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TORQHTO
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THE
QUARTERLY
OF THE
VOLUME XII
MARCH. 1911-DECEMBER. 1911
Edited by
FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG
Portland, Oregon
ThelvyPrew
1911
TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUBJECTS
PAGES
Astor, John Jacob, Some Important Results from the Expeditions of, to
and from the Oregon Country. By Frederick V. Holman 206*219
Astoria, A Hero of Old. By Eva Emery Dye 220-223
Born on the Oregon Trail, The First. By T. Neilson Barry 164-170
Columbia River, David Thompson, Pathfinder, and the. By T. C. Elliott. .195-205
Financial History of Oregon. VI. By F. G. Young 87-114
"Fountain" on Powder River, Ogden. By J. Neilson Barry 115-116
Fuca Straits, Early Navigation of the. By Judge F. W. Howay 1-32
Indian Names, Preservation of. By Walter H. Abbott 361-368
"Oregon System," Oregon History for the. By F. G. Young 264-268
Political Parties in Oregon, Rise and Early History of. By Walter Carleton
Woodward — II, III, IV, V 33-86; 123-163; 225-263; 301-350
Sixty, an Echo of Campaign of. By Lester Burrell Shippee 351-360
Thompson, David, Pathfinder, and the Columbia River. By T. C. Elliott. .195-205
NOTES
Apple Tree, the Oldest Seedling, in the Pacific Northwest 120-121
Champoeg, Movement Begun for State Park at 193
Eminent Dead, a Long Roll of 190-192
Eminent Oregpnians, Two, Die 121-122
Flax Culture in Early Days. By Harriet K. McArthur 118-119
Lands, a Constructive Policy With Remaining Oregon, Proposed 117
Lone Tree on Oregon Trail 117-118
Oregon Historical Literature to be Enriched 190
Oregonian, the Great Memorial Issue of the Daily 117
Pioneer Reunion, Thirty-ninth Annual 192-193
DOCUMENTS
Gun Powder Story, the. By Archibald McKinlay. Edited by T. C. Elliott. .369-374
Territory of Oregon, Report on the. By Charles Wilkes, Commander of the
United States Exploring Expedition. 1838-1842 269*299
REVIEW
Leslie M. Scott, Acquisition of Oregon and the Long Suppressed Evidence
About Marcus Whitman. By William I. Marshall 375-386
AUTHORS
Abbott, Walter H., Preservation of Indian Names 361-368
Barry, T. Neilson, The First-Born on the Oregon Trail 164*170
Ogden "Fountain" on Powder River 115-116
Dye, Eva Emery, A Hero of Old Astoria 220-223
Elliott, T. C., David Thompson, Pathfinder, and the Columbia River 195-205
The Gun Powder Story, by Archibald McKinlay 369-374
Holman, Frederick V., Some Important Results from the Expeditions of
John Jacob Astor to and from the Oregon Country 206-219
Howay, Judge F. W., Early Navigation of the Straits of Fuca 1-32
Scott, Leslie M., Review of William J. Marshall's Acquisition of Oregon
and the Long-Suppressed Evidence About Marcus Whitman 375-386
Woodward, Walter Carleton, Rise and Early History of Political Parties
in Oregon, II, III, IV, V 33-86; 123-163; 225-263; 301-350
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
VOLUME XII MARCH 1911 NUMBER 1
Copyright, 1910, by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributor* to its pages
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS
OF FUCA1
By Judge F. W. Howay, New Westminster, B. C.
Before the third voyage of the great Captain James Cook the
northwest coast of America was regarded as almost as far
beyond the ordinary bounds of navigation as the islands of the
Hesperides appeared to the Greeks; and Swift himself, when
he composed the entertaining travels of Lemuel Gulliver,
esteeming it the proper region of fable and romance selected it
for the position of the imaginary land of Brobdingnag.
The narrow strait of Juan de Fuca gives entrance to the most
extensive and most beautiful labyrinth of waterways to be
found on the whole coast ; through it passes today a constantly
growing volume of trade as the population of the neighboring
states and the western portion of Canada increases; and as it
forms a part of the international boundary line, the story of its
early navigators must be of equal interest to the citizens of both
countries, and of especial interest to the students of the history
of the coast.
In the argument upon the San Juan question George Ban-
croft, the United States representative, speaking of these
waters, says : "The emoluments of the fur-trade ; the Spanish
"jealousy of Russian encroachments down the Pacific Coast;
i Paper read before the Annual Meeting of the members of the Oregon
Historical Society, December 17, 1910.
2 F. W. How AY
"the lingering hope of discovering a northwest passage; the
"British desire of finding water communication from the Pacific
"to the great lakes; the French passion for knowledge; the
"policy of Americans to investigate their outlying possessions ;
"all conspired to cause more frequent and more thorough ex-
"aminations of these waters even before 1846, than of any
"similarly situated waters in any part of the globe."
On the Atlantic coast, as by degrees geographical knowledge
was extended, the belief in the existence of a northwest passage
gradually tottered to its fall; but myths die hard; and the
possibility of such a passage being found from the Pacific side
held firm sway until almost a hundred years ago. Indeed it is
common knowledge that in 1745 the British Parliament offered
a reward of £20,000 for its discovery, and one of the objects of
Captain Cook's third expedition was to seek it out.
On Sunday the 22nd March, 1778, Captain Cook, the first
European of whom we have any authentic record, discovered
the southern entrance of the strait of Juan de Fuca which he
named Cape Flattery, because as he states in his Voyage, there
"appeared a small opening which flattered us with the hopes of
finding an harbour".
Unfortunately he was unable to examine this opening, as
owing to a heavy gale having arisen he was obliged to stand
out to sea, and so missed the opportunity of making a discovery
which would have added lustre to a name even as great as his.
It may be objected that Juan de Fuca, the old Greek pilot
had preceded Cook by almost two hundred years, and that he
was "the first and original" discoverer of Cape Flattery and
the Strait of Fuca. I do not at this time intend to examine
his story as preserved to us in Michael Lock's note in Purchas,
His Pilgrimes. The subject is gone into very fully in Ban-
croft's History of the North West Coast, Vol. I., pp. 70-81,
and after a minute examination the conclusion is reached that
the alleged voyage is a fiction, pure and simple. I accept the
view of the late Elwood Evans, who in his History of the
Pacific North West, says : "No record is preserved in Spain
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 3
"or Mexico mentioning the voyage or him who is asserted to
"have made it, or that in any way contributes color of truth-
fulness to the Lock narrative. Its inconsistencies are patent,
"are glaring. The land described, the natives, the alleged ele-
"ments of wealth, the location of the strait, its extent, coast
"line, internal navigation, indeed every peculiarity of the Strait
"of Juan de Fuca and its surroundings repel the belief that the
"inventor of Lock's statement could ever have seen or visited
"the North-west coast of America".
I think that Professor Davidson has expressed the almost
unanimous opinion of students with regard to the Fuca story
in his curt finding : "The whole story is a fabrication".
Perhaps I should pause here to notice a claim made by Spain
to the discovery of the Strait of Fuca. I quote from the first
chapter of the "Relation del mage hecho por las goletas Sutil y
Mexicans en el ano 1792", as follows :
"Sub-Lieutenant Don Esteban Martinez, being at Nootka,
after having taken possession of that port in the name of Her
Majesty, stated that, in 1774, in returning from his expedition
to the north, he thought he saw a very wide entrance at 48° 20'
latitude. Believing that it might be that of Fuca, he directed a
second mate (piloto) in command of the schooner Gertrudis
to ascertain whether that entrance existed or not. The mate
returned, saying that he had found it to be twenty-one miles
wide, and its centre in 48° 30' latitude, 19° 28' west of San
Bias".
Of the voyage of Juan Perez in 1774, we have more accounts
than of any other contemporary expedition, no less than four
distinct diaries being extant. Of these, two, a relation del
viagc, and tabla diaria, are by Perez himself ; the others are by
the missionaries Crespi and Pena, whose duties especially in-
cluded the keeping of diaries of the voyage. If Martinez thought
he saw the strait in 1774, he kept the suspicion closely con-
cealed in his own bosom, for in not one of these four independ-
ent accounts is even the least hint of such a thing given.
4 F. W. How AY
In his Breve discurso de los descubrimientos de America Mar-
tinez says that he saw in his voyage of 1774 with Juan Perez,
a wide entrance about 48° 30', which he considered to be, either
the strait of Juan de Fuca, or of Aguilar, which ought in his
opinion to connect with Hudson's Bay.
Campos in his Espana en California, page 4, adds that Mar-
tinez on his return from Nootka in 1789, said that the pilot
Narvaez had "encontrado de nuevo" the strait of Juan de
Fuca.
In Humboldt's Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la
Nouvelle-Espagne, volume 2, page 489, after speaking of Mal-
aspina's wish to examine the coast beyond Nootka, he says:
"Le vice-roi, doue d'un esprit actif et entreprenant, ceda
"d'autant plus facilement a ce desir, que de nouveaux renseig-
"nemens donnes par des officiers stationnes a Noutka
"sembloient rendre probable 1'existence d'un canal dont on
"attribuoit la decouverte au pilote grec Juan de Fuca, depuis
"la fin du seizieme siecle. En effet, Martinez, en 1774, avoit
"reconnu tine entree tres-large sous les 48° 20' de latitude. Le
"pilote de la goelette Gertrudis, 1'enseigne Don Manuel
"Quimper, qui commandoit la belandre la Princesse Royale, et,
"en 1791, le capitaine Elisa, avoient viste successivement cette
"entree; ils y avoient meme decouvert des ports surs et
"spacieux".
As far as I can ascertain these are the only references to this
strait having been seen by the Spaniards prior to 1790. It
will be noticed that Humboldt's statement, which is the latest
in point of time, is the strongest. The Viage, which was an
official publication by the Spanish Government, says that in
1774 Martinez "thought he saw" ; then Martinez himself says
that in 1774 "he saw" ; and lastly Humboldt says that he "avoit
reconnu", the strait of Fuca. It is certainly worthy of remark
that if the pilot, as Martinez was in 1774, really saw the strait
so long looked for, and not simply ''thought he saw" it —
whatever that may mean, — he did not, as his duty was, report
the fact to the commander of the expedition, Juan Perez.
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 5
After leaving the vicinity of Nootka in 1774, Martinez did
not return to this portion of the coast until 1789. In the mean-
time, as will be shown later, Captain Barkley in the Imperial
Eagle, Captain Meares in the Felice, Captain Duncan in the
Princess Royal, and Captain Gray in the Washington, had all
visited the strait of Fuca.
As Martinez in the Princessa left San Bias on the 17th
February, 1789, arriving at Nootka 5th May ; and was recalled
in the fall of that year, leaving Nootka on 31st October and
reaching San Bias on 6th December ; it follows that any ex-
ploration made by Narvaez under his orders must have oc-
curred between May and October. Remembering that during
May, June, and July Martinez was busy seizing Meares's ships
and in making an establishment at Nootka, and later in dis-
mantling it, it may well be doubted whether he had much time
to give to the question of exploration. Again, the schooner
Gertrudis referred to, is none other than Meares's North West
America, which was not seized until 9th June, 1789, and sailed
immediately afterwards with a Spanish crew and Mr. David
Coolidge of the Washington as pilot on a trading voyage,
returning in July with seventy-five skins. From all these cir-
cumstances, I think it fair to infer that if Narvaez saw the
strait of Fuca, it was not till the end of June, 1789, and was
not because he was sent to explore it but because he casually
fell in with it, as Campos says, while on this trading voyage.
It will be noted that the fragmentary information which Mar-
tinez gives as the result of Narvaez alleged voyage was nothing
more than any seaman in Meares's, Duncan's, or Gray's employ
could have readily told him.
Having disposed of this apocryphal matter let us return to
undisputed facts. It is well known that the fur-trade on this
coast, especially the trade in sea-otter skins, had its origin in
the knowledge obtained by Captain Cook, whose vessels re-
turned to England in 1780.
6 F. W. How AY
Captain Barkley's Voyage in the Imperial Eagle.
The first of the fur-trading vessels of which I wish to speak
is the Imperial Eagle. Her voyage is interesting for three
reasons ; first, the vessel herself was the Loudoun, her name
being changed when she was placed under the Austrian flag,
in order to avoid the monopoly of the East India Company ;
second, her captain Charles William Barkley was the real dis-
coverer of the strait of Juan de Fuca ; and third, his wife
Frances Hornby Barkley was the first white woman to visit
this part of our coast and to see the strait of Fuca.
As I have already mentioned, the original name of the Im-
perial Eagle was the Loudoun. She was a fine merchant ves-
sel of 400 tons, ship-rigged and mounting twenty guns. Cap-
tain George Dixon of the Queen Charlotte describes her as "a
good-sailing, coppered vessel."
At that time, indeed up till 1833, the East India Company,
which was practically an arm of the British Government, had
a monoply of trade in the South Seas, in which term this coast
was included. That monoply, originally created by Queen
Elizabeth and repeatedly confirmed by Parliament under suc-
ceeding monarchs, was of course, only effective as against Brit-
ish vessels and British subjects. To avoid it, the owners of the
Loudoun, who were themselves British, and in the employ of
the East India Company, hit upon the idea of changing the
vessel from the British to the Austrian flag. I may add,
parenthetically, that the vessel was not owned by the Austrian
East India Company as is often stated. Indeed, there was no
such company in existence.
The change of flag and of name was accomplished at Ostend
in Belgium, where the vessel remained some eight weeks, fit-
ting out for the voyage. Captain Barkley, a young man of
twenty-seven years, who was in command, found time in this
interval to cultivate the acquaintance of Miss Frances Hornby
Trevor, the seventeen-year-old daughter of an English clergy-
man residing there. So successful was he, that the couple were
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 7
married on 27th October, 1786, and Mrs. Barkley sailed with
her husband from Ostend in the Loudoun, alias Imperial Eagle,
on a trading voyage to the North-west coast and China, which
was to be one of a series covering about ten years.
Captain Barkley's log of the Imperial Eagle up to his arrival
at Nootka is in the possession of the Honorable Mr. Justice
Martin in Victoria ; but the subsequent log, with his plans and
charts, passed into the hands of his owners and Captain John
Meares, as will be hereafter related, and has disappeared. But
fortunately for local history, Mrs. Barkley kept a diary, which
was until a few years ago in the possession of her grand-son,
the late Captain Edward Barkley, R. N., at Westholm, B. C.
It is to that diary I am indebted for the particulars of this
voyage. Students of the history of the coast must have noted
the paucity of printed information concerning the voyage of
the Imperial Eagle.
The Imperial Eagle arrived at Nootka, the Mecca of all
coast traders, in June, 1787. Soon after anchoring there, a
canoe came alongside, and Mrs. Barkley was much surprised
when a man, in every respect like an Indian — and a very dirty
one at that — clothed in a dirty sea-otter skin stepped aboard
and introduced himself as Dr. John Mackey late surgeon of
the trading brig, Captain Cook. During the month the Im-
perial Eagle remained at Nootka, Captain Barkley, with the
aid of Mackey, so swept the sound of sea-otter skins, that when
the Prince of Wales and the Princess Royal, commanded by
Captains Colnett and Duncan arrived, they found the trade
worthless.
From Nootka the Imperial Eagle sailed southward, discov-
ering Clayoquot sound and the sound we now call Barkley
sound. Mrs. Barkley's diary says: "We anchored in a snug
harbour in the sound, of which my husband made a plan as
far as his knowledge of it would permit. The anchorage was
off a large village and therefore we named the island, Village
island." This is now known as Effingham island. Some time
was spent here, a "very successful trade" carried on, and a
8 F. W. How AY
considerable number of points and islands named — amongst
others, Cape Beale, at the southern entrance to Barkley sound,
and by some regarded as the northern entrance of the Strait
of Juan de Fuca.
Leaving Barkley sound on a July day in 1787, Captain
Barkley discovered that afternoon the opening we now call
the Strait of Fuca. I quote from Mrs. Barkley's diary :
"In the afternoon, to our great astonishment, we arrived off
"a large opening extending to the eastward, the entrance of
"which appeared to be about four leagues wide, and remained
"about that width as far as the eye could see, with a clear
"easterly horizon, which my husband immediately recognized
"as the long lost strait of Juan de Fuca, and to which he gave
"the name of the original discoverer, my husband placing it
"on his chart".
The statement in Meares's Voyage, page LV., that the whole
of Captain Barkley's voyage below Barkley sound was made
in the ship's boat is absolutely incorrect. It may hardly be
necessary to add that this is by no means the only error which
exists in Meares's published volume.
Captain Barkley did not examine the opening or explore the
strait at all, so his opinion as to its original discovery by the old
Greek pilot is merely superficial.
The Imperial Eagle proceeded along the coast and in latitude
47° 43', on a river supposed to be the Ohahlat, near Destruc-
tion island, in attempting to trade with the natives, the mate,
Mr. Miller, the purser, Mr. Beale, and four seamen were mur-
dered. After this loss, Captain Barkley proceeded as far as
Cape Fear, and thence sailed to China. This ends his connec-
tion with our subject, for although he returned in 1792, in the
brig Halcyon, that voyage had to do only with the Alaskan
coast.
Before Captain Barkley finally passes off our little stage it
may be of interest to give verbatim from Mrs. Barkley's diary
her side of the difficulty which occurred between her husband
and the owners of the Imperial Eagle. She says :
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 9
"The facts are these : My husband was appointed to the Lou-
"doun, since named Imperial Eagle, and engaged to perform
"in her three voyages from the East Indies to Japan, Kam-
"schatka, and the unknown coast of North America, for which
"he was to have the sum of £3000. His owners were super-
"cargoes in China in the service of the East India Company,
"and several of the owners were directors at home. On my
"husband's arrival in China, the owners found they were not
"warranted in trading to China and the North West Coast even
"under the Austrian flag, the change being well known and for
"what purpose, so they found themselves through fear of losing
"their own situations obliged to sell the ship to avoid worse
"consequences. They then wanted to get off their bargain
"with my husband, who, having made provision according to
"the original contract, made in London, would have been
"actually a loser to the sum of thousands of pounds, after
"making upwards of £10,000 for the owners since he had been
"in command, besides the loss of time and great expense in-
"curred by our journey to England from Bengal.
"Captain Barkley therefore brought an action for damages,
"but before the case came into court at Calcutta, the affair was
"compromised by an arbitration of merchants, and my hus-
"band was awarded £5,000. The whole transaction was the
"most arbitrary assumption of power ever known, for the
"owners and agents not only dismissed Captain Barkley from
"the ship, but appropriated all the fittings and stores laid in by
"my husband for the term agreed upon, which would have
"taken at least ten years, for on the second and third voyages
"he was to winter on the Northwest coast and, with the furs
"collected, trade to the unfrequented parts of China, wherever
"he thought furs would sell for the highest figure. Of course
"my husband had supplied himself with the best and most ex-
pensive nautical instruments and charts, also stores of every
"kind for such an adventurous voyage. A great portion of the
"latter were obliged to be expended for owners' use, who had
"not laid in sufficient stores for such a voyage, and then these
10 F. W. How AY
"people actually pretended Captain Barkley was bound to
"furnish them, and in their first claim actually brought him
"apparently in debt to the concern! However, when the con-
"tract between Captain Barkley and the owners was investi-
gated, justice, though to a small extent, prevailed, and he
"was awarded the sum of £5,000 as I have previously stated.
"My husband left the vessel with the remaining stores on
"board, and these articles fraudulently obtained from him were
"transferred to Captain Meares, who was in the same employ
"though not acknowledged to be so".
Meares's Explorations in the Vicinity of Fuca Strait.
The next navigator to see the strait of Fuca was the well-
known Captain John Meares. Meares's name is written large
in the history of our coast. He was the first land owner in
British Columbia; he built the first vessel on this coast north
of Mexico, the historic North West America ; he failed to find
the Columbia river, and actually recorded its non-existence;
the publication of his account of his voyages caused a most
acrimonious discussion between himself and Captain George
Dixon, late of the Queen Charlotte ; and his trading adventure
brought the British nation to the verge of war with Spain.
Meares left Wicananish, i.e., Clayoquot sound, on the Felice,
during the night of the 28th June, 1788, and steering east
south east arrived on the morning of the 29th abreast of Bark-
ley sound. Passing by, greatly to the chagrin of the natives,
he held the same course along the shore of Vancouver island
until "at noon the latitude was 48° 39' north, at which time we
"had a complete view of an inlet, whose entrance appeared very
"extensive, bearing E. S. E., distant about six leagues. We
"endeavored to keep in with the shore as much as possible, in
"order to have a perfect view of the land. This was an object
"of particular anxiety, as the part of the coast along which we
"were now sailing had not been seen by Captain Cook ; and we
"knew of no other navigator said to have been this way except
"Maurelle ; and his chart which we had on board, convinced us
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 11
"that he had either never seen this part of the coast, or that
"he had purposely misrepresented it".
I pause here to note that this statement is not ingenuous ; per-
haps a stronger, Anglo-Saxon expression would be more apt.
Meares then knew that Captain Barkley had been in that very
locality the preceding year. This is shown by the statement on
page LV of his introductory remarks. There in speaking of
Captain Barkley, Meares says that he "explored that part of
"the coast from Nootka to Wicananish, and so on to a sound,
"to which he gave his own name. The boat's crew, however,
"was dispatched and discovered the extraordinary straits of
"John de Fuca, and also the coast as far as Queenhythe."
Some friend of Meares or some believer in his truthfulness,
may suggest that he only learned the facts about Barkley's voy-
age after he had made his own examination of the coast. Not
so. Mrs. Barkley's diary shows that the Imperial Eagle reached
Macao in December, 1787, remaining there to dispose of the
furs until February, 1788. Meares was then fitting out at the
same port for this coast, for which he sailed in February, 1788,
so that he had ample opportunity to learn of Captain Barkley's
movements here ; and that he did in fact know of them is plain
from his statement on page 124 in connection with the murder
of Mr. Miller and the boat's crew near Destruction island. He
says there that "we saw a seal hanging from the ear of one of
"the men in the canoe which was known to have belonged to
"the unfortunate Mr. Miller of the Imperial Eagle, whose mel-
"ancholy history was perfectly well known to every one on
"board." And again on page 158, when nearing Queenhythe,
he says : "We were approaching the place where and the peo-
"ple by whom the crew of the boat belonging to the Imperial
"Eagle were massacred." And to clinch the matter, Dixon
in his Remarks, which are in the form of a letter to Meares,
says that John Henry Cox, at whose house Meares stayed while
fitting out at Macao, "gave you a copy of Barclay's chart from
"Nootka Sound to the south ward as far or nearly so as you
"went." This Meares in his reply did not deny.
12 F. W. How AY
Let us now resume Meares's story. By three o'clock in the
afternoon of the 29th June, the Felice arrived at the entrance
of this great inlet, "which appeared," he says, "to be twelve
or fourteen leagues abroad." It is in fact but twelve or fifteen
miles in width. Could Meares not tell the difference between
twelve miles, and twelve leagues ? Or did he stretch the width
to tally more nearly with de Fuca's story to Lock that the
strait was thirty or forty leagues wide? Or was it merely an
effort of his fertile imagination, like his statement that de Fuca
had noted the Indian habit of flattening the head ?
The Voyage goes on to say: "From the mast-head it was
"observed to stretch to the East by North and a clear and un-
"bounded horizon was seen in this direction as far as the eye
"could reach."
Meares crossed to the southern shore and stood in for Cape
Flattery. At a distance of about two miles, the Felice was
hove to, while the long boat was manned to search for an
anchorage between Tatooche island and Cape Flattery. Here
Meares made the acquaintance of Tatooche, the Chief of the
Clallam Indians, whose name stands side by side with those of
Maquilla and Callicum in the early annals of the coast. You
all remember Meares's description of Tatooche — "so surly and
forbidding a character we had not yet seen" — "of savage and
frightful appearance", — "barbarous and subtle". Four years
later when the Sutil and Mexicana entered the strait, they met
Tatooche, whom they called Tetacus, and engaged him as pilot.
They call him "our friend Tetacus", and speak of him as
"exceedingly friendly", — as "never belying his frankness and
confidence", — and as being "very intelligent and well-behaved".
Did the character of Tatooche alter in the interval, or is
Meares wrong again?
Meares goes on to say: "The strongest curiosity impelled
"us to enter this strait, which we shall call by the name of its
"original discoverer, Juan de Fuca". Did the fact that Meares
had in his possession Barkley's chart with this name already
applied to the strait, aid him in selecting that name? It was
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 13
after leaving the strait on this occasion that Meares failed to
find the Columbia river, and in token of his feelings named
Cape Disappointment.
The Felice returned to Barkley sound, and anchored there
while the long boat under Mr. Duffin, the first officer of the
Felice, was sent out to explore the strait of Fuca. Leaving
the sound on the 13th July, 1788, Mr. Duffin entered the strait,
attempted to trade with the natives, was attacked by them, and
returned at the end of five days. His journal shows that he
had coasted along the Vancouver island shore, and barely
entered the strait — in fact that he had only reached a point
near Gordon river in the bay now known as Port San Juan —
when this attack occurred and his retreat commenced. Yet
Meares, on page 179, has the audacity to state that the long
boat had on this occasion, "sailed near thirty leagues up the
"strait, and at that distance from the sea it was about fifteen
"leagues broad with a clear horizon stretching to the East for
"fifteen leagues more". Nothing of that kind is stated in the
journal. Captain Dixon in his Further Remarks on Meares,
scores him heavily for this misrepresentation, "not to call it
by a harder name", and in closing his remarks on the subject,
adds : "Be so good, Mr. Meares, as to inform me how you
"reconcile this difference between the master of the boat's
"journal and your own account, for I am free to confess, I
"cannot possibly do it".
Meares claims to have taken possession of the strait of Fuca
for the King of Britain, with the usual ceremonies. As he him-
self was never in the strait, and never on land any nearer there-
to than Barkley sound, and. as Mr. Duffin's journal mentions
no such incident, this statement may be put into the already
over-burdened collection of Meares apocrypha.
Before we part from Captain Meares, as he never again
visited the strait, let me quote once more from Mrs. Barkley's
diary :
"In the same manner as he got the stores, Captain Meares
"got possession of my husband's journal and plans ffom the
14 F. W. How AY
"persons in China to whom he was bound under a penalty of
"£5,000 to give them up for a certain time for, as these per-
"sons stated, mercantile objects, they not wishing the knowl-
"edge of the coast to be published. Captain Meares however,
"with the greatest effrontery, published and claimed the merit
"of my husband's discoveries therein contained, besides invent-
"ing lies of the most revolting nature tending to vilify the
"persons he thus pilfered. No cause could be assigned either
"by Captain Barkley or myself, for this animosity except the
"wish of currying favor with the late agents and owners of
"the Loudoun named the Imperial Eagle, these persons having
"quarrelled with Captain Barkley in consequence of his claim-
ing on his discharge a just demand".
In connection with this statement by Mrs. Barkley it is
quite plain that Meares himself placed great stress on keeping
secret the knowledge of the coast while he was operating here.
This is evident from the instructions given by him to Captain
Colnett and Captain Douglas, which are to be found in the
appendix to his volume.
The First Voyage of the Princess Royal.
The next navigator, visiting the strait of Fuca, was a con-
temporary of both Barkley and Meares, who, though the first
to sail for this coast, was the last to see the strait.
This was Captain Charles Duncan of the sloop Princess
Royal, fifty tons burden, manned by fifteen men. This vessel,
with her consort the Prince of Wales, under Captain James
Colnett, afterwards prominent in the Meares embroglio, sailed
from London in September, 1786, and after calling at Staten
island, arrived at Nootka in July, 1787. Captain Barkley in the
Imperial Eagle, with the aid of Mackey, having already gath-
ered in all the sea-otter skins in that vicinity, the two vessels,
after making a few repairs, left Nootka. Off the entrance of
the sound, on the 8th August, 1787, they met the Queen Char-
lotte, owned by the same people, Messrs. Etches & Co., of
London. On Captain Dixon's advice the remainder of the sea-
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 15
son of 1787 was spent at Queen Charlotte islands where a
large number of skins were obtained.
As was usual in the fur-trade, the winter of 1787 was spent
by Duncan and Colnett at the Sandwich islands. On their re-
turn in the spring the commanders separated, — Duncan return-
ing to Queen Charlotte islands and the vicinity. He spent the
summer amongst the group of islands to the east of Queen
Charlotte islands to which he gave the name of Princess Royal
isles, after his vessel.
Sailing from Safety cove, Calvert island, on the 2nd August,
1788, Captain Duncan arrived off Nootka on 6th. Meares,
lying at anchor there, recognized the Princess Royal, and, while
in one breath saying he felt not "the most distant impulse of
any miserable consideration arising from a competition of in-
terests", yet in the next he states that he "became very appre-
hensive that she might reach Wicananish before us and be
able to tempt that chief by the various articles of novelty on
board her to intrude upon the treaty (of monopoly of trade)
he had made with us. We therefore did not delay a moment to
sail" for Clayoquot sound. On the way Meares hailed the
Princess Royal and went aboard. He speaks in tones of
wonderment that a vessel so small should have rounded Cape
Horn and navigated the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans for twenty
months in safety, reflecting great credit on the ability and in-
defatigable spirit of her commander.
The vessels separated in the fog. The Princess Royal
reached Ahousat, Clayoquot sound, on the evening of 8th, and
was busy trading with the Indians when Meares passed her,
bound inwards for Port Cox.
On the 13th August, Duncan left Ahousat and on the 15th
anchored before the village of Claaset on the south side of the
straits of Fuca, about two miles east of Cape Flattery. Here
he stayed trading with the natives until the 17th when he left
the coast, "which I should not have done so soon", he says,
"but that I had an appointment to meet the Prince of Wales on
"a certain day at the Sandwich isles in order to go in company
"together to China."
16 F. W. How AY
As far as I know, the only records we have of Captain
Duncan's movements on this coast are the casual references to
him in Mrs. Barkley's diary, in Meares's, Portlock's, and
Dixon's published volumes, the letter written by him to Dixon,
contained in Dixon's Further Remarks on Meares, and his
chart of the strait of Fuca, which was published by Dalrymple,
January 14th, 1790. That chart contains the first published
information concerning this strait. The chart covers from
Barkley sound to a point near Jordan river, showing the strait
to be about fourteen miles wide, and indicating the positions of
Pachena bay, Carmanah point, Port San Juan, Neah bay, and
Clallam bay. Although it was the middle of August when he
was there, Duncan tells us that the weather was very unsettled.
He goes on : "The Indians of Claaset said that they knew not
"of any land to the Eastward ; that it was A'ass toopulse, which
"signifies a great sea. They pointed that the sea ran
"a great way up to the Northward; and down to the South-
"ward; on the East side, they likewise said that at a great
"distance to the Southward, I should find men that had guns,
"as well as I had ; whether they meant that to frighten me or
"not I can not tell, for all along the coast, I never found any
"that wished to part with us or indeed wished us to trade with
"another nation, telling us that they were the only people that
"had anything or were worth trading with". He adds that
they are expert whalers.
The chart also contains this note : "A small rock above
water, about the size of a canoe lyes N. 19° E. from Tatooche's
Island at the distance of ll/2 mile. I sounded y2 a mile to the
Northward of it and had no bottom at 90 fathoms". Captain
Vancouver, in 1792, named this rock Duncan Rock, after its
discoverer; but for that the name of Duncan is not preserved
on our coast.
Duncan did not penetrate the strait beyond Claaset, but he
was the first person to give to the world any really definite in-
formation about this strait.
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 17
The First Voyage of the Washington.
We now come to the consideration of the first voyage of
the Columbia and the Washington, and of the work of the
latter in the vicinity of the strait of Fuca.
These two vessels — the first representatives of the American
flag in the fur-trade on this coast — were fitted out at Boston,
and sailed thence on 1st October, 1787. The Columbia, a ship
of 212 tons, was commanded by Captain John Kendrick; the
Washington, the sloop of 90 tons, by the famous Captain
Robert Gray. The Washington reached Nootka on 16th Sep-
tember, 1788. Meares was in port at the time and seeing the
sail in the offing, sent out the long boat to her assistance, think-
ing her the Princess Royal. He was surprised when the boat
returned towing into the harbor the American sloop Washing-
ton, instead of the British sloop Princess Royal. The Columbia
arrived about a week later.
As far as our subject is concerned the Washington is the
important vessel, on this first voyage. It is claimed that she
was the first vessel to navigate the strait of Fuca and to cir-
cumnavigate Vancouver island. This claim is based on Meares's
map showing "the sketch of the track of the American sloop
Washington in the autumn 1789", and on the statements in his
Observations on the Probable Existence of a North West
Passage, page LVI. He there says :
"The Washington entered the straits of John de Fuca, the
"knowledge of which she had obtained from us ; and penetrat-
"ing up them, entered into an extensive sea, where she steered
"to the Northward and Eastward, and had communication with
"the various tribes who inhabit the shores of the numerous
"islands that are situated at the back of Nootka Sound, and
"speak with some little variation the language of the Nootkan
"people. The track of this vessel is marked on the map, and
"is of great moment, as it now completely ascertains that
"Nootka Sound and the parts adjacent, are islands, and compre-
"hended within the Great Northern Archipelago. The sea also
"which is seen to the East, is of great extent; and it is from
18 F. W. How AY
"this stationary point, and the most westerly parts of Hudson's
"Bay, that we form an estimate of the distance between them.
"The most Easterly direction of the Washington's course is
"to the longitude of 237° East of Greenwich. It is probable,
"however, that the master of that vessel did not make any
"astronomical observations to give a just data of that sta-
"tion. . ." And on page LXII, in arguing the existence of
a north west passage he says : "And, finally, we offer the
"proofs brought by the Washington, which sailed through a
"sea that extends upwards of eight degrees of latitude."
This is all Meares has to say ; this is the basis of all that
has been written on the subject. No other contemporaneous
writer mentions such a voyage. No further basis, no other
evidence in support, has ever been found by any investigator
into the question. Its only foundation is Meares.
The story has been frequently mentioned by subsequent
writers, but their statements show plainly that they rely on
Meares. Thus Elwood Evans, in History of the Pacific North
West, says on page 50 :
"In the fall of 1789, after parting with the Columbia, Cap-
"tain Kendrick in the sloop Washington, sailed through the
"strait of Juan de Fuca. Steering Northward he passed through
"some eight degrees of latitude and came out into the Pacific
"Ocean north of latitude fifty-five degrees north".
And so, in Anderson's brochure, Did the Louisiana Pur-
chase extend to the Pacific Ocean ? page 6 : "Meanwhile Ken-
"drick in the Washington made further explorations, and pre-
"ceded all Europeans in passing through the straits of Juan
"de Fuca from one end to the other".
During the heated times of the Oregon Question — "54° 40'
or Fight" — this claim came prominently forward ; and it was
resurrected in the San Juan dispute. Both these questions
have long been settled; the subject is now demagnetized; and
we can touch and examine it without fear of a shock.
Let us get clearly in mind the situation with regard to the
Washington. Captain Gray was in command from the time
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 19
she left Boston, until about the end of July, 1789, when
Captain Kendrick took charge, and Gray sailed for China in
the Columbia with the furs obtained by both vessels. From
China the Columbia sailed to Boston arriving, as every one
knows, in August, 1790, and being the first vessel to bear the
Stars and Stripes around the world. Kendrick remained on
this coast in the Washington until the latter part of 1789, when
he also left for China, arriving there with a valuable cargo of
furs on the 26th January, 1790.
Hence this voyage, if made at all, must have been made, if
by Gray, prior to the end of July, 1789; and if by Kendrick,
between July and October, 1789.
Dealing first with the possibility of its having been made by
Captain Gray. There is in the Public Library in Portland a
copy of Haswell's log, giving an account of voyage of the
Washington under his command up till about the middle of
June, 1789, and for the present it is sufficient to say that it
gives no support to any such claim. But further we have the
conclusive testimony of Captain Gray himself, as recorded by
Vancouver, who met him near the strait of Fuca in April, 1792 :
"It is not possible to conceive any person to be more astonished
"than was Mr. Gray on his being made acquainted that his
"authority had been quoted and the track pointed out that
"he had been said to have made in the sloop Washington. In
"contradiction to which he assured the officers that he had
"penetrated only fifty miles into the straits in question in an
"E. S. E. direction; that he found the passage five leagues
"wide ; and that he understood from the natives that the open-
ing extended a considerable distance to the northward; that
"this was all the information he had acquired respecting this
"inland sea, and that he had returned into the ocean by the
"same way he had entered". See Vancouver's Voyage, Vol. I,
pages 42-3.
I will deal later with this statement of Captain Gray. Let
us now consider the possibility of this alleged voyage of the
Washington having been made while in command of Kendrick,
after Gray's departure.
20 F. W. How AY
Unfortunately, all of Kendrick's journals and records dis-
appeared when, after his death, the Washington was lost at
sea; but we have negative testimony in the fact that when
Kendrick's heirs applied to Congress for relief on the ground
of his public services no suggestion of his having explored the
strait of Fuca or circumnavigated Vancouver island was made.
In considering this matter it must be remembered that 1789
was the year of the seizure of Meares's vessels, and that early
that year the Spaniards had formed a settlement at Nootka,
whence they watched with eagle eye the movements of the ships
upon the coast. If any such voyage as stated by Meares had
been made they must surely have been aware of it. Yet Van-
couver tells us (Vol. I, p. 318, 4 to ed.), that Galiano and
Valdes, the Spanish commanders whom he met in the Gulf
of Georgia in June, 1792, informed him: "That notwithstand-
ing the Spaniards had lived upon terms of great intimacy
"with Mr. Gray and other American traders at Nootka, they
"had no knowledge of any person having performed such a
"voyage but from the history of it published in England" —
referring of course to Meares's statement.
That this is correct is shown by the fact that in 1790, 1791,
and 1792, three separate expeditions were sent out by the
Spaniards from Nootka to explore the strait of Fuca and
ascertain where it terminated. He goes on to say that Senor
Valdes, who spoke the Indian language fluently, understood
from the natives that the inlet did communicate with the ocean
to the northward. A vague idea that what we call Vancouver
island was either a large island or a chain of islands was cur-
rent among the fur-traders from the earliest times; thus Cap-
tain Barkley mentions that Mackey, whom he found at Nootka,
as already stated, thought that the country around Nootka
sound was not a part of the continent of North America, but
a chain of detached islands ; and see Has well's log to the same
effect.
Vancouver claims for himself and Quadra the honor of the
first circumnavigation of Vancouver island, or as he calls it
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 21
"the tract of land that had first been circumnavigated by us", —
the island of Quadra and Vancouver. The first edition of Van-
couver's Voyage appeared in 1798. At that time Kendrick was
dead; but Gray was alive until 1806. If Vancouver's claims
clashed with either Gray's or Kendrick's actual work, it is
reasonable to suppose that Gray would have been heard from
on the point.
The view of subsequent writers on the question of this
voyage are only valuable as the opinions of experts.
In 1840, when Greenhow published his Memoir, Historical
and Political, on the North West Coast of North America, in
speaking of this alleged voyage, after stating that it was in his
opinion an exaggeration by Meares of Gray's explorations in
the strait of Fuca, he goes on to say on page 92: "The ac-
"count that such a voyage had been made was incorrect; but
"Captain Gray collected information from the natives of the
"coasts, which left no doubt on his mind that the passage com-
"municated northward of Nootka with the Pacific by an open-
ing to which he had in the summer of 1789 given the names of
"Pintard's Sound, but which is now generally called Queen
"Charlotte Sound. This opinion was verified in 1792 by Van-
"couver and Galiano and Valdes". As Librarian of the De-
partment of State Greenhow had in his possession (see the
footnote on page 89 of the Memoir) conclusive proof that this
voyage had never been actually made.
Yet despite this published opinion of 1840 and the posses-
sion of this conclusive proof to the contrary, we find Greenhow
in his History of Oregon, 1846, pages 216-219, arguing that
the voyage may have been made, and that this is the one state-
ment of Meares which can be relied on. I place the contradic-
tion before you. I do not attempt to explain it.
Professor Meany simply states the uncertainty prevailing
on the point, with apparently a slight inclination to doubt that
the voyage was ever made. See Meany's Vancouver's Dis-
covery of Puget Sound, pages 32-33.
22 F. W. How AY
In volume 12 of the Pacific Railroad Reports, published in
1860, by the United States Government, is a geographical
memoir upon the strait of Fuca and the vicinity by the well-
known geographer, J. G. Kohl, of the United States Coast
Survey, perhaps the best-posted man of his day on all such
matters pertaining to this coast. On page 274 of that memoir
he says : "Greenhow believes that soon after Gray, the Ameri-
"can, Captain Kendrick sailed through the whole strait (of
"Fuca) and came out at Queen Charlotte's sound, but this can
"not be proved by historical documents".
Bancroft in his History of the North West Coast, volume I,
page 208, speaking of Kendrick and this alleged voyage, says :
"I can not say that such was not the fact ; but from the extreme
"inaccuracy of Meares's chart, from the narrowness of the real
"channel, and from the fact that Kendrick is not known to have
"made subsequently any claims to a discovery so important, I
"am strongly of opinion that the chart was made from second-
hand reports of Kendrick's conjectures, founded on Gray's
"explorations of the north and south, supplemented by his own
"possible observations after Gray's departure, as well as by
"reports of the natives which, according to Has well, indicated
"a channel back of Nootka". Bancroft's opinion is very close
to the fact.
Of all the public men prominently connected with the Ore-
gon Question, there was probably none better able or more
competent to express an opinion on this voyage than Albert
Gallatin. He was one of the representatives of the United
States in the negotiation of treaty of joint policy in 1818, and
of the renewal treaty of 1827. Rush's Residence at the Court
of London shows how carefully the voyages to this coast were
scrutinized in the official discussion of the question. Of these
negotiations Gallatin could certainly say in the language of
Virgil, "Quorum pars magna fui". In his second Letter on the
Oregon Question in January, 1846, he says :
"The pretended voyage of the sloop Washington through-
put the straits under the command of either Gray or Kendrick
"has no other foundation than an assertion of Meares, on which
"no reliance can be placed".
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 23
In the reply of the United States in the San Juan dispute
George Bancroft refers to this alleged voyage of the Wash-
ington: "We know", he says, "alike from British and from
"Spanish authorities, that an American sloop, fitted out at
"Boston in New England, and commanded by Captain Ken-
"drick, passed through the straits of Fuca just at the time
"when the American Constitution went into operation — two
"years before Vancouver, and even before Quimper and de
"Haro".
The only British authority he cites in support is the passage
in Meares already quoted, and a portion of Vancouver's in-
structions from the Admiralty reciting Meares's statements.
The Spanish authority cited by him is weaker than the pro-
verbial broken reed. It is an extract from Quimper's jour-
nal referring to the circumnavigation of Nootka island by Ken-
drick in the brig Washington in 1791, and not to the circum-
navigation of Vancouver island by Kendrick in the sloop
Washington in 1789. It is not for me to attempt to explain
how this mistake occurred. I simply state the fact.
In this connection it is a strange circumstance that George
Bancroft, who, in the preparation of that case, which bears
on every page the marks of close and careful study and re-
search, overlooked Ingraham's journal — a work in the Library
of Congress, and constantly referred to by Greenhow. This
journal contains statements which show conclusively that the
Washington never made the voyage referred to by Meares.
Before I deal with Ingraham's journal, let me point out an-
other consideration which is opposed to the probability of such
a voyage. Meares says this alleged voyage of the Washington
occurred in the autumn of 1789. Now we know that on the
13th July, 1789, the Washington was lying at Nootka; that she
sailed thence in company with the Columbia a few days later
to Clayoquot sound ; that there all the furs were put on board
the Columbia, which then departed for China, arriving there
2nd November, 1789 — about three and a half months after
leaving this coast. The Columbia and the Washington sailed
24 F. W. How AY
at about the same speed, as shown by the original voyage from
Boston. As the Washington arrived in China on the 26th Jan-
uary, 1790, it seems fair to say that she must have left this coast
about the end of September. So that she only remained
here about two months after the Columbia sailed, namely
from the end of July to the end of September. This
would almost seem without more to settle the question, as it
may well be doubted whether any navigator could pioneer the
way amid that labyrinth of channels from Cape Flattery to
Cape Scott in such a short time, and carry on sufficient trade
to obtain, as Kendrick did in that interval, a valuable cargo of
furs.
I think that, after Gray's departure, Kendrick sailed in the
Washington to Queen Charlotte Islands, and there obta'ned
the cargo of five hundred sea otter skins. The chief at Barrel's
sound told Haskins that Kendrick had been there twice, once
in a one-masted ship, lately in one with two masts. See
Haskins Journal, Page 51, under date July 8th, 1791. And we
know that in 1789 the Washington was rigged as a sloop, but
on her return in 1791, she was rigged as a brig. Consequently
the chief's reference to Kendrick in a one-masted ship must
apply to some date in 1789.
All the matters I have dealt with up to this point simply raise
inferences, more or less strong, that the voyage in question
was never made. But I now come to the consideration of In-
graham's journal, which as I have already said settles the
question.
Joseph Ingraham, the writer of this interesting journal, was
the second mate of the Columbia on her first voyage. He went
to China in her, and thence returned to Boston. There he left
the Columbia, and took charge of the brig Hope, in which he
sailed for this coast again on the 16th September, 1790, arriving
here 1st June, 1791. He was engaged in the fur-trade on this
coast in 1791 and 1792. Subsequently he joined the United
States navy, and was lost in the U. S. brig Pickering, which
was never heard of after leaving Delaware in August, 1800.
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 25
In volume 4, page 206, of that journal, a copy of which I
have obtained through the kindness of C. F. Newcomb, M. D.,
of Victoria, Ingraham, after stating that the charts therein are
prepared from his own observations, and those of Captains
Gray and Douglas, goes on to say that the dotted line shown
thereon connecting the strait of Fuca and Queen Charlotte
sound is marked from certain information that such a passage
exists. In order to prevent his chart being compared, as Cap-
tain Dixon compared Meares's, to an old wife's butter pat,
he mentions that the Chatham and Discovery and the Sutil
and Mexicana had passed through this channel in the season of
1792. He states that both Captain Vancouver and the Spanish
commanders had shown him their charts, but as he had not
time to copy the windings of the passage, he chose to show it
by a dotted line so as not to mislead, by laying down windings
and turning coves he never saw. He then proceeds: "The
"sloop Washington, as Mr. Meares supposed, never passed
"through that passage; though we had little doubt of their
"being such passage, from the information of the Indians".
Considering that this story is founded on Meares alone, con-
sidering all the various circumstances referred to which raise
inferences against it, remembering the absolute dearth of any
corroboration most persons would probably conclude that the
voyage had never been made; but this extract from Ingraham
ends the matter.
Now, let us return to Meares, the father of this false state-
ment, as of many others.
When Meares's volume appeared, Captain Dixon ridiculed
the statement, and in his Remarks poked fun at the map with
the alleged track of the Washington on it, which he said
resembled nothing "so much as the mould of a good old house-
wife's butter pat". He then continued: "Be so good, Mr.
Meares, as to inform the public from what authority you in-
troduce this track into your chart". Meares replied that he
had obtained it from "Mr. Neville, a gentleman of the most
respectable character, who came home in the Chesterfield, a
26 • F. W. HOWAY
ship in the service of the East India Company", and that Mr.
Neville had "received the particulars of the track" from Cap-
tain Kendrick. To this Captain Dixon answered that, "Hav-
ing never seen or heard of this gentleman (i.e. Mr. Neville)
"before, I have no right to doubt the verbal information he
"may have given you, neither would I have it understood that
•'I ever did. All my thoughts on this subject are that before
"you suffered such a track to appear on your chart, you should
"have seen it delineated on paper either with latitudes and
"longitudes, or the vessel's run".
So that on Meares's own admission the track was put down
on second-hand information. In the heated discussion, noth-
ing was ever heard from Mr. Neville ; we have only Meares's
statement as to what was actually told him. It might almost
have been concluded that Mr. Neville was a sort of masculine
"Mrs. Harris", the friend of "Sairey Gamp". But further in-
vestigation leads to the conclusion that he was the first mate of
the East Indiaman in which Meares returned to England.
We know from various sources that the Columbia and the
Washington spent the winter of 1788-9 near Friendly Cove,
Nootka sound. During that time it was discovered that Nootka
was an island ; as shown by the following entry in Haswell's
log, under date, March 16, 1789: "The sound is navigable
"near 20 leagues where it again meets the sea in another out-
"let near as large as Nootka (i.e. Esperanza inlet) about seven
"leagues along shore to the westward". On Ingraham's map
Nootka island is marked, "Kendrick's island" ; and in his jour-
nal we find: "Massachusetts sound (Esperanza inlet) was
"so named by Captain Kendrick, who, I believe, was the first
"that ever passed through it with a vessel, but the Indians
"often informed us there was two ways of entering Nootka
"sound. Indeed, we were convinced of it from seeing canoes
"go out past Friendly Cove and come back down the sound".
These quotations show that Kendrick circumnavigated Nootka
Island.
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 27
Under all the circumstances it seems a fair assumption to
say that this first mate had heard, perhaps from the sailors of the
Columbia, that in 1789 Kendrick had circumnavigated the
island on which the village of Nootka was situate, or had found
a channel back of Nootka, and upon this small foundation the
story was built by Meares. A mind which could magnify the
width of the strait of Fuca from twelve miles to fifteen
leagues, and could expand Duffin's trip to Port San Juan into
a voyage thirty leagues up the strait of Fuca, would not be
likely to find much difficulty in magnifying the circumnaviga-
tion of the island of Nootka into the circumnavigation of Van-
couver island. When the story is compared with the fact the
tale of our childhood about the three black crows is irresistibly
brought to mind.
I might add here parenthetically that in 1862, Kendrick's
name was most suitably bestowed upon an arm of Nootka
sound by Captain Richards of the H. M. S. Hecate.
Now, to complete the matter, let us see what the records
show in reference to Captain Gray's work while in commmand
of the Washington in 1789. To this end we shall sketch brief-
ly, from Haswell's log, the movements of the Washington after
her arrival at Nootka in September, 1788.
This vessel wintered, as has already been said, in Nootka
sound, remaining there until 16th March, 1789, when she sailed
for Clayoquot, where she arrived the following day. Leav-
ing Clayoquot early in the morning of the 27th March, she
moved to a position just outside the harbor. The next morn-
ing she stood along very close to the shore on an E. S. E.
course, and at ten o'clock the northern extremity of Barkley
sound, or Company bay, as Gray called it, came into view.
At mid-day Cape Flattery was seen bearing SE. by E., but
to the eastward of this no land could be see. "As we pro-
ceeded E. by S. as the coast trended," says Haswell, "I fully
concluded we were in the straits of Juan de Fuca." Nitinat
was passed at two o'clock that afternoon, and keeping along
the northern shore of the strait, the Washington proceeded in
28 F. W. How AY
an almost easterly direction ; but, as about 4 :30 that afternoon
it began to blow hard and the weather looked disagreeable,
Captain Gray ran into a "deep bay", called by the natives
Pachenat, and by him, Poverty cove, but which from Has-
well's description and the location, must be the Port San Juan
of our maps. Haswell says : "These people have seen vessels
before, as they are acquainted with the effect of firearms, but
they all say they never saw a vessel like ours, and I believe we
are the first vessel that ever was in this port." The Felice's
long boat under Mr. Duffin had been in this port in July, 1788,
and in an altercation with the natives had shot one at least, so
that they understood by experience the effect of firearms.
At eight o'clock in the morning of 31st March, the Wash-
ington sailed across to within half a mile of the southern shore
of the strait, which she followed for about four leagues to
the eastward, but learning from the Indians that there were
no furs to be obtained in that direction, Captain Gray tacked
across to the northern shore. Wherever this four leagues
terminates marks the limit of Captain Gray's examination of
the strait. Haswell says : "To have ran further up these straits
"at this boisterous season of the year without any knowledge
"of where we were going, or what difficulties we might meet
"in this unknown sea, would have been the height of impru-
"dence, especially as the wind was situated so we could not
"return at pleasure. The straits appeared to extend their
"breadth a little way above our present situation, and form
"a large sea stretching to the east and no land as far as the
"eye could reach."
The Washington returned once more to the southern shore,
and on the following morning "the weather was moderate and
clear, and we saw the sun rise clear from the horizon up the
straits." That day, when about to enter Neah bay, a violent
wind sprang up, and not wishing to be caught on a lee shore,
Captain Gray headed for Port San Juan. On the morning of
the 3rd April, he left that port again for the southern shore,
entered Neah bay, but found his situation too dangerous, sailed
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 29
out of that bay, rounded Cape Flattery which, says Haswell,
is "the south cape of ye straits of Juan de Fuca," and turned
southward.
On the 4th April, the Washington was in latitude 47° 35'.
Still proceeding southward, a heavy gale was encountered, so
that the little sloop was reduced to a three-reefed mainsail and
the head of the foresail, and on the 6th April, as its violence
showed no sign of abating, Captain Gray determined to bear
away for Fuca strait and Port San Juan. But the gale still
continuing with hail and sleet, and the sea running very high,
and the tide very strong, he found himself on the morning of
the 9th April, close to Clayoquot. He therefore entered the
harbor and anchored there.
On the 12th April, the Washington again left Clayoquot, and
after some difficulties in the navigation of Barkley sound,
steered for the strait of Fuca. At daylight of the 18th, the
strait was open to view. At noon Cape Flattery bore E. Y^ S.
distant, 7 leagues. Haswell's log is at this point quite in-
definite as to locality, but it seems that the vessel kept along
the Washington shore, south of Cape Flattery, during the
early hours of the 19th, and lay to off a village to the south-
ward of Foggy rocks (now known as Umatilla reef), where a
considerable number of good sea-otter skins were purchased
at the rate of five iron chisels per skin. At noon on the 19th
the latitude was 48° 1' N. The morning of the 20th saw the
Washington once more in the vicinity of Tatooche island. The
incoming tide set so strong, says Haswell, "that though it was
calm all the succeeding night we were hurried into the straits."
He continues : "At daylight several canoes came off and upwards
"of 30 sea-otter skins were purchased, but we had the mortifi-
"cation to see them carry off near 70 others, all of excellent
"quality, for want of chisels to purchase them, and they re-
peatedly told us they had great abundance on shore." Has-
well does not indicate the situation of the vessel at this time,
but at any rate it must have been near Tatooche island, per-
haps as far inside the strait as Neah bay. Having no chisels
30 F. W. How AY
left, and the Indians refusing to take other articles, the Wash-
ington bore away for Nootka, where she arrived on 22nd
April, 1789.
During the absence of the Washington, Captain Kendrick
had moved the Columbia to Mawinna or Kendrick's Cove,
now called Marvinas bay, seven miles up the sound from
Friendly Cove; and on the following day the Washington
reached that spot. Haswell says : "We were greatly sur-
prised to find the ship not ready for sea. She was now near-
"ly a hulk ; had not been graved or scarce any preparation made
"for sea. They had indeed landed their guns, built a good
"house, built a good battery, landed most of their provisions
"and stores, and had their blacksmith's forge erected in the
"house. When we arrived in the cove they were casting their
"balls, preparatory to grave her bottom. The smiths were
"immediately employed to furnish us with another cargo of
"chisels and all our people in refitting our vessel for sea, re-
pairing the sails, and recruiting our stock of wood and water."
On the 3rd May, 1789, the Washington sailed once more
from Nootka, but this time her prow was turned northward,
and about a month was spent in the vicinity of Queen Char-
lotte islands, or Washington island, as Gray called them. The
sloop being severely damaged in a gale, it was determined to
return to Nootka. As Haswell gives no dates on the return
trip after the llth June, when the Washington was in a har-
bor on the west coast of Queen Charlotte islands, the exact
date of her return can not be fixed, but it was probably some
time after the middle of June, 1789. This short voyage was
most successful, a very lucrative trade being carried on, espe-
cially on the west coast of Queen Charlotte islands on the
return journey. Haswell tells us that at one place, Captain
Gray obtained two hundred sea-otter skins in trade at the rate
of one chisel per skin — about one-fifth of the ordinary price.
By a curious error this incident has been constantly misrepre-
sented ; and it has been stated that the two hundred skins were
obtained for one iron chisel. The fact, as stated in Haswell's
log, is that the price was one chisel each.
EARLY NAVIGATION OF THE STRAITS OF FUCA 31
The Washington remained at Nootka until after the 13th
July, when she left that port in company with the Columbia
for Clayoquot, where as already stated, all the furs were trans-
ferred to the Columbia, and the captains exchanged vessels,
Kendrick remaining on this coast in the Washington. Why
the transfer was made at Clayoquot, instead of Nootka, we
can not say. Perhaps it was owing to the trouble at Nootka
over the seizure of Meares's vessels. Perhaps it was one of
Captain Kendrick's sudden whims. If we believe Haswell,
Kendrick was subject to sudden changes of mind.
The suggestion of Greenhow on page 199, that on this oc-
casion the Washington under Gray re-entered the strait of
Fuca for a distance is pure imagination. There is not one
jot or tittle of evidence to support it; on the contrary, the
evidence is all the other way. The affidavit of Mr. Funter
and the crew of the North West America, sworn at Canton,
on 5th December, 1789, says: "The Columbia and the Amer-
ican sloop Washington did depart from King George's sound
"together, unmolested in any measure by the Spaniard. . .
"That the Columbia and Washington did steer to a harbor to
"the southward of King George's Sound, where they separ-
"ated, the Columbia returning to China and the Washington
"remaining on the coast." As these persons left Nootka on
the Columbia, and were passengers on her on the voyage to
China, and had no apparent interest in misrepresenting the
facts, we may assume this statement in the absence of all evi-
dence to the contrary to be correct.
Hence it appears that, during 1789, the only occasions on
which the Washington entered the strait of Fuca were during
the cruise in March and April, of which I have already given
the outlines as recorded by Haswell.
All that now remains is to determine the most easterly point
within the strait then reached by her. Captain John T. Wai-
bran of the Department of Marine and Fisheries at Victoria,
who is one of our best-posted and most thorough students of
the early history of the coast and to whom I am greatly in-
32 F. W. How AY
debted for much valuable assistance in the preparation of this
address, has very kindly worked out for me the daily posi-
tions of the Washington from Haswell's observations and state-
ments. He informs me that according to Haswell's log, the
vessel was, on the 31st March, off Clallam bay, some twenty-
five miles east of Cape Flattery ; this marks her most easterly
position on the southern shore of the strait. At six o'clock
that evening the Washington reached her furthest east point,
being in latitude 48° 25' N. and longitude 124° 10' W. This
position may be described as fifteen miles eastward of Port
San Juan, or midway between Port San Juan and Sooke
harbor. Thus we find by working out Haswell's log reasonable
confirmation of Captain Gray's statement to Vancouver.
It is not my intention to deal with the work of the Spanish
navigators, Quimper in 1790, Elisa in 1791, and Galiano and
Valdes in 1792. That can only be adequately done by a person
having access to the Archives General of the Indies at Se-
ville. Nor do I intend to touch the work of Vancouver. His
own monumental volumes contain the fullest information, and
Professor Meany's commentary has added the spice of local
and personal interest.
Taking stock then of the advance of knowledge concerning
the strait of Fuca from 1778 to 1789, we find that while Cap-
tain Cook discovered Cape Flattery, the strait itself was dis-
covered and named, but not entered, by Captain Barkley in
1787; that Meares never entered the strait at all, but that
Duffin, in charge of the long boat of the Felice reached Port
San Juan in July, 1787; that in August, 1788, Captain Dun-
can did the first surveying and trading within the strait, and
in January, 1790, he published the first chart of it; that the
Washington did not make the voyage Meares tells of, but
under Captain Gray traded extensively in the strait, examined
both shores to a distance of almost fifty miles, and was the
first vessel to really navigate that strait.
THE RISE AND EARLY HISTORY OF
POLITICAL PARTIES IN
OREGON II
By Walter Carleton Woodward
PART II
Period of the Territorial Government
Political Organization
CHAPTER III
ORGANIZATION OF THE OREGON
DEMOCRACY
Not until two years after the settlement of the Oregon ques-
tion between the United States and Great Britain, did Congress
take action looking toward giving Oregon a territorial organ-
ization. The delay was occasioned by Southern members who
objected to the anti-slavery clause in the proposed organic act.
Not that they entertained a serious hope of seeing slavery
established in Oregon. They fought in the first place the
recognition of the principle that slavery could be excluded
from any of the territories, and later, to force concessions
favorable to them in the organization of the territory so re-
cently acquired from Mexico. After a long and determined
opposition on the part of the pro-slavery element in stubborn
allegiance to its sacred institution, the Oregon Territorial bill
became a law on August 14th, 1848. From that hour there
was a decided change in the political situation in Oregon. The
viewpoint was shifted; the view enlarged. The old lines of
division began to fade. It is true some of the local jealousies
remained and were for a time to continue to be factors in
politics, but the focus was different. Oregon was now linked
with the United States and with its political life. The very fact of
the passage of the territorial bill meant that a party president
would appoint party office holders to exercise national super-
vision over the new territory. As the old local lines of divi-
sion began to disappear, in the new conditions men began
to remember their old political affiliations held "back in the
States." But though the change in the point of view was
decided and was generally felt, and its significance appreciated,
it took some time for political action to adapt itself to the new
order. There was a period of transition in which the old
had not been forgotten and put aside and in which the new
had not been fully espoused — a period in which political con-
36 • W. C. WOODWARD
ditions were reshaping themselves in preparation for new and
national alignments. First to emerge in organization from this
political interregnum was the Oregon Democratic party.
Elected in a close campaign for which Oregon had fur-
nished the slogan, President Polk was anxious that the new
Territory should be organized during his term of office. To
this end he urged his appointee for governor, General Joseph
Lane of Indiana, to make all haste on his long journey in
order to assume control before March 4, 1849. Arriving at
Oregon City March 2nd, on the following day he issued a
proclamation extending the laws of the United States over
the Territory of Oregon.1 Oregon was thus started on her
territorial career under the auspices of the Democratic party
and by a man whose future was to be linked inseparably with
that of the new territory. The history of the next decade
was to show how thoroughly fitting and significant was such
a beginning.
One of the first matters of importance incident to the new
relationship which Oregon had assumed was the election of a
delegate to Congress. In this election no national party lines
were drawn. The factors governing it were found in the old
local conditions, affected by the new territorial government.
What the attitude of the Government would be toward recog-
nizing property rights of the British interests as represented
by the Hudson's Bay Company, was the vital question. The
American settlers were quick to suspect the latter of designs
on large parts of the domain north of the Columbia and were
as quick to resent them. This attitude furnished the issue
of the campaign. It resulted in the election, June 6, 1849, of
Samuel R. Thurston, the most vigorous opponent of the for-
eign interests, among the five candidates, and supported by
the Mission party. Though recognized as a strong Democrat,
as were some of his competitors, it was as a partisan in local
affairs that he made his campaign for election.2 The policy
ijoseph Lane, "Autobiography," Ms., pp. 4, 5.
W. H. Odell, "Autobiography of Thurston.," Ms, pp. 4, 5.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 37
he pursued in Congress was consistent with this local plat-
form on which he had been chosen as delegate. Serving at a
time when the sectional spirit was so dominant at Washing-
ton, he found the Pacific Coast to be "in the angle of cross
fires." As a result, in order not to impair his influence, he
"shut the book of partisan politics" and turned his attention
solely to the material needs of his constituents, securing the
passage of the much desired donation land law.1
If Oregon needed a striking reminder of the fact that hence-
forth she was of necessity to experience the exigencies of na-
tional political life — that her future was inevitably linked with
the party fortunes of the nation, such reminder came promptly.
Her citizens had hardly accustomed themselves to the new
situation when their new officials were replaced by newer ones
by the incoming Whig administration. And as if the very
fact of such a sudden change were not of itself sufficient, the
lesson was emphasized by contributing conditions. With
enough of the demagogue in his make-up to render him a
typical successful politician of his day, Lane had so addressed
himself to the Oregonians and so adapted himself to local
conditions as to put himself in thorough accord and harmony
with the people. He was popular from the start. The fact
that the majority of his constituents were fellow democrats con-
tributed to this entente cordiale, but he was generally popular
regardless of party distinction. He was a man of the people.
His Whig successor, General John P. Gaines, was just the
opposite. Pompous and aristocratic in bearing, he was tact-
less in action and overzealous in exerting his authority. At
best it was somewhat repugnant to these western Americans,
used to governing themselves, to be placed under what they
considered foreign officials ; under such a man as Gaines it
was positively galling. In this situation and in what grew
out of it, is to be found the beginning of political parties in
Oregon in the national sense. It will hereafter be developed
i Circular address issued by Thurston to Oregon voters, from Washington,
D. C., Nov. 15, 1850.
38 *W. C. WOODWARD
how clever politicians, working upon the popular prejudice,
used such a condition to force political organization.
At the session of the territorial legislature which met at
Oregon City December 2nd, 1850, that apple of discord in
Oregon politics — the capital location question — made its ap-
pearance. The two contestants were Oregon City and Salem.
The latter had the advantage of location and naturally, also,
the support of the Mission element which had already made
Salem its center. The location bill, giving Salem the capital,
Portland the penitentiary and Corvallis the university, passed
both houses by a total vote of 16 to II.1 While the bill was
before the legislature, Gov. Gaines sent in a special message
criticizing it. He showed that inasmuch as it contained more
than one provision it was in violation of that section of the
act of Congress organizing the territory which provided that
a law must embrace but one object and that object expressed
in its title. Unsolicited advice was also given in regard to
the manner of expending appropriations. This gratuitous in-
terference with the legislative part of the government was
bitterly resented by those legislators who were naturally sus-
picious of executive authority. Their sense of freedom in
self-government was outraged. Their dislike of the man, as
well as the dislike of his politics by the majority of the mem-
bers,2 added to the dissatisfaction. In a defiant mood the bill
was passed without the changes suggested. The Whig gover-
nor was thus associated with the Oregon City side of the con-
tention— his Democratic opponents with that of Salem. The
line of cleavage had been found.
On March 28th, following the adjournment of the legislature
in February, appeared the first number of the Oregon States-
man. Through its editor, Asahel Bush, cold, calculating, re-
lentless, it was to dominate Oregon politics for a decade, mak-
ing and breaking politicians at will. It announced that in
politics it would be Democratic and pledged its efforts in be-
i Bancroft, Vol. II., p. 146.
aOregon Statesman, March 26, 1851.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 39
half of the integrity and unity of the party in Oregon, bidding
defiance to the unmerited assaults of the political opposition.
Whenever the Democracy should organize the Statesman would
be the uncompromising advocate of regular nominations —
the only manner by which a party could give efficiency to its
action and success to its principles. Thus in its very saluta-
tory it made a tacit argument for party organization, thereby
suggesting its own raison d'etre. Bush at once began the
movement for organization. He wrote letters to Democrats
asking for contributed articles in favor of such political ac-
tion,1 which explains the rather spontaneous effusions in the
Statesman by "Pro Bono Publico," "Jeffersoniari," "Dem-
ocracy," and their political kinsmen, from over the Territory.
But at the same time Bush did not allow the enthusiasm of
youth to overthrow the caution of the successful, practical
politician he was. Requested to urge the importance of elect-
ing democrats to the legislature in the June election, 1851,
he replied that in the absence of an organization such a course
would lose them more Whig votes than it would gain them
Democratic.2 In the very next issue following the election,
however, which had revealed encouraging Democratic strength,
the leading editorial in the Statesman was headed, "Organiza-
tion of Democracy."3
The choice of a delegate to Congress was also before the
people in the Spring of 1851. Thurston, after an able and
diligent term, was on the way home to face opposition for his
unfair treatment of Dr. McLoughlin in the donation land bill.
Lane had been mentioned to succeed him and in March was
unanimously nominated at a meeting of the citizens of Yam-
hill County at LaFayette, at which Lane's personal friend, Gen.
Joel Palmer, presided. The prospect of a contest between
two such influential and aggressive Democrats was far from
reassuring to Bush and those who were carefully laying plans
for the organization of their party. Harmony and unanimity
i Private Correspondence, Bush to M. P. Deady, April i, 1851.
albid, May 17, 1851.
sStatesman, June 13, 1851.
40 W. C. WOODWARD
of action were necessary for success, and such a contest as
this, which threatened factional strife and jealousy was much
to be deprecated. Bush felt the delicacy and embarrassment
of his position keenly and declared privately that he would
pursue an independent course in his paper and uphold party
rather than its individual members.1 The assuming of an
attitude of neutrality by Bush, in the light of his later career,
is almost unthinkable. The political situation was thus great-
ly relieved by the death of the returning delegate. On May
2nd, the Statesman announced the demise of Thurston and
likewise noticed the return of Lane from the California mines.
In the next issue, May 9th, Bush came out strongly for Lane,
explaining the Statesman's previous neutral attitude in the
fact of there being no organization or nomination to decide
between the Democratic candidates. But now there was but
one candidate in the field and the Statesman would support
him in behalf of the political creed of which he was the ex-
ponent. It believed thoroughly in his devotion to the prin-
ciples, usages and interests of the great Democratic party. Bush
thus forced to the front the recognition of political differences
in the delegate question, there being no opposing Whig can-
didate— a position which he had refused to take on the legis-
lative ticket. At the same time the Oregonian, which in its
first issue, December 4th, 1850, had announced active allegiance
to the "present administration and all the principles of the
great Whig party" was now becoming non-partisan in tone.
It demanded only a high-minded man of ability and would not
stop to inquire to what party he belonged.2 Meanwhile an-
other candidate entered the field in the person of W. H. Will-
son. Though primarily representing the Missionary influ-
ence which had supported Thurston, he, too, was a Democrat.
Hence, Bush, though personally favorable to Lane, and having
announced that he would support him, is evidently so solicitous
for party harmony that he has not a word more to say in his
iBush to Deady, April 17, 1851.
sOregonian, March 8, 1851.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 41
favor during the remainder of the campaign. The Milwaukie
Star, Democratic, was more outspoken. It could not for a
moment give countenance to Willson's candidacy against a
brother Democrat, which would stir up strife in the party.
While pleading for party unity, the Star at the same time
naively asks the Whigs to support Lane. It urges that in so
doing they will lose no political strength as the delegate has
no vote in Congress ; that both Whigs and Democrats will be
equal participators in every measure he brings about for Ore-
gon's advancement.1 Lane himself, both publicly and private-
ly, took a non-partisan stand which was inclined to disarm
any partisan opposition.2 Both candidates were Democrats but
neither ran as such.3 The four newspapers — the Oregonian
and Spectator,4 Whig, and the Statesman and Star, Demo-
cratic— were committed more or less actively to Lane,5 who
was elected by a vote of 1,911 to 426.
In the Statesman of June 13th, immediately after the elec-
tion, appeared a call for a democratic convention to be held
July 4th at Salem for the purpose of effecting a permanent
organization of the party in Marion county. Bush heartily
endorsed the movement editorially and expressed his satisfac-
tion in the fact that it was general throughout the Territory.
By this time the question of party organization had become a
definite issue. The Democrats, clearly in the majority and
smarting under the dominance of Whig officials, took a strong
position in the affirmative. The Marion county convention
above mentioned passed strong resolutions on the subject.
Those resolutions maintained that political parties are insep-
arable from a free government; that the only natural division
of parties in this country is that which has existed since the
contest between Jefferson and Adams, under the names of
i Star, May 22, 1851.
2Personal Correspondence, Lane to J. W. Nesmi'th, May 27, 1851.
3Statesman, June 23, 1857, in retrospect.
4\Vhile the Spectator did not become a distinctively partisan paper until
early in 1852, it was Whig in attitude.
sStar, May 22, 1851.
42 W. C. WOODWARD
Republican and Democrat and Federal or Whig; and that
Democratic principles are1 as applicable to Oregon as to any
other portion of the nation. These and other arguments were
voiced continually in the Statesman. The democrats were
already looking toward a state organization under which they
could elect their own officials and it was urged that party
machinery should be perfected in anticipation of statehood.2
Extracts from Eastern papers, both Whig and Democratic,
appear, in which the system of party organization and dis-
cipline is upheld.
The opposite position was as firmly taken by the Whigs.
They maintained that the people of Oregon, far from the cen-
ter of political strife, should not be distracted by the fires of
partisan passion. Attention should rather be turned to the
local needs of Oregon. The citizens of the Territory should
work unitedly in behalf of those material interests which were
not political in their nature. The zeal of the Democrats in
the matter was attributed to the ambition of aspiring politi-
cians for place and power. In reply the Statesman asked —
"Who first roused the slumbering fires of party feeling in
Oregon? Ask the party which has swarmed the Territory
with Whig officers, pledged and sworn to aid the schemes and
promote the interests of Whiggery." The Whigs asserted that
Gen. Lane was opposed to party organization, calling to mind
his declaration of non-partisanship in the preceding campaign.
In answer Bush quoted a letter from Lane, from Washington,
dated December 22, 1851, in which he said: "I am glad to
witness your efforts to get a Democratic organization. Lose
no time in urging the Democrats to organize and unite. All
local and sectional issues should be dropped. With the or-
ganization and union of the Democracy all will be well in Ore-
gon."3 This was a rude awakening to the Whigs who had
accepted the olive branch held out to them by Lane in June.
iStatesman, July 15, 1851.
2Statesman, June 13, 1851.
Oregon Weekly Times, Nov. 22, 1851. The Times, published at Portland, was
the successor of the Western Star, which had been published at Milwaukie until
June, 1851-
3Statesman, February 24, 1852.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 43
As a contributive force to the movement for Democratic
organization, Bush began gradually to reopen the capital loca-
tion question in the Statesman. The governor maintained his
position that the location act was invalid and therefore not
binding upon him. On this ground he refused to concur in
the expenditure of the appropriations for public buldings. This
action had the force of a veto upon the bill as the attorney-
general of the United States had given his opinion that the
governor's concurrence was necessary to make such expendi-
ture legal.1 General dissatisfaction resulted and the hostility
to Governor Gaines increased. A perusal of the personal cor-
respondence of some of the Democratic leaders at this time
shows that there was a hesitancy felt by some in forcing this
issue as a basis for party alignment. The aggressiveness of
Bush in the matter was questioned by his colleagues in 1851.
He maintained privately that while he did not "consider it
exactly a political matter, yet the parties concerned necessarily
make it somewhat so, especially if we look ahead a few years."2
His influence was apparently dominant in the matter as some
of the conservative ones soon became the most active in the
cause. The Statesman of September 16th contained a three-
column contributed article on the location law from the Salem
point of view, signed "Yamhill" and evidently written by M. P.
Deady of La Fayette, to whom Bush had written only the
month before, justifying himself. Deady was one of the
most prominent of the young Democratic leaders and was a
man of marked ability. Bush called attention to the article
editorially, justifying the amount of space given to it by the
importance of the subject and the ability and research with
which it was discussed. And in view of its importance to the
people of Oregon, he invited communications "from all sources
and upon all sides, written in the spirit of courtesy, candor
and honest inquiry which characterizes the one we publish
i Bancroft, Vol. II., p. 160.
aBush to Deady, August 19, 1851. "Now Deady just place yourself in my
position with a very natural feeling of hostility to the band of government
officers . . . and tell me in what respect you would J»ave taken a dif-
ferent course."
44 W. C. WOODWARD
today."1 Thus was the troublesome question opened up which
was soon to stir the whole Territory in most bitter partisan
strife.
The issue was squarely joined with the meeting of the legis-
lature the first of December, 1851. The Democratic members,
greatly in the majority,2 gathered at Salem in accordance with
the provision of the location bill. The Whig minority held the
latter to be void and four members of the house and one of
the council met at Oregon City. Party alignment was defi-
nitely made on the issue. The supreme court became involved
in the political controversy. The act of Congress organizing
the Territory required the court to hold annual sessions at the
capital. The time for the session arrived and the two Whig
judges, Wm. Strong and Thos. Nelson, constituting a quorum,
met at Oregon City; the Democratic judge, O. C. Pratt, who
had been appointed by President Polk, at Salem. This fact
greatly emphasized the partisan nature of the contest. Bush
and the Democratic leaders had played their game cleverly.
They had made an issue between the elected representatives of
the people on one hand and the disliked, appointed officials on
the other. Always quick to resent outside interference in their
affairs, the majority of the people rallied to the support of the
legislature at Salem which had organized and proceeded with
business. The controversy became violent and was by no
means allayed at the adjournment of the legislature or even
by the act of the next session of Congress which confirmed
the location bill and legalized the Salem session of the legis-
lature.3 The capital fight became if possible increasingly bit-
ter and more far-reaching in its influences. And the strife
seemed to be as heated in naturally neutral localities as in those
directly interested, owing to the presence and activity of zeal-
ous politicians.4
i Statesman, September 16, 1851.
zlbid., July 4, 1851.
3Statesman, June 29, 1852.
4Personal conversation with Hon. J. C. Nelson on situation in Yamhill
County.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 45
The line of division, however, was not wholly or perfectly
made in accordance with past political associations. In some
cases the controversy caused a transference of party fealty
which had an important influence in the history of the state;
notably in the case of Dr. James McBride.1 He had been a
Democrat in Tennessee and Missouri, but took the Oregon
City side of the fight, became a leading Whig and one of the
founders of the Republican party in Oregon. His son, J. R.
McBride, was the first Republican Congressman to represent
the state and another son, Geo. W. ' McBride, in more recent
years, was sent to the United States Senate by the same party.
No family has, perhaps, been more prominent in the political
annals of the state. This is but an example of the far-reach-
ing political influence of this early capital location issue. In
other cases sides were taken regardless of party. Jesse Apple-
gate, most irreconcilable of Whigs, took the Salem side of
the question.2 Some, also, who had property interests to con-
sider, took sides irrespective of party. Democrats of Oregon
City and Clackamas county entered a vigorous protest against
making a party issue of the controversy, which would place
them with their political opponents or array them against their
own personal interests. These Democrats and the Whigs
joined in an attempt to stem the tide which had set in towards
party organization. At a mass meeting held on April 15th,
1852, at Milwaukie, the vote was unanimous against the pro-
priety of drawing party lines in Oregon.3 Resolutions were
adopted which deprecated the attempts "of most of our public
journals" to base party movements on personalities and local,
sectional strife. They also concurred in the call for a mass
meeting to be held at Oregon City, April 6th, to nominate can-
didates for the approaching election, without distinction of
party. At this Oregon City meeting Judge W. W. Buck an-
nounced that as a Democrat he was opposed to the attempt
made to organize the Democratic party upon the basis of local
i Ibid.
aPrivate corespondence, Applegate to Deady, January 26, 1852.
3Oregonian, May 8, 1852.
46 W. C. WOODWARD
issues and personal quarrels. The fact of the non-partisanship
of the meeting was strongly emphasized. In its resolutions a
note of warning was sounded against the practice of disre-
garding established courts and the legally constituted author-
ities. Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Jackson and Polk were
quoted at length, giving warning against the encroachments
of legislative power upon the other two departments and up-
holding the authority of the courts. In the same issue1 there
also appeared a letter from "Independence," the purpose of
which was to show the non-political nature of the location
fight. The controversy was not Whig and Democrat — not
high or low tariff, not North or South, slavery or abolition,
it was asserted, but merely location and anti-location. "With
what face then can the Salemites declare this contest to be
between Whigs and Democrats? Do not be deceived, brother
Democrats. The controversy is purely local . . . and has
not the least bearing on any doctrine in dispute between the
two great political parties. This contest turns upon another
hinge altogether. There is a thirsty, office-seeking class of
demagogues who desire, for their own promotion, to organize
the party, and something inflammatory that will rouse and
excite our party to sectional antipathies must be heralded
forth." This letter is very typical of the spirit of the oppo-
sition. Week after week Editor Dryer of the Oregonian at-
tacked the Democratic leaders with acrid and defiant pen. In
return the epithets of "nullifiers" and "Encarnacionists"2 were
freely applied to the Whigs and those who espoused the cause
of Oregon City.
A rather notable incident of those stirring times was the
appearance, shortly after the adjournment of the legislature,
of a political satire by the versatile W. L. Adams, who was
to become an important factor in Oregon politics. It was
entitled "Breakspear — A Melodrame entitled Treason, Strat-
i Oregonian, May 8, 1852.
2Gov. Gaines was held up to contempt by the Democrats because in the
Mexican war he had surrendered at Encarnacion, and, it was asserted, without
offering adequate resistance.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 47
agems and Spoils." In it the Democratic leaders were cleverly
caricatured and the inspiration of the organization of the
Democracy was shown to be the desire of the Salem faction
to secure the capital. The "Dramatis Personae" were easily
recognizable and the characterizations were so apt, the plot
so real and vivid, that the drama made a sensation. It ap-
peared first in the Oregonian and was then published in pam-
phlet form, illustrated with rude engravings. Two editions
of the pamphlet were issued. It was considered of such
moment by the Democratic politicians that they took pains to
secure all the copies possible and retire them from circula-
tion.1 The actors are portrayed as crafty, conscienceless vil-
lains, intriguing for personal gain. They make tools of the
stupid people whose tenacity is such for what they term Dem-
ocracy, which not one in five hundred comprehends,
"That we have only to name our present
Project, a pure Democratic measure
And represent ourselves as its defenders,
And the whole furious and headlong band
Will rally round us, like Spanish cattle
Ready to swear that all we say is true."2
The production is more than a clever satire. A study of it
throws great light on the political situation of the day. Some
of the characters involved were ever afterwards known in
Oregon politics by the names by which they were designated
in "Breakspear."
The Democrats, through the press and through convention
resolutions, vehemently denied the charge that they were at-
tempting to organize their party on the location issue. They
strongly deprecated the strife and dissension existing, respon-
sibility for which they laid upon their opponents.3 Bush found
i Conversation with Geo. H. Himes.
2From a copy of the pamphlet in the possession of Mr. Himes, curator of
Oregon Historical Society Collection.
sStatesman editorial, "Democratic Issues," March 9, 1852.
Resolution passed by Yamhill County Democratic Convention: "Resolved,
That by an organization of the Democratic party upon its long-established and
well-known principles, we hope to forever put to rest those local and personal
factions which, in times gone by, have been so fruitful a source • of discord in
our public councils." — Statesman, May 12, 1852.
48 W. C. WOODWARD
such a course necessary in order to placate what he termed
privately the "tender footed, toady Democrats," who berated
the Statesman, denouncing it as too violent. He went so far
as to ask his friend Deady if he would not get a resolution
passed by his county convention sanctioning the manner in
which the Statesman had been conducted.1
In spite of all the obstructive tactics employed by the Whigs
and minority Democrats, party organization was steadily pro-
gressing. During the session of the last legislature, a Demo-
cratic caucus had been held at which it was unanimously re-
solved that it was "expedient to organize the Democratic party
in the Territory of Oregon."2 A central committee was chosen
for one year, of which J. W. Nesmith was chairman.3 Dates
were set for the holding of county conventions throughout the
territory. This was the first step toward a general, systematic
organization. Nearly all these conventions passed resolutions
to the effect that political parties are inseparable from a re-
publican form of government; that they constitute the surest
means of selecting faithful and competent servants. They very
generally vindicated the Salem legislataure and denounced the
obstructive measures of the two federal judges and the Whig
officials as a whole. There was no united opposition to the
various county Democratic tickets nominated by these conven-
tions. The non-partisan convention of Clackamas county has
already been noticed. In other counties "Law and Order"
tickets were put out.4 In Umpqua county there was a Whig
ticket. Bush urged all to vote the straight Democratic ticket,
which is the first appearance in Oregon of this old party slo-
gan, "Vot'er straight."5 The June election, 1852, was very
favorable to the Democrats. The opposition carried but two
counties, Clackamas and Washington. The result was divided
in Yamhill. In commenting upon the result, Bush said the
iBush to Deady, April 8, 1852.
sStatesman, January 27, 1852.
sNesmith to Deady, February 6, 1852.
4Oregonian, May 8, 1852.
sStatesman, April 27, 1852.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 49
verdict triumphantly sustained the legislature and declared in
favor of party organization. "The propriety of our recent
organization, though hastily and imperfectly got up, and the
necessity and expediency of keeping it up in all future contests,
will scarcely hereafter be questioned by any reflecting demo-
crat/'1
It is only by a study of the newspapers of the period that
one can appreciate the party rancor that by this time existed.
Epithets unprintable, now, were hurled back and forth as
freely as if they were the mere social amenities of the day.
Judge Pratt was considered a Democratic leader, with Bush
as the power behind the throne, and his followers and the
party in general were known as Durhamites.2 The extreme
partisanship of the Democrats in their hatred of the Whig
officials, was forcibly displayed in the following session of the
legislature, in '52 and '53. The mere sending by Gov. Gaines
of a message to the assembly roused a storm of opposition
from the Democrats. A resolution was at once introduced to
the effect that as the legislative department was independent
of the executive, the further consideration of the message
be indefinitely postponed.3 The discussion which followed
was long, heated and often grandiose.4 It was made to appear
that in the innocent and inoffensive message lurked a deadly
enemy of civil liberty ! "Overthrowing the bulwarks of Amer-
ican liberty," "the clanking chains of the despot," "insidious
wiles of designing men," are examples of expression which char-
acterized the onslaught.5 At the same time the message itself
was decried as inane and unworthy of consideration. The
danger "lies in the encroachment of executive power, which
like the stealthy crawl of the moonlit crocodile, approaches
ilbid., June 15, 1852.
zPratt had sold a band of Spanish cattle which he had purchased from a
man named Durham, for a high price, the purchaser having been led to believe he
was buying blooded Durham stock.
3Oregonian, December 18, 1852.
4ll)id., January 8, 1852.
5J. K. Hardin: "I feel it my duty, as one of the sentinels placed by the
people to guard the citadel of their rights, to meet him (Gov. Gaines) at the
threshhold and say, 'Stop! Thus far shalt thou go but no farther.' "
50 W. C. WOODWARD
its victim." The resolution carried, but only by the close
vote of 12 to 10. The vote is significant for it is important
to note that thus early is found a dissenting minority in the
Democratic ranks which refuses to be drawn to the extreme
insisted upon by the radical leaders. In the discussion one
member1 warned his rabid colleagues that the pursuance of
the course they were adopting would ruin the Democratic party.
His Democracy was immediately challenged by a radical,2 who
insinuated that he was like others in the Territory "who picked
up their Democracy as they crossed the Rocky Mountains."
The reply is highly suggestive of the high-handed manner in
which the ring Democrats promptly read out of the party all
those who questioned their methods. The term National
Democrats was this early applied to those who desired to base
their party allegiance on broader grounds, to distinguish them
from the Durham faction or the machine.3
The action of the legislature was the inspiration of tireless
invective on the part of the Oregonian. It charged that the
warfare waged against Gaines was for the purpose of deceiv-
ing the new immigrants and winning them into the embrace
of Durliamism ;4 that the welfare of the people was neglected
and necessary legislative measures stifled for the furtherance
of political schemes ; that measures of the Durham members
were passed while those of the National Democrats and Whigs
were killed with the purpose of killing their authors ;5 that de-
ception, falsehood, villification, and assault were in Oregon
synonymous with the word "Democracy," which was but an-
other term for "Prattocracy" ; that the sole idea of the political
gamblers was that "Prattism must prevail," that they might
secure place and power.6 As has been suggested, there was a
strong conviction at the time of the organization of the terri-
torial government that offices should be filled by Oregon men
iF. A. Chenoweth of Clarke and Lewis counties.
2A. C. Gibbs of Umpqua county.
3Oregonian, January 22, 1853.
4lbid., January 15, 1853.
sOregonian, March 5, 1853.
6Ibid., December 25, 1852.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 51
rather than by men imported from the East. Charges were made
in 1851 that the district judges were not holding their terms
of court regularly and that as a result justice was delayed
and criminals had escaped. This increased the general dis-
satisfaction with imported officials, especially as they were
Whigs. The independent, if not impertinent, attitude of the
people is exemplified in a resolution adopted at a public meet-
ing in Portland, April 1, 1851 : ''Resolved— That the Presi-
dent of the United States be respectfully informed that there are
many respectable individuals in Oregon capable of discharging
the duties devolving upon the judges, as well as filling any other
office under the territorial government, who would either dis-
charge the duties or resign the office.1 The very first business
transacted by the legislature which met in the following De-
cember, was to draft a joint memorial asking Congress to
amend the organic act so as to permit the election by the
people of all the territorial officers. Blissful confidence was
expressed that Congress would graciously accede to the re-
quest. Nevertheless a bill was passed to the effect that if
Congress should be so inconsiderate as to adjourn without
granting the petition, a special election should be called within
sixty days to vote upon the question of calling a convention
to frame a state constitution. Democratic mass meetings and
conventions followed all over the territory, at which the memo-
rial was vigorously upheld. A few federal or "non-partisan"
meetings are recorded which just as strenuously opposed it.
The movement for statehood and the spirit of independence
which demanded the popular election of all officers are insep-
arable in the history of Oregon Territory. Wherever either
is brought to the front, the other is found as an underlying
factor. They cannot be discussed separately.
As another presidential election approached, with indica-
tions favorable to the election of Pierce, the Democratic atti-
tude toward statehood became less violent and the constitu-
i Statesman, April 11, 1851.
2Statesman, January 27, 1852.
52 W. C. WOODWARD
tional convention was not called. Bush, in stating his oppo-
sition to the convention privately, said that if Scott's election
were certain and the petition for the election of officers certain
not to be granted it would alter the case amazingly; but that
in the prospect of the election of Pierce and of the passage of
the memorial at the next session of Congress, they had a
double prospect of relief.1 In the legislature of '52-'53, the
lower house voted 14 to 9 to submit the question of calling
a constitutional convention to the people.2 But the council,
which was more strongly Democratic, rejected the proposi-
tion.3 With the news of the election of Pierce the ardor of
the Democrats for statehood was cooled, for Whig officials
would now give way to Democratic appointees. On the other
hand, the Whigs who had so strenuously opposed the move-
ment now began to see its merits.
The Democrats already had control of the legislative branch
of the government and the executive would now be theirs.
Judge Nelson had resigned and Lane had been instructed to pre-
vent the confirmation of a successor by the Senate until the
hoped-for Democratic administration should come into power,
which would give the Durhamites the control of the judiciary.4
The well laid plans of the Democratic leaders were rapidly de-
veloping. Nevertheless they did not expect to take any chances,
even with their own party administration. The purpose of the
first Democratic Territorial Convention was stated in the call
to be the nomination of a candidate for delegate to Congress
and "to recommend to the executive of the United States
suitable persons to fill the various federal offices in this ter-
ritory."5 The appointments when made were very satisfac-
tory indeed, all the officials but one being Oregonians. This
gave the Democrats an appreciated opportunity for comparing
i Bush to Deady, September 3, 1852.
2Statesman, January 22, 1853.
3lbid., March 12, 1853. In the same issue Bush recedes from the pro-
nounced ground he had taken in the past. He says, editorially, the question
should be "well and dispassionately" considered and speaks of the heavy expense
of a state government.
4Bush to Deady, February, 1852.
sStatesman, January 22, 1853.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 53
the treatment of Oregon by the two Administrations. In an
editorial on "The Difference," Bush says the places will be
now rilled by Oregonians and the salaries received and ex-
pended at home, instead of being "gobbled up by a set of
foreign mercenaries and taken out of the country." The only
consolation the Whigs had in the tide of Democratic success
was found in the rejection by the Senate of the nomination
of the Durham leader, Pratt, for chief justice.1 General Lane,
who was by this time the idol of the Oregon Democracy, re-
turned to succeed Gaines as governor on May 16th. But this
was merely to gratify the personal desire of Lane,2 as it was
understood that he would run again for delegate, he having
in fact been already nominated. He accordingly resigned
three days after succeeding Gaines, which elevated Geo. L.
Curry, the secretary, to the position of governor.
It has been shown that organization of the Democratic
party in Oregon was first effected in 1852. It was not com-
plete, but the several county conventions had put party tickets
in the field and forced partisanship to the front. The issue
of the movement as shown in the election results, and the
triumphs of the Democracy which followed, served to confirm
the Democrats in the determination to perfect a permanent
organization. Flushed with success, they entered upon the
campaign of 1853 with zeal and aggressiveness. The first Ter-
ritorial Democratic convention met at Salem, April llth and
12th, at the call of the Territorial central commmittee, ap-
pointed at the Democratic caucus the year previous. Lane was
nominated to succeed himself as delegate, receiving 38 votes.
M. P. Deady and Cyrus Olney, associate justices, received 11
and 5 votes respectively. The convention expressed itself as
feeling the necessity, in organizing the party in Oregon, of
making it "thorough, radical and efficient" and appealed for
hearty co-operation to this end. It is interesting to note that
the spirit of expansion which had taken hold of the National
iPratt's confirmation was defeated by Senator Douglas on personal grounds.
zLane, Autobiography, Ms., p. 58.
54 W. C. WOODWARD
Democracy and which was beginning to manifest itself in de-
signs on Cuba, is reflected in this first Territorial convention
in the far Northwest. The fifth resolution declared that the
Sandwich Islands are a natural and almost necessary append-
age to the American possessions on the Pacific Coast and that
Oregon Territory feels a deep interest in their acquisition by
the United States. It was resolved that any transcontinental
railroad must include a branch from San Francisco to Puget
Sound. The National Democratic platform of 1852 adopted
at Baltimore was endorsed, thus introducing national issues
into Oregon politics for the first time in this campaign of
1853.
The opposition to the Democracy still opposed political
parties in Oregon. Hence, there was no organization or
machinery for bringing out a candidate against Lane for dele-
gate. However, A. A. Skinner, who had been a judge under
the Provisional government, announced in a letter to the Ore-
gonian of May 21st, that a portion of his fellow citizens "with-
out distinction of party" had requested him to become a can-
didate and that he would comply. He proceeded to give his
views, to the effect that parties are unnecessary and pernicious
in a Territory ; that their introduction is fraught with evil con-
sequences— ill blood and strife. Despite his non-partisan pre-
tensions Skinner argued ably for the good Whig doctrine of
federal aid for internal improvements. The Oregonian forth-
with put his name at its masthead under the caption of "The
People's Party." The campaign was brief but hotly con-
tested. On the one hand Lane was bitterly attacked for base
deception in having sought office as a non-partisan, in pledg-
ing himself to support no political organization, even decry-
ing political parties in a territory — and then completely chang-
ing front immediately after election.1 On the other hand
Skinner was characterized as a narrow, prejudiced federalist
seeking to hide his partisan bias under the professions of no-
lOregonian, March 12, 1853.
Ibid., April 2, 1853.
Ibid., May 14, 1853.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 55
partyism.1 The Jackson County Democratic convention de-
clared that the cry of "people's party" and "people's candidate"
was but a new subterfuge behind which Whiggery sought to
make a successful inroad into the ranks of Democracy "to
steal the livery of heaven to serve the devil in."2. The victory
for the Democrats was decisive. Lane was elected by a vote
of 4,529 to 2,959.3 All the new members of the council were
Democrats. Four Whigs or "People's Party" men were elect-
ed to the lower house — one each from Lane, Umpqua, Wash-
ington and Jackson counties. It was a victory for party or-
ganization. The Oregon Democracy was now thoroughly in-
trenched in the Territory — political parties had come to stay.
Through it all the fine hand of Asahel Bush was discernible
and his dictatorship in Oregon was clearly foreshadowed if
indeed it had not already come to pass.
iStatesman, May 21, 1853.
aStatesman, May 8, 1853.
3lbid., June 23, 1857.
CHAPTER IV
THE PERIOD OF ANTI-DEMOCRATIC
ORGANIZATION
In the decisive Democratic victory of 1853 the Whigs finally
read their lesson. They realized that party organization was
inevitable. The Oregonian, with all the force of Dryer's vit-
riolic pen, attacked partyism right up to the end of the cam-
paign. In the very next issue following the election, the versa-
tile editor championed the cause of Whig organization and
outlined a radical party platform.1 He declared that the Dur-
ham Democrats had succeeded in duping the masses with the
shibboleth of "Democracy," forcing those who were honest
in their political opinions to take issue with them. "Therefore
it becomes us, however much we may doubt that the good
of the whole people demands a partisan course, under present
circumstances to throw to the breeze the Whig banner." Here
was the conception of the Oregon Whig party, "born as one
out of due season." It was a posthumous child and was never
to arrive at healthy maturity.2
The platform outlined by the Oregonian was clear-cut and
comprehensive. As regards local conditions, it announced un-
compromising opposition to the consolidation of power in the
hands of a few political office hunters. It declared for legis-
lation for the benefit of the people rather than of faction;
for strict accountability of public officers ; free lands for bona
fide settlers ; free speech and a free press, unawed by the threats
of party demagogues ; a system of naturalization by which
every foreigner should be placed upon an equal footing with
those in the Atlantic States. Nationally, the planks of the
tentative platform were: A safe, speedy and economical sys-
lOregonian, June 18, 1853.
2"The Sewer man (Dryer) is in favor of organizing the Wliig party. Greeley
of the New York Tribune says that the Whig party is dead in the states. But,
like all animals of the reptile order, it dies in the extremities last; and him of the
Sewer (the Oregonian) is the last agonizing knot of the tail." — Statesman, July
4r 1853-
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 57
tern of internal improvements by the general government ; en-
couragement of home productions by a discriminating tariff
upon manufactures, adequate to the expenditures of an eco-
nomic administration of the government; the construction of
a railroad by the general government, from the Mississippi
river to some point on the Pacific Coast, within the old bound-
aries of Oregon.
Having given up the plea of non-partisanship, an unnatural
position for a man of Dryer's pugnacious temperament, the
Oregonian becomes at once a valiant party champion. Taking
up his platform in detail, week after week, Dryer enunciates
Whig principles and justifies Whig organization. He dwells
especially upon the doctrine of internal improvements by the
federal government — a doctrine which would appeal strongly
to isolated Oregon. The vulnerable mark in the armor of the
Oregon Democracy was immediately discovered. The incon-
sistency was shown of Democrats resolving that the building
of a Pacific railroad by the general government was of para-
mount importance, while at the same time Democratic leaders
and statesmen were declaring that the government had not
the constitutional authority to make public improvements. Be-
fore the end of the year the Whigs were definitely urged by
the Oregonian to organize at once in every county.1 "The stu-
pendous scheme of a grand Pacific railroad" was declared to
be purely a Whig policy, destined to be the leading doctrine
of the Whig party in Oregon. Dryer recognized in this the
trump card of Whiggery in the Territory and he was deter-
mined that it should not be stolen by the presumptuous Dur-
hamites.
On March 7th of the following year the movement toward
actual organization was launched at a public meeting of the
lOregonian, November 4, 1853: "Heretofore the Whigs have not deemed it
expedient to organize in opposition to this hand of political marauders, supposing
themselves to be in a hopeless minority. But the time has now come when further
submission to the locofoco party would be highly criminal. Therefore we ask
every Whig in Oregon to come out from among the Durham wolves. Let us take
pur position — unfurl our banners — proclaim our principles and charge manfully
into the Philistine camp."
58 W. C. WOODWARD
Whigs of Portland.1 After attacking the abuses of Durham
rule, they sent to their "brother Whigs throughout the Ter-
ritory a full, frank and unalterable notice that henceforth and
forever we stand on the platform of the Republican Whig
party." They nominated a ticket to be voted upon at the ap-
proaching city election and made recommendation to the vari-
ous counties to present full Whig tickets for county and terri-
torial officers at the next June election. As a result of this
meeting the Oregonian exultantly announced that the Whig
party for the first time in Oregon stood out in bold relief, pre-
pared and determined to do battle with a common enemy in
a common cause ; that the siren song of "Democracy" had been
chanted for the last time, to Whig ears.
General Whig organization followed. It was not yet thor-
ough and complete and was not distinctively Whig in every
county. Washington county was a Whig stronghold and its
convention, held May 6, 1854, issued a clear statement justify-
ing organization.2 The assembled delegates declared that
they had tried in vain to induce all parties to lay1 aside preju-
dices of national parties ; had sought to sustain good men for
office regardless of politics, but that their overtures of peace
had been met with bitter hostility. They had found themselves
a proscribed class, treated like a conquered people. This con-
vention, so far as the newspapers of the time show, made one
of the very first references in Oregon to the opening struggle
over the organization of those western territories, which strug-
gle was big with the destinies of the nation. A rap was taken
at Douglas' Kansas-Nebraska bill in the declaration : "We re-
gard the several compromises made by Congress and acquiesced
in by the people, as final, conclusive and binding." It is some-
what diverting to find these Whigs resolving that the federal
offices of the Territory should be filled by citizens of Oregon !
The present governor, Davis, was a Democrat and had been
imported from Indiana.
lOregonian, March n, 1854.
2lbid., May 13, 1854.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 59
While Whig organization was in progress another political
movement had been making headway. It was to give rise to
the Maine Law party. From the very first settlement there
had been a strong sentiment in Oregon in favor of the prohibi-
tion of the sale of liquor. The Provisional legislature of
1844 enacted a law prohibiting the introduction of ardent
spirits into Oregon,1 the first prohibitory liquor law on the
Pacific Coast.2 The organic law as amended in the summer
of 1845 gave the legislature the power to regulate the intro-
duction and sale of intoxicants instead of the power to pro-
hibit, and to this fact has been attributed, partly, the smallness
of the majority of votes (203) cast for the amended law on
July 26, 1845.3 At the December session of the legislature a
stringent prohibitory law was passed.4 But it was generally
asserted that the Hudson's Bay Company continued to import
liquor for purposes of trade, while vigorous action was taken
toward enforcing the law among the Americans. This caused
dissatisfaction, and the result was that at the next annual ses-
sion a license law was substituted, passed only over the em-
phatic veto of Governor Abernethy.
The passage of the prohibitory liquor law in the state of
Maine in 1851 was reflected across the continent in Oregon with-
in a few months. Considering the vast distances separating the
coast from the East — the obstructive mountain ranges, the
intervening deserts or the long sea route — it is a matter of
surprise to note how quickly eastern movements or events be-
came factors in the life and thought of Oregon in these early
days. This is a good instance in point. In May, 1852, a
temperance convention was held at Salem, attended by dele-
gates from several counties.5 The Convention declared for a
Maine law for Oregon and a committee was appointed to con-
fer with legislative candidates to get their attitude on the
i Oregon Archives, p. 44.
2Thornton, "History of the Provisional Government," p. 69.
3lbid., p. 72.
4Oregon Archives, pp. 131, 132; Spectator, February 5, 1846.
sStatesman, May 18, 1852.
60 W. C. WOODWARD
question "that the people may fully understand what they are
supporting." The general interest in the subject is reflected in
the numerous clippings from the eastern papers in the Oregon
press during the year 1853, relative to prohibition in general
and the working of the Maine law in particular. The Oregon
Territory Temperance Association met at Salem in April, 1854,
and resolved that the Maine law, modified so as not to con-
flict with the Territorial government, should be considered as
the platform of the Territory. It was recommended that the
friends of temperance meet at the various county seats on the
first Tuesday in May to nominate candidates for the legis-
lative assembly. Reports of the Marion and Yamhill county
conventions show the movement to be strongly political.1 The
Yamhill resolutions declare that it is a political issue ; that the
interests of temperance are paramount to all ordinary political
issues and that the participants pledge themselves to vote for
no candidate for the legislature who is not known to be in
favor of the Maine liquor law.
Thus in 1854, the first year in which the Democrats contend
with organized opposition, that opposition does not present a
united front, but is divided in two organizations. While the
Maine law partisans had no unity with either of the old parties
it was natural that the two minority parties in the Territory
should tend to make common cause against the Durhamites.
This they did in part, apparently without well concerted pur-
pose. There was no uniformity of procedure. For example,
in Marion county there was a Maine Law, but no Whig ticket
and the vote shows that the Whigs supported the Maine Law
candidates. That one of the latter receiving the highest vote,
Orange Jacobs, was but 12 votes behind the low Democratic
nominee. In Washington county there was a Whig but no
Maine Law ticket. In Polk, where the relative strength of the
Democrats and Maine Laws proved about 4 to 1, there were no
Whig candidates, but in a few instances the candidates were de-
nominated, "Maine Law- Whig", thus indicating coalition. Yam-
lOregonian, May 13, 1854.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 61
hill county had three distinct tickets in the field.1 Bush stated
the situation clearly from the Democratic standpoint.2 He de-
clared that Democracy was opposed by Whigs — openly, when
any hope was entertained of succeeding under "that corrupt
and often rebuked organization" ; secretly, and under disguise
of Independents, and Maine Law advocates where there was
no prospect of victory under the odious flag of Federalism.
Throughout the campaign Bush waged war on the Maine Law
party ; first, on principle, opposing the doctrine of prohibition ;
second, and more emphatically, on political grounds, stig-
matizing the movement as a mere trick to aid the Whigs in
defeating the • Democrats.3 The Marion County Democratic
convention of May 6th soberly decreed that as Democrats
they did not recognize the Maine liquor law as a legitimate
political issue.
The results of the election were generally favorable to the
Democratic candidates but the latter appreciated the fact that
their success had for the first time cost them a sharp struggle.
The efficacy of organization on the part of the minority was
demonstrated. As the Statesman averred, party lines were
now distinctly and permanently drawn and there remained no
back or neutral ground in Oregon politics.4 Bush, in review-
ing the election results, commended Clackamas, Linn, Polk
and Yamhill counties as having acquitted themselves nobly
in their struggle against all the isms of the day. On the other
hand, Marion and Benton, heretofore the standard Democratic
counties, had been afflicted with serious disaffections in the
Democratic ranks, not resulting in total defeat, but giving
much regret to the friends of Democracy everywhere. He
i The vote on the legislative tickets indicates the relative strength of the
parties in Yamhill county:
A. J. Hembree, Democrat, 270.
Martin Olds, Democrat, 252.
A. G. Henry, Whig, 268.
Wm. Logan, Whig, 195.
J. H. D. Henderson, M. Law, 131.
G. W. Burnett, M. Law, 106.
2Statesman, May 16, 1854.
sStatesman, April 25 and May 2, 1854.
4lbid., June 20, 1854.
62 W. C. WOODWARD
exulted in the fact that no Maine Law candidate had been
elected to the legislature and only eight Whigs.1 The opposi-
tion was sufficient to impress the Durhamites with the neces-
sity of forgetting past factions and differences among them-
selves and of making common cause against presumptuous
opponents.2
The sky had not yet cleared after the stress of the June
election when another cloud loomed big on the political hor-
izon. It was the precursor of such a sudden, violent storm in
Oregon politics as has not been seen before nor since. It broke
with the violence of a hurricane, spent its fury and died away
almost as quickly as it had come. It was the appearance in the
Territory of the Know Nothing movement, which had ap-
peared in the East in 1852, under the name of the American
party. It was the reappearance on a larger scale, in Ameri-
can politics, of the attempts which had been made in eastern
cities in 1835 and in 1843 to establish a "Native Amer-
ican" party. It took the form of a secret, oath-bound organ-
ization and avowed hostility to the political influence of for-
eigners in our government. Its design was to oppose the easy
naturalization laws and demanded the selection of none but
natives for office.3 There were no peculiar conditions in Ore-
gon sufficient to explain the furor raised by the introduction
of the new issue. It has been suggested by Bancroft that it
was largely an expression of the old antipathies toward the
foreign element in the settlement of Oregon.4 But these were
rapidly passing away in the violence of national party strife.
A study of the contemporary press does not suggest such po-
tent local anti-foreign sentiment. The real explanation will
become obvious in the story of the bitter struggle.
As early as 1852 Bush had attacked Native Americanism
as but another exhibition of the spirit of the old Alien and
Sedition laws.5 But the issue was not joined until 1854 when
ilbid., June 13 and June 27, 1854.
2Statesman, June 20, 1854 — editorial on "Democratic Union."
3johnston, "American Politics," p. 169.
4Bancroft, "History of Oregon," Vol. II., pp. 357, 358.
sStatesman, March 30, 1852.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 63
the influence of the American party began to be manifest in
the eastern elections. On July 25, 1854, the Statesman speaks
of an extensive secret society flourishing in the East which
was merely a Native American political party and which had
already gotten itself into very bad odor. At this time Bush
was in the East. In a letter to his paper dated June 19, and
appearing August 8, for the first time in his regular corre-
spondence he calls attention to the Know Nothings. He pre-
dicts for them a short career which will make plain the Alien
and Sedition sympathies of 1854 Abolition Whiggery and
publish the identity of that party with the old Hartford Con-
vention Federalism. "So, as we can't help it, let this Native
American dog (the meanest and most despicable of all curs)
have its day." The Oregonian makes its first reference to the
new party in August. It makes light of the evident anxiety
and apprehensions of the Democrats and declares it "knows
nothing" of the existence of such an organization in Oregon.1
A little later, Dryer tacitly defends Know Nothingism as it
gave him a new avenue of attack on the Durhamites. He de-
clares that the idea that a native born American made free by
the best blood of Revolutionary sires and educated under laws
and institutions truly American, should presume to vote in
accordance with the dictates of his own conscience, is a serious
innovation to Oregon Democracy.2 This early statement is
significant as indicating the future attitude of the Whigs. They
were inclined to look with charity upon any organization
which threatened the power of the hated Durhamites.
The operations of the new organization being secret, its
growth cannot be very satisfactorily traced. Before the end
of the year there were numerous Know Nothing wigwams
throughout the Territory and they were increasing steadily.
The Know Nothings were enthusiastic and confident that they
were going to sweep all before them.3 There was held at
i Oregonian, August 26, 1854.
zOregonian, October 28 and November 4, 1854.
3Personal conversation with C. A. Reed, of Portland, a surviving member
of Salem Wigwam No. 4.
64 W. C. WOODWARD
Portland on November 8, a district Democratic convention of
Washington and Columbia counties, to make a nomination to
fill a vacancy in the council of the legislature. The resolu-
tions adopted are devoted almost entirely to the new heresy
which is utterly condemned. The assembled Democrats de-
clare uncompromising war against all their enemies, whether
under the guise of "No Party party, Know Nothings, Native
Americans or live Whigs," all of which are the natural allies
of the Federal party. But the Durham leaders were clearly
panic stricken. There was something insidious and baffling
in the march of the movement. It was not only rapidly con-
solidating the opposition, but it was beginning to make in-
roads on their own forces. They stormed and denounced but
it was like firing into the air. The stealthy enemy exposed no
visible point of attack.
At this crisis in the fortunes of Oregon Democracy, there
appeared in the Statesman of November 1, 1854, a sensational
and far-reaching exposure. In the words of Bush, "A friend,
who says that through idle curiosity he was induced to become
a member of the 'Supreme Order of the Star Spangled Ban-
ner' or Know 'Nothings, has placed in our hands a full and
complete exposure of the whole organization, embracing their
form of initiation, oaths, obligations, signs, grips, tokens and
pass words, the particulars of what has transpired at most of
their meetings at this place and a list of the members here."1
He characterizes the whole thing as the most ridiculous piece
of bigotry, intolerance and stupidity grown persons were ever
engaged in. He is pleased to find from the list that nearly
all the members are Whigs — natural Know Nothings, who
should have been admitted without initiation. He regrets,
however, to find the names of a few Democrats. Two of the
latter are ambitious for legislative honors but they are plainly
told that their political days are numbered. In this issue Bush
reveals enough to excite a furor and promises further develop-
ments in the future, including the publication of a list of
iThe Statesman was published at Salem at this time.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 65
membership. The next issue of the Statesman is almost wholly
devoted to anti-Know Nothingism. The tempest stirred up
by the exposure is evident. Bush was ordered to give the
name of his informant.1 He refused. He was told he would
be held personally responsible.2 In reply he hurled defiance
at his threateners and continued his exposures week after week.
The Salem Know Nothings changed their places of meeting,
they did everything to escape the implacable Bush. But the
disclosures continued until the whole history and secret opera-
tions of the order were exposed.3
This was a decided repulse to Americanism in Oregon. It
was not that its operations were found to be heinous. Pub-
licity robbed it of that subtle element of mystery which had
been its principal asset. Furthermore, with the free use of
the lash, the Durham leader headed off an incipient stampede.
Bush was now cordially hated but thoroughly feared. His
power was unquestioned. He ordered Democrats to stand
clear of any connection with the "wolves in sheep's clothing'*
and emphasized his admonition with a covert threat: "Mark
the prediction. There is not a man of prominence or influence
belonging to the damning conspiracy in Oregon whose con-
nection with it will not be known in less than six months.
They are doomed men."4 Democrats were inclined to take
the imperious editor at his word. It was a venturesome man
in Oregon politics at this period who would dare the dis-
pleasure of Bush. Many wavering ones, Democrats in par-
ticular, reconsidered the advisability of becoming associated
with the proscribed Know Nothings.
i Bush received his information through a printer employed on the Statesman
named Beebe, who joined the Salem Wigwam as a spy. — Private letter, D. W.
Craig to Geo. H. Himes, August 9, 1909.
aPersonal conversation with Hon. Geo. H. Williams. For a week or more
following the first exposure, the latter, armed, daily escorted Bush to his office
past threatening Know Nothings.
3Statesman, November 28, December 12, 1854; January 2, June 16, June 23,
1855-
4lbid., December 12, 1854. "What Democrat does not feel proud in the
consciousness that he is pure and free from niggerism, Know Nothingism and all
the other isms of the day? Who had not rather be a straight forward, consistent,
fearless Democrat, than a shame-faced Know Nothing, skulking around from
one garret to another in the darkness of the night."
66 W. C. WOODWARD
But Bush and the Durhamites were not yet content. With
the opening of the legislature a legislative coup was sprung
which was to complete the work begun by the sensational ex-
posure. With but eight members of the opposition in the As-
sembly, the Durham leaders, accustomed to almost implicit
obedience, felt able to force through any measure which the
political exigency demanded. The famous Viva Voce ballot
law was drawn up and presented for enactment. It provided
that thereafter the votes at all general elections should be
given viva voce, or by ticket handed to the judges, in both
cases to be cried in an audible voice in the presence and hear-
ing of the voters. The management of the bill was entrusted
to Delazon Smith, a future storm center in Oregon politics.
Smith was absolutely candid as to the purpose of the measure.1
By the exercise of such a censorship over the voters of Ore-
gon, the Know Nothing movement, which he attacked with
venom, was to be killed. With sublime effrontery he argued
that the passage of the bill would mean a loss of six to eight
hundred votes to the Whigs, whom the Democrats accused
of being in alliance with the Know Nothings. In commenting
upon the favorable action taken by the lower house, Bush was
equally frank : "We hope next week to be able to congratulate
the country, the friends of Daylight Deeds, upon the passage
of this bill (this Know Nothing antidote) through the upper
branch of the assembly." The hope was realized, but not before
a fierce struggle. The display of such high-handed arrogance
was too much even for a number of the Democratic members.
Both the speaker of the house and the president of the council
had the temerity to oppose the bill. The vote was 5 to 3 in
the council, one Whig being absent, and 14 to 12 in the house.2
The defense of the Viva Voce law, which the Statesman felt
it necessary to make in the weeks which followed, suggests
the storm of opposition it aroused. Volatile Dryer of the Ore-
gonian became almost hysterical. "Do these political Ishmael-
i Statesman, December 19, 1854.
2Oregonian, December 30.
Statesman, December 19 and December 26.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 67
ites suppose that freemen are such craven cowards that they
dare not vote as they please for fear of those who ordained
Delazon Smith the high priest of the party to whom voters
are held accountable for the discharge of a blood-bought privi-
lege?"1 "No language is too severe in which to attack the
political assassins who have assaulted the liberties of the people
for personal ends."2 And thus opened up the memorable cam-
paign of 1855.
The situation was peculiar and complex. On the one hand
was Democracy, fearful for its supremacy, but all the more
determined and aggressive — prepared for a desperate struggle.
On the other hand, if the opposition was inchoate in 1854 it
was more so in 1855. It now comprised Whigs, Americans or
Know Nothings and prohibitionists or Maine Laws. There
were no distinct lines of cleavage between them; neither were
they in complete coalition, though the first two elements were
practically in that relation.
In December, during the legislative session, there had been a
meeting of the Whigs at Salem for the purpose of furthering
the organization of their party. Prominently figuring in the
proceedings were David Logan, Dr. E. H. Cleaveland, Mark
A. Chinn, E. N. Cooke, C. A. Reed, T. J. Dryer and Amory
Holbrook. A Territorial central committee was appointed,
with power to call a convention and fix the proportion of rep-
resentation. County committeemen were also appointed for the
several counties of the Territory. A statement, drawn up by
the president and secretary, Cleaveland and Chinn, respectively,
urged the Whigs to effect organization in view of the coming
campaign.3 Accordingly Whig county conventions were held
in the spring all over the Territory, to elect delegates to the
Territorial Convention and to nominate county tickets.
With the Americans no general political organization was
visible. Yet through their Wigwams they seemed to act with
lOregonian, December 23.
albid., December 30, 1854, January 6, January 13, 1855.
3lbid., December 30, 1854.
68 ' W. C WOODWARD
comparative concert and intelligence. In but one county, that
of Washington, did they effect thorough organization and put
out a distinctly American ticket. In 1856 and again in 1857
Washington county persisted in running American tickets
though the movement was dead in Oregon after 1855.1 Yet,
strangely enough, perhaps because of the very absence of public
organization, the Democratic fire was centered on Know
Nothingism.
Shortly after the election of 1854 the Territorial Temper-
ance Association met at Albany, and its members resolved that
though badly defeated they were far from discouraged and
would re-enter the contest with renewed vigor.2 The question
of prohibition in Oregon continued to be agitated, efforts at
organization were made and the temperance movement was
still a factor to be reckoned with. Clatsop county held on
May 1, a Temperance League Convention and invited atten-
tion to a complete ticket, "independent of the old corrupt and
partially defunct Whig and Democratic parties." The move-
ment was sufficiently formidable to excite Durhamite spleen.
At the opening of the legislative session of '54-'55 a resolution
was introduced inviting the ministers of the different denomi-
nations to open the deliberations each morning with prayer.
A Durhamite member, Crandall of Marion, moved to amend
by adding: "Except such ministers as are known to be in
favor of the enactment of a Maine liquor law !" And the
amendment was but narrowly defeated, by a vote of 14 to II.3
In accordance with the call issued by the Territorial com-
mittee the Whigs met at Corvallis, April 18, to nominate a
delegate to Congress.4 Lane had been triumphantly re-nomi-
nated by the Democrats the week before at Salem. This was
the first and last Territorial Whig convention to be held in
Oregon.5 On the first ballot, Ex-Governor Gaines received
iGregonian, April 19, 1856 and April 4, 1857.
2Statesman, June 20, 1854.
3Oregonian, December 16, 1854.
4Oregonian, April 21, 1855.
sThe counties represented, with the number of delegates allowed, will give
an idea as to Whig strength over the Territory: Umpqua 3, Lane 4, Marion 8,
Benton 5, Polk 6, Yamhill 6, Washington 4, Clackamas 8, Multnomah 5, Linn 8.
The Jackson delegation arrived late. Wasco, Columbia, Clatsop and Douglas
counties were represented in the convention by proxies.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 69
27 votes, Dryer 18, Chinn 11, A. G. Henry 8 and Holbrook 1 ;
on the second Gaines 63, Chinn 3. The only platform adopted
was the slogan, "Gen. Gaines against the world!" On the
day following, the Americans met in convention at Albany and
ratified the nomination of Gaines.1 Indeed Bush boldly charged
that Gaines was a Know Nothing; that the Know Nothings
were in control of the Corvallis Whig convention, having
previously settled the nomination in a private caucus.
Democratic courage and resolution had risen with the peril.
In January, a Territorial Jackson club was organized at Salem
as additional machinery with which to combat the contagious
heresy. County Clubs were to be organized throughout the
Territory. A central vigilance committee was appointed.2 The
constitution of the Yamhill county club provided for a vigi-
lance committee to consist of one from each precinct to report
from time to time on the state of the Democratic cause in the
several precincts.3 The Linn county nominating convention
urged that each and every Democrat constitute a vigilance
committee to rally the Democracy and prevent unsuspecting
Democrats from being drawn into the "gull-traps of the mid-
night assassin."4 This spirit of bitter antagonism toward the
American party is similarly reflected in the various county
Democratic conventions. The Territorial convention of April
llth passed strong resolutions of condemnation and aversion.5
Insisting that Gaines was a Know Nothing and was asking
support as such, Bush appealed to the bona fide Whigs to
vote for Lane and rebuke "the minions of Know Nothingism"
with which they had nothing in common. He "points with
pride" to a letter which he reproduces from John T. Crooks,
an old line Whig who "washes his hands of the bastard party
i Statesman, April 28. May 12, the Statesman speaks of the marriage of the
two parties as having taken place at Corvallis, the infair being held at Albany.
2lbid., January 16.
3lbid., February 20.
4Statesman, April 10; Resolved, that that Oregon Statesman and others who
have labored to lay bare the cloven foot and deformity of this heinous midnight
monster by giving the people a true and timely exposure of its sly and treason-
able machinations, are really deserving of the fullest approbation of the Democrats
of this Territory.
., April 17.
70 W. C. WOODWARD
formed by a vile coalition between all the isms, the factions and
fanatics in the Territory."1 In reply Dryer addressed an edi-
torial "To the Wrigs." He denies that the issue between
Gaines and Lane is Know Nothingism. If the American party
had been strong enough it would have run an independent ticket.
When the Americans overthrow the Democrats and stand out
as a separate party — when they declare themselves on the
various public issues such as slavery and the Maine Law, the
Whigs of Oregon will have a duty to discharge. Until then,
let the Whigs discard all affiliations with the Democratic
dynasty. The political issues of the campaign were declared
to be found in the Viva Voce law — the question of free Oregon
or slave Oregon, which was the real Nebraska question — and
internal improvements, including a Pacific Railroad and a
Pacific Telegraph.2
While the Oregonian virtually championed the American
cause, it could not speak for all Oregon Whigs. The Multnomah
county Whig convention unequivocally disavowed connection
with any other party, stoutly maintaining the integrity and
principles of Whiggery. Its special aim was declared to be
the nomination of Whig candidates to be supported by Whigs.3
The Americans apparently took the Multnomah Whigs at their
word as they put out a ticket of their own, designated as
"republican ticket."4 In Marion county the opposition put out
a "Republican Reform ticket". It declared opposition to the
"so-called Democracy, regardless of party," supported prohibi-
tion and endorsed Gaines."
A new factor was introduced into Oregon politics before the
close of the campaign in the founding at Oregon City of the
Oregon Argus, virtually successor to the Spectator which ex-
pired in March of this year. The editor was W. L. Adams or
"Parson" Adams, he being a militant Campbellite preacher.
Uncompromising, dogmatic, combative and eminently expres-
ilbid., May 12.
zOregonian, June 2.
3Oregonian, May 12.
4lbid., May 26.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 71
sive, he was the Parson Brownlow of the West. Through the
Argus he now began a career which was of vital influence in
the making of Oregon's political history. In his prospectus1
Adams had announced that the new journal would be devoted
to the advocacy of great moral principles ; in particular, to the
cause of temperance. In party politics it was to be entirely
neutral. But in the first issue, the editor, hitherto a Whig, an-
nounces that the Argus will take the American side in politics
and advocate as the last and best hope of our distracted coun-
try, an abandonment of old party platforms.2 Partisan strife in
Oregon is deprecated. Gaines is supported as a clever, able
and patriotic American citizen. Lane is attacked for inability,
hypocrisy, for his pro-slavery schemes in Congress and his
demagoguery. From the first the Argus puts the temperance
question to the fore and sifted the legislative candidates ac-
cording to their attitude toward the passage of a prohibitive
liquor law.
The campaign became personal and virulent beyond descrip-
tion. The Democrats attacked Gaines' Mexican War record
and scorned him as a coward and lost to honor. The line of
attack on Lane is suggested above. The two stumped the Ter-
ritory together. In Polk county an altercation took place be-
tween them at their public meeting and they came to blows. As
the June election approached the Statesman went into continued
hysterics in its fulminations against the Know Nothings. Bush
evidently looked upon the contest as one of life and death for
Oregon Democracy. The opposition was sanguine of success.3
During these strenuous weeks the Statesman was generously
adorned with such picturesque epithets as "corrupt and wicked
coalition, back alley patriots, skunks, hybrid horde, impious
oaths, dens of darkness, dregs of fanaticism, midnight assas-
sins, heinous night monster."
iPublished in Oregonian, October 21, 1854.
sArgus, April 21, 1855.
3"The Whigs and Know Nothings appear confident of Old Gaines' election.
God preserve us from the infliction." — Bush to Deady, May 13.
• W. C. WOODWARD
The result of the election was as memorable as the campaign
which preceded it. The Democratic victory was literally over-
whelming. The Oregonian for once admitted complete defeat
without pleading any compensations: "The election has as-
tonished everybody, the Democrats as well as the Whigs. . . .
It is now a fixed fact the people of Oregon are willing to be
gulled by that talismanic word, 'Democracy' "-1 Lane's ma-
jority was 2149. Gaines carried but three counties in the Ter-
ritory and those by a combined majority of only 79. The politi-
cal complexion of the legislature was: house, Democrats 28;
Whig-K. N., 2 ; council, Democrats 7, Whig-K. N., 2, one of
whom was a hold over.2 Bush was so intoxicated with success
that immediately following the election a long editorial leader
appeared in the Statesman championing Gen. Joseph Lane for
the presidency of the United States in 1856.3
In commenting on the result Dryer found the real crux of
the situation when he said that the so-called Democratic party
was well organized and thoroughly drilled, while the Whigs
were unorganized and never permitted drilling officers to gov-
ern or control them on any occasion.4 Here is the secret of the
stability of the Democratic regime in the Territorial period.
Hundreds of Whigs rebelled at the attempt to force them into
alliance with the Know Nothings, and either remained away
from the polls or voted for Lane. The Oregonian suggested
that the Whigs did not understand the true principles of the
American party, but added that whether the object of that
organization be justifiable or not, those principles had been
prostrated, and to the advantage of Lane and the Democrats.
'The time has come and now," declared Dryer, "for the Whigs
in Oregon as a party, to plant themselves upon the great na-
tional Whig platform ; to boldly, without deviating one jot or
tittle from the true path, battle for Whig principles and doc-
trines." It is significant that before the election the opposition
i Oregonian, June 16.
2Statesman, June 16.
^Ibid., June 9.
4.Oregonian, June 23.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 73
county nominating conventions were with four exceptions1
denominated as Whig. In giving the returns, however, the
tickets were headed "American" with the evident desire to
shift the burden of defeat from the Whigs to the Know
Nothings.
As regards the action of the rank and file of Democracy the
Oregonian stated the fact to be on record that scarcely without
an exception, every member of the American party who had
formerly acted with the Democrats, voted the Democratic
ticket. Thus did the Viva Voce law accomplish its perfect work.
In the face of the abuse and vilification heaped upon the Know
Nothing movement it took more stamina and moral courage,
than can now be well imagined, for a Democrat publicly to de-
clare himself as one of the proscribed "minions". To do so
meant political, if not social outlawry. For Bush never forgot
and never forgave. In reviewing the situation in after years,2
he said that against this secret, oath-bound association, the
Viva Voce law interposed a powerful and effective barrier ; that
while the adjoining state of California, with a political senti-
ment as strongly Democratic as that of Oregon, was overrun
by this prescriptive order, in Oregon it totally failed, unable
to endure the broad light of day into which it was forced by
the viva voce method of voting.
Within the two years ending with the election of 1855, we
have found attempts made along three different lines to or-
ganize the opposition to Oregon Democracy. The Whigs had
made a fair showing in the election of 1854 but were now
thoroughly demoralized through their fusion with the Know
Nothings. The latter had promised to sweep the Territory but
within a few short months had been utterly routed and over-
thrown. The prohibitionists were cheerfully leading a forlorn
hope. The Democrats, more strongly intrenched than ever,
held the field undisputed. They were to continue to do so until
the old issues were swallowed up in a new one, vital and all in-
clusive.
i The "Republican" ticket of Multnomah; the "Republican Reform" of
Marion; the "American" of Washington and the "Temperance League" ticket
of Clatsop.
aStatesman, July 10, 1860.
74 • W. C. WOODWARD
CHAPTER V
THE DEMOCRATIC REGIME
The story of the organization of Oregon Democracy has been
told — its early triumphs have been recounted. These victories
made it plain that the Democratic party held the political mas-
tery in the new Territory. The present purpose is to make a
brief study of the manner and spirit in which this authority
was exercised.
To review briefly, the election of Pierce in 1852, followed by
the appointment of Oregon Democrats to the Territorial offices,
had delighted the Durhamites. The latter now controlled all
three departments of government. No cloud darkened their
political horizon. But they had hardly ceased their self-con-
gratulation before the sky became o'ercast. The failure of
Judge Pratt, the Durham leader, to be confirmed by the Senate
as Chief Justice, has been mentioned as the only discomfiture of
the Democrats at this time. Geo. H. Williams was sent from
Iowa to fill the position. While he was an uncompromising
Democrat and had been appointed without his knowledge or
consent,1 the fact remained that he was an alien. He was hold-
ing an office which rightfully belonged, from the Oregon view-
point, to an Oregonian. However, while Pratt's defeat caused
temporary dissatisfaction, little complaint was raised.
But when after a very brief service as Associate Justice, Mat-
thew P. Deady was displaced without just cause,2 the Durham-
ites began to show their teeth. Aside from the mere fact of his
being an Oregon man, Deady was eminently qualified for
judicial service and was very popular. As a result, the recep-
tion given his successor, O. B. McFadden, of Pennsylvania,
was decidedly warm, though not in the usual accepted sense.
The Statesman, Nov. 22, 1853, showed in a two column edi-
torial the injustice of Deady's removal and openly criticized
iGeo. H. Williams, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for March, 1901, p. 2.
2The only explanation given was that Deady, whose first name was Matthew,
was serving under a commission which had been made out in favor of Mordecai
P. Deady.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 75
McFadden for accepting the judgeship after having arrived
and having learned the circumstances. McFadden declined to
take the broad hint to resign, whereupon Bush became abusive.
Admitting that the interloper had been a good Democrat in the
states, the vital fact remained : "In his selection no citizen of
Oregon has been heard."1 Meetings were held and letters for
publication written protesting against the incumbency of Mc-
Fadden. The latter, in holding the appointment and closing
the way for Deady's re-instatement, was considered a political
heretic and a traitor to Oregon Democracy.2 So violent was
the opposition that McFadden was transferred early in 1854
to the new Territory of Washington and Deady was re-
instated.3
It has been stated that Lane returned to Oregon from Wash-
ington as governor in the spring of 1853 ; that he immediately
resigned to run again for delegate, which left Secretary Qeo.
L. Curry in the governor's chair. This was satisfactory to
Oregon Democrats as Curry was one of themselves. But here
again President Pierce interfered. The result was the arrival
in December of John W. Davis of Indiana, with a commission
as governor. The Democracy of the new governor could
certainly not be questioned as he had represented his party in
Congress, had served as Speaker of the House, and had twice
been Chairman of the Democratic National Convention. But
the Durhamites failed to appreciate the compliment in the ap-
pointment of so distinguished a man, as Oregon's executive.
To them, he was but another imported office-holder.
These affronts, suffered by the Democrats at the hands of
their own Administration at Washington, had come in quick
succession. They were as disconcerting as they were unex-
pected. But Durhamite defiance rose with fancied insults —
the determination was rekindled to free the people of Oregon
from National tutelage. In March, 1853, the Statesman had
i Statesman, December 6, 1853.
2The animosity toward Me
icndence between Nesmith an
aBancroft, Vol. II., p. 308.
2The animosity toward McFadden is vividly shown in the private cor-
respondence between Nesmith and Deady, and Nesmith and Lane.
76 W. C. WOODWARD
argued cautiously against statehood. By the end of the year
the question bore a very different aspect from a Democratic
viewpoint. Hence the legislature which met in December,
three days after the arrival of Governor Davis, passed
an act calling for a vote, at the forthcoming elec-
tion, on the question of holding a constitutional convention.
The cause of statehood was zealously espoused by Bush in the
Statesman in the campaign of 1854. On the other hand the
Oregonian as earnestly opposed it on financial grounds, and
accused the Democrats of favoring a state government as a
means of securing more offices.1 The issue was lost by a
majority of 869.2
But before the result was known, Bush announced that if
the question had failed he would hoist the flag — "For a con-
vention in 1855". "And we give the Whigs notice that we shall
support this issue as a party measure."3 Accordingly, a party
issue it became. The next legislature had the presumption to
pass a joint resolution calling for the appointment of a joint
committee to draw up a state constitution.4 But it receded from
this radical position and passed an act like that of the previous
year providing for a vote on the question of a constitutional
convention. The Democratic Territorial Convention held in
the following April, 1855, passed a strong resolution declaring
that Oregon should assume the position of a sovereign state.
A comparison of the vote on the question for the two years
shows that Bush was largely successful in making statehood a
Democratic issue. As a rule it was the heavily Democratic
counties that gave the strongest support to a constitutional con-
vention. The Whigs as a whole strongly opposed it, though
one of their leaders, David Logan, supported the affirmative
side of the question. This time, the majority in the negative
was 413.
i Oregonian, April i, April 15, 1854.
2Statesman, July n, 1854.
3lbid., June 20, 1854.
4Oregonian, January 20, 1855.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 77
Notwithstanding this defeat, at the next session of the legis-
lature, that of '55-'56, the Democrats again passed an act call-
ing for a vote on statehood — the third in three consecutive
years. Such was their over-weening zeal that instead of having
the vote taken at the regular June election, a special election
in April was called. Presumably, such haste was occasioned
by the determination to take no chances on the opportunity of
helping settle the presidential contest in November. Each year
the contest became more partisan and in 1856 it was violently
so, and especially on the part of the Statesman. Alonzo Leland,
editor of the Democratic Standard, was not en rapport with
the powers ordained and saw fit to question the advisability of
statehood. Whereupon his apostacy was heralded in the States-
man as the "Iscariotism of the Standard on the Convention
Question."1 In the spring of 1856 the Oregonian conducted a
systematic and continuous campaign of education against the
Democratic dogma of statehood. It declared that Oregon did
not have population and wealth sufficient to maintain a state
government, and opposed the movement as the scheme of a
little coterie of politicians and would-be office holders. In 1854
the majority against a constitutional convention had been 869 ;
in 1855 it had been 413. In 1856 it was 249. The imperious
Durhamites were steadily nearing the goal.
In the meantime a change more apparent than real, had
taken place in the management and personnel of the Democratic
machine. While Judge Pratt had been the nominal leader of
the Durhamites, the power of Bush, as exerted through the
Statesman, was steadily increasing. Naturally, considering his
part in the capital fight, Bush got practically no patronage in
Oregon City2 and in the middle of the year 1853 moved the
Statesman plant to the new capital.3 With Bush and the States-
i Statesman, April 22, 1856.
2"! get very little patronage in Oregon City. I will give a premium on the
best essay on prejudice. But Oregon City is not all of Oregon." — Bush to
Deady, April 17, 1851.
3"The Statesman has been removed to Salem. It left last Sunday. Rumor
says the clergymen at Oregon City gave out the hymn —
'Believing, we rejoice
To see the curse removed.' " — Oregonian, June 18, 1853.
78 W. C. WOODWARD
man as a nucleus, Salem at once became the recognized head-
quarters and rendezvous of a little coterie of Democratic
politicians which held Oregon in the palm of its hand. The
popular, or often unpopular, designation of this junto was the
"Salem Clique", or Cli-que, as called by an illiterate though
pugnacious rural politician.
In 1855 Judge Pratt aspired to succeed General Lane as
Oregon's delegate to Congress, and made an active campaign
for the nomination. A sharp struggle ensued, short, but very
decisive. Behind Lane were the Salem Clique and the popular
adulation; behind Pratt, a few non-machine Democrats and
the Standard. The rivalry became bitter, the Standard oppos-
ing Lane and the Statesman attacking Pratt with malevolence,
and all to the edification of the Whigs. In the convention Lane
received 53 votes, Pratt but 6.1 The Durham leader had been
effectually dethroned. The supremacy of Lane with the people
was signally manifested. But behind it all was Bush, absolutely
master of the situation. Lane, with the bonhomie — the smooth-
tongued and affable — stood before the people as the successful,
idolized leader. But the real dictator of the Oregon Democ-
racy was the man behind the Statesman — wary, inflexible,
ruthless. From this time the sobriquet, "Durhamites", as de-
noting the Democratic ring, gave way to that of "Salem
Clique" or merely "the Clique."
A complete story of the capricious, arrogant rule in Oregon
under the regime of the Salem Clique would form one of the
most picturesque chapters in the political history of the West.
A few instances will suffice to indicate the nature of that re-
gime. Governor Davis was made plainly to feel by his captious
fellow Democrats, soon after his arrival in Oregon, that he
was persona non grata. There was no cordiality between them.
He was made the butt of ridicule by certain of the Clique noted
for coarse wit and sharp tongue.2 Though a life-long Demo-
i"Pratt's sun of Austerlitz has gone down amid the gloom of Waterloo
No man was ever let down so fast." — Nesmith to Deady, April, 1855.
^Conversation with Hon. Geo. H. Williams.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 79
crat, the coercive, domineering attitude of his political con-
freres in Oregon was a revelation to him. Plainly, he did not
fit into the scheme of Oregon Democracy. The situation be-
came unbearable to him, and after serving nine months, he re-
signed in August, 1854. Thereupon the Democrats asked the
privilege of banqueting him. He declined the honor in a public
letter in which he took the occasion to suggest a few pertinent
facts and to offer a little significant advice.1 Evidently, the
Democrats had insisted that he become actively partisan in the
canvass for statehood, as he defended himself for not becoming
so, on the ground that his position would not allow it. He told
his political compatriots plainly that they should abandon per-
sonal and sectional considerations and base their actions on
principles. He reminded them that "our opponents are entitled
to their opinions equally with ourselves" — mild heresy accord-
ing to Salem Clique standards. The situation was aptly summed
up by Dryer in the Oregonian.2 "Gov. Davis was a
foreigner. . . . He had neither driven his team across the
plains nor been to the mines. Besides, if treated decently at
first he might become popular in Oregon. . . . We think
he has fairly revenged himself."
Every event or crisis in the Territory was viewed by the
Clique at the focus of the narrowest partisanship. This is well
illustrated by their attitude concerning the prosecution of the
Indian war in Southern Oregon in 1855-6. During the summer
of 1855 trouble had been plainly brewing in the south. Depre-
dations and murders were committed by the Indians, followed
by a pretty general outbreak. Gov. Curry undertook prompt
and vigorous measures toward quelling the disturbance. The
Clique frowned upon such undue haste and hampered the
governor by attacks and bickerings.3 Sufficient time should be
taken to place the operations on a thorough Democratic basis.
"Where would they lead us ?" demanded Dryer in the Oregon-
iThe Oregonian, August 5, 1854.
2The Oregonian, August 5, 1854.
3"Like you, I'm disgusted with this d Injun excitement. Curry ought
to be held in. D a man who has no judgment." — Bush to Deady. October
22, 1855.
80 W. C. WOODWARD
ian. "In any other country but Oregon this war would have a
tendency to unite men in a common cause."1 In the enrollment
of volunteer companies, among the commissioned officers a few
Whigs and Know Nothings had received appointments, largely
as surgeons. This was the occasion of a storm of opposition
headed by Bush. To think that despised Know Nothings, re-
cently so thoroughly repudiated by the people, should come
into position by appointment — and that by a Democratic gov-
ernor ! It was preposterous, incredible.2 The Statesman went
into one continued paroxysm of frenzy, equal to that which had
affected it a few months previous in the anti-Know Nothing
campaign. The intractable Bush did not hesitate to threaten
the governor : "Mark these words : henceforth in Oregon it
is the doctrine of the Democratic party that public offices of no
kind shall be conferred upon members of the Know Nothing
order or its sympathizers and upholders. And no man who vio-
lates that doctrine will be sustained by the Democracy."
A petition was gotten up and copies sent to the faithful
throughout the Territory asking that as many signers as pos-
sible be secured and that it be forwarded to Gov. Curry at
once — "by first mail if can be". The petition read : "To His
Excellency: The undersigned, Democratic and anti-Know
Nothing voters of Oregon, earnestly petition your excellency
to cause to be displaced all members of the Know Nothing party
or supporters of that party holding public station, directly or
indirectly under you, and that their places be filled by compe-
tent Democrats." And all this hue and cry from the mere fact
that a half dozen insignificant offices were held by those other
than Democrats ! It was nothing to the Clique that the appoin-
tees were capable and that the need was urgent. This was
apparently an issue of far greater import to them than the pro-
tection of life in Southern Oregon and the success of the troops
in restoring order. The Oregonian condemned in strongest
terms the attempt to introduce party politics into that branch of
lOregonian, November 17, 1855.
2Statesman, November 3 and November 10.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 81
the service from which it had ever been excluded by true
patriotism.1 The Argus referred to the petition as "the climax
of villainy" and quoted the Democratic Standard as saying "We
hesitate not to distinctly declare that we have no sympathy for
and partake not in the spirit that would beget such a petition."2
But the Clique were not to be denied their peremptory de-
mands. The following session of the legislature reorganized
the military department, removing from the governor the power
of appointment of officers and substituting election by the legis-
lature. This proved an easy solution. The offensive officers
were summarily decapitated and replaced by "competent Demo-
crats."3 The war was placed on a partisan Democratic basis
and the members of the Clique were appeased.
To all outward appearances the utmost harmony existed at
this time between Lane and the Democratic Junto who ruled
Oregon. But the private correspondence of members of the
latter show that as early as 1855 Lane was under the dis-
pleasure of the Clique. Hailed as the "Marion of the Mexican
war", the "Cincinnatus of Indiana", and heralded as a hero in
the role of Indian fighter in Oregon, Lane's popularity was
unbounded.4 This popularity was political capital for the party
manipulators and viewed by them as a very valuable asset. As
for Lane himself, they were inclined to patronize him among
themselves as a "thick skulled old humbug,"5 to be cultivated
as long as he could be used, especially at Washington where his
influence was recognized. In 1855 General Joel Palmer, super-
intendent of Indian affairs in Oregon, was marked by the
Democratic leaders for overthrow, and his removal was de-
manded of Lane. In the accusations against Palmer, sent to
Washington by the Legislature, it was charged that "While
representing himself as a sound national Democrat, he had
perfidiously joined the Know Nothings, binding himself with
lOregonian, December 8, 1855.
aArgus, November 10, 1855.
3See Oregonian, February 9, 1856.
4Lane had done effective service against the Southern Oregon Indians in
1851 and again in 1853.
sNesmith to Deady, September 14, 1855.
82 W. C. WOODWARD
oaths to that dark and hellish secret political order."1 But
General Palmer and Lane were good friends and the latter
delayed the political execution. In another instance, instead
of securing a certain appointment for a prominent Oregon
Democrat, as requested by the Clique, Lane had an Indiana
friend appointed. Such audacity was amazing and the political
oligarchs gnashed their teeth in rage, among themselves. One
member advised "a call of the Cli-que to throw him (Lane)
overboard."2 A temporary rapprochement was effected but it
was evident that serious trouble was ahead for Lane at the
hands of the restive Junto.
The rule of Bush and the Clique was absolute and imperious.
They laid the plans and issued the orders. It was for the rank
and file to obey. And obedience must be unquestioning. If
a Democrat forgot this, he must be disciplined. If he per-
sisted in his temerity the wrath of the Statesman was turned
upon him and he was destroyed politically. Bush, absolutely
uncompromising, took offense easily and the fear of his ter-
rible invective was potent in maintaining party discipline. Jas.
F. Gazley, Democratic member of the legislature of '54-'55
from Douglas county, had the hardihood to oppose the Viva
Voce law. Misrepresentation and vilification at the hands of
Bush followed. "Little did I suspect", complained Gazley,
"that while boldly vindicating principles which I ever have
honestly maintained, that clouds of indignation were gather-
ing so gloomily around the political horizon, too soon, alas,
to burst upon my unlucky head."3
It became the general rule of Democratic nominating con-
ventions to pledge the delegates to support the candidates and
to avow loyalty to them, before those candidates were nomi-
nated.4 Good Democrats never questioned such procedure.
The manner in which a man obeyed orders from headquarters
was the criterion of his Democracy. "Pizurrinctums" was an
iQuoted by Bancroft, Vol. II., p. 399.
aNesmith to Deady, September 14.
3ln Oregonian, January 13, 1855.
4john Minto in Oregon Historical Quarterly for June, 1908, p. 144.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 83
epithet which came into frequent use by Bush in the States-
man in applying the party lash. It originated in Maine and
was used to describe those Democrats who were not "reliable."1
It must not be supposed that this autocratic, coercive au-
thority was submitted to with universal equanimity. There
was murmuring and threatened revolt from time to time, but
until 1857-8 the authority of Bush was sufficient to overawe
opposition.2 An indication of the restiveness of Democrats
under the lash of the Salem Clique is found in the following
resolution adopted by the Lane County Democratic convention
in May, 1856 : "Resolved, That we will not make any party
issues on men but will stand upon principles, and we con-
sider they who oppose the Democratic party because they hap-
pen not to like Bush, Delazon Smith, or other members there-
of, as disorganizes and enemies of Democratic principles."3
The Washington County convention pointed out as the ele-
ments of disruption in the party, first "The too dictatorial
mandates of a self-constituted leadership" ; second, the too
little regard for the binding effect of party measures, principles
and nominations on political action.4 Both tendencies were
most severely condemned. The Clatsop County Democrats
were more charitable and cheerful, extending the olive branch
to their prodigal brethren with words which were unctious
with forgiving grace: "We earnestly invite every Demo-
crat who has been lured from his party by corrupt and
designing factionists, to come up out of Babylon — shake off
the vile fetters which have bound him, wash his hands of
corruption, abjure his fanaticism, renew his allegiance to the
party, and stand forth in the bright sunshine of God, a man
and a Democrat."
iStatesman, April 21, 1855.
2*'They (Oregon Democrats) fear him as the fawning hound fears his
master and they dare not disobey his orders. They curse him among the
populace, but support and sustain him out of sheer cowardice." — Oregonian,
December 29, 1885.
3Statesman, May 27, 1856.
4Statesman, June 10, 1856.
84 W. C. WOODWARD
From certain points of view, the absolute dominance of
Democracy in Territorial Oregon is little short of amazing.
It is true that Oregon looked upon such illustrious Democrats
as Jefferson, Benton, Linn and Polk as having been the true
friends of the great Northwest. The long hoped for territorial
organization had come at the hands of a Democratic admin-
istration. But the fact remained that National Democracy was
unalterably opposed in theory and practice to the one great
principle, to the support of which Oregon was necessarily com-
mitted. And that was the principle of internal improvements
by the Federal government. The new and distant Territory
was practically dependent upon national aid for the further-
ance of various projects which were linked inseparably with
her development. Standing out above all of these, the de-
mand for a Pacific railroad furnishes an excellent example.
There was unanimity in the demand. With fatuous incon-
sistency Oregon Democrats declared it to be the duty of the
General Government to support the great project, using all
means "not inconsistent with the Constitution."1 Dryer very
pertinently asked how men could oppose that which they were
in favor of and support that which they opposed and be con-
sistent and honest.2 But the dilemma offered no appreciable
difficulties to Oregon Democrats. They continued to swell the
majorities of the party whose great distinguishing mark from
the Whigs was its opposition to the policy which its Oregon
members demanded. A more striking illustration could scarce-
ly be found in all American politics of obdurate adherence to,
and the blind infatuation of, party allegiance.
In the first place, the majority of the people of Oregon had
come from those western strongholds of the new, aggressive
Democracy, embodied by Jackson, and when party alignment
was made in Oregon this fact was emphasized. To these
westerners, Democracy was one and the same, whether found
in Missouri, Illinois or Oregon. And in the days when a
i Report of Democratic Territorial Convention in Statesman, April 21, 1857.
2Oregonian, October 7, 1854.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 85
man's politics were largely hereditary it is not so strange that
the old allegiance was maintained, especially when all the local
circumstances are taken into consideration. The fact that it
was the majority party further strengthened the Oregon Dem-
ocracy. The desire to be on the winning side with a chance in
the distribution of the loaves and fishes, caused not a few to
"pick up their Democracy on the way over the Rockies."
Having a good working majority to begin with, the shrewd
Democratic leaders were able by various means, some of which
have been indicated, to maintain it. The extreme partisanship
of the Democrats made them the more easily manageable. They
could be handled more effectively in party organization than
could the Whigs, who were more impatient of control.1 A
clarion call for loyalty to the eternal and glorious principles
of Democracy was sufficient to obscure real issues and rally
the faithful against the "minions of Whiggery." First and
last, "Democracy" was the paramount issue. This attitude
is illustrated by the declaration of a delegate in a Democratic
convention, enthusiastically received by those assembled : "The
paramount duty of Democrats now is to stick together, for I
never expect to see anything good come outside of the Demo-
cratic party."2
In the last resort, one is forced to return to the conclusion
that the controlling force in the situation was found in the
coercive influence of the Oregon Statesman and in the person-
ality of its editor, Asahel Bush. The paper and the man
were supplementary to each other. The result was a political
power well-nigh irresistible. As the official Democratic organ
of the Territory, the Statesman had a natural prestige to begin
with. Its circulation was much greater than that of the Ore-
gonian and Argus, which were taken largely by the same peo-
ple. It went into the great majority of the Democratic homes
of Oregon. And into these homes there rarely came an op-
posing paper to challenge its authority, as it was counted almost
i Personal conversation with Judge Williams.
2Cited by T. W. Davenport in Oregon Historical Quarterly for September,
1908, p. 229.
86 W. C. WOODWARD
political heresy to give countenance to a journal of an an-
tagonistic party.1 In the days when reading material was
limited, especially in isolated Oregon, the family newspaper
was depended upon as the source of general enlightenment,
entertainment and instruction. More or less unconsciously its
readers assumed for it the standard of infallibility. This fact
rendered its political dictums unquestioned and its political
authority well-nigh absolute. By befogging the real issues,
by denouncing the opposition, by threatening and abusing the
recalcitrant, by encouraging the reliable by fulsome praise and
with hopes of reward and last by a constant and adroit use of
the talisman, "Democracy," the Statesman exerted a degree of
political authority which at the present time can scarcely be
appreciated.
But while it was through the medium of the Statesman that
the exercise of so great power was possible, the latter is not
fully accounted for until the personality of Bush, which has
already been suggested, is taken into consideration. In speak-
ing of the autocratic editor, a keen, accurate observer of the
political situation of that period says his talent for control was
of a high order, as suited to his party and the time. A ready
and trenchant writer, with an active and vigorous tempera-
ment, a taste and capacity for minute inquiry, a thorough
knowledge of the inclinations and idiosyncrasies of his po-
litical brethren, possessed of a vinegary sort of wit, and a
humor bitter or sweet according to destination, he was the
most influential and feared of any man in the Territory.2
Benevolent despotism in Oregon politics could hardly have
been achieved with a mediocre man as editor of the Statesman.
But given the latter, managed by a man whose dominant per-
sonality, whose constructive and organizing ability were such
as to be today the subject of both wonder and admiration, the
Democratic regime in Oregon was made possible.
i Conversation with Judge Williams and Geo. H. Himes.
zDavenport, p. 244.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF
OREGON VI
By F. G. Young
PART V1
i The preceding installment should have been designated "Part IV" instead
of "Part V."
CHAPTER I
TREASURY ADMINISTRATION
IN OREGON
The Portion of Social Income Set Aside for Public Expendi-
ture Exposed to Many Perils. — That portion of their several in-
comes which the people, through the procedure of legislative
appropriations and state tax levies pursuant thereto, divert
from their own private to commonwealth uses is passed through
their state treasury. Universal experience proves that only
the best skill and care suffice to protect these public funds,
while in transit, from waste and loss. As these moneys leave
the hands of the tax-payers, or the purchasers of state lands
or other property or state service; accumulate in the state
treasury ; and later are delivered to those who through services
performed for the state or goods delivered are entitled to re-
ceive them, many risks are encountered. The losses suffered
by the Oregon people through loose and unsystematic handling
of their public funds will be outlined in this chapter.
As wealth, is becoming more socialized and public enter-
prise is expanding a larger portion, both relatively and abso-
lutely, of the collective income of the people is destined to be
thus handled as public funds. The problem of the safe and
economic administration of these treasury funds is therefore
one of ever growing importance.
That our understandings of this fairly abstruse subject of
treasury administration may be as clear and familiar as pos-
sible, suppose we picture to ourselves the process of handling
our state moneys as comprising three fairly distinct phases : ( 1 )
Converging streams of state tax receipts flowing from the
different counties ; or inflows from different sections of pro-
ceeds of sales of land or other property; or the influx from
national treasury of five per cent of proceeds of sales of land
90 F. G. YOUNG
by federal authorities within Oregon borders — all pouring into
the state treasury.1 (2) The treasury as a reservoir with its
accumulations of public funds — the normal and economic con-
dition of which involves absence of leakage and also absence
of large aggregates of idle surplus moneys. (3) The legisla-
ture carrying out the will of the people with its system of
budgetary legislation, regulating inflow, safe-keeping and out-
flows— its success or failure in maintaining normal conditions
with regard to each.
What are the more striking developments centering in the
treasury department at the state house that come into view as
we attempt to visualize the course of events connected with
the handling of Oregon's public funds?
1. County Delinquency and Non- Acceptance of Greenbacks.
— Suppose we bring into the field of vision first the money
streams flowing into the state treasury as the result of annual
state tax levies. The list given below of balances due from
the counties at the end of the successive biennial periods indi-
cate that the channels for the inflow of state tax receipts were
not free from obstructions, or that the people did not always
respond with alacrity in paying state taxes when due.
1862 . $5,236.26 1886 . 67,820.06
1864 25,324.73 1888 28,120.03
1866 24,280.30 1890 17,211.91
1868 28,018.30 1892 104,542.42
1870 22,283.38 1894 242,365.56
1872 14,881.16 1896 84,662.02
1874 13,646.44 1898 85,125.04
1876 26,517.95 1900 63,143.66
1878 24,681.40 1902 197,040.49
1880 15,895.69 1904 414,410.982
1882 20,613.10 1906 222,462.502
1884 64,077.38 1908 396,866. 482
i Receipts from national treasury include also indemnities, timber sale re-
ceipts, etc.
^The large aggregate sums of these later periods are due to the fact that
the reports are compiled in September, before the counties have remitted fully
their receipts for the current year.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 91
Three periods are particularly to be noted when the de-
linquent balances due from the counties represent abnormally
large percentages of the total state levies for their respective
bienniums. In the sixties, in the nineties and again in the last
decade the aggregates of unpaid taxes due from counties were
conspicuously large. The unusual delinquency of the sixties
arose out of the fact that several of the counties had collected
state taxes in greenbacks and had tendered their quotas in this
form of money to the state treasurer who had refused to re-
ceive the greenbacks. Five or six counties did this, notwith-
standing the requirement of the state law that "the several
county treasurers shall pay to the State Treasurer the state
tax, in gold and silver coin." The matter was tried out in the
courts, the decisions of the circuit and supreme courts of the
state being affirmed by the United States Supreme Court. The
national law making United States notes a legal tender for
debts was held !•> have no reference to taxes imposed by state
authority. The Oregon people adhered to the gold stand-
ard in their business transactions during the national green-
back epoch and there was naturally not a little public discus-
sion as to the propriety of changing the state's laws with re-
gard to money receivable for taxes so as to give the greenbacks
wider circulation and thus exhibit sympathy and support for the
National Government and bring Oregon more into line of
loyalty to and harmony with it.1
The large volume of delinquency in the nineties was clearly
due to the hard times prevalent until near the close of this
decade. Pretty clear evidences of like results from similar
cause are also manifest in the middle of the eighties. In the
last decade the large measure of the sums still due when the
treasurers compiled their reports was owing to the fact that
time had not been given for making remittances of the state
taxes of the current years. The end of the period reported had
been changed from December 31 to September 30. In the
last few years the shares of state taxes due from two counties
lOregon Statesman, May 9 and June 13, 1864.
92 F. G. YOUNG
have been withheld and the payment of them delayed on the
ground of the inequity claimed in the systems of state appor-
tionment.
Probably the most distinctive general impression received in
viewing these converging streams of state tax receipts as they
flow into the state treasury from year to year is the grudging
spirit exhibited by the counties in meeting their obligations for
the support of commonwealth activities. There was first the de-
termined effort to palm off greenbacks upon the state treas-
urer when the "greenbacking" of a private creditor was count-
ed an outrage for which the offender was deserving of and
frequently received a sound drubbing. One county was per-
sistent enough with its delinquency as to secure the advantage
of the statute of limitations on a snug amount of the state
taxes it had failed to pay.1 From the beginning to the end
almost of this half-century a race in under-valuation had been
imposed upon the different county assessors as the apportion-
ment of the shares of state taxes due from the different coun-
ties was based upon their respective valuations returned. In
1908 one county fought and secured the annullment of the
county expenditures rule of apportionment on the ground of
unconstitutionality. The inspiring motive, however, was the
desire to lower its share of the burden of state taxes. More
recently still another county is holding back its quota on a
similar complaint.
The second main class of treasury-funds inflow in Oregon's
past has been the receipts from the sales of state lands. Strange
things are revealed as these streams of money are brought
into focus. It is to be remembered that we are not here con-
cerned with the nature of the state's policy in the disposition
of its domain. We are intent only on what happens in the
handling of the proceeds of the sales, however adequate or
inadequate they may have been. The condition we are first
struck with is the fact that while school and university lands
were being sold virtually no funds reach the state treasury.
i State Treasurer's Report, 1895, pp. 243-4.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 93
They were by law turned into the county treasuries and loaned
from these. The county treasurers of course drew a fee from
them for their trouble.1 No accounting by the county treas-
urers for these funds was enforced, so the Board of Land Com-
missioners in 1868, when charge of these funds was resumed
by the state, had to report: "In some of the counties it (the
school fund) had been well and carefully managed, and had
constantly accumulated, while in others it had been much
neglected, and as a consequence losses had occurred; in some
cases, notes had outlawed; in others, they were insufficiently
secured, and parties giving notes had changed their residence
for parts unknown, while in all, indulgence in the payment of
interest had been given, and months, and in some cases, years
had passed without its collection/'2
Even after the state administrative officials were definitely
made the custodians in 1868 of these funds accumulated from
the proceeds of sales of lands in the different grants the moneys
were subject to many vicissitudes of peril before being safely
credited to appropriate funds in the state treasury. The legis-
lative "Investigating Commission" reporting in November,
1871, says of the "Board of School Land Commissioners" hav-
ing charge of the whole matter of state land sales : "No proper
books were kept, not even those actually required by law."
. . . "On the flimsy pretense that there was not clerical
aid in the office sufficient to transact the business, the Board,
as a Board, generally refused to receive payments upon lands,
though it is on record that some of the members were some-
what more yielding [referring to the peculations of the Sec-
retary of State that will be mentioned later] and did a little
business of that sort on their own individual account." Some
sixteen hundred different applications for the purchase of
state lands were made to this administration between 1868 and
1870. The representative of the Board refused to receive
money from the applicants, so these generally took possession
iGeneral Laws, 1858, pp. 43-5.
aReport of Board of Commissioners, 1868, p. 36.
94 F. G. YOUNG
and had the use of the lands free, until later, when the pur-
chase-money was demanded when they could and did quite fre-
quently vacate.1
This same investigation of 1870-1 disclosed four instances
in which the purchase-money for lands had been sent to the
Secretary of State, S. E. May, ex-officio member of the Board
of School Land Commissioners, and he had "converted the
same to his own use and did not account therefor to the
Board." The sums embezzled aggregated $652.50.
When the stream of inflow of land-sales money did get under
way toward the state treasury in 1870 the conditions affecting
it are still interesting though outrageous. The Legislative
"Committee of Investigation" of 1878 brings out facts that
exhibit the administrations from 1870 to 1878 holding high car-
nival with these moneys. Thirty-six thousand six hundred
forty-four dollars and nine cents were paid for clerical serv-
ices during this period in this department of the state's affairs.
Almost all of this sum went to men who were receiving sep-
arate salaries as either private secretary to the governor or as
assistant state treasurer. This sum the Committee of Investi-
gation holds was a "disgraceful waste," for of the records of the
state's land business it says : "If the purpose had been to con-
ceal under the pretense of exhibiting the real transactions of
the land department, they could not have succeeded better."
The raiding of the public interest is still further exhibited.
The swamp land account, for instance, up to 1878 amounted
to $42,989.34, of which "$20,736.35 had been paid to the
Treasurer and $22,252.99 paid out for expenses and returned
to purchasers." A case is cited where a man is paid $1,604 as
attorney fees for defending the state's claim to a tract which
constituted a portion of the land that this same man was under
contract to pay the state $800 for.2
Much of the loss to which this inflow of funds was subjected
occurred in connection with dealings in direct violation of the
i Report of the Investigating Commission, 1872, pp. 134-140.
zReport of the Committee of Investigation, 1878, pp. 6-18.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON
95
constitution and the law prescribing that no disbursement of
public funds should take place except in pursuance of ap-
propriations made by law.
The situation with respect to the receipt of the land sale
funds that was probably most discreditable of all existed down
in the later nineties and earlier years of the present century.
We see half the money of intending purchasers regularly turned
into the pockets of the private broker right in the state's own
office. This was the payment for the service of finding "base"
for lieu land selections, a function that should have been
performed by the state which alone possessed the necessary
data. And again an embezzlement of funds occurs, this time
by a subordinate official in charge. Another fails so completely
in keeping records that no statement is possible of the state's
claims against tenants on farms reverted to it, nor is the ac-
count of the official with the state ascertainable.
Evidence seems overwhelming that the happenings to these
land-sale moneys on their way to the state treasury were the
natural and inevitable result of the same vitiating spirit that
characterized the general land policy of the state at its worst.
No comprehension of the public good represented in these re-
sources existed, no imagination sufficed to see and set forth
the realities for the public welfare that were being sacrificed.
Turning now to another source of treasury receipts, those
coming from the national treasury, we are greeted with the
revolting spectacle of the same Secretary of State, S. E. May,
laying his hands on remittances of the five per cent proceeds
of sales by the United States within the borders of Oregon.
Five thousand four hundred and twenty-four dollars and twen-
ty-five cents of these funds were appropriated by Mr. May to
his own use in the later sixties.1 The only other noteworthy
circumstance relating to the inflow of funds from the national
government is the failure so far of the state to secure reim-
bursement for expenditures by it during Civil War times to
ward off depredations by the Indians.
i Report of the Investigating Commission, 1872, pp. 115-7.
96 F. G. YOUNG
2. Having glanced at some of the more significant hap-
penings to public funds as they were being passed on into the
state treasury we are now ready to direct our attention to
the accumulated surpluses and balances in possession of the
state treasurers and to note conditions with regard to them
affecting the weal or woe of the Oregon people.
An economic management of this part of the commonwealth
business would arrange to have always a small surplus in reser-
voir, as it were, to which inflows were adding and from which
outflows in payments were taking place — and no leakage or
diversion of funds occurring.
It will be remembered that the inflows were turned into
three quite distinct reservoirs : One containing the general
fund from the state tax levies ; one the "trust funds," proceeds
from the sales of certain lands ; and the third the "land funds"
accumulated out of other grants and of national land-sale
funds turned over to the state. The general fund was drawn
upon for all purposes ; the trust funds, like the common school,
the university and the agricultural college land funds, were to
be irreducible, the principal being loaned and only the interest
accruing used; the land funds were for application in works
of internal improvement.
What degree of economy has been exhibited in the admin-
istration of Oregon's treasury accumulations? With regard
to the general fund, normal conditions call for the maintenance
of such an approximation to a balance between the revenues
and disbursements, from year to year, that no large surplus
of idle funds accumulates and that no deficit occurs involving
embarrassment and the loss of the interest paid on warrants.
Furthermore, the moneys representing the "balances on hand"
should function normally as part of the general circulating
medium or reserves, and earn interest for the people, through
being entrusted with appropriate safeguards to banking de-
positaries.
The more serious lapses from normal conditions of the gen-
eral fund administration of the Oregon state treasury are
represented in the following:
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON
97
(1) Huge accumulations of 1868-1870 and of 1897-1899,
due to the failures of the legislative assemblies of these periods
to make appropriations, though the revenues are collected as
usual.
(2) Long continued deficits in the seventies, caused mainly
through expenditures for public buildings while an old fixed
rate of state levy sufficing only for current expenses was not
increased.
(3) A treasury law that nominally enjoined the hoarding of
the state funds at the capitol but under which the treasurers
regularly loaned them and pocketed the interest income. More-
over, the individual claimants to whom bonds were issued, the
holders of warrants during the bienniums for which no ap-
propriations had been made, and the holders of warrants
against anticipated land-sales funds — these would all have oc-
casion to offer their paper at tempting bargains to those in
charge of the surplus state funds. The profits to the treasurers
would be the discount at which the claims were cashed plus
the interest accruing on the bonds and warrants.
The Congested Treasuries of 1868-1870 and 1896-1898. — The
legislative assembly of 1868 adjourned without passing the gen-
eral appropriation bill. No special session was called. The
annual state tax levies were continued, so during the two
years up to the meeting of the legislature in regular biennial
session in 1870 the state treasury became more and more con-
gested. The regular state government establishment had of
course to be maintained. The claims were audited by the
secretary of state and warrants issued, but as the state treas-
urer had no authority through appropriations made to cash
these warrants they bore interest at ten per cent until pay-
ment of them was ordered by the session of 1870. Since those
furnishing services and supplies during these two years had to
accept these dubious warrants and wait for legislative valida-
tion of them their charges were naturally raised accordingly.
The legislative assembly of 1870, however, appointed an in-
vestigating commission to reaudit the claims upon which these
98 F. G. YOUNG
warrants were based. This commission in its report holds
that it cut down all such bills to cash prices. It took the view
that it was enough for the state to pay interest at ten per cent
"without any such extraordinary increase of prices" as had
been charged. Yet Governor Grover in 1876 speaks of the
warrant indebtedness then existing as "greatly increased by
the failure of the legislature of 1868 to make any appropria-
tions for general current state expenses, leaving the state to
be conducted on exorbitant and uncertain vouchers and un-
lawful warrants, and interest to accumulate in large amounts,
while the revenues in the treasury were locked up and dor-
mant."1 The state treasurer's report for 1870 gives the fol-
lowing figures for the locked up funds in the treasury :
Receipts during the fiscal years of 1869 and 1870,
including former balances reported to the legisla-
tive assembly $404,530.28
Disbursements during this period 136,590.80
Leaving a balance in the treasury of $267,939.48
An even greater congestion of treasury funds was brought
about again in 1897 and 1898. The legislative assembly that
was to have met in January, 1897, failed to effect an organ-
ization. Enough of the members elect lent themselves to the
machinations of the adherents to the candidates contesting for
election to the United States Senate as to bring about this
"legislative hold-up." A special session was not called until
October, 1898. In the interim some $729,000 of outstanding
warrants were accumulated. The interest paid by the state
on these amounted to about $45, 000. 2 As the law then stood
this interest was easily turned into the pocket of the state
treasurer. He had the funds lying idle in the treasury with
i Messages and Documents, 1876, p. 12. The State Supreme Court in 1871,
held that it was illegal for Secretary of State to issue warrants to claimants under
such conditions without appropriations. In 1897, however, this opinion was re-
versed and the Secretary of State was ordered to audit claims and draw warrants
for all claims which "the Legislature has through its enactments permitted and
directed, either expressly or impliedly." — Brown v. Fleischner, 4 Or. 132; Shat-
tuck v. Kincaid, 31 Or. 379.
2State Treasurer's Report, 1899, p. 3.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 99
which he could cash this three-quarters-of-a-million of war-
rants. The interest then accruing on them would be his own.
He did not have to account to the state for it. His only risk
turned upon the validation of these warrants by the succeeding
session of the legislature. Such a grand opportunity for mutual
advantage, for the warrant holders on the one side and the
state treasurer on the other, would surely not be overlooked.
Notwithstanding this striking demonstration of the diversion
of interest earned by public funds because of the retention of
a primitive treasury law, another decade was to elapse before
legislation was enacted providing that the interest accruing
on treasury surpluses should belong to the people.
The Outstanding Warrants of the Seventies. — The follow-
ing statistics of the outstanding warrants reported by the state
treasurers during the seventies are significant of further blun-
dering, if of not something worse, in Oregon treasury legis-
lation :
Outstanding Warrants, Bearing Ten Per Cent Interest.
1872 $ 76,883.69 1878 192,975.62
1874 287,559.00 1880 ;. 20,337.76
1876 289,665.01
The sum reported in 1872 was mainly a residue of the un-
paid indebtedness of the period preceding, 1868-1870. The
deficits of subsequent periods were due to special expenditures
for public buildings without any increase in the levy for state
purposes.
In 1876 the state supreme court ruled that the general
revenues of any biennial period could be applied only in meet-
ing the expenses of that biennial and the deficit of the pre-
ceding period. This made it necessary to make a special levy
for liquidating the accounts of longer standing represented
by this outstanding warrant indebtedness. Accordingly, a
special levy of three mills was made for the payment of these
old warrants in addition to the regular four-mill levy for
current expenses. This special three-mill levy was extended
through four years, 1877-1880, inclusive.1
iMessages and Documents, 1876, pp. 11-12; Simon v. Brown, 6 Or. 285.
100 F. G. YOUNG
It was probably fortunate that a constitutional restriction
prevented the funding of this floating indebtedness. The ten
per cent interest which these warrants bore from the date of
indorsement, "not paid for want of funds," increased. by one-
half the disbursement necessary to pay these deficits.
The Public Treasury a Private Snap for Half-a-Century. —
The law governing the state treasury administration received
only the slightest modification from the time of its enactment
at the organization of the state government in 1859 until
1907. "The state treasurer shall keep his office at the seat
of government" is the initial provision of this treasury code
and it is representative of the ideas embodied in the law as a
whole. Hoarding of the state money is made synonymous
with its safe-keeping. There was a law on the pages of the
statute books that made the loaning, with or without interest,
of any public money "larceny." There was no anticipation
that the business of the state would expand beyond the capa-
city of the leather purse of the treasurer.
Even after a treasury surplus had amounted to some $300,000
it did not occur to the "Investigating Commission" of 1870
that the withdrawal of such a sum from the channels of trade
in the then isolated and primitive Oregon meant monetary
stringency and business embarrassment. This body held that
the treasurer who had been found guilty of "depositing" some
$200,000 of this surplus with the strongest banks of the state
should be punished for "felony." The statute forbidding the
loaning of state funds by the treasurer was already a dead
letter.1 Yet when it became an open secret that the state treas-
urers were gaining rich swags from this source no sense of
public right inspired anyone to move for securing the interest
thus earned to the tax-payers who had furnished the prin-
cipal.
When a system of depositories was provided in 1907 specu-
lating schemers were still loth to relinquish the idea of using
the treasurer, who was probably beholden to them for elec-
i Report of Investigating Commission, 1870, pp. 58-62.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 101
tion expenses, as a tool in securing control of surplus state
funds for private gain.1
An interesting episode in the history of the financing of th«
state treasurer's office took place in the early seventies. The
state constitution had fixed the treasurer's salary at eight
hundred dollars and had provided further that there should
be no "fees or perquisites whatever for the performance of
any duties connected" with any of the state offices. At the
first session of the state legislature "the act to regulate the
Treasury Department" provided "a private secretary" for the
governor and an assistant to the secretary of state, allowing
each a salary of four hundred dollars. The state treasurer
was left without aid until 1870, when the office of "Assistant
Treasurer of State" was created. The "joker" in this meas-
ure is found in the provision for the compensation for the
services of this assistant treasurer. For this purpose the
state treasurer was to have one-half per cent of all moneys
received and one-half per cent "of all disbursements made by
him." As the treasurer had the power of appointing his as-
sistant it is natural to suppose that he would see to it that
the difference between his own salary of $800 and the com-
pensation provided for his clerk would be "equitably adjusted.'*
This means of drawing compensation from the public funds
was cut off through the repeal of the law providing for the
"Assistant Treasurer of State" in 1874.2 More surreptitious
devices had again to be resorted to that the office of the state
treasurer might yield a respectable income.
Oregon's State Auditing — The Plan and Hozv It Has
Worked. — The features in simplest form of a state Auditing
system that might be fairly effective in conserving public funds
would include: (1) Adequate provision for enforcing the
turning into the state treasury of all receipts of state money
from whatsoever source — taxes, sale of public property, pay-
iSee history of relations between state treasurer and Title Guarantee and
Trust Company, given in public press of Oregon, 1907.
2 This law netted the treasurer during the four years, $13,543.20. Report of
Commissioners of Investigation, p. 196.
102 * F. G. YOUNG
ments for services. (2) An agency, responsible, competent
and disinterested, requiring closely itemized vouchers for all
claims and limiting disbursements to those authorized by law,
so that no money leaves the treasury except to whom it is
due.
That conditions of fiscal safety require the turning of all
receipts into the state treasury has never been keenly real-
ized in Oregon, nor until very recently strictly adhered to.
Mention has already been made of the embezzlements by
Secretary of State S. E. May, in the later sixties. But he not
only appropriated the remittances from Washington of the
five per cent proceeds from the sales of government land in
Oregon and receipts from the sales of state lands, but he took
also receipts from sales of state publications and moneys sent
to support patients at the state asylum.1 It was pointed out
also how the Board of School Land Commissioners during the
seventies spent a large share of the receipts from the land
sales without authority of law and with practically no returns
to the state.
The traditional administration of Oregon's state institu-
tions has left much to be desired. It has never been stand-
ardized. Such men of talent, system and conscience as have
been connected with them have had to work under such deter-
ring handicaps that they failed to elevate conditions to a higher
plane. The report of the Investigating Commission of 1870
goes into details of slipshod practices and petty grafting. These
institutions have been in the care of a board composed of the
governor, secretary of state and state treasurer. These offi-
cials until a few years ago were themselves the beneficiaries
of a system of fees and perquisites that, to say the least, if
not unconstitutional, was unwarranted under the constitution
— and then, too, fee systems are inevitably abused. With the
supervisory board in such position there was not fostered in
it the spirit of strict surveillance over the policies and prac-
tices of its appointees. The foundations of not a few fortunes
i Report of Investigating Commission, 1870, pp. 73-118.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 103
have been laid through practices, shrewd and legal of course,
but amounting essentially to a swindling of the public and
impositions upon their charges. As recent as 1905 the secre-
tary of state was still pleading for the legal requirement of
the payment of all proceeds from sale of public property into
the state treasury for the credit of the general fund and for
annual itemized reports covering the same.
The secretary of state has from the beginning had the re-
sponsibility of auditing claims against the state. His has been
the duty of seeing that no payment is made except it is pro-
vided for by law. However, the requirement of itemized vouch-
ers through which this result could be insured was not in all
cases enforced until 1895. Requisitions of governing boards
were honored without vouchers. H. R. Kincaid as secretary
of state, instituted this reform, holding that without the item-
ized voucher there was not strict compliance with a fair con-
struction of the law.
The best service as auditor and some of the other duties
required of the Oregon secretary of state do not harmonize.
As a member of various commissions and boards having charge
of the principal state institutions, excepting the penitentiary,
he is required to enter into large contracts for the construc-
tion of public buildings and the purchase of supplies for pub-
lic institutions, while as auditor he audits the claims against
the state for contracts and supplies he has a voice in author-
izing. He is charged with the sole duty of purchasing and
authorizing all supplies for the several departments, capitol
building and grounds, purchasing legislative supplies, and is
also custodian of the capitol building and grounds. As au-
ditor, it is his duty to audit and issue warrants in payment
of claims incurred by his sole authority. If the function of
auditing claims against the state is to be the distinctive re-
sponsibility of the secretary of state he should be relieved of
his duties as a member of the various administrative boards
and of his stewardship of the capitol and the activities within
its walls and on the capitol grounds. Supervising care of the
104 F. G. YOUNG
state's institutions of charity and correction is becoming a task
of such proportions as to justify the creation of a state board
of control. The organization of the system of control now in
operation lacks, in a wide range of its affairs, the essential
principle of check and supervision of one official over another.
The auditing of the account between the state treasurer
and the state is also imposed upon the secretary of state. He
is "to carefully examine semi-annually the books and accounts
of the treasurer and the moneys on hand in the treasury, and
immediately thereupon report the result of such examination
in writing to the governor, specifying therein the amount and
kinds of funds particularly." And further, "he shall keep an
account between the state and the treasurer, and therein charge
the treasurer with the balance in the treasury when he came
into office, and with all moneys received by him, credit him
with all moneys paid by him pursuant to law." To make the
semi-annual examination of "the books and accounts of the
treasurer" effective he must necessarily use his own "account
between the state and the treasurer" with which to check up
the treasurer's accounts. The confession »n the secretary of
state's report for 1901 is that up to that time the disbursement
account of the treasurer had been obtained in the form of "a
verbal statement of the disbursements from the various funds."1
The secretary's report for 1872 had been particularly frank
about this requirement made of the secretary of state "to keep
an account between the state and the state treasurer." He
held that it was "utterly impossible, unless the secretary copies
the treasurer's books if the secretary were a good
copyist the accounts of the two officials could be made to
agree admirably; but I am unable to see what good purpose
would be served by it. I take the liberty, therefore, to ask
that the provision of the law under consideration be repealed.
Let the secretary of state keep his own books accurately, and
no others." The above statement, made in 1872, also claimed
that "payments of interest on loans are constantly being made
i Report of Secretary of State, 1901, pp. 49-51.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 105
to the treasurer of which the secretary knows nothing; and,
on the other hand, the treasurer is just as constantly paying
out interest on warrants, etc., of which the secretary is equal-
ly ignorant."1 When this matter of the account between the
treasurer and the state was referred to again, nearly thirty
years later, there was no complaint regarding the receipt side
of the account. The requirement of the secretary of state
that he countersign the official receipt sufficed for getting a
record of all of the treasurer's receipts. But evidently for
more than forty years this account between the treasurer and
the state was a mere farce, for the secretary of state had no
means of obtaining a record of the treasurer's payments. Secre-
Secretary Dunbar in securing the filing of all warrants as soon
as paid and the keeping of a warrant account remedied this
defect.2
Trust Fund Administration. — The treasury administration
of trust funds involves activities quite distinct from those need-
ed for the care of the general fund. Collection, safe-keeping
and disbursement are the stages in the process of handling
the moneys in the general fund. But the accumulations of
the irreducible trust funds are to be loaned, collected and re-
loaned, the interest income only being disbursed. There is,
however, a still deeper basis for the contrasts exhibited between
the administrative history of the trust funds and that of the
general fund. These arise out of the fact of difference of
source and of the use of these two classes of funds. The
moneys of the trust funds are not taken out of the pockets of
tax-payers as such, but are given in exchange for lands that
were gifts to the state by the national government. Further-
more, the trust funds are not applied to meet exigent needs
of preserving order, protecting rights of persons and prop-
erty, establishing justice and promoting material welfare, but
only the income of these funds is available for advancing the
intelligence of the rising generation. Because the trust fund
i Secretary of State's Report, 1872, pp. IX-X.
sSecretary of State's Report, 1901, pp. 49-51.
106 * F. G. YOUNG
moneys are thus the same as found and are used for needs
less universally and less keenly felt, the vigilance and the con-
science applied in the care of them are more yielding. Losses
to them have occurred in divers ways, mainly through poorly
secured loans; while these were deplored, nobody was held
accountable to restore the sums that had vanished.
The amounts of cash in the treasury belonging to the dif-
ferent trust funds are regularly reported, also the securities
belonging to these funds ; but no accumulation account is
offered. No emphasis is put on the limits reached year by
year by these accumulating irreducible funds.
In the discussion of the sale of Oregon's lands it was re-
counted how, through shameless policies in the disposition
of the indemnity school lands, the possibility of securing a
magnificent endowment for the common schools was sacri-
ficed. We are here concerned only with indicating 'the spirit
with which the comparatively meagre proceeds have been ad-
ministered. Statements characterizing conditions in which
these funds were found at three successive periods must suf-
fice.
The Investigating Commission of 1870 charged the Board
of School Land Commissioners of the preceding period with
loaning the common school and university funds on inadequate
security; and with neglect to enforce prompt payment of the
interest on these school and university fund notes. The testi-
mony of the clerk of the board then in charge was that he
had learned through inquiries sent to the treasurers of the
different counties "that in some counties, for instance, Benton
and Yamhill, large sums had been loaned from the funds men-
tioned, which the state was likely to lose, owing to inadequate
security." In one county the loss was estimated to amount
to one-half of the funds loaned. In several counties the notes
had been allowed to run a long time, and the interest had been
permitted to accumulate without any payments being made.
The language of the report of the Committee of Investiga-
tion of 1878 in characterizing the administration of the edu-
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 107
cational funds during the preceding eight years is particularly
severe :
"It is the opinion of the committee that the school fund, as
it appears in the report of the board is not worth fifty cents
on the dollar.
"That this magnificent educational fund has been depleted
about one-half by criminal carelessness and wilful neglect
of duty, within the past eight years, is beyond question. While
the members of the board may not be subject to a criminal
prosecution, yet, in righteous indignation an outraged people
should remember it against them."1
The insolvency developed by the hard times of the nineties
might be expected to exhibit itself in connection with the
school fund loans. The governor's message for 1897 in speak-
ing of the "loans of the school fund" has the following :
"In connection with the state lands, it needs to be men-
tioned that loans of the school funds, in many instances, owing
to the hard times and over-valuation of the land, have proven
bad investments and entailed losses upon the school fund. In
many of these loans the borrowers have defaulted in payment
of interest, arid the state has been compelled to take the se-
curity and to pay the cost of foreclosure. These judgments
represent, in addition to the principal loaned and the costs of
suit, a large accumulation of interest. . . . Another source
of loss and annoyance is the sale of land for taxes two or three
years overdue, without notice to the board, thus entailing fur-
ther expenses in redeeming them."2 Experience like this last
exhibits a strange lack of co-ordination of effort among some
of Oregon's public servants.
The governor's message of 1903 reports 162 farms on hand
on January first, 1901, acquired through foreclosure of mort-
gages given to secure school fund loans. Thirty-eight were
acquired during the biennium and eighty-one sold, leaving
seventy-three owned by the state at the time of the report. In
i Report of the Committee of Investigation, 1878, pp. 26-7.
sGovernor's message, 1897, P- 18.
108 F. G. YOUNG
1905 the report to the legislative committee to investigate the
books and accounts of the state land agent the expert clerks
say: "We are unable to find a starting point from which to
begin to check the accounts between the present time and April
1st, 1899. (The time at which the farms were turned over
to the State Land Agent). "It is our opinion that a system
of bookkeeping should be maintained in the office of the State
Land Agent that would show the system upon which the busi-
ness is handled, and the results, whether good or bad, in rela-
tion to the school fund. Up to date there seems to have
been no attempt to keep such a set of books."1
The rising school fund was a favorite subject of notice by
Oregon governors. They seem to have been content, how-
ever, so long as the inflow at the top was in excess of the leak-
age at the bottom. An ex-governor in his statement before
the same investigating committe of 1905 attributes the con-
fusion then existing in the state's land business to "the very
imperfect manner in which the records of the Land Office of
this state have been kept for thirty years."
The administration of the school fund tested with regard
to its being kept loaned and producing an income makes a
fairly good showing. Until the early years of the present
century the idle balances of cash on hand were due to ex-
cessively high rate of interest prescribed to the board in charge
of the fund. In 1903, however, the unloaned balance amounted
to nearly one-third of the whole fund, and there was no mal-
adjustment in rate of interest prescribed to necessitate such
a condition.
Land Funds Administration. — The proceeds from the sales
of the internal improvement grant of 500,000 acres, of the
swamp land grant, of the tide lands, and the five per cent of the
proceeds of sales by the national government of lands within
Oregon, comprised the moneys going into the land funds.
These were like the trust funds in that they were easily ac-
i Report of Committee to Investigate Books and Accounts of State Land
Agent, 1905, pp.
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 109
quired, but unlike those funds in that the principal and not the
interest income alone from them was available for disburse-
ments. They were not "irreducible."
The land funds, or the very prospect of funds from the
state grants, were enough to engage the plotting of those
facile in beguiling legislatures to subsidize plausible schemes
for internal improvement from which the schemers alone would
reap the harvests. From 1876 on a conspicuous item in the
financial statements of Oregon is that of outstanding warrants
payable from different land funds as proceeds of land sales be-
came available. The accumulation of these funds was anticipated
and, as the astounding size of the element of accrued interest
in connection with the outstanding warrant liabilities indicate,
the appropriations fo,r the internal improvement schemes had
been made years in advance of the realization of the moneys
from land sales. Yea, transfers had even to be made from the
general fund account to effect the final liquidation of these
liabilities.
The following statistics of outstanding land fund warrants
tell pretty plainly their own story :
1876 — "Outstanding Wagon Road Warrants, pay-
able out of Swamp, Tide, Overflowed, 5 per cent
U. S. Land Sale Funds and other Funds" $109,154.00
1878 — "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
Sale, and other Land Funds" 138,600.00
1880— "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
Sale and other Land Funds" 134,304.00
1882 — "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
Sale and other Land Funds" 116,876.05
1884 — "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
and other Land Funds" 83,859.45
110 F. G. YOUNG
1886 — "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
Sale and other Land Funds" 33,500.00
1888 — "Wagon Road Warrants, payable out of
Swamp, Overflowed, Tide, 5 per cent U. S. Land
Sale and other Land Funds" 15,500.00
Wagon Road Warrants, accrued interest to Jan-
uary 1, 1889 18,695.57
All of the above listed warrants bore ten per cent interest.
1890 — Warrants bearing 8 per cent interest —
"Swamp Land Warrants, payable out of the
Swamp Land Fund, Principal" $20,205.96
Accrued interest to January 1, 1889 6,359.87
From 1892 until 1898, inclusive, this outstanding
warrants account stood as the nominal sum of . . . 669.95
But the 1900 report has an "Outstanding Swamp
Land Fund Warrants Account" caused by state's
selling as swamp lands tracts to which it was not
able to give the purchasers title and so repaid
them with these warrants :
8 per cent interest warrants 30,925.38
6 per cent interest warrants 5,994.50
Had the projects promoted by this peculiar financiering
been well-advised, securing the construction of greatly needed
public works, and had the outlays been applied economically
and efficiently, the policy of the state with its land funds might
have been justified. But almost without exception the schemes
were pure frauds and the moneys obtained from the lands
were the same as thrown away. The verdict is justified that
pronounces the internal improvement land grants to Oregon
a curse to the state.
CHAPTER II
BUDGETARY PRACTICE IN OREGON
Until the system of direct legislation was instituted in Ore-
gon a few years ago its legislative assembly, acting upon sug-
gestions from the governor and the secretary of state, had
full and final control of its budgetary activities. The bringing
of the legislative authority here so near to the doom of a taboo
is due most of all to its budgetary failings. It should be interest-
ing to note how this repudiation of the legislature on account
of budgetary abuses came about.
That any representative law-making body may make regular
and consistent progress in this most important part of its work
conditions must obtain that foster the exercise of its best in-
telligence and call forth highest motives. The development
of budgetary procedure, more and more nearly rational and
adapted to conditions existing, calls for presentation of a clear
and orderly scheme of revenues and expenditures, a careful
study of it by a select group, and an open and full discussion
before the legislative body as a whole. Peculiar untoward
and heretofore unalterable influences in Oregon have barred
the way to the introduction of these requisites for the im-
provement of its budgetary practice. The confirmed attitude
of the average Oregon voter from the beginning has dis-
couraged a calm and reasonable handling of the budget by
the legislature. The only good budget in his judgment was
one with the most parsimonious public expenditures — or at
least which he could be hoodwinked into believing was parsi-
monious. Retrenchment was the only laudable public service.
The constitutionally fixed salaries, including those of the legis-
lators, express a perverted sense of worthlessness of public
service. These beggarly sums still stand intact in the text
of the constitution and virtually exclude the idea that the
government can be anything but a necessary evil. This dis-
paraging valuation of the public servants tended to blind the
112 F. G. YOUNG
people and the officials themselves to an appreciation of the
possible worth of public service.
This bias of the Oregon people has proven ineradicable.
Time and time again the Oregon voters have evinced it. A
fair interpretation of the repeated negative votes on proposals
to give officials reasonable compensation, of the long tolera-
tion of the vicious system of fees and perquisites, of the ap-
propriation by the state treasurers of the interest on the public
funds, gives the strongest ground for the inference that the
average Oregon voter has preferred that his public servants
should steal rather than legitimately receive a fair compen-
sation.
Another form in which this delusion that all public ex-
penditures were so much unproductive consumption exhibited
itself was the dread of a legislative session. Contemporary
expressions of the public press prove most forcibly that legis-
latures in session were veritable bete noires. They meant
public expenditures for which taxes would be levied. And
it is fair to say for the average citizen that for him this, in
truth, was about all there was to it.
With this aversion to the very idea of public expenditures,
amounting to an obsession, the people created what they felt,
or were led to believe, would give them the highest degree of
immunity from public outlays. This series of supposed safe-
guards against the expansion of public expenditures, through
which they believed their grip on the public purse strings would
be effective, were first, a virtually fixed rate of state levies down
to 1885. When this device proved its frailty for this purpose,
and they had to let go of it, systematic and increasing under-
valuation of their property for taxation was relied upon to
defeat the aim of higher state levies to secure larger state
revenues. But all was in vain. The professional office-seeker,
the despoiler of the public treasury and of the public heritage
easily executed flank movements that defeated the purpose
of the people with their supposed safeguards. Systems of
fees and perquisites were created, imperial areas of public
FINANCIAL HISTORY OF OREGON 113
domain were secured for a song- as "swamp" lands, hundreds
of thousands of dollars of land funds were grabbed under the
guise of "wagon road grants."
The attitude of the Oregon people blindly staking their se-
curity against public expenditures upon starvation salaries for
public officials, fixed state levies, and low assessors' valuations,
only fostered finesse and subterfuge among the professional
office-seeker, and the grafting lobbyist. How completely the
people delivered themselves into the hands of the public de-
spoiler is exhibited in the main feature of Oregon's budgetary
procedure in use from 1885 on. For the fixed levy was sub-
stituted an adjustable rate determined by a board consisting
of the governor, secretary of state and state treasurer. This
board, after a legislative assembly has adjourned, simply adds
up the expenditures authorized through appropriations made
and, with valuations in hand returned by the county clerks, com-
putes rate necessary to meet liabilities of the state. The legisla-
ture is thus absolutely free from worry as to how its appropria-
tions are to be met. Only the watch-dog proclivities of in-
dividual members stand in the way of the forty-day sessions
being converted into more or less of an orgy of log-rolling.
Even before 1885, while a traditional fixed levy was adhered
to deficiencies were caused compelling the raising of the con-
tinuing levy a notch or two.
Of course the average legislator has been a representative
man, anxious to serve his constituents. As a member of the
committee of ways and means he is alert to use his best judg-
ment. But he is at a tremendous disadvantage. The secre-
tary of state's table of estimates is too general to be of any
practical use. It is unsupported by any explanations. The
average member is generally an utter stranger to the state
establishment of institutions. No traditional mode of pro-
cedure with which he can learn real needs to be provided from
public treasury is available. No competent and authorized
and generally responsible guide is at hand. He is at sea and
remains so during the crowded session while beseiged by the
114 F. G. YOUNG
heads of the various institutions urging largely increased ap-
propriations, and by other agencies clamoring for state aid.
This predicament of the members of the legislatures, ac-
centuated as the affairs of the state are year by year attaining
increasing complexity, was realized by the legislative as-
sembly of 1909 and it provided a joint hold-over committee
to prepare a budget for the institutions at the capital, or at
least a report as the result of its investigations to be made
the basis for a budget. Such a body using a few days just
preceding the next session for its work would not find the
way out to a satisfactory budgetary procedure. The most
promising suggestion for Oregon is a State Board of Finance
consisting of the governor, secretary of state and state treas-
urer. These have positions on all the different boards of
control of the different state institutions. They also consti-
tute a majority of the state tax commission. To these the
reports of all heads of institutions should be made. With
these alone the legislative committees of ways and means
should confer. The governor should have power of partial
veto of appropriation bills. With authority and responsibility
centralized in those who are in position to become acquainted
witn the needs supplied from the state treasury, and with the
right of hearings before the committees of ways and means
and before the two houses accorded the members of this board
of finance, the two houses of the legislature with suitable par-
liamentary procedure in the discussion and passage of the
budget, should be able to carry out the will of the people.
J. NEILSON BARRY 115
LETTER IDENTIFYING THE "FOUNTAIN" ON POWDER
RIVER, AT WHICH MR. OGDEN CAMPED IN
SETTING OUT ON EXPEDITION
1828-1829
Baker, Ore., June 15, 1911.
F. G. Young, Esq.,
Eugene, Ore.
Dear Mr. Young:
In the Quarterly just received, p. 382, December number,
is a note inquiring for the locality of "The Fountain" where
Mr. Ogden camped September 30th, 1828.
I think that this was the "Cold Spring" on the farm of
Mr. D. H. Shaw, known as "The Cold Spring Ranch," on the
Powder River, six miles due south of Baker City, at the
junction of Beaver Creek.
Mr. Ogden probably camped on the night of September
29th on the Powder River between Baker and Haines — the
fact that he only made about 12 miles the next day could be
accounted for by the fact that there is a beautiful little valley
at that point with abundant grass for horses, and evidently
he was in a beaver country, as it is said that beavers were
still within two milesj of that point a couple of years ago.
The fact that one trap caught eleven beavers shows that they
must have been in camp during the afternoon. At this point
the old trail to Nevada turns off on Beaver Creek, a mile
above its junction with Powder River. In the early seventies
wagons would come along that trail with ten horses, and the
troops brought Catling guns over it during the War of 1878.
While the regular wagon road turned off from Burnt River
and crossed by Virtue Flat, there was an old trail for pack
horses that continued up Burnt River and crossed to Beaver
Creek. It necessitated leaving Burnt River in places and
climbing up on the hills to avoid obstructions as the canyon
is narrow, which would account for the remark October 2,
"a hilly country."
116 THE OGDEN "^FOUNTAIN" ON POWDER RIVER
This would appear to make every reference fit with the
locality. Mr. Ogden started from the junction of the Powder
and North Powder and made an ordinary journey, with de-
tours on account of the swamps in the valley, making an ordi-
nary journey 20 to 30 miles and camping a few miles north
of Baker September 29th, the next day going only as far
as the Cold Spring, where there was an abundance of grass
and beavers — but sending on two parties, one to push on for
the rest of the day toward Burnt River, the other to strike
across to Malheur — then the next day he would cross by way
of Beaver Creek to a tributary of Burnt River.
From diligent inquiry among old settlers, I can find no other
well known spring.
Very truly yours,
J. NEILSON BARRY.
EXCERPTS AND NOTES
A CONSTRUCTIVE POLICY WITH THE REMAINING OREGON
LANDS PROPOSED
Governor Oswald West in his inaugural message, announced
a departure from the traditional Oregon custom followed in
the selection of its indemnity school lands. Instead of waiting
until a request for a selection is made by an intending pur-
chaser of a designated tract, the governor proposes to arrange,
if possible, with the national authorities to take a compact tract
composed of contiguous sections from the Cascade Forest
Reservation. The area preferred would comprise the drainage
basin of some stream with large undeveloped power resources.
This project of the governor has in view experimental state
forestry and power administration.
Oregon is now entitled to some 50,000 acres of these in-
demnity lands. Should the selection be consummated as pro-
posed, the care of the lands would naturally be entrusted to
the students of the state institutions of higher education. This
is part of the governor's suggestion.
THE GREAT MEMORIAL ISSUE OF THE DAILY OREGONIAN.
The semi-centennial memorial number of the first issue of
the daily Oregonian of February 4 makes a noteworthy histori-
cal document. In it are found many historical papers of per-
manent value, reprints of early views of Portland and photo-
graphic reprints of early issues of the Oregonian. The illus-
trative and printed material of the sixty-four large pages con-
stitute a veritable doomsday book record of Oregon's present
development.
"LONE TREE ON OREGON TRAIL"
Omaha World-Herald.
In the early days of Merrick County during the fifties, there
stood on the north bank of the Platte River south of what is
now Central City, a giant cottonwood tree. This tree was close
to the old Oregon trail, and for miles up and down the river
there was not another tree to be found. Under its spreading
118 EXCERPTS AND NOTES.
branches emigrant trains halted for rest to escape the heat of
the day under its beneficent shade. It came to be known to
the early travelers of the plain as the Lone Tree.
Finally its branches withered and its trunk rotted and the
old tree fell down, and the spot where it stood was almost for-
gotten. A short time ago a move was set on foot by the old
settlers to set up some suitable mark on the spot where the
Lone Tree stood, and the matter has been taken before the
county board of supervisors. A marble shaft will be set up.
On the shaft will be the simple words, ''Here stood the old
Lone Tree on the Oregon Trail." — Reprinted from The Morn-
ing Oregonian, Monday, January 9, 1911.
FLAX CULTURE IN EARLY DAYS.
The following interesting and valuable item of economic
history is reprinted from columns of The Morning Oregonian
of January 17, 1911 :
"I wish to add my personal plea for the culture of flax. The
whole subject has been ably and enthusiastically discussed in
the columns of The Oregonian, nor am I qualified to speak
upon its merits. But I remember that my father, who was a
practical farmer, raised most satisfactory crops of flax in Polk
County more than 35 years ago. The fiber was not utilized
then, but the seed was sold in Salem to Joseph Holman, who
managed a mill for the expressing of oil. The byproduct of
oil cake was returned to the grower, and was most valuable
for feeding young cattle.
"As there seems no doubt of the exceptional quality of the
Oregon-grown flax, it is to be hoped the farmers will look
with favor upon this profitable industry and that flourishing
linen mills, twine manufactories, etc., will reward those who
have labored so faithfully for their establishment.
"Some day the small farmer — if there is one — in Eastern
Oregon and Washington will consider the cultivation of flax,
for that section is its habitat. A few years ago I found some
fine specimens growing wild in the sagebrush, six miles from
EXCERPTS AND NOTES. 119
Walla Walla, and it certainly is not confined to that locality.
When Lewis and Clark made their great journey more than
100 years ago, they found the Clatsop Indians using flax or
hemp fishlines, and were told they obtained it by barter with
their neighbors, east of the Cascades.
"These simple, primitive people were wise in gaining secrets
from Mother Earth and utilized for food and use the plants
that grew within the confines of their nomadic lives. That
they understood, in a crude way, the retting and hackling of
flax and hemp is very clearly proven by examining bags made
by the Wascos, Klickitats, Warm Springs, Cayuse, Umatillas
and other tribes. Any good collection of baskets will have
these. Being much on horseback, nothing could be better
adapted to their use than these strong, durable, pliable and
beautifully-woven bags, or pouches. Their love of color and
beauty wove a decoration, on the flax foundation, of finely split
corn husk, in its natural tone, or dyed with alder bark or
copper.
"Either cultivation of vast areas has destroyed much of the
native plants, or the degeneracy of their handiwork has made
it less arduous to use the Boston man's cheap twine. The
delicate blue of the lovely flax 'blushes unseen' in the gray
waste of sagebrush, and the sturdy hemp by the creeks is
ungarnered. Lucky is the possessor of the finely wrought and
enduring pouches. Some day it will grow again, more vigor-
ous and abundant, under intelligent cultivation.
"Farming methods are too advanced for enlightened men to
waste time and labor with unsatisfactory crops — if other things
make profitable returns, then let us consider them.
"HARRIET M'ARTHUR."
(NOTE. — Flaxseed was brought across the plains to Oregon
from Indiana in 1844 by James Johnson and planted near Lafayette,
Yamhill County, the following year, and it grew well. The fiber
was prepared and woven into towels and other articles for domes-
tic use in the winter of 1845-46 by Mrs. Juliet Johnson on a loom
made by her husband. John Killin, a pioneer of 1845, raised flax
on his farm in Clackamas County, a few miles east of Hubbard,
and his wife made towels and bedticks out of the fiber prior to
1860. A towel made by Mrs. Killin is in the possession of the
Oregon Historical Society. — George H. Himes.)
120 EXCERPTS AND NOTES.
THE OLDEST SEEDLING APPLE TREE IN THE PACIFIC
NORTHWEST
The present intense interest in the development of the apple
growing industry in the Pacific Northwest tends to invest the
oldest apple trees of this region with something of a halo. The
tender care with which the now historic tree in the reserva-
tion at Vancouver, Washington, will be fostered is but an
admirable instance of the correct — the ever-enhancing worth
of memorials.
The romantic story associated with the bearing of the seeds
for the Vancouver apple trees from London to the Columbia
lends a charm to this lone survivor ; but if our interest is in the
lineal ancestry of a great and growing industry ought we
not to erect a monument about half a mile north of Milwaukie
to the memory of Henderson Luelling where he and his son
Alfred planted the seven hundred or more grafted fruit trees
known as the "Traveling Nursery," which they brought across
the plains from Henry County, Iowa, in 1847?
The story of the identification of the Vancouver tree as it
appeared in The Morning Oregonian of January 22, 1911, is
as follows :
"Vancouver Barracks, Wash., Jan. 21. — The discovery this
week of the oldest apple tree in the Northwest, which has borne
fruit for more than eighty years, has aroused much interest,
and hundreds have visited the post just to see the tree with a
remarkable record.
"Colonel George K. McGunnegle, commander of the post,
as soon as he was convinced by A. A. Quarnberg, district fruit
inspector, that this tree was planted eighty-five years ago, gave
orders to have it preserved. A suitable fence around the base
of the tree will be built, and a stone monument, with a short
history of its remarkable record, will be placed in the en-
closure. Relic hunters who desire a piece of the tree will be
severely punished if caught marring the oldest inhabitant of
any apple orchard in the Northwest.
EXCERPTS AND NOTES. 121
"The fact that this tree, after eighty years of bearing, should
bear fruit each year, is regarded as of the utmost importance
to the apple-raising industry in the Northwest.
"This tree is located in the southwest corner of the reserva-
tion, in front of the chief commissary's office. So little was
thought of the scrubby-looking relic of bygone days that it
was used to anchor a guy wire to. This has been removed.
"The tree is sixteen inches in diameter and about twenty feet
high."
(NOTE. — Mrs. Narcissa Prentiss Whitman, one of the two first
American women to cross the plains to Oregon, arrived at the
Hudson's Bay Company's Fort Vancouver on September 12, 1836,
and her husband, Dr. Marcus Whitman, and her traveling com-
panions—Rev. Henry H. Spalding, Mrs. Eliza Hart Spalding and
William H. Gray — were entertained by Dr. John McLpughlin, Chief
Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company. Mrs. Whitman, in her
diary under the date above mentioned, made the following entry:
"What a delightful place this is; what a contrast to the rough,
barren sand plains through which we have so recently passed.
Here we find fruit of every description — apples, peaches, grapes,
pears, plums, and fig trees in abundance; also cucumbers, melons,
beans, peas, beets, cabbage, tomatoes, and every kind of vegetable,
too numerous to be mentioned. Every part is very neat and taste-
fully arranged, with fine walks, lined on each side with strawberry
vines. At the opposite end of the garden is a good summer house
covered with grape vines. Here I must mention the origin of these
grapes and apples. A gentleman, twelve years ago, while at a
party in London, put the seeds of the grapes and apples which he
ate into his vest pocket; soon afterwards he took a voyage to this
country and left them here, and now they are greatly multiplied." —
George H. Himes.)
Two EMINENT OREGONIANS DIE.
General Owen Summers, who died on January 21, will have
a prominent and honored place in Oregon's military annals.
When a mere youth he joined the northern army as a cavalry-
man from Illinois. He was lieutenant-colonel of the First In-
fantry, Oregon National Guard, at the opening of the War
with Spain. He was made colonel of the Oregon regiment
when it volunteered to go into the field and served with such
distinction throughout the campaign in the Philippines as to
win the recognition of the president and promotion to the rank
of brigadier-general.
122 &XCERPTS AND NOTES.
The death of ex-Governor William P. Lord on February 7,
closed the career of a faithful and able publicist. He graduated
from Fairfield College in 1860 and enlisted as captain of a
Delaware company and rose to the rank of major. After the
close of the war he took up the study of law and completed
the course at the Albany Law College. He again joined the
army and came to the Pacific Coast as a member of the Second
Artillery of the regular army. He resigned and opened a law
office in Salem in 1868. Elected to the state senate, he served
only two years, as he was promoted to the office of justice of
the supreme court of Oregon in 1880. He was re-elected in
1882 and again in 1888. He became governor in 1895. At the
close of his term in 1899 he was appointed minister to Argen-
tine Republic. He returned to Oregon in 1905, during the
later years of his life compiling the Oregon Code of 1911.
The Rise and Early Hislory
of
Political Parties
m
Oregon -III
Walter Carleton Woodward
CHAPTER VI
THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL IN
OREGON POLITICS
CHAPTER VI
THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL IN OREGON POLITICS
The anti-Negro sentiment in Oregon was emphatic. The
anti-slavery provision of the Ordinance of 1787 had been in-
corporated in the articles of compact of the Provisional Gov-
ernment. It had been inserted in the organic act by which
Oregon became a Territory of the United States. In 1853
Judge Williams1 awarded freedom to certain Negroes held as
slaves on the ground that slavery did not and could not exist
in Oregon. The decision seemed obvious and was accepted
as final. Likewise, the first session of the legislature of the
Provisional Government had passed an act prohibiting the
presence of free Negroes within the field of its jurisdiction.
The measure was re-enacted by the first Territorial legislature.
It was only by a special act of the legislature of '52-'53 that
George Washington, a colored man of high standing, was
allowed to reside in the Territory.2 Clearly, as a matter of
policy, the people of Oregon repudiated most emphatically all
relations with the Negro, bond or free. Far separated from
the arena of sectional strife, they had no thought of interfering
with the Negro question or of allowing it to interfere with
them. They were very willing, indeed, to "let slavery alone."
This was the situation in distant Oregon up to the year 1854.
Then, as by the hand of a magician, the scene was suddenly
changed. The sense of security against the black evil was
succeeded by uncertainty, if not positive alarm. Agitation
succeeded equanimity. Political reorganization began at once
to meet new and threatening conditions. Within a few short
years, the slavery question was the paramount issue in the
Territory and Oregon was shaken with the violence of conflict.
Such was the result, directly and indirectly, of the passage by
Congress, May 22, 1854, of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, which
ijudge Williams, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for March, 1901, pp. 5, 6.
Nathaniel Ford, of Polk County, had brought with him from Missouri in 1845
as slaves, a man named Robbin and family, and held them in servitude in
Oregon. Robbin sued for their liberty by writ of habeas corpus.
zSee Statesman, December 18, 1852. A petition for the special enactment,
with 113 names subscribed, was presented to the legislature. Washington, an
early pioneer, was a man of means and had generously assisted needy immigrants.
126 W. C. WOODWARD
violated the spirit of the Ordinance of 1787, repealed the Mis-
souri Compromise and, through the fiction of popular sover-
eignty, threw open the territories to slavery. No better exam-
ple can be had of the far-reaching consequence of the recogni-
tion of the Kansas-Nebraska principle and of the promulga-
tion of doctrines which grew out of it. Oregon, far out on
the North Pacific, with conditions and interests wholly foreign
to those within the arena of conflict, is forced, against her
will, to become embroiled in the bitter contest. This, in the
face of the imperious demand of the South addressed to the
North — "Why can't you let slavery alone?" The far-reaching
effects of the injection of this foreign issue into Oregon pol-
itics, it will be the purpose of this and succeeding chapters to
show.
The same day on which the Washington County Whig con-
vention passed a resolution condemning the policy of the pro-
posed Kansas-Nebraska measure, the regular Democratic
view was voiced by the Yamhill County Democratic conven-
tion. The delegates to the latter announced that they had not
read with indifference the debates in the United States Senate
on the subject of popular sovereignty in the territories, and
expressed the hope that the time had fully arrived when the
citizens of a territory were no longer to be considered the
property of the United States.1 How apt an expression of the
old desire for local independence — of hostility to all super-
imposed authority! In the same spirit, the Democratic Terri-
torial convention of the following year hailed the enactment
"which restored to the people of the territories, their rights
as American citizens."2 The principle of popular sovereignty
had a different and far greater significance to most Oregon
Democrats, than its mere relation to the slavery question. They
pushed the doctrine to its logical conclusion at once. To them
it meant the fulfillment of their hopes and demands for com-
plete self-government; for election of all Territorial officers.
It meant the end of imported officials.
i Statesman, May 23, 1854.
aStatesman, April 17, 1855.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 127
The Democratic papers were prompt to defend the new
doctrine.1 "The clamor of repeal may be raised," said Bush,
"but the step is taken and Democracy never recedes."2 Yet he
found it advisable to conciliate and reassure the skeptical. In
an editorial, "The Nebraska Bill a Measure for African Free-
dom," he argued ingeniously that the measure would have no
tendency to implant slavery in the new territories, from which
it was excluded by nature; that the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise would mollify the South, which, being no longer
on the defensive, would inaugurate a policy of gradual eman-
cipation.3 Such was the vividness of Democratic imagination
in attempting to justify the party policy in a way to satisfy free
state Democrats.
The reflection of the great contest at Washington in the
spring of 1854 is clearly found in the Oregon legislature of
'54-'55. The Democratic leader, Delazon Smith, introduced a
long series of resolutions endorsing Pierce and the acts of the
National Administration and especially the Kansas-Nebraska
bill. He boldly affirmed that its passage was a virtual repeal
of that part of Oregon's organic law which declared that
slavery should never exist in Oregon. The house discussed
these resolutions day after day with warmth and vigor, finally
passing them, but the council offered amendments which it
refused to accept. Prominent in opposing the Democratic
position was Dr. A. G. Henry, of Yamhill County, the leading
Whig member of the legislature. He introduced counter reso-
lutions attacking the Kansas-Nebraska bill and his speech sup-
porting them was remarkable, both for its accurate and vivid
historical presentation of slavery legislation in the United States
and for clear and cogent reasoning therefrom.4 The marked
ability of even the average member of legislative assemblies
in those days to discuss the great political problems before the
i "The Statesman and Standard are feeling their way into a support of the
Kansas-Nebraska bill. The editors and assistants expect, no doubt, to get situa-
tions as Negro drivers. New England apostates and former free soilers, make
first-rate overseers, so far as whipping Negroes is concerned." — Oregonian, July
22, 1854.
^Statesman, August 15, 1854.
3lbid., August 22.
4Reproduced in the Oregonian, February 17, 1855.
128 'W. C. WOODWARD
country, is indeed striking and a continual source of surprise
and admiration. Every man was a politician. The issues were
vital and were studied until all were posted on them.1
The attempt of the leaders of the Democratic party in Ore-
gon to create sentiment in favor of the Kansas-Nebraska doc-
trine was met with sturdy opposition. For example, the
Yamhill County Whig convention held in April, 1855, did
"utterly and unequivocally repudiate and condemn the Ne-
braska-Kansas bill as a wanton and unnecessary renewal of
the slavery agitation." It denounced the principle of popular
sovereignty and declared the right and duty of Congress to
exercise the power of sovereignty in the Territories.2 The
Oregon Whigs belonged to the northern wing of the party
and could be counted upon to resist pro-slavery aggression.
Many, however, who felt most deeply upon the subject, did
not consider the old and rapidly disintegrating party as the
proper and adequate avenue of attack against slaveocracy. Ac-
cordingly, on June 27, 1855, an anti-slavery convention was
held at Albany, the first to take place in Oregon Territory.
Thirty-nine men were present and signed their names to the
records of the historic meeting, thus becoming in a way the
charter members of the organized movement against slavery
aggression in the Far Northwest.3 The intense feeling which
had been aroused in the distant northern territory within one
year after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, is well sug-
gested by the resolutions passed by these thirty-nine pioneers
in the cause of freedom. They resolved that the whole sys-
tem of legislation by Congress since and including 1850 was
a flagrant outrage on the civilization of the age and disgraceful
to the patriotism and religion of the whole country; that the
artfulness and treachery displayed in the aggressiveness of the
slave power "should awaken a most jealous watchfulness in
regard to its movements in this direction, as we know not at
i Conversation with Judge Williams.
zOregonian, April 21, 1855.
3 See Oregonian, July 7, for names of those attending. So far as is known,
but one of the 39, W. C. Johnson, of Portland, is still living in 1910.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 129
what moment, by some artful ruse, it may be precipitated upon
our Territory." The holding of county meetings throughout
the Territory was encouraged for the purpose of arousing pub-
lic sentiment against the growing evil of slavery and for se-
curing the election of men to office who could be relied upon
to oppose its encroachments. The support of the anti-slavery
newspapers in Oregon was urged.
Likewise, the intense feeling on the other side of the ques-
tion is evidenced in the comment made on this convention.
Delazon Smith, the "Lion of Linn," was an eye witness of the
proceedings and reported with satisfaction to the Statesman
that only one of the participators was ever suspected of being
a Democrat.1 He said the issue in 1854 was the Maine Law,
in 1855 Know Nothingism, and now it was to be Free Soilism
— and that the champions were the same in each case. He
became sarcastic on the "artful ruse" expression, declaring that
not one man in twenty, permanently residing in Oregon, wished
to see it a slave state. The attitude of Bush was picturesquely
characteristic. He refused to publish the proceedings of the
meeting which he referred to as "a collection of old grannies."
"It is decidedly icy in these nigger-struck dames to ask the
Statesman to publish their stale fanaticism. . . If anything
could make the people of Oregon desire slavery, it would be
the agitation of the subject by such fanatics as these."2
The first Oregon counterpart of the action of Eastern anti-
Nebraska men in assuming the name of "Republican party/'
early in 1856, is found in Jackson County in May of the same
year. It was a nominating convention of "the Republicans of
Jackson county" and was held at Lindley's school house, in
Eden precinct. H. Colver addressed the meeting, "showing
the aims, object and principles of the Republican movement."3
After an expression that old dividing issues had passed away
or had now faded into insignificance before the one great
question, the meeting adopted a ringing platform. It declared
i Statesman, July 14, 1855.
albid.
3 See Oregon Argus, June 7, for report of proceedings.
130 W. C. WOODWARD
freedom to be national, slavery sectional ; that the power of the
Federal Government should be exerted to prohibit slavery in
every territory of the United States. However, in the next
sentence, it was affirmed that the people are the rightful
source of all political power and that officers, as far as prac-
ticable, should be chosen by a direct vote of the people. This
is suggestive of what a strong appeal one phase of the doctrine
of popular sovereignty made to Oregonians generally. It is
rather suggestive that the first Republican meeting in Oregon
was held in the southern part of the Territory where Southern
sentiment was most pronounced.
On the 20th of August, following, "a number of the friends
of the Republican cause" met at Albany to inaugurate Re-
publican organization in the Territory.1 Practically all those
whose names figure in the report of this meeting were among
the thirty-nine members of the Free Soil convention of the
previous year. The expediency of immediate organization was
affirmed. The resolutions heartily approved of the principles
set forth by the Philadelphia National convention, which had
taken place in June, a month after the date of the Jackson
County meeting. The nomination of Fremont and Dayton was
hailed with enthusiasm. Steps toward immediate organiza-
tion were taken. The holding of primary and county meetings
was urged. A committee was appointed to correspond with
the friends of the Republican cause throughout the Territory
to consider the propriety of calling a Territorial convention.
Before adjourning, the manifesto was made that "We fling
our banner to the breeze, inscribed — 'Free Speech, Free Labor,
a Free Press, a Free State and Fremont.' '
Precinct and county Republican conventions followed in the
fall of 1856. The Oregonian of December 6th announced that
almost every county in Oregon had held a Republican con-
vention and adopted a platform. These platforms, agreeing
on the great question at issue, still differ sufficiently to render
them interesting subjects for study. The Yamhill County con-
lArgus, September 6, 1856; Oregonian, September 13.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 131
vention of November 15th, gave the Democrats a significant
reminder, in endorsing the wisdom of the act of Congress
organizing the Territory, which, "by applying the principle
incorporated by Thos. Jefferson in the Ordinance of 1787,
prohibits slavery in our Territory." The Yamhill Republicans
declared with more grandiloquence than precision that they
were for free Territories and free States, for free farms and
free labor, free society and free school, free thought and free
discussion, free speech and free press, free religion and free
votes — for freemen, Fremont and freedom. However, the
politic Dr. McBride introduced a special resolution, which was
adopted, expressing opposition to interference in any way with
slavery in those states where it already existed. The Clack-
amas convention of November 29th prefaced its resolutions with
the "whereas," that the old Whig party was dead, the Know
Nothing party was dying and the falsely called Democratic
party ought to be dead and buried. It disavowed any intention
of the Republicans to interfere with slavery in the states, but
declared the General Government bound from principle and
policy to guarantee freedom to all the Territories. Figuring
prominently in this incipient Republican organization in the
Territory were not a few whose names were to be writ large
in the future annals of the state.
The attitude of the three leading papers of the Territory
toward the new Republican party is interesting and significant.
That of the Statesman was exactly what might be expected. In
an editorial, "A Black Republican Party in Oregon — the Face
for Next Year,"1 Bush shows the past opposition to Oregon
Democracy to have been one and the same, whether fighting
under the banner of Law and Order, No Party, People's Party,
Whig, Temperance or Know Nothing; that the next front to
be presented by this mongrel opposition was to be "Black
Republican — Disunion, . . . the true face of these fa-
natics."
A life-long and violent Whig, Editor Dryer of the Ore-
gonian, found himself in a rather embarrassing position during
i Statesman, September 19, 1856.
132 W. C. WOODWARD
the presidential campaign of 1856. For while Oregon had no
voice in presidential elections the attitude of the Territorial
editors during the campaigns was hardly less aggressive on
that account. The wreck of the Whig party, which met at
Baltimore, September 17, 1856, ratified the Know Nothing
nominations of Fillmore and Donelson, made at Philadelphia,
February 22, but did not adopt the American party platform.1
Early in the campaign Dryer entered the nominations of all
the parties at the head of his editorial page, headed by the
names of Fillmore and Donelson in big, black display type.
Before the end of the campaign he changed the latter to the
modest type in which the others appeared. Though opposing
Buchanan in a general way he did not come out for either
Fillmore or Fremont, though he published re-print articles
favorable to both and occasionally unfavorable. His attitude
was that of satisfaction with either, if only the defeat of Bu-
chanan could be secured, who stood on the Cincinnati plat-
form which endorsed the substitution of squatter sovereignty
for the Missouri Compromise. But Dryer endorsed Buchanan's
inaugural address as good old Whig doctrine and good enough
for him if carried out.2 Thus is seen the uncertain, purpose-
less attitude of Dryer who found himself a man without a
party.
So steadfast was Dryer to his old Whig allegiance, that he
viewed askance the organization of the new party in Oregon.
In his view its principles were so sufficiently maintained by the
Whigs as to preclude the necessity of a new organization.
He resented freely the idea that Republicanism was a new doc-
trine and likewise resented the apparent efforts of the sup-
porters of the new movement to declare and maintain a mo-
nopoly in Republican principles.3 His attitude was frankly
critical and semi-hostile.
i Johnston's "American Politics," p. 176.
zOregonian, April u, 1857.
3"We have always supposed we were a Republican, we think so still. . . .
If our republicanism don't suit you gentlemen, your republicanism won't suit us,
and we shall not endorse it." — Oregonian, November 8, 1856.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 133
On the other hand the Argus strongly supported the Re-
publican organization. Its declaration was made November
1, 1856. In September a movement had been launched in
Linn County for the raising of capital in the Territory for
establishing a Republican paper.1 But when Adams committed
the Argus to the cause, the effort to start a new paper was
given up and the Argus was recognized as the official Repub-
lican organ. Adams declared the cardinal doctrines of the
Oregon Republican party to be those demanding a free Terri-
tory and a Pacific railroad.2
While the Oregonian did not ally itself with the Republican
movement, by 1856 it took up the issue definitely against
slavery. It had had as little sympathy with abolitionism as
had the Statesman. In 1853 it contained frequent insinuations
against Mrs. Stowe and "Uncle Tom's Cabin" and abolitionists
in general. But it became aroused by the passage of the Kansas-
Nebraska bill and by the series of events which followed in
its train. When Delazon Smith's resolutions endorsing the
bill were before the legislature of '54-J55, R. J. Ladd of
Umpqua county moved to strike out the 5th resolution which
stated that the physical conditions in Oregon were unpropitious
for the introduction of slavery and would operate to keep it
out of the Territory. He declared that he did not want to
discourage slave holders coming to Oregon with their prop-
erty if they saw fit. It was the voice of a minority. But so
completely was the slave power getting control of the Demo-
cratic party of the United States and so subservient were the
rank and file to party action and decrees, that it was not a wild
and unreasonable fear on the part of those who saw in this
minority the possibility of the encroachment of slavery in Ore-
gon. It was this fear which gave zest to Republican organiza-
tion. It was this fear that led the conservative Dryer to
change his policy of "letting slavery alone."
The progress of the civil strife in Kansas, in which the Ad-
ministration had actively interfered in behalf of the pro-
iSee Argus, October 4, 1856.
albid., November i, 1856.
134 W. C. WOODWARD
slavery party, was followed anxiously by Oregonians for
whom it had peculiar significance. Sumner had been assaulted
by Brooks in the United States Senate chamber on May 22,
1856. Moved by these various events, Dryer made his first de-
termined assault on slavery in the Oregonian of July 12, 1856.
In strongest terms he arraigned the system which had always
been a source of discord and whose present "fearful reckless-
ness" now threatened the actual dissolution of the Union.1
He also attacked Lane for his action in the Sumner-Brooks
affair in serving as Brooks' second when the latter challenged
Senator Henry Wilson to a duel ; also when Brooks challenged
Anson Burlingame. Lane's personal sympathies were thus
publicly declared, but the Oregonian objected especially to his
thus compromising and crippling the Territory which he rep-
resented.2
It has been shown that in the elections of 1854, 1855 and
1856, the Oregonian strongly opposed statehood. In the last
election its opposition had been very pronounced, indeed. In
a leader, "Shall Oregon Become a State ?" in the issue of
November first of the same year, Dryer turned squarely about
and began advocating state organization. He attributed his
change of attitude to the policy of the Buchanan Administra-
tion in acting as "the handmaid for the extension of slavery
over free territory." In his own words, "If we are to have
the institution of slavery fastened upon us here, we desire the
people resident in Oregon to do it and not the will and power
of a few politicians in Washington City. If the power of the
regular army is to be used to crush out freedom in the Terri-
tories ... we had better throw off our vassalage and
become a state at once."
This seemed to be the general sentiment of the people of
Oregon. Whereas in the election of 1856 the question of
statehood had been lost by 249 votes, in the very next year it
i "We dislike modern abolitionism as much as we do slavery; and although
we shall never go where slavery is already established for the purpose of op-
posing it, we shall contend against its introduction here or elsewhere, where
freedom now exists." — Oregonian, November i, 1856.
2Oregonian, September 20, 1856.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 135
was to win by an overwhelming majority of 5938. The pas-
sage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill had opened up the foreign
issue of slavery in distant Oregon and had set movements in
operation which were to result in complete political realign-
ment. Likewise, the aftermath of the Kansas-Nebraska bill —
the strife over Kansas and the National Administration's inter-
ference therein — was reflected in the revolution of public
sentiment in the isolated Territory on the subject of state-
hood. It was the general determination that Oregon must be
made secure against the possibility of the distress of "Bleeding
Kansas" and a state organization seemed to promise the only
security.
CHAPTER VII
THE NATIONAL ISSUE IN OREGON IN 1857
The session of the legislature which met December 2, 1856,
passed what had become a customary act, calling for a vote at
the ensuing election on the question of holding a constitutional
convention. Considering the narrow margin by which the
measure had been defeated the preceding June, and in view of
the fact that the Oregonian had changed front on the issue,
the result of the coming election was almost a foregone con-
clusion ; so nearly so that it was provided that at the same time
at which the vote should be taken, delegates should be elected
to the convention. As far as the people of Oregon could
bring it about, statehood was imminent. In the erection of the
framework of the new government vital issues were involved.
How those issues were met and settled, the following pages
will endeavor to show.
To the Republicans the one paramount issue was that of
freedom or slavery for the new state. To meet this great issue
successfully they were zealous in extending their party organi-
zation. On February 11, 1857, a convention was held at Al-
bany, at which delegates were present from eight counties —
Multnomah, Clackamas, Washington, Yamhill, Linn, Umpqua,
Polk and Benton.1 W. T. Matlock, of Clackamas, was chair-
man, and Leander Holmes, of the same county, secretary.
Other prominent men in attendance were Stephen Coffin, J. R.
McBride, W. L. Adams, E. L. Applegate, T. S. Kendall, S. M.
Gilmore and W. B. Daniels. The platform of principles
adopted declared strongly against the extension of slavery over
"any Territory of the United States now free." It held that
there was no real difference as to the "true interests of Ore-
gon" dividing honest Whigs, Democrats, Republicans, and
Americans, who had had the manly independence to resist the
usurpation and abuse of power on the part of "the present
ruling faction."2 It bespoke the necessity of the Union of all
i Proceedings, in Oregonian, February 21, 1857.
2*'The gentlemen who composed the convention seem to have imagined them-
selves the first advance guard who have ever had the courage to assault the
citadel of the Salem dynasty, or who dare strike for freedom." — Oregonian,
February 21.
"The Nigger-worshipping convention at Albany came off last week and waa
a slim affair." — Statesman, February 17.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 137
free and independent citizens to secure the adoption of a "Free
State Constitution" for Oregon. "We therefore ... an-
nounce ourselves as the 'Free State Republican Party* of Ore-
gon, and as such will fight the political battle of freedom."
Another important plank in the platform was that declaring
for the immediate construction of a central Pacific Railroad
and for the improvement of rivers and harbors of a national
character, by congressional appropriations. A Territorial
Executive Committee was elected and more thorough county
organization urged.
A committee composed of W. L. Adams, Thos. Pope and
Stephen Coffin was selected to prepare an address to the
people of Oregon. This address was prepared at length, with
great care and was not published until two months after the
convention.1 It was a complete and most able presentation of
the slavery question in American politics, since 1784, when a
resolution denouncing the slave trade was passed in the Con-
tinental Congress. Facts were cited to show that the General
Government in all its legislation for seventy years, showed a
strong tendency to carry out the wishes of the founders of
the government, who looked upon slavery as a great national
calamity to be tolerated where it existed, but who shaped the
Constitution and all their legislation so as to prepare the way
for its gradual extinction. In all this salutary legislation, from
the time of the passage of the Ordinance of 1787, onward, the
opposition of South Carolina had been marked. The growth
and extension of this opposition throughout the South was
traced, resulting finally in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, "which
has raised the present storm that now rocks the fabric of the
Union to its center." The farce of popular sovereignty was
shown in a vivid sketch of conditions in Kansas. The modern
Democratic party was declared by its policy to have made
slavery the paramount issue. The only security for the per-
petuity of the Union now lay in "non-extension" — the cardinal
principle of the Republican party. Clear-cut and well defined,
iFor t«xt, see Oregonian, April 18, and Argus, April n.
138 W. C. WOODWARD
the dominant issue was presented squarely to the people of
Oregon.
In conclusion, local affairs were treated and the Democratic
administration in Oregon was attacked along the following
lines: the "frittering away" of public funds and appropria-
tions; keeping the state capital question inflamed; making the
Indian war a party war; enactment of the Viva Voce law;
tardiness in completing land surveys.
For a thorough understanding of the situation in Oregon
at this time, it will be necessary here to give attention to what
was taking place in the ranks of Democracy. As has been
suggested, the yoke of Bush and the Salem Clique was galling
to many Democrats. In the first place such abject obedience
as was demanded was humiliating, and a reproach to men of
strong individualism. In the second place, there was a protest
against monopolizing the perquisites of Democratic Adminis-
tration by a small, self-constituted ring.1 The spirit of mutiny
was rising. It was felt in the session of the legislature of
'56-'57 and began to be manifested early in 1857. The Demo-
cratic Standard had come to be looked upon as an anti-machine
paper. At a Democratic caucus held January 20 while the
legislature was in session it was formally discarded from the
party and denounced as an organ of the opposition. The vote
declaring such action, however, was close — 15 to 12.2 The
issue was thus joined. On the one side was the organization
or machine, standing for unquestioning obedience to party rule
and declaring for the binding authority of regular party con-
ventions, or for "caucus sovereignty." On the other, were the
independent Democrats who denied the absolute authority of
party or caucus action. The former were called "the hards" ;
the latter, "the softs."
Bush at once took up the fight against the mutinous, begin-
ning with an attack on the twelve who formed the minority in
i As popularly conceived, the Salem Clique was composed of Asahel Bush,
L. F. Grover, B. F. Harding, J. W. Nesmith and R. P. Boise.
^Statesman, January 27, 1857.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 139
the above mentioned caucus.1 Prominent among these were
Nat. Ford of Polk, J. C. Avery of Benton, Andrew Shuck of
Yamhill and J. K. Kelly of Clackamas, the latter being presi-
dent of the Council. The Statesman's definition of an inde-
pendent Democrat was "one who votes for the meanest kind of
a Know Nothing, nigger-worshipping apostate from the Demo-
cratic party."2 But the opposition was not to be dissipated this
time by the mere applying to it a few ugly names. The revolt
grew and preparations were made in different counties for
nominating independent Democratic tickets as opposed to the
regular.
Nearly all the regular Democratic precinct and county con-
ventions held in the spring of 1857 followed the lead of the
caucus of January 20, in denouncing the Standard and hurling
defiance at all bolters. The disregard of party nominations
was held to be unpardonable sin in politics.3 The attitude
of the "hards" toward the "softs" is summed up in the expres-
sion of Labish precinct, Marion county:4 "Whereas, there are
some persons who profess to belong to the Democratic party
and talk about the true Democracy and stigmatize the Demo-
cratic party now in power as a 'clique' ; Resolved — That we
recognize none as Democrats who do not support with their
votes the present Democratic organization, and further, that
those who bolt or countenance bolting should not be recognized
as belonging to the regular organization." Some counties,
however, assumed a neutral, judicial attitude. The Multnomah
convention attributed the division to controversies in which
the Democratic press "have so wantonly indulged, and we re-
pudiate such as anti-Democratic and unjust."5
Despite the gathering clouds, Bush stated April 7 that the
party was never more vigorous and strong; that it had a con-
stitution fully strong enough "to spew out the putrid matter
i Ibid., January 27, February 3 and February 24.
2lbid., March 31.
sDeclaration of South Salem precinct. Statesman, April 7.
4Statesman, March 31.
Slbid., April 7.
140 • W. C. WOODWARD
which had collected on its stomach." The characteristic atti-
tude of Bush toward opposition in the ranks was exactly stated
by him in the Statesman editorial, April 14: "Divisions are
not to be avoided by winking at error and temporizing with
treason and traitors. If you would have a healthy body, cast off
the rotten limbs. ... A cancer can't be healed until the af-
fected parts are removed. The knife must precede the plaster.
Caustic before salve." Bush was no compromiser. With him
it was war to the last.
Such was the general situation in the Oregon Democratic
party, when the Democratic Territorial convention met at
Salem on April 13. The "hards" were in complete control of
the convention, which fact was strongly emphasized by the plat-
form adopted.1 The famous fifth and sixth resolutions gave
full and adequate expression to the demand of the ma-
chine for party regularity and the exercise of party discipline.
They demanded unwavering allegiance to the organization and
its candidates and placed all who refused it under the ban of
party excommunication.2 The seventh resolution denounced the
Standard and a special one was adopted, "that this convention
recognize the Portland Times as Democratic and its editor as a
worthy man." Thus easily was the enduement or deprivation
of Democracy accomplished by enactment in the days of the
Oregon Democratic Regime.
The position taken by the assembled Democrats upon the
question of slavery and their attitude toward it, is not less
suggestive and significant. They denied in general terms the
right of the Federal Government to interfere with such domes-
tic institutions of states or territories as were recognized by the
Constitution, and deprecated attempts to exercise such a right
i Proceedings — Statesman, April 21; Oregonian, April 25.
2Fifth Resolution: That we repudiate the doctrine that a representative or
a delegate can, in pursuance of the wishes or fancied interests of the district he
represents, go into or remain out of a caucus or convention of his party, and
refuse to support the nominations thereof, and still maintain his standing as a
Democrat.
Sixth Resolution : That the re-election of any representative or delegate,
thus refusing to support Democratic nominations, would not "be an endorsement
or approval of his conduct, beyond which the Democracy of other districts would
have no right to enquire, but that it would be both the right and the duty of
sound Democrats everywhere, to discard him as a disorganize and an enemy."
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON
141
as subversive of republicanism and productive of anarchy. This
led directly to an expression on the situation in Oregon. Noting
the fact that the people were called on to elect delegates to a
constitutional convention and to pass upon the question of
slavery in Oregon before the Democratic party should again
assemble, they declared that in the choice of those delegates
they would not discriminate between pro-slavery and free state
Democrats ; that the delegates should not predetermine that
question in the formation of the constitution, but should sub-
mit the same in a separate clause to be voted upon directly by
the people. Here was a practical recognition of the doctrine
of popular sovereignty to which Oregon Democrats long
pointed with pride.1 It was all the more popular with them as
a solution, in that it saved them the necessity of assuming an
embarrassing if not fatal position upon the all-important ques-
tion. The paramount issue with Oregon Democrats was Ore-
gon Democracy and its perpetuity. Party declaration upon the
disturbing issue of slavery, which would foment party dissen-
sion and invite party disruption and loss of power, must be
avoided at all hazards. The one consuming desire of the regu-
lar or machine Democrats was to maintain the organization in-
tact. From this standpoint it was therefore a very serious situa-
tion which confronted the Democracy. Hence the humor and
significance of the eleventh and following resolution could hard-
ly have appealed to the convention: "Resolved — That each
member of the Democratic party in Oregon may freely speak
and act according to his individual convictions of right and
policy upon the question of slavery in Oregon, without in any
manner impairing his standing in the Democratic party on that
account — provided that nothing in these resolutions shall be
construed in toleration of black republicanism, abolitionism or
any other factor or organization arrayed in opposition to the
i Resolution adopted by Linn County Democratic convention, March, 1858:
With pride and exultation we point the citizens of the States and Territories to
the course pursued by the people in Oregon in framing, canvassing and adopt-
ing their state constitution. . . Because here, the principles embodied in the
Kansas-Nebraska bill have had their first and only fair and legitimate test; and
here, too, their wisdom, equity and practicability have been triumphantly vindi-
cated.— In Statesman, March 16, 1858.
142 • W. C. WOODWARD
Democratic party." The artless, serious manner in which Ore-
gon Democrats were thus formally granted the exceptional boon
of holding individual convictions on a political issue, is in it-
self a striking and sufficient commentary on the absolutism of
the Democratic Regime.
For the fourth time the Democrats nominated Lane for dele-
gate. The Clique would have preferred another man, but his
hold upon the people was still strong, and in the face of threat-
ened rebellion in the ranks, the leaders feared to put up a less
popular man.1 The reception in certain counties of the conven-
tion's proceedings was ominous of coming schism in the Demo-
cratic party. For example, the National Democrats in Yamhill
county withdrew from the regular county convention, which en-
dorsed the Salem platform and reassembled in a convention of
their own. They put out a separate ticket and refused to sup-
port Lane unless he should unconditionally repudiate the fifth,
sixth and seventh resolutions of the late Territorial convention.2
Similar action was taken in Clatsop, Multnomah, Clackamas and
Benton counties and Democratic disaffection existed in some
measure throughout the Territory. It found expression in the
action of G. W. Lawson, an independent, free state Democrat,
who announced his candidacy for delegate in opposition to
Lane. The Republicans did not yet consider their organization
strong enough to warrant their nominating a candidate.
The Democrats were largely successful in their efforts to
avoid raising the slavery issue in the June election and there
was no opposition sufficiently strong to force that issue. In a
few counties "Free State Conventions" were held for "the single
purpose of electing delegates to form a state constitution ;"3 but
comparatively little was accomplished. The Oregonian realized
that the opposition had little to gain and much to lose in draw-
i Private letter — Nesmith to Deady, May 3, 1857, concerning the convention:
"The 'institution' was decidedly hard. A great amount of enthusiasm was ex-
hausted upon the platform but not a d bit upon the candidate. I accom-
panied the 'amiable' Doctor [Drew] and Bush to Portland and saw the 'true prin-
ciples of the Government' [Lane] placed squarely upon the platform. He mounted
it with the same alertness that he would any other hobby to be ridden in the
direction of his own success."
^Proceedings, Oregonian, May 9.
3Lane County Convention, May 14.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 143
ing party lines in the selection of delegates to the convention
and deprecated such action.1 The anxiety of the Democrats to
avoid disaster on the slavery question is reflected in the pro-
ceedings of various of their county conventions held in the
spring of 1857. Stoutly denying that theirs was a pro-slavery
party, they revolted at the idea of making slavery a party issue
and followed the lead of the Salem convention in demanding a
separate vote of the people on the question, when the constitu-
tion should be submitted.2 But while granting that members
of the party should vote for a free state if they saw fit, the latter
were urgently recommended to guard against "in any way coun-
tenancing that contention-loving, union-hating party called the
Black Republican party."3
The campaign of 1857 was peculiar in the history of Ore-
gon politics. The success of the state constitutional convention
issue was practically assured and for the first time in years
there was no struggle over this question. Slavery was begin-
ning to cast its shadow over the Territory and presented the
only real issue before the people. But the determined and effec-
tive efforts of the Democrats had succeeded largely in obscur-
ing or at least waiving that issue. It was not a clear-cut party
campaign. Both the candidates for delegate were Democrats,
which was expressive of the discord and division in Demo-
cratic ranks. The opposition was inchoate and unorganized.
In the absence of a candidate to support and issues to defend,
Editor Dryer of The Oregonian took little interest in the con-
test, which certainly bespeaks the abnormal nature of the cam-
paign. Adams of The Argus, however, entered the lists for
Lawson against the Salem "caucus sovereignty" platform.4 The
rather chaotic nature of the situation may be indicated by not-
ing the different kinds of county tickets which were supported.
Washington county had the only avowed Know Nothing ticket
in the field,5 and it was successful over the Democratic. Mult-
i Oregonian editorial on "State Constitution," April 4.
2"The Democratic party is not a pro-slavery party, but contends that slave
holders have equal rights in the Territories with their Northern brethren and
wishes to maintain them in peaceable enjoyment of those rights." — From Lane
County convention proceedings in Statesman, April 14.
3lbid.
4"We hear of some who refuse to vote for either candidate. We think this
is foolish — very. There are many good reasons why every freeman who has a
soul ought to vote at this election." — Argus, May 23.
5 Supra, page 68.
144 W. C. WOODWARD
nomah had an "anti-Salem" or independent ticket which won
generally over the Democrats.1 Yamhill had two Democratic
tickets and a partial Republican one. The latter was successful
where it offered candidates. In other cases the "softs" or
"National Democrats" won heavily over the "hards." Linn
presented an independent, free state ticket, which proved no
match for organized Democracy. Columbia added to the va-
riety by putting out a Whig ticket, the "last of the Mohicans,"
which, however, manifested sufficient vitality to defeat the
Democracy. Benton had two Democratic tickets — the "Na-
tional" and the "Bush federal," the former being generally suc-
cessful. The Clackamas opposition was denominated "Repub-
lican and Independent" but lost heavily. In Marion, Polk,
Douglas and Wasco, the Democrats won easily over the opposi-
tion, variously denominated.
In the general results of the election, Lane defeated Lawson
by a vote of 5662 to 3471. The vote for the constitutional con-
vention was 7617, opposed by a vote of only 1679. In the legis-
lature, the Democrats secured but a majority of one in the coun-
cil, while the opposition placed ten members in the house. Fully
one-third of the delegates-elect to the Constitutional Conven-
tion were anti-Democratic.2 The opposition, though unorgan-
ized, had profited by the defection in the Democratic ranks.
The people of Oregon had now committed themselves un-
equivocally for state government. Their delegates had been
chosen to the constitutional convention which was to meet in
August. The question of Oregon free or Oregon slave, must
soon be settled. The realization of this fact now began to stir
the Territory, and whereas there had been little discussion of the
slavery question before the June election, from that time on until
the vote upon the Constitution in November, and even after-
ward, the question was prominently before the people. The
Argus of August 1, said: "The Oregon papers that come to
hand this week are pretty much filled up with the great ques-
iThus Dryer, who ran for joint-representative for Washington and Mult-
nomah, was elected as a Know Nothing in one and an Independent in the other.
^Official returns in Statesman, July 7.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 145
tion that now constitutes the politics of the Nation." Feeling
became intense. At this distance it may seem almost inconceiv-
able that there was any basis for such agitation ; that there was
any danger of Oregon's becoming a slave state. Whatever may
be the mature conclusions on this point after the lapse of a half
century, the fact remains that there was apparently very serious
danger at the time. Indeed it has been recently stated by a
careful writer who was a participant in Oregon politics in 1857,
that the people of Oregon were then in far more danger of the
introduction of slavery among them than the people of Kansas
were at any time.1 The state of blind subservience of the
masses of Democracy to their leaders has been dwelt
upon. This fact was ominous to free state advocates, for while
few of the Democratic leaders had thus far come out aggres-
sively for slavery, the sympathies of several of them were well
known. Lane had shown himself a Southern sympathizer and
a pro-slavery man, and his influence upon the rank and file, who
felt, in a vague way, that "the king can do no wrong," was
sinister. The Statesman had taken no definite position. But it
had been free to abuse and berate free state agitators, and this
was far from reassuring. Newspapers were started for the
advocacy of slavery. The adaptability of the institution to Ore-
gon was freely argued. The National Administration had com-
mitted itself to the slavery propaganda and its attitude toward
federal office holders and politicians made them at least very
charitable in their attitude toward the sacred institution of the
South. And finally, the Dred Scott decision had rendered that
institution national — had invested it with the sanction of the
final and most sacred tribunal of the Nation.
These are some of the general considerations which, appar-
ently at least, rendered slavery an actual menace to Oregon.
To arrive at a closer understanding of the real situation during
this period — of the situation as it actually appeared to the people
then, not as it appears now in perspective — it will be necessary
to notice the opinions, the impressions, the apprehensions of the
iT. W. Davenport, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1908, p. 226.
146 W. C. WOODWARD
people and upon what they were based. These are largely to be
found and reflected in the newspaper press of the Territory.
From observations at Salem in his capacity as legislator dur-
ing the session of '56-'57, Dryer avowed at the end of the ses-
sion that the leaders, office holders and office-hunters had been
busily preparing all winter, with ever-increasing boldness, to
force slavery into Oregon ; that several of the prominent leaders
had openly declared that the Democratic party in Oregon was
in favor of the introduction of slavery.1 A little later he de-
clared it to be an undeniable fact that nine-tenths of the Terri-
torial office holders could be counted upon to exert their whole
official influence in favor of slavery ; that they were busily en-
gaged in "whipping in" those who disagreed with them by
branding them as Abolitionists and Black Republicans.2 In an
editorial — "Foreshadowing Events — Lane and Deady — " Dryer
cited : Lane's actions in the Sumner-Brooks affair, and his re-
cent importation from the East of a man named Hibben to
edit the Portland Times as a pro-slavery organ ; the public ad-
vocacy, by Judge Deady, one of the most prominent, gifted and
popular Democrats in Oregon, of the introduction of slavery ;
the establishment of new journals in the Territory for the pur-
pose of defending "that beneficent institution."3 In August he
told of the determined and aggressive canvass being made to
win over to the cause of slavery the delegates to the Constitu-
tional Convention. He declared that while during the campaign
there was not a single newspaper that dared advocate slavery,
there were now at least five of the eight in the Territory that
directly or indirectly favored that institution.4 But the more
open and pronounced became the contest, the better it suited
lOregonian, February 7, 1857.
2lbid., March 21.
3lbid., June 20.
4The eight papers — Oregonian, Argus, Standard, Pacific Christian Advocate,
Statesman, Times, Table Rock Sentinel and the Occidental Messenger. The
last four were certainly included in the five referred to. The Standard, while
Democratic, opposed slavery. Rev. Thos. H. Pearne, editor of the Pacific Chris-
tian Advocate, a Methodist organ, shut his eyes and said there was no slavery
issue in Oregon.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 147
the pugnacious Dryer, who defied the hosts of slavery in lan-
guage expressive and picturesque.1
However, the Argus, as the Republican organ of the Ter-
ritory, was looked upon as the true exponent of free state
ideals. It contained more contributed articles on the subject
at issue than any other paper, and Editor Adams wielded a
pen as defiant and trenchant as that of Dryer. While the
Constitutional convention was in session, in an editorial on
"Aspects of Locofocoism," Adams gave a review of the politi-
cal situation which was sufficiently suggestive and significant
to warrant special attention.2 He declared that among the
Democrats in the Territory one pro-slavery man was equal to
ten free state men. By which he meant that whereas the lat-
ter, afraid of the displeasure of their leaders and fearing the
taunt of "Black Republican," were silent and passive, the
pro-slavery men, by their aggressive activity, their political
tact and sagacity, their "brazen, boisterous effrontery," more
than made up for their disparity in numbers.
In support of this contention he offered several pertinent
proofs or illustrations. First, that while the Democratic party
probably had a free state strength of two to one, yet Jo Lane,
a rabid, pro-slavery man, had been made the candidate for
Congress over free state men of greater ability. Second, out
of the five Democratic organs, three of them were doing their
utmost to fasten slavery upon Oregon, while the other two
evinced "such a craven and cowardly character" as to leave
their real convictions in doubt.3 Third, the "driven-nigger"
majority meekly submitted and voted for Deady, the "nigger-
driver's pet," for president of the Constitutional convention.
Fourth, that while the Democratic party had reiterated it that
each member was perfectly free to speak, write or vote pro or
con on the subject without impairing his standing as a Demo-
i"Come on, ye hirelings of slaveocracy, and *d d be he who first cries
hold! Enough.' " — Oregonian, June 27.
2Argus, September 5.
3The five papers — Statesman, Jacksonville Herald, Table Rock Sentinel (Jack-
sonville), Messenger, Times. The last three were the rabid slavery advocates.
The Herald was established August i, 1857. Adams did not include the Standard,
as it had been formally read out of the party.
148 W. C. WOODWARD
crat, Judge Williams had lost caste and influence with his
party for no other crime than that of having published an ar-
ticle in the Salem organ in favor of a free state.1 And that
while the Judge had been virtually ostracized for writing one
letter against the introduction of slavery in Oregon, neither
of the editors who were zealous in sowing pro-slaveryism
broadcast over the Territory, nor Deady who had made stump
speeches for slavery during the last canvass, had failed to
raise themselves in the estimation of the "nigger-driving wing,
while not a single driven-nigger, so far as we are aware, has
had the audacity to whimper a syllable of doubt as to their
orthodoxy as Democrats."
The viewpoints of the Oregonian and the Argus, the two
radical anti-slavery organs, have been given. Their statements
are not presented as conclusive evidence. They were prob-
ably colored by partisan prejudice. But Dryer and Adams
presented the situation as they saw it and it was generally so
accepted by their readers. The correctness of the presenta-
tion of the conditions made by the Oregonian and Argus and
of the conclusions drawn, can be determined to a great degree
by the evidence presented by the opposition press.
The Statesman was looked upon as a neutral in the con-
test. Bush declared that the sole question at issue was —
"Will it pay?"the moral question scarcely entering into the
problem at all.2 But in warning the "Northern Kansas fa-
natics and maniacs" of the results of their agitation, he pre-
sented a succinct view of the situation, which, to say the least,
strongly corroborates those views given by Dryer and Adams.
"Although it cannot now be safely said whether Oregon will
be a free or slave state," he wrote in March, he declared that
should some New England Emigrant Aid Society attempt to
abolitionize Oregon, the latter would certainly enter the Union
as a slave state. "Such is the temper of the Oregonians ; they
want no outside interference." The sweeping and startling
i Infra, page 149.
2"Did our climate, productions and market unquestionably favor slave labor,
Oregon would knock for admission into the Union as a slave state." — Statesman,
March 31, 1857.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 149
admission was made that "Every man here realizes and ac-
knowledges that the number of voters in favor of introducing
slavery into Oregon is at least 100 per cent greater than it was
one year or eighteen months ago; we believe it is 300 per
cent greater."
After the June election, Bush threw open the columns of the
Statesman for signed contributed articles on the slavery ques-
tion. Judge Williams' famous free state letter appeared July
28, which will be noticed later. A few letters followed, pro
and con. But as a rule free state contributors, other than
Democrats, looked to the Argus as their medium, and of the
free state Democrats, very few, indeed, had anything to con-
tribute. On the other hand the pro-slavery agitators were in-
clined to turn to the pronounced pro-slavery organs. One of
the contributors was F. B. Martin, of Yamhill County, who
argued that cheaper labor was needed to develop the agri-
cultural resources of the country, and that Oregon's salubrious
climate would be beneficial to Negro slaves.1 J. W. Mack, of
Lane county, argued against the contention that nature had
decreed against slavery in Oregon.2 John Whiteaker, destined
to become the first state governor, avowed strong pro-slavery
sentiments and announced that making Oregon a free state
would abolitionize the country and be a decided step in the
direction of "equality of the races."3
The Jacksonville Sentinel stated the issue unreservedly, and
bluntly committed the Oregon Democracy to the Southern
cause : "There is no longer any doubt but the issue will here-
after be narrowed down to slavery and anti-slavery. The Black
Republicans will rally under the banner of Free State and Free
Soil in Oregon and the pro-slavery party under the Consti-
tution and the measures to perpetuate the Union."4
But the ne plus ultra of the slavery propaganda in Oregon
was found in the Occidental Messenger. It was established
i Statesman, August 4.
2! hid., August 1 8.
3 Reprint in Statesman, October 27, from Occidental Messenger.
4Quoted in the Argus, July 25. The editor of the Sentinel was W. G.
T'Vault, the first editor of the Spectator, issued at Oregon City, February 5, 1846.
150 W. C. WOODWARD
at Corvallis in the summer of 1857, through the instrumentality,
it was thought, of J. C. Avery, a prominent Democratic poli-
tician. More radical, vehement and defiant advocacy of the
slavery dogma could hardly have been expected in South
Carolina, than was given by this paper away out on the ex-
treme Northwestern frontier, over two thousand miles from
the home of the "divinely appointed institution." In the very
first issues, in calling attention to the subject of domestic
slavery, "now agitating the public mind of Oregon from one
extent of the Territory to the other," the imported editor,
L. P. Hall, declared that he not only believed it to be right
in principle, but that the prosperity of the country depended
upon its adoption. "We desire to awaken the people of Ore-
gon fully to the importance of this subject. African slavery
is the conservative feature in our system of government
. . . and must be broadly maintained or the historian may
now be alive who will record the dissolution" of the Union.
Again, "The Hlavcry representation in the United States Sen-
ate needs strengthening . . . and a fine opportunity is
now presented to restore the equilibrium by the admission of
Oregon with a slavery clause."1 But more significant and
ominous yet was the declaration made by the Messenger at
the time of the vote upon the Constitution in November:
"Whether our principles triumph in the present election or
not, so strong is our faith in the omnipotence of Truth, that
we Khali throw out upon our banner, to the pro-slavery men
of Oregon, in whom we place our chief reliance, the conse-
crated words of Paul Jones — 'We have not yet begun to
fight.' ' In other words, the wishes of the people of Oregon
as expressed at the polls were not to be recognized as final.
Here was a frank portrayal of the characteristic attitude of the
slave power in politics. It was a covert threat that the doc-
trine of popular sovereignty, the shibboleth of Democracy,
would be prostituted in Oregon as ruthlessly as it had in Kan-
sas, should the expression of that sovereignty be inimical to
the interests of slavery.
i Quoted in Oregonian, July 4.
zQuoted in Statesman, November 17.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 151
Enough has been said to show conclusively that there was a
degree of danger that the people of Oregon might decide in
favor of a slave state. Bush had said that the only question
was — "Will it pay?" And at the same time he added that in
his belief, pro-slavery sentiment had increased three hundred
per cent within a year or a year and a half. Evidently the
opinion was growing that it would pay. Leading and influ-
ential Democrats were declaring that slavery was adaptable
to Oregon and was desirable. The Democratic masses were
in the habit of believing what their leaders told them. The
Democratic press, where not openly and radically pro-slavery,
was ominously non-committal, and it must be remembered that
as a rule the rank and file of Democracy read their own papers
as the law and the gospel and read none other. They did not
see the Oregonian and the Argus. They spurned the Black
Republican, free state agitators as "unclean," politically. They
were not concerned with the moral aspect of the situation.
Under all these circumstances it is not so strange after all,
that the public sentiment of Oregon was undergoing a subtle
change; that this change was felt and recognized by many
close and anxious observers in the summer of 1857 ; and that
grave apprehensions of the result were entertained.
One of these apprehensive observers was George H. Wil-
liams, chief justice of Oregon Territory by appointment of
President Pierce and whose Democracy had never been ques-
tioned. On July 28th, the whole first page of the Statesman
was occupied with a contributed article over his signature
which is known in Oregon history as "Judge Williams' Free
State Letter." A man of prominence and influence in his
party, he entertained hopes of political advancement not un-
natural in a man of his ambition and ability. He was warned
by friends as to the results of the publication of his letter and
he himself clearly understood that "in those days to be a sound
Democrat, if it was not necessary to advocate slavery, it was
necessary to keep still upon the subject."1 But from the time
when he became a voter he had been opposed to the extension
of slavery into the new states.2 While many other Oregon
i Private letter: Williams to Geo. H. Himes, August 26, 1907. This letter
was written "fifty years after," on request of Mr. Himes, as a personal re-
view of the considerations which called forth the Free State Letter.
albid.
152 W. C. WOODWARD
Democrats of more or less prominence, doubtless felt as he did
upon the subject, he was the only Democrat of standing in
the Territory1 who jeopardized political ambitions by entering
the contest on the side of "nigger-worshippers, Union-hating
abolitionists and dis-union black Republicans." But Judge
Williams differed from the latter in that he ignored the moral
issue altogether, attacking the question entirely from its prac-
tical, financial aspect. It was from arguments presented from
this viewpoint that slavery sentiment was growing and the
Judge recognized that nothing but a complete refutation of
these arguments would be effective in turning the tide.2 "What
was needed at this juncture was just what happened — an earn-
est, thoughtful communication from one who could not be ac-
cused of having any designs on the unity and harmony of the
Democratic party."3
To review very briefly the Free State Letter — the writer, in
a concise, historical introduction showed that before the slave
question was dragged into the political arena, the judgment of
all parts of the country was against the advantages of slavery ;
that even in those districts whose climate and agricultural re-
sources specially favored the institution, its ultimate benefits
were doubtful. How much less expedient then would be its
introduction in Oregon, whose conditions could easily be shown
to be anything but favorable to a system of slave labor. In the
first place, there is no ambition, no enterprise, no energy in
such labor. One white man is worth more than two Negro
slaves — slave labor is "demonstrably the dearest of any."4
Second, Negro slaves other than house servants would be per-
fect leeches upon the farmers during the long, rainy winters.
lAddress before the Legislative Assembly of Oregon, delivered February 14,
1899. Quoted in Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1908, p. 232.
aPersonal conversation with Judge Williams, July 28, 1909, in effect as fol-
lows: The letter has been criticized as written on too low a plane. I knew
what I was doing. It was the only argument I could make to the people I wanted
to influence. I had my own views as to the morals of the question, having
always been an opponent of slavery, but generally speaking the morals of slavery
were not called in question by the people. To have hinted that side of the ques-
tion would have roused opposition to me as a "d d abolitionist" and Black
Republican and my letter would have gone for naught.
3Davenport, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1908, p. 236.
4john Randolph.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 153
Third, the risk and expense in transporting slaves to distant
Oregon, and the ease of escape in the sparsely settled, wooded
and mountainous country, would render investment in slave
property altogether too hazardous. Fourth, the escaped Ne-
groes would find refuge and consort with Oregon's Indian
enemies and become an added menace to the people. Fifth,
slavery can no more stand as a paying institution with one-
half of public sentiment arrayed against it than a house can stand
with one corner stone. Sixth, introduce slavery, and free white
labor will become degraded, if not impossible to secure alto-
gether. To mix slave labor and free labor aggravates the
evils of each and subtracts from the benefits of each. Finally,
can Oregon afford to throw away the friendship of the North
— the overruling power of the nation — for the sake of slavery ?
These and other points were supported by such close, logical
reasoning, and backed up by an array of facts and figures which
made them irrefutable and convincing.
The effects of the letter were soon evident. First, in the
changed attitude manifested toward Judge Williams by his
party.1 In his own words, his hopes for the United States
senatorship,2 "vanished like the pictures of a morning dream.
I was unsound on the slavery question."3 But the influence
of the letter upon public opinion was soon manifest throughout
the Territory. Through the medium of the Statesman, it
reached practically all the Democratic voters. It came bring-
ing words of warning, of calm reasoning and of practical ad-
vice— and from a well-known fellow Democrat whose word
was that of authority. His presentation of the situation was
convincing. As pro-slavery sentiment had up to this time
been steadily rising, from the publication of the Free State
Letter on to the election in November, it seemed steadily to
recede.4
i Letter: Williams to Himes — "The pro-slavery men claimed that though I
pretended to be a Democrat, I was an abolitionist in disguise, and to be called an
abolitionist then, especially in Oregon, was to be classed among outlaws and
enemies to the peace of th« country."
aPersonal conversation: Had it not been for that letter I would have been
one of Oregon's first senators.
3Address before the legislature, 1907.
4Davenport, "The Slavery Question in Oregon," in Oregon Historical Quar-
terly for September, 1908, pp. 234, 235. "After the circulation of this address,
any observing person could notice that a change was taking place; any sensitive
person could feel it."
154 W. C. WOODWARD
The Constitutional convention assembled at Salem on Au-
gust 17th. It was a matter of no little political significance,
as Adams pointed out in the Argus, that Judge Deady, "the
only man in the convention who took bold ground for slavery
while canvassing for his seat,"1 should be elected president of
Oregon's constituent assembly. The Democrats organized the
convention, just as they would a session of the legislature.
Dryer was a member and in editorial correspondence to the
Oregonian related that the "soft" and free state Democrats
who had opposed the machine organization in the late elec-
tion, now did penance and joined the Clique forces in caucus.
He called attention to the fact that no delegate opposed to the
Salem Clique had been placed at the head of a committee and
declared that every committee had a pro-slavery majority.
Early in the convention Jesse Applegate presented resolu-
tions to the effect that as a large proportion of the delegates
had been chosen with the understanding that the question of
slavery would not be decided by the convention but by the
people directly, all debate on the subject should be considered
out of order. The presentation of these resolutions was fol-
lowed by an extended flow of oratory. Some acquiesced,
while others objected strenuously to having the liberties of
free speech thus arbitrarily abridged. Alignment on the issue
was not partisan, but for the most part the resolutions, which
failed to pass, were opposed by the free state men. Other
resolutions were introduced against the admission of free
Negroes. On September 11, J. R. McBride, of Yamhill, the
only member of the convention elected under the name of
Republican, in fulfillment of pre-election pledges to his con-
stituents,2 introduced the anti-slavery provision of the Ordi-
nance of 1787. It was defeated by a vote of 41 to 9. McBride
was chagrined to find some of his trusted free state associates
i Oregonian, August xa.
Observations on the convention are based chiefly on the stenographic reports
of P. J. Malone, found in the Oregonian in issues from August 22 to October
10, inclusive.
2john R. McBride, address: "The Oregon Constitutional Convention,." de-
livered before the annual meeting of the Oregon Historical Society, December 20,
1902. Proceedings for the years 1902-1905, p. 33.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 155
voting against him, on the plea that his measure was "too
radical/'1 The convention determined to present the question
of slavery and that of the admission of free Negroes as sep-
arate issues to be decided by the people, at the time of the
submission of the Constitution. With the solution of the
vexed question thus diplomatically arranged, the members pro-
ceeded with the further business of the convention, with which
it is not the purpose to deal here.
The final vote on the completed Constitution was 34 to 11;
absent or not voting, 15. The vote was almost wholly along
party lines, the affirmative showing the strength of the Demo-
cratic ruling faction. With the affirmative voted most of
the Anti-Salem Democrats, or those who were elected as such
but who had been acting with the Clique. The "Opposition,"
including some "soft" Democrats, were found among the
negative and "absent or not voting."
After the close of the Convention, Dryer voiced the objec-
tions of the Opposition to the Constitution. He maintained
that future legislative assemblies had been "tied up" by the
Convention's assuming to establish fundamental law; that
there was too much of politics in the frame of government
adopted — that it was drawn up with the main purpose of ad-
vancing- the fortunes of the Oregon Democracy.2 In the cam-
paign which followed, the Oregonian, Argus, Standard — free
state papers, and the Messenger, the rabid pro-slavery organ,
opposed the adoption of the Constitution. Editor Adams
branded it as "a huge viper, with poisonous fangs in its head,
a legion of legs in its belly and a deadly sting in its tail."3
From the adjournment of the Convention September 18 to
the election on November 9, the agitation over the slavery
issue was intense. It was even reflected in the advertising
i ibid.
aOregonian, September. 26.
3"We shall vote against the Constitution for many good reasons. . . It
is now coiled up, labeled from head to tail with Democracy, trying to charm
the people to take it into their bosom, when it will instill its poison into the body
politic and render it as completely paralyzed as under the odious principle of
caucus sovereignty." — Argus, October 10.
156 W. C. WOODWARD
columns of the press. In August, P. J. Malone, correspondent
for the Sacramento Union, wrote that paper from Salem that
the men who desired slavery in Oregon were limited to the
comparatively few who had owned one or two negroes in
some slave state; and who had early secured a section of
land in Oregon under the donation land law; that they were
generally too lazy to cultivate their own lands and thought it
very desirable to have slaves to raise wheat that they might
compete sucessfully with California farmers in California
markets. On the other hand, those who had come later to
Oregon, and had secured only 160 or 320 acres did not as a
rule desire slavery. "And they are the more numerous class,
as the ballot box will show."1
On November 9, the Constitution was adopted by the people
of Oregon by a vote of 7195 to 3215. Free negroes were re-
fused admission into Oregon by the overwhelming vote of
8640 to 108 1.2 One-fourth of the people desired slavery while
about one-tenth only were willing to receive the negro free.
The vote on slavery in a few of the southern counties was
close, but was almost unanimous against the negro unenslaved.8
The summing up of the situation by Bush immediately after
the election, is important as presenting the regular Democratic
viewpoint.4 He felicitated the party on having taken the "high
and distinct ground of the Kansas principle on the subject of
slavery," and "without any of those abuses or obstructions
which have been most unfairly cast in the way of state organi-
zations otherwheres, by designing and characterless politi-
cians." He held that to bring to a successful conclusion the
great, model scheme initiated by Douglas for adjusting the
vexed question, it now remained only for Congress, a majority
of the members of which had been elected on the basis of that
scheme, to receive Oregon into the Union with or without
slavery, as its Constitution should prescribe. This done and
i Quoted in Argus, September 12.
zOfficial returns in Statesman, December 22.
3See appendix for the vote in detail.
4Statesman, editorial: "Democracy and the Slave Question," November 17.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 157
the nation could point to a bright and living example of
Democratic policy, wrought out to a perfect demonstration in
Oregon, as contrasted with conditions in Kansas, which had
suffered from foreign Black Republican interference. He de-
clared that Oregon Democrats, in their future policy would
regard the question as settled and would recognize no difference
in individual membership and influence between those who in
the late election had voted for, and who had voted against
slavery. "The watchword shall be harmony."
In another editorial in the same issue, Bush admonished
eastern papers not to misinterpret the vote against slavery.
He assured them that the majority of the Oregon electors
were Southern born and bred, while a large majority of the
Northern men were sound, Constitutional men, who would
be characterized by the Black Republican press as "pro-
slaveryites." "Let not Black Republicanism lay the flattering
unction to its soul that we are free soilish here. We are as
far from that as California or Virginia."
The Messenger refused to accept the result as final. Main-
taining the doctrine of equal rights between the States, and
that the Territories were common property, it contended that
the people of a Territory, in the formation of a state govern-
ment, had no power to exclude slave-holders, as the exercise
of such a right would invalidate the common partnership. "As
great an evil as disunion would be, we consider there is still a
greater, and that is, submission to the unrestricted will of a
reckless fanaticism which overrides the barriers erected by
the Constitution for the protection of the minority, and
tramples with ruthless iron heel, upon the plainest principles
of justice and equality." Thus early was the standard of
secession raised in Oregon. Before the election, C. E. Pickett,
a zealous slavery apostle, self-imported from California, had
written a letter to the Messenger advocating the call of a con-
vention of pro-slavery men during the coming winter, whether
the Constitution was adopted or not.1 He expressed the belief
i Republished in Statesman, November 10.
158 W. C. WOODWARD
that a line of policy could be agreed upon that would ensure
them the balance of power in Oregon.
The regular session of the Territorial legislature met De-
cember 17. The organization or "hard" Democrats secured
control of the assembly, officers being chosen on the issue of
their allegiance to the fifth, sixth and seventh resolutions which
had been adopted by the Democratic Territorial Convention in
the spring. The assembly considered that it was meeting in an
interregnum between a territorial and a state form of govern-
ment, with the result that little was accomplished at this ses^
sion. However, some discussions took place which are very
significant, from a political point of view.
Wm. Allen, a "soft" Democrat from Yamhill county, offered
the following preamble and resolution : "Whereas, it has been
decided by the Supreme Court of the United States that Con-
gress has no power to prohibit the introduction of slavery into
the Territories ; and, whereas, slavery is tolerated by the Con-
stitution of the United States, therefore, Resolved — that the
chair appoint a committee of three to report what legislation is
necessary to protect the rights of persons holding slaves in
this Territory."1
After following the heated Oregon newspaper controversies
which followed so closely the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill and the troubles in Kansas, it is a matter of no little sur-
prise to note the scant and tardy attention given the rendering
of the Dred Scott decision. Apparently, it was looked upon
by both the Democratic and the Opposition press as a two-
edged sword, each being willing to allow the other to make the
first attempt at wielding the dangerous weapon. The Oregon-
ian ignored it. The Argus of August 29 reproduced Lincoln's
Springfield, Illinois, speech of June 20, in answer to Douglas
on the decision, but made no editorial comment until Septem-
ber 5. There was published in the Pacific Christian Advocate,
in the absence of the editor, T. H. Pearne, a clipping from an
exchange, headed "Judge Taney in 1819." In the article the
i Proceedings in Oregonian, December 26.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 159
words "infamous decision" occurred in allusion to the Scott
case. The following week Pearne, whose sole purpose seemed
to be to maintain his seat on the fence as regards the great
issue of the day, apologized for the appearance of the article,
emphasizing the fact that it was an extract and not the ex-
pression of a personal opinion. This roused Adams to reply :
"We do not believe there is a Christian in the world who could
say less of a decision (we view it as an opinion) that reduces
a part of those for whom Christ died to the level of brutes,
destroys state and territorial sovereignty and renders man-
stealing national — a crime which by the Jewish law is punish-
able with death." As far as noted, this was about the extent
of notice given the Dred Scott decision in the leading press of
the Territory up to the meeting of the legislature.
To return to the latter, the Allen resolution was indefinitely
postponed by a vote of 17 to 9. The debate, however, took up
a large part of the day on which the resolution was introduced.
In support of the latter Allen made the statement — "There are
some slaves here" — but no law to protect this kind of prop-
erty. He argued — "If our Constitution is rejected by Congress,
we shall remain a long time as we are, under our Territorial
government, and by passing laws protecting property in slaves,
we shall encourage immigration."
The statement has been made1 that there was not one negro
slave within the far-reaching boundaries of the Territory after
Judge Williams' decision in the Ford case in 1853.2 And such
is the general understanding. From a purely legal standpoint
this is true, as slavery was not recognized under the organic
law of the Territory. It was at least true up to the time of
the Dred Scott decision — after that, it was a debatable ques-
tion. But in the course of the debate on the Allen resolution,
at least three men made the statement, apparently as a matter
of course and without thought of contradiction, that there were
negro slaves in Oregon. J. W. Mack said — "My neighbor in
Lane county owns slaves and is now in California endeavoring
iT. W. Davenport, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for September, 1908, p 196.
2Supra, page 125.
160 W. C. WOODWARD
to test the validity of the fugitive slave law."1 Dryer, as far
as reported, offered the only contradiction to the statement that
slavery existed in Oregon and that was apparently made from
the legal standpoint — that slavery did not and could not exist
because the organic act prohibited it.2 In reply to him Allen
said: "It has been proved upon this floor that slavery does
exist in the Territory in several counties. There are some in
Benton, Lane, Polk, Yamhill and I know not how many other
counties. That matter was fairly proved on this floor on a
former occasion and I do not deem it necessary to bring any
further proof than the veracity of honorable gentlemen who
are representative of their constituents here."3
In its report of the legislative proceedings the Statesman
naturally did not devote as much space to this debate as did
the Oregonian. The Allen resolution, involving the interpre-
tation of the Dred Scott decision, was the entering wedge by
which Oregon Democracy was to be split asunder, and its sig-
nificance was pretty fully recognized at the time.4 Indeed
Allen, a "soft" Democrat, was promptly accused by the "hards"
of having introduced his resolution merely to create discord
in the ranks of Democracy, as he knew there was a difference
of opinion among the machine or "hard" Democrats upon the
subject.
The attitude of the pro-slavery men was well shown in re-
marks of Mack, of Lane, a "hard." He expressed surprise at
the courage of the member from Yamhill in offering such a
resolution at that period of Oregon affairs,5 but announced that
he would vote for it. "We have, under the Constitution as
much right to hold our property — slaves — and have them pro-
tected as we have to hold our cattle and have them protected."
He admitted, with an injured air, that he did not expect the
i Proceedings in Statesman, December 22.
^Proceedings, Oregonian, January 30.
3lbid.
4Dryer, in editorial correspondence to the Oregonian, January 23, 1858: "The
Negro bill has kicked up quite a stir among the harmonious Democracy. The
pro-slavery wing accuse the free state Democrats of having joined the Black Re-
publicans."
sThe resolution was introduced in December, following the decisive popular
vote against slavery in November.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 161
resolution to pass as "we are used to having injustice done us,"
but avowed his determination to remain loyal to the Democratic
party, "unless that shall become abolitionized." W. M. Hughes,
a "hard" from Jackson county, took the same ground.
On the other hand, note the position of N. H. Cranor of Linn
county, likewise a "hard." He held that the decision of the
Supreme Court did not apply to Oregon as Congress in its act
organizing the Territory had expressly prohibited slavery ; that
Congress had granted Oregon the privileges of the north-
western states in this matter and it had been their undoubted
privilege to decide for or against slavery. He declared that
immigrants to Oregon came with the full knowledge that
slavery was prohibited and did not expect to hold such prop-
erty in the Territory. Respects were then paid to Allen and
other "soft" Democrats : "Men who have advocated Black Re-
publican doctrine and supported Black Republican candidates,
and were elected as avowed enemies to the decision of the
Supreme Court certainly betray a strange inconsistency in
advocating such doctrine as they do here. It comes with very
poor grace from Black Republicans to charge Democrats with
being Black Republicans — Democrats, too, who endorse the
whole of the Dred Scott Decision."1
There was apparent basis for the charge that the opposition
Democrats were acting with the intention of sowing dissension
in the ranks of the regulars, and of thus breaking the power of
Bush and the Salem wing of the party. The discussions and
the vote2 on the Allen resolution show how successful they
were in their attempts. We find Mack and Cranor, both "hard"
or machine Democrats, making opposite interpretations of the
Dred Scott decision. Cranor, representing the free state or
Douglas Democrats, still held to the principle of squatter
sovereignty; while Mack, representing the Southern or pro-
slavery Democrats, had gone beyond that doctrine in demand-
ing the rights for slavery in the Territories which he claimed
iCranor's epithet of "Black Republican" refers to the opposition in general
as no members of this session were elected under the name "Republican."
2 In the vote on indefinite postponement, 13 "hards" and 4 opposition voted
in the affirmative and 5 "hards" and 4 opposition in the negative.
162 W. C. WOODWARD
•
were recognized by the Supreme Court. Thus, despite the
efforts of the leaders to keep the issue down, the coming break
in the Oregon Democracy on the slavery question was fore-
casted in this debate.
In view of his dominant position in Oregon politics, the
stand taken by Bush on the Dred Scott decision is important.
In a long editorial — "The Power of a State over Slave Prop-
erty"— appearing in the Statesman, December 8, he defended
the doctrine of popular sovereignty. Opinions handed down in
the decision were quoted to the effect that each state had the
power to decide the question for itself. Whereupon Bush adds :
"Nor is there any difference in this particular, between the
power of the people moving in the formation of a state govern-
ment, and the power of those already organized as a state.
It is the very gist of the Kansas-Nebraska principle
that the people are called upon when they form a state gov-
ernment, to act upon the subject of slavery." He then pro-
ceeded to attack, on one hand, the abolitionists, who were de-
termined to interfere with the rights of those owning slaves ;
who contended that the Constitution did not recognize slavery
and therefore it could not lawfully exist within the Union.
But, more important, on the other hand Bush said : "There is
another class who declare that the Constitution does recognize
property in slaves and that whatever is recognized by the Con-
stitution is constitutional and national. Therefore slavery is
constitutional and national." To refute this, the Scott decision
is quoted to show that the Constitution recognizes and protects
as property within the states whatever the state laws determine
to be property.
Thus Bush interpreted the Dred Scott decision to harmonize
with the doctrine of popular sovereignty. But it is noticeable
that his discussion was limited to the immediate conditions in
Oregon — i.e., to the situation presented in approaching state-
hood. As to the place, under the Dred Scott decision, of his
favorite doctrine of popular sovereignty in the Territories
themselves, he said nothing.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 163
In the spring of the year 1857, the Democratic party an-
nounced its policy of ignoring the question of slavery as a
political issue. In line with that policy it declared for the
settlement of the question in Oregon in accordance with the
doctrine of popular sovereignty. In the pursuance of such a
course, the people of Oregon, after a period of turmoil, de-
clared decisively against slavery. In the very month follow-
ing that decision of the people, by which the Oregon Democ-
racy had apparently so successfully evaded a dangerous issue,
the Democrats were confronted with the dilemma presented
by the Dred Scott Decision. Some, maintaining their alle-
giance to the principle of popular sovereignty, seized one horn
of the dilemma, while others, more zealous in the cause of the
slavery propaganda than in the maintenance of party consist-
ency, seized the other. At the close of the year 1857 this read-
justment had begun. The line of separation was not yet
clearly marked, but it was indicated.
THE FIRST-BORN ON THE OREGON TRAIL
By J. NeiUon Barry
A nameless child of an Indian mother, born in the wilder-
ness amid ice and snow, and a week later laid in an unmarked
grave, is a short life history which would seem to have but
little interest for those living one hundred years later. The
child, however, was the first native of Eastern Oregon to have
the blood of the white race in its veins, whose brief but entire
lifetime was spent with those early explorers who crossed the
continent to Astoria a century ago.
Pierre Dorion, son of the Canadian interpreter, who had
accompanied the Lewis and Clark expedition, joined the over-
land party under Wilson Price Hunt on condition that his wife
and two children might be allowed to accompany him, and the
identification of the birthplace of his third child who was born
on Monday, December 30th, 1811, will do much to determine
the route taken by those early explorers who helped to open the
way for the settlement and development of the great North-
West.
The general idea seems to have been that the route of the
Hunt expedition, at the time of this episode, lay through what
is known as the Wallowa country in north-eastern Oregon,
and is so marked on the map of early explorations issued by
the Government. The birthplace of the Dorion baby, however,
as well as other places along this portion of the route,
would seem to be determined by the identification of a locality
to which Irving refers three times in his account of the Astoria
party, and which the character of the country shows to be in
the vicinty of Huntington, Oregon, where the Snake River
leaves the great Idaho plains and enters into that great canyon
through which even to this day there is no passage.
Irving's description of the travels of Hunt's party shows
that they were in the open country through the greater part of
November, 1811, following along the banks of the Snake River
which the Canadians called "the accursed mad river." During
FIRST-BORN ON OREGON TRAIL 165
the three days, November 24, 25 and 26, "they made about
seventy miles ; fording- two small streams, the waters of which
were very cold" (Chapter XXXIV) "on the 27th of November
the river led them into the mountains" beyond which point
traveling was exceedingly arduous, and after many days of
suffering and privation in an endeavor to follow the river
through that rocky canyon, they were forced to turn back, and
to retrace their steps to the open country above the point
where the river entered the mountains. On this return journey,
about December 15th they found their road "becoming easier,
they were getting out of the hills, and finally emerged into the
open country, after twenty days of fatigue, famine and hard-
ship of every kind, in the ineffectual attempt to find a passage
down the river. They now encamped on a little willowed
stream, running from the East, which they had crossed on
the 26th of November." Leaving Mr. Crooks they were led
from here by an Indian guide, along an apparently well known
trail, to the Grande Ronde Valley and across the Blue Moun-
tains to the Umatilla country.
This vicinity where the river leaves the plain and enters
the mountains was visited for the third time the following
summer by Mr. Stuart and his party on their return to the
States. They returned along the same "route which had proved
so disastrous to Mr. Hunt's party during the preceding winter"
(Chapter XLIV). On the 10th of August they reached "the
main body of Woodville Creek, the same stream which Mr.
Hunt had ascended in the preceding year, shortly after his
separation from Mr. Crooks. . . . On the 12th of August,
the travelers arrived on the banks of Snake River, the scene
of so many trials and mishaps. . . . They struck the river
just above the place where it entered the mountains, through
which Messrs. Stuart [Hunt] and Crooks had vainly endeav-
ored to find a passage. The river here was a rapid stream,
four hundred yards in width, with high sandy banks, and here
and there a scanty growth of willow."
These three visits to the same locality, below which the
166 .J. NEILSON BARRY
Snake flows through a canyon, and above which through a
level plain, determines the locality as being in the vicinity of
what is now Huntington, Oregon, and this point being estab-
lished it becomes possible to identify other places along the
route, and while there is naturally a considerable variation be-
tween the distances traveled, as estimated by Mr. Hunt, and
the accurate surveys of the Government, they are at least ap-
proximately correct, considering the circumstances.
"Caldron Linn" where Mr. Hunt and his party abandoned
their boats and set out on foot, October 9th, 1811 (Chapter
XXXIV), may have been the vicinity of Twin Falls and Sho-
shone Falls, Idaho. Having followed along the river for ten
days, they took the advice of Indians whom they met, and
leaving the river went along a trail across the prairie, through
a dreary waste, till on November 21st they came "to the banks
of a beautiful little stream, running to the West, and fringed
with groves of cotton-wood and willow," probably the Boise
River, which they followed to "its junction with the Snake
River, which they found still running to the north. Before
them was a wintry looking mountain covered with snow on all
sides," possibly Malheur Butte. "In three days more they made
seventy miles; fording two small rivers, the waters of which
were very cold," the Payette River and the Weiser, which was
described as "A little willowed stream, running from the east"
which they crossed on November 26th and to which they re-
turned twenty days later, after "their ineffectual attempt to
find a passage down the river" (Chapter XXXVI). The town
of Weiser, Idaho, is now situated at this point.
It was here that they were able to prevail upon an Indian to
guide them along the route, well-known to the Indians, to the
Columbia River, and along which Mr. Stuart and his party re-
turned the following summer, so that these members of the
Hunt expedition were the first white men to travel the "Old
Oregon Trail" so famous in song and story.
On December 21st they left their encampment where the City
of Weiser now stands, and crossed the Snake River in a canoe
FIRST-BORN ON OREGON TRAIL 167
made of the skins of two horses, possibly in the vicinity of
Old's Ferry, "on the 24th of December they turned their backs
upon the disastrous banks of the Snake River, and struck their
course westward for the mountains" (Chapter XXXVII),
ascending the Burnt River, called "Woodvile Creek," in Chap-
ter XLIV.
On December 28th, "they came upon a small stream winding
to the north, through a fine level valley," the Baker Valley, and
it is interesting in this connection that near the junction of
Sutton Creek with Powder River, where they probably camped
that night, there is black sand resembling gun powder, which
probably suggested the name for Powder River. The "chain
of woody mountains to the left [west], running to the north,
and covered with snow," is the beautiful Elkhorn Range, the
most striking feature of the Baker landscape.
"They kept along the valley for twenty-one miles on the
29th, suffering much from a continual fall of snow and rain,
and being twice obliged to ford the icy stream" of the Powder
River. Their encampment that night must have been almost
at the present site of the village of North Powder, where
"early in the following morning the squaw of Pierre Dorion,
who had hitherto kept on without murmuring or flinching
. . . enriched her husband with another child, as the forti-
tude and good conduct of the poor woman had gained for her
the good will of the party, her situation caused concern and
perplexity. Pierre, however, treated the matter as an occur-
rence that could soon be arranged and need cause no delay.
He remained by his wife in the camp, with his other children
and his horse, and promised soon to rejoin the main body, who
proceeded on their march."
A few miles beyond the village of North Powder the river
enters a canyon, and here the party "finding that the little river
entered the mountains, they abandoned it, and turned off for
a few miles among the hills, . . . thus, with difficulties
augmenting at every step, they urged their toilsome way
. . . half famished and faint of heart, when they came to
168 . J. NEILSON BARRY
where a fair valley spread out before them, of great extent
and several leagues in width, with a beautiful stream meander-
ing through it." Here they obtained food from the Indians
and rested in the famous Grande Ronde Valley, which in Chap-
ter XLIV is described as "a vast plain, almost a dead level,
sixty miles in circumference, of excellent soil, with fine streams
meandering through it in every direction, their courses marked
out in the wide landscape by serpentine lines of cottonwood
trees and willows, which fringed their banks, and afforded sus-
tenance to great numbers of beavers and otters. In traversing
this plain, they passed, close to the skirts of the hills, a great
pool of water, three hundred yards in circumference, fed by a
sulphur spring, about ten feet in diameter, boiling in one
corner," where now the Hot Lake Sanatorium is situated.
"In the course of the following morning the Dorion family
made its appearance. Pierre came trudging along in the ad-
vance, followed by his valued, though skeleton steed, on which
was mounted his squaw with her new-born infant in her arms,
and her boy of two years old wrapped in a blanket and slung
at her side. The mother looked as unconcerned as if nothing
had happened to her." Previously, in Chapter XXXIV, Irving
says of her, "and here we cannot but notice the wonderful
patience, perseverance and hardihood of the Indian women,
as exemplified in the conduct of the poor squaw of the inter-
preter. She . . . had two children to take care of; one
four and the other two years of age. The latter, of course,
she had frequently to carry on her back, in addition to the bur-
den usually imposed upon the squaw, yet she had borne all
her hardships without a murmur, and throughout this weary
and painful journey had kept pace with the best of the pedes-
trians. Indeed, on various occasions in the course of this en-
terprise, she displayed a force of character that won the ap-
plause of the white men."
There is a lesson in this woman's story,
So brave, yet meek, whose love did never fail,
Undaunted courage was her crown and glory,
The foremost mother on that famous trail.
FIRST-BORN ON OREGON TRAIL 169
Note i. That the route taken by Hunt's party along this
portion of their journey has been hitherto uncertain is seen by
(1) the map published by the U. S. Dept. of the Interior.
"Showing routes of principal explorers," etc., from data
prepared by Frank Bond, chief clerk, by I. B. Berthong, chief
of drafting division. This map locates routes of "Hunt (Astor)
party, 1810-12," through the Wallowa country.
(2) Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society, March,
1910, "History of the Oregon Counties," etc., by Frederick V.
Holman, p. 59. Speaking of the route of Hunt's party :
"On the way from the Snake River to the Columbia, the
exact route of the party is not described nor can it be definitely
ascertained, but undoubtedly it was through what is now Wal-
lowa county, probably south of Wallowa Lake."
(3) "The Columbia River," by Wm. D. Lyman of Whitman
College, p. 93. In referring to the part of the route after leav-
ing Snake River :
"In another fortnight the cold and hungry party floundered
painfully through the snow across the rugged mountains which
lie between what is now known as the Powder River Valley
and the Grande Ronde."
(4) The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. XXVIII,
History of the N. W. Coast, Vol. II, 1800-1846. The History
Co., San Francisco, 1886, p. 189: "They were now on Snake
River, near where was subsequently old Fort Boise."
Note 2. The identification of Baker Valley as the "Fine
level valley" reached December 28th, 1811.
The valley reached December 30th and in which the Hunt
party spent New Year's Day, was undoubtedly the Grande
Ronde and is so identified by Lyman in "The Columbia River,"
p. 94:
"Thither hastening eagerly they soon found themselves in a
beautiful valley, which from the description must have been
the Grande Ronde Valley."
170 . J. NEILSON BARRY
The fact that the party under Mr. Stuart returned through
it and described it and Hot Lake (Astoria, Chapter XLIV),
makes it practically certain.
The valley reached December 28 was over 20 miles long run-
ning north and south (Chapter XXXVII), so that
their route December 29 and part of December 30 was to-
ward the north— and as the Grande Ronde Valley was over a
low range of hills beyond where the "little river entered the
mountains" it must necessarily follow that this valley was
near the Grande Ronde, apparently south of it, and the only
valley which answers this description, and furthermore exactly
and entirely satisfies every condition is the Baker Valley. (1)
The distance from the point on Snake River "above where the
(Snake) river enters the mountains" — they left the Snake
December 24th and arrived December 28, making "about 14
miles a day," 5 X 14=70 miles. (2) A fine level valley. (3) A
small stream winding to the north. (5) "Woody mountains
covered with snow" on the left hand (or west side as they were
going northward). (6) The length of valley 21 miles to camp-
ing place on night of December 29th and apparently a few
miles further December 30 (the exact length of valley is 22
miles. (7) The river at the north end entering the "moun-
tains" (canyon above Thief Valley). (8) The loca-
tion of the Grande Ronde Valley just beyond this across the
low divide at Telocaset (9) The fact that Stuart's party
"retracing the route" (Chapter XLIV, opening sentence), ap-
parently went along the direct route from the Grande Ronde
to the point on Snake River (Huntington) above where the
river entered the mountains.
The identification of this valley with the Baker Valley satis-
fies every particular and there is no other valley that does so.
THE HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTA-
TION IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST
By F. G. Young
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
The Pacific Northwest has been quite distinctively the last
region to be fully reached by the westward movement of Ameri-
can settlement across the continent. The culminating phase
of that wave is just breaking over this region. It was, however,
the first section not only of the Pacific Coast but of the whole
territory west of the Missouri River to receive quite a body of
forerunners, who came as home-builders. This early influx
of settlers was continued without interruption, but as a very
tiny stream, for some forty years before the first phase of the
real wave of occupation arrived.1 Its turn now has come as
the "next" and last section of vacant public domain for occu-
pation by a great moving mass of the American population.
The phenomena exhibited in the progress of the settlement
of this region, the early beginning of it, the long period of very
slow filling up, its coming last in order, were all largely de-
termined by the conditions peculiar to its location and character
as a possible home of a civilized community of considerable
numbers. Not only its settlement but even the discovery and
exploration of it were determined by stern conditions of access
to it — of routes of travel and traffic leading to it. Its resources
as soon as seen by the white man attracted. Conditions of
transportation have mediated, as it were, as the prime factor
at every stage of its history. Much as the history of the region
has its key in a knowledge of the advance of the lines of ex-
ploration and travel to it and the provision of facilities of trans-
portation, so is an idea of this growth of its system of trans-
portation best gained by reference to those determining char-
acteristic conditions of situation and natural features :
1. Its location is on the Pacific side of the continent where
access to it from Atlantic inlets required the longest stretches
of overland travel. During the centuries in which the out-
lines of the American continent were being developed by ex-
iThe census of the United States gives the population of this section in 1850
as 13,294, exclusive of Indians.
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 173
ploring expeditions setting out from Europe and seeking a
"northwest passage" to the Orient this region was naturally
the last to be traversed.
2. Access and occupation from the Asiatic side were also
delayed by the wide expanse of the ocean lying between the
two continents in this latitude.
From these two conditions pertaining to its location, affect-
ing access to it, the coming of the white man to this region
proceeded on lines of exploration converging from every direc-
tion. It was "rounded up," and a map, showing these lines
of exploration upon which advances toward it were made
nearly contemporaneously, suggests a picture of the ranging
lines of approach of hunting parties in beating up game. It
was the last recess of the continent to be brought upon the
map. Bryant in his "Thanatopsis," in 1820, could still use
it as representative of solitude.
3. However, its great river, the Columbia, has its source
in the far interior, just across the backbone of the continent,
from the source of the great Missouri. As soon as the search
for a sea passage was given up, and during the long period
while waterways were relied upon as the only avenues along
which to penetrate continental areas, this fact stimulated ex-
ploration. Early, too, a new motive for securing an overland
route had developed. The valleys of the Missouri and the
Columbia lying end to end, as it were, incited to transconti-
nental exploration and to the choice of their courses for trad-
ing routes. When an easier and more direct line of river
course travel across the continent was discovered through the
substitution of the Platte for the Missouri, and using the south
fork of the Columbia instead of the north, a practicable route
for the pioneer settler was available and schemes for the se-
curing of an all-rail highway for transcontinental travel and
traffic soon blossomed out galore.
4. Furthermore, the fact that it was this part of the Pacific
Coast that first became the possession of the vigorous young
republic, with territory contiguous on the opposite side of the
mountains from this region, and with a restless and almost
174 . F. G. YOUNG
nomadic population on its western borders, determined that
all the earlier schemes for a transcontinental highway neces-
sarily contemplated its western terminus at the mouth of the
Columbia, or at the head of the navigation of that river. The
age-long lure of the oriental trade, for which no better passage-
way seemed to offer itself than this almost uninterrupted line
of waterways across the continent, strongly reinforced the de-
sire for the construction of a railway to the Pacific North-
west Coast.
5. The Pacific Northwest, however, was destined to be
eclipsed. The acquisition of California, just to the south of
this region, and the discovery of rich mines of gold there
leading to a rapid filling up of that part of the Coast by Amer-
ican settlers, about 1850, brought about the side-tracking of
the region to the north. The Sacramento Valley and San Fran-
cisco Bay were alone, from that time on, seriously considered
as the terminus of the proposed first transcontinental railway.
The development of the Pacific Northwest tarried. The less
glittering prizes offered through farming and grazing could
overcome the drawback of isolation only with the few inher-
ently restless.
The cumulative effect of these conditions of remoteness of
this region from settled portions of the country to the east and
to the south, and of its slow development by a farming and
grazing population, was to confine its progress in securing of
transportation for a long time mainly to that of opening rail
connections with the larger masses of population in California
and on the Atlantic side of the continent. Only just recently
has a vigorous beginning been made on the features of a system
of transportation for the region itself.
CHAPTER II
The Valley of the Columbia — Only After Centuries of West-
ward Exploration Placed Upon the Map — Becomes
an Alluring American Interest on the
Pacific — Suffers Eclipse.
With the conditions controlling the transportation to this
region at the successive stages in mind, attention is now di-
rected to the course of that development as it is swerved by
these conditions. Beginning with the opening of modern times
a long train of explorers, with more or less extended intervals
of time between successive expeditions, set out from the west-
ern nations intent upon finding a shorter passage to the Indies.
To these the lands of the American continent were stumbling
blocks. It required the contributions in turn of a Columbus,
a Cabot, a Magellan, a Balboa, Verrazano and Hudson, a
Verendrye, a trio of Spanish explorers — Heceta, Perez and
Cuadra; a McKenzie and Gray, and Lewis and Clark, to de-
velop the map of this region. Captain Robert Gray and Lewis
and Clark not only added features to the map but also laid
the basis for the claim of the United States to this part of the
continent.
The mind of Thomas Jefferson, zealous for the advancement
of scientific knowledge and for the pre-emption of the whole
continent for the American idea of liberty and democracy,
planned this last exploration. His purpose looked to the found-
ing here of a sister republic rather than that of incorporating
it as an integral part of the Federal Union. The difficulties
of communication made no closer union feasible. The original
motive of interest in this region had by this time been trans-
formed from the purpose of finding an open sea route through
this latitude to that of securing a practicable transcontinental
passageway to a highly desirable territory from the eastern
portion of the United States.
The Astor project for the exploitation on a grand scale of
the fur-bearing resources of the region came as a natural
sequel to the Lewis and Clark exploration. Though a financial
176 F. G. YOUNG
failure Astor's enterprise added much to our knowledge of
the country and strengthened the basis of our claims to it.
When in 1819 we added the former rights of Spain to ter-
ritory north of the 42nd parallel to our previous basis for
claiming it, our title was clear to at least a share of this re-
gion ; and the motive for securing means of transportation to
it was reinforced. The more visionary and audacious in pre-
senting schemes began to plan conditions for immediate and
general occupation of it. Agitation in and out of Congress,
projects for trade and colonization, for the planting of mis-
sionary stations among the Indians there, brought the region
into the consciousness of the restless pioneering element among
our population. The idea of rivalling the activities of the
English traders already in this farthest West, contributed in
stirring up the American frontiersmen to the point of action.
Annual cavalcades of pioneers were early in the forties on the
way across the plains to the valley of the Columbia. The
building of a transcontinental railway to this territory was
then only a matter of time.
But the Oregon country was not to continue the leading
American interest on the Pacific. The discovery of gold in
California, to the south of this region, and the influx of vast
hordes of gold-seekers, who were to remain as settlers, just
when this El Dorado became a possession of the United States,
transferred the interest from the Columbia to the Sacramento
Valley and made the building of a railroad thither a matter
of but a few years, while the Pacific Northwest was, as it
were, to fall into the background. Without equally alluring
attractions settlement was slow and it was destined to remain
in isolation for decades.
The fair promise of continuing to be the leading American
community on the Pacific Coast, as its auspicious beginning
seemed to presage, suffered eclipse. While there had been no
actual railway construction during the three decades in which
the Pacific Northwest, so to speak, held the center of the stage,
from the very year of our undisputed right to sovereignty
there plans and projects were being submitted for securing
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 177
adequate facilities of transportation to it. These advanced in
definiteness and contemplated a railway as soon as the locomo-
tive had been demonstrated as practicable. Thus during near-
ly a third of a century while the valley of the Columbia was
our only territorial possession on the Pacific the development
and maturing of these projects was in progress. Though there
was no laying of rails "a fund of suggestion" was maturing
through which the day was hastened for actual construction
and which was brought into requisition in formulating the
provisions of the charters of the roads that later were built.
The evolution of the different types of these projects will be
the subject of the next chapter.
CHAPTER III
The Rising Tide of Schemes and Agitation for u, Transconti-
nental Railway to the Oregon Country, 1818-1850.
Through the treaties with England and Spain, 1818 and
1819, respectively, our national foothold on the Pacific Coast
was fully acknowledged. Our southern boundary was the
forty-second parallel ; but until 1846 we were not able to come
to an agreement with Great Britain on a line for a northern
boundary. In the interval the status of "joint occupation"
obtained for the coast between latitudes forty-two degrees and
fifty-four degrees and forty minutes north. Here then was a
possession on the opposite side of the continent, with resources
largely undetermined, though some were known to be of ex-
ceedingly great value ; through it was the natural gateway to
the commerce of the Pacific and to that of the Orient. Amer-
ican explorers had proven the practicability of the overland
route.
The American frontier was being pushed rapidly to the west.
Traders, missionaries and home-builders even, representing
our nationality, were defying difficulties and dangers and in
regularly increasing numbers were making their way over the
continent to this possession facing the western sea. Invention
was making available more and more effective means for over-
coming distance. All these circumstances appealed to the
national sense of duty and strengthened the motive urging the
undertaking of the construction of a transcontinental highway.
Responses were not slow in coming. An anonymous com-
munication appeared in the American Farmer of Baltimore,
July 9, 1819, suggesting the Bactrian Camel as the means by
which the speedy communication between the opposite sides
of the continent might be obtained. The same need of binding
together these remote portions of the country was referred to
that Washington had urged in pleading for closer communi-
cation between the Ohio Valley and the Atlantic seaboard.
"Less broken intercourse," must be had, "with the opposite
coast of our continent, before the settlements, which must,
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 179
very soon, take root and spread along it, shall have their inter-
ests developed in other directions, and be estranged from their
natural and beneficial connection with their kindred of the
Atlantic mother country."1
The very next year this same consideration is urged, with-
out acknowledgment, however, to the unknown author. This
time by an engineer, Robert Mills, of Baltimore. His idea
was to have a canal connect the waters of the Atlantic Coast
with those of the Mississippi Valley ; then he would penetrate
the continent to the west with the steamboat on the Missouri ;
use would be made of the Columbia in like manner ; the dis-
tance between the heads of navigation on these two rivers, esti-
mated at 340 miles, should be spanned by a portage railway.
This suggestion came some ten years before the locomotive
had been proven a success in the historic Manchester and
Liverpool trial. During the early part of these ten years in-
terest in our Pacific Coast possessions had been heightened by
Dr. John Floyd, through pressure of measures before Congress
for taking possession of them. In the latter part of this decade
there was strenuous agitation of projects of colonization by
Hall J. Kelley and others in and around Boston. When the
railroad became a recognized success with us application of it
was proposed from many sources for serving as a bond to
bring into normal union the distant sections of the country.
Until very near the close of the forties the Oregon coun-
try was regularly the region in which the proposed *western
terminus lay. Judge S. W. Dexter, of Ann Arbor, Michigan,
and Dr. Samuel Bancroft Barlow, of Granville, Massachusetts,
contented themselves in proposing routes and schemes. Later
in the thirties Dr. Hartwell Carver, of Rochester, New York,
and John Plumbe, of Dubuque, Iowa, separately, not only
proposed plans, but memorializing Congress undertook the
promotion of them. Rev. Samuel Parker, too, in the record
of his overland trip, taken in 1835, comments on the feasibil-
ity of the construction of a railroad from the Atlantic to the
Pacific Oceans.
i Quoted by Cleveland and Powell, "Promotion and Capitalization of Rail-
5 in the United States," pp. a6i-a.
180 . F. G. YOUNG
During the forties, John Plumbe continues his petitioning
and memorializing for a charter and grant of lands. But the
representative promoters of a transcontinental railway during
this decade were Asa Whitney and George Wilkes, both of
New York. Whitney as a merchant had spent some time in
China and Japan and became completely taken with the idea
of a railroad across the American continent as a means of
making "the United States the center and axle of the com-
merce of the world" j1 such a road would "invite an indefinite
and incalculable amount of exchanges across the continent,
between the Atlantic and the Pacific States, between the At-
lantic slope and Eastern Asia, and between Europe and Asia,
which could not otherwise be afforded, and which but for this,
would never take place."2 "He gave up business, and with the
fanaticism of a Mad Mullah preaching a holy war devoted
ten years of his life and all of his fortune to advocating the
immediate building of a transcontinental railroad."3
His plan contemplated individual proprietorship. His re-
quest was regularly for a grant of land sixty miles wide
throughout the whole length of the road, thirty miles on each
side. The Government was, however, to be paid ten cents an
acre for this domain of nearly 100,000,000 acres. This scheme
of Whitney's represented the extreme of the private ownership
with subsidy idea. Other promoters, urging plans involving
private ownership relied upon a corporate organization and
called for grants of less royal proportions.
Whitney expected to finance the building of the road with
the returns to be secured from the sales of lands. Such sales
were to be achieved through an elaborate process of coloniza-
tion conducted as the building was in progress. The promoters
under corporate organization depended upon stock subscrip-
tions or the loan of the national credit.
George Wilkes was, on the other hand, the most active
advocate of a transcontinental railway as a government en-
iThe reports of committees, 3ist Congress, first session, Vol I, No. 140, p. 3.
2lbid., p. ii.
3Carter, When Railroads Were New, p. 228.
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 181
terprise. He urged the construction of it out of direct ap-
propriations, claiming that the sales of public lands would be so
stimulated that "in less than one year from the marking out
of the line more than thirty millions would be poured into the
treasury. . . Furthermore, he held that "its vast rev-
enues," under government operation, "would not only enable
the government, after paying off the cost, to relieve the coun-
try of the burden of almost every tax, whether imposed or
otherwise, but afford a surplus. . . ,"1
The result of turning this national duty, as he regarded it,
over to private enterprise would, as he contended, be initially
a great fraud perpetrated upon the unsuspecting public in the
first wave of excitement caused by a demonstration in a formal
beginning of construction ; later, if the work was prosecuted
at all, a monopoly of menacing proportions would be de-
veloped, probably under the control of a foreign government.
All this criticism was directed against Whitney's project.2
Wilkes pressed his project for a "national railroad" vigor-
ously. It was submitted to Congress in December, 1845. A
memorial by him "praying for an expression from the legis-
lature of Oregon to the Senate and House of Representa-
tives on the subject of his project of a national railroad
from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean . . ." reached that
territory in September, 1846. It elicited favorable comment
and brought out resolutions adopted at a public meeting held
in Oregon City, soon after the receipt of his memorial and
pamphlet from the East. The main suggestion looking toward
co-operation with him was for the sending of a delegate to
Washington to support the Wilkes project along with Ore-
gon interests pertaining grants of lands for the early settlers
and for "nothing short of 54 degrees and 40 minutes north"
for the boundary of Oregon territory on the north.3
In Congress, the Committee on Roads and Canals, to whom
the Wilkes memorial, "with numerous petitions and memorials
i Wilkes, "The History of Oregon, Geographical and Political," reprinted in
"The Washington Historical Quarterly," Vol. II, pp. 190-192.
2lbid., pp. 277-279.
3Oregon Spectator, September 3, 17, and October 3, 1846.
182 . F. G. YOUNG
upon the subject of constructing a railroad . . ." had been
referred on July 13, 1846, made what amounted to an adverse
report. In this report it is first noted that Congress has un-
questionable constitutional power "to grant the prayer of the
petitioners, by proceeding to construct a thoroughfare from a
point west of the State of Missouri to the mouth of the Co-
lumbia River, for military, for post office and for commercial
purposes." Furthermore, "upon the importance of the Amer-
ican commerce and trade in the Pacific Ocean," there was
"the same pleasing unanimity of opinion. Of its present and
prospective value more than one hundred members of Congress,
and a far greater number of editors and pamphleteers and essay-
ists, and bookmakers have treated in a manner more or less
elaborate, within the last five years." To indicate the posi-
tion taken by the committee in their report, they go on
to say, "All consider it (American trade in the Pacific) large,
growing and worthy of proper and reasonable encouragement.
If confined within suitable limits, measures tending to foster
and promote this trade and commerce, will, it is believed, be
decidedly popular with all classes of citizens. While the pru-
dent and sober-minded would, probably, be unwilling to see
the revenues or the property of the nation pledged, or in any
wise committed to the construction of a costly railroad of some
2,800 or 3,000 miles in length, stretching across vast un-
inhabited prairies and lofty mountains, involving an original
outlay of at least a hundred millions of dollars, and a large
annual cost for superintendence and repairs, it is believed they
w -ild cheerfully assist to open an eligible avenue, if one
could be assured at a small cost compared with the object
sought to be realized."1 The committee had examined quite
carefully Colonel Fremont's report of his explorations and
had consulted Colonel Benton on the matter of the "best
commercial route to Oregon." Senator Benton had suggested
the improvement of the Missouri to the Great Falls and also
of the Columbia and the Clark's Fork. By so doing the limits
i" Railroad to the Pacific Ocean," reports of committees, sgth Congress, first
session, House of Representatives, No. 773, pp. i (Ser. No. 491).
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 183
of steamboat navigation on these rivers could be brought with-
in 150 miles of each other. Over this distance "the goods of
India and of China may be transported ... in many ways,
as they are light and of sufficient value to justify the expense."
The committee fell in with the idea of Senator Benton and
earnestly recommended to the House a bill making provision
for a survey to ascertain the feasibility of the pass between
the headwaters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia
and for determining the practicability of the improvement of
those rivers for navigation. "If this route," they say, "upon
examination, proves impracticable, the committee greatly fear
that a cheap, safe, and speedy communication with our posses-
sions upon the Pacific, through the territories we now own,
may not reasonably be expected to be obtained for many
years."1 While several expressions in the report of this com-
mittee are quite significant, at least on the position of the
committee itself, it is to be noted that the prize of the trade
with the Orient figures as the dominant motive rather than
the binding of the Oregon country closely with the remainder
of the nation.
Wilkes' strictures on Whitney's project seemed only to in-
cite the latter to more vigorous efforts to secure a charter and
land grant for the road. He was before Congress with me-
morials in 1845, 1846 and again in 1848. The Committee of
the House on Roads and Canals, or a majority of it, if the
language of its report is to be accepted as evidence, was brought
to the point of simply worshipping the man and his project.
"Much deference is due," they say, "to one who has so long,
and with such effect, devoted himself to this great object, and
who has in these labors compassed sea and land, traversed the
globe, passed through the states of the Union again and again,
and himself penetrated eight hundred miles of the almost
trackless route which he thinks most expedient to be adopted."2
Again, they express their sense of the backing of Whitney in
i Ibid., p. 6.
2 Whitney's Railroad to the Pacific, reports of committees, 3ist Congress, first
session, House of Representatives, No. 140, p. a (Ser. No. 583).
184 F. G. YOUNG
the country at large by the following reference to the meas-
ure of pressure that had been brought to bear upon them:
"The voice of the most eminent men of the country, the pub-
lic action of twenty separate states of the Union, renewed in
some cases for years, and the favorable reports of special and
standing committees of both houses of Congress, heretofore
and repeatedly made, with great unanimity, all in favor of Mr.
Whitney's proposal, together with a corresponding action of
a great variety of public meetings and corporate bodies,
throughout the length and breadth of the republic, for several
years past, augmenting in number and zeal with the progress
of time. . ."
Moreover, the committee is impressed that "all feel that
this road is wanted, and must be made." For many reasons
they "most profoundly deprecate the undertaking of this work
by the general government in any form whatever." They would
not loan the public credit for the accomplishment of this de-
sign as was proposed by one of the plans submitted to them.
The following language indicates the limit to which this ma-
jority of the committee committed themselves in favor of
Whitney's project: "Your committee have reason to believe
that the government itself, with all its means and credit, would
sink under the attempt to build this road on any other plan
than that of Mr. Whitney. Again, after animadverting on
the positions taken by national conventions that had just been
held at St. Louis and Memphis for promoting a transcontinen-
tal railway, they say: The question of means, therefore, is
exhausted, and falls to the ground, without hope of rescue,
on any other plan than that of Mr. Whitney."
In the same confident tone they met all the objections that
had been brought against Whitney's plan on the ground of
the vast grant of public domain involved. The country would
net more through that disposition of its lands than in any
other way. The risk is all his ; his is the only feasible plan.
Not only would no other plan than Mr. Whitney's succeed, but
they could not refrain "from expressing their solicitude in re-
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 185
gard to the great and momentous interests of our country
which are contingent on the execution of this magnificent de-
sign."1
In contrast with the main purpose to be achieved by a trans-
continental railway as conceived by the committee in 1846,
this committee in 1850, March 13, states the objects of
the enterprise as follows: "First, your committee think that
it would bind and cement, on the largest scale, and in the
most enduring form, the commercial, social and political re-
lations of our Eastern and Western domain, as naturally di-
vided and marked out by the summit of the ridge between the
Mississippi and the Pacific. A primary effect of this work
would naturally be, by surmounting the obstacles of nature,
to bring into the most intimate commercial contact the two
vast regions of productive industry which are destined to be
on the Atlantic and Pacific slopes of North America, and thus
by creating an everlasting bond of interest, to cement between
the same quarters social and political ties equally intimate and
equally enduring."2
This enthusiasm for the Whitney project did not, however,
avail. It was pitted against the opposing idea of a national
railroad to the Pacific; it was checked by the rising spirit of
sectionalism, for it contemplated a route quite to the north;
local jealousies of cities aspiring to become the Eastern term-
inus also developed opposition.
The vigorous agitation by the exponents of the idea of a,
transcontinental railway for more than a decade; the migra-
tions of the Oregon pioneers throughout the forties to the
valley of the Columbia ; and the grand rush of the argonauts in
1849 to California — these all contributed to bring the idea
most vividly into the public consciousness of the nation and
nearer to realization.
The following abstract of the salient features of the dif-
ferent schemes for overland transportation to the Pacific de-
veloped before 1850 may be of service:
ilbid., pp. 2-7, 5 and 9.
zlbid., pp. a, 42.
186 • F. G. YOUNG
1. Author — "American" (anonymous), July 9, 1819, Ameri-
can Farmer of Balto.
Means — The Bactrian Camel for rapid communication
rather than for travel and traffic.
Purpose — To bind together populations of opposite shores
of continent.
Route — Not defined except that it needed to be more di-
rect than via the Missouri River.
2. Author— Robert Mills, 1820, "A Treatise on Inland Nav-
igation."
Means — A portage railway or turnpike across the moun-
tains between highest navigable portions of the Missouri
and the Columbia Rivers.
Purpose — To enable the Government to wield its potent
energies with effect on the Pacific Coast in the interests
of the Union.
Route — The Missouri and the Columbia Rivers.
3. Author— Hall ]. Kelley, 1829. "Geographical Sketch of
Oregon."
Means — Grant of land, alternate sections, thirty miles wide,
fifteen on each side of road.
Purpose — To establish quick and direct communication be-
tween the Mississippi Valley and the Pacific Ocean.
Route — From Missouri River, near mouth of the Kansas,
crossing backbone of Continent near 43d parallel, then
along the Valley of the Snake to the Columbia River,
near Fort Walla Walla (Wallula at the present time),
and terminating at the southern extremity of Puget
Sound.
4. Author — S. W. Dexter, February 6, 1832, Emigrant of
Ann Arbor.
Means — A national project or the organization of a com-
pany and a grant of three millions of acres of land for
the purpose.
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 187
Purpose — No special purpose named.
Route — From New York along south shores of Lakes
Erie, Michigan, up the Platte, through South Pass,
down Lewis Fork of Columbia.
5. Author— Dr. Samuel Bancroft Barlow, 1834, Westfield
( Mass. ) Intelligencer.
Means — Annual appropriations of the surplus from the
duties and taxes continued at existing rates after public
debt was paid.
Route — Virtually identical with that suggested by Judge
Dexter.
Purpose — Settlement of Far West would be facilitated,
commerce would be stimulated, and sections of coun-
try would be bound together by stronger ties of common
interest.
6. Author — John Plumbe, 1836, memorial against Whitney's
railroad scheme.
Means — Alternate sections on each side of route turned
over to company ; reserved sections at double price would
prevent any cost to Government. Wide distribution of
stock, twenty million shares at five dollars each.
Purpose — No data.
Route — From Lake Michigan, across Wisconsin and Iowa,
over the northern route to Oregon.
7. Author — Dr. Hartwell Carver, August 11, 1837, Morning
Courier and New York Enquirer for the Country.
Means — Varied. Twenty miles either side of the road, or
eight million acres, to be sold him at cost of $1.25 or
50 cents an acre, to be paid for in stock of company.
Purpose — Commerce of Asia and the Eastern Isles.
Route — Lake Michigan to the South Pass with branches
to San Francisco Bay and the mouth of the Columbia.
188 4 F. G. YOUNG
8. Author— Asa Whitney, 1841 or 1844, project for a rail-
road to the Pacific ; memorials to Congress.
Means — Grant of land sixty miles wide, thirty on each
side of road.
Purpose — To bind together the opposite shores of the con-
tinent ; to make America the axle of the commerce of the
world.
Route — From Lake Michigan to the Pacific Coast.
9. Author — George Wilkes, History of Oregon, Geographical
and Political (Colyer), 1845.
Means — Appropriations by Congress ; expected increased
sales of public domain would easily furnish means.
Purpose — Mainly to get trade of Orient.
Route— The "Old Oregon Trail."
10. Author — Albert Pike, at Memphis convention, 1849.
Means — Loan of National credit.
Purpose and Route — No data.
11. Author — Thomas H. Benton, his prediction, 1844.
Championed National project between territories. At first
favored portage between highest points accessible with steam-
boats on Missouri and the Columbia. Later favored a South-
ern route. Benton is credited with having defeated Whitney's
project before Congress in 1848. Wilkes' project found most
favor during this period in the Oregon settlements.
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE.
Bancroft, Hubert Hozve — History of California, V. VII., Chap-
ter XIX, pp. 494-514 (Volume XXIV of the general series
of Pacific States Histories).
Bancroft's narrative furnishes basis of other secondary
sources. These, however, commonly add one or more names
of early projectors of schemes and quote freely from the favor-
ite they introduce into the list of advocates of a transcontinental
HISTORY OF RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 189
railway. Bancroft gives by far the most details pertaining to
discussions, in and out of Congress, of the plans proposed.
Smalley, Eugene V. — History of the Northern Pacific Rail-
road. Chapters VI. and VII., pp. 51-68.
Smalley champions Dr. Samuel Bancroft Barlow of Gran-
ville, Mass., as the first advocate of a transcontinental railroad.
Bancroft had not mentioned Barlow. Smalley quotes in full
Barlow's communication to the Intelligencer of Westfield in
which the plan is set forth. George Wilkes' plan gets its first
notice and Hartwell Carver's claim advanced by Bancroft is
ridiculed.
Davis, John P. — The Union Pacific Railway, Chapters I. and
II, pp. 1-34.
Davis presents Judge S. W. Dexter as author of the first
plan for a transcontinental railway. His editorial in the Emi-
grant, February 6. 1832, in which his suggestion is made is
quoted from. Robert Mills, as an advocate of a Pacific rail-
way, is mentioned and John Plumbe is brought prominently
into the list of advocates of such a highway.
Cleveland, Frederick A. and Powell, Fred Wilbur — Railroad
Promotion and Capitalization in the United States. Chap-
ter XVI, pp. 257-273.
An anonymous contributor to the American Farmer, of
Baltimore, July 9, 1819, is given credit for "the germ of the
idea" of a transcontinental railroad. These authors seem to
have pretty thoroughly ransacked the material extant per-
taining to these projects and compare and criticize them to
good purpose.
Carter, Charles Frederick — When Railroads Were New. Chap-
ter VII, pp. 226-230.
Very brief notice, devoted to Plumbe and Whitney. Gives
helpful contemporary criticism of latter.
NOTES
OREGON HISTORICAL LITERATURE TO BE ENRICHED.
John Minto, in collaboration with a personal friend, is pre-
paring for publication a book outlining his life and work from
his boyhood years in England, down to the present time in
Oregon.
Ex-Governor T. T. Geer has well advanced an account of
"Fifty Years in Oregon." Mr. Geer's work will be taken up
largely with estimates and characterizations of the men who
have had leading parts in the up-building of Oregon.
Thomas Fletcher Royal at the time of his death, March 8,
had ready for the press his work, entitled "Trail Followers
and Empire Builders." In it he gives the story of pioneer life
in Illinois and Oregon. Mr. Royal come to Oregon in 1853
and was prominent in educational work and as a Methodist
Episcopal minister.
A LONG ROLL OF EMINENT DEAD.
The last quarter has witnessed the passing of many of Ore-
gon's prominent men. A partial list, with dates of their death,
comprises the following names :
Frank W. Benson, April 14.
T. W. Davenport, April 18.
Lafayette Grover, May 11.
John C. Carson, June 1.
George W. McBride, June 29.
The political records of the state show that Governor Ben-
son had a strong hold on the Oregon people. He began his
active life as a school teacher, served in the land office and in
the county clerk's office at Roseburg, practiced law and in
1906 was elected secretary of state. After the promotion of
Governor Chamberlain to the United States Senate, Secretary
Benson became governor. He was re-elected secretary of
state in 1910.
The readers of The Quarterly must have felt well acquainted
with Mr. Davenport. His many frank and strong papers con-
NOTES. 191
tributed to its pages have surely elicited the admiration of all
who had not earlier the good fortune of knowing him per-
sonally.
He served many terms in the state legislature, was for a
time Indian agent and from 1895 to 1899 was state land agent.
He was always the ardent, fearless and able advocate of what
appeared to him the cause of humanity. His place is among
the elite of Oregon. He did noble civic service from his coming
to the state in 1851 until the date of his death.
Ex-Governor LaFayette Grover, who died on May 10, had a
leading part in the public affairs of Oregon from the time of
his coming in 1851 to the close of his term as United States
Senator in 1883. He compiled the legislation of the Provisional
Government period, adjusted claims arising out of depreda-
tions of Rogue River Indians, 1854,1 and those due for services
and supplies furnished during the Yakima War.2 He was
a member of the State Constitutional convention, one of
the most active. When Oregon was admitted he was the
state's first representative in Congress. In 1870 he was elect-
ed governor, mainly on the Chinese exclusion issue. During his
two terms he was very active in securing title for the state
to the lands inuring to it under the different congressional
grants. In his term the Willamette Falls canal and locks were
constructed, but the entrance upon the policy of subsidizing
railways was blocked by his vetoing a bill for Portland to issue
$300,000 of bonds to aid Ben Holladay in building a railroad
from Portland up the west side of the Willamette Valley. In
1876 he came into the national limelight, so to speak, when he
refused to certify the election of John W. Watts as one of the
Republican presidential electors on the ground that his posi-
iHis associates were Addison C. Gibbs, governor of Oregon in 1862-66, and
G. H. Ambrose.
aThis war began early in October, 1855, and lasted about one year. It was
caused by a general uprising of most of the Indian tribes then in Oregon and
Washington Territories in order to drive the whites from the country. As the
military force of the United States in these territories was weak, volunteers were
called into service by the respective governors and the Indians were subdued.
By virtue of an act of Congress passed August 18, 1856, the Secretary of War
appointed Captains A. J. Smith and Rufus Ingalls, of the Regular Army, and Capt.
L. F. Grover, of the volunteer forces, as commissioners to audit all claims con-
nected with this war.
192 NOTES.
tion as postmaster disqualified him. As United States Senator
he was active in securing the adoption of exclusion of Chinese
immigrants.
John C. Carson contributed many years of service to the
public as a member of the city council of Portland and as a
member of the state legislature.
Geo. W. McBride was eight years secretary of state, from
1887 to 1894, inclusive. He was then elected to succeed J. N.
Dolph as United States Senator. Upon completing his term
in 1901 he was appointed United States Commissioner for the
Louisiana Purchase Exposition. He was a member of the
distinguished McBride family that numbers so many eminent
representatives in the annals of the Pacific Coast.
The Quarterly hopes to enlist the aid of some of the ready
pens of the pioneers to give the tribute of careful estimates of
the activities and personalities of these who died during the
last few months and also of those whom we have lost in
recent years. The Quarterly has not yet contained worthy
tributes to such historic personages as Charles B. Bellinger,
John B. Waldo and Harvey W. Scott.
THIRTY-NINTH ANNUAL PIONEER REUNION.
The annual reunion of the Oregon Pioneers — the 39th —
held in Portland on June 21, was again about as delightful
an occasion as the human heart can reach to. The registered
attendance was thirteen hundred and fifty, and the average age
was sixty-nine years. When it is remembered that no one
who came to, or was born in, Oregon later than the year 1859,
is eligible to membership in the Oregon Pioneer Association,
it will be seen that this was a remarkable gathering. The
youngest person in attendance was fifty-two years old and the
oldest, — Captain James Blakeley, of Brownsville, Oregon, a pio-
neer of 1846 — was in his ninety-ninth year. He will be ninety-
nine on November 26th next, and is in excellent health, both
physically and mentally. He rendered excellent service at the
head of a company of volunteers in the Yakima Indian war.
NOTES. 193
The banquet, the annual address and the other exercises
were all fitted to bring- keenest enjoyment to the heroes and
heroines who won Oregon and laid here the foundations
of a most promising civilization. Colonel Robert A. Miller
was elected president; Joseph Buchtel, vice president; George
H. Himes, secretary, and Charles E. Ladd, treasurer.
STATE PARK AT CHAMPOEG.
The Champoeg meeting of May 2, 1843, at which was ef-
fected the first political organization of American settlements
on the Pacific Coast, was of the highest order of historic im-
portance. Mr. Joseph Buchtel's patriotic efforts to secure ade-
quate public grounds at Champoeg for surroundings for an
appropriate monument, auditorium and park are reported as
crowned with success.
A ten-acre tract has been secured to be added to the three
acres already owned by the state. The funds were raised
through private subscription.
A growing historical sense will enable our future legis-
latures to see the propriety of having this financial burden as-
sumed by the state and also provision made for the erection
of suitable monumental structures.
Itf
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
VOLUME XII SEPTEMBER 1911 NUMBER 3
Copyright, 191 1 . by Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
DAVID THOMPSON, PATHFINDER
AND THE
COLUMBIA RIVER*
£y T. C. Elliott
This anniversary year on the Columbia River has special
significance to those residing along its upper courses as well
as to those at its mouth, and it is well worth while for the
people of Kettle Falls and vicinity to rehearse the career and
honor the name of the first man of the white races who ex-
plored and made permanent record of the sources of this
magnificent stream, and who was the first to traverse its entire
length from source to mouth. Strangely enough the work of
this really great and notable man is just coming to public
prominence, particularly so any account of his achievements in
the basin of the Columbia; even the historians of our river
have failed to award him much more than passing notice.
Brief mention only is possible within the limits of this address ;
and let it first be stated that one of the few geographical points
to which the name of this man, David Thompson, was once
attached (by himself or by some of his associates) — the only
locality in fact ever so designated on the main course of the
Columbia — is the stretch of rapids a few miles below these
Falls and now locally known as Rickey Rapids in recognition
of your pioneer settler, Mr. John Rickey. On the early maps
used by the Hudson's Bay Company these rapids were noted
as the Thompson Rapids, doubtless because of some incident
as yet unknown to us.
* An address delivered at Kettle Falls before the Pioneer Association of
Stevens County, Washington, on June 23, 1911.
196 T. C. ELLIOTT
Our interest in any one is always enlivened by his likeness
or some bit of writing from his hand. Something of what
David Thompson wrote in his journal (now to be seen at
Toronto, Canada), and thus actually recorded while here at
Kettle Falls one hundred years ago this very week, will serve
as an introduction to him personally. His journal reads:
"June 29th, 1811, Saturday, very fine day but cloudy.
Finished the canoe to one board in each side * * . All
the timbers of the other canoe got burnt by neglect.* * * .
The indians speared six salmon, they gave us two. They
carry the aversion they know the salmon to have to the taste
of the water in which men and animals and especially salmon
have been washed to superstition. They did (not) begin
spearing till near noon, as the spearer had seen the bearer
of a deathshead boy since dead ; to have speared fish with such
unclean eyes would have driven all the salmon away and he
pacified himself with a decoction of the scraped bark of the
red hem (lock) ; thus cleaned he proceeded to work. The
salmon are about 15 to 25 to 30 pounds weight here, well
tasted, but they have cut all their feet retaining all their meat ;
their flesh is red and they are extremely well made.
"June 30th, Sunday, a fine cool cloudy day, in the afternoon
slight rain, they speared eleven salmon, gave us three, one is
a fine one. Finished the boards of the canoe, rested the rest
of the day.
"July 1st, Monday, a very fine day. Men went for gum
which they gathered and made and gummed a very small
part of the canoe. One salmon. Engaged Billaris as hunter
etc. Sent off the balance to Juco. Gave the horses to the care
of the Chief here and killed one for food.
July 2nd, Tuesday, very fine day, gummed the canoe and
arranged many little affairs."
The following day he started down the Columbia in this one
canoe with seven companions of French and Indian blood on
that first journey of a white man from Ilth-koy-ape, as the
Indians called these Falls, to the ocean. The night of the 5th
found them encamped some distance below the mouth of the
DAVID THOMPSON AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER 197
Okanogan river, on the 9th they were a little way above the
mouth of Snake or Lewis river, and on the 14th or 16th arrived
at Fort Astoria, there to be greeted by Duncan McDougal and
other former associates of Mr. Thompson in the Northwest
Company, but then partners and managers in the Pacific Fur
Company of John Jacob Astor. These people had arrived in
the Columbia by sea during the month of April preceding.
You ask how did David Thompson arrive at Kettle Falls in
June, 1811, and whether by chance or design? He came on
horseback from Spokane House, a trading post or fort then
already established, erected the previous year at the junction
of the little Spokane with the main Spokane river by one of
his men, presumably Finan McDonald. This seems a little
early to find the name Spokane in written form, but so it ap-
pears; "Skeetshoo" was the designation given by David
Thompson to the Spokane river and to the lake later known
as the Coeur d'Alene.
He had reached Spokane House by the "Skeetshoo road" or
trail from the Kullyspell (Pend d'Oreille) river and tribe.
The Kullyspell (or Saleesh) river and lake were already fa-
miliar to him through several months spent in exploring and
trading there during 1809-10 and the establishment of two trad-
ing posts, one near to the Thompson Falls, Montana, of the
present day. To the Saleesh he had come by the "Kullyspell
Lake Indian Road" from the Kootenay river, where he left
the canoes used in descending the Kootenay from a point in
British Columbia opposite to the waters of the Upper Colum-
bia Lake and distant from that lake not more than three miles
across the low divide since known as Canal Flat, but to him as
McGillivray's Portage. This portage he had reached by canoes
UP the Columbia from Canoe river at the extreme bend of the
river in British Columbia, so named by himself because of his
enforced encampment there from January until April of this
same year 1811 in preparation for his "sortie" to the mouth
of the Columbia. The occasion for this "sortie" was the per-
mission given to him or the instructions received from his
partners of the Northwest Company at their annual meeting
198 f . C. ELLIOTT
at Fort William on Lake Superior in the summer of 1810 ; for
the "Northwesters" had declined to join with Mr. Astor in the
enterprise to occupy the mouth of the Columbia and expected
to develop the Indian trade there on their own account, as
they afterward did.
But let me revert to David Thompson's own records. He
was at Astoria on the 16th of July and from there visited Cape
Disappointment at the mouth of the river, but at once started
up river again, for his journal reads: "August 8th, 1811,
Chapaton River, at noon, latitude 48 degrees 36 minutes 26
seconds north, longitude 112 degrees 22 minutes 15 seconds
west. Laid up our canoe." The Chapaton (Shahaptin) was
the Snake river and this entry shows him to have been at the
mouth of the Palouse river, a well known camping place for
the Nez Perces Indians; from whence the party took to the
hurricane decks of as many Nez Perces horses and followed the
well established Indian trail to the Spokane (Aug. 18th) and
thence to Kettle Falls again (Aug. 23rd). By the third of
September he was again prepared with canoe and provisions
and proceeded UP the Columbia, through the Arrow Lakes
and the Dalles des Mort to Boat Encampment on Canoe
river, and from there crossed the Rocky Mountains again to
the Athabasca in October.
I mention the details of the career of David Thompson in
the year 1811 because these facts are not yet familiar to the
residents of our Columbia river region, because they are perti-
nent to our anniversary season and because their narration
serves to reveal to us the traits individual to the man. At the
age of forty-one years David Thompson thus traversed every
reach of this magnificent river from source to mouth, a physi-
cal achievement for a man even at the present day ; but much
more than a mere physical achievement by him because his
record gave first to the world its knowledge of the long sought
for source and windings of this river, as a few years previous
lie had been the first to discover and mark the real source of
the mighty Mississippi river.
DAVID THOMPSON AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER 199
David Thompson was a "goer". If anything further is
needed to indicate this let it be said that during the last days
of April, 1810, he was at Pend d'Oreille lake of Northern
Idaho, and in July of the same year was at the Rainy Lakes
near Lake Superior (and probably at Fort William), and on
the 6th of September of the same year was again near the
head waters of the Saskatchewan preparing to cross the divide
on to the Columbia to complete his journey to its mouth and
establish the rights of the "Northwesters" on the entire river.
He journeyed to the Rainy Lakes because he had an appoint-
ment to keep there with his partners, and he hurried back
again because he had a duty to perform for his Company and
for his Country. Those were not yet the days of fees to
porters in Pullman cars or even of the Rocky Mountain stage
• coach, but time and distance yielded to the energy and endur-
ance of such men as the fur traders.
David Thompson was possessed of great physical courage
and ability to lead men. You or I would hesitate to cross the
Rocky Mountains on foot after the winter begins, but let me
quote from "The Journals of Alex. Henry and David Thomp-
son" (including Dr. Coues' admirable notes) a resume of the
story of his terrible journey across the continental divide in
mid-winter; prefacing with the explanation that provisions
were very low that Fall of 1810 at the few fur trading estab-
lishments on the Saskatchewan, and that owing to sudden
hostility of the Piegan Indians the mountain pass used in 1807-
8 and 9 was closed to Mr. Thompson then and he was com-
pelled to seek an entirely new and unknown one.
"Nov. 7th, 1810. At 11 a. m. Pichette and Pierre arrived *
from Mr. Thompson's camp. They left him on Panbian river,
with all his property, on his way to the Columbia, cutting his
road through a wretched, thick, woody country, over moun-
tains and gloomy muskagues and nearly starving, animals be-
ing very scarce in that quarter. His hunter * could only
find a chance wood buffalo on which to subsist; when that
failed they had to recourse to what flour and other douceurs
Mr. Thompson had — in fact the case is pitiful. * * On
200 T. C. ELLIOTT
Dec. 5th, 1810 Thompson had reached a point on Athabasca r ;
which he gives as Lat. * * From this place he dispatched
men to Mr. Henry at Rocky Mt. House asking for pemmican
and supplies. * He was in dire extremities, and his men
were disaffected to the verge of mutiny by the sufferings they
shared with him. On the 15th the thermometer was minus 30°
* On Saturday, the 29th, thermometer 31° he started. * *
On New Year's Day 1811, thermometer minus 24°, the dogs
were unable to move their loads, a cache was made * Thomp-
son struggled on, with ever-increasing difficulty and danger ;
but there was no alternative. Jan. 4th, he came to a bold
defile whence issued the main Athabasca r., 'the canoe road to
pass to the w. side of the Mts.'. * Jan. 8th, the brook still
seemingly the main stream dwindling away; Mts. about 1
mile apart, 2000 to 3000 feet high. * Thursday, Jan. 10th,
crossed the Height of Land. Jan. llth, held DOWN a brook.
* Jan. 13th, sent back to Height of Land for some things
left there, but wolverines had destroyed everything except 5
Ibs of balls. Jan. 14th, Dogs could no longer haul their loads,
owing to depth and softness of the snow ; reduced all baggage
to a weight of about 3 & ^ pieces, and abandoned every-
thing not absolutely necessary, including his tent, courage of
the man fast sinking. * Jan. 15th, sighted mountains on
other side of the Columbia. * Jan. 21st, Down to the Co-
lumbia. Jan. 22nd, Down the Columbia 1 m. to a bold brook
and 1 & YT, m. to a cedar point. F. d. P. men dispirited, 'use-
less as old women' * determined to return to Canoe river
and wait for men, goods and provisions and build canoes." So
we see that even in these desperate circumstances he was ready
to proceed, and had he been able to cross the mountains by the
Howse Pass in September or October, 1810, in all probability
he would have pushed on down the Columbia to its mouth
during the winter and anticipated the Astor party in actual
occupancy. Failing in the effort he proceeded more slowly.
Courage and ability to endure hardships were but common
attributes of the fur trader, but ability to observe intelligently
and record with continual care the daily events and experiences,
DAVID THOMPSON AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER 201
and the habits and names of the Indian tribes and localities was
not so common. David Thompson kept his note-book or jour-
nal under all conditions of weather or travel, and made record
of the daily camping places in scientific terms and with such
exactness that these localities can be checked today with scarce
a variation. His instruments were small, only such as were
held in the hand, but his observations were accurate. A promi-
nent engineer and scholar of Canada has had occasion to follow
many of the routes of travel and gives, testimony to this fact.
And this ability and habit were not based upon the diploma of
any school or institution of learning, not at all. At the age of
seven years and a poor boy David Thompson had been placed
by his father in a charity school in London, and remained there
seven years learning all that was taught, which included a little
navigation; and reading all that came in his way, for he was
an omniverous reader. When about fourteen years old (about
1783) the Hudson's Bay Company applied for a suitable boy
to enter their service and he was then apprenticed to that
Company for a period of seven years, and began life in the fur
trade along the bleak shores of Hudson's Bay. His compan-
ionships were improved to the utmost, and a spirit of ambition
inspired him to outdo his associates. His love for exploration
was influenced perhaps by the travel of Samuel Hearne, who
was one of the officers over him. Considering himself held
back by the ultra commercialism of the Hudson's Bay Company
after due time he turned to their more enterprising competi-
tor, the Northwest Company of Merchants of Canada, with
headquarters at Montreal, and became a "Northwester." As such
he was chosen, after some years, to push the trade across the
continental divide further south than Peace river, where Simon
Eraser crossed over, and thus it fell to him to find the sources
of the long looked for "River of the West" which both Alex.
Mackenzie and Simon Fraser had hoped to* find before him.
Let it not be supposed that the Northwest Company of Mer-
chants of Canada were at all ignorant of the goings and com-
ings of the Lewis and Clark party in 1805-6. Those very same
years Simon Fraser (& McLeod) penetrated to the waters of
202 T. C. ELLIOTT
the river afterward named in his honor, and in the month of
June of 1807 David Thompson descended the western slope of
the Rocky Mountains by way of the pass at the head of the
Saskatchewan river, which pass was afterward generously
named in honor of a rival trader in the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. The winters of 1807-8 and 1808-9 were both spent at
the trading house built by him in July, 1807, on the lower of
the two lakes forming the source of the main Columbia ; but
explorations down the Kootenay river and a journey back to
Fort William to meet his partners engaged his time. In the
summer of 1809 he pushed across the Indian road southward
from the Kootenay to the Kullyspell (Pend d'Oreille) lake, ex-
plored both the lake and rivers below and above it, and spent
that winter (1809-10) at a trading house (already mentioned)
established near the Flat Head Indians of Montana ; but all
the time was gathering information from the Indians as to the
courses of the streams flowing to the ocean, and his men were
extending their trade and acquaintance with the country during
his absence.
But the entries in David Thompson's journal tell of more
than courage, endurance, intelligence and care ; they show that
he was a devout man. His common expressions "thank God"
and "thank Heaven" were sincere outbursts of a spiritual na-
ture and not mere habitual repetitions. That season of 1811
at midsummer he had an important mission to perform and
unknown miles to travel, and yet on Sunday here at Kettle
Falls he rested. Five years afterward he was engaged under
appointment from the British Government in the important
work of directing the survey and establishment of the boundary
line between the United States and Canada from Maine to the
Lake of the Woods. While thus engaged an associate ob-
served and afterward remarked the following : "Mr. Thompson
was a firm Churchman, while most of our men were Roman
Catholics. Many a time have I seen these uneducated Canadians
most attentively and thankfully listen, as they sat upon some
bank of shingle, to Mr. Thompson, while he read to them in
most extraordinary pronounced French three chapters out of
DAVID THOMPSON AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER 203
the Old Testament and as many out of the New, adding such
explanations as seemed to him suitable."
The same individual thus describes Mr. Thompson physical-
ly : "A singular looking person of about fifty. He was plain-
ly dressed, quiet and observant. His figure was short and
compact, and his black hair was worn long all around, and cut
square, as if by one stroke of the shears just above the eye-
brows. His complexion was of the gardiner's ruddy brown,
while the expression of his deeply furrowed features were
friendly and intelligent, but his cut short nose gave him an
odd look. His speech betrayed the Welchman. No living per-
son possesses a tithe of his information respecting the Hudson's
Bay countries, which from 1793 ( ?) to 1820 he was constantly
traversing. Never mind his Bunyan-like face and cropped
hair ; he has a powerful mind and a singular faculty of picture-
making. He can create a wilderness and people it with war-
ring savages, or climb the Rocky Mountains with you in a
snowstorm, so clearly and palpably, that only shut your eyes
and you hear the crack of the rifle, or feel the snowflakes on
your cheeks as he talks." This quotation is from an address
delivered recently before the Royal Geographical Society of
London by the eminent engineer already mentioned, Mr. J. B.
Tyrrell, to whose personal research and interest the world is
chiefly indebted for its growing knowledge of David Thomp-
son.
Hurrying down the Columbia in July, 1811, David Thomp-
son landed at a large Indian encampment near to where you
are now accustomed to "keep your eye on Pasco," and erected
the^e a pole with this written notice upon it: "Know hereby
that this country is claimed by Great Britain as part of its
territories, and that the Northwest Company of Merchants
from Canada finding the factory of this people inconvenient to
them do hereby intend to erect a factory in this place for the
Commerce of the Country around."
Intelligent students of American history today candidly ad-
mit that the American diplomats did exceedingly well in final-
ly placing the line of the Canadian boundary at the 49th
204 • T. C. ELLIOTT
parallel of north latitude, and agree that the work of David
Thompson gave a considerable degree of fairness to the
British demand for that boundary to follow the line of the
Columbia river south from the 49th parallel, which is the most
Great Britain ever seriously claimed. And we of the Republic
may well be thankful that those pesky Indians of the Sas-
katchewan in the early Fall of 1810 hindered David Thompson
from crossing the "height of land" and thus from coming
down the Columbia that year and actually occupying the mouth
of the Columbia in advance of the Astor party.
During the final stages of the negotiations for the settlement
of the international boundary with Great Britain, between
1842 and 1846, David Thompson, then about seventy-five years
old, wrote several letters to the officials of his government
emphasizing the extent and value of this wonderful Columbia
river country and relating the services he had performed here.
These letters are now on file in the Public Records Office at
London and they are the plea of an old and forgotten man
for recognition ; for in sorrow be it said the last years of his
life were spent in poverty and perhaps at times in distress.
His death occurred at Longueil, near Montreal, in the year
1857, during his eighty-seventh year. The families of the
Merchants of Canada who had grown wealthy through the
fur trade forgot him in his failing years, and the government
had no time to listen to his story.
That other grand man of the Columbia, Doctor John Mc-
Loughlin, during that same year, 1857, died at Oregon City,
Oregon, under similar circumstances of distress of mind. The
people he had befriended became forgetful and even sought
to despoil him. But during these anniversary years these
men are coming to their own in the memory of the genera-
tions of the present, and these two names, David Thompson
and John McLoughlin, will be placed high among all others
of the early history of the Columbia river.
Ilth-koy-ape is the more appropriate and musical name for
this beautiful and romantic part of this magnificent river, but
the French-Canadian voyageurs and employees came to term
DAVID THOMPSON AND THE COLUMBIA RIVER 205
these Falls La Chaudiere, in recollection of similar forma-
tions in the rocks of the falls on the Ottawa river, and that
name came in turn to be translated into the English meaning.
The first line of direct communication, trade and travel across
the continent of North America (Mexico excepted) passed
up and down the Columbia river and for a period of thirty
years and more was used as such, with the portage at Kettle
Falls affording one of the most important supply and resting
stations. We do well to honor the career and name of the
man who discovered, explored, made known and opened this
highway of communication, David Thompson, who loved his
work and did it well, and who is proclaimed by Mr. Tyrrell
as the greatest land geographer the British race has ever
produced.
SOME IMPORTANT RESULTS FROM THE EXPEDI-
TIONS OF JOHN JACOB ASTOR TO, AND
FROM THE OREGON COUNTRY*
It sometimes happens that the indirect results of great move-
ments are far greater and more important than the direct
results intended. The intentions of the Crusaders to obtain
possession of Jerusalem and to establish a permanent European
government there failed, but the indirect results were the be-
ginning of the end of feudalism and the new beginning of
civilization and culture in Europe. The vanity and luxury
of men and women in Europe and in China developed and
made to prosper the fur-trade in North America, but the in-
direct results are the present developments of the Western
United States and of Western and Northwestern Canada.
Capt. Robert Gray, looking for furs, when he discovered the
Columbia River, May 11, 1792, and also John Jacob Astor,
when he organized the Pacific Fur Company in 1810, and
founded Astoria, April 12, 1811, had no thoughts of what the
great indirect results would be.
In this brief address I cannot go into the details of the
growth of the fur-trade in North America. I shall speak of
some of its incidents.
Captain Cook's Last Voyage.
Prior to 1766, Russians had established themselves in the
fur-trade in what is now called Alaska, but these furs went
to China, then the best market for fine furs in the world. It
was the eventful third and last voyage of Capt. James Cook,
which began in July, 1776, and ended in October, 1780, that
the great impetus was given to securing furs in Alaska and
in what was afterwards known as the "Oregon Country."
This was the indirect result. The object of Cook's voyage was
to ascertain whether a northwest passage, i. e., a passage be-
tween the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, existed. During the
*Address by Frederick V. Holman, President of the Oregon Historical Society,
before the Teachers' Historical Institute, at Astoria, Oregon, September 5, 1911.
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 207
times this expedition was at Vancouver's Island and Alaska
the officers and sailors had obtained from the natives a quan-
tity of furs, at trifling cost, which were used as clothing and
as bedding. On the arrival of the expedition, homeward bound,
at Canton, China, in 1779, what was left of these furs were
sold for about two thousand pounds, sterling, a large sum
of money in those days. After this expedition returned to
England, the facts relating to furs on the North Pacific
Coast became known and vessels, British, American and Portu-
gese, engaged in the trade for many years.
The Hudson's Bay and Northwest Companies.
The Hudson's Bay Company was granted a Royal Charter
in 1670, by King Charles II., and thereafter engaged in the
fur-trade in the eastern part of what was then known as
British North America. In 1784 Canadian fur- traders, who
had been in competition with the Hudson's Bay Company,
united their interests, under the name of Northwest Company
of Montreal, but usually called the "Northwest Company."
The latter was composed of intelligent, forceful and resolute
men and took for themselves the fur-trade in the western part
of British North America, and extending to the Pacific Coast,
excluding the Russian-American possessions.
June 17, 1793, Alexander Mackenzie, one of the partners
of the Northwest Company, discovered a large river which
he called Tacoutche-Tesse, from the name given it by the
Indians. At the time of its discovery Mackenzie did not know
of the Columbia River or its discovery. After his return to
England and, at the time of the publication of his voyages, in
1801, and, until the exploration of this river to its mouth by
Simon Eraser in 1808, it was supposed to be the upper part
of the Columbia River. The Tacoutche-Tesse is now called
Eraser River in honor of Simon Eraser.
In 1805 the Northwest Company sent a party to establish
its first posts west of the Rocky Mountains on the Tacoutche-
Tesse and in its vicinity. By the year 1806 some of these
posts were established. These were the first settlements by
208 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN
white men in the Oregon Country, i. e., north of latitude 42
degrees and south of 54 degrees and 40 minutes. These posts
were established in what Eraser named "New Caledonia,"
being in the northern interior of what is now British Columbia.
Undoubtedly these posts were established so early and the
Eraser River explored to its mouth because of the Lewis and
Clark Expedition and to forestall occupation by American
fur-traders. But, in addition, along the Columbia and its
tributaries, there were sure to be quantities of fur-bearing
animals. Goods and supplies could be brought by sea, at
least to the mouth of the Columbia, and furs shipped by the
returning vessels. The discovery by Eraser that the Tacoutche-
Tesse is not a part of the Columbia River merely delayed these
plans of the Northwest Company.
John Jacob Astor and His Enterprises.
I shall not, in this address, go into the matter of John Jacob
Astor and his various enterprises prior to the time he thought
of engaging in the fur-trade on the Northwest Pacific Coast.
At that time he had a great knowledge of the fur-trade and
had become, what was then considered, a very wealthy man.
He had engaged in trade with China and also in the Indian
countries, west of the Mississippi River, and in Canada. The
Expedition of Lewis and Clark arrived at St. Louis, Missouri,
on its return, in September, 1806. Astor then learned that
the Columbia River and its tributaries abounded in fur-bear-
ing animals, including great numbers of beaver.
Prior to 1810, John Jacob Astor saw the great opportunity
and elaborated a great, comprehensive scheme, which resulted
in the founding of Astoria, as a part of his enterprise. His
plans, in brief, were the organization of a company which he
would control and furnish the capital for. It would have trad-
ing-posts on the Columbia River and its tributaries, and also
on the upper Missouri. Some furs would be shipped, prob-
ably, down the Missouri to St. Louis. But most of the furs
would be taken to the Columbia River and transported to a
post or fort at or near its mouth. Vessels would carry goods
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 209
and supplies to the Columbia; thence they would be taken to
the interior. These vessels would also furnish supplies to the
Russians in Alaska and would trade with the Indians on the
Northwest Pacific Coast. These vessels would then return
to the Columbia to obtain supplies of furs procured there and
transported from the interior. These vessels would then sail
to China, sell their cargoes of furs, purchase Chinese
teas and merchandise and return to New York. Thus three
profits would result on each trip. Of course, there would be
great risks, but probably great profits. It would require busi-
ness skill and large capital to conduct the enterprises, but
Astor was a man who had accumulated his fortune by his
ability and by his willingness to dare and to do.
Astor obtained from the Russian government the right to
trade with the Russian posts on the northwest coast of Amer-
ica. He obtained the moral support of President Madison
and his administration to Astor's plans. At that time there was
friction between the United States and Great Britain, which
resulted in the war of 1812. Had President Madison had
the foresight and political sagacity and courage of Thomas
Jefferson, the present northern boundary line of the United
States, west of the Rocky Mountains, would probably be
much further north than it now is. The discovery of the
Columbia by Gray ; the expedition of Lewis and Clark in 1804-
1806, followed by the occupation by an American Company,
as proposed by Astor, and protected by the Government of the
United States, would have established its rights to the country
and joint-occupancy would probably never have been even
thought of.
Astor endeavored to interest the Northwest Company in
his undertakings, but it declined and began preparation to
anticipate Astor and to secure for itself alone what he had
planned for his company. As I have stated, the Northwest
Company then had trading posts on the Fraser River. David
Thompson, one of its partners, had discovered the head-
waters of the Columbia in 1807 or 1808, and was the first
white man to explore the part of that river which had not
been explored by Lewis and Clark.
210 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN
As I have said, Astoria was founded April 12, 1811. The
Tonquin, the vessel which brought the party around Cape
Horn to the Columbia River, left the river June 5, 1811, on
a trading expedition to the north. Shortly afterwards she
was captured by Indians at Clayoquot Sound, on the west
coast of Vancouver's Island, and was totally destroyed by the
explosion of her powder magazine, caused probably by one
of the survivors of the massacre, when the Tonquin was cap-
tured.
July 15, 1811, David Thompson arrived at Astoria, from
the upper Columbia, too late to establish a post near the
mouth of that river for the Northwest Company prior to
Astor's party. He had been dispatched, in 1810, for that pur-
pose. Unforeseen difficulties had prevented his earlier arrival.
The prior arrival of Astor's party was of great importance.
The War of 1812.
The war of 1812 frustrated all of Astor's plans. He vainly
sought to have the United States Government send a war
vessel to protect Astoria or to send troops overland for the
same purpose. In October, 1813, the exact day is uncertain,
Duncan McDougal, acting for the Pacific Fur Company, in
the absence of Wilson Price Hunt, the chief agent for Astor,
treacherously sold all the property of that company to the
Northwest Company. McDougal's virtue was of a kind which
needed constantly to be guarded. In the Message of President
Monroe, of January 25, 1823, to the House of Representa-
tives, a copy of which, printed at Washington in 1823, I have
in my library, there is set forth at length, a copy of a letter,
dated New York, January 4, 1823, from John Jacob Astor
to John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State. In this
letter Astor wrote :
That when Hunt returned to Astoria (February 28, 1814),
"He then learnt that McDougall had transferred all my prop-
erty to the Northwest Company, who were [then] in posses-
sion of it, by a sale, as he called it, for the sum of about
$58,000, of which he retained $14,000, for wages said to be
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 211
due to some of the men. From the price obtained for the
goods, &c., and he having himself become interested in the
purchase, and made a partner of the Northwest Company,
some idea may be formed as to this man's correctness of
dealings. It will be seen, by the agreement, of which I trans-
mit a copy, and the inventory, that he sold to the Northwest
Company, 18,170 1-4 Ibs. of beaver, at $2, which was at about
that time selling at Canton at $5 and $6; 907 otter skins, at
50 cents, or half a dollar, which were selling in Canton at
5 to $6 per skin. I estimate the whole property to be worth
nearer $200,000, than $40,000, about the sum I received by
bills on Montreal."
Thus ended these great enterprises of John Jacob Astor.
November 30, 1813, about six weeks after this sale to the
Northwest Company, the British sloop-of-war Raccoon, of 26
guns, commanded by Captain Black, entered the Columbia
River, to capture Astoria. To the chagrin of its officers and
crew, they learned that the rich booty they had intended to
make their own had become the property of British subjects.
National Possessions of Astoria.
December 12, 1813, Capt. Black took formal possession of
the establishment and country, in the name of His Britannic
Majesty, causing a British Union Jack to be run up to the
top of the flag pole, at Astoria, and changing its name to
Fort George. Had Capt. Black known what would be the
result of his grandiloquent actions he would have hesitated,
if he had not wholly refrained from attempting to take pos-
session for his sovereign. In consequence of Capt. Black's
action the claim of the United States to the Oregon Country
was strengthened. It is true that this capture of Astoria was
not known to the American plenipotentiaries when the treaty
of peace was signed at Ghent, December 24, 1814. But on
March 22, 1814, James Monroe, Secretary of State, under
President Madison, knowing that Astoria might have been
captured, out of excessive caution, gave the following instruc-
tions to the American Plenipotentiaries, appointed to nego-
tiate the treaty :
212 FREDERICK V. HOLM AN
"Should a treaty be concluded with Great Britain and a
reciprocal restitution of territory be agreed on, you will have
in mind that the United States had in their possession at the
commencement of the war a post at the mouth of the River
Columbia, which commanded the river, which ought to be
comprised in the stipulations should the possession have been
wrested from us during the war."
Henry Clay, of Kentucky, one of these plenipotentiaries, on
February 7, 1838, then an United States Senator, said in a
debate on Oregon in the Senate, that he himself had intro-
duced the word "possessions" in this stipulation for mutual
surrender for the express purpose of securing the restoration
of Astoria, if it had been captured.
(Marshall's "Acquisition of Oregon," Part I, pages 143,
144.)
In the first article of the Treaty of Ghent it was agreed
that:
"All territory, places, and possession, whatsoever, taken by
either party from the other during the war, or which may be
taken after the signing of this treaty, excepting only the islands
hereinafter mentioned [in the Bay of Fundy] shall be re-
stored without delay."
Without going into the diplomatic details it is sufficient
to say that J. B. Prevost, an agent for the United States, was
taken to Astoria in 1818, by the British frigate Blossom.
October 6, 1818, Capt. Hickey, the Captain of the Blossom,
and J. Heath, of the Northwest Company, as joint-commis-
sioners on the part of Great Britain, presented to Prevost a
paper declaring that, in obedience to the commands of the
Prince Regent and in conformity to the first article of the
treaty of Ghent, they restored to the Government of the United
States, through its agent Prevost, the settlement of Fort George
on the Columbia. Prevost thereupon, in return, gave these
joint commissioners another paper, signed by him, which is
as follows :
"I hereby acknowledge to have received, in behalf of the
Government of the United States, the possession of the set-
tlement designated above, in conformity to the first article
of the Treaty of Ghent. Given under my hand, in triplicate,
at Fort George (Columbia River), this 6th of October, 1818."
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 213
The British flag was then formally lowered, and that of the
United States was hoisted, in its stead, over the fort or post,
and the American flag was saluted by the Blossom.
(Greenhow's "History of Oregon and California" (1845
Ed.), pages 306-310.)
I cannot here discuss the legal effect of this possession sur-
rendered by Great Britain to the United States. It gave added
weight to the contentions of the United States in the final
settlement of the Oregon Question.
The Overland Journeys of Astor Parties.
I have purposely reserved, to this point, mention of the
overland parties of the Astor expeditions to and from Astoria.
In 1810 Astor had determined to send to the mouth of the
Columbia River not only a party by vessel, around Cape Horn,
but also a party overland. In June, 1810, Wilson Price Hunt,
one of the partners of the Pacific Fur Company, began organ-
izing the overland party. He first went to Canada, engaged
some Canadian voyageurs and trappers there, and then went,
with his party, to St. Louis, Missouri, where additions were
made to the party. They wintered near a small stream, called
the Nadowa, a short distance above what is now St. Joseph,
Missouri. April 21, 1811, Hunt and his party, left the Nadowa
on their long journey. They ascended the Missouri River, by
boats, to the villages of the Aricara Indians, where they ar-
rived June 12, 1811. These villages were situated a distance
of about 1,325 miles above the mouth of the Missouri. Hunt
had intended to ascend the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers,
following substantially the route of the Lewis and Clark Ex-
pedition, but the great danger of attempting to pass through
the country of the Blackfeet — the Ishmaelites of the Western
Indians — induced him to leave the Missouri River at the Ari-
cara villages and to travel the rest of his journey to the Colum-
bia by land. To that end he tried to procure sufficient horses
for his whole party and for the transportation of his goods
and supplies. In this he was only partially successful. On
the Missouri River Hunt was able to procure only 82 horses,
214 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN
of which 76 were packed with goods and supplies. The whole
party, consisting of 64 persons, left the Aricaras July 17, 1811.
Early in August he was able to procure 36 more horses from
a camp of friendly Cheyennes, which enabled Hunt to allot
one horse to each two of the party, excepting those who had
previously been given a horse apiece. The party arrived on
the Snake River, September 26, at the abandoned Fort Henry,
established by Andrew Henry, of the Missouri Fur Company,
in the fall or winter of 1810, and abandoned by him in the
spring of 1811. Hunt, yielding to the importunities of his
party, decided to abandon his horses, make canoes and en-
deavor to descend the Snake River to its confluence with the
Columbia. October 19, 1811, the party with its goods and
supplies embarked in 15 canoes. A short time afterwards,
owing to the difficulties of navigating the Snake River, they
were compelled to abandon their canoes, cache their goods and
most of their supplies, and endeavor to go, on foot, down the
almost impassable Snake, running through a region so barren
that but few Indians were able to exist there. The party was
separated into two main smaller parties, going on each side
of the river. I cannot here recite their privations and suffer-
ings. One of these parties reached Astoria January 18, 1812 ;
the other, led by Hunt, arrived at Astoria February 15, 1812.
Ramsay Crooks, one of Astor's partners, and John Day arrived
at Astoria May 11, 1812. A few, who had separated from their
parties, did not arrive at Astoria until January, 1813.
Although the misfortunes and disasters of Hunt's main party
were great, it had established that there is a feasible route
overland from the Missouri River to the Snake River, south
of the route of Lewis and Clark.
The Overland Party from Astoria to St. Louis.
After the arrival of the Astor ship Beaver at Astoria, in
May, 1812, it became necessary to send a party overland to
carry dispatches to Astor, at New York, giving reports of
the affairs of the Pacific Fur Company, on the Pacific Coast.
The party of six, under the command of Robert Stuart, left
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 215
Astoria June 30, 1812, with a larger party, who were bound
for the interior posts of the Company. July 31, the Stuart
party set out, from near the mouth of Walla Walla River,
on its overland journey. After being- robbed by the Indians
of its horses and supplies and staying all winter in temporary
quarters, the party arrived at St. Louis, Missouri, April 30,
1813.
The important result of this trip, by the Stuart party, is
that it traveled south of the route taken by the Hunt party,
in 1811, and along the Platte River, and practically discovered
the Oregon Trail, or at least a large part of it. As to whether
it discovered the great South Pass, by which wagons were
able to cross through the Rocky Mountains, there is some ques-
tion. Marshall, in his "Acquisition of Oregon," says the Stuart
party discovered South Pass ; Chittenden, in his work, "The
American Fur Trade of the Far West," says this party passed
near but did not discover it. This question is not material,
for, as Chittenden wrote of the Stuart party (Vol. I., page
214):
"The route pursued on the return journey was, with three
exceptions, that of the Oregon Trail of later years. Stuart's
party kept south of Snake River, instead of crossing and fol-
lowing the line of the Boise. They also missed the line from
Bear River to the Devil's Gate, although near it a good deal
of the way. From Grand Island to the mouth of the Kansas
they followed the rivers, instead of crossing the angle between
them, as the Trail afterwards did. All of these variations
from the true route would have been avoided on another
journey. The two Astoria expeditions, therefore, are entitled
to the credit of having practically opened up the Oregon Trail
from the Missouri River at the mouth of the Kansas to the
mouth of the Columbia River."
The importance of this discovery, of what became the Ore-
gon Trail, is great. It is true it would have been discovered
some time, probably by trappers or fur-traders. It appears to
have been first used, after its discovery, by W. H. Ashley, of
the Missouri Fur Company, with his party, in 1824. The
216 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN
|^
Stuart party, which was an Astor expedition, is entitled to the
credit of the discovery of the Oregon Trail, as Capt. Robert
Gray is entitled to the credit of discovering the Columbia
River. It is only a question of time when the Columbia would
have been discovered.
It was over this route that the Oregon immigrants traveled.
It was over it that the immigrants of 1843 — home-seekers —
the first real Oregon immigrants, brought their wagons to The
Dalles. The other Oregon immigrants up to, and including
that of 1846, were a great factor in causing the settlement of
the Oregon Question by the boundary treaty of 1846. The
route of Lewis and Clark was impracticable for the establish-
ment of permanent settlements in Oregon by immigrants with
their wagons. The route of Hunt's party would have pre-
vented the early settlement of Oregon, as was accomplished
over the Oregon Trail.
While small parties from Canada traveled, overland to, and
from Montreal and Fort Vancouver, north of the forty-ninth
parallel of latitude, that route was not practicable for immi-
grants to use to settle the Oregon Country. But one party
of immigrants came from Canada to Oregon in those early
days. It left the Red River Settlement June 5, 1841, and
reached Fort Vancouver about October 4, 1841. They were
compelled to abandon their carts and pack their goods on
oxen and other animals. This is the Canadian immigration,
which the inventors of the myth that Whitman saved Oregon,
largely base their fictions on as having arrived in Oregon in
the fall of 1842. (Marshall's "Acquisition of Oregon," Part I,
page 341.)
Authorities Consulted.
I have been compelled to write this address somewhat hur-
riedly, owing to other duties. I have not had time to consult
many original sources. I have consulted and relied on Fran-
chere's "Narrative" (Translation of 1854), Greenhow's "His-
tory of Oregon and California" (Edition of 1845), Chittenden's
"The American Fur Trade of the Far West," and Marshall's
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 217
"Acquisition of Oregon." I have made some small use of
the original journals of Bradbury and of Brackenridge. I
have also been aided by some knowledge of the history of
Oregon and of the Pacific Northwest, which I have acquired
from a somewhat desultory study, for many years, and from
reading original journals, books, pamphlets, and reports, many
of which I have in my library.
Review of Astor's Enterprises.
In reviewing Astor's enterprises at Astoria, and in the Pa-
cific Northwest, it must be conceded that they were conceived
in sagacity, skill, boldness, and with rare business sense. The
plans were admirable and, but for the war of 1812, would
probably have been very successful.
The selection of Thorn as the captain of the Tonquin was
most unfortunate. The destruction of the Tonquin stopped
any trade on the coast until the arrival of the Beaver. It also
caused the accumulation of furs at Astoria, a part of which
were sold to the Northwest Company by McDougal. There
is no excuse for the treachery of McDougal. The furs on hand,
at the time of the sale, could have been sent easily up the
Columbia to a point inaccessible to any war vessel or its
officers and crew. The Indians were friendly to the Astor
party. But for the war there was an opportunity to make the
great profits which were made by Dr. John McLoughlin for
the Hudson's Bay Company after his arrival in the Oregon
Country in 1824.
It is true the Pacific Fur Company might have been forced
into a commercial war with the Northwest Company, and later
with the Hudson's Bay Company, after the coalescence of these
two companies in 1821, but Astor's wealth and business skill
should have been a match for any opposition by either of those
companies. He had made his fortune in spite of opposition.
His choice of his Canadian partners was unfortunate, con-
sidering the chance of war with Great Britain, when his en-
terprises were inaugurated. A majority of those partners,
and of the employees and servants of the Pacific Fur Company,
218 FREDERICK V. HOLMAN
%
were British subjects. Had the majority of the partners been
American citizens, especially at Astoria, there would have
been no sale to the Northwest Company. It is to the credit
of some of the Canadian employees that they refused to enter
the service of the Northwest Company after the sale. Among
these was Gabriel Franchere, whose private journal was printed,
in French, at Montreal in 1820, and the English translation
of it was printed in New York in 1854. This journal is simply,
but charmingly written and is the first book written and
printed on Settlements in Oregon. It should be read by every
one desirous of obtaining information concerning early Oregon
from original sources.
As to whether these Canadian partners would have remained
true to Astor's interests in a contest for supremacy with the
Northwest Company or with the Hudson's Bay Company,
after their consolidation, that is merely a matter of conjecture.
Probably they would have been true, but their exceedingly
friendly treatment of the visiting parties of the Northwest
Company, prior to the sale, raises a doubt. But this matter
is really outside the scope of this address.
Important Results from Astor's Expeditions.
Although these enterprises of Astor's were business failures,
there were certain results which were of great national im-
portance to the United States.
Notwithstanding the discovery of the Columbia River by
Gray, the time had come when the mere discovery of the mouth
of a river or the exploration of the river itself, as was done
by the Lewis and Clark Expedition, should be followed by some
kind of actual occupation by the nation or its people who
claimed by right of discovery or of exploration. This occupa-
tion, in part, at least, of the country drained by the Columbia
River, was had by Astor's American Company. The loss of
occupancy by the sale to the Northwest Company and by the
theoretical capture of Astoria, by the Raccoon, was largely,
if not more than completely, offset by the formal restoration
of possession to the United States, October 6, 1818.
RESULTS FROM ASTOR EXPEDITIONS 219
But the greatest result, to the benefit of the United States,
was the discovery by the Stuart party of an easy and conven-
ient way of passage from the Missouri River to the Columbia,
that became the Oregon Trail, by means of which the Oregon
of today was peopled by citizens of the United States, prior
to the year 1847, and the Oregon Question amicably and final-
ly settled.
Fortunately the enmity and bad feeling between the United
States and Great Britain, which caused the war of 1812 and
which resulted therefrom, and which nearly caused a war be-
tween them over the Oregon Question, have long since passed
away and are now of historic interest only. By common con-
sent and by mutual feeling, which are stronger and more
enduring than any written treaties, these two nations and their
peoples are united in a motive and in an endeavor that the
genius, the traditions, and the institutions of the English-
speaking peoples shall be foremost in the world.
A HERO OF OLD ASTORIA*
"McDonald of Oregon," is the hero of Old Astoria, the
first native born Oregon traveler and explorer. It is a scant
score of years since Ranald McDonald died, yet the archives of
ancient chivalry are filled with crusaders such as he. The
story of the American Northwest and the story of modern
Japan can never be told without telling the life-story of Mc-
Donald of Oregon. Twenty years ago William Eliot Griffis,
the famous writer on Japan, said: "It was McDonald who be-
gan educational activity in Japan — the story of which will
some day be fully written." Hildreth, the American historian,
Nitobe of Japan, and others, accord to him the highest honor ;
but none knew where to find McDonald, none knew he be-
longed to Oregon. When recently "McDonald of Oregon"
fell into the hands of Dr. Griffis, he wrote forthwith to my
publishers and to me, "I had hoped to tell that wonderful story,
I searched America for his record, but never dreamed of look-
ing to Oregon." But Oregon is making a mark on the literary
map of the nation, her heroes, past, present and to be, will
loom larger in the limelight of the future.
It is now some twenty years since the story of John Mc-
Loughlin engaged my pen. "Oh, you must see Ranald Mc-
Donald," cried the old traders and voyageurs. "McDonald
knows more of the old time than anybody."
"But where shall I find this McDonald?" "Oh, over at
old Fort Colville," and at Colville I found him, the strangest,
most romantic and picturesque character of Northwest annals,
not even excepting Dr. McLoughlin. But when I spoke of
McLoughlin as "King of the Columbia," with lifted head and
hand McDonald protested — "Nay, nay, / am the King of the
Columbia." And when his story was told I was, indeed, com-
pelled to admit that claim to kingship.
As early as 1823 Archibald McDonald came over the Can-
*Address by Eva Emery Dye, author of "McLoughlin and Old Oregon,"
"McDonald of Oregon," and "The Conquest," at Historical Institute, Astoria,
Sept. 7, 1911. .
A HERO OF OLD ASTORIA 221
adian mountains and down into Oregon to Astor's old fort,
where, in process of trade, exactly as McDougal had done
before him, McDonald met and married a daughter of King
Cumcumly. On a Sunday morning the wedding took place,
and the bride was christened the Princess Sunday. Shortly
before his father left on the upbound brigade of 1824 for
Canada, Ranald was born, and was already a good-sized baby
when his fur-trading father returned in the autumn with Dr.
McLoughlin. "How far back can I remember McLoughlin?
As far back as I can remember anything," said McDonald in
later years.
When McLoughlin moved his headquarters to the new Fort
Vancouver little Ranald went also, and was a child of eight
when in 1832 three Japanese from a castaway junk were
brought to Fort Vancouver. On that incident hinged McDon-
ald's future story. He became acquainted with the castaways,
learned a few words of their language and was fired with a
zeal to visit their wonderful country. Sent to Canada to be
educated, and later apprenticed as a clerk in the bank of an
old friend of his father, Ranald McDonald planned to run
away to Japan, and did so, finding his way on a whaler to
those forbidden shores. Pretending to be a castaway, in June,
1848, he was picked up by fishermen on the northern shore
of Japan, and was sent to the Governor of province after prov-
ince for investigation and examination. For Japan was then
closed to the world, no ships were permitted in her harbors,
and staring thousands followed this "ijin," this foreigner, from
the "Black Ships," as passing whale ships were called. Fortu-
nately, McDonald's Indian tint caused him to be classed as a
"Nippon-jin," a Nippon-man, or Japanese. Through the en-
tire length of the land he was carried to Nagasaki, and here,
again, before the governor, he was questioned and his answers
carefully written down. "Some day," says Griffis, "these rec-
ords will be found in the archives of Japan." But I have
McDonald's own journal and story.
When others fell face to the ground before august govern-
ors, Ranald sat bolt upright, he and the governor alone facing
222 EVA EMERY DYE
•
each other — "He has a great heart ; he must be a prince," said
the Japanese. When questioned he told of his home in Ore-
gon, that his father was a great fur trader, pointed out As-
toria and the Columbia River on the map, long before Perry
ever crossed the seas to "open Japan." McDonald's descrip-
tion of Fort Colville, and of his father's retinue of servants,
confirmed them in the opinion that he came of feudal rank,
"not less than a samurai of old Japan."
So genial, docile and polite was Ranald, so ready to adopt
Japanese dress and manners, that he became a general favor-
ite, and was appointed by the governor of Nagasaki to teach
the English language to a class of interpreters, the first school
of English ever taught in Japan. Those are the interpreters
who later met Commodore Perry and assisted in drawing up
the treaties with Japan. Their pictures are given in Commo-
dore Perry's reports. Here learned men and high officials
gathered around McDonald, to learn of the outer world and
to ask questions about America. "And who," they inquired,
"who holds the highest rank in your country ?"
Ranald thought a moment and answered, "The people."
"What! greater than the President!" exclaimed the aston-
ished Japanese. "Yes, the people are greater than the Presi-
dent."
This story of McDonald was frequently told by Edward
Everett Hale when chaplain of the Senate.
After Ranald had been in Japan nearly a year, one day
he heard a signal gun, a strange ship was approaching, the
United States gunboat "Preble" in search of castaway sailors
known to have been stranded on that coast. For the first
time Ranald learned that several Americans were immured in
the dungeons of Japan for the simple crime of having been
wrecked there. All the more his own good fortune ap-
peared remarkable. With those, he, too, was liberated, although
it was his earnest desire to remain among his new friends in
Japan.
To Commodore Glynn of the "Preble" McDonald gave a
report of his adventures. These, published in Washington in
A HERO OF OLD ASTORIA 223
executive document number 59 of the Thirty-second Congress,
started Perry to Japan. McDonald always insisted that he
opened the way for Perry, and it was his suggestion that mod-
els of western ingenuity should be taken and exhibited.
After years of adventure, Ranald McDonald returned to
Oregon, to find it divided into Oregon, Washington and Idaho,
and among the ruins of old Fort Colville he spent his declin-
ing years. In 1892 he made a pilgrimage to Astoria to press
his claims for recompense as heir to the Chinook lands of his
grandfather, King Cumcumly. But alas, he found himself,
"A prince without a principality, a king without a subject."
Sadly he journeyed back up the Columbia where, widely known
as "Old Sir Ranald," the aristocratic old man died among his
tumble-down buildings at the ripe age of seventy years, Au-
gust 24, 1894.
Of all Oregonians, Ranald McDonald deserves a statue,
pointing toward Japan.
THE RISE AND EARLY HISTORY OF
POLITICAL PARTIES IN
OREGON— IV
®JI Walter Carlclon Woodward
CHAPTER VIII
DEMOCRATIC DISCORD
The process of division in the Oregon Democracy along lines
drawn by the interpretations of the Dred Scott decision had
begun before the close of 1857. But the local factional dif-
ferences were to overshadow the growing national schism for
some months yet to come. The breach between the machine
and the independent Democrats had been steadily growing
wider. Revolt against the iron-clad, caucus sovereignty rule
of the Clique and protest against the exploitation of the party
for the personal benefit of a small coterie of politicians, were
the principal bases for the attack against the Organization. At
the beginning of the year 1858 it was evident that a complete
split in the party was imminent.
In announcing to his readers that a movement was being
launched whereby a new party was to come to light, Bush
noted the fact that ever since the organization of the party in
Oregon, there had been a faction, which, while adhering to
the name, had never possessed the character of Democrats.
"This mixed opposition have always blown the same vhistle
and beaten the same drum — always whining and whanging
about the 'Salem Cli-que, — the 'Salem Platform,' 'hidden cau-
cus' or 'secret cabal.' This party, whatever its name, is the
same old opposition, which, like the snake, sheds its skin an-
nually, but at the same time adds a rattle to its tail."1
The gauntlet was thrown down by nine anti-organization
Democratic members of the legislature of 1857-'58, who met
and called a convention of "National Democrats" to meet at
Eugene, April 8, for the purpose of nominating candidates for
state officers. The nine men signing the call were: Wm. M.
King, Multnomah; J. H. Slater, Benton; Nathaniel Ford, Polk
and Tillamook ; Thos. Scott, Yamhill and Clatsop ; F. A. Col-
lard, Geo. Rees and S. P. Gilliland, Clackamas ; Wm. Allen
and A. Shuck, Yamhill.2
i Statesman editorial — "A New Move — The Old Snake in a New Skin." Feb.
2, 1858.
aOregonian, Feb. 6. I ;
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 227
"Where 'Nationalism' Tends — Are You Prepared to Go Into
the Black Republican Camp?" — was the caption of an editorial
in which Bush urged all Democrats to think well before they
made up their mind to "leave the old Democratic flag" to join
"this National-wool party — this Eugene Negro equality move-
ment."1 As a matter of fact, some of the most pronounced
pro-slavery advocates were numbered among the Nationals
and this editorial is an excellent example of Bush's habit of
begging the question and befogging the issue, to meet his own
purposes. The bitter factional feeling existing among the
Democrats is illustrated by the resolutions adopted by the reg-
ular Linn county convention and introduced by Delazon Smith,
the "Lion of Linn." The Nationals were referred to as "cer-
tain malcontents" and "traitors" without honest devotion to
principle or sympathy with the Democratic party, who were
determined to ruin where they could not rule. Therefore "we
utterly repudiate and denounce the miserable, soft faction,
self-styled 'National Democrats' * * * We will never
again admit them into our confidence as Democrats, until they
shall have adopted the ancient mode of purification — washed
seven times."2
On the other hand, an honest effort was made in some cases
to meet the charges of Clique or boss rule, by a more adequate
and practical method than that of vilification. In this connection
it is exceedingly interesting to note that Clackamas county
Democrats inaugurated and carried through a complete system
of direct primary nominations in the spring of 1858. It was ap-
parently as thorough an embodiment of the Direct Primary
ideal as that so vigorously acclaimed in Oregon a half century
later.3 Naturally, this reaction against close political organ-
i Statesman, March 16.
2Ibid.
3The plan is outlined in the following resolution: "In order to ascertain the
wish of the Democratic voters of Clackamas county, fully, fairly and justly ex-
pressed, in relation to all county officers, it is recommended that every Democrat,
in a meeting to be held in his precinct, proceed to vote for such nominees as
he may prefer to be supported by the Democratic party of this county." Pro-
vision is made for transmitting the votes to the chairman of the county commit-
tee and for the canvassing of the vote so returned. Those persons obtaining the
highest number of votes were to be declared "as the unanimous nominees of the
party." Gov. Geo. L. Curry was chairman of the Convention, March 13, which
inaugurated the plan. The report of the Clackamas county nominations, given in
the Statesman, May 18, shows that the scheme was carried through as planned.
228 -W. C. WOODWARD
ization was most pronounced among the opposition. The Clat-
sop county Republicans declared in convention that "whoever
is a loyal partisan, of whatever party, is no patriot." In ac-
cordance with this sentiment, they stated that they acknowl-
edged no allegiance to the Republican party, further than it
should adhere to its avowed principles.1 The Yamhill Repub-
licans announced that while believing in the propriety of party
organization, they were diametrically opposed to any partisan
usage that tended to paralyze the will of the citizens.2
The first Democratic convention for the nomination of state
officers met March 16. 3 It reaffirmed the Kansas-Nebraska
doctrine of squatter sovereignty in one resolution of its plat-
form and in the next endorsed the Dred Scott decision "as
an authoritative and binding exposition !" President Buchan-
an was warmly endorsed, leaving the inference that he, in his
coercive, Lecompton constitution policy in Kansas was to be
supported rather than Douglas, who stood out for that "Kan-
sas-Nebraska doctrine" for which the convention so strongly
declared ! The famous fifth resolution adopted the year before
was reaffirmed. The assembled Democrats, to add the cap sheaf
to their illogical resolutions, proceeded to "hail with gratifi-
cation the efforts of the Democratic Administration to initiate
the construction of the Pacific Railroad" and earnestly called
upon Congress to "exercise all its constitutional powers to
forward the great enterprise of the age."4 L. F. Grover, a
member of the Salem Clique, received the nomination for
Congressman, and John Whiteaker, an irreconcilable, pro-
slavery man, was nominated for Governor. Bush, who had
been elected from year to year by the legislature as Territor-
ial Printer, was nominated for State Printer. This gave him
his first opportunity for personal vindication at the hands of
the people, in the face of the attacks made upon him as polit-
ical autocrat and tyrant.
i Argus, March 20.
2lbid., March 27.
3 The different party organizations nominated state tickets in the spring of
1858, so that state government could be put in operation as soon as Congress
should pass an act admitting Oregon into the Union. However, members were
elected as usual to the Territorial legislature at the June election at the same time
that a state legislative assembly was chosen, in view of the fact that Congress
might delay action in the matter.
4Statesman, March 23.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 229
The platform adopted by the Nationals in their convention
at Eugene differed but slightly from that of the Organization,
on National issues. However, after endorsing the Adminis-
tration of President Buchanan, the convention affirmed its
belief "in the cardinal principles of popular sovereignty and
in the right of the people of the Territories * * * to frame
and adopt their constitutions and all local laws for their own
government," etc. This could easily be taken as a defense
of Douglas in his break with Buchanan over the Lecompton
constitution, and it was so charged by Bush.1 The point of
issue between the Oregon Democrats was given in the fol-
lowing resolution: "We reassert the great principles of the
right of the represented to instruct the representative and pro-
claim it the bounden (duty) of the representative to obey the
instructions of his constituents or resign whatever position he
may at that time hold."2 This was a direct contradiction of
the principles of caucus rule pronounced in the notorious fifth
and sixth resolutions of the Democratic platform of 1857. E.
M. Barnum was named for Governor. James K. Kelly was
nominated for Congressman, and at the same time a resolution
was passed endorsing the record of Lane as delegate ! This
endorsement of Lane by the insurgent wing of the Oregon
Democracy, is suggestive of his adroitness in steering clear
of factional difficulties and of his continued popularity with
Oregon Democrats.
Those who had been looking to the National Democrats
to take issue with their opponents on national issues were dis-
appointed. In comment upon their platform, the Argus, which
had been accused of "honey-fugling" the Nationals, declared
that not a single issue was made with the Salem dynasty upon
the great question convulsing the nation, in regard to the right
of the people of a Territory to adopt or reject a constitution
before it should be fastened upon them by Congress. 3
The schism in the Democratic party placed the Opposition
(Republicans and Whigs) in a new and delicate situation.
i Ibid., April 13.
aOregonian, April 17.
3 Argus, April 17.
230 *W. C. WOODWARD
Republican organization which had been started aggressively
in 1856, had not been followed up. The Free State Repub-
lican convention had been held early in 1857, at which time
the principles of the new party had been promulgated, but
no Territorial ticket had been nominated and practically no
effort had been made to maintain a distinct party organization
in the campaign. Dryer's attitude of semi-hostility toward
the nascent party had been influential in preventing many
Whigs from joining it and it still felt its weakness in numbers.
The threats of the Democrats to introduce slavery if the
Black Republicans should attempt to abolitionize Oregon led
the timid to be conservative as to the expediency of aggres-
sive efforts. With some Republicans, the advocacy of nobly
conceived principles was the ruling motive. With others, the
controlling ambition was to overthrow the Democratic ma-
chine in Oregon. The latter saw their opportunity in 1858
and were in favor of going to the assistance of the National
Democrats and of further postponing active Republican or-
ganization. These conditions are illustrated in the press and
in the proceedings of conventions in the spring of 1858.
In a leader, "What Has Been and What Is to Be," Adams
called attention to the surprisingly large vote against slavery
in November, 1857, and attributed it to fearless agitation of
the subject.1 And this, despite the warning of the Democrats,
which "so intimidated many weak-backed Republicans that
they fairly quailed before the imaginary danger of 'agitation'
and some of them strongly recommended us to let the Albany
convention go by default, even after the call had been pub-
lished throughout the Territory." Adams accordingly exhort-
ed Republicans to declare themselves boldly, asserting that
there was but one great issue before the people ; that "there
is a bigger fight on hand than the present squabble between
Leland2 and Bush." He clearly manifested his anxiety to
prevent Republicans allying- themselves with the Nationals,
whose principles he declared in the main to be "equally black,
i Argus, Dec. 19, 1857.
sRditor of the Democratic Standard, the organ of the "soft" or National
Democrats. He was succeeded about this time by James O'Meara.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 231
equally damnable" with those of the Clique. Perceiving that
the National Democratic organization must be temporary, he
urged Republicans to "put their house in order and make prep-
arations for comfortably housing those who, after escaping
from Babylon, will want a Jerusalem to flee to. Republicans
never need look for many deserters from the ranks of the foe
as long as they have no more comfortable quarters to invite
them into than an area covered by a few slab seats under a fir
tree.1
While Dryer had not yet espoused Republicanism, he was as
zealous as Adams in efforts to prevent a "coalition with in-
famy" on the part of the "old line Whigs and all opponents
of the bogus Oregon Democracy." He maintained vigorously
that the quarrel among the Democrats was entirely a matter
of their own, and that they should be left to fight it out in
their own way.2
The proceedings of the Marion county Republican conven-
tion contain much that is suggestive of the situation in 1857-
'58 from the Republican standpoint^ The preamble to the
resolutions referred to "a considerable number of professed
Republicans who have been and are opposed to the organiza-
tion of an Oregon Republican party and who have by their
influence thus far prevented any general organization." It was
declared to be worse than useless to wait or hope for any ad-
vantage to be gained by the schism among the Democrats, and
a thorough organization was demanded. Early in March the
Yamhill Republicans declared in favor of the nomination of a
state ticket and recommended that the approaching convention
nominate such candidates as can and will boldy go before the
people in support of Republican principles.
The Republican state convention met at Salem April 2. In
the platform adopted the first several resolutions dealt with
the Kansas question and denounced the pro-slavery action of
the . Administration. The Dred Scott decision, "which makes
the Constitution a grand title instrument to every holder of
lArgus, March 6, 1858.
sOregonian, Feb. 13, Feb. 20.
3Proceedings, in Oregonian, April 3.
232 W. C. WOODWARD
slaves," was stigmatized as a disgrace to the judiciary of the
Nation and a stain upon the national character. Locally, the
Democratic doctrine of caucus sovereignty was repudiated as
dangerous and anti-Republican. Likewise, the Viva Voce
voting system, subjecting the suffrage of the citizen to the
surveillance of partisan inspectors, was condemned as a relic
of barbarism which found fit friends in a party whose whole
organization was devoted to the extinguishment of every
spark of personal freedom.1 The ticket nominated was as fol-
lows : Congressman, J. R. McBride, Yamhill ; Governor, John
Denny, Marion ; Secretary of State, Leander Holmes, Clack-
amas ; Treasurer, E. L. Applegate, Umpqua ; Printer, D. W.
Craig, Clackamas, who was associated with Adams in the
publication of the Argus.
In commenting upon the convention Dryer characterized
"this Republican movement" as premature and unwise.2 He
charged a few men in and about Oregon City with having orig-
inated it, and with having called the convention "without the
knowledge and consent of those who have a right to advise
at least in matters of this kind. * * * Now, these men
will have to elect their ticket, if elected at all." Personal pique
at being ignored by the presumptive Republican leaders, com-
bined with a feeling of jealousy over the ascendancy of the
Argus with the new party, is clearly recognized in Dryer's
attitude. Furthermore, his name had been unsuccessfully used
in the convention in the nomination of Congressman. He de-
clared the whole movement was conceived in error by those
restless minds who lacked the all important element neces-
sary to ensure political triumph over the Salem dynasty. With
three tickets in the field, each bidding for Whig support as
the heir of the Whig party, the Oregonian entered an eloquent
protest. "Do not bury us until we are dead," said the irre-
concilable Whig editor. "Let us say when we are dead." In
an editorial — "To Oregonians who Love Their Country More
than Party" — he sounded the last clarion call to Whigs to
hold their ground.3
i Proceedings in Oregonian, April 10.
2Oregonirm, April 10.
3"Have the principles ... of the Whig party ceased to exist? We
think not. . . . What though the organization of the old Whig party be
broken up — its principles still live. ... Is John J. Crittenden, the gallant
standard bearer, left alone? Have you all deserted him? . . . Have you de-
nied the faith? Are you willing, do you wish to lose your political identity?
Will you sell your birthright for a mess of pottage? Shame! Shame!" — Ore-
gonian editorial, April 17, addressed to Whigs.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 233
The political situation in the campaign of 1858 is confusing.
For, while many issues were declared, the one real issue was
—who should have the offices ?' Should the Salem Clique con-
tinue to dominate Oregon politics? Hence, any attempt to
explain the political alignments in the light of national issues
then before the people leads to confusion. The regular Demo-
cratic ticket was referred to as the pro-savery ticket by the
enemies of the Clique. True, it was headed by Whiteaker,
an avowed slavery man, and the "hards" strongly upheld Bu-
chanan in his Kansas policy. However, in interpreting the
Dred Scott decision, Bush and other leaders of the "hards"
were more conservative than some of the opposition Demo-
crats, represented by the Occidental Messenger, which held
that even a state did not have the right to keep slavery out
of its borders. In fact, the members of the Clique were un-
derstood to be free state men. Nevertheless, the "hards" ap-
plied indiscriminately the epithet "Black Republican" to the
"soft" Democrats. Both free state and pro-slavery Democrats
were found co-operating with the maligned "freedom shriek-
ers" for the purpose of beating the Organization. Bush charged
the Messenger or "Avery's Ox," with being as silent as death
on the subject of slavery and Black Republicans during the
campaign, for the reason that Avery was running for office
and wanted Republican support But he showed that after the
election the latter again took up the cause of slavery and
restored the prefix "Black" to his erstwhie friends, the Re-
publicans.2
But Bush certainly had very little ground for charging
anyone with inconsistency in this campaign. He was at heart,
and had been openly, an enthusiastic supporter of Douglas and
his policies. But with the break between Douglas and Bu-
chanan, the Oregon Democracy espoused the latter and politi-
cal patronage, as illustrated in the platform adopted. Bush,
wishing to retain the lucrative job of public printer, quietly
accepted the Buchanan, Lecompton platform and had no word
iM. P. Deady, correspondence to San Francisco Bulletin, dated April 20, 1864.
sStatesman, June 29.
234 W. C. WOODWARD
to say in defense of his friend Douglas during- the campaign.
It was in reference to this campaign that Delazon Smith, in
speaking later of Bush, said he "packed the dumb dog over
the state and barked for him because he couldn't bark for
himself."1 Bush had praised the state platform unstintedly,
declaring that there was not a word too much or too little in
it and that the confidence expressed in the wisdom and integ-
rity of Buchanan was fully merited.2
Lane, alarmed at the prospect of Democratic discord in
Oregon and at its probable relations to his political fortunes,
made plain what he considered the paramount issue to be. In
an open letter to the Statesman^ he said : "Fellow Democrats
of Oregon, division in the Democratic party will not do.
* Shall Oregon come into the Union under the aus-
pices of a sectional organization or shall she come in to
strengthen the hands of the Constitution and the Union?
* * * All Democrats should bear in mind that the Demo-
cratic party is the Union." He appealed to the Democracy to
bury all private animosities and sacrifice ill feelings and heart
burnings on the altar of the public good and to unite as one
man in support of the regular nominees.
On May 21, preceding the June election, the Republican
candidates for Congressman, Governor and Secretary of State
publicly withdrew from the race, leaving the contest to be
settled between the "hard" and "soft" factions of the Demo-
crats. The majority of the counties had put out Republican
tickets and adopted aggressive platforms. But Holmes, one
of the retiring candidates, complained that too many Repub-
licans counted their work done when the nominations were
made. The candidates, in their withdrawal, said the organiza-
tion for the campaign was incomplete and defective and not
calculated to inspire success. Hence they thought better to
retire than to make a poor showing of Republican strength,
i "Delazon harked against Douglas, barked for Buchanan and barked for
Lecomptqn and Dred Scott, giving an opportunity at the close of his speech for
his 'candidate' to get down, wiggle his tail and whine an endorsement of what had
been said, which he always did with relish." — Argus, Dec. 27, '62.
^Statesman, March 23.
3Quoted in Oregonian, May i.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 235
waiting to draw the issue at a more propitious time. The Argus
deprecated their action but made the best of it, asserting that
every Republican agreed that thereafter the Republican ticket
must be adhered to in full every year until victory should be
achieved.1
The inevitable result was a more or less complete coalition
between the Republicans and the National Democrats. The
Argus of June 5 made the statement that in Clackamas and
Yamhill counties the National Democratic candidates repudi-
ated their own platform, accepting that of the Republicans.
In a few counties, the Republican organization was kept intact
and the three tickets were voted upon. As far as observable,
in those counties where the "hards" lost, it was the "softs"
which won. Washington county, which elected a Republican
ticket, was an exception. Republican organization had for the
time largely disintegrated in the face of the general desire
to help overthrow Bush and the Salem Clique.
The election was a victory of organization over disorgan-
ization, the "hards" winning by very comfortable margins.
But while Grover was elected Congressman by a majority of
1,669 and Whiteaker Governor by 1,138, Bush was victor
over his nearest competitor, James O'Meara, by a bare 400
votes. The combined opposition secured the election of eleven
members of the state legislature. The strongholds of the Op-
position proved to be in Benton, Multnomah, Douglas and
Yamhill counties.
Following the election, Adams made some very plain state-
ments in a leader — "To the Republicans of Oregon."2 Begin-
ning with, "You now see that this election, like all that have
preceded it, has been a perfect failure," he pointed out that
the Republican party, instead of having consolidated itself by
a thorough organization in every county, had lost ground.
This, by listening to the counsels of "old pitchers in" who had
long been "beating the Clique" whenever they saw a good
opening to slip themselves into office between two factions.
i Argus, May 22.
'
236 W. C. WOODWARD
"We have seen enough of the rottenness and recklessness of
demagogues in this campaign to satisfy us that the most dead-
ly hostility to the Republican party may be looked for here-
after from adventurers, who, while they are terrible on the
Clique, are determined that any opposition to it shall be so
shaped as to secure their own personal preferment. * * *
We trust the friends of sound principles will hereafter listen
to no proposals for a 'Clique-beating party' upon a rotten plat-
form. If we are beaten, let us be honorably beaten." A good
share of this was evidently intended for Dryer who had op-
posed Republican organization and who had secured election
to the legislature. Early in the campaign the Oregonian had
attacked Adams viciously as a self-confessed dictator who had
put out the Republican state ticket on his own responsibility.1
The Constitution which had been adopted provided that the
newly-elected state legislature should convene on the first
Monday in July, and proceed to elect two United States Sen-
ators and make such further provision as should be necessary
to the complete organization of the state government.2 Ac-
cordingly, the legislature met July 5 and elected Lane and
Delazon Smith as Oregon's first senators. Lane received 46
votes, every "National" Democratic member joining their ene-
mies, the "hards," in supporting him. Smith received 39 votes,
the strength of the Organization in the assembly. Five of the
seven "soft" members joined the three Republican members
in voting for David Logan, against Smith. 3 A few acts were
passed which were not to become operative until Congress
should admit Oregon into the Union.
Shortly before this special session of the legislative assembly,
the United States Senate had passed the bill for the admission
of the state of Oregon. Lane, in writing from Washington
to Bush in the interest of his candidacy for the senate, an-
nounced the Senate's action and indicated clearly that there
was no question at all of the passage of the bill in the house.
But Congress adjourned without conferring statehood upon
lOregonian, April 24.
2Article 18, section 6, Constitution of Oregon.
3Proceedings, in Argus, July 17.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 237
Oregon. The fact soon became known that Lane had done
practically nothing toward securing favorable action in the
house. No satisfactory explanation of his strange attitude
could be had. Oregon Democracy was surprised, disappointed
and chagrined. Popular adulation of the idolized leader, who
had just been honored by Democracy's unanimous vote for
United States Senator, began to give way to doubt and sus-
picion. His attitude was attributed to ulterior motives.
It has been pointed out that the relations between Lane and
the Clique had never been cordial.1 Especially was this true
between Lane and Bush, as the private correspondence between
the various leaders clearly shows.2 But a public break between
them did not take place until in December, 1858. In a long
editorial, "Why the State was not Admitted," Bush attacked
Lane for his inaction, intimating that Lane, fearing he might
not be elected Senator, was not anxious to have the Terri-
torial government superseded, under which he had an un-
expired term to fill out as delegate. He declared that there
was no room for doubt that Oregon's delegate had proven un-
faithful and false to his trust.3 From this time on the States-
man bitterly attacked Lane.* And as Delazon Smith, who,
with Congressman-elect Grover, had. gone on to Washington,
took sides with his colleague, he came in with Lane for a full
share of abuse. Contributed articles in the Statesman indicate
that the feeling against Lane was general and that the Demo-
crats were losing faith in his devotion to the interests of Ore-
gon as above his own personal interests.
The difficulties of the Oregon Democracy in 1858 in finding
and maintaining a status, in harmony with conditions at Wash-
ington, demand more than the passing notice already given.
The Democratic policy was to evade expression on any issue
i Supra, pages 81 82, 142.
2"Lane didn't get anything allowed me for that 2nd volume of statutes — •
says Black Republicans prevented him. Likely, I reckon he thinks it best to keep
that suspended over my head to 'hold the wretch in order.' Well, let it hang.
'Who's afeard'"? — Letter, Bush to Deady, Oct. n, 1856.
3Statesman, Dec. 21.
4The Democratic Crisis, Feb. 9, 1859 attributed Bush's sudden attack on Lane
to the fact that the latter did not secure the passage of a bill introduced in Con-
gress for the relief of Bush to the extent of $6000 for printing the statutes of
Oregon.
238 W. C. WOODWARD
which might threaten the unity and harmony of the party
organization. It has been seen how such unity was endan-
gered by the rise of the slavery question in Oregon and by
the Dred Scott decision. Further trouble was encountered in
the attempt to maintain harmony in the face of the disagree-
ment between President Buchanan and Douglas over the
Lecompton constitution in Kansas. The reflection of this
controversy is first found in Oregon in January, 1858.1 In
February Bush expressed his opinion privately in favor of
Douglas' position.2 Publicly, he approached the question very
gingerly and in the Statesman did his best to belittle and
smooth away the apparent discord between the two national
Democratic leaders. "There is no difference between the
President and Mr. Douglas in matter of any vital principle in-
volved," he declared.3 After epitomizing Buchanan's conten-
tions, he said, "Mr. Douglas denies all these conclusions and
raises issues of fact tending to vitiate their basis." This was
as near as Bush came in 1858 to supporting Douglas with
whom he was in sympathy. Having summed up the situation
diplomatically, he added the words of paternal admonition,
"We cannot encourage our (Oregon) Democracy to turn
much attention to this subject until it shall assume more tan-
gible shape or involve some more important principle."
The Linn county Democrats, whose declarations in conven-
tions were generally those of the Democratic orator and leader,
Delazon Smith, asserted that the Kansas difficulty could never
rise to the dignity of a national issue ; that they regarded the
difference of opinion between President Buchanan and Sen-
ator Douglas as "both honest and courteous"; that "members
of the Democratic party may everywhere differ in opinion to
i "Jo Lane's Times which had just committed itself and the Oregon Democ-
racy to the Douglas and Walker horn of the Kansas swindle, has changed its
coat since Jo Lane has sent in his instructions, and came out last Saturday with a
flaming endorsement of Buchanan's plan of subjugating Kansas, although it still
contends that the Constitution should have been submitted to the people of
Kansas." — Argus, Jan. 30.
2"As to the position of Buchanan and Douglas they are both right in one
sense. I think Douglas' position is undeniably correct. . . . But the conduct
of the free state men in Kansas, in refusing to vote for delegates to the Consti-
tutional Convention, leaves them without much right to complain and I am not not
certain but that I would vote for the Lecompton Constitution if I was in Con-
gress."— Letter, Bush to Deady, Feb. 12, 1858.
3 Statesman, March 2,
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 239
the same extent and upon the same subject, without impair-
ing their standing as Democrats."1 But by the time the state
convention assembled, the prestige of the Administration made
itself felt, with the result of the aforementioned endorsement
of Buchanan and his policies. As the campaign progressed the
support of President Buchanan became more and more cordial
and pronounced. Douglas was completely deserted. The Lane
county Democrats, not content with a general hearty endorse-
ment of the administration of "our present patriotic and dis-
tinguished Chief Magistrate," singled out for special com-
mendation, "that policy pertaining to the admission of Kansas."
But before the end of the year Oregon Democracy began to
experience a change of heart. Dryer wrote from Salem in
December, when the last Territorial legislature was in ses-
sion, that those who had been loudest in denouncing Douglas
and lauding Buchanan were now pronouncing eulogies upon
the former and "cursing both loud and deep Old Buck as a
humbug and knave." He attributed the sudden conversion
solely and entirely to the Illinois election, which had "pro-
duced a change almost equal to that of Pentecost." Dryer
proceeded with a picturesque characterization of the Oregon
Democracy2 and also predicted the open break between Bush
and Lane which occurred that very month.
Though a state constitution had been adopted, state officers
elected, a state legislature held, United States Senators chosen
and the new Governor inaugurated, Oregon remained a Ter-
ritory. Lane advised the people of Oregon to proceed under
the auspices of the state government just as though Congress
had admitted the Territory as a state. He recommended the
holding of the regular session of the state legislature in Sep-
tember in accordance with the schedule of the Constitution.
Such semi-defiant procedure was vigorously opposed by the
Statesman. The assembly-elect followed the lead of Bush
i Proceedings, in Statesman, March 16.
2"Democracy in Oregon means devotion to the personal interests of Asahel
Bush. ... It means that you must relish the egotism as well as the Toryism
of D y [Deady] and commend the recreancy of B E [Boise] the Massa-
chusetts Whig and laugh immoderately at the obscenity of "Nes" [Nesmith] and
down on your belly at their bidding where you must crawl, meekly looking up and
eating any quantity of dirt that is set before you." — Oregonian, Dec. 18.
240 W. C. WOODWARD
and the September session was not held, though an abortive
attempt was made to organize the session, on the part of the
Opposition members.
Hence, the Territorial legislature which had been elected in
June as a precautionary measure, at the same time that the
state assembly was elected, was called to meet in December.
The same question relative to the protection of slave prop-
erty, that had embroiled the session of the preceding year,
was now again introduced. A comparison of the discussions
of the two sessions is interesting as showing the advanced
ground which had been taken by certain Democrats in the
interim relative to the rights of slavery in the Territories.
The "petitions of several citizens of Oregon praying for the
passage of a law for the protection of slave property in Ore-
gon"1 were referred to the judiciary committee of the house.
The majority report, signed by W. W. Chapman, chairman,
and W. G. T'Vault, held that the Constitution guaranteed
equal rights to all property holders in the Territories, includ-
ing slave owners. And further, that "when Congress does
organize a Territorial government that the Constitution guar-
antees to the inhabitants the right to legislate, and regulate
the manner how any person shall have his property protected."2
Hence the committee introduced r bill containing the follow-
ing provisions : First, that those wiio had brought slaves into
the Territory, should have all the rights and remedies in the
several courts of the Territory, which were allowed for the
protection and recovery of any other personal property of like
value. Second, that those knowingly harboring or employing
a slave without consent of the owner should be subject to a
forfeit of five dollars per day to the owner. Third, that slaves
should be rated and assessed to owners like any other prop-
erty. Fourth, that any master or owner of a boat carrying
a slave out of the Territory or to any point in the Territory
without the consent of the owner, should forfeit the value of
the same to the latter.
i Proceedings, Oregonian, Jan. 22, 1859.
2lbid., Jan. 15.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 241
Two minority reports were returned from the committee.
One was by N. H. Cranor of Marion, who had taken an im-
portant part in the discussion on the same question a year
previous, at which time he had held that slavery was excluded
from Oregon by the act of Congress organizing the Territory.1
Now, he held that as the Territories were property of the Gen-
eral Government, the citizens of all sections had equal rights
therein; that neither Congress nor the Territories, under the
Dred Scott decision, had power to legislate upon the question
of slavery in the Territories. Hence, the legislation petitioned
for was impossible and was also useless, as by the decision of
the Supreme Court, slavery was already protected in the Terri-
tories and needed no special legislation. One year before,
Cranor had taken just the opposite position. He presents a good
example of the rapid intellectual development of good Demo-
crats whose chief object was to adjust their ideas to the con-
stitutional doctrine of the Administration.
The other minority report was presented by E. D. Shattuck,
a Republican, representing Washington and Multnomah. He
reviewed at length the Republican doctrine on the question, de-
claring that that part of the Scott decision affecting the ques-
tion at issue was gratuitous and had not the force of law ; that
under its organic act, the Territorial legislature had power to
legislate upon the subject in the negative only. In short, Cranor
held that a Territorial legislature could take no action ; Chap-
man and T'Vault that it could take action, but only affirmative-
ly ; Shattuck that it could take action, but only negatively.
Action was not taken upon the majority report until near
midnight of the last day of the session, when, with a small at-
tendance present, it was adopted by a vote of 13 to 9. This
was the action of the house only, and of course the negro bill
introduced was abortive. However, it is an interesting fact
that such a bill was actually introduced and rather heartily sup-
ported. And that too, after the people of Oregon, in accord-
ance with the Democratic doctrine of popular sovereignty, had
decided against slavery by a vote approximatey five to one.
i Supra, page 161.
PART III
THE PERIOD OF STATE GOVERNMENT-
CIVIL WAR PERIOD
CHAPTER IX
Political Maneuvering in 1859
CHAPTER XI.
POLITICAL MANEUVERING IN 1859
The statement has been made that no state, not of the orig-
inal thirteen, has contributed so materially as Oregon in the
circumstances of its acquisition and territorial organization to
the great national issues which have divided the country.1
Whether the statement is literally true or not, it forcefully
suggests what is apt generally to be overlooked — the close,
vital relation of isolated Oregon to the great issues which have
stirred the whole nation. It is not the purpose here to dwell
upon this interesting phase, further than to suggest the rela-
tion of the admission of Oregon — as a Territory in 1848 and
as a state in 1859 — to the development of the national issue
of slavery.
In 1848 the organization of the Territory had been opposed
by the pro-slavery element in Congress. In the struggle over
the Oregon bill, occasioned by the anti-slavery provision, Cal-
houn laid down the principles which were thereafter to be
maintained by the South and on which the policy of the Na-
tional Democracy was to be based. He declared that the ter-
ritories were the common property of the people of the United
States and that as a result the South was entitled to the same
property rights therein as the North. Ten years later Oregon
was knocking for admission to the Union as a free state. This
time the opposition arose from the anti-slavery element in Con-
gress, the Oregon bill being championed by the regular Demo-
cratic organization. In the first place it was not considered
strictly a party question. In 1857 the lower house of Congress
had passed an act authorizing the people of Oregon to organ-
ize a state government, but Congress adjourned before action
was taken by the Senate. In May, 1858, the Senate passed a
bill by a vote of 35 to 17 to admit Oregon, with the constitu-
tion which had in the meantime been adopted. Eleven Repub-
lican senators were among the 35 and six among the 17.
i Hon. Frederick N. Judson, St. Louis, Mo., in anniversary address com-
memorating admission of Oregon to the Union. See Proceedings, p. 33.
246 V. C. WOODWARD
Among the minority were some of the radical Southern sena-
tors including Jefferson Davis, who were opposed to the ad-
mission of any more northern states. The leader of the eleven
Republicans who favored admission was Wm. H. Seward.1
As has been suggested, the first session of this the 35th Con-
gress came to a close without action having been taken by the
lower house.2
The action of the rabid, pro-slavery Southern senators in
opposing the admission bill, made it plain that the Administra-
tion Democrats could not command the full party vote in
support of the bill. The Republicans, whose numbers had been
steadily increasing in Congress and who were anxious to make
their influence felt, now found in the Oregon question the
eagerly awaited opportunity to exhibit their party strength.
Various reasons for their opposition to the admission bill
were publicly stated by the Republicans. Oregon's popu-
lation was not sufficient to entitle her to statehood. The
same requirements should be made of Oregon which had been
prescribed for Kansas. Some criticism of the constitution was
indulged in. But these were not the real sources of opposi-
tion. Oregon gave promise of being a Democratic state — had
in fact already elected Democratic senators and congressman
— and her admission would materially increase the strength of
that party in Congress. It was, moreover, already conceded
that the approaching presidential election would be closely con-
tested and Oregon might turn the scale the wrong way — from
the Republican viewpoint. The sincerity of the people of Ore-
gon in adopting a free-state constitution under which discrimi-
nation was made against free Negroes, and furthermore in
electing a recognized pro-slavery advocate in Lane to the Sen-
ate, was questioned. The strength of the pro-slavery element
in Oregon was known and feared. Furthermore, there was a
desire on the part of the Republicans to retaliate upon the
i Franklin P. Rice, "Eli Thayer and the Admission of Oregon" in the Wor-
cester (Mass.) Magazine for February and March, 1906, republished in "Pro-
ceedings of the soth Anniversary of the Admission of the State of Oregon to
the Union." Mr. Rice gives a concise, lucid account of the situation, based upon
the records of Congress and the newspapers of the period, and his account has
here been closely followed.
zSupra, page
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 247
Democrats for their refusal to admit Kansas. Influenced by
these various motives, the Republican organization in Congress,
encouraged by such prominent Republicans as Horace Greeley,
determined to test its strength against the Administration
forces by opposing the Oregon bill.
Accordingly, when, in January, of the second session of this
Congress, the bill for the admission of Oregon was reported
in the house, the Republican policy of opposition was declared.
But when the party managers undertook to rally the full Re-
publican strength against the bill, — they encountered serious
defection in the ranks. Fifteen Republicans, led by Eli Thayer
of Massachusetts, refused to regard the Oregon bill as a party
measure, which it had really now become. The most strenuous
efforts were made to enforce party discipline upon them but in
vain. Viewing the question upon its own merits, they declared
that the people of Oregon had proceeded in accordance with
the accustomed usages, had acted in good faith and were en-
titled to statehood. Hence they voted for the bill, with the
Administration forces, as opposed to the Republican organiza-
tion and the Southern extremists. On February 12, 1859, the
house passed the bill by a vote of 114 to 108 and two days later
the President affixed his signature. Oregon was at last a state
and the eager hopes of a decade were realized.
The passage of the admission bill seemed to reinstate Lane
partially with Oregon Democrats, though not with Bush and
the Clique with whom the break was irrevocable. The general
attitude toward Lane is reflected in the actions of the county
Democratic conventions held in the spring of 1859. The Polk
county Democrats declared that they would not aid in building
up a personal party for any man, no matter what his present
position and future prospects might be. They demanded a strict
adherence to the doctrine of rotation in office.1 On the other
hand, the Clackamas Democrats viewed "with pride and re-
newed confidence the continuous and untiring zeal of our fel-
low-citizen, the Hon. Jos. Lane, in his efforts to secure the
highest good of Oregon and we believe that but for his per-
i Statesman, April 12, 1859.
248 W. C. WOODWARD
sonal efforts in our behalf, Oregon would now be in Territorial
vassalage." In harmony with this resolution, the Statesman
was condemned for its assults upon distinguished members of
the Democratic party.1 Similar action supporting Lane was
taken by Josephine, Multnomah and Linn county, though in
some cases by a bare majority vote.2
The break between Lane and the Clique gave the Nationals
or "soft" faction of the party their opportunity. As has been
shown, they remained steadfast in their loyalty to Lane and
they now began to rally round him as their champion against
the Clique. The leadership of Lane gave them that political
legitimacy which was so essential. They were no longer po-
litical pariahs. In fact they began looking forward at once to
securing, through the prestige of Lane, the control of the regu-
lar party machinery. The return of the Nationals to the
regular organization was hailed with satisfaction by several
county conventions and by the following resolution adopted by
the state convention : "We approve and rejoice over that thor-
ough and harmonious unison of the party which has displaced
past differences and given assurances of future united action."
As the Nationals were in control of the convention, however,
the "approval" was easily understood and there was a lurking
suspicion of irony in the reference to the harmonious unison of
the party.
The Democratic state convention met on April 20 at Salem.
It was the first convention in which the Lane forces and the
Clique had been in open opposition. A trial of strength was
at once made and the Clique was worsted for the first time. A
minority of the committee on resolutions dissented from the re-
port. Thirty votes were cast against the fifth resolution which
strongly commended the three Oregon representatives in Con-
gress for their effective work in securing the admission of
Oregon. 3 The real test of strength, however, came in the vote
for nomination of a Congressman to succeed Grover. Lansing
i Ibid., April 19.
2lbid., April 19, April 26.
aProceedings, Statesman, April 26.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 249
Stout, a young Portland attorney who had recently come from
California, was nominated by the Lane-Smith faction. Grover,
a member of the Clique, was supported by the old organization
for renomination. Stout was nominated by a vote of 40 to 33.
As to the methods by which this result was achieved, charges
and recriminations were many and bitter. Bush charged that
Linn county promised to vote for Grover if Marion county
would pledge itself to vote for the re-election of Delazon Smith
as United States Senator. This was refused, whereupon the
opposition to the Clique joined forces in a secret caucus where
successful plans for the defeat of Grover were matured. Bush
declared that the latter was sacrificed because he had chosen to
devote his time and influence at Washington to the interests
of his constituents and country rather than to the perpetuation
of Gen. Lane in office.1
The attitude of the old organization leaders on seeing their
factional enemies step in and at once secure control of the
party organization may be easily imagined. Bush was furious
and made it plain in the Statesman that little help might be
expected from him in the campaign. Other members of the
Clique were equally irreconcilable.2 On the other hand, the
Nationals were correspondingly jubilant. The expression of
the Oregon Weekly Union of Corvallis, edited by Jas. H.
Slater, a National, may be regarded as typical of the attitude
of the "softs". In reviewing the proceedings of the conven-
tion^ Slater announced that in the repudiation of the old fifth
and sixth resolutions, the principles contended for by the Na-
tional Democrats were thus triumphant even in the old organi-
zation. Believing that a return to correct principles had been
effected; that caucus sovereignty had been abandoned and re-
pudiated; that censorship of the Democratic press was not to
be continued; that effect was to be given to the voice of the
i Editorials in Statesman, April 26, on "Democratic State Convention" and
"The Personal Party."
2"You have doubtless heard of the damnable outrage perpetrated by Lane
and ^ Smith's friends in our mis-called Democratic Convention." (Details given.)
"This is a remarkable triumph of caucus sovereignty! I boldly denounced the
'dirty bargain' in the Convention — laid the thing open to public gaze — exposed
Stout's Know Nothingism in California." — Nesmith to Deady, April 25.
3Oregon Weekly Union, April 23.
250 • W. C. WOODWARD
masses in preference to the dicta of a few who had usurped
authority, Slater pledged his best efforts to the support of the
ticket.
Early in the spring the Republicans began organizing with a
new determination to establish a permanent and independent
party, free from all connection with Democratic factions. As
an illustration of what was taking place over the state, a city
mass meeting was held at Portland, March 5, "for the purpose
of organizing a party which shall be opposed to the present
(so-called) Democratic party of Oregon." The resolutions
adopted called for the thorough organization of the National
Republican party in Oregon; utterly repudiated the doctrines
of abolitionism and denied that it constituted any part of the
Republican creed ; declared unreservedly for the full and free
application to the Territories of the doctrine of popular sov-
ereignty.1 This last resolution indicates the heresy of Oregon
Republicanism on the great issue of squatter sovereignty,
further evidence of which was to be frequently given.
Among those addressing the meeting was Dryer. In the next
issue of the Oregonian he strongly endorsed the meeting and
from this time may be considered a Republican. In the spring
of 1858 he had denounced the idea of political organization of
the opposition as likely to prove as baneful as that of the Salem
Clique. But in December he had turned squarely about and
urged the necessity of the organization of a political party by
the People of Oregon as the only remedy for the existing evils
under Clique rule.2 In February, 1859, he referred to the call —
made by "W. T. Matlock and four other residents of Clackamas
county calling themselves a 'Republican Central Committee' "
for a state convention to be held at Salem, April 21. He could
not withhold some insinuations as to the presumption of a few
Clackamas county politicians, self-constituted as leaders, but
concluded with expressing the hope that the convention would
prove successful in organizing the forces against the ruling
dynasty. 3 All of which indicated that Dryer was "coming
i Oregonian, March 12.
aOregonian, Dec. 4, 1858.
3lbid., Feb. 5, 1859.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 251
round" gradually. A little later in a leader, "The Republi-
cans !" he speaks of the aggressive work of the Republicans in
the several counties, which he gives guarded commendation,
and tacitly joins his fortunes with the new party.1 Thus, after
holding aloof for three years, the old Whig veteran now
brought the Oregonian to the aid of the Republican cause.
The Republican state convention met at Salem on the day
following the meeting of the Democrats. The Republicans pro-
ceeded with a seriousness of purpose, with a practical determi-
nation to achieve results as well as to declare high sounding
principles, which had not before characterized them. They
now acted as members of a political organization rather than
as a mere assembly of reform enthusiasts and political doc
trinaires. The resolutions adopted, written by such men as
J. R. McBride, T. W. Davenport and Jesse Applegate, were
sane, conservative and even conciliating.2 The strongest devo-
tion to the Union was avowed and anything approaching hatred
of any part of it was as strongly disavowed. While announc-
ing unalterable opposition to slavery extension, the right to
interfere with institutions existing in the states, was disclaimed.
A guarded declaration was made in favor of popular sov-
ereignty, which, though not in accordance with orthodox Re-
publicanism, would tend to mollify aggressive Westerners and
would clearly strengthen the party in Oregon. Intervention
of Congress for the protection of slavery in the Territories,
demanded by leading Democrats, was severely denounced.
While declaring for the purity of the ballot box, a wel-
come was extended to those foreigners who preferred free
institutions to despotism. The belief was expressed that the
enforcement of the existing naturalization laws was all that
was necessary as a barrier against foreign immigration. This
set the Republicans clear on the subject of Know Nothingism.
The annexation of adjacent territory was favored, by fair and
honorable means, with the consent of the governed. The reso-
lutions further declared for a homestead bill, the construction
i Ibid., Feb. 26.
aProceedings in Statesman, April 26 and in Argus, April 30.
252 W. C. WOODWARD
of the Pacific railroad, internal improvements and for a tariff
upon imports to meet the current expenses of the government,
which should discriminate in favor of home industry. The
immediate payment of the Oregon Indian war debt was urged
upon Congress.
David Logan was nominated for Congress with 32 votes, his
nearest competitor being B. J. Pengra of Eugene, editor of a
new Republican paper, the People's Press. Dr. W. Warren,
Leander Holmes and A. G. Hovey were chosen as delegates to
the National Republican convention of 1860, and were in-
structed to use their influence for W. H. Seward.1 H. W. Cor-
bett, W. C. Johnson and E. D. Shattuck were elected as a state
central committee.
Bush, enraged and disgusted over the results of the Demo-
cratic Convention, gave the Republicans unwonted considera-
tion. He stated that Logan was well known throughout the
state and was the strongest man that could have been named ;
that there were some good things in the platform and some
"colored" things ; but that it was unexpectedly decent to come
from such a body as the convention was.2 In fact, after a
week for reflection, Bush began to find fault with the Repub-
lican platform because it was so mild and inoffensive. He
pointed out at once the singular incongruity between the plat-
form and candidate for Congress on the one hand, and the
Seward instructions on the other. He said that the platform
had no Seward Republicanism in it and that Logan's slavery
opinions no more accorded with Seward's than with Garrison's.
The opinion was expressed that the platform was three-fourths
humbug; that neither it nor the candidate even approached
the eastern standard of black Republicanism. Nor did they
i The Seward instructions were slipped through rather surreptitiously near the
close of the Convention by Pengra, after many delegates had left. See Argus,
Oct. 29, 1859.
2 Statesman, April 26.
"Logan was nominated by the blacks and Jesse made the best platform that
could be constructed out of the materials. I believe he will be elected. The
Shannons, English, Cornoyer and all the French are up in arms for Logan."
(Referring to the fact that Stout had been a Know Nothing.) "Jo and Ahio Watt
are electioneering for Logan in Yamhill so you may know h is broke loose." —
Nesmith to Deady, April 25.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 253
even represent the anti-slavery opinions of the majority of the
convention from which they were sent forth.1
The Argus, in commenting upon the convention and its re-
sults, declared that for the first time in the history of Oregon
the issue was now fairly made between the Republicans as the
friends of free laborers and the Jo Lane Democracy as the
advocates of negro-breeding, negro-extension fanaticism. The
first time, because "the blacks", under the management of
Lane, had run up their true colors. The 2600 fanatics who had
voted for slavery in Oregon had now succeeded in crushing out
the free soil element from the Democratic party by throwing
Grover, Williams and other free state men overboard;2 by
striking out from their creed "everything that savored of a
license for Democrats to favor freedom and take an occasional
squint at the North Star." This was the issue which Adams
had been impatiently trying to force ever since the establish-
ment of the Argus. "Parson" Adams was no "waiter on
Providence." Believing the world to be full of time-crusted
error and that he had a special mission to set it to rights, he
preferred to lead the forlorn hope and let the slow and con-
servative masses come limping after him in their own good
time, never doubting but that they would come sooner or later.3
He now entered upon the campaign with aggressiveness and
enthusiasm.
The great question of the power of the federal government
over slavery in the Territories occupied so important a place in
the campaign of 1859 that it is necessary to dwell upon the
state of opinion in Oregon upon the national issue. When the
doctrine of squatter sovereignty was given official and legal
sanction in the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854,
the free state men in Oregon were quick to repudiate it. But
i Statesman, May 3.
2"We heard one of the most prominent and most active of Lane's supporters
from Southern Oregon denounce Williams for writing his free-state letter, and
the Salem organ for publishing such 'rotten abolitionism*. The publication of
that letter did the work for Williams and the endorsement of it has done the
work for many more, and these headless Democrats are now as effectually killed
off in the party as though they had joined the Rpublicans." — Argus, April 30.
3 Characterization by M. P. Deady in correspondence to the San Francisco
Bulletin, dated May 20, 1863.
254 »W. C. WOODWARD
the spirit of the West — of the self-governing frontiersmen,
was too strong. Years before the doctrine of popular sov-
ereignty was enunciated, the Oregon pioneers had established
the first American government upon the Pacific Coast solely
upon the principles of absolute popular sovereignty. It was
the cardinal doctrine in their political creed — in fact it was
their common creed, before the new country became involved
in national politics. When the Democratic party espoused it as
a political issue, the Oregon Democrats pushed their favorite
doctrine to the extreme, as will be shown. The opposition were
thus placed on the defensive, and at first were prompted by the
binding force of party loyalty to oppose it, but only in its rela-
tion to the slavery question. In all other particulars they were
in favor of the people of the Territories managing their own
affairs without interference from Washington. The distinc-
tion was hard to maintain. Hence, when the pro-slavery Demo-
crats abandoned the ground of squatter sovereignty for that of
direct intervention in behalf of slavery, it gave the Oregon
Republicans, especially the more conservative ones, the oppor-
tunity to espouse the doctrine, in its entirety. There was thus
very little difference between them and the Douglas Democrats.
It is interesting to note that at a time when allegiance to party
doctrines was almost a matter of religion, that inherent desire of
the Western pioneers to govern themselves was strong enough to
override party barriers on the one question of popular sover-
eignty. On the other hand, the fact that many Western Demo-
crats saw fit to forsake the popular doctrine suggests how in-
fatuated was their devotion to the cause of the slave power.
The typical Western attitude on the question was expressed
by Bush in 1857 in an editorial on squatter sovereignty,1 in
which he declared that the principle should be extended to
give people in the Territories power over all legislation to the
same extent as enjoyed by citizens of the states. "We are
just as capable here in Oregon to elect our officers, make our
laws unrestricted and in all things govern ourselves, as we were,
scattered over the thirty-one states. And we are presuming
iStatesman, March 17, 1857.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 255
enough to claim that we of right ought to have the same pow-
ers here that we exercised there." In 1858 when the Oregon
Democrats supported Buchanan and his Lecompton policy in
Kansas, their attitude toward the Douglas doctrine was passive,
at best. This made it easy for Dryer to declare his sentiments
upon the subject. He stated that he was and always had been
in favor of the Kansas-Nebraska doctrine of popular sover-
eignty and had opposed the Kansas-Nebraska bill merely be-
cause it disturbed a long-established and accepted settlement of
a difficult problem. He went so far as to declare that he would
cheerfully support either Douglas or Crittenden for the presi-
dency upon that issue.1 Now in 1859, with Lane and the radi-
cal, slavery-extension Democrats in control of the party or-
ganization, Bush renewed his allegience to Douglas and his
doctrines with increased zeal, as if to atone for his apostasy
of the previous year. In developing to its last conclusion his
favorite doctrine, he declared that the only power which Con-
gress possessed over the Territories by virtue of the Constitu-
tion was based upon the "power to dispose of and make all
useful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other
property belonging to the United States" ; that it conferred no
power to legislate for the people of the Territories, to appoint
officers over them nor to govern them in any way whatsoever ;
Congress therefore had no warrant whatever for the existing
system of territorial government, yet the people had long sub-
mitted in silence to many of the same grievances for which
their forefathers threw off the British yoke. "Officers have
been imposed upon us without our consent and in direct viola-
tion of our will. Our judges have been made dependent upon
the will of the President and Senate alone for the tenure of
their offices and for the amount and payment of their salaries.
The administration of justice has been obstructed by the pass-
age of unjust and unwholesome laws. We have been repeatedly
annoyed by the insolence of officials not of our own choosing.
And all this without even the semblance of constitutional au-
thority !"2 What a familiar ring this has to those who have fol-
lOregonian, May 8, 1858.
sStatesman, March i, 1859.
256 * W. C. WOODWARD
lowed at all the proceedings of the old colonial assemblies in
pre-revolutionary days ! It indicates clearly what the doctrine
of popular sovereignty meant to Oregonians.
The State Democratic platform of 1859 stated that the de-
cision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case was
acknowledged by the Democratic party as a correct interpreta-
tion of the Constitution on the question of slavery. This was
a palpable evasion as there were no less than three distinct in-
terpretations of that decision among the Democrats. The
Douglas phase of the doctrine, that of absolute non-interven-
tion, was still very generally held by the rank and file of the
Oregon democracy. Many, however, were now following the
lead of Lane, who maintained that slavery existed in the Ter-
ritories by virtue of the Constitution and that the people of
the Terrtories had no authority either to establish it or pro-
hibit its introduction. Bush hence charged him with having
deserted the Democratic principle of popular sovereignty and
with having taken up "the quibble devised by some place-seeking
demagogues, to cheat unthinking Southern extensionists."1
Lane had merely advanced to the Buchanan or Administration
interpretation, but Bush refused to recognize the latter as Dem-
ocratic doctrine. The radical Democratic position was voiced
by Editor O'Meara in the Standard, who declared for positive
intervention by Congress for the protection of slavery in the
Territories. He charged that whoever held a different doctrine
was a Black Republican. He attacked Douglas for his Freeport
speech doctrine, as either a demagogue or "a very thick-headed
numbskull," charging him with utterances treasonable and sub-
versive of the Constitution.2
In the campaign, Lansing Stout, the Democratic candidate
for Congressman, supported the Administration doctrine and
even approached that of the interventionists, maintaining that
the people were obliged to enact laws for the protection of
slaves in the Territories. He was supported on the stump by
Smith and Lane, who spent most of their time in denouncing
i Statesman, editorial, "Then and Now", Nov. 22, 1859.
zQuoted in Argus, May 28.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 257
the Statesman and defending themselves. Bush carried Stout's
name at the head of the ticket in the Statesman. He did noth-
ing- for his election, however, merely damning him with faint
praise — very faint, indeed. Almost the entire editorial space
of the Statesman was devoted to the detraction and defamation
of Smith and Lane, vituperative and scurrilous to the last de-
gree ; especially when directed against Delazon Smith, or "De-
lusion" Smith, as he was universally referred to by his political
enemies. This tendency of Oregon journalism towards the
Billingsgate, which had always been pronounced and which
became known as the "Oregon Style," reached its height, or
rather, depth, during this period.
David Logan was a very conservative Republican, to say the
least. He could almost as truly be termed a Douglas Demo-
crat. But he was the logical candidate to run upon the Repub-
lican platform adopted in April. It had declared for popular sov-
ereignty, "in deference to the prevailing public sentiment" as
Bush said,1 and Logan, in harmony with a few independent Re-
publicans like Eli Thayer, was a hearty supporter of the doc-
trine, which he now freely proclaimed. In this he was strong-
ly supported by the Oregonian which declared that the Repub-
lican party of Oregon stood firmly pledged to non-interven-
tion.2 It is not to be presumed that this position upon the ques-
tion was pleasing to all the Republicans of the state, by any
means. A very different class of men rallied round the Repub-
lican standard in 1858 and 1859, from those who had set up
that standard in the Territory, and who for their devotion to
the cause of human freedom had been known by the inelegant
but expressive term — "dam-Black Republican." The growing
success of the party in the East, and the admission of Oregon to
statehood, which would bring Oregon Republicans in direct con-
nection with the National organization, was exerting a decisive
influence. Many, who had taken no active interest in the great
moral issues at stake, seeing an opportunity to aid in the defeat
of the Democratic party and to advance their own fortunes,
i Statesman, Aug. 2.
2Oregonian, Aug. 6.
258 V. C. WOODWARD
political and otherwise, now "rallied to the party conventions
and were active participants therein, as though they were na-
tive to the manor born."1 With these, party success was more
important than unwavering allegiance to some abstract prin-
ciple. It must not be inferred, however, that the later acces-
sions to the party were actuated solely by personal and mer-
cenary motives. Many of those who had been associated with
the beginnings of Republicanism in Oregon might almost be
termed professional reformers. They had aided in the temper-
ance movement, had been identified with Knownothingism,
abolitionism and had advocated various doctrines regarded by
the public at large as visionary and fanatical. This explains to
some degree the extent to which the early Republicans had
been maligned. Their very zeal caused them to be mistrusted.
It was the anxious purpose of the Republicans in 1859 to free
themselves from all stigma of fanaticism, and to inspire confi-
dence in themselves as statemen rather than to incur suspicion
as doctrinaires. This did not mean necessarily a desertion of
Republican principles. It did imply a re-statement of them and
some readjustment, as on the question of popular sovereignty.
It is from this general situation that the conservative, semi-
orthodox attitude of the Oregon Republicans in 1859, must be
viewed. Dryer, who was a good example of the second edition
Republicans, gave apt expression to their viewpoint in the fol-
lowing: "There are a large number of people possessed of a
kind of night-mare upon this question of slavery. This class
is composed both of the ultraists for and the ultraists against
slavery. Each branch of this class seems to have set up a
Congo Negro as a fit subject or idol of their worship. We are
none of this class and we speak for the Republican party of
Oregon by authority, when we sav that they do not compose
either branch of this class."2
The election resulted in almost a political revolution. The
issue was long in doubt and when finally determined it was
found that Stout had been elected by a bare majority of 16
i Davenport, in Oregon Historical Quarterly for December, 1908, p. 334.
sOregonian, Aug. 6.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 259
votes. With the Democrats in charge of the machinery of elec-
tion, this was indeed a narrow margin. The result was as-
tounding to both parties. Marion county, the seat of the gov-
ernment and of the Salem Clique, which normally might have
been expected to give Stout a majority of some 500 votes, gave
Logan 782 majority. Bush declared that he voted for Stout,
but admitted that he did not give him the earnest, active sup-
port that he would have done had he been regularly and fairly
nominated. He attributed the decreased Democratic vote to
lukewarmness on the part of many old Democrats, due to
Stout's former active connection with the Know Nothing party
in California. Particularly was that the case in Marion county
in which there was a large foreign vote. On the other hand,
Logan's espousal of popular sovereignty made it easy for many
Douglas Democrats to support him. It was only by the Demo-
cratic steadfastness of the isolated southern counties that the
great defection was overcome and Stout's election secured.
Out of the sacrifice of Grover at the Democratic convention
in April by the Lane faction, there grew a political vendetta
among the Democrats. As a result there was no election of
United States senator at the special session of the legislature
called in May to complete the details of state organization.
Smith had drawn the short term which had expired on the
adjournment of Congress, within a month after he and Lane
had been sworn in. He had been in Washington during the
winter, however, and had thoroughly identified himself with
Lane in the growing strife between the latter and the Clique.
He apparently entered upon a life of dissipation in Washing-
ton, lurid stories of which found their way back to Oregon to
be given full publicity by Smith's enemies, particularly by Bush
in the Statesman. Smith made a desperate effort for re-
election at the May special session, with the apparent support
of Lane, whose good faith toward his colleague and ally was
questioned. Though Smith was himself discredited and unable
to secure re-election, the factions in the legislature seemed
evenly enough divided so that the Lane-Smith forces could
probably have prevented the election of a member of the oppos-
260 ' W. C. WOODWARD
ing faction. At any rate, the Democrats were not disposed to
force the issue at this time by opening up the struggle and chose
to allow the seat in the Senate to remain vacant until the regu-
lar session of the next legislature in 1860.
At the State Democratic Convention in April, when the Lane
faction by its secret caucus captured the organization, it se-
cured control of the state central committee. The committee
met at Eugene, September 24, and issued a call for a state con-
vention to be held at Eugene, November 16, to elect delegates
to the National Democratic Convention to be held at Charles-
ton the coming year. A split occurred in the committee over
the choice of a basis of representation on which delegates to
the Convention should be chosen. The Lane forces were in the
majority and voted that the representation be based upon the
Democratic vote for Stout in the late election. This was in
accordance with past procedure. It would now prove favorable
to Lane as it would very materially diminish the number of
delegates from the Willamette Valley counties, where opposi-
tion to him was pronounced, and increase the number from the
southern counties which remained loyal to him. The Bush or
Salem faction maintained that this basis disfranchised two
thousand Democrats who had constantly battled for Democra-
tic principles "both before and since the late Democratic candi-
date proved recreant to those principles by a desertion to the
secret conclave of an oath-bound enemy." Accordingly the mi-
nority, demanding representation upon the basis of the vote
cast for Whiteaker for governor in 1858, withdrew and issued
a separate call to the Democracy of Oregon in which they asked
the counties to send delegates to the Eugene convention on
this basis. In this action they were upheld and supported by
the Statesman.
The reasons for Lane's special anxiety to secure control of
the Eugene convention lay in his ambition to be named on the
national ticket to be nominated at Charleston. As early as
1852 he was an active candidate for the nomination of presi-
dent of the United States and received no little encourage-
ment.1 From that time on he had been at least a willing, re-
iln the collection of Lane letters in the possession of the Oregon Historical
Society are to be found scores of private letters addressed to Lane in reference to
his candidacy in 1852 and chances of success. Most of these are from politicians
of his home state, Indiana, but several other states are also represented.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 261
ceptive candidate and he now became a very active one. He
was a bombastic, self-assertive man, and was a born leader,
which made him a success as a General or a politician. He
had not the capabilities or training of a statesman and his
speeches on the issues of the day were composed largely of
generalities and platitudes. But recognizing no limitation to
his abilities, he placed no limitations on his ambitions. Depend-
ing first on his successful military record as the "Marion of
the Mexican War", and as the hero of a number of Indian
fights in the far West, and second upon his standing with his
party and especially the pro-slavery element of it, he entered
the field for national honors. Of course the first requisite of
success was to secure the endorsement of his own state. This
would have been easy enough a few years previous — for in-
stance, when, after his decisive victory over Gaines in 1855,
Bush had carried the legend in the Statesman, "Gen. Joseph
Lane for President in 1856."1 But with the Oregon Democ-
racy divided into two hostile camps, Lane faced a difficult
situation in 1859.
The Lane-Stout faction was in control of the Eugene Con-
vention. The committee on credentials reported in favor of
decreasing the size of the delegations of certain counties which
were based on the vote for Whiteaker, in accordance with the
recommendation made by the minority of the state central
committee. For example, the size of the Marion county dele-
gation was thus cut from ten to four members.2 Upon the
adoption of the report, Grover arose and said: "I am au-
thorized by eight counties here to say to the convention on
behalf of those counties, that they retire from the convention
upon this decision." All the delegates from Marion, Polk,
Wasco, Clatsop, Washington, Umpqua, Coos and Curry coun-
ties then retired. They immediately assembled in another room
where they resolved that inasmuch as they did not represent
the majority of the counties in the state, they would not elect
delegates to the Charleston convention, but pledged the De-
i Supra, p. 72.
^Proceedings, Statesman, Nov. 22.
262 \V. C. WOODWARD
mocracy of the several counties represented, to a cordial sup-
port of the National Democratic nominee.
After the withdrawal of the eight counties from the con-
vention, a committee of one member from each remaining
county, reported the names of Lane, M. P. Deady, and Stout
as delegates to the national convention. The committee on
resolutions, on which was L. F. Mosher, son-in-law of Lane,
reported the following: "Resolved — That we recommend to
the consideration of the Charleston Convention as a candidate
for the office of chief magistrate, our distinguished fellow citi-
zen, the Hon. Gen. Joseph Lane, and our delegates are in-
structed to use their best efforts to secure his nomination for
the office of President or Vice President, and that we pledge
the Democracy of the state to support cordially the nominee of
the Charleston Convention, whoever he may be." In this man-
ner, through resolutions, did Mosher very cleverly get a "unan-
imous" declaration for Lane, in the face of the fact that even
of the eleven counties which remained after the bolt, Josephine
and Clackamas had instructed for Douglas for President;
Yamhill for Dickinson and Benton had voted down a Lane
resolution. As far as the published proceedings of the various
county conventions show, only Lane, Douglas and Jackson had
instructed for Lane. The Statesman declared that these "cut-
and-dried" instructions for Lane were merely to resuscitate his
political popularity and give him some prestige as a candidate
for re-election to the Senate. "The Presidential humbug is
merely to catch gulls with."1
The Oregon Weekly Union, anti-Clique organ, thus com-
mented on the schism in the Eugene Convention : "A factious
minority, heretofore controlling the action of the party, having
lost the confidence long reposed in them, failing to coerce the
Convention * * * have deliberately withdrawn and propose
to form a new organization * * * There can be but one ob-
ject in view and that is an Open or Secret Alliance with the
Republicans! The whole influence of the Statesman for the
i Proceedings, Statesman, Nov. 22.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 263
past year has been on that side."1 It is noticeable during this
period that the Statesman made no attack on Republicanism,
devoting its energies to righting the Lane-Stout-Smith faction.
The Union on the other hand, was diligent in exposing the
dangers of Sewardism and the revolutionary tendency of Re-
publicanism. The striking political events of 1860 were thus
foreshadowed.
i Union, Nov. 19.
OREGON HISTORY FOR "THE OREGON SYSTEM"
£y F. G. Young
"The Oregon System" is a new and unique organization
for the determination of public policy in the affairs of a com-
monwealth. It is being more and more freely used, and prom-
ises in Oregon to reduce to a minimum the functioning of the
historic representative government. The people not only rule
but their rule is direct, summary, absolute and affects well-
nigh all their public interests. In law-making deference to the
specialist, the experienced and the expert is at a low ebb. The
supposed virtues of the deliberative assembly with parliament-
ary procedure come dangerously near being repudiated alto-
gether. This tendency of almost exclusive reliance upon the
"system" means immediate and definitive action by popular
vote on all matters of commonwealth interest.
This direct responsibility assumed by the people for the
detailed control of their public affairs involves an ambitious
role. The elevation of the voter to the position of law-maker
and judge affecting highest matters of state must, in the
nature of things, if all is to be well, be paralleled by a cor-
responding enlargement of his understanding, enlightenment
of his views and ennoblement of his attitude. How is he to be
made equal to this new sphere that he has assumed ?
Trip-hammer action of public opinion is secured through
the initiative, referendum and recall, in the easy and absolute
form of their application in Oregon. Vox populi, vox Dei is
here adopted as an inherent principle of the eternal order and
is being applied without reservation. The situation brings all
our social heritage into the crucible, subject to complete trans-
formation on any election day. Democracy has thus been
made absolute and the machinery for registering its edicts
simplified to the last degree. Under such a regime, unless
there is a corresponding response in effort and attitude on the
part of the individual voter, only inspiration can save from
serious, cumulative and consequently fatal blunders. How can
OREGON HISTORY FOR OREGON SYSTEM 265
the private citizen attain the insight and poise that will insure
action for the public good ?
The Oregon system stands for the ne plus ultra in popular
government. It represents a farthest extreme, and the shift to
it came as the sequel to most trying experience with represent-
ative government. The selected few, or the controlling ele-
ments among them, into whose hands the interests of the masses
had been intrusted had regularly played false or were duped.
The strong were getting undue privileges, and were escaping
their share of the public burdens. No return to normal condi-
tions of social justice seemed possible under the old dispensa-
tion. Such proficiency in political manipulation, in machine
methods and in the arts of demagoguery had been developed by
the designing few that in one way or another the people were
too frequently served the crusts while the loaf went to the
special interests. Under such circumstances the only thing to
do was done — the people took the management of their collec-
tive affairs directly into their own hands. But however fully
justified the people were in making this venture, the almost
complete renunciation of parliamentary procedure and repre-
sentative government by them imposes certain conditions that
must be fulfilled if hopes are to be realized.
Suppose the rank and file of an army were to presume to
march abreast of their captains and to be heard in the councils
of their commanders. Would not that be preposterous if the
common soldier were not as fully versed in the art of war as
his general and had not as large a part in the elaborating of
the plan of campaign ? By as much as the art of statesmanship
is of a higher order than that of war so much higher order of
proficiency does the Oregon system imply to be the possession
of the private citizen.
Furthermore, the exchange of the system of representative
government for pure democracy is made just when the state is
sweeping forward into a new era. Its development is becom-
ing intense; a more complex economic organization is being
assumed and so many constructive readjustments are urgently
called for. Vision is needed if the rapidly increasing density of
266 F. G. YOUNG
population is not to develop the social abominations that are
the curse of the older communities. While all conditions are
thus nascent are the features being incorporated into the new
rural community that will make for the best uplift in the life
of the boy and girl and the woman and the man on the farm?
Are the fixed improvements in the towns, their systems of
public utility, affecting the health, comfort and enjoyments of
all classes, being planned with foresight and with concern for
the highest interests dominant? Eastern states and cities are
awakening to the fact that as the result of past heedlessness
even herculean labors give but faint and long deferred hopes
of ever attaining the ideal. It is true that these woeful sacri-
fices of the interests of the masses of this and future generations
took place there while representative institutions were in vogue.
But a like outcome can be avoided here only as constructive
and far-seeing policies are devised and supported. Such are
the exigencies in the situation in Oregon that confront the sys-
tem. A competent performance of his part by the individual
voter involves a high calling.
It may be that the disposition of the Oregon people with re-
gard to the measure of use to be made of the system of direct
legislation has been misinterpreted. Possibly the almost ex-
clusive recourse to it, and the slight put upon representative
government, were due to the necessity of correcting old abuses
and adjusting perverted economic relations resulting from the
failings of the former system. Suppose, therefore, that a re-
newal of confidence in the procedure of representative govern-
ment is to be expected and that the machinery of direct legis-
lation is to be held in reserve for the occasions when legisla-
tures go amiss, yet the necessity is not removed of the need of
fine discernment on the part of the private citizen in judging
rightly when these occasions arise and in determining what
substitute measures will bring greater and more lasting good
to all. Moreover, situations are bound to develop when the in-
dividual's interest will clash with that of the community
as a whole. Verily, the Oregon system applied even most
OREGON HISTORY FOR OREGON SYSTEM 267
moderately imposes an arduous duty upon the individual voter.
The old order of citizenship no longer suffices.
Civic duty was formerly comprehended in that attention to
public affairs which insured a wise choice among the several
candidates for each public position to be filled. The demands
made on civic virtue under the Oregon system are incomparably
more rigorous. It calls for a zeal in public service and a de-
votion to the common good that insures an understanding of
the issues involved in each problem as it arises. Nothing less
than a finer loyalty, a livelier patriotism and a higher social
intelligence must now prevail if all is to be well. With these
alone, if at all, can a people secure that discernment and poise
that mean safety and social progress with the complex and
tangled affairs of a commonwealth under a pure democracy.
Considering the closely limited time and vitality available
to the average citizen, after the demands of his personal and
essential non-political interests have been met, the political
duties he owes under a pure democracy are simply stupendous.
It is a matter, therefore, of the utmost importance for Oregon
welfare that the best possible conditions be afforded him for
the fulfilment of his part faithfully and well. The most effec-
tive service to him towards giving him competence for his new
role is that which secures for him an intimate and realistic
comprehension of our commonwealth life. This will also
kindle in him a real and abiding love for Oregon, insuring
zeal and loyalty. The key for this consummate grasp of the
situation in which he is to be a factor is a knowledge of its
course of evolution, of its making, of its essential history.
What are the vital elements in the heritage of the Oregon
people of today, in natural resources, in ideas, in customs and
in institutions ? What also are their handicaps ? What are the
vital features in their commonwealth organization and what
purposes have actuated its policies? What vision or lack of
vision has each generation displayed ? Its history viewed from
this standpoint of human and higher interests conserved no
doubt discloses much that causes feelings of regret. The lead-
ers followed have in many cases misled. The people have now
268 ' F. G. YOUNG
and then been heedless affecting interests of transcendant im-
portance. And yet a commonwealth not unlovely was trans-
mitted to the present generation.
Commonwealths for twentieth century life are not born but
are made. They are gradually remolded and renewed through
transforming the elements and factors in them coming out of
the past. The imaginations of the people prompted by their
best impulses and using the best achievements recorded in the
history of humanity outline their visions and their ideals. For
the realization of these ever-receding millenniums the struggle
goes on.
The "Oregon System" presupposes that every citizen will be
able and will be disposed to ascend to this high plane of thought
and action so that he will be a positive factor in effecting
change in the right direction.
DOCUMENT
Report on the Territory of Oregon
{By Charles Wilkes, Commander of the United States Exploring
Expedition, 1838-1842
The Wilkes expedition was a world cruise. It was to demon-
onstrate the safe sailing- routes and commercial opportunities
open to American shipping on the high seas, that is, in those
regions which would naturally be covered in passing from the
eastern shores of this country, via Cape Horn, around the
world. The islands of the Pacific were to be given special
attention.
In the long list of his instructions we find that he was to
"direct course to the Northwest Coast of America, making such
surveys and examinations, first of the territory of the United
States on the seaboard, and on the Columbia river, and after-
wards along the coast of California, with special reference to
the Bay of San Francisco, as you can accomplish by the month
of October following your arrival."
But Lieutenant Wilkes' examination of the Oregon Country
was altogether more extended and purposeful than these
meagre instructions seemed to call for. The Puget Sound
country was given a careful examination; a party was sent
east across the mountains ; from Fort Vancouver another party
was dispatched overland to California.
Immediately following his departure from the Northwest
Coast, he sent from Honolulu to the Navy Department, No-
vember 24, 1841, a preliminary report on the Oregon Terri-
tory, promising a complete statement of what his examination
had revealed as soon as he returned to New York. His sense
of responsibility in the matter was expressed in his first report
as follows : "Having been well aware of the little information
in possession of the Government relative to the northern sec-
tion of this country [Oregon], including the Strait of Juan de
Fuca, with its extensive sounds and inlets, I thought it proper,
from its vast importance in the settlement of the boundary
270 CHARLES WILKES
question, though not embraced in my instructions, to devote a
large portion of my time to a thorough survey and examina-
tion, without, however, overlooking or neglecting any part of
that which was distinctly embraced in them."
The report given below, made on his return to this coun-
try, would probably have been of use to Webster in the nego-
tiations leading to the Webster-Ashburton treaty, signed
August 9, 1842, had Ashburton's instructions not forestalled
all possibility of the settlement of the Oregon boundary ques-
tion at that time. The Columbia river was the most favorable
line that Lord Ashburton was by his government authorized
to offer.
During the following session of Congress Pendleton in the
House and Linn in the Senate introduced resolutions request-
ing this report from the Secretary of the Navy. The Pendle-
ton resolution was passed, but the action was rescinded after a
few days ; Linn's was on his own motion on January 5, 1843,
laid on the table. The reluctance of the administration to make
this report of Wilkes public in January, 1843, was due probab-
ly in part to the earnest plea in it that none of the 'Oregon
country south of 54°-40' should be relinquished by the United
States ; the plan of military occupation of the region which
Wilkes outlined and urged action on was no doubt the main
cause for withholding the report.
The measure of influence that the publication of this report
early in 1843 would have had will be appreciated when it is
remembered that Linn's bill passed the Senate on February 3,
1843, and that nearly a thousand pioneers were just then pre-
paring to rendezvous at Westport, Missouri, for migration to
Oregon.
The text of the document was taken from the Congressional
Record of July 15, 1911. Hon. Thomas W. Prosch of Seattle
had secured a copy from the archives of the Navy Depart-
ment, and had prevailed upon Representative William E.
Humphrey of Washington to secure the publication of it as an
extension of his "remarks in the Record." Through the kind-
ness of Mr. Prosch the editor of the Quarterly was furnished
with the copy.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 271
U. S. S. Vincennes,
New York, June, 1842.
Sir : I have the honor to inclose herewith a report upon the
Territory of Oregon, together with the maps referred to there-
in.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
CHARLES WILKES,
Commander of Exploring Expedition.
To the Hon. A. P. Upshur,
Secretary of the Navy, Washington.
OREGON TERRITORY.
The Territory embraced under the name of Oregon, and rep-
resented on the accompanying map, extends from latitude 42°
north to that of 54° 40' north and west of the Rocky Moun-
tains.
Its natural boundaries, were they attended to, would confine
it within the above geographical limits. On the east it has the
range of Rocky Mountains along its whole extent ; on the south
those of the Klamet Range running on the parallel of 42° and
dividing it from upper California; on the west the Pacific
Ocean ; and on the north the western trend of the Rocky Moun-
tains and the chain of lakes near and along the parallels of 54°
and 55' north dividing it from the British Territory, and it is
remarkable that within these limits all the rivers that flow
through the Territory take their rise.
The Territory is divided into three natural belts or sections,
viz:
First. That between the Pacific Ocean and Cascade Moun-
tains, or western section.
Second. That between the Cascade Mountains and the Blue
Mountain Range, or middle section.
Third. That between the Blue and Rocky Mountain chains,
or eastern section, and this division will equally apply to the
soil, climate, and productions.
272 CHARLES WILKES
The mountain ranges run for the most part in parallel lines
with the coast, and rising in many places above the snow line
(here found to be 6,500 feet) would naturally produce a dif-
ference of temperatures between them and also affect their
productions.
Our surveys and explorations were confined for the most
part to the two first, claiming more interest, being less known
and more in accordance with my instructions.
MOUNTAINS.
The Cascade Range, or that nearest the coast, runs from the
southern boundary on a parallel with the seacoast the whole
length of the Territory, north and south, rising in many places
in high peaks from 12,000 to 14,000 feet above the level of the
sea in regular cones. Their distance from the coast line is
from 100 to 150 miles, and they almost interrupt the communi-
cation between the sections except where the two great rivers,
the Columbia and Eraser, force a passage through them.
There are a few mountain passes, but they are difficult and
only to be attempted late in the spring and in the summer.
A smaller range (the Classet) lies to the north of the Colum-
bia between the coast and the waters of Puget Sound and along
the Strait of Juan de Fuca.
This has several high peaks which rise above the snow line,
but from their proximity to the sea they are not at all times
covered.
Their general direction is north and south, but there are
many spurs or offsets that cause this portion to be very rugged.
The Blue Mountains are irregular in their course and occa-
sionally interrupted, but generally trend from north by east to
northeast and from south to southwest. In some parts they
may be traced as spurs or offsets of the Rocky Mountains. Near
the southern boundary they unite with the Klamet Range,
which runs east and west from the Rocky Mountains.
The Rocky Mountains are too well known to need descrip-
tion. The different passes will, however, claim attention here-
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 273
after. North of 48° the ranges are nearly parallel and have
the rivers flowing between them.
ISLANDS.
Attached to the territory are groups of islands bordering its
northern coast. Among these are the large islands of Vancou-
ver and Washington or Queen Charlotte, the former being 260
miles in length and 50 in breadth, containing about 15,000
square miles, and the latter 150 miles in length and 30 in
breadth, containing 4,000 square miles. Though somewhat
broken in surface their soil is said to be well adapted to agri-
culture.
They have many good harbors, and have long been the resort
of those engaged in the fur trade. They enjoy a mild and salu-
brious climate, and have an abundance of fine fish frequenting
their waters, which are taken in large quantities by the natives.
Coal of good quantity is found here, specimens of which I
obtained. The Hudson Bay Co. have made a trial of it, but
owing to its having been taken from near the surface it was not
very highly spoken of. Mines of mineral are also said to exist
by those acquainted.
They both appear to be more densely inhabited than other
portions of the territory. The natives are considered a treach-
erous race, particularly those in the vicinity of Johnstons Strait,
and are to be closely watched when dealing with them.
At the southeast end of Vancouver there is a small archi-
pelago of islands through which the Canal de Arro runs ; they
are for the most part inhabited, well wooded, and composed of
granite and pudding stone, which appears to be the prevailing
rock to the north of a line east and west of the Strait of Juan
de Fuca. They are generally destitute of fresh water, have but
few anchorages, and strong currents render navigation among
them difficult.
The islands near the mainland, called on the maps Pitts and
Banks, or the Prince Royal Islands, are of the same character
and are only occasionally resorted to by the Indians for the
purposes of fishing.
274 CHARLES WILKES
The coast of the mainland north of the parallel of 49° is
broken up by numerous inlets, called canals, having perpendicu-
lar sides and very deep water in them, affording no harbors and
but few commercial inducements to frequent.
The land is equally cut up by spurs from the Cascade Range,
which here intersects the country in all directions, and pre-
vents its adaptation to agriculture.
Its value is principally in its timber, and it is believed that
few, if any, countries can compare with it in this respect.
There is no point on the coast where a settlement could be
formed between Erasers River or 49° north and the northern
boundary of 54° 40' north that would be able to supply its own
wants.
The Hudson Bay Co. have two posts within this section of
the country, Fort McLaughlin in Mill Bank Sound, in latitude
52° 10' north, and Fort Simpson, in latitude 54° 30' north,
within Dundas Island, and at the entrance of Chatham Sound,
but they are solely posts for the fur trade of the coast, and are
supplied twice a year with provisions, and so forth.
It is believed that the company has yet no establishment on
any of the islands, but I understood it was in contemplation to
make one on Vancouver Island in the vicinity of Nootka Sound
or that of Clayoquot.
Owing to the dense fogs the coast is extremely dangerous,
and they render it at all times difficult to approach and navigate
upon.
The interior of this portion of the territory is traversed by
these ranges of mountains, with the several rivers which take
their rise in them, and is probably unequaled for its rugged-
ness, and from all accounts incapable of anything like cultiva-
tion.
The Columbia in its trend to the westward under the parallel
of 48° cuts off the central or Blue Mountain Range, which is
not again met with until on the parallel of 45°. From 45°
they trend away to the south and afterwards to the south and
west until they fall into the Klamet Range. They are partially
wooded.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 275
RIVERS.
The Columbia claims the first notice. Its northern branch
takes its rise in the Rocky Mountains in latitude 50° north
longitude 116° west; from thence it pursues a northern route
to near McGillivary's Pass through the Rocky Mountains. At
the boat encampment it is 2,300 feet above the level of the sea,
where it receives two small tributaries — the Canoe River and
that from the Committee's Punch Bowl; from thence it turns
south, having some obstruction through its safe navigation,
and receiving many tributaries in its course to Colville, among
which are the Kootanie, or Flat Bow, and the Flat Head, or
Clarke River, from the east, and that of Colville from the
west.
It is bounded in all its course by a range of high mountains,
well wooded, and in places expands into a line of lakes before
it reaches Colville, where it is 2,200 feet above the level of the
sea, having a fall of a little over 100 feet in 220 miles.
To the south of this it trends to the west, receiving the
Spokane River from the east, which is not navigable, and takes
its rise in the Lake of Coeur d'Alene. Thence it pursues a
westerly course for about 60 miles, receiving several smaller
streams, and at its bend to the south it is joined by the Okano-
gan, a river that has its source in a line of lakes, affording
canoe and boat navigation of considerable extent to the north.
The Columbia thence passes to the south until it reaches
Walla Walla, or the latitude of 45°, a distance of 160 miles,
receiving the Piscous, Yakima and Point de Bois, or Entiyate-
combe, from the west, which take their rise in the Cascade
Range; and also its great southeastern branch, the Saptin, or
Lewis, which has its source in the Rocky Mountains near our
southern boundary, and brings a large quantity of water to
increase its volume.
The Lewis is not navigable even for canoes, except in reaches.
The rapids are extensive and of frequent occurrence, it general-
ly passing between the Rocky Mountain spurs and the Blue
Mountains.
276 CHARLES WILKES
It receives the Kooscooske, Salmon, and several other rivers
from the east and west, the former from the Rocky Mountains,
the latter from the Blue Mountains, and were it navigable
would much facilitate the intercourse with this part of the
country. Its length to its junction with the Columbia is 520
miles.
The Columbia at Walla Walla is 1,286 feet above the level
of the sea and about 3,500 feet wide; it now takes its last turn
to the westward, receiving the Urnatilla, Quisnels, John Days,
and Shutes Rivers from the south and Cathlatses from the
north, and pursuing its rapid course for 80 miles previous to
passing through the range of Cascade Mountains in a series of
falls and rapids that obstruct its flow and form insurmountable
barriers to the passage of boats by water during the flood;
these difficulties are, however, overcome by portages. From
thence is had still-water navigation for 40 miles, where its
course is again obstructed by rapids; then to the ocean, 120
miles, it is navigable for vessels of 12 feet draft of water at
the lowest state of the river, though obstructed by many sand
bars.
In this part it receives the Willamette from the south and
the Cowlitz from the north. The former is navigable to the
mouth of the Klackamus 20 miles, 3 miles below its falls, for
small boats ; the latter can not be called navigable except for a
small part of the year during the flood, and then only for
canoes and barges.
The width of the Columbia within 20 miles of its mouth is
much increased, and it joins the ocean between Cape Disap-
pointment and Point Adams, forming a sand spit from such
by deposit and causing a dangerous bar, which greatly impedes
its navigation and entrance.
Fraser River, next claims attention. It takes its rise in the
Rocky Mountains near the source of Canoe River, taking a
westerly course of 80 miles. It then turns to the south, re-
ceiving the waters of Stuarts River, which rises in a chain of
lakes near the northern boundary of the Territory.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 277
It then pursues a southerly course, receiving the waters of
the Chilcouten, Pinkslitsa, and several small streams from the
west, and those of Thompsons River, Quisnels, and other
streams from the east (these take their rise in lakes, and a few
may be navigated in canoes by making portages), and under
the parallel of 49° it breaks through the Cascade Range in a
succession of falls and rapids, and after a westerly course of 70
miles it empties into the Gulf of Georgia in the latitude of 49°
07' north. This latter portion is navigable for vessels that can
pass its bar drawing 12 feet of water; its whole length being
350 miles.
The Chikeeles is next in importance. It has three sources
among the range of hills that intersect the country north of the
Columbia River. After a very tortuous course and receiving
some smaller streams issuing from the lakes in the high ground
near the headwaters of Hoods Canal and Puget Sound, it dis-
embogues in Grays Harbor. It is not navigable except for
canoes ; its current is rapid and the stream much obstructed.
To the south of Columbia there are many small streams, but
three of which deserve the name of rivers, the Umpqua, Too-
too-tut-na (or Roque River), and the Klamet, which latter
empties into the ocean south of the paralled of 42°. None of
these form harbors capable of receiving a vessel of more than
8 feet draft of water, and the bars for the most part of the
year are impassable from the surf that sets in on the coast.
The character of the great rivers is peculiar, rapid and
sunken much below the level of the country, with perpendicular
banks; indeed, they are, as it were, in trenches, it being ex-
tremely difficult to get at the water in many places owing to
the steep basaltic walls, and during their rise they are in places
confined by walls, which back the water some distance, sub-
merging islands and tracts of low prairie, having the appear-
ance of extensive lakes.
LAKES.
There are in the various sections of the country many large
and small lakes. The largest of these are the Okanogan Chain,
278 CHARLES WILKES
Stuarts, Quisnells, and Kamloops in the northern section ; the
Flat Bow, Coeur d'Alene, and Kallushelm in the middle sec-
tion; and those forming the headwaters of the large rivers in
the eastern section.
The country is well watered, and there are but two places
where an abundance, either from rivers, springs, or rivulets,
can not be obtained.
The smaller lakes add much to the picturesque beauty of the
country. They are generally at the headwaters of the smaller
streams. The map will point out more particularly their ex-
tent and locality.
HARBORS.
All the harbors formed by the rivers on the seacoast are ob-
structed with extensive sand bars, which make them difficult
to enter, and they are continually changing. The rivers bring
down large quantities of sand, which on meeting with the ocean
is deposited, causing a gradual increase of the impediment
which already exists at their mouths. None of them can be
deemed safe ports to enter.
The entrance to the Columbia is impracticable two-thirds of
the year, and the difficulty of leaving equally great.
The north sands are rapidly increasing and extending farther
to the south.
In the memory of several of those who have been longest in
the country, the cape has been encroached upon some hundred
feet by the sea and the north sand much extended to the south,
and during my short experience nearly half an acre of the
middle sand was washed away in the course of a few days.
These are known to change every season.
The exploration of the Clatsop, or south channel, it is be-
lieved, will afford more safety to vessels capable of enter-
ing the river. The depth of water on the bar seems not to have
changed, though the passage has become somewhat narrower.
Grays Harbor will admit of vessels of light draft of water
(10 feet), but there is but little room in it on account of the
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 279
extensive mud and sand flats. A survey was made of it, to
which I refer for particulars.
This, however, is not the case with the harbors found within
the Strait of Juan de Fuca, of which there are many, and no
part of the word affords finer inland sounds or a greater number
of harbors than can be found here capable of receiving the
largest class of ships, and without a danger to them that is not
visible. From the rise and fall of the tide (18 feet all) facili-
ties are afforded for the erection of work for a great maritime
nation. For further information our extensive surveys of these
waters are referred to.
CLIMATE.
That of the western section is mild throughout the year,
neither experiencing the cold of winter nor the heat of summer.
By my observations the mean temperature was found to be
54° F.
The prevailing winds in the summer are from northwest, and
in the winter from southwest and southeast, which are tem-
pestuous.
The winter is supposed to last from December to February ;
the rains usually begin to fall in November and last until
March, but they are not heavy though frequent. Snow some-
times falls, but it seldom lays over three days.
The frosts are early, occurring in the latter part of August ;
this, however, is to be accounted for by the proximity of the
mountains. A mountain or easterly wind invariably causes a
great fall in the temperature. These winds are not frequent.
During the summer of our operations I find but three days noted
of easerly winds having occurred.
The nights are cold and affect the vegetation so far that corn
will not ripen.
Fruit trees blossom early in April at Nisqually and Van-
couver, and at the former on the 12th of May peas were a foot
high and strawberries were in full bloom, and salad had al-
ready gone to seed 3 feet high.
280 CHARLES WILKES
The mean height of the barometer during our stay at Nis-
qually was 30.046 inches, and of the thermometer 66° 58' F.
The greatest heat was 98° F. at 2 p. m. July 4, and at 4 a. m.
of the same day it was 50° F. The lowest degree was 39° at
4am. May 22, and at 5 p. m. of the same day the temperature
was 72° F.
From June to September at Vancouver the mean height of
the barometer was 30.32 inches and of the thermometer 66°
33' F. Out of 160 days 96 were fair, 19 cloudy, and 11 rainy.
The rains are light. This is evident from the hills not being
washed, but having a sward to their top although at great
declivity.
The second or middle section is subject to droughts; during
the summer the atmosphere is much dryer and warmer, and the
winter much colder than in the western section. Its extremes
of heat and cold are more frequent and greater, the mercury
at times falling as low as 18° F. in the winter and rising to
108° F. in the shade in the summer, and a daily difference of
temperature of about 40° F. It has been, however, found ex-
tremely salubrious, possessing a pure and healthy air.
The stations of the missionaries and posts of the Hudson Bay
Co. have afforded me the means of obtaining information rela-
tive to the climate; although they have not kept full data, yet
their observations afford a tolerably good knowledge of the
weather.
In summer it is cooled by the strong westerly breezes to re-
place the vacuum produced by the heated prairie grounds. No
dew falls in this section.
The climate of the third or easterly section is extremely
variable ; the temperature during the day, ranging from 50° to
60°, renders it unfit for agriculture, and there are but few
places in its northern part where the climate would not effect-
ually put a stop to its ever becoming settled.
In each day, from the best account, one has all the changes
incident to spring, summer, autumn, and winter. There are
places where small farms might be located, but they are few
in number.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY
SOIL.
281
That of the first, or western, section varies in the northern
part from a light-brown loam to a thin vegetable earth, with
gravel and sand as the subsoil ; in the middle parts, from a
rich, heavy loam and unctuous clay to a deep, heavy black loam
on a trap rock ; and in the southern the soil is generally good,
ranging from a black vegetable loam to decomposed basalt,
with stiff clay and portions of loose, gravelly soil. The hills are
generally basalt, sandstone, and slate.
Between the Umpqua and the boundary the rocks are primi-
tive, consisting of talcose, hornblende, and granite, and produce
a gritty and poor soil. There are, however, some portions
with rich prairies covered with oaks.
The soil of the second, or middle, section is for the most part
a light, sandy loam, in the valleys rich alluvial, and the hills
are generally barren.
The third, or eastern, section is a rocky, broken, and barren
country, stupendous mountain spurs in all directions, and ar-
fording little level ground, with snow lying on the mountains
nearly, if not quite, the whole year through.
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTIONS, ETC.
The first section, for the most part, is a well-timbered coun-
try. It is intersected with the spurs or offsets from the Cascade
Mountains, which render its surface much broken up ; these
are covered with a dense forest. It is well watered, and com-
munication between the northern, southern, and middle parts
is difficult on account of the various rivers, spurs of mountains,
and so forth.
The timber consists of pines, firs, spruce, oaks (red and
white), ash, arbutus, arbor vitse, cedar, poplar, maple, willow,
cherry, and yew, with a close undergrowth of hazel, rubus,
roses, and so forth.
The richest and best soil is found on the. second, or middle,
prairie, and is best adapted for agriculture, the high and low
being excellent for pasture land.
282 CHARLES WILKES
The line of woods runs on the east side and near the foot of
the Cascade Range.
The climate and soil are admirably adapted for all kinds of
grain — wheat, rye, oats, barley, peas, and so forth. Corn does
not thrive in any part of this territory where it has been tried.
Many fruits appear to succeed well, particularly the apple and
pear. Vegetables thrive exceedingly well and yield most abund-
antly.
The surface of the middle section is about 1,000 feet above
the level of the lower or western section, and is generally a
rolling prairie country. That lying to the north of the parallel
of 48° is very much broken, with mountain chains and rivers ;
consequently barren and very rugged. From the great and fre-
quent changes in its temperature it is totally unfitted for agri-
culture, but is well filled with game of all kinds that are found
in the country.
The mountain chains on the parallel of 48° are cut off by
the Columbia, as before stated, leaving an extensive rolling
country in the center of the territory, which is well adapted for
grazing.
The southern part of this section is destitute of timber or
wood, unless the worm wood, Artimesia, may be so called. To
the north of the paralled of 49° it is covered with forests.
Wheat and other grains grow well in the bottoms where they
can be irrigated.
The soil in such places is rich and capable of producing most
anything.
The missionaries have succeeded in getting good crops. Stock
succeeds here even better than in the lower country, and, not-
withstanding the severe cold, their cattle are not housed, nor
is provender laid in for them, the country being sufficiently
supplied with fodder in the natural hay that is abundant every-
where on the prairie, and is preferred by the cattle to the fresh
grass of the bottoms.
No attempts at agriculture have been made in this section ex-
cept at Fort Hall. The small grains thrive tolerably well, to-
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 283
gather with vegetables, and a sufficient quantity has been ob-
tained to supply the wants of the post.
The ground is well adapted for grazing in the prairies, and,
despite its changeable climate, stock is found to thrive well and
endure the severity of the winters without protection. This
section is exceedingly dry and arid, rains seldom falling and
but little snow. The country is partially timbered and the soil
much impregnated with salts. The missionary station on the
Kooscooske, near the western line of this section, is thought by
the missionaries to be a wet climate.
The soil along the river bottoms is generally alluvial, and
would yield good crops were it not for the overflowings of the
river, which check and kill the grain. Some of the finest por-
tions of the land are thus unfitted for cultivation; they are
generally covered with water before the banks are overflown
in consequence of the quicksands that exist in them and through
which the water percolates.
The rivers of this territory afford no fertilizing properties
to the soil, but, on the contrary, are destitute of all substances,
being perfectly clear and cold. The temperature of the Colum-
bia in the latter part of May was 42° and in September 68°.
The rise of the streams from the Cascade Mountains usually
takes place twice a year — in February and November from the
rains ; that of the Columbia in May and June from the melting
of the snows. Sometimes it is very sudden, if heavy rains
occur at that period, but usually it is gradual in reaching its
greatest height about the 6th to the 15th of June.
Its perpendicular rise is from 18 to 20 feet at Vancouver,
where a line of embankment has been throw up to protect the
lower prairie, but it has been gradually flooded, although the
water has not risen within a few feet of its top, and has in most
cases destroyed the crops; it is the intention to abandon its
cultivation and devote it to pasturage.
The greatest rise in the Willamette takes place in February,
and I was informated that it rose sometimes 20 to 25 feet, and
quite suddenly in some places, but soon subsides. It occasion-
ally causes much damage. Both the Willamette and Cowlitz
284 tHARLES WlLKES
in their lower sections are much swollen by the backing of
their waters during the height of the Columbia and all their
lower ground submerged. This puts an effectual bar to their
being used for anything but pasturage, which is fine through-
out the year, and used excepting in the season of the floods,
when the cattle are driven to the high grounds.
My knowledge of the agriculture of this territory, it will
be well to mention, is derived from visits being made to the
various settlements, except Fort Langley and Fort Hall. That
of the Indians on the different islands in Puget Sound and the
Admiralty Inlet consists of potatoes principally, which are ex-
tremely fine and raised in great abundance, and now constitute
a large portion of their food.
At Nisqually the Hudson Bay Co. had fine crops of wheat,
oats, peas, potatoes, and so forth. The wheat, it was supposed,
would yield 15 bushels to the acre. The farm has been two
years under cultivation, and is principally intended for a graz-
ing farm and dairy. They have now 70 milch cows, and make
butter, and so forth, to supply their contract with the Russians.
The Cowlitz farm is also in the western section; the pro-
duction of wheat is good, about 20 bushels to the acre; the
ground, however, has just been brought under cultivation.
They have here 600 acres, which are situated on the Cowlitz
River, about 30 miles from the Columbia. The company is
about to erect a saw and grist mill. This farm is finely situ-
ated, and the harvest of 1841 produced 7,000 bushels of wheat.
Several Canadians are also established here, who told me
that they succeeded well with but little work. They have erected
buildings, live comfortably, and work small farms of 50 acres.
I was told that the stock on this farm does not thrive so
well as elsewhere. There are no low prairie grounds on that
side of the river in the vicinity, and it is too far for them to
resort to the Kamass plains, a fine grazing country a few miles
distant, where the wolves would make sad depredations with
the increase if not well watched.
The hilly portions of the country, although the soil in many
parts is very good, yet it is so heavily timbered as to make it
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 285
in the present state of the country valueless. This is also the
case with many fine portions of level grounds, but there are
large tracts of fine prairie suitable for cultivation and ready for
the plow.
The Willamette Valley is supposed to be the finest portion
of the country, though I am of opinion that many portions of it
will be found far superior in the southern part of it. It is
the largest settlement and is included within a distance of some
15 miles in the northern part of the valley. About 60 families
are settled there, the industrious of whom appear to be thriv-
ing.
They are composed of American missionaries and the trap-
pers and Canadians who were formerly servants of the Hudson
Bay Co. All of them appear to be in good condition, but I was,
on the whole, disappointed from the reports that had been made
to me, not to find it in a state of greater forwardness, consid-
ering the advantages the missionaries have had.
In comparison with our own country, I should say that the
labor required in this Territory for subsistence and to acquire
wealth is%i the proportion of one to three, or, in other words,
a man must work through the year three times as long in the
United States to gain the like compensation. All the care of
stock which occupies so much time with us requires no atten-
tion here, and on their rapid increase he would alone support
himself.
The wheat of this valley yields 35 to 40 bushels for one
sown, or 20 to 30 bushels to the acre, its quality is superior to
that grown in the United States, and its weight near 4 pounds
to the bushel heavier. The above is the yield of new land, but
it is believed that it will greatly exceed this after the third crop,
when the land has been broken up and well tilled.
After passing into the middle section the climate undergoes
a decided change ; in place of the cool and moist atmosphere,
one that is dry and arid is entered, and the crops suffer from
drought. The only wood or bush seen is the wormwood (Arti-
mesia), and this only in the neighborhood of the streams. All
cultivation has to be more or less carried on by irrigation.
286 CHARLES WILKES
The country bordering the Columbia above the hills to the
north and south, is the poorest in the Territory, and has no
doubt lead many to look upon the middle section as perfectly
useless to man. Twenty or 30 miles on either side of the river
is so, but beyond that a fine grazing country exists, and in very
many places there are portions of it that might be advantag-
eously farmed.
On the banks of the Walla Walla, a small stream running
into the Columbia, about 25 miles from the company's post, a
missionary is established, who raises very fine wheat on its low
bottoms and is enabled to use its waters for the purpose of
irrigation. This is also the case at the mission establishment at
Lapwai, on the Kooscooske, where fine crops are raised ; grains
and vegetables thrive remarkably well, and some fruits are
raised.
In the northern part of this section, at Chimekaine, there is
another missionary station near the Spokane, and at Colville
the country is well adapted for agriculture, and it is successful-
ly carried on.
Colville supplies all the northern posts., and the missionaries
are doing well. The northern part of this section will be able
to supply the whole with wood. Here also the changes of tem-
perature are great during the 24 hours, but are not injurious
to the small grain. The cultivation of fruits has not been suc-
cessful. T'f'^
FISHERIES.
It will be almost impossible to give an idea of the extensive
fisheries in the rivers and on the coast; they all abound in
salmon of the finest flavor, which run twice a year, from May
until October, and appear inexhaustible; the whole population
live upon them.
The Columbia produces the finest and probably affords the
greatest numbers. There are some few of the branches of the
Columbia that the spring fish do not enter, but they are plenti-
fully supplied in the fall.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 287
The great fishery of the Columbia is at The Dalles, but all the
rivers are well supplied; the last one on the northern branch
of the Columbia is near Colville, at the Kettle Falls, but they
are found above this in the river and its tributaries.
In Fraser River they are said to be very numerous, but not
so large ; they are unable to get above the falls, some 80 miles
from the sea.
In the rivers and sounds are found several kinds of salmon,
salmon trout, sturgeon, cod, carp, sole, flounders, ray, perch,
herring, lamprey eels, and a kind of smelt called sprow in great
abundance; also large quantities of shellfish, viz, crabs, clams,
oysters, mussels, and so forth, which are all used by the natives
and constitute the greater proportion of their food.
Whales in numbers are found along the coast, and are fre-
quently captured by the Indians in and at the mouth of the
Strait of Juan de Fuca.
GAME.
Abundance of game exists, such as elk, deer, antelopes, bears,
wolves, foxes, muskrats, martins, beavers, a few grizzly bears,
and sifflines, a kind of rat which are eaten by the Canadians.
In the middle section, or that designated as the rolling prairie,
no game is found. In the eastern section the buffalo is met
with.
The fur-bearing animals are decreasing in number yearly,
particularly south of the parallel of 48°. Indeed it is very
doubtful whether they are sufficiently numerous to return the
expenses of hunting them.
The Hudson Bay Co. have almost the exclusive monopoly on
this business. They have decreased owing to being hunted
without regard to season. This is not, however, the case to the
north ; there the company have been left to exercise their own
rule and prevent the indiscriminate slaughter of the old and
young and out of the proper season.
In the spring and fall the rivers are literally covered with
geese, ducks, and so forth.
288 CHARLES WILKES
In the eastern section the buffalo abound and are hunted by
the Oregon Indians, as well as the Blackfeet. Wolves are
troublesome to the settlers, but they are not so numerous as
formerly.
From the advantages this country possesses it bids fair to
have an extensive commerce on advantageous terms with most
parts of the Pacific.
It is well calculated to produce the following, which certainly
in a few years after its settlement would become its staples,
viz, furs, salted beef and pork, fish, grain, flour, wool, hides,
tallow, lumber and perhaps coal. A ready market for all these
is now to be found in the Pacific and in return for them sugars,
coffee, and other tropical productions may be had at the Sand-
wich Islands — advantages that few new countries possess, viz,
the facilities of a market and one that in time must become of
immense extent.
MANUFACTURING POWER.
This country, it is believed, affords as many sites for water
power as any other, and in many places within reach of its navi-
gable waters.
The timber of the western section to the south of 49° is not
so good as that of the north; this is imputed to the climate
being milder and more changeable. A great difference is found
between the north and south sides of the trees, the one being a
hard and close grain, while the other is open and spongy.
To the north of the parallel of 49°, on Frazer River, an
abundance of fine timber for spars of any dimensions is easily
obtained.
There will always be a demand for the timber of this coun-
try at high prices throughout the Pacific. The oak is well
adapted for ship timber, and abundance of ash, cedar, cypress,
and arbor-vitse may be had for fuel, fencing, etc. ; and although
the southern part of the middle section is destitute of timber
it may be supplied from the eastern and northern parts by
water carriage.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 289
Intercommunication would at first appear to be difficult be-
tween the different parts of the country, but I take a different
view of it. Stocks of all kinds thrive exceedingly well, and
they will in consequence always abound in the Territory. The
soil affords every advantage for the making of good roads, and
in process of time transportation must be comparatively cheap.
SETTLEMENTS.
They consist principally of those belonging to the Hudson
Bay Co., and where the missionaries have established them-
selves. They are as follows: In the western section Fort
Simpson, Fort McLaughlin, Fort Langley, Nisqually, Cowlitz,
Fort George, Vancouver, and Umpqua; Fort St. James, Bar-
bine, Alexandria, Chilcouten, Kamloops (on Thompson River),
Okanogan, Colville, and Walla Walla in the middle ; and in the
eastern Kootenai and Fort Hall. Fort Boise has been aban-
doned, as has also Kaima, a missionary settlement on the
Kooscooske.
These are all small settlements, consisting of a palisade or
picket with bastions at their corners around the houses and
stores of the company, sufficient to protect them against the
Indians, but in no way to be considered as forts. A few In-
dians have lodges near them who are dependent on the fort for
their food and employment.
These forts, being situated for the most part near the great
fisheries, are frequented by the Indians, who bring their furs
to trade for blankets, and so forth, at the same time they come
to lay in their yearly supply of salmon. Vancouver is the
principal depot from which all supplies are furnished and re-
turns made. At Vancouver the village is separated from the
fort and near the river. In addition to its being the depot of
the Hudson Bay Co., there is now attached to it the largest
farm of the Puget Sound Co., the stockholders in which are
generally the officers and servants of the Hudson Bay Co.
They have now farms in successful operation at Vancouver,
Cowlitz, Nisqually, Colville, Fort Langley, and the Fualtine
290 CHARLES WILKES
[Tualatin] Plains, about 10 miles from Vancouver, all of which
are well stocked. They supply the Russian post at Sitka, under
contract, with the variety of articles raised on them.
They have introduced large herds and flocks into the Terri-
tory from California, and during our stay there several thous-
ands were imported. In this they are doing incalculable good
to the Territory and rendering it more valuable to the future
settlers; at the same time it exerts an influence in domesticat-
ing the Indians, not only by changing their habits, but food,
and attaching them to a locality.
The Indians of this Territory are not a wandering race, as
some have asserted, but change for food only, and each suc-
cessive season will generally find them in their old haunts
seeking it.
The settlements established by the missionaries are at the
Willamette Falls and Valley; at Nisqually and Clatsop in the
western section, and at The Dalles, Walla Walla, Lapwai, and
Chimekaine on the Spokane in the middle.
Those of the middle section are succeeding well, and, al-
though little progress has been made in the conversion of In-
dians to Christianity, yet they have done much good in reform-
ing some of their vices and teaching them some of the useful
arts, particularly that of agriculture, which has had the effect,
in a measure, to attach them to the soil, construct better houses,
exchanging their corn, and so forth, with those who hunt, for
Buffalo meat.
The men now rear and tend their cattle, plant their corn and
potatoes, and the squaws attend to their household and employ
themselves in knitting and weaving, which they have been
taught.
They raise on their small patches corn, potatoes, melons, and
so forth, irrigating the land for that purpose. There are
many villages of Indians still existing, though greatly reduced
in number from former estimates.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 291
POPULATION.
It is extremely difficult to ascertain with accuracy the amount
of population in the Territory, particularly of Indians, who
change to their different abodes as the fishing seasons come
around, and if [this fact were] not attended to would produce
very erroneous results.
The following is believed to be very nearly the truth. If
anything, it is overrated:
Vancouver and Washington Islands 5,000
From the parallel of 50° to 54° 40' north 2,000
Penns Cove, Whidbeys Island, and mainland opposite (Scatchat) 650
Hoods Canal (Suquamish and Toando) 500
At and about Okanogan 300
About Colville, Spokane, etc 450
Willamette Falls and Valley 275
Pillar Rock, Oak Point, and Col. R 300
Clallams:
Port Discovery 150
Port Townsend 70
New Dungeness 200
Walla Walla, including the Nezperces, Snakes, etc 1,100
Killamouks, north of Umpqua 400
Closset tribe: Cape Flattery, Quiniault, to Point Grenville 1,250
Blackfeet tribes that make excursions west of the Rocky Mountains 1,000
Birch Bay 300
Frazers River 500
Chenooks 209
Clatsops , 220
At the Cascades 150
At The Dalles 250
Yakima River 100
Shutes River 125
Umpquas 400
Rogue River 500
Klamets . 300
Shastys 500
Kalapuyas 600
Nisqually 200
Chikeeles and Puget Sound 700
Cowlitz Klackatacs 350
Port Orchard Suquamish 150
Total 19,204
The whole Oregon territory may be estimated as containing
20,000. Of whites, Canadians, and half-breeds there are be-
tween 700 and 800, of whom about 150 are Americans; the
rest are settlers and the officers and servants of the company.
292 CHARLES WILKES
The Indians are rapidly decreasing in all parts of the coun-
try. The causes are supposed to be their rude treatment of
diseases and the dissipated lives they lead.
The white American population, as far as I have been able
to judge of them, are orderly, and some industrious, although
they are, with the exception of the missionaries, men who have
led for the most part dissolute lives.
The absence of spirits as long as it continues will probably
secure them from other excesses. Very much to their credit,
they have abandoned the use of spirituous liquors by consent
of the whole community. I can not but view this territory
as peculiarly liable to the vice of drunkenness. The ease with
which the wants of man are obtained, the little labor required,
and consequent opportunities of idleness will render it so. The
settlers of the Willamette Valley have with a praiseworthy spirit
engaged to prevent the establishment of distilleries, and there
are yet no places where spirits can be bought, to my knowl-
edge, in the territory.
It is highly creditable to the H. B. Co. that on a vessel
arriving on the coast with spirits on board, in order to prevent
its introduction they have purchased the whole, while at the
same time their storehouses were filled with it. They have
with praiseworthy zeal interdicted its being an article of trade,
being well satisfied that it is contrary to their interests and
demoralizing in its effects on all the tribes and people with
whom they have to deal, rendering them difficult to manage,
quarrelsome among themselves, and preventing their success in
hunting.
Endeavors have likewise been made by the officers of the
company to induce the Russians, on their side, to adopt their
example and do away with it as an article of trade, but hitherto
without success.
It no doubt has been one of the causes effecting the decrease
of the native tribes, as it was formerly almost the only article
of trade.
In the event of this territory being taken possession of, the
necessity of circumscribing the use and sale of spirits can not
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 293
be too strongly insisted upon by legal enactment, both to pre-
serve order and avoid expense.
As far as the Indians have come under my notice, they are
an inoffensive race, except perhaps those in the northern part ;
but the depredations committed on the whites may be traced to
injuries received or from superstitious motives.
MISSIONARIES.
Little has yet been effected by them in Christianizing the
natives. They are principally engaged in the cultivation of the
mission farms and in the care of their own stock, in order to
obtain flocks and herds for themselves, most of them having
selected lands. As far as my personal observation went, in the
part of the country where the missionaries reside there are very
few Indians, and they seem more occupied with the settlement
of the country and in agricultural pursuits than missionary
labors.
When there, I made particular inquiries whether laws were
necessary for their protection, and I feel fully satisfied that
they require none at present. Besides the moral code it is their
duty to inculcate, the Catholic portion of the settlement, who
form a large majority of the inhabitants, are kept under con-
trol by their priest, who is supposed to act in unison with the
others in the proper punishment of all bad conduct.
The boundary will next claim my attention.
In a former report to the honorable Secretary of the Navy I
stated that the boundary formerly proposed, viz, that of the
49° latitude, ought not to be adopted, and the following are
my reasons for it, viz:
First. That it affects the value of all that portion of the
middle and eastern sections south of that parallel.
Second. That it places the whole territory south of that
parallel completely under the control and at the mercy of the
nation who may possess the northern by giving the command
of all the water and a free access into the heart of the terri-
tory at any moment.
294 CHARLES WILKES
Third. Giving up what must become one of the great high-
ways into the interior of the territory altogether, viz, Erasers
River.
Fourth. And also, to all intents and purposes, possession of
the fine island of Vancouver, thereby surrendering an equal
right to navigate the waters of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and
by its possession the whole command of the northern waters.
Fifth. Giving rise to endless disputes and difficulties after
the location of the boundary and in the execution of the laws
after it is settled.
Sixth. Affording and converting a portion of the territory
which belongs to us into a resort and depot for a set of ma-
rauders and their goods, who may be employed at any time in
acting against the laws and to the great detriment of the peace
not only of this territory but of our Western States by exciting
and supplying the Indians on our borders.
The boundary line on the 49° parallel would throw Frasers
River without our territory, cut off and leave seven-eighths of
the fine island of Vancouver in their possession, together with
all the harbors, including those of Nootka, Clayoquot, and Niti-
nat, which afford everything that could be desired as safe and
good ports for naval establishment. They would not only com-
mand the Strait of Juan de Fuca and the inlets and sounds
leading from it, but place the whole at any moment under their
control by enabling them to reach and penetrate to the heart of
the territory with a comparatively small force and destroy
it and lay it waste.
The whole middle and part of the eastern section would be
cut off from their supplies of timber by losing its northern part,
from which it can only be supplied with an article of the first
necessity both for fuel and building, rendering it dependent on
a foreign state.
We should also give up what may be considered a store-
house of wealth in its forests, furs, and fisheries, containing an
inexhaustible supply of the first and last of the best quality.
Endless difficulties would be created in settling the boun-
dary, for Great Britain must or does know that the outlet
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 295
from Frasers River by way of Johnstons Strait, between Van-
couvers Island and the mainland, is not only difficult but dan-
gerous to navigate from the rapidity of the currents and can
not be made use of. She will, therefore, probably urge her
claim to the southern line, say, the Columbia, as the boundary
which they are desirous of holding, and are now doing all in
their power to secure its permanent settlement through the
Hudson Bay Co., and extending the laws by which she governs
the Canadas over her own citizens settled in the territory ; and
by the delays of our Government hope to obtain such a foot-
hold as will make it impossible to set aside their sovereignty
in it. This, as far as I was enabled to perceive, is evidently
their intention, being extremely desirous to appear as the larger
claimants of the territory and to assert their right to the soil
to the north of the Columbia River.
This boundary would subject the island of Vancouver to two
sovereignties and, of course, their laws. It never could be sur-
rendered by us without abandoning the great interest and
safety of the territory. And it will be perceived how very
prejudicial it would be if the British in possession of the north-
ern section should establish free ports, and thus be enabled to
counteract all our revenue laws, and so forth.
The contract for supplies with the Russians now enables the
Hudson Bay Co. to purchase the grain and produce from the
Willamette settlers, but in a short time it will be supplied by
themselves through their great farms, and consequently the
produce of settlers can obtain no market whatever, all trade
being in the hands of that company.
The Puget Sound Co. are enabled to compete with and un-
dersell all others from the low price of labor — £17 per annum —
absence from duties, and the facilities of sending their products
to market by the ships of the Hudson Bay Co., which hitherto
have returned almost empty, the furs occupying but a small
part of the vessel, which will hereafter be filled with hides and
tallow; this must operate very prejudicially to the settlement
and increase their hold on the territory.
296 CHARLES WILKES
I have stated these views in order to show the necessity of
prompt action on the part of the Government in taking posses-
sion of the country in order to obviate difficulties that a longer
delay will bring about and prevent many persons from settling
advantageously.
For the military occupation of the country I conceive that it
would be necessary to establish a post at some central point,
viz, Walla Walla, and I herewith inclose you a topographical
sketch of the surrounding country within 30 miles. As respects
its position with reference to the country, you will be well
informed by the map.
It appears to me to be peculiarly adapted to the general de-
fense of the territory in order to preserve peace and quietness
among the Indian tribes.
The Nez Perces, Snakes, and Blackfeet are those generally
engaged in committing depredations on each other and requir-
ing more looking after than those of the other tribes. They
are in and around this section of country.
The facilities for maintaining a post and at a moderate ex-
pense are great; the river abounds with salmon during a
greater part of the year and the herds thrive exceedingly well.
Cattle are numerous, particularly horses, which are the best
that the country affords. Grains of all kind flourish, and at
about 25 miles distant the missionaries have an establishment
from which I have but little doubt the troops could be supplied.
The climate is remarkably fine and healthy. There is, per-
haps, no point from which operations could be carried on with
so much facility to all parts of the territory as this, it being
situated, as it were, at the forks of the two principal branches
of the Columbia. Any number of horses could be kept at little
or no expense, and a force could reach almost any part of the
lower territory with the least possible delay.
The permanent land force I conceive necessary to keep this
territory quiet and peaceable would be one company of dra-
goon? and one of infantry, say, 200 men.
The only Indians of the country south of 49° who are dis-
posed to make war upon the whites are the Klamets, residing
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 297
on the southern borders of the territory along Rogue and
Klamet Rivers and in the passes of the Shasty Mountains.
The show of a small force would, I am sure, have a good
tendency in preventing their depredations on the whites who
pass through the country, their hostility to whom, in a great
measure, is to be ascribed to the conduct of the whites them-
selves, who leave no opportunity unimproved of molesting
them. Cases have frequently occurred of white men shooting
a poor, defenseless Indian without any provocation whatever.
A friendly disposition, with sufficient force to prevent any
attack, could not fail to bring about the desired disposition on
their parts.
The country they inhabit is a very rich one and would afford
all the necessaries as well as the comforts of life.
A steamer having a light draft of water, a small fort on
Cape Disappointment, and a few guns on Point Adams to de-
fend the south channel with its dangerous bar, would be all
sufficient for the defense of Columbia River.
Some points within the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Admiralty
Inlet, or Puget Sound might be settled, where supplies, and so
forth, could be had and depots established.
Two Government steamers would be able to protect our trade
and territory and prevent disturbances among the northern
tribes; they would be a more efficient force than stationary
forts, and much more economical.
In case of difficulties, steamers would be enabled to reach
any part of the coast from these points in two days.
In the event of hostilities in this country, the posts, so called,
of the Hudson Bay Co. are not to be considered of strength
against any force but Indians; they are mere stockades, and
all their buildings, granaries, and so forth, are situated without
the palisades.
They could offer but little resistence to any kind of armed
force and their supplies could readily be cut off, both by sea
and land.
The occupation of the mouth of the Columbia River, togeth-
er with some point in the Strait of Juan de Fuca or the waters
298 * CHARLES WILKES
and sounds leading from it, I view as highly necessary in any
event, and there is no force so well adapted for the security of
this territory as that of steamers.
The waters of Puget Sound might be effectually defended
from a naval force by occupying the narrows leading to it
through which vessels must enter; at all times a dangerous
narrow path, with strong current, no anchorage, and the winds
almost always variable. I refer you to the charts which show
this point distinctly.
Much has been said of the effective force of the Hudson Bay
Co. ; this, in my opinion, is an entire mistake and exaggeration
of it.
It is true that the servants of the company are bound to bear
arms during their term of servitude, but they are without any
sort of discipline, few in number, generally of the class of farm-
ers, worn-out Canadians, some few Iroquois Indians, and other
tribes from the Canadas, and illy adapted to bear arms ; about
100 at all the posts could be raised.
With regard to the natives, they are so distributed in small
tribes that I am confident they would only be looked to as
scouts and messengers, and those of the northern tribe would
be too unruly to meddle with.
I am decidedly of opinion that the company would do every-
thing to avoid the territory becoming a scene of war, particu-
larly its officers.
They are now for the most part bound up with its peaceful
occupation, being largely engaged in agriculture and grazing,
which must all in a measure be sacrificed. And there would
also be great difficulty, if not a total interruption, in their
carrying on their fur trade.
It is not very probable that they would make any very
strenuous endeavors to retain their interests under the British
authority, as they well know that they may come in for the
preservation of their property under the preemption right by
transferring it to citizens of the United States, some of whom
are well known to be interested and active partners in the busi-
ness.
REPORT ON OREGON TERRITORY 299
There are four passes through the Rocky Mountains. The
one known as McGillivarys Pass, by the Committee's Punch
Bowl is very difficult, and can only be used during the sum-
mer months, at which time the parties of the Hudson Bay Co.
pursue this route.
Proceeding south we come to the great district through
which Lewis and Clark found their way; and, finally, the two
southern routes, which are preferable, susceptible of being used
at almost all seasons, and a good wagon road may be con-
structed with little expense.
This leads to the first post of the Hudson Bay Co., viz, Fort
Hall, established by Capt. Wyeth, and has since been trans-
ferred to the company, so that it is readily to be perceived that
the difficulties of communication with the territory are far less
for us than the British.
I can not close this report without doing justice to the officers
of the Hudson Bay Co.'s service for their kind and gentle-
manly treatment to us whilst in the territory, and to bear tes-
timony that during all my intercourse with them they seemed
to be guided by one rule of conduct, highly creditable to them
not only as men of business but to their feelings as gentlemen.
They afforded us every assistance that lay in their power,
both in supplies and means of accomplishing our duties.
There are many persons in the country who bear testimony
to the aid and kindness rendered to them in their outset, and
of their hospitality it is needless to speak, for it has become
proverbial.
To conclude, few portions of the globe, in my opinion, are
to be found so rich in soil, diversified in surface, or capable of
being rendered the happy abode of an industrious and civilized
community.
For beauty of scenery and salubrity of climate it is not
surpassed. It is peculiarly adapted for an agricultural and
pastoral people, and no portion of the world beyond the Tropics
is to be found that will yield so readily to the wants of man
with moderate labor.
Respectfully submitted,
CHARLES WILKES,
Commanding Exploring Expedition.
THE QUARTERLY
of the
Oregon Historical Society
VOLUME XII DECEMBER 191! NUMBER 4
Copyright, 1 911 , by Oregon HUtorical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages
THE RISE AND EARLY HISTORY OF
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON— V
By Walter Carleton Woodward
Chapter X
THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF I860
While now increasing rapidly in numbers and influence, as
strikingly demonstrated in the election of 1859, Oregon Re-
publicans felt the need of a capable leader to champion their
cause. They had several men of much ability, but few if any
of them were fluent, convincing speakers who could contend
creditably with such a masterful orator as Delazon Smith or
even with such effective speakers as Judge Willams, Lane and
a number of other Democrats. And in a day when political
oratory was so important a factor in moulding public senti-
ment, the handicap suffered by the Republicans was very
serious, indeed. Logan ranked with these men, but he was
not sound morally, and he was not able to inspire confidence
in his sincerity in, and devotion to, the principles for which he
was supposed to stand. Years of association together of the
prominent Republicans in Oregon politics, breeding the in-
evitable rivalries and jealousies, made, it well nigh impossible
that any Oregon Republican of ordinary ability should be ac-
corded that generous allegiance so necessary to success.
As early as in the spring of 1858 it had been suggested at an
informal conference of Republican leaders, that an invitation
be sent to Col. E. D. Baker, of California, to come to Ore-
302 W. C. WOODWARD
gon and take a part in the approaching campaign.1 Such
vigorous objection was made to the idea of an interloper being
made so prolminent in Oregon affairs, that the matter was
quietly but quickly dropped. But Baker was kept informed on
the trend of political affairs in Oregon and received encour-
agement from his northern political friends to remove and cast
his political fortunes with Oregon Republicans.2 He had
made a great name for himself in California as an orator and
occupied a prominent place, in the political activities of that
state. But he was a man of the highest political ambition, and
having failed of election to the United States Senate from
California, looked with favor upon the overtures from Oregon.
In the first weeks of the year I8603 he took up his residence
with his family at Salem and entered at once, upon the political
activities of his newly-adopted home. His position was a dif-
ficult one. The reason for his removal to Oregon was under-
stood by all. It was natural for those Republicans who had
been fighting the battles of the party in days oif adversity to
look with some jealousy and suspicion upon an outsider who
now came in with the ostensible purpose of claiming the first
great reward of the party success which now seemed possible.
The old spirit of "Oregon offices for Oregonians" was still
prevalent. But Baker was a past master in the arts of a
politician. He had all the physical endowments that go to
make a successful public man — the handsome appearance
of a fine physique, dignified, courtly bearing, an incomparable
voice. At the same time he had those winning graces of mind
and heart which gave him a personal magnetism that was irre-
sistible. He was a politician, but he was more. He gave an
impression of a kindly, sincere interest in those about him
which the mere affectations of a political demagogue would
not inspire. The richness and power of his eloquence was
1 Davenport in Oregon Historical Quarterly for December, 1908, whose ac-
count of the appearance of Baker in Oregon has been followed by the writer.
2 Dryer stated publicly in October, 1860, that both he and Logan had re-
quested Baker to come to Oregon and run for United States Senator. See Argus,
Oct. 27, 1860.
3 Col. Baker arrived at Portland, Feb. 21, 1860.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 303
unquestioned.1 He delivered a great oration on the succeed-
ing fourth of July to which even Bush referred as "eloquent
and soul-stirring."2 His surpassing gift as an orator, com-
bined with his personal charm of manner, disarmed political
friends of lurking jealousy and softened the opposition of
political enemies. "A great change came over the country
with the advent of the Colonel." Oregon Republicans now
had a distinguished leader who inspired them with confidence
and enthusiasm for coming political struggles.
The State Democratic Convention met April 17 at Eugene,
and was controlled by the Lane Democrats. Six of the eight
counties which had withdrawn from the convention the pre-
ceding November, were not represented. Delazon Smith was
chairman of the committee on platform and resolutions, among
the other members being the Democratic editors, James
O'Meara and J. H. Slater, and Governor Whiteaker.3 The
resolutions merely declared the Cincinnati platform of 1856 to
be a true and satisfactory enunciation of the principles of the
party. J. W. Drew, of Coos, moved to amend by adding, "as
advocated and enunciated by Stephen A. Douglas." The
motion was voted down, 60 to 4, which shows clearly the fac-
tional status of the Convention. Geo. K. Shell, of Marion
county, was nominated for Congressman. Stout was not con-
sidered for renomination — because, said the Statesman, he had
been more faithful to the interests of the state than to those of
Lane.
The Republicans met in convention April 19. The platform
of the preceding year was adopted, with the omission of the
Seward instructions.* T. J. Dryer, B. J. Pengra and W, H.
Watkins were named for presidential electors. Col. Baker ad-
dressed the convention on invitation and was unanimously
invited to stump the state in the coming canvass.
1 The incident is recorded by Davenport that during one of Col. Baker's
greatest speeches in San Francisco, one of the reporters threw down his pencil,
rushed bare-headed into the streets and gesticulating wildly, cried at the top of his
voice, "Come in! Come in! The Old Man is talking like a God."
2 Statesman, July 10.
3 Proceedings, Union, April 24 and Statesman, April 24.
4 Proceedings, Argus, April 28.
304 W. C. WOODWARD
In 1857 and 1858 the differences between the Oregon Demo-
crats had been largely local and factional. But by this time,
while the personal element was not altogether obliterated, the
schism in the party was a logical one; it was based on a prin-
ciple and was national. On the one hand were the Douglas
Democrats, led by Bush, stoutly maintaining the doctrine of
popular sovereignty. On the qther, the Administration Demo-
crats, led by Lane, who held that slavery was protected in the
Territories by the Constitution. The strife, occasioned by their
differences, tended to increase the distance between them, and
to lead each side to emphasize and exaggerate its own tenets.
The result was that the Douglas men were becoming more
conservative in their interpretation of the Dred Scott decision,
approaching that held by the Republicans. The Administra-
tion Democrats had, on the other hand, taken a further step
in the opposite direction and had now practically become in-
terventionists of the Southern hue. In an editorial in April
on "New Doctrine," Bush showed that, despite the fact that
it was the settled law of the civilized world that human slavery
was the creation of municipal law, by positive, enactment, dur-
ing the Buchanan administration, the doctrine had been ad-
vanced in the United States, stealthily, step by step, that
slavery was a federal instead of a local institution. "It is as-
sumed," he said, "that it had been so decided by the United
States Supreme Court in the Dred Scott Decision. That that
court may not so decide, when such question comes before
it, no one is authorized to say. But it has not yet so decided.
The only decision made by the Court was that a Negro could
not bring a suit in a United States Court. The several opin-
ions in addition comprised certain dicta, not possessed of the
binding force of law."1 One is inclined to question his eyes in
reading from this source such a statement of the case which
would have been considered adequate in any Republican news-
paper in 1857. But nothing like this appeared in the States-
man in 1857 or 1858. It indicated the widening breach be-
i Statesman, April 10.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 305
tween the two Democratic wings. The bitter feeling between
them was far more intense than between either of them and
the Republicans.
The legislature which was to be chosen at the June election,
would be called upon to elect two United States senators at its
regular session in September. This fact gave direction to the
political activities in the spring. Lane and Smith were the
avowed and determined candidates of the radical Democrats
and both the Douglas Democrats and the Republicans were
stern in the resolution to defeat them. The two latter political
divisions thus found themselves in more or less of an alliance.
It was unconfessed for the most part and even often openly
repudiated, especially by the Douglas men, who because of the
alliance were called Mulattoes by the Lane forces. But where
principles were similar and purposes the same, some unity of
action was inevitable. It was all the more so because Col.
Baker was an avowed popular sovereignty man, which ren-
dered him at least inoffensive to the conservative Democrats.
The Republicans were now recognized as at least holding
the balance of power between the warring Democratic factions
and were in fact accused of alliance with each by the other.
As early as November, 1859, Adams made light of the sug-
gestion made by the Portland correspondent of the Statesman
that the Lane forces and the Republicans would unite in the
election of senators.1 The Portland Advertiser predicted such
fusion and called on Democrats to defeat such an "unholy al-
liance."2 Such a suggestion was an implication against the
honesty of purpose of the Republicans. Two years previous
they had been in alliance with that faction of Oregon Democ-
racy, the "Nationals" or "softs," which now for the most part
comprised the Lane party. But no lines were drawn on na-
tional principles in that campaign as there were now in 1860.
Indeed, a letter appeared in the Argus, March 31, 1860, dated
at Yoncalla, signed "A" and evidently written by the old Ro-
man, Jesse Applegate, strongly opposing the idea of coalition
i Argus, Nov. 12, 1859.
in Statesman, July 10, 1860.
306 W. C. WOODWAKD
with either Democratic wing". "I cannot see how it is possible
the Republicans can with any consistency or without doing
violence to their principles and forfeiting their self-respect,
lend themselves to the base and dirty purposes of one faction
of this corrupt party to help the other." He maintained that
the Republican party was a party of principle, not price.
Nevertheless, there was a logical basis for an alliance be-
tween Republicans and Douglas men, and despite all protesta-
tions to the contrary, there was a certain unity of procedure
between them. For example, in Marion county, the Douglas
men or "Bushites" as they were termed by their Democratic
opponents, nominated a legislative ticket and the Lane men
did likewise. When the Republicans met in convention, they
were advised by Baker not to nominate candidates but to sup-
port the Bush ticket. On arriving at a private understanding
with the Douglas legislative nominees that they would sup-
port Baker for senator, Baker's advice was followed.1 And
this in the face of the fact that the Republicans were probably
strong enough in Marion county to have elected their ticket.
On the other hand in Washington and Yamhill counties, the
anti-Lane Democrats did not nominate candidates, but sup-
ported for the most part those of the Republicans. A similar
understanding, for the most part unconfessed, seemed to exist
over the state.
But the most difficult and cleverly managed compromise be-
tween the Republicans and Douglas Democrats, and one which
had the most far-reaching influence on the political events of
the near future, was effected in Linn county, the home of the
radical Democratic champion, "Delusion" Smith. In fact it
proved the key to the situation. The facts were given the
writer by a leading participant in the intrigue.2 In March,
Judge Williams, who was one of the Douglas candidates for
senator, went to the Linn county residence of Smith and said
to him: "Delazon, I have come here to beard the lion in his
den. I am going to canvass Linn county and my object is to
1 Davenport, pp. 347-351-
2 Personal interview with W. R. Bishop.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 307
beat you and General Lane for the Senate. Come on and
make your fight."1 Smith accepted the challenge and the two
made a joint canvass of the county, fighting each other by day
and generally sleeping in the same bed at night.2 While in the
county Williams cautiously broached the subject to his fellow
Democrats of an alliance with the Republicans as the only
means of defeating their pro-slavery opponents. Two efforts
were made in this direction at mass meetings held at Albany,
attended by both parties. But on both occasions, the Demo-
crats avowed their Democracy and the Republicans their Re-
publicanism so strenuously, the meetings ended in confusion
and united action was despaired of. The abhorrence which
many Democrats still cherished at any connection with Black
Republicans, was hard to overcome. Finally an absolutely
secret caucus of seventeen men was held for the purpose of
making out a fusion ticket. Active Democrats in the caucus
were Anderson Cox, W. R. Bishop, M. D. Byland and Harri-
son Johnson. John Conner was the leading Republican present,
and was made chairman. In making up the legislative, ticket,
Bishop demanded that a rather illiterate Democrat named
Barton Curl, from his part of the county, be named. Curl
was a rabid Democrat and "offensively partisan" and was
strenuously objected to by the, Republicans. Bishop was in-
sistent in his demand. He knew that Curl alone could carry
the Democratic vote of the "Santiam forks," the hotbed of
Democracy in that part of the state, and that vote would be
essential for carrying the county. The Republicans yielded
reluctantly. The conditions of alliance were clearly stated to
be that the members of the legislative ticket, if elected, were
to vote for Col. Baker and some Douglas Democrat for United
States senators. The ticket was issued — the public knew not
by whom nor whence. Four members of the legislature were
to be chosen and three of the nominees on the fusion ticket
were elected. One Lane-Smith nominee was successful by a
1 Williams' address before the legislature of 1899, in Oregon Historical Quar-
• for March, 1907, p. 22.
2 Conversation with Judge Williams.
308 W. C. WOODWARD
majority of four votes, so close was the election. Barton Curl
led the ticket. The judgment of Bishop was vindicated. Linn
county had always been counted a Democratic stronghold and
this revolution in his own county so weakened and discredited
Smith that he was practically eliminated as a serious candidate
for the United States senate.1
The hopes of both Lane and Smith were dashed by the
general result of the election, by which the political complexion
of the ensuing assembly was determined as follows : Lane Dem-
ocrats, 19; Douglas Democrats, 18; Republicans, 13. Clacka-
mas, Yamhill, Washington and Umpqua counties went solidly
Republican. The Douglas ticket won in Marion; the Lane
tickets for the most part in Lane, Polk, Benton, Jackson and
Josephine. In other counties the results were divided. Sheil,
the regular Democratic nominee for Congressman, was victor-
ious over Logan by a majority of 103 votes. The Statesman
took no notice of this part of the contest. There was no pro-
vision in the State Constitution for the choice of a Congress-
man at this time, and Bush maintained that the election was
illegal and void — a mere political trick of the Lane Democrats.
In fact it was electing a representative in Congress eighteen
months before his term would begin.
While engrossed in the excitement of state politics, the Ore-
gon politicians were at the same time keeping in close touch
with national political affairs and were following the fortunes
of the various aspirants for presidential nominations at the
approaching national conventions. It is interesting to note who
were some of the pre-convention favorites in Oregon. Among
the Democrats, while Lane had received the official sanction as
the candidate of the Oregon Democracy, it has been shown
i Smith refused to consider himself eliminated, as indicated in the following,
reprinted from his own paper the Democrat, of Albany, in the Argus, July
21, 1860. This quotation likewise furnishes an example, though somewhat an
exaggerated one, of the license indulged in by the Oregon press during this
factious period:
"Asohell Bush who runs the Salem smut machine, the club-footed loafer
Beggs and Nesmith, the vilest and most loathsome creature that wears the human
form on the Pacific Coast, are asserting that We are politically dead! Dead!!
Never! Never!! No, Never!!! Let these cut-throats, assassins, murderers and
their bastard vagabond allies in this county, put that in their pipes and
smoke it!!!!"
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 309
that he was not really the choice of the Democrats of the state
generally. Bush had early pronounced strongly for Douglas.1
He said he was not of that number that believed or affected
to believe that the dissolution of the Union would necessarily
follow the election of a Black Republican as president, even
were he W. H. Seward. But he did contend that the election
of such a "violent sectionalist" would widen the breach be-
tween the North and South which might finally result in dis-
union. This led up to a fervid appeal for Douglas as the one
man suitable to meet the crisis.2 Adams stated that from his
observations he had no doubt but that a large majority of Ore-
gon Democrats favored the nomination of Douglas.3 Even the
Union, the Lane, anti-Clique organ, had admitted that, setting
aside General Lane, Oregon would most likely favor Douglas
and added, "And we are not prepared to say that he would
not be the safest and most available candidate/'4 Daniel S.
Dickinson was championed by Yamhill Democrats.
Among the Republicans, also, there were some decided views
as to desirable candidates. In October, 1859, Adams declared
his preference in a leader — "Edward Bates for President,"5
and in following issues strongly supported the claims of the
Missouri man. This drew out Editor Pengra of the Free
Press, who had been responsible for the Seward resolution at
the preceding state convention. In answer to Pengra, Adams
said that if the editor of the Press had observed his own rule,
"not to set up and defend the claims of any particular indi-
vidual in preference to any others," he would not have intro-
duced, particularly in the manner and at the time it was
done, the Seward resolution of which a large majority of the
1 Statesman, Dec. 20, 1859-
2 "What can be done to stay the destroying tide of blind fanaticism and in-
sure beyond peradventure the perpetuity of our national institutions? Who can
and will lead the hosts of Democracy to certain triumph in the approaching
strife? Who but the gallant Democratic statesman and leader of the Northwest —
the champion of popular sovereignty — the uncompromising advocate of the rights
of all the states and the foe to sectionalism in any guise and in evwy quarter —
Stephen A. Douglas I
3 Argus, Nov. 5, 1859.
4 Union, Nov. 12, 1859.
5 Argus, Oct. i, 1859.
310 W. C. WOODWARD
delegates disapproved.1 He said in effect that it gave their
candidate, Logan, more trouble than anything else in the can-
vass and resulted in his defeat. "There are always some peo-
ple," he added, "who can never 'let well enough alone/ and
our party in Oregon has a few of that stamp." Adams main-
tained that no man in Oregon exceeded him in admiration of
Seward as a statesman and patriot, but that he saw how dif-
ficult it would be, to bring to the support of such a man, the
masses with their varied and sectional ideas and interests.
Dryer of the Oregonian expressed no choice of a presidential
nominee.
The first expression for Lincoln was made in February,
1860. It was in a contributed article of some length, in the
Argus, by Simeon Francis, a recent arrival from Illinois.
He was the founder of the Springfield "Illinois State Journal"
and had for twenty-five years been its editor. His approach
to the subject was diplomatic — "Your views in regard to Ed-
ward Bates and your high appreciation of the man are my
own. . . . The same facts I may say in regard to Abra-
ham Lincoln."2 There followed a sketch of Lincoln's life and
career — of his long and consistent maintenance of Republican
principles, the article closing with this tribute: "All these
circumstances have placed Mr. Lincoln before his country and
will place him before the convention as one of the men worthy
of their high behest as a candidate for the first position in the
world. He may attain that position. He may not. In either
case, Abraham Lincoln will remain one of God's noblemen —
noble in his nature, noble in his aims — a pure and great man."
Shortly after this Francis succeeded Dryer as editor of the
Oregonian and had the satisfaction of engaging actively in
the campaign for the election of his candidate.3
1 Ibid., Oct. 29.
"If Mr. Pengra had confined the expression of his preference to the sheet
he edits it would have been all right; but when, after a convention had made
arrangements to adjourn and half its members had left, supposing that nothing
more would be done till the next session, he undertook to saddle his views upon
the whole party, he did in our judgment a foolish, and as it proved, an in-
judicious thing."
2 Ibid., Feb. n, 1860.
3 H. L. Pittock became owner of the Oregonian in December, 1860, and in an
editorial note announcing his departure for San Francisco to buy new materials,
he said: "Mr. Francis will remain in charge of the paper as he has been for the
last eight months."
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 311
The National Democratic Convention assembled April 23
at Charleston. The Oregon delegation as selected, consisted
of Jos. Lane, Lansing Stout and M. P. Deady, with J. F.
Miller, Indian agent, Gen. John Adair, collector at Astoria,
and Gen. John K. Lamerick, as alternates. Not all of these
attended and the Oregon delegates as present at Charleston,
were Stout, Lamerick, Gov. I. I. Stevens of Washington Ter-
ritory, R. B. Metcalf of Texas, a late Indian agent in Oregon,
Justus Steinberger, former agent of the Pacific Mail Steamship
Company in Oregon and A. P. Dennison, Indian agent.1
When the split occurred in the convention on the adoption of
the Douglas platform, the Oregon delegation did not with-
draw with the pro-slavery seceders, though it had acted in
harmony with them in the convention. However, it appears
that they remained with the understanding that if Chairman
Cushing's decision — to the effect that a two-thirds majority of
all the delegates, including the bolters, was necessary to nomi-
nate— was revised, making possible the nomination of Douglas,
they too would then withdraw. Lane was in Washington at
this time and in answer to a telegram from Stout at Charles-
ton asking for instructions, had sent word to withdraw with
the seceding delegates by all means and stand by them.2 In
the same issue of the Statesman in which Bush published
Lane's dispatch to Stout, 'in an editorial on "Lane and Dis-
union", he accused Lane of being a party to a preconcerted
disunion movement. As evidence of the political company
Lane associated with, he reproduced the famous "scarlet letter"
of W. L. Yancey of Alabama to Jos. S. Sloughter, in which
Yancey openly declared for a revolution on the part of the
cotton states. Editorial correspondence was also quoted by
Bush relative to a projected independent republic on the Pacific
1 Statesman, July 17.
2 Lane's telegram was reprinted in the Statesman, July 3, from the Wash-
ington Star: "Hon. Lansing Stout: Your dispatch is received. Stand by th«
equality of the states and stand by those states that stand by the constitutional
rights of all. By all means go with them — go out and stand by them. Joe Lane."
The frequent use of the word "stand" in this message made it and Lane the butt
of a great deal of fun and ridicule.
312 W. C. WOODWARD
Coast, to further which, the Coast Democrats were to aid the
South in dissolving the Union.
Not having actually withdrawn from the Charleston Con-
vention, the Oregon delegation, headed by I. I. Stevens, ap-
peared at the adjourned convention at Baltimore. Soon, how-
ever, according to the reported proceedings,1 "Mr. Stevens of
Washington Territory, in appropriate remarks, announced the
withdrawal of the delegation from Oregon from the conven-
tion." The Oregon delegates entered the seceders' convention,
which had likewise adjourned to Baltimore, and took part in
the nomination of Breckinridge. An Oregon man was made
one of the secretaries of the convention.2 Little information
is to be had as to the strength of the sentiment for Lane either
at Charleston or Baltimore, or as to the motives of the Demo-
cratic politicians in putting him forward at all. Amid the
excitement and confusion arising from the great schism in the
party, for once interest in men was overshadowed by interest
in issues, and even the public press contained comparatively
little of political gossip or comment of a personal nature.
About all that the papers had to say of the vice presidential
nominee with Breckinridge, as reported in the Oregon press,
was found in the following paragraph of the proceedings :3
"Mr. Greene of North Carolina nominated Joseph Lane of
Oregon for vice president. Mr. Scott of California seconded
the nomination with appropriate remarks. Mr. Adkins of
Tennessee moved that Mr. Lane be nominated by acclamation.
(Cries of No, No, No!) The roll was called — on the first
ballot the whole 105 votes were cast for Joe Lane and he was
declared nominated for vice president amidst deafening ap-
plause."
It is interesting to note that the head of the Oregon delega-
tion at Baltimore, Gov. Stevens, was made chairman of the
1 In Statesman, July 24 and Union, July 30.
2 H. R. Crosbie, whose name appeared as Crotsney in the dispatches. Crosbie
had taken Metcalf's place on the delegation. According to the Statesman, Sept.
it, he never was a resident of Oregon. Bush said he came out as a hanger-on to
Gov. Davis, went to Wash. Ty. and then back to Washington. D. C., where Lane
picked him up, put him on his "Oregon Delegation" ana sent him "out to
stand."
3 Union, July 30,
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 313
National Democratic Central Committee, of the Southern wing,
and managed the campaign for Breckinridge and Lane.1 Of
Oregon's representatives at Charleston and Baltimore, Gen.
Stevens and Steinberger joined the Union cause, the former
being killed in battle in 1862. Miller was the secession Demo-
cratic candidate for governor of Oregon in 1862. Lamerick
became commissary of the Louisiana Confederate regiment
and Metcalf a lieutenant in the Southern army.
In the meantime, the National Republican Convention had
been held at Chicago. The delegates from Oregon, neither of
whom were in attendance, had been authorized to appoint their
own alternates. The Argus of March 31 spoke of the change
of time of the Convention to May 16, one month earlier than
it had been announced, saying it would cause inconvenience to
the Oregon delegates, adding, "We learn that Leander Holmes,
in consequence of his inability to attend, has empowered
Horace Greeley to act in his stead and cast his vote for Ed-
ward Bates." As to the other alternates and whom they repre-
sented there is a little confusion. Frank Johnson of Oregon
City, who was then studying theology in New York, was in
attendance representing Oregon. It is generally understood
that Joel Burlingame, father of Anson Burlingame and who
had just returned East from Oregon, held a proxy at Chicago.
This accounts for the number and yet Eli Thayer of Massa-
chusetts, was credited with being a proxy delegate from Ore-
gon.2 Through Greeley, Oregon wielded a very potent and
far-reaching influence at the Chicago Convention. This is
clearly brought out in a very interesting letter from Johnson
to the Argus, extracts of which follow :3
"The first hearty outburst of enthusiasm was on the an-
nouncement of Horace Greeley as member of the com-
1 Statesman, July 24.
"The Governor undertook the herculean task. In a single night he wrote th«
party address to the country — an address covering a whole page of a large metro-
politan newspaper, a feat for which Gen. Lane years afterward expressed un-
bounded admiration and astonishment, both for its ability and for its ease and
rapidity with which it was dashed off. During the next four months GOT. Stevens
drove on the canvas with his accustomed energy and ability." — Hazard Stevens,
"Life of Gen. Isaac I. Stevens", Vol. II., p. 305.
2 Statesman, July 24.
3 Argus, July 14.
314 W. C. WOODWARD
mittee on platform and resolutions, from Oregon. It was
received with universal applause, and cries of 'When did
you move?' It was felt that the greatest difficulty of the
Convention would be to create a platform acceptable to all
the classes represented. . . The result is the most
perfect and unequivocal statement of Republican faith ever
written, the wisest and most diplomatic points of which,
I think I am safe in saying, Oregon had the honor to
contribute.
During the third ballot there was tolerable order until
Oregon declared for Lincoln, rendering his nomination
certain.1 At this point the enthusiasm became irrepres-
sible; the Wigwam was shaken with cheers from 23,000
Republicans, which were renewed as state after state de-
clared its unanimous vote for 'the man who could split
rails and maul Democrats.' ';
Adams announced that Lincoln's nomination had been re-
ceived all over Oregon with probably more enthusiasm than
would have been that of any other man.2 He held that the
great mass of Oregon Republicans had favored Bates, as be-
ing the most available candidate, but that the enthusiasm of
the convention for Lincoln had shown them their mistake.
He paid a high tribute to Lincoln for his nobility of character,
his purity of purpose and his lack of demagogism, asserting
that "Abraham Lincoln stands up to-day as the best known
representative of Republicanism in the Union." The pugna-
cious "Parson" closed with the aggressive prediction — "If he
is elected, he will take his seat, unless assassinated, and rule
this government, in spite of all the Union-threatening Demo-
cratic traitors this side of the lake of fire, and brimstone."
When the result of the National Democratic Conventions be-
came known in Oregon, Bush promptly entered the name of
Douglas in the Statesman as the regular Democratic nominee
and at the same time renewed the attack on Republicanism
which he had for some time ignored while waging war against
1 Not absolutely certain. Oregon's change to Lincoln pave him 231 1-2 votes,
within i i-2 votes of the nomination. Another state then corrected the vote, giv-
ing Lincoln 4 more and nominating him by a margin of 2 1-2 votes. Previous to
its switch to Lincoln, the Oregon delegation had been voting for Bates.
2 Argus, July 14.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 315
the pro-slavery Democrats.1 He did not cease his attacks on
the latter. He now made a double attack. He pleaded eloquently
with all Democrats to come up to the support of "Douglas and
the Union" and referred to the speeches of the Southern agi-
tators as containing "as damnable treason as ever fell from
the lips of the wildest abolition fanatic that disgraces the
North."2 In commenting upon the assertion made by the
Portland Advertiser that the Republicans were shouting "Hur-
rah for Joe Lane," Bush said, "We have noticed this somewhat
remarkable sympathy with the Yancey bolters on the part of
the Republicans. We account for it on the score of sympathy
with kindred sectionalism." He could not find language too
vituperative to apply to Buchanan for deserting Douglas,3
which language reads strangely when compared with the lauda-
tory words Bush had for Buchanan only two short years before.
The Democratic State Central committee, met at Eugene,
August 18. R. E Stratton, declaring that a division and sep-
aration of the committee was inevitable and that the issue might
just as well be drawn at once, introduced a resolution declar-
ing for Douglas and Johnson as the regular Democratic nomi-
nees. 4 Delazon Smith moved to amend by substituting the
names of Breckinridge and Lane. A full discussion followed.
Smith favored leaving the question open until the meeting of
the state convention, which the committee was to call for the
purpose of nominating presidential electors, and in the mean-
time having the Democrats of the state in their primary meet-
ings determine upon the action to be taken. He further sug-
gested that the committee recommend that the convention
name one ticket, made up from both divisions of the party.
Stratton, maintaining that there was no hope of concerted
action, pressed his resolution, with the amendment of Smith,
1 Statesman, July 24,
2 Ibid., July 31.
3 In an editorial, Aug. 21, on "The Blackest of Treason", the following ex-
pressions are found: "Buchanan will be remembered with ineffable hate and
scorn. . The black hearted and infamous treason of Jas. B. . . . His corrupt
heart has hatched this egg of treason. . . Jas. B., reeking with corruption and
treason and rankling with malice and hate . . The name of Jas. B., will like
Arnold and Iscariot, be the synonym of treachery and infamy."
4 Proceedings in Union, Aug. 21.
316 W. C. WOODWARD .
to a vote. The amendment was sustained by a vote of 9 to 6,
whereupon the Douglas men withdrew. The committee then
issued a call for a state convention to be held at Eugene,
September 18, to nominate three presidential electors and to
ratify the platform adopted by the Breckinridge Convention
at Baltimore. The Douglas members of the central committee
also issued a call for a state convention to be held at Eugene
on September 19.1.
The Breckinridge convention, after endorsing Breckin-
ridge and Lane and the platform they stood upon, reiterated
allegiance to the National platform of 1856 as interpreted by
that of 1860, as the only proper solution of the question of
slavery in the Territories ; deprecated the "blatant, unprincipled
calumniations of the present national administration ;" declared
undiminished confidence in "our esteemed Hero-Citizen", Lane,
the true hero of Buena Vista. The sixth and seventh planks
expressed the attitude and spirit of the convention toward the
other two parties. The sixth — "That we are unalterably op-
posed to the unconstitutional 'irrepressible conflict' doctrines
of the sectional, Black Republican, abolitionized party, which
placed the Negro-equality Lincoln in nomination for the Presi-
dency." The seventh declared want of confidence in the Doug-
las Democratic leaders of the state and declared themselves to
"heartily despise and loathe the vile treason, the gross person-
alities and the hypocritical teachings of the Oregon Statesman
and those who furnish the Judas material for its weekly is-
sues." For presidential electors, Delazon Smith, James
O'Meara and D. W. Douthitt, were named. Before adjourn-
ing, the convention empowered the central committee to act as
a conference committee to confer with any committee that
might be appointed by the Douglas convention for the purpose
of effecting conciliation.
But the Douglas Democrats, who met on the following day
i Statesman, Aug. 28.
Proceedings in Union, Sep. 22.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 317
in convention, manifested no desire for reconciliation.1 Their
uncompromising attitude was expressed in the resolution which
endorsed the principle of non-intervention, "as the same was
understood in 1848 when Gen. Cass was the Democratic nomi-
nee for the Presidency; as the same was understood in 1852
when Gen. Pierce was the Democratic nominee ; as it was un-
derstood in 1856 when James Buchanan was the Democratic
nominee ; and as affirmed, re-affirmed, endorsed and re-endorsed
by every state and national convention and every Democratic
leader and statesman for the past twelve years." Douglas and
Johnson were endorsed and their platform cordially approved.
The following were nominated for electors: W. H. Farrar,
Benj . Hayden, Wm. Hoffman :2
The legislature had met September 10, with all attention
centered on the election of United States senators. In an edi-
torial upon the subject the week before, Bush argued that the
next United States Senate would contain about an equal num-
ber, 30, of intervention Democrats for slavery and interven-
tion Republicans against, and that the safety of the Union in
restricting the conflict between them lay in the small band of
non-intervention Democrats who held the balance of power.
Therefore, he maintained that it was important to send two
non-intervention senators from Oregon, especially as Oregon
had always occupied that ground. Note that Bush did not
expressly demand that both senators should be Democrats. In
fact he tacitly admitted that they would not be when he express-
ed the hope that no overtures for a compromise would be enter-
tained which looked to the election of anyone not pledged strictly
to non-intervention.3 This drew the fire of the Union, which de-
clared that "Never was treason more foul." It asserted that
the Statesman proprietor had grown immensely rich by favors
bestowed on him by the party and that now, "in the hour of
its peril, he spurns it away and flippantly talks of electing two
1 "The Convention manifested no disposition to compromise present divisions
for the sake of carrying the state against the Republicans beyond peradventure,
but persisted in a spirit of blind infatuation known only to those who are goaded
to desperation." — Union, Sep. 22.
2 Proceedings in Statesman, Sep. 25.
3 Statesman, Sept. 4.
318 W. C. WOODWARD
United States senators without reference to political complex-
ion. The mask has fallen and behold, men of Oregon, the
loathsome mess it concealed."
The anti-Lane faction was victorious in the organization of
the Assembly, B. F. Harding of Marion being elected speaker
of the house and Luther Elkins of Linn, president of the
senate. To prevent a quorum in the latter, six of the Lane-
Smith members withdrew and went into hiding, their purpose
being to make impossible the election of senators unsatisfactory
to their faction. In fact it was asserted by the Breckinridge
Democrats that no legislation should take place until Delazon
Smith was elected senator, his term having expired before
Lane's. Warrants were issued for the arrest of the absconding
senators but they could not be found. The two Democratic
conventions were in session at Eugene at this time. The Breck-
inridge convention heartily endorsed the action of the six sena-
tors as "preventing the consummation of a gross and infamous
fraud upon the Democratic masses of this state by the accom-
plishment of the election of a Black Republican to the Senate
of the United States, as the fruit of a corrupt and infamous
secret coalition." The Douglas convention referred to the
abscondence as "part and parcel of that great revolutionary
scheme initiated by those who seceded from the National
Democratic convention/'
After unsuccessful balloting for United States senators, the
legislature adjourned. Gov. Whiteaker, though a strong parti-
san of the Breckinridge faction, issued an appeal to the absent
senators to return to their aeats, which they did on Septem-
ber 24. They were censured by the senate, in a vote of 8 to 7.
The result of the first ballot after the re-assembling of the
legislature, taken October 1, was: For the long term —
Nesmith 16, Smith 19, Baker 12, Williams 2, Curry 1. For
the short term— Grover 17, Willams 11, Holbrook 11, Curry
7, Drew 2. After ten ineffective ballots, adjournment was
made until the following day. On the fourth ballot of the next
day, the vote stood : Long term — Deady 22, Nesmith 27 ; short
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 319
term — Baker 26, Williams 20. Twenty-six votes were neces-
sary to elect. Oregon had chosen as her United States sena-
tors, J. W. Nesmith, a Douglas Democrat, and Col. E. D. Baker,
a Republican. The first step in the political revolution of 1860
had been taken.
The contest had been a long and complicated one. The
Douglas Democrats were reluctant to vote for even so conserv-
ative a Republican as Baker, and held out in the hope of
effecting some satisfactory compromise with their factional
opponents. But they refused absolutely to vote for Smith of
the other side and were as insistent on the election of their
own candidate, Nesmith. But the Breckinridge party stead-
fastly refused to support Nesmith unless Smith were made
the other senator. Compromise was thus impossible. These
conditions were set forth in an address issued by the fifteen
Democrats who voted for Baker, explaining their action.1
They contended that it was better to combine with the Repub-
licans than have no senators at all, especially as Baker was a
non-interventionist who really differed but little from them in
his views and would make Oregon a worthy senator.2
The Democratic press was practically a unit in denouncing
the coalition, but the Statesman defended it, hurling defiance at
"the Yanceyites," upon whom it threw the burden of respon-
sibility because of their determination to elect disunionists to
the Senate.3 The Republican press was jubilant. "Glorious
Result," was the caption of the article in the Argus, October
6, announcing the "glorious news." Adams made the first
open, unreserved public reference to the means by which it
was accomplished when he said — "The combination by which
it was effected was made by the people in June and has been
honorably and fairly carried out by their representatives." He
had a good word for Nesmith — the first ever seen in the Argus
1 Statesman, Oct. 8.
2 In his correspondence dated Nov. i, 1863, to the San Francisco Bulletin,
M. P. Deady maintained that Baker owed more to the existence of the Oregon
Indian war debt for his election, than had ever been told; that those who held
war scrip, concluding that it would be necessary to have an advocate on the Re-
publican side of Congress before an appropriation would be made for the payment
of the debt, lent a potent influence in favor of Baker.
3 Statesman, Oct. 5.
320 W. C. WOODWARD
for a Democrat and which was eloquent of the spiritual exalta-
tion of the combative "Parson" over the result. In speaking
of "Our Republican Senator, Col. Baker," he was effervescent.
Salem correspondence in the Argus, signed "A. H." deprecated
the action of the Oregonian and the Statesman in "toning
down" Baker's Republicanism and imputing to him some of
the heresies of Douglas in order to justify the actions of the
Democrats who voted for him.1 But this correspondent was
evidently one Amory Holbrook, who, having political aspira-
tions of his own, was jealous of Baker. As a member of the
legislature he had refused to vote for the Colonel, and his de-
fection had almost been fatal to the Republican cause he pro-
fessed to support.
A few weeks later Adams noted that "a sudden anguish has
seized hold of a speckled herd of politicians that expresses
itself in groanings that evince the most extreme agony."2 He
took such from the disunion Democrats as a matter of course.
But in reference to "a weak echo" from a few Douglas organs,
he stated plainly that the fusion in June had been made with
the distinct purpose which had been embodied in the election ;
that some coalition was absolutely necessary to election and
the one which took place was the only logical and honorable
one. In reply to the charge made against Baker that he was
a new comer, Adams answered that he came voluntarily to
locate permanently and already had a national reputation, which
"isn't like electing a newcomer that nobody knows anything
about — a second-rate, jack-leg lawyer, that may turn out to
be a tool of some disunion scoundrel as your man Stout has
done." The Oregonian, now edited by Francis, had taken the
same position, but expressed it in more temperate language.3
Great satisfaction was expressed at the removal of the Lane
incubus and honor was done, to the men who achieved it.4
The People's Press, the other Republican paper in the state,
1 Argus, Oct. 13.
2 Ibid., Oct. 20.
3 Oregonian, Sep. 29.
4 Oregonian, Sep. 29.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 321
joined the Argus and Oregonian in the jubilant expression of
satisfaction over the result.
Reports appeared in the press that the joyous Republicans
of the state held celebrations of the victory — that in some cases
one hundred guns were fired in "glorification" on receipt of
the news of Baker's election. But even then they could not
know the significance of what had taken place. This sena-
torial election takes a highly important place in the political his-
tory of this very critical period, both locally and nationally.
Locally, it marked the complete disruption of the Oregon De-
mocracy and paved the way for the Union movement in Ore-
gon which was effected in 1862. Nationally, it sent a man in
E. D. Baker to the United States Senate, who, by his impas-
sioned oratory and inspiring personal example, strengthened
the whole country with an answering thrill of loyalty and a
determination to meet bravely the crisis of the nation.
With the senatorial question settled, renewed attention was
given the approaching presidential election. The Statesman
labored aggressively for Douglas, and as the campaign ad-
vanced, had much more to say against Breckinridge than
against Lincoln, though by no means countenancing Republi-
canism. Bush addressed a special appeal to the supporters of
Bell and Everett, to be true to their name of "Constitutional
Union party" by voting for Douglas and by not throwing away
their votes and helping to give Oregon to one of the sectional
parties.1 To the "Southern Men" he urged that Douglas
maintained the old Democratic doctrine that the people of the
Territories should regulate their domestic institutions in their
own way, while Lincoln and Breckinridge, "twin brothers on
intervention," declared that Congress should regulate for
them.2
The Union was equally energetic and violent in behalf of
Breckinridge and Lane, begging Democrats not to throw away
votes on Douglas, but to vote for Breckinridge to defeat Lin-
coln and save the Union. A greater number of the Democratic
1 Statesman, Oct 29.
2 Statesman, Nor. 5.
322 W. C. WOODWARD
papers of the state supported the Breckinridge than the Doug-
las ticket.1 In the East, as the campaign advanced, it seemed
at least entirely possible that no candidate would have a ma-
jority of the electoral votes, which, according to the Constitu-
tion, would throw the election of President into the lower
house of Congress. But according to the political complexion
of that body, an election would apparently still be impossible.
The election of vice president would be in the hands of the
Senate, where it was thought the Southern Democrats would
be strong enough to elect their candidate Lane, who would
thus become President of the United States, the house having
failed to choose a chief executive. In view of the fact that the
hope for such a denouement became prevalent among Eastern
Democrats, as a last resort for defeating Lincoln, it is rather
surprising that no reflection of this purpose is seen during the
campaign in Lane's own state.
The Republican press hewed to the line for Lincoln, attack-
ing with equal vigor the pretensions of the two Democratic
parties. As usual, "Parson" Adams furnished the most striking
and picturesque illustrations of the Republican attitude. "Fight
on, ye mercenary hounds," was his encouraging word to the
Democratic factions. They were cheerfully informed that while
they were telling the truth about each other and proving their
unfitness for future trusts, the people were looking upon their
discomfiture with indifference as to who might prove the vic-
tor. "Have at you then, ye bullying Disunionists and ye time-
serving Dough-faces! We need not the cowardly threats of
one or the servile whinings of the other."2 In an editorial
on "Disunionism", he said : "The Douglas organs are making
a terrible hulla-baloo about the Disunionism of the Breckin-
ridge party. This is all very well as their charges are true,
and being true, it ought to damn every Disunion tool in the
country. But then we can see no great difference in the two
1 Among the papers supporting Breckinridge, were the Union, Oregon Demo-
crat, Jacksonville Sentinel, Eugene Herald, Roseburg Express and Portland Daily
News; supporting Douglas, were the Statesman, Portland Times, Portland Adver-
tiser and The Dalles Mountaineer.
2 Argus editorial, Sept. 29 — "When Thieves Fall Out, Honest Men Get Their
Dues."
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 323
factions on this score. While Douglas is a professed friend of
the Union, his colleague Johnson is as rabid a Disunionist as
Yancey."1
This attitude seems rather strange, considering the success-
ful coalition which had just taken place between the Douglas
Democrats and the Republicans in the election of United
States senators. The Argus was evidently determined to im-
press those wavering voters, who were loyal to the Union,
with the necessity of supporting Lincoln. To make it easy
for such to support the Republican ticket, an attempt had
been made during the recent session of the legislature to re-
peal the Viva Voce ballot law, passed during the troublous
times of the Know Nothings, and to substitute the secret bal-
lot. A bill to this effect was carried in the house by a vote of
18 to 12, the Republicans and the Bush, or old organization
Democrats, supporting it, the Breckinridge Democrats oppos-
ing.2 The Salem correspondent to the Union made this com-
ment: "There, is, however, this gratification — that this meas-
ure, intended to cover up the tracks of the Bushites in voting,
as they intend to do for Lincoln, cannot pass the senate. Not-
withstanding the impotent howling of the Clique organ, there
is Democracy enough here to kill it, so that after all, the
coalitionists only show their cloven feet, without realizing any
advantage." The prophecy proved correct, as the measure
was lost in a tie vote in the senate. It is diverting to see the
old organization Democrats attempting to withdraw from their
own noose which they had tied to catch Know Nothings with,
while those members who as National Democrats had so
vehemently denounced the Viva Voce law, now upheld it just
as strenuously.3
On November 6, Oregon gave Lincoln a plurality of 270
votes over the Democratic candidates and the political revolu-
tion of 1860 was complete. The candidates were voted for as
i Union, Oct. 13.
3 Two '"notables" remained consistent — one on each side. Col. J. K. Kelly of
Clackamas, an old National, and now a Lan« Democrat, voted for the repeal,
while Bush, who had championed the Viva Voce law, was, according to his own
statement (Statesman, Nov. 5) opposed to ita repeal.
324 W. C. WOODWARD
follows: Lincoln, 5344; Breckinridge, 5074; Douglas, 4131;
Bell, 212.1 The relative strength of the Democratic candidates
was a surprise, and in this connection it is significant that Ore-
gon was the only northern state which gave a larger vote for
Breckinridge than for Douglas.2
i Official returns in Statesman, Dec. 3. For vote by counties, see Appendix II.
A. J. Thayer, who had been nominated by the Douglas State central com-
mittee, October 17, for Congressman, received 4099 votes. He had no opposition,
as the Breckinridge Democrats agreed to ignore the election, claiming it to be as
illegal as that of Sheil in June. Thayer was seated as a member of Congress,
July 4, 1861 (Congressional proceedings in Argus, July 27) but the matter was
taken up and reconsidered July 26, when Thayer was removed and Sheil seated.
(Congressional proceedings in Union, Sep. 9, 1861).
2judson, Fiftieth Ann'
Chapter XI
TREASON, STRATEGEMS AND SPOILS
(1860-1861)
Governor Whiteaker, in his message to the legislature in
September, 1860, referred to the "mental war" being waged
all over the Union, "probably with as much virulence in
Oregon as in any other of the States." Deprecating the charges
and counter charges of disunion and treasonable sentiments, he
doubted there being two men in the state who would not prefer
the integrity of the Union with the certainty that their peculiar
political views would never be adopted, to disunion with cer-
tain success in the division within which they might chance to
fall. He therefore held it unnecessary and inadvisable for con-
servative men to enter into this war of words. This was the
view of the situation, at least professed, as held by an irrec-
oncilable, pro-slavery Democrat of the Southern school.1 In
reply, Bush said: "We don't see how Governor Whiteaker
can arrive at such conclusions with his eyes and ears open.
We believe that two-fifths of all the men in Oregon who are
supporting Breckinridge would prefer disunion, on such con-
ditions ; and that full one fifth would look with complacency on
disunion in any event."2
Judging merely from the expression of the Democratic
press immediately after the election of Lincoln, in regard to
the current threats of secession, Whiteaker was nearer right
than Bush. The Oregon Weekly Union, the staunch Breckin-
ridge and Lane organ, while lamenting sorely the result of the
election, and denouncing both Republicans and Douglas Dem-
ocrats as blameworthy for the troublous times which were
threatened, came out strongly against secession at once. In a
two-column editorial on "Nullification," November 24, it stated
emphatically that there was no way whereby a state might
1 "Old Whit" is a good specimen of a sturdy, frontier farmer man, formed
of a cross between Illinois and Missouri, with a remote dash of something farther
Down East. Although wrong in the head in politics, he is honest and
right in the heart. — Deady, Oct. 13, 1862, to San Francisco Bulletin.
2 Statesman, Oct. i, 1860,
326 *W. C. WOODWARD
resume the power relinquished to the Federal Government
in the bond of Union, or prevent the enforcement of the laws
passed by Congress, but by open, undisguised revolution. It
might be called nullification, secession or an "irrepressible con-
flict," yet it was none the less revolution. It might be peaceable
and without bloodshed, but still it would be revolution. It
might come from resistance to laws providing for raising a
revenue or for the return of fugitive slaves — from resistance in
South Carolina or in Massachusetts, it would be revolution and
if carried so far as to result in armed resistance it might
truthfully be, denominated as treason. At the same time, the
Union could not forbear taking the North to task for incon-
sistency, pointing out that it was treason to nullify the laws of
Congress in South Carolina, but in Massachusetts it was quite
a different thing. In the one place it suggested a halter and a
gallows while in the other it was commended and gloried in.
In the next issue, December 1, the Union expressed itself
still mo.re strongly. It declared that resistance to Lincoln as
a candidate was one thing and resistance to him as President
was quite another. "Therefore, while in common with North-
ern Democracy we resisted, and still resist the aggressions of
Republicanism on the South, we have no sympathy with any
scheme of disloyalty to the Union. And while we will not de-
sist from exposing the causes which have led to these unhappy
results and will continue to place the responsibility where it
belongs, we disclaim for ourselves and the Democracy of Ore-
gon, any sympathy or affiliation with the secession of any of
the states; and warn them, that, if carried so far as to result
in resistance to the laws of the Federal Union, It must be put
down with all the power of the government. And in this, they
will find the North united as one man in support of the gov-
ernment, no matter who is President." The Union has been
quoted at some length to show clearly the uncompromising at-
titude of the Southern press in Oregon before secession became
an accomplished fact.
But during the next few months the Union receded from its
high ground, devoting most of its space to "exposing the
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 327
causes which have led to these unhappy results", — the most
pleasureable part of the mission to which it had committed it-
self. Northern fanatics were denounced and the South tacitly
exonerated. A kind of bogie man was made of "Coercion,"
which was declared to be a very different thing from execut-
ing the federal laws against the individual citizens of a state.1
The Oregon Democrat, assuming even more advanced ground,
made a distinction between nullification and secession, holding
that while the former was wrong and monstrous, secession was
eminently right and proper.2 While very few Democratic
papers in Oregon made so free and open confession of faith
as this, the attitude which they for the most part generally
assumed was expressive of such conviction.
By May, Slater of the Union was advising Oregon to as-
sume a neutral ground in the struggle. In an editorial, "What
Will the Pacific States Do?" he went no farther than to "pre-
sume" that Oregon and California were loyal, and he would
not favor any scheme looking to their severance from the
Union, "unless, in the progress of the general conflagration,
some such step should become absolutely necessary for self-
preservation." He maintained that as the war was not against
a foreign nation, the people of the Pacific Coast should assume
neutral ground and refuse to be involved in "this general
melee which politicians have kicked up over the mountains."3
"There is high blood in Oregon as well as elsewhere, and it
will be well for all concerned to keep quiet and cool," ad-
monished Slater. He continued to make perfunctory profes-
sions of loyalty, but took no position in favor of maintaining
the Union. In an editorial on "Where We Stand," he failed
to give the information indicated. While protesting that he
acknowledged no flag but that of the Union, he avowed un-
alterable opposition to any policy which looked toward wag-
ing a war of subjugation on the South.* This harmonizes not
at all with his fulsome declaration of December first.
1 Union, Feb. 2, 1861.
2 Argus, Jan. 5.
3 Union, May 4.
4 Ibid., May 18.
328 W. C. WOODWARD
There was a notable exception to this general negative atti-
tude of the Democratic press. As the movement toward seces-
sion developed, after Lincoln's election, the Statesman was far
more vigorous and radical in demanding that the government
put down the rebellion promptly by force of arms and hang
the rebels, than was either the Argus or Oregonian. The lat-
ter, as Administration organs, were cautious, desiring rather
to follow and support Lincoln's policy, when it should become
known, than to take the initiative by advocating those of their
own which might prove embarrassing in being out of har-
mony with that adopted at Washington. This attitude of the
Republican press is well exemplified in an Oregonian editorial
—"The Union— Can it be Preserved?"1 "We are not dis-
posed," said Francis, "to discuss at this time, the right of
secession. Nor are we prepared to express an opinion as to
the propriety of a resort to force to compel seceding states to
remain in the Union, against their will and consent." Greeley
of the Tribune was quoted with approval to the effect that he
was opposed to a Union "which had to be pinned together
with the bayonet/' and that "if they were determined to go,
let them go in peace." Bush was prepared to express an
opinion and as usual expressed it with unfailing vigor, urging
the new Administration to adopt prompt and heroic measures
for ruthlessly crushing out the rebellion and dealing summarily
with the traitors. He wasted no time on fine distinctions be-
tween nullification and secession, between enforcing United
States laws and coercion.
His term as senator having expired, Lane arrived in Ore-
gon once more, the last of April. But he had never before ex-
perienced such a home coming. It was an unfortunate coinci-
dence for him that at the very time of his arrival, came the
news of the firing upon Fort Sumpter. There was no longer
any doubt that the man whom Oregon had long delighted to
honor was a secessionist. Not only had his public actions so
declared him, but personal letters written to Southern friends
i Oregonian, Jan. 12.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 329
commending secession had appeared in the Southern press
and had found their way into Oregon papers.1 His reception
was sullen and ominous. On his arrival at Dallas on his way
home to the southern part of the state, the people raised the
Stars and Stripes, fired a salute of thirty-four guns for the
Union and hung Lane in effigy.2 It was pretty generally ad-
mitted by this time that a movement, more or less tangible, was
on foot for establishing a Pacific Coast Republic and it was
believed by very many, as had been charged, that Lane had
come home for the purpose of aiding in the conspiracy to that
end.3
There was nothing new in the idea suggested of an inde-
pendent government on the Pacific Coast. In 1855, the Stand-
ard had seriously questioned whether Oregon would not be
better off under such a government than under that of the
United States. It held that the Rocky Mountains presented
an unmistakable boundary, and that such boundaries, laid by
an over-ruling Providence, ought to be more strictly regarded.^
Positive assertions concerning schemes of disunion and the set-
ting up of a new Western republic, appeared in the press the
same year.s ln July, 1860, Bush declared it to be stated on
authority, considered reliable that the Pacific Delegation in
Congress had held a caucus and resolved to favor disunion and
the formation of three separate republics — the North, South
and Pacific. That this insane project was entertained by some
ambitious and designing politicians, he declared there could be
no doubt, and indicated that Lane was implicated.6 The Ore-
gonian, January 26, 1861, had published a letter written by
1 "I am glad a majority of the people of Oregon have determined to leave a
Union that refuses you equality and protection. You are right: and I am sure
that you will take no step backwards". — Lane, Jan. 6, 1861, to a Southern
friend, printed in Georgia Constitutionalist and reprinted in Statesman, Feb. 25.
"You are right and I am with you heart and soul. . . I, with thousands
of good Northern men, will be by their [the Southern States] side". — Lane, Dec.
14, 1860, to a Georgia relative, printed in Columbus, Ga., Times, and reprinted in
Oregonian, March 2, 1861.
2 Argus, May u.
3 "It is said here that 'JosePli' goes to Oregon early in next month for the
purpose of inaugurating the Pacific Republic and I am inclined to think that
that is his object." — Senator Nesmith, Washington, D. C., Feb. 26, 1861, to
Harvey Gordon, Salem.
4 Standard editorial "Our Future", quoted in Oregonian, July 28, 1855.
5 Statesman, Sep. 8, 1855.
6 Ibid., July 24, 1860.
330 W. C. WOODWARD
Burch, a California Congressman, which had been made pub-
lic, in which was argued the wisdom of a Pacific Republic.
There could be no doubt that such a project was considered
and it was a very reasonable assumption, to say the least, that
Lane was connected with it. But whatever his plans were for
procedure in Oregon,1 he found it necessary on arrival to pla-
cate the public sentiment, unmistakable evidence of which
greeted him on every hand. He began to extol the "Union and
the Constitution" as he mingled with the people with his fa-
miliar and effusive "God bless you" greeting. He made a short
speech at Corvallis on the national situation and the Union
said that many were surprised to find that instead of being a
disunionist and a secessionist, Gen. Lane was a strong Union
man and unequivocally opposed to any move towards the sepa-
rate independence of the Pacific.2 It had been noticeable in
the weeks previous, the Union had been very silent as to Lane's
attitude as exhibited in the East. This drew forth the retort
from Adams that Lane hoped by blarney and a great show of
patriotism to reunite the Democracy and get himself elected
as governor and a disunion representative in Congress. "That
being done, his Union garments will be thrown off, and, like the
wardrobe of a circus-rider, his old dirty rags of treason will
be discovered to have grown fast to his hide."3 The Union
soon gave color to the above charge when in a long editorial it
pleaded, almost agonizingly, for a union of the Democracy. Let
by-gones be by-gones with the two wings — get together and
stop the inroads which the Republicans are making in the
Democratic ranks — was the burden of its exhortation.
Within a month after the fall of Sumpter, Union Clubs were
being organized in Oregon. Immediately on receipt of the
news from South Carolina a large and enthusiastic Union mass
i On the way south by wagon, Lane accidentally shot himself. About Novem-
ber first the Oregon Democrat reported with regret that he was recovering but
slowly from the effect of the unfortunate accident. This prompted the Statesman,
Nov. ii, to say: "He received this shot in lifting a box containing arms which
he brought home with him in considerable quantity, it is generally believed, with
the design of arming a company of men to secede the state, and many persons
do not regard that shot so unfortunate as it might have been."
3 Argus, May 18.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 331
meeting was held at Portland in the Willamette theater.1 Stir-
ring speeches were made by Dr. A. G. Henry of Yamhill, and
by J. H. Mitchell and Geo. B. Currey of Portland- The Port-
land Times said that as the last speaker left the stand, a sud-
den removal or change of the scenery at the rear of the stage
exposed to view the unfurled banner of the Union — and, as if
by electricity, the audience arose to their feet in enthusiastic
cheers for the flag. It is significant that one of the very first
Union Clubs to be started in Oregon was organized in a settle-
ment of foreign citizens, at Aurora, May 17. Dr. Wm. Keil,
a native Prussian, had established a German settlement in this
section of Marion county in 1855.2 Dr. Keil addressed the
meeting along with others. Ringing resolutions were passed
pledging heartiest support of the Government "against all foes
from without or traitors within."3 A strong club was or-
ganized and Union sentiment ran high. "The German brass
band enlivened the exercises by playing national airs in their
best style." What took place at Aurora was soon taking place
over the state.
This general manifestation of Union sentiment brought to
light the real animus of the majority of the Democratic papers
and the Southern Democrats generally, most of whom had
been protesting their loyalty in a negative sort of way. Slater
belittled and scoffed at the Union meetings, branding them as
a mere scheme of designing politicians to deceive the people
into the embrace of Republicanism under the cloak of an effort
to save the Union.4 "As mght be expected/' said the Oregon-
ian, "the Advertisers opposes the formation of Union Clubs.
While secessionists are plotting treason everywhere, while the
Knights of the Golden Circle are carrying on their murderous
and cowardly schemes, while bloody treason stalks red-handed
1 Argus, May u.
2 Dr. Keil made the settlement as a practical test of his communistic theories.
Aurora became the Republican stronghold of Marion county and a center of
Union sentiment.
3 Argus, May 25.
4 Union, May 25.
5 The Portland Advertiser, edited by Ex-Governor Curry, had pronounced
most emphatically for the integrity of the Union, but like the Corvallis Union,
had suffered a relapse.
332 W. C. WOODWARD
through the land, are the friends of the Union to take advice
from its enemies and forbear to use a harmless precaution?"
Flag raisings were opposed by the Southern sympathizers as
tending to fan animosities and incite sectional enmities. Vio-
lence was threatened in some cases if the determination to raise
the Stars and Stripes were persisted in. Adams claimed to
believe that nine- tenths of those opposing Union meetings and
flag raisings, did so, not from disloyalty to the government,
but from a silly belief that they were Republican demonstra-
tions; that in this belief they were encouraged by the leaders
of secession in Oregon. He stated that in passing through the
country he found that all the Douglas Democrats and nine-
tenths of the Breckinridge Democrats were loyal and opposed
the efforts of secession organs to make party capital out of na-
tional troubles, while they lauded the patriotic position of the
Statesman and Portland Times. But Adams' estimate was evi-
dently like election forecasts — given for a purpose.
On May 28, Gov. Whiteaker issued a long address to the
people of Oregon on the situation, in which, while professing
loyalty to the Union, he took strong grounds against Union
meetings and disapproved the war.1 The following sentences
from the message are of no little significance, coming as they
did with the official sanction of the state government : "These
are not Union meetings, but are creating disunion directly in
our midst. . . I suspect that there is about as much patriot-
ism to be, found among those who have no anathemas for any
portion of the country — even if they do not think the Union
can be preserved by the sword, as in the hearts of those who
cry havoc and blood at every breath. ... In God's name
what good is this war to bring the country ? None ; positively
none." The weight of the official sanction, however, was not
sufficient to deter the militant "Parson" from branding "poor
fiddling Whiteaker or 'Old Cat-Gut' " as "the biggest ass in the
state" and "at heart as rotten a traitor as Jeff Davis."2
The attitude of Oregon's Southern Democracy is exemplified
1 Union, Tune 8.
2 Argus, June 8.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 333
in the resolutions passed at a mass meeting of the Democracy
of Linn county, June 5. "Loyalty to the Union — the whole
Union," was avowed. Association with secessionists and trait-
ors was disavowed, and sectionalists or violators of the Consti-
tution were discountenanced. The idea of a Pacific Republic
was opposed as visionary and dangerous. At the same time it
was asserted that the Government could be maintained only
by a spirit of conciliation and compromise; that coercion was
but another name for war and was disunion. Therefore,
opposition to the war and the war policy of the Administra-
tion, was announced.1 Slater heralded this meeting as a great
success in every way, while casting slurs on the numerous Union
meetings. The Democratic organs referred to the war as
"Lincoln's war" and denounced him as a usurper, revolution-
ist, monarchist and tyrant. The Union was replete with such
expressions as "Lincoln's rump Congress," "Greeley's abolition
war," "The banquet of blood" (Bull Run) and "Lincoln I."
It could not conceal its exultation over the defeat at Bull Run,
saying that the rout was complete and total and the victory
on the part of the South one that they might well be proud
of. In the issue of August 26 appeared the message of Jef-
ferson Davis. By this time the secession odor of "The Onion,"
as Bush called it, was sufficiently strong to discount its loudest
protestations of loyalty.
Senator Baker, having eloquently championed the Union
cause on the floor of the United States senate, volunteered his
services on the outbreak of the rebellion and was given a
command. On October 21 he was killed at the head of his
men at the battle of Balls Bluff. In appointing a successor
to Oregon's Republican senator, Gov. Whiteaker further re-
vealed his animus in the choice of Benjamin Stark. The ap-
pointment was received with disappointment, disgust and an-
ger. The Statesman declared Stark to be "a secessionist of the
rankest dye and the craziest professions — a traitor as infamous
as any that disgraces Northern soil. He has enjoyed the credit
i Union, June 8.
334 W. C. WOODWARD
of a letter written several years ago, raising the idea of a
Pacific Republic and has ever since claimed to be the repre-
sentative of this scheme."1 The Oregonian asserted that the
citizens of Oregon had been wronged beyond measure, but
thanked God the state would have to submit but a few months
to the degradation.2 Actual extracts were published of vituper-
ative and treasonable utterances of Stark.3 In announcing his
departure the Argus said :* "It is indeed a humiliating posi-
tion occupied by our state, three-fourths5 of which are loyal, to
be represented in the United States senate by a blatant little
peppery sympathizer with treason." A mass meeting was held
at Salem at which Whiteaker's appointment was denounced6
and the appointee charged with treason. The leaders in the
meeting were loyal Democrats of prominence, such as R. P.
Boise, Lucien Heath, J. C. Peebles, C. N. Terry and Harvey
Gordon. Sufficient opposition was aroused to delay Stark's
being seated by the Senate until in February, 1862.7
Encouraged by Southern victories, as time passed on, the
Oregon secessionists became bolder in expression and more
active in demonstrations against the Government. Before
the end of 1861, the Oregonian announced the existence of
the Knights of the Golden Circle in Oregon.8 After sketching
the movement in the Eastern States and its purposes, the edi-
tor declared that many of the leaders among those ^n Oregon
opposing and denouncing the Government, were Knights of
the Golden Circle. The opposition press made light of this and
similar charges, but the denials failed to carry conviction, espe-
cially in the light of later disclosures. The secession papers be-
1 Statesman, Nov. n.
2 Oregonian, Nov. 9.
3 Oregonian, Nov. 30.
4 Argus, Nov. 23.
5 Nine-tenths were loyal in May, according to Adams!
6 A thrust, evidently at Judge Deady, was given in the statement — "We hold
Gov. Whiteaker less responsible than the judicial functionary in whose hands
the Executive is as clay in the hands of the potter."
7 When Stark's credentials were presented to the Senate, papers from Ore-
gon citizens protesting his disloyalty were also submitted. All were referred to
the Judiciary Committee, which on Feb. 7, reported in favor of seating him,
Senator Lyman Trumbull presenting a minority report. The majority report was
adopted. At the same time, Stark asked for a full investigation of the charges
made. The committee appointed reported the charges substantiated and action was
brought for a recommital of the case, but failed.
8 Oregonian, Nov. 9, 1861.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 335
came so offensively treasonable in expression, that early in
1862 the Government began the suppression of the worst of
them. The Albany Democrat, the first to be suppressed, re-
ferred to Confederate leaders as "the glory of the land" and
to the Union soldiers as "the enemy." The Corvallis Union
called the Northern soldiers "white niggers," and continually
referred to Lincoln as a usurper and perjured tyrant. It re-
produced a long article from the London Times, arguing in
favor of a separation of the Union. The Portland Advertiser,
"the poor, sniveling, secession sheet," according to Parson
Adams, reprinted approvingly an article from the London
Herald ridiculing President Lincoln and lauding President
Davis.1 A much quoted expression from the Advertiser was
this : "We have every reason to invoke the Divine interposi-
tion to stay the hand of Lincoln, paralyze his efforts and thus
put a stop to the unnatural, intestine war that he has inaugu-
rated and carried on."
There appeared in the Oregonian of October 19, 1861, a long
letter from Jesse Applegate on the situation in Oregon. He
stated that after having traveled extensively through the state
during the summer and fall he was forced to the conclusion
that there were many disunionists in "this young Oregon,
which, scarcely out of the shell of Territorial pupilage, stinks
with an element foul and corrupt, bordering, I may at least
safely say, on actual treason, whose rankness 'smells to
heaven'." He asserted that almost anywhere, toryism was dis-
gustingly common ; that inquiry among a certain class would
bring protestation that they were all Union men — the kind
that got their Union from the Corvallis printing office." He
pointed out that the old school, party hidebound Democrats,
would read only that to which they had been schooled and ac-
customed. The Democratic party had so long been dominated
by the pro-slavery element that they had learned to feed on what
reeked with slavery and secession. Hence they naturally clung
to the Corvallis Union, Albany Democrat and Portland Ad-
i See Argus, March i, March 22.
336 W. C. WOODWARD
vertiser, in preference to the Salem Statesman, Portland Times
and Jacksonville Sentinel, and their ideas of the national
crisis were shaped accordingly. Applegate gave a striking pic-
ture of conditions as he observed them. Demonstrating as it
does so forcibly what an influence was exerted by these uncon-
fessed secession papers, extracts of this letter, written by a man
of such standing and influence, are here reproduced at some
length :
"If you would obtain a correct idea of the universal in-
fluence of the press, go among the people at large and be-
hold the thirst for newspaper reading. As you pass along
the road in hot summer weather, when the, farmer has re-
turned from his work and the doors are thrown open to
invite the precious breeze, on the porch or just within you
will see the man of the house with his paper, swallowing
down the editorial as a more delicious morsel than the
viands preparing for his dinner. If he is a Democrat of
the Jo Lane school, it is the Corvallis Union, the Adver-
tiser or some paper of that character, upon which he
feeds ; and whatever he finds in its sound columns, if not
there condemned, whether murder, rebellion or treason, it
is Democratic and good enough for him. Go into his
house, and upon a table, packed away in a shelf or per-
haps spread upon the wall, you will find the source of his
political information and faith in a formidable array of
Advertisers, Oregon Democrats or something of that kind.
Possibly a stray number of the Oregonian or Statesman
may be found containing the President's message; if so,
probably the conversation will turn upon the message and
you will find in nine cases in ten that he has not read it,
but merely what his paper said about it. 'I commenced to
read it but got disgusted with the Hell-fired thing. I
haven't got time to read such d d abolition stuff and I
thought if God would forgive me for commencin' to read
sich trash, I'd not do so no more. I'm a Union man, but
I don't go nothing on coercion. I think Lincoln's done
more to destroy the Union than any other man. I think
the abolitionists better mind their own business; and if
they don't, I tell you the Southerners will larn um a
lesson. Talk about Lincoln whippin' the South! the
Northern men is all cowards/ "
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 337
During these early months of the great struggle — a period
of uncertainty and confusion throughout the Union — the
Statesman, more than any other Oregon paper, displayed the
rare gift of the interpretation of events and of the character of
the men intimately connected with them. Indeed the keenness
of political insight displayed, in the light of the history of after
years, seems almost to have approached the prophetic. In a
long editorial, October 21, 1861, on "President Lincoln," it de-
clared that he, almost alone of the great actors in the drama,
was without any incentive to ordinary ambition; that he was
President for four years embracing a period weightier with
events than the seventy years of all his predecessors. "If he
can pass through that period with respectable success, he will
have laid up in the storehouse of history greater fame than
either Jackson or Washington derived from the Presidential
office. If he fails, the future will attribute it to his incapacity
rather than the power of his adversaries and he will never be
forgiven the crime of being born. Believing the perpetuation
of the Union to be the sole object of the President, we desire
to foster no sentiment adverse to the design." More striking
examples of the political prescience of the Statesman were to
follow as the struggle progressed. Such sentiments as these,
coming from a source from which had formerly emanated the
most violent strictures of the Black Republicans, tended toward
making the Statesman the recognized champion of the Union
cause in Oregon.
Chapter XII
THE UNION MOVEMENT IN 1862
Writing in the summer of 1861 upon the general political
effects of the death of Stephen A. Douglas, Bush advised the
followers of the fallen leader in Oregon as to the proper course
of action to be pursued by them.1 He referred to the fact that
many Republicans and Democrats had pledged themselves in
good faith to ignore party aspirations in the presence of the
rebellion, but gave it as his opinion that as long as there were
offices to be filled, party affiliations would not become extinct.
Considering the fact that Bush had been in office steadily for
a decade, he spoke as one having authority. Therefore, while
acknowledging the general manifestation of a disposition to
ignore, the past and organize upon the basis of Union against
disunion, he advised the Douglas men of Oregon to maintain
their identity, holding it to be safer for them to hold them-
selves aloof as a reserve force in case disunion should be about
to carry the day. He admitted that the plan of three adverse
parties was a somewhat novel feature in politics and a rather
difficult one to maintain, but he held it to be an eminently safe
one against conspiracy and sudden revolution such as seceders
meditated for Oregon and California. Bush then made this
striking prediction — a further illustration of his political pre-
science : "When this contest, be it long or short, is closed, the
men who have trained under the great political captain (Doug-
las) will find themselves the nucleus of a radical party, op-
posed to the federal element grown strong in the centralizing
work of crushing out rebellion." Awaiting that time, he ad-
vised his fellow Democrats that they could serve the country
better by independent action.
But within a few short months, the editor of the Statesman
saw things very differently. As has been indicated, the radical
Democrats were fervently appealing for party reorganization
in the hope of gaining control of the state. Bush evidently
became somewhat uneasy at the effect their overtures might
j Statesman, June 24, 1861.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 339
have. In September he wrote the Statesman from the East,
whither he had gone: "I notice the secessionists of Oregon
are anxious to 'reorganize the Democratic party'. I hope no
honest man will put his foot into that pitfall. . . What
more occasion have we in Oregon for defunct political parties
than they have in Kentucky or Missouri? Do you hear of
Democrats, Republicans or Whigs there? They have two
parties and but two — Union and disunion. Let us so divide in
Oregon while this dreadful danger hangs over our common
country." In its issue of December 2 the Statesman declared
expressly for the formation of a Union party, uniting all the
Union men of the state, as the only way to defeat treason.
Oregon was declared to be, stronger proportionately for seces-
sion than was Missouri. The need of united action on the
part of Union men was therefore evident.
In September the Oregonian had expressed the conviction
that party lines and party triumphs should be forgotten in the
one great cause of saving the Union.1 No suggestions were
offered as to how the Union movement should be effected. The
first definite suggestions made public for such are to be, found
in an unsigned article appearing in the Weekly Oregonian2
of November 23, contributed by a resident of the southern
part of the state. Immediate organization was urged in order
to check the disloyal plans of the enemy. The plan of proce-
dure suggested as the most practicable was the immediate for-
mation of state central Union committees, with correspondence
committees in and for every county. These committees were
to ignore party lines absolutely. There should be no indecision
in this respect, no matter who demurred or what his party
prominence. It should be clearly understood that the integ-
rity of the Union was not to be immolated at the shrine of any
party. The committees were to distribute among the voters
the speeches of such men as Holt, Dickinson and Everett and
1 Oregonian, Sep. 21, editorial, "The Duty of Patriots."
2 The publication of the Oregonian as a daily paper began in February, 1861.
Hereafter, however, as heretofore, the weekly edition is the one referred to unless
otherwise specified.
340 W. C. WOODWARD
other Union documents; also to labor with honest men likely
to be controlled by old party associations, to get them to realize
the enormity of the situation, with the disgrace which would
result if they adhered to the false advice of pretended "Union
but peace" men.
The Argus spoke, December 21 in a leader on the "Next
June Election." That there should be united action on the
part of those supporting the Administration, was freely ad-
mitted. It disapproved the idea held, as it said, by some Re-
publicans that a full Republican ticket should be nominated
without taking any steps toward securing the co-operation of
the loyal portion of other political parties. However, it strong-
ly objected to the plan of attempting to blend two parties,
hitherto antagonistic and unrelentingly hostile on vital issues,
into one party, upon a common platform. It declared that no
bond of union would be strong enough to hold them together ;
that it would be building a structure that sooner or later must
be torn down. It favored one of two plans : first, the nomina-
tion of a Union ticket by a state Republican convention ; or,
second, the holding of separate conventions by the Republicans
and Union Democrats — these two conventions to confer to-
gether and agree upon a ticket satisfactory to all parties.
The partisan Republican attitude was clearly expressed in a
letter to the Argus written by C. Hoel of Salem, dated Decem-
ber 20. It was directly in answer to the Statesman, which had
said that it would willingly accord the Republicans a monopoly
of the renown if it thought they they, single-handed, could
best conserve the Union's existence. But it was not to be as-
sumed, added the Statesman, that the Republican party would
be able to do all the fighting, furnish all the means and do
all the voting necessary to putting down the rebellion. Hoel
replied that if the proposition to be inferred from this were
true, the portion of the people carrying the elections would
have to pay all the taxes. He aptly reminded the Statesman
that when, during the last Indian War it had insisted that all
military appointments should be confined to the Democrats, it
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 341
did not claim that the Democrats should furnish all the means
for the war or even do all the fighting. It was bluntly inti-
mated to the Statesman that the proposition that the minority
is free from obligation to support the Government except upon
the condition that it should rule the majority, was the doctrine
of the secessionists. Hoel then addressed himself to his fellow
Republicans. He told them that they had elected a President
and that he himself intended to remain a Republican until
traitors should learn that the success of an opposition party
was not an excuse for rebellion. The Republicans, he said,
had done nothing to make themselves odious. They were
loyal, they were in the ascendency in Oregon if any party
was, and a due regard to their principles, their past labors for
the good of the country, made without pay while others were
growing fat in office, demanded that they have something to
say as to the way and manner of forming a new Union party.
The Republican party was declared already to be a Union party
and Hoel asserted that if a new one was to be organized for
the purpose of accommodating the prejudices of other Union
men, and to divide the offices, he claimed as much right as the
Statesman to say how it should be formed. He was for a
Union arrangement, through the Republican convention, by
conference or otherwise, but not for a direct Union party, in
which politicians who had all to gain and nothing to lose,
would come up as leaders.
Many Republicans had learned from past experience to be
suspicious of overtures from Democratic sources looking to-
ward coalition. They remembered that their party organiza-
tion had long been obstructed and delayed in Oregon because
of unnatural alliances with opposing factions. At last they had
achieved that distinct party organization and it had proved its
power. And now, just when the time had come to enjoy the
spoils of victory so long hoped for, they were asked by their
old opponents to cast off their political affiliations for the good
of the country. It is hardly to be wondered at that the motives
of those insisting on the scheme of a Union party were ques-
342 W. C. WOODWARD
tioned by some. Since the death of Baker, the Republicans
were again without a commanding leader and their fear was
not unwarranted that Bush would make himself the power in
the new organization that he had been in the old Democratic
regime. This apprehension was clearly manifested in a private
letter1 from Dr. James McBride to D. W. Craig, now editor of
the Argus.2 McBride expressed his fear that the Statesman
would secure the nomination on the Union ticket for state
printer, in preference to Craig. "You are our dependence
among the Republicans" wrote McBride, "and if you fail, all
is lost. Tis not only a temporary loss, but a loss of principle —
indeed all those valuable principles for which we have con-
tended for years. And the Statesman, under the conduct of
the 'Clique' as in days of yore, will merge the Union party into
that shapeless thing called Douglas Democracy; will cringe
and manage and fish for some modified Democratic and pro-
slavery humbug, and finally, when Republicