The Open court

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A MONTHLY MAGAZINE

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VOL. XXXVI (No. 11) NOVEMBER, 1922 NO. 798

CONTENTS :

PAGB

Frontispiece. Emile Boutroux.

The Common Ground of Liberalism and Fundamentalism. C. O. Weber. . . 641

Jesus' Conception of Himself and of His Mission on Earth. J. O. Leath. . 649

Comfort— Gratiiication— Luxury. F. W. Fitzpatrick 656

Color Names. William Gruby-Wilyems 663

Romanticism and Government. Hardin T. McClelland 668

Two Answers to the Challenge of Jesus. William Weber 691

Creed. (Poem). Charles Sloan Reid "04

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March 3, 1879. Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company. 1922.

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Frontispiece to The Open Court.

The Open Court

A MONTHLY MAGAZINE

Devoted to the Science of Religion, the Religion of Science, and
the Extension of the Religious Parliament Idea.

VOL. XXXVI (No. 11) NOVEMBER, 1922 NO. 798

Copyright by the Open Court Publishing Company, 1922.

THE COMMON GROUND OF LIBERALISM AND
FUNDAMENTALISM.

BY C. O. WEBER.

DESPITE the issues of "fundamentalism" waged in the Baptist
Church and to a lesser extent in others, there are propitious
signs that we are once more to have a religion of the spirit in place
of a religion of the word. Strange that the church should ever
entertain the dangerous fallacy that the theological formulation of
ideals in language is to realize them in fact. While for the most
part the energy of the church has gone into a vain attempt to ex-
press the most sacred attitudes of life in the dialectic of theology, her
spirit has found no other exercise than the rather flaccid one
afforded by oyster suppers and the sale of haberdashery. The
church has fallen into discredit to the extent that she has been sat-
isfied with the role as conserver of doctrine. It cannot be denied
that the church has devoted much of her interest to the develop-
ment of an elaborate theology to justify the crude, mythological
aspects of her faith. And it is a theology well calculated to exas-
perate the man of thought and to leave the mind of the average
layman with the vague notion that Christianity is nothing more than
some sort of "manifesto of piety" whose essence consists in its
opposition to the other manifestos of Buddha and Confucius. Thus,
the church has degenerated to the role of protectionism. Then,
singularly enough, as though aware that all of her theological learn-
ing is as a card-board structure built on quicksand, she urges that
religion must be accepted on faith, as though faith signified an in-
tellectual suicide for the sake of some good that cannot be attained
otherwise. With her 'cloak of infallibility torn to shreds by higher
criticism, with a top-heavy theology which few understand, and
which none in their hearts believe except those who are graciously
predisposed to be convinced, with a rule of faith which, as some-
one observes, possesses the doubtful virtue of "being useful be-

642 THE OPEN COURT.

cause it is incredible", the church has indeed fallen into bad straits.
It has been aptly stated that it were as though a moss-grown ortho-
doxy, seeking compensation for its incapacity to learn, devoted
itself to a grim determination not to forget. The shell of theology
which religion unwittingly entered has become a prison house.
Men turn from the church because they reject the three-story
universe which theologians discuss so profoundly. This is the
natural result of the attempt to make the Bible, which is a literature
of power, into a literature of knowledge.

But it appears that another era is upon us when we again see
many things "as through a glass darkly." From all directions come
prophesies of "the religion of the future' and the prophets of the
new do not often employ the traditional epithets. Indeed, the Chris-
tianity of today is following two tendencies, and examination will
show that both of them are headed towards religious bankruptcy.
On the one hand, the Catholic Pope has reaffirmed the eternal truth
of catholic supernaturalism with all of its paraphrenalia of beads,
censors, crosses, chasubles and holy water. Masses are still as real
in their efficacy as inferno is real in its terrors ; and purgatory and
paradise still hold forth their promise. On the other hand, the
"liberal spirits", such as Charles E. Eliot and Abbe Loisy are
waxing eloquent about what they call the "new orthodoxy" and
"the religion of the future." The inner content of their religion
appears as a simple piety in place of the angels, devils and saints of
Catholicism.

True religion, it would seem, should sanction both an object
and an attitude of loyalty toward it. Yet religion threatens to
break asunder with Catholicism holding blindly to the object while
the liberals take possession of mere loyalty — of mere attitude with-
out any object whatever. This development was foreshadowed by
the recent furore in philosophy concerning the merits and demerits
of pragmatism. Scholastic theism in general and Hegelianism in
particular have sought to compel belief in the tenets of religion as a
rational necessity. The pragmatists in general with William James
in particular have sought to justify religion solely on the strength
of its practical necessity. Thus, a faith so highly rationalized and
generalized that it fails to satisfy anyone in particular, as an average
coat would fail to fit any man, has been opposed to the theory that
"the axes of reality run solely through the egoistic places."^

1 Citations from James are taken from his Vai-ieties of Religious Ex-
perience.

LIBERALISM AXD FUNDAMENTALISM. 643

It is instructive to note the diverse views of God that are held
by these opposed views. The God of absolute idealism, whom
James terms a "metaphysical monster" is replaced by a "pallid
adumbration of a spiritual universe" with which we need to es-
tablish "union or harmonious relation." Then, as though realizing
the thinness of this concept, James sanctions the "overbeliefs"
which will give more objectivity to this too highly attenuated a bit
of empiricism, which, however, "is objectively true so far as it
goes."

Thus, the spiritual universe of James is only able to get con-
tent by an injection of the overbehefs that are purely individual in
their origin. He even volunteers such an overbelief of his own in
which he attributes to the spiritual reality, which remains after re-
jecting theological trappings, goodness and personality. These
overbeliefs he admits to be "somewhat of a pallid kind" as is fitting
to a philosopher. Thus, the spiritual universe of James free from
all overbeliefs is not one whit better than the "metaphysical mon-
ster" he condemns, since both alike are conceived to satisfy theo-
retical interests. It can become dynamic only by the addition of the
overbeliefs and these are by hypothesis the additions of individual
human beings. In this view, religion becomes true in more than a
metaphysical sense only by becoming of practical value. This in
none other than the philosophical version of the tendency of the
present day prophets of whom I have already spoken. Schleier-
macher's conception of religion as predominantly a volitional and
moral experience with a reward all its own, is a typical exemplar of
the liberal tendency.

In seeking to resolve these oppositions we may proceed in two
ways. If our bias is historical, and our attitude conservative, we are
inclined to declare that when religion becomes detached from such
conceptions as that of God and His Divine attributes, it ceases to be
religion, though it may lay claim to be an ethical system. If our
bias is for individuality and progress (understood to mean change)
we will declare against this conservatism that it is an unbecoming
Chinese ancestor-worship or a stubborn nominalism which forgets
meanings in its excessive devotion to conceptualism.

If, with the "fundamentalists", we seek to determine wdiat
religion is by discovering the "essence" or common element that
the religions of the past have exhibited, we engage in a futile un-
dertaking. There is no agreement among those considered com-
petent in this task that have enabled us to say with certainty what

644 THE OPEN COURT.

the content of religion is or what its true symptoms are ; and Emile
Boutroux has well observed that from the viewpoint of psychology
the essence of religion is no other essence than ignorance. If we
are to seek for the "essence" of religion, we should begin by purg-
ing the word of a certain fixed bias that lurks in it. Heretofore it
has been assumed that the essence of religion consists in some
belief that all religions hold in common. In this case, they were
possibly doomed to failure at the very outset for it is conceivable
that the essence of religion may not at all inhere in some rational
belief ; and, indeed, comparative religion presents us with an array
of types — some affirming God and some denying him ; some affirm-
ing an after-life, others denying it; some with well defined moral
codes, others without them.

Fortunately, there is an entirely different viewpoint from which
we may approach religion ; and this viewpoint, I think, will end in
something other than the barren results of the ordinary method
of comparative research. It is clearly set forth by Emile Boutroux
in the article already referred to. Of the attempt to comprehend
religion in terms of a concept that will exhibit the common char-
acteristics of all religions, Boutroux speaks as follows:

"To content oneself with this concept in deciding whether
religion subsists or is to subsist, is to regard existence, pure and

simple, as adequate without enquiring into its quality We

must note that both in everyday life, and in philosophical reflec-
tion, we have constantly to deal not with concept but with idea.
When we speak of the future of art and science, of democracy,
and socialism, we are not thinking of them as actually given or
presented, or as they would be defined in a logical generalization :
we assuredly have in mind the thought of what science and de-
mocracy can and ought to be, to attain to full realization, i. e., not
the concept but the idea of science or democracy." ^

Let me exemplify the differences involved when we consider
the issue between the liberals and the orthodox, first by the con-
ceptual method, and then by the method proposed by Boutroux.
To the orthodox in general religion involves a type of belief and
conduct whose sanction is Divine; whereas to the liberals the re-
ligious' life involves a type of conduct whose sanction is human
well-being. To decide which of the two deserves to be called re-
ligion, we should ask, "What difference in meaning is involved by
a life of loyalty to God or a life of loyalty to humanity?" This

2 "The Essence of Religion", Monist, July 1921, pp. 337-349.

LIBERALISM AND FUNDAMENTALISM. 645

plan of campaign, however, is far from being as simple as its
statement would indicate. To look for the difference in meaning
that God has for the orthodox and that philanthropy has for the
liberals is in the end hopeless ; for though they admit of the com-
mon denominator of "dearness", this quality is notoriously incom-
mensurable. Similarly, to look for the difference that may exist
in the practical lives of the liberal and the orthodox, as pragmatism
would do, is equally hopeless ; for though the practical life may be
measurable in a quantitative sense, they are, as quantities, without
any meaning or value. This lands us in the dilemma of being un-
able to decide, from the conceptual view, whether the orthodox or
the liberals set forth the true meaning of religion. The failure is
due to the fact that it either forces us to adopt a criterion of re-
ligion to begin with (typically, the historical criterion) or else leads
us to formulations without inner substance. That is, if we set out
with the belief that true religion consists in the "worship of God".
we ensnare ourselves in the common error that this phrase has an
unvarying and unmistakable meaning ; and this is precisely the issue
that is raised by the liberalists.

The fact that they are in dispute is so far the only result con-
cerning which the orthodox and the liberals can agree. Yet, there
must be some more substantial agreement between them that con-
ceptualism cannot evaluate, still less discover. There is another
fact that both liberals and the orthodox have overlooked in their
zeal, and that is. the dumb acknowledgement of each that somehozv
their differences arc not final, and that it zvcrc a blessing to all if
there could be some understanding. Have we not here already a sym-
pathetic agreement, fundamental in the lives of men, which if
brought to light by some method of magic would explain away the
differences that are so insistent on the intellectual plane? It is
indeed some blessing inarticulately hoped for that animates their
argument. Can the intellect show them the common measure of
excellence they look for in their religious lives? We have seen
that it cannot. Is perhaps the intellect responsible for the fact that
they have differences at all? In answer to these questions, let us
consider in turn the objections each disputant has of the others re-
ligion.

The orthodox object that the liberal insistance on human wel-
fare and its neglect of the attributes and will of God involves the
contradiction that we shall find in humanity something better than
human — the contradiction of mankind lifting itself by its own boot-

646 THE OPEN COURT.

straps. The orthodox cannot conceive of striving except in terms
of two levels, one human and the other super-human. The liberals,
on the other hand, will complain that the orthodox conception only
seems to provide the better things to our hopes : that the two levels
of orthodoxy, the human and the Divine, fail to function after all
for they are levels that are different in kind and not in degree. One
is limited, the other unlimited : there can be no transition from the
one to the other. God is perfectly good while man is only partially
good ; and between them there is no common measure just as there
is no common measure between miles and an infinite space. How
the human and the Divine can enter into the same experience is in-
conceivable if one occupies an absolute and the other a finite realm.

Coutroux would find in the very natures of the orthodox and
liberal the "energizer" that their intellects failed to find. The in-
tellect will always express a functional relationship in terms of
levels — as a transition of stages. As a method of describing the
occurrence this method may be satisfactory enough; but we are
seeking to understand how it may be experienced. This view leaves
us with the insoluble contradiction as to how the static realm of
heaven and the dynamic realm of human affairs can articulate with
each other. It is the contradiction of how perfect rest can hinder
or aid human progress ; of how perfection can help, still less
sympathize with, imperfection ; of how perfect wisdom can under-
stand ignorance. Such contradictions are not peculiar to theology
alone but arise whenever we seek to conceive dynamism of any
kind in the language of conceptualism. What actually occurs in
the lives of men is not an inexplicable jump from one state to
another ; but rather a creative process which at once makes new
levels as it arrives at them. Needless to say this is an insoluble
paradox to the intellect ; but it has nevertheless a logic of its own
as certain of verification as is the principle of contradiction upon
which all formal logic rests.

Applying this solution to the chronic differences between the
way popes and philanthropists conceive religion, w^e would say that
popes after all are right in declaring that religion must embody
more than complacent average opinion aspires to. Yet, the ex-
ponents of the "religion of humanity" are also right in demanding
that worship be more than is afforded by an eternally complete God.
A complete religion, as we said heretofore, must involve both an
object and an attitude, a hope and at once a fulfillment, a realization
which is still a resolve. But these cannot be discovered in terms

LIBERALISM AND FUXDAMEN'TALISM. 6-i7

of logical externality, for here a simultaneous identity and differ-
ence cannot exist. It is only on the psychological level that this is
possible : for it is here that we have change and yet identity, a sub-
ject who is undeniably at the same time an object. It is in sub-
jective life that we find simultaneously the sense of something lack-
ing and the possession of this something (in degree and not in
part). In short, it is in immediate experience that the religion of
the future may find the common grounds of all faiths which it has
consistently failed to find when it employs dialectic.

The objection is invariably urged that immediate experience is
inutterable; but the whole issue turns upon the consideration of
whether in religion this is not a virtue rather than a fault. Some
form of utterance it indeed has — the utterance of deeds. It finds
voice, not intermittently as do arguments in a debate, but con-
tinuously in action. The intellect first gets its evidence and then
believes, said Saint Anselm. but in religion we must believe first and
then come to understand. So it is by living the life of Christ that
we shall come to understand Christianity. Yet, it is not impos-
sible to describe that life in words.

The fundamental fact in the lives of men everywhere is their
conviction, whether articulate or inutterable, that life is essentially
creative in nature. The very first verse of Scripture has therefore
sounded the essential nature and mission of God in saying that
God created the world. The stamp of the Divine sonship of man
consists in the fact that he also can create. Theology spoiled the
account by referring it to a point in time, whereas creation is
omnipresent wherever there is life, and Bergson has been able to
show that mental processes are inexplicable unless we suppose its
presence. The creative aspect of life has always escaped science
which by its very method is destined to make of all history a re-
threshing of old straw, a redistribution of elements given once for
all. It was in deference to a tyrannical intellectualism that made the
law of conservation its cornerstone, that led religionists to the sub-
terfuge that creation is a fact but a "miraculous"' one. It is high
time to give to religion the benefit of the fact that creationism is
just as verified a fact in the universe as is conservationism. In
social and psychological science the fact of creation is just as neces-
sary as an hypothesis as is the law of conservation in exact science.
But in the lives of ordinary men, creation is not a theory, but a
responsibility — it is their natural religion. Religion is the over-
whelming conviction that our powers exist and that they must be

648 THE OPEN COURT.

expressed, that we must strive, however hopeless victory may seem.
The true foe of religion, as Wilm observes, is not naturalism, but
the mechanical absolutism of science which makes striving a de-
ceptive appearance; or an absolute intellectualism which defeats our
powers by representing all problems as solved.^ That our hopes
are realizable is assurance enough for the soul not addicted to the
sickness of metaphysical grubbing about the question as to
whether or not the good is really predominant in the universe. Dr.
McTaggart declared that the important problem for any philosophy
of religion is the question, "Is the world on the whole good or
bad ?" Well, this may continue to be the concern of the philosophy
of religion, but as for the religion of the rest of mankind the ques-
tion is rather, "can the world on the whole be changed from the
bad to the good ?" To this question there is an answer in the heart
of every person. We have the assurance that we do indeed possess
such transforming powers ; and if the content of religion must be
a belief, surely it is this one. That life is a creative enterprise is
indeed the common conviction of all mankind unless we except
those who find in the very philosophy of determinism a field where
their creative imaginations may expend their zeal. When we once
possess and understand this idea of creationism we may wholly
dispense with theology and its "levels" as the misapplication of a
spatial concepts to facts of the psychological order where they can
only be vicious metaphors.

