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S)ex>ote& to tbe Science of IReligion, tbe IReUQion of Science, anbtbc 
Bitension of tbe IReligious parliament f^ea 

_ ^ . . . . 1 E. C. Hbgblbr. 

Editor: Dk. Paul Carus Associates: -j j^j^j^y Carus, 

VOL. XVIII. (no. 12) DECEMBER, 1904. NO. 583 


Frontispiece. Widowed. 

At the Battle of Nan-Shan Hill (With Portrait, i The Right Rev. Shaku 

SoYEN 705 

The Struggle in the Far East. (Illustrated.) Editor 710 

The Japanese Floral Calendar. XII. The Camellia. Conclusion. (Illus- 
trated.) Ernest W. Clement, M. A 7^3 

The SigniUcance of German Literature of the Eighteenth Century. John 

Firman Coar, Ph. D 733 

Tolstoy on the Russo-Japanese War 761 

The Right of Neutrals 7^4 

Book Notices and Notes 7^5 


Zhc ©pen Court publishing Companie 

LONDON : Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., Ltd. 
Per copy, lo csnts (sixpence). Yearly, $!.oo (Ie the U. P, LL, gs. 6d.). 

Copyright, 1904, by The Open Court Publishing Co. Entered at the Chicago Post OfQce as Second-Class Matter 

The History of the Devil 


The Idea of Bvil 

THE HISTORY OF THE DEVIL and the Idea of Evil from the Earliest 
Times to the Present Day. By Dr. Paul Cams. Printed in two colors 
from large type on fine paper. Bound in cloth, illuminated with cover stamp from 
Dore Five htmdred 8vo pages, with 311 illustrations in black and tint. Price, 
$6.00 (3os.). 

Beginning with prehistoric Devil-worship and the adoration of demon gods 
and monster divinities, the author surveys the beliefs of the Summero-Accadians, 
the Persians, the Jews, the Brahmans, the Buddhists, tlie early Christians, and the 
Teutonic nations. He then passes to the demonology of the Middle Ages, the Ref- 
ormation, and modem times, discussing the Inquisition, witchcraft, and the history 
of the Devil in verse and fable. The philosophical treatment of the subject is 
comparatively brief, but the salient points are clearly indicated in every connexion. 

"It is seldom that a more intensely absorbing study of this kind has been made, and it can be 
safely asserted that the subject has never before been so comprehensively treated. . . . Neither public 
nor private libraries can afford to be without this book, for it is a well of information upon a subject 
fascinating to both students and casual readers." — Chicago Israelite. 

"As a remarkable and scholarly work, covering a subject not yet exhausted by the scientist and 
the philosophical historian, this book by Dr. Carus has a peculiar interest for the student, while it 
has also features of popular interest." — Chicago Record. 

"The pictorial illustrations of this subject from earliest Egyptian frescoes, from pagan idols, from 
old black-letter tomes, from quaint early Christian sculpture, down to the model pictures of Dore and 
Schneider, add greatly to the value of the book." — Methodist Magazine and Review. 

"The work is a triumph of the printer's art, having more than 300 illustrations of the rarest and 
most curious religious deities, good and bad. For an interesting and instructive volume on demon- 
ology. Dr. Paul Carus's work surpasses anything we have ever seen. " — Pacific Med. Journal. 

"The author has shown great diligence in gathering illustrative material, and it is doubtful if 
any such collection of ancient and modem, quaint and curious, picturesque and frightful pictures 
relative to the subject has been before offered to English readers." — Chicago Dial. 

"We have several hours' reading here, and it is made the pleasanter by a profusion of gruesome 
pictures — pictures of the Devil in all his shapes, and of the Devil's wonderful ways with his 
victims and votaries. The book as a book is charming, as charming as a book about the Devil 
could be." — Expository Times. 

The Open Court Publishing Co. 

1322 Wabash Ave. Chicago 

Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive 

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(After an oil painting by Kunishiro Mitsutani.) 

Frontispiece to The Open Court. 

The Open Court 


Devoted to the Science of Religion, the Religion of Science, and 
the Extension of the Religious Parliament Idea. 

VOL. XVIII (no. 12.) DECEMBER, 1904. NO. 583 

Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1904. 



ALL that I can say is, "It beggars description!" Verily, it is the 
acme of brutality and recklessness conceived in this world 
of individualisation {ndinarupa). Even the fight between the Asu- 
ra and Sakrendra, the demons and the angels, witnessed by our 
Buddha, seems here to sink into insignificance. 

As far as my unaided eye can see, nature around me is calm. 
The Tai-lien Bay to the left and the Kin-chou Bay to the right, 
both as tranquil as mirrors, and above us and over the Nan-Shan 
Hill, where directly in our front the Russian fortifications stand, the 
sky expands in majestic serenity. Nothing suggests the awful car- 
nage which there is enacted. Guns roar, bombs burst, but we do 
not see whence they come, and their knell only offsets the solemnitv 
of these peaceful surroundings. But when I look through a powerful 
field-glass, I behold the hillsides strewn with dead and wounded, 
and soldiers rush onward over the^e wretches, while the enemies on 
the hill are madly scrambling, stumbling, and falling. I shudder 
at the sight. 

* * * 

Still more appalling is a visit to the battle-field after the fight. 
Yesterday, when I viewed Nan-Shan Hill from a distance, imagina- 
tion lent enchantment to the spectacle, and at times the cannonade 
even impressed me with grandeur. But I am now confronting ac- 
tualities, — actualities whose terror and horror can never be forgot- 
ten. From the top of yonder hill, where, under the calm summer 
sky, nature smiled in beauty, I could form no true conception of 
the tragedy, which, as I see now, took place here in unparalleled 

* Translated by Teitaro Suzuki. 


fur}- and madness. What a strange paradox is this contrast, — a 

most horrible catastrophy of human Hfe happening in the most de- 

Hghtful surroundings ! It makes me meditate again on the doctrine 

of our teacher. 

* * * 

Buddhism provides us with two entrances through which we 
can reach the citadel of perfect truth. One is the gate of love 
(karund) and the other the gate of knowledge (prajnd). The for- 
mer leads us to the world of particulars and the latter to the realm 
of the absolute. By knowledge we aspire to reach the summit of 
spiritual enlightenment; by love we strive to rescue our fellow-crea- 
tures from misery and crime. View the vicissitudes of things from 
the unity and eternity of the religious standpoint, the Dhamadhatu, 
and everything is one, is on the same plane, and I learn to neglect 
the worldly distinction made between friend and foe, tragedy and 
comedy, war and peace, samsdra and nirvana, passion (kleca) and 
enlightenment (bodhi). A philosophical calm pervades my soul 
and I feel the contentment of Nirvdna. . For there is nothing as far 
as I can see, that does not reflect the glory of iBuddha. Even in the 
midst of this transcendent universality, however, my heart aches 
with a pain, undefinable yet insuppressible. Love for all sentient 
beings asserts itself, and that frigid indifference of the intellect 
gives away. 

And why was it necessary that the many horrors of this pres- 
ent war have come to pass ? Why had those poor soldiers to sacri- 
fice their lives ? In every one of them a warm heart has been beat- 
ing, and now they are all lying on the ground in piles, stiff and stark 
like logs. 

O Mother Earth ! All these my fellow-creatures, it is true, 
are made of the same stuff of which thou art made. But do not 
their lives partake of something not of the earth earthy, altogether 
unlike thyself, and, indeed, more than mere gross matter? Are 
theirs not precious human souls which can be engaged in the works 
of peace and enlightenment? Why art thou so gravely dumb, when 
thou art covered with things priceless that are being dissolved into 
their primitive elements? 

In this world of particulars, the noblest and greatest thing one 
can achieve is to combat evil and bring it into complete subjec- 
tion. The moral principle which guided the Buddha throughout 
his twelve years of preparation and in his forty-eight years of re- 
ligious wanderings, and which pervades his whole doctrine, how- 
ever varied it may be when practically applied, is nothing else than 




* The Right Rev. Shaku Soyen, the Lord Abbot of Engakuji, Kamakura, 
is one of the most prominent Buddhist prelates of Japan. He visited Chicago 
during the World's Fair and was a conspicuous member among the foreign 
delegates to the Parliament of Religions. During the last summer he ac- 


the subjugation of evil. To destroy the ninety-eight major and 
eighty-four thousand minor evils, that are constantly tormenting 
human souls on this earth, was the guiding thought of the Buddha. 
Therefore, every follower of the Buddha builds the great boat of 
love, launches it on the great ocean of birth and death, steers it with 
the great rudder of faith, and sails forth with a steadfast mind 
through the whirling tempest of egotistic desires and passions. No 
Buddhist will ever relax his energy, until every one of his fellow- 
creatures be safely carried over to the other shore of perfect bliss. 

War is an evil and a great one, indeed. But war against 
evils must be unflinchingly prosecuted till we attain the final aim. 
In the present hostilities in which Japan has entered with great re- 
luctance, she pursues no egotistic purpose, but seeks the subjuga- 
tion of evils hostile to civilisation, peace, and enlightenment. She 
deliberated long before she took up arms, as she was well aware 
of the magnitude and gravity of the undertaking. But the firm 
conviction of the justice of her cause has endowed her with an 
indomitable courage, and she is determined to carry the struggle 
to the bitter end. 

Here is the price we must pay for our ideals — a price paid 
in streams of blood and by the sacrifice of many thousands of liv- 
ing bodies. However determined may be our resolution to crush 
evils, our hearts tremble at the sight of this appalling scene. 

Alas ! How much dearer is the price still going to be ? What 
enormous losses are we going to sufifer through the evil thoughts 
of our enemy, not to speak of the many injuries which our poor 
enemy himself will have to endure? All these miserable soldiers, 
individually harmless and innocent of the present war, are doomed 
to a death not only unnatural, but even inhuman ! 

Indeed, were it not for the doctrine of love taught by the 
Buddha, which should elevate every individual creature to the realm 
of a pure spirituality, we would, in the face of the terrible calami- 
ties that now befall us, be left to utter destruction and without any 
consolation whatever. Were it not for the belief that the bloom of 
truly spiritual light will, out of these mutilated, disfigured, and de- 
composing corpses, return with renewed splendor, we would not be 

companied the army stationed before Port Arthur, Manchuria, where he was 
attached to the staff of H. R. H. Prince Fushimi. Having returned to Japan, 
he has published the impressions received on the battle-field in an article 
entitled "At the Battle of Nan-Shan Hill," and it will be interesting to our 
readers to become acquainted with the attitude of a representative Buddhist 
priest as to his opinion concerning war, especially the present war with 
Russia. The Right Rev. Shaku Soyen belongs to the Zen sect which is one 
of the strictest and most orthodox churches of Japan. 


able to stand these heart-rending tribulations even for a moment. 
Were it not for the consolation that these sacrifices are not brought 
for an egotistic purpose, but are an inevitable step toward the final 
realisation of enlightenment, how could I, poor mortal, bear these 
experiences of a hell let loose on earth? 

The body is but a vessel for something greater than itself. In- 
dividuality is but a husk containing something more permanent. 
Let us, then, though not without losing tenderness of heart, brave- 
ly confront our ordeal. 

* * * 

I came here with a double purpose. I wished to have my faith 
tested by going through the greatest horrors of life, but I also 
wished to inspire, if I could, our valiant soldiers with the ennobling 
thoughts of the Buddha, so as to enable them to die on the battle- 
field with the confidence that the task in which they are engaged is 
great and noble. I wished to convince them of the truths that this 
war is not a mere slaughter of their fellow-beings, but that they 
are combatting an evil, and that, at the same time, corporeal anni- 
hilation rarely means a rebirth of soul, not in heaven, indeed, but 
here among ourselves. I believe I did my best to impress these 
ideas upon the soldiers' hearts ; and my own sentiments T express 
in the following stanza, one of the many poems composed on the 
field of battle : 

Here, marching on Nan-Shan. 

Storming its topmost crest, 

?Iave thousands of bra\ e men 

With dragon valor pressed. 

Before the foe my heart 

Ts calmed, composure-bles;-e(l. 

While belching cannons sing 

A lullaby of rest. 



JAPAN is now passing through a most critical period of its his- 
tory, for the present war will decide whether Russia alone shall 
sway the destinies of Northern Asia, or whether she will have to 
retreat before the rising sun of Japan. Rusia fights for the expansion 
of its empire, Japan for its independence, yea, for its very existence. 

So far the Japanese have been victorious, and their triumphs 
are the more remarkable because Russia is the greater country with 
mightier resources Moreover, the Russian troops are fighting with 
an unprecedented tenacity, and their generals, above all Kuropatkin 
and Stoessel, have shown uncommon boldness and foresight, so as 
to deserve our unlimited admiration. These brave Russian lead- 
ers have, again and again, after repeated defeats, and under the 
most trying circumstances, inspiring their troops with new courage, 
— a sure indication of their genuine generalship and the moral su- 
periority of their characters. 

The Japanese have begun the war with great reluctance and be- 
cause they had no alternative left other than to fight or to submit ; but 
they are determined to die rather than to yield. They know their 
fate if they lose, and they also know the prize if they win. They 
fight for their national existence, for their independence, for their 
honor, for their place in history ; and one thing is sure ; they have 
surprised the world by the valor of their men, the circumspection 
of their generals, the humaneness of their general behavior. 

In spite of the Hague Tribunal, the present war was positively 
inevitable, for there is a conflict between the Russian and Japanese 
nationalities which could be decided by war only. Since Peter the 
Great's day the Russians have been anxious to reach the open sea 
somewhere, for they need it for the expanse of their commerce. 
They have harbors in the Black Sea and in the Baltic, but their 
navies are practically locked up in these inland seas, and Vladivo- 



stok is ice-bound almost half the year. Further, the traditional 
policy of Russia is naturally a policy of expansion. Peter the 
Great's Testament indicates plainly Russia's aim to conquer Europe 
and Asia and take a commanding position among the nations of the 
earth. Patriotic Russians believe in it and Russian diplomats never 
lose sight of it. Indeed, part of the program (the conquest of 
Poland and of several countries in Inner Asia, as well as the ex- 
tension of Russian influence on the Balkan peninsula.) has ac- 


tually been carried out, and there are many who believe that finally 
Russia will grow to the full size of her ideal, slowly but irresis- 
tibly and with comparative ease. 

After the Chino- Japanese war, Russia protested against Ja- 
pan's taking possession of Port Arthur : yet soon afterward she 
herself marched her troops into that ^lanchurian stronghold. Mil- 
lions of rubles have been invested in fortifications and harbor im- 



provements, and we can have no doubt that Russia, in spite of her 
assurances to the contrary, intended to keep Manchuria for good. 


They are hidden behind Chinese corn and have thrown their overcoats aside. 

Russian influence in Corea indicated that the Hermit Kingdom 
would be the next object of her expansion, and if Corea had be- 





7 '4 


come Russian the Russian sphere of influence would irresistibly 
have extended over Japan. Count Hans Von Konigsmarck, a late 
military attache of Germany to Japan, appreciates the significance 
of Corea in his interesting little book entitled Japan and the Jap- 
anese,* where he says on page 6: "The conquest of Corea means 
for Japan 'To be or not to be.' " 

In a passage written before the beginning of the war, Count 
Konigsmarck says (1. c. p. 250) on his arrival in Fusan, the Corean 
harbor: "Should Russia become master of this place, she would not 
only set limits to Japanese trade and commerce (in Corea) but could 


also build up on this stragetic point an abutment for a bridge to the 
Island Empire, thereby at least invalidating the independence of 

"The English press represents this step of the Slav Goliah as 
immediately imminent, but in my opinion it will be reserved for a 
later future. At present, Russia is too much engaged with forti- 
fving her interests in China, and so the friendship of Japan, which 
is after all a considerable factor in the Far East, will still be too 
valuable and should not be disturbed through a premature desire 

* Japan und die Japancsen. Berlin: Allgem. Verein fiir d. Lit. 1904. 







for a conquest of the peninsula of Corea. Russia should first gain 
a firm foothold in Manchuria, which done, she will be able to take 
possession of Corea without minding Japan." 

