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^be ^^cn Court 


Devoted to tbc Science ot IReU^lon, tbe IReliaton ot Science, anb tbe 
Bitension ot tbe IReliaious parliament f bea 

Founded by Eowaso C. Hecklek 

Volume XXXIX (No. 7) JULY, 1925 (No. 830) 



Frontispiece. Japanese Buddha. 

Japanese Buddhism. W. G. Blaikie Murdoch 385 

Knowledge Interpreted as Language Behavior. Leslie A. White 396 

Utopia Rediscovered. William Loftus Hare 405 

The Earliest Gospel Writings as Political Documents. Wm. W. Martin .... 424 

The Greek Idea of Sin. Alexander Kadison 433 

Morel. B. U. Burke 436 

The Organized Religion of Churches and Social Work. June P. Guild 440 

The Significance of Manaism. George P. Conger 443 

^be 0pen Court tPublidbing Companig 

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Entered as Second-Class Matter March 26, 1887, at the Post Office at Chlcaso, lU., under Act of March 3, 1879. 
Copyright by The Open Codrt Publishing Company. 1924. 

Xlbe ©pen Court 


©cvote^ to the Science of IReliQion, tbe IRelf gfon of Science, and tbe 
Extension of tbe IReligious parliament f Oea 

Founded by Eowako C. Hicnxk 

Volume XXXIX (No. 7) JULY, 1925 (No. 830) 



Frontispiece. Japanese Buddha. 

Japanese Buddhism. W. G. Blaikie Murdoch 385 

Knowledge Interpreted as Language Behavior. Leslie A. White 396 

Utopia Rediscovered. William Loftus Hare 405 

The Earliest Gospel Writings as Political Documents. Wm. W. Martin .... 424 

The Greek Idea of Sin. Alexander Kadison 433 

Morel. B. U. Burke 436 

The Organized Religion of Churches and Social Work. June P. Guild 440 

The Significance of Manaism. George P. Conger 443 

^be ®pen Court tPubUdbing Company 

122 S. Michigan Ave. Chicago, Illinois 

Per am, 20 cents (1 shiUing). Yearly, $2.00 (in the U.P.U^ 9i. 6d.) 

Entered as Second-Class Matter March 26, 1887, at the Post Office at Chlcagfo, 111., under Act of March 3, 1879. 
Copyright by The Open Codrt Publishhcg Company, 1924. 


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The Open Court 


Devoted to the Science of Religion, the Religion of Science, ana 
the Extension of the Religious Parliament Idea. 

Vol. XXXIX (No. 7) July, 1925 ( No. 830) 

Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1925 


MAN\' times the ^vriter has put to Japanese friends the ques- 
tion : What is the state of Buddhism today, in the Land of 
Sunrise? Some have answered blandly, utada onagi dcs, still same 
is. Others have given ?< sharply different reply, shind'c iuiasu, dying 
is. To declare of Buddhism in Nippon, that it holds now the position, 
which it had say four centuries ago. is only like making an analogous 
statement about Christianity in the Occident. Nevertheless, to main- 
tain of the Light of Asia, that it no longer brings comfort to the 
toiling myriads in the Extreme Orient, is again utterly erroneous. 
And. grantjing that the fair faith of Sakyamuni is waning, it would 
be almost impossible to exaggerate the refining influence, which it 
exerted of old in Japan. How came s^e to know and love the 
Indian creed? 

In the mid sixth century A.D.. there ruled over the little realm. 
Kudara, in Korea, a monarch who was an ardent Buddhist, and they 
called his name IMyong. It vexed him to think of the heathen con- 
dition, as he counted it, of his neighbors the Japanese : he was eager, 
that the people that sat in darkness should see great light. But 
being well aware, that proselytising is apt to give ofifence, Myong 
took a crafty step. He sent the reigning Japanese Emperor, Kimmei, 
a present of umbrellas, a Buddhist sculpture being included in the 
parcel. This was in the year 552, Osaka being then capital of 
Nippon. And Kimmei was deeply interested in the letter extolling 
Buddhism, which the good Myong had written, to enclose with his 
gifts. The Japanese potentate feared, however, that if he sanctioned 
the preaching of the alien cult, he w'ould incense the deities of 
the pristine Japanese leligion. Shinto. Wherefore, he summoned 
a council at Osaka. 


The Koiiki, or Records of ancient INIatters, by O no Yasnmaro, 
was completed in 712. Commonly described as the oldest history 
of Japan, it would be more aptly defined as the Bible of Shinto. 
And it need hardly be doubted that this creed, as it was in the remote 
days of Kimmei, was little ditlerent from what it was, when Yasn- 
maro wrote. For it is a religion, characteristic of a simple, primi- 
tive people, which is laid bare in his pages. The Kojiki relates that 
the Mikados are divine, being themselves descendants of the gods, 
and having been appointed by them to rule. Several of the Shinto 
deities are associated with forces in nature, for instance Amaterasu 
the sun-goddess. The faith embodies no moral code, calls ne'ther 
for good deeds, nor for mental development. And since it teaches 
men to pray for aid, to their own dead ancestors, also to the illustri- 
ous departed in general, in pre-Ruddhist eras great care was taken, 
to minister to the deceased. Weapons and utensils were put in the 
graves, and they were frequently encircled by sculptures, to act as 
guardians. But these sculptures were little more than gropin^s at 
representation of the human form, and even the best of the Shinto 
temples were mere cottages. In short, the art of the period, like its 
religion, tells of a nation still essentially primitive. 

At the council summoned by Kimmei, the reception of Bud- 
dhism was hotly opposed by all the speakers, with the exception of 
one Soga. He pointed out, that already the Indian creed had been 
widely espoused in Korea and China. Was the Island Empire, 
Japan, to betray herself slow, he asked, in offering welcome to what- 
soever things were the mark, of the latest continental civilization? 
Xevertheless, 20 years after the coming of the gifts from Kudara, 
there were still very few P>U(kihists in the .Sunrise Land. And it 
was clear that, would the Light of Asia spread its beneficent rays 
there, the faith must have an enthusiastic apostle. It should be 
borne in mind that, long ere the days of INlyong and Kimmei. the 
B.rahmin pantheon had been adopted by the Buddhist church. This 
was the cause of that church becoming a great impulse, to the fash- 
ionmg of pictures and sculptures. /\nd no doubt the keen aesthetic 
tastes, with the Japanese Prince Shotoku, born in S72, were among 
the factor.-, which led him to prefer the Indian religion to .Shinto. 
Ifimself a musician and a sculotor, in boyhood he had as tutors, a 
Korean and .-i Chinese. Perhaj^s they descanted to their brilliant 
pupil, on art l)ting far more advanced in Korea and China, than in 
N'il)p<'in. And when, in S^?>. the Prince commenced to rule as Regent, 
the nominal sovereign being the l'".m])rcss .^uiko. he straightway 


began to hurl prodigious energies into the furtherance of Buddhism. 

"i he young Regent ordained, that three of the Buddhist Scrip- 
tures should be expounded throughout Japan. He wrote essays on 
Buddhist philosophy, and he gave lectures on the same. But with 
his fine sharp mind he realized that, if the ennobling capacities of 
•he faith which he loved were to prove efficacious, if they were to 
bring sweetness and light to his country, he must personally be a 
practical Buddhist. He must set an example, of the charity incul- 
cated by Sakyamuni. Laboring to defend the common people against 
tyranny from the baronial class, seeking to heighten with the latter 
the sense of honor, and working to reform judicature, Shotoku 
wrote on this subject, a remarkable series of maxims. In connec- 
tion with one of the Buddhift temples which he founded, he insti 
luted an asylum ror the poof. a hospital, and a dispensary. In the 
manipulation of foreign politics, he stood resoluiely for pacific meas- 
ures. Nevertheless, like all men of high talent, he had pride. He 
was the earliest Japanese rule^, who wrote to the court of China, in 
terms which implied that Japan was a power, no less important than 
hv^r big neighbor. And on receiving the Rege.'iTs bold letter, the 
Chinese monarch was furious. Was he unaware, of the rapid 
changes which Buddhism was enacting in the Island Empire? 

A long, and absorbing preoccupation with Shotoku. was super- 
vising the construction of the Buddhist temple. Horiuji, close to 
Nara, which town is near Osaka. In his enthusiasm, the princely 
supervisor contrived, to bring Korean artificers to help him. And 
consequently, in general style Horiuji is similar to the Buddhist 
fanes, built contemporaneously with it in Korea and China. When 
Shotoku died in 621, primitive art was over in Nippon. Largely 
through the Prince's own beautiful work, as a carver of Buddhist 
images, there were now Japanese Buddhist sculptors, fashioning 
things of high beauty. In 701 there was promulgated a new code 
of laws, almost a replica of a code which had been lately drawn up 
in China. Hitherto, it had been the custom to change the seat of 
rule, on the accession of each Mikado, but in 710 Nara was chosen 
as a permanent metropolis. Already. Buddhism had been definitely 
professed by a big number of people of the upper classes, and soon 
the faith received ardent abetting from the Nara court. 

It was the Mikado Shomu. crowned in 724. who vied with the 
late brilliant Regent in devotion to the Indian creed. Shomu's piety 
was shared amply by his wife. Komyo ; like Shotoku before them, 
these monarchs sought to carry Buddhist teaching into practice 


Thev engao'cd in philanthropic schemes, for example the founding 
of a second dispensary. And round about Xara. the royal pair built 
stately P>uddhist temples, in the continental mode of architecture, 
which had been shown forth by Horiuji. Of these fanes was Todaiji, 
wherein was erected the largest metal sculpture in the Orient, a 
bronze of Dai-nichi Xyorai. supreme god in the Buddhist pantheon. 
If this particular image is a very poor one, its making was accom- 
panied by tliat of a wealth of fine glyptic works. In the seven- 
hundreds. Japanese sculpture reached almost suddenly its highest 
glory : the golden age in the art continued, till early in the next cycle ; 
and the masterpieces were all Buddhist images. From the eighth 
century likewise dates the oldest Japanese painting extant, a study 
of a Buddhist goddess. The same period witnessed the invention 
of the katakana, or Japanese syllabic script, people in Japan having 
heretofore written, solely with the Chinese ideographs. The same 
era looked on the inauguration of printing in Nippon, and it was a 
passage from the Buddhist Scriptures, w'hich was printed on the 
million leaflets then disseminated. The Kojiki, it has been seen, was 
completed in 712; in 720 was finished the Nihongi, or Chronicle of 
Japan ; and in or about 748 was begun the compiling of the first 
anthology of Japanese poems. At this date, versification contests 
were the favorite pastime in the royal palace. And the mere fact 
that ladies took part in these competitions, illustrates well how 
refined was the life of the imperial circle. In brief, the advent of 
Buddhism resulted, in the Japanese upper classes espousing before 
the eighth century was far advanced, the current civilization and 
culture of the Asiatic mainland. But was this step, along with the 
profession of Buddhism among those people, indeed attended bv a 
complete change of belief on their part? And how did the Buddhist 
doctrines fare, among the masses? 

\\'hen, just prior to the Empress Suiko's accession, the Mikado 
Sushim was assassinated. Prince Shotoku contended that the violent 
death was retribution, for sins which the murdered king had com- 
mitted in a previous existence. To the great majority, however, 
high bes'dcs low. the Buddhist theory that sinners will return to the 
world, either as ^ower anitnals or as people, was hard to reconcile 
with tlie Shinto belief, that dead ancestors have power to help their 
descendant still l:\ing. Dclcrniincd to overcome this obstacle, the 
Buddhist clergy in Japan, soon after Shotoku's day. preached that 
transmigration does not commence till a himdred years after death. 
This gave Japanese the opportunity of becoming Buddhists, while 


not wholly forsaking Shinto. For the crafty declaration inferrea. 
that people might pray to parents and grandparents, if not to remote 
forefathers, since it was possible that these were moving about on 
earth in reincarnated form. But although ministering to the dead, 
by surrounding the grave with sculptures, faded from custom, faith 
in the Shinto gods remained strong with a legion in all classes. And 
on the erection at Todaiji, of the colossal image of Dai-nichi Nyorai 
a Buddhist priest, Gyogi, delivered a sermon, designed to checkmate 
the Shintoists. His claim was that their sun-goddess, Amaterasu, 
was in actuality an avatar of the supreme Buddhist divinity, repre- 
sented in tlie huge sculpture. In 794. the metropolis was removed 
from Nara to Kyoto. And soon afterwards the renowned Bud- 
dhist hierarch Kobo Daishi (77-4-835), preached that not Amaterasu 
only, but all Shinto deities, were avatars of personages in the Bud- 
dhist pantheon. The dual creed thus inaugurated, a belief simul- 
taneously in the old religion and the new, became ere Kobo's death, 
almost universally the acknowledged cult. Here, then, in this ab- 
sorption of the indigenous faith of Japan, lay the distinctive thing 
in Japanese Buddhism. 

As the ninth century passed into the tenth, painting soared lo 
splendor in Nippon. At this era the finest pictures, like the rare 
sculptures of earlier, were all or nearly all Buddhist works. But it 
is hard to say whether, on the spread of the Light of Asia, it really 
brought much material benefit to the masses. For written data 
about them, at the epoch of that event, are scarce in the extreme. 
In the Nihongi. how^ever, it is at least told that, on Prince Shotoku's 
death, he was passionately mourned by the commonalty. And it is 
most imlikely they would have done this, unless some success had 
attended the Regefit's lifelong efforts on their behalf. Tn the earlv 
days of Buddhism in Japan, people resisted stoutly the endeavor, 
to prevent them killing animals for food : naturally a heinous crime 
in the opirxion of those orthodox Buddhists who. like Shotoku. 
believed in reincarnation. In fact, there never came a time, when 
more than a fraction of Japanese refrained from such shedding- of 
blood. But the literature of Nippon, subsequent to the union of 
Buddhism with Shinto, embodies many things which show that, 
despite this addiction to slaughter, there had come to be widely 
alive the feeling that the reincarnation theory was true. Neverthe- 
less, there was by no means renounced the idea that it was good 
to placate and adore progenitors. Nor did the union of the creeds 
destroy the Shinto tenet, that the INIikados were divine. In 1192 


was founded the Sliogiinate. or military dictatorship : it speedily 
became the governing force, the crown devolving into a shadow of 
authoritv. And in 1348 the Shogimate was made an hereditary 
oflfice with the Ashikaga family, who held it till 1573. But the 
Shogiins were always nominally subservient to the sacred Emperors. 

If the assertion that the house divided against itself cannot stand, 
is one which may logically be supported, conversely it may well be 
urged that, when there goes forward the copious disparting of a 
religion, this tells of active thought with the religionists. And, in 
Nippon, with all her prolonging of Shinto beliefs, there was abund- 
ant dividing of Buddhism into shu or sects. It is usual to speak of 
the Light of Asia, as being of two main branches, Great Vehicle and 
Lesser \'ehicle. There is sometimes classed as separate from those, 
the Middle Way. which, however, is a section of the Great Vehicle. 
It is the latter which teaches that a man must arrive at intellectual 
enlightenment while he is still in the corporeal state, would he pass 
onwards after death to Nirvana. The votaries of the Middle Way, 
while accepting this doctrine, add to it an intricate philosophy, whose 
chief point is, that on earth nothing exists, save in himian imagina- 
tion. And the Lesser \'ehicle is the original, or primitive form of 
Buddhism, inculcating merely, that whoso leads an exemplary life, 
will not be called on to return to this vale of tears. On demise, he 
will be rewarded by annihilation. 

It was the Great Vehicle which was known at first in Japan. But 
in 625 there went there a Korean priest. Ekwan, who expounded 
the Middle Way ; and who likewise, presumably because he desired 
to win the masses, preached the simple gospel of the Lesser Vehicle. 
The outcome was the establishing of a Middle Way body, San Ron 
.Shu, or the Sect of the Three ?^Ietaphysical Rooks ; also of a Lesser 
Vehicle body, Jojitsu Ron Shu, or the Sect of the Perfection oi 
Truth. These denominations were short-lived ; by the time they 
passed away, other Buddhist churches had been begim ; and there 
enrolled themselves in them the people, who had been members of 
the two above-named. In 654, a Japanese prelate. Dosho. instituted 
a Middle Way persuasion, the Hosso Shu, sometimes called the 
Yuishiki. Hosso Shu signifies, the Sect whose Members study the 
Nature of Things; Yuishiki means Idealism; and the church so 
entitled is extant even now. In 658 a Japanese hicrarch. Chitsu, 
inaugurated a Lesser Vehicle sect, the Kusha or Treasure. But 
like its predecessor foinidcd by Lkwan. it faded away soon, the 
members joining other Buddhist fraternities. Among the canonical 


books of Buddhism, is the Scripture of the extensive Flower-adorrn 
ing Gospel. And in 725 a Chinese priest, Dosen, started in Nippon 
a Great Vehicle sect, whose appellation, Kegon. is a contracted 
equivalent of that, of the said Scripture. For it was on this work 
that Dosen based his sermons, and the Kegon Shu has survived to 
the present day. In 754 a Chinese missionary, Kanshin, brought 
about the inception in Japan of a Lesser Vehicle sect, the Ritsu or 
Discipline, this also having survived till now. As early as the eighth 
century, there was talk about some of the Buddhist churchmen 
being corrupt, objections being raised, in particular against their 
being a great power in affairs of state. In 805 a Japanese priest, 
Dengyo, eager to bring reform, for he was a very earnest man, insti- 
tuted the denomination of Tendai. And it was almost simultaneously 
that the Shingon church was founded by Kobo Daishi, who has been 
already spoken of. The name of Tendai is derived from that of a 
mountain in China, Tien Tai, and Shingon means New Word. Den- 
gyo and' Kobo were friends ; the sects of their starting both belong 
to the Great Vehicle ; and both are in existence yet. 

The basic difference, between the Great Vehicle organizations, 
was from the outset comparatively small. The distinction of the 
Kegon was only that it laid stress, on the excellence of certain cardi- 
nal virtues, upheld in the Scripture from which the sect took us 
name. The Shingon. dealing far more than the Kegon and Tendai 
in elaborate and mysterious ritual, likewise acquired soon the repu- 
tation, of being lax in demand for morality, among its members. In 
centuries immediately following that, which saw the activities of 
Dengyo and Kobo, there grew steadily louder the outcry against the 
Buddhist clergy. Wealthy and luxurious, they had set up great 
monasteries, which were now in some cases bristling with weapons 
of war, the monks undergoing military drill. Out of the spirit of 
inquiry, which these abuses evoked, came four new churches. And 
as will transpire in studying them, the usual mode, of classifying 
Buddhist persuasions as either Great Vehicle or Lesser Vehicle, is 
scarcely adequate. For the new denominations were rather closer 
to Christianity than to Buddhism in general. 

Of personages in the Buddhist pantheon in Amida, veneratea 
by every sect. It is sometimes contended that Sakyamuni himself 
mentioned this deity with obeisance ; for he is supposed to have 
been originally a king, who lived in India long ages before Sakv- 
amuni. It is held that Amida renounced his throne so that he might 
become a Buddha ; in other words, so that he might arrive at the 


intellectual enlig;htenment necessary for the welfare of his soul. 
These contentions hint, that the central idea of the Great X'ehicle 
had been familiar in India, prior to the advent of the alleged father 
of Buddhism. Be that as it may. it was in 1100 that Ryonin gave 
inception to the Yuzu Xembutsu church. It was in 1174 that Genku 
inaugurated the Jodo Shu : in 1224 Shinran Shonin the Jodo Shin 
.*~^hu : and in 1275 Ippen the Ji Shu. All these priests were Japa- 
nese : the sects they founded are all extant still, and each has special 
association with Amida. 

Yuzu means circulation, and Nembutsu is a contraction of Xamu 
Amida Butsu, or Hail to the Buddha Amida. For Ryonin taught 
that people ought to view this deity, as Catholics in the Occident 
regard the \'irgin. namely as an intercessor with the Almighty, on 
behalf of their souls. Jodo means Pure Land (i. e.. Heaven), and 
Genku proclaimed that Amida's renunciation of his throne had been 
enacted, not for that personage's own good exclusively, but for the 
redemption of mankind. \\'herefore, it is by faith in the remote 
sacrificial being, and not by righteous deeds, that salvation may be 
won. continued the Jodo founder. And he advocated interminable 
utterance of the adoring phrase. Namu Amida Butsu. Jodo Shin 
Shu means the True Sect of the Pure Land ; this church likewise 
accepts the doctrine of redemption through Amida : and alone among 
Japanese Buddhist organizations, the Jodo Shin has a married 
clergy. Ji Shu means Time Sect, and apart from inculcating salva- 
tion through Amida. thi peculiarity of the Ji is simply this. Ippen 
had travelled widely, preaching; and the church of his founding 
has a law. that its head hierarch should practise itineracy. 

It was in 1101 that a Japanese priest. Eisai. began theological 
expositions, which led almost instantly to the starting of yet another 
Great Vehicle body, the Zen Shu or Contemplation Sect, flourishing 
still. In addition to upholding contemplation, the Zenists attached 
high value to spartanism, whence their church gained support espe- 
ciallv from the soldier class. The Scrij)ture of the Lotus of the 
good Law. is of the canonical books of Buddhism; Japanese equiva- 
lents of that name are ^lyohorengekyo and Hokke; and this Scrip- 
ture was extolled as supreme by the Japanese priest, Nichiren (1222- 
1282). 1 1 is followers thus came to be known as the Hokke Shu, 
being also .'>tyled sometimes, the Xirchiren Shu. But in claiming 
as he did that he was not the founder of a sect, Nichiren was right. 
For the Hokke had long been a fa\orite book with the Tendai pre- 
lates ; or to look further back, it was among those writings, on which 


Prince Shotoku lectured. The Hokke Shu may be described as a 
Great Vehicle body, of strong evangelical predilections, and it is 
thriving yet. 

Fine Buddhist paintings continued to be wrought frequently, 
up till the thirteenth century. This witnessed the dawn of woodcut 
pictures, the art in which Nippon was to win ultimately her widest 
fame, and the first woodcuts were all studies of Buddhist deities. 
There was, too. in the thirteenth century, a revival of the glories of 
Buddhist sculpture, which renaissance endured, say a hundred years. 
Printing, from the remote day it began, by multiplying a text from 
the Scriptures of the Light of Asia, remained for some seven hun- 
dred years, almost wholly concerned with reduplicating Buddhist 
theological treatises, and books in the canon of the Indian faith. 
These books were in Chinese, nor was it till the twentieth century 
that the canon was translated into Japanese. Under the Ashikaga 
Shoguns.^in power as has been noted from 1348 to 1573, the clergy 
of Sakyamuni's creed wore a triple laurel. Authors of most of the 
beautiful secular literature of the epoch, painters of most of its fine 
secular pictures, they were active in starting schools. Neverthe- 
less, as in days soon after Kyoto had been chosen ca])ital, so also 
now, the priests were very ready for fighting. If hardly anything 
ow'ing to the ceaseless baronial strife, which the Shoguns were in- 
capable of checking. And when the iron-handed soldier, Oda 
is known about the life of the masses before this particular period, 
it is only too well recorded that they sufifered dire privation then. 
Nobunaga, tore down the Ashikaga Shogunate. he was determined 
that never again should the churches vie with the baronage, in being 
an armed peril to the Sunrise Land. If he quelled the turbulent 
nobles, it was the relentless blows he struck at the more menacing 
of the temples and monasteries, which ended wealth with the Bud- 
dhist hierarchy. 

Tyeyasu, who established in 1603 the hereditary Shogunate of 
Tokugawa, was a member of the Jodo sect of Buddhism, and he 
was wont tc take advice from priests on affairs of state. The sec- 
ond Tokugawa Shogun, Hidetada. ordained that every mature male 
in Japan must be on the membership roll of some Buddhist temple, 
likewise that every household in the land must possess a Buddhist 
image. The fifth Shogun of the line. Tsunayoshi. showed himself 
a very orthodox devotee of Buddhism, founding as he did an 
asylum, for aged and infirm dogs and horses. It was the extraordi- 
nary genius of lyeasu which, finally shattering the bellicositv of the 


nobles, and creating at length a strong central government, brought 
for the populace tolerable comfort, with considerable education. It 
was just after lyeyasu's time, that the toiling myriads came to reflect 
that refinement of theirs, which has passed well-nigh into a proverb. 
Sociologists and artists have marvelled that the world-famous color- 
prints should have been essentially a popular art, sold as they were 
for a few copper coins each. And, in those early seventeen hun- 
dreds, in which this woodcut art began quickly to reach loveliness, 
nearly all people in Nippon had houses, with something of archi- 
tectural beauty. But remember, this culture with the masses was 
not exactly a new thing. It was the apogee of the civilization, in- 
troduced to the Island Empire ages before, by the coming of Bud- 

As the nineteenth century neared meridian, and there grew 
active an anti-Shogunal party, they used as weapon the immemorial 
Shinto theory, about the Mikados being divine. When the Shogun- 
ate was subverted in 1868, the legislative force, set in its place, was 
the revived authority of the crown. And, in consonance, Shinto 
was proclaimed the official religion. But the imion, between that 
creed and the Indian one, was too firmly planted in the heart of the 
majority, ro be lightly removed. Thus, while it is true there are 
today, multitudes of Japanese who call themselves Shintoists ana 
nothing else on the other hand all or seemingly all the avowed Bud- 
dhists are faithful, to the ancient Shinto belief, in the efficacy of 
prayer to their own ancestors. In their houses these Buddhists have 
a miniature shrine, for the purpose of ancestral worship. 

With the proclamation that Shinto was the national faith, the 
government essayed to make all shrines of the reinstated cult, com- 
pletely distmct. It endeavored to purge them of decorative items 
which, pertaining to Buddhist symbolism, told of the link between 
the indigenous and the foreign creed. In Nippon at present, there 
are about 70.000 temples of the Light of .Xsia. those of Shinto being 
nearly twice that number. It might be thought that exceptional pop- 
ularity would lie. with the simi)le tenets of Buddhism of the Lesser 
\'chicle. r>ut on the contrary, the solitary church of that class still 
extant, the Ritsu. is among the very smallest of current religious 
fraternities. The Zen and the Jodo Shin are the two largest per- 
suasions, cither of them l)cing about the same size. The vShingoii. 
with its fondness for ritual, conies tliird. being a good deal smaller, 
however, than Zen or Jodo Shin. The sole Afiddle Way sect still 
existing, the Ilosso, is but a tiny affair, its fanes scarcely fifty, in 


which paucity is ample significance. What shall it profit a man or 
woman in the hour of sorrow to hearken to the Middle Way phil- 
osophy, that nothing exists save in human imagination? It is nor- 
mal that, in times of darkness, strong active people should find a 
little respite in the Zen advocacy of spartanism. It is normal that, 
in times of tribulation, people should discover consolation in the 
Jodo Shin doctrine, that their souls will be miraculously wafted to 
the Pure Land, through the sacrifice of Amida. 

If these reflections are bound to rise, when studying the history 
of Japanese Buddhism, likewise they are bound to rise, when talk- 
ing of religion to the humbler Japanese folk. "You may become a 
cat," was the saying to the writer, of a simple peasant woman, con- 
vinced of the truth of the reincarnation theory. "Which deity do 
you principally long to see in the hereafter?" she continued, adding 
that her own preference was for Kwannon, the Buddhist goddess 
of compassion. Here was a person who did really think of the 
pantheon ds composed of veritable beings on whom she might one 
day look. But of Japanese observations concerning the faith of 
Sakyamuni. they are the words of a city-bred woman, of the toiling 
multitude, which bring the sweetest perfume in the recollection: 
"Buddhist teaching makes the heart gentle." 



M\N has spent a great deal of time thinking about himseit. 
Piqued by voracious curiosity, he has attempted to define his 
station in the cosmos. The range of his speculations and conceits 
extends from filial kinship with a Creator, in whose name he pre- 
sides over the planetary center of the Universe, to status as one of 
many forms of organic life, precariously and temporarily infesting 
an insignificant speck of dust in a universe of suns. 

Out of this prolonged speculation have grown many "problems," 
one of which is the problem of knowledge. There has been much 
speculation about Intellect and Knowledge. \"olumes have been 
written on Epistemology, in attempt to determine what knowledge 
is, whether or not it is possible, and how. Nowadays, we are not 
so much concerned with deciding questions dialectically as empiri- 
cally. The tendency is to take the human being as a datum rather 
tlian a pre-conceived hypothesis; to study him objectively rather 
than to pit our notions of him one against the other. 

This point of view makes possible a new approach to the prob- 
lem of knowledge. We may dispense with such questions as whether 
nr not knowledge is possible or "real." We may begin with the 
individual, examine him in any way that we can. and report our 
lindings. Whether or not this method will reach the "ultimate nat- 
uw" cif knowledge, is a question that may well await upon a thor- 
ough and exhaustive examination of our datum. 

Instead of metaphysics, we may begin with common sense. We 
Ikuc an animal lliat cats, sleeps, talks, laughs, wears clothes, uses 
lools. etc. There has been a great deal of energy dissipated in try- 
ing to determine man's place among animals. Without going into 
this litigatit)u. uc nia\- cite current reputable authority to the eft'ect 


that man differs from the other animals in his use of an articulate 
language and material tools. (Mind of Primitive Man, Boas, p. 96.) 
We accept this tentatively, as it is the best we have at this time, but 
we should not hesitate to modify or discard it should further inves- 
tigation make it necessary. 

In our studies of animals, we have on the one hand behavior 
and on the other the biological organism. We may study one inde- 
pendently of the other, or we may attempt to correlate a datum in 
one cycle with a fact in the other. Thus we may examine the struc- 
ture of the organism, its composition, arrangement of parts, etc.. 
without regsrd for its behavior; or we may occupy our attention 
with the behavior of the organism without regard to its mechanical 
structure ; or we may correlate an act of behavior with a part or 
structure. We thus have three distinct modes of attack, any one, 
or all, of which we may use. In this paper, we shall avail ourselves 
almost exclusively of one method, that of the study of behavior, i. e., 
what a person does where knowledge is concerned. We shall, per- 
force, leave the examination of the organism to further investiga- 
tion and instrumental experimentation, and. necessarily, the corre- 
lation of the two cycles must wait upon this also. 

The homing pigeon performs a feat which we can not explain 
in organic terms. Human conduct presents facts which can not be 
correlated with facts of the organism. But. keeping in mind the 
distinction made above, we see that we are justified in pursuing the 
facts of one cycle to the disregard of the facts of another. Our 
procedure here will be to deal with the facts of human behavior 
which have to do with knowledge, as this term is used in common 

As we have seen, man differs from other animals chiefly in the 
use of an articulate language and materiak tools. These are objec- 
tive facts of behavior. AA'e do not know exactly what goes on in 
the organism when this behavior occurs, so we say that man Jws the 
capacity for abstraction. Just as the homing pigeon returns to his 
cote when released, not knowing Jioti' he does it, we say that he has 
a capacitw or instinct, for this kind of behavior. The term "capacity" 
here is just another way of saying that the organism does something. 

The implication of the expression "capacity for abstraction" is 
that man's conduct involves an object that at once bears a relation- 
ship both to himself and to some other object. Thus a stone bears 
a relation tc a fist and at the same time to a clam : the stone is used 
bv the fist to crush the clam : a spear is used as an extension of the 


arjH to wound a foe: poison is taken from a serpent's fangs and put 
on an arron'-tip. Thus man's conduct involves relationships be- 
tween one external object and others as well as to himself. Animals, 
are ego-centric; for them an external object bears only one relation- 
ship, which is to them direct — they do not use tools. 

A word is similar to a tool in this sense. Language may use 
vocal utterances, written characters or gestures. In either instance 
the situation is the same in this respect : Something is done or made 
by the body. This act possesses a degree of objectivity which bears 
relationshios both to its author and to some other object. Thus a 
word itself becomes an objective datum and bears a relationship both 
to him \\ho uses it and to some other object, relationship or event. 
.\ word, then, is something like a tool, that man alone of all animals 
uses because of "his power of abstraction." 

^^'e have now a way of studying "knowledge" in an objective, 
empirical way. Whether there is any knowledge that exists apart 
from language is a question that may be considered after we have 
done all we can w ith this method of study. The problem as it ma^ 
be stated now is this: We have an animal, man. who uses words — a 
language. The use of language is accomplished by bodily acts — be- 
havior; language (or thinking) is a process of the body just as truly 
as are respiration and digestion. We mention this fact merely to 
illustrate our point of view : we are not here concerned with a cor- 
relation of physiological processes with words, but we take for 
granted an organism with the capacity for this kind of conduct. We 
wish to study and interpret this conduct which consists in the use 
of words. 

The use of language means labrlUng the universe. .\ word may 
be looked upon as a label which is attached to something else. It 
must be kept constantly in mind that a word has an objective exist- 
ence of its own. and that it bears a relationship both to him who 
uses it and to that which it labels. A w^ord may label an object, a 
relationship or an event. Thus, such material objects that present 
themselves to our senses, as rocks, clouds, trees, etc., are labelled ; 
these labels are nouns. Events, in the sense of occurring or hap- 
pening, are labelled, and we have verbs. Relationships are labelled 
by words classed as i)repositions conjunctions, etc. We thus have 
the whole universe of "being" and "doing" — objects and move- 
ments — translated into a language order, conceptual rather than 
perceptual. But this language order is itself of an objective nature 


as well as subjective, and it is the reaction of the body (biological 
organism) to this language order that constitutes "knowledge." 

We have already seen how the universe as it presents itself is 
labelled with words. What then is "thinking" in such an interpre- 
tation? "Thinking" is a word that labels a physiological, bodily 
process that consists in the manipulation of words. (The term 
"thinking" may sometimes be used to designate a bodily process that 
does not involve the use of words, such as reverie, dreams, etc. I 
prefer to call these processes dreaming, and to reserve the word 
thinking for language processes.) Distinction must be made between 
words as mere vocal utterances and words as language. A parrot 
may vocalize a word, but he has no language ; he is ego-centric and 
does not possess "the power of abstraction," already explained. 
Hereafter in this paper it shall be understood that the term "word" 
shall be used in the sense of language. 

Thinking, then, is a bodily process of manipulation of words in 
a certain way, for it is obvious that mere mouthing of words in a 
haphazard way does not constitute thinking. We must analyze and 
define this special way of manipulation of words. A baby is bom 
with a greater or lesser number of pattern reactions, such as sneez- 
ing, but most of his behavior is learned. It requires some time for 
an infant to accomplish the eye-hand coordination, and it requires 
still further time and training for him to use an instrument or tool 
to do something to something else, e. g., to eat with a spoon. It is 
in the same way that language habits are built up, from the behavior 
standpoint, disregarding the physiological processes correlated with 
these acts of behavior. Just as the baby learns to make the eye- 
hand-spoon- food-mouth combination, he learns to make the various 
combinations in the manipulation of words. The baby makes use 
of certain things in his environment in eating, bringing into the proc- 
ess such things and in such a combination as are necessary to accom- 
plish his purpose or end — eating. Language is a part of one's en- 
vironment as truly as spoons and food are, and it is in a similar way 
that it is employed in efifecting changes and accomplishing end:?. 
Language, then, in its simplest forms, is simply a manipulation of 
words, in certain combinations, with reference to the things which 
the words stand for, and w^ith reference to the purpose or end to be 

What then is 'knowledge" in terms of language behavior? What 
do we mean when we say that one "knows something"? A micro- 
organism avoids contact with some chemical; is this knowledge? A 

4<)0 Till-: (iPEx cdu RT 

dog will not come into tlio house because he "knows" someone will 
kick him: is this knowledge? A small boy "knows" that two times 
two are fonr. and that Tokyo is the capital of Japan ; is this knowl- 
edge? "Regardless of terminology, there is an essential difterencc 
between the first two instances and the third. \\> prefer to reserve 
the term "knowledge" to apply to the last mentioned example. It 
is in this instance that we have manifested that "capacity for abstrac- 
tion" which differentiates man from brute. The "knowledge" of the 
boy who knows that Tokyo is the capital of Japan and that there 
are whales in the sea. is based upon the use of words which at once 
bear a relationship to him and to some other facts which they repre- 
sent. The first two examples cited are cases of ego-centrism solely. 

The meaning of a word is simply the recognition of its dual re- 
lationship — to the user and to that which it represents. This recog- 
nition is accomplished by the physiological organism in a way that 
can not as yet be explained in physiological terms. Xo more can 
we explain the "homing instinct" of the homing pigeon in physio- 
logical terms. \\'e have these physiological capacities given, and in 
studying behavior, we take them for granted The meaning of a 
word is the same as the meaning of a tool. A savage uses a spear 
or a hammer. These have meaning to him ; they supplement his 
physiological equipment and effect changes in his environment. A 
tool has meaning both to the user and to the material upon which it 
is used. A word has meaning to that which it represents just as 
truly as it does to him who uses it. We do not know why an ape, 
who has the physiological structure to use tools and language does 
not do so: we onlv know that he does not use them, and that man 

An idea is a \\-ord combination. Tt is not a haphazard collection 
of words, but an arrangement in such a fashion as to accomplish a 
jiurpose or to achieve an end. This is not to be thought of in any 
metaphysical teleological sense, but in a common sense wav. Just 
as one would lay a log across a stream in order to crt^ss it without 
wetting his feet, or use a needle to pick a thorn out of the flesh, so 
an idea, or word combination, is an arrangement o\ such words as 
will acc()nij)lish some pnrjxise or end, such as description, command 
or inquiry. The criterion of an idea is the correlation of the words 
and combination used wilh the objects, events and relationships 
which they represent, and also with the purpose of the user. The 
same is true with tools, in the (wo instances given ab(~ivc. one could 
not interchange the needle and the log and accomplish the desired 


ends. We may have idea combinations as well as word combina- 

Knowledge consists, then, in the acquisition of language habits — 
word combinations. (The use of the term "language habits" must 
not be confused with Watson's language habits. There may or may 
not be similarities, but our use of the expression in this paper is 
entirely independent of the definitions and theories of Watson.) It 
is true that one learns something by discovery, such as radium, bac- 
teria, etc., but this does not become knowledge until it has been 
translated into the language order. We may now view knowledge, 
or bodies of knowledge, such as History. Literature, Mathematics, 
etc., in the light of our interpretation, as consisting of congeries of 
word or idea combinations, that have meaning to us and to objects, 
events or relationships for which they stand. 

How is learning to be interpreted in terms of language behavior ? 
It is said that one learns ''by experience." We also learn by stud> 
ing. We do learn by experience, as the dog learned to avoid kicks 
by staying out of the house. We learn in laboratories by dissecting 
frogs, mixing chemicals, etc. But we also learn by reading and 
listening to lectures. W^e learn of the past in History, of foreign 
countries, of the heavenly bodies, etc. But this, too, is a form of 
experience, experience in which we are subjected to a discipline of 
word and idea combinations instead of to those things which they 
represent, so that the distinction between learning by experience and 
by study disappears since both are experience. Furthermore, what 
we learn by dissecting frogs is not knowledge in the human sense 
any more than a dog who turns a roasting spit has knowledge, until 
it has been translated into the language order of behavior. 

How are we to interpret "abstract thought" in light of our the- 
ory? We have seen that we may have word combinations (ideas) 
and also idea combinations. We also know that these word-idea 
combinations may be labelled. Thus, instead of having some other 
object, event or relationship which words represent, they may stand 
for other \\ord-idea combinations. This is abstract thought. Take 
"justice" for example. First we have simple words which label the 
objects (or persons) involved, and we have words which label 7(.'hat 
these objects do, how and upon ivhat they act. We make various 
word-idea combinations which correspond to these various data. 
These are ideas; (word) reflections upon the phenomena. (Reflec- 
tions in the sense that they are reflected by the data and phenomena 
themselves.) Then we label these idea combinations with a word 

402 THE O r F. X C O U RT 

which then stands for a word-idea combination, or a series of word- 
idea combinations. Thus '"expansion" is a word which labels a 
group of word-idea combinations, which represents certain objects 
and events. Likewise do "justice" and "liberty" stand for word- 
idea combinations. The manipulation and use of these labels con- 
stitutes "abstract thought." Abstract thought dififers from concrete 
thought in that instead of having other objects and events as a cor- 
relative it has word-idea combinations as its correlative. 

Invention and Discovery. What is an "original idea"? How is 
"creative thought" to be interpreted? Let us begin with random 
movements and pointless manipulation, and with material objects 
instead of words. Random movements and manipulation will result 
in successive combinations in arrangement of environment and oper- 
ator, just as successive throwing of pennies will result in ditterent 
combinations of heads and tails. The manipulation may be pomt- 
less and without plan, but should a certain permutation or combina- 
tion come about that strikes the operator as being of value, useful 
or desirable, he may seize upon it and try to repeat and preserve it. 
It is in some such way as this, we believe, that the wheel was dis- 
covered, and no doubt the bow and arrow. ITere we have an object- 
combination. X'ow suppose we have several of these object-combi- 
nations, the inclined plane, the screw, the wheel, the lever, etc. These 
object-combinations are then subjected to various manipulations in 
the course of the activities of their users. In the course of this 
manipulation these object-combinations come into contiguity and a 
combination is made of object-combinations, e. g.. the wheel, lever. 
screw, etc.. may be combined into a machine. In this way inven- 
tions are made. The steamboat was simply a combination of the 
steam engine and the boat, both of which had previously existed for 
many years. An invention, then, is the combination of one object- 
combination with another object or object-combination. 

'i'he sanu' is true of wt^nls ami ideas. In the process of niani]nila- 
tion. one word-idea combination is brought into contact with another 
word-idea combination, forming a new combination. Should there 
prove to be any advantage to or desire of the operator to preserve 
this combination, he does so, just as the object-combinations were 
f)rcserve(l in tools and machines. Thus Darwin got certain ideas 
from Linnaeus, some from Malthus. others elsewhere. Manipula- 
tion of these ideas led to a combination — an hvpothcsis. "If X be 
true and Y be true, then Z must also be true." This represents the 
process of bringing together two discrete facts or ideas, and conclu- 


sion which is drawn in the combination formed. Hypotheses, theo- 
ries and laws are thus resnlts of combinations of idea-combinations. 

Education and Knoidcdgc. Education consists very largely in 
a discipline of and practice in the language order. Working with 
actual material such as in the laboratories, in clinics, and in field 
surveys has an important place in education. But to a greater ex- 
tent, one works with the word order that represents these primary 
data. Thus one learns and "knows" about the circulation of the 
blood, the customs of African tribes, the orbits of the planets, the 
life of Bismarck, the climate of Egypt, the British Labor movement, 
the endocrine glands, etc., without ever coming into primary con- 
tact with the original data themselves. The subject-matter of the 
student is very largely a secondary order — a language order — which 
takes the place of the primary order — the original data. Thus the 
subject-matter of the student of economics is the zvritijigs (and lec- 
tures) of men on economics. The point is that education consists 
to a very great degree of a discipline of word-idea combinations 
rather than the original data themselves. Of course, this has to be 
so to a great extent, but it might be maintained that it is carried 
too far. Thus many students and scholars instead of dealing with 
the primary data, concern themselves almost exclusively with what 
Aristotle, Adam Smith, Darwm, Comte, \\'undt, Spencer. Boas. 
James or Dewey said ajjout them. This tendency to attend to tlie 
secondary word-order* rather than to the primary data order has 
resulted in the accumulation of a great cumbrous mass of "knowl- 
edge"' which consists of what one man said about what another 
scholar ^vrote about what some predecessor of his thought about 
something else, etc., etc.. and education consists largely in preser\- 
ing the past by subjecting students to its discipline rather than direct- 
ing attention to primary-fact data. 

Siinnnary. We wish to interpret "knowledge" in terms of be- 
ha^'ior which can be studied empirically, objecti\-ely. We take for 
granted man's "capacity for abstraction." which means the use of 
language and tools. Knowledge, from our viewpoint is language 
behavior. This consists in the use of words, which bear at once a 
relationship to some object, event or relationship and to him who 
uses the word as well. The meaning of a word is this dual rela- 
tionship, just as the meaning of a tool is a dual relationship to the 
user and to the material upon which it is used. Ideas are word- 
combinations for a purpose, as object-tool combinations are iti the 
material culture. Hypotheses, theories and laws are idea-combina- 


tions. Idea combinations are labelled with words which are called 
abstract words, such as "liberty," "cohesion.'' "justice," "relativity," 
"expansion." etc. Original ideas and creative thought are new com- 
binations made between one idea combination and another idea or 
idea-combination. This is accomplished by the historical process 
of manipulation in the same way that inventions (new combinations 
between object-combinations and other objects or object-combina- 
tions) are made, or grow, in the material culture. Knowledge con- 
sists in systems of these idea-combinations which are embodied in 
an objective language order, which may be analyzed into primary, 
or idea systems which represent objects and events, or secondary, 
which consists of idea-combinations which represent other idea-com- 
binations. Education consists largely in dealing with this secondary 
order ; attention is directed to word-orders which represent data, 
rather than to the data themselves. 



I. The Spiritual Utopia 

THE Utopias that have found Hterary expression at all times 
and in many countries fall generally into three classes: 

I. Utopia Spirititale, whose chief characteristic is conceived to 
be a divine outpouring of spiritual energy and a human response 
thereto. The Golden Age will come — so say its prophets — when 
Heaven intervenes in the affairs of the world and by wisdom "order- 
eth all things graciously." 

II. Utopia Jtidiciale, whose chief characteristic is conceived to 
be the exercise of power in accordance with the most just statute 
law and the universal obedience to it. The Golden Age will come 
when men, as the result of the sufferings they have endured, fall 
back upon the recognition of justice as the principle of order and 

III. Utopia Oeconomica, whose chief characteristic is con- 
ceived to be the operation of economic forces in the best or inevitable 
direction. Here the Golden Age will come from the recognition 
of the extent to which men may react for good or evil, in thought 
and deed, from their external environment and from the means 
they adopt for the satisfaction of their needs. 

1. A Word and Its Meaning. ''Utopia" is a mediaeval schol- 
arly word derived from the Greek. Oz< = no. /o/joj = place. The 
Latin equivalent is Nnsqnam = nowhere. W'e may here take some 
comfort from Professor Patrick Geddes' habit of spelling the word 
"Eutopia," deriving it from En = good, topos = place, thus pre- 
senting us with the idea of Utopia as a good place. But we are left 


with tlie subtle, if unpleasant thought that the "good place" is 

So much for Utopia in relation to the element of Space. As to 
Time some think of it as a Golden Age that has passed and some 
as a Millenium to come. The former view is taken by the back- 
ward-gazing Asiatics like the Chinese and Indians, while the Semit- 
ics and the Europeans may be classed together as forward gazers. 
As a matter of contemplative edification it makes little difiference as 
to whether the Golden Age has passed or is to come ; for in either 
case it is as part of a criticism upon contemporary conditions thai 
it is dei)icted. I will quote the Chinese writer Chwang-Tze by way 
of illustration : he is looking backward to the men of perfect virtue: 

■'The people had their regular and constant nature ; they wove 
and made themselves clothes ; they tilled the ground and got food. 
This was their common faculty. They were all one in this and did 
not form themselves into separate classes ; so were they constituted 
and left to their natural tendencies. Therefore, in the age of per- 
fect virtue men walked along with slow and grave step, and with 
their looks steadily directed forwards. At that time, on the hills 
there were no footpaths, nor excavated passages ; on the lakes there 
were no boats nor dams ; all creatures lived in companies ; and the 
places of their settlement were made close to one another. Birds 
and beasts multiplied to flocks and herds ; the grass and trees grew 
luxuriant and long. In this condition the birds and beasts might 
be led about without feeling the constraint ; the nest of the magpie 
might be chmbed to, and peeped into. Yes. in the age of perfect 
virtue, men lived in common with birds and beasts, and were on 
terms of equality with all creatures, as forming one family. How 
could they know among themselves the distinctions of "superior 
man"' and "small men"? Equally without knowledge, they did not 
leave the path of their natural virtue ; equally free from desires, 
they were in the state of pure simplicity. In that state of pure sim- 
plicity, the nature of that people was what it ought to be." — 
( Clrd'ang-Tce, IX, II, ii, 2.) 

"In the age of perfect virtue they attached no value to wisdom, 
nor em])loyc-d men of ability. Superiors were but as the higher 
branches oi a tree; auvl the people were like the deer of the wild. 
They were ujjright and correct, without knowing that to be so was 
Kighteousness' ; ihey loved one another, without knowing that to 
do so was 'I'lcnevolence" : they were honest and leal-lieartecl. without 
knowing that it was 'Loyalty' ; they fulfilled their engagements, 
without knowing that to do so was 'Good I'aith" ; in their simple 
movements they emjiloyed the services of one another, without 
thinking that they were conferring or receiving any gift. There- 
fore their actions left no trace, and there was no record of their 
affairs."- (XI I. 11. v. 1.^.) 

I'Tdl'lA RKmSCOVERF.n 407 

There is a singular profundity in the closing observation ; for 
history is mainly the record of the aberrations from the normal : 
when some one does something specially bad and another reacts by 
doing something specially good — we hear about it. Otherwise the 
normal course of life goes unrecorded, because it is not remarkable 
and is soon forgotten. But here we detect the twinkle in old 
Chwang-Tze's eye. 

2. The Hebrezv Prophets. The Jews were the inventors of the 
Utopia which lies in the future, for reasons which are as clear as 
they are interesting. For them, history began with an act of dis- 
obedience, was continued with an act of murder and its conse- 
quences, and went from bad to worse until, out of great suffering, 
their propnets cried in songs of lamentation so poignant that, as a 
mode of relief, they soared in spirit above the world as it was to 
the world as they felt it ought to be. There was no room in their 
vision of the past for a Golden Age and the germinal idea of Eden 
was not sufficient to look back to. The Utopia of the Jews was to 
come about through religious conversion ; it was a restoration of 
Israel to more than all they had lost in the years of their affliction ; 
and as prophet succeeds prophet the details of the new social order 
that is to come vary, but the general characteristic is the same. I 
will quote a few of the illustrative passages which, from their sheer 
familiarity, have hardly been recognized as the formulation of the 
Utopian idea. 

"And I will give them an heart to know me that I am the Lord : 
and they shall be my people and I will be their God, for they shall 
return unto me with their whole heart." — (Jer. xxxiv.. 7.) 

The cycle of events is briefly this : suffering, repentance, forgive- 
ness, restoration, Utopia — the motive power of the change from a 
divine source. More beautiful and precise is another passage: 

"But this is the covenant that T will make with the house of 
Israel after those days : I will put my law in their inward parts, and 
in their heart will I write it ; and I will be their God and they shall 
be my people ; . . . for they shall all know Me from the least of 
them unto the greatest of them. For I will forgive their iniquity 
and their sin will I remember no more." — (Jrr. xxxi., 33-34.) 

The prophets were not slow in witnessing to the radiation of the 
Utopian atmosphere from its central nucleus in a restored Israel to 
other nations of the world. 

"And it shall come to pass in the latter days that the mountain 
of the Lord's house shall be established in the top of the mountains, 
and shall be exalted above the hills ; and all nation shall flow unto it. 


And many peoples shall s^o and say: 'Come ye and let ns g^o up to 
the mountain of the Lord . . . and He will teach us His ways and 
we will walk in His paths." . . . And He shall judge between the 
nations and reprove many peoples, and they shall beat their swords 
into ])loughshares and their spears into pruning hooks ; nation shall 
not lift up sword against nation, nor shall they learn war any more. 
— ( IsiiliiJi ii.. 2-4.) 

The psychological change was to be so potent as to affect the 
behavior of the animal world: 

"And the wolf shall dwell with the lamb. . . . They shall not 
hurt nor destroy in all My holy mountain." — (Isaiah xi.. 6-9.) 
Nor is there any doubt as to the location of the "good place." 
"And they shall be a peculiar treasure unto Me ... in the days 
that T prepare . . . and all nations shall call you happy ; for ye shall 
dwell in a delightsome land." — (Mai. iii.. 17and 12.) 

The broad universalism of the post-exilic prophets widens the 
scope and adds beauties to the scene of the Messianic Utopia, but 
retains the chief characteristic : it is the work of a compassionate 
God who wishes all former troubles to be forgotten : 

"For behold T create new heavens and a new earth, and the 
former things shall not be remembered nor come into mind." 

3. Utopia Delayed. The second phase in the evolution of the 
Jewish Utopia was reached about the beginning of the second ceu- 
tury B. C , and was due primarily to the non-realization of the 
earlier prophetical hopes. The series of apocalypses beginning with 
one attributed to Enoch, put off to a more distant future the com- 
ing of the lappy kingdom, and some of them removed it from earth 
to Heaven. Moreover, a fixed tradition, with occasional modifica- 
tions, established itself right down to the first Christian century 
and familiarized the pious with the machinery and the process by 
which the spiritual Utopia should be ushered in. There was to 
be a Parousia or appearance of the Messiah or the Son of Man ; 
thtii a great Judgment, followed by a first Resurrection and a gen- 
eral Resurrection. After that was to come a final consummation 
of the Rigl-itcous. 1 will now quote from the widely circulated and 
influential Book of linocli I, the Utopian passages in their true 
chronological order. 

"For the elect there will be light and joy and peace, and they will 

inherit the earth Xnd they will not be ])uin'shed all the days 

f)f their life, imr will they die of i)lagues or visitations of wrath, 
but thev w'll complete the full nuinhcr of the days of their life; 


and their lives will grow old in peace, and the years of their joy 
will be many, in eternal happiness and peace all the days of their 
life."_(x., 7-9.) 

"Destroy all oppression from the face of the earth and let every 
evil work come to an end ; and let the plant of righteousness and 
uprightness appear. Labour will prove a blessing; righteousness 
and uprightness will be established in joy for evermore. And then 
will all the righteous escape and will live till they beget a thousand 
children, and all the days of their youth and their Sabbath will they 
complete in peace. And in these days all the whole earth will be 
tilled in righteousness and will be planted with trees and be full of 
blessing. And all desirable trees will be planted on it, and vines will 
be planted on it ; the vine which is planted on it will yield wine in 
abundance, and of all the seed which is sown thereon will each meas- 
ure bear ten thousand, and each measure of olives will yield ten 
presse of oil. . . . And all the children of men shall become right- 
eous, and all nations shall offer the adoration and praise, and all 
will worship Me. And the earth will be cleansed from all corrup- 
tion, and from all sin. and from all punishment and torment, and I 
will never again send them upon it, from generation to generation 
for ever." — (x., 16-22.) 

"And in those days I will open the store chambers of blessing 
which are in heaven, so as to send them down upon the earth over 
the work and labour of the children of men. Peace and justice will 
be wedded throughout all the days of the world and throughout all 
generations of the world." — (xi., 1-2.) 

Thus the human, the animal and vegetable kingdoms are all to 
be touched by the Divine Hand. The next two passages, however, 
remove Utopia from Earth, which is to be destroyed, to the Heav- 
enly world. 

"And the righteous one will arise from sleep, will arise and walk 
in the path of righteousness, and all his path and conversation will 
be in eternal goodness and grace. He wall be gracious to the right- 
eous, and will give him eternal uprightness, and will give him power, 
and he will live in goodness and righteousness, and will walk in 
eternal light. And sin will perish in darkness for ever, and will no 
more be seen from day for evermore." — (xciii.. 4-5.) 

The next group of writings indicate a return to earth from which 
the wicked will have been removed and the righteous planted in 
security. I quote one specimen : 

"And on that day will I cause Mine Elect One to dwell among 
them, and I will transform the heaven and make it an eternal bless- 
ing and light. And I will transform the earth and make it a blessing 
and cause Mine elect ones to dwell upon it : but sinners and evil- 
doers will not set foot thereon." — (xlv., 4-5.) 


Parallel to Enoch are the Sibylline Oracles, in which are found 
many Utopian passages. As these are unfamiliar to modern read- 
ers and very beautiful, I will quote a few words. They beloncr to 
the Jewish Dispersion in Egypt and Rome, rather than to Palestine, 
where the Enoch literature was produced, and the hope they express 
in their solemn prophecies are characteristic of a later period and a 
people more widely informed in world politics. 

"But all the sons of the High God shall dwell peacefully round 
the temple, rejoicing in that which the Creator, the righteous sov- 
ereign and Judge, shall give them. For He shall stand by them as a 
shelter in His greatness, as though He walled them in with a wall 
of flaming fire : thev shall be at peace in their cities and lands. Xo 
hand of evil war shall stir against them. . . . Then shall all the 
isles and cities sav 'How s-reatlv the immortal God loves those men'." 
(Sibylline Oracles, HI, 703.) ' 

The passage ends by a description of a great burning of warlike 
arms for seven years, "for wood shall not be cut from the thicket 
for burning in the fire." That bonfire is not yet! 

"P)Ut when this destined day is fully conT" a great pile and 
judgment shall come upon men. For the fertile e^rth shall yield 
her best fruit and corn and wine and oil . . . it shall gush out in 
fountains of white milk: the cities shall be full of good things, and 
the fields with fatness ; no sword shall come against the land, nor 
shout of war : nor shall the earth again be shaken, deeplv groaning ; 
no war no'- drought shall afflict the land, no dearth nor hail to spoil 
the crops, but deep peace over all the earth ; kins: shall live as friend 
to king to the bound of the a^e, and the Tmmort-il shaU establish 
in the starrv heaven one law for men over all the face of the earth 
for all the doings of ha])less mortals." (743-7.^9.') 

"All tho paths of the plain, and the roue^h places of the hills. 
and the lofty mountains, and the wild waves of the sea shall be mid ^ 
easy for traveller and sailor in those davs : for perfect peace and 
plenty comtth on the earth : and the prophets of the high God shall 
take awav the sword ; and well-gotten wealth shall aboiuid amonr 
men: for this is the iudgmcnt <if the great God and his rule." 

The Utopia ])laccd on F.artli and the I'topia ]-)laci'(l in Heaven 
are followed in the first Chrislian AnocalNpso (i>r llie Revelations of 
St. John) by a third and very significant xarietv — the Utopia which 
conies do7<v. from Heaven to Earth. Of this the seer gi\es a y>\c- 
ture. The scene is the new world — the new heaven and the new 
earth in the midst of which is the new Jerusalem. The ideal King- 
dom of God becomes actual. The city needs no light ;ind no temple : 


its citizens dwell in perfect fellowship with God and consequently 
with each other. Jew and Gentile, bond and free, are all among 
the redeemed. The life of the world is a perpetual Sabbath. There 
shall be no more tears, nor death : no mourning, nor pain — "the first 
things are passed away." 

Unhappily, this spiritual Utopia, which held the fascinated gaze 
of Jews and Christians for hundreds of years, seemed to receae 
across the horizon rather than to advance : nevertheless it still con- 
stitutes the ideal of the faithful who. even in modern days construct 
their longed-for social order upon its attractive principles. They 
are glad thus to believe themselves chosen instruments for the ful- 
filments of ancient prophecies, the non-realization of which has 
thrown discredit upon their God and their faith in Him. 

IT. The Legal Utopia 

The aim of the Greek political philosophers was to conceive, and 
of philosophic statesmen to create and maintain, a constitution 
founded on laws and the respect for them. The history of the many 
Greek states from the earliest times shows a series of changes, 
sometimes alternating from monarchy, aristocracy, oligarchy, dic- 
tatorship, democracy and tyranny : none of them were satisfying for 
long; each represented in fact, though not always in theory, the 
government of all by one class or section, in its own interests. Soc- 
rates. Plato and Aristotle, each in his own peculiar way. sought to 
found a poUtcia, a polity or constitution, wliich should exhibit the 
rule of the State by itself : yet although there were many excellen- 
cies in the actual constitutions of Athens and the other Greek states 
their weaknesses and imperfections were so marked that the ideal 
politcia was never realized. It is this fact which, apart from iis 
many beauties, gives to Plato's Republic a special interest, for there- 
in is found his Utopia. 

1. Plato's Republic. Yet we must be careful to avoid thinking 
of the Republic as simply a proposal for the order of societv : it was 
at the same time less ihan that, and more. It was a deeply critical 
and historical analysis of private and public life. The object of the 
work is to exhibit the misery of Man let loose from Law ; it draws 


in the eighth, and ninth books a picture of the changes of society, and 
paints in minutest detail a picture of a licentious democracy which, 
as everyone knew, was true of the lawless and violent state of 
Athens of his day ; he passes on to the frightful prophecy of the 
tyranny that would inevitably follow. He then throws out a gen- 
eral plan for making Man subject again to Law and follows the 
wind of his poetic freedom whithersoever it will blow, disregarding 
the difficulties and "impossibilities," as Aristotle truly said. Plato 
endeavors "thoroughly to investigate the real nature of Justice and 
Injustice, first in their character in cities and afterwards applying 
the same inquiry to the individual, looking for the counterpart ui 
the greater as it existed in the form of the less." 

The two leading principles on which Plato's moral system re- 
poses are: (a) that no one is willingly evil; and (b) that everyone 
is endowed with the power of producing moral changes in his own 
character. Consequently, dikaiosnne, "justice" — or more properly 
"righteousness" — becomes the chief object of search in this great 
work. It is found in man himself as a psychological element, and 
by constructive artifices Plato enlarges and extends it until his new 
State has become a PoUteia, a Respublica, a Commonwealth rooted 
in righteousness. 

Utopian ideals had been sketched before his time and laughed 
at by the comic poets. The Spartan system of personal bodily cul- 
ture and obedience to the State was well known. Compulsory mar- 
riage and State ownership of children were features of the system. 
Athens recalled the legislation of Draco and Solon regarding prop- 
erty. The attempts of Pythagoras to found religio-political communi- 
ties in Italy were not forgotten — and upon all these materials Plato 
drew freely. The Republic is not a corpus juris for a given state, 
but a vision of how men have lived and still live when they practise 
injustice and how they might live if they would not practise justice 
as tlicy can do. Incidentally, it is worth noticing how few are the 
proposed Utopian elements in the Republic compared with the dis- 
cussion of past and present conditions. Vet such as they arc, they 
deserve mention. 

Plato begins modestly by saying — through Socrates — that he 
will tell a fable "of what has often taken place heretofore, but which 
has not happened in our times nor do I know whether it is likely to 
happen — to persuade one of which requires great suasive power.' 
It is the myth of the I-larthborn Men : which tells how. out of the 
woinl) of the earth, came men of gold. siKer. and brass and iron — 


in a word, that men are by Nature unequal. The golden men, who 
may appear in all classes of the state, should hold its guardianship — 
that is how the Utopia of Plato begins, quite casually and appar- 
ently without intention. But men of gold must possess no gold ! 

"They should have a good education. ... In addition to this 
training, their houses and all other efifects ought to be so contrived 
as neither to impede the guardians in bearing the very best possible, 
nor to excite them to the injury of other citizens. . . . First let 
none possess any private property unless it be absolutely necessary : 
next, let none have any dwelling, or store house, into which any one 
that pleases may not enter: then, as for necessaries, let them be such 
as both temperate and brave champions in war may require ; mak- 
ing for themselves this law, not to receive such a reward of their 
guardianship from the other citizens as to have either surplus or 
deficiency at the year's end. Let them also frequent public meals, 
as in camps, and live in common ; and since they have that which 
is gold and silver in their souls they have no need of that which is 
human — no need of private lands and houses and money." (Bk. Ill, 
ch. xxii.) 

"We are not establishing our state with an eye to making any 
one tribe or class in it remarkably happy, but that the whole State 
might be so to the fullest extent." (Bk. IV, ch. i.) 

The problem which faces the modern town-planner arose in 
Plato's mind : the size of the city. It was solved by a useful formula : 

"So long as the city, as it increases, continues to be one, but no 
more . . .to take care by all means that the city shall be neither 
small nor great but of moderate extent, and one only." 

It is agreed that men and women are to enjoy a civic equality, 
but since their nature differs they cannot perform identical func- 
tions. The great difficulty of the status of women and children had 
at length to be faced, and was settled by enacting their community. 

"That these women be all common to these men, and that no 
one woman dwell with any man privately, and that their children 
be likewise in common." (Bk. V., ch. vii.) 

The arguments supporting this law are very long and profound 
and embrace questions which have since been brought together as 
the science of eugenics or "good birth." It is to be noticed, how- 
ever, that the ultimate reason justifying the enactment is to estab- 
lish the unity of the State, to avoid factions, to abolish the distinc- 
tion betwixt mine and thine, in regard to person, property, pleasure 
or pain. All are to enjcy and suffer in common : that is the test. 


Plato's Republic involved a League of Hellenic Nations and a 
Washington Conference, naturally. He then seems to grow weary 
of enacting details and comes to what he realizes as the crux of his 
polity. It has a ring of truth sounding through its deep pessimism: 

"Unless either philosophers govern in state or those who are ai 
present called kings and governors philosophise genuinely and sut- 
ficiently and both political power and philosophy unite in one. there 
will be no end to the miseries of states, nor yet. methinks. to those 
of the human race; nor till then will that government which we 
have described in our reasonings ever spring up to a positive exist- 
ence, and behold the light of the sun." (Rk. \'.. ch. xviii.) 

Thereafter the great dialogue turns on an exposition of the sys- 
tem of education from the "three R's" to the highest metaphysic. 
upon which Plato rested his only hope, to which he devoted the labor 
of his life. If there be those who cavil and carp at the "impossibili- 
ties" of Plato's great construction they must be told in the first place 
that they probably lack the fine sense of serious humor by which 
alone the Republic can be appreciated : and. secondlv. that if thev 
want "proposals" for the concrete problems that troubled the Greek 
States in Plato's time they had better read his closing work. The 

2. More's l^fopia. Aristotle's practical mind was quick to per- 
ceive the weakness and incompleteness nf the Republic which Phto 
had begun to found, half in ironic jest and half in earnest. He took 
Plato's "proposals" one by one and criticized them severely in his 
Politics, and began a new cycle of scientific thought as oppos-^d to 
Utopian idealism in relation to political life. It is probablv due to 
his criticisms that Plato's notions were, some centuries after lus 
time, represented more as profound allegories than as ser'ous pro- 
posals, and no one ever seriouslv suggested that a c'tv should be 
established on Platonic lines until the time of Plotinus (205 A. D.- 
271 ) when the reigning F.nipcror of Rome oftered tlia' philos' phc 
a site ujjon which to build "I'latononolis." TIappilv, the venture wa-^ 
never undertaken. Nevertheless the fundamental ideals — of P'^to 
that a stat':' might be motcd in ric/hteousncss. and of C'hris*" that 
linman society might be founded on loi'c — caught the imaginat'on of 
I'nropcan peoples for centuries, and nianv communities were estab- 
lished teni])orarilv in the bosom of the Christ-nn world. Dante, bv 
his splendid iioem and his less known political writings, gave fresh 
impetus to the ho])e of an ideal Commonwealth, but no litc-arv 
I'topia was prodnccil until Sir Thomas M(M-c issued his in \?\() 


A. D. He referred to it in correspondence as "my Xusquama"=- 
my Nowhere — which settles the meaning of its title. It appeared in 
1551 in English. 

The book professes to be the report of the travels of one Raphael 
Hythlaens (Gr. : HHthIos=Nonsense) who had seen the lands of 
the Archorii (Wretched) and the Macarensii (Happy), had visiteil 
the city of Amaurotus (Unknown) and who when returned to 
Europe, imparts his traveller's tale to his friends. 

More was a practical statesman who li\'ed in times less violent 
than Plato's but perhaps more dangerous for a zealous refo"mer. 
\\'hile the Greek critizes the democracy from the viewpoint of philo- 
sophic detachment, the Englishman attacks the rich on behalf of the 
poor. He sees "a certain conspiracy of r'ch men procuring their 
own commodities under the title of the Commonwealth" and he 
seeks to devise "a. system in which the poor shall not perish for lack, 
nor the .rich be idle through excuse of their riches : in which every- 
one is equally of the Commonwealth, and in which the Common- 
wealth possesses only ;i common wealth." 

3. Crhicisvn. — The book falls into two parts, the first of which 
is devoted to criticism of the conditions prevailing in England, pre- 
sumably, in his time. 

The country, says More, sufifers from partial judgments and tne 
laws are not made according to equity. Idleness is the mother of 
thieves, landlords are rent-racking and poor ex-service men are im- 
employed. Idle servants of the rich develop into thieves and too 
many soldiers are hardly distinguishable from thieves. There is a 
danger of keeping continual garrisons. The rich make an excessive 
display of apparel ; they act as profiteers and forestallers ; there are 
too many. taverns and alehouses and the education of the youth is 
corrupt. He goes into economic questions thoroughly, attacking the 
wool growers who sacrifice husbandry and throw thousands of 
laborers out of work — ''sheep are the devourers of men." The con- 
sequences are beggary, or shortness of foodstuft's, a concentration 
and actual dearth of wool and cattle. Housekeeping is decaying, 
food is adulterated, currency is enhanced and debased. Poverty is 
the mother of strife and the decay of the realm. 

4. The Island. — Then follows a description of the unknown lana 
discovered by Signor Nonsense. Here, of course, we discern the 
author's proposals to make England a Eutopia by imitating the man- 
ners and customs of Utopia. 


"War or battle as a thing very beastly they do detest and abhor 
and thev count nothing so inglorious as the glory gotten in war." 
This is a good beginning, but has to be qualified by saying that the 
Utopians were not mild non-resistants by any means, nor anti-Ver- 
saillian defeatists either; as witness the following: 

"But when the battle is finished and ended they put their friends 
to never a penny cost of all the charges that they were at, but lay 
it upon their necks that be conquered. Then they burden with the 
whole charge of their expenses which they demand of them partly 
in money and pardy in lands of great revenues to be paid unto them 
yearly for ever.*' 

But thiv was before the discoveries of Mr. Norman Angell and 
tlie I'nion of Democratic Control. 

More's Second Book contains all that is essential to the under- 
standing of his Utopian ideas. After describing the "Ilande of 
Utopia" he passes to the social organization in families with their 
several officers and representatives. The sound economic principle 
of sowing more com than they consume, and breeding more cattle 
than they require for personal use is described in the first chapter; 
they do not import such food but export it "among the borderers." 
Exchange of food for manufactured goods or raw material from 
abroad was the true basis of their commerce. The magistrates are 
elected, their chief being "Princeps." not exactly a Prince. Their 
crafts and occupations are based on husbandry, of course, and every 
one does his part, there being no idlers and no over-burdened slaves 
— there is a six-hour day in Utopia. The chapter on "their loving 
and mutual conversation together" describes the equalitarian life de- 
sired by More for his contemporaries. The closing section deals 
with Religion. 

Tcrome Buslcvden's letter to More gives the key to the efforts 
of the author of "Utopia," if that were needed. He says in conclu- 
sion : 

"Meanwhile farewell. Go on and prosper, ever devising, carry- 
ing out and perfecting something, the bestowal of which on your 
coimtry may give it long contiinumce and yourself immortality. Fare- 
well, learned and courteous More, glory of your island, and orna- 
ment of this world of ours." 

.^. M'^rr's Successors. — Plato in tlie Classics and More in the 
"Renaissance ])ro(luced. between llicni. a fine crop of imaginative 
Utopians r.f different sort';. Ilol)l)cs exalted the State to the posi- 
tion of ;in iinmiiiMtcnt l.cvi.'ithan. sultordinating the indixidunl man 


to Nature and Authority. Bacon produced his Ne7v Atlantis and his 
Nmmm Organiun. Simultaneously Tommasso Campanella, an Italian 
of the Dominican Order, published his Chitas Solis in 1623, and 
James Harrington his Oceana in 1656. Fenelon followed with Tele- 
maque in 1699 and Rousseau enjoyed his career as a moralist and 
reformer in the eighteenth century. Then followed the French 
Revolution which, in our way of thinking, may be said to have closed 
the cycle of the Utopia Judicial^, except for two slight efforts by 
Etienne Cabet (Voyage en Icarie 1840) and Theodore Hertzka 
(born 1845) who placed his Utopia in Central Africa, which in 
those days was "nowhere." Bulwer Lytton's The Corning Race 
(1871) belongs to the period but hardly to the class. 

III. The Economic Utopia 

A close study of all the Utopias of the middle group reveals the 
fact that their composers believed that man had the power of per- 
ceiving in Nature certain general laws and of elaborating upon them 
certain Social Customs in the form of Statutes ; that he had the intel- 
ligence and volition to subject himself and his fellows to their nat- 
ural and artificial ordinances : and by doing so could renovate the 
state of mankind. 

But it if. also clear that in the most important of these Utopian 
constructions there is a condition precedent to this generally desired 
obedience to the discipline of law. It is the satisfaction of the mate- 
rial needs of life. From Plato to Rousseau. Law reigns supreme. 
but within Law there is a germinal thought which becomes funda- 
mental and primal for the Utopia Oecononiica. It places economic 
order first ?.nd deduces moral order from it. It changes the Aris- 
totelian sequence of Ethics, Economics. Politics, to one of Econom- 
ics. Politics, Ethics ; and breaking with the past, establishes a new 
political philosophy. 

As- we c re dealing here with Utopias only we place our finger at 
once on the most notable which sprang into being at the close of the 
nineteenth century. Butler's Erchwon (1872), Bellamv's Looking 
•Backward (1888), Morris' A' (Jtw from Nowhere (1890), Wells' 
Anticipations (1901), A Modern Utopia (1905), New Worlds for 
Old ( 1908), and all the others he is going to write ! It is significant 


that both D alter and Morris repeated More's old joke and founded 
their states nowhere. Of late, we are given to understand, men have 
ceased to compose Utopian romances and have objectified the thing 
itself in Russia, where it can be seen in perfect working order. 

2. America First. — Skipping over Butler's EreJizcon, which he 
"discovered" in 1872 and "revisited" in 1901. we discern the prin- 
ciples of Utopia Oeconomica clearly set forth in Bellamy's work. 
Within a hundred years the structure of Society has changed with- 
out bloodshed by the simple method of industrial evolution. Pro- 
duction became focussed into the hands of the few that it was easy 
to pass it on to Society, which then became a Socialist State. There- 
after remained Law, the State and Property, but in very different 
forms to those of Capitalist Society. Law is the regulation of the 
individual j-nd economic processes which lie at the basis of State 
life. The State is the whole body of citizens, equal in rights though 
not in ability or appreciation. "All men who do their best do the 
same" is the wisdom distilled from the experiences of Bellamy's Bos- 
tonians of 2000 A. D. Property is of two kinds : the tree belongs 
to the State while its fruit is distributed to and appropriated by the 
citizens. Labor is fundamentally compulsory but nevertheless light. 
After conscripted service all work is voluntary : vocations are chosen : 
money is abolished, wages are paid in kind, drawn from the stores 
by the power of the citizen's credit card. The arts are universal 
for the same reasons as formerly, but not exclusive. Music is 
"broadcasted" from the finest performers. There is absent from 
this Utopia all the physical and mental suffering which formerly 
depended upon uncertainty of livelihood, competition and defeat. 
The "four nations" — rich, poor, educated and ignorant — have be- 
come one nation by the simple economic expedient described. This 
I'topia however is not nowhere, but everywhere. America led the 
way and Europe followed and all the great nations became federated 
economically, each d<^ing its best and thus "all the same." All the 
beneficent changes are traceable to the one great change in the status 
of industry, which is no longer a field to be exploited for personal 
f)rofit but a necessary duty for social service. There has been no 
"change in human nature" such as was desiderated by the op[X)nents 
of a generation ago. Human Xature is the same but is 
placed in better circumstances and consequently reacts better. 

?>. Morris anJ Wells. — William Morris the artist-craftsman and 
scholar, who had already written The luirtJily Paradise, moved from 
th.-it (k-liglit tully roniaiUic world of myth to tlie C(iually delightful 


world of the near future. His A'e^vs from Nowhere is a lepresenta- 
tion of Bellamy's theme ; more subtle and profound, more attractive, 
and above all, more English. According to Morris, there must be a 
violent revolution of sorts culminating in a battle in Trafalgar 
Square. The book, which is charmingly written, is. like More's 
Utopia, a terrible criticism of our modern life in all its aspects — 
economic, political, moral. It describes the passage through revo- 
lution to State Socialism and finally to Anarchist Communism, in 
the chapters; "How the Change Came" and "The Beginning of the 
New Life." There is no "government" and no "politics"— but of 
course matters are arranged in some way. INTorris goes back to his 
beloved Moot Hall where neighbors settle everything nicely. The 
chief change responsible for all others, is the abolition of commer- 
cialism and manufacture for the world market. The moral excel- 
lencies of the people of Hammersmith and Runnymede are thus 
accoimted for and thus maintained. 

The original meaning of all the attractive pictures painted by 
Economic Utopians is simple enough. "We cannot," they say, "prac- 
tice your exalted morality or obey your wise laws — much less your 
bad ones — while the economic conditions of our existence press so 
heavily upon our will, which is necessarily and entirely devoted to 
a struggle for existence." 

All other Utopias of modern construction rest on the same basis, 
with occasional lapses. The prolific Wells invents and describes, 
describes and invents, adding detail to detail and going far into the 
future or side-slipping into one of Einstein s adjacent universes. 
But it is always the same economic basis that supports the Utopi<*. 
William Stanley wrote in 1903 A Political Utopia to be realized in 
1950. which enters into such details as the feeding and cooking of 
lobsters and oysters by a reformed method visualized under hyp- 
notic trance. The time is at hand ! 

IV. AxARCFiis^r 

^ome of the latest, as distinct from the earlier Utopias, differ 
from both the Utopia Judiciale and the Utopia Occonomica by the 
fact that they dispense with Law, the State and Property. In doing 
this they pass out of the conditions which make possible either the 


Capitalist State or the Socialist State and enter the realm of 

By an accident of our language the word Anarchy has now come 
to mean extreme disorder appearing in a sphere where formerly a 
certain order reigned. Scientifically, however, it means what its 
history shows: .-^rr/jr=the first. .-irclwti=tht chief magistrate of 
Athens ; anarchia signifies the absence of any such rule or govern- 
ment. Anarchism is the philosophy of anarchy, or human society 
rid entirely of government. Obviously, therefore, it belongs to the 
general family of the Utopias, whatever the anarchists may say to 
the contrary : for it looks forward to the realization of its aims by 
various means to a condition of society which, by anticipation, it 
values and desires. 

In order to understand Anarchism generally or any anarchist 
philosopher in particular, we have to use three touch stones and 
observe the resultant behavior of the system in question ; they are 
Law. The State and Property, as recognized in pre-anarchistic soci- 
ety. They may be defined as follows: 

(a) Law is the body of legal norms, or ideas of correct pro- 
cedure, based on the fact that men have the will to see a certain pro- 
cedure ffenerallv observed within a circle which includes themselves. 

(b) The State is a legal relation — determined by ideas of cor- 
rect p'-oce-lnre — of persons to whom procedure is prescribed, with 
each other, for whose sake it is prescribed, by virtue of which rela- 
tion a supreme authority exists in a certain territory. 

(c ) Property is a legal relation, by virtue of which some one has, 
within a certain group of men. the exclusive right of a|)propriating 
and disposing of a certain thing. 

Taking the writings of seven typical anarchists. Eltzbacher ana- 
lyzes them in respect to Law, The State and Property. Godwin, 
Stirner and Tolstoy rejected all three entirely. Prudhom rejects 
all present laws, the State and Property. Rakounine and Kropot- 
kine reject enacted law and ])rivate property after which the State 
will disappear. Tucker, the American, approves Law and Property 
but rejects the State unconditionally. 

But while this takes their constructions out of the Utopia Jiidi- 
cia'e, it doe^. not and cannot abolish economic relations between men. 
Consec|uently it i^ the precise form of that relationship that gives 
-Anarchism its characteristic. 'I'he economv of Anarchism used to 
be called Communism as distitiiruished from .Socialism, which still 
adheres to the State : but si'H'e. in our ow n dav. the Bolsheviks, wish- 


ing to alienate other Socialists, publicly stole the word "Commun- 
ism" to define their kaleidoscopic system, anarchists will have to fina 
a new term for their economic process. 

The realization of the Anarchist Utopia is to follow the estab- 
lishment of Equality, or Justice, or Self-interest, or Evolution, or 
Revolution or Universal Love — according to the different expon- 
ents. The means of motivation are equally diverse and contradic- 
tory. The aim, however, is to achieve a state of Society in which 
the needs of men are met by their perfectly free co-operation in pro- 
ductive and distributive processes, devoid of the coercive power of 

V. A Synthetic Utopia 

The perusal of the four foregoing sections will have prepared 
the reader to find for himself some kind of conclusion on the whole 

(a) Three types of propositions lie before us. That a spiritual 
chanee will overtake mankind as the result of which the mistakes 
and imperfections of human society will be easily removed and we 
shall realize the Earthly Paradise once more. The Age of Perfect 
Virtue will return. Even H. G. Wells, the prophet of modernism 
was once smitten with this idea. In the Days of the Comet tells how, 
as the Earth passed quietly through the Comet's tail, its inhabitants 
breathed a certain eas — was it to -nvevfia to dvtov? — and immediately 
be?an to behave normally and kindly to each other. The impulse 
of e?-oism was inhibited or reduced to reasonable proportions and 
people did naturally for others what they would wish to be done 
for themsehes. without any sense of virtue or difficulty. Utopia was 
simply inevitable. In Bucke's Cosmic Consciousness, a scientific 
view is presented of the evolutionary process by which human nature 
is to change — and is changing — so that the whole scheme of values 
attains a new equilibrium. This consciousness, denied hitherto to 
the animal and the self-conscious man, is to appear in children and 
reappear in adults more strikingly, making the man into a new crea- 
ture. The modern romantic and scientific prophecies thus take up 
the old religious theme of Jewish faith, described in my first section, 
confirmed by the religious and moral fervour of manv, thouo-h rela- 


lively few. saints and sages of all time. Good men will do good 
deeds: such is the conclusion of the Utopia Spirituale. 

(b) But the world is not entirely or mainly inhabited by "good 
men" nor ruled by them. In the absence of the power to behave 
spontaneously well, some expedient for an imperfect world has to 
be devised. This is Law, which supplies norms of conduct which 
even imperfect men have the power to obey. There is nothing 
unreasonable in this and though it has never worked to the full it 
has succeeded in bringing a relative order into a general potential 
chaos. The theory of Utopia Judicialc is that obedience to laws be- 
comes habitual, customary and natural. The essential is that the 
laws be wise and just, that the people consent to their enactment 
and that the Executive Government maintain them impartially. If 
such a process of gradual obedience to good laws should blend with 
the process of gradual illumination of the consciousness, the result 
would be a richer Utopia than either speculator has imagmed. 