Were this theme of freedom the concern of man only in his
political affairs it might well continue to be the theme soley of
dissertations on politics, statescraft and economics. But to the
spiritual genius of mankind it is more than this. The theme of
freedom is the theme of all life — it is the moving spirit of religion.

Said Boutroux, "The originality of religion lies in the fact that
it proceeds not from power to duty but from duty to power ; that it
advances resolutely, taking for granted that the problem is solved,
and that it starts from God. ''Ab actu, ab posse", such is its motto.
"Be of good cheer", said Jesus to Pascal, "thou wouldst not seek me
hadst thou not found me". God is being and principle, the over-
flowing spring of perfection and might. He who shares in the
life of God can really transcend nature; he can create. Religion is
creation, true, beautiful and benificent, in God and by God."

3 E. C. Wilm, Henri Bergson, A Study in Radical Evolution, p. 149.

JESUS' CONCEPTION OF HIMSELF AND OF HIS
MISSION ON EARTH.

BY J. O. LEATH.

FOR a while, historical criticism was centered around the Hfe and
literature of the Old Testament. Many were alarmed, lest this
precious treasure would be lost to us ; but the process of turning
on the light of history has resulted in giving us a body of sacred
literature that is more edifying for religious purposes as well as
more usable. The truth will never hurt in the end.

Just now the center of historical investigation is the life and
literature of the New Testament. This means that every possible
light of history is being turned on the life and work of Jesus with
the desire of arriving at a historical estimate of Jesus' own personal
Consciousness. We must not overlook the fact that we have not
Jesus' own autobiography, neither have we records of his deeds
and words taken down by shorthand in his presence while he
was acting and speaking. But what we do have is biographies of
Jesus written from one to three generations after his death. More-
over, according to Luke's own testimony, and from an examination
of his gospel, we learn that in the composition of his gospel he
used written sources ; and, after examining Matthew's gospel, we
find that he did likewise. What we have in our gospels is different
interpretations of Jesus arising from different religious and social
situations.

I believe that each of Jesus' early interpreters grasped something
of the significance of his hfe and work; at the same time we must
concede the possibility that each one misunderstood him in one way
or another. Each interpreted him in the light of his own religious
needs and the religious needs of the time and situation in which
he wrote. Hence we should not be surprised, if we find the early
sources differing somewhat among themselves. In the light of mod-

G50 THE OPEN COURT.

crn scholarship we are surely able to understand Jesus better than
were his interpreters of any age in the past, by no means excepting
the first century. The fact is that, according to the representation
of our gospels, Jesus was misunderstood by those of his own gen-
eration, by not only the people at large, but also those disciples who
were most closely associated with him ; hence we should not be
surprised, if he was in a way misunderstood toward the end of the
first century, when our gospels were written ; in the fourth cen-
tury, when our creed was formed ; and in the subsequent ages prior
to the days of historical criticism. The fact is that from the first
to the nineteenth century men thought little of the life of the
earthly Jesus, but centered their thought on the Christ of glory.
Our creed, which took shape under the philosophical speculation
of the fourth century and purports to be an adequate statement of
Christianity, mentions only two events in the earthly life of Jesus, —
that he was born of the Virgin Mary and suffered under Pontius
Pilate. It says nothing of the great meaning of his words and
deeds, — freedom, truth, righteousness, brotherhood, love. It would
be a too hasty conclusion to say that the historical method has al-
ready solved the problems as to what was Jesus' estimate of him-
self and of his mission on earth, yet we feel justified in expecting
valuable results from the historical process.

When Jesus was on earth, his personal followers seem to have
regarded him as the Messiah in the nationalistic sense, as the one
who was eventually to gather a political following and free the
Jewish nation from the Roman domination. When he submitted
to an ignominious death, his followers thought that God had for-
saken him, hence all their hopes for him as Messiah disappeared.
They at once sought safety in retreat, or in repudiating him. As
soon as they attained their faith in his resurrection and exaltation
to heaven, then they began the process of reconstructing their faith
in him as Messiah, and this new faith took the form of belief in
him as the Messiah in the apocalyptic sense, that is, as the Messiah,
who would come on the clouds of heaven miraculously ushering in
his kingdom. They at once conceived it to be their duty to make
the people ready for the coming of the Messiah, which they ex-
pected to be within their generation. Then they began the process
of reconstructing their remembrance of his words and deeds in the
light of their new faith, and the tendency must have been to mag-
nify those elements in his life that had an apocalyptic significance.
Some circles of early Christians seem to have made less of the

JESUS' CONCEPTION OF HIMSELF. G51

apocalyptic element than others did. This is true of the Logia
source as opposed to Mark. Well, the fact is that Jesus did not
during the first generation return on the clouds of heaven as the
apocalyptic Messiah, nor has he returned yet. So by the end of
the first century or the beginning of the second, under the in-
fluence of Greek philiosophy rather than Jewish Messianism, Jesus
was being interpreted not as the Messiah in the apocalyptic sense
who would return on the clouds of heaven to set up his kingdom
on earth, but as the eternal Logos of God who would return to
earth in a spiritual sense ; or, if he would return in person at all,
it would not be on the clouds of heaven to set up his kingdom on
the earth, but rather to take his beloved followers with him to his
Father's house. This is the point of view in the fourth gospel.
And this is the point of view that has had the greatest influence
in the later history of the Church down to the present century.

What is an adequate statement, based on an historical in-
terpretation of sources, of Jesus' estimate of himself and of his
work? Did Jesus regard himself as a prophet or as the ^Messiah :
if the Messiah, the Messiah after what conception? Some have
held the view that at the beginning of his ministry Jesus hoped to
become the Messiah in the nationaHstic sense. He began his career
as a teacher, hoping to win the Jewish nation to his point of view
and eventually to lead the people in throwing off the Roman yoke.
But when the nation failed to rally to him, and when the shadows
of death began to cross his pathway, he lost hope of becoming
the Messiah in the nationalistic sense and began to claim that,
after his death and resurrection and exaltation to heaven, he would
return to earth on the clouds of heaven as the Messiah in the
apocalyptic sense. Others have held the view that he began his
career as a teacher of righteousness after the order of the Old
Testament prophets, not regarding himself as the Messiah in any
sense whatever. He hoped to bring about the regeneration of the
Jewish nation ; but failing to win the people and believing that his
word would triumph in the end, he then for the first time in his
career began to think of himself as the Messiah, and that in the
apocalyptic sense, who after his death and exaltation to heaven
would return to earth on the clouds to judge the world and set up
his kingdom. Still others hold to Mark's representation of Jesus'
consciousness : From the beginning of his career, Jesus was con-
scious of being the Messiah in the apocalyptic sense. During the
early days of his ministry, he purposely concealed this conscious-

663 THE OPEN COURT.

ness presumably for fear that the people would misunderstand him.
Toward the end of his life, he unqualifiedly asserted that he was the
Messiah in the apocalyptic sense, and, after his exaltation to heaven,
would within that generation return to earth on the clouds with
great power and glory. Still others accept as historical the picture
of Jesus as given in the fourth gospel : From the beginning of his
career, he knew that he was the Messiah, neither in the apocalyptic
nor in the nationalistic sense, but in an ethico-religious and meta-
physical sense, as the eternal Logos of God and the divine mediator
of light and life to the world. Others, finally, think that they
find in Jesus no consciousness of being the Messiah in any sense
whatever; but that, from the beginning to the end of his career, his
purpose was merely to preach inner righteousness and sonship to
God somewhat after the order of the Old Testament prophets ;
and that whatever Messianic language is attributed to him originated
not with Jesus but with his interpreters.

I hardly feel that in the light of all our sources either of the
above interpretations is an adequate historical statement of Jesus'
estimate of himself. From the time of his baptism, if not earlier,
he had the consciousness of being the Son of God in a unique sense
of the tenn. The expression, Son of God, carries both an ethical
and a functional connotation. He regarded himself Son of God
in an ethical sense in that he believed himself loved by the Father.
Yes, he regarded himself as the only begotten Son of God in that
he was pre-eminently beloved in the sight of the Father. He re-
garded himself Son of God in a functional sense in that he be-
lieved there was committed to him by the Father a special office and
responsibility. From the beginning of his career, he felt resting
on him the responsibility of self-denial and the leading of others
into the relation of sonship to the Father that he himself sustained.
The fact that, from the beginning, altruism played so large a part
in his life and message suggests that he felt a peculiar respon-
sibility for the salvation of men from sin. So from the beginning
to the end of his ministry, his purpose was to be the Savior of men
from a life of sin to a life of heart righteousness and sonship to the
Father. His program was to induce men to repent of sin and
follow him, to live the kind of a life that he lived, to be dominated
by the same principles that dominated him, to sustain the same
attitude of a son toward God and of a brother toward man that
he himself sustained. He was absolutely sure that he himself
possessed the secret of correct living and was able to impart the

JESUS' CONCEPTION OF HIMSELF. 653

secret to others. He believed that correct living meant life,
abundant life, eternal life. From beginning to end, his message was
pre-eminently ethico-religious, and so sure was his conviction on the
subject of correct relations toward God and man that he regarded
himself as the Lord, that is, the ruler of man's life and conduct.

In the light of the ethico-religious message of Jesus, I think
we can best approach the subject of his Messianic consciousness.
I fail to find the evidence that Jesus at any time of his career enter-
tained the ambition of becoming the Messiah in the political sense.
His message was ethico-religious rather than political. He ap-
proached man as the Savior from sin rather than as a political re-
former. Again, I find no convincing evidence of a change of pur-
pose in Jesus' program, due to disappointment or else. Further-
more, I think that we must accept as historical the view that from
the beginning to the end of his ministry Jesus did regard himself as
the Messiah. It occurs to me that it would be decidedly an un-
historical procedure to deny to Jesus a Messianic consciousness of
some kind since each of our early sources attributes such a con-
sciousness to him. Moreover, it is probably true that the attitude of
Jesus toward the Messiaship as set forth in Mark, and taken over
by Matthew and Luke, is more nearly historical than the attitude as
set forth in the fourth gospel. In the synoptics, Jesus is repre-
sented as constantly putting forth the effort to conceal his Messia-
ship and restrain any public declaration of it. Not until his
arraignment before the high priest does he publicly confess it. In
the fourth gospel, however, Jesus is represented as constantly en-
gaged in efforts by word and deed to prove his Messiaship and
induce people to accept it. The fourth gospel seems to be an in-
terpretation of Jesus made by some of the devout disciples of the
apostle John who at the same time were thoroughly saturated with
the Stoic system of philosophy. That they based their interpretation
on some memoirs of the apostle John is suggested in one instance
by Jno. xxi. 2L "This is the disciple which testifieth of these things,
and wrote these things ; and we know that his testimony is true."
The italics are mine. On the other hand, while we must admit
that there is room for the element of interpretation in Mark's por-
trayal of Jesus' Messianic consciousness, an interpretation influenced
by the Jewish apocalyptic thought, at the same time Mark's repre-
sentation of Jesus' determined and constant effort to restrain any
comment on his Messiaship is more in keeping with the point of

654 THE OPEN COURT.

view, which 1 insist is historically founded, that Jesus' message was
pre-eminently ethico-religious rather than Messianic or apocalyptic.

Most of the efforts within recent years to write the life of
Jesus historically have taken either Mark's point of view with re-
gard to Jesus ' Messianic consciousness, insisting that Jesus was a
literalist on the question of the Messiaship, or the point of view,
more nearly approached in the Logia of all our primitive sources,
that Jesus did not regard himself as the Messiah in any sense of
the term, but merely as a teacher of righteousness. I insist that
from the beginning to the end of his ministry, Jesus did regard
himself as the Messiah in that he regarded himself as the fulfiller
of the essence of the Messianic hope. Why should one interpret
Jesus as a literalist on the subject of the Messiaship, while at the
same time all concede that he was in no sense a literalist on the
subject of observing the law of Moses and other religious institu-
tions of Irael ? The criterion of authority in conduct for him was
not what the law of Moses or the tradition of the Scribes said, but
rather what the welfare of humanity demanded. Relentlessly he
applied this straight edge of authority to traditions and institutions
hoary with age. He held no brief for any religious institution as
such, but only as it ministered to the good of man. This point of
view led him to repudiate entirely the Mosaic distinction between
clean and unclean. It led him to lift prayer, fasting, alms-giving,
and the observance of the Sabbath clear of a legalistic basis and
give them a spiritual setting. So it occurs to me that it is decidedly
unfair to Jesus to insist that he was a literalist on the subject of the
Messiaship while we grant that he was not a literalist in other re-
spects. If he possessed spiritual force and originality in the case
of the law and other religious institutions, surely he did in respect to
the Messiaship. Matthew is written from the point of view to
prove that Jesus was the Messiah for one reason because his life
in several particulars corresponds to statements made in the Old
Testament, but nowhere do our earliest sources represent Jesus
himself as substantiating his claims to the Messiaship on the ground
that he literally fulfilled the Jewish Messianic expectations.

It seems that Jesus did regard himself as the Messiah in the
sense that he brought real salvation to men. Back of all the
imagery connected with the Messianic hope, whether of the Messiah
in the nationalistic sense or in the apocalyptic sense, was the hope
that God would through a new order of things usher in good to
man. Unquestionably, Jesus regarded himself as God's agent in

JESUS CONCEPTION OF HIMSELF.

655

making this good possible. He disappointed the hope of his fol-
lowers that he would be the Messiah in the nationalistic sense.
Likewise he disappointed their hope that he would immediately
prove himself Messiah in the apocalyptic sense. But no one has
been disappointed in his ability to bring real salvation to man, to
the Jew as well as to the Gentile, and thereby fultill the spirit of the
Messianic hope of Irael as well as of the whole world. Human
experience has demonstrated that his program of attaching men to
himself and thereby leading them into experience of sonship to the
Father brings real salvation from sin. In view of this program,
it is probably true that Mark's representation, that Jesus endeavored
to restrain any public confession of faith in him as Messiah, is
historical ; for he knew that, if they believed him to be the Messiah,
they would necessarily regard him as the Messiah literally in the
nationalistic sense. No one had ever advanced the idea that the
Messiah in the apocalyptic sense would previous to his miraculous
appearance on the clouds of heaven sojourn on earth as a man.
So Jesus desired that his ethico-religious message have full sway in
the minds of his hearers, not being complicated by the presence of
any aroused political ambitions. It is probably true that at the end
of his career he did confess that he was the Messiah. To have
denied it would have been wrong and misleading. He knew him-
self to be a greater servant of the Jewish nation and of the world
than the literalist of either Messianic school hoped of their IMessiah
The synoptic gospels have interpreted Jesus as a literalist on
the subject of the Messiaship. The evangelists regarded him as the
Messiah in the apocalyptic sense and expected his return to earth
on the clouds before their generation passed away. As already
suggested, there is room for the possibility that much, if not all,
the Messianic and apocalyptic language attributed to Jesus is due
to the fact that Jesus was being reinterpreted by his followers in
the light of their new faith in him as the Messiah in the apocalyptic
sense. Yes, it is historically possible, if not probable, that he did
not use as much apocalyptic language concerning himself as is rep-
resented in our sources. If he did use those terms, he must have
employed them generally in a figurative rather than a literal sense.
To conclude that he employed them in a literal sense is to some
extent to discredit him. To conclude that he did not use them so
freely as he is said to have used them, or that he employed them only
in a figurative sense, is to interpret the earthly Jesus in this particular
in keeping with the glorious fact that he was not a literalist and
that his message was primarily ethico-religious.

COMFORT— GRATIFICATION— LUXURY.

BY F. W. FITZPATRICK.

THE world over there is much being written and said about
Socialism, the great benefit it would be to humanity, its up-
lift and what not. And in many lands are there being made serious
efforts to put these theories into practice. Everywhere the lode-
stone of socialism that attracts the masses is the idea that somehow
or another the wealth of the world is to be redistributed more
"equitably" and that we are all to have a fresh start on an equal
footing. The lowly, the unsuccessful, the poor man, will always
be ready to listen to the expounding of any scheme whereby they
or he are to share the successful man's wealth, for would not that
newly and so easily acquired share purchase them the comfort the
gratification, the luxury they so much envy the rich man? In
every clime, in every age, under every form of government, the
desire for those three things, the strife to acquire them and in-
variably their abuse when once obtained, have been and probably
always will be, striking characteristics of the human race. The
"pursuit of happiness" that is supposed to be the right of all men
is generally interpreted to mean the endeavor, the wish to enjoy
the comfort, the gratification, the luxury, that the most luxurious
in the land can possibly attain !