The same writer, in speaking of Russia's plan of a "preliminary 
friendship with Japan in Japan," says (p. 185) : "It is the delicate 
task of Russian diplomacy to veil as much as possible these seem- 
ingly inconsistent moves of Slavic world-policy and to sweeten the 
bitter anti- Japanese pills on the continent by sugar-cakes at Tokyo." 

The island of Saghalin, once Japanese territory, was incorpo- 
rated by the Russians in the midst of peace, and the Japanese gov- 

II nil I W-T-W.4> ■ i mA 


ernment had no other defence than to send a protest to the several 
powers. Should Japan have waited, until Russia was ready for 
taking possession of Nippon, in the same quiet way as she annexed 
Saghalin, or as she seized Port Arthur? In the face of the un- 
mistakable policy of her formidable neighbor, she decided to force 
the issue before it might be too late. 

The Japanese have so far been successful, and we cannot 
imagine that a nation that shows the same heroism as did the Greek 
at Thermopylae and Salamis and the Prussians under Frederick the 
Great, can be blotted out from the map of the world. Moreover, 



the noble spirit of a pure and stern patriotism pervades not only the 
army, not only the men that fight, but also those non-combatants 
who are left at home, also the wives and daughters and children. 
Our frontispiece represents the widow of a Japanese officer who 
has fallen in the war. The artist, Kunishiro Mitsutani, belongs to 
modern Japan. He is a pupil of the famous Koyama, and has 
studied in America and in Europe. He has abandoned the old Jap- 
anese style, and, following in the wake of his great master, may be 
considered a typical representative of modern Japanese art. And 
how well does he picture the spirit that animates his country. The 


grief of the young widow is transfigured by the resigned composure 
plainly visible in the expression of her calm face. She carries on 
a tray, made of hinoki wood, unvarnished and without ornament, in 
order to express the simplicity so highly esteemed in Shintoism, 
her husband's cap and sword, apparently the same ones which he 
wore in battle, to deposit them as a reminiscence of her deceased 
lord, the father of her children, in the family shrine of her home. 
What love, what devotion, and yet at the same time, what deter- 
mination is seen in her dignified features ! It is typical of Japan. 



whose attitude in her present ordeal eHcits the sympathy of the 

We here present our readers with some original photographs, 
taken on the field of battle in and around Liao Yang. 

Liao Yang is an ancient city and was once the capital of Corea, 
when the Hermit Kingdom was still the center of Asiatic culture, 
religious as well as secular. Both China and Japan owe many in- 
ventions and progressive movements to the ancient Coreans, but 
when the country began to decline, it became the object of frequent 
invasions from the Chinese, the Japanese and the Manchurians. 
Emperor T'ai Tsung, who governed China 627-650 A. D., the foun- 


der of the Tang dynasty, invaded Corea and entered Liao Yang, 
extending his victorious march to the heights of Shou Shan Pao, 
i. e., "the fortress on the mountain," an almost impregnable site, 
which is the natural defence of the country toward the south. 

When Corea's military power was weakened, Liao Yang ceased 
to be the residence of the kings of Corea, and Seoul was selected 
as the new capital. In the meantime the Manchu invaded the west- 
ern frontiers of the country, and Liao Yang ceased to be a Corean 

The commanding heights of Shou Shan Pao offered a good 
opportunity for a successful defence against the Japanese armies, 



and Kuropatkin did not neglect this chance, but proposed to make 
here a decisive stand, hoping that the natural strength of the place 
would make it impossible for the Japanese to oust him from Liao 
Yang ; but, owing to the superior artillery and an unparalleled valor 
of the Japanese troops, the Russians were outflanked and this im- 
pregnable position was taken. Thus. Liao Yang had to be aban- 



A Buddhist temple over five hundred feet high.* 

doned, and Kuropatkin was forced to retreat toward Mukden, de- 
stroying behind him his stores of ammunition and provisions. 

*If our informant is not mistaken as to the height of the Hoku Shan 
tower at Liao Yang, this remarkable structure will have to be considered 
the highest religious building in the world. The tower of the cathedral of 
Ulm is i6i metres high; that of Cologne, 156; of Rouen, 149; St. Nicolai of 
Hamburg, 144.2; the cathedral of Strassburg, 143; St. Peters of Rome, 138.7; 
and St. Paul of London, only 11 1.03. 



We have selected from the photographs at our disposal mainly 
those which will help us to form a vivid picture of the topography 
of the battle. 

We see in the first picture Marshal Oyama with his staff pass- 
ing through the main street of Hai Cheng. Before the Japanese 
begin their battles, they dispose of their troops as a skillful player 
would move the figures on a chess board, before he begins his at- 
tack. We see (in picture 2) the Japanese Ninth Regiment of Cav- 
alry fording a little river to reach the place where its attack will 
be most effective. Infantry troops are moving through the fields 


covered with kao Hang (literally "high corn," which is as high as, 
or even higher than, the maize fields of Illinois. In picture 3, the 
Japanese soldiers are hidden behind the Chinese corn. They have 
thrown aside their overcoats to be unhampered in the charge. In 
the meantime, preparations are made in the rear of the army. A 
field hospital is quickly erected in the shape of a huge tent destined 
to give shelter to the wounded, who will soon need the accommoda- 
tions of physicians and nurses. 

The battle was bloody, but the victory was gained, and the 
cannon (in picture 5) exhibits how the material has been used to 







the utmost. How much more worn out must have been the men 
and horses ! 

Liao Yang being evacuated fell into the hands of the Japanese, 
who at once took possession of the railway station (picture 6). 
They find heaps of wheat and other provisions in burning piles 
while the ammunition which had been stored in railway cars and 
could not be moved, was exploded at the depot, which presents the 
sight of an unspeakable chaos. Nothing is left but wrecks and ruin. 

At a distance we see a large tower. It is the Hoku Shan, a 
Buddhist temple, which is the most characteristic feature of the 
ancient Corean capital, and is over five hundred feet high, higher 
than many a building that has been reputed the highest in the world. 

In the remaining pictures we see the soldiers resting after the 
battle on the top of Shou Shan Pao, and an outpost of the Japanese 
garrison quartered in the city of Liao Yang guarding the access to 
the wall and its entrances. 

Our information from the headquarters of the Russian army is 
very meagre in comparison to communications received from the 
Japanese front. In fact it is limited to a humorous postal card 

■ cy^M^^€. 


which Mr. R. H. Little of Chicago lately sent to the Chicago Press 

In the meantime, while the war is still on, the cause of civili- 
sation is progressing, and one of the best fruits of the vicissitudes 
of the present campaign, which is actually beginning to ripen, 
would be a constitution for Russia. 



WE have selected for this month a flower of which there are two 
principal varieties, called in Japanese sazankwa and tsnbaki. 
The Chinese ideograms used for the latter are the same as the first 
two ideograms of the former, and mean ''mountain-tea, " so that 
sasankwa means etymologically "wild tea flower." The tea-plant 
is scientifically classed as camellia theifera. The tsubaki does not 
generally bloom till January, but the sasankzva blossoms come in 

Mr. Conder states the following about this flower: "There is 
a prejudice against the camellia on account of the fragility of the 
flower, which falls to pieces at the slightest touch ; it is nevertheless 
much esteemed as being an evergreen." The famous Ogasawara 
mentions the following reasons for the high estimation in which the 
camellia should be held. It is recorded that, in the time of the gods, 
Sasano no Mikoto and his spouse Inada Hime built a palace and as 
a token of unchanging fidelity for eight thousand years planted a 
camellia tree. This tree is said still to exist in the province of 
Idzumo and is called YacJii yo no tsubaki, or "the camellia tree of 
eight thousand years." Another reason assigned for the high esti- 
mation in which the tree is held is that the pestle in which the rice 
for the wedding-cake is ground is made of its wood. From the 
seeds a fine hair oil is made. 

In the art of floral decoration, it is proper to combine the 
camellia with the narcissus ; and the red kind ranks first. 

The camellia, on account of its fragility, should not be used 
at weddings, but is appropriate for funerals. 

The camellia is not a favorite subject in art or literature ; there- 
fore, we present this time no poem. 






]t ought to be evident, by this time, that the Japanese take a 
most thorough delight in their floral kingdom. Fully as much as in 
hero-worship do they indulge in "flower-worship." They truly 
worship nature in all her varied forms and hold communion with 
all her aspects. The Japanese love a flower as a Hozver. 

"A primrose by the river's brim, 

A yellow primrose was to him. 

And it was nothing more." 

But, to a Japanese, simply as "nothing more" than a real flower, 
it would be full of beauty. The Japanese certainly find delight in 
even the simplest forms of natural beauty. 

The subject of Japanese floriculture is extensive and exhaust- 
ing. Japan is composed of gardens, "from the least to the greatest" 
in size ; it is, in fact, itself an immense garden, a huge park, and a 
miniature paradise. Gardens, not only public but also private, 
abound. Even the poorest and humblest house is not without its 
little oasis of natural beauty, if it be no more than a single plant and 
blossom, or even only a twig. For the Japanese word liana, as we 
have said, is quite comprehensive in its meaning, and includes not 
only blossoms, but also stems and branches, and even stumps of 
blossomless trees and shrubs. A Japanese garden, therefore, may 
not contain a single blossom or scarcely a sprig of green. Some 
have nothing green at all, and consist entirely of rocks, and pebbles, 
and sand. 

One such large garden had been designed with the distinct 
purpose of conveying the impression of "approaching the sea over 
a verge of dunes." The Japanese are the people who truly and 
keenly find "sermons in stones, books, in the running brooks, and 
good in everything." 

The principal purpose, in fact, for a garden in Japan is realistic, 
naturalistic ; it aims to imitate, and does not improve, actual land- 
scapes. "It is, therefore, at once a picture and a poem ; perhaps 
even more a poem than a picture." Sometimes, also, sermons may 
be attempted and abstract moral ideas, such as charity, faith, piety, 
content, calm, and connubial bliss, may be expressed in the beauties 
of nature. 

Japan is a land of flowers, "a veritable garden of flowers" ; but 
it maintains a nobility in floral as well as social institutions. There 


are about a dozen hana which are reckoned among first-class ; and 
even among these feudal lords there are gradations. Each has also 
its special meaning and use. The twelve majores dii of the Japanese 


floral kingdom are the cherry, chrysanthemum, cypress, bamboo, 
lotus, maple, rhodea, narcissus, peony, pine, plum, and wistaria.* 

* Those who are especially interested in the subject of floral Japan should 
consult Piggott's Garden of Japan and Conder's Theory of Flower Arrange- 
ment and Art of Landscape Gardening in Japan, to which we have made 
frequent references. 


The art of flower arrangement in Japan is a great accomplish- 
ment, and the theory of it is quite complex. The basal idea is 
simple, for the Japanese do not believe in such a massing of various 
colors and of different flowers, branches, grasses, etc.. as is needed 


to delight our artistic senses. One who has succeeded in developing 
within him the Japanese esthetic ideas cannot help feeling that what 
is called here a "bouquet" is generally "a vulgar murdering of 
flowers, an outrage upon the color-sense, a brutality, an abomina- 



tion." The most artistic American could scarcely appreciate, as 
much as even the lowest Japanese, the beauty of a solitary spray 
of blossoms or even of a solitary branch or twig without a single 

The whole theory of Japanese flower arrangement depends 


This plant is frequently used in winter for flower arrangement, 
when there are scarcely any hanas available. 

upon the "language of line" rather than upon mass or color. Upon 
this simple base a rigid and complex system has been established, 
which has been carefully and thoroughly studied and analysed by 
a foreign architect, an Englishman, in the employ of the Japanese 



Government. It will serve to give some idea of the magnitude and 
complexity of the subject to state that Mr. Conder's explanation 
thereof covers a hundred pages of the Transactions of the Asiatic 
Society of Japan.* He has discussed and illustrated bv numerous 

drawings the proper and improper combinations, the language of 
flowers, and other interesting matters. 

This art of arranging flowers was considered by the Japanese 

* He has also expanded this into an elegant book called The Floral Art 
of Japan. 



as an "elegant accomplishment." and was an important item in the 
education of women of rank. But it appertained also to men of 
rank and of culture who might have retired from active life to the 
leisure of literary and esthetic pursuits. It has been stated that 

those who engaged in this "fine art" would possess the following 
ten virtues: 

"The privilege of associating with superiors ; ease and dignity 
before men of rank ; a serene disposition and forgetfulness of cares ; 


amusement in solitude ; familiarity with the nature of plants and 
trees ; the respect of mankind ; constant gentleness of character ; 
healthiness of mind and body : a religious spirit ; self-abnegation 
and restraint." 

In this monthly calendar of Floral Japan, we have not at- 
tempted to include all the flowers as in a botanical catalogue ; we 
have merely made a selection of certain typical hana, to represent 
the floral year. But we must surely make at least mention of the 
fete-days (eii-iiichi), which are really flower-fairs, held once, twice, 
or thrice a month, according to circumstances, chiefly in the evening. 
The roadways are lined with flower-sellers and dealers in various 
other articles, which are displayed either on mats, or on carts, or in 
booths hastily constructed. On these occasions it is possible, after 
parleying with the seller,* to buy flowers for a very reasonable sum. 

And now we may be able to appreciate how much the floral 
kingdom of Japan means to the Japanese. Huish has well ex- 
pressed it as follows : "Flowers are associated with every act of a 
Japanese's life : they herald his birth, they are his daily companions, 
they accompany him to the grave ; and after that they serve as a 
link between him and those he has left,— for his relatives and friends 
do not rest satisfied with piling up his coffin with floral tributes, 
they show their remembrance by offerings for long years after- 

* The first price is exorbitant and proverbial : "Charge like a florist at a 

fin the very interesting chapter on "Flora and Flower Festivals" in Iii^ 
book entitled Japan and its Art." 


Professor of the German Language and Literature in Adelphi College. 

IT is not very many years ago that Arno Holz, a German iconoclast, 
in matters artistic, came forward with the bold assertion that 
art equals nature minus x. The formula was hailed for a time as 
the final definition of the artistic instinct of modern German. That 
it was nothing- of the kind was proved by the short-lived sway of 
naturalism. The artistic instinct of the German people rose in re- 
volt and, following the usual course of all revolts, it put forward 
an antithetical definition : Art equals nature plus x. But art and 
the creations of art cannot be laced in the straight-jackets of defini- 
tions. Neither can literary criticism submit to the foolish demand 
that it define in advance the nature of that artistic impulse which 
dominates a particular work of literature or a whole period of lit- 
erary activity. It is altogether probable that some doctrinaires will 
shake their heads in solemn protest when a writer attempts to set 
forth the philosophical significance of certain literary creations for 
modern life, and persistently refuses to define the x of modern life 
into relation with which this literature is brought. The democratic 
impulses of American life, for example, are not definable, and if 
they were it would be a superfluous task to seek enlightenment 
through the study of literature. Precisely because these impulses 
are difficult of formulation as concepts, and precisely because thev 
are imperfectly transmuted into national character, social usages 
and conventions, religious creeds and organizations, civic statutes 
and institutions, economic values, or public taste and public opin- 
ion of any kind — precisely for this reason we turn to art, and in 
particular to literature, for some better understanding of the essen- 
tial dynamic of contemporary life. 


For more than a century civilization has been consciously dem- 
ocratic and the belief that all progress is essentially democratic has 
been the greatest civilizing agency of the last hundred years. But 
when we are asked to define "democracy." we are asked to define 
the undefinable, the very x of modern life. Democratic institutions 
and ideals we may define, for they are definite manifestatinos of the 
Kratos of the demos. But these manifestations only confine our 
consciousness to fixed forms and inflexible concepts. The dynamic 
of social life is not limited to these. If this were the case, the 
problems that seem so stupendous today would find quick solution. 
The "will" of the people, which is democracy, is not the sum of 
the individual wills of all its members, or the average conduct of 
these members, or the ideals of enthusiasts, or the passions of the 
mob. The moral, religious, and esthetic temper of an age is some- 
thing that secretly controls individual opinion, individual feeling, 
and individual taste, as it controls the passions of the mob, but 
it eludes definition. And because this temp:er eludes definition, 
and always has eluded definition when definition is most desired, 
every age has longed for the artistic vision of its secret individu- 
ality in order that this individuality might express itself more com- 
pletely in ideals and conduct. 

