376
Dieguenos, Dieguinos, 86, 166,
197, 206, 207, 252
Diggers, 238, 405
Dismal flats, 428
Ditt-pax, 83
Docampo, Andres, 521
Dodge City, Kas., 520
Dolores mission, 69, 75, 76, 86,
526, 532, 533, 534, 535, 536,
537. 538, 539, 540. 542, 543.
545. 546. 547. 548, 549. 55o,
552. 554. 555
Dome Rock, 127
Dome Rock range, 428
Dominguez, , 381
Dominguez, Francisco Atana-
sio, 367, 469, 471
Dominicans, 163
Dorantes, Andres, 480
Down-in people, 473
Dragoon pass, 484
Dry cr., 270
Dry wash, 112, 113
Duburcopota, 549
Dudley ville, Ariz., 153, 465
Dueztumac, 119
Dumetz, Francisco, 266, 267
Durango, Mex., 491
E
Eagletail mts., 119, 125, 208
East Mesa, 396, 397, 399
East Mesa villages, 398
Egloff stein, F. W., 339, 340,
342
Ehrenberg, Ariz., 427, 428
Eichasch, Eirarch, Eisarc,
Eixarc, Eixarch, Elrach,
Eyzarch, Thomas, Tomas,
II, 49, 62, 63, 68, 71, 73, 74,
III, 126, 130, 152, 154, 158,
159, 160, 171, 198, 199, 200,
211, 308, 309, 311, 430
El Altar, 201, 536, see Altar
El Bonete, 130
El Hombre Amargo, 96
Elizabeth I., 268
Ellison, Samuel, 479
El Monte, Cal., 248
El Morro, 375, 478
El Paso, 375, 396
El Pescadero, 126
El Rosario, 540
Elzuis, 525
Emory, Wm. H., 96, 123, 131,
134, 139, 146, 439
570
INDEX.
Encarnacion, Encarnacion del
Sutaquison, 88, ic6, no, 140,
455. 538, 545
Enchuta, 526
Encina val., 266
Encinal, 369
Engle, Capt., U. S. N., 317
Engleman, Dr. Geo., 439
Engle's pass, 317
enramada, 103
Entrada, 62
Equituni, 65, 87
Escalante, S. V. de, 204, 214.
230, 349. 366, 367. 380, 469,
470, 471, 472, 474
Escalona, Luis de, 521
Escobar, Francisco, 476
Escobedo, Gen. Mariano, 50
Escudero, J. A. de, 459
Espejo, Antonio de, 394, 395,
461, 476, 514
Espeleta, 401
Espeleta, Jose de, 395
Esperiez, 394
Espinosa, Alonzo or Alphonsus,
77. 526
Espinosa, Isidore Felis or
Felix de, 50, 51, 52, 53
Estancia, 39
Estebanico, Estevan, Este-
vanico, a negro, 136, 480, 483,
484. 505
Estrella canal, 112, 116
Estrella range, no, 112
Eudebes, Eudeves, 525, 526, 527
Eutah, Eutaw, 405
Evangelistas, 136, 544
Ewbank, Thomas, 431
Explorer, a boat, 228
Eyzarch, see Eisarc
Fages, Faxes, Pedro, 249, 251,
259, 269, 468
Faraones, 459, 460, 462
Faxes, see Fages
Feo, Capt., 132, 133
Fernandez, T. S., 367
Fernando III., 267
Fewkes, Dr. J. W., 90, 100,
394, 396. 398
Figuer, Padre, 249
Figueroa, Jose de, 395
Filibuster, Ariz., 130
Filipinos, 470
Firebrand r., 144, 351, 476, 477
First Dragoons, So
Fish Pond, Cal., 243
Five Wells, Cal., 165
Flagstaff, Ariz., 329, 348
flax, 410
Flax r. and val., 355, 411, 489
Florence, Ariz., 81, 87, 89, 483
Florence, Italy, 307
Florentine, 56
Flores, Gov., 137, see Mogollon,
J. I. F. de
Flute dance of Moquis, 389
Font, Pedro, Peter, 11, 13, 48,
58, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69,
70, 71, 72, 73. 74. 78, 79. 82,
83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 90, 93, 95,
96, 97, loi, 102, 107, 109, no,
113, 114, 118, 119, 120, 122,
125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130,
131, 132, 135, 137, 145. 146,
150, 151, 155, 156, 157. 158.
159, 160, 161, 162, 164, 165,
166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171,
172, 175, 176, igo, 205, 208,
215, 218, 222, 247, 248, 249, 251,
252, 259, 264, 280, 2S3, 286,
290, 291, 292, 303, 308, 311,
348, 354, 358, 369. 420, 425,
429, 446, 455. 487
Force, Peter, 458
Ford, Kas., 520
Forks of the Road, Cal., 243
INDEX.
571
Forster, Lieutenant, 242
Fort Aubrey, 331
Fort Defiance, 19, 164, 192, 314
Fort Mason, 68, 534
Fort Mojave, 228, 235, 313, 315,
317, 413, 416
Fort Rock, 421
Fort San Carlos, 139
FortTejon, 269, 270, 271, 314
Fort Tulerosa, 139
Fort Verde, 342, 462
Fort Whipple, 317, 320, 342
Fort Yuma, 19, 134, 135, 146,
147, 148, 149, 150, 162, 163,
215, 227, 309, 551, and see
Yuma (the place)
Forum Judicum, 267
Four Evangelists, 141
Franciscans, 24, 25, 53, 58, 62,
77, 163, 188, 207
Franco, Joseph Joachim, 525
Fremont, J. C., 421
Frente Negra, 64
fresadas, 108
Fresno r. , 269
Fronteras, presidio of, 60, 61,
70, 203
Fruson, Fucson, 79, see Tucson
Fuster, Padre, 208
Gadsden Purchase, 59, 80
Galeana, Chih., 465
Galiuro mts., 153
Gallatin, Albert, 498
gallinas, 104
Gallinas r., 519
Galvez, Conde de, 539
Galvez, Jose de, 30
Gamarra, Felix, 68
Gambel's quail, 328
ganado de cerda, 104
ganado mayor, 104
ganado menor, 104
Garaicoechea, Juan, 396
Garcia, Andres, 375
Garrucho, J., 525
Garzes, Juan, 2
Garzes, M. D., 2
Gatschet, A. S., 125, 452
Gecuiches, 423, see jecuiches
Gen. Jessup, a steamer, 148
Genigneihs, 220
Geniguechs, 423, see Jenigue-
ches
Gentle springs, Ariz., 318
Geomys tuza, 301
George's bay, 195
Gerstner, Michel, 527
Gettysburg, Pa., 235
giant cactus, 83, 439
Giant's Head, 162, 215
Gicarillas, 461
Gil, Adam, 195
Gila and Salt River meridian,
112
Gila Bend, Ariz., 112, 114, 115,
123
Gila Bend canal, 113, 116
Gila Bend mesa, 113
Gila Bend mts., 113
Gila Bend res,, 114
Gila Bonito r., 484
Gila City, Ariz., 131, 132
Gila county, Ariz., 139
Gila gracilis, 142
Gila Narrows, 131
Gilans, 459
Gila range, 130, 131, 549
Gila r., 7, 10, 13, 21, 25, 26, 27,
28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 38,
40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 59, 60, 76,
81, 83. 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89,
90, 91, 93, 94, 100, 107, 108,
no. III, 112, 113, 115, 116,
117, 118, 119, 123, 124, 125,
127, 129, 131, 135, 138, 139,
572
INDEX.
140, X41, 142, 145, 146, 152,
153, 161, 164, 165, 168, 171,
176, 177, 192, 195, 253, 309.
311, 329, 353, 355, 419, 420,
422, 433, 436, 451, 455, 459,
465, 466, 467, 477, 481, 483,
484, 509, 513, 538, 539. 541,
542, 544, 545, 547, 548, 551,
553, see Rio Gila
Gila River res., 87
Gila robusta, 142
Gila-Salado- Verde drainage, or
watershed, 100, loS
Gilenos Apaches, 85, 86, 386,
458, 460
Gilg, Adan, 543
Gil, J. C, 4
Gil, Maria Catalina, 24
Gilo, Adamo, 543
Giopas, 177, 178, 551
Gipans, 460
Girard, Charles, 142
Gohun, 458
Golfo de California, 432, 450,
494
Gomara, F. L., 365
Gomez, Capt., 70
Gomez, Jose, 155, 503
Gonsalez, Manuel, 552
Gonsalvo, Antonio, 545
Gonzales, Antonio, 76
Gonzalez, Francisco, 177, 545,
546, 552, 553
Good Guide r., 144
Good Hope r., 477
Goodwin, John N., 232
Government holes, Cal., 236,
258
Graham county, Ariz., 139
Granada, N. M., 393
Grand canon of the Colorado
r., 144, 231, 327, 331, 340, 347,
348, 349, 350, 352, 366, 394
Grand r., 432
Grand Wash cliffs, 224, 322
Granite point, 426
Gran Quivira, N. M., 497, 498
Grapevine, Cal., 243, 245
Gray, Asa, 273
Great Bend, Kas., no, 112, 515,
520
Great Bend of the Colorado
r., 231, 232
Great Bend of the Gila r., 112,
113
Great Houses, 97, see Casas
Grandes
Green Horn, a chief, 57
Green r., 432
Gregory IX., 189
Grijalba, Juan Pablo, 71
ground squirrels, 270, 301
Guactum, 113
Guadalaxara, 59, 531, 532
Guadalupe, 56
Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty, 50
guaholotes, 343
Gualliba, Gualliva, 404, 444
Gualpa, Gualpe, Gualpes,
Gualpi, Gualpimas, 360, 394,
399, see Walpi
Gualta, 405, 406, 444
Guambiit, 68
Guamua, 404
Guanabepe, 404
Guapaca, 526
Guasavas, 61
Guatzinera, 526
Guaymas, 25, 68, 75, 109, 530,
550. 554
Gubo rancheria, 537
Guelpee, 399
Giiemes y Horcasitas, Juan
Francisco de, 121, 202
Guevavi, 68, 69, 75, 527, 533,
542, 545, 546
Guipaolave, Guipaulavi, 400
Guiteras, Eusebio, 61
INDEX.
573
Gulf of California, 59, 60, 149,
154, 176, 177, 178, 190, 192,
194, 476, 483. 494, 523. 534.
535
Gull isl., 192
Gusudac mission, 527
Gusutaqui, 546
Gutah, 405
Gutierres, Narciso, 77
Gutierrez, Andres, 395
Gutubur rancheria, 537
Guvoverde, 543
H
Habana, 56
Habasopis, 474
Hacelli, 177
Hackberry camp, Ariz. , 320
Hackberry sta., Ariz., 320, 321,
322
Hafenrichter, Joseph, 527
Haglli, 477
Hah-cu-cha-pah r., 422
Hah-qua-si-il-la r., 355
Ha Huico, 476
Hah-wal-coes, 232
Hah Weal r., 144, 431
Hah-weal-ha-mook r., 225, 422
Halchedoma, Halchedomas,
Halchedumas, 125, 177, 474,
477
Hale, H., 218
Half-way bend, 425
Halfway mts., 216, 217, 428
Halley's comet, 530
Halliguamayas, Halliquamaya,
176, 177
Halona, 106, 375, 379
Hamlet, Prince of Denmark,
383
Hamockaves, Hamockhdve,
Hamokiavi, Hamukahava,
226
Hano, Hanoki, Hdnom, Ha-no-
me, Hanomuh, 360, 384, 397,
398
Hapitus, 398
Ha-pun-ti'-ka, 369
Hardy, Hardyville, Ariz., 228,
235. 315. 413
Hardy, R. W. H., 192
Hardy's Colorado, 190, 192
Harno, Haro, 398, 399, see
Hano
Harrison, B., 235
Hassayampa r., 112, 113
Hat-sat-yi, 368
Hauicu, 485
Haulapais, 232
hau'-pun, 272
Hava-, see also Yava-
Havasopis, Havasupai, Hava-
su-pay, Havesu-pai, 86, 226,
231, 402,445- 472, 473, 474
Havico, Haviku, 377, 476, 485
Havisua Pai, 474
Hawiku, 283, 375, 393, 476, 484,
485
Ha-wol-la Pai, 232
Haya'-a, 459
Hebonuma, 175
Heintzelman, S. P., 146, 147,
148, 149, 150, 170
Heintzelman's point, 178, 183,
187, 188, 192, 194
Hemenway Southwestern
Archaeological expedition,
505
Henry I. of Castile, 267
Hermosilla, Sonora, 202
Herrera, Antonio de, 481
Hickory Apaches, 222
High Pimas, 60, 85
Hill of the Bells, 50
Himuri, 527
Hinton, R. J., 62, 118
Hispano-American war, 283
574
INDEX.
