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VOL.  XXIX  (No.  9)  SEPTEMBER,  1915 NO.  712 

CONTENTS: 


PACK 


Frontispiece.    Jikokuten,  Guardian  of  the  East. 

Fudo-Myowo  (Illustrated).    Daisetz  Teitaro  Suzuki  513 

Carlyle  and  the  War.    Marshall  Kelly 527 

Hyphenation  Justified.     Paul  Carus  557 

A  Chronicle  of  Unparalleled  Infamies.    An  Open  Letter  to  Dr.  Paul  Carus 

(With  Editorial  Reply) 562 

Mm  Farmer  and  Greenacre 572 

Jikokuten,  Guardian  of  the  East  (With  Illustration) 572 

The  Lotus  Gospel 574 

Book  Reviews  and  Notes 575 


The  Fragments  of  Empedocles 

By  WILLIAM  ELLERY  LEONARD 

A  reconstruction  of  Empedocles's  system  of  creation.  Greek-English  text. 
"There  is  no  real  creation  or  annihilation  in  the  universal  round  of  things. 
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Aesop  and  Hyssop 

By  WILLIAM  ELLERY  LEONARD 
Fables  adapted  and  original,  in  a  variety  of  verse  forms,  picturesque, 
lively,  and  humorous  in  phrasing,  with  a  moral,  fresh  in  wisdom  and 
succinct  in  expression,  pleasingly  appended  to  each.  Profitable  for  amuse- 
ment and  doctrine  in  nursery  and  study.  Cloth,  $1.50 

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JIKOKUTEN,  GUARDIAN  OF  THE  EAST. 
From  a  terra  cotta  in  the  Todaji  temple  at  Nara   (8th  century). 


Frontispiece  to  The  Open  Court. 


The  Open  Court 

A  MONTHLY  MAGAZINE 

Devoted  to  the  Science  of  Religion,  the  Religion  of  Science,  and 
the  Extension  of  the  Religious  Parliament  Idea. 

VOL.  XXIX.  (No.  9)  SEPTEMBER,   1915  NO.  712 

Copyright  by  The  Open  Court  Publishing  Company,  191 5 


FUDO-MYOWO. 


BY  DAISETZ  TEITARO  SUZUKI. 

FROM  the  earliest  days  of  Buddhism  in  Japan,  one  of  the  most 
popular  gods  is  found  to  be  Fudo,  whose  Sanskrit  name  is 
Achala,  the  Immovable.  His  name  and  his  general  features  and 
attitude  suggest  the  fierceness  of  his  original  character.  One  might 
think  that  such  a  terrible-looking  god  could  represent  only  evil, 
destroying  every  vestige  of  goodness  in  the  world.  But  in  fact  he 
is  worshiped  as  one  who  will  grant  his  devotees  all  the  worldly 
advantages  that  they  may  ask  of  him.  Hence  his  extreme  popu- 
larity. 

According  to  the  Shingon  sect,  he  is  the  central  figure  of  the 
five  Vidyarajas  (lords  of  magic^)  or  Krodharajas  (gods  of  wrath), 
and  is  considered  a  manifestation  of  Vairochana  Buddha  himself 
(Dainichi-).  His  original  vow,  that  is,  his  samaya,  (every  super- 
natural being  is  supposed  to  have  made  some  kind  of  vow  in  the 
beginning  of  his  existence,)  was  to  remove  all  possible  obstacles 
which  lie  in  the  way  of  Buddhism. 

'  Ordinarily,  five  or  eight  Vidyarajas  are  mentioned,  though  there  are  some 
more  belonging  to  this  class  of  gods.  The  five  most  commonly  grouped  are 
Yamantaka  (Dai-itok),  Trailokyavijaya  (Gosanze),  Achala  (Fud5),  Vajra- 
yaksha  (Kongo-yasha),  and  Kundali  (Gundari).  They  all  seem  to  represent 
Shiva  in  his  destructive  form.  Theoretically  speaking,  every  Buddha  or 
Bodhisattva  has  his  Krodhakaya,  his  angry  expression,  as  well  as  his  female 
counterpart ;  but  the  number  of  the  known  gods  of  wrath  is  less  than  that  of 
the  Buddhas. 

^  Dainichi,  the  great  illuminator  of  the  universe,  is,  according  to  the  Shin- 
gon, the  central  figure  of  the  world-system.  It  is  through  him  that  all  exist- 
ence is  made  possible,  and  that  life  can  be  enjoyed  in  its  purity  though  filled 
with  various  defilements.  That  Fud5  came  to  play  such  an  important  role  in 
the  pantheon  of  Buddhism  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  of  his  being  an  incar- 
nation of  this  all-powerful  godhead,  Vairochana.  But  some  sutras  consider 
him  a  manifestation  of  another  Buddha. 


514 


THE  OPEN  COURT. 


AN  IMAGE  OF  DAINICHI  (VAIROCHANA). 

The  Buddha  is  here  attended  by  Fud5  (Achala)  and  Kwannon  (Avalokitesh- 

vara).     From  the  Shimpuku-ji,  Kyoto. 


FUDO-MYOWO.  515 

In  one  of  the  kalpas^  concerning  the  worship  of  this  god,  we 
are  told  how  to  represent  him  in  a  picture:  "Paint  Achala  the  Mes- 
senger* on  good  silk,'^  put  on  him  a  red  garment  worn  across  the 
body,  and  his  skirt  too  should  be  red.  One  braid  of  his  hair  hangs 
down  over  his  left  ear.  He  looks  somewhat  squintingly  with  his 
left  eye.  A  rope  is  in  his  left  hand,  and  a  sword  is  held  upright  in 
his  right.  The  top  of  the  sword  resembles  a  lotus-flower,  and  on 
its  handle  there  is  a  jeweled  decoration.^  He  sits  on  a  rock  made 
of  precious  stones.  His  eyebrows  are  lifted,  and  his  eyes  expressing 
anger  are  such  as  to  frighten  all  sentient  beings.  The  color  of  his 
body  is  red  and  yellow.  When  you  have  thus  painted  the  god, 
take  the  picture  to  the  bank  of  a  river  or  to  the  seashore,^  where 
he  should  be  enshrined  according  to  the  established  formula."^ 

^  Rules  of  ritual,  forming  a  special  class  in  the  body  of  Buddhist  literature. 
They  are  known  in  Japan  as  Himitsu-Giki,  mystic  rules  of  worship. 

*  His  title  is  sometimes  "messenger,"  sometimes  "lord  of  magic,"  but  some- 
times simply  "the  honorable."  In  these  may  be  traced  various  stages  of  the 
historical  development  of  the  god. 

°  This  is  not  always  required.  To  make  the  prayer  especially  efficacious 
for  the  suppression  of  evil  doers,  the  devotee  may  paint  the  god  with  his  own 
blood  on  cloth  taken  from  a  grave.  It  is  sometimes  recommended  to  paint 
him  on  any  good  cloth. 

°  In  none  of  his  pictures  so  far  I  have  come  across  is  this  observed. 

^  Hence  his  association  with  waterfalls  and  springs. 

^  This  is  taken  from  the  book  containing  the  "Mystic  Rites  of  the  Dharani 
of  Achala  the  Messenger."  A  little  further  down,  however,  we  have  a  some- 
what different  description  of  the  god.  He  is  now  to  be  reddish-yellow,  wear- 
ing a  blue  garment  across  the  body,  but  still  with  a  red  skirt.  His  left-side 
braid  is  the  color  of  a  black  cloud.  The  features  are  boyish.  A  vajra  (thun- 
derbolt) is  in  his  right  hand  and  a  rope  in  his  left.  From  both  ends  of  his 
mouth  his  tusks  are  slightly  visible.  His  angry  eyes  are  red.  Enveloped  in 
flames  he  sits  on  a  hill  of  stone. 

In  the  Trisamaya-achala-kalpa  (there  are  two  versions  of  this  book,  one 
in  three  volumes  and  the  other  in  one),  the  god  is  supposed  to  wear  a  skirt 
of  the  color  of  red  earth  and  sits  on  a  lotus-flower.  In  another  place  he  holds 
a  vajra,  not  a  sword,  in  his  right  hand  and  a  sacred  staff  in  his  left.  The 
eyes  are  somewhat  reddish,  and  his  whole  person  is  enveloped  in  flames. 

These  representations,  though  differing  more  or  less  in  detail,  are  essen- 
tially alike.  Quite  another  form  of  the  god  is  described  in  the  "Book  of  Rites 
concerning  the  Ten  Gods  of  Wrath"  as  follows :  "He  has  a  squinting  eye 
boyish  features,  six  arms  and  three  faces  each  of  which  has  three  eyes,  and 
he  wears  boyish  personal  ornaments.  The  front  face  is  smiling ;  the  right  is 
yellowish,  with  the  tongue  sticking  out,  the  color  of  which  is  bloody;  the 
left  face  is  white,  has  an  angry  expression,  uttering  the  sound  "hum."  The 
color  of  the  body  is  blue;  the  feet  rest  on  a  lotus-flower  and  on  the  hill  of 
precious  stones.  He  stands  with  a  dancer's  attitude,  and  has  power  to  keep 
away  all  evil  ones.  The  entire  person  wrapped  in  flames  has  a  circle  of  rays 
about  it  like  the  sun.  The  first  right  hand  has  a  sword,  the  second  a  vajra, 
the  third  an  arrow.  Of  the  left  hands  the  first  holds  a  rope  with  the  thumb 
standing,  the  second  the  Prajiiaparamita  Sutra,  and  the  third  a  bow.  The 
god  wears  a  Buddha  crown  which  is  the  symbol  of  Akshobhya  Buddha. 

There  are  some  other  forms  of  the  god,  more  or  less  unlike  the  foregoing 
ones,  but  I  will  not  go  into  details  here.  Suffice  it  to  state  in  a  general  way 
that  he  assumes   different   features   according  to  the   different   purposes   for 


516  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

This  is  the  way  Fudo  is  generally  painted,  and  in  most  modern 
pictures  or  images  of  him  we  see  flames  enveloping  his  whole  body, 
which  is  blue ;"  and  the  seat  on  which  he  sits  or  stands  is  not  always 
decorated  with  gems  ;  it  may  be  merely  a  huge  block  of  stone,  or  a 
sort  of  tiled  pedestal.  His  forehead  has  in  most  cases  some  wrinkles 
in  the  form  of  waves,  which  is  in  accord  with  the  description  in  the 
"Vairochana  Sutra." 

The  meaning  of  all  these  various  symbols  is  explained  as  fol- 
lows in  the  introductory  part  of  the  Trisatnaya-achala-kalpa  (the 
three-volume  version)  :  "There  is  a  deep  significance  in  his  being 
one-eyed,"  for  this  is  the  symbol  of  the  utmost  ugliness,  and  com- 
pels Achala  to  think  of  his  own  shortcomings  and  defects  which 
stand  in  such  contrast  to  the  noble,  perfect  and  superior  features 
of  the  Buddha.  Furthermore,  this  ugliness  tends  to  frighten  away 
evil  beings.  The  seven  knots  on  the  top  of  his  head  signify  the  seven 
branches  of  bodhi,  wisdom.  One  braid  of  hair  hanging  down  his 
left  shoulder  typifies  his  merciful  heart,  which  is  sensitive  to  the 
sufferings  of  all  lowly  and  much-neglected  beings.  .  .  .The  sword  in 
his  right  hand  is  meant  to  wage  war  against  evils  in  the  same  way 
as  a  worldly  warrior  fights  against  his  enemy.  The  rope  in  his 
left  is  to  bind  those  devils  whose  unruly  spirits  have  to  be  kept 
under  control  by  the  Buddha's  restraining  hands.  The  rock  on 
which  he  sits  is  the  symbol  of  his  character,  that  is,  immovability. 
Like  the  mountain  pacifying  the  tumultuous  waves  of  the  great 
ocean,  the  rock  represents  the  eternal  calmness  of  the  mind.  It 
also  represents  spiritual  treasure  as  the  mine  conceals  in  its  bosom 
precious  metals  and  stones.  The  fire  enveloping  the  deity  signifies 
the  burning  up  of  all  the  impurities  that  are  attached  to  the  human 
heart." 

Another  interpretation  of  Fudo  appears  in  I-Hsing's  "Com- 
mentary on  the  Vairochana  Sutra"  (Vol.  V,  pp.  46f.)  :  "This  god 
has  in  a  long  past  attained  his  Buddhahood  upon  the  lotus  ped- 
estal of  Vairochana ;  but  owing  to  his  original  vow  he  now  mani- 
fests himself  in  his  early  imperfect  form,  which  he  had  at  the 
time   of   the   first   awakening   of*  his   great   heart.      Becoming   the 

which  his  help  is  invoked.  For  instance,  when  he  is  requested  to  suppress  the 
enemy,  his  body  is  to  be  painted  yellow,  with  four  faces  and  four  arms.  Sharp 
tusks  are  protruding  from  the  mouth.  His  expression  of  anger  is  most  intense, 
and  encircled  in  burning  flames  his  attitude  is  such  as  to  make  one  think  that 
he  is  going  at  once  to  devour  an  entire  army  of  the  enemy. 

*This  tallies  with  the  "Rites  of  the  Ten  Gods"  as  well  as  with  Vajrapani's 
description  of  the  god  in  his  "Sutra  on  the  Baptism  of  Light." 

"In  the  foregoing  descriptions,  squinting;  but  in  some  images  both  eyes 
look  in  the  same  direction. 


FUDO-MYOWO.  517 

Tathagata's  servant  and  messenger,  he  is  engaged  in  various  menial 
works.  He  holds  a  sharp  sword  and  a  rope  in  his  hands  in  obedience 
to  the  Tathagata's  wrathful  commands  to  destroy  all  sentient  be- 
ings.^ ^  The  rope  represents  the  four  practical  methods  of  preaching, 
woven  out  of  the  heart  of  knowledge  [bodhichitta].  The  rope  will 
ensnare  unruly  ones  and  keep  them  in  check.  The  sharp  sword 
of  wisdom  is  to  cut  off  the  interminable  life  of  karma  possessed 


FUDO   IMAGE  AT   KOYASAN. 
Koyasan  is  the  sacred  place  of  the  Shingon  sect. 

by  unruly  spirits,  in  order  to  let  them  obtain  a  great  transcendental 
existence.  When  karma's  seed  of  life  is  removed,  all  idle  windy 
talk  will  come  to  a  final  end.  Therefore  the  god  tightly  closes  his 
mouth.  The  reason  why  he  sees  with  one  eye  only,  is  to  show 
that  when  the  Tathagata  looks  about  with  his  eye  of  sameness^- 

"  Meaning  "every  evil  tendency  to  be  found  in  us." 

"  In  another  place  this  is  understood  as  meaning  the  uniqueness  of  the 
Buddha's  spiritual  eye-sight  which  is  one,  and  not  two  nor  three. 


518  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

there  is  not  a  sentient  being  who  is  to  be  forgiven.  Therefore,  in 
whatever  work  this  god  is  concerned,  his  whole  object  is  to  accom- 
plish this.  His  firm  position  on  the  pile  of  huge  stones  signifies  the 
immovable  spirit  with  which  he  works  for  the  confirmation  of  the 
pure  heart  of  knowledge." 

Fudo  in  fact  is  the  incarnation  of  obedience,  faithfulness,  and 
loyalty.  He  becomes  the  messenger  of  Vairochana,  for  he  wishes 
to  perform  for  him  the  servile  duties  of  transmitting  the  august 
orders  and  messages  of  his  lordship.  As  he  is  commanded,  he  goes 
among  the  poor  as  well  as  the  noble ;  he  makes  no  discrimination, 
and  his  only  anxiety  is  to  execute  all  the  offices,  whether  good  or 
bad,  entrusted  to  him  by  Vairochana.  He  therefore  symbolizes 
all  the  good  virtues  of  a  slave.  The  knots  of  hair  hanging  on  the 
left  side  of  his  head  denote  the  number  of  generations  of  the  master 
whom  he  has  served.  The  lotus-flower  on  his  head^'  is  the  vehicle 
on  which  he  will  convey  his  master  to  the  other  shore  of  life  eternal, 
that  is,  to  the  Pure  Land.  In  his  menial  capacity  he  will  most  faith- 
fully serve  his  worshipers  who  are  at  the  same  time  his  masters. 
I  am  told  that  the  reason  his  left  eye  looks  in  a  difi^erent  direction 
from  the  right,  is  because  this  is  a  noticeable  peculiarity  among  the 
servile  class. 

In  the  Trisamaya-achala-kalpa  (one- volume  version),  we  are 
adviced  to  "make  an  ofii'ering  to  this  holy  one  with  a  part  of  our 
own  food  and  drink.  As  his  original  vow  is  to  give  himself  up  to 
lovingkindness,  he  is  willing  to  serve  all  those  who  hold  and  recite 
his  mantrams  \^*  his  desire  is  to  enslave  himself,  as  we  may  see  from 
his  one-eyed  form.  He  accepts  our  left-off  food  and  if  we  thus 
remember  him  at  each  meal  will  be  sure  to  protect  us  against  the 
evil  demons  including  Vinayaka  (Ganesha)  and  will  remove  for 
us  whatever  obstacles  or  difficulties  we  may  be  encountering." 

The  following  story  is  told  of  Fudo  in  I-Hsing's  "Commentary 
on  the  Vairochana  Sutra"  (Vol.  IX;  Chap.  3,  "On  the  Removal 
of  Obstacles")  :  When  the  Tathagata  received  enlightenment  all 
the  sentient  beings  in  the  universe  came  to  greet  him,  except  the 
great  lord  of  the  heavens,  Maheshvara.  who  was  too  proud  to  come 
and  salute  the  Buddha.  Thereupon,  Achala  was  despatched  to 
summon  him  to  earth.  But  the  lord  of  the  heavens  surrounded 
himself,  though  quite  unbecoming  to  his  dignity,  with  all  sorts  of 
filthy  things  so  that  nobody  would  dare  approach  him ;  for,  how- 

"  This  lotus-flower  is  not  mentioned  anywhere  in  the  kalpas  in  connection 
with  the  worship  of  this  god. 
"  Mystical  verse. 


FUDO-MYOWO. 


519 


ever  proficient  one  may  be  in  magic  arts,  filth  is  supposed  to  be 
the  most  efficient  means  of  disenchantment.     Achala  was  not  to  be 


SYMBOLICAL  REPRESENTATION  OF  FUDO. 
From  a  figure  in  the  Musee  Guimet. 


disheartened.      All   the   filth    was    immediately    devoured   and   dis- 
posed of.     Seven  times  the  lord  refused  to  listen  to  the  protest  of 


520  .THE  OPEN   COURT. 

Achala,  saying  that  he  was  the  supreme  master  of  the  heavens  and 
had  no  cause  to  yield  to  any  one's  request.  But  the  divine  mes- 
senger proved  to  be  more  than  a  match  for  the  haughty  lord ;  for 
he  firmly  set  his  left  foot  upon  the  half-moon  on  the  forehead  of 
the  lord  himself,  w^hile  his  right  foot  was  placed  on  that  of  the 
noble  consort.  Both  expired  under  the  pressure,  but  in  the  mean- 
time they  realized  the  significance  of  the  holy  doctrine  as  disclosed 
by  the  Buddha,  and  were  promised  their  future  attainment  of 
Buddhahood.  This  explains  the  meaning  of  certain  pictures  of 
Fudo  in  which  he  is  depicted  as  stamping  on  two  figures,  male 
and  female. 

Fudo  is  commonly  found  attended  by  two  figures  and  less  fre- 
quently by  eight ;  but  his  attendants  are  said  sometimes  to  be  as 
many  as  thirty-six  or  forty-eight.  When  there  are  two  attendants, 
the  one  standing  on  his  left,  a  young  boy,  is  called  Kinkara,  and 
the  other  to  the  right  who  looks  like  a  malicious  demon  is  Chetaka. 
According  to  the  "Mystic  Rites  concerning  the  Eight  Boy-Atten- 
dants to  the  Holy  Lord  of  the  Immovable,"  Kinkara  is  a  boy  of 
about  fifteen  years  and  wears  a  lotus  crown.  His  body  is  white. 
His  hands  are  folded  together  and  between  the  forefingers  and  the 
thumbs  he  holds  a  vajra}'^'  crosswise.  He  wears  a  celestial  garment 
as  well  as  a  Buddhist  robe.  The  other  boy,  Chetaka,  is  of  a  red 
lotus  color,  and  his  hair  is  tied  in  five  knots.  In  his  left  hand  there 
is  a  vajra  and  in  his  right  a  vajra  staft".  As  he  cherishes  anger 
and  evil  thoughts,  he  does  not  wear  a  Buddhist  robe  but  a  celestial 
garment  only  which  hangs  about  his  neck  and  shoulders.  But  in 
most  of  the  popular  pictures  Kinkara  holds  a  lotus-flower.  He 
embodies  wisdom  whereas  Chetaka  means  bliss. 

Fudo  sometimes  is  represented  in  the  form  of  a  sword  around 
which  is  entwined  a  dragon  or  serpent  holding  the  triangular  point 
of  the  sword  in  its  mouth.  This  is  known  as  Kurikara  Fudo  and 
is  supposed  to  be  the  symbolical  representation  of  the  god.  But 
there  is  apparently  a  confusion  here,  for  Kurikara,  who  is  a  king 
of  the  Nagas  or  dragons  and  who  seems  to  be  identical  with  the 
Sanskrit  Kalika,  is  one  of  the  eight  attendants  and  is  probably  to 
be  identified  with  Anavadapta. 

There  are  many  variations  of  Fudo  partly  because  various 
legends  are  connected  with  his  life,  and  partly  because  the  artist 
or  worshiper  is  free  to  have  a  figure  of  the  god  as  he  has  con- 
ceived him  in  vision  or  otherwise.  Still  another  cause  of  variation, 
and  a  strong  one,  is  his  extreme  popularity. 

"  This  thunderbolt  becomes  the  magic  wand  of  Tibetan  Buddhism. 


FUDO-MYOWO. 


521 


TRADITIONAL  TYPES  OF  FUDO. 


522  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

This  god  is  associated  with  the  waterfall,  and  his  image  is 
generally  carved  in  a  rock  near  one.  The  devotee  bathes  himself 
in  the  flowing  water  as  a  token  of  purification,  while  devoutly  offer- 
ing his  prayers  to  the  flame-enveloped  deity.  In  Tokyo  there  are 
many  Buddhist  temples  dedicated  to  Fudo,  and  one  of  the  most 
famous  is  that  at  Fukagawa  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  Sumida. 
In  the  midst  of  the  cold  season,  many  earnest  followers  of  the 
god,  men  and  women,  can  be  seen  bathing  in  the  waterfalls  which 
have  been  artificially  constructed  there  for  the  purpose.  Prayers 
thus  offered  during  the  cold  season  are  considered  to  be  especially 
efficacious.  In  former  days,  all  these  bathers  were  naked,  but  the 
authorities  do  not  permit  this  now. 

Almost  all  the  temples  in  Japan  issue  what  is  known  as  an 
ofuda,  "an  honorable  tablet"  or  slip,  or  omamori,  "an  honorable 
guard,"  of  various  kinds.  This  is  generally  a  piece  of  paper  (or 
sometimes  a  wooden  board),  oblong  and  varying  in  size,  ordinarily 
from  about  1x3  to  about  7x15  inches,  on  which  is  printed  the 
image  of  a  Buddha,  a  Bodhisattva  or  one  of  the  gods,  but  frequently 
merely  a  Sanskrit  character  or  phrase,  or  some  words  of  prayer 
which  have  been  ofl^ered  on  behalf  of  the  devotee.  This  omamori 
is  supposed  to  have  the  power  to  ward  off  evil  spirits  if  a  man 
carries  it  about  him  or  pastes  it  up  on  the  entrance  door  of  his 
residence  or  on  the  wall.  Some  omamoris  or  of udas  will  even  keep 
burglars  away  from  one's  house ;  some  will  protect  the  silkworm 
from  an  epidemic,  while  others  may  insure  the  safe  delivery  of  a 
child.  These  are  only  a  few  of  the  things  promised  by  the  Bud- 
dhist gods  or  rather  by  the  priest.  Some  sample  Of  udas  are  re- 
produced here,  they  have  come  from  the  Fudo  temples. 

The  general  masses  of  people  nowadays  do  not  understand  the 
full  significance  of  Fudo  worship.  They  go  to  his  temple  merely 
because  he  is  a  Buddhist  god  and  as  such  is  naively  supposed  to 
grant  them  anything  they  may  be  in  need  of.  For  instance,  they 
may  pray  to  him  for  success  in  races  and  games,  or  good  fortune 
in  their  commercial  enterprises  (especially  when  much  risk  is  in- 
volved, or  to  be  free  from  accidents  in  travel.  But,  judging  from 
the  general  tendency  of  his  character,  he  seems  to  be  especially 
efficient  in  removing  all  kinds  of  obstacles  which  lie  in  the  way 
of  one's  undertaking,  religious  or  otherwise.  His  qualification  is 
more  negative  than  positive.  This  is  natural,  for  the  very  fact 
that  a  supreme,  perfect  being  had  to  incarnate  himself  in  this 
fierce,  abnormal,  disquieting  form  proves  the  extraordinary  charac- 
ter of  the  god.  His  other  title  is  "the  great  destroyer  of  hindrances." 


A  FUDO  OMAMORI. 

The  original  was  issued  by  a  Fudo  temple  in  Tokyo.    The  stamp  on  the  top  of 

the  picture  shows  that  it  has  been  properly  consecrated  by  the  priest. 


524 


THE  OPEN  COURT. 