Is it, then, altogether unworthy of a critic to turn to the litera- 
ture of past or present with the avowed purpose of seeking en- 
lightenment concerning the vital impulses of modern civilization? 
Or is it not the noblest function of literary criticism to emphasize, 
and call attention to, the significance of artistic conceptions as in- 
terpretative of the undefined impulse the social dynamic, of our 
day? Very recently the laboring men of a certain section of our 
country were told by our greatest academician that the true re- 
ward of labor is the joy of creating. When we reflect that one hun- 
dred years ago, Goethe set himself the task to depict the joy of ac- 
tivity as the only worthy reward of life, we surely have sufficient 
warrant for contending that the sympathetic study of literature may 
profit a man who is seriously concerned with the pressing problems 
of national and social progress. With some such purpose as this, 
the present paper ventures to review the fundamental aspirations 
of German poets in that period of German life when the cry for a 
definition of democracy was first raised in the German lands. 

When Klopstock published the first canto of his "Messias" in 
1748, he unwittingly became the German champion of a new art of 
poetry. Incontinently he brushed aside the worthless trash which 
had passed for poetry because it was coated with a poetic veneer. 


This was only the wholesome effect of his great epic of the Re- 
demption. It was not the new issue which this poem created. We 
of the twentieth century may regard the saying as trite that knowl- 
edge implies ignorance, and ignorance knowledge. We accept the 
fact that the individual is forever confronted by two worlds : the 
world of known experience and the world of unknown experience. 
No two individuals live in exactly the same world of the known, 
for the known world of every individual is in some measure an un- 
known world to every other individual. Communication and com- 
parison combine these individually known worlds into a collectively 
known world. Modern education has seen its mission in acquaint- 
ing the individual with the world of the collectively known, and 
modern science — to use a comprehensive term — has striven to en- 
large the common store of the known. These observations would, 
however, have seemed anything but trite in the first decades of the 
eighteenth century. 

In the history of European civilization the last five decades of 
the eighteenth century have become known as the Age of Enlight- 
enment, not because knowledge was disseminated far and wide, 
but because these axioms were then discovered. At the time when 
Klopstock conceived his epic, the dawn was just breaking. The 
previous ages were dark for the reason that between the pitifully 
small worlds of the individually known and the vast world of the 
individually unknown, no sufficiently realizable world of the collec- 
tively known existed. The consciousness of the known was there- 
fore overshadowed by the mysteries of the unknown. No prop- 
er relation could exist between the scientific consciousness and re- 
ligious mystification. In the history of civilization, the dominance of 
religious mystification in individuals has always produced, through 
communication and comparison, a common religious world as a ref- 
uge from the over-powering awe of the unknown. The dogma of 
the Church was a refuge .of this kind. It transformed the unknown 
of the understanding into a revealed known, and created a common 
world of positive religious experience out of innumerable individual 
worlds of negative experience. Human knowledge was bound to 
encroach on this world of revelation, individually at first, then col- 
lectively. In the eighteenth century the accretion of known facts 
began to make itself felt, and gave aid and comfort to the scientific 
consciousness. The world of science expanded and overlapped the 
fixed world of dogma. The relative truth of science challenged 
the absolute truth of revelation. Collective knowledge, unsystema- 
tized though it was, began to emphasize the consciousness of the 


known, and by that act to offset the undue mystification of the un- 
known. It was the first assertion of rationalism. Out of this asser- 
tion sprang the effort to combine the world of common religious 
experience (revelation) with a world of common intellectual expe- 
rience, and this effort was the distinctively new feature of the art of 
Klopstock. Since his day German poets have wrestled with the prob- 
lem which he suggested. Two worlds in one — how shall art solve this 
problem? And can art supply the missing world in which Man 
shall abide, conscious alike of the known and the unknown, con- 
scious, indeed, of no distinction between known and unknown? 

Klopstock very naturally approached the problem without any 
theories concerning the known and the unknown. As a child of 
his day he was actuated by the impulse to make the world of reve- 
lation as real as the world of understanding. He felt vaguely the 
challenge which one world has for the other, and he ventured to 
transmute the world of revelation into a poetic world of experience 
that he might silence this challenge : 

"Aber, o That, die allein der Allbarmherzige kennet, 
Darf aus dunklcr Feme sich audi dir nahen die Dichtkunst? 
Weihe sie, Geist Schopfer, vor dem ich hier stille anbete, 
Fiihre sie niir, als deine Nachahmerin, voller Entziickung, 
Vol] unsterblicher Kraft, in verklarter Schonheit, entgegen ! 
Riiste mit deinem Feuer sie, du, der die Tiefen der Gottheit 
Schaut, und den Menschen, aus Staube gemacht, zum Tempel sich heihgt ! 
Rein sei das Herz ! So darf ich, obwohl mit der bebenden Stimme 
Eincs Sterblichen, doch den Gottversohner besingen, 
Und die furchtbare Bahn mit verzieh'nem Straucheln durchlaufen."^ 

Klopstock's faith in the revealed unknown was not shaken. 
Though his poetry opened the door between revelation and the un- 
derstanding, the poet stood on the further side of the threshold and 
let what he regarded as the light of revelation stream forth and il- 
luminate the darkness of the small world of rational experience. 
But the door was opened ! Others might not be content to gaze 
from the unknown into the known. The world of sense was illu- 
minated by its own light also, and the more this light spread, the 

^"Bur from the dim far-away shall poetry dare to approach thee, 
Deed, which to no one is known but to God the All-merciful Father? 
Consecrate, Spirit Creative, the Muse, as in silence I worship, 
Lead her enraptured to me. Thy handmaid and Thy imitator. 
Filled with Thy power divine and in beauteous transfiguration ! 
Thou who dost see to the depths of the Godhead, inspire her. Spirit, 
Thou who hast sanctified man, who is boin of the dust, as Thy temple! 
Pure be the heart ! And if pure, I may sing, I, a mortal, with trembling 
Voice of the Saviour-Redeemer, who reconciled man and his Maker, 
Finish the awful course, though I stumble in pardonable weakness." 

(From the introductory lines of "The Messiah." Translation by J. F. C.) 


more it lured poets to cross the threshold and put their art in its 

The transition from the point of view of Klopstock to the final 
point of view of Lessing was so rapid that it left no worthy record 
in the literature of Germany. In the history of esthetics Moses 
Mendelssohn represented this transition, but he found no poet to 
do justice to his view that artistic insight should be both divinatory 
and cognitive. The rapid change of poetic base is accounted for 
by the fact that the process of education had been going on in sec- 
ret for many decades. The habit of acquiescence in the paramount 
authority of revelation prevented poets from viewing the known in 
its own light, though it could not prevent the development of a 
realistic bent of mind and feeling. When the latter began to as- 
sert itself, established dogmas fell back on the infallibility of reve- 
lation. The relation of science to religion became more pointed, 
and differentiation of intellectual and religious experience was un- 
avoidable. The emphasis suddenly shifted from the unknown to 
the known. 

It is no detraction from the great service which Lessing did 
German literature, to admit that he confined art to the world of 
sense. A work of art was for him primarily an object of sense, 
beautiful because the quantity and quality of its stimulus are in 
exact accord with the sensation which the maker intends to produce, 
and this sensation approved by the understanding. To this extent 
Lessing was the founder of realistic art in German. The author of 
"Philotas," "Miss Sara Sampson," "Minna von Barnhelm." 
"Emilia Galotti," was frankly concerned only with empirical prob- 
lems, and in "Nathan, der Weise" he even confined the range of 
morality to human conduct. Explicitly and implicitly he excluded 
all ideal categories : 

"Es eifre jeder seiner unbestochnen, 
Von Vorurteilen freien Liebe nach ! 
Es strebe von euch jeder um die Wette, 
Die Kraft des Steins in seinem Ring an Tag 
Zu legen ! Komme dieser Kraft mit Sanftmut. 
Mit herzlicher Ergebenheit in Gott, 
Zu Hiilfe! Und wenn sich dann der Steine Krafte 
Bei euern Kindes-Kindeskindern aussern : 
So lad' ich iiber tausend tausend Jahre 
Sie wiederum vor diesen Stuhl. Da wird 
Ein vveisrer Mann auf diesem Stuhle sitzen. 
Und sprechen."^ 

'"Tberefore, let each one imitate this love ; 
So, free from prejudice, let each one aim 


If further contirmation of the attitude of Lessing were neces- 
sary, we might find it in the drama "Doctor Faust." The drama, 
if ever completed, is lost, but we know that its theme was delim- 
itation and justification of rationalism. Faust is conceived of as a 
x'outh whom the passion for knowledge has kept free from the taint 
of all sensual passions. Satan holds council amid the ruins of a 
Gothic cathedral and decides to possess himself of the soul of Faust. 
If Faust can be tempted to seek a rational explanation of the pri- 
mal causes of life, then his ruling passion will bring about his 
undoing. The lusts of life will entice him when its mysteries evade 
his understanding. But Satan is duped in his scheme. Faust is 
sunk in a deep sleep by his guardian angel and a phantom Faust is 
substituted in his place. Over this phantom Satan triumphs. In 
the midst of his triumph he hears the voice of the angel who now 
awakens Faust. The real Faust has dreamed what the phantom 
Faust has experienced. And these are the words of the angel to 
Satan : "Exult not ! You have not triumphed over humanity and 
science : the noblest of passions was not implanted in Man by the 
Deity that it should lead to eternal doom : what you saw and what 
you think }ou now possess, was merely a phantom." The dream 
saves Faust. He gives up the attempt to explain the transcendental 
reality in terms of rational experience, and confines his search to 
temporal truths. And to these truths Lessing confined the artistic 

Intentional ignoring of religious aspirations was the real cause ot 
the revolution in German literature. It must not be assumed that Les- 
sing denied the deep significance of these aspirations. On the contrary, 
he was convinced that their very existence proves the existence of 
a sublime reality. But he preached the gospel of empiricism and 
bade an age of almost senseless formalism turn back to the fountain- 
head of experience. Lessing held that the world of the understand- 
ing is our proper sphere. It is contained in the infinite as an inner 
concentric circle is contained in a greater circle. Every endeavor 
of art to pass from the inner to the outer circle can only distort the 
true relations of both circles. This was the exoteric doctrine of 

To emulate his brethren in the strife 
To prove the virtues of his several ring. 
By offices of kindness and of love. 
And trust to God. And if in years to come. 
The virtues of the ring shall re-appear 
Among your children's children, then once more 
Come to the judgment-seat. A greater far 
Than T shall sit upon it, and decide.'' 
(From Lessing's "Nathan the Wise." Translation by R. Dillon Boylan.) 


those relationists who were best represented by Lessing. It had 
been better for German literature had Lessing found more wilHng 
followers. For Lessing demanded that art emanate from a con- 
sciousness of the collectively known. 

But even Lessing was not content with this exoteric doctrine. 
His esoteric views prove how difficult it is to confine art to the 
world of sense. According to these esoteric views everything is 
knowable, even the world that transcends sense. There is no set of 
knowable facts beyond which lies another set of unknowable facts. 
From the known we are forever proceeding to the unknown ; the 
circle of our vision is forever enlarging. Finite and infinite flow 
together and the universal is a perpetual unit. In the world of the 
understanding the world of eternal reason is continually revealed. 
What the power is that lets us see this revelation, Lessing did not 
state. It was left to Kant to define this power as a power greater 
than the understanding, the powder to conceive ideas : the reason. 
This much, however, is evident, that these views of Lessing resulted 
from a complete reversal of the attitude of Klopstock. 

Unhappily for German literature the constructive elements of 
Lessing's rationalism were overlooked. Nor could it well be other- 
wise. Two centuries earlier, the Reformation started in to culti- 
vate a new field, a world of common rational experience. The task 
was too great. It withdrew its hand from the plow, forsook the 
field of its toil, and returned to the field of revealed experience. 
Ijut in secret, men sought out the forsaken field, and in secret tilled 
each his own small domain. Ever larger grew the number of these 
toilers until their numbers and their work attracted public atten- 
tion in the eighteenth century. Then the general Hegira began 
which we call Rationalism. Men who were content to inquire, and 
to record their inquiries in philosophical systems, found ample reward. 
Men who were cursed — for curse it was in those days — with the 
creative instinct of poetry, found a wilderness. They went forth 
to sing of the harvest and there was no harvest. They hoped to find 
a land of harmonious effort and adjusted energies, and they found 
a land of strange contradictions and unrelated forces. It should 
be remembered that Germany had no great center of civic and 
social life where the disgust at senseless forms could collect and 
vent itself in collective repudiation of secular and ecclesiastical 
authority. In Germany the individual stood — relatively speaking- 
alone. His heart-ache was not assuaged through close community 
and found no outlet through concerted activity. The poetry of 
those days rang with the cry of Faust: 


"Und was der ganzen Alenschheit zugeteilt ist. 
Will ich in meinem innern Selbst geniessen, 
Mit meinem Geist das Hochst' und Tiefste greifen, 
Ihr Wohl und Well' auf meinen Busen haufen, 
Und so mein Selbst zu ihrem Selbst erweitern, 
Und wie sie selbst, am End' auch icb zerscbeitern." 

No common world of revelation, no common world of the un- 
derstanding gave answer to this cry. Where then was a poet to 
seek the fair image of the Beautiful ? Forced to rely on his private 
experience he became, in his estimation, a Titan. The day had 
come when "genius" was heralded as the modern Oedipus who 
could, and would, solve the riddle of the Sphinx. But the bewilder- 
ing aspects of life grew more bewildering through the total absence 
of a common point of view and vainly the writers of the so-called 
Storm and Stress strove to fashion their experiences into a sym- 
metrical world. Their art was battled. Their passionate appeals 
to the imagination were unanswered. And in furious rebellion the 
longing of the soul stormed the skies. The phantom Faust of Les- 
sing's drama became a Faust of flesh and blood in the works of the 
youthful Goethe, of Klinger, and of ^Miiller. The dream changed to 
reality. Than this fact no other is m^re characteristic unless it be 
the preference which poets showed for the theme of brother-hate 
and fratricide. In this theme they concentrated their impressions 
of life. Through their futile quest for a solution they proved the 
folly of their art. Unable to decipher truths of causality, they 
spelled out the dreary fallacies of chance, and called them fate. Ra- 
tionalistic art was gradually discredited and a step beyond rational- 
ism became imperative. This step was taken by Schiller, Goethe, 
and the Romanticists. 

The student who compares Schiller's "History of the Thirtv 
Years' War" with the same author's "Wallenstein," must feel that 
with the drama, he is entering a new world of artistic effort. The 
impetuous desire of the poet of "Die Rauber" to discover ideas in 
the world of phenomena, lies behind him. Hardly any of that old 
purpose is discernible which would explain a finite chaos bv fixing 
the tenninus ad qucm of its infinite energies. Depressed below the 
plane of the loftier vision of reason, the circle of finite experience 

'■"And all of life for all mankind created 
Shall be within my inmost being tested : 
I The highest, lowest forms my soul shall borrow. 

Shall heap upon itself their bliss and sorrow. 
And thus my own sole self to all their selves expanded, 
I too, at last, shall with them all be stranded." 
(Goethe's "Faust," Part I., scene 4. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 



has dropped out of sight. The infinite alone remains, a Umitless 
expanse of beauty which surrounds reason, and is itself Reason. 
This is the true sphere of art. Only in this sphere can Man realize 
the eternities. Here all limitations are gone : 

"Froh des ungewohnten Schwebens 
Fliesst er aufwarts, und des Erdenlebens 
Schweres Traumbild sinkt und sinkt und sinkt. 
Des Olympus Harmonien empfangen 
Den Verklarten in Kronions Saal, 
Und die Gottin mit den Rosenwangen 
Reicht ihm lachelnd den Pokal.'" 