Hoabonoma Inds., 54S
Ho-allo-pi, 232
Hodge, F. W., 54, 55, 100, 107,
142, 150, 231, 264, 272, 377,
379- 380, 393, 473. 480, 484,
485, 487, 4S8, 517, 518, 519
Hoepeekee, 399
Holcomb val. , Cal., 246
Holy Martyrs of Japan Rector-
ship, 524
Hombre Amargo, 96
Honorarius HI., 189
Honorato, Fray, 4S0, 481, 507
Ho-pees, Hopi, Hopii, Hopite,
Hopitu, Hopituh, Ho'-pi-
tuh-ci-nu-muh, Ho-pi-tuh-lei-
nyu-muh, Hopi-tuh-shinu-
muh, 100, 393, 394, 395, 396,
398, 402, 404
Horcasitas, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 202
Hot Spring, of the Gila, 118,
see Agua Caliente
Hot Springs of Zuni, 485
Houghton, J., 47S
Howard's point, 190, 192
Huachuca mts., 153
Huaepais, Hualapai, Huala-
pais, Hualipais, Huallapais,
Hualopais, Hualpaich, Hual-
pais, Hualpas, 231, 232, 317
Hualapai, Hualpai mts., 231,
317. 319, 320
Hualapai, Hualpais Spring,
320, 321, 328, 330
Hualapai, Hualapais sta., Ariz.,
321, 322
Hualapai, Hualapais val., 231,
320, 321, 322, 411
Hualapai res., 331
Hualapai trail, 335
Huallpi, Hualpec, Hual-pe',
Hual-pee, Hualpi, Hualpy,
Hualvi, Huatl-vi, 360, 399,
see Walpi
Hualpais r., 336
Hudcoadam, Hudcoadamas,
Hudcoadan, 86, 125, 420
Huevavi, 68
Hulapais, 232
Humboldt, Baron A. von, 137
Humphreys' peak, 353
Hungary, 102
Huntington's, Cal., 246
Hiipi, 398
Hussites, 102
Hu-ta-mi-ne, 149
Hwalapai, 232, see Hualapai
Hydrographic Ofl&ce, 193
lano, 399
latans, 491
Icarilla Inds., 461
Icazbalceta, J. G., 505
Iccu-jenne, 459
Icharilla Inds., 461
letans, 491
Iguanes, 544
licarrillas, 461
lllock, Slavonia, 102
Imuris, 532
Incarnation, 107
Indian Terr., 461, 491
Ingolstadt, college of, 528, 529
Inman, Col. H., 514, died
Topeka, Kas., Nov. 13, 1899
Inparavi, 400
Inscription Rock, N. M., 375,
378
Inyo CO., Cal., 23S
logopani, logopapi, 400
Ireteba, Iriteba, a chief, 314,
318, 321, 323
Isabel spring, 321, 411
Isla de la Trinidad, 40, 133,
145
Isla de San Nicolas, 223
INDEX.
575
Isla de Santa Barbara, 223
Isla de Santa Cruz, 222
Islas de las Californias, 193
Islas, Ensign Santiago de las,
20, 21
Isleta, N. M., 332
Italy, 56
Itchi-mehueros, 220
It-i-cha, 270
luta, 405
Ives, J. C, 148, 192, 193, 215,
227, 228, 314, 315, 316, 317,
318, 324, 327, 328, 330, 335,
336, 338, 340, 345. 421, 422,
426
Ixtlilxochitl, F. de A., 365
Jabesua, Jabesuas, 340, 346,
347. 372, 410, 414. 433
jacal, 103, 154
Jacarilla, 461
Jacobi's, Cal., 243
Jaen, 267
Jaguallapai, Jaguallapais, Ja-
gullapai, Jaguyapay, 231,
232, 308, 310, 311, 312, 317,
325. 326
Jaime, Jaume, Jayme, Luis,
206, 207, 208, 260
Jakechedunes, 125
Jalchedomas, Jalchedon, Jal-
chedum, Jalchedums, Jal-
chedun, Jalchedunes, 17, 45,
72, 124, 125, 128, 155, 156, 157,
171, 203, 205, 208, 210, 213,
217, 218, 219, 232, 308, 309,
310, 312, 325, 326, 343, 416,
418, 423, 425, 428, 429, 430,
433. 434, 443. 444. 445. 446,
450, 451. 452, 453. 454, 468,
469, 474, 488
Jallaguapais, 309
Jallicuamai, Jallicuamay, Jalli-
cumay, Jalliquamai, Jalliqua-
mais, Jalliquamays, 176, 177,
179, 181, 182, 183, 184, igg,
434. 443. 444, 450, 454
Jamaja, Jamajabas, Jamajas,
Jamalas, 203, 210, 213, 216,
217, 219, 221, 226, 227, 228,
232, 233, 235, 237, 240, 248,
249, 251, 252, 254, 256, 267,
268, 269, 274, 275, 277, 279,
288, 300, 302, 303, 304, 305,
306, 308, 310, 311, 312, 318,
326, 334, 343, 381, 386, 403,
406, 410, 412, 414, 415, 416,
417, 418, 419, 420, 423, 426,
430, 431, 433, 434, 435. 443,
444. 445, 446, 450, 451. 452,
454, 466, 472, 473, 474, 486,
510, 512, and see Mohave or
Mojave
Janisse, Augusta, 25
Jano, pueblo, 394, 399
Janogualpa, 399
Janos presidio, 465, 493
Januske, Januski, Janusqui,
Januusqui, Jarniuke, 202,
536, name also found as
Janus Ke
Japan, 144
Japui, 444
Japul, 405, 406
Jaqualapai, Jaquallapai, 232
Jaquesila r. , 356
Jaramillo, Juan, 136, 142, 153,
448, 515, 516, 517, 518, 519.
520
Jatapaina, 402
Jaul-pi, 399
Jaume, see Jaime
Java Supais, 474
Javeusa, 474
Javill r., 144, 431
Jayme, see Jaime
576
INDEX.
Jecorilla, 461
Jecueche, Jecuich, Jecuiche,
Jecuches, 167, 205, 218, 444,
451, 466, 468
Jefferson, Thos., 137
Jemez pueblo, N. M., 352, 368
Jenegueches, Jene-quiches,
Jenicueich, Jenigueches, 218,
424, 444, 451,466, 468
Jequiches, 205, 216, 218, 450,
451
Jesuits, 58, 62, 139
Jesus, A. M. de, 159
Jesus of the Earthquake r.,
259
Jiaspi, 540
Jicara, Jicarilla, Jicarillo, Jic-
carilla, Jickorie Inds., 222,
404, 460, 461, 462
Jilenos, 459, see Gilenos
Apaches
John Carter Brown Library,
58
John Howell's pass, 315
Johnson, Capt. , 148
Johnson's springs, 318
Johnston, Adam, 289
Jongoapi, Jongopabi, Jongo-
pai, Jongopavi, Jongvapi,
Jon-joncali, 400
Jose, a Mexican boy, 232
Jovas, 525, 526,527
Jumanos, 375, 377
Jum-pys, 208
Juncosa, Domingo, 249
Junction City, Kas., 521
Juni, 279, see Zuni
junipers, 329
Juniperus monosperma, 329
Juniperus occidentalis, 329
Juniperus pachyphloea, 329
Juniperus utahensis, 329
Juparivi, 400
Jutjoat, 405
K
Kahweaks, Kah-we-as, Kah-
weyahs, 225
Kai-a-wet'-ni, 270
Kaino, see Kino
Kanab wash, 340
Kansas, 490, 497, 513, 514, 520,
521
Kansas-Nebraska boundary,
521
Kansas r., 521
Kappus, Marcos Antonio, 535
Kas-so'-vo, 270
Kau-i'-a, 270
Kauvuya, 224, 225, 270
Kavayos, Kavouya, 218, 225
Ka-waik, 368
Kaweah r., 269, 270
Ka-wi'-a-suh, 271
Keller, Father, 142
Kelso val., 304
Kemahwivi, 220
Kendrick's peak, 353
Kenyon's, Ariz., 117
Keresan stock, 368
Kerlin, F. E., 342
Kerlin's tank, 342
Kern, R. H., 376
Kern co., Cal., 252, 280
Kern 1., 269, 270, 271, 278, 299
Kern r., 269, 271, 278, 279, 280,
283, 286, 288, 290, 299, 468
ke'-yet-sah, 273
Kiakima, 4S5
Kingman, Ariz., 315, 317
King of France, 249
King of Naples, 249
King of Spain, iii, 250, 516
Kingsborough, Viscount, 365
Kingsbury, Lieut. H. P., 342
King's r., 269
Kingston, Cal., 270
King Woolsey's ranch, 118
INDEX.
577
Kino, E. F., 36, 40, 6q, 75, 76,
77. 79. 83. 88, 90, 91, 92, 97,
107, no, 113, 114, 119, 134,
135, 136, 137, 140, 141. 144.
149, 152, 163, 167, 176, 177,
178, 192, 193, 195, 201, 221,
239, 481, 487, 506, 522, and
to end of book
Kiowa res., 491
Kirtzel, Henry, 525
Kisaha tank, 342
Klatau district, 138
Koahualla, 225
Kochonino, 474
Kohun, 458
Kokopa, 176
Koran, the, 258
Ku-chi-bich-i-wa-nap' Pal-up',
270
Kiihn, Kiihne, Kiihner, Eu-
sebius, 528, see Kino
Ku'h-nis, 474
Kuino, see Kino
Kwi-st'yi, 368
La, see also some names with-
out the definite article
La Campana, 162
Lacazor, 24
la-chun, 272
Ladd, H. O., 375
Lady of Sorrows Rectorship,
524, 526
La Encamacion del Sutaqui-
son, 106, 455
La Estancia, 39
Lagrimas de San Pedro, 427
Laguna, see also names of
lagunas or lakes
Laguna de la Trinidad, 425,
426
Laguna del Capt. Pablo, 163
Laguna del Predicador, 42
Laguna de Oacue, 536
Laguna de San Antonio de
Bucareli, 43
Laguna de San Mateo, Matheo,
176, 183, 184, 454
Laguna de San Pablo, 163
Laguna de San Patricio, 42
Laguna de Santa Olalla, Olaya,
41, 48, 164, 165, 168
Laguna de San Venancio, 304
Laguna Grande de los Tulares,
251
Laguna pueblo, N. M., 367,
368, 369
Laguna Salada, salobre, 129
Lagunas, Ariz., 68
Lagunas del Hospital, 109, no,
HI
Lake Maggiore, 250
La Libertad, 554
Lamy, J. B., 77
Lane's crossing, 245
Lapan, Lapana, Lapane, 460,
see Lipan
La Pasion, 454
La Paz, Ariz., 425, 426, 427,
428
La Posesion, 223
La Presentacion, 177, 553
La Purisima Concepcion, 147,
148, 223
Lara y Mendinueta, P. F., 369
Larned, Kas., 520
Las Californias, 59
Las Lagunas, Ariz., 68
Las Lagunas del Hospital,
Ariz., 109, no, in
Las Llagas, 454
Lasuen, F. F., 266
Lauber, Dr. , 242
Leal, Antonio, 76, 545, 546
Lee-Biches, 224
Lee Pani, Pawnee Inds. , 460
578
INDEX.
Lee's ferry, 250, 356
Lenox Library, N. Y., 516
Leon, Dr. Nicolas, 380
Leon, King of, 267
Lerma, duke of, 56
Leroux, Antoine, 323, 473
Les Clarisses, 258
Letrado, Francisco, 375, 376,
377. 379
Libra mts., 268
Library of Congress, 458
Lima, Peru, 486
lime-leaved sage, 272
Limon, Ensign, 23
Linum perenne, 410
Lipaines, Lipan, Lipanes, Lip-
pan, Lipau, Lipaw, 452, 458,
460
Little Colorado r., 145, 209,
355. 356, 358, 476, and see
Colorado Chiquito r.
liza, 166
Llaneros, 452, 458, 460
Llano del Azotado, 82
Llano del Puerto del Azotado,
82
Llano Grande, 74
Llanos de la Zibola, 4S9
Llanos Estacados, 520
Loaisa, Francis, 526
London, Eng., 192, 237
Long bend, 428
Lophortyx gambeli, 166, 328
Los Angeles, Cal., 43, 124, 222,
232, 233, 247, 259, 266. 305
Los Angeles co., Cal., 267
Los Angeles r., 259
Los Cerritos, 131
Los Donados, two lay brothers,
521
Los Evangelistas, 136, 544
Los Nogales, 68, 534
Louis IX., 249
Lower California, 20, 125, 163,
166, 168, 175, 177. 194. 530,
552
Low Pimas, 60, 85
Lucas, a person, 521
Lucson, 79
Louis, a Jamajab, 301, 302, 305
Lujan of 1632, the, 376, 377
Lummis, Charles F., 376, 377,
479, 498
Luni, 379
M
Maastoetsjkwe, 398
Macanabi, 399
Machaves, 226
Machebeuf, J. P., 77
Macjave, 226
Maconabi, 399
Macori, 526
Macueques, 36, 398
Madrid, Spain, 4, 137
Maestro, Antonia, 2
Magdalena, 68, 77, 532
Magdalen r.. 532
Magui, 398
Mahaos, 226
Mai-ai'-u Inds., 270
Majabos, 226
Majanani', 394, 399
Majave, 226
Maki, 398
Maldonado, A. del C, 480
Maldonado, Lucas, 368
Mandans, 137
Mange, Juan Mateo, 76, 91, 92,
114, 195, 196, 201, 222, 481,
4S7, 506, 509, 525, 526, 527,
535. 536. 537, 538, 539. 540.
541, 542, 543. 544. 546. 549.
550, 551, 556
Mangus Colorado's band, 459
Manila, P. I., 492
Manzana, 399
INDEX.