When  the  worshiper  has  thoroughly  succeeded  in  identifying  him- 
self with  the  god,  we  are  told,  his  fire  will  consume  all  the  worlds 
and  make  them  one  mass  of  flame  shining  like  seven  suns ;  his 
mouth  will  devour  like  that  of  the  great  horse  the  multiplicity  of 
things ;  and  not  the  least  chance  will  be  left  for  any  evil  spirit  to 
work  mischief.  Thus,  he  is  to  be  invoked  particularly  when  there 
are  difficulties  or  obstructions  to  overcome ;  for  instance,  when  an 
epidemic  is  to  be  checked,  or  a  drought  to  be  broken,  or  a  personal 
enemy  to  be  destroyed,  or  an  opposing  army  to  be  annihilated,  or 


#p 


<* 


AN  OMAMORI  ISSUED  BY  THE  SHINSHO-JI,  NARITA. 
The  original  is  a  small  piece  of  wood.     The  character  reads  ham,  one  of  the 
symbolical  letters  for  Fudo.     The  separate  Chinese  characters  were  on 
the  paper  cover  and  signify  omamori. 


a  building  to  be  insured  against  fire,  storm,  earthquake,  etc.  For 
the  latter  case,  however,  there  is  a  specific  ritual  to  be  performed 
in  which  Fudo  appears  in  a  somewhat  different  form  from  the 
popular  one. 

In  conclusion  I  will  give  here  three  mantrams  used  in  the  in- 
vocation of  Fudo,  the  Immovable:  the  short,  medium,  and  un- 
abridged. The  short  one  is :  "Namah  samantavajrandm" ;  the  me- 
dium one:  "Namah  samantavajrdiidm  chanda-mahdroshana-svdtaya 


A 

^ 


f 


4 


^ 

^ 


4  ^     M 


J5 


Xj 


OFUDA  FROM  THE  KYOSHIN- 
IN,  A  FUDO  TEMPLE  IN  TOKYO. 


INSCRIPTION    ON    COVER. 
(Reduced.) 


526  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

hum  trat  ham  mam" ;  and  the  longest  one :  "Namah  sarva-tathd- 
gatebhyo  vishvamuphehhyah  sarvatd  trat  chanda-mahdroshana  kam 
khadi  khadi  sarvavighnani  hum  trat  ham  mam."  They  have  no 
special  meaning. 

The  one  we  reproduce  is  the  "medium"  fonn  written  in  the 
siddham  style  (Japanese,  sittan).  The  Japanese  way  of  reading 
it  is :  Nomakii  samanda  hazara  dan  senda  makaroshada  sabataya  un 
tarata  kan  mam.  The  cover  reads,  "The  daily-burning-ceremony 
tablet,  Kyoshin-in,  Migawari-san."  Fudo  is  sometimes  represented 
by  the  characters  hdm-mdm  or  ham  alone.  His  oftida  is  often  found 
to  be  nothing  but  this  character  written  in  the  style  known  as  sid- 
dham. 


CARLYLE  AND  THE  WAR. 

BY    MARSHALL   KELLY. 

PROEM. 

IT  is  loudly  asseverated  that  the  British  Empire  is  of  one  mind 
in  regard  to  this  war  against  Germany;  and  by  the  arithmetical 
count  of  heads,  it  probably  is  so  to  an  overwhelming  extent,  as  it 
has  long  been  in  other  matters.  But  one  wonders  how  many,  or 
how  few,  there  may  be  who  reflect,  with  a  depth  of  stable  con- 
viction altogether  diverse  from  the  popular  unanimities,  that  the 
British  are  in  this  war,  as  in  so  very  much  else,  acting  in  an  express 
defiance  of  the  teaching  of  the  validest  Sage  and  Hero-soul  that 
has  lately  lived  among  them.  Yea,  in  a  witting  defiance  of  the 
clearest  revelation  of  indubitable  facts,  made  by  the  Best  of  them- 
selves in  their  midst,  vitally  connected  with  this  very  matter ;  which 
it  preeminently  behoved  the  British  to  have  learned  and  laid  to 
heart,  as  basis  and  guide  for  their  whole  relation  to  Germany.  Few 
indeed,  I  fear,  are  those  who  know  thus,  if  compared  to  the  millions 
neglectful ;  yet  possibly  more  numerous  than  those  denying  millions 
dream  of,  and  certainly,  were  it  unit  against  the  rest  of  the  race, 
of  more  weight  in  the  final  count.  These  in  their  musings  on  the 
war,  its  Causes  and  its  Issues,  will  have  their  rock-based  Cer- 
tainties ;  also  their  profound  Dubieties ;  their  confidence  in  Eternal's 
justice,  and  joy  in  iniquity's  overthrow ;  their  submission  to  His 
decree,  however  terrible  the  desolation,  however  complete  and 
hideous-seeming  the  triumph  of  111.  Silent  for  the  most  part,  and 
waiting  the  Event  unforeseeable.  For  the  nation  does  not  ask  their 
counsel;  spurns  it  if  ofifered;  and  follows,  as  most  chosen  of  the 
Lord,  the  Demagogues  which  at  each  moment  best  mouth  its  own 
impious  will.  Moreover,  so  long  as  anything  like  a  flaming  success 
shall  crown  its  effort,  no  contrary  word  will  be  listened  to.  Should 
adversity  befall,  it  might  prove  otherwise ;  and  in  either,  or  in  any, 


528  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

case  we  have  and  shall  have  our  thoughts  and  our  duties  both  dur- 
ing and  after :  Thoughts  and  duties  which  might  perhaps  gain  a  little 
in  clearness  if  earnestly  imparted,  deliberated  of. 

To  start  with  a  small  Certainty,  surely  sharable  by  many  com- 
plexions :  This  attempt,  of  the  Newspapers  and  Parliamentary 
Leaders,  which  has  been  and  is  all  too  successful,  to  work  the  whole 
nation  up  into  a  state  of  foam-lipped  furor  against  the  Germans,  can- 
not conduce  to  wisdom  in  the  council  or  valor  in  the  field.  This 
is  not  just  indignation,  and  no  profit  can  lie  in  it  for  Man.  Neither 
strength  to  us,  nor  danger  to  the  German, — save  as  the  human 
may  be  sore  bested  by  numberless  pack. 

Brutal  barbarian  and  modern  Hun,  ruthless  in  savage  atrocity ; 
Military  Autocracy,  domineering  of  temper,  bent  on  self-aggrandise- 
ment, destructive  of  freedom  and  seeking  the  tyrannous ;  most  to 
be  dreaded  embodiment  of  Satanic  power,  whose  threatened  en- 
croachments all  the  nations  of  earth  should  gather  together  to  stem, 
fairest  of  the  justice-loving  unite  with  darkest  minister  to  cut  down 
and  destroy : — Surely  there  are  men  in  number,  true  British  indeed, 
who  have  an  assurance,  not  to  be  shaken  by  any  amount  of  rabid 
clamor,  that  such  current  imagination  of  the  German  bears  no 
manner  of  resemblance  to  German  of  fact ;  men  who  could  fight 
to  some  purpose  in  a  cause  that  was  just,  unmoved  by  campaigns 
of  persuasion  far  removed  from  all  spirit  of  justice;  who,  demanded 
to  draw  in  this  quarrel,  thrust  the  blade  further  home  in  its  sheath 
with  some  uttered  or  mute  Videat  Altissimus,  shamed  of  their 
country's  deed,  appealing  to  their  captain's  Captain.  Yea,  mind- 
ful of  and  worthily  obeying  their  earthly  captain  also,  he,  the  great- 
est, noblest,  justest  of  all  modern  men,  Carlyle:  Who  bore  witness 
of  mightily  different  tenor  to  the  German,  his  history,  military  and 
other  organization,  and  whose  witness  they  know  to  have  been 
true.  Wide  and  stable  testimony  by  constant  brother  man,  lucent 
with  true  heaven's  inspiration ;  somewhat  more  sufficing  than  the 
Devil's  Head  in  phosphorus — drawn,  alas,  upon  no  dungeon's  walls, 
but  gleaming  hideous  in  souls  mendacious  walking  freely  in  the 
daylight,  profane  in  insolent  denial  of  the  Seer  whom  the  Almighty 
sent  to  them.  To  us  at  least,  not  to  them  unless  penitent ;  and  may 
we  be  worthy  to  say  to  us. 

CONCERT  OF  EUROPE. 

It  is  very  lamentable  and  terribly  significant  how  widespread 
and  genuine  a  persuasion  has  got  abroad,  even  among  the  good 
people,  that  this  Concert  of  the  Powers  was  a  sort  of  a  sacred  thing. 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  529 

Colors  of  the  vulpine  do  often  succeed  in  deceiving  as  they  wittingly 
propose;  and  a  righteous  indignation  at  the  vulpine,  when  their 
true  motives  are  disclosed,  may  be  justified.  But  the  concurrent 
belauding  as  holy  a  base  policy  whereof  the  motives  have  been 
correctly  announced  augurs  a  pravity  which,  if  it  come  to  know 
truth,  can  have  no  title  to  be  indignant,  must  rather  confess  its  own 
guilt.  Yet  even  here,  however  stern  a  man's  recognition  of  the 
sin,  he  knows  the  too  commonly  irresistible  influence  of  a  general 
concensus  in  perverting  those  of  a  bias  truly  virtuous.  Some  six- 
teen years,  or  so,  ago,  one  time  when  reports  of  Turkish  atrocities 
in  Armenia  were  causing  such  emotion  in  England  that  many  were 
crying  for  armed  intervention,  I  remember  being  urged  to  read  a 
speech  of  Lord  Roseberry's.  A  judicious  wet  cloth,  of  course,  but 
equally  of  course,  since  by  British  Liberal  Statesman  of  this  epoch, 
not  a  speech  astutely  contrived  to  simply  dissuade  from  enterprise 
inconvenient  for  Ministry  occupied  in  concerns  privately  more 
profitable  for  its  members ;  on  the  contrary,  the  sincere  utterance 
of  a  man  self-sympathizing  with  the  emotion,  wishful  for  the 
Turks'  correction,  yet  arguing:  Husht!  Dread  sequel  if  we  stir 
alone ;  in  the  Concert  solely  is  there  safety  and  salvation.  And, 
with  such  unction  did  he  perorate,  the  Public,  in  awakened  sense, 
holily  restrained  its  rage  for  its  salvation's  sake, — and  possibly 
the  Turk's,  not  quite  the  Armenian's.  I  refused  at  the  moment 
to  look  at  the  thing,  pained  with  emotions  of  another  kind ;  so  far 
as  the  urger  knew,  never  looked  at  it ;  yet  did,  as  you  see,  after- 
wards read,  in  resolute  suppression,  and  for  more  exact  knowl- 
edge of  its  guessed  tenor,  "You  should  read  that,  my  son ;  that 
is  a  speech  everybody  ought  to  read."  About  the  same  time  the 
same  woman  said  to  me,  upon  laying  down  a  book  entitled  Fire 
and  Szuord  in  the  Soudan,  "I  suppose  he  could  not  help  himself, 
but  I  cannot  feel  any  respect  or  sympathy  for  that  man,"  the  author, 
one  Slaten,  to  wit.  Very  gently  said,  but  she  couldn't ;  yet  thought 
the  Roseberry  address  delivered  in  right  spirit  for  the  pulpit.  How 
many  have  met  the  like!  How  many  have  thought  the  like!  Too 
many  that  have  innocently  drunk  in  a  belief  this  Concert  was  a 
sacred  thing. 

Yet  the  case  of  that  Turkish  instance  was,  if  possible,  even 
grosser  than  the  subsequent  Balkan  ones.  A  dark,  brutal,  wretch, 
whatever  ill  he  do,  let  no  man  hinder,  lest  his  coveted  den  breed 
contention.  The  devil  to  be  kept  afoot  in  some  measure ;  prudently 
maintained  in  possession  of  Eden,  because  the  godly  might  fall  out 
with  one  another  were  so  lovely  a  spot  left   free  to  their  entry. 


530  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

If  a  murderous  thief  have  money  in  his  pocket,  or  in  the  bank,  let 
every  constable  be  wary ;  never  dare  to  run  him  in,  unless  secure 
the  Judges  are  agreed  on  how  to  share  the  spoil.  In  Decorum's 
name,  what  is  a  little  outrage  in  the  streets  compared  to  quarrel  on 
the  Bench?  The  results  of  that  are  too  frightful  to  contemplate. 
Hasty  zeal  would  defeat  its  own  end,  destroy  the  very  means  of 
bringing  offender  to  judgment ;  for  without  a  judicious  unanimity  no 
lawful  verdict  were  obtainable.  Lawful  verdicts  are  frequently 
unobtainable,  sometimes  too  obtainable ;  and  justice  never  reached 
so,  yet  capable  of  being  done  and  left  for  verdict.  Methinks,  if 
man  might  seriously  question,  Have  I  real  errand  to  correct  this 
particular  and  so  distant  abuse?  the  question.  Shall  I  wait  on  Concert 
with  the  covetous  to  do  it?  would  be  out  of  his  debate.  And  yet  I 
honor  policy,  and  know  the  multiple  involute  of  practical  fact. 
There,  however,  it  is  clear,  had  the  dubitating  (and  dubious)  Knight 
Errant  stood  wholly  out,  the  covetous  neighbors,  with  or  without 
some  brush  of  comparatively  trifling  battle,  would  long  since  have 
contrived  to  share  in  some  tolerable  manner ;  the  Balkans  in  whole 
have  settled  themselves  the  better  without  the  meddling  of  such 
a  disinterested  umpire. 

Truly,  Prince  von  Kaunitz  Reitberg's  text,  that  Great  Courts 
should  understand  one  another,  then  the  Small  would  be  less 
troublesome,  has  found  fat  mother  to  breed  in,  and  grown  enor- 
mously since  his  day ;  ever  the  more  pronounced  virtuously  assured 
of  morality,  up  to  the  very  moment  of  catastrophe  from  the  start 
inevitable  for  it.  For  it?  Perhaps  not.  The  text  may  be  meet 
enough  for  unscrupulous  voracious  fellow ;  have  a  real  truthfulness 
to  nature  there,  be  well  allowed  by  heaven,  and  run  on  to  happy  ful- 
fillment so  far.  Voracity  may  be  perfectly  veracious  ;  and  I  never 
blame  a  shark  for  swallowing  small  fry  with  his  utmost  gusto. 
The  sight  of  half  a  dozen  sharks  gracefully  maneuvering  in  Concert, 
for  the  more  dexterous  satisfaction  of  several  appetites,  may  also 
have  its  own  seemliness,  the  gastric  desires  of  highest  mortal  con- 
fess a  certain  sympathy.  But  for  creatures  that  have  once  guessed 
themselves  made  in  their  Maker's  image,  to  whom  a  sense  of  the 
infinite  of  right  and  wrong  has  announced  that  the  gaining  of  the 
whole  world  could  not  profit  if  achieved  in  treason  to  that  image ; 
— for  them  to  take  such  text  as  maxim  for  International  Policy ! 
Why  I  do  not  know  that  they  ever  did  it ;  only  the  sharks  having 
heard  tell  of  them,  then  find  it  expedient  to  deliberately  cloak  greed 
in  show  of  holiness,  and  imagine  they  can  work  injustice  the  more 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  531 

securely  by  professing  care  of  equity  ;  whilst  a  huge  medley  of  others 
add  their  votes,  variously  persuaded  that  this  is  the  solution:  For 
whom  catastrophe  is  inevitable;  because  they  build  on  no  truth, 
neither  on  appetite  or  intelligence,  but  on  a  lying  compound,  beast 
man  and  god  alike  disown,  which  nothing  in  nature  will  support. 

May  not  a  Small  nation  have  just  or  unjust  cause  of  quarrel, 
reasonable  or  unreasonable  claim  or  pretension,  as  much  as  a  Great  ? 
And  what  valid  title  can  the  Great  ever  have  to  step  in  and  say :  We 
will  decide  your  disputes  and  your  claims  and  in  all  things  you 
shall  do  as  we  bid?  O  damned  canaille,  jealous  of  classes  superior, 
yelping  distracted  at  each  hint  or  suspicion  of  one  law  for  Rich 
and  another  for  Poor,  sworn  all  as  one  man  that  that  shall  be  the 
rule  in  law  International!  Your  skins  are  precious  to  you  and 
your  corpora  stink.  In  the  ideal  possibilities,  where  the  Great  loved 
the  truth  and  sought  to  do  justice  alone,  court  of  their  convening 
might  be  a  godly  tribunal,  very  blessed  to  see  upon  earth;  and, 
whatever  security  their  power  gave  to  its  meetings,  lent  to  enforce 
its  judgments,  most  sure  it  is  that  the  consideration  Great  or  Little? 
would  weigh  pure  zero  in  determining  right  to  a  seat  on  the  bench. 
Is  this  the  thing  we  have  seen  ?  No ;  nor  so  much  as  endeavored 
toward.  But,  in  clear  sight  of  utterly  diverse  fact,  the  beneficence 
that  would  attach  to  this  has  been  pretended  for  that  diverse, — which, 
also,  as  shall  shortly  be  referred  to,  could  have  had  an  honest  place. 
Conclave  of  the  Powerful  assembled  to  find  how  their  own  mutual 
jealousies  set  on  edge  by  debates  'mong  the  less, — glowering  one 
at  another,  Take  that  side,  if  you  dare;  by  God  I'll  take  this  if 
you  do — may  reach  compromise  without  wager  of  battle,  the  Small 
be  compesced  into  accepting  the  awards  so  arrived  at ;  and  is  one 
of  the  most  unblessed  things  very  certainly  seen  upon  earth.  Yes, 
this  is  the  thing  we  have  seen  these  last  thirty  years  and  longer, 
growing  ever  the  more  confident  to  its  inevitable  result.  Parties 
there  have  been  in  England  and  elsewhere,  very  vehement  for  the 
justice,  or  what  they  thought  it,  yet  even  these  have  all  subscribed 
to  the  prime  need  of  Concert ;  admitted  it  were  better  that  wrong 
should  be  done  than  peace  'tween  the  Mighty  put  in  danger  of  rup- 
ture. Here,  at  any  rate,  no  shadow  of  a  plea  can  be  found  that  these 
things  were  done  by  closeted  few,  the  nations  not  witting.  What 
the  articles  agreed  upon  each  time  were,  what  dexterous  manage- 
ment was  exercised  to  reach  them,  may  be  an  esoteric  mystery ;  but 
what  spirit  wrought  has  been  broadly  visible  and  universally  sanc- 
tioned. In  England  most  eminently.  Speeches  upon  speeches  in 
Parliament  and  out,  without  respect  of  party ;  all  the  newspapers  in 


532  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

leading  articles  ;  and  table  talk  in  each  private  household ; — the  argu- 
ment has  been  everywhere  the  same.  I  know  no  instance  of  National 
Policy  so  overwhelmingly  endorsed,  in  full  sight  of  its  true  essence ; 
up  to  that  last  speech  at  the  outbreak,  when  Sir  Edward  Grey, — 
he  would  not  have  had  the  Peace  of  Europe  jeopardized  for  Servia. 
Aye,  Sir  Edward  has  been  very  consistent  in  this,  and  outspoken ; 
long  since  and  constantly  made  it  evident  as  could  be  'twas  funda- 
mentally accepted  in  his  Policy  the  weak  must  go  to  the  wall  rather 
than  important  persons  suffer ;  merely  Quixotic  to  hope  otherwise. 
Of  course !  And  God  forbid  he'd  mammer  scrupulous  on  such  a 
point.  Then,  if  the  case  of  Belgium  touch  you  nearer,  step  forth 
pure  champion  of  the  Small,  in  righteous  zeal.  The  soul  of  man 
is  sick  at  the  sodden  hypocrisy ;  could  find  the  deeds  smell  sweeter 
if  done  in  conscious  perfidy  of  the  cunning.  And  the  newspapers 
hope  that,  when  the  war  is  over,  the  Concert  rnay  be  reestablished 
in  such  firmness  any  little  nation  attempting  to  draw  free  breath 
shall  instantly  be  throttled  impotent :  They  must  never  be  allowed  to 
provoke  such  disasters  again.  It  does  not  strike  you  that  they  have 
just  as  good  a  right  to  bustle  in  the  world  as  any  of  the  Big?  That, 
if  the  Big  fall  a-quarrelling  in  sequel,  the  crime  is  their  own  wholly ; 
the  true  peril  in  their  disposition  so  to  do,  and  unremovable  while 
that  remains? 

None  worth  the  name  of  man  but  must  know  beyond  all  question 
that  the  sole  thing  which  can  give  a  nation  right  to  set  up  for 
Judge  in  another's  quarrel  is  the  resolution  to  do  justice  in  it. 
Court  convened  to  arbitrate  on  matters  in  dispute  and  primarily  de- 
voted to  the  maintenance  of  peace  among  the  Arbiters !  Could 
there  be  a  thing  more  impious  than  this?  What  amazed  execration 
would  greet  it,  if  proposed  for  settlement  of  the  least  sixpenny 
matter  between  private  litigants !  Yet  seen  International  applauded 
with  unction  by  every  man,  woman  and  youth ;  anathema  only  for 
any  not  zealous  for  such  first  aim,  the  very  need  for  which  invali- 
dates for  umpire's  seat  and  of  necessity  turns  the  Court  into  one  for 
iniquity's  sanction. 

Such  has  too  terribly  been  the  fact,  and  damnable.  Yet  we 
said  that  a  fact  very  diverse  from  the  professed  Beneficent  Arbitra- 
tion could  have  honestly  been.  It  is  obvious  that  parties  extraneous 
to  an  original  dispute  may  have  interests  of  every  degree  of  gravity 
affected  by  that  dispute ;  may  confer  together  for  peaceable  solution 
of  those  interests ;  if  unable  to  reach  it,  may  each  choose  mediators ; 
and,  if  still  at  a  deadlock,  an  umpire.     Likewise  that  parties  ex- 


CARLYLE    AND   THE    WAR,  533 

traneous  to  the  original  dispute  and  to  the  cross  interests  of  the 
secondaries  directly  affected  may  have  interests  of  every  degree  of 
gravity  affected  by  division  among  the  secondaries,  and  so  ad  in- 
finitum, till  there  be  in  reality  no  party  without  interest ;  and  con- 
ference for  peaceable  solution  the  more  desirable  than  ever:  In 
which  reckoning,  it  may  be  worth  remarking  that  the  jumping  of 
a  flea  is,  in  logical  sequence,  at  all  times  competent  to  set  the  whole 
world  by  the  ears ;  and  wisdom,  accordingly,  somewhat  chary  how 
it  claims  interest-  affected.  Clearly  enough,  the  sole  valid  basis 
for  those  conferences  among  the  Great  Powers  upon  Balkan  affairs 
was  adjustment  of  their  own  dift'erences  arising  through  interests 
affected.  Every  man  knows  that  nothing  else  ever  called  them  into 
existence;  that  they  were  always  in  reality  convened  to,  if  possible, 
prevent  quarrel  among  the  Great,  not  for  unbiassed  decision  in 
equity  by  them  of  disputes  among  the  Small ;  that  the  pretence  of  a 
God's  vice-regency  by  Major  in  Concert  over  Minor  inclined  to 
division  was  a  pretence  palpable,  which  fear  alone  ever  led  any  to 
accredit  holy.  If  those  Conferences  had  been  informed  wholly  by 
a  spirit  of  greedy  cunning,  each  party  diligent  for  private  end,  they 
might  have  had  their  dog's  day ;  and  noble  statesman  kept  rigorously 
out.  For  that  is  the  law :  you  are  not  bound  to  have  a  finger  in 
every  pie;  and,  if  you  cannot  interfere  for  good,  shall  not  interfere 
at  all,  but  leave  the  coil  to  its  strugglings  and  such  issue  as  the  high 
o'er-ruling  Providence  may  have  for  it. 

If  honest  (and  thereby  alone  truly  valid),  the  Conference  must 
have  Justice  for  its  first  aim  every  whit  as  much  as  Court  of  arbitra- 
tion ;  and  steady  refusal  to  force  that  on  the  less  which  nothing 
save  the  jealousies  of  the  Great  demands.  Noble  Briton,  entering  such 
Conference,  might  indeed  have  prayed  heaven  to  grant  him  a  tactful 
sagacity,  fine  delicacy  of  manipulation  and  a  solid  understanding 
of  the  doable,  much  more  and  primarily  to  grant  him  insight  into 
the  veritable  right  and  wrong  of  the  matters,  well  knowing  that 
nothing  built  on  miss  of  this  could  have  a  chance  to  stand,  that 
completest  Concert  attained  in  defiance  of  this  would  infallibly 
prove  exceedingly  disconcerting.  He  would  have  utterly  abhorred 
the  accursed  doctrine  of  the  Great's  right  to  interfere  because 
Great,  and  rejected  all  plans  based  on  such  a  supposition.  Would 
have  known,  too,  that,  if  the  strong  hand  can  sometimes  parcel 
States,  it  is  forever  impotent  to  create  one :  That  can  never  be  done 
at  external  dictation ;  what  nation  is  to  be  a  nation  must  spring 
by  nature's  generation,  spontaneous  in  a  self-vitality,  self-fending, 
self-coherent,  being  and  expanding  by  its  own  innate  powers.     Ah 


534  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

me!  This  manufacturing  of  States,  autonomous  Albanias,  what 
not,  Belgium  itself  for  that  matter,  with  their  frontiers  marked, 
constitutions  supplied,  and  kings  (God  save  the  mark!)  all  ready 
chosen  for  them,  according  to  model  pleasing  to  the  grandiose  dis- 
posers : — it  awakens  thoughts  we  must  not  go  into ;  and,  any  time, 
I  would  rather  leave  the  blindest  rages  free  to  their  havoc  than  be 
one  in  framing  such  a  mock  settlement,  fraught  with  far  deadlier 
havoc. 