Until that most natural desire, that appetite, can be eliminated
from man's composition methinks Socialism will have a hard row to
hoe. It may be made the means of upsetting existing conditions
here and there, but its permanent foothold anywhere is doubtful, it
skates, so to speak, upon exceedingly thin ice, and breaking through
into the old ways, republican, oligarchic, aristocratic and monarchic,
is inevitable.

Luxury has always played a most important part in govern-
ment. The relation of official luxury and private luxury has al-

COMFORT GRATIFICATION LUXURY. 657

ways been a moot question and one that legislators have ever tried
to regulate. From the most remote antiquity the state has always
exercised upon private life a control, a regulation that at times has
been absolutely limitless. It has directed the dress, the table, the
entire mode of life, of the people. It has simply always been a
question of more or less regulation. Solon but used moderately a
privilege, a right that Lycurgus pressed even to the point of de-
stroying all individual liberty. Even in the philosophic view of the
matter, Aristotle, the upholder of private rights, seemed to have
had no greater conception of the real premises than did Plato, who
preached the other extreme. And such government control is not
a thing of the past. True, Louis XV was about the last monarch
who imposed sumptuary laws, but nevertheless our luxuries are
still to a greater or lesser degree controlled by the government
today. Under some forms the people pay taxes that literally pro-
hibit luxury, while others are merely taxed upon luxuries. A little
thought given to the matter of luxuries, governmental and private,
may be of some advantage to us, though it seem but pure theorizing
ruminatingly.

Some theologians and many philosophers would have us believe
that all men were born equal, absolutely so and that the earth and
all it produced belonged to all men equally and that the acquisition
of more property by some than by others was a false condition, a
species of usurpation, brought about by and a part of government,
forgetting that if the products of the land, wealth, are to remain
equally divided, some power, some authority must limit each man
to the enjoyment of only that which is physically absolutely neces-
sary. Beyond that, there would immediately be some who ex-
pended more than others and others who acquired more than the
first and the inequality would again be established. Government
could alone do this and while some have attempted it, it has never
been accomplished. Each form of government . contending for its
superiority claims that the greatest luxury and abuse exists under
the other form. Yet it is doubtful if anyone has any real reason
to feel superior to any other. Generally at the inception of each
there have been moderation and sane living that have little by Httle
given way to riotousness, if not debauch, that again generally have
but shortly preceded the overthrow of that form and the establish-
ment of a new one upon a saner basis.

Let us glance at what has been done in that connection and it
may convince us that as long as men are men the same conditions

658 THE OPEN COURT.

are bound to obtain, though it may be natural and perhaps praise-
worthy to ever and anon engage in the pursuit of the unattainable.
There is perhaps no form of government under which luxury
has shown itself in a garb of greater splendor and has been of more
pernicious effect than in monarchies, to the point even of having
destroyed them. Naturally the very apotheosis of luxury has been
under autocracies, despotic monarchies. There it generally as-
sumes the form of disordered phantasies, the realization of the
most extravagant dreams by a power great enough to attempt any-
thing, all-powerful and against which no opposition could stand. The
very disproportion there is between the undertakings of an ambition
that acknowledges no restraint and the limits that it encounters in
our very nature makes us understand the unquiet character of des-
potic luxury, it explains its unmeasured tentatives, its colossal en-
terprises and its unclean caprices. History gives us enough portraits
of such types, a collection of monsters, and does it in so prosaic a
manner withal that these monstrous and criminal mountebanks
seemed to have yielded to peculiarities, comprehensible eccen-
tricities. Look at Caligula, for instance, who dearly loved the cruel
sports of the arena. One day there seemed to be a dearth of
criminals to be fed to the animals, but the spectacle must go on,
therefore he simply ordered that some of the spectators be seized
and thrown into the pit. In the name of luxury, Claudius per-
petuated as great atrocities and so did Nero, who varied the order,
however, by picking out Senators and officers for sacrifice instead
of the haphazard spectator, and Domitian, Commodus and Galerius
were equally shining examples of what despots could do in the
name of luxury who, satiated with the ordinary, sought the in-
conceivable. And Rome was not alone in this. Everywhere des-
potism was alike in its disordered fatuousness, only the accessories,
the frills were varied. In China, the Emperor Cheou-sin, 1,100
years before the Christian era, built a temple to debauchery, where
even his wife passed days and nights in devising the super-refine-
ments of luxury, in the guise of infamous, voluptuousness and
atrocious sufferings of sacrificed victims. Under a later dynasty
Yeow-wang and his worthy spouse, Pao-sse, continued in like man-
ner until the invasion of the Tartars gave them something else to
think about. And what Roman Emperor ever paralleled the career
of the terrible "reformer" Hoang-ti ? He first corrected many grave
abuses, destroyed his predecessors' despotic rule, and lived in
Spartan simplicity until the craze for luxury seized him, too, and

COMFORT — GRATIFICATION — LUXURY. 659

we read of the ten thousand horses in his stables and the ten thou-
sand concubines in his harem. His funeral carried out as he di-
rected, was a fitting sequel to his life. Three thousand men were
immolated upon his tomb that their fat might serve to keep the
funereal torches alight thereabout for the requisite number of
months' mourning. Indeed, history, I firmly believe, has under-
estimated, rather than exaggerated the part that luxury and cupidity
have played in the crimes of despotism.

A peculiarity of all this is that one would think that despotic
luxury would have the very contrary effect upon people than that
which it had. Instead of being disgusted with the results of and
what was seen of this luxury, the people sought to emulate it from
afar.

Under other than despotic forms of monarchy, there has al-
ways been fostered a nobility, an aristocracy that has kept but a step
behind, if it has not gone ahead of the monarch himself, in the
matter of luxury. An hereditary hierarchy surrounds, supports and
to a certain extent contains the monarchy, while a despotism is
nothing but one master over a nation of equals. Under monarchies
generally, until comparatively recent times, the excesses and ex-
travagances of the ruler have been masked, the sting taken from
them, as it were, by the prodigal feasts and fetes and spectacles
given by the monarch to the people. All that sort of thing has
kept the proletariat in good humor and the same tactics were fol-
lowed by the courtiers and barons and the lesser lights who all
gave largesse to their retainers and serfs and vassals.

In all of this it is interesting to follow the influence that
woman has had upon luxury. Her influence has been more far-
reaching and baneful under so-called Christian and Occidental
rulers than in the Oriental and other forms of despotic monarchies.
In the latter woman has been part of the luxury, but as a servant,
as a slave. True in polygamous countries where women were sold
and fattened for the market, the maintenance of courtly harems
was a most costly luxury, but nowhere has a woman played the
important part in court afl'airs, has been so costly a luxury to the
nation as well as the kings as were the favorites of some of the
kings in Western Europe. Someone may say that despots have
been known to raise certain of their concubines to even the throne
itself, but, with rare exceptions, those women have never really
reigned. Their example has never spread the contagion of luxury,
they seldom exercised any influence whatever in politics. The court

660 THE OPEN COURT.

favorites particularly of France, propagated and corrupted luxury
by the influence of their courts upon the cities, they usurped gov-
ernmental privileges, their secret intrigues, their deals made a very
traffic of public affairs, affected the whole political situation and
indeed were the causes, (oftentimes, but the mere caprice of some
enchantress), of war and terrible international unheavals.

Luxury has tainted everything social and economic, our arts,
all. Decadent absolute monarchies have given us marvelous speci-
mens of architecture and other arts, colossal temples and monu-
ments and generally tainted with the same spirit that luxury in-
stilled in everything else, in that the art was simply riotously resplen-
dent, garishly decorative, a mere display of wealth, always at the
cost of good taste. Constitutional and other monarchies in their
earlier stages have given us splendid and robust memorials of
those times but as they grew more luxurious so their arts became
effeminized, extravagant, and another period of decadence is marked.
An overthrow, a return to virile, sturdy manliness, governmental and
private, the infusion of new blood or the incursion of so-called
barbarian peoples, then more ease and comfort, then luxury, then
decay !

Strange, too, what a part religion has had to play in this. After
each revolution or the reform of any people the habits of life have
been severe, hard even, and in accord therewith the beliefs of such
periods generally reverted to more primitive forms of religion ;
life was reduced to the essentials. Public monuments were few,
and those plain in character. The temple only was made beautiful.
Then the ceremonial robes of the priests became more gorgeous and
the people clothed themselves in finer raiment upon church-going
occasions, and, little by little, the habit of luxury was formed and
grew. Feudal aristocracy gave vent to its luxurious inclinations by
its large number of retainers and servants, a sturdy, but almost ex-
aggerated hospitality, its hunts and its races, the pomp of its mili-
tary retinues, its tourneys. That was feudal aristocracy. Its suc-
cessor of today also entertains lavishly and but replaces the tour-
neys and joustings with brilliant balls and operas and lucullian ban-
quets. England secures the continued enjoyment of luxury to its
select by its law of entail by which the nobility insures the per-
petuation of its wealth and exclusiveness and station and privileges
by entailing them all to their heirs.

Commercial aristocracies have differed in their luxury from
the landed aristocracies in that in all their extravagance there is a

COMFORT GRATIFICATION LUXURY, 661

species of economy. As a rule, the wealth has been acquired
through severe toil, and habits of mind have been formed that
make for their expended wealth. The habits of the merchant act
as a corrective upon the tastes that would otherwise be merely
luxurious. It is not in their nature to remain idle. Much as the
warriors of old they have either to keep on winning victories, or
become the vanquished, the losers. If they stop acquiring wealth
they are ruined. Venice was one of the best examples of a com-
mercial aristocracy and these points I have just enumera:ted ob-
tained there in marked degree. But in course of time, a generation
or two, such an aristocracy soon gets upon the same plane as the
old-fashioned court nobility, where there was more vanity than
real pride. The value of money is forgotten, mere prodigality rules
and it is just as fashionable to be in debt as it is to gamble and they
all do that.

Even in our democracies luxury plays an important role. In
the church the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience are taken
by its votaries ; in the republics of old and even in the more mod-
ern ones, the vows of equality, fraternity and liberty were and are
theoretically made but are never kept. True, the abolition of titles,
crown-lands and special privileges that exaggerated luxury has
tended to moderate it. With slavery has disappeared one of the
most poisonous sources of abusive luxury. Free and responsible
labor has its own correctives and has always held in repugnace the
tendency to excessive luxury on the part of the employers. But we
have seen a new form of luxury grow up that, in the abstract, is not
better than the monarchial and aristocrat ones and that in all like-
lihood, will eventually lead to the same decadence and ruin that we
have noted in the others. Twenty-five years ago we looked upon
certain writers as croakers and false prophets because they told us
of dangers they foresaw ; the great concentration of wealth, all-
powerful "captains of industry" holding the labor in a species of
bondage, exploiting it without mercy and preventing it from tasting
the slightest particle of luxury. It was said then that the birth of
such a class was impossible ; that never again would the excesses of
the ancient aristocracies be equalled and that we were assured a
continued diffusion of capital and a spreading of national wealth
so that all would have comfort and but few would be justified in
indulging in extravagance (the latter assertion all too true!) In-
dustry and democracy were to go hand in hand. Each demanded
liberty and light, and each had for its object the benefiting of the

662 THE OPEN COURT.

great mass of humanity. The development of industry was to have
created a vast amount of busine.'^s with all the people and benefiting
them all. ■ Industry was to become the rival of art and art was to
find expression in industry.

That was as it was supposed to be. What have we actually?
To what excess of luxury have the democracies of our own time
reached? As a matter of fact in a democracy where all men are
supposed to be equal, is not the temptation to strain toward the at-
tainment of luxury greater even than under any other form of
government? In most others, the plain people are born so and
seem quite content to remain so. With us, no limit is placed to our
attainments and we have seen to what point some men have reached
through their own unaided efforts and it is most natural that we
should all endeavor to attain that same point, even if to do so we
realize that we must scramble over our brothers, our equals ! In
practice, equality signifies the desire to rise. Who cares about
equality in poverty, in obscurit}? Our eyes are not turned in that
direction. The equality we desire is that of being with — our su-
periors. We have no ancient monopolies, no privileged classes, no
concentration of civil and military employment, no favoritism in
the commercial lines as "special makers to the king'' and what
not, all that is well enough. But wealth still exists. Wealth may
be acquired. One man has more ability to acquire it than the
other and there lies the root of the prime cause of inequality, in
the very nature of man itself.

Perhaps by education we may convince our people, two or
three generations hence, that true happiness is not necessarily found
in wealth, in the enjoyment of great luxury, that there is a higher
plane of life, that service to one's fellows is nobler far and con-
duces more to one's own beatitude than any mere gratification of
one's animal appetites. All that is possible. But to me it seems
a good deal like rainbow chasing, and certainly an attainment of
the far-distant future. Socialism is of benefit and far be it from
me to do anything to detract from its laudable aspirations, but, and
without feeling at all pessimistically inclined, it seems to me that
Liberty.Equality and Fraternity have been perverted, twisted and
turned until they are made to read Comfort, Gratification, Luxury,
to which History has always added Deterioration, Degeneracy and
Extinction, then a Renaissance and another run over the same
gamut, an orderely and continued turning of the Wheel of Life — ■
Mayhap that Wheel while turning on its center, is likewise moving
ahead, progressing in the true sense of Evolution.

COLOR NAMES.
CONFUSING AND ARBITRARY.

BY WILLIAM GRUBY-WILYEMS.

IT is largely the household novelist of the gentler persuasion
who revels in the sunset's colors of crysolite, nacre and car-
mine. Four men in every hundred are color-blind, in two hun-
dred women only a single one. This must explain why men give
so little heed to hues. \Vith half-a-dozen syllabic tags they dispose
of all the two thousand shades educed by the chrysanthemum so-
ciety.

Refinement on the theme doubtless began with the other sex ;
the question is: What force do color-titles carry? Milady of the
pen dipped in glory may be sanguine enough as to her power to
convey to the reader's inner eye ideas reflecting not only the glamor
but the true glint of her numenclatural jewelry ; yet any comparison
of the various senses and absence of sense attaching to some of
the commonest poetic colorifics gives rise to doubt. If this essay
gets anywhere it should shortly disclose that the poetess's raptures
about yon heliotrope west, yonder rhododactylous east, with flow-
ers of carmine, scarlet, purple and so forth, bring home as little
to the averagely attentive imagination as a draft on the mathe-
matical calculus.

Sixes-and-Sevens — Let us begin with the familiar livid, prop-
erly meaning ember-colored, from Latin lix, ashes. *'Livid with
passion" seems almost the only phrase in which the word remains
popularly current, and then as a synonym of purple. Borrow,
who appears to have possessed some abnormality of vision, sets
down the hue of the Jew as "livid."

How many who use the word know that lurid is defined in the
dictionary as "pale yellow?" An ancient classification of human
races describes the Mongolian as luridus — a "lurid" Chinaman ! Or

664 THE OPEN COURT.

who among those using the word recall that sallow (now implying
pale greenish yellow) may with some lexical authority be used as
equivalent to swarthy? The recruiting officer's over-employment
of it for all shades of complexion save florid, freckled and dark, and
especially for yellowish white, seems to have been born of a con-
fusion with the noun sallow signifying a species of willow — hence
sallozv, willow-color.

Ovid called the Britons virides (green), where others have
depicted them in a free and easy undress of blue woad. Homer
makes the hair of Hector, as the beard of Ulysses, kiianeos, dark
blue. Lucian in his Dialogs dubs Athena, glaukopis, literally green-
eyed, without any connotation of either envy or rusticity; she is
always elsewhere portrayed as keen-eyed, martial. Purple was a
term which the classic authors deemed applicable to any bright
color.

Vermilion, at first glance, might strike one as the most locat-
able of all color epithets, for it comes from vermis, and is therefore
designed to convey simply worm-color. Unfortunately there are
many kinds of worms, but the ruddy earthworm is so widespread
that little risk can exist of any other being invoked to explain the
meaning of this epithet. The mnemonic "worm-color," then, is
very fair as mnemonics go.

To Prove Black Is White — Etymologically, if not by logical
mood and figure. For (to follow Euclid) if black be a shade or
color and be not white it must be some other shade or color. Now,
there is an English adjective "bleak;" this formerly meant colorless,
or loosely, white; the bleakfish, from whose scales artificial pearls
are produced, is also called whitebait, or on the Continent Weiss-
fisch, French able, from Latin alhula, that is little white fish. "Bleak"
was pronounced in Anglo-Saxon hlaak, so that "black" signifying
at first ink, then the color associated with ink as anciently made,
and "blaak" meaning pale, wan or colorless differed at most in the
length of that vowel, a gap easily bridged by dialectal variations.

A century-old novel describes a damsel's lips as being of a
beautiful purple, where many a modern might fall back on our
colloquial allusion to the "pink of condition." But color-discrimina-
tion must have been very weak in the Middle Ages if, as some
French grammarians hold, the word hleu (blue) is to be affiliated
to the Latin Havns (yellow).

Prevalence of color-blindness is explained by the fact that
only the center of the retina is sensitive to color, while light and

COLOR NAMES. 665

shade affect its whole surface. It may be in consequence of this
that races such as the Tatars, who, some have credited, can see
the major moons of Jupiter with the unarmed eye, possess only
half-a-dozen terms for color in their language.

Air is colorless apart from its content of dust, to which is
due the blue of the sky ; artificial skies can be made by the chemist
to test this point, the sky matter and with it the tint of cerulean
being added and substracted at will. The self color of water is
true blue. In view of the apparent blueness or greenness of ocean
depths, the wave's whitening into foam at the immixture of a
little air may afford a legitimate subject for wonder.

It might be a great saving of thought to re-name or number
all colors according to their position in a scale such as that of the
solar spectrum ; the systematic reformer could call black nil or o
and attach to white the highest number, to signify that it is the all-
inclusive color. Some color terms not self-explanatory to the run
of folks but in frequent use are : beige, the natural color of wool ;
paille, straw color (to be distinguished from faille, meaning throw-
out, that is, reject silk, which has no gloss) ; azure is named for
the mines of Lajwurd mentioned by Marco Polo: lapis lazuH was
the light-blue stone quarried there — Old French I'azur in mistake
for le lacnr being the connecting line ; scarlet meant primarily East-
ern broadcloth, which was usually of the loudest of hues ; crimson
meant the color of the insect called kermes used in dyeing ; turquois
conveyed to the French the notion of Turkish (or light) blue; in-
visible green: a very dark shade of green, approaching black and
liable to be mistaken for it ; matt is German for dull ; cardinal, the
color of a cardinal's robe, a species of red ; buff, "a saddened yel-
lowish orange," — Webster (the color of buffalo skin, with a vel-
vety or fuzzy finish) ; visual purple and visual yellow denote parts
of the contents of the retina of the eye ; purple was so named from
the shellfish purpur, from whose blood the people of the Levant
prepared a bright dye, a blend of red and blue. In Spanish Colo-
rado, literally colored, is used only for red. The English adjective
blank formerly had the sense of white (blanc), while in German the
word means polished. Calomel is now the title of a white powder,
3^et its two roots make it express simply "beautiful black."

Dappled may mean dabbed with or dipped in color ; piebald is
equivalent to "bald in spots" (Latin pica a spot) ; skewbald means
marked in a skew (that is, irregular) manner; emerald is the green-
ish color of the stone dubbed by the Greeks smaragdos. of which

666 • THE OPEN COURT.

name emerald is a corruption. Lake means the color of the gum
lac, a variety of crimson ; "crimson lake", then, seems an idle
emphasis. Taupe means mole-color (Latin falpa, mole). Moire,
moire, applied to the undulating or watered appearance in silk, is
the same word as mohair. To remain true to its ancient intention
puee should denote nothing more nor less than flea-color. Pink has
its provenance from the flower called a pink, while in the case of
earmitioii the flower affording the color term is itself named from
a resemblance to human flesh, the carneous tissue, unless as some
suspect it has been corrupted from ''coronation.'' Sorrel once in-
dicated the reddish-brown complexion of a sere leaf. Mauve still
means, to all who understand French, of the color of mallow-flow-
ers. Roan stands for a mixed color having a shade of red ; it prob-
ably is unconnected with the rowan or mountain ashtree. Maroon
means chestnut color, a brownish crimson ; some recent writer
speaks of a lady blushing maroon. Hoary alludes naturally to hoar-
frost. Griccled comes from French, gris, gray. Cafe (coflfee) is
the regular word in Spanish for brown. Rose in French means
pink. It is said that no blue rose has ever been cultivated — a fatal-
ity like that of the invariable she-ness of tortoiseshell cats.

Red at present is applied to tints as diverse as the "ginger"'
(probably a metaphor for hot. fire-color) variety of hair that one
could almost "redd"' the dinner on and that quite different grog-
blossom embellishing a toper's nose. "Carrot'' hair may mean like
that of Judas which was also called Iscariot.

A common expression is Z'iolet color, yet the violet is found of
as many colors as the coat of Joseph. Oehre originally denoted yel-
low, but it is quite as usual nowatimes to speak of red ochre.
Jaundice derives from French jannisse, yellowness, yet there is a
custom of speaking about yellow jaundice, which seems to suggest
that several other colors may not be barred from competition.
Froude writes of "the black colors in which Philip the Beautiful
painted the Templars." Black is not properly a color, and how
many black colors could there be, apart from degrees of admixture
with white? Many of these color notions and emblazoned figures
of speech appear as wide of the mark as the schoolboy's opinion
that searlatina might be the feminine of scarlet fever.

Although yellow and blue mixed by the artist produce green,
yet because of interference with each other's rays a blue glass slide
held over a yellow one results in the obscuration known as black.
The red in "Red Indian" may have referred to warpaint, but this

COLOR NAMES. - 667

is unlikely in view of the early loose use of color names. Green, said
of fruit, is often used hastily for unripe, without any allusion to
color, and one may compare metaphorical idioms such as "green
geese," ''a green wound." The root means st\\\- grozving. Blue
blood probably alludes to the color of the veins in a Caucasian race
as distinguished from the Moors and others. \'erdigris (oxide of
copper) may be translated offhand green of gray (vert de gris).
Olive is the name of another green, the yellowish-green of the
olive tree ; "oil" itself is derived from the same word in its Latin
form of oliz'a, and olii'a descends possibly from the root of "elastic,"
referring to the quality of the expressed sap.

The blue gumtree seems to be christened from the color of
its bark, while the title red-gum may refer to the tint either of the
resin or of the hewn timber.

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT.

BY HARDIN T. MCCLELLAND.

OCCASIONALLY as our attention turns to and from the
varying vicissitudes of Modern Romanticism we find that one
of the striking points of interest, if not one of the most decisive
features, is that of its relation to government administration and
especially that phase of practice adjudged by romantic morality.
Here and now, in an age of greed, extravagance, graft, superficial
propaganda, wage-cuts, strikes and industrial strife, political strate-
gems and industrial jockeying for economic control, it might be
said that we have a daily review of the whole situation. But at
the less raucous entrance of romantic morality we find the general
atmosphere tempered somewhat, whence it gradually becomes more
fit for clear-seeing and free breathing, suitable for amiable tourna-
ment rather than for the deceptive cunning of strategems and spoils.
It is then that we meet our adversaries face to face in the arena
of individual virtue and public morality. Romanticism implies and
requires a certain compound of individual freedom, courage and
aspiration while Government implies and requires a certain degree
of discipline, respect for authority, and allegiance to the gr'^up-
psychology of social institutions. True Romanticism doesi not
recognize or sanction free-love, risque literature, ugly art or jazz
music ; neither does a just Government recognize or encourage such
things as free-lunch, partiality in industrial disputes, franked cam-
paign propaganda, mercenary tariff discriminations, or plutocratic
preferment.

Still, as we know, there are faults on both sides. Adminis-
trations are too multiple-minded, too clumsy and top-heavy, to be
agile in action, balanced in judgment or uniform in legislative
opinion. Likewise also the common character of public amiability
is often imposed upon to the extent that the romanticist seeks to

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 6G9

dodge the difificulties of life ; he renounces the "wise strenuousness"
which Aristotle and Roosevelt prescribed, and takes refuge in the
walled city of his dreams. Of course, this departure is not be-
grudged him if it is not made at the expense of some cunning
exploit or public mischief. Indeed, his humble retirement is con-
sidered right and exemplary at times, as when we discover that in
an ivory-tower sort of existence above the mediocre haunts of
common men the bright visions and noble aspirations of a Kierke-
gaard, a Grieg, Father Tabb, Thorwaldsen or Leoncavello come
only when one lives well apart from the clamor and vice, the self-
ishness and petty cavillings of a sordid world. But then, the times
are not always so auspicious, for, as with the double- jointed en-
trechats of Rousseau's acrobatic policy, the sordid world comes
crashing in and with its ruthless vandal power wrecks the beautiful
house of dreams, upsets the dreamer in his easy chair and scatters
the papers on his writing desk. Cracks and spots readily show on
the peculiar ideal blue of Sevres ware, and the rich lavender of
Kismet easily fades.

No wonder he would then advocate a sensitive morality,
knowing both by intuitive anticipation and by an actual misfortune
of experience that such an event was possible, even more often than
not, a probable incident in this imperfect and blind-striving world.
And anyway, such a romantic individual, being only an Aeolian
harp played on by all the various winds of Nature and empirical
contingency, should expect now and then to have a string broken
by less tender fingers. Carducci, the anagogic poet and philosophical
critic of premodernist Italy, considered that a soft sort of Romantic-
ism and hence not an adequate or worthy mold in which to cast
either one's life or one's literary creations. In his famous work
on the erotic poets of the ISth Century he repudiates such ro-
manticism altogether and champions a sort of religio gramniatici
return to the classical paganism of old.

I. PHILOSOPHICAL GROUNDS.

The philosophical ground of all this seems to be that Natural
Law is quite attractive so long as we conform our conduct to it,
but absolutely ruthless and inexorable when we try to fool with it
or oppose its stern decisions ; while our finite Human Law is ap-
parently harsh but easy to get around and wheedle into favorable
readings whenever we think such an arbitrary course is expedient.
And it is a similar opposition which exists today between Romanti-

670 THE OPEN COURT.

cism and Cultural Education. Romanticism is too often inclined to
hazy thinking; it likes to grope along in the ecstasy of the weird,
and usually jams in the dry parts of its own mechanism. But
Culture, if it is of the real sort which leads on to spiritual develop-
ment and finds expression politically in a system of socially just
Government, is always inclined to be clear and rational, seeking
explicit conceptions of things and events, and is certainly always
sufficiently lubricated to be in fairly efficient working order. The
main trouble with the policy that is advocated by the romantic
moralist is that he tries to teach us to be exceptional, superior-
to-others, superficially naive, and does not begin to realize that he is
preaching a dangerous doctrine until his idols are cast down by
a world which seeks only the normal experiences of a rationally
balanced life.

Romantic ideas are invariably so much mysticism ; its metonymy
and magic doors mark them out as mysterious and yet traditional
as the yellow-beak birds and Bedouin coffee-pot designs on genuine
Saraband rugs. Scientific romanticists, too, are ambitious to gain
the Prix Pierre Gusman, but their essays are as abstruse and un-
popular as a quantum theorist's technical lucubrations on the future
possibilities of a worldling age which learns to harness atomic
energy. They are playing for the delight of the elect, so they
think, and never ask themselves what lay interest is popularly
shown in astrophysics or cosmic phase-orders of existence, nor who,
besides certain of their abstract speculator-companions, cares
whether there are kinks in time or gaps in space. Less astute
minds which are perhaps more honestly Nature-loving know that
the plain homogeneous possibilities of motion and duration
(Euclidean space and time) do not have to depend upon the
exotic fancies and acrobatic rationalizing of intellectual moon-
calves for an opportunity to become actual realities.

But howsoever this condition may seem to react against the
periodical rebirths of idealism. Civilization will not fall ; it will
become estranged from simple living and high thought by the
seductions of extravagance and pride, it will even be badly broken
in the numerous political, industrial, economic and cultural up-
heavals it is bound to pass through, but it serves one of our fa-
vorite hopes to trust that Civiilization will survive both the de-
structive science and the plutocratic government policies of today,
that it will survive the hazardous struggle against a pseudo-romantic
naturalism and be faithfully with us when we reach our final goal.

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 671

It is only in this bare negative sense that romantic morality
is at all constructive and vitally functional as an actual accessory
to our cultural progress. Nor yet can anyone deny that it has
managed to supply us with many magnificent treasures of artistic
literature and has given us exemplary models of what a grand
achievement its realized ambition would make. This determinable
quality is its one redeeming credential. It allows us to go through
with all its vague ramifications of imagery and burlesque, and still
come out at the magic door of plastic interpretation with a fairly
close guess at the strange meaning of it all. The ultimate signifi-
cance, however, of the experience is to show us that the highest value
that may be attached to romantic morality is its heuristic service to
cultural education and just governmental administration. It points
out with unmistakable accuracy some of the things we should pur-
sue or avoid for the sake of progress and the regeneration of man's
travailing spirit.

Quite possibly there have been exceptions here and there in
the general chronicle of humanity's vague aspirations. There is no
racial uniformity of emotion just as there is no nationalistic hege-
mony of control over the means of making romantic pilgrimages to
King Oberon's court. While the French romanticists of the older
school were alert to almost every form of art and inspiration, their
German contemporaries plodded on in perspiration toward their
fixed ideal of perfection, and the English joined the Italians in the
aspiration to be reasonable about both Nature and Art as they
related to human life. But we of today are threatened, by a too
loose valuism in understanding human needs and natures, with
losing both our romantic and our cultural heritages in the mael-
strom of monopoly, in the narrow nationalism of a moribund
mediocrity, and in the weird seductions of would-be "practical" gov-
ernment concessionaries and committee-legislation. Every group
of petty libationers drinks to the toast that "Our interests must be
served first" , — economic turmoil and industrial sedition notwith-
standing. This is the only morbid Kulturkampf that must be
guarded against. And strange to say, it was only that aspect of
it which was anticipated as soon to be in conflict with neoclassic
traditions that lead M. Francis Eccles, in his recent lectures on
"La Liquidation du Romanticism" (1919, London), to deplore its
break with the 19th Century coup d'etat trend of French national-
ism, naming it "une deviation de I'esprit frangais." But, for all
we know or care, Romanticism has been the invariable deviation

672 THE OPEN COURT.

from every other nation's habitual esprit, especially in those nations
whose leaders beconie patriotic only when bond-issues are dis-
counted and the tariff is revised (upward usually). An inter-
national rather than a nationalist perspective of culture and gov-
ernment policy is all that can or ever will be able to accurately and
hence adequately liquidate the not-always financial obligations of
modern Romanticism.

However much we are forced to attend to the worldling in-
terests of obtaining a livelihood by more or less sordid contact with
the grimy wheels of "essential industries", the fact still remains that
the evenings and the Sabbath (if not an occasional holiday or
vacation-period) are our own to dispose of as we will. There is a
great majority of people who put in an admirable day of industrial
efficiency and alert devotion to the tasks and duties of the business
on hand, but seems to utterly relax at sunset and fritter away the
time that is their own in idle pleasure, love of sleep, plots for
revenge, or futile dreams of lazy luxury. They try to live on bread
alone, and in the last communion expect viaticums to heaven. But
it is not likely that they will have anything but the cruel recollec-
tion of vain exploits, lots of work, and indigestion. On the other
hand, we have that scattered minority who devote their private
moments to aspiring thoughts, to those refined feelings which de-
light the inward frame, and to those exalted motives which de-
mand a nobler vision of the over-world. They are the courageous
hearts and creative minds of this poor old mediocre nether-orb.
They are perhaps the less conspicuous of the two classes as we
observe them at the daily economic grind. "But in the evening
is the difference seen", as Elbert Hubbard would have said, and on
the Sabbath are their relative values as men revealed and verified.
You do not have to wait ten years to see what will be the result of
their public occupations and. the legacy of their private avocations.

Such then, has been the great perennial antithesis, the vital
either-or, ever since the world began: whether to seek out the
spring of spontaneity and lay our humble festive board beneath the
shady trees of a romantic life, swearing allegiance to nought but
moral necessity and congenial spirits, or to leave our individual
fate in the hands of careless contingency, hoping to balance our
own weary days against the bare assumptive control of others' con-
duct. A certain rhetorical partiality here shows my private choice,
but very often I find myself, not idly wondering or superficially con-
trasting, but actually philosophizing as to which is the more in-

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 673

dispensable portion of community's citizenry — its workers or its
dreamers, its martyrs to ephemeral industry or its torch-bearers in
the eternal procession of culture and religion.

One thing sure, the workers need a thorough education in
solidarity, in how to forego personal interests in favor of those
more social and justicial ; an education in fact which emphasizes
brotherly co-operation instead of mere radical agitation to violence.
But they must think for themselves the while such enlightenment
is in process of taking effect, else much effort be lost to larger and
nobler causes. One of Art Young's cartoons shows one of our
economic despots carrying away a bushel of corn labeled "Fat of
the Land", leaving the husks to the worker whom he advises :
"Don't think. Stay on the job." Just that is too much the trouble
already. Spoliators and knaves do most all the thinking, and they
codify their selfish processes of thought into laws which protect
their schemes of ravinage and exploit. For any other sort of peo-
ple it is nowadays fast becoming a crime to even think (for any-
one who thinks cannot help but have the courage betimes to express
what he thinks, even though it means trouble) ; witness the case
of the Kansas editor, Wm. Allen White, against the rulings of the
Industrial Court. Thought has all too significantly become the
anarchy of fools just as thoroughly as words are the counters of
wise men.

The majority of people today do not seem to have the time,
talent nor inclination to contemplate for long any certain problem or
phase of their multifarious existence. That is, they do not devote
that longevity or sincerity of Thought to any one particular subject
which will render it clear and ethically applicable to the almost
insatiable requirements of life in a vulgar, selfish world. Thus
comes the custom of shallowness and its consequent notion that
anything which resembles Thought shall be taboo if not directly
libeled and discountenanced with the various epithets of illegitimacy
and anarchy. It is really good cause for alarm, and I am beginning
to feel that it is a part — and a major part too — of the general de-
bauchery of our public mind and private heart that the modern
world is fast losing all honest capacity for effective meditation,
and is blindly letting its philosophic functions deteriorate while it
is so feverishly occupied with the putrid exploits of avarice, finite
interests, unscrupulous adventure, folly and extravagance.

It is now popularly considered a sociological if not a physio-
logical defect if anyone is so unfortunate as to have a brow any

(;74 THE OPEN COURT.

more developed than that of an ape. It is ahiiost impossible to
go into an up-to-date bookstore and find anything in black-and-
white that is not classifiable as "the latest fiction" or advanced as
"a best seller that is different." An oldtimy work of sincerity in
science, reverence in religion, profundity in philosophy, or true,
artistry in poetry is only to be had in the basement or balcony of
some back-street store which handles an honorable but unpopular
trade in "good though slightly soiled bindings." How could they
remain in anything but good conditions, not having been used for
years, and then probably by those only who treated them with
tender care and choice selection here and there amongst the deckled
pages? Even the modern historical, economic, educational and
sociological works are inoculated to the very marrow with the
specious virus of propaganda and misinformation. And those who
read anything nowadays without; first taking a generous dose of
antitoxin to preserve their normal sanity are bound to become
affected and perhaps fatally afflicted with some form of this in-
sidious epidemic.

Thoughtfulness, like Romanticism in a vulgarian age or just
government administration in post-war periods, being the habitual
application to life of the power to meditate on the deliverances of
consciousness and subconscious existence, is accordingly a rare at-
tribute in the human makeup, at least as it is constituted and pre-
sented to us today. The exercise of any effectual degree of think-
ing capacity is as rare and discontinuous as lightning in foggy
weather. The loose structure and the arbitrary functioning of our
modern mind however should be expected, as they are foregone
conclusions in this age of external perfection and internal chaos,
smeer-culture and spiritual decay, somatic sophistication and soul-
atrophy. So it is found to be a sort of vicious circle we are chas-
ing ouselves around in. We are unable to think because we are
wage-slaves to sin and folly, and we are ignorant fools because
we prove by our mode of living that Thought is one of the lost
arts.

The honest exercise of an adequate philosophy of life has
provisioned far less houses with happiness than have been mortaged
to meet the demands of creditors. But it is not the philosophy
which butters no bread and keeps the proportion in such hopeless
minority. It is the sophist folly of people who think (feeble
process) that they can gamble on the promises of youth and pay
their debts with an early demise or with the inane sloth and in-

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 675

cessant regrets of a miserable old age. The history of ten thousand
years has many times reiterated the proof that it cannot be done
successfully, although for a time we may appear to survive the
flood. In the first place, paying attention to what is venal, low-
aiming, and ephemeral is not philosophy ; it is a morbid pursuit of
folly and usually works out as a most fallacious and mischievous
occupation. In the second place, anyone who honestly knows how
to think will actually study the processes of Thought and Life;
he will entertain considerate opinions as to the philosophic meas-
ures supporting honest knowledge and just government, and will
endeavor seriously to bring his more or less romantic vision of
truth down to the bosoms of men that they may live more nobly
and with less enfeebling notions about immediate selfish gain.

11. MORALISM, SCIENCE AND RELIGION.

The cerated moralism of hero-worship, with none but ivory apes
and peacocks to exemplify the Good, is of little help or inspiration;
it is grounded in a fallacy subtle and yet futile as the "horns" of
old Carneades. Our age seems wholly mad with lucre-lust and
the tarantism of intellectual jazz — our morbid mental stupor and
inordinate desire to let others pay the piper while we dance seem
quite incurable even by using the so-called appropriate medicinal
music of Trotsky's tarantella. Governments are now taking a third
dimension of their legislative function. Air routes and rights of
way are listed in the new regulations of aerial traffic. Likewise
with the recent reaHzation of the necessity for unifying our various
means of communicating information and experience we come
across Chief Signal Officer (Major-General) Squier's valuable
advice on how to so unify and supervise the practical U9«6 of radio,
telegraph and multiple telephony as to render them both efficient
and unmercenary to criminal purposes. Also there is the new
application of screen-art in cinematographic interpretations of
scientific theories and discoveries ; one somewhat extreme example
being the recent filming in Germany of motions and signals demon-
strating more or less effectively to laymen the extra-mundane and
supra-empirical principles (or at least ideas postulated as prin-
ciples) in Einstein's Special Theory of Relativity. One scientific
fallacy, however, which I suppose the usual lay audience overlooks
or which may be merely used through the necessity of material
backgrounds to supply balance and familiarity to naive sensory ex-
perience, is this: that the hypothetical detached observer requires

G76 THE OPEN COURT.

no earthly landscape of assumed immobility from which to com-
pare two or more motions or rather the relative course of a third
motion of an object passing from one to the other of two diverse
moving origins or "grounds." This fallacy is particularly in evi-
dence in the filmed experiments such as that of the light signals
from one end to the other of a moving train on a bridge with a
mountain gorge for background, or in the imaginary extra-ter-
restrial view of a ball falling from the top of a tower which of
course moves with the rotation of the earth. The ball's real path
of motion is parabolic, although an observer anywhere sharing the
earth's motion would view it as a straight-line fall.

This is a good example of scientific romanticism which is seek-
ing some proportion of control or influence over the way we think
about natural phenomena. By virtue of this aim it is in the same
category with that phase of didactic moralism which is just now
so anxiously concerned in love, sex, divorce, etc. Ethics as a ration-
al science of man's natural affections and relations should take good
care in turning over to romantic moralism the social welfare of
people not yet able to cope successfully with the problem of evil
in a vulgar, selfish and shallow-thinking world. The great furor
set up a few years ago over the ascetic attitude toward marriage
(which was considered "not a duty but a sin") in one of Tolstoy's
last books, The Sex Problem, left the present generation no more
enlightened on how to spiritualize such intimate relations as puppy
love, pornographic courtship, common-law marriages, soul-mate
triangles, love-nest scandals, et al. Beyond a sophist mess of
specious arguments aiming to medicate and minimize the actual
pejorism of the situation, nothing appears to have been really done
in the direction of giving spiritual sanction and support to sex
experience. Even the fairly representative symposium of Elinor
Glyn in the Photoplay magazine or that right now (July) being
carried on in the Hearst papers simply reflects a practical balance
of opinion between variously famous of our contemporary worthies
on just what is at the bottom of the human mind and heart when
undergoing the equally named ecstasy and complex emotional ex-
perience of sex-urge or love, marriage or celibacy, gutter-grief or
idealism. The very relevant question of continence or control is
apparently overlooked altogether.

All that we can conclude from this is that the sincere initiates
of Mrs. Eddy's or Madam Blavatsky's inner circle may possibly be
able, with the assistance of compulsory circumstances, to satis-

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 677

factorily (or what the New-Thoughters hold is the same as
actually) apply their esoteric scheme of asceticism to private life,
but not likely the lay dilettanti who still remain absorbed in fleshly
vanities and worldling interests on the outside. Monogamy and
totemism, problem-plays and phallic worship, risque literature and
pornographic art are by no means as yet purified of a degenerate
appeal to the more physical appetites of a vulgar morbid patronage.
Romantic morality should have none of such, but saints and sages
often have to start reactionary combat before the sluggish gov-
ernment machinery can be properly oiled and fueled for amelior-
ative legislation. Mormonism is no less culpable of polygamous
vices than the Lesbian eclipse of polyandry ; the erotic hysteria of
gynophily is no more innocent of sex perversion than the naked
neurosis of the Rathayatra feast. But we still find them very well
to the fore both as subjects of public interest and as items lending
zest to our modern love-science. No wonder then that Achmed
Abdulla has such little faith in modern continence and chastity as
to define them as 'but the narrow ribbons on love's chemise." The
occasional rechauffes of Agapemonite theory and practice cannot
help but vitiate an atmosphere into which nobler souls and more
ascetic-minded men try to breathe a sterner discipline. So many
men are not seeking zvonien for their life-mates, but mere females;
so many women are seeking mere males instead of men, that the
social fabric is becoming faded and ugly and tattered and torn.
The bathos as well as the pathos and irony of life is that they
usually get what they seek, so that this is the source of much of the
world's misery and discontent, although it is clearly a resultant
retribution for folly and vice.

Dostoievsky is a peculiar example of the dualistic romanticism
of the Slav nature ; his religious paradoxes are grounded in the
Gadarean compound of angel and beast, Greek Orthodoxy and
Tartar bloodlust. His sociology could not have become exalted
except on condition that his anthropology and historicism be con-
ceived as the creed and chronicle of an utter depravity ; such an
expensive mental process does not appreciate the thrift of Puritan
ethics nor the stern economics of a just government. Russia is the
scene of perennial carnage, the never-decisive conflict between Ro-
manticism and Government. It was only by dint of heroic courage
and the endurance of imminent exile that practically all her best
literature has been written. The revolutionary realism of Pushkin,
Gogol and Turgenev simply passed the flickering torch of half-

678 THE OPEN COURT.

infernal enlightenment on. I believe the world was fortunate be-
yond measure to find it held aloft by those two great devotees of
mystic naturalism, Tolstoi and Dostoievsky, even after twenty years
of hounding by both Czarists and narodniki.

Religion and Romanticism are most successful while they are
mystic and theoretical; so soon as they begin to cast about for
proselytes and practical applications of doctrine they begin to grow
vulgarized, secular, commonplace and corrupt. Witness how the
Quaker-like Sadhus have become demoralized so far as to follow
their leader, Sundar Singh, in his violent revolt against any native
Indian procedure of self-determination free from Anglican super-
vision. Witness how thoroughly the first fine brew of Democracy
has recently turned to the vinegar of a crass vandalism, a morbid
mediocrity of individualism and rhyomistic monopolies. Witness
how the absorbing interest of theologians fifteen years ago in
Delitzsch's plan to unite the world's three great monotheistic re-
ligions is now shifting over to the converse question whether or
not the administration of the world's religious faith should be de-
centralized and given back its supposed freedom of spontaneous
expression. During this interval people have found that religious
imperialism has been delayed and thwarted more by racial differ-
ences and nationalist programs than by interchurch schisms, ritual
objections, or lay petitions of secessional criticism. Any external
irenic aiming at a possible unification of all religions whether pagan
or puritan, pantheistic or personal, polytheistic or monotheistic, is
a remote vision ; its promises have little probability of realization
so long as we have all those distinct forms of ritual and reverence,
differences of attitude and practice, even their clumsy nominal
classification as this or that sectarian group variously styling itself
Christianity, Buddhism, Confucianism, Mohammedanism, Judaism,
Shintoism, Zoroastrianism, and so forth on down the list.

Mere uniformity of scriptural sense and textual interpretation
is not enough : in fact it is useless to lay store on paper luiity and
agreement so long as a disparity of viewpoints regarding inter-
national equality, economic justice, industrial exploitation, co-opera-
tive spiritual effort and aid remain to make antagonisms and se-
ditions between the various constituent leaders and devotees. In-
spirations of text and ceremony are little more than the lip-service
of a vicarious ecstasy ; they are seldom deeply spiritual, like true
reverence and mystic exaltation, to the degree that they have scope

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 679

for social or industrial applications, much less for international aids
or interracial brotherhood. The pure and actual application of re-
ligious faith and love is seldom sufficiently thorough or innate to
endure in new garments, work efficiently in avaricious armor, or
take confident action upon those conflicting elements which con-
cern its growth upon exotic shores. Much of every religion's
original purity and power of spiritual expression is lost in the
maze of subsequent public interpretation and private practice.
The simplicity of the Christ ideal is lost in the complex motivation
of an apologetic hypocrisy ; the direct counsel of Dharmapada is
brushed aside by the more ambiguous Vitanda of the Tripitaka
and eristic Hinyana ; the progressive ethics of the Wu-I or man's
five social relations are sidetracked and polluted by the squeeze of
a corrupt ceremonial practice in China; the Arsha revelations of
the Koran are smothered under the idolatrous carpet of Kaaba
lore; the Torah of Moses (like the original Hebrew and Greek
texts trying to survive a half dozen Vulgate translations) is swamped
with the vulgar half-vernacular tide of Talmud and Cabala ; the
Way of the Gods is murky with the smoke clouds of sentimental
Zenist pachak ; and Zoroaster's Zend of the ancient Kshatragathas
in the Avesta is now vulgarized by forced passage through the
hundred exegetical gates of Sadda commentary.

The living flame of ancient wisdom illumines the dark paths
of the modern world with an occasional flash of inspiration for
truth and virtue, and shows its devotees how to know and practice
the best in life. But the superficial anecdotes, parallogisms, dog-
matics, economic sops and external statutes of priest and potentate
are soon lost to the inexorable erosion of time. They are largely
the illegible modern scribblings of fools in the endless chronicle of
man's transfiguration anyway, so why should they be treasured or
mourned over. They emphasize and seek the profits (not the
prophets, Upton Sinclair shrewdly tells us) of the world's pristine
religious faith, knowing but never informing others that even the
supposititious divinity and parthenogenesis of Christ are but sub-
sequent refinements of linguistic fancy staking largely on sub-
stitutions or mistranslations of ancient texts. A false note of de-
lusion gave the vital lie to their pseudo-romanticism and there was
no superior critical faculty from which to render judgment or law
covering the assumptive situation.

680 THE OPEN COURT.

III. THE PROPER BUSINESS OF GOVERNMENT.

Turning to the more recent marplots of contemporary events
I cannot help but see that much of the current criticism ridiculing
and opposing government interference in the operations of Big
Business is but so much economic evasion and political flapdoodle.
If the would-be innocent bourgeoning of capitalism and financial
prestige into a mature octopus clutching at industrial and economic
control were to be justly and resolutely restrained, the business
world would not come to an abrupt end nor dash into the chaos
which alarmist sopthrowers so excitedly prophesy. It would sim-
ply divide up the vast unearned surplus, the multiple turnover of
what its meekened press-agents Hke to call half-of-one-per cent.
Steel magnets, 100 percenters. Wall Street patrioteers, and other
plutocratic despots would not be able to shut down their profit-
less ( ?) industries in prospect of turning their investments else-
where under an efficient and justly administered government. No,
for the same restraints on excess profits and corrupt political prac-
tices would be effective elsewhere also ; there would be no Hoov-
ersque commission to review tearfully the situation and put an
extra margin on the lump-load price of coal.