579
Mapicopa, 115
Maqui, 398
Maracopa, 115
Marata, 482, 485, 507
Marcelo, Juan, 24
Marcos of Nizza, 90, 152, 507,
509, see Niza
Mar del Sur, 476, 494, 499
Marecopa, 115
Margry, Pierre, 460
Mariano, Fray, 30
Maricopa and Phoenix R. R. , 109
Maricopa county, 112, 119
Maricopa divide, no, 113
Maricopa range, 112, 113
Maricopas, 86, 104, 113, 114,
115. 123
Maricopa Wells, 109, no, 112
Mariposan stock, 269, 2S8, 289,
295
Mark of Nice, Italy, 479, see
Marcos of Nizza
Marl springs, 258
Marne, , 138
marquesote, 299
Marquez, Capt., 420, 477
Martin, Martini, Martin, S. J.,
528, 529
Martinez, Dan., 375
Martinez, Felix, 137
Martin's ranch, 245
Masagnebe, Masagneve, Masa-
nais, Masaqueve, Mashon-
giniptuovi, Ma-shong'ni-vi,
Mashong-novi, 284, 394, 395,
397, 399
Maskinonge, 331
Mas-sang-na-vay, 399
matolote, 142, 166
Matanzas, Cuba, 61
Matape pass, 525
Matape, Sonora, 481, 487
Matthews, Dr. W., U. S. A.,
352, 461
Mausand, 399
Mawkey, 398
Maximilian, Emperor, 50
Maximilian, of Bavaria, 529
Meadow cr., 316, 317, 318
Medanal de San Sebastian,
Sevastian, 215
Medina, Baltasar de, 54
Mee-shom-e-neer, 399
Mejia, Gen., 50
Membrenos, 459, 460
Mendieta, Geronimo de, 506
Mendinueta, Gov. Pedro F. de,
57, 369, 370, 374, 470, 471, 472
Mendoza, Antonio de, 481, 486,
505, 516
Mentuig, Nentoig, Nentvig,
John, 61, 525
Merced rancheria, Cal., 172
Merced rancheria, Sonora,
543. 550
Mesa, Capt., 67
mescal, 460, " is not a cactace-
ous product "
Mescalero, Mescatera, Mesco-
lero, 458, 460, 461
Mesea, C, 78
Me-shong-a-na-we, Meshong-
navi, Me-shung-a-na-we, Me-
shung-ne-vi, 399
Mesita, 368
mesquite, 433
Metate hill, 129
metlatl, 128
Mexican allies, 52
Mexican boundary, 459
Mexican Council^263
Mexican Inds., 128
Mexican mulberry, 329
Mexican Nation, 91
Mexicans, 70
Mexican War, 79
Mexico, 5, 12, 13, 14, 24, 25, 47,
50. 52, 59, 61, 80, 89, 94, 104,
58o
INDEX.
121, 150, 155, 370, 460, 461, 469,
457, 503, 506, 507, 509, 510, 511,
526. 528, 529, 530, 539, 555
Mexico, City of, 11, 521
Mezcalero, 460, see Mescalero
Michel, Andrew, 526
Michoacan, 53, 521
Michonguave, Micongnivi, Mi-
coii-in-o-vi, Mi-con-o-vi, 399
Middendorff, Bernard, 525
Middle Mesa, 397
Middle Mesa villages, 399
Miembres, 459
Milan, Italy, 250
Mill cr., 269
Millerton, Cal., 269
Mimbrenas, Mimbrenos, Mim-
breiios, Mimbres, Mimvres,
458, 459
Mindeleff, Cosmos, 90, loi
Mineral City, Ariz., 427, 428
Mineral Park, 320, 412
Minutili, Geronimo, 555
Miqui, 398
Miracope, 115
Miramon, Gen., 50
Miranda, Juan Jose, 23
Miscalero, 460
Mi-shan-qu-na-vi, Mi-shong-i-
niv, Mi-shong'-i-ni-vi, Mi-
shong-in-ovi, Mishongnavi,
Mishongnovi, Mishongop-
avi, Mi-shon-na-vi, 360, 399,
400
Mision de Caborca, 523
Mision de Guevevi, 523
Mision del Gloriosisimo, Prin-
cipe San Gabriel, 43
Mision de los Dolores, 523
Mision de San Ignacio, 523
Mision de San Joseph de
Pimas, 66
Mision de Santa Maria Suamca,
523
Mision de San Xavier del Bac^
523
Mision de Tubutama, 523
Mission camp, 130
Mission Inds., 205
Mississippi r. , 492
Missouri, 118
Moa Ave, Ariz., 356
Moapa Agency, 220
Moca, Mochi, Mochies, 398
Mochopa, 526
Moctezuma, 66, 89, 93, 94, 143
Moctezuma, house of, 92
Moencapi, Moencopi, Moen-
copie, Moenkapi, 356, 358,
393. 401
Moencopi, Moencopie wash,
354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 393,
401, 402
Mogeris, Mogin, 398
Mogollones, 459
Mogollon, J. I. F. de, 137
Mogollon mesa, 138
Mogollon mts., 138
Mogoyon, 138
Mogul, 398
Mogul, Province of, 420
Mohace, 398
Mohahve, 226
Mohammed, 258
Mohammed II., 102
Mohaoes, 226
Mohave, Mohaves, Mohavi,
166, 208, 209, 220, 225, 226,
227, 231, 323, see Mojaves
Mohave res., 226
Mohawa, Mohawe, 226
Mohawk, Ariz., 127
Mohawk range, 127
Mohawk Summit, 127
Mohawk valley, 127
Mohoce, Mohoqui, Mohotze,
394, 398
Mojaris, Majaur, 226
INDEX.
581
Mojave, Ariz., 148, ig2, 200,
228, 229, 232, 251, 265, 311,
313, 315. 316, 320, 392, 410,
412, 415
Mojave canon, 227, 419
Mojave City, Ariz., 228
Mojave co., Ariz., 317, 325, 331,
409
Mojave range, 227, 419
Mojave res., 226
Mojave r., 137, 227, 233, 238,
239, 241, 242, 245, 246, 248,
251, 258, 303, 305, 306, 46S
Mojave Sta., Cal., 303, 305
Mojave val., 227, 315
Mojaves, 86, 118, 226, 227, 228,
229, 232, 235, 258, 303, 332,
381, 420, 445, 472, 477, see
Mohave
Moke, Mokee, Mokes, Moki,
Mokis, 100, 368, 383, 393, 398,
404, see Moquis
Molxaves, 226
Moncarda y Rivera, Juan, 160
Mondejar, Marques de, 486
Monitor P. O., 130
Monquoi, 398
Monsonabi, Monsonavi, 400
Montana, 383
Montanez, Nicolas de San
Luis de, 52, 53
Monte Alverno, 189
Monterey bay, 223
Monte-Rei, Monte Rey, Mon-
terey, Monterrey, Cal., 8, 12,
13, 20, 42, 43, 44, 49, 59, 66,
71, 208, 250, 252, 254, 260, 367,
374, 381, 415, 444- 465, 467.
468, 471, 475, 495, 502, 530
Monterey, Conde de, 223
Monterey mission and presidio,
250
Monte Rey missions, 287
Montezuma, 89
Montezuma sta., 112
Montezumas, 89
Monument mts. or range, 422,
428
Mooqui, 398
Moors, 267
Mooshahneh, Mooshanave,
Moo-sha-neh, Mooshongae
nay vee, Mooshongneenay-
vee, Moo-song-na-ve, 400
Mo-o-tza, 398
Moq, Moqni, Moqua, Moques,
398
Moqui, 8, 65, 104, 108, 141, 142,
143, 144, 204, 250, 309, 310,
313, 320, 326, 334, 339, 340,
347. 349. 350, 354. 357, 358.
359. 366, 367, 373. 375, 381,
387, 388, 392, 393, 398, 403.
406, 413, 414, 420, 451, 457,
464, 470, 474, 475, 476, 489,
498, 513, 521
Moqui concabe, concave, 393,
401
Moqui ladies, 385
Moqui language, 393
Moqui pastures, 358
Moqui trail, 350
Moquinas, Moquinos, Moquins,
210, 398, 463, 465, 470, 486, 510
Moquis, 13,29, 45, 108, 142,210,
221, 313, 318, 319, 326, 344,
345, 346. 350, 357. 358, 360,
361, 366, 371, 372, 381, 386,
387. 389. 390. 396. 402, 403.
404, 408, 424, 432, 445, 452,
461, 464, 470, 471, 511, 512,
542
Moquois, Moquy, 398
Mora r., 519
Moraga, Gabriel, 252
Moraga, Joseph J., 67, 71
Moreno, Matias, 19, 20, 21, 24
Moreno, Matias, Sr., 24
582
INDEX.
Morfi, Juan A., 397
Mormon road, 356
Mormons, 401
Morocco, 480
Morus celtidifolia, 329
Mosanais, Mosanis, Mosasnabi,
Mosasnavi, 400
Moscalara, 460
Moshanganabi, Moshongnabe,
400
Mosquies, 398
Moszasnavi, 400
Mota-Padilla, M. de la, 507
Mo-tecuh-zoma, Motecuhzoma,
89, 96
Mothecusuma Ilhuicamina, 51
Motolinia, T. de, 505, 506
Mouguis, 398
Mt. Fagan, 74
Mt. Floyd, 331, 342
Mt. Hopkins, 74
Mt. Sitgreaves, 340
Mt. Taylor, 352
Mt. Thorburn, 349
Movas, 85, 525
Mow-shai-i-na, 400
Moxainabe, Moxainabi, Moxai-
navi, Moxionavi, Moxonaui,
Moxonavi, 400
Moyave, 226
Muache Inds., 405
Muca concabe, 358
Muca Inds., 359, 395, 398, 401
Mu-ca-la-moes, 460
Mud spring, 413
Mugartegui, , 249
Mu-gua, 398
Muiva, 540
Mulberry cr., 520
mule-deer, 324
mule-train,. 361
Munchies, 398
Munquiconcabe, Munqui-con-
cabe, 393
Munoz, Pedro, 252
Muqua, Muqui, 398
Muqui concabe, 393, 394, 401
Murguia, Jose Antonio, 249
Murray, Frank, 317
Murray's spring, 317
Muscalaroe, Muscalero, 460
Museo Nacional of Mexico, 56
Mu-shai-i-na, Mushanganevi,
Mushangene-vi, Mu-shang-
newy, Mushanguewy, Mu-
shaugnevy, Mu-sha'-ni, 400
Musquins, Musquint, 401
N
Nabaho, Nabajo, Nabajoa, Na-
bajoe, Nabbeho, Nabijo,
Naboja, Nabojo, 352, see
Navago
Nacameri, Nacomeri, 85, 525,
554
Nacori, 525, 526
Nadal, Pablo, 522
Nadal, Pedro, 136, 505, 508
Nahjo, 532
Nahuatl Inds., 87, 89, 122, 128,
142, 154, 214
Nahuatl language, 89
Na-isha, Na-ishi, Na-ish-tishe,
460
Namakan, Nanahaw, 352
Napao, 351, 353
Napeut, 27
Narragansett, a ship, 193
Nashkali-dinne, 460
Nasson peak, 82
Natage, Nataje Apaches, 452
"Nation of the Willows," 473
Nauajo, Nauajoa, 352
Navago, Navaho, Navahoe,
Navajai, Navajhoe, Navajo,
Navajoa, Navajoe, Navajoo
Navajos, Navajoses, Navejo
INDEX.
583
Navijo, Navijoe, 104, 174, 351,
352, 353, 393, 457. 458, 460, 461
Navarre, Kingdom of, 24
Navarro, F. T., 57, 370
Naybe, 394, 395, 401
Naybi, 401
Nayiska sta. , Ariz., 84
Nazarine range, 195
Nebraska, 515
Needles sta., Cal., 227, 234
Needles, the, 220, 226, 227, 229,
317. 419
N'em, Neme Inds., 491
Nentoig, Nentvig, John, 61,
see Mentuig
Nepomucen, Nepomuk, Po-
miik, John of, 138
Neri, Filippo de, 307
Nevada, 219, 235
Nevajoes, 352
Neve, Gov., 23, 223
Nevome village, 85
New Biscay, 59
New Canfran, 408
New Creek caiion, 328
New Creek springs, 327
New Galicia, 59, 481, 504
Newhall sta., Cal., 267, 268
New London, Ariz., 320
New Mexican Sierra Azul, 141
New Mexico, 8, 12, 25, 36, 45,
49- 57, 136, 137, 138, 139, 209,
210, 222, 309, 326, 367, 452,
459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 464,
465, 467, 468, 469, 470, 471,
475, 476, 478, 480, 484, 492.
506, 515, 528, 535, 541
Newport, Cal., 246
New r., 165, 166
New River Inds., 166
New Spain, 47, 55, 56, 58, 59,
91, 202, 406, 530
Newton's comet, 529, 530
New York, 118, 121
New York City, 148, 515
New York Nation, 498
Niga, Marcos de, 479, see Niza
Nicaragua, 480
Nicholas V., 102
Nichoras, 208
Nicotiana plumbaginifolia, 273
Nicotiana quadrivalvis, 273
Niforas, Nifores, Nigoras,
Nijor, Nijoras, Nijotes, 22,
36, 45, 208, 446
Nino Dios, 50
Niojoras, 208
Nipaguay, 207
Nisa, Marcos de, 479, 511, see
Niza, Marcos de
Nixoras, 208, 446
Niza, Nizza, Marcos de, 91, 136,
367, 479, 480, 481, 482, 483,
484, 485, 487, 505, 506, 507,
508, 512, 518, 521, 538
Noah's Ark, 543
Noches, 8, 279, 280, 284, 28S,
297, 304, 445, 475, 492
Noches Colteches, 295, 304
Noches Pagninoas, 288, 298
Nogales, 68, 534
Noonan canal, 113, 116
Noraguas, 31
Norato, a friar, 480
Northern Pimas, 60, 83, 86
North Mexican States, 528
No-toan'-ai-ti Inds., 270
Novajo, 352
Nueba Viscaya, 59
Nuebo Canfran, 336, 409
Nuebo Mexico, 59
Nueces r. , 520
Nuestra Santisima Seiiora de
Guadalupe de Zuiii, 374, 379
Nuestra Senora de la Concep-
cion de Caborca, 535
Nuestra Senora de la Merced,
548
584
INDEX.