The years in which Schiller struggled with the "shapeless and 
endless" fate of Wallenstein, saw the formulation of his new artis- 
tic credo. Never has a more magnificent statement of philosophi- 
cal and artistic idealism been formulated than in Schiller's poem, 
"Das Ideal und das Leben," the last stanza of which has just been 
quoted in part. There can be no doubt that Schiller proclaims here 
the supreme purpose of art to be, "making the ideal real." His 
aim was analogous to that of Klopstock, only that an individual 
world of ideas was substituted for a common world of religion. In 
this world of ideas the artist must secure his revelation of eternal 

"Wenn im Leben noch des Kampfes Wage 
Schwankt, erscheinet hier der Sieg."' 

Nor can the artist create body. For these truths have no body. 
Body belongs to the world of sense. Eternal truths possess only 
form, and form is all the artist can create. The forms he shapes 
in marble, on canvass, or in speech and sounds, have no corporeal 
existence. They are flexible contours and the corporeal life they 
suggest is a figment of the soul. Ideas attain artistic reality through 
the semblance of corporeal form. Schiller called it der schonc 
Schein, "the illusion beautiful." 

"Nur der Korper eignet jenen Machten, 
Die das dunkle Schicksal flechten: 

^"Behold him spring 
Blithe in the pride of the unwonted wing, 
And the dull matter that confined before 
Sinks downward, downward, downward as a dream! 

Olympian hymns receive the escaping soul, 
And smiling Hebe, from the ambrosial stream. 
Fills for a god the bowl." 
(From Schiller's "The Ideal and Life." Translation by Bulwer-Lytton.) 

^"If doubtful ever in the actual life, 
Each contest — here a victory crowns the end. 

(Ibid. Translation by Bulwer-Lytton.) 


Aber frei von jeder Zeitgewalt. 

Die Gespielin seeliger Naturen. 

Wandelt oben in des Lichtes Fluren, 

Gottlieb unter Gottern die Gestalt. 

Wollt ihr bocb auf ibren Fliigehi scbweben, 

Werft die Angst des Irdiscben von eucb ! 

Fliebet aus dem engen, dumpfen Leben 

In des Ideales Reicb !"" 
Therefore the forms in which the imagination of the artist 
clothes truth seem temporal, and through their temporal seeming 
appear real. What we perceive is, however, an image of infinite 

"Nicht der Masse qualvoU abgerungen, 

Schlank und leicht, wie aus dem Nichts gesprungen, 

Steht das Bild vor dem entziickten Blick. 

Alle Zweifel, alle Kampfe scbweigen 

In des Sieges hober Sicberbeit : 

Ausgestossen bat es jeden Zeugen 

Menscblicber Bediirftigkeit."' 

Schiller saw the errors in which this exalted conception of the 
sublime might evolve the artist. Indeed, he appreciated the aber- 
rations to which it had led and still might lead him. Before "Wal- 
lenstein" was completed, we read of his purpose to confine him- 
self to "idealizing the realistic," a process which he considers by 
no means equivalent to "making the ideal real." Such a purpose, if 
seriously entertained, would not comport with the artistic creed laid 
down in the poem "Das Ideal und das Leben." The fact that Schil- 
ler contemplated it proves how little Schiller realized the extent of 
his surrender to the allurements of his creed. No special acumen is 
necessary to detect the process of "idealizing the realistic" in the 
first part of "Wallenstein," "Das Lager," or in the official life and 

""Only Matter yieldetb to tbose powers 
Weaving tbis dark fate of ours ; 

Wbile above tbe reacb of time and storm. 
Pla^-mate of tbe Blessed Ones, up yonder 
Sbe amid tbe fields of ligbt, dotb wander. 

Godlike 'mid tbe Gods, undying Form. 
Would you soar aloft on ber strong pinion ? 

Fling away all eartbly care and strife ! 
Fly to tbe Ideal's pure dominion 
From tbis dull and narrow life." 

(Translation by J. S. Dwigbt. Revised.) 
'"Tbe statue springs — not as witb labor wrung 
From tbe bard block, but as from notbing sprung — 

Airy and ligbt — tbe offspring of tbe soul ! 
Tbe pangs, tbe cares, tbe weary toil it cost 

Leave not a trace when once tbe work is done — 
Tbe artist's buman frailty merged and lost 
In art's great victory won. 

(Ibid. Translation by Bulwer-Lytton.) 


intrigue of the following' parts — -"Die Piccolomini" and "Wallen- 
steins Tod." Nor is more than ordinary critical ability required to 
recognize in the Wallenstein of the drama an idealized image of that 
Wallenstein whose picture Schiller drew with such relentless pen in 
the fourth book of his "History of the Thirty Years' War." At the 
same time Max and Thekla are not idealizations of the realistic, but 
realizations of the ideal. They are images which Schiller, the philos- 
opher, brought down to earth from those "blissful realms where pure 
forms abide." It is not a rash assertion that with these two figures 
the drama "Wallenstein" is sometimes more than the tragedy of a 
great historic epoch. It is the struggle of the soul of humanity to 
slough off its mortal coil, that struggle which Schiller pictured so 
finely in the imagery of ancient mythology in the next to the last 
stanza of "Das Ideal und das Leben." Through "Wallenstein" he 
aimed to set before our eyes the apotheosis of Man : 

"Bis der Gott, des Irdischen entkleidet, 
Flammend sich vom Menschcn scheidet, 
Und des Aethers leichte Liifte trinkt.'"" 

We may turn to any of the great works that Schiller gave to 
the world in the last six years of his life, always we shall meet with 
the secret purpose to depress the problems of the finite world be- 
low the horizon and leave men in the bright radiance of the ideal. 
In the drama, "Die Jungfrau von Orleans," Schiller probably went 
as far along the path of this artistic idealism as it is given any poet 
to go. In that drama the superlative conception of "the soul beau- 
tiful" was fashioned into the semblance of corporeal form in the 
figure of Joan of Arc. The personal misgivings of Schiller and 
the evidence of these in his poetic practice are inconsiderable when 
weighed against his aspirations. Schiller sought, and in a great 
measure found, his poetic inspiration in abstract thought. The 
manifestations of finite, or what we are wont to call real, life 
had only secondary value for the poet. He regarded them as the 
medium through which the imagination may produce the semblance 
of that which the reason alone sanctions as the archetype. In this 
faith he preached the gospel of the redemption of mankind in his 
"Letters on a Esthetic Education," and drew his magnificent picture 
of a future society. 

Schiller has been placed so persistently at the side of his great 

''"Until the god cast down his garb of clay 
And rent in hallowing flames away 

The mortal part from the divine — to soar 
To the empyreal air!" 

(Ibid. Translation, by Bulwer-Lytton.) 


friend, Goethe, that the popular mind has come to regard the ac- 
tivity of both as well nigh identical. Popular instinct has, how- 
ever, felt the difference in the attitudes of these poets toward the 
great problem of modern art. Long before scholars proved that 
the ways of Schiller and Goethe were divergent, the great public 
suspected that the world of Schiller was not the world of Goethe. 
A similar suspicion haunted both poets in the early years of their 
friendship. The dispute between Schiller and Goethe over the ar- 
chetype of plant-life — Goethe's Urp-flan::e — turned their own early 
suspicion into knowledge. Schiller called this archetype an "idea." 
Goethe defined it as an "experience." Schiller asserted that the ar- 
chetype is a concept of the higher reason and anticipates as such the 
conclusions of the understanding. Goethe insisted that it is an 
image seen in organic forms and that it merely supplements the 
conlusions of the understanding. 

Goethe could not thrust chaos aside and postulate an Elysean 
world where reason and instinct transfigure each other. He could 
not take the step that Schiller took. Had he attempted this he 
would have entered regions whither we shall be obliged to follow 
his contemporaries, the Romanticists. The problem with which he 
wrestled in youthful impetuosity, was not the problem of good and 
evil. That was the problem which Schiller faced. Standing on the 
shoulders of Kant, Schiller could gaze forth into a moral universe. 
Goethe was not concerned with moral categories. The problem of 
his youth was the problem of matter and spirit. Nowhere in the 
poetry of Schiller is that note struck which quivers in the soul of 
Werther and makes the first monologue of Faust a symphony of 
human despair. "To drink surging joy of life from the foaming 
goblet of infinitude and to feel, though it be but for a moment, in 
my cramped bosom, the bliss of that Being who creates all things 
in and through Himself." — those are words which the youthful 
Goethe, not Schiller, might utter. The same problem is propounded 
in the words of Faust to Wagner : 

"Du bist dir niir des einen Triebs bewufst : 
O, lerne nie den andern kennen ! 
Zwei Seelen wohnen. ach, in meiner Brust, 
Die eine will sich von der andern trenncn ; 
Die eine halt in derber Liebeslust 
Sich an die Welt niit klammernden Organc-ii : 
Die andre hebt ge\valt^^am sich vom Di>t 
Zu den Gefilden hoher Ahnen."" 

'■'"One impulse art thou conscious of. al best; 
O, never seek to know the other ! 


Goethe foresaw the doom to which this conflict leads. He pic- 
tured it in the story of Werther and described it in the words of 
Werther: "Round about me Heaven and Earth and their busily 
weaving forces : and I — I see only a monster forever devouring and 
forever ruminating." Goethe refused to let reason detach spirit 
from matter. Consistently he schooled himself in scientific reas- 
oning. Spinoza, not Kant, was his guide. In the naturalism of 
Spinoza, Goethe found that which strengthened and united the two 
impulses of his being. He depressed the world of rational expe- 
rience, and continued to dwell in this world with his understand- 
ing and with his imagination. In this Goethe took his step beyond 
rationalism. The world of material and temporal energies was al- 
ways studied and regarded by him as the perpetual realization of 
a world of immaterial and eternal principles. 

"So schaff' ich am sausenden Webstuhl der Zeit 
Und wirke der Gottheit lebendiges Kleid."^" 

This transcendentalism of Goethe substituted experience for 
ideas. His method was inductive. Schiller's was deductive. Ad- 
dressing himself to the empirical thinkers of his day, Schiller wrote : 

"Weil du liesest in ihi, was du selber in sie geschrieben: 
Weil du in Gruppen fiir's Aug' ihre Erscheinungen reihst, 
Deine Schniire gezogen auf ihrem unendlichen Felde, 
Wahnst du es fasse dein Geist ahnend die grosse Natur."" 

With equal conviction Goethe addressed the Christian believers 
when he extolled the religion of science : 

"Ihr Glaubigen ! riihmt nur nicht euren Glaul^en 
Als einzigen : wir glauben auch wie ihr: 
Der Forscher lasst sich keineswegs berauben 
Des Erbteils, aller Welt gegonnt — und mir."'" 

Two souls, alas ! reside within my breast. 
And each withdraws from, and repels, its brother. 
One with tenacious organs holds in love 
And clinging lust the world in its embraces ; 
The other strongly sweeps, this dust above, 
Into the high ancestral spaces." 
(Goethe's "Faust." Part I., scene 2. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 

'""Thus at Time's humming loom 'tis my hand prepares 
The garment of Life which the Deity wears !" 
(Goethe's "Faust."' Part I., scene i. Translation by Bayard Taylor. ) 

""When thou decipher'st in nature the writing which thou hast inscribed 
When its phenomena thou castest in groups for thine eye, 
When thou hast covered its infinite field with measuring tape-lines. 
Dost thou imagine, thy mind really graspeth the All?" 

(Translation by Paul Carus.) 
'""Ye faithful, do not claim that your confession 
Be truth alone; for we have faith like you. 


Goethe has often been condemned for his pertinacious realism. 
Many good men have thought of him as if the words of Robert 
Browning fitted his striving: 

"Thou art shut 
Out from the heaven of spirit, glut 
Thy sense upon the world !" 

It is not a condemnation that modern critics can uphold. The 
doom of the empirical thinker which Browning proclaims in these 
lines was anticipated by Goethe. Browning merely reiterates the 
thought that thrills in the words of Faust : 

"Werd" ich zum Augenblicke sagen : 
Verweile doch ! Dn bist so schon ! 
Dann magst Du mich in Fessein schlagen, 
Dann will ich gern zu Grunde gehn ! 
Dann mag die Totenglocke schallen. 
Dann bist Du Deines Dienstes frei. 
Die Uhr mag stehn, die Zeiger fallen, 
Es sei die Zeit fiir mich vorbei.'"'' 

The poet of "Faust" was a transcendental realist. The real- 
ities which he observed, imaged the type and this type strengthened 
his longing for an image of the eternal archetype. Bit by bit the 
understanding was related to the reason, matter to spirit. Goethe 
staked all his hopes on the revelation of the type through intimate 
experience, and all his faith on the analogy between the type and 
the divine. The record of a long life he could close with the lines : 

"Alle.=. Vergangliche 
Ist nur ein Gleichni? : 
Das Unzulangliche. 
Hier wird's Ereignis : 
Das Unbeschreibliche. 
Hier ist es gethan; 
Das Ewig-Weibliche 
Zieht uns hinan."" 

Science can't be deprived of the possession 
Belonging to the world and to me too." 

(Translation by Paul Cams.) 

""When thus I hail the moment flying : 
'Ah. still delay — thou art so fair!' 
Then bind me in thy bonds undying. 
My final ruin then declare ! 
Then let the death-bell chime the token. 
Then art thou from thy service free ! 
The clock may stop, the hand be broken. 
Then rime be finished unto me!" 
(Goethe's "Faust." Part T., scene 4. Translation by Bayard Tayor. ) 

""All things transitory 
But as symbols are sent : 


Goethe had "experienced" womanhood as a type and he counted it 
the noblest experience of his life. He knew how much he owed to 
this experience. "Apples of gold in baskets of silver" he called 
it in his seventy-ninth year. No figure of speech could express 
more adequately his surpreme faith in the redemptive power of an 
ever-enlarging and never completed revelation of the One type of 
all life than the metaphor "Das Ewig-Weibliche." 

It is well known that Goethe was definitely committed to this 
transcendental realism through his first sojourn in Italy. There 
plant-life revealed to him the type and there his presuppositions in 
classic art were illuminated by new and original observations. He 
came to regard sculptures of ancient art as expressions of the human 
type, and they supplied, so he fondly believed, an experience anal- 
ogous to his botanical t3^pe. That he was not wholly mistaken is 
proved by the statuesque beauty of "Iphigenie auf Taris." Un- 
der the influence of French thought Goethe had sought to enlarge 
his conception of the typical, to pass from the individual to the 
social type. For a time it seemed to him as if his cherished hopes 
were to be realized. But the terrors of the French Revolution which 
followed the halcyon days of liberty, fraternity, equality, dashed his 
hopes of experiencing human society in its archetypal form. The 
French Revolution became a holocaust and its lapping flames con- 
sumed the image of the social type: 

"So ist es also, wenn ein sehnend Hoffen 
Dem hochsten Wunsch sich traulich zugerungen, 
Erfullungspforten findet Fliigel offen : 
Nun aber bricht aus jenen ewigen Griinden 
Ein Flammeniibermass, wir stehn betroffen : 
Des Lebens Fackel wollten wir entziinden, 
Ein Feuermeer verschlingt uns, welch ein Feuer!'"' 

Not until the last years of his life was Goethe privileged to ex- 
perience some of that glory of the social type of which "Hermann 

Earth's insufficiency 
Here grows to Event : 
The Indescribable, 
Here it is done : 
The Woman-Soul leadeth us 
Upward and on !" 
(Ibid. Part H., Act V. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 

''"' 'Tis thus, when unto yearning hope's endeavor, 
Its highest wnsh on sweet attainment grounded, 
The portals of fulfilment widely sever : 
But if there burst from those eternal space- 
A flood of flame, we stand confounded ever ; 
For Life's pure torch we sought the shining traces. 
And seas of fire — and what a fire ! — surprise us." 
CGoethe's "Faust." Part H., Act I. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 


und Dorothea" was hardl}^ more than the cold grey dawn. Goethe 
continued undaunted his analytic-synthetical observations of phe- 
nomena of nature. They confirmed his faith in an immaterial world, 
and brought him to the point at which the endless forms of organic 
life mirrored the archetype. He discontinued his analytic-synthetical 
observations of social phenomena. Here Goethe was daunted. Of 
moral relations he had much to say, of the evolution of morality, 
nothing. He could make nothing of the French Revolution, nothing 
of the German uprising against Napoleon, nothing of the incipient 
civic and industrial unrest. None of these facts was experienced by 
Goethe as evidence of growth or as change wrought from within. 
For at least two decades Goethe could not apply his own lines to the 
world of social activity : 

"Was war' ein Gott, der nnr von aussen stiessc, 
Im Kreis das All am Finger laufen liesse ! 
Ihm ziehmt's die Welt im Innern zu bewegen, 
Natur in Sich, Sich in Natur zu hegen, r 

So dass, was in Ihm lebl und webt und ist, 
Nie Seine Kraft, nie Seinen Geist vermisst.""' 

Every attempt of Goethe's to deal with the great problems of 
social morality, "Wilhelm Meister's AVanderjahre" not excepted, im- 
presses the reader with the conviction that Goethe had not found 
in the moral life of society manifestations of that God who dwells 
in the physical life of nature. Accordingly his conception of revo- 
lution was superficial, his treatment of national problems inadequate, 
and his remedy for social disquiet both superficial and inadequate. 
In every instance we encounter the preacher or the teacher, not the 
artist. The man who could so describe the evolution of plant-life 
that even Schiller acknowledged the beauty of his poem ("Die Met- 
amorphose der Pflanzen") could not describe the evolution of moral 
forms. Goethe could not sufi^use his didactic writings with the con- 
sciousness of his personal debt to society. His novel-study, "Die 
W^ahlverwandtschaften," is the best evidence of this failure. 

In one respect the divergence of Goethe and Schiller has a 
counterpart in the divergence of Browning and Coleridge. Goeth(! 
made ceaseless aspiration the glory of manhood, so did Brown- 

""'What were a God that but from outside thrust. 
The circhng All at finger to adjust? 
Nay! from within it He the world is moulding. 
Nature in Him, Himself in Nature, folding, 
So that what in Him lives and moves and is 
At no time can His power or spirit miss." 
(From Goethe's Poems: "God and the World." Translation by William 


ing. Goethe and Browning were persuaded that moral being is not 
self-gratified through science, through art, through love. Through 
these the immortal aspirations of Man are stimulated and through 
these he ascends to God. That is the transcendental teaching of 
Goethe's "Faust." It is the keynote of Browning's poetry. Schil- 
ler, too, was a transcendentalist, as was Coleridge. A transcenden- 
tal realist he was not, nor was Coleridge. |Both were rational tran- 
scendentalists. In the terminology of Goethe and Browning reason 
was almost equivalent to that scientific imagination through which 
Man fulfills his destiny and returns to the Divine. When Goethe 
and Browning spoke of "reason," Schiller and Coleridge thought 
of "Reason." In the terminology of Schiller and Coleridge. Reason 
and the Divine were equipollent. The individual cannot possess 
Reason, though it may shine in him or he may move in its radiance. 
The parallelism of transcendental thought in Schiller and Cole- 
ridge, in Goethe and Browning, did not, and could not. lead to a 
similar parallelism of esthetic temper. The temper of Browning 
was as diflFerent from the temper of Goethe, the temper of Schiller 
from the temper of Coleridge, ^s the conditions under which the 
English poets lived were dififerent from the environments of their 
German predecessors. Catholic the temper of Goethe and Schiller 
certainly was, democratic it, as certainly was not. The temper of 
Browning and Coleridge was democratic, and perhaps for that very 
reason less catholic. Browning and Coleridge paid the penalty 
exacted by English conditions ; Goethe and Schiller the penalty ex- 
acted by German conditions. The democracy of England was in- 
sular not catholic, the catholicity of Germany was academic and 
not democratic. The sympathies of Browning and Coleridge were 
post-revolutionary, the sympathies of Goethe and Schiller were 
pre-revolutionary. The efforts of the latter two to put the indi- 
vidual in touch with the universal, the temporal in relation to the 
eternal, were essentially evasions of democratic "experience" and 
democratic "idealism." Doubtless the catholic temper of each en- 
abled him to see visions of the future that were unseen by those who 
plunged into the turmoil of readjustment. Doubtless, too, each set 
standards of individual morality and individual emancipation that 
exerted, and always will exert, a benign influence. And yet, these 
standards satisfied neither the generation that was nor the genera- 
tions that followed, except in moments of threatening despair or of 
rising exaltation. It is a great thing to stay and support life at its 
extremes. It is, perhaps, a greater thing to walk with it hand in 


hand, participate in its trials, and find the abiding joy of its or- 
dinary demesnes. 

Abstract thinkers and "world-removed" scholars may possibly 
span an aerial bridge from the lofty heights of Goethe to the equally 
lofty heights of Schiller. The world that lies between will interest 
them little. What they cannot avoid seeing in their sublimated pas- 
sage, they will most likely measure only by the altitude of its ter- 
iiiini. Between Goethe and Schiller lie the vast stretches of every- 
day experience and every-day ideas, where human beings must move. 
Needless to say that few have climbed the higher levels of the 
poetry of Schiller or Goethe for a view over the plane of their daily 
endeavor, without being forced to retrace their steps and to plod 
through the democratic flat-lands before reaching the higher places 
of the other. A whole century has not changed the situation. Goethe 
and Schiller have never towered like twin mountains before the spir- 
itual eye of the masses. Those to whom Goethe beckoned have 
turned their backs on Schiller, and those whom Schiller inspired 
have dreaded to approach Goethe. Germans have admired Goethe 
and they have admired Schiller. Their admiration has been like 
unto the admiration we accord heroes, men who — however much 
they may inspire us — seem somehow of a different mold than we, and 
independent of the forces to which we know ourselves subject. We feel 
that we and they have little in common, and that their greatness is 
not essential to our well-being. And if we emulate them at all, it 
is either slavishly, with the secret consciousness that we are untrue 
to ourselves, or selfishly, with the desire to lift our individuality 
into a position no less commanding than theirs. Heroic personality, 
which — after all else is said — was the aim of Goethe and Schiller, 
as it is the characteristic glory of their poetry, condemned each to 
stand isolated from the other in the eyes of his people. 

In a very qualified sense, both Goethe and Schiller were mystics. 
A recent expounder of mysticism (W. R. Inge in his "Hampton 
Lectures," 1899) distinguishes two great types of mystics : "those 
who try to rise through the visible to the invisible, through nature 
to God, who find in earthly beauty the truest symbol of the heaven- 
ly, and in the imagination — the image-making faculty — a raft 
whereon we may navigate the shoreless ocean of the Infinite, and 
those who distrust all sensuous representations as tending ' to nour- 
ish appetites which we ought to starve,' who look upon this earth as 
a place of banishment, upon material things as a veil which hides 
God's face from us and who bid us 'flee away from hence as quickly 
as may be' to seek 'yonder' in the realm of ideas, the heart's true 


home." The poetry of Goethe is unquestionably representative of 
the first type, that of Schiller as unquestionably of the second. Yet 
few of us think of Goethe or Schiller as mystics, and most scholars 
would reject the thought with scorn and derision. Nevertheless, the 
term mystic, as defined in the words of Mr. Inge, applies to both 
these poets. Moreover it has the merit, when so applied, of point- 
ing out clearly the oppositeness of the poetry of each, and the op- 
position of both to the cut and dried rationalism of their day. The 
definition is., however, of no avail when we seek to understand the 
forward movement of Romanticism. It supplies us with no criterion 
by which we may distinguish between the mysticism of these great 
classicists and the mysticism of the Romanticists. 

Whatever else we may think of the German Romanticists, they 
were assuredly as different from Goethe and Schiller in their atti- 
tude toward the problems of spirit and matter, of good and evil, as 
Wordsworth and Shelley were different from Browning and Cole- 
ridge. In the domain of morals they were transcendental realists, 
in the domain of metaphysics they were rational transcendentalists. 
By the method of Goethe they weened to answer the question of good 
and evil, by the method of Schiller to solve the problem of spirit 
and matter. In no two poets of Romantic mysticism were the two 
methods fairly balanced, and in no two were they employed with 
equal ingenuity or wnth equal integrity of purpose. And yet — 
though the creative work of these writers proved the folly of their 
methods — it must be conceded that these same Romanticists were 
the first to point German art, notably poetry, to new fields. They 
were the first — and this statement takes due account of their virulent 
opposition to the empirical thinkers of rationalism — they were the 
first to draw the legitimate conclusion of the esoteric doctrine of Les- 
sing and to proclaim boldly the principle of modern art, which Her- 
der had suggested. They placed the individual in the center of an 
indivisible universe, and there, in common with all his fellows he 
sees truths greater than his individual ideals because he perceives 
life with the insight of collective reason. It is true that German Ro- 
manticists counted no Wordsworth among their number. But the 
impassioned contemplation of Wordsworth was theirs, not so highly 
developed, or so perfectly blended of understanding and imagina- 
tion, of receptivity and creative energy, of brooding thought and 
spiritual emotion ; but theirs it was, rudimentary in its development, 
rudimentary also in its nature. In the charred soil of an old civ- 
ilization over which the fires of revolution had swept, the Romanti 
cists planted their "blue flower," and though they left the field bar- 


reii to the eye, the "blue flower" was there, the first sign of a ne\\ 
Hfe in the planes. \Ye must not look for the massive spirituality of 
Wordsworth in the erratic contemplation of the German Romanti- 
cists. Tentative in its being", their spirituality was attenuated in its 

Ludwig Tieck has been placed by German scholars in the lead 
of the literary movement designated by the term Romanticism. The 
position of literary leader — though it was claimed by Friedrich 
Schlegel and his older brother August Wilhelm Schlegel — may well 
be accorded him. Poetic leadership belongs not to Tieck nor to 
either Schlegel. This leadership belongs to Friedrich von Harden- 
berg, better known by his pen-name. X'ovalis. In the poetry of No- 
valis we find for the first time the principle of modern art spon- 
taneously asserting itself. What matter that the followers of Novalis 
were few and that even these few were led — like the knights of King 
Arthur by iMerlin — into the wilderness of speculative mysticism. 
Novalis was groping for something which he felt to be true and 
which, moreover, was true. He once made the assertion that "the 
ego is a plurality." The statement was certainly vague enough to 
delight the heart of any mystic. It dififered, however, from similar 
vague assertions of poetic principles which other Romanticists of his 
day put forward, in one essential point : it was a statement of his 
poetic attitude and not a formulation of a poetic theory. The vague- 
ness of this poetic attitude accounts for the use which Novalis made 
of the symbols of the Roman Catholic Church. He employed these 
symbols to express, and perchance make more distinct to himself, 
his dim consciousness of fellowship with the religious aspirations of 
other men. In doing so he did not humble himself at the shrine of 
the Roman Catholic dogma. Romantic theorists, like the Schlegels, 
ended in that manner. Novalis has, indeed, been accused of Ro- 
manism by careless writers, as if Romanism were an all sufficient 
impeachment of the Romantic principle of art. But even if the ac- 
cusation were true, one might as well hope to impeach the poetry of 
Wordsworth because it came in touch with the Oxford High Church 
movement in England ! If English poets resorted to the symbols of 
ecclesiasticism to further their poetic conception of spiritual fellow- 
ship, was a similar expedient less excusable in Germany? Or was it 
not more excusable in a country where commnual life was far more 
artificial than in England? And was not a Schiller forced into a 
similar use? In truth, if there were that in the checkered and un- 
stable lives of these German Romanticists which now bespeaks or 
should bespeak favorable consideration of their artistic principle, it 


was the tiight for refuge to the Mother Church, the only organism 
hi which they could hope to feel the impulse of plural being. For if 
the principle which underlies the poetry of Novalis and the theories 
of the other Romanticists, be traced to its last hiding place in the 
curiously formed, and more often deformed, structure which it 
wrought, it will appear to be something like this : the individual soul 
can become fully conscious of itself only as it communes with other 
souls, and can express itself fully only when it expresses the spiritual 
experience of all men. 

In his unfinished novel, "Heinrich von Ofterdingen," Novalis 
sends his hero forth in quest of peace of soul. Somewhere there 
blooms for him the "blue flower." In moments of intimate com- 
munion with men, in moments of self -forgetful sympathy, in mo- 
ments of that second sight which envisages nature with the eyes of 
others, his eyes catch a glimpse of this wondrous flower in the misty 
distance. In his selfish desire to find and possess it, he forgets all 
else, and hastens to pluck the flower. But — the flower has vanished. 
No one else has seen it, no one has heard of it, this flower that is 
the bloom of spiritual fellowship perfected. Shall one not say that 
this was a new thought for German poetry, and was recognized as 
new by the poets ? To a populace that knew not the meaning of civic 
democracy Novalis sang of a new spiritual democracy. There was 
at that time no sodality of temporal interests, and no sodality of re- 
ligious interests. Governments and theologies were equally of the 
past. Germany was an agglomeration of individuals. How should 
a poet glorify the non-existent? How quicken the unconceived and. 
at that time, inconceivable, social ideal ? Is it strange that the artis- 
tic impulse of Novalis led him — who desired to be of life as much 
as in life — back to the primitive ideal of a Catholic Church which 
Marsilio of Padua called the "universitas credentium" to distinguish 
it from the "universitas civium?" Novalis should receive all credit 
for the first tentative putting forward of the ideal of a spiritual 
democracy. It was a distinct gain for German poetry, oflfset. it is 
true, by the fact that there was no "universitas civium" to restrain 
the new poetry of the "universitas credentium." No law of secular 
gravitation held it to the earth and its only reality became the super- 
rational world. 

For all that, the principle which controlled the poetry of Novalis 
and the theorizing of the other Romanticists was as justifiable as it 
was new. To know and feel himself not as an isolated being, but as 
a member of a democracy, that is the first great requisite of artistic 
conceiving which the poet must fulfill. If the artist would depict 


life in all its fullness as a conceivable reality, he must see it with 
the eyes of humanity and feel in it the pulse-beat of humanity. The 
complex soul of humanity must in him be as one. That is the mean- 
ing of the words. "The ego is a plurality." The Romanticists regret- 
ted the passing of the Middle Ages because they believed — mistaken- 
Iv it is true — that Catholocism reflected the spiritual unity of me- 
dieval society. They clamored for such a unity to inspire modern 
artist. A new "allgemeine Weltenschauung" they called it. In the 
heyday of their hopes they prophesied the coming of the time when 
the diffusion of scientific education would bring about a common 
interpretation of the relation of Man to the Universe. In this cath- 
olic democracy artists would discoved the statue of the veiled God- 
des of Sais, and tear off the veil. Then beauty, in immaculate form, 
would again disclose eternal verities. .Yor did the Romanticists hes- 
itate to draw the logical conclusion of their principle of the plural 
soul. They maintained that some day art might no longer be a 
necessity, and this for the reason that communal life would become 
truly catholic in temper and organization. The individual soul 
would then touch the great complex soul of hmnanity at every point, 
and no longer crave the mediation of art. Life would supply the 
experience of plurality, life itself become a work of art, and thereby 
render meaningless the fictitious visions of the few. 

Aleanwhile the passion for a vision of beauty filled the hearts 
of these would-be disciples of the new truth, and the heart of Novalis 
more than that of another. He stood alone, and very much alone. 
Unlike Wordsworth he was not swayed by sentiments that only he 
can have who has communed with social life before he communes 
with nature. And just here began that fatal schism between theory 
and practice, between artistic inspiration and artistic experience, 
which is the central theme of the story of German poetry in the 
nineteenth century. Lacking the necessary basis in their social ex- 
perience for the structure of their social art. the Romanticists im- 
patiently ventured to put theory into practice. Contemplation of 
non-self became contemplation of a vague universal self, not con- 
templation of a potential social self or even of definite individual 
"selves." The line of demarcation between conscious and uncon- 
scious life vanished. Nature has a soul as well as ^lan — so ran the 
Romantic argument — and the calm of its singular plurality will si- 
lence the cry of our souls lost amid the unrelated fractions of hu- 
manity. "The grandiose simultaneousness" of Nature attracted the 
Romanticists, and fascinated them. Society offered no compensat- 
ing attraction. Like Euphorion in Goethe's "Faust," they disdained 

754 '^'TF, OPEN COURT. 

all laws of social i^ravitation and, like Enphorion, they ended with a 
wail for heauty : 

"Lass mich iin dustern Reioli, 
Mutter, mich nicbt allein."" 

Novalis was the impassioned mystic of this school of theoretical 
mystics. He attempted the descent to the "Mothers," and under- 
took the journey into regions that know not space or time, without 
the key that Mephistopheles presses into the hand of Faust. The 
faculty of thinking in the concrete (gegenstdndlichcs Dciikeii) was 
not acquired, and Novalis could not act on the sage advice of Mephis- 
topheles to Faust : 

"Wie Wolkenzijge schlingt sich das Getreibe, 
Den Schliissel schwinge, halte sie vom Leibe."" 

The Romantic transmutation of matter into spirit was adven- 
tured through elimination of characteristic forms. By a similar 
process Schiller had reached his moral archetype. He put aside 
characteristic moral forms. But it should be noted that the Roman- 
ticists were not here concerned with the problem of Schiller. It 
was the problem of Goethe, and Goethe experienced his spiritual 
type by careful and sympathetic observation of the characteristic 
forms of matter. Strikingly significant of this Romantic adaptation 
of the method of Schiller to the aims of Goethe, is the fact that 
Novalis could only feel the spiritual unity of existence, and could 
feel it only when daylight vanished and darkness obscured the out- 
lines of individual forms. "Away sped the splendor of Earth and 
with it my sadness," he sang in the third of his "Hymns to the 
Night." "In a new unfathomable world all my heaviness of heart 
was absorbed. Thou fervor of Night, thou slumber of Heaven, 
camestoverme. Gently the landscape soared upward, and o'er the land- 
scape hovered my unfettered, my newly bornspirit." He who has tasted 
this bliss — Novalis continues in the next Hymn — "verily, he will 
not return to the busy life of the world, to the land that is haunted 
by light with eternal restlessness." Twilight — Night — Death, is the 
crescendo movement of the poetry of Novalis. Death does away 
forever with all characteristic forms ; Death is the glorious night of 

^""Leave me here in the gloomy Veil, 
Mother, not thus alone !" 
(Goethe's "Faust." Part II., Act III. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 

^^"There whirls the press, like cloud on clouds unfolding; 

Then with stretched arm swing high the key thou'rt holding." 
(Ibid. Act I. Translation by Bayard Taylor.) 


Eternity, the dream of the soul. In Death \ve taste the ineffable 
bliss of our spiritual pluralit^'. v^inoino: of this bliss, Novalis closed 
the "Hymns to the Night" : 

"Hinunter zu der si'tssen Braut. 
Zu Jesus, dem Geliebten ! 
Getrost ! die Abenddammerung grant 
Don Liebenden, Betriibten. 
Ein Traum bricht unsre Banden los, 
Und senkt iins in des Vaters Sclioss.'"" 

To this conception of matter and spirit the Romantic concep- 
tion of good and evil formed a curious contrast. With a tenacity 
that seems almost perverse, every member of the School sought the 
moral type in characteristic forms. Novalis was not much concern- 
ed with this phase of the Romantic doctrine. For him the problem 
of morality was overshadowed by the problem of spirituality. With- 
in the shadows of his spiritual world one ma}', however, discern the 
outlines of his moral society, as when he sings in "Astralis,'' the 
introductory poem to Part IT of "Heinrich von Ofterdingen" : 

"Der Liebe Reich ist aufgethan. 
Die Fabel fangt zu spinnen an. 
Das Urspiel jeder Natur beginnt, 
Auf kraftige Worte jedes sinnt, 
Und so das Grosse Weltgemiit 
Ueberall sich regt und unendlich bliilil. 
Alles muss in einander grcifen, 
Eines durch das andere gedeihn und reifen: 
Jedes in alien dar sich stellt, 
Tndem es sich mit ihnen vermischt 
Und gierig in ihre Tiefen fallt, 
Sein cigciitiiiiilichcs Wesen erfrischt, 
Und tausend neue Gedanken erhalt.'""" 

""Adown to my Betrothed I wend. 
To Jesus, my Beloved. 
Take heart ! the evening shades descend 
On lovers, sadly proved. 
A dream unfetters us to rest. 
And lays us on our Father's breast." 

(Translation by J. F. C.) 

"""Love's realm beginneth to reveal, 
And busy Fable plies her wheel. 
To its olden play each nature returns, 
And a mighty spell in each one burns ; 
And so the soul of the world doth hover, 
And move through all, and bloom forever. 
For each other all must strive, 
One through the other must ripen and thrive; 
Each is shadowed forth in all. 


One of Novalis's "Fragments" reads as follows: "The excel- 
lence of representative democracy is undeniable. Model Man is not 
natural. He is a poet's dream. What remains? Composition of 
artistic manhood. The best men of the nation complement each 
other. In this society is born a new social spirit. Its decrees are 
emanations of this spirit — and the ideal ruler is realized." 

For Tieck and the Brothers Schlegel the problem of good and 
evil was of greater importance. But even to these poets it did not 
occur that ideal categories were necessary. To their way of think- 
ing the moral type was an experience. If we can experience the evolution 
of morality, so they thought, then we may know the divine type, and no 
categorical imperatives can take the place of this experience. Hence ev- 
ery individual has unlimited license to live as his impulses direct. For 
only in the sum total of freely developing and freely developed in- 
dividualities can the ultimate, or the primal, type be revealed. That 
this argument presupposed conditions of social life from which Ger- 
man society was far removed, is apparent. Theoretically, anarchy 
may be considered the most highly developed majiifestation of de- 
mocracy, and it may even be that the social millenium shall consist 
in the realization of this ideal. Practically, the anarchical theory of 
Romanticism disintegrated and debased society. No more convinc- 
ing proof of this could be adduced than the total absence of moral 
fibre in Friedrich Schlegel's "Lucinde" and in the life of the author 
of this "Dame Lucifer." Once more the destructive schism between 
principle and experience is to be noted. The principle of moral evo- 
lution was sound, but this principle was not the basis of social mor- 
ality in Germany. Therefore it bred unsound conditions, and pros- 
tituted art. Its soundness is appreciated by us when we remember 
that it asserted the emancipation of women from the overlordship of 
men. In America that assertion has not only found its champions, 
it has become a social axiom. Here it has been fathered by prevail- 
ing democratic conditions and sentiments. In Germany it was so 
entirely novel and so thoroughly at variance with the aristocratic 
standards of society that its champions were regarded as revolu- 
tionist. To this day the acceptance of the principle as a social axiom is 
problematical. We cannot question the philosophical soundness of 
this Romantic emancipation. We cannot question even some of its 
practical results. How much intellectual power and grace it set 

While itself with them is blending, 
And eagerly into their depths doth fall, 
Its own peculiar essence mending, 
And myriad thoughts to life doth call." 

(Translation by F. S. Stallknecht.) 


free in those early days, is well known. Rahel von Ense, Dorothea 
Schlegel, Caroline Schelling, Sophie Schlegel, Caroline von Giin- 
derode, Bettina von Arnim, are names suggestive of the very acme 
of intellectual refinement. But if the Romantic principle was re- 
sponsible for this refinement, it was also guilty of moral anamorpho- 
sis. Few of these names there are that do not suggest moral inertia 
every whit as much as mental refinement. The manner is which 
some of these women were treated by their temporary consorts has 
not been criticised too harshly by George Brandes : "Far from rais- 
ing the women who gave themselves to them and followed them, 
they dragged them down, took from them their highest interests and 
sympathies, and gave them small and mean ones in exchange. . . 

They treated the great women given them by the 

gods as they did the great ideas which were their own heritage : 
they took from them the noble, liberal-minded social and political 
enthusiasm by which they were naturally characterized, and made 
them, first Romantic and literary, then remorseful, and finally Cath- 

By these fruits the Romanticists have been judged. But the 
tree is not always to be condemned because it brings forth poor fruit. 
Uncongenial climate wall blight the fairest promise. And the so- 
cial atmosphere of Germany was ill-adapted to assist the Romantic 
principal of growth and fruitage. There was a fair promise in the 
principle of the plural soul. The promise was not kept. No Ro- 
mantic poet of the older school applied to natural, or to moral, forms 
any other test than the test of his private personality. Into nature 
or into human life each one projected his isolated subjectivity, con- 
vinced that his methods of treating nature and human life made this 
subjectivity universal. The mystic was complete. Where the two 
phases of transcendentalism met in a mind so singularly pure as No- 
valis's, mysticism attained its most enraptured and enchanting ex- 
pression. Where this rich purity was supplanted by worldliness, rajv 
ture lost its ecstacy and enchantment its thrill. Only a willful critic 
can break the stafif over the poetry of Novalis and the later poetry of 
Tieck. No critic can, however, assert with truth that this poetry, 
even at its best, was representative of the artistic principle which the 
Romanticists proclaimed. The nineteenth century has not protested 
against the Romantic principle. It has protested against conditions 
that made the artistic application of the principle seem so often like 
^^eritable juggling with the impatient demands of the human soul. 
And this protest has voiced itself in the poetry of the century. 


Franz Ziegler, one of the keenest observers of the intellectual 
and social life of the Germans in the nineteenth century, asserts 
boldly that Rationalism, Classicism, and Romanticism agree in their 
fundamental tendencies. He declares that the tendency common to 
all three was individualistic, and that every one of these Rational- 
ists, Classicists, and Romanticists strove for a "beautiful and har- 
monious personality." If Ziegler means no more than this, he is 
right, but right only because he states a truism. Such striving char- 
acterizes every human being worthy of the name. It is as essential 
todemocratic as it is to aristocratic ideals and institutions. Itisasdom- 
inant in your representative man, as it is in your hero. However, 
Ziegler implies more, namely, Rationalists, Classicists and Romanti- 
cists regarded the individual as an isolated unit. In their philosophy 
the individual stood not so much in life, as apart from life. Instead 
of being informed by life, he informs himself of life. This informa- 
tion becomes the stuff which he models into ideas, and these ideas 
he transfers back to life. He treats life as though it were uncon- 
scious action which his ideas galvanize into conscious activity. This 
type of individuality — which, by the way, Ziegler seems to regard as 
the only possible type, and which he would have us accept as the 
ideal also of the Romanticists — was portrayed by Goethe in "Wil- 
helm Meister." Carlyle, of all English writers, subjected it to the 
most sympathetic analysis in his "Heroes and Hero Worship." 
"Force, force, everywhere force," Carlyle writes; "we a mysterious 
force in the centre of that." Carlyle's hero is the man who central- 
izes this force in his personality. Evidently this is Ziegler's view 
of the fundamental philosophy of Rationalism, Classism, and Ro- 
manticism. It must be admitted that German critics generally enter- 
tain the same view. They identify philosophic personality, poetic 
personality, and human personality; and these were surely identical 
in German Romanticism. They measure the entire significance of 
Romanticism by one standard, and that standard is heroic individual- 
it\- as the union of these diverse j^rsonalities. That beauti- 
ful and harmonious personality can develop in an\' other wax- 
seems not to have occurred to them. Ziegler closes his re- 
view of nineteenth century progress in German with tlie ho]~)e 
that the ideal of Goethe may be accepted by Germans in the 
century to come. Such a hope is characteristically German. Char- 
acteristically human it is not. Personality is conceivablv represent- 
ative. It is not necessarily heroic. Emerson's "Representative Man" 
puts the individual in the very heart of life where he is informed by 
life. Such an individual does not regard life as unconscious action, 


but as conscious activity, as ideas. The duty and the privilege of the 
representative man is not the composition of ideas out of the mass, 
but the detection and clearer definition of ideas that are in the 
mass. That his private stature is thereby ennobled, is happily true. 
That he becomes heroic either in his own estimation, in the esti- 
mation of others, or by philosophical deduction, is certainly not true. 
He remains representative, a leader, but a democratic leader. That 
Emerson did not do justice to Goethe by treating- him as a repre- 
sentative man, does not disprove the value or reality of the type. 
It was one of the restrictions on Emerson's mind that he could not 
appreciate the heroic type, the type of concentrated individuality. 
In Germany the principle of representative manhood was for the 
first time put forward by the Romanticists as the fundamental prin- 
ciple of art. Through the wayward theorizing of the Romanticists 
runs one thoroughly sane refrain : Poets must be representative. In 
no other way can modern poetry fulfill its mission. Surely, that is 
the crux in the problem of democratic art. In spite of this view, the 
Romanticists were not able to make their poetry democratic. Their 
search for ideas inherent in life produced results which controverted 
the sanity of their principle, because they sought these ideas in that 
portion of life which is "force" to men, in unconscious nature. Con- 
ditions made it difficult to discover ideas where ideas are most truly 
found — in intimate communi(3n with contemporary society. And the 
transmutation of matter into spirit tempted them to compose ideas 
where ideas can only be found by the transcendental idealist. That 
was their fate. Yet they led the movement which gathered headway 
in the nineteenth century in art as well as in aflfairs of daily life. 
And for poetry in Germany and elsewhere, that movement has as its 
goal : the poet a representative leader, the creator of an artistic real- 
ity in which the ideas of his age are fused into a vision of the fu- 
ture. That vision may encompass temporal realities, it may also re- 
veal eternal verities. It may show us the ideals and forms that arc 
taking shape as social character, it may also reveal the import of that 
unknowm something in which we all share and in which we attain 
to the most satisfying consciousness of self — social or democratic 
individuality. German Classicism and German Romanticism could 
not define this unknown, but they proved its potentiality, and since 
that day the consciousness of this potentiaity has been responsible 
for the mighty issues that have been raised in every field of human 
experience. Without such issues civilisation would be at a stand- 
still, with them it may seem a hopeless chaos, but is in reality a 


process of unwearied striving. Those who see only the superficial 
tendencies of modern society may well ponder the lines of Goethe : 

■'Wer immer strebend sich bemiiht, 
Den konnen wir erlosen."^^ 

(Goethe's "Faust." Part II., Act V. Translation by Bayard laylor. ) 
These lines apply as much to society as to the individual, and it was 
Goethe who suggested this application. 

^'"Whoever aspires unweariedly 
Is not beyond redeeming." 



The Hammcrsmark Publishing Co. of Chicago ha.s published Leo Tol- 
stoy's article, entitled "Bethink Yourselves," which first appeared in the 
London Times. It has been suppressed in Russia, and its author has been 
denolmced as unpatriotic. 

Count Tolstoy is certainly serious in his endeavor to understand the 
spirit of Christianity, and though the Synod of the Greek Catholic Church 
has excommunicated him, he still considers himself a Christian. He says: 

"Two thousand years ago John the Baptist and then Jesus said to men : 
'The time is fulfilled and the Kingdom of God is at hand (//craweire), bethink 
yourselves and believe in the Gospel (Mark i. 15), and if j'ou do not bethink 
yourselves you will all perish' (Luke xiii. 5) . 

"But men did not listen to them and the destruction they foretold is al- 
ready near at hand. And we men of our time cannot but see it. We are al- 
ready perishing and, therefore, we cannot leave unheeded that — old-in-time, 
but for us new — means of salvation." 

Thus he makes the word of Christ, "bethink yourselves," the subject of 
his letter and chooses it as its title. He begins his meditations with these 
words : 

"Again war. Again sufferings, necessary to nobody, utterly uncallci 
for : again fraud, again the universal stupefaction and brutalisation of men 

"Men who are separated from each other by thousands of miles, hundreds 
of thousands of such men (on the one hand — Buddhists, whose law forbids 
the killing not only of men but of animals ; on the other hand — Christians, 
professing the law" of brotherhood and love), like wild beasts on land and on 
sea are seeking out each other in order to kill, torture and mutilate each 
other in the most cruel way. What can this be? Is it a dream or a reality? 
Something is taking place which should not, cannot be; one longs to believe 
that it is a dream and to awake from it. But no, it is not a dream, it is a 
dreadful reality!" 