Generally speaking, however, the political reformers of today
are too much given to the static aspect of government policy and
its title to state sovereignty. They attach too great an importance
to the immovable type of political power, and this becomes the
persistent ideal of all their aims and efforts. But we, in taking a few
philosophical observations around and beyond their finite position,
can readily see how far they fall short of framing any adequate
plan with or by which to replace the present form of government
so popularly in force in practically every nation throughout the
world. To be sure they rightly attack our fallacious system of
governing peoples by the fast and loose manipulation of in-
dustrial and economic power ; but what other means can reach
everyone who lives on a physical plane of existence? We are not
trying to administer government in the astral world. And why
is the present system found fallacious, if not because there is physi-
cal misery, material injustice, and worldly nerf-^feruref Why then
are practically all our reformative measures so sadly inadequate,
so culpably inapplicable and inert, if not because we seek to change
the plan of life by talking to the workmen instead of going to the
architect and the boss of the job? X^ike all the other processes of

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 681

livelihood and experience, government policies are (or should be,
if not autocratic and tyrannous) motive and plastic; there is no
static absolutist element in them except as we read it there and
fall into doubt and disaffection over its possible solution.

Nowadays, and especially since the skeptical and materialistic
times of Hobbes and Locke, Comte and Malebranche, modern so-
ciety has become bafflingly complex as well as quite self-determinate
and insubordinate to any feasible control by the old tattered codes
of our predecessors ; it is too high-geared for slow-coach travel.
Hence the consequent difficulties of readily analyzing and interpret-
ing any particular phase or problem of its present condition render
any prospect of an adequate solution exceedingly but not hope-
lessly distant of realization. As T. V. Smith shows in the Open
Court for June, experimental criteria cannot readily get at systems
which rely on an absolute and infallible authority ; I wonder then
how the . authority of scientific control can replace that of either
the individualist or the group (State) without ceasing to be purely
peirastic and assuming even that measure of infallibility. No
sufficient assurance seems to be given that those in the directors'
private chambers will continue to be honest scientific seekers or
experimenters and not soon degenerate into mere puppets of some
more ruthless source of authority and control. I can readily recog-
nize the necessity of departing from the individual kingship as
well as the representative ( ?) group-rule sort of government, but
cannot find the courage and nobility in human nature that is today
necessary to even set up, much less maintain, a strictly experi-
mental democracy which could secure equality of opportunity to
all, industrial peace, economic justice, virtuous coal barons or
honest oil promoters.

In any plan of scientific control over our social or political
affairs we would have, first, the numerous vagaries and anomalies
of individual temperament to deal with, seeing as we do that it is
practically useless to try to draw up any set code of rules or
static series of criteria as to what is good government procedure,
when no two critics or advisors or cabinet members can agree on
what constitutes the best legislative policy, the surest (if not most
just) control, the true social welfare, or the most roundly efficient
administrative mechanism. Second, there is the perennial obstacle
of false valuation in every politically organized society which ap-
pears most often in the Orphean mask of selfishness and involves
human turpitude all the way from insatiable greed up to maniacal

682 THE OPEN COURT.

illusions of personal freedom and Utopian destiny. And third, we
have to spend time, so otherwise precious, accounting for and try-
ing to dissolve the ethical gall-stones of domestic strife, poverty,
commercialism, class-wars, plutocratic prestige, industrial or eco-
nomic monoply, and the thousand other variations of anarchy and
social malevolence.

Although these are largely negative relations of fact, still they
achieve telling results in their active opposition to whatever pos-
sible political philosophy we try to establish. We must take up
positive weapons against all wickedness and folly, because negative
attacks only give us "the feeling of security without the security
itself, and at the same time cause us, in the enjoyment of the feel-
ing, to neglect the attainment of genuine security in the only way
possible, through intelligent and far-sighted control." (Smith, ibid,
page 343). We know also that any political philosophy that is
worthy of the name will aim and attempt to set up a reasonably
practical code of control which not only guides present social con-
duct aright, but shall romantically qualify the temper of restraint
so as not to too harshly discipline the creative works of true
genius on the one hand, and shall so safeguard our justicial methods
of control that no legal loophole will be allowed through which
anyone viciously disposed can discount or evade the penalties pro-
vided in the code. Stated simply then, the true business of Gov-
ernment is properly that of supplying its subjects with a good and
fair standard by which to live, an honorable and equitable means
by which to preserve that standard from subversion or corruption,
and an ideal in the bosom of which they will be glad, not coerced,
to respect and help maintain the law and order thus established.
Sumptuary and punitive measures are always in season to restrain
the extravagant and segregate the wicked ; but they should not un-
fairly be made to apply only when the transgressor is poor or
friendless, else the only romantic element in public justice be
rendered sterile, cast out and wholly alienated from the hearts of
men.

According to this simplicity of conceiving it, the proper busi-
ness of Government appears largely to be a masterly handling of
the moral forces and an impartially scientific control of the eco-
nomic, industrial, social and educational handicaps obtaining within
the domain of its jurisdiction. Dealing with relations external to
this proper domain should not be a government function at all,
being as it invariably is, nothing but a postponement and evasion

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 683

(if not a traitorous controversion) of the immediate responsibility.
Because most all our international intercourse and diplomacy
(usually called statesmanship) is practically a rhetorical pastime
for those in high and honorary but non-essential offices, such efforts
have little directly to do with the domestic business of control.

It is easy then, to see what becomes of a government's political
sovereignty when it seeks to base its operations or administrative
functions on any but primarily moral grounds, on ethically just
measures of control. The oldtime systems of governing by divine
right, dynastic inheritance, religious imperialism, hand-me-down
authority, minority-prestige, class-privilege, and kept-press tactics
have been seen to fail time and again. And we are right now
witnessing the failure of various more or less sincere attempts at
arbitrating strikes, adjudicating wage revisions to meet (?) a far
more buoyant cost-of-living, financing a soldier's bonus with any
but a direct and confiscatory tax on unreasonably excess war-
profits, and a myriad other schemes all in the mood of governing
the nation according to the fallacious political philosophy of in-
dustrial hegemony, financial prestige, and mandatory economics.
What about that old maxim about "pride goeth before a fall ?"

If the political code is biased one way or the other, or even when
only thrown out as a sop to the demands of any self-seeking clique
which happens to have a powerful voice in making or breaking that
code, then how can we expect the pubHc, the subjects under that
code really, to see in it any right to claim patriotic allegiance or
consent to any other form of political sovereignty? Rut if the
political philosophy adopted and enforced by a government pro-
vides honorable means of livelihood and adequate protection over
all useful and worthy activities, enjoining those which overstep the
ethical limits of personal liberty, and so interpreting and admin-
istering the just aids toward preserving the common weal, then
and only then will it have any honest claim to sovereign power.
The people will respect it and endeavor to live up to its secure
and noble patterns, knowing that it guarantees to carry on its
proper functions in full recognition of moral right and ethical
justice, having confidence in and devotion to that decalogue of
principles which can never be abrogated with impunity.

One of the world's worst fallacies in governmental theory is
giving itself specious reasons and ill-founded hopes in the very face
of the numerous hazards and presumptions of paternalism, whether
nationalistic or agendic, industrial or educational. It is pseudo-
nationalistic paternalism which is now leading Premier Nitti to

684 THE OPEN COURT.

sublimate and medicate the feeble results of the Genoa Economic
Conference; the same thing which led Giolitti (formerly premier
and the lago-Macchiavelli-Caillaux of Italian politics who
renewed Italy's membership in the Triple Alliance) to become a
dramatic deceiver with a perfect art of vicious casuistry and an
ambiguous assumption of power. Likewise it was a fallacious turn
of internationalist paternalism which caused both the Allies and
the Central Powers to fail to preserve the integrity and economic
rights of smaller nations, just as they failed both during and since
the war to adhere to the given principle that "all government should
be carried on only with the consent of the governed" — a principle
good enough for all but vicious and refractory groups. However,
Bernard Shaw and the Fabin Society struck a few conciliatory
points for international government relations when they gave
secondary notice to the patriotic pride of nationalism, but sanctioned
the priority of properly using combined international force to
compel the equitable decision of justicial issues, and suggested that
some rational form of cosmopolitan culture and understanding
might well be used as a guide-book to our social evolution.

Here were some anticipations of Randolph Bourne's heu-
ristic suggestions of an impending twilight of idols, a stern irenic
for terminating the numerous intellectual conflicts relating to the
decisions of war in the particularly American assumption that they
should be, primarily if not ultimately, carried on for the sake of
international freedom and democracy. But the only Demos that
has survived is that of a sophisticated vulgarity, a popular corrup-
tion of morals which holds us in a bog of mediocrity and pot-boil-
ing, in a perennial mood of mercenary motive and ambitious
monopoly. The supreme American fallacy in governmental theory is
the assumption of an absolute, even incomparable, fund of admin-
istrative ability whereby even the pluralistic functions and relations
of international co-ordination are considered to be in dire need of
the would-be benevolence of a self-appointed guardianship and a
reciprocally calculated but ill-balanced formula of economically
sustained political hegemony. Surely anyone with half an eye can
see in much of this the same old $incere Octopu$ reaching out his
slimy tentacles to grasp and stifle the world. Else why do our
profiteering potentates (so well exampled by their predecessors,
the war-lords, speculators in food-stuffs, and other so-called
dollar-a-year men) reveal such an utter and lead-menacing fear of
their very lives when anyone mentions Bolsheviki, I. W. W., Farm

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 685

Bloc, Non-Partisan League, Social Equity, etc. ? Great concern is en-
tertained for ship subsidies, compensation for broken ship-build-
ing contracts, railroad financing, guarantees of various industrial
dividends, but they have used their Congressional puppets to re-
cently show with conclusive certainty that they do not relish the
idea of relinquishing the smallest part of their share in another
great American fallacy ($ervice) even to the extent of financing a
tax-free and discount-free soldier's bonus out of their astound-
ing hoard of war-profits, not to say out of the equally greedy
post-war "velvet" overlaying an economically well-trimmed world.

It is the business of honest and socially efficient government
to disapprove and forestall any such national and international
thievery, such direct and unscrupulous ethical anarchy, for such
culpable conduct by either individuals or corporations or corrupt
politicians is always preventable or controllable if in some just and
adequate way they are held accountable to those who make and
directly administer the laws. Even the most divergent contin-
gencies of a nation's life may be effectively controlled by means of
reactionary publicity and resort to popular moral action, if not by
the more positive agencies of prosecution, imprisonment, seg-
regation or exile of all who controvert our highest ideals, all who
would corrupt the goods of life. One of the worst things that can
befall a nation's administrative government is for it to function
unfairly, giving ease of protection and luxury of ready exploit to
big thieves and using its punitive powers only to hound the poor or
improvident, the misfit or unemployed. Thus is bred the spirit of
revolt, not against the laws or personnel of government particularly,
but against the injustice, tyranny, special privilege and protected
exploitation of the caste-wise malfeasance. Witness Ireland, Egypt,
India, Russia, post-war Germany and the Fascisti-phase of the
recent Italian economic transition toward a social democracy. Even
in our own ribald, high-geared, loud-labelled (but really mediocre,
muddy-eyed) America we have far too much newspaper democracy,
and not enough of the real, actual, pulsating people's government,
of, by, and for themselves, not as selfish individuals who use their
government as a cloak, but as a nation nobly organized for the best
welfare of all and faithfully living up to the full requirements of
its program.

However, the workaday business of government must be sup-
plemented very often by the heroic efforts and courageous sacrifices
of a few unselfish men. Like Lowell once said, the safety and en-

686 THE OPEN COURT.

Hghtenment of the many always depends upon the courage and
talents of the few. Like the ideal supplied in Royce's philosophy of
loyalty, it means that one of the richest services a man can render
his country is to make his intellect and capacity for moral distinc-
tion bring searching and constructive criticism to bear on the bet-
tering of its customs, laws, ambitions, industries and other social
institutions of national development. Every country or community
is always in need of men with true and high ideals of life, men who
also have the courage and the talents necessary to push their ability
to the front so as to realize their worthy ideals in the affairs of both
the smaller world about them and the larger world of international
brotherhood and cosmic destiny. One of the encouraging facts
is that any man who really has such ideals on the threshold of his
ethical vision will do all in his power to' amplify his neighbor's
viewpoint of life, his contemporaries' ways of thinking, and exalt
their worthier aims toward political reformation and true sov-
ereignty.

In this sense, governmental reform is a far more gradual
process than that of other less secular affairs, romantic morality,
art, or religion, for example. Even while largely an inert mass
of officialdom performing perfunctory duties, the cycle of political
growth, flourishing and decay is usually pretty well marked off
if we recognize its two perennial conditions; one holding that the
static appearance of economic, industrial, financial, or judicio-social
codes of government is really the fixed label of motive functions
making up the so-called progressive character or purpose of our
modern political system; and the other or dynamic aspect (field of
active causal principles, the structure of both theory and prac-
tice) of those ethical action-patterns which give us any government
at all holding that this field is really an everchanging expression
of what is or should be morally static and ethically structural, the
very soul of every just organization, free communion and uniform
social improvement. This amounts to a rational, rather than a
merely romanticizing, conception of the purposes and functions
of good government.

Thus it must be said and, even in contradiction to the position
adopted by many of our contemporary reformers, proved that tak-
ing it at any point of historical time human society can honestly
be called organized only when the motives of organization and the
functions of its self-preservation are morally good, when the
activities of such life and ambition as it may show are vitally con-

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 687

structive rather than destructive, ethically co-operative rather than
selfishly conflicting. We know that political power is proverbially
changeable and arbitrary, lucre-loving and corrupt ; but any gov-
ernment by moral hegemony and any just administration of
adequate and inexorable laws are the only kinds that can give all
the people security, for they stand ever ready to assist the fallen,
they are accountable and responsible for what they do, they are
enduring and conservative of the national welfare, both public and
private probity being the featured virtue. It is. then, the proper
business of governments to see that they have this hegemony, that
they administer just and effective laws, that they guarantee equality
and security to all, that their most durable value is constructive of
social good, and that their conduct is always accountable and re-
sponsible to the people who acknowledge their guidance and benefit
by their protection. Bare reliance on the integrity of personal
conscience is not enough, and the motto of pas trop gouvenieur
resounding through Waldo R. Browne's political symposium ("Man
or the State", Huebsch, 1920) should have been somewhat more
stringent and historically accurate.

IV. CONCLUSIONS.

Therefore, there are many facts and fancies, truths and lies,
to be met with in those two hemispheres of human conduct and
control. A certain tonic effect is to be had from looking things
squarely in the face, even though such disillusion to the clever cam-
ouflage makes us ofttimes pessimists and skeptics. In a fairly close
survey of both Romanticism and Government I find that we live
in a world of masqueraders. in an age of artifice and delusion, in
a group-mood of mediocre mimicry and inert hero-worship. There
is loud argument as to destiny and tradition, but any supposititious
sense of effective discipline or co-operative interest is given an
inaudibly small voice. Destiny is but the soft lining of tradition's
coat; it is the raised nap of a dirty rug that has been sent to the
cleaners. Traditions start, so Froude tells us, in the miracles of
saints and the heroic exploits of supermen. But when once these
have passed into the blear retrospect of ages less visionary, mediocre
minds then read into our future a destiny commonly open to all
humanity. The unique genius of those more talented and heroic is
assumed as animating those still ignorant and cowardly. The sur-
vival of tradition, then, requires a certain respect for things ven-
erable but irrelevant; the survival of man (i. e. the destiny-ideas of

()88 THE OPEN COURT.

iuch a future) requires a certain susceptibility of mind to visions
of personal preferment, aflfective prestige, possessional merit if not
also that peculiarly human appetite which craves more life, more
love, more pleasure, more luxurious ease, more everything. Were
so many of us not set on the vain career of realizing a fickle and
illusory success in life we would not be prematurely grasping after
destiny, the imaginary rewards hereafter ; instead of this there
would be far less error and misery, and far more progress and
happiness in the world. Man's happiness philosophy is all askew
with false ambitions and his life is grown corrupt; his ethics seem
to have only a possessive case and his neighbors feel insecure.

The vulgar seek happiness in fads and cults, in wealth and
luxury, in the specious prestige and egotism of a consciously di-
rected influence over others. This is a vain and vacillating pro-
cedure; it is neither sure of its aim nor secure in its acquisitions.
It is the worldling's faith in material perfection and argues a
rhyomistic philosophy on the bourse of life. Such fools invariably
miss the proper discipline of experience — nay, they also miss the
joy of true living by controverting the normal interests of life
into base means for self-assertion and self-service. They murmur
in self-pity but know no sweet relief ; they lead pinched lives, mak-
ing no public sacrifice and seeing no lesson of justice in their pri-
vate suffering. It is not always an adverse environment, not alto-
gether an external defect, which can be marked down as the cause
of wasted lives. It is rather the growing despond of spirit too
innately feeble to wage a successful struggle ; it is rather the
emptiness of heart giving expressionless concessions to caducite ;
it is the sickening thud of souls falling into perdition. Mad pur-
chases of murky pleasure, raucous pursuits of risque delight, are
the functions of decaying souls ; they are the inevitable symptoms
of a gradually degenerating moral issue.

Resurgent souls, on the other hand, are more sternly set on
righteousness and truth, more clearly conscious of Man's nobler
pilgrimage toward the shrine of beauty and reality. But it is not
a procedure wholly romantic, nor yet wholly ascetic and restricted ;
neither is it exactly patterned after our historical evolution, for
that (as Huxley says) would be too "unutterably saddening." Prog-
ress is spiritual growth if anything; it is that specific ennoblement, en-
lightenment and advance which guards against both atavism and
false culture, which secures us in a world neither brute-selfish nor
foppishly ignorant. The element of rebirth in souls which populate

ROMANTICISM AND GOVERNMENT. 689 "

a good world precludes all base illusions of private gain, all fear
of material loss, all barren toil and futile grief, all vengeful malice
and undeserved' rewards. The wicked are invariably conservative
in their creed of vice, the spoliator is an inveterate toastmaster to
his own debauchery. But saints and sages see the true romantic
cycle of progress, the meliorism of bare human deeds and disposi-
tions ; for all of fact or fancy in our human world is always sub-
ject to either debasement or ennoblement, whichever we choose to
put into effect. We would do well to be generous and good instead
of stingy and degenerate, were it for no nobler purpose than that
of our own ultimate welfare. We should make practical interpreta-
tion of the affective power of art, such for example as that wizardry
possessed by the second century Chinese painter Liu Pao whose
North Wind made people feel cool, whose Milky Way made them
feel hot, and whose Ravens were like the 24 Filials of antiquity.
We should appreciate Milton's advice in the sonnet and be like
Cyriack Skinner's grandsire "on the royal bench of British Themis"
pronouncing laws of writ and wrath, the while he let no solid good
pass by nor cheerful hour disdained. We should so live as to
honestly read into Southey's Scholar our own biography of friendly
converse "with the mighty minds of old", gaining humble instruc-
tion from partaking their moral either-or. Thus could we derive
substantial government and a valid political philosophy from our
realistic romanticism and Nature-love. Thus also would we know
why Shelley said that "Poets are the unacknowledged legislators
of the world."

True artistic temperaments are more mute than voluble except
in viewing things deformed, unjust or vile. The esthete, like the
connoisseur of the exquisite and romantic experiences of life, is
in perennial ecstasy and rapture through his sense of beauty, good
and truth. He is the genuine apostle of the poetic imagination, but
can yet speak strongly in terms of emphatic vernacular when the
violence of vandal power or the folly of fickle postichees come
crashing in upon him. xA.ny honest devotee of art dislikes to have
anything — empirical or contingent, affective or industrial — disrupt
the serenity of his refuge. And yet he lives no peacock life, his
treasures are of the humble, they are not housed precariously aloft
in the ivory tower of an exclusive existence. His very genuineness
of heart and talent keeps his life exemplary and tangible to others ;
his very heroism of soul and livelihood keeps his enthusiasm social
and his firewood dry. No proud company of the world's elect can

690 THE OPEN COURT.

claim priority to his membership, for he was already a genius and
a creator of good taste when the tribal instinct first took root in
man. Benevolence, justice, integrity and cordial " deeds of daily
expression are constant companions to the soul of romantic art
as well as to the intellect and moral tools of a good government.
No hate or grudge, no spoils or umbrage is held against or taken
from what others do, because artistic genius is in nowise narrow
or provincial. A certain darkened outlook on life is necessary for
umbrage to be either given or taken, and romantic souls are too
clear seeing to be vexed with trifles and imaginary wrongs. Dull
sorrow and care may drag the common folk down and sadden
their days, but in the sanctuary of romantic art the sunshine of
happiness, remembered joys, and the ideal contact with relics of past
glory are ever the vigilant sacristans of the shrine set up in gov-
ernments of Beauty, Nature, Faith and Love.

TWO ANSWERS TO THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS.

BY WILLIAM WEBER.

(Concluded)

The words of Caiaphas breathe the same spirit in which the rul-
ing classes of all nations and ages up to the present day have iden-
tified their own privileges with the welfare of their whole nation
and even of the entire world. There is no need of looking for a
higher truth hidden in them as the author of verse 51-52 does.
"Now this he said not of himself : but being high priest that year, he
prophesied that Jesus should die for the nation : and not for the na-
tion only, but that he also might gather together into one the children
of God that are scattered abroad," was not written by the author of
verse 47-50, but was added by the compiler or a later reader. The
statement belongs to an age when the death of Jesus was considered
no longer as an event of human history, but of divine economy. As
a matter of fact, the high priests were not endowed by virtue of their
office with the divine spirit. Priesthood and prophecy were two
separate things. The one was an hereditary position with strictly
defined duties and emoluments, the other an individual gift of God
that fell to the lot only of such as deserved it. A man of the type
of Caiaphas was absolutely unworthy of divine inspiration. Thus
no allegorical interpretation can be permitted to obscure the plain
meaning of a proposition which breathes nothing but a selfishness
that shrank not even from murder. That the resolution, offered by
Caiaphas was adopted without a dissenting vote goes without saying.
Before dismissing this subject, we have to consider the question how
a disciple of Jesus could have learned what he relates about the
council that decreed the death of Jesus. The general public cannot
have known anything about that conspiracy. The account in Luke
comes apparently from one of the Twelve. It does not contain any-
thing but what an intelligent outsider could know and deduct from

692 THE OPEN COURT.

what happened. The author of the Johannine version is, up to a cer-
tain limit, much better informed. He must have possessed special in-
formation which came to him from the camp of the enemy, unless
we should have to conclude that his pen was guided by a vivid
imagination. But such a conspiracy was bound to become known
to quite a number of people. The chief priests had to take their
whole entourage into their confidence and persuade them of the
necessity of doing away with Jesus. They needed the co-operation
of the temple servants for arresting him. We may therefore assume
the meeting of verse 47-50 to have been of a semi-public character
as far as the personnel of the temple was concerned. That some or
the other of the subordinate priests and the Levites who were pres-
ent at that occasion became afterwards believers in Jesus, is not
impossible. In any case, the words ascribed to Caiaphas seem to
have been addressed to the gallery.

The Johannine and the Synoptic accounts under discussion are
independent of each other. The more important is the agreement
of the Luke version with that of the Fourth Gospel. According to
both, the chief priests and their allies want to put Jesus to death;
and in both the hold which Jesus had upon the people is the cause of
their murderous hatred. No details as to how that should be ac-
complished are discussed, whereas in the first two Gospels the
emphasis is laid upon the means by which the end was to be at-
tained. The reports of Luke and John are in that respect historical.
For the execution of a plan of that kind is left quite naturally to an
executive committee that is better qualified to act with decision and
promptness than a deliberative body.

We are now in a position to state definitely what the first an-
swer to the challenge of Jesus was. The chief priests and the scribes
took up the gauntlet and replied: Thou shalt die!

Looking for the continuation of the source from which Jn. xi,
47-50 has been taken, Jn. xi, 54-57, and xii, 1-11, have to be put
aside. The first passage is clearly unhistorical. For, according to
it, Jesus, after having challenged the chief priests and incurred their
deadly hatred, sought safety in flight and remained in hiding at a
place called Ephraim for a whole year. For in verse 55 f. it is said
that the people looked for Jesus at the next passover and wondered
whether he would come to the feast. There are two unanswerable
objections. In the first place, Jesus could not run away and hide
himself after he had cleansed the temple without losing the confi-

T] THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. 693

dence of the people. Whatever else the Messiah might be, he could
not be a coward. In the second place, Ephraim is identified with a
fort only fourteen miles from Jerusalem. Jesus and his disciples
could not tarry there for a whole year without being recognized and
reported to the chief priests, especially as the enemies of Jesus had
given commandment that the whereabouts of Jesus should be made
known to them because they wanted to arrest him.

The Anointing at Bethany (Jn. xii, 1-8) has parallels in Mt.
xxvi, 6-13, and Mk. xiv, 3-9. It is not a genuine Johannine peri-
cope but a rather late compilation, most of whose features have been
borrowed from not less than five different sources. These are,
besides the just mentioned Matthew and Mark stories, Lk. vii, 37-
39, Lk. X, 38 ff., and Jn. xi, 1-46. The name of the place where
Jesus was anointed is derived from the first two Gospels as well as
from Jn. xi. While the name of the host is not given, the names
of Lazarus, one of the guests, and of Martha and Mary come from
Jn. xi. But the statement "and Martha served," in verse 2, is based
upon Lk. X, 40, where we read: "but Martha was cumbered about
much serving." Mary anoints the feet of Jesus and wipes them
with her hair. That feature is copied from Lk. vii, 38. The criti-
cism of Mary by Judas Iscariot and her defense by Jesus is based
on the Matthew account, not that of Mark ; only there the disciples,
instead of Judas Iscariot, find fault with the woman.

The party who put together Jn. xii, 1-8, out of odds and ends
was an indifferent writer. The second half of verse 1 reads ac-
cording to the Greek text: "where was Lazarus whom raised from
dead Jesus." One might say perhaps that the first subject is placed
after the verb for the sake of emphasis, but no reason can be found
why Jesus should stand at the end of the second clause. That name
indeed is entirely uncalled for, because the sentence to which that
relative clause belongs begins : "Jesus came to Bethany." The ref-
erence to the raising of Lazarus from the dead is superfluous. For
it has just been related at great length in the foregoing chapter.
Neither the missing article before "dead" recommends our author.
"But Lazarus was one of them that sat at meal with him" (verse 2)
IS rather suspicious. One should think Jesus could not have been
the guest of anybody else at Bethany than of his friend Lazarus.
The compiler must have felt that, too. For he omits the name of
the host, who, according to Matthew and Mark, was Simon the
Leper. The nameless woman of Matthew and Mark anoints the
head of Jesus, whereas Mary anoints his feet and wipes them with

G94

THE OPEN COURT.

her hair. But in taking over these features from the Third Gospel,
our writer failed to grasp their true significance. The woman of
Luke is called a great sinner. When she stood with her cruse of
ointment behind Jesus at his feet, her emotions overcame her, and
her tears fell on his feet. That unforeseen accident forced her to
dry the wet feet with her hair. Thereupon she kissed the feet and
anointed them. As a rule friends kissed each other on the mouth,
and the head was anointed with oil, as we learn from Lk. vii, 45 f.
(comp. Ps. xxiii, 5). But the woman for obvious reasons did not
dare to treat Jesus as a social equal. At Bethany, as is proved by
the Matthew and Mark account, there was no reason why Mary
should have abased herself. Moreover, the woman in Luke does
not use her hair to anoint but to dry the feet of Jesus in order that
she might anoint them. Mary in John simply rubs off the ointment
with her hair and thus anoints rather her own head than the feet
of Jesus.

The only original feature in John is that not the disciples in
general, or some bystanders, or the host, but Judas Iscariot criti-
cizes Mary, and that he is called a thief. In view of the other short-
comings of the pericope, no weight can be attached to these state-
ments. Our compiler did not have first hand information. He
lived at a time when Christians unconsciously drew the picture of
the traitor in ever darker colors and crowned the faithful apostles
with a halo. The answer of Jesus : "Suffer her to keep it against
the day of my burying,'' indicates likewise the age of the compila-
tion. It belongs to a time when the Christians believed the body of
Jesus had been anointed when it was committed to the ground. But
Mk. xiv, 8, and Mt. xxvi, 12, Jesus says: "She hath anointed my
body beforehand for the burying," and 'Tn that she poured this
ointment upon my body, she did it to prepare me for burial.'' That
was written while the Christians still knew that the corpse of Jesus
had not been anointed. Therefore Jn. xii, 7, has to be regarded as
an intended emendation of the older text. But since the nard had
been applied to the feet of Jesus, it could no longer be sold nor
kept against the day of the burial of Jesus. Thus the emended text
of verse 7 is contradicted by its own context. Final proof of the
dependence of our pericope upon the Synoptic Gospels is the ex-
pression Judas Iscariot. That is a strictly synoptic term and is used
two times in each Synoptic Gospel. The Fourth Gospel calls the
traitor three times Judas the son of Simon Iscariot, which therefore
has to be considered as characteristic of John.

THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. G.95

Jn. xii, 9-11, is closely connected with and dependent upon the
story of the Anointing at Bethany. Since the latter is spurious, the
former cannot be genuine. Both stand and fall together.

The Triumphal Entry of Jesus into Jerusalem (Jn. xii, 13-15)
takes up the thread of the narrative which broke off Jn. xi, 50. The
opening phrase, "on the morrow," places in the present condition
of the text the occurrence on the fifth day before the passover. But
that is an impossible date. The chief priests and the Pharisees
could not afford to wait six days before they struck their victim.
Their revenge, in order to be sure, had ta be swift. The Jews re-
mained for eight days at the temple ; including the journey to and
from Jerusalem, the Galileans spent about two weeks for the pass-
over. For that reason alone, they would not congregate in any
large numbers at the temple until the last day before the feast. The
compiler of our section was aware of that fact. He undertook to
account for the early presence of the multitude by stating in Jn. xi,
55 : "Now the passover of the Jews was at hand : and many went
up to Jerusalem out of the country before the passover to purify
themselves." Still "many" and "a great multitude" are not the same
thing. Besides, special purifications were not required before the
passover. The law said: "If any man of you or your generations
shall be unclean by reason of a dead body, or be on a journey afar
off, yet he shall keep the passover unto Jahweh" (Nu. ix, 10).
Moreover, Jn. xi, 55, could not explain the early arrival of Jesus.
He foresaw the fate that awaited him ; he had made up his mind to
bear the cross ; but he would hardly anticipate the fatal moment.
The right time for striking effectively at the chief priests was when
the pilgrims had arrived, that is to say, the afternoon of the last
day before the paschal lamb had to be prepared. Of course, as soon
as the true character of Jn. xi, 51-xii, 11, has been established, both
the phrase "on the morrow" and the expression "a great multitude"
of Jn. xii, 12, are quite correct. Jesus arrived and cleansed the
temple during the afternoon of the thirteenth of Nisan. The chief
priests and the Pharisees decided the same evening to put him to
death. The next morning a great multitude went forth to conduct
their champion in triumph to the temple.

The idea of going out to meet Jesus on the road and escort
him into the city and temple was conceived and executed by the
people. Neither Jesus nor his disciples suggested or arranged that
triumphal entry. They played throughout the whole affair a strictly

696 THE OPEN COURT.

passive part. It is necessary to call attention to that fact because
the Synoptic Gospels tell a different story.

The Johannine multitude went forth to salute Jesus as victor.
That is shown by the palm branches with which they were pro-
vided. The fronds of palm trees were the symbol of victory. They
are mentioned only in John. Likewise the definite article is not to
be overlooked. We read: "They took the branches of the palm
trees and went forth to meet him." The taking of the palm
branches was evidently a deliberate act, not a mere accident. Palm
trees are not found in the neighborhood of Jerusalem. The altitude
is too high for them. They do not thrive at an elevation of more
than 1,000 feet above sea-level. They grow in the seacoast plain
of Palestine and were raised in antiquity also in the Jordan valley
near Jericho. (Ant. xvii, 13, 1) The palm fronds could therefore
not have been picked up by the roadside. They must have been
taken along from the temple. We know from Lev. xxiii, 40, that
the Jews used palm branches at the feast of Tabernacles. But it is
very probable that this custom was extended also to the Passover
as well as Pentecost. One of the ancient rabbis, at least, writes:
"With the palm branches in your hand, ye Israelites appear before
the Eternal One as victors." Also Plummer (Internat, Crit. Com-
mentary, St. Luke, p. 498) assures us: "The waving of palm
branches was not confined to the feast of Tabernacles." The palm
branches, and especially the definite article, are such an intimate
feature that no later writer, interpolator or commentator could have
added it to the narrative.

Since the palm branches were taken along purposely, the great
multitude of pilgrims that sallied forth to meet Jesus must have
intended to greet him as victor. But a victory implies a preceding
fight. In what fight, had Jesus been victorious ? We know of no other
attack he made upon anyone except that upon the chief priests and
the scribes when he cleansed the temple. In that encounter he held
the field while the chief priests and their partners had to withdraw
in discomfiture. The pilgrims who had sided with Jesus had pre-
vented the chief priests from inflicting any harm upon him, mistook
that initial advantage for the final victory. They argued, very
likely, "As long as Jesus is in our midst, nobody shall lay hands
upon him."

From that point of view, the clause "when they heard that
Jesus was coming to Jerusalem" cannot refer to the first arrival
for the feast. His coming to the temple on the morning after the

THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. 697

cleansing must be meant. The Greek text reads "into Jerusalem."
That may be significant. Jesus and his disciples as well as the great
majority of pilgrims camped during the week of the feast outside
of the city, from where they came daily to attend the religious exer-
cises at the temple. Some enthusiastic admirers of Jesus must have
learned from the disciples where he was staying over night and by
what road he came to the city. That knowledge enabled them to
arrange the royal reception they gave him. The original text, how-
ever, may have been changed slightly by the compiler. That man,
as I presume, supposed the triumphal entry to have taken place on
the very day when Jesus arrived from Ephraim. That would fol-
low from Jn. xi. 55, and agree with the Synoptic tradition, with
which the compiler was familiar.

The great multitude went forth, according to verse 13, with

their palm branches to salute and honor Jesus not only as victor

but also as the Messiah. For they hailed him :

"Hosanna !

Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord,

Even the king of Israel!"

What could have prompted the people to acclaim thus in pub-
lic the Messianic mission of Jesus? His teaching alone could not
have caused them to do so. For thereby he had demonstrated only
that he was a great prophet. The Messiah indeed was expected to
possess the spirit of prophecy and know the will of God even better
than the greatest prophets of old. But that spiritual gift alone could
not prove his Messiahship. Neither could the miracles ascribed to
Jesus establish any royal claims. For prophets of past ages like
Elijah had performed similar deeds. Moreover, the signs of the
Fourth Gospel do not belong to the oldest Johannine source which
relates only the passion of Jesus. All references to those signs be-
long to the compiler. The Messiah, besides being a great prophet,
was expected in the first place to do Messianic deeds. The Fourth
Gospel reports only one such deed. That is the Cleansing of the
Temple. An ordinary mortal would never have dared to do that.
It presupposed the consciousness of royal. Messianic authority
which surpassed that of the priests. Anybody might have criti-
cized the chief priests most severely, but nobody would have dared
to interfere actually with their business in the temple and with the
sale of victims that were devoted to God. The people recognized
that instantly. They understood at once what Jesus meant with
his question about the baptism of John.

698 THE OPEN COURT.

The royal reception which the pilgrims gave to Jesus was their
answer to the Challenge of the Chief Priests and the Pharisees.
Jesus, as the Messiah, had called them to repentance and urged them
to renounce their selfish greed. The people saw that as clearly as
they themselves did; but while the latter decided to kill him, the
former ranged themselves with unbounded enthusiasm at his side.
He was the long-expected Savior. They went forth to give ex-
pression to their conviction in an unmistakable manner for the
purpose not only of honoring Je us but also of bringing to bear the
pressure of public opinion upon his opponents.

While Jesus was being escorted into the city, there happened
an incident of little importance in itself. Jesus and his disciples
were, of course, walking afoot when the multitude met them. Get-
ting ready to march back with Jesus in their midst, the thought
occurred to them how little it became Jesus to enter the holy city
like any other poor pilgrim. Looking around, they found a little
ass whose owner consented to put it at the disposal of Jesus.
Neither Jesus and his disciples nor the multitude paid any special
attention to that occurrence at the time being. Only later on they
remembered a saying of the prophet Zechariah which had been
fulfilled literally. Jn. xii, 14-1(), says : "J^sus, having found a
young ass, sat thereon ; as it is written,

Fear not, daughter of Zion :
Behold, thy king cometh.
Sitting on an ass's colt.
These things understood not his disciples at the first : but when
Jesus was glorified, then remembered they that these things were
written of him, and that they had done these things unto him."

The words quoted show that neither Jesus nor his disciples
were responsible for the episode of the ass. "They," that is to
say, the mutltitude or the leaders of the multitude took the initia-
tive.

The Synoptic version of the Triumphal Entry is very different
from the Johannine account. It is found Mt. xxi, 1-11 — 15-16;
Mk. xi, 1-11, and Lk. xix, 29-40. It does not follow the cleansing
of the temple but precedes that event. The very first sentence
with which the narrative begins in the first two Gospels shows
very distinctly that the triumph was celebrated right at the arrival
of Jesus for the Passover before he had been in the city and temple.
Mt. xxi, 1, reads: "And when they drew nigh unto Jerusalem."

THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. 699

In the preceding paragraph (Mt. xx, 39-3i) Jesus passes through
Jericho on his way to Jerusalem.

Also the place whence Jesus started his ostentatious procession
is named. Matthew tells us : "and came unto Bethphage unto the
Mount of Olives''; Mark: "unto Bethphage and Bethany at the
Mount of Olives,'' and Luke: "when he drew nigh unto Bethphage
and Bethany at the so-called Mount of Olives." Why the First
Gospel has omitted the second village is not difficult to see. The
Greek translator employed by mistake a wrong preposition for ren-
dering the preposition of the Semitic text. He wrote "came into
Bethphage." As a person can enter not more than one village at
the same time, he felt constrained to omit "and Bethany." But the
Hebrew preposition here in question means as a rule with verbs of
motion like go and come "to" or "towards." That is confirmed also
by verse 2, where Jesus directs two of his disciples: "Go into the
village that is over against you." Jesus had not entered Bethphage
nor intended to do so. Therefore Jesus may have stopped in the
neighborhood of two villages before he rode into Jerusalem.

All three Gospels have Jesus order two of his disciples to fetch
him an ass from Bethphage. He wanted to fulfill literally an old
prophecy (Zech. ix, 9). We are told so Mt. xxi, 4 f. That
passage is indeed a gloss, because it is not supported by Mark and
Luke. But even if it is dropped, the fact remains Jesus in all three
Gospels makes deliberate preparations for going into Jerusalem
just as the prophet had described it. The very act of riding on the
back of an ass proclaimed Jesus to all who knew him as the
Messiah.

The translator of the Matthew version committed another
linguistic error when he translated the just-mentioned prophecy
into Greek. He discovered therein two different animals, an ass
and a colt of an ass. He was not acquainted with the character-
istic peculiarity of Hebrew poetry to repeat a statement in other
words, called parallelism of members. The prophet had written :

"riding on an ass,

even upon a colt,

the foal of an ass.''
That means the king rode upon a young donkey. But our inter-
preter made the disciples bring an ass and a colt. They not only
put their garments upon both, but even made Jesus ride upon both
at the same time, as if he had been an equestrian performer. The

700 THE OPEN COURT.

translators of the Mark and Luke text did not make that mistake.
There the disciples obtain but one animal.

As soon as Jesus had identified himself in that manner with
the Messiah of Zechariah, the disciples started an ovation, designed
to call the attention of the pilgrims to what was going on and en-
lighten them as to its true import. They spread their garments on
the way and saluted Jesus as "the king that cometh in the name of
the Lord." (Lk. xix, 37 and 39). The second Gospel reports the
same thing. Only one addition is made. Besides the garments,
leaves, cut from the fields, were strewed upon the road for Jesus
to ride over. The disciples are not mentioned expressly; but as no
other subject is introduced, the "many" and "others" of Mk. xi, 8,
must belong to the same group of people as the "they" of verse 7.
Of course, the term "disciples" embraces under those circumstances
all the adherents of Jesus that were present. That is indicated
perhaps also by the expression "the whole multitude of the disci-
ples" of Lk. xix, 37. According to Matthew, the disciples, that is
to say, the Twelve, only secured the ass for Jesus and put their
garments upon him; everything else is done by "the multitudes."
As they are thus distinguished from the disciples, the term must
denote the pilgrims that happened to be traveling along with Jesus
and his twelve companions. It reads : "The most part of the mul-
titude spread their garments in the way ; and others cut branches
from the trees and spread them in the way ; and the multitudes that
went before him and that followed, cried, saying, Hosanna," etc.
(Mt. xxi, 8 f.) When, at last, they had marched into the temple,
and the grown people had become quiet, the children still continued
to shout: "Hosanna to the Son of David!" (verse 15). The three
Synoptic accounts form a climax. The ascent from Luke through
Mark to Matthew is quite conspicuous. One is tempted to consider
"the whole multitude" of Lk. xix, 37, as a later addition to the text,
suggested by Matthew. According to Luke, only garments were
placed in the road like rugs for Jesus to ride over. Mark adds
leaves cut from the fields. The Greek noun rendered in the Ameri-
can Revised Version "branches" (Mk. xi, 8) means a bed of straw,
rushes, or leaves whether spread loose or stuffed into a mattress.
The first Gospel has: "Others cut branches from the trees." (Mt.
xxi, 8) That is doubtless unhistorical. Branches would not have
made the road any smoother. Besides, nobody would have thought
of depriving in the vicinity of Jerusalem trees of their branches, be-

THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. " 701

cause trees are rare in that region. Thus the most simple account,
that of Luke, seems to be the most original of the three.

But even the Luke account, though superior to that of Mark
and Matthew, contains highly improbable statements. Jesus tells
the disciples, who were to fetch the ass for him, they would find
in Bethphage "a. colt tied whereon no man ever sat." He also in-
structs them as to what they should say if anybody should try to
prevent them from taking the animal along. Neither Jesus nor
his disciples were acquainted with the owners of the ass. Jesus
therefore must have possessed the gift of the second sight, and the
owners must have been influenced by supernatural means to hold
their colt in readiness for two men who were to claim it in the name
of the Lord.

It would be silly to reject anything related about Jesus simply
because it looks like a miracle. Still supernatural things do not
exactly lighten the task of the exegete. But any explanation of the
Synoptic pericope of the Triumphal Entry presents unsurmountable
difficulties as soon as it is placed side by side with the Johannine
account of the same event. The Synoptic Gospels date the Entry
before, the Fourth Gospel after the Cleansing of the Temple. The
former makes Jesus the arranger of the whole demonstration, and
Luke confines it to the disciples ; the latter describes the triumph as
arranged exclusively by the people without previous knowledge and
consent of Jesus and his disciples. The donkey which plays so
prominent a part in the Synoptic Gospels is merely an accident in
the Fourth Gospel. As the two versions are directly opposed to
each other in their principal details, only one of them can be gen-
uine.

The Johannine account presents not a single objectionable fea-
ture. Jesus acts as he acted before. He does not violate any of his
well-known principles. He did not make a bid for the applause of
the people; he simply accepted it when it was ofi^ered to him un-
sought although by doing so he sealed his fate. The Synoptic Jesus
acts in an altogether different way. He proclaims his divine mission
to the multitude of pilgrims who ascended to Jerusalem with him.
It was quite a theatrical performance. Still up to that moment, he
had concealed his identity most carefully and had even forbidden
his disciples to tell the people who he was. He wanted the people
to recognize him as the Messiah themselves. Jesus can never have
renounced that principle and advertised himself like a charlatan.
Thus the Fourth Gospel alone has preserved the authentic account

702 THE OPEN COURT.

of The Triumphal Entry. The parallel tale of the oldest synoptic
source was lost by some accident. But the compiler of the first
synoptic memoirs possessed a legendary version of that event, in-
serting it, however, in the wrong place. That apocryphal version
may even have induced him to omit the original story of his best
source because, in his opinion, it was too plain and too short. Con-
sequently, we have to insist with the Johannine account that the
Triumphal Entry of Jesus, as arranged and managed by the people
on their own responsibility, is the answer of the people to the chal-
lenge of the chief priests by Jesus.

That answer proved disastrous for Jesus. His mortal enemies
needed the active co-operation of Pontius Pilate unless they wanted
to employ hired assassins. A public crucifixion by order of the
Roman governor was, of course, more desirable and safer than
secret murder. It would look like a swift judgment of God because
Jesus had rebelled against the priests. But Pilate would only pro-
ceed against Jesus if he had become convinced of the dangerous
character of the man from Nazareth as an enemy of the Pax
Romana.

Under these circumstances, nothing could be more welcome to
the priests and scribes than the enthusiastic demonstration of the
people in favor of Jesus. They passed the Antonia when entering
the temple, and that citadel must have been the Praetorium of
Matthew, Mark and John. Many scholars indeed regard the pal-
ace of Herod as the official residence of the governor. They do so
because he occupied the palace of Herod at Caesarea. (Act. xxiii,
35) But there is a great difference between Jerusalem and Caesarea.
Within the walls of the latter, the Roman governor was absolutely
safe and would inhabit as a matter of course the most pretentious
building. At Jerusalem, where he was only during the great fes-
tivals, he was in a hostile camp. His task was to prevent or to sup-
press any outbreak against the Roman authority. Not personal
comfort and splendor but exclusively military considerations pre-
scribed his place of business. He was compelled to be at the strat-
egic point. As the temple was the only place where a revolt might
start, the Antonia, a strong fort at the northwest angle of the tem-
ple, which commanded the entire temple area, was the Praetorium
at Jerusalem. It offered ample room for a large garrison, was safe
from attack from without, and gave "immediate access to the flat
courts and to the inner Temple." Thus Pilate, his officers and
soldiers always knew what was going on in the temple. In the

THE CHALLENGE OF JESUS. 703

given instance, the guards, many of whom were recruited in Syria
and Palestine, would report that a man riding on an ass was ac-
claimed by a large multitude as the Son of David, the king of the
Jews. Pontius Pilate himself would in all probability come out to
watch the scene. In any case, he would send at once to the high
priest for information and advice. That worthy dignitary had only
to confirm the suspicions of the governor and promise to have the
pretender arrested during the next night so that he could be cruci-
fied in the morning without the knowledge of his adherents.

The high priest was not even compelled to resort to lies. All
he had to do was to assure the Roman of his undying loyalty and
devotion and complain of the attack made by the Galilean upon
himself the day before. His wrong consisted simply in not telling
the whole truth. But truthfulness is not to be expected from men
of his caliber. For the whole truth would have indicted himself
and his colleagues. They had abused their sacerdotal office to
further their own unsavory ends. They were guilty of atheism and
robbery and were ready to crown their misdeeds, unpardonable for
men in their position, with the judicial murder of him who had
dared to warn them.

704

THE OPEN COURT.

CREED.

BY CHARLES SLOAN REID.

Consenting not, consulted not, I came,

What then am I? A simple pawn of fate
That accident of birth alone might claim

For prince or pauper, saint or profligate.
With knowledge of my whence to me denied.
With mystery my pathway shrouding o'er,
How then shall I my whither's hope decide?

Or seek beyond this sphere in thought to soar?
The Force that formed the mammoth in his time,

The cuttle-fish, the sponge, the coral reef.
The chambered molusk in his home of slime,

The smallest germ, the crystal, and the leaf,
No revelation yet hath vouchsafed man,

Though book and legend would proclaim it so ;
But, loving good, I trust, nor fear to span
The final breach, presuming naught to know.

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Books by Dr. Paul Carus.

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GOETHE. A sympathetic study of one of the most notable men in
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de luxe. Illustrated in old Buddhist style by O. Kopetsky.

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BALDER'S DEATH AND LOKE'S PUNISHMENT. By Cornelia
Steketee Hulst. A Poem on Norse Mythology. Illustrated.

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WANDERINGS IN THE ORIENT. By Albert M. Reese. A
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The Belief in God and Immortality

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FIRST COURSE

IN

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AT DURHAM UNIVERSITY

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The Philosophical Writings of
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A Short History of
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intelligent", says the great French scholar, Gabriel Monod, "an ever larger
place is given to the study of religious beliefs, doctrines, and institutions".
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Protestant communions, that the eucharistic bread and wine were mere
symbols. After the heat of the sixteenth-century controversies, Zwinglian or
rationalist views were quietly adopted by most Christians, though here and
there high sacramentalism survived or was revived.

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planation of much that is most delicate and important Jn the history of
Christianity.

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