Nuestra Sefiora de los Dolores,
532
Nuestra Senora de los Re-
medies, 532, 542
Nueva Espaiia, 61
Nueva Viscaya, 370
Nuevo Leon, 137
Nuevo Reyno de San Fran-
cisco, 485
Nuri, 85, 525
nutrias, 230
Nyavapai, 208
O
Oak spring, 335
Oapars, 83
Oatman, Lorenzo, 118
Oatman, Mary Ann, 118
Oatman, Olive, 118
Oatman, Roys or Royse, 118
Oatman's Flat, 117
Obiki, 399
Och, Joseph, 526
O-ching'-i-ta, 270
Odontocoelus hemionus, 324
Ogden's landing, 173, 175, 181,
182, 187, 192, 198
Oitapars, 83
Ojia-taibues, 115
Ojiopas, 177, 178, 551
Ojitosdel Santo Angel, 219
Ojo Caliente, of the Gila, 118
Ojo Caliente, of Zuni, 375, 485
Ojuela, Manuel de la, 554, 555
Oklahoma, 491, 520
Olalla, 394, 401, see Oraibi
Olalla, see Santa Olalla
Old Town, Cal., 207
Olea, M. Y., 502, 505
Olive, Ariz., 74
Olmeda, Juan de, 505, 507
olotes, 364
Onabas, Onapa, 85, 525
Ofiate, Juan de, 136, 144, 145,
177, 208, 226, 229, 355, 394,
395. 420, 461, 476, 477, 478,
479. 541
Onorato, a friar, 480
ootam, 83
Opa, 113, 114, see Opas
Opars, 27
Oparsoitac, 113
Opas, 28, 29, 86, 117, 124, 169,
201, 437, 523, 544, see Opatas
Opasoitac, 113
Opatas, 61, 77, 86, 448, 482, 525,
526, 527
O-pe'-ki, 399
Opii, 398
Opijique, 399
Opodepe, 526, 535, 554
Oposura, 525, 552
Opquive, Opquivi, 399
Oquitoa, 39
Orabi, Oraiba, 401
Oraibe, 376, 382, 383, 393, 401,
444. 451, 452, 457, 463, 464,
469, 470, 486
Oraibi, 346, 356, 358, 359, 360,
367, 369. 383. 384, 392, 393.
394. 395. 396, 397, 40i, 402
Oraiby, Oraivaz, Oraive,
Oraivi, Orambe, Orawi,
Oraybe, Oraybi, Orayha,
Orayve, Orayvee, Orayvi,
Orayxa, 401
Orcasitas, 67, 202
Order of St. Francis, 264
Orehbe, Oreiba, O-rey-be,
Oriabe, Oriba, Oribe, Oribi,
Oriva, 401
Orontaro, Oronzo, J. J., 367
Oroville, Ariz., 130
Orozco y Berra, M., 55, 224, 459
Orribies, 401
Ortega, Francisco, 150
Ortega, Joachim, 150
INDEX.
585
Ortega, Jose, 69, 140, 142, 220,
522, 523, 527, 529, 530, 531,
533. 535. 537. 538. 540, 546. 549
Ortega, Jose Maria, 150
Ortega, Lieut. Jose, 208
Ortega, Martinez, 150
Oryina, 401
Osaij, Osay, 398
Osaybe for Oraiva, 401
Osma, 24
Ostimuri, 59, 525
Otoe res., 461
Otomi, 52
Otondo y Antillon, Isidro, 531
otters, 230
Our Lady of Sorrows, 532
Our Wrathy Chieftain, 89
Ovaiva, for Oraiva, 401
Owens valley, 405
Oytapars, Oytaparts, Oyta-
payts, 64, 83
O-zai', Ozi, 401
Ozaras, 477
Pablo, Capt., 11, 132, 133, 160,
161, 162, 165, 171, 430
Pacheco, Jose Reyes, 23
Pacheco-Cardenas collection,
576
Pacific coast, 487
Pacific ocean, 248, 494
Pacific Railroad surveys, 421
paderon, 212
Padilla, Juan de, 349, 394, 521
Padoucas, 491
Padrick's, Pedrick's, Ariz.,
165, 192
Pagoda mts., 127, 129
Paguate, 368
Pahmetes, Pahnutes Utahs,
Pah-Touts, Pah-Utah, Pah-
Utes, 405, 406
Pahute wash, 236
Painted desert, 356
Painted Rocks, 117, 270
Paiuches, 406
Paiulee, 406
Paiutes, 219, 220, 224, 225, 231,
269, 270, 288, 295, 404, 405
Paiute Snakes, 406
Palacios, Jose, 367
Pal'-e-um-ni Inds., 270
Palfrey, C. F., 327, 342, 346
Pal-li-ga-wo-nap', Palligawo-
nap Inds., 270, 271, 288
Palma, a place, 67
Palma, Capt., 11, 12, 14, 15, 18,
22, 39, 40, 41, 44, 123, 130,
132, 133, 134, 152, 154, 160,
162, 171, 200, 201, 203, 205,
209, 210, 211, 255, 309, 311,
430, 503, 504
Palmas, Majorca, 264
Palomino, Juan Miguel, 20
Pampa sta., Cal., 279
Pamplona, 24
Panamint Inds., 238
panocha, 494
Papabi-ootam, Papabi-Otawas,
Papabootam, Papabos, Pa-
pabotas, Papaga, Papagi,
Papago, Pa-Pagoe, Papa-
goes, Papagoose, Papagos, 6,
16, 17, 26, 27, 29, 30, 39, 40,
60, 64, 69, 70, 74, 75, 76, 77,
78, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 114, 154,
195, 202, 443. 446, 450, 455, 4S7
Papago res., 75
Papaguera, Papagueria, 60, 83,
127, 130, 487, 542
Papahi - Ootam, Papahotas,
Papalotes, Papa-Otam, Papa-
pootam, Papavicotam, 84
papavi-ootam, 83
Papavo, Papawar, Papayos,
Papelotos, Papigo, 84
586
INDEX.
Paradise canon, 248
Parage de las OUas, 536
Parage de San Joseph, 216
Paraje, 369
Paredes, Toribio de, 505, 506
Paris, France, 138, 516
Parker, Ariz., 425
Pasion, 454
Pasqual, Diego, 128
Pastor, Juana, 264
pastos, pastures, 87
Pasuchis, 406
Paterna, Antonio, 260, 261
Pa-uches, Pa-utes, Pau-Utahs,
406
Paver, Francis, 527
Pawnee res., 461
Paynutes, Payoche, Payucha,
Payuchas, Payuches, 225,
351, 405, 406, 434, 444
Payupk:, 397
Payutas, Payntes, 406
Peach springs, 224, 327, 328,
331. 409
Peach Springs sta., Ariz., 327
Peach Tree springs, 327
Peacock, Mr., 323
Peacock mts., 319, 320, 321, 322
Peacock peak, 320
Peacock's spring, 321, 322, 323
Pecos, N. M,, 365, 514, 518, 519,
520, 521
Pecos r., 459, 460, 461, 519,
520
Pedrick's, Ariz., 192, see Pad-
rick's
Pelican isl., 192
Peiia. Salvador de la, 526
Peiia, Tomds de la, 249
Penafiel, Antonio, 54
Penasca de la Campana, 215
Penasca de San Pablo, 162
Pennsylvania, 121
Peiiol, 368
Penol de Acoma pueblo, 541
Pefion de la Campana, 215
Perea, Estevan de, 375
Perera, Nicolas, 526
Perez, Hernan, 55
Perreras, Majorca, 264
Peru, 480, 487
petahaya, 439
Pey-ute, 406
Pfeffercorn, Ignatius, 527
Pharaona Inds. , 459
Philadelphia, Pa., 61
Philip v., 58
Philippines, 492
Phoenix, Ariz., 81, 483
Phoenix, John, 147
Phragmites communis, 184,434
Piatos, 84
picacho, 64, 84
Picacho peak, 84, 342
Picacho r., 331
Picacho sta., Ariz., 85, 86
Picuris, N. M., 332
Piedes, 406
Piedras Escritas, 117
Piedras Pintadas, 117
Pie Edes, Pi-eeds, 406
Pientes, 406
Pike, Z. M., 331, 355
Pilot Knob, 19, 162, 163, 164,
212, 213
Pima Agency, 78, 115
Pima allies, 69
Pima Alta, 83
Pima CO., Ariz., 84, 112, 153
Pima insurrection, 196, 202
Pima language, 28, 78, 96, 116,
487
Piman rancherias, 107, no,
538
Pimas, 8, 23, 29, 31, 32, 45, 69,
75, 76, 78, 79, 83, 85, 86, 88,
89, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107,
113, 114, 122, 154, 164, 170,
INDEX.
587
208, 381, 386, 402, 439, 440,
443, 446. 449, 454, 523, 525,
527, 539, 540, 544
Pimas, a visita in Sonora, 526
Pimas Bajas, 88
Pimas Frijoleros, 83
Pimas Gileiios, 27, 37, 46, 64,
65, 85, 87, 93, 94, 108, 116,
122, 169, 210, 343, 417, 431,
437, 438, 446, 450, 451, 458,
461, 487, 488
Pimas of Sutaquison, 29
Pimas of the Gila, 6, 76
Pimas Sobaypuris, 74
Pimeria, 75, 523. 542, 555, 556
Pimeria Alta, 6, 10, 24, 60, 85,
202, 221, 222, 455, 526, 527,
531, 533, 535
Pimeria Baja, Baxa, 60, 85,
527
Pimos, 78, 100, 123
Pinaculo, Pinnacle, 195
Pinal Apache, 458
Pinal CO., Ariz., 84, 153, 460
Pinal Coyotero, 458
Pinal mts.,459
Pinaleno Inds., 458, 459
Pineda, Juan de, 5
Pine Forest camp, 330, 335
Pinery Inds., 231
Pine spring, 333, 335, 409
pines, 329
Pino, Pedro Ignacio, 367
Pinole treaty, 119
pinon, 329, 411
Pinus aristata, 329
Pinus edulis, 329
Pinus flexiles, 329
Pinus ponderosa scopulorum,
329
Pipatsje, 115
Piriguita, 68
Piro pueblo, 497
Pitac, 27
pitahaya, 83,439, 477
Pi-tan'-ni-suh Inds., 271
Pitic, 39, 202, 527
Pitic, on Rio de Sonora, 202
Pitiqui, 549
Pit'-ka-chi Inds., 269
Pitquin, 549
Pi-u-chas, Pi-Utah, Piutahs,
406
Piute, Pi-Utes, 422, 406
Piute springs, 235, 237, 307
Piute wash, 236
Pizarro, Francisco, 480
Plains of the Buffalo, 4S9
Piatt, T. C, 121
Plinico, , 54
pocket-gophers, 301
Pocomattee springs, 330
Po-e'-lo Inds., 271
Po-hal'-lin-Tin'-leh, Pohal-lin-
tinleh, 270, 301
Point Concepcion, 223
Point Invincible, 190, 192
Point Lasuen, 246
Point of Rocks, 245
Point of the Plains, 63
Point Pinos, 223
Point San Luis, 249
Pokkenvolk, 398
Polici, Horacio, 540
Pomona, Cal., 247
Pomuk, a village, 138
Ponca res., 461
Ponida, 525
Pope Pius IV., 250
Populus fremonti, 433
Porciuncula, convent of, 189,
25S
Porras, Francisco, 395
Porterville, Cal., 270
Portola, Capt. Gaspar de, 250,
Posa cr., 269, 271, 283
Posesion, 223
Posey cr., 283
588
INDEX.
Poso cr. 283, 294
Posocium, 114
pouched rats, 301
Powell, J. W., 220, 224, 225,
405
Powers, Stephen, 269, 272, 286,
289
Poza cr., 286
Pozo butte, 129
Pozo de la Rosa, Rosas, 335,
409
Pozo de las Abispas, 411
Pozo de San Felipe Neri, 307
Pozo de Santa Isabel, 407
Pozo salobre del Carrizal, 167
pozos, 187
Pozos de San Casimiro, 235,
308
Pozos de San Eusebio, 42
Pozos de San Juan de Dios,
238, 258, 306
Pozos de Santa Rosa de las
Lajas, Laxas, 42, 167
Prague, 138
Preacher's lagoon, 42
Prescott, Ariz., 81, 118, 208,
320, 342, 422, 476
Presentacion, 117, 551, 553
Presidio de Altar, 16, 39, 201,
202
Presidio de Cinaloa, 202
Presidio de Horcasitas, 5, 203
Presidio de Janos, 91, 465, 498
Presidio de la Asumpcion, 493
Presidio de Pitiqui, 202
Presidio de San Agustin del
Tuquison, 79
Presidio de San Miguel de
Orcasitas, 66
Presidio de Tubac, Tubaca, 5,
39, 44. 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 79
Presidio de Terrenate, 152
Presidio of Tucson, 77
Prestamero, Juan, 249
Price, Col. Sterling, 332
Price, Wm. R., 342
Prosopis juliflora, 433
Prosopis pubescens, 240, 433
Providence mts., 220, 237
Providence, R. I., 58
Provincias Internas, 12, 59, 203,
255. 492
Pueblo de Caborca, 535
Pueblo de Calabazas, 68
Pueblo de Cocospera, 540
Pueblo de Imuris, 68
Pueblo de los Santos Apostoles
San Simon y Judas, 113
Pueblo de Oparsoitac, 45
Pueblo de Oraibe, 359, 457, 510
Pueblo de Oueretaro, 51
Pueblo de San Cristobal Eca-
tepec, 57
Pueblo de San Jose, 240
Pueblo de San Pasqual, 301
Pueblo de Santa Ana, 68
Pueblo de Sutaquison, 109
Pueblo Inds., 104, 175
Pueblo revolt, 368, 379, 395
Pueblo viejo, 83
Puertecito, 369
Puertezuelo de la Purisima
Concepcion, 146
puerto, 131
Puerto de Bucareli, 352, 354,
355
Puerto de Guaymas, 5
Puerto de la Concepcion, 161,
162, 163, 200, 211, 213, 222,
309, 310, 348,454
Puerto de la Concepcion del
Rio Colorado, 430
Puerto de la Conversion de San
Pablo, 478
Puerto de la Purisima Con-
cepcion, 19, 20, 146
Puerto de la Sierra ^ladre de
California, 205
INDEX.