Count Tolstoy does not believe in government by force and even appears 
to sacrifice his patriotism. He knows only his religious duties, and the Rus- 
sian Empire is to him a vast conglomeration of different territories. He 
says : 

"If there be a God, He will not ask me when I die (which may happen 
at any moment) whether I retained Chi-Nam-Po with its timber stores, or 
Port Arthur, or even that conglomeration which is called the Russian Empire, 


which He did not confide to my care, but He will ask nie what I have done 
with that life which He put at my disposal — did I use it for the purpose for 
which it was predestined, and under the conditions for fulfilling which it was 
intrusted to me? Have I fulfilled His law?" 

Yet the state of war exists and the question is no longer whether or not 
war is defensible, but what is to be done now wdicn the enemies attack us. 

" 'Love your enemies and ye will have none,' is said in the teaching of 
the twelve apostles. This answer is not merely words, as those may imagine 
who are accustomed to think that the recommendation of love to one's ene- 
mies is something hyperbolical and signifies not that which is expressed, but 
something else. This answer is the indication of a very clear and definite ac- 
tivity, and of its consequences. 

■'To love one's enemies — the Japanese, the Chinese, those yellow peoples 
toward whom benighted men are now endeavoring to excite our hatred — to 
lov them means not to kill them for the purpose of having the right of poi- 
soning them with opium, as did the English ; not to kill them in order to 
seize their land, a^ was done by the French, the Russians, and the Germans ; 
not to bury them alive in punishment for injuring roads, not to tie them to- 
gether by iheir hair, not to drown them in their river Amur, as did the 

The most graphic parts of the letter are the stories which Tolstoy tells 
of his personal impressions. He says : 

"Yesterday I met a reservist soldier accompanied by his mother and wife. 
All three were riding in a cart; he had a drop too much; his wife's face was 
swollen with tears. He turned to me : 

" 'Good-bye to thee ! Lyof Nikolaevitch, off to the Far East.' 

" 'Well, art thou going to fight ?' 

"'Well, some one has to fight!' 

" 'No one need fight !' 

"He reflected for a moment. 'But what is one to do, where can one 

"I saw that he had understood me, had understood that the work to which 
he was being sent was an evil wark. 

"'Where can one escape?' That is the precise expression of that mental 
condition, which in the official and journalistic world is translated into the 
words, 'For the Faith, the Czar, and the Fatherland.' Those who, abandoning 
their hungry families, go to suffering, to death, say as they feel : 'Where can 
one escape?' Whereas those who sit in safety in their luxurious palaces say 
that all Russian men are ready to sacrifice their lives for their adored mon- 
arch, and for the glory and greatness of Russia. 

"Yesterday, from a peasant I know, I received two letters, one after the 

"This is the first : 

" 'Dear Lyof Nikolaevitch^ — Well, to-day I have received my official an- 
nouncement of my call to service, to-morrow I must present myself at the 
headquarters. Tliat is all. And after that — to the Far East to meet the Jap- 
anese bullets. 

" 'About my own and my household's grief, I will nol tell you ; it is 
not you who will fail to understand all the horror of my position and the 
horrors of war, all this you have long ago painfully realised, and you under- 


stand it all. How I have longed to visit you, to have a talk with you. I had 
written to }or. a long letter, m uhich I had described the torments of my 
soul; but I had not had lime to copy it when I received my summons. What 
is my wife to do now with her four children? As an old man, of course, you 
cannot do anything vourselt for my folks, but you might ask some of your 
friends in their leisure to visit my orphaned family. I beg you earnestly 
that if my wife proves unable to bear the agony of her helplessness with her 
burden of children, and makes up her mind to go to yon for help and counsel 
yciu will recei\'e and console her. Although she does not know you person- 
ally, she believes in your word, and that means much. 

" 'I was not able to resist the summons, but I say beforehand that through 
me not one Japanese family shall be orphaned. My God! how dreadful is 
all this — how distressing and painful to abandon all by which one lives, and 
in which one is concerned.' 

"The second letter is as follows : 

'" 'Kindest Lyof Nikolaevitch — Only one day of actual service has passed, 
and I have already lived through an eternity of most desperate torments. 
From 8 o'clock in the morning till 9 in the evening we have been crowded 
and knocked about to and fro in the barracks yard, like a herd of cattle, the 
comedy of medical examination was three times repeated, and those who had 
reported themselves ill did not receive even ten minutes' attention before they 
were marked "satisfactory." When we, these two thousand satisfactory in- 
dividuals, wre driven from the military commander to the Barracks, along 
the road spread out for almo-t a verst stood a crowd of relatives, mothers, 
and wives, with infants in arms, and if you had only heard and seen how 
they clasped their fathers, husbands, sons, and hanging round their necks 
wailed hopelessly ! Generally I behave in a reserved way and can restrain 
my feelings, but 1 could not hold out, and I also wept.' (In journalistic lan- 
guage this same is expressed thus : 'The upheaval of patriotic feelings is 

" "Where is the standard that can measure all this innnensity of woe now 
spreading itself over almost one-third of the world? And we, we are now 
that food for cannon, which in the near future will be offered as a sacrifice 
to the god of vengeance and horror. 

" 'I cannot manage to establish my inner balance. Oh ! how 1 execrate 
myself for this double-mindedne^s which prevents my serving one Master 
and God." 

"This man does not yet sufficiently believe that what destroys the body 
is not dreadful, but that which destroys both the body and the soul, therefore 
he cannot refuse to go. yet while leaving his own family he promises before- 
hand that through him not one Japanese family shall be orphaned; he be- 
believes in the chief law of God, the law of all religions— to act toward others 
as one wishes others to act toward oneself. Of such men more or less con- 
sciously recognising this law, there are in our time, not in the Christian world 
alone, but in the Buddhistic. Mahomedan, Confucian, and Brahminic world, 
not only thousands but millions. 

"There exist true heroe-^, not those who arc now feted because, having 
wished to kill others, they were not killed, but true heroes who 
are now confined m prisons and in the province of Yakoutsk for having cate- 
gorically refused to enter the rank^ of murderers, and who ha\'e preferred mar" 



tyrdom to Ihis departure from the law of Jesus. There are also such as he 
who writes to me, who go, but will not kill. But also that majority which 
goes without thinking, and endeavors not lo think of what it is doing, still 
in the depth of its soul, does not already feel that it is doing an evil deed by 
obeying authorities who tear men from labor and from their families, and 
send them to needless slaughter of men, repugnant to their sQuls and their 
faith; and they go only because they are so entangled on all sides that— 
'Where can one escape?' 

"Meanwhile those who remain at home not only feel this but know and 
express it. Yesterday in the high road I met some peasants returning from 
Toula. One of them was reading a leaflet as he was walking by the side of 
his cart. 

"I asked, 'What is that? a telegram?' 

" 'This is yesterday's, but here is one of to-day.' 

"He took another out of his pocket. We stopped. I read it. 

" 'You should have seen what took place yesterday at the station,' he 
said. 'It was dreadful.' 

" 'Wives, children, more than a thousand of them, weeping. They sur- 
rounded th'-, train, but were allowed no further. Strangers wept, looking on. 
One woman from Toula gasped and fell down dead ; five children. They have 
since been placed in various institutions, but the father was driven away all 
the same. .. .What do we want with this Manchuria, or whatever it is called? 
There is sufficient land here. And what a lot of people and of property has 
been destroyed.' '' 


In the many complications of the present war between Russia and Japan, 
we see one glimpse of light that promises progress. The protest of the neu- 
tral powers to suFler no encroachment upon their interests establishes a pre- 
cedent that may be of far-reaching importance in the future. Formerly it 
was a matter of course that the rights of neutrals were not respected by the 
belligerents. Whatever seemed to them to promote the interests of the enemy 
was declared contrab.ind, and the rights of other nations were trodden under 
foot and only respected if they had no bearing whatever upon the war. Bel- 
ligerents assumed privileges toward all neutral powers weaker than them- 
selves, which, if the same principles were applied in private life, could never 
i)e tolerated; and they behaved with a sovereign contempt for the lives, lib- 
erties, and property of neutrals, which, we hope, will be regarded a disgrace 
in the ages to come. Even now they claim the right of search of neutral 
vessels, and it is suffered even by Great Britain and the United States. 

Suppose that two of my neighbors were at odds and that I, being neutral, 
had dealings with both of them as also with other parties not concerned in 
their quarrel. Would these hostile neighbors be allowed to stop me or mem- 
bers of my household on the street, search our pockets to see whether we 
carried letters or anything that might belong or be of use to the opposite 
party? Who in private life would not resent such behavior? Yet in inter- 
national politics we still allow belligerents to search neutral vessels on the 
open seas, and to conliscate what in the style of war is called contraband, to 


take these vessels as good prizes or to sink them, and treat captain and crew- 
like criminals. 

Great Britain would most assuredly not ha\e brooked any violence of 
this kind on the hand of either belligerent had the\^ not wisely seen that at 
any time the tables might be turned and an occasion might arise when they 
would claim the same right to be practised on other neutral powers. The 
British Empire is built upon the control of the seas and so they would rather 
sacrifice under present circumstances a few ships and connive with a search 
of their vessels on the high seas. England's leniency is best understood if 
we consider her policy toward neutrals in the Napoleonic wars as evidenced 
in the bombardment of Copenhagen. 

Though the right of neutrals has not been fully recognised it has made 
a considerable advance, and the time may come soon when the neutrals will 
claim that their liag should unconditionally be respected, and that they should 
remain at liberty to carry on their legitimate business without let or hindrance 
of either belligerent party, whether or not their trading may be to the in- 
terest of either or both, or neither of the belligerents. An exception would 
have to be made only in case of an actual and effective blockade in the 
waters and territory of the theater of the war itself. Yea, the time may come 
when the neutral powers will make claims for damages incurred through the 
war, for why should I suffer if two of my neighbors quarrel and. if they in- 
flict thereby nay damage on me, am I not entitled to ask the guilty parties 
for an indemnity? In civil law tliere would be no question that a disturber 
of the public peace would be held liable and would have to pay the bill for 
all injuries inflicted. 

If the neutral powers once began to assert their rights and if they were 
strong enough to enforce iheir just claims, a new factor tending to peace 
would enter into the history of warfare which would add a very good reason 
for arbitration. 

The Funk & Wagnalls Company of New York have published a collection 
of the best known church hymns under the title The 'standard Hymnal, for 
General Use, edited by C. C. Converse, LL. D. It contains "those older pop- 
ular hymns which present public use evidences to be of special present 
desirableness. It also comprises newer hymns which, because of their present 
and rapidly widening popularity, seem to have the promise of equally ex- 
tensive public favor and use. As a whole it contains hymns suitable for the 
church, Sunday-school, prayer meeting. Christian Endeavor meeting, etc." 
The editor, well known in musical circles as the composer of the hymn 
"What a friend we have in Jesus," has been guided in its preparation by his 
knowledge of good congregational customs as well as by the equally good 
taste for the best in old and new music. 

An etiort at spelling reform is made by Robert Stein of the United States 
Geological Survey. In An International Phonetic Conference, reprint from 
the Pedagogical Seminary, December, 1903, he proposes the following eight 
rules: (i) Find out how many sounds there are in each language; (2) Pro- 
vide an equal number of letters, no more, no less; (3) Express identical 



sounds by identical signs, similar sounds by similar signs ; (4) Use no dia- 
critical marks; (5) None but the Roman alphabet can at present be made 
universal; (6) Break with existing usage as little as possible; (7) Small 
script is the only form needed; (8) So far as compatible with the above 
principles, let the letters express the relationships of the sounds. 

From some unknown friend in Japan we have received the pictures of 
General Fukushima and Baron Kodama, of which the former was not in our 


possession when we published the article on "Japanese Leaders" in the 
August number of The Open Court. Kodama is second chief of the general 
staff and the first assistant of Field Marshall Oyama. He is one of the most 
prominent generals and strategists of the Japanese army. Another picture 


of Baron Kodama appears on page 640 of the August Open Court, but the 
present picture is especially interesting because it shows the fine profile of his 
face which is decidedly un-Japanese, but so far as we know there is no 
European blood in his veins. 


Major-General Fukushima is a poet of patriotic songs some of wh 
we have published in the August number of The Open Court, pp. 471-4' 
both the original Japanese and an English translation. 

Prof. E. P. Evans, an American of life long residence in Munich, Bavaria, 
writes with reference to some articles that have appeared of late in The 
Open Court, as follows : "I must confess that Russian icons do not appear to 
me to have played a significant part in the history of civilisation, except to 


hinder it. Even fruni an artistic point of view they are of no more value 
than any other gross and pernicious superstition. All idolatry has given a 
certain direction to art and produced certain artistic creations, but the evolu- 
tion of art would have taken a higher and nobler form without it. Truth is 
of some importance even in creations of the imagination. I had recently a 
series of conversations with a Russian nobleman of high position, who gave 
a dreadful picture of political corruption in Russia. The officials outdo our 
'bosses' in thievery." 

Americans will naturally look upon the separation of Church and State, 
which is now taking place in France, as liighly desirable in the interest of 
both parties, and the Church will in the long run be the greater beneficiary. 
The Vatican ought to consider the dignity which the Roman Church possesses 
in the United States where we have a free Church in free State. The more 
religion is based on the voluntary good will of the people the stronger it will 
be, although its devotees may be limited in numbers. Certain it is that a 
separation of Church and State will do away with the most serious causes 
of anmiosity now rightly prevailing against the Church in France as well as 
other countries with large contingents of Roman Catholic inhabitants. 

The news that the Marquise des Monstiers Merinville. formerly Miss 
Mary Gwendolin Caldwell, the founder of the Roman Catholic university at 
Washington, has become a Protestant, comes as a surprise to the Roman 
Catholics of this country. To a newspaper man of Rome the Marquise an- 
swered: "Yes, it is true that I have left the Roman Catholic Church. Since 
I have been living in Europe my eyes have been opened to what that Church 
really is and to its anything but sanctity." 

Rarely there has been a more enthusiastic devotee for the Roman Catho- 
lic faith than Miss Caldwell, and her sister, now the widow of Baron von 
Sedlitz, German diplomat and a personal friend of Emperor William, has 
also turned Protestant. The two sisters have sacrificed much of their in- 
herited fortune for the best of the Church, especially the Marquise des Mons- 
tiers, who was anxious to supply the scientific basis for the education of 
Roman Catholics and thus lo give standing to the Roman Church in the New 
World. And indeed, the institution which has thus been established has be- 
come and will forever remain a blessing to the members of* the Roman 
Catholic Church in the United States, for it has been conducted in a liberal 
spirit, and its rector as well as many of its professors are men of scientific 
training and ability. 

Judging from a personal recollection which the writer of these lines has, 
having met the two Misses Caldwell some time ago in New York, and know- 
ing the intensity and the serious spirit of their religious convictions, we must 
assume that the disillusionment of the Marquise is not a mere whim, but is 
based on the experience of many years, during which she has been under 
the patronage and guidance of Roman Catholic prelates. 

The poem "Stonehenge," which appeared in the November number of 
The Open Court, is by Miss Voltairine de Cleyre of Philadelphia. The 
author's name was omitted by mistake, and this seems to be due to the fact 
that it did not appear in the manuscript. 






Kegan Paul, Trench. Trubner & Co Ltd. 


Copyright by 

The Open Court Publishing Co. 

January, February, March Numbers, 1903. 

April to December Numbers, 1904. 




Allen, Rev. J. C. The Gospels of Jesus and Paul. . ■^'j 

Androgynous Man in Myth and Tradition. Charles Kassel 525 

Rabism. A New Religion. Behaism in Chicago. With Illustrations. 

Paul Cams 355, 398 

Bastian, Adolf. W. H. Carruth 321 

Belin, H. E. The Other Side 606 

Bible in Danger? Is the. Rev. Gabriel Oussani 641 

Buddhist View on War. The Right Rev. Shaku Soyen 274 

Calendar, The Japanese Floral With Illustrations. W. Clement, 

M. A 6, 107, 163, 213, 282, 351, 394, 499, 554, 615, 695, 723 

Carus, Paul. Heibert Spencer, i. — Stone Worship. With Illustrations, 
.15, 601. — Who wrote Shakespeare? 65. — The Ascent of Man. With 
Illustrations, 178. — Corea. With Illustrations, 218. — Gunkel Versus 
Delitzsch, 226. — Gilgamesh and Eabani : The Trusts and the Unions, 
291. — Our Postal Service, 343. — The Supreme Court and the Post 
Office, 348. — A New Religion: Babisni ; Behaism in Chicago. With 
Illustrations, 355, 398.— Petrarch. With Illustrations, 385. — The Re- 
ligion of Proto-Semitism, 421. — The Yellow Peril, 430. — Russian 
Icons. With Illustrations. 449. — Japanese Leaders. With Illustra- 
tions, 454.— The Third Commandment, 502. — '"Orientalism," 504. — 
The Rosetta Stone. With Illustrations, 531. — Naram-Sin's Stele. 
With Illustrations, 563. — The Spinning Damsel. With Illustration, 
568. — Elie Metchnikofif and the Cause of Senile Decadence, 618.— 
How Plistory is Transfigured by Myth, 690. — The Struggle in the 
Far East, 710. 

Carruth, W. H. Adolf Bastian 32 1 

Christmas and the Nativity of Mithras. Rev. Robert Sinker 3 

Chubb, Edwm Watts. The Shakespeare Controversy 203 

Clement, M. .'\.. Ernest W. The Japanese Floral Calendar. With Illus- 
trations 6. 107, 163, 213, 2S2, 351, .394, 499- 554. 615. 695, 723 

Coar, Ph. D.. John Firman. The Significance of German Literature of 

the Eighteenth Century 12,1 

Commandment, The Third. Paul Carus 502 

Corea. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 218 

Crabbe, James Irving. Japanese Songs and Folk-Lore 277 

Crosses as Symbols of Chthonic Deities, Pre-Christian. With Illustra- 
tions. Paul Carus 285 



Decadence of France, The. A Sympusium 296 

Delitzsch, Gunkel Versus. Paul Cams 226 

Dog is Built to Do, What the. Woods Hutchinson, A. M„ M. I) ':,■]■] 

East, The Problem of the Far. Baron Suyematsu 518 

East, The Struggle in the Far. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 710 

Evans, Henry Ridgely. Eliphas Levi : Magician and Mystic. With Il- 
lustrations, 145. — Natural Magic and Pre.stidigitation. With Illustra- 
tions, 242. — A Gentleman of Thibet, 479. — The Legendary and the 
Real Napoleon. An Occult Study. With Illustrations, 584. 

Farquhar, Dr. Edward. Shakespeare's Brutus 558 

France, The Decadence of. A Symposium 296 

Flint, Prof. Austin. Cases of Insanity in Shakespeare 257 

German Literature of the Eighteenth Century, The Signilicance of. John 

Firman Coar, Ph. D T^^i 

Gilgamesh and Eabani : The Trusts and the Unions. Paul Carus 291 

Gospels of Jesus and Paul, The. Rev. J. C. Allen 2,"/ 

Gunkel Versus Delitzsch. Paul Carus 226 

Harris, Ph. D., J. Arthur. A New Tneory of the Origin of Species 193 

History is Transfigured by Myth, Flow. Paul Carus 690 

Hutchinson, A. M., M. D., Woods. What the Dog is Built to Do 577 

Icons, Russian. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 449 

Japanese Floral Calendar, 1 he. With Illustrations. Ernest W. Clement, 

M. A 6, 107, 163, 213, 282, 351, 394- 499- 554, 615, 695. l^i 

Japanese Leaders. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 454 

Japanese Songs and Folk-Lore. James Irving Crabbe 277 

Johnson, L. H. D., Willis Fletcher. Parsifal. The Legend of the Holy 

Grail. With Illustrations 129 

Kassel, Charles. Androgynous Man in Myth and Tradition 525 

Keifer, J. Warren. Did William Shaksper Write Shakespeare? 14 

Levi — Magician and Mystic, Eliphas. With Illustrations. Henry Ridgely 

Evans i45 

Literature of the Eighteenth Century, The Significance of German. John 

Firman Coar, Ph. D TiZ 

Magic and Prestidigitation, Natural. With Illustrations. Henry Ridgely 

Evans 242 

Man, The Ascent of. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 178 

Marriage and the Roman Catholic Church. J. Clark Murray 331 

Metchnikoff and the Cause of Senile Decadence, Elie. Paul Carus 61X 

Mithras, Christmas and the Nativity of. Rev. Robert Sinker 3 

Moses. Edith Stow 293 

Murray, J. Clark. Marriage and the Roman Catholic Church 331 

Myth, How History is Transfiigured by. Paul Carus 690 

Mythopoeic Erudition. G. W. Shaw 687 

Nan-Shan Hill, At the Battle of. With Portrait. By the Right Rev. 

Shaku Soyen 705 

Napoleon, The Legendary and the Real. An Occult Study. With Illus- 
trations. Henry Ridgely Evans 584 

Naram-Sin's Stele. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 563 

Nature, The Ensoulment of. Edmund Noble 166 

Noble, Ednuind. The Ensoulment of Nature 166 



"Orientalism." Pj:ul Cams 504 

Orthodoxy. Two Letters on. Count Leo Tolstoy 513 

Other Side, The. H. E Belin 606 

Oussani, Rev. Gabriel. Is the Bible in Danger? 641 

Parsifal. The Legend of the Holy Grail. With Tllustrations. Willis 

Fletcher Johnson, L. H. D 129 

Petrarch. With Illustrations. Paul Cams 385 

Phelps, M. H. The Sages of India and Christianity 537 

Polity, American. Lee Waldorf. Ph. B (Syr.) bii 

Postal Service. Our. Paul Cams 343 

Post Oftice. The Supreme Court and the. Paul Cams 348 

Prestidigitation. Natural Magic and. With Illustrations. Henry Ridgely 

Evans 242 

Proto-Semitism. The Religion 01. Paul Cams 421 

Religion. A New. Babism. Behaism in Chicago. With Illustrations. 

Paul Cams 355. 398 

Rosetta Stone. The. With Illustrations. Paul Cams 531 

Russian Icons. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 449 

Sages of India and Christianity. The. i\I. H. Phelps 537 

Shakespeare's Brutus. Dr. Edward Farquhar 558 

Shakespeare. Cases of Insanity in. Prof, .\ustin Flint 257 

Shakespeare Controvers}-, The. Edwin Watts Chubb 203 

Shakespeare? Did William Shaksper Write. J. Warren Kcifer 14 

Shakespeare? Who Wrote. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 65 

Shaw, G. W. Mythopceic Erudition 687 

Sinker, Rev. Robert. Christmas and the Nativity of Mithras 3 

Soyen, Right Rev. Shaku. At the Battle of Nan-Shaii Hill. With Portrait 705 

Species, A New Theory on the Origin of. J. Arthur Harris, Ph. D 193 

Spencer, Herbert. Paul Carus i 

Spinning Damsel. The. With Illustration. Paul Cams 568 

Stanton, Theodore. A Modern Wiclif 221 

Stone Worship. With Illustrations. Paul Carus 45, 601 

Stow, Edith. Moses 293 

Suj-ematsu. Baron. The Problem, of the Far East 518 

Thibet, A Gentleman of. Henry Ridgely Evans 479 

Tolstoy, Count Leo. Two Letters on Orthodoxy 513 

Waldorf, Ph. B. (Syr.) . Lee. American Polity 61 1 

War, Buddhist View on. The Right Rev. Shaku Soyen 274 

Wiclif, A ^Modern. Theodore Stanton 221 

Yellow Peril, The Paul Cams 430 


Agnosticism. In Reply to Mr. Persifor Frazer 59 

Aiyar, C. N. Krishna.sami Sri Sankara Charya. His Life and Times... 575 

.Aiyar, C. V. Swaminatha. Godward Ho! A Symposiini.T 318 

American Anthropologist. (New Series.) 60 

Andrews, Prof. W. S. Radioscope 447 

Antiquities. Petition for the Protection of 192 

Bacon-Shakespeare Theory, The 311 



Bates, David. The Law of Likeness 576 

Behaism, A Letter from the American Representative of 374 

Bewer, Prof. Julius A. Opening Address at OberHn College 320 

Bonney, A Tribute to the Honorable C. C. A. N. Waterman 57 

Bose, M. A., Jagadis Chunder. Response in the Living and the Non- 

Living 123 

Brackett, E. A. My House. A Poem 124 

Brandes on the Sakespeare-Bacon Problem, Mr. George 437 

Brauer, M. A., Herman G. A. Philosophy of Ernest Renan 319 

Brough, LL. D., J. The Study of Mental Science 63 

Budhism. Second number 319 

Buddist Stanzas, Three. Paul Carus 625 

Budge's New Work Delayed by Fire, Professor 55 

Burton and Shailer Matthews, Ernest De Witt. Principles and Ideas for 

the Sunday School 127 

Cesaresco, Evelyn Martinengo. Esh-Sham. A Poem 510 

Chudhathar, Prince Chandradhat. Buddhistic Essays 61 

Christian Faith, An Assault Upon the Principal Mystery of the 256 

Clement, Ernest W. A Hand Book of Modern Japanese 446 

Comstock, B. S., Anna Botsford. Ways of the Six-footed 446 

Converse, LL.D., C. C. The Standard Hymnal 765 

Cust, LL.D., Robert Needham Linguistic and Oriental Essays 639 

Dahlke, Paul. Aufsatze zum Verstandniss des Buddhismus 316 

Davis, E. D. The Davis Parallel Gospels 63 

Decadence of France," "The 57o 

Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago 320 

De Cleyre, Voltairine. Stonehenge. A Poem 699 

Dharma, The Light of 384 

Dharmapala, Contribution to 256 

Dharmapala's Mission in India and His Lecture in Albert Hall, Calcutta 633 

Dharmapala's Mission 53 

Dharmaratna, M. Satvotpatti Vinischaya and Nirvana Vibhaga 61 

Dole, Charles F. From Agnosticism to Theism 447 

Elder & Co., Paul. Publishers of Pamphlets, etc 319 

Electricity and the Body of Resurrection 253 

Ellis, Havelock. Studies in the Psychology of Sex 319 

Ely, Richard T. Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society 128 

Ethnological Museum at Berlin 44^ 

Eucken, Rudolf. Gesammelte Aufsatze zur Philosophic und Lebens- 

anschanung 128 

Evans, Prof. E. P. Note on Icons 767 

Evolution and Man's Place in Nature, The Theory of 444 

Expansion, Described by an American Journalist, A. Century of American 628 
Fischer, Henry W. Private Lives of William IT. and His Consort, And 

Secret History of the Court of Berlin 573 

Flick, M. D., Lawrence F. The Crusade Against Tuberculosis 317 

France," "The Decadence of 570 

France, Religion in. Paul Topinard 30S 

France, Separation of Church and State in 768 

Franklin. Autobiography of Benjamin 320 



Frazer, Persifor. Ernst Haeckel's Solution of the "World Riddle." 58 

Freethinkers' Congress at Rome 320 

Germanics, An American Institute of 313 

Ghose, M. A., B. L., Jogendva Chunder. The Principles of Hindu Law.. 315 

Goodell, Thomas Dwight. The Greek in English 124 

Groszmann School of Nervous and Atypical Childre)i 320 

Haeckel's Solution of the "World Riddle," Ernst. Persifor Frazer 58 

Hamlet Insane ? Was 435 

Hebrew Secular Law in the Light of Comparative Jurisprudence 630 

Hird, Dennis. An Easy Outline of Evolution 511 

Hoben, Allan. Historical and Linguistic Studies in Literature Related to 

the New Testament 125 

Hocus-Pocus 252 

Honesty With the Bible 700 

Hj'pocrisy," Dr. Knight's Satire, "The Praise of. Dr. J. R. Phelps 117 

Hypocrisy, The Praise of. A Rejoinder 44T 

Hyslop, James H. The Ethics of the Greek Philosophers, Socrates, Plato, 

and Aristotle 314 

Icons, Tolstoy on 507 

Israelite, The Chicago 63 

Jekyll, M. A., Walter. The Bible Untrustworthy 640 

Jena, The University of 313 

Jesus and Paul 310 

Kantstudien 64 

Keifer, Joseph Warren. The Shaksper Controversy. (Reply.) ^77 

Konow, Sten. Raja-Cekhara's Karpura-Manjari 126 

Loeb, Prof. Jacques. Biological Studies 319 

Loyson, Father Hyacinth e 373 

Loyson, Pere Hyacinthe and Madame 704 

Marble, Mrs. Callie Bonney 447 

Matthews, Ernest De Witt Burton and Shailer. Principles and Ideals for 

the Sunday School 127 

Mead, B. A., M. R. A. S., G. R. S. Did Jesus Live too B. C. ? 511 

Merinville, Marquise des Monstiers 768 

Mormons, The Polygamy of the 443 

Neanderthal Man, The 191 

Neutrals, The Right of 764 

Octogenarian Buddhist High Priest, An, (With Photograph.) 122 

Osborn, Loran David. The Recovery and Restatement of the Gospel. ... 62 
Ostwald, William. Relations of Biology to the Neighboring Sciences. . . . 320 

Panama Canal Question, The. A Plea for Colombia 445 

Parkes, M. A., Rev. F. W. Elijah. A Historical Poem 126 

Pearson on the Law of Progress. Prof. Karl 118 

Pfungst, Dr. Arthur. Aas der Indischen Kulturwelt 318 

Phelps, Dr. J. R. Dr. Knight's Satire "The Praise of Hvpocrisy" 117 

Phelps's Letter on "The Praise of Hypocrisy." Dr 302 

Pratt, Louis. L'art et la beaute. Kallikles 316 

Religion and Pure Gold, Pure. J. A. Ruth 703 

Rice, Ph. D., LL. D., William North. Christian Faith m an Age of 

Science 636 



Rosenau, Ph.D., William. Jewish Ceremonial Institutions and Customs. 127 

Row, B. A., R. Vasudra Sakuntala ,317 

Rowe, Nicholas. Some Account of the Life of William Shakespeare. ... 113 

Russian Censor 640 

Russo-Japanese War, The Lesson of the 507 

Ruth, J. A. Pure Religion and Pure Gold 703 

Science, The Religion of 64 

Sepp, Prof. Dr. J. N. Orient and Occident 317 

Shakespeare-Bacon Problem, Mr. George Brandes on the 437 

Shakespeare Theory, The Bacon- 311 

Shakespeare, Some Account of the Life of William. Nicholas Rowe. ... 113 

Shasper Controversy, The. (Reply.) J. Warren Keifer t,T/ 

Sheldon, Walter L, Lessons in the Study of Habits 59 

Spiegelberg, Dr. Wilhelm. Geschichte der aegyptischen Kunst im Abriss 

dargestellt ,320 

Starr's Open Air Ethnological Display, Prof. Frederick 512 

Stein, Robert. An Liternational Phonetic Conference 765 

"Stonehenge," Errata 76S 

Suyematsu, Baron 576 

Tattvabhushan, Pandit Sitanath. Sri Sankara Charya. Plis Philosophy. 575 

Tolstoy on Icons 507 

Tolstoy on the Russo-Japanese War 761 

Topinard, Paul. Religion in France 305 

Van't Hoff, J. H. La chimie physique et ses applications 316 

Waterman, A. N. A Tribute to Honorable C. C. Bonney 57 

Watson, John B. Animal Education 318 

Western Scholarship Affects the Eas, How 30Q 

What Does This Mean? 5o8 

Winslow, Ph.D., D. D., etc., William Copley. The Truth About the 

Egypt Exploration Fund 445 

Zakrzewska, Memorial to Dr. Marie Elizabeth 256 


Gods of the Egyptians 


Studies in Egyptian Mythology 


E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, M. A., Litt. D., D. Lit. 


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