Yea,  noble  Briton,  unable  to  do  or  to  obtain  justice  for  the 
Small,  had  sooner  left  them  to  try  their  own  strengths  than  been  a 
party  to  unjust  compulsions.  If  he  could  not  defend  them  from 
wrongful  aggressions,  restrictions,  had  sorrowfully  stood  aside, 
sooner  than  lent  these  his  sanction.  And  if  he  could  not  have  found 
acceptance  as  mediator  between  the  Big  concerning  their  interests 
affected,  had  similarly  left  them  to  fight  it  out,  rather  than  won  the 
crown  as  Peacemaker  by  Concert  in  sacrifice  of  the  Lesser's  rights. 
In  all  ways,  he  had  stood  for  Justice,  wrought  for  it,  and,  in  such 
resolution,  had  seen  the  justice  in  some  measure,  as  without  it 
never;  whether  active  or  passive,  had  found  a  manful  course. 
But,  with  Peace  the  first  aim,  all  was  naturally  very  different,  and 
honorable  action  never  possible.  Man  authentically  actuated  by  that 
aim  only  is  in  practical  deed  a  powerless  entity.  Peace!  Peace! 
For  God's  sake.  Peace !  Lest  /  get  involved,  might  seem  con- 
temptible too ; — but  not  to  most,  when  cried  by  a  man  very  able  to 
fight  and  adding — at  any  cost  to  those  little  nuisances.  Had  Sir 
Edward  Grey  wished  peace  for  peace's  sake  he  had  been  a  nullity 
and  thing  helpless  to  further  the  least  agreement;  had  he  cared 
particularly  for  justice  he  might  have  found  himself  an  alien  spirit, 
still  more  futile  to  preserve  peace  this  day ;  but,  being  heartily 
desirous  to  prevent  war  for  reasons  highly  intelligible  to  the  rest, 
he  often  did  patch  up  matters  by  expedients  of  the  moment,  each 
time  worsening  the  fact  and  rendering  ultimate  rupture  the  more 
certain.  My  fleets  and  armies  are  in  readiness  and  I  can  be  trucu- 
lent enow,  but,  Gentlemen,  War  for  such  a  casus\  Come,  hit  on 
some  reasonable  apportionment  of  shares,  or  all  forego.  And  then 
to  some  the  casus  was  not  so  distant,  insignificant,  as  to  him.  And 
when  did  a  heaven-blessed  Amity  result  from  the  like  of  this? 

Concert  of  Europe,  how  these  latter  decades  has  this  been  im- 
pressed on  us!  The  just  of  every  nation  eyeing  in  silence,  with 
reflections  too  awful  for  utterance.  Platform  and  pulpit,  every 
shade  of  opinion,  zealous  in  sacred  insistence,  breath  bated  in  fear: 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  535 

O  ye  nations  called  Small !  God  damn  you,  be  quiet,  lest  the  Peace 
of  the  Great  be  disturbed.  Was  there  ever  a  doubt  that  the  Lord 
of  Eternity,  so  besought  to  preserve  them  from  quarrel,  v^ould 
answer  the  Great  by  letting  loose  all  their  furies  to  ravin  the  worse 
for  every  stave  till  the  morrow? 

OSTENSIBLE  CAUSES. 

It  is  naturally  the  custom  of  a  nation's  Leaders,  when  they 
announce  war  on  its  behalf,  to  make  some  sort  of  public  statement 
of  the  Causes  which  have  determined  them  to  take  so  grave  a  step ; 
and  the  rarer  case  that  the  true  causes  are  so  much  as  touched  upon 
in  such  Ostensible  account  of  them.  Very  often  the  reasons  given 
are  so  totally  inadequate  (to  say  naught  else)  you  might  marvel 
how  any  one  could  put  them  forth  as  explanation  to  be  credited; 
why  the  Peoples  so  addressed  do  not  instantly  reply:  We  will  not 
hazard  life  or  limb  for  these  hiccups.  Yet  it  is  not  the  People's 
custom  to  answer  so:  They  usually  accept  the  reasons  given  as 
afifording  convincing  grounds  for  deeds  and  sacrifices  so  glaringly 
disproportioned  it  looks  an  inconceivable  credulity;  by  many  of  the 
more  philosophic,  regarded  perennially  as  a  sort  of  bedlam  pos- 
session. And  no  doubt  it  considerably  is  so ;  yet  far  from  wholly. 
Blind  stampede  and  wild  unreason  of  mob,  with  brute  love  of  war, 
fascination  and  glamor  of  exploit,  ever  is  in  it ;  yet  also  greatly 
more.  Even  the  enthusiastic  chorus,  reiterating  the  helpless  reasons 
offered  as  beyond  gainsaying,  springs  not  altogether  from  simple- 
ness,  nor  readiness  to  seize  excuse,  but  from  an  instinct  of  a  vast 
unspoken  behind,  at  least  belief  there  must  be  this.  Yea,  without 
conviction,  persuasion,  or  imagination  of  a  true  infinite  at  stake, 
which  in  the  name  of  manhood  commands  no  cost  be  weighed,  the 
nations  never  fall  a-battling.  Idea  of  a  supreme  Duty,  whether 
radiant  in  clear  intelligence,  turbid,  confused,  or  diabolically  oppo- 
site, is  always  there ;  and  even  the  cunning  who  seek  to  provoke 
wars  for  their  own  ends,  cannot  do  so  unless  this  be  in  some  way 
excited :  Its  presence  is  a  necessity ;  but,  if  not  intelligent,  it  can  be 
traded  on.  The  very  day  before  war  was  declared  between  Great 
Britain  and  Germany,  newspapers  were  declaiming  it  an  unthink- 
able absurdity,  monstrous  to  suggest ;  and  next  day  were  for  it 
in  whole  heart  and  so  much  of  soul  as  they  may  be  supposed  to 
possess.  Nor  is  that  phenomenon  purely  one  of  the  weathercock, 
the  essence  of  whose  utility  is  well  known  to  be  instant  amenability 
to  wind  however  changeful ;  a  better  ingredient  in  the  recognition 
that  division,  the  least  word  of  debate,  is  perilous  in  such  circum- 


536  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

stances,  and  a  loyal  trust  in  the  Leaders  requisite  for  nations' 
being.  Would  that  men  knew  it  equally  in  peace,  for  it  is  equally 
true  then;  and  reflect  on  the  really  awful  responsibility  they  owe 
for  their  choice  of  Leaders.  Exceedingly  foolish,  superficial  is  the 
notion  too,  that  wars  are  ever  caused  by  trifles ;  the  wiser  know  that 
the  causes  are  always  fully  adequate,  perfectly  proportioned  in  fact, 
could  mortal  trace  them.  No  mortal  can  trace  them,  and  the  procla- 
mation of  Ostensible  is  never  blameworthy  because  that  zvay  "in- 
adequate" ! 

Granting  that  the  Ostensible  rarely  touch  upon  the  Real,  they 
remain  noteworthy,  were  it  only  as  indications  of  the  degree  of 
intelligence.  They  may  be  subterfuges  wittingly  concocted  by  wile, 
or  stolidities  of  inarticulate  honesty  that  cannot  speak  its  meaning. 
Neither  is  it  to  be  forgotten  that  the  highest  true  could  as  little 
really  name  his  cause.  Cause  fully  declarable  were  by  the  hypoth- 
esis, shallow  and  trivial.  For,  never  is  it  the  thing  predicated,  but 
the  enormous  sequels  which  hang  by  it ;  and  comprehension  of  these 
intuitive  tacit  in  faith.  Nevertheless  the  Leaders  ought  to  know 
to  some  extent,  and  who  has  the  intuitive  perception  does ;  never 
will  the  reasons  rendered  by  these  be  contrary  to  the  fact,  however 
limited  in  account  of  it.  Well,  the  British  Ostensible  Causes  are 
set  forth  in  a  certain  White  Paper  familiar  to  all  men,  and  to  which 
the  leaders  refer  as  authorized  statement  of  their  "Case."  While 
Sir  E.  T.  Cook  has  volunteered  an  elucidated  abbreviation  fear- 
lessly entitled  Why  Britain  is  at  War.  No  man's  breath  appears 
to  have  been  taken  away ;  but,  for  my  part,  my  audacity  would  not 
reach  to  this.  How  we  picked  quarrel ;  or  how  we  closed  with  the 
offer  of  it;  or  how  we  were  forced  into  it;  these  are  Madams  (if 
you  know  your  Kingsley)  you  may  hope  to  scrape  some  acquaintance 
with  in  those  pages  of  My  Lords  Ambassadors'  despatches ;  but, 
as  to  bosoming  with  My  Lady  Why,  'tis  to  be  doubted  she  is  not 
quite  so  free  a  wench.  Happily  there  is  no  question  that  the  paper, 
so  far  as  it  does  go,  is  authentic ;  and  as  we  say,  interesting  chiefly 
as  showing  degree  of  veracity.  For  absence  of  wile  will  not  make 
a  thing  honest ;  deliberate  wile  can  be  truer  than  a  systemic  men- 
daciousness,  which,  never  expressly  uttering  falsehood,  yet  speaks 
and  acts  habitually  from  assumptions  that  are  baseless.  It  is  not  true, 
for  instance,  that  you  sought  peace  with  your  neighbor,  if  deter- 
mined on  war  unless  he  behaved  himself  according  to  a  prescription 
drawn  up  as  suitable  to  your  needs  and  conveniences  merely ;  no  in- 
dustrial zeal,  most  passionate  pleading  to  persuade  to  keep  within  the 
bounds  set,  will  prevent  your  being,  in  that  case,  most  essentially  the 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  537 

Aggressor.  And  the  knave  who  made  the  prescriptions  purposely  to 
provoke  war  might  readily  stand  in  closer  contact  with  truth  than 
the  wight  who  expected  to  preserve  order  by  publicly  announcing 
a  law  of  conduct  for  those  wholly  without  his  jurisdiction.  If  he 
have  only  privately  registered  the  rule,  too,  and,  half  conscious  of 
its  presumptuous  absurdity,  shrink  from  declaring  it  till  the  last 
moment  compel,  his  pleading  may  easily  be  the  more  passionate,  so 
that  he  sit  down  in  tears  to  cry  Pity !  God  witness  I  did  all  I  could ; 
but  his  workings  are  pitiful,  can  only  prove  the  more  disastrous 
through  "good"  intentions  less  subtle  perfide  then  simply  disjoined 
from  fact's  realm. 

Of  the  Austro-Servian  matter  with  which  this  White  Paper, 
so  confidently  referred  to  as  exhibiting  Britain's  "Case,"  commences, 
we  have  not  much  to  say ;  The  Justice  of  the  dispute  was  confessedly 
no  cause  of  Britain's  action ;  and  I,  personally,  could  not  hold  myself 
competent  to  speak  a  word  on  it:  do  not  know  that  at  all.  This, 
however,  I  do  know ;  namely,  that,  whether  the  launching  of  her 
Ultimatum  by  Austria  was  wise  or  unwise,  its  wording  prudent  or 
imprudent,  if  the  charges  made  in  it  were  true,  then,  certainly 
Austria  had  valid  ground  for  most  drastic  action ;  and  nothing  save 
the  complete  submission  of  Servia  could  have  given  her  security 
against  a  continuance  of  the  alleged  offences.  Alleged  oft'ences 
which  if  true  were  wholly  intolerable,  inexcusable,  and  very  great 
forbearance^ — godly  insufferance  or  fractious  compelled — shown  in 
enduring  them  so  long.  And,  if  one  own  to  something  more  than 
scepticism  of  Austrian  political  integrity  generally,  that  would  only 
make  one  the  more  insist  on  no  hindrance  if  she  had  right  in  a 
particular  instance.  Every  fair-minded  man  must  have  felt  that  if 
these  charges  were  true,  not  necessarily  in  each  detail  specified 
but  generically  in  whole  spirit  imputed,  then  Austria  had  full  title 
to  chastise  with  the  armed  hand ;  and  would  rather  have  guarded 
her  from  interference  than  been  a  party  to  it.  Therefore,  whoso- 
ever in  any  way  challenged  her  action  could  only  in  probity  do  so  if 
justified  in  calling  the  truth  of  the  charges  in  question.  Peculiarly 
futile  was  it  to  run  up  crying  Delay!  for  God's  sake,  delay,  and 
moderate  your  tone,  when  it  was  obvious  that  if  the  charges  were 
true  the  time  for  delay  or  moderation  was  long  past.  If  Britain, 
idle  knight-errant  with  no  business  of  her  own  to  look  after,  wished 
to  act  on  that  score  she  should  have  acted  years  before.  Alas !  we 
all  know  she  had;  and  added  vexation  enough,  not  so  Quixotically 
neither,    for   the   wound,   as    expediently    for    far   other   subjects. 


538  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

Sancho's  stomach  made  one  sufficing  trial  of  his  master's  Balsam, 
wambled  at  the  mere  snuff  ever  after:  Can  you  wonder  then,  if 
Austria  at  length  grew  squeamish  of  Grey  Powder  for  every  ill  she 
had  a  mind  to  mend? 

When  Servia.  after  shuffle  and  enquiry  round,  replied  to  the 
Ultimatum,  our  Sir  Edward  swore  he'd  never  seen  a  nation  make 
a  more  prostrate  salaam  to  truculent  Bashaw.  To  which  I  fear  the 
answer  is :  It  had  much  of  that  character,  and  was  a  thing  of  paper ; 
very  fit  to  rank  among  Ostensibles :  And,  showing  more  suppleness 
in  performing  a  required  kowtow  than  sincerity  in  penitence,  gave 
properly  no  assurance  of  a  better  loyalty  in  future  deed.  Nothing 
in  that  nominal  submission  offered  hope  of  stable  working;  and,  of 
course  it  is  one  way  evident  that,  once  things  had  reached  this  pass, 
nothing  short  of  the  almost  miraculous  could.  Since,  if  the  charges 
were  untrue  the  party  who  made  them  was  bent  on  mischief  and 
would  take  no  answer;  whilst,  if  true,  the  party  of  whom  they  were 
true  would  have  needed  to  do  a  considerable  conversion  before  be- 
coming able  to  make  reply  of  such  radically  different  tenor  as  could 
have  seemed  to  Man  a  ground  to  try  anew  upon.  I  think  these  are 
facts,  and  in  Sir  Edward  Grey's  despatches  there  is  not  the  slightest 
recognition  of  them:  Which,  whether  he  believed  the  first  alternative 
or  the  second  or  the  more  probable  compound  of  both,  there  assuredly 
should  have  been.  Intense  pleading  these  is  in  those  despatches.  But  it 
is  all  prompted  by  absolutely  self-interested  motives ;  fiows  not  from 
care  of  Austria's  welfare  or  of  Servia's,  but  of  our  own  skin's 
solely ;  owes  its  fervency  to  the  heart  text :  Mercy  on  us !  Hold  your 
hand  you,  bow  down  t'other,  both  accept  shadow  for  substance,  lest 
your  dift'erences  breed  a  brawl  of  wider  compass  wherein  ive  should 
not  'scape.  It  was  Sir  E.  Grey's  duty  to  look  after  our  interests ; 
and,  if  he  meddled  in  this  foreign  matter,  the  first  law  for  that 
was  to  see  the  facts  of  it  and  conform  to  them ;  there  could  be  no 
hope  in  resource  which  flew  in  the  teeth  of  them.  But  the  dread 
of  cataclysm  misled,  as  fear,  even  makes  men  traitors  to  themselves 
and  all  mankind.  Moreover,  it  was  no  case  of  a  normal  integrity 
erring  in  one  instance,  but  of  a  quite  habitual  attempt  to  build  on 
the  untenable,  to  safeguard  by  methods  essentially  mendacious, 
howsoever,  persuaded  of  needful  expediency  or  claiming  regard 
of  common  welfare. 

For,  for  Great  Britain,  on  her  own  initiative,  uninvited,  to  write 
any  despatch  to  Austria  on  her  Servian  affair  was  in  reality  an 
indefensible  proceeding ;  and  every  man  knows  that  Britain  herself 
would  be  the  last  to  suffer  the  like  from  another.     Had  any  nation 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  539 

presumed  to  offer  us  advice  in  any  of  our  numerous  disputes  with 
little  states  or  big  what  sort  of  answer  should  we  have  made?  You 
all  know  it;  A  peremptory  injunction  never  to  repeat  the  like  in- 
solence under  penalty.  It  is,  indeed,  a  flatly  impossible  position 
this,  that  self-fending  independent  states  shall  be  perpetually  pre- 
vented from  managing  their  own  disputes  without  consult  of  neigh- 
bors. A  thing  justly  intolerable  to  the  states  so  checked.  (And, 
on  the  other  side,  however  prone  the  big  may  be  to  bully,  to  en- 
chant the  arm  of  power  from  its  natural  exercise  is  sure  to  prove  a 
cherishing  of  license.)  When  done,  as  here  on  the  plea  of  You 
mustn't,  lest  we  others  get  to  loggerheads,  reduced  to  the  extremity 
of  impious  absurdity.  Doubtless  the  far-seeing,  equitable,  sagacious 
Ruler  would  recognize  the  existence  of  such  mad  notions  in  his 
neighbors'  heads,  and  weigh  them ;  but  he  above  all  others  would 
know  the  notions  to  be  baseless  delusions,  vicious  in  origin,  per- 
nicious in  act ;  would  proceed  on  his  own  business  none  the  less, 
whether  in  wary  evasion  or  open  contempt.  The  more  ordinary, 
so  beshouted  to  stop,  would,  if  he  deigned  to  look  over  his  shoulder 
at  all,  merely  rejoin:  "you  will  fight  with  each  other,  say  you  ?  That 
is  surely  your  affair.  I  wish  you  good  luck,  and  may  God  salve  your 
wits,  for  they  need  it  more  than  your  wounds  will."- — Most  clearly, 
to  continually  prevent  the  settlement  of  disputes  is  to  create  a  danger 
immeasurably  greater  than  any  their  fiercest  let  could  have  brought 
about ;  and  if  others  get  to  quarrel  in  sequel  the  responsibility  there- 
of rests  on  their  own  heads.  Austria  has  to  answer  to  God  for 
the  justice  of  her  war  upon  Servia ;  but  not  therefore  for  the 
European  War. 

According  to  the  White  Paper,  Germany's  Ostensible  attitude 
toward  this  Austro-Servian  matter  was  that  Austria  had  the  right 
(o  manage  in  it  as  she  herself  thought  fit,  and  no  other  a  title  to 
interfere:  This  was,  in  fact,  the  only  right  attitude,  unless  you 
were  constituted  Judge  of  the  dispute,  or  had  good  grounds  and 
duty  to  challenge  the  justice  of  Austria's  action ;  and  if,  as  one  hopes 
and  believes,  the  Ostensible  was  so  far  the  Real,  there  is  not  a  word 
can  be  said  against  it.  The  one  straight  forward  manful  cause 
there  was  for  third  parties  not  directly  concerned.  Britain,  what- 
ever her  thought  or  resolution  for  subsequent  developments,  pos- 
sible, probable,  or  certain,  ought  thus  far  to  have  taken  the  same ; 
and  had  she  done  so,  there  would  have  been  a  diff'erent  tale  to  tell 
in  the  subsequent  developments.  Simple  refusal  to  be  a  Busy- 
body.    Nor  need  such  passive  role,  in  case  liable  to  grow  com- 


540  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

plicated,  be  a  whit  the  less  simply  this  because  he  who  takes  it  is, 
as  he  should  be,  alive  to  the  complexities  also,  ready  for  action 
in  them,  if  they  do  result.  Sir  E.  T.  Cook,  seeking  the  sinister, 
full  of  a  preconceived  belief  of  it,  repeats  with  exclamation  mark, 
her  minister's  statement  that  Germany  very  well  knew  what  she 
was  about  in  so  "Backing  up  Austria,"  said  "backing"  consisting  in 
what  the  English  call  a  traitorous  refusal  to  unite  with  them  in  for- 
bidding Austria  to  manage  her  own  concerns.  Has  it  really,  then, 
become  a  sin  to  a  Briton  that  a  man  should  know  what  he  is  doing? 
It  often  almost  seems  so.  The  most  dangerous  crime,  at  least, 
and  surest  mark  of  nefarious  proclivity  to  say  one  thing  and  not 
mean  another;  safety  and  virtue  alone  in  those  transparent  men- 
dacities— Which,  since  all  men  see  through  them,  cannot  surely 
be  hypocrisies? — whereby  our  Faith  and  Policy  are  kept  secure 
from  ravin  and  inspiration  alike.  For  my  part,  I  devoutly  hope 
that  Germany  did  know  what  she  was  doing,  though  the  sequel 
have  proved  beyond  mortal  forecast.  Let  her  have  courage ;  for, 
if  so,  the  ultimate  issue  may  likewise  prove  beyond  mortal's  hope. 
But  Germany  was  the  only  one  that  took  this  course ;  and  took  it, 
we  will  hope,  in  a  courageous  simplicity.  Quarrel  not  with  the 
word;  or  do  so  to  your  heart's  content.  Took  it,  we  will  hope,  in 
faithfulness  to  the  fact ;  and  the  more  awake  to  and  prepared  for 
the  probable  consequences  the  greater  credit  to  her.  Boundless 
clamor  there  at  once  was  and  continues  to  be  that  she  took  it  in 
duplicity ;  clamor  originating  in  presupposition  to  that  effect,  and 
up  to  the  present  not,  that  I  know  of,  supported  by  a  shred  of 
evidence.  For  the  notable  thing  to  me  in  these  despatches  is  that 
those  of  the  German  bear  the  impress  of  veracity ;  they  alone  are 
not  condemnable  on  .y£'//-evidence,  but  cohere  together  consistently 
throughout  as  the  words  of  men  that,  in  spite  of  limitations,  did 
essentially  mean  one  thing  before  God  and  the  same  thing  before 
men ;  which  is  not  true  of  those  of  any  of  the  others.  Of  these 
others  so  far  as  we  may  meetly  speak : 

The  Russian  ground  was  different ;  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
damned  plea  of  Peace!  Lest  we  quarrel;  based  itself  on  claim  of 
weighty  interests  directly  affected,  in  short,  of  being  a  party  to 
the  dispute  and  not  an  outsider  at  all.  Even  without  this,  and  in 
a  total  disregard  of  the  justice  of  the  dispute,  it  could  have  a  certain 
validity:  Two  fall  ajar;  a  third  says  Let  them  fight  it  out;  a  fourth, 
No,  FU  join  in:  All  these  might  have  solid  foothold  in  the  wide 
realms  of  nature's  truth,  intelligent  or  lustful ;  but  he  who  cries, 


CARLYLE    AND   THE    WAR.  541 

and  in  the  name  of  an  intelligent  humanity  cries,-  Stop !  Stop !  yon 
over  there,  lest  I  and  others,  leagues  distant  from  you  and  uncon- 
cerned in  your  debate,  should  fall  out  with  one  another.  What 
ground  has  he  to  stand  on?  Vacuity.  A  very  meddlesome  fellow, 
you  would  say,  and  one  seeking  a  currying  with  a  diligence  not 
easily  matched.  But  for  the  Russian:  If  his  intervention  was 
primarily  directed  against  Austria  only,  which  of  us  is  there  can 
say  he  had  no  right  to  appear  on  the  field  and  try  what  he  could 
do  there?  One  does  not  know.  Moreover  one  allows  to  the  half- 
barbarous,  inarticulate,  a  sort  of  brute  right  to  try  propensities — 
no  curtailment  of  another's  right  to  drub  him  well  for  trying  them 
and  so  teach  the  animal  becoming  manners — such  as,  to  those  who 
have  ever  known  higher  law,  one  could  by  no  means  allow. 

But,  as  far  as  this  Austro-Servian  matter  went,  there  it  should 
have  stopped.  Nothing  in  it  was  cause  of  the  spread  of  the  war 
beyond.  That  Balkan  troubles  would  issue  in  war  between  Austria 
and  Russia  was  probable,  or  as  good  as  certain;  but,  if  other 
nations  made  alliances  which  would  bring  them  into  conflict  in  that 
event,  they  have  themselves  alone  to  thank  for  it. 

The  question,  therefore,  here  arises  Did  Germany's  Alliance 
with  Austria  necessarily  bring  her  in  if  Russia  came  in?  If  the 
answer  to  that  be  affirmative,  Germany  smarts  for  having  made  such 
alliance.  The  answer  has  been  universally  concluded  affirmative ; 
yet  only  in  those  mad  assumptions  of  international  compacts 
whereby,  in  infallible  sequel,  every  flea's  jump  was  to  set  the 
world  on  fire.  Concluded  affirmative?  Yes,  and  with  equal  readi- 
ness negative ;  according  to  which  assumption  suited  the  righteous 
British  arguer's  mood  at  the  moment.  If  the  terms  of  the  Triple  Alli- 
ance made  the  answer  affirmative,  how  stands  Italy  out,  and  ;n!heaped 
with  opprobrium  by  a  Britain  so  virtuously  indignant  at  treaty 
breakers?  You  know  very  well  that  the  use  you  make  of  this  is 
based  on  the  assumption  the  answer  is  negative.  Sir  E.  Grey's 
pleadings,  reported  in  despatch  forty-six  (see  later,  page  545), 
also  presuppose  the  negative,  though  the  Briton  there  arguing  that, 
by  the  International  Compacts,  Germany  was  not  bound  to  support 
Austria  if  attacked  by  Russia  was  simultaneously  allowing  that 
France  was  bound  to  support  Russia  if  attacked  by  Germany !  So 
far  as  this  question,  of  Germany's  alliance  with  Austria  compelling 
her  support  against  Russia,  is  shrouded  in  doubt,  the  uncertainty 
is  due  to  the  inextricable  interlacements  and  difficulty  of  separating 
one  thing  from  so  many  others  simultaneous.     What  slender  testi- 


542  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

mony  the  White  Paper  offers  is  against  an  affirmative:  Germany 
would  not  mobilize  if  Russia  only  mobilized  in  South,  i.  e.,  against 
Austria  alone.  And,  in  truth,  there  is  again  no  evidence  that 
Germany  would  have  entered  if  a  reasonable  assurance  existed 
that  the  war  could  lie  between  Russia  and  Austria  merely ;  on  the 
contrary,  the  evidence  is  that  she  would  not,  but  knew  this  too 
hypothetical  a  case  to  dwell  on. 