589
Puerto de los Cocomaricopas,
113
Puerto de los Conejos, 6S
Puerto de Monterey, 471, 472
Puerto de San Bias, 5
Puerto de San Carlos, Cal., 42,
T67, 204, 205, 247, 259, 444, 468
Puerto de San Diego, Cal., 494,
495. 496
Puerto de San Francisco, 8,
48, 290, 475, 500
Puerto de San Juan Bautista,
554
Puerto de San Pablo, 212
Puerto de San Pedro, 195
Puerto Dulze, 492
Pumpelly, R., 70, 74, Si
Punta de la Concepcicn, 223
Punta de los Jamajabs, 413
Punta de los Llanos, 74
Punta de los Pinos, 223
Pun-yis'-t'yi, 368
Purificacion, 39
Purisima Concepcion, 147, 148,
223
Purple hills, 213
Pur-tyi-tyi'-ya, 369
Pyeeds, 406
Pyramid canon, 227, 228
Py-ute, 406
Q
Quabajais, Quabajay, 300, 301,
~304. 435, 492
quail, 166
Qudi-1-pi, 399
Quay, M. S., 121
Quebec, 148
Quebec of the Southwest, 368
Quejuen, 458
quelites, 344
Quemaya, Quemayab, Que-
mayas, Quemexa, Quemeya,
166, 167, 176, 197, 203, 205,
257, 444
Quercus gambeli, 330
Quercus undulata, 330
Querechos, 452
Querenda, Querendaro, 55
Queres Gibraltar, pueblo,
stock, 368
Oueretaro, 50, 52, 53. 54, 55, 511
Queretaro, college of, 24
Querobabi, 68
Quesoll, 537
Quevira, 490, 497, see Quivira
Quiburi, 540
Quiburi r., 76
Quicima, Quicimas, Quig-
yama, Quigyuma, Quigyu-
ma, Quihuima, 175, 176, 177
Quilmurs, 45
Quimac, 176
Quino, E., 528, see Kino
Quinquima, 176
Quiquiborica, 546
Quiquima, Quiquimas, 8, 32, 33
35, 86, 175, 176, 177, 178, 523.
548, 551. 553
Quitcac, Quitoa, Quitoac, 65,
84, 87
Quitobac, Quitobaca, 39, 69,
487, 488
Quitovaquito, 83, 127, 487
Quivira, 488, 490, 497, 498, 514,
517, 520, 521
R
Raft r. , 484
Railroad pass, 317, 318, 319,
321, 322, 484
Railroad springs, 31S
ramada, 103
rancheria, 84
Rancheria, see also names of
rancherias
590
INDEX.
Rancheria de Atiamic, 550
Rancheria de Cojat, 165
Rancheria de la Merced, 172
Rancheria de la Pasion de
Tucavi, 436
Rancheria de las Llagas, 37,
1S8, 193
Rancheria del Humo, 546
Rancheria de Ooltan, 550
Rancheria de Pitiqui. 536
Rancheria de San Benito, 246
Rancheria de San Geronirao,
548
Rancheria de San Juan Capis-
trano, 102
Rancheria de San Pasqual,
273. 302, 303
Rancheria de San Sebastian,
167
Rancheria de Santa Cruz, 540
Rancheria de Unnicat, 537
Rancheria Quitoac, 64
Rancherias de la Asumpcion,
426
Rancherias de la Pasion, 228,
416
Rancherias de San Antonio,
423
Rancherias de San Diego, 117
Rancherias de San Pablo, 163
Rancherias de Santa Coleta,
424
Rancherias de Santa Isabel,
234
Range hill, 194
Rapicani, Alex., 525
Real Audiencia, 531
Real Cedula, 531
Real de Cheguagua, 91
Red Ant people, 45S
Red Butte, 349
Red Earth people, 458
Red Horse spring, 340, 354,
407
Red House, Ariz., 484
Red Rock sta., Ariz., 84, 85
Red r. of Arizona, 355, see
Colorado Chiquito
Red r. of California, 144, see
Colorado r.
Red r. of Texas, 520
Red River of the West, 144,
see Colorado r.,
Remedios mission, 86, 526, 532,
540, 545. 546, 547, 550. 552,
554
Republican Fork of Kansas r.,
521
Reventon, Ariz., 70, 74
Revilla Gigedo, Conde de, 61,
202
Reyes' ranch. Col., 266
Reyno de Aragon, 2
Rhodes, Wm., 70
Rhuen, 196, see Ruen, Hen-
rique
Richardson, Samuel, 258
Rillitocr., 82
Rillito sta., Ariz., 82, 84
Rinconado, Ariz., 118
Rio, see also names of rivers
Rio Altar, 60, 455, 532, 533. 534,
544
Rio Amarillo, 553
Rio Azul, 31, no, 137, 140, 141,
538
Rio Azul, another, 142, 420
Rio Bavispe, 60
Rio Carmelo, 223, 250
Rio Chama, 478
Rio Chico, 59
Rio Chila, 136, see Rio Gila
Rio Colorado, 7, 8, 13, 29, 37,
45, 48, 122, 133, 134, 143. 145.
146, 154, 162, 176, 181, 189,
190, 191, 192, 193, 196, 199,
200, 210, 217, 221, 225, 226,
228, 231, 253, 254, 331, 344,
INDEX.
591
346, 347, 353, 355, 3S1, 395.
405, 413, 415, 416, 419, 420,
426, 431, 443, 444, 445, 449,
451, 453, 454. 457, 463, 466,
470, 475, 476, 488, 493, 495,
496, 503, 512, 530, 542, 544, 548,
549, 553, ^Qd see Colorado r.
Rio Colorado Chiquito, 394,
and see Colorado Chiquito
and Little Colorado r.
Rio Colorado del Norte, 144
Rio Colorado del Occidente,
144
Rio Colorado of Texas, 520
Rio de Buena Guia, 144, 476,
488
Rio de Carmelo, 223, 250
Rio de Cicuye, 518
Rio de Horcasitas, 60, 202, 532
Rio de la Assumpcion, Asump-
cion, Asuncion, no, 116, 136,
137, 139, 141, 142, 201, 353,
404, 417, 418, 462, 466, 467
Rio de la Santa Cruz, 286, see
Rio Santa Cruz
Rio de las Balsas, 4S4, 488, 508
Rio del Fuerte, 4S1
Rio del Lino, 355, 411, 489
Rio del Norabre de Jesus, 136,
477. 541
Rio de los Apostoles, 136, 137,
141, 544
Rio de los Martinez (misprint)
239
Rio de los Martires, 136, 137,
144, 239, 248, 306, 544
Riode los Misterios, 472
Rio del Tizon, 144, 351, 476,
477, 488
Rio del Tuquison y San Xavier,
84
Rio de Nuestra Sefiora de la
Asumpcion, Asuncion, 141,
see Rio de la Assumpcion
Rio de Nuestra Sefiora de los
Angeles de Porciuncula, 259
Rio de Petatlan, 481
Rio de Quiburi, Quipuri, 91,
152. 540
Rio de San Andres, 420, 477
Rio de San Antonio, 336, 433
Rio de San Carlos, 139
Riode San Felipe, 280, 282, 283,
290, 297, 299, 302, 303, 466,
468, 475
Rio de San Francisco, 139
Rio de San Gabriel, 248
Rio de San Ignacio, 60, 201, 532
Rio de San Juan Nepomuzeno,
138
Rio de San Miguel, 60, 67, 202,
259, 532
Rio de San Pedro, 60, 91, 139,
465, 466, 483, 540
Rio de San Pedro Jaquesila,
354. 357, 402, 406, 432
Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo,
520
Rio de Santa Ana, Anna, 43,
204, 205, 218, 219, 246, 247,
248, 259
Rio de Santa Maria, 231, 419,
421, 433, 466, 493, 546
Rio de Santiago, 2S3, 294, 296
Rio de San Xavier del Bac, 76
Rio de Sonoita, 195
Rio de Sonora, 60, 202, 482, 487,
532
Rio de Taos, 332
Rio de Tubutama, 201
Rio Fuerte, 487
Rio Gila, 63, 64, 65, 88, 102, 106,
132, 133, 134, 135, 141, 210,
211, 381, 386, 387, 388, 415,
443, 445, 446, 449- 452, 454,
455, 459, 462, 463, 466, 468,
493. 523. 537. 541, 544, 548.
and see Gila r.
592
INDEX.
Rio Grande de Buena Espe-
ranza, 136, 145, 476, 477
Rio Grande de Espeleta, 401
Rio Grande del Norte, 332, 375,
396, 397, 393, 404, 459. 460,
462. 478, 497, 514, 518, 519
Rio Grande de los Apostoles,
137
Rio Grande de los Cosninas,
349, 366, 470
Rio Hela, Helah, Helay, Hila,
136, 137, 538, see Rio Gila and
Gila r.
Rio Hiaqui, 60, see Rio Yaqui
Rio Jabesua, 335, 336, 340, 346
Rio Jacquecila, Jaquesila,
Jaquevila, 354, 355, 358, 392,
and see Rio de San Pedro
Jaquesila
Rio Jesus de los Temblores,
259
Rio Jila, 136, see Rio Gila
Rio Magdalena, 60, 68, 201,
532, 544
Rio Matape, 60, 481, 487
Rio Mayo, 481
Rio Moctezuma, 60
Rio Nexpa, 153. 482, 483
Rio Nueces, 460
Rio Papago, 60, 195, 544, 549
Rio Pecos, 518
Rio Porciuncula, 259
Rio Puerco, 514
Rio Sacramento, 476
Rio Salado, 110, 137, 141, 208,
488, 508, 545
Rio San Antonio, 476
Rio San Jose, 60
Rio San Juan, 404
Rio San Phelipe, 280, 283, see
Rio de San Felipe
Rio Santa Cruz, 60, 69, 74, 75,
82, 85, 152, 283, 286, 483, 541
Rio Ures, 60
Rio Verde, 141, 466, 476, 545
Rio Verde agency, 208
Rio Vermejo, 355, 484
Rio Virgen, 432
Rio Xila, 136, see Rio Gila
Rio Yaqui, 60, 481, 548
Rio Zuiii, 375
Rivera, Corp. Pascual, 20, 22
Rivera y Moncada, F. X., 20,
23, 252, 253, 255, 257, 260, 374
River of Rafts, 508
River of the North, 396
Riverside mts., 217, 428
Robinson, Capt., 228, 422
Robinson's landing, 192
Rock legends, 376
Rock springs, 236, 258, 307
Rocky mts., 330
Roger's ranch, Ariz., 342
Rojas, Charles de, 526
Roldan, Padre, 525
Rome, Italy, 307, 447
Romero, Miguel Antonio, 23
Root diggers, 238
Rosate, Mariano, 374, 375
Rose Well, Ariz., 335
Royal Academy of History,
Madrid, 61
Royal Court of Guadalajara,
120
Ruen, Ruhen, Ruhn, Henrique,
Henry, 88, 196, 527
Sabino Otero claim, 70
Sabinta, 225
sacate, sacaton, 87
Sacaton, Ariz., 88, 102, 107, 109
Sacramento range, 315
Sacramento val., or wash,
Ariz., 231, 315, 316, 317, 318,
413
Saenz, Bartholomew, 526
INDEX.
593
Saeta, F. X., 88, 537, 539
Safford, A. K. P., 82
Safford peak, 82
Saguaripa, 525
saguaro, sahuaro, 439
Saint, besides the following,
see under San, Santa, and
Santo
St. Basil's wells, 327
St. Cecilia hill, 129
St. Charles Borromeo, 250
St. Charles pass, 204
Sainte-Claire, Ordre de, 25.8
St. Eulalie, 165
St. Francis, order of, 480
St. Francis Borgia Rectorship,
524, 525
St. Francis Xavier Rectorship,
524, 526
St. James of Alcala, 207
St. James range, 315
St. Joseph, 240
St. Louis, bishop of Toulouse,
249
St. Ludlovic de Vacapa, 487
St. Marcellus, 214
St. Margaret well, 411
St. Paul, Minn., 517
St. Peter and St. Paul r., 520
St. Peter, bishop of Alexandria,
223
St. Philip Neri, 307
St. Thomas a Becket, 237
St. Thomas Didymus, 237
Salado r., 28, 87, 139, 140, 141,
142, 483, 484, 513, 544. 545. see
Salt r.
Salinas r., 100, 142
Salitre, 153, see Galiuro
Salpointe, J. B., 74
Salt Lake City, Utah, 243
vSalt Lake valley, 404
Salton lake, 166
Salt r., 87, 90, 100, 112, 136, 137,
138, 139, 140, 484, 513, see
Salado r., Salinas r.
Salvatierra, J. M. de, 75, 439,
533, 534. 536, 539. 542, 548,
549. 550
Salvia columbariae, 272
Salvia tiliaefolia, 272
Samaniego peak, 74
Samoupavi, 400
San, besides the following see
also under Saint, Santa,
Santo
San Agustin, 76, 536
San Agustin del Pueblito de
Tucson, 79
San Agustin de Oiaur, 541, 545,
546
San Agustin de Tubac, 79
San Agustin de Tucson, 79
San Ambrosio de Busanic,
546, 547, 554
San Andres de Coata, 88, no,
541. 542, 545
San Andres rancheria, 140, 142,
538
San Antonio, among the
Jalchedunes, 454
San Antonio, a ship, 250
San Antonio de Oquitoa,
Uquitoa, 536, 555
San Antonio de Padua mission,
Cal., 157, 263, 265
San Bartoiome, 536
San Bartolme de Jongopavi,
Jougopavi, Shumopovi, Xon-
gopabi, Xongopavi, 395, 400
San Bartoiome del Comae,
545
San Benito, 246
San Bernabe de Jongopavi, 400
San Bernardino, Ariz., 44, 119,
120, 125, 126, 465, 466, 473
San Bernardino, Cal., 224, 246,
247, 248
594
INDEX.
San Bernardino de Awatobi,
395, 396
San Bernardino del Agua Cali-
ente, 120
San Bernardino Gualpi, 399
San Bernardino mts., or range,
204, 215, 246, 259
San Bernardino val., Cal., 219,
233, 241, 246
San Bernardo de Jongopabi,
400
San Bernardo del Aquimuri,
555
San Bias, 25
San Bruno, 531
San Buenaventura, a person,
476
San Buenaventura de Mos-
saquavi, 400
San Buenaventura mission,
Cal., 223, 224, 257, 266, 267
San Carlos, iii, 155, 503
San Carlos Agency, Ariz., 139,
208, 458
San Carlos, a ship, 250
San Carlos Borromeo del Car-
melo de Monterey mission,
157, 204, 250
San Carlos, port of, 205
San Carlos r., 139
San Casimiro, 178, 553
San Casimiro, another place,
235
San Cayetano de Chamada, 525
San Cayetano de Jumagacori,
Tumacacori, Tumagacori,
69. 533, 534. 539, 54i. 545. 54^,
547
Sanchez, Miguel, 260
San Clemente isl., 222, 223
San Clemente, Sonora, 546
Sandia, 332, 368, 397
San Diego mission, Cal., 36,
43, 146, 166, 197, 206, 207, 20S,
252. 253, 257, 259, 260, 444, 450.
497
San Diego de Alcald, 156, 204,
206, 223
San Diego del Pitqui, Pytquin,
555
San Diego de Nipaguay, 207
San Diego de Uitorrum, 455
San Dionisio, Dionysias,
Doonysio, 40, 134, 135, 548,
551, 552. 553
San Eduardo, 39, see next
San Eduardo Baipia, Baypai,
Paipai, 548, 549, 555
San Estanislas de Octam,
Ooltan, 550, 552, 555
San Esteban de Acoma, 368
San Felipe, Ariz., 545
San Felipe cr., 166
San Felipe, N. M., 368
San Felix de Valois, 177, 551,
553
San Fernando, Ariz., 541
San Fernando mission, 266
San Fernando Rey de Espana,
266
San Fernando val., Cal., 266
San Francisco, an alcalde, 120
San Francisco, a saint, 2
San Francisco Ati, 546
San Francisco bay, 66, 72, 291
San Francisco, Cal., 13, 70, 74,
81, iiS, 147, 206, 292, 295, 303,
308, 430, 492, 502
San Francisco, convent of,
56
San Francisco cr., 268
San Francisco de los Espano-
les, N. M., 478
San Francisco de Oraibe,
Oraybe, 401
San Francisco mts,, or range,
139, 142, 323. 329, 331, 352,
353. 354. 473
INDEX,
595
San Francisco, Nuevo Reyno
de, 485
San Francisco rancheria, 543
San Francisco r., 142, 353
San Gabriel Arcangel, 157,
204, 258
San Gabriel de los Temblores,
259
San Gabriel mission, Cal., 8,
23. 24, 38, 43, 124, 204, 205,
2i3, 232, 233, 240, 242, 247,
248, 251, 252, 254, 258, 259,
260, 264, 265, 266, 275, 310,
374, 380, 444, 451, 466, 467,
468, 493
San Gabriel mts., or range,
246, 259, 265
San Gabriel, N. M., 478
San Gabriel r., 259
San Geronirao mission, 332, 539
San Geronimo mts., 194
San Gorgonio pass, 204, 205,
247, 468
San Gorgonio sta., 204
San Gregorio, Cal., 42
San Gregorio Taumaturgo
spr., 541
Sangre Mai, a hill, 52
San Hermenegildo, 2
San Ignacio Caborica, 543
San Ignacio de la Canoa, 74
San Ignacio de Tubac, 69
San Ignacio ford, 39
San Ignacio Guibori, 153
San Ignacio isl., 192
San Ignacio mission, 63, 338,
527. 532, 534, 546. 548, 549. 553
San Ignacio pueblo, 532
San Ildefonso, 39
San Jacinto mts., 204
San Jacinto sta. , 204
San Jacinto val., 224
San Jacome, 167
San Joaquin Basosuma, 540
San Joaquin r., or val., 269,
289, 290, 291, 292, 492
sanjon, 191
San Jose, 216, .see Aguage de
San Joseph
San Jose, Ariz., 476
San Jose de Alvaredo mission,
240
San Jose de Galvez mission, 240
San Jose de Guadalupe mission,
240
San Jose de Himeris, Imuris
pueblo, 532
San Jose del Cabo, 240
San Jose de los Pimas, 525
San Jose de Matapa mission,
481
San Jose de Pimas, 157
San Jose de Tucson, 78
San Jose mission, Cal., 240
San Joseph, 216, 217, see
Aguage de San Joseph
San Joseph de Cumars mts. , 1 10
San Joseph of the Pimas, 85
San Joseph valley. 240,
San Jose Ramos Ayodsudas,
549
San Jose r., 368
San Juan Capistrano, Capis-
trans de Tutiritucar, Tutuni-
tucan, Ulurituc, Utilltuc,
Uturicut, Virtud, Vturituc,
44, 87, 102, 109, 204, 454
San Juan de los Caballeros,
476, 478
San Juan de Mata, 39
San Juan mts., 352, 421
San Juan Nepomuzeno, 386
San Juan r., 432
San Lazaro, 540, 542, 550
San Lorenzo, plains of, 546
San Ludlov de Bacapa, 487
San Luis Bacapa, 39
San Luis bay, 249
596
INDEX.
San Luis Beltran de Bacapa,
481, 487, 548, 549, 555
San Luis de Babi, 550
San Luis de Bucuancos, 546
San Luis de los Tichos, 249
San Luis Guevavi, 547
San Luis Obispo, a mission,
156, 157, 204, 249, 251, 263,
279, 445. 451, 468, 539
San Luis Obispo co., Cal., 249
San Luis Obispo de Tolosa, 249
San Luis range, 291
San Luis Rey de Francia,
249
San j\Iarcelo de Sonoita,
Sonoitac, Sonoydag, Sonoy-
tac, 39, 196, 543. 544, 546, 548,
549. 550, 552, 555
San Marcial, 67
San Marcos range, 271, 291
San Martin, 117, 551, 552
San Mateo de Caut, 545
San Mateo mt., 352
San Matias Tutum, 545
San Miguel Bosna, Bosua, 536
San Miguel, Cal , 299
San Miguel de Culiacan, 481
San Miguel de Horcasitas,
Orcasitas, 61, 75 202
San Miguel de los Noches por el
Santo Principe, 299
San Miguel de Oraibi, Oraybi,
395- 401
San Miguel de Sonoita, Sonoi-
tac, 196, 527
San Miguel isl., 223
San Miguel mission, Cal., 264
San Miguel, Sonora, 202
San Nicolas isl., 222
San Pablo, 212, 454, 45^, see
San Pablo y San Pearo' de
Bicuiier
San Pablo de Quipuri, 152, 153,
539
San Pablo rancherias, of
Garces, 132, 163, 454
San Pablo rancheria, of Kino,
544
San Pablo, Sonora, 540
San Pablo y San Pedro de
Bicuner, 163
San Pantaleon Aribaiba, 540
San Pascual, Pasqual, 44, 128,
304
San Pedro, Ariz., 152
San Pedro bay, 223
San Pedro de Acoma, 368
San Pedro de la Conquista, 202
San Pedro de los Jamajabs,
234, 235. 413, 416
San Pedro del Tubutama, 536,
543. 546, 549
San Pedro rancheria, of Kino,
163, 544. 551, 552
San Pedro r., 60, 76, 86, 141,
152. 482, 483, 484, 539, 544
San Pedro r., another, 355
San Pedro y San Pablo de Bi-
cuiier, 19, 20, 163
San Pedro y San Pablo de
Tubutama, 533
San Rafael del Actum, Actun,
543. 546, 550, 551, 552, 555
San Rudesindo, 178, 553
San Saba r., 460
San Sebastian Peregrino, 42,
167
San Serafin, 113
San vSerafin de Actum, 546
San Serafino de Nabcub, Nap-
cub, 113
San Seraphin, 543, 550
San Serapin Actum, 113
San Simon, 549, 550, 552, see
San Simon y Judas, Sonora
San Simon de Tucsani, 114, 545
San Simon y Judas, 44, 45, 114
San Simon y Judas de Opa-
INDEX.
597
soitac, Uparsoitac, Vpasoi-
tac, 114, 455
San Simon y Judas, Sonora,
114, 115, 138, 547
San Simon y San Judas del
Syboda, 554
Santa Ana mission, Cal., 218
Santa Ana de Animic, 551
Santa Anna Befieme, 444
Santa Anapueblito, N. M., 368
Santa Ana r., 246, 247
Santa Ana, Sonora, 86
Santa Barbara, Cal., 224, 251,
554
Santa Barbara channel, 222,
257, and see canal de Santa
Barbara
Santa Barbara co., Cal., 224
Santa Barbara isl., 222
Santa Barbara mission, 223, 224
224
Santa Barbara mts., 194
Santa Bibiana, 555
Santa Catalina isl., 222, 223
Santa Catalina mts., 153
Santa Catarina, Cal., 42, 43
Santa Catarina de Caituagaba,
' Cuitciabaqui, 541, 545, 546
Santa Clara co., Cal., 257, 267
Santa Clara mission, Cal., 302,
444
Santa Clara mts., 549, 555
Santa Clara r., or val., 237, 240,
257, 25S, 268
Santa Clara, Sonora, 530, 542
Santa Clara, volcano of, 31
Santa Cruz, a place on San
Pedro r., 465, 466
Santa Cruz, Ariz., 80, 493
Santa Cruz de Querataro, col-
lege of, 74, see Queretaro
Santa Cruz Gaibanipitea,
Gaibauipetea, 540
Santa Cruz isl., 222, 489
Santa Cruz r., 76, 80, 84, 86, 141,
153. 465, 534. 544
San Tadeo Batqui, de Vaqui,
545
Santa Estrella mts., no
Santa Eulalia, Cal., 58, 165
Santa Eulalia, Sonora, 543, 552
Santa Fe, N. M., 77, 79, 93, 136,
137. 145, 310, 331, 332, 360,
366, 367, 369, 379, 396, 470,
471, 476, 478
Santa Fe Pacific R. R., 367, 368
Santa Gertrudis del Saric, 555
Santa Isabel, Cal., 147, 150
Santa Isabel, of Garces, 454
Santa Isabel of Kino, 167, 177,
541. 551, 553
Santa Ines, Inez, isl., 530, 554
Santa Magdalena de Bu-
quivaba, 543
Santa Magdalena visita, 527
Santa Margarita mts., 217
Santa Maria, Agustin de, 395
Santa Maria, Cal., 150
Santa Maria de Baseraca,
Vaseraca, 526
Santa Maria del Agua Caliente,
119
Santa Maria del Popolo, 554
Santa Maria de Soamca,
Suamca, 526, 534, 539, 540
Santa Maria Magdalena, So-
nora, 68, 533, 536, 549, 555
Santa Maria Magdalena de
Buquibava, 535, 543, 546
Santa Maria r., 422, 477
Santa Monica mts., 226
Santa Olalla, Olaya, 41, 42, 58,
164, 165, 167, see Santa Eu-
lalia, Cal.
Santa Rita mines, 70
Santa Rita mts., 74, 153, 329
Santa Rita peak, 74
Santa Rosa isl., 222
598
INDEX.
Santa Rosa mts., 461
Santa Rosa of Garces, 182, 454
Santa Rosalia, 85, 526
Santa Sabina port, 537, 552,
553
Santa Susanna mts., 266
Santa Teresa, 527, 536, 555
Santa Theresa, 107
Santiago, a saint, 283
Santiago, on the Gila, 545
Santiago de Cocospera, 542
San Timoteo, 204
Santo Angel, 225
Santos Evangelistas hills, 536
Santo Tomas, 242
San Valentin, 536
San Venancio, 304
San Vicente cape, 554
San Xavier del Bac, 5, 25, 30,
38, 46, 63, 64, 69, 75, 76, 77,
78, 79, 83, 88, 109, 386, 440,
469, 526, 533, 534. 539. 541.
546, 547. 550, see Bac
Saric, Luis del, 196
Saric, Sonora, 39, 195, 196, 527,
533, 537, 543
Sarmiento, Antonio de Oca, 89
Sastre, Mateo, 203
Satichi, 526
savinos, 329
Savoy, 479
Savoyard, 479
Sa-wakh'-tu Inds., 270
Sayornis nigricans, 328
Schoolcraft, H. R., 92, 150, 498
Scirpus, 434
Scirpus californicus, 1S4, 187,
251, 272
Scirpus lacustris, 187
Scirpus lacustris occidentalis,
187
Scirpus tatara, 1S7, 251, 172
screw-mesquite, 240, 433
Sea of California, 476
Sea of the South, 479
seashells, 244, 245, see cuentas
Sebastian, an lud., 39, 235, 236,
521, see Sevastian, also Tara-
bel
Se-cho-ma-we, Sechumevaj'-,
Se-chum'-i-way, 399
Sedalman, Sedelmair, Sedel-
mayer, Sedelmayr, James,
Jacob, Jacobi, Jacobo, 118,
119, 141, 142, 420, 525
See-cho-mah-wee, 399
Seepan Inds., 460, see Lipan
Senora, 370, see Sonora
Sentinel, Ariz., 126
Sentinel mt., 119
Sepulveda, 266
Seri, Seris, 26, 85, 86, 88, 154,
196, 202, 447, 536
Serra, Junipero, 43, 207, 249,
250, 264
Serranos, 197, 198, 199, 300, 301,
434, 445, 453
Serum, Sherum, Srum, a chf.,
320, see Cherum
Serys, 523, see Seri
Seseger, Philip, 526
Sesepaulaba, Sesepaulabe, 394,
397, 400
Se-tco'-mo-we, Setshomave,
Setsh6move, 399
Sevastian, an Ind., 185, 187,
188, 197, 213, 232, 233, 242,
243, 268, 275, 279, 2S8, 297, 300,
302, 312, 414, see Tarabel, S.
Seven Cities of Cibola, 91, 106,
377, 393. 4S0, 484, 538
Seviches, 224
Seville, Spain, 24, 56, 137, 267,
516
Sevilleta, 369
Shapalawee. Sha-pan-la-vi,
Shapanlobi, Sha-pau-lah-
wee, 400
INDEX.
599
Shea, J. G., 264
Sheav-wits, 224
shebang, 103
She-banlavi, Shebaula-vi, She-
baiilavi, She-bo-pav-wee,
Sheepon-arleeve, Sheepo-
warleeve, 400
Sheeourkee, 399
She-mo-pa'-ve, 400
She-noma, 398
Shepdlave, Shepalawa, She-
pa-la-wee, She-pau'-l^-ve,
Shapauliva, 401
shepherd's purse, 272
Shepolavi, She-powl-a-we, 401
Sherwits, 224
Shi-choam-a-vi, 399
Shi - ma -co - vi, Shimopava,
Shimopavi, 400
Shimu'-shinoma, Shinome, Shi-
nu-mo, 398
Shipaulovi, Shi-pai:-a-luv-i,
Shi-pau-i-luv-i, Shi-pau'-la-vi,
Shi-pav-i-luv-i, Shi-powl-ovi,
360, 384, 397, 400, 401
Shivwits, 224, 225
Shiwi, 379
Shomonpavi, Shomoparvee,
, Shongdpave, Shong'-a-pa-vi,
Shongobavi, Shongopavi,
400
Shoshone, Shoshoni, Inds.,
270, 404
Shoshonean stock, 205, 218,
219, 238, 269, 270, 332, 402,
405. 491
Shoshonean tribes, 205, 224,
404, 405
Show-mowth-pa, 400
Shu-chum-a-vay, 399
Shumi, 398
Shu-mo-pa- vay, Shumo-povi,
Shu-miith-pa, Shu-muth-pa,
Shu-muth-pai-6-\va, Shung-a-
pa-vi, Shung - o - pah - wee,
Shung-o-pa-we, Shungopa-
wee, Shung-op-ovi, 360, 394,
395, 400
Shu-par-la-vay, Shupowla, Shu-
powlewy, 401
Shu-sho-no-vi, 399
Sia Inds., 368
Siaqui, 85
Sibagoida, Siboida, 546
Si-choan-avi, Sichomivi, Sicho-
movi, Si-chum'-a-vi, Sichum-
navi, Sichumniva, Sichu-
movi, Sickmunari, 360, 384,
397, 399
Sicobutovabia, 549
Sicoroidag, 545
Sierra Azul, 177
Sierra de California, 444, 446
Sierra de Comars, no, 113
Sierra de Estrella, no
Sierra de la Cabeza del Gi-
gante, 120
Sierra de la Cabeza Prieta, 127,
195
Sierra de la Florida, 386
Sierra de la Madera, 8r
Sierra de la Natividad, 195
Sierra del Comedio, 535, 549
Sierra del Mongollon, 137
Sierra de los Finales, 409
Sierra del Puerto de Bucareii,
354
Sierra de San Diego, 409
Sierra de San Gabriel, 265
Sierra de San Geronimo, 185,
194
Sierra de San Ildefonso, 227,
419
Sierra de San Joseph de Cu-
mars, no
Sierra de San Luis, 292
Sierra de San Marcos, 259, 271,
279, 28i', 290, 291, 304
6oo
INDEX.
Sierra de San Pablo, 213
Sierro de San Sebastian, 167
Sierra de Santa Barbara, 193,
194
Sierra de Santa Coleta, 236,
307
Sierra de Santa Margarita, 217
Sierra de Santiago, 314, 315,
316. 410, 413
Sierra de Sonoita, 195
Sierra de Tucson, 81
Sierra Frente Negra, 81
Sierra Madre, 36, 59, 60
Sierra Madre de Californias,
193, 194, 195, 259
Sierra Maricopa, 113
Sierra Morena, 320, 410, 411,
412
Sierra Napac, 352, 353
Sierra Nazareno, 195
Sierra Nevada, 248, 259, 267,
271, 291, 292, 303, 468
Sierra Pinta, 23S
Sierra Prieta, 195
Sigiienza y Gongora, 530
Simeon, R., 54, 284, 299, 344
Simojueves, 220
Simpson, J. H., 376, 478, 498,
514. 515
Sinaloa, 59, 66, 203, 479, 4S1,
497. 511. 526, 533. 543
Sinapan Inds., 460
Sitlis, 379
Sink of the Mojave r., 258
Sisters of St. Joseph, 78
Sitcomovi, Si-tcum'-o-vi, 399
Sitjar, Antonio, 264
Sitjar, Bonaventura, Buena-
ventura, 263, 264
Sitgreaves, Lorenzo, 165, 227,
314, 316, 324, 323, 421, 47S
Sitgreaves' pass, 316
Sitgreaves' peak, 353
Smith, Buckingham, 61, 62, 458
Smith, Joseph, 401
Smithsonian Institution, 81, 96,
264
Snake Diggers, 406
Snow spring, 330
Soamca, Santa Maria de,
mission, 526
Sobahipuris, 76, 86
Sobahipuris r., 86
Sobaipuris, 69, 75, 78, 85. 483,
533
Sobas, 201, 202, 534, 536, 554
Sobaypuris, 523
Soda 1., 232, 238, 239
Soda spring, 270
so'-gon, 273
Solares, Pedro, 23
Solis, Antonio, 76
Solomonville, Ariz., 484
Solorrano, , 263
Somera, Padre, 259
Songoapt, 400
Sonoaita, Sonoaitac, Sonoi,
Sonoita, Sonoitac, Sonoitag,
17, 31. 32, 37, 39. 88, 124, 195,
196, 450, 455. 527, 543, 543,
549. 550, 551, 553
Sonoita mts., 195
Sonora, 4, 8, 13, 17, 20, 21, 25,
57, 59. 60, 61, 68, 69, 71, 73,
84, 85, 108, 114, 122, 123, 127,
135, 144, 152, 155, 196, 202,
203, 250, 278, 361, 370, 371,
381, 39S, 436, 447. 450, 468,
481, 487, 497. 524, 531, 532,
533. 535. 552
Sonora r. , 60
Sonora val., 482
Sonoran border, 152
Sonoran missions, 540
Sonoran presidios, 66, 203
Sonoydag, 543
Sonoyta, 195
Soones, 379, see Zuni
INDEX.
60 1
Sopori, 69
Sopori cr., 74
Soria, 24
Sounes, 379, see Zuni
Southern Apaches, 459
Southern Pacific R. R., 112,
280
Southern Pimas, 60, 86
South sea, 476, 496
Soyopa, 226, 525
Spain, 56, 58, 492
Spain, King of, 12, 13, 25
Spanish America, 59
Spanish authority, 23
spermophile, 301
Spermophilusbeecheyi, 270, 301
" spinefluss Hila fl.," 137
Spires, the, 429
Squaw val., 270
Squire, (for Squier), F. G., 498
Staked Plains, 520
Stanley, J. M., 96
Stanwix, Ariz., 126
Star range, no
State Department of Mexico, 60
Stephen, a negro, 136, 480, 481,
482
Stiger, Caspar, 527
Stocklein, Joseph, 114
Stockton, Ariz., 320
Store, Ariz., 107
Stratton, R. B., 118
Stucabitic, 115
Styucson, 88
styuk-son, 78. The alternative
interpretation of the word is
"dark or black base," in
allusion to a stratum of that
character in a neighboring
height
Suamca, 75
Subaipuris, 386
Suchongnewy, 399
Suco, 386
Sudacsasaba, iig
Sudacson, 88, 107
Suisun bay, 292
Sumi, 380, see Zuni
Sumonpavi, Sumo-porvy, Su-
mopowy, Sumopoy, 400
Suni, Sunne, Suny, 380, see
Zuni
Supai, Supies, Supis, 473, 474
Suponolevy, Supowolewy, 401
Suppai, 313, 473, 474
Suppai Ind. res., 346
Sutaguison, Sutaquison, 28, 44,
65, 88, 106, 109, no, 142
Sweeny, Thomas Wm., 147
Sweetgrass hills, 383
Sweetwater, Ariz., 107
sycamore, 298
Sycamore gulch, 247
Taaiyalone mt., 379
Tabby, a Uta chf., 404
Tabequache Inds., 405
Tabira, N. M., 497, 498
Table peak, 195
Tacca, Taceo, 85
Ta'-chi Inds., 270
Tacna sta., 129
Ta-hi-cha-pa-han'-na Inds., 270
Ta-hi'-cha-pa,Tahichapah pass,
269, 270
Ta-hichp' Inds., 270
ta-kju, 85
Talchedon, Talchedums, 125,
2l8
Tallignaraay, Talliguamayque,
Talligiimai, 176
Talvoi, 399
Tamajabs, 226, 232, 238, see
Jamajabs
Tamasabes, 226
Tampico, Mex., 521
602
INDEX.
Tano, Tanoquevi, Tanoquibi,
Tanos, 396, 399
Tantawats, 220
Tanus, 399
Taos, N. M., 332, 333, 490
Tapia, Fernando, Hernando
de. 52, 55
Tarabel, Sebastian, 155, 159,
see also Sebastian, Sevastian
Taracones, 458, 459, 460
Tarahumara, 86, 539
Taraichi, 525
Taraitzi, 85
Tarascan, 54
Taraumara, 59
Taraumares, 526
Taraval, Sevastian, 163, see
Tarabel
Tarbox, a person, 74
Taros, 446
Ta-sa-un, 398
Tasse, Joseph, 331
Taucos, 399
Tavanim6, 107
Tavivi, a Uta chf., 404
Taxco, 54
Taylor, Alex. S., 209
Tazco, 54
Tch-kun Inds., 458
tecol6tes, tecolotl, 122
Tecoripa, 525
Tecuiche, 205, 218
teculutl, 122
Te-^-wun-na, 399
Tegua pueblo Inds., 209
Teguayo nation, 490
Tehachapai, Tahachepi range,
271, 291, 303
Tehachepi pass, 304
Teh-wa, 399
Tejas, 490
Tejon pass, 269, 271, 303
Tejua, Tejuas, 208, 209, 453,
463
Telamoteris, 289
Telam 6 Torim, 289
Tello, Tomas, 88, 527
Te'-lum-ni Inds., 270
temascdl, 284
Tendilla, Conde de, 486
Tenequeches, Teniqueches, 218
Tennis, 380
Tepeguana, 86
Tepique, 5
Tepuspe, 525
tepustetl, tepustete de color,
tepuztli, 214
Terapa, 525
Ternaux-Compans, Henri, 93,
94. 365. 366, 516
Terrenate, 60, 61, 71, 86, 203
Tesayan, 398
Tespari, 525
Tesquien, 218
tetl, 214
Teuricatzi, 526
Teuson, 79
Tewa, Tewe Inds., 396, 397,
398. 399
Tewa vil., 397
Texas, 59, 150, 370, 460, 491,
515, 517. 520
Texas hill, 125
Texas Hill camp, 126
Texas Hill sta., 126
Teyas, 365
Tezozamoc, F. de A., 365
Tezquien, 218
Thomas, Geo. H., 147
Thorburn, Lt. C. E., 349
Three Holy Martyrs of Japan
Rectorships, 525
Thunder mt., 379
Tiber r., 447
Tiburon isl., 536
Ticorilla Inds., 462
Tigua, Tiguas, 209, 332, 333,
397
INDEX.
603
Tiguex, 488, 514, 516, 518, 520,
521
Tiguex r., 519
Tinaja de la Cabeza Prieta, 127
tinajas, 187
Tinajas del Tesquier, 218
Tinajas de San Joseph, 468
Tinajita mts. , 74
Tin-lin-neh Inds., 270
tin'-nilh, 270
Ti-pa-to-la'-pa Inds., 270
Tiqui-llapai, 232
Tis-e'-chu Inds., 270
Tiwa Inds., 397
Tixlini, 249
Tlaca-tecuhtli, 89
Tlachco, Tlacho, 54
Tlaglli Inds., 477
Tlallaiguamay, Tlalliguama-
yas, Tlalliquamalla, 176, 177,
477
Toape, 526
Tobar, Pedro de, 349, 394, 521
Toison, 79
Tombstone, Ariz., 152, 483, 539
To-mo'-la Inds., 271
Tomosatzi, r., 59
Tonala, 481
Tonitzi, 525
T<5no Ootam, 84
Tonovavi, 525
Tonteac, Tonteaca, 398
Tonto Apache, 208
Tonto basin, 138, 459
Tonto Cosnino, 474
Tontonteac, 398
Tontos, 208, 458, 459
Toral, Joseph, 526
tornilla, 433
Torquemada, Juan, 54
Tortolita mts. , 82
Tota, 545
Totanteac, 398
Totonat, 549
Totonteac, Totonteal, Toton-
toac, Tototeac, 398, 482, 485,
507
totopochtli, totopostle, 403
Tows, 399
Trent, Austria, 528, 529
Tres Marias isl., 536
Trout cr. , 421
Trujillo, Jose, 395
Truni, 380, see Zuni
Truxton, , 322
Truxton spring, 315, 322, 323
Truxton sta., 322, 327
Truxton wash, 322
Tshiquiti, 521
Tsi-a-ma, 369
Tsi-mu-na, 369
Tsipia-Kwe, 375
Tsitsumevi, Tsi-tsumo-vi, Tsi-
tumovi, 399
Ttacca, 85
Tuape, 542
Tuba, Ariz., 356
Tubac, 8, 39, 44, 57, 60, 63, 67,
68, 69, 70, 74, 75, 79, 80, 124,
203, 534
Tubasa, 27
Tubessias, 208
Tubo, 540
Tubso, Tubson, 79
Tubutama, 24, 58, 195, 196, 201,
202, 205, 225, 455, 492, 527,
534, 537. 543. 548, 550, 553,
554, 555
tuca, tusa, tuza, 301
Tu9an, Tucano, Tuchano, Tu-
cayan, 398, see Tusayan
Tucsasic, 115
Tucson, Tucsson, Ariz., 17, 23,
44, 64, 69, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78,
79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 88, 124, 438,
483, 541, 545, 546
Tucson desert, 88
Tucson range, Si
6o4
INDEX.
Tucubabia, Tucubavia, 533,
537, 543. 548
Tucumcari cr., 460
Tuczon, 79,
Tueros, Pedro, 15
Tueson, Tugson, Tuguison,
Tuison, 79, see Tucson
Tulare co. , Cal., 252
Tulare 1., 251, 278, 280, 283, 286,
290, 299, 405
Tulare region, 252
Tulare r., 286
tulares, 187
Tulares, the, 187, 251, 265, 269,
291, 294, 303, 313, 347, 435.
475, 492
Tulare val., 251, 252, 269, 271,
272, 291, 292
tule, 184, 187, 434
tule pollen, 272
Tule r. , 269, 270
Tule River res,, 272
Tulerosa mts., 139
Tulkepaia Inds., 458
Tulquson, 79
Tumac, 116
Tumacacori, 68, 75, 76, 77, 80, 527
Tunis, 38, see Zufii
Tuntunitucan, 102
Tupo, 533, 543, 546, 549
Tupocuyos, 536
Tups, 546, 549, see Tupo
Tuquisan, Tuquison, 79, 115
Turner's pass, 271
Turner, Wm. W., 431
tusas, 301
Tusayan Inds., 100
Tusayan, Province of, 346, 349,
359. 394, 395, 396, 398, 402, 521
Tusayan villages, 394, 397, 398
Tusayn, Tu-se-an, 398
Tusonimo, Tusonimon, 107, 541
Tusyan, 398
Tutiritucar, 44, 102
Tutoida, 540
Tutomagoidag, 545
Tutuetac, 82
Tuzan, 398
Two Sicxlies, 58
Tzibola, 507, see Cibola
U
Ubeda, 267
Ugly man, 96
Uinta Inds., 405
Union pass, 315, 316, 413
United States and Mexican
boundary, 192
Unwin's point, 193
Uparch, 115
Uparsoitac, Upasoitac, 44, 113,
114
Upper California, 194, 240
Upper crossing, 245
Uquitoa, 527, 549
Ures, 67, 85, 526, 532
Uria, F. X., 267
Urrea, Bernardo de, rog, 162,
202
Urrea, Capt., 132
Urrea, Jose, 23
Ursuas, 56, see Bucareli
Usaya, Usayan, 398
Uta, 404, 454
Uta divisions, 404
Utah, 366, 469
Utahs, Utas, Utaw, 332, 405,
406
Utah valley, 404
Uta tribes, 404
Ute Diggers, 406
Utes, 332, 402, 404, 406, 454
Uturituc, 44, 93, 96, 102
V
Vaca, see Cabesa de
Vacapa, Sonora, 481, 487
INDEX.
605
Vacpia, 537
Vacus, 368
Valladolid, 333
Valle de Correa, 541
Valle del Lino, 410
Valle de San Jose, 43
Valle de San Joseph, 240, 247,
248, 423
Valle de Santa Anna, 423
Valle de Santa Clara, 267
Vallejo, F. A., 56
Vaqueros, 489
varas, 150
Vargas, Diego de, 368, 395, 396
Varillas, Gaspar de las, 539
Vaseraca, Santa Maria de, 526
Vaugondy (Robert de), G., 137
Vega, Manuel, 375
Vega, Padre, 61
Vega, Jose or Juan de la, 20, 22
Velarde, Louis, 554
Velasco, Luis de, 487
Venegas, Miguel, 113, 114, 134,
141. 144, 152, 192
Ventura co., 267
Venz, Anthony M., 527
Vera Cruz, 56, 487
Verde r., 28, 139, 140, 141, 142,
208, 352, 544, 545
Vetancurt, A. de, 377, 378
Victoria de Ojio, 540
Vidal, Mariano, 67, 71
Vigil, Donaciano, 478
Vildasola, Augustin, 202
Villa de Morata del Conde, 2
Villa de San Miguel de Orca-
sitas, 202
Villapuente, Marques de, 196
Villar del Aquila, Marques de,
50
Villa Real de la Santa Fe, 366,
370
Villa-Senor y Sanchez, J. A.,
365
Virgen, Virgin r., 432
Visalia, Cal., 270
Visigothic laws, 267
Vivas, Luis, 527
Vizcaino, Sebastian, 206, 223
Vparsoytac, 114, 138
Vrrea, Bernardo de, 109
Vsacus, 368
Vturitac, 65, 87
W
Wa-ci-pi, 399
Wagathile tank, 342
Wah-muk-a-hah'-ve, 226
Waicuru, 86
Walapai, 86, 231, 232, 317, 473
"Walker, , 147
Walker, Joseph R., 421
Walker r., 279, 299
Walker's pass, 269
Wallapais, Wall-a-pi, Wdl-pe,
Walpi, 232, 360, 384, 394, 395,
397. 399
Wa-pu-tyu-tsi-am'-a, 369
Washington, D. C, 70, 148,
314, 458, 478
Wasp well, 411
Wasson, John, 82
Waterman, Cal., 243
Wathl-pi-e, 399
Weekly Arizonian, 70, 80
Weightman, Maj. R. H., 331
Welch Inds., 398
Wells of St. Rose of the Flat
Rocks, 42
Wessells, Henry W., 289
West, Capt., 242
Wheeler, G. M., 233
Whipple, A. W., 146, 150, 205,
218, 225, 227, 228, 232, 238,
3M, 317, 319. 320, 324, 355,
421, 422, 431, 458, 478
Whisky cr., 269
6o6
INDEX.
White Cliff cr., 319, 421
White Inds., 398
White Mountain res., 139, 484
white oak, 330
White r., 269, 271, 286, 303
White River, Cal., 286
White River Utes, 405
Whitewater sta., 204
Whitney, J. D., 81
Whittemore, Rev. I. T., loi
Wi-chi-kik, 270
wickiup, 103
Wik-chum-si, 270
Wik-sach-i, 270
Wilbur, A. R., 78
wild rice, 292
wild tobacco, 273
Wil-ha-py-ah, 232
Williams, Bill, 421
Williamson's valley, 342
Willow people, 473
Willow spring, 413
Wilson's Creek, Mo., 331
Wiminuchi Inds., 405
Wi-nan-gik' Inds., 270
Winship, G. P., 58, 349, 366,
480, 515, 516, 517, 5i3
Wolapi, Wolpai, 399
Woolsey's, Ariz., iiS
X
xacal, xacales, xacalli, 154, 245
Xangopany, 400
Xicarilla Inds., 458, 461
Xila r. , 541, and see Gila
Xilenos, 85, 459, see Gilenos
Ximenez, Diego, 47
Xipaolabi, 397, 401
Xomajabas, 381
Xommapavi, Xongopabi, Xon-
gopani, Xongopaui, Xongo-
pavi, Xougopavi, Xumu-
pame, Xumupani, 394, 395,
400
Yabapais, Yabijoias, Yabipa-
ces, Yabapai, 208, 209, 323
Yabipai Cajuala, 444
Yabipai Jabesua, 444
Yabipai Muca, 444
Yabipais, 45, 203, 208, 209, 21 r,
325, 333, 334. 345, 356, 357,
359, 360, 363, 364, 372, 373.
381, 383, 384, 387, 388, 390,
394, 401, 403, 404, 406, 410,
414, 424, 426, 430, 431, 432,
434, 436, 437, 445. 446, 45i,
452, 457, 463, 472, 474, 486,
489, 510
Yabipais Cuercomanches, 231,
410, 444
Yabipais Gilenos, 452
Yabipais Jabesua, 414
Yabipais language, 209, 390
Yabipais Lipan, Lipanes, 404,
452
Yabipais Nabajay, Natage, 452,
457
Yabipais of the East, 210
Yabipais of the North, 210
Yabipais Tejua, Tejuas, 116,
308, 318, 351, 353, 386, 402,
404, 416, 417, 418, 425, 426,
430, 431, 436, 437. 449. 450,
451, 452, 453, 454, 466, 472, 474
Yabipaiye, Yabipay, Yabipais,
209
Yaco, Yacco, 368
Yalipays, 209
Yakuts, 269
Yamagas, Yamajab, 226
Yampai cr., 323
Yampai r., 323
Yampaio, 209
Yampais, Yampaos, Yampas,
Yampay, Yampi, Yampias,
Yapapi, 209, 323, 325
INDEX.
607
Yaqui rebellion, 202
Yaqui r., and val., 59, 60
Yava, see Hava
Yavaipais, Yavapai, 86, 115, 2o3,
209, 324
Yavapai cr., 325, 331
Yavapais, 231, 325, 397, 401,
409. 458
Yavapai val., 231
Yavape, Yavapies, 209
Yavipai-Lipanes, 460
Yavipais, 424
Yavipais-Gilefios, 459
Yavipay, 209
Yavai Suppai, Yava-Supai, 474
Yavasupai chf., 344
Yavasupais, 313, 336, 342, 346,
407, see Havasupais
Yavasupai settlement, 340, 341
Yecujen-ne, 459
Yiuhta, 405
Ynglostat, college of, 529
Yokuts, 269, 270, 271, 272, 288
Yokuts vil., 270
Young's spring, 327
Youta, Youts, 405
Yubipais, Yubissias, 209
Yucatan, 98
Yukol Inds., 270
Yulas, 405
Yuma, Ariz., 8, 10, 11, 15, 17,
18, 20, 21, 34, 102, 124, 134,
135, 147, 148, 150, 154, 162,
192, 198, 199, 200, 213, 214,
228, 343, 415, 429
Yuma, Cal., 251, 257, 308
Yuma camp, 127
Yuma chief, 123
Yuma CO., Ariz., 119, 425
Yuma language, 116, 185, 231,
232, 390, 457
Yuma massacre, 253, 503
Yuma nation, 124, 132, 430, 454
Yuma res., 148, 226
Yuma Sentinel, 147
Yuman family, 86, 222, 458
Yuman rancherias, 163, 177,
548
Yuman stock, 114, 175, 473
Yuman tribes, 124, 166, i63,
170, 176, 197, 205, 220, 231,
474
Yumas, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20,
21, 28, 31, 32, 35, 36. 37, 39,
40, 44, 72, 86, 115, 124, 125,
128, 129, 130, 132, 135, 140,
144, 147, 148, 151, 152, 154,
155. 156, 158, 159, 163, 164,
165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172,
173, 174, 175, 176, 181, 184,
199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 209,
210, 211, 213, 216, 228, 230,
231, 255, 256, 308, 310, 343,
370, 381, 386, 416, 418, 422,
423, 424, 428, 429, 431, 433,
434, 435, 436. 443. 444. 44^.
450, 451. 452, 455. 456, 458.
463, 474. 493, 494, 503, 523.
544, 547. 548. 551
Yum-pis, Yupapais, Yurapeis,
209
Yuta-jenne, 459
Yuta nation, 221, 432
Yutas, Yute, Yutta, 332, 373,
392. 395. 396, 404, 405, 432.
434. 444, 451, 452, 468, 474.
475
zacate, 65, 87
Zacatecas, 521
zacaton, 88
Zaguato, 394
Zaldivar, Juan de, 368
Zalvidea, Padre, 251
Zani, 380
zanjon, 191
6gS X INDEX.
Zarate-Salmeron, Geronimode,
461
Zinaloa, 59
Zipias, 375
Zivola, 481, see Cibola
Zizania aquatica, 292
Zouni, 380
Zuaqui, 85, 525
Zum, Zugnis, Zumis, Zun, Zu-
nas, Zufie, 380
Zuni, 106, 144, 204, 323, 349,
366, 369, 372, 373, 374, 375.
377, 379, 380, 393, 394, 399,
464, 469, 476, 480, 483, 485,
488, 489, 513, 514, 518, 521
Zunia, 380
Zunian, Zunians, 366, 367, 371,
373, 380, 386, 484, see Zuni
and Zunis
Zuiii-Cibola, 3S0
Zunie, 380
Zuniga, 37
Zuniga, Francisco, 68
Zuiiiga y Acebedo, G. de,
223
Zuni Inds., Zunis, 103, 368, 375,
379, 380, 395
Zuni r., 355, 484
Zunni, Zunny, Zura, Zuyi, 3S0
Zutoida, 540
THE END.
S
SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY
305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388
Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed.
AUG 1 4 2006
ut
i
99
I6'00'
3 1158 00543 5952
UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACIUTY
AA 000 844 280 8
II
IS