(c) But thirdly: w^hat, in the main, is the subject-matter of all 
laws to which obedience is demanded? Apart from the fixed cus- 
toms of our slowly-changing culture, almost all laws deal with mate- 
rial things and our various rights to appropriate them. Consequently 
it may be said that the system of Property, its production and dis- 
tribution, whether written or unwritten, is the fundamental Law that 
governs all Societies. The system by which we satisfy or fail to 
satisfy the claims of our need — psychologically, our egoism — must 
aflfect our whole conduct. Our reactions are really our actions : such 
is the theory of the Utopia Oeconomica. And here, too, we see that 
were the present Capitalistic system of production and appropriation 
replaced by one of Socialist economy it would likewise need a cer- 
tain body of laws to which our adhesion would be asked. Mean- 
while the silent operation of spiritual processes would continue un- 
opposed — the Earth would pass through the tail of the Comet— ana 
the Utopia realized would be a Synthetic Utopia, spiritual, legal anu 

The French Revolution was accompanied by the well-known 
triple crv' : Libcrte, Egalite, Fraternite. Great interest lies in observ- 
ing that the three Utopias above discussed may be differentiated by 
the sequence in which they use those words. When placed in the 
order: Fraternity, Equality and Liberty, they indicate, first, a marked 
advance in morals, then as a conscriucnce a just arrangement f)i 
economics, i-nd finally a free condition of politics — this is the slogan 
of Utopia Spirituale. Alternatively, let us have Liberty first, we will 


next establish Equality and lead on to Fraternity: such was the the- 
ory of the French Revolution, the lineal descendant of the inventors 
of Utopia Jndicialc. But Economic Equality must precede Political 
Liberty and pass on to Moral Fraternity— so says the late school 
of Utopia Oecoiiomica. 

We may be permitted to believe that the final word is with the 
Synthetic Utopia, where the three cries are heard resounding simul- 



THE investigations of Abbott and Rushbrook (1884) under the 
title ''The Common Traditions of the Gospels" gave a new view 
to what is now referred to as the "Triple Tradition." The Ammo- 
nian sections were separated by Ammonius of Alexandria in the 
third century, and are preserved for us in the "canons" of Eusebius 
of Caesarea in the fourth century out of which may be constructea 
the Triple Tradition, the Dual Tradition, and Single Tradition. 
Scholars of the last century placed these several traditions as ante- 
cedent to our gospels ?.nd used by each synoptic writer in the com- 
position of his work. It is accepted today that Mark is the earliest 
gospel and that Matthew and Luke wrote independently of him. 

Criticism has assumed that the fundamental traditions upon 
which our gospels rest were gathered together for the general infor- 
mation of early Christians in regard to the works and the words of 
Jesus of Nazareth, the Christ of the churches. The astonishment is 
that Jesus cured so many and that of all the cures only the merest 
few are recorded. And these lack detail such as would deeply inter- 
est the churches. The wonderment is that the Nazarene should casi 
out so many devils and only the Gadarene incident be given with 
anything like completeness. It would be unbelievable that the Gali- 
lean should command the tempest and walk on the sea and feed with 
a few loaves of bread and several fishes thousands of people, and 
that a few of his neighbors would be strong enough or even dare 
to kill him. It must be admitted that Jesus of Nazareth was a mas- 
ter teacher, a rabbi that commanded attention, especially in Galilee. 
I lis popnliritv iiuist ha\c bccTi immonsc. T.ut his work could have 
been nothing but what man had wrought before. 1 lis words were 
notable but not revolutionary to Rome, or to the Herod who was 


ruler of Galilee when Jesus spoke and did philanthropic healing^s in 
his realm. John the baptist was public example of what reproof 
to civil rulers incurred in those days and the numerous crucifixions 
by procurators of patriotic Pharises, who longed for the restora- 
tion of the Jewish kingdom and for release from Roman domination, 
were cogent warnings to all Jews who would influence the public 

Scientific criticism concerns itself with facts. The synoptic gos- 
pels in its view are records of the deeds and words of Jesus of 
Nazareth, a physician and a religious teacher. The recitative por- 
tions of these gospels are strikingly alike, whereas the narratives 
have marked and outstanding differences. Matthew's gospel is about 
one-fourth narrative, Mark's gospel about one-half, and Luke's 
about one-third. There are not more than twenty-four verses in 
Mark to which parallels may not be found in Matthew and Luke. 
Scholars have pointed out these facts. It is now generally accepted 
that these synoptic gospels are writings not dependent upon each 
other and that all appeared before the destruction of the temple by 
Titus. A study of the "tripple tradition" has led to the general 
acceptance of a view that there was a collection embodying the works 
of Jesus and another containing his words. Scholars differ as to 
whether these collections represent recollections and so were oral 
traditions afterwards written down, or whether from the first they 
were not set down in writings by disciples and used by the synoptic 
writers. In either event it is assumed by scholars that these memo- 
ries were gathered together for the benefit of believers in Jesus as 
the Christ. 

Our thesis is that these two earliest collections, one of the deeds 
of Jesus up to his death and resurrection, the other of the words 
of Jesus, were written leports made to the legate of Syria, in order 
that Rome or the legate might have accurate knowledge of the pop- 
ular religious movement, which Jesus initiated and his followers 
carried on. The earlier was a report upon the works of Jesus, prob- 
ably made during the reign of Caligula. It was not irony which led 
Pontius Pilate to write a title and put it on the cross. "And the 
writing was Jesus of Nazareth the King of the Jews." It was 
not irony, but the blunt way of a Roman procurator to tell all who 
passed by and saw the crucified Jesus, that such reward, a cruci- 
fixion, awaited every pretender to kingship of the Jews, a people 
who could have no king unless Caesar gave one to them. It was 
in line with the policy of Rome and indeed it was one of the neces- 


sities. which a Roman legate was under, to know accurately the 
extent of a movement, whose originator emphasized the near ap- 
proach of a Kingdom of God and whose followers were expectant 
of the near coming of that kingdom. 

The Roman legate was thorough in investigations of this char- 
acter, lie began where danger was most imminent. The Pharisees 
kxDked for a king of the house of David and these Pharisees showed 
their valuation of this advocate of a kingdom of God. this Xazarcne, 
by demanding his crucifixion. \'itellius. the legate of Syria, sent 
(35 A. D.) Pontius Pilate to Rome that he might answer for the 
shedding of innocent blood. The legate himself came the next year 
to Jerusalem and conciliated the Jews by removing the taxes on fruit 
and restoring the high priest's vestments, which had been kept in 
the tower of Antonia since the first Herod. Vitellius was in Jeru- 
salm in 37 and administered to the Jews the oath of allegiance to 
Caligula. The chief religious and most recent agitation among the 
high priests and the Pharisees had risen from the preaching of John 
the baptist and Jesus of Nazareth, both of wdiom were put to death. 
Jesus in \'itellius' time, had a considerable following; and there 
were then living in Jerusalem or Judea eleven of his disciples, who 
were his closest associates. The legate, while in Jerusalem less than 
a guinguenium from the day of the crucifixion, must have learned 
much of this sect, who averred the injustice of the crucifixion, lay- 
ing the blame on the Jews, a sect who proclaimed that Jesus arose 
from the dead, appeared to his followers, ascended into heaven, 
promising just before his departure his coming again. \'itellius with 
his Romanlikc vigilance must have determined to investigate this 
whole matter and learn, whether there was peril for Rome in a sect, 
which looked for the "kingd(Mn of (iod." looked for the return of 
Jesus of Xazareth. of whom a Roman procurator had sanctioned the 
crucifixion, placing on his cross the writing. "Kixr, or the Jews." 
thus warning all of the fate awaiting every one making such pre- 
tentions. The high ])riests and Pharisees would encourage the 
Roman legate to make thorough investigations of these matters. 

\'itellius was not concerned at first about the teachings of Jesus 
of Xazareth. The works, the remarkable cures, his popular follow- 
ing, were the chief matters of in(|uiry. Jesus passed most of his 
public ministry in Galilee. The legate would of course get reports 
from his own investigators, that he might know impartially the facts. 
Tt was very important also to have accurate reports, since a TTerod 
was ruler in the regions where Jesus did most of his work. Per- 


haps this Herod was planning independence of Rome and would use 
this movement to push on his purpose. Tliere were three centers, 
Tiberias and the region surrounding, Caesarea Philippi and its 
neighboring towns, Caesarea on the coast and the adjacent parts. 
These investigators began the search some four years after the 
occurrences and obtained the facts from the people of these places, 
not from disciples. 

These official reports contained the cause of Christian popular 
gatherings, the dominant thought controlling the assemblage, the 
territorial extent of the movement ; it left all inference with the 
legate. There came from the three regions, widely separate, a uni- 
form statement that Jesus of Nazareth healed a great number of per- 
sons of their diseases, that he made remarkable cures in each region, 
that outstanding cases were the healing of the daughter of a Syro- 
phoenician woman, the healing of a leper in Capernaum. A deaf 
man was healed somewhere in the district of Decapolis, and a lunatic 
in Gadera was restored to his right mind, a paralytic was healed in 
Capernaum. The unusual method of healing and curing was noted 
in these reports. Another cause of the popularity of Jesus of Naza- 
reth was that he fed with a few loaves of bread and a few fishes 
a multitude of several tliousand, that he commanded the winds and 
waves of the lake to be calm and they obeyed, that he walked on the 
lake, and even raised the dead. The facts, striking features of each 
incident, the locality and the popular impression were recorded in 
these reports. All reports confirmed the teaching everywhere of 
the Coming of the Kingdom of God, of the errors of Pharisees and 
scribes, of the need of a life in each one, that would please the 
Father, the God of each one, a life every way approvable amid the 
whirl of the surrounding life which abounded in Jewish, Hellenistic, 
and Roman customs and manners. 

A digest of these several reports was made. As the incidents 
were narrated by the common people, telling what they remembered, 
there would be found words that were in the vulgar tongue, and 
which elegant and educated people would not use. Aramaic expres- 
sions would be used and their translation placed after them, making 
them intelligible to the Roman legate. This interpretative charac- 
teristic has given us in these accounts, what has been cleverly char- 
acterized as "duality of phrase." An example of this duality is 
"And at even, when the sun was set." The Greek in these reports 
is rude and vulgar. In the account of the healing of Jairus's daugh- 
ter "eschatos echei (at the point of death) is the canaille use. The 


word chrab batos (bed) would be an offense to the cultivated. 
Instances are many of this characteristic feature, which is ever 
present because the account of the incidents are gathered from the 
people. Jairus was ruler of a synag-og-ue. but he was a Hellenist and 
the language of his household was Hellenistic Greek. These reports 
had such expressions as the following: "The whole city was gath- 
ered at the door." "He could no longer openly enter into the city." 
"So many came and went, he could not even eat." "They from all 
the cities ran together on foot." "\Mierever he went, into villages 
of cities or country, they placed their sick before him." This was 
of course popular exaggeration, evidencing the hold Jesus of Naza- 
reth had upon the people. The only order in this digest of reports, 
which went to Mtellius. would be an arrangement which would in- 
dicate the deeds of Jesus when he was around the Lake of Tiberias 
or when he went into the coasts of Sidon and Tyre, or when he went 
into the villages round about Caesarea Philippi. The order of events 
in each region was only approximate. The principle aim w'as to 
show the man Jesus of Nazareth whom they found to be a popular 
teacher and one who gathered numbers in many places who came 
to be healed. These crowds also listened to his teaching. The 
legates comment seems to have been, that the followers of Jesus 
were an asset to good government and not a menace, that they 
served as a balance to the Pharisaical Jew^s. who then wished the 
removal of procurators and the restoration of the Jewish kingdom, 
that the coming Kingdom of God had no peril for the sovereignty 
of Rome. The age of Caligula saw persecution of the Jews ; and 
these Jews persecuted the followers of Jesus, although the Jews in 
Palestine saw them worship at the temple, use the ancient Jewish 
scriptures, gather in houses to rehearse the words of Jesus and en- 
courage each other to look for the coming of their Lord. 

Caligula was assassinated in 41 and Claudius became emperor. 
He restored civic rights to the Alexandrian Jew and set Agrippa I 
upon the throne, giving him all the territories which Plerod the Great 
had governed. Agrippa observed the tradition of the Pharisees and 
protected the Jewish religion. He put to death James the brother 
of John : he began to make Jerusalem safer by building walls, he 
summoned five vassal kings of the empire to conference at Tiberias. 
The Roman legate proliihitcd the conference and the construction 
of the wall. .Agrippa died suddenly at Caesarea bv the sea. Claudius 
thereafter governed this whole Jewish kingdcnu in Palestine bv proc- 
urators. Cuspius Fadus was the first. He seized Thaddeus. a 


prophet and a religious agitator, beheaded him and brought the head 
to Jerusalem. It was probably under this procurator that Ihe teach- 
ings of Jesus was gathered and a detailed statement of the last days 
of Jesus of Nazareth in Jerusalem and especially the trial and cru- 
cifixion of this Nazarene. Fadus probably directed this last enquiry 
to be made among the scattered followers of Jesus, principally it 
would seem through Peter. If we remove from the Ciospel of Mark 
the narratives of the works of Jesus, leaving the recitative matter, 
we will have probably the collection generally referred to as "the 
Logia of Jesus." The Roman investigators would not seek to obtain 
the discouises of Jesus, such as are now represented to us in the 
so-called Sermon on the Mount. These ethico-religious teachings 
influenced the private life and the conduct of Christians. The inves- 
tigators sought to obtain the w'ords of Jesus, which made him the 
object of the wrath of the Pharisees, so that the legate might know 
and so the emperor, whether the breach between the Pharisees and 
these assemblies, now under the directive control of the disciples of 
Jesus could be done away with. These Roman investigators were 
desirous of knowing more fully the teachings, which bound together 
Christians, teachings that looked for the establishment of the king- 
dom of God and the coming again of Tesus. Fadus certainly felt 
little was to be feared from a sect which was awaiting a time of 
awful trial for all, wars and rumors of wars : of a sect whose foun- 
der commanded them in these days to flee from one city to another, 
and to look in these terrible days for the "coming of the son of man 
In his glory." 

The view which regards the earliest records of Jesus of Nazareth 
a? reports of Roman investigators to the Roman procurator or legate 
and so to the Palace at Rome, makes these two documents, one tell- 
ing of the Works of Tesus and the other of his Words, documents 
of purely human origin, the only inspiration in them being to make 
them accurate reports and so avoid censure of the Roman legate. 
Rome found in the widespread movement of Christians a counter- 
poise to Judaism, ever plotting for independence of Rome, although 
it was Rome that had saved the Jew from annihilation by the Ptole- 
maic and Seleucidian kings. The Christ-movement undermined the 
supremacy of the ever-present religious legalism among the people. 
and so Phariseeism undertook its extermination. It was the policy 
of Rome to weaken Phariseeism and so the procurator would en- 
courage Christians. The hatred of the Greek for the Jew would 
make him a natural allv on the side of the Christian. Hence came 


a double encouragement to the followers of Jesus and their authori- 
tive leaders, the college of the disciples. Paul at this time was in 
Antioch or else in the regions north, where Jews from the Mesopo- 
tamian valley had been settled by the Seleucidian kings in order 
to bring into the region of Babylon Greek colonists to put in awe 
the Semitic natives. Paul carried to these deported Semites as a 
rabbi the hopeful message of Jesus and the worth of a religious life 
apart from the fetters of Pharasaic legalism. He proclaimed also the 
comfort in the near coming again of the risen and ascended Jesus 
to reward his followers. Paul was a Roman citizen and so Roman 
governors would encourage his teaching, at least insofar as not to 
let it be prohibited. A little more than a decade from the date of 
Fadus the Jew Paul became an apostle of the Lord Jesus Christ and 
travelled through Asia Minor. ^Macedonia, and Greece, heralding 
to Jew and Gentile alike "the unsearchable riches" of Christ. Paul 
then wrote letters to "churches." It is remarkable, that in these 
epistles scarcely any references are made to the works of Christ 
Jesus and only very few to his words. The "risen Lord" was upper- 
most in his thought and the superiority of the gospel of the "cruci- 
fied Christ" was everywhere published. Faith in Jesus Christ dis- 
placed belief in and the practise of Judaism. Tt is not credible that 
the words and works of Jesus of Nazareth were unknown to the 
churches. There must have been collections of these words and 
works among the churches, so that the public ministry of Jesus was 
from the first well known. Our theory of public documents con- 
taining these words and works, compiled for the information of 
Roman procurators and legates, would make it not difficult for this 
general knowledge of Jesus to be in the possession of the churches. 
Tt would be to the interest of Rome to have spread abroad these 
facts about Jesus among his followers. Such collections would not 
be forbidden if the compilation had their source in Roman authority. 
They would also have very great authority in the churches them- 
selves. Probably the collection of the works of Jesus had the first 
and more general circulation. Later, perhaps some fifteen years, 
Mark combined both documents in the gospel which we now know 
as St. Mark's. 

Scientific historical criticism makes it clear, that the excellence 
of any teaching and the worthiness and suft'cring of any leader 
whether in religion or politics, in no way decides its survival. More 
Jews suffered crucifixion for their religion in the first three-fourths 
of the first century than Christians. Adaptation to environment or 


a conqueror's sword determines converts. Adaptation to environ- 
ment does not mean accommodation to the vices of a people in the 
case of Jesus of Nazareth. His message as by a tempest carried 
away vices from the individual, who followed him. The environ- 
ment in the day of Jesus was a loose assemblage of national units 
under the sway of a dominant power, which stood for a peaceful 
empire and tribute paying subjects. Woe to the disturbers of peace, 
equal woe to him who refused tribute. The proletariat were the 
sufferers. Ceaseless toilers and no benefit from labor ; sleep came 
to them from weariness, not from restful repose. They were hope- 
less. The environment was slavery or its equivalent. The adapta- 
tion would be to give this proletariat outlook. The message of Jesus 
of Nazareth wrought this miracle. It was not to be accomplished 
by revolution. It was to be done by a reformation of each individual 
so that his body became a temple of God. sin not dwelling therein : 
he was not to labor less in the struggle for a living, but more because 
he must look to helping his neighbor carry his burden. The assem- 
blies of the followers of Jesus were inspired with encouragement to 
produce wholesome and helpful human lives. They were not revo- 
lutionary gathering. All this new endeavor amid the crushing bur- 
dens of the proletariat's conditions was actuated by the faith that 
in this way they pleased God. 

The Roman legate or procurator would analyze the report upon 
the Works of Jesus on this wise. If this cnicified teacher com- 
manded the tempest or walked on the sea, so few saw it that it 
would generally be regarded as an idle tale. If he fed thousands 
with a few loaves and fishes it was cheaper than agrarian laws, but 
the Roman governors would hardly credit the occurrence. They 
would regard it as most philanthropic, that a great physician should 
heal without fee large numbers in widely separated regions and 
would readily concede, that the teachings of Jesus w'ould therefore 
receive hearing. These governors would learn that individuals from 
the proletariat were leaders in this sect, the most prominent of whom 
were fishermen, that these followers of Jesus believed in his resur- 
rection and ascension and his return. And so. the kingdom of God 
in their view had no peril for Rome. It was after the death of 
Agrippa, k;'ng of the Jews, and so after the second undertaking to 
rule the Jews by procurators, that agitation for independence became 
acute among the Jews and events began to move fast toward revo- 
lution. The Roman governors therefore looked with encouraging 
tolerance upon the growing assemblies of Christians. Judaism sought 


to obliterate the schism made in its body pohtic by the Christ move- 
ment, which threatened its hold through its legalism and its syna- 
gogues upon the people. The Jews would emphasize before the 
Roman governors the fact that Jesus was crucified because he did 
not deny that he was king of the Jews, that his followers were mem- 
bers of a kingdom, styled the Kingdom of God But the procurator 
Fadus v.'ho had investigated the reports made to him upon the say- 
ing of Jesus and the last days of Jesus, found no reason for exter- 
minating the Christian assemblies. Saul and Barnabas at this time 
were Christians (meaning followers of Jesus) but not apostolic 
teachers of the faith ; they had not been "separated for this work." 
But at this time (if we accept the theory that the earliest writings 
among the Christians were political documents, put together for the 
information of the legate and the procurator of Rome), the Chris- 
tian assemblies, mostly Jews, had furnished to them copies of these 
writings and so Christians were well acquainted with the events and 
the teaching connected with Jesus of Xazareth. Later there was 
no need of Paul referring to the works and teachings of Jesus, for 
they were well known. Other gospels, which were written later, 
would of course have as a large element in them these earlier politi- 
cal documents. 



IT IS not one of the least tragic consequences of theology that its 
distinctive marks are often left upon those who are supposed to 
have become emancipated from its influence. Among other of its 
concomitants, the myth-making tendency is seldom entirely absent 
as a factor in militant Rationalism. And one of the myths of popu- 
lar Freethought — a myth which scholarly Freethinkers might well 
disdain to use as a weapon against Christianity — is embodied in the 
naive belief that the idea of sin was virtually non-existent in ancient 
Greece. To me, for one, it comes as something of a mental shock 
to find so able and eminent a critic as William Archer giving cur- 
rency to this piece of mythology, which, in point of historical accu- 
racy, is about on a par with, say, the ecclesiastical version of the 
part played by Freethinkers in the French Revolution. 

There was recently published, in the London Literary Guide, 
an article by Mr. Archer, entitled, "The Superstition of 'Sin'." In 
this article, after quoting another writer's assertion that, "For Chris- 
tianity the origin and seat of moral evil lies in the will, whereas for 
the Greek it lay in the intellect," and then somebody else's assertion 
that, "The very word for sin meant originally 'a missing of the 
mark'," Mr. Archer goes on to say: 

"Oh, what a wise people the Greeks were ! And what a rever- 
sion to barbarism is the whole Judseo-Christian ethic! One may 
wonder, indeed, whether the words quoted do not slightly flatter the 
Greeks — wiiether some tinge of the irrational, theological concep- 
tion of wrong-doing did not now and then creep into their thinking. 
In the main, however, there is no doubt that the superstition of 'sin' 
which has aarkened the minds of men for twenty centuries, and 
fatally impeded the evolution of a sane morality, is of Hebraic 
origin." ^ 

^Literary Guide (London), April, 1924. 


The suggestion that possibly "some tinge" of the irrational idea 
of sin may "now and then" have "crept" into the thinking of the 
Greeks, is what, in our colorful American slang, would be termed 
"rich." Anybody who is familiar with the history of religion ought 
to know that the idea of sin was neither of Hebraic nor of Hellenic 
origin, but was common to all ancient religions, just as it is common 
to all religions today. And anybody who is versed in ancient Greek 
literature knows that, so far from having been free from the "super- 
stition of "sin," the Greeks were as much dominated and obsessed 
by it as any other people of antiquity, barring none. Though we 
have inherited some romantic notions about "the glory that was 
Greece."" it was precisely in that much-lauded land that the sin-idea 
prevailed in its crudest, most barbarous, and least rational form. 
For the Greeks, generally speaking, did not regard the intellect as 
the origin and seat of moral evil : for them the seat of moral evil 
lay in the proscribed act itself, and the origin of moral evil lay in 
the ineluctable decrees of the capricious gods. 

Turn to Homer. Hesiod. or Sophocles, to Pindar. Aeschylus, or 
Solon, and it will almost instantly become evident that the concep- 
tion of sin pervaded the Greek consciousness— and not in the sense 
of a mere "missing of the mark." but in the more oppressive sense 
of any conduct (whether of omission or of commission) that was 
offensive to the deathless gods. Furthermore, whereas in Judaeo- 
Christianity sinful behavior — actual sin. as distinguished from innate 
depravity. /. e., original sin — is conceived of as conscious and volun- 
tary, the Greeks believed that sin could be committed not only know- 
ingly and wilfully, but even involuntarily and unconsciously. Indeed. 
whenever ?ny person was the victim of signal misfortune, it was 
inferred that he must have sinned grievously against the supra- 
human powers ; and whenever any dire calamity befell a city or a 
state, it was taken for granted that some citizen must have been 
guilty of a monstrous sin crying to a wrathful heaven for expiation. 

.Since a national literature mirrors the thought, the temper, and 
the superstitions of a people, it is not without significance that the 
most poignant of the immortal Greek tragedies revolves wholly about 
the idea of sin— sin unwittingly committed, vet most cruelly atoned 
for. In thj Oedipus Rex of Sophocles. King Oedipus sins against 
the gods entirely without his knowledge. His conduct, in fact, is 
but the fulfillment nf divine prophecies made before his birth. 
Xe\ertheless. his sins must be expiated just as comjiletely as if they 
had ])een conscious and deliberate. So ( )edipus. brought after years 


of ignorance to a realization of the enormity of his wickedness, is 
crushed beneath the weight of the soothsayer's revelation. He 
loses his beloved Jocasta and, in the frenzy of his grief, puts out 
his eyes. Then, after a heartrending farewell to his children, the 
blinded, utterly humbled ruler — viewed as a plague-spot which has 
to be eradicated — is driven from his polluted kingdom. 

Need we consider in detail the Ajax of Sophocles ? Or the Hip- 
polytus of Euripides? Or his Iphigenia at AiiUs? Need we refer 
to the Nicomachcan Elhics of Aristotle? Rut why go on? Even 
the most cursory inspection of Greek literature makes it all-too-clear 
that the nightmare of sin lay like an incubus upon ancient Greek re- 
ligion no less than upon the religion of Judaea or upon Christianity. 

"Oh," exclaims ]\Ir. Archer in the passage that I have quoted, 
"what a wise people the Greeks were !" But Athens was the pearl 
and pride of Greece ; yet was it not by a jury of enlightened 
Athenians that Socrates — a Theist with pronounced Agnostic lean- 
ings — was found guilty of Atheism and condemned to drink the 
hemlock? Had Mr. Archer and I been fellow-citizens of Socrates, 
we too — Agnostics both — should have had to quench our thirst for 
truth with that fatal beverage. 

In our zeal for the propagation of Freethought, it behooves those 
of us who call ourselves Rationalists to examine our evidence very 
critically and, as far as possible, to avoid the intellectual sin of 
overstating our case. While we carry on the good fight against the 
old religions with their myths and their dogmas, let us take care not 
to evolve a new religion with an inverted dogmatism and a mythol- 
ogy of its own. 



EXGLAXD has lost, in Mr. E. D. Morel, a public servant whom 
posterity, with the tardy justice commonly accorded the mor- 
ally great, is likely to set high among her men of character and 
ability. But, since the war, the smoke screen of calumny has been 
so effectually drawn across his career and achievements that fhe 
great majority have no realization of this, or, at best, think of a man 
whom they could not but have honored had they known the truth, as 
a misguided fanatic. 

Mr. Morel leaves as public legacies by which he wnll be judged, 
the completed emancipation of the Congo, and the living, growing 
organization of the Union of Democratic Control, of which he was 
admittedly the heart and brains, ably as he was abetted in this work 
by the small group of radical thinkers who, with him, were responsi- 
ble for its foundation. He lived to see it with branches in many 
lands, focal centers for the harassed minorities of the democratically 
minded, and lived, too. to receive a measure of appreciation due him 
in the ardent support of his labor constituents in Dundee. 

There seems little doubt tliat the treatmeiit accorded IMr. Morel 
while he was imprisoned during tlie war brought on. or at all events 
greatly accelerated, the heart disease which has troubled him since, 
and to which his sudden death is attributed. Fifty years, even though 
they were, as Mr. Xevinson writes in The Labour Leader, "crammed 
from the earliest age with human endeavor." was a pitifully short 
S[)an for so pctive and needed a fighter in tlie lists of truth ; and so 
vital was his jicrsonality tliat it is hard to realize, even after reading 
of the memorial serxioj in liis lionor at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, 
that his voice is silenced and that we shall have no more of those 
vigorous editorials in which he alternately exposed injustice and 
logically pointed the wiser way. 

To his French origin, on his father's side, would seem to belong 
this insatiable habit of luieartliing and combating great wrongs in 

MOREL 437 

season and out of season, not in any spirit of perversity, but to miti- 
gate, or where possible rectify, the harm done by their perpetration. 
On the day of his death he wrote (I quote again from The Labor 
Leader) : 

"I have no use for. and no place in, public life if I am compelled 
being in it, to act in a way which I know to be morally wrong and 
destructive of my own self respect. I did not risk everything by 
insisting upon the lie of the sole culpability of Germany for the War 
because I like it, but because I was constitutionally incapable of act- 
ing in any other way." 

His mother, an Englishwoman, de Home by name, was descended 
from a Flemish family who migrated to escape the persecution of 
Alva, and who early became members of The Society of Friends 
and suffered for their belief, hence perhaps unflinching tenacity. 

Born in Paris in 1873. his baptismal name was Georges Edmond 
Morel-de-\^ille, though he later shortened it to the more convenient 
form of Edmund Dene Morel. When he was only a few years old, 
his father died of an illness contracted while serving on the Paris 
ramparts during the Franco-Prussian war, and although his mother 
had him educated in England, she continued to live in France until 
he was seventeen, when he became a clerk in a Liverpool firm deal- 
ing with West Africa. To eke out what was at first a meagre salary, 
he took to journalism and wrote largely of West African affairs 
on which he soon made himself an authority. 

It was this early interest, inculcated and fed at first by close con- 
tact with West African ships and cargoes, and later by frequent 
visits to Antwerp and Brussels on behalf of the firm for whom he 
continued to work for ten years, which led in time to his knowledge 
of conditions in the Congo and gradual realization of the abuses 
being carried on there under King Leopold's regime. Thenceforth 
in articles, pamphlets and books he hammered the matter home to 
the British public, till in 1904 he was enabled to form the Congo 
Reform Association, with which he continued to work with unabated 
energy until the necessary reforms were achieved in 1913. 

So great had been the interests in opposition, that the successful 
conclusion of this work brought Mr. Morel a world-wide mead of 
praise for his humanitarian endeavors, and most eulogistic tributes 
from all sections alike of the British public and press. His cham- 
pionship of native rights had not been confined to the Congo, for his 
books deal with conditions throughout tropical Africa, and when 
visiting Nigeria in 1910, he experienced what must have been a 


vet keener reward for his efforts in the gratitude of the natives and 
their reahzation of all that "the white man with the straight eye" 
as they named him. had been able to do for them. 

But African affairs had by no means monopolized Mr. Morel's 
attention, great as was the part he played in them. Bi-lingual, and 
well acquainted with the intricacies of French public life and poli- 
tics, he had from the first written for French journals as well as 
English, and had, through the critical years that comprised the 
Fashoda incident especially, striven hard to bring about and cement 
an understanding friendship between the two peoples. His chosen 
work having given him an unusually deep insight into the secret 
diplomatic workings of the Powers, he pubHshed in 1912. in the hope 
of averting the war he felt to be imminent, Morocco in Diplomacy, a 
searching analysis of the fatal policies pursued by the principal 
European governments through the decade leading up to the crisis 
of 1911. But public interest being at that time still asleep as to the 
importance of foreign affairs and their close connection with national 
welfare, the warning fell unheeded and the averted catastrophe was 
but deferred to a later day. 

The formation of the Union of Democratic Control followed 
almost immediately on the outbreak of war. It was no defeatist 
organization as it was generally misrepresented to be. The hope of 
its founders was to prepare the way for a future parliamentary con- 
trol of foreign policy, that should preclude any recurrence of blind 
ministerial commitments such as had secretly bound Great Britain to 
France, and through France to Imperialist Russia, before the war. 
Its principal aim was to insure that when peace came it should, con- 
trary to those concluding previous wars, be of a just and lasting 
character, and it therefore sought to build up while there was time 
an enlightened public opinion as to the policies which would be 
necessary to this end. This it attempted through the publication of 
many pamphlets of real historical value and its organ The U. D. C, 
since grown into Foreign Affairs, a monthly covering its subject so 
widely that there is no longer excuse for public ignorance on matters 
of international interest. 

For this same end, as well as in common fairness. Mr. Morel 
combatted. more especially in his book Truth and the War, the his- 
torically untenable but popularly held idea that Germany was exclu- 
sively to blame for the war. since this belief could but engender a 
peace of conquest which would inevitably lead to further conflicts. 
When a man. particularly in war time, stands apart from his fellows 



by reason of clearly pronounced unorthodox opinions, no matter 
how just and expedient they may be, he is at once liable to be mis- 
judged and misrepresented beyond recognition. The general vili- 
fication of his character and aims in the press, paved the way for 
Mr. Morel's imprisonment on a technical charge of having, through 
an intermediary, sent pamphlets to M. Romain Rolland in a neutral 
country, the fact being that he had supposed him to be still in France, 
in which case the ofifence was nil. The treatment accorded him was, 
however, of a severity compatible with the war fever which 
prompted his incarceration rather than the slightness of the charge. 
It was shortly after his release that he became a member of the 
Independent Labor Party. 

Invaluable as Mr. Morel's contributions to such subjects of world 
wide importance as free trade, peace, and international relationships 
have been, there are those of us who must always regret that his 
masterly gift of clear, vigorous prose was never embodied in some 
work of purely literary value. Rut whenever there were wrongs to 
be righted — and when are there not — then was the time, and so thor- 
ough was his work in anything he undertook, that there can have 
been but little margin left over. We may perhaps look forward to 
the printing of his unpublished reminiscences, from which such inter- 
esting quotations are given in Mr. Seymour Cock's book. E. D. 
Morel, the Alan and His Work, or at least their fuller incorporation 
in the biography Mr. Nevinson has promised to undertake. The 
public may then be allowed to know more of his unusually happy 
family life and peaceful pursuits such as his great love of gardening, 
and also of that brave helpmate, his wife, who steadfastly aided and 
encouraged his endeavors through all vicissitudes. 

I cannot close more fitly than by quoting a few sentences from 
the very beautiful appreciation of E. D. Morel by M. Romain Roll- 
and printed in the December number of Foreign Affairs. 

. . . "He was the representative of humanity without respect 
of race or creed. No evil but found him ready for the struggle, no 
people downtrodden but saw him spring to their defence. . . . Truly 
an heroic figure. We of today cannot measure his stature. He will 
tower above his age as the years pass. . . . As a Frenchman. I am 
proud that my race can claim its share in this great Englishman. He 
combines in himself the greatest attributes of both peoples ; the clear- 
sighted idealism, which never wavers, and the fearless execution, 
which does not know defeat." 



I^HE religion of churches too often concerns itself with one 
phase only of human existence, to-\vit: the spiritual, particu- 
larly in reference to the life hereafter. However important this 
may be, it is for organized religion to accept a broader philosophy 
if it shall continue its vitality amid the complexities of modern life. 
The social worker is deeply concerned also with spiritual or moral 
values but not alone with these. The social worker stresses the 
complexity of causes for motives and acts, the intricate interplay of 
heredity in contact with physical and moral environment. The social 
worker knows that nothing just happens. The social worker real- 
izes, therefore, that if changes are to be brought about in life con- 
scious changes must be made in the makeup of personalities, delicate 
adjustments made between personalities and environment, and defi- 
nite changes in the social environment itself achieved througii indi- 
vidual effort and mass action. 

Religion should be the controlling element in every activity of 
human life. How earnestly has the religion of churches worked to 
decrease child labor, improve prison conditions, outlaw war. bring 
about law enforcement, or increase wages? The church has too 
long remained set apart, a thing of pulpits and prayers for an hour 
on Sunday instead of admitting active responsibility in every prob- 
lem of mankind. It is reasonable perhaps that personal redemption 
should l)e the first concern of churches, why should they not, how- 
ever, add a second and equally important concern ; the redemption 
of man's entire life, political, industrial, and physical? 

Is not the bringing about of a Kingdom of God on earth as essen- 
tiallv C"hri^tian as the (i(,-li\ (.'rini,' of orations on the Kingdom of 
(jod in I kaven? 


The social worker accepts everything as possible of accomplish- 
ment, if not today by individual case methods, tomorrow by funda- 
mental economic and social reforms, or by advancement in science. 
The social worker will not believe Christ intended to say that be- 
cause certain of the poor of His time would outlive Him, that we 
too must inevitably have other poor with us always. 

The social worker believes in intensive self-criticism of the 
methods of its social organization and a continual revaluation in its 
technical processes. The social worker does not believe that God 
has ceased to work for improvements in man, and that God regarded 
His work lor man closed aeons ago on the seventh day- The church 
has not developed to meet the changed and changing social prob- 
lems of today. It should weigh its accomplishments in the commun- 
ity today in the light of modern social conditions. It should frankly 
evaluate its own efforts day by day if it would live. There is a cer- 
tain smugness about religion of the church, it rarely admits its own 
weakness and failure ; it is suspicious of experiments, it will not 
seek out new methods. 

The social worker does not believe in trusting the sense judg- 
ments only or in acting on surface conditions alone. The social 
worker wants to know all the pertinent facts before arriving at con- 
clusions; the social worker regards all facts as pertinent. If the 
church would seek out all facts before attempting to act, its acts 
would be more fruitful. The social worker believes in a social case 
study or a social survey to determine needs. The church launches 
forth on drives to clean up this or drive out that without knowing 
its facts, without seeking trained leadership, without co-operating 
intimately with others who may also be interested. 

The social worker believes constructive thinking is more helpful 
than abundant alms ; it has learned that it is not enough to feed a 
tramp. It is quite as necessary to learn the causes of vagabondage 
and if possible remove the conditions which produce it. 

The social worker believes that if a man is to deal successfully 
with the problems of another, that the one who attempts to help 
must not only be kind, but be trained in kindness. Good intentions 
— unsupported by knowledge of how to put desires into deeds effec- 
tively and graciously — do not solve questions. When life in the 
world was simple, good neighborliness was perhaps enough. Now 
m the day of complex individual problems, legal entanglements, 
frequent scientific discoveries, situations are increasingly difficult 


to analyze and adjust. Only through trained and directed effort 
will success repay hopes. 

The church too often is sporadic in its efforts, driven by emo- 
tional impulse only. The social worker must be prepared for a 
year-around program of helpfulness : a dinner on Thanksgiving or 
Qhristmas for the hungry is insufficient. 

Social workers tap every source of co-operation and aid. They 
believe in working w-ith every agency in the community, physical, 
moral, industrial, legal, social, religious. They see relatives and 
friends and teachers and lawyers and doctors and landlords and 
employers and committees and clubs and clearing houses. The 
church too often works alone, ignorant of other effective resources 
for human reconstruction. 

Social workers are believers in specialization. They train special 
probation officers for delinquent children, special child placers and 
home finders for dependent children, legal aid workers for legal 
problems, welfare workers for industry, family case workers fo» 
general family rehabilitation, medical and psychiatric workers for 
health and mental cases. The church too frequently believes that 
any well intentioned person can deal successfully with any intricate 
hiiman problem. 

Social workers believe in finding out first what is needed and 
in giving that. They do not believe in giving money or mate- 
rial aid onlv. They believe material help tends to degrade and should 
be given as sparingly as possible. While the churcli could profit- 
ablv realize that men will be more interested in saving their souls 
if thev have food in tlieir stomachs, the church's first business of 
saving souls will gradually pass on if it tries to purchase interest in 
souls bv giving food. V,y a system of dispensing material relief or 
by the opening of a church pool room, the church subordinates and 
weakens its own spirituality and drives elsowliere those w^ho hon- 
estly seek soul satisfaction. 

Social work cmjihasizes the scientific approach, which merely 
means that approach which is truly kind because it is seekmg for the 
truth open-mindcdly. .Social work insists on regularity of effort 
and on traincrl understanding. Social work would bring about good 
will on earth bv using cverv human and divine resource. vSocial 
work cannot work without religion. How can religion in the churches 
be Christian until it is socialized? 



IN COMMON with every branch of mquiry, the history of reHg- 
ions has been subjected during recent years to notable attempts 
at revision, and, as often the case in other inquiries, the larger con- 
sequences of the revisions have not yet been fully considered. This 
seems to me to be peculiarly the case in that revision of views which, 
under the influence of Marett^ and Levy-Bruhl,- traces the roots 
of religion not to animism but to manaism. 

A generation ago the English anthropologists had apparently 
succeeded m establishing the view that animism, in the sense of 
belief in spiritual beings,^ marked the most rudimentary form of 
religion. The notion that belief in personal spiritual beings could 
have come originally from primitive men's experiences with shadows, 
echoes, dreams, sleep, and death was not welcome to the conserva- 
tives of that day; but after all, if religion was to be studied at all 
in evolutionary perspectives, there were a good many points in com- 
mon between animism and theism. The theist from his advanced 
position and with his refined doctrines could look across the ages 
at the primitive animist and regard him as a kindred spirit, a younger 
brother groping for light. It was the presupposition of animism that 
primitive mentality was essentially like our own. 

I^Iore lecently other workers, relying upon numerous investiga- 
tions of primitive peoples and upon a few systematic interpretations 

1 R. R. Marett, The Threshold of Religion (1914); article, "Mana," in 
Here, Vol. Ill (1916). 

2 Levy-Bruhl, Lcs fonciicns mentales dans les societes infcrieurcs (1912) ; 
Primitive Mentality, translated by L. A. Clare (1923). 

3E. B. T\lor, Primitive Culture, 2 volumes (1913). Vol. I, p. 425. 


of them, have detected and developed another view, with the pre- 
supposition that primitive mentality was different from ours. Accord- 
ing to Levv-Rruhl this primitive mentality is predominantly a social 
or group aliair rather an individual affair ; it is pre-perceptual. 
and characterized by an unbroken transition between what we have 
subsequently learned to distinguish as subject and object ; it is a 
matter of attitudes and actions rather than of elaborate explanations ; 
and it has not yet brought into focus the sharp distinction which 
generations of logicians have registered in the law of contradiction. 
It is in a matrix such as this that primitive men develop the prac- 
tices and loter the beliefs with reference to the mysterious power 
referred to bv the term "mana" and cognate terms. 


What is the possible significance of such manaism for presem- 
day philosophy ? There are at least three points to be settled before 
the question can be answered with any definiteness. In the first 
place, there is the objection that the characteristics attributed by 
Levy-Bruhl to primitive mentality are hard to make clear and diffi- 
cult to accept ; but this very point, according to the sponsors of the 
manaistic theories, only goes to show that primitive mentality is dif- 
ferent from ours. The difficulty can be said to inhere in the very 
nature of the argimient. 

There is in the second place the fact that -the manaistic interpre- 
tation of the data has not convinced some investigators and inter- 
preters. If one finds, with Codrington,* that mana "essentially 
belongs to personal beings to originate," or concludes, with Miss- 
Campbell," that mana is essentially a personal power, one has. for 
our present purposes, only called animism by another name. If 
manaism has any peculiar significance for constructive thinking, one 
must proceed according to the view of Marett. and say that in mana- 
ism the conceptions of personal and non-personal powers are still 

•• R. H. Codrington, 77i.- Mrhnu-.sninsStitdlrs i>j Their .4iitliropology and 
Polk- Lore (1S91), p. 119n. 

^ I. (). Cr;mpl>ell, "Manaism: A Study in the PsyclioloRv of Religion."' 
Aiiicriciiii Journal of Psycliohniy. \'ol. 2''. p. 1 (1''1S). \alual)U' hihliograpliy 


in solution'^ and not yet precipitated ; that where manaism exhibits 
animistic notions the latter are later accretions rather than primary 
features ;^ and moreover that it is of no great concern for primitive 
mentality ^f practices implying both personal and impersonal powers 
are carried on in the same group or at the same level.* 

The third difficulty is found in the method, more common a 
few years ago than at present, which explains institutions and be- 
liefs solely in terms of their origins. Any one who seeks to read 
a philosophy of religion in manaism must bear in mind that manaism 
at its best represents only an almost vanishingly primitive stage of 


If these preliminary questions can be adjusted provisionally in 
some such manner as I have indicated. I think the possible signifi- 
cance of manaism can be summed up under four heads. The first 
may be called methodological. A part of the value of manaism cer- 
tainly lies in the facility it afifords for interpreting other data in the 
history of religions, particularly that of magic and tabu. This point 
has been covered by Marett^ and needs no further development. 

Manaism has a second kind of significance which I would call 
epistemological. In order for the point to be entertained, manaism 
must perhaps be taken more seriously than it has sometimes been 
taken; but if it is taken seriously, it offers a kind of prehistoric pro- 
test against John Locke and his successors who have worked so hard 
for mind's own sake to isolate mind from the world. Locke's as- 
sumption that the mind does not know the world, but knows only 
its sensations of the world, created a gap between mind and world 
which the Kantians have ever since sought to capitalize, and which 
the Hegelians and the realists in different ways have tried to close. 
The history of modern philosophy until recently has been predomi- 
nantly a series of debates about epistemology and its supposed con- 
sequences. The debate is still going on. somewhat diminished in 
intensity because the problems of the natural sciences and of industry 

6 R. R. Marett, The Threshold of Religion, p. 119. 

'' Same, article. "Mana," Here, Vol. Ill, p. 377. 

8 Same, p. 378f. 

9 Same, p 378 f. 


alike demand more direct action upon the environment. ^Nlanaism 
indicates that for primitive men there was no great gulf between 
mind and world ; the senses were, so to speak, transparent, an;* 
action was overt. Manaism here, as elsewhere, aftords only the bar- 
est of answers ; but at least it may serve to help pose the question 
whether the reflective theories of knowledge are not over-reflective, 
and whether they do not distort our situation rather than clarify it. 
When one begins to discredit reflective theories because they are 
reflective, one gravitates rather naturally towards intuitionism. The 
kinship between Levy-Bruhl's pre-logical mentality and Bergson's 
intuitionism is noticeable, particularly in the matter of the reconcili- 
ation of contradictories.^" But if manaism points toward intuition- 
ism at all, I think it should be made clear that it points toward im- 
portant modifications in Bergson's doctrine. Bergson's intuitionism 
is individualistic and non-practical ; manaism represents attitudes 
toward the environment assumed by groups, and first for practical 
rather than for theoretical or ideal interests. 

' Perhans, in the third place, one may discern in manaism a hint 
for dealing with present-day psychological problems. Everyone has 
to reckon, in one way or another, with extreme behaviorism and 
its reduction of mentality to physiology, and with the emergent the- 
ory of mind and its derivation of mental functions from bodily proc- 
esses. The hint which manaism aflfords here is hard to state in 
words which will not be misleading ; perhaps it can be phrased thus : 
W'e are to find out about the world around us, not merely through 
avenues of psychologj^ and epistemology (as ordinarily treated) but 
also of physiology. Knowledge involves not merely mentality, but 
also vitality, Irving King has called manaism a biological attitude ;" 
and on the other hand, Patrick has called attention to the fact that 
the old lines on which the mind-body problem was argued are being 
obliterated by the newer investigations in physiology and psychol- 
ogy.'- Manaism is of course rudimentary and hopelessly crude : 
but at least it is the attitude of men who do not live by taking 
thought alone. It is neither wholly practical nor wholly speculative : 
this is perhaps the reason why it appeals to neither of two promi- 
nent current and rather divisive philosophies. But, like an organ- 

1" Sec ].. Levy-Briihl. Primitive McntaVity. pp. 60, 93. 443. Compare also 
H. Rorgsoii. I»trod<ictinti lo Mctnffliysics, translated l)y T. E. Hulma (1912) 
p. 39f. 

'1 T. Kiii^'. '/•/;,• Prr.'lof'niriit of Krlinion (1910), p. 149. 

'-Ci. T. W. Patrick. "Tlu- lunergont Tlieor)- of Mind," Journal of Philns- 
ophy. Vol. 19, p. 706 (1922). 


ism which is neither animal nor plant, it still possesses a modicum 
of vitality and exhibits an astonishing persistence. 

Most important. I think, is the possible metaphysical bearing- of 
manaism. Let us suppose, in accordance with views sketched abi:)ve, 
that thinking, although it represents a high level of development, is 
nevertheless a late development and on the whole is secondary and 
derivative. Clear thinking develops in a matrix or a medium which 
is not clear. I think that we may extend the principle, and say that 
theism, with its thought-out doctrines of God although it represents 
a high level of development, is secondary and derivative, and wJicn 
it dez/elops, Icai'cs something of value behind. A great difficulty 
with the historic doctrines of theism seems to be that they are too 
finely-drawn. Like certain medieval paintings of men's souls, their 
very clearness for us defeats their purpose. This was of course 
the case with our oft-mentioned childhood ideas of God as "a Big 
Man .up in the sky." but the difficulty nowadays is more ominous. 
We are now facing the possibility that it may apply also to our elab- 
orate and sophisticated doctrines of God as a Big j\Iind up in the 
sky, or as a Cosmic or Super-Cosmic JMind. ]\Iost naturalists agree 
with this statement, but without recognizing the fact to which mana- 
ism bears witness — namely, that what is left behind as theism devel- 
ops may be both vital and persistent. 

If this is the suggestion of manaism. certainly it would give new 
point to the familiar preachment that "religion is a life." It would 
further, reinforce widespread current tendencies to regard tradi- 
tional distinctions between matter and spirit as overdrawn. And 
it would give a world-wide aboriginal basis for the view which, per- 
haps after long eclipse, is beginning to loom up again with impos- 
ing grandeur upon the horizons of religion — the view, namely, that 
the true object of religion is the stupendous universe around us. The 
suggestion of manaism might be that even though theism is second- 
ary and derivative, atheism in any narrow sense is equally second- 
ary and derivative ; both alike crystallize out from an original solu- 
tion. Nor is the original solution properly describable as pantheism : 
to call it pantheism, or to call it anything else, is more like attempt- 
ing to recover the original solution by placing one hard crystal be- 
side the other and weighing the two together. Properly speaking, 
religion should never be defined or described ; but only religious 
men should attempt to define or describe other things. 


Finally, manaism, more than anything else since developed, re- 
flects a certain paganism residual and latent in all the religions, a 
paganism which theism by its very loftiness has overshadowed, or 
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and to remind us of otice unbroken relations between religion, the 
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