Assuming  the  negative,  namely  no  treaty  bond,  as  the  British 
did  when  it  suited  them,  Germany  were  only  condenmable  for  her 
armed  intervention  if:  (1)  She  had  no  title  by  the  complexion 
of  the  present  case.  On  which  Britain  argued:  Please  don't  have 
any ;  because  France,  with  confessedly  none,  must  be  allowed 
to  have  full  (See  pp.  546-547).  (2)  If  Russia  was  verily  not 
meditating  hostility  to  her  also.  And  the  proverty  of  these  White 
Paper  despatches  for  throwing  any  certain  light  on  that  point  is 
too  palpable ;  they  are  here  too  exclusively  Ostensible !  We  do 
not  however  require  any  despatches  to  tell  us  that  many  and 
weighty  matters  existed  between  Germany  and  her  huge  Eastern 
neighbor,  nor  that  she  would  in  any  event  be  very  closely  touched 
by  a  war  between  that  country  and  Austria.  That  her  sympathies, 
apart  from  all  her  Alliances,  would  in  general  be  with  Austria 
rather  than  Russia,  and  that  her  interest  would  similarly  cause  her 
to  lean  the  same  way,  are  likewise  foregone  conclusions.  It  may 
be  added  also,  that  such  bias  was  in  the  main  accordant  with  justice 
and  the  true  everliving  interests  of  man,  though  of  this  we  have 
more  to  say  under  Alliances.  In  the  particular  instance,  by  the 
evidence  before  us,  such  as  it  is,  there  is  no  ground  to  doubt  that 
Germany  sincerely  wished  peace  between  Russia  and  Austria,  much 
more  sincerely  than  we  wished  peace  with  her ;  nor  that  her  action 
was  in  essence  defensive  against  Russian  Aggressive ;  some  momen- 
tary gleam  of  a  possibility  of  standing  out,  if  properly  guaranteed, 
swiftly  swallowed  in  the  certainty  that  no  guarantee  would  be 
given.  A  passing  thought  of  guarantee  from  Russia  saving  spread 
of  war,  standing  in  strong  contrast  with  France's  eager  prestate- 
ment  she  would  take  none  from  Germany !  A  request  for  self- 
security  vastly  different  from  the  demands  which  Britain  sub- 
sequently made  of  the  Germans !  Who  never  said  to  Russia : 
You,  offering  not  even  the  color  of  violence  to  me,  seeking  my 
friendship  rather,  shall  only  engage  with  your  foe  on  terms  of 
my  dictating;  whether  vanquished  or  victor  shall,  in  conclusion,  go 
home  again  with  nothing  save  your  labor  for  your  trouble :  He  has 
not  yet  reached  these  depths  of  sanctimonious  effrontery.     Then, 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  543 

leaving  the  assumption  of  no  bond  or  predetermination  and  grant- 
ing that  Germany  had  made  express  treaty  to  support  Austria,  or 
from  the  start  of  the  Servian  dispute,  was  resolved  to  support 
Austria  if  interfered  with  in  that,  who  is  there  can  say  she  was 
wrong?  Britain,  of  all  nations  on  earth,  by  her  own  conduct  in 
the  further  developments  here,  has  the  least  title  to  breathe  a 
whisper  in  criticism  of  such  determination  to  support  a  neighbor. 

With  Germany  involved  the  war  could  still  have  remained  in 
the  East ;  nothing  save  France's  action  brought  it  into  the  West. 
But,  before  proceeding  to  that,  look  at  these  despatches  pleading 
for  peace  between  x\ustria  and  Russia,  for  Germany  not  to  support 
the  former. 

For  the  first:  They  are  all  identical  in  spirit  with  those  plead- 
ing for  peace  between  Austria  and  Servia.  The  one  argument 
submits  that  dispute  to  the  Powers'  decision.  And  we  have  al- 
ready said  enough  of  that ;  need  not  express  our  pious  thankful- 
ness that,  whatever  followed,  this  was  not  again  done.  Russia 
would  have  been  willing  for  it,  and  it  is  made  guilt  in  the  two 
Teutonic  nations  that  they  were  not.  The  four  to  whom  the 
decision  was  to  be  left  were  Britain,  France,  Italy  and  Germany ; 
Three  of  those  four  had  already  pronounced  adversely  to  the 
Austrian :  Much  fairness  did  the  Slav  show !  Leave  it  to  the 
Powers  again,  who  have  so  often  happily  damped  it  down  before 
and  ever  to  spring  in  renewed  vigor  to-morrow.  The  Chairman 
Power  glorying  in  utter  contempt  of  the  justice  of  the  quarrel ;  the 
minority  of  one  alone  having  ever  expressed  the  least  care  for  this. 
It  is  Germany's  steady  refusal  to  be  again  a  party  to  such  godless 
futility  that  is  the  one  thing  the  human  mind  can  dwell  on  without 
loathing.  Help  me  to  save  the  peace,  said  the  Briton.  With  all  my 
heart ;  and  earnestly  did  her  endeavor  to  further  reason  among 
the  parties,  ownful  of  unreason  in  her  ally  too,  yet  aware  of  the 
iron  limits.  Britain  wished  peace  by  patching  up  the  matter  any- 
how, lest  fire  kindled  scorch  her  own  pretty  complexion :  Germany 
wrought  for  peace  on  solid  basis,  prepared  to  take  the  issues  if  it 
proved  unattainably  solid:  Which  is  really  the  criminal? 

For  the  second:  If  there  be  any  truly  British,  in  the  grand  old 
sense  when  the  word  was  synonymous  with  soul  of  fair  play, 
straightness  in  dealing,  generous  frankness  to  foe  as  to  friend, 
and,  however  completely  now  shut  out  from  smallest  voice  in  their 
nation's  deeds,  one  cannot  but  believe  there  still  are  such  men, 


544  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

these,  in  their  study  of  our  White   Paper,  must  early  have  been 
struck  with  a  certain  thing,  which,  as  they  reahzed  its  proportions 
and  significance,  might  have  filled  them  with  amazed  horror  and 
indignation,  had  their  knowledge  otherwise  gained  of  modern  British 
Statesmanship  left  room  for  amazement  or  special  indignation  at 
any  trick  it  played  in  slippery  cunning  or  course  it  pursued  openly 
in  persuasion  of  magnanimity  devoid  of  integrity.    What  I  refer  to 
is  the  proposals  made  by  Russia,   France,  and   Italy  that  Britain 
should  declare  her  solidarity  with  the  two  former,  unite  with  them 
three,  or  two,  in  menace  of  Germany ;  and  the  way  those  proposals 
were  listened  and  replied  to  by  Britain.    The  proposal  is  first  made 
strongly  in  despatch  number  six  and  repeatedly  after.     Pray  an- 
nounce your  determination  to  fight  along  with  us  if  Germany  per- 
sist in  countenancing  Austria ;  and,  in  the  face  of  such  a  threat,  she 
will  at  once  cower  out :  It  will  be  in  the  interests  of  peace  that  you 
should  do  so.    Sterling  Briton,  thus  addressed,  had,  in  tone  of  sleep- 
ing thunder  half  awakened,  answered:  Silence!  sirrahs.     And  im- 
mediately informed  the  German  of  the  Proposal :  There,  sir,  friend 
or  foe,  know  by  this  your  neighbors'  tempers,  what  sort  of  impartial 
hearing  they  are  prepared  to  give  your  Ally's  case.     x\nd  do  you 
suppose  the  German  did  not  know  the  proposals  had  been  made ; 
what  sort  of  answer  they  actually  got;  find  himself  enlightened,  if 
further  enlightenment  he  needed,  as  to  British  sincerity  in  sequent 
suggestions  made  to  him?     Pinchbeck  Briton,  all  gold  to  the  eye, 
did  not  fall  in  with  the  proposals,  much  less  answer  as  above.     He 
received  them  in  very  friendly  manner;  courteously  explained  his 
discreet  opinion  that  the  interests  of  peace  would  be  better  served 
if  he  continued  to  enact  the  role  of  disinterested  party ;  and — well, 
continued  to  enact  in  such  fashion  now  fully  transparent  to  all  eyes 
friendly  or  hostile.  A  behavior  thoroughly  accordant  with  decadent 
English  character  and  solely  possible  to  men  steeped  to  the  bone 
in  mendacity,  swallowed  in  the  blackest  of  terrestrial  curses,  the 
y\potheosis  of  Attorneyism ;   gaining  for  itself  also  the  unanimous 
endorsement  of  the  masses  (similarly  saturate)  as  perfection  in  any 
role  does.    It  is  second  nature  to  an  attorney  to  plead  with  passion, 
'real'  for  the  moment  by  his  brief,  even  in  full  knowledge  of  facts 
contrary;  and  the  Prime  Minister,  later,  for  his  objects,  named  some 
German  proposals  infamous  ;   yet  have  I  met  no  Briton  who  knew 
these  to  be  so. 

And,  in  fact  they  were  not.  In  the  circumstances,  it  was  noth- 
ing perfidious  for  France  and  Russia  to  beg:  Unmistakably  an- 
nounce your  determination  to  fight  along  with  us — since  you  are  so 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  545 

determined.  No,  gentle  Allies — Beg  pardon !  -No,  loving  members 
of  an  Entente  uncommitted,  we  must  maintain  the  fiction, — Alas ! 
I  stumble  again.  For  of  course  it  was  no  fiction.  Of  course  not, 
said  they.  And  Husht !  Messieurs.  Who  said  I  was  determined  to 
fight  along  with  you?  We  see,  said  they.  Who  doubts  they  saw? 
It  were  a  dolt  indeed  that  did  not.  Yet  naturally  persisted,  in  the 
firmer  confidence  accrued,  to  urge  their  view ;  it  being  merely  a 
difference  in  opinion  as  to  Ostensibles,  the  reality  understood  to 
mutual  satisfaction.  So  Russia  "deplored"  the  efifect  upon  Germany 
of  a  notion  that  Britain  would  stand  aside ;  and  Grey  soothed  with 
a  Pooh !  Is  there  not  dumb  show  enough  in  our  fleet  ?  Plenty  of 
dumb  show  and  very  easy  to  read.  While  France,  no  wise  abashed 
by  the  comforting  answer,  contentedly  toed  the  line  set  by  suscep- 
tibilities of  British  Conscience ;  and  passed  on  to  discuss  prepa- 
rations in  common  for  war — of  course  only  in  the  hypothetic  pos- 
sibility of  your  deciding  to  join  us:  We  will  not  again  press  you 
for  any  more  definite  assurance  on  that  head.  Most  unnecessary 
that  you  should.  Messieurs.  No,  the  proposals  were  not  infamous. 
Yet  I  know  of  few  things  better  meriting  the  description  than  the 
answers  they  got. 

Among  other  things  that  might  provoke  amazement,  but  too 
sorrowfully  cannot,  is  despatch  46  where  Sir  E.  Grey  reports  his 
having  had  the  impudence  to  "Observe"  to  the  German  Ambassador 
"that  if  Germany  assisted  Austria  against  Russia  it  would  be  be- 
cause zvithont  any  reference  to  the  merits  of  the  dispute  (italics 
ours)  Germany  could  not  afiford  to  see  Austria  crushed."  This 
in  face  of  the  clear  fact  that  Germany  alone  had  ever  expressed 
care  for  the  justice  of  the  dispute,  and  had  at  the  very  start  plainly 
stated  her  belief  that  Austria  had  good  grounds  for  her  proceedings 
against  Servia,  and  ought  not  to  be  interfered  with  in  them.  Sir 
Edward  Grey  himself,  meanwhile,  having  ever  unblushingly  ex- 
pressed a  total  indifiference  to  the  justice  of  the  dispute ;  and  in 
another  despatch  of  the  same  date.  Number  forty-eight,  reiterates 
that  if  Austria  could  satisfy  Russia  she  might  do  what  she  liked 
with  Servia.  Merit  of  the  dispute!  Sop  Russia  and  damn  the 
merit ;  it  is  the  want  of  that  sop  alone  that  affects  me. — T  said 
before,  page  541.  that  this  observation  of  Grey's  presupposed  be- 
lief in  no  treaty  bond  of  Germany  to  Austria:  It  obviously  ought, 
but  I  would  not  take  oath  it  did :  and  if  it  was  that  Germany 
"could  not  afford  to  see  Austria  crushed"  how  heinous  must  such 
a  casus  belli  seem  to  every  Briton  now  fighting  lest  France  should 
be! 


546  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

Britain,  enacting  the  impartial  role  and  rejecting  the  compara- 
tively straightforward  course  proposed  by  France  and  Russia,  that 
of  a  united  menace,  had  her  own  ideas  as  to  how  to  persuade  Ger- 
many not  to  support  Austria ;  of  which  the  last  paragraph  affords 
one  sample.  And,  in  our  inquiry  of  veracity  shown,  the  results 
continue  shameful  to  this  land  of  our  nativity,  forbidden  venera- 
tion. For  it  argues  that  Germany  should  not  support  Austria 
without  ever  arguing,  or,  as  I  should  more  strictly  put  it,  without 
ever  having  argued,  that  France  should  not  support  Russia.  This 
could  only  pass  at  all  if  the  treaty  between  France  and  Russia  was 
much  more  definite  than  that  between  Germany  and  Austria:  I 
have  met  nothing  worth  regard  that  builds  on  this  assumption. 
Allow  that  Germany  acted  more  by  the  present  case,  will  Britain 
call  this  less  reputable  than  act  by  pledge  to  fight  regardless  of 
present  cases  ?  That  Britain  which  professed  free  hand  and  gloried 
in  the  right  to  decide  by  instant  merits  in  each  conjuncture.  But 
the  truth  is  that  this  has  passed  with  the  hasty  mob  through  a  fact 
of  sequence  which  a  moment's  reflection  shows  you  did  not  affect 
the  matter  in  the  slightest  degree,  could  never  by  deliberate  states- 
man have  been  imagined  to  do  so.  France  would  not  enter  the 
field  unless  Germany  did.  No,  nor  Germany  unless  Russia  did. 
This  fact,  that  France  was  to  be  the  third  stepper,  Germany  the 
second  does  not  touch  the  matter  here  at  issue,  namely  the  integrity 
or  wisdom  of  either  in  entering.  Britain  deliberately  besought 
Germany  to  leave  her  Ally  undefended  if  attacked  and  never  the 
while  so  much  as  whispered  suggestion  to  France  that  she  should 
similarly  leave  her  Ally  in  the  lurch ;  yet  whatsoever  applied  to  the 
one  case  applied  with  equal  force  to  the  other.  Nay,  with  much 
greater  force!  For  Germany  was  necessarily  closely  touched  by 
war  between  Austria  and  Russia,  France  not  by  war  between  Russia 
and  Germany,  far  removed  from  her  borders.  Moreover  there  is 
very  strong  prima  facie  evidence  that  except  for  her  confident 
assurance  of  France's  support,  Russia  would  never  have  done  aught 
provocative  to  Germany,  that,  had  there  been  no  such  assurance, 
the  war  might  have  remained  between  Russia  and  Austria.  Still 
Britain  kept  arguing  with  Germany  Don't  you,  convinced  of  justice 
in  your  Ally's  quarrel,  support  her,  yet  never  said  a  word  of  similar 
import  to  France ;  knew  fully  from  the  start,  as  all  the  world  did, 
for  this  was  public  property  and  known  to  be  without  an  if,  that 
France  was  definite  to  strike  in :  nothing  save  that  knowledge  pro- 
duced the  pleading:  As  I  said  before  (p.  542)  the  plea  was  Forego 
your  title  because  France  must  be  allowed  full  tether  for  hers.     A 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR,  547 

long  tether?  Ay,  and  a  strong,  could  haul  the  whole  British  Empire 
in.  One  sees  not  what  business  Britain  had  to  suggest  either  that 
Germany  should  not  support  Austria  or  France  Russia,  but  to  urge 
the  first  without  the  second  was  totally  indefensible.  If  we  had 
right  to  plead  so  with  either,  then  overwhelmingly  the  greater  right 
to  plead  with  France;  because  of  the  mighty  obligations  which  our 
statesmen  well  knew,  though  the  country  at  large  did  not,  she  was 
under  to  us ;  in  reality,  only  daring  to  act  as  she  did  from  confidence 
of  British  cover.  Finally,  of  this,  be  it  clear  that  I  am  not  suggesting 
it  was  really  possible  for  Britain,  in  those  late  hours,  to  demand  of 
France,  to  hint  to  France,  that  she  should  not  support  Russia ;  but 
the  fact  that  is  was  impossible  made  it  perfidy  in  her  to  ask  the 
passivity  she  did  from  the  German. 

Proceeding  now  to  the  question  of  French  intervention ;  also 
of  Britain's  sincerity  of  wish  that  the  war  should  remain  in  the 
East :  With  Germany  involved,  of  which  question  we  have  already 
spoken,  it  is,  of  course,  palpably  undeniable  that  nothing  except 
a  declaration  of  neutrality  by  France  could  have  prevented  war  in 
the  West ;  and  equally  undeniable  that  such  declaration  would. 
Here,  in  the  case  of  war  in  the  Western  theatre,  it  is  perfectly 
certain  that  the  French  and  the  English  were  the  aggressors,  that 
Germany  acted  as  compelled  for  self-defence.  By  the  circum- 
stances, absolutely  no  manner  of  call  lay  upon  France  to  join  in: 
Word  pledged  to  Russia  is  the  utmost  she  can  plead.  I  say  not  that 
the  word  pledged  should  not  be  sacred,  but  bid  you  note  that  there 
was  absolutely  no  other  ground.  If  any  mortal  believe  that  the 
word  was  either  given  or  kept  for  God's  sake,  why  afflict  his  in- 
nocence? And  therewith  we  will  leave  France's  share  to  her  own 
conscience. 

But,  on  the  no-question  of  France  or  Germany  the  aggressor, 
add :  France,  toeing  the  line  to  suit  susceptibilities  of  British  con- 
science and  bettering  instruction,  kept  ten  kilometers  from  her 
frontiers  after  mobilization  ;  and,  anticipating  demand  of  neutrality 
from  Germany,  as  known  not  aggressive  upon  her,  had  many  times 
stated  she  would  never  give  it.  Yet,  by  these  delicacies  of  manoeuver 
has  persuaded  you  of  her  lamblike  intentions,  Germany's  wanton 
inroad,  in  character  of  devouring  wolf? — And  of  the  eleventh  hour 
treble  Peace  still !  Both  Russia  and  Austria  have  consented,  so 
exquisitely  set  off  to  an  admiring  audience  by  these  French  trippings 
on  the  light  fantastic  toe,  what  other  word  than  simply  Too  late! 
Germany  could  not  possibly  pause  then  on  any  plea  of  further  dis- 


548  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

cussion.  Delay  would  have  been  extremely  advantageous  to  every 
other,  her  Ally  included ;  to  herself  perilous.  What  sort  of  sincerity 
there  was  in  the  Austrian  consent  you  have  but  to  read  despatch 
one  hundred  and  forty-one  to  know ;  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
for  Russia's  humor  to  Germany  in  her  consent,  aforesaid  very  cheap. 
With  such  odors  regaling  her  nostrils,  Germany  would  have  been 
a  nose  of  wax  indeed  to  pause.  The  plea  was  the  old  accursed 
futility  of  submit  the  Austro-Servian  matter  to  the  Powers  for 
settlement,  with  certainly  no  increase  of  likelihood  that  a  peaceable 
patch  up  till  to-morrow  would  be  once  more  arrived  at.  A  ground 
for  suspension  which  none  honorable  could  then  have  made  to  the 
German ;  which  no  German  who  knew  what's  what  could  at  that 
hour  do  other  than  totally  disregard.  That,  in  a  straight  courteous 
manfulness,  compliance  was  explained  impossible  is  creditable,  for 
the  suggestion  might  justly  have  been  altogether  ignored. 

For  England's  sincerity  of  wish  that  the  war  should  remain 
in  the  East: 

Alas !  it  is  a  sort  of  mockery  to  speak  of  sincerity  in  her  doings 
here.  Yet  I  grant  that,  when  the  inevitable  sequel  of  his  acts 
comes  upon  a  man,  he  may  often  wish  intensely  enough  that  they 
could  be  avoided,  and  exhibit  a  spectacle  of  very  strenuous  zeal 
in  that  direction.  England,  in  a  full  knowledge  that  France  had 
engaged  herself  to  Russia,  entered  into  what  you  call  an  Entente, 
with  her.  Not  an  Alliance?  Oh  no!  Count  Bruhl,  a  famishing 
dog  in  sight  of  a  too  dangerous  leg  of  mutton,  long  comforted  him- 
self he  had  never  signed  anything ;  but  this  did  not  help  him  out  of 
Pima,  if  considerably  into.  Maria  Theresa,  too,  with  troops  ready 
massed  on  the  border  and  Allies  on  march,  when  demanded  Would 
she  attack  him  (Friedrich)  this  year  or  next?  Replied  vaguely  in 
limbo,  swore  the  Partition  Treaty  aganist  him  non-extant,  a  thing 
of  his  own  imagination  merely.  Whereon,  Carlyle  comments: 
Since  she  would  have  shuddered  at  the  lie  direct,  I  suppose  it  was 
not  on  paper;  but  truer  in  fact  no  treaty  could  be.  Had  England 
ever  honestly  wrought  that  war  in  the  East  of  Europe  should  not 
cause  war  in  the  West,  she  would  have  used  her  endeavors  to  induce 
France  to  terminate  her  Alliance  with  Russia ;  for  this  Alliance 
was  the  standing  menace,  and  sole  cause  why  war  in  the  East 
should  provoke  war  in  the  West.  Had  England  ever  wrought  that 
she  herself  should  not  be  involved  in  war  through  war  in  the  East, 
she  would  have  absolutely  refused  to  enter  into  any  arrangement 
with  France  so  long  as  her  alliance  with  Russia  existed ;  would 
have  made  the  termination  of  that  alliance  an  inexorable  sine  qua 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  549 

Hon  before  she  put  herself  under  any  species  of  obHgation  to  assist 
France.  These  are  certain  facts,  wholly  indisputable.  But  England 
was  possessed  with  a  dread  of  German  Aggression,  to  the  blinding 
of  her  eyes  and  the  corruption  of  her  heart :  equally  by  them.  And 
she  wrought  persistently  in  favor  of  mighty  Combination  which 
should  effectually  checkmate  German  evil  intentions.  Not  wishful 
of  war,  If  you  please  so  to  describe  it,  passionately  desirous  to 
preserve  peace.  And  hoping  to  do  so  by  raising  such  a  formidable 
looking  barrier  all  round  the  Bad  Teuton  that  he  would  never  dare 
to  try  breaking  it,  but  die  in  sight  of  victuals  like  goose  surrounded 
by  a  circle  drawn  with  chalk.  For  never  yet  were  the  counsels  of 
men  with  such  an  aim  informed  by  wisdom  but  always  have  their 
plans  been  shady,  and  their  workings  brought  upon  them  the  thing 
they  chiefly  sought  to  avoid. 

Last,  in  these  Ostensibles,  is  Britain's  Intervention. 

Let  us  look  first,  though  it  does  not  come  first  in  time,  at 
that  peculiar  offer  made  by  Sir  Edward  Grey  which  has  been 
applauded,  by  Sir.  E.  T.  Cook  among  others,  as  a  sort  of  acme 
in  magnanimous  generosity,  and  sealing  proof  of  intents  charitable. 
It  is  in  despatch  number  one  hundred  and  one  where  Grey  oft'ers 
thus :  "If  the  peace  of  Europe  can  be  preserved  and  the  present  crisis 
safely  passed,  my  own  endeavor  will  be  to  promote  some  arrange- 
ment to  which  Germany  could  be  a  party,  by  which  she  could  be 
assured  that  no  aggressive  or  hostile  policy  would  be  pursued 
against  her  or  her  allies,  by  France,  Russia,  and  ourselves,  jointly 
or  separately.  I  have  desired  this  and  worked  for  it,  as  far  as  I 
could,  through  the  last  Balkan  Crisis,  and  Germany  having  a  cor- 
responding object,  our  relations  sensibly  improved.  The  idea  has 
hitherto  been  too  LTtopian,  Etc."  Of  the  value  of  such  an  offer, 
in  International  Politics,  from  the  point  of  view  of  its  being  that 
of  a  single  individual  in  the  insecure  tenure  of  a  British  State 
Secretaryship,  it  is  superfluous  to  speak.  Granting  the  promise 
binding  on  the  nation,  on  the  three  nations,  it  would  remain  suffi- 
ciently peculiar.  In  the  first  place  it  admits— Shall  we  say  frankly 
admits?  Helplessly  and  in  spite  of  itself  admits  were  nearer  the 
mark — that  the  attitude  of  the  three  so  promising  nations  had  been 
and  was  of  a  nature  to  somewhat  strongly  call  for  assurance  from 
them  that  their  intents  were  not  hostile  or  aggressive ;  and  may 
surely  at  once  pass  muster  as  so  far  veridical.  Whether  the  German 
would  find  it  an  item  of  much-  weight  in  assuring  him  of  the  fact 
so  acknowledged?     Hardly,  I  should  think.     Alight  better  find  it 


550  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

a  sealing  proof  of  the  quality  of  our  magnanimity  and  charitable 
purpose.  But  the  message  did  not  intend  to  convey  recriminations 
on  the  past,  nor  shed  light  on  it ;  it  was  for  security  in  the  future. 
Dear  friend,  not  foe  I  hope  this  instant,  submit  to-day,  at  our  ardent 
intercession  let  Austria  go  to  pot,  and  /  for  reward,  will  promise  to 
do  my  private  utmost  in  the  to-morrow  to  obtain  for  you  an 
Agreement  whereby  each  of  these  three  now  in  threatened  league 
against  you  shall  enter  into  bond  that  they  will  never  more,  either 
singly  or  collectively  pursue  a  policy  aggressive  or  hostile  to  you. 
Such  fact,  to  drunk  sense  too  Utopian,  was  all  you  ever  sought, 
bond  for  it  you  never  asked.  But  never  again!  never  again!  T 
swear  it  on  my  knees  beseeching  grace :  this  shall  be  a  lesson  to  me 
all  my  days  remaining.  If  we  can  read  it  quite  so  without  stretch, 
some  breath  of  personal  sympathy  for  Grey  may  well  be  in  us. 

0  Sir  Edward !  this  turn  dropped  from  my  pen  as  I  wrote,  without 
premeditation,  and  has  banished  all  harsh  feeling  toward  you.     For 

1  can  believe  it  may  have  been  thus  with  you.  Yet  the  leopard 
does  not  change  his  spots.  And  as  for  any  species  of  security  to 
Germany  in  the  future  having  been  hereby  offered,  there  is  not  the 
shadow  of  such  a  thing.  Did  the  remorseful  one,  really  or  hypo- 
thetically  remorseful,  himself  even  contemplate  a  removal  of  the 
fences,  not  a  strengthening  of  them,  if  given  further  time  to  do  it 
in?  Checkmate  to  be  abandoned?  Perhaps  I  should  not  have  gone 
so  far  in  these  ambiguous  realms.  Perpetual  check,  check,  without 
a  mate, — or  for  your  mate's  sake — and  your  own — is  also  a  known 
thing ;  if  often  pleasing  to  the  checker  somewhat  liable  to  grow  irri- 
tating to  the  checkee.  Then  stalemate  is  surely  the  fairest  draw  of 
all,  long  reckoned  even,  and  leaving  honor  to  the  staled.  Chalk 
line  itself  can  be  charitably  circumscribed,  the  confined  one  grow 
fat  enough ;  all  circumscribers  consent  they'll  not  disturb  the  circle, 
and  the  Goose  clearly  a  party  to  the  compact.  Happy  stay  within 
instead  of  discontented,  and  our  Policy  triumph  at  last.  See !  child, 
we  will  teach  you  to  build  your  own  ring  wall,  at  least  you  shall 
have  a  hand  in  building  it,  then  shall  you  sit  blessed  in  freedom  from 
check,  whilst  we  sweep  wide  o'er  the  earth  in  unburdened  cheer. — 
The  offer  was  peculiar ;  if  you  can  read  a  gleam  of  private  grace 
in  it,  'tis  happy  so  far ;  but  to  speak  of  it  as  magnanimous,  to  refer 
to  it  in  any  way  as  of  the  smallest  weight  in  the  issues,  betokens 
strange  latitudes. 

These  things  are  a  little  pregnant,  reader !  Choice  of  sequence 
not  unadvised  would  you  grapple  with  the  Whole.  Turn  back,  then, 
to  what  is  called  The  Infamous  German  Bid  for  British  Neutrality. 


CARLYLE    ANi)    THE    WAR.  55 1 

i  will  say  foremost  that  this  British  description  of  Germany's 
conduct  is  "amazing,"  even  to  me.  I  have  nowhere  met  the  hke  of 
it ;  in  sheer  sodden  mendacity  of  soul,  it  surpasses  everything  of  its 
kind  I  have  heard  of,  and  deserves  to  be  held  in  permanent  record 
as  a  non  plus  ultra  in  that  line.  Here  is  no  knave's  shuffle,  no 
hypocrite's  deliberate  suppression  of  the  truth,  but  an  open  publicly 
declared  and  printed  statement  of  the  facts  as  they  were ;  and 
then  an  interpretation  instantly  concluded  of  them,  for  campaign 
of  unctuous  eloquence  and  selfrighteous  indignation,  excuse  and 
cover  of  most  fateful  deed,  utterly  and  glaringly  in  total  incompati- 
bility with  those  facts,  for  which  those  facts  offered  no  momentary 
possibility  of  a  conceivable  color  to  any  honest-minded  mortal. 
Such  emphatic  stricture  may  not  apply  to  many  members  of  the 
general  public  who  only  heard  of  the  facts  through  the  interpreta- 
tion, or  along  with  it ;  but  I  could  not  reduce  a  syllable  of  this 
stricture  for  the  men  who  gave  out  the  interpretation  at  the  same 
time  that  they  made  the  facts  known.  Germany,  looking  into 
now  almost  certain  war  with  Russia  and  knowing,  as  you  and  all 
the  world  did,  that  France  would  not  remain  neutral  but  side  with 
Russia,  aware  also  of  certain  vain  pretensions  tenanted  in  British 
lodgings  too  sadly  furnished  with  them,  had  the  candor  and  fore- 
bearance,  suppressing  all  comment  on  those  pretensions,  to  say  thus, 
through  her  Chancellor: 

"That  it  was  clear,  so  far  as  he  was  able  to  judge  the  main 
principle  which  governed  British  policy,  that  Great  Britain  would 
never  stand  by  and  allow  France  to  be  crushed  in  any  conflict 
there  might  be.^  That,  however,  was  not  the  object  at  which  Ger- 
many aimed.  Provided  that  neutrality  of  Great  Britain  were  cer- 
tain, every  assurance  would  be  given  to  the  British  Government 
that  the  Imperial  Government  aimed  at  no  territorial  acquisition 
at  the  expense  of  France  should  they  prove  victorious  in  any  war 
that  might  ensue. 

"I  (Sir  E.  Goschen)  questioned  his  Excellency  about  the 
French  Colonies,  and  he  (the  German  Chancellor)  said  that  he 
was  unable  to  give  a  similar  undertaking  in  that  respect.  As  re- 
gards Holland,  however,  his  Excellency  said  that,  so  long  as  Ger- 
many's adversaries  respected  the  integrity  and  neutrality  of  the 
Netherlands,  Germany  was  ready  to  give  His  Majesty's  Government 
an  assurance  that  she  would  do  likewise.  It  depended  on  the 
action  of  France  what  operations  Germany  might  be  forced  to  enter 

^That  same  Britain  that  a  little  before  had  called  it  unwarranted  for 
Germany  to  refuse  to  stand  by  and  see  Austria  crushed. 


552  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

upon  in  Belgium,  but  when  the  war  was  over,  Belgian  integrity 
would  be  respected  if  she  had  not  sided  against  Germany."  (Des- 
patch number  eighty-five.) 

What  is  there  either  of  "bid"  or  "infamy"  in  this?  What  did 
you  expect  of  Germany?  That  when  engaged  in  war  eastward, 
she  should  just  shoulder  arms  along  her  western  border;  stand 
patiently  waiting  there  till  the  French  were  ready  to  attack  her ; 
and  then,  in  height  of  fantastic  heroism  merely  defend  the  border, 
resolutely  brush  back,  if  she  could,  (you  will  allow  her  that  right 
I  suppose?)  any  French  attempt  to  cross.  Yet  never  under  any 
provocation  herself  set  foot  beyond ;  and,  when  the  war  was  over, 
retire  with  sage  bow  and  lifted  hat,  remarking  Our  deepest  thanks 
to  you,  Messieurs,  for  this  spiritual  exercise,  and  all  good  hopes 
the  amusement  has  proved  beneficial  to  you?  It  verily  seems  that 
little  short  of  this  would  have  contented  you.  And  I  know  that 
your  rage  arose  through  finding  your  baseless  prescriptions  not 
obeyed  and  diplomacy  turned  to  water.  What  shadow  of  a  title 
had  Britain  to  settle  the  terms  on  which  Germany  should  fight 
France,  that  Britain  which  had  never  done  aught  to  keep  France  from 
seizing  opportunity  to  satisfy  grudge?  Is  Britain  the  God  of  this 
lower  world?  and  what  just  God  would  lend  cover  to  one  side 
against  another,  then  forbid  that  other  to  exact  the  least  penalty 
if  victorious?  You  call  it  an  infamous  bid  by  Germany,  and  the 
fact  was  an  infamous  dictation  of  terms  by  Britain.  Infamous 
dictation  wisely  recognized  extant,  and  dealt  with  in  an  admirable 
restraint. 

The  German,  wisely  perceiving  the  existence  of  certain  preten- 
sions in  some  heads,  where,  however  baseless  in  fact,  their  existence 
can  in  verity  become  momentous  enough,  saw  that  it  could  profit 
nothing  to  give  the  least  expression  to  his  thought  of  those  preten- 
sions, though  we  need  not  doubt  he  had  his  thoughts,  but  in  a  manful 
prudence  mildly  enquired  How  far  do  these  Olympian  ideas  extend? 
Beyond  this?  And  Britain  in  immovable  majesty,  disdaining  afifront, 
replied  from  aloft :  Of  course,  far  beyond.  Not  outgone  in  for- 
bearance at  the  first  blush,  merely  with  the  eye  suggested  Darest 
propose  a  limit  to  our  sovereign  jurisdiction?  Who  could  treat  with 
you.  Gentlemen?  Germany  may  defend  her  countries,  quite  large 
enough  for  her  in  our  supreme  decision,  our  Almightiness  gracious- 
ly concedes  so  much ;  but,  by  our  omnipotence,  and  world-shaking 
nod,  let  her  expend  what  blood  and  treasure  she  may,  she  shall  go 
home  again  with  nothing  save  her  labor  for  her  trouble ;  no  hair 
of  France's  head  shall  be  harmed,  and  she,  meanwhile,  under  our 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  553 

sheltering  wing,  have  free  allowance  if  victorious  to  keep  whate'er 
she  can  wrench.  O  soul  of  Equity!  must  not  the  whole  just  of  the 
earth  rise  in  sternest  wrath  to  crush  the  thievish  miscreant  would 
not  before  entering  conflict  take  oath  on  demand  at  once  and  humbly 
to  observe  these  righteous  terms?  Truly,  I  have  never  met  their 
match,  and  grow  in  respect  for  the  German  could  still  restrain 
and  try  yet  further:  Will  you,  if  we  promise  not  to  infringe 
Belgian  neutrality — and  even,  it  would  seem  by  speech  in  Par- 
liament, though  it  is  not  in  White  Paper,  forego  our  right  to  attack 
the  northern  coasts  of  France — Shall  you  even  on  these  extreme 
compliances  with  your  Lordship's  arbitrium — and,  bravely,  with- 
out a  hint  they  were  compliances  and  the  arbitrium  most  exsuf- 
flicate, — refuse  to  promise  neutrality?  Imperious  Yes,  we  will 
and  do  refuse.  We  may  perhaps,  on  those  conditions,  permit  you 
to  enter  the  war  without  us  for  terrible  opposite,  but  will  give  you 
no  manner  of  assurance  that,  once  in,  we  will  not  fall  upon  you  in 
time  and  circumstance  convenient  for  us.  'Tis  easy  now  to  see  that 
the  second  offer  was  useless ;  for  he  who  named  the  first  a  "bid" 
and  "infamous"  could  only  be  confirmed  in  exalted  spurn  by  an 
amendment  conceding  more  to  folly's  vain  impious  challengings. 
O  British  Jove  offended !  ominously  grasping  the  lightening,  I  can 
tell  you  one  way  in  which  Germany's  "bid,"  if  tJioi  ever  made, 
might  have  been  infamous.  The  way  of  own  course  honorable, 
when  the  bare  suggestion  of  your  dreaming  to  lay  down  a  rule 
whereby  she  should  fight,  might  well  have  shocked  you  with  its 
atrocity. 

Along  with  this  claim  to  dictate  the  conditions  of  Germany's 
combat  with  France,  simultaneous  throughout  runs  the  figment 
of  British  Free  Hand,  no  binding  obligation  to  bestir  on  France's 
behalf  but  liberty  to  take  any  side  according  to  judgment  of  merits 
of  each  particular  case  that  might  arise.  You  pledge  yourself  to 
maintain  Belgian  neutrality  (whereon  a  word  further  shortly), 
you  stand  resolved  that  you  will  permit  to  Germany  no  territorial 
acquisitions  at  the  expense  of  France  or  her  Colonies,  in  other 
words,  that,  if  she  have  war  with  France,  she  shall  on  its  con- 
clusion go  home  again  with  nothing  but  her  labor  for  her  trouble ; 
what  more  one  knows  not ;  but  finally  and  above  all  you  under- 
take to  protect  the  northern  coasts  of  France  and  prevent  by  force 
any  attack  upon  them  by  Germany :  And  then  you  say  you  were  not 
under  treaty  obligations  to  fight  on  France's  behalf!  Never  was 
more  hideous  mockery  of  faith ;  vilest  conspiracy  plotting  for 
attack  and  partition  were  clean  in  comparison.     Those  despatches 


554  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

of  Sir  Edward  Grey's  wherein  he  expounded  to  France  and  Russia 
the  delicate  and  fine  distinctions  which  left  Britain  no  treaty  ally 
but  a  member  of  Entente  with  hand  free,  were  not  purposely  cun- 
ning at  all  yet  did  simply  point  the  way.  The  Russ  was  thick  of 
comprehension  at  first  but  the  nimble  Celt  perceived  in  a  twinkling, 
and  with  eyes  privately  twinkling,  though  listening  to  Sir  Edwards 
dissection  with  all  sobriety  of  countenance.  Just  so,  your  Excel- 
lency. The  British  lion  owns  no  harness  and  the  Island  Ape  which 
rides  him  cannot  intervene  except  under  certain  contingencies. 
Adieu ;  till  tomorrow ;  we  will  not  importune  you  till  wanted,  and 
when  wanted  you  have  told  us.  We  proceed  then  alone  yet  secure 
of  your  aid  the  moment  we  act  thus  and  thus.  Incredible  as  it 
may  seem  to  a  German,  only  credible  as  it  is  to  Man  when  sadly 
conversant  with  the  phosphorescences  which  once  noble  moralities 
gone  putrid  sometimes  exhibit,  Sir  E.  Grey  did  not  mean.  Act  you 
in  such  and  such  a  fashion  in  order  that  our  hands  may  appear 
clean  to  the  world ;  he  wrote  in  sincerity,  what  is  called  sincerity, 
yet  no  whit  the  less  simply  pointed  the  way. 

Instead  of  open  declaration  of  common  cause  with  France, 
conclusion  of  definite  alliance  oft'ensive  and  defensive,  you  gave 
France  secretly  the  utmost  cover  it  was  in  your  power  to  give  short 
of  such  definite  bond,  and  properly  it  was  not  for  France's  sake 
but  for  your  own.  And  then,  if  the  German  would  have  conformed 
to  the  outrageous  conditions  imposed  on  him  by  that  cover,  you 
might  perhaps  have  been  content  to  stand  neutral.  Great  was  your 
magnanimity!  noble  your  rage  that  the  Teuton  rejected  your  con- 
ditions. The  Prime  Minister  made  a  great  point  in  his  speech,  and 
inflamed  the  country  with  "infamous"  German,  by  exclaiming: 
Were  we  to  stand  by  with  folded  arms  and  see  the  northern  coast 
of  France  bombarded !  that  coast  left  undefended  through  our 
agreements  with  France!  Most  true,  hy  your  agreementsl  How 
came  those  coasts  to  be  defenceless?  Why  was  the  French  fleet 
concentrated  in  the  Mediterranean?  You  secretly  made  compact  to 
defend  those  coasts  so  that  the  French  fleet  could  leave  them ;  and 
then  exclaim  as  if  their  defenceless  state  were  one  of  helpless  inno- 
cence, calling  to  humanity  for  protection,  came  by  no  subtilty  of 
yours  ;  and  say  you  had  free  hand  to  decide  every  case  on  its  merits! 
It  is  the  fearfuUest  exhibition  of  shameless  sodden  mendacity  I  have 
come  across ;  no  "perfidy"  could  be  worse  if  this  be  not  perfidious. 
You  wished  peace,  you  say?  And,  to  preserve  it,  privately  made 
arrangement  with  one  neighbor  which  gave  him  the  fullest  cover 
you  could  contrive ;  for  the  other  had  thereby  laid  down  conditions 


CARLYLE    AND    THE    WAR.  555 

of  combat  utterly  outrageous,  devoid  of  any  sort  of  basis  outside 
your  own  convenience :  Then  proclaim  yourself  Champion  of  Right 
unwillingly  forced  into  war  by  considerations  of  highest  duty  be- 
cause the  one  made  that  use  of  the  cover  afforded  him  he  was  sure 
to  make  and  the  other  refused  your  delirious  prescriptions  of  con- 
duct for  him ! 

On  the  question  of  Belgian  Neutrality  it  is  not  necessary  to  say 
more  than  a  word  further.  One  could  have  well  wished  it  re- 
spected by  all,  but  knows  not  how  it  could  have  been  so  by  Germany. 
One  thing  is  quite  certain,  it  was  not  Britain  that  should  have  been 
foremost  in  demanding  it,  but  Belgium  herself,  in  direct  friendly 
interchange  with  Germany,  not  through  appeal  to  Britain  in  pre- 
conclusion  of  hostility  and  palpable  leaning  to  one  side ;  or,  next, 
by  France,  equally  in  the  way  of  direct  mutual  agreement  with 
Germany;  and  Britain  only  if  at  all,  as  honestly  impartial  third. 
But  it  is  folly  to  speak  of  the  probities  which  might  have  been. 
Alas!  no,  which  never  had  a  chance  of  being.  For  Britain  to 
demand  as  she  did,  especially  in  conjunction  with  other  items  in  the 
same  despatch,  was  at  once  a  threat  of  Beware !  or  I  come  in 
unless  you  conform  to  my  rules  as  self-constituted  Marshal  of  these 
Lists.  And  thus,  to  the  German,  the  thing  was  from  the  first  sus- 
picious and  to  be  rejected  as  obviously  not  demanded  for  equity 
but  in  the  interests  of  his  adversaries.  For  Germany  to  grant  it, 
too,  was  a  much  heavier  demand  than  for  France.  The  German 
said  that  he  had  unimpeachable  evidence  that  France  meant  to 
attack  him  in  that  quarter ;  and  personally,  I  have  little  doubt  the 
French  assurance  was  given  in  the  certainty  it  would  never  be  re- 
quired of  -them  to  fulfil  it ;  that  the  swifter  moving  German  would 
be  the  first  to  cross  the  border,  and  so  they  could  throw  the  oppro- 
brium upon  him  without  risk  to  themselves.  For  the  Belgians,  it 
is  sure  that,  however  they  may  have  desired  to  escape  damage, 
they  were  not  neutral  of  spirit  but  exceedingly  adverse  to  Germany. 
It  has  been  said  since  the  war  began  that,  if  France  had  violated 
Belgian  Neutrality,  Britain  would  equally  have  gone  to  war:  It  is 
sufficiently  probable  she  would — on  just  the  same  side  she  now  has. 
Britain  would  not  have  sided  with  Germany  against  France  for 
Belgium's  sake :  All  men  know  that  completely,  and  the  saying  she 
would  is  a  deliberate  Lie,  straightforward  enough  for  once.  A  thing 
just  safely  said  after,  known  without  any  foundation.  A  most 
godless  farce  is  all  this  pretence  of  British  championship  of  Bel- 
gium.    On  every  ground,  care  of   Belgium's  welfare  would  have 


556  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

counselled :  Yield.  On  that  compulsion,  yield ;  grant  the  Germans 
the  free  passage  they  demand.  This  alone  had  been  the  magnan- 
imous course,  and  most  earnest  persuasion  of  any  champion  for 
Belgium.  I  am  not  quite  saying  you  were  called  to  do  this ;  but 
you  are  emphatically  called  to  admit  that,  in  urging  Belgium  to 
resist  to  the  utmost  on  promises  of  help  you  knew  could  never 
reach  her  in  time,  you  were  deliberately  throwing  her  under  the 
harrow  of  war,  with  possible  loss  of.  national  independence,  for  no 
other  object  than  to  gain  time  for  yourselves.  Had  Belgium  then 
been  Ally  the  urgement  to  resist  had  been  fair ;  to  a  neutral,  it  had 
nothing  in  it  "magnanimous,"  can  only  pass  as  natural  to  selfseekers 
diligent  to  use  all  means  within  reach  to  gain  their  own  ends. 
Neither  is  there  any  manner  of  doubt  that  Britain  solely  ever  under- 
took to  support  Belgian  Neutrality  by  force  for  her  own  interests 
in  fear  of  Germany's  power. 

In  summary  of  these  Ostensible  Causes :  Except,  it  is  a  big 
exception,  Britain's  possession  by  dread  of  German  Aggression, 
involuntarily  made  all  too  apparent,  no  Real  Cause  comes  to  light. 
And,  when  you  speak  of  Real  Causes,  you  have  to  ask,  even  of  that 
Dread,  whence  came  it?  What  ground,  if  any,  had  it  to  stand  on? 
Hence  no  answer  whatever  is  given  here  to  the  question — Why  are 
we  at  war  ?  but  only  is  how  we  have  come  to  be  at  war  a  little  told. 
And  the  true  value  of  these  White  Paper  Despatches  is  as  documents 
testifying  of  the  integrity  of  the  several  writers,  as  representing 
their  nations,  or  at  least  Governments.  In  this  view,  the  Servian 
is  cunning,  shifty,  and  wittingly  never  shows  true  face.  The  Aus- 
trian and  Russian  keep  their  motives  hidden,  reveal  to  impertinent 
curiosity  no  more  than  their  proud  heights  to  deem  suitable.  The 
French  are  clear,  incisive,  declare  a  singleness  of  purpose,  whatever 
wiliness  of  method ;  namely  to  make  the  most  of  the  opportunity 
if  it  came  now,  with  readiness  to  wait  for  a  better  if  need  be.  In 
the  German  a  grand  resolvedness,  weight  of  meaning,  sagacious 
instead  of  alert ;  very  determined  indeed,  yet  restrained,  forbearant, 
rising  to  fateful  enterprise  unescapable  in  meditations  cloudy  pro- 
found: their  words  have  everywhere  a  right  sterling  ring.  In  the 
British,  an  utter  hollowness,  most  zealous  pleading  far  removed 
from  all  contact  with  the  facts.  No  secrecy  of  the  conscious  hypo- 
crite, but  that  bottomless  mendacity  which,  self-contemplating  its 
own  false  face  truly  rendered  back  in  the  mirror,  cries  on  the  world 
to  witness  Saw  ye  ever  a  fairer  or  more  blameless ! 


HYPHENATION  JUSTIFIED. 

BY    THE    EDITOR. 

''T^HERE  is  much  talk  to-day  about  "hyphenated  Americans"  and 
A    the  objection  to  hyphenation  is  common  if  not  almost  univer- 
sal.   The  objection  is  justified,  but  is  there  not  a  side  to  the  c^uestion 
in  which  hyphenation  is  quite  legitimate? 

We  all  agree  that  our  nation  should  be  one  in  love  of  country 
and  unanimous  in  its  ideal  of  building  up  a  new  nation  on  the 
western  continent,  cherishing  the  ideals  of  humanity  in  independence 
and  with  strength ;  but  we  do  not,  nor  can  we,  deny  that  the  new 
nation  is  the  result  of  many  factors  and  a  coalescence  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world.  The  union  of  all  becomes  possible  only 
through  the  faithfulness  of  all  to  the  common  ideal,  but  the  ele- 
ments of  which  the  whole  is  wrought  hail  from  different  countries 
of  Europe.  First  there  are  the  Yankees,  the  Puritans,  who  came 
here  from  England  for  conscience's  sake  because  they  sought 
liberty  for  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  which  they  could  not 
find  in  the  old  country.  A  different  type  are  the  Virginians  and 
further  still  the  Mary  landers  under  Lord  Baltimore,  many  of  whom 
were  adherents  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  Quite  different  again 
were  the  Friends,  called  Quakers,  who  acquired  Pennsylvania,  and 
it  was  in  their  territory  that  the  first  Germans  settled,  coming 
from  the  Palatinate  on  the  Rhine. 

On  the  basis  of  these  first  colonizations  the  development  of 
the  country  began,  and  after  a  successful  war  with  England  the 
colonies  changed  into  a  federation  of  states  inviting  immigrants 
from  all  quarters  of  the  world.  A  period  of  immigration  set  in 
and  the  thirteen  states  became  the  refuge  of  innumerable  men  and 
families  who  for  some  reason  or  other  sought  a  new  home  in  the 
great  land  of  the  west  because  they  were  dissatisfied  with  the  con- 
ditions of  their  former  homes,  or  because  they  strongly  sympathized 
with  the  ideals  of  liberty  and  hoped  to  help  in  building  up  a  nation 


558  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

of  the  future  where  mankind  would  find  happier  and  nobler  and 
better  prospects  than  in  the  past. 

It  is  not  expected,  and  has  never  been  deemed  necessary,  that 
these  immigrants  should  blot  out  their  past,  that  they  should  forget 
their  old  homes  or  acquire  a  contempt  for  their  forefathers  or  be- 
come hostile  to  their  brothers  whom  they  left  behind  in  Europe. 
On  the  contrary,  they  were  welcome  here  on  account  of  their  intel- 
lectual inheritance.  They  were  invited  to  bring  along  all  the  treas- 
ures of  their  civilization  so  as  to  enrich  their  new  home  with  the 
best  they  had  to  offer.  Only  one  thing  was  expected  of  them,  to 
cut  off  and  forswear  all  former  political  allegiance  to  their  princes 
or  governments,  for  that  is  indispensable  if  they  would  be  free 
citizens  of  this  country  and  serve  its  interests  faithfully. 

It  is  in  this  sense  that  the  objection  to  hyphenated  Americans 
is  justified.  All  those  who  settle  in  this  country  and  become  nat- 
uralized do  so  by  their  own  free  will  in  becoming  Americans.  The 
United  States  of  America  owns  their  allegiance  fully  and  wholly. 
The  governments  of  their  original  homes  lose  every  claim,  for  these 
new  citizens  promise  solemnly  no  longer  to  recognize  any  other 
obligations  than  toward  the  country  of  their  adoption. 

In  this  sense  the  objection  to  the  use  of  hyphenated  designa- 
tions is  rigidly  justified  and  there  is  no  question  about  it.  But  there 
is  another  sense  in  which  the  use  of  a  hyphen  is  perfectly  legitimate, 
and  it  is  entirely  suitable  to  speak  of  German-Americans,  Irish- 
Americans,  French-Americans,  Anglo-Americans,  Afro-Americans, 
Greco-Americans,  Italo-Americans,  Polish-Americans,  and  of  the 
very  small  contingent  of  Indians  as  the  original  true  Americans. 
We  are  different  in  blood  and  in  tradition.  Our  mental  constitu- 
tion is  not  the  same  although  we  are  all  Americans,  and  I  know  more 
about  a  man  if  I  hear  him  spoken  of  as  an  Afro-American  or  an 
Anglo-American  or  a  German-American.  In  this  latter  sense  the 
hyphenated  designation  is  perfectly  justified  and  it  would  be  posi- 
tively foolish  to  forbid  distinctions  of  this  kind. 

In  the  narrow  sense  of  the  word  there  are  very  few  Anglo- 
Americans  in  this  country.  Englishmen  who  settle  in  this  country 
as  a  rule  remain  British.  They  would  consider  that  they  were  sur- 
rendering a  privilege  if  they  were  to  give  up  their  connection  with 
Great  Britain.  The  first  Englishman  I  met  in  this  country,  when 
asked  whether  he  was  an  American,  answered  with  indignation,  "I 
never  foreswore  my  allegiance  to  Her  Majesty  the  Queen!"  And  the 
same  spirit  of  allegiance  to  their  old  country  is  noticeable  in  most 
Englishmen  living  in  this  country.     The  patriotism  of  the  English 


HYPHENATION  JUSTIFIED.  559 

is  a  commendable  trait,  but  at  the  same  time  I  must  confess  that  it 
prevents  the  subjects  of  the  British  empire  from  making  desirable 
citizens  for  the  United  States. 

The  old  Anglo-Americans  were  very  different ;  they  possessed, 
and  many  of  their  descendents  still  possess,  a  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence. They  are  also  broad  enough  to  recognize  the  good  in 
other  nations.  They  are  proud  of  being  able  to  trace  their  ances- 
try back  to  colonial  days  and  few  of  them  have  forgotten  that  we 
owe  our  liberty  to  a  struggle  with  Old  England.  They  are  friendly 
to  England  but  not  submissive.  They  know  very  well  that  the 
English  people  look  down  upon  the  Americans  at  best  as  third- 
class  English.  The  colonials,  the  British  subjects  in  the  colonies, 
are  second-class  English,  and  when  a  native  Englishman  is  kindly 
disposed  he  ranges  Americans  directly  after  these  second-class 
English  subjects,  as  third-class  Englishmen. 

There  is  another  kind  of  Anglo-Americans  who  object  to 
being  third-class  Englishmen.  They  are  Anglomaniacs.  Convinced 
of  many  shortcomings — especially  in  manners — traceable  in  their 
countrymen,  they  become  what  Professor  Patten  calls  Britonets.^ 
They  ape  the  English  and  succumb  to  a  typical  disease,  Anglo- 
mania. These  people  are  a  dangerous  element  in  this  country  be- 
cause they  exhibit  an  ill-concealed  tendency  of  submission  to  Great 
Britain  and  are  somewhat  ashamed  that  the  thirteen  colonies  ever 
broke  away  from  England  and  asserted  their  independence  again 
and  again.  They  would  not  have  joined  Washington's  army  and 
regret  that  there  should  have  been  the  war  of  1812. 

I  do  not  hesitate  to  regard  the  German-Americans,  by  the  side 
of  the  old  Americans  of  colonial  descent  and  with  revolutionary 
traditions,  as  the  most  valuable  portion  of  American  citizenship. 
Their  merits  in  building  up  the  United  States  have  been  fully  rec- 
ognized by  historians  and  if  they  now  show  a  discontent  with  our 
administration  on  account  of  its  Britonet  tendencies,  exhibiting 
an  unworthy  submissiveness  to  the  dictates  of  Great  Britain  and 
a  positively  unfair  treatment  of  Germany,  we  are  inclined  to  say 
that  their  complaints  ought  to  be  heeded.  From  the  start  the  Ger- 
mans have  made  the  best  and  most  faithful  and  enthusiastic  citi- 
zens, but  we  cannot  expect  that  they  have  become  Americans  for 
the  purpose  of  assisting  the  American  nation  to  serve  as  a  catspaw 
for  England.  They  came  here  to  become  citizens  of  an  independ- 
ent nation  and  wanted  to  help  in  building  up  the  great  humanita- 

^  See  "Becoming  American"  by  S.  N.  Patten  in  The  Open  Court  of 
July,  1915. 


560  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

rian  republic  of  untold  future  possibilities,  but  decidedly  they  did 
not  mean  to  become  either  third-class  English  or  Britonets. 

We  Americans  are  at  present  subject  to  the  latter  danger  and 
are  likely  to  lose  our  chances  of  becoming  the  great  republic  of 
the  future,  in  which  the  ideals  of  mankind  shall  be  actualized  in 
a  higher  degree  than  ever  before. 

With  very  rare  exceptions  German-Americans  are  good  Ameri- 
cans, inspired  by  the  proper  spirit  of  American  ideals,  but  con- 
sidering their  intellectual  inheritance  of  high-minded  ideals,  their 
love  of  solid  education,  their  respect  for  law,  their  insistence  on 
liberty  and  regard  for  the  rights  of  others,  we  deem  it  wrong  to  do 
away  with  the  proper  designation  of  their  origin. 

The  objection  to  the  hyphenated  expression  is  justified  only 
when  the  double  name  does  not  so  much  refer  to  the  descent  of 
American  citizens  as  to  a  state  of  mind  in  which  a  man  is  sup- 
posed to  serve  two  masters.  Since  this  is  the  case  only  in  the 
rarest  possible  exceptions,  we  see  in  the  opposition  to  hyphenation 
a  sly  attempt  to  weaken  the  just  criticism  that  at  present  comes 
from   our   German-American    fellow   citizens. 

The  German-Americans  are  right  when  they  denounce  the 
"neutrality"  of  the  United  States  in  furnishing  ammunition  to  the 
Allies  so  as  to  help  them  kill  the  German  soldiers  in  their  defense 
of  the  fatherland.  We  have  no  business  to  support  either  British 
supremacy  on  the  seas  or  the  plans  of  the  Czar  in  extending  the 
muscovite  dominion  over  Europe. 

There  is  no  need  of  leveling  all  Americans,  those  of  colonial 
descent,  the  German-Americans,  the  Irish-Americans,  the  Latin- 
Americans,  the  Slav-Americans,  and  the  Afro- Americans,  to  the  in- 
discriminate mass  of  "Americans,"  and  the  suggestion  to  do  so 
indicates  a  bad  conscience.  It  is  mainly  directed  against  the  Ger- 
man-Americans because  they  have  a  complaint  against  our  adminis- 
tration which  is  Britonet  (as  Professor  Patten  would  say).  But 
the  Britonets  do  not  dare  to  discuss  the  situation  openly  with  proper 
arguments,  and  so,  with  a  sly  trick  worthy  of  a  British  diplomat 
like  Sir  Edward  Grey,  they  transfer  the  issue  to  a  field  where  they 
claim  the  right  to  silence  the  warning  which  comes  from  German- 
American  quarters.  They  would  mark  it  as  treason  if  the  German- 
American  did  not  approve  of  this  country's  policy  of  helping  the 
English  in  reducing  Germany  to  defeat  for  a  proper  remuneration 
in  dollars  and  cents. 

Therefore  we  feel  it  advisable  to  declare  in  all  honesty  that 
we  are  all  hyphenated  Americans  and  shall  remain  so,  and  we  hope 


HYPHENATION   JUSTIFIED.  561 

that  in  later  centuries  America  will  be  proud  of  being  the  product 
of  several  different  elements  of  European  blood  mixture.  We  do  not 
mean  to  become  Anglomaniacs  but  will  build  up  a  new  nation  in 
which,  though  the  foundations  have  been  laid  by  the  Anglo-Ameri- 
cans, the  German-American  element  has  given  to  this  nation  the 
most  important  and  most  valuable  addition. 

The  Germans  of  the  old  world  have  proved  to  mankind  in  the 
present  world  war  that  in  spite  of  being  more  than  six  times  out- 
numbered by  their  enemies  they  hold  their  own,  and  there  is  no 
chance  that  they  will  be  crushed  or  defeated  by  the  allied  powers. 
Their  admirable  efficiency  in  their  peaceful  pursuits  is  fully  equalled 
by  an  efficiency  in  battle,  and  the  time  will  come  when  we  Ameri- 
cans will  deem  it  advisable,  yea  indispensable,  to  imitate  their 
institutions,  their  methods  of  civil  service,  their  methods  of  educa- 
tion, their  inventions  in  industrial  spheres,  their  progress  in  science, 
in  music  and  other  arts.  The  proof  of  German  efficiency,  of  their 
superiority  in  almost  every  respect,  is  manifest  and  our  fellow 
citizens  of  German  descent  will  take  pride  in  calling  themselves 
German-Americans. 

In  concluding  these  comments,  I  will  sum  up  the  result  of  my 
consideration  thus :  The  existence  of  hyphenated  Americans  is 
an  undeniable  fact,  and  the  condemnation  of  the  use  of  hyphenated 
names  takes  its  origin  from  a  desire  to  make  an  important  part  of 
our  population  connive  in  violating  our  duties,  in  submitting  to  the 
policy  of  our  country  in  shirking  the  duties  of  neutrality,  in  legal- 
izing the  enslavement  of  the  United  States  under  British  rule  and 
in  serving  British  interests — in  a  word,  in  changing  our  republic 
into  a  British  dependency. 


A  CHRONICLE  OF  UNPARALLELED  INFAMIES. 

AN  OPEN  LETTER  TO  DR.  PAUL  CARUS. 

Sir, — Various  articles  from  your  pen  have  appeared  in  The 
Open  Court  defending  the  action  of  Germany  and  the  German 
armies  in  regard  to  the  inception  and  conduct  of  the  present  war. 
You  have  alleged  that  this  terrible  conflict  was  brought  about  by 
Great  Britain,  upon  whom  lies  the  guilt ;  and  that  the  excesses  im- 
puted to  German  troops  either  were  not  committed  by  them,  or  were 
grossly  exaggerated,  or  were  only  such  as  usually  accompany  the 
armed  struggles  of  nations.  You  have  asserted  that  it  was  the 
Belgians  who  first  committed  atrocities  upon  the  Germans,  and 
that  the  severities  exercised  by  the  latter  were  justifiable  retaliations 
for  wanton  outrages  against  the  gentle  and  humane  invaders  of  a 
little  country  whose  integrity  they  were  pledged  to  maintain. 

You  have,  I  presume,  by  this  time  received  and  read  the  Report 
of  the  commission  formed  by  the  British  Government,  and  presided 
over  by  Lord  Bryce,  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  excesses 
alleged  to  have  been  committed  by  the  troops  of  your  Fatherland. 
I  would  particularly  call  your  attention  to  the  Appendix  to  this 
Report,  in  which  the  carefully  sifted  evidence  of  over  five  hundred 
witnesses  appears  in  detail. 

It  is  almost  inconceivable  that  any  one  after  reading  this  Report 
should  continue  to  believe  that  on  the  outbreak  of  the  war  an  orgy 
of  purposeless  crime  was  begun  by  the  Belgian  people.  Consider 
the  improbability  of  such  a  thing.  Before  the  entry  of  the  Germans 
into  Belgium  orders  had  been  given  in  every  town,  village  and  dis- 
trict of  that  country  that  all  arms  were  to  be  delivered  up  to  the 
authorities.  The  evidence  shows  that  these  orders  were  faithfully 
complied  with.  Even  had  the  civilian  population  been  armed,  what 
could  they  have  done  to  stem  the  advance  of  the  great  and  highly  dis- 
ciplined German  forces?  Do  you  suppose  the  Belgian  civilians  were  not 
aware  of  their  helplessness,  and  of  the  folly  of  committing  outrages 


A   CHRONICLE   OF    UNPARALLELED   INFAMIES.  563 

which  were  certain  to  be  promptly  avenged?  Or  do  you  believe 
that  in  the  frenzy  of  despair  they  actually  did  commit  shocking 
cruelties?  Had  they  done  so,  a  generous  foe  would  have  dealt 
leniently  with  them ;  certainly  he  would  not  have  avenged  himself 
upon  innocent  children.  In  any  case  the  fact  of  the  official  order  to 
deliver  up  arms  and  the  compliance  therewith  show  that  no  forcible 
resistance  by  non-combatants  was  sanctioned  or  contemplated.  The 
evidence  proves  that  none  took  place. 

The  Report  contains  many  statements  that  the  reckless — or, 
shall  we  say,  accidental? — firing  of  shots  by  drunken  German  sol- 
diers was  sometimes  believed  to  mean  that  they  were  being  attacked. 
H^d  this  been  the  case,  the  attacks  must  have  been  made  by  Belgian 
troops,  not  by  civilians,  whose  assertions  that  they  were  unarmed 
bear  every  mark  of  veracity.  You  consider  that  these  civilian  attacks 
— which  do  not  appear  to  have  taken  place — justify  the  ferocious 
cruelties  committed  by  the  German  soldiery  upon  the  non-combatant 
population.  I  do  not  think  any  one  who  can  weigh  evidence  will 
agree  with  you. 

More  than  this :  it  is  stated  in  several  of  the  depositions  that 
German  soldiers  themselves  on  some  occasions  fired  shots  with  the 
obvious  and  deliberate  intention  of  having  an  excuse  for  the  mas- 
sacre of  civilians.  They  are  alleged  to  have  gone  into  empty  houses, 
fired  shots,  and  raised  the  cry  that  non-combatants  had  begun  an 
attack.  The  accusation  of  shooting  became  a  stock  phrase,  repeated 
on  numberless  occasions,  without  a  moment's  inquiry  into  its  truth, 
and  resulting  in  the  violent  death  of  many  persons  who  were  ab- 
solutely innocent  of  the  charge. 

German  soldiers  were  very  frequently  seen  to  throw  small  discs 
or  other  substances  into  houses  which  at  once  burst  into  flames. 
Into  these  burning  houses  soldiers  and  civilians,  some  dead,  some 
still  living,  were  cast ;  in  one  instance  a  man  was  held  in  the  flames 
till  his  head  and  arms  were  roasted.  I  beg  you  to  notice  that,  as 
these  acts  were  committed  during  the  first  few  weeks  of  the  war, 
such  inflammable  materials  must  have  been  prepared  beforehand. 
The  German  troops  left  their  ozvn  country  provided  with  the  means 
for  the  deliberate  commission  of  cruel  outrages. 

Have  you  formed  an  opinion  of  the  incident  of  the  child  of 
two  years  who,  while  standing  in  the  street  at  Malines,  was  trans- 
fixed by  a  brave  German  soldier  with  his  bayonet  and  carried  oflf 
on  the  weapon,  a  song  on  the  lips  of  its  murderer?  What  can  you 
say  of  the  public  violation  of  fifteen  women  in  the  square  of  Liege 
in  the  presence  of  and  begun  by  officers?     You  will,  I  trust,  dis- 


564  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

approve  of  the  appalling  savagery  deposed  to  by  witnesses  a33, 
dll8,  rfl33,  and,  above  all,  d86.  These  incidents  are  so  horrible 
that  it  must  have  needed  some  resolution  to  print  the  accounts  ; 
but  there  are  hundreds  of  others  nearly  as  bad. 

As  your  culture  is  not  exclusively  German,  you  may  find  it 
difficult  to  believe  that  these  horrors  actually  took  place.  The  evi- 
dence goes  to  show  that  they  give  but  a  faint  and  blurred  impression 
of  the  reality. 

You  will,  perhaps,  agree  with  me  that  cruelty — deliberate,  cold- 
blooded cruelty,  unprovoked  by  the  individuals  against  whom  it 
is  manifested — is  one  of  the  foulest  of  all  human  vices.  The  alleged 
cruelty  of  the  Belgians  revolts  you.  Does  not  the  infinitely  greater 
cruelty  of  your  countrymen  revolt  you  ?  Are  you  not  ashamed  of  the 
base  and  cowardly  lies  by  which  they  have  sought  to  excuse  it  ?  You 
cannot,  I  think,  approve  the  implication  that  massacre  by  Germans 
is  quite  legitimate,  but  that  every  retaliation  is  a  monstrous  outrage 
upon  them.  Throughout  the  war  it  has  been  evident  that  Germany 
wants  to  have  things  entirely  her  own  way.  According  to  the  in- 
vestigations which  have  been  made  the  charges  brought  against  the 
Belgians  are  false,  the  charges  against  the  Germans  are  true.  Al- 
though a  German  you  will  probably  be  able  to  appreciate  the  distinc- 
tion. You  cannot  be  so  little-minded  as  to  think  that  crimes  com- 
mitted by  your  friends  are  for  that  reason  less  reprehensible  than 
crimes  committed  against  them. 

Apart  from  the  ethical  standpoint  from  which  I  have  tried  to 
consider  these  outrages,  one  is  deeply  impressed  by  their  astounding 
folly.  For  the  moment  they,  no  doubt,  succeeded  in  terrorizing  the 
civil  population  of  Belgium — that  is,  they  broke  the  spirit  of  helpless 
people  who  never  even  tried  to  resist — but  they  inspired  the  Belgian 
army  to  fight  on  with  the  courage  of  despair.  That  army  has  lost 
everything  but  honor.  Germany  has  not  lost  her  honor,  because  it 
is  doubtful  whether  she  ever  had  any  honor  to  lose. 

The  German  atrocities  have  produced  the  same  stiffening  effect 
on  France,  Great  Britain,  and  the  other  nations  which  are  painfully 
rolling  back  the  tide  of  barbarism.  They  feel  that,  if  civilization  is 
to  go  on,  this  arrogant,  bloodthirsty  race — a  race  essentially  savage, 
though  with  a  thick  smear  of  mechanical  culture — must  be  effec- 
tually subdued.  Should  the  Germans  be  victorious,  they  will  have 
earned  the  undying  scorn  of  the  civilized  world.  In  the  event  of 
their  being  defeated,  they  will  have  reason  to  regret  the  outrages 
in  which  they  have  so  fatuously  indulged.  They  will  have  rendered 
themselves  liable  to  the  most  terrible  punishment,  the  most  ghastly 


A    CHRONICLE   OF    UNPARALLELED    INFAMIES.  565 

reprisals.  Their  foes  may  be  little  inclined  to  be  merciful,  and  it 
will  be  simply  a  question  for  the  Allies  to  say  how  far  their  mag- 
nanimity shall  extend. 

The  German  army  is  a  very  brave  army — when  it  knows  that 
it  is  the  stronger.  Allow  me  to  recall  to  you  one  or  two  instances 
of  German  heroism.  One  section  of  the  Appendix  to  the  Bryce 
Report  is  devoted  to  evidence  which  proves  that  the  Germans  made 
a  practice  of  using  civilians,  frequently  women  and  children,  as 
screens  to  intercept  or  avert  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  Thirty-six  eye- 
witnesses, nearly  half  of  them  British,  testify  to  the  facts,  and  in 
several  cases  it  is  stated  that  the  British  or  Belgian  force  retreated 
for  fear  of  killing  the  unhappy  civilians,  thus  leaving  the  Germans 
with  a  military  advantage  which  was  probably  not  unnoticed  in  their 
official  reports.  On  one  occasion  the  British  rapidly  swung  their 
guns  round  and  attacked  the  German  flank.  "The  Germans  then 
bolted,  leaving  the  civilians  behind."  If  you  consider  that  your 
compatriots  have  kept  within  the  usages  of  war,  you  will,  no  doubt, 
be  able  to  produce  some  authority  in  military  law  or  practice  in 
justification  of  this  characteristic  maneuver:  as  a  former  German 
officer,  you  must  be  in  a  position  to  appreciate  its  prudence  and 
ingenuity. 

The  Appendix  contains  a  score  of  testimonies  (fifteen  of  them 
British)  to  the  abuse  by  German  troops  of  the  white  flag.  This  abuse 
usually  took  the  form  of  a  pretended  surrender,  followed  by  a  mur- 
derous fire,  in  which  many  British  and  Belgians  were  slain.  So 
frequently  was  the  trick  repeated  that  the  touching  faith  of  the 
British  in  German  "honor"  impresses  me  rather  as  culpable  credul- 
ity. That  faith  has  doubtless  become  weaker  by  this  time.  But  I 
would  again  call  your  attention  to  the  unmanly  cowardice  and  the 
unaccountable  stupidity  of  the  German  proceeding.  Having  been 
a  Saxon  officer  yourself  (and  we  deem  the  Saxons  to  be  honorable 
foes),  you  will  admit  that  nothing  revolts  a  soldier  more  than  base 
and  contemptible  trickery,  nor  is  anything  more  calculated  to  arouse 
an  unholy  thirst  for  vengeance. 

I  trust  you  will  carefully  read  the  sections  of  the  Appendix 
relating  to  massacres  by  the  Germans  of  wounded  enemies,  firing 
on  hospitals  and  stretcher-bearers,  and  abuses  of  the  Red  Cross. 
Of  these  eighty-five  examples  are  given,  and  after  reading  them  it 
seems  impossible  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the  charges  are  fairly 
proved.  That  conclusion  is  greatly  strengthened  by  the  evidence 
of  the  Germans  themselves.  Copies  or  extracts  of  half-a-dozen 
military  proclamations,  and  extracts  from  thirty-five  diaries  found 


566  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

on  dead  or  captured  German  soldiers,  show  clearly  that  the  treat- 
ment of  the  Belgians  by  the  invaders  was  excessively  and  unreason- 
ably severe.  In  this  connection  I  may  add,  on  the  authority  of  an 
article  by  Professor  J.  H.  Morgan  in  the  Nineteenth  Century  for 
June,  that  in  the  diary  of  a  German  non-commissioned  officer  the 
writer  states  his  belief  that  the  German  officers  invented  the  stories 
of  Belgian  and  French  atrocities  in  order  to  prevent  their  men  from 
surrendering. 

You  will  now\  I  venture  to  hope,  follow  the  example  of  Dr. 
F.  C.  Conybeare,  on  whose  mistaken  admissions  you  have  relied. 
For  your  own  sake  you  should  publicly  withdraw  your  charges 
against  the  innocent,  and  transfer  them  to  the  guilty.  You  owe  an 
apology  to  the  Belgian  people  whom  you  have  slandered.  You  did 
not  originate  the  slanders ;  you  have  merely  shown  a  strange  gullibil- 
ity in  giving  them  currency.  Examine  the  evidence  with  care ;  do 
not  ferret  out  minor  defects  in  the  testimony  and  ignore  its  real 
weight ;  be  man  enough  to  rise  above  national  bias  and  petty  eva- 
sions ;  speak  the  truth  without  fear  or  favor.  Yet  a  sentence  in  your 
magazine  for  May  last  is  not  calculated  to  make  one  hopeful.  One 
despairs  of  the  mentality  of  a  man  who  can  write  so  choice  an  ab- 
surdity as  this :  "God  is  neutral ;  but  I  am  convinced  that,  being 
impartial,  he  will  stand  by  Germany  in  spite  of  the  odds  that  count 
against  her."  Charles  T.  Gorham. 

IN  REPLY  TO  MR.  CHARLES  T.  GORHAM. 

The  present  war,  so  terrible,  so  sanguinary,  so  useless  and  un- 
necessary, has  caused  much  discussion  and  disrupted  many  inter- 
national friendships.  I  fully  appreciate,  therefore,  the  regret  which 
you  express  at  the  difference  in  our  opinions,  and  I  wish  sincerely 
that  we  might  come  to  an  agreement  on  the  war,  its  causes  and  the 
facts  of  its  history.  I  have  honestly  and  impartially  tried  to  under- 
stand its  origin  and  to  obtain  the  most  reliable  information,  and 
although  I  have  my  doubts  in  many  important  details,  I  have  ar- 
rived at  definite  convictions  in  all  main  points ;  and  considering  the 
tremendous  importance  of  the  issues  I  have  deemed  it  my  duty  to 
express  my  views  openly  and  submit  them  to  public  criticism, 
irrespective  of  approval  or  condemnation.  And  I  promise  to  retract 
publicly  any  statement  of  mine  the  erroneousness  of  which  can 
now  or  in  the  future  be  proved. 

You  are  so  firmly  convinced  of  the  truth  of  your  position  re- 
garding the  war  that  you  do  not  understand  how  I  can  support  such 
a  "chronicle  of  unparalleled  infamies";  but  I  assure  you  it  is  after 


A    CHRONICLE   OF    UNPARALLELED    INFAMIES.  567 

a  careful  investigation  made  in  an  impartial  spirit  that  I  say  that 
this  terrible  conflict  was  brought  about  by  Great  Britain. 

Germany  in  the  past  has  repeatedly  kept  peace  when  bitterly 
provoked,  and  once  again  did  she  endeavor  to  do  so.  She  could 
have  no  motive  for  going  to  war  with  the  formidable  combination 
that  is  ranged  against  her.  The  German  government  and  also  the 
German  Emperor  personally  did  their  utmost  to  avoid  the  war. 
both  with  Russia  and  with  England ;  and  it  was  above  all  England 
that  cut  off  every  chance  of  peace  and  forced  Germany  to  break 
Belgian  neutrality. 

You  must  be  very  unfair  not  to  concede  that  the  mere  possi- 
bility of  a  hostile  invasion  through  Belgium  imposed  upon  Germany 
the  imperative  duty  of  anticipating  the  attack.  The  equivocal  atti- 
tude of  Sir  Edward  Grey  would  have  made  the  preservation  of 
Belgian  neutrality  a  criminal  neglect  of  self-defense  at  the  most 
dangerous  point  and  in  a  most  dangerous  moment.  Germany  knew 
that  Belgium  was  prepared  as  an  ally  of  France  and  England,  not 
otherwise ;  and  later  events  have  proved  that  Germany's  suspicion 
was  but  too  well  justified. 

Further,  I  still  assert  that  "the  Belgians  first  committed  atroci- 
ties upon  the  Germans  and  that  the  severities  exercised  by  the 
latter  were  justifiable  measures  against  wanton  outrages." 

I  never  spoke  of  the  invaders  as  "gentle"  or  "humane" ;  war  is 
always  terrible,  and  I  feel  sorry  for  the  people  in  whose  country 
it  has  to  be  waged.  War  always  brings  suffering  and  sorrow 
in  its  train.  That  is  the  reason  why  Germany  tried  fo  avert  a 
conflict.  But  once  war  was  inevitable  I  do  not  blame  the  German 
government  for  having  endeavored  to  keep  invaders  out  of  Germany 
and  not  waiting  patiently  until  an  Anglo-French  army  broke  into 
the  Rhenish  provinces  in  the  rear  of  the  German  troops  as  the 
latter  marched  into  France  through  Lorraine. 

I  felt  very  sorry  for  the  Belgians,  but  I  cannot  help  thinking 
that  they  had  only  themselves  to  blame,  provoking,  as  they  did,  a 
German  attack.  Their  government  had  adopted  a  mistaken  policy, 
and  they  reaped  what  they  sowed.  If  there  is  any  other  nation 
they  can  reasonably  blame,  it  is  Great  Britain  alone.  Sir  Edward 
Grey  could  have  saved  Belgium  from  the  fate  she  met  if  he  had 
honestly  tried  to  keep  peace  with  Germany.  But  he  did  not  mean 
to.  All  his  acts  are  inexplicable  and  stupid  except  on  the  principle, 
which  seems  to  be  his  one  actuating  motive,  Germania  est  delcnda. 

I  have  read  the  report  of  the  commission  formed  by  the  British 
government  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the  excesses  alleged 


568  THE  OPEN   COURT. 

to  have  been  committed  by  the  Germans,  but  I  deem  it  a  partisan 
statement  cleverly  composed  to  give  the  impression  that  the  Ger- 
mans are  barbarians  who  delight  in  the  most  atrocious  cruelties. 
The  evidence  of  the  witnesses  in  Lord  Bryce's  report  does  not 
seem  to  me  to  have  been  carefully  sifted,  and  if  the  alleged  atroci- 
ties are  true  how  is  it  possible  that  a  group  of  American  reporters 
traveled  all  across  Belgium  in  vain  in  search  of  witnesses  and 
failed  to  discover  one  iota  of  proof? — Nothing  but  the  just  punish- 
ment meted  out,  after  due  trial  by  court  martial,  for  criminal  acts 
committed  by  the  populace !  Xo,  I  cannot  discover  a  trace  of  these 
unparalleled  infamies  in  spite  of  Lord  Bryce's  and  other  reports. 

I  am  impressed  with  the  fact  that  you  rely  on  fictitious  state- 
ments. You  do  not  seem  to  know  that,  for  instance,  in  Louvaine 
the  armed  resistance  of  the  populace  had  been  carefully  prepared  and 
instigated,  of  which  fact  the  German  authorities  are  in  possession 
of  unequivocal  proof  in  the  form  of  written  orders  as  to  the 
distribution  of  arms,  and  lists  of  names.  The  story  that  the  struggle 
in  the  streets  began  through  "reckless  or  accidental  firing  of  shots 
by  drunken  German  soldiers"  is  a  fairy  tale  which  flatly  contradicts 
even  the  Belgian  descriptions  of  the  fight  and  has  been  invented  for 
the  benefit  of  those  friends  of  the  Allies  in  France  and  England 
who  have  no  clear  conception  of  the  situation,  for  the  purpose  of 
prejudicing  them  against  Germany.  Any  one  who  can  weigh  evi- 
dence will  not  agree  with  you. 

I  hope  you  will  excuse  me  for  not  having  "formed  an  opinion 
on  the  incident  of  the  child  of  two  years  who,  while  standing  in 
the  street  at  Malines,  was  transfixed  by  a  brave  German  soldier 
with  his  bayonet  and  carried  ofif  on  the  weapon,  a  song  on  the  lips 
of  its  murderer."  I  have  formed  no  opinion  on  the  story  except 
that  I  regard  it  as  fiction. 

Your  logic  is  simple.  You  come  to  the  conclusion  that  "the 
charges  brought  against  the  Belgians  are  false,  the  charges  against 
the  Germans  are  true."  But  what  do  you  say  of  the  murder  and 
persecution  of  Germans  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  Antwerp,  Milan, 
also  in  London  and  other  British  cities,  and  in  Canada?  What  do 
you  say  about  the  price  set  upon  the  heads  of  Germans  in  South 
Africa,  to  be  paid  to  natives?  What  do  you  say  about  the  atrocities 
of  English  soldiers?  There  is  a  rough  element  everywhere,  but  I 
know  that  the  German  army  is  made  up  of  more  humane  elements 
than  any  other  body  of  soldiers. 

I  hope  that  Great  Britain  will  adopt  the  German  military  sys- 
tem, for  I  would  expect  from  it  a  great  improvement  in  the  British 


A    CHRONICLE   OF    UNPARALLELED    INFAMIES.  569 

military  forces  and  also  the  spread  of  a  peaceful  spirit  in  English 
policy.  Germany  is  the  best  prepared  for  war,  and  at  the  same 
time  the  most  peaceful  in  spirit,  for  the  Germans  must  fight  their 
wars  themselves.  Every  mother  must  send  her  own  sons  into  the  field. 

I  would  have  done  anything  in  my  power  to  prevent  the  war, 
and  I  read  with  hearty  approval  the  Kaiser's  letters  to  his  cousins 
on  the  Russian  and  English  thrones.  The  Kaiser  was  especially 
loath  to  begin  a  war  with  the  English  people  to  whom  he  felt  so 
closely  bound  not  only  by  ties  of  friendship  but  also  of  blood ;  and 
I  can  understand  his  feeling  in  the  matter.  I  love  the  English  lan- 
guage, the  English  literature,  the  English  people  ;  and  I  hate  the 
thought  that  the  English  people  have  done  a  grievous  wrong.  My 
only  comfort  consists  in  the  sad  consolation  that  the  English  people 
have  been  betrayed  into  this  stupid  attitude  toward  Germany  by  a 
small  clique  whose  leader  is  Sir  Edward  Grey. 

My  sympathy  goes  out  for  the  English  commoners,  for  the 
Saxon  element  of  the  people,  not  for  the  aristocracy  nor  the 
men  of  Norman  blood,  for  I  blame  the  latter  for  all  the  misunder- 
standings and  misrepresentations.  In  the  interest  of  the  latter  Great 
Britain  is  governed,  and  the  latter  continue  to  contrive  falsehoods 
to  perpetuate  their  power  and  influence.  I  have  always  taken 
ofifense  at  Tennyson's  wrongly  admired  estimate  of  "Norman  blood" 
in  the  lines 

"Kind  hearts  are  more  than  coronets. 
And   simple   faith   than   Norman   blood." 

I  am  convinced  that  Saxon  blood  is  better  than  Norman  blood,  and 
that  the  Saxon  element  of  the  English  people  is  their  better  portion 
and  nobler  inheritance.  I  have  an  antipathy  against  the  crimes,  in 
English  history,  of  those  ruling  classes  who  have  always,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  followed  the  policy  of  keeping  the  great  masses  of  the 
people  in  subjection  and  poverty  while  they  themselves  kept  the 
land  and  appropriated  all  the  power  and  the  sources  of  wealth. 

I  fear  this  war  will  have  to  be  fought  out  to  the  bitter  end. 
and  it  becomes  more  and  more  evident  that  the  English  aristocracy 
will  be  the  losers  in  the  long  run.  Germany,  in  her  progress  in  the 
arts  of  peace,  became  a  danger  to  the  English  ruling  classes,  and 
a  war  seemed  to  be  the  only  means  of  getting  rid  of  the  incon- 
venient rival.  But  I  venture  to  predict  that  this  war  will  bring 
about  precisely  what  the  English  aristocracy,  headed  by  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  expected  to  prevent. 

Sir  Edward  Grey  is  smart,  very  smart,  and  in  this  war  Great 
Britain  has  all  the  odds  in  her  favor.     The  Triple  Entente  was  a 


570  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

cunning  contrivance,  and  it  furnished  her  with  most  powerful  alHes. 
Yet  I  predict  a  final  defeat  for  the  allied  arms.  For  too  much  smart- 
ness defeats  itself.  The  British  world  power  is  a  colossus  on  clay 
feet,  and  these  clay  feet  will  crumble  when  the  testing  time  comes. 
But  out  of  the  misfortunes  and  chaos  of  war  I  look  for  a  regenera- 
tion of  England,  through  the  noble  old  Saxondom  of  her  people, 
the  commoners,  the  true  Englishmen.  The  time  will  come  when 
this  truth  will  be  understood,  but  at  present  the  outlook  is  gloomy. 
Sir  Edward  Grey  has  led  the  people  in  a  course  of  action  which 
will  prove  their  undoing. 

There  are  a  few  men  in  England  who  take  the  same  view  as 
I,  but  they  are  few,  very  few,  and  they  have  no  opportunity  to 
make  themselves  heard.  To  force  them  into  submission  or  compel 
them  to  retract  their  statements  may  prevent  reform  under  present 
circumstances,  but  the  truth  will  finally  prevail. 

We  stand  before  a  great  crisis  in  history.  England  has  forced 
the  issue,  for  she  wants  to  prevent  Germany  from  sharing  in  the 
blessings  of  world  power.  England  would  not  give  up  her  monopoly 
of  the  seas.  She  wants  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  on  the 
continent  so  that  she  may  continue  her  dominion.  That  is  why  she 
misrepresents  Germans  and  calls  them  Huns  and  barbarians.  She 
wants  to  break  Germany's  power,  but  it  becomes  more  and  more 
apparent  that  not  Germany's  but  England's  fate  lies  in  the  balance, 
and  indications  are  many  that  history  is  pronouncing  on  England 
her  mene  tekel.  You  do  not  believe  me,  but  the  future  will  judge 
between  us ;  the  future  will  reveal  the  truth. 

I  love  the  Germanic  peoples.  I  admire  Germany,  England  and 
the  United  States.  My  ideal  has  been  and  still  is  the  establishment 
of  a  friendship  between  these  three  great  nations,  and  in  their  alli- 
ance I  see  the  hope  of  mankind,  the  realization  of  universal  peace 
among  men.  But  this  hope  has  been  well-nigh  shattered  because 
of  the  machinations  of  a  few  English  diplomats  whose  policy  it  is 
to  perpetuate  the  aristocratic  spirit  of  the  British  government  to 
the  detriment  of  both  Germany  and  the  United  States.  We  want 
leadership  of  the  most  powerful,  but  freedom  for  all,  and  the  sine 
qua  noil  of  freedom  for  all  is  the  freedom  of  the  seas.  Misrepresen- 
tation plays  a  considerable  role  in  diplomacy,  and  the  British  dip- 
lomats have  succeeded  in  making  a  powerful  use  of  it,  above  all 
in  misguiding  the  English  people  and  leading  them  into  this  most 
disastrous  war.  But  misrepresentations  will  be  cleared  away  like 
fog  in  the  morning  sun,  and  in  the  end  truth  will  prevail. 

The  time  will   come  when  the   English   people   will   long   for 


A    CHRONICLE   OF    UNPARALLELED    INFAMIES.  571 

truth  ;  I  hope  they  will  have  enough  moral  strength  left  to  search 
for  it  with  honest  endeavor,  and  that  they  will  find  it. 

Is  William  the  Second  to  be  the  liberator  of  England  from  the 
Norman  yoke,  the  one  whose  task  it  is  to  undo  the  sorry  work  of 
William  the  Conqueror? 

War  is  terrible,  and  it  is  the  English  diplomats  that  are  respon- 
sible for  the  present  one.  They  felt  so  certain  of  the  outcome  but 
they  have  made  most  careless  and  inexcusable  miscalculations.  They 
thought  it  would  be  easy  to  crush  Germany,  and  they  still  build  great 
hopes  upon  their  misstatements  and  misrepresentations. 

Misrepresentations,  if  believed  in,  are  often  very  efficient  and 
do  great  hami  to  the  misrepresented  party,  but  only  for  a  time. 
In  the  long  run  they  are  found  out  and  recoil  on  their  inventors. 
The  English  people  are  patient  and  long-suffering  and  believe  mis- 
statements easily,  but  they  will  at  last  discover  that  their  diplomats 
have  relied  on  falsehood  and  have  done  a  grievous  wrong  in  mis- 
representing the  German  cause.  The  members  of  the  British  cab- 
inet, a  clique  of  noblemen,  are  an  incapable  and  narrowminded 
lot,  and  had  not  the  slightest  idea  of  the  terrible  task  with  which 
they  were  confronting  the  English  people. 

The  war  is  being  carried  on  in  a  most  bungling  way  by  the 
Allies,  especially  by  the  Russians  and  the  English.  The  best  and 
most  worthy  among  the  Allies  are,  it  appears,  the  French  ;  but  even 
they  would  be  incapable  of  withstanding  the  German  attack  alone. 

One  thing  becomes  plainer  and  plainer:  that  England  will  lose 
her  leadership  in  commerce  and  world  politics,  and  it  is  character- 
istic that  in  the  present  war  England  has  once  again  forced  the 
issue.  But  it  is  England  herself  that  is  going  to  be  the  sufferer;  she 
will  lose  her  place  among  the  nations,  and  world-leadership  will 
fall  to  Germany  and  the  United  States. 

It  will  take  some  time  before  the  English  people  realize  this, 
for  they  still  believe  all  the  reports  of  German  viciousness,  of 
which  the  alleged  atrocities  in  Belgium  are  only  a  minor  portion. 
It  will  take  some  time  for  the  English  people  to  wake  up,  and  it 
seems  as  if  only  a  serious  and  terrible  defeat  in  war  would  open 
their  eyes. 

Let  us  hope  that  the  worst  evils  carry  in  them  the  seeds  of  some 
good,  of  some  great  good,  and  that  the  evils  are  fraught  with 
blessings  beyond  what  even  the  most  sanguine  dreamer  expects.  The 
misfortune  that  brings  about  the  much  needed  reform  and  a  thor- 
ough regeneration  of  England  would  be  a  blessing:  it  would  accom- 
plish more  good  than  evil. 


MISCELLANEOUS. 


MISS  FARMER  AND  GREENACRE. 
To  the  Editor  of  The  Open  Court: 

May  I  be  pardoned  if  I  seek  to  supplement  the  article  of  Mr.  Richardson 
on  Bahaism  with  a  few  words  on  Miss  Farmer  and  her  life-work,  her  beloved 
Greenacre  ? 

No  more  thrilling  chapter  in  the  lives  of  leaders  of  thought  has  ever 
been  written  than  the  facts  concerning  Miss  Farmer  and  her  Greenacre.  Her 
ideal  was  "a  universal  platform"  upon  which  with  malice  toward  none,  with 
charity  toward  all,  each  might  be  permitted  to  voice  his  own  particular  creed, 
to  the  end  that  the  various  religions  might  learn  to  compare  sympathetically 
their  points  of  agreement  and  forget  somewhat  their  points  of  difference.  She 
believed  that  if  this  could  be  done,  religious  hatreds  and  wars  would  cease. 

With  a  marvelous  magnetism,  a  winning  personality  and  supreme  love 
for  all  humanity,  which  drew  men  and  women  alike  to  her  side,  all  eager  to 
assist  in  the  great  work  for  the  uplift  of  the  world.  Miss  Farmer,  while  health 
and  money  lasted,  worked  with  the  unfailing  ardor  of  the  idealist,  giving 
unstintingly  of  herself  and  her  means  to  promote  the  cause  of  universality. 

Now,  her  health  broken,  her  little  remaining  fortune  in  Maine  tied  up 
by  distant  relatives  so  that  she  has  to  depend  absolutely  upon  the  generosity 
of  devoted  friends;  not  daring  for  fear  of  p£rsonal  violence  to  cross  the 
boundary  lines  of  New  Hampshire  whose  courts  having  pronounced  her  sane, 
she  knows  that  there  her  last  remaining  possession,  personal  liberty,  is  secure, 
— she  has  been  compelled  to  submit  to  being  swept  contemptuously  aside  while 
her  universal  platform  at  Greenacre  was  seized  by  a  sect  known  as  "Bahaism" 
and  converted  into  a  "Bahai  Center." 

When  the  true  history  of  Miss  Farmer's  work  at  Greenacre  is  wfitten,  as 
it  must  be  some  day,  the  history  of  the  untold  good  to  the  untold  numbers 
that  it  has  accomplished  and  still  might  be  accomplishing  if  that  fatal,  men- 
tally unbalancing  disease,  Bahaism,  had  not  crept  in,  the  world  will  wonder 
with  regret  at  the  magnitude  and  beauty  of  that  which  it  permitted  to  be 
destroyed. 

Yours  truly, 
A  friend  of  Miss  Farmer  and  Greenacre. 


JIKOKUTEN,  GUARDIAN  OF  THE  EAST. 
The  fierce  type  of  features  expressing  will  power  which  appears  in  the 
god  Fudo  is  not  limited  to  this  special  deity  but  can  be  traced  in  other  Japanese 
gods,  especially  in  the  guardians  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  world.     One  of 


\  ^«l- 


o 


.'^.^v 


"V.?'^ 


574  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

these  is  illustrated  in  our  frontispiece  which  is  a  reproduction  of  a  Japanese 
painting  of  Jikokuten,  the  guardian  of  the  east.  The  god  of  the  north  is 
called  Tamonten,  of  the  south  Zochoten  and  of  the  west  Komokuten. 

Some  time  ago  we  published  the  reproduction  of  a  Japanese  painting  of 
Fudo  (Sanskrit,  Achala)  which  we  repeat  in  this  connection.  The  artist, 
Seiso  Hashimoto,  has  endowed  this  deity  with  all  the  traditional  features  of 
his  character.  With  a  sword  in  one  hand,  a  chain  in  the  other,  and  his  figure 
enveloped  in  fiery  flames,  he  is  the  artistic  embodiment  of  that  indomitable 
will  which  in  spite  of  all  hindrances  and  obstacles,  in  the  face  of  danger  and 
death,  leads  finally  to  victory. 


THE   LOTUS    GOSPEL. 

[In  an  article  bearing  the  above  title  in  The  Open  Court  of  September, 
1914,  the  Editor  reviewed  at  some  length  a  book  by  Mrs.  A.  E.  Gordon,  of 
Tokyo,  entitled  World  Healers,  or  The  Lotus  Gospel  and  its  Bodhisattvas 
Compared  with  Early  Christianity,  and  published  by  Eugene  L.  Morice  of 
London.  We  here  publish  a  letter  received  from  Mrs.  Gordon  in  comment  on 
this  review. — Ed.] 

May  I  criticize  your  review  of  my  World  Healers?  You  don't  seem  to 
have  got  at  the  kernel  of  it!  In  the  first  place,  you  will,  on  reference  to  the 
Royal  Asiatic  Societys'  (Seoul  Branch)  Transactions  for  1914,  see  my  lecture 
on  discoveries  in  Korea  which  are  wonderfully  confirmatory  of  my  theories 
in  the  book.  In  the  same  number  of  The  Open  Court  there  is  a  most  inter- 
esting article  on  a  subject  new  to  me,  viz.,  "Martyrs' Milk,"  and  I  would  ask 
you  to  refer  to  page  68  of  my  World  Healers  for  a  similar  instance  in  the 
case  of  the  negro  monk  Kokuhoshi  in  Korea. 

In  your  review  you  say:  "The  gospel  it  preaches  is  a  kind  of  combination 
of  Christianity  with  Buddhism."  Now  my  book  does  not  "preach  a  gospel." 
It  simply  brings  into  more  light  what  Dr.  Timothy  Richard  already  set  forth 
in  his  translation  of  Saddharma  Pundarika  (known  in  Japan  as  the  Lotus 
Gospel)  ;  and  which  several  scholars  have  long  since  concludedmay  be  an  a/^oc- 
ryphal  Christian  Gospel,  such  as  the  Gospel  of  Nicodemus,  the  Gospel  of  the 
Hebrews,  etc.  To  my  mind,  this  is  far  more  worthy  of  God  than  the  selfish 
orthodox  Christian  idea  that  he  only  illuminated  Europe,  and  later  America, 
with  the  light  of  his  glorious  gospel.  You  doubtless  know  Dr.  T.  Richard's 
Nezu  Testament  of  Higher  Buddhism  in  which  the  above  translation  appears. 
Dr.  Tyan  Takakusu,  the  highest  Sanskrit  authority  out  here  and  a  pupil  of 
Max  Miiller,  pronounced  that  translation  "not  only  to  be  most  accurate 
literally,  but  also  to  give  the  very  essence  of  the  original."  Higher  praise 
could  hardly  be  given. 

In  the  third  paragraph  of  your  review  you  very  justly  criticize  my  im- 
perfect methods;  so  please  allow  me  to  explain  that  Prof.  A.  H.  Sayce,  when 
he  was  in  Japan,  kindly  went  through  all  my  manuscripts  most  carefully,  and 
on  my  telling  him  exactly  the  points  you  have  criticized,  he  said :  "Never  mind 
that,  just  put  down  everything  you  have  found  up  to  date,  and  then  let  others 
from  that  mass  of  material  weed  out  and  arrange  all  in  proper  order."  You 
see  that  being  very  delicate,  and  with  eyes  troubling  me,  I  must  do  either 
one  thing  or  the  other.  If  I  stop  to  sift  and  criticize  accurately,  I  cannot 
write  down  the  facts  that  keep  crowding  in  and  which,  alas !  other  people  out 
here  (now  that  Dr.  A.  Lloyd  is  dead)  take  no  interest  in. 


MISCELLANEOUS.  575 

I  believe  the  historical  data  are  as  nearly  accurate  as  possible,  for,  having 
studied  with  my  dear  friend.  Max  Miiller,  I  am  possessed  with  the  idea  of 
historical  data  being  essential,  I  have  been  at  infinite  pains  to  take  out  all  I 
have  put  down.  In  many  cases  such  contradictory  dates  are  given  that  it  has 
been  an  immense  labor  to  verify  them.    This  is  an  explanation,  not  an  excuse ! 

As  for  the  Chinese  "ship  of  salvation"  I  have  found  far  more  wonderful 
frescoes  of  it  in  Korea,  at  Isudoji  and  on  Diamond  Mount. 

You  have  omitted  the  point  about  Asukahime  (p.  553)  which  is  that  the 
dear  children  recognized  their  beloved  empress  and  showed  it  by  offering  her 
two  chrysanthemums — the  imperial  crest !  This  seems  to  me  a  peculiarly 
touching  and  delicate  offering  in  proof  of  the  recognition  after  death  which  so 
distracts  worthy  bereaved  Christians  in  the  West,  and  about  which  so  much 
is  written  there!  "Shall  we  know  one  another  again?"  Yes!  these  "heathen" 
Buddhist-Japanese  tell  us,  without  a  doubt. 

Lastly  your  (p.  556)  paragraph  on  the  Nestorian  Stone  again  misses  the 
point. 

a.  The  picture  shows  the  monks  pointing  out  Buddhist  terms  on  the  Nes- 
torian Stone  and  in  particular  the  title  used  of  Kwannon  in  heaven  "The 
Ship  of  Great  Mercy,"  Ts'i-hang.  May  I  refer  you  to  Edkins's  Chinese  Bud- 
dhism, pp.  266,  353,  as  to  this?  The  scene  took  place  at  the  dedication  of  the 
stone  on  Koya  san. 

b.  What  you  say  in  your  last  paragraph  seems  to  infer  that  the  photograph 
was  taken  of  the  original  stone  (of  which  your  pamphlet^  speaks)  at  Sianfu. 

That  pamphlet  describes  the  copy  of  the  stone  which  was  taken  to  the 
United  States  from  Sienfu.  The  only  other  replica  is  the  one  I  had  the  privi- 
lege of  erecting  on  Koyasan  which  for  1100  years  was  the  great  shrine  of 
Kobo  Daishi  and  Shingon— the  "True  Word"  Buddhism. 

The  stone  is  erected  in  the  holiest  place  on  Koyasan,  the  Okunoin,  where 
myriads  of  Japanese  have  laid  their  ashes  beside  the  sleeping  Kobo  who  there 
awaits  the  coming  of  Miroku,  the  Buddhist  Messiah.  {SQ^'ExitYs  Handbook  on 
Maitreya).  So  there  are  only  three  in  the  whole  world  of  this  priceless  monu- 
ment of  the  similarity  between  Mahayana  Buddhism  and  early  Christianity, 
viz.,  that  at  Sianfu,  and  these  two  replicas  in  the  United  States  and  Japan. 

As  I  write,  the  1100th  anniversary  of  Kobo  Daishi  is  being  celebrated 
and  one  half  a  million  of  pilgrims  are  to  be  at  Koya  gathered  from  all  parts 
of  Japan  this  month  and  in  May.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Japanese 
tracts  containing  pictures  of  the  Nestorian  stone  and  descriptive  matter  are 
being  distributed  among  these  pilgrims. 


BOOK  REVIEWS  AND  NOTES. 

To- Morrow's  Road.  A  Booklet  of  Verses  by  G.  M.  H.  London :  Old  Bourne 
Press,  15  Holborn,  E.  C.  Pp.  40. 
G.  M,  Hort,  who  may  be  remembered  by  our  readers  as  the  author  of  a 
poem  which  appeared  some  time  ago  in  The  Open  Court  under  the  title  "The 
Tenant,"  has  collected  some  of  his  poems  into  this  little  paper-bound  volume. 
Most  of  them  have  appeared  in  various  well-known  publications,  such  as  The 
Academy,  The  Outlook,  The  Nation,  etc. 

^The  Nestorian  Monument,  an  Ancient  Record  of  Christianity  in  China. 
Chicago:  The  Open  Court  Publishing  Company,  1909. 


576  THE  OPEN  COURT. 

As  an  interesting  sample  we  quote  the  following  lines  from  "The   Song  of 
a  Fool" : 

"I  had  a  comrade  in  the  days  of  morning, 
High  through  his  youth  a  fatal  wisdom  shone. 
Still  to  each  task  he'd  turn  with  easy  scorning, 
Know  all  too  soon,  and  weary  to  be  gone ! 
But  I,  who  dream  from  truth  could  scarcely  sever, 
Slow  at  a  fact  and  lagged  at  a  rule 
Drank  new  delight  from  some  old  book  for  ever — • 
Thanks  be  to  God,  who  made  me  such  a  fool ! 

"And  now,  while  life  is  on  itself  returning. 
While  from  each  window  slowly  shifts  the  light, 
Loud  from  the  dais,  speak  the  men  of  learning 
Who  know  the  nature  of  the  coming  night. 
But  I  who  watch  the  door  where  daylight  narrows. 
And  irk  to  find  myself  so  late  in  school. 
Seek  truant  Hope  among  the  Churchyard  barrows! 
Thanks  be  to  God,  who  never  cured  the  fool!" 


On  another  page  of  this  issue  we  are  printing  in  article  form  as  prepared 
by  the  author  for  us  the  opening  chapters  of  a  book  entitled  Caiiylc  and  flic 
War,  which  we  understand  is  shortly  to  be  published  in  New  York,  and  all 
inquiries  concerning  which  should  be  addressed  to  Jean  Wick,  Aeolian  Hall, 
42d  Street,  in  that  city. 

This  book  has  been  written  by  an  Englishman  of  Scotch  descent,  who 
believes  his  country  to  be  in  the  wrong  in  this  war  and  whose  motives  for 
writing  as  he  has  done  must  be  sought  in  the  book  itself.  He  has  written 
primarily  to  and  for  his  own  countrymen  in  strong  appeal  to  them  to  realize 
the  terrible  mistake  their  and  his  country  has  made,  but  though  we  hope  this 
book  may  reach  England  we  believe  there  is  much  in  it  to  interest  Americans 
also. 

The  author  has  made  his  appeal  largely  in  the  name  of  Thomas  Carlyle 
whom  he  regards  a  a  truly  inspired  writer  and  whose  History  of  Frederick 
tlie  Great  especially  he  considers  that  every  Briton  and  American  ought  to 
study  in  this  crisis.  He  feels  that  the  significance  of  the  title  he  has  given  to 
his  work  ought  to  be  instantly  felt  by  those  more  earnest  and  thoughtful  men  of 
his  own  country  whom  he  eminently  wishes  to  reach.  To  us  Americans  it  may 
perhaps  not  be  so  immediately  apparent,  but  it  should  soon  become  evident  to 
readers  of  Mr.  Kelly  who  writes  in  no  academic  spirit  or  for  the  mere  scholar, 
but  for  the  present  hour  and  for  all  who  are  awake  to  the  momentous  issues 
of  the  present  crisis. 

Our  readers  will  notice  that  Mr.  Kelly's  article  is  imbued  with  the  style 
of  his  master,  Carlyle,  after  whom  (as  he  has  said  of  himself)  he  takes  "as 
a  son  takes  after  his  father,"  among  other  ways  in  his  use  of  vigorous  ex- 
pressions where  vigorous  thoughts  are  to  be  expressed. 

Readers  not  acquainted  with  certain  idiosyncrasies  will  probably  find  some 
difficulty  in  interpreting  the  sense.  In  accordance  with  our  author's  request 
we  have  refrained  from  making  alterations  and  have  rigorously  followed  his 
manuscript  in  all  details,  including  capitalization  and  punctuation. 


Germany's  Isolation 

An  Exposition  of  the  Economic 
Causes  of  the  War 

By 

Paul  Rohrbach 

Translated  by  PAUL  H.  PHILLIPSON,  Ph.  D. 

It  is  undeniable  that  so  far,  Germany,  which  has  been  so  bitterly  blamed  for 
the  great  war,  has  not  had  equal  opportunity  with  her  enemies  to  state  her  side  of 
the  case. 

Paul  Rohrbach's  book  here  presented,  while  not  written  primarily  as  a  plea  for, 
or  in  justification  of,  Germany's  part  in  the  war,  has  such  a  bearing  upon  the  whys 
and  wherefores  of  the  great  struggle,  that  it  must  be  considered  one  of  the  most 
notable  books  yet  issued.  With  the  exception  of  the  last  chapter  which  was  penned 
recently,  the  book  was  written  before  the  war  began. 

With  keen,  incisive  logic  the  author  shows  war  to  be  inevitable,  a  natural  de- 
velopment of  the  conditions  that  then  obtained.  With  startling  earnestness  he  pic- 
tures Germany  surrounded  by  mighty  foes,  jealous  of  her  swift  rise  to  the  ranks 
of  the  world  powers,  humiliated  and  affronted  by  these  same  foes  as  occasion  offered, 
and  deprived  of  her  legitimate  opportunities  for  colonial  expansion;  that  she  would 
have  to  fight  for  her  very  life  and  freedom  on  both  frontiers  was  certain. 

In  his  concluding  chapter.  Dr.  Rohrbach  gives  the  attitude  of  Germany  to  her 
foes  as  follows : 

In  spite  of  the  hatred  toward  Germany,  a  hatred  which  the  French  have  been 
nursing  for  over  forty  years,  there  is  no  need  of  reducing  the  rank  of  France  as  a 
world  power.  Territorially  this  would  mean  that  her  continental  boundaries  be  left 
undisturbed  and  the  greater  part  of  her  North-African  possessions  untouched. 
Financially,  however,  the  indemnity  imposed  upon  her  can  scarcely  be  too  large. 

Russia,  with  her  population  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  millions,  must  at  all 
hazards  be  reduced,  and  her  ability  to  attack  Central  Europe  diminislied.  It  will  not 
be  difficult  to  carry  out  such  a  plan  as  large  stretches  of  western  and  southern  Russia 
are  inhabited  by  non-Russian  peoples  who  would  hail  their  release  from  the  control 
of  the  czar  with  every  show  of  satisfaction. 

But  the  real  enemy  of  Germany,  and  not  only  of  Germany  but  of  the  culture 
and  civilization  of  all  Europe,  the  enemy  who  for  the  sake  of  his  own  commercial 
profits  delivered  Germany  into  the  hands  of  the  Muscovite  and  conspired  to  rob 
Germany  of  her  rightfully  earned  place  among  the  nations  of  the  world,  that  enemy 
is — England.  Peace  with  England  is  impossible  until  her  power  to  do  harm  has  been 
broken  for  ever.  It  would  be  premature  to  discuss  the  ways  and  means  which  lead 
to  that  end.  Let  it  suffice  to  say  that  those  ways  and  means  exist,  and  that  Germany 
is  resolved  to  use  them  in  due  time.  Then,  and  then  only,  Germany's  future  will  be 
assured.  To  display  leniency  toward  England  is  now  but  to  commit  an  act  of  treason 
against  the  future  of  the  German  Empire. 

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This  work  is  an  attempt  to  make  Socrates 
a  living  figure  to  modern  English  readers.  It 
is  a  biographical  and  psychological  study,  in 
which  the  intellectual  struggles,  the  prophetic 
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Our  Knowledge  of  the  External  World 

as  a  Field  for  Scientific  Method 

in  Philosophy 

By 

THE  HON.  BERTRAND  RUSSELL,  M.A.,  F.R.S. 

Pages  X,  245.     Cloth,  $2.00  (7s.  6d.  net). 

This  book  is  a  compilation  of  Mr.  Bertrand  Russell's  "Lowell  Lectures"  of  1914, 
in  which  the  author  attempts  to  show,  by  means  of  examples,  the  nature,  capacity, 
and  limitations  of  the  logico-analytical  method  in  philosophy.  They  are  on  "Current 
Tendencies,"  "Logic  as  the  Essence  of  Philosophy,"  "Our  Knowledge  of  the  External 
World,"  "The  Problem  of  Infinity  Considered  Historically,"  "The  Positive  Theory 
of  Infinity,"  and  "The  Notion  of  Cause,  with  Applications  to  the  Free-Will  Problem." 
These  lectures  are  written,  as  the  Mathematical  Gazette  says,  with  that  clearness, 
force,  and  subtle  humor  that  readers  of  Mr.  Russell's  other  works  have  learnt  to 
expect;  and  are  the  first  publication  on  Mr.  Russell's  new  line  of  the  study  of  the 
foundations  of  physics. 

"THE  book  of  the  year It  is  in  every  sense  an  epoch-making  book." — 

Cambridge  Magazine. 

"His  method  interests  by  the  success  with  which  it  approximates  philosophy  to 
science....  These  able  and  suggestive  lectures  will  introduce  thoughtful  readers  to 
a  tract  of  speculative  inquiry  not  yet  much  opened  up,  which  promises  good  results 
to  one  with  philosophic  interests  and  scientific  training." — Scotsman. 

"This  brilliant,  lucid,  amusing  book,  which,  in  spite  of  a  few  stiff  passages, 
every  one  can  understand." — The  New  Statesman. 

"In  some  respects  the  most  important  contribution  that  has  been  made  to  phi- 
losophy for  a  long  time  past.  The  whole  book  is  of  extreme  interest,  and  it  abounds 
in  good  sayings." — The  International  Journal  of  Ethics. 

"The  author  maintains  the  fresh  and  brilliant  yet  easy  style  which  always  makes 
his  writings  a  pleasure  to  read." — Nature. 

"Ths  book,  though  intentionally  somewhat  popular  in  tone,  contains  most  im- 
portant and  interesting  contribution  to  philosophy." — Mind. 

A  BOOK  OF  COMMANDING  IMPORTANCE 

Professor  John  Dewey  of  Columbia  University  of  New  York,  in  the  July  Pliilo- 
sophical  Revieiv,  writes  as  follows  concerning  Mr.  Bertrand  Russell's  recent  book : 

"There  are  many  ways  of  stating  the  problem  of  the  existence  of  an  external 
world.  I  shall  make  that  of  Mr.  Bertrand  Russell  the  basis  of  my  examinations,  as 
it  is  set  forth  in  his  recent  book,  O^ir  Knozulcdge  of  the  External  World  as  a  Field 
for  Scientific  Method  in  Philosophy.  I  do  this  both  because  his  statement  is  one 
recently  made  in  a  book  of  commanding  importance,  and  because  it  seems  to  me  to 
be  a  more  careful  statement  than  most  of  those  in  vogue." 

Professor  Bernard  Bosanquet  speaks  of  the  same  book  as  follows : 

"This  book  consists  of  lectures   delivered  as   "Lowell   Lectures"   in   Boston,   in 

March  and  April,  1914.     It  is  so  attractive  in  itself,  and  its  author  is  so  well  known. 

that  I  think  by  this  time  it  may  be  'taken  as  read,'  and  I  ma}-  offer  some  discussion 

without  a  preliminary  abstract." 

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NOW  READY 


A  Rare  Treat  for  Booklovers 

De  Morgan's  Budget  of  Paradoxes 

By  AUGUSTUS  DE  MORGAN 


Edited  with  full  bibliographical  notes  and  index 

By  DAVID  EUGENE  SMITH 
Teachers'  College,  Columbia  University,  New  York 

Two  volumes,  pp.  500  each.  Cloth,  $3.50  per  vol. 

THE  BUDGET  OF  PARADOXES.  As  booklovers  and  those  who  delight  to 
browse  in  fields  that  are  quaint  and  curious  know,  there  appeared  in  the  nineteenth 
century  no  work  that  appealed  to  the  tastes  of  their  guild  more  powerfully  than  the 
delightful  BUDGET  OF  PARADOXES  of  AUGUSTUS  DE  MORGAN.  Orig- 
inally written  as  a  series  of  articles  in  THE  ATHENAEUM,  they  were  collected  by 
Professor  DE  MORGAN  just  before  his  death  and  were  pubHshed  posthumously  by 
his  talented  wife.  As  a  piece  of  delicious  satire  upon  the  efforts  of  circlers  of 
squares,  and  their  kind,  there  is  nothing  else  in  English  literature  that  is  quite  so 
good.  Nor  should  it  be  thought  that  the  work  is  technical  because  it  speaks  of  the 
arrested  mental  development  of  the  circle-squarers.  On  the  contrary,  while  it  is 
absolutely  scientific  in  its  conclusions,  it  is  written  in  a  popular  style  which  anyone 
can  appreciate  and  which  has  charmed  many  thousands  of  readers  during  the  past 
half  century. 

THE  PRESENT  EDITION.  The  BUDGET  OF  PARADOXES  was  first 
written  some  fifty  years  ago.  Many  names  which  were  common  property  in 
England  at  that  time  were  little  known  abroad,  and  others  have  passed  into  oblivion 
even  in  their  native  land.  Incidents  which  were  subjects  of  general  conversation 
then  have  long  since  been  forgotten,  so  that  some  of  the  charm  of  the  original 
edition  would  be  lost  on  the  reader  of  the  present  day  had  the  publishers  under- 
taken merely  a  reprint.  The  first  edition  having  long  since  been  exhausted  but  still 
being  in  great  demand,  it  was  decided  to  prepare  a  new  one,  and  to  issue  it  in  a 
form  becoming  a  work  of  this  high  rank.  Accordingly,  it  was  arranged  to  leave 
the  original  text  intact,  to  introduce  such  captions  and  rubrics  as  should  assist  the 
reader  in  separating  the  general  topics,  and  to  furnish  a  set  of  footnotes  which 
should  supply  him  with  as  complete  information  as  he  might  need  with  respect  to 
the  names  and  incidents  mentioned  in  the  text.     The  Publishers  feel  that  the  two 


A  RARE  TREAT  FOR  BOOKLOVERS- Continued 

large,  well-printed  volumes  which  they  take  pleasure  in  submitting  to  readers  will 
prove  a  source  of  delight  to  all  who  peruse  the  pages  of  this  unique  work. 

THE  EDITOR.  In  preparing  this  edition,  the  Publishers  sought  for  the  man 
whose  tastes,  experience,  and  learning  would  best  harmonize  with  those  of  Professor 
DE  MORGAN  himself.  Accordingly  they  invited  Professor  DAVID  EUGENE 
SMITH,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  to  undertake  the  work.  Dr.  SMITH  is  known  for  his 
KARA  ARITHMETICA,  which  completed  the  early  part  of  the  work  undertaken 
by  DE  MORGAN  in  his  arithmetical  books ;  for  his  PORTFOLIO  OF  EMINENT 
MATHEMATICIANS  and  for  his  part  in  the  HISTORY  OF  JAPANESE 
MATHEMATICS  and  the  translation  of  Fink's  HISTORY  OF  MATHEMATICS, 
issued  by  the  Open  Court  Publishing  Company;  and  for  his  extensive  writings  on 
the  history  and  teaching  of  mathematics  and  his  contributions  to  text-book  literature. 
Dr.  Smith  has  worked  in  DE  MORGAN'S  library,  is  thoroughly  familiar  with  all 
of  DE  MORGAN'S  writings,  and  has  a  type  of  mind  which  is  sympathetic  with 
that  of  the  author  of  the  BUDGET.  The  Publishers  therefore  feel  that  they  have 
been  very  fortunate  in  securing  the  one  man  who  was  best  qualified  to  undertake 
con  amove  the  preparation  of  this  new  edition. 

VALUE  TO  PUBLIC  LIBRARIES.  Although  the  original  edition  of  the 
BUDGET  appealed  rather  to  the  searcher  after  the  unique  and  bizarre  than  to  one 
who  wished  for  information  as  to  men  and  things,  the  new  edition  may  properly 
take  its  place  among  the  valuable  works  of  reference  in  our  public  libraries.  The 
circle-squarers  and  the  angle-trisectors  are  present  everywhere  and  always,  and  a 
popular  work  that  will  show  them  their  folly  is  a  thing  that  every  library  should 
welcome.  But  aside  from  this,  the  great  care  taken  by  Dr.  Smith  in  his  biographical, 
bibliographical  and  historical  notes  renders  the  work  invaluable  on  a  shelf  of 
general  reference.  His  additions  have  so  increased  the  size  of  the  work  that  it  has 
been  found  necessary  to  issue  it  in  two  volumes. 

THE  SELLING  OF  THE  WORK.  When  we  consider  the  fact  that  the  work 
is  even  better  known  to  general  readers  than  to  mathematicians,  that  it  has  long 
been  out  of  print  and  has  had  a  ready  sale  among  dealers  in  rare  books  at  prices 
ranging  from  $10.00  to  $15.00,  it  will  be  seen  that  an  edition  like  .the  present  one 
cannot  fail  to  have  a  large  sale,  not  merely  in  GREAT  BRITAIN  and  her  posses- 
sions, and  in  the  UNITED  STATES,  but  also  among  scholars  in  other  countries 
as  well. 

THE  READERS.  As  intimated  above,  the  work  appeals  to  an  unusually  wide 
range  of  readers.  Of  course  every  mathematician  will  wish  for  a  copy,  not  because 
the  work  is  on  mathematics  but  because  it  was  written  by  a  curious-minded  mathe- 
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and  it  will  appeal  to  the  general  reader  because  of  its  style  and  the  wide  range  of 
interests  which  Professor  DE  MORGAN  showed  in  this,  his  best-known  work. 
Such  a  book  is  written  for  all  times  and  for  all  classes  of  readers,  and  it  may  well 
be  ranked  among  the  classics  of  our  language. 


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of  1914 
Its    Causes,    Purposes,   and    Probable    Results 

By 
JOHN  WILLIAM  BURGESS,  Ph.D.,  J.  U.  D.,  LL.  D. 

Formerly  Professor  of  Constitutional  and  International  Law  and  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Politica 
Science,  Philosophy,  and  Pure  Science  in  Columbia  University,  Xew  York  City. 

Professor  Burgess  considers  the  present  Anti-German  craze  altogether  unrea- 
sonable. He  has  studied  the  British  White  Paper,  which  gives,  as  he  says,  the  British 
point  of  view,  and  he  finds  it  a  most  unconvincing  document.  Discussing  the  imme- 
diate cause  of  the  war  he  asserts  that  Austria  had  a  just  cause,  and  the  demands  she 
made  upon  Servia  were  not  only  reasonable,  but  she  could  not,  as  a  self-respecting 
nation,  have  asked  less. 

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made  by  Sir  Edward  Grey  preliminary  to  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  is  that  they 
tended  to  fan  the  flame  and  that  that  astute  minister  unquestionably  knew  this.  In 
support  of  this  he  shows  by  documentary  proof  that  Sir  Edward  Grey  encouraged 
Servia  to  resist  Austria,  and  accepted  Russia's  claim  of  a  protectorate  over  that 
Balkan  nation. 

German  success  in  home  development  and  in  foreign  markets,  he  says,  brought 
to  her  the  jealousy  and  spite  of  England,  and  this,  he  asserts,  is  really  the  primary 
cause  of  the  war. 

Compared  with  what  we  understand  by  Constitutional  Government  he  finds  the 
British  Government  a  despotism,  and  contrasts  it  with  the  organization  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire,  which  he  states  is  not  only  more  efficient  but  more  genuinely  demo- 
cratic, asserting  further  that  the  German  system  is  best  calculated  to  give  mankind 
prosperity  and  peace.  The  German  Emperor,  he  declares,  is  a  truly  great  man,  ex- 
ceedingly intelligent  and  highly  cultured. 

In  relation  to  American  interests  in  the  war,  he  points  out  that  the  much  derided 
German  militarism  was  very  useful  to  us  in  the  Revolutionary  and  Civil  Wars,  and 
that  without  it  the  results  might  have  been  different.  Against  this  he  sets  the  fact 
that  Great  Britain's  attitude  toward  us  has  always,  during  a  crisis,  been  that  of  an 
enemy  and  against  us.  He  claims  that  every  true  American  interest  requires  the 
maintenance  of  the  German  Empire  in  its  present  organization  and  power  in  Middle 
Europe. 

He  favors  the  idea  that  our  next  formulation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  will  be 
that  there  shall  be  no  colonial  dependencies  in  North  America  of  any  European 
power.     Canada,  as  at  present  constituted,  is  a  danger  to  us. 

Belgian  neutrality  also  receives  his  attention,  and  he  asserts  that  Belgium  has 
Great  Britain  to  thank  for  every  drop  of  blood  shed  by  her  people  and  for  all  her 
devastation. 

CH.^PTER  CONTENTS 

I.  The  Occasions  of  the  War. 
II.  The  Proximate  Causes  of  the  War. 

III.  The  Underlying  Causes  of  the  War. 

IV.  American  Interests  in  the  Outcome  of  the  War. 

V.  The  Austro-Hungarian  Empire  and  the  Crime  at  Sarajevo. 
VI.  Belgian  Neutrality. 
VII.  The  Export  of  Arms  and  Munitions  to  Belligerents. 
VIII.  The  German  Emperor. 

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Contents  of  the  July  Number 

ORIGINAL  ARTICLES 

Psychoanalysis.     C.  G.  JuxG. 

Role  of  Sexual  Complex  in  Dementia  Praecox.    Jas.  C.  Hassall. 
Psycho-Genetics  of  Androcratic  Evolution.    Theo.  Scuroeder. 
Technique  of  Psychoanalysis.     Saiith  Ely  Jelliffe. 

TRANSLATIONS 

Significance  of  Psychoanalysis  for  the  Mental  Sciences. 

Otto  Rank  and  Hanns  Sachs. 
Wishfulfillment  and  Symbolism  in  Fairy  Tales.     Fraxz  Riklin. 

ABSTRACTS.     P.ook  Reviews.  A^aria. 


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Time  and  Pure  Activity.     Walter  B.  Pitkin. 

The  Function  and  Scope  of  Social  Philosophy.     Harry  Allen  Over- 
street. 
History  versus  Value.     Morris  R.  Cohen. 
The  Pulse  of  Life.     Edgar  A.  Singer,  Jr. 
The  Vice  of  Modern  Philosophy.     W.  H.  Sheldon. 
Philosophic  Sanction  of  Ambition.     George  Santayana. 

Natural  Rights  and  the  Theory  of  the  Political  Institution.     George  H. 
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No.  7.    Three  Contributions  to  Sexual  Theory.    By  PROF.  SIGMUND  FREUD,  Price  $2.00. 
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No.  13.  History  of  the  Prison  Psychoses.     By  DRS.  P.  NITSCHE  and  K.  WILMANNS, 
Price  $1.25.    Tr.  by  Drs.  Barnes  and  Glueck. 

The  only  complete  exposition  in  English  of  the  history  of  the  prison  psychoses 
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No.  14.  General  Paresis.  By  PROF.  E.  KRAEPELIN,  Price  $3.00.    (Illustrated.)    Tr.  by  Dr. 
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No.  15.  Dreams  and  Myths.    By  DR.  KARL  ABRAHAM,  Price  $1.00.    Tr.  by  Dr.  W.  A. 
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No.  16.  Poliomyelitis.    By  DR.  I.  WICKMANN,  Price  $2.00.     (Illustrated.)    Tr.  by  Dr.  W. 
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Timely  Editorial  in  the  Chicago  Tribune 
and  a  Timely  Book  for  American  Citizens 


HE  constitution  of  the  United  States  provides  specifically  that,  the 
power  to  declare  war  rests  with  congress.  By  evasion  the  president 
can  create  a  condition  whereby  war  must  follow,  or  by  blundering  he 
may  bring  war  upon  us  through  the  initiative  of  another  country.  The 
first  course  is  immoral,  the  second  is  inane.  We  do  not  believe  that 
President  Wilson  is  either. 

If  President  Wilson  contemplates  making  war  or  contemplates  steps  which 
might  lead  to  war,  the  only  thing  for  him  to  do  is  to  call  a  special  session  of 
congress  and  lay  before  congress  the  situation  as  only  he  and  his  confidential 
advisers  know  it  to  be.  Certainly  it  would  lead  to  a  nation-wide  campaign. 
Certainly  this  would  show  a  national  division.  But  if  war  is  contemplated  public 
opinion  should  be  consulted  before  taking  any  unredeemable  step.  Certainly 
men  will  be  found  who  will  assail  the  president  for  political  and  personal 
reasons,  and  even  worse.  Just  as  certainly  men  will  be  found  who  will  sacrifice 
politics  and  personal  interest  for  patriotism. 

Finally,  this  nation  has  never  faced  the  present  international  situation  as 
a  nation.  The  larger  part  of  the  public  expression  has  been  on  the  part  of  and 
spoken  in  the  interests  of  or  at  least  in  sympathy  with  one  or  another  of  the 
foreign  nations. 

We  have  not  as  a  nation  considered  our  interests  as  a  nation.  We  have 
never  considered  what  a  German  victory  would  bring  to  us.  We  have  never 
considered  what  an  allied  victory  would  mean  to  us.  We  have  never  considered 
the  price  of  war.  We  have  never  considered  the  price  of  peace.  The  violent 
and  objectionable  agitation  which  must  follow  the  consideration  of  these  sub- 
jects in  congress  will  compel  us  for  once  to  see  our  national  interest. 

Read  the  following  book  and  reflect  on  its  conclusions 

PAN-AMERICANISM 

By  the  Author  of  "PAN-GERMANISM" 

ROLAND  G.  USHER'S  forecast  of  the  inevitable  clash 
between  the  United  States  and  Europe's  victor 

DO  YOU    REALIZE  THAT  to  maintain  the  IV!onroe  Doctrine  will  compel  us  to 
declare  war  on  Europe's  victor? 

DO  YOU   KNOW  THAT  the  Monroe   Doctrine  was  aimed  at   England   and   not 
at  Spain? 

DO  YOU  BELIEVE  THAT  it  has  defended  South  America  in  the  past? 

DO  YOU  REALIZE  THAT  the  United  States  may  lie  at  the  mercy  of  Europe's 
victor? 

DO  YOU   KNOW  THAT  she  may  be  defended  without  the  firing  of  a  shot  by 
either  army  or  navy? 

Price  $2.00  Net,  Postage  10   Cents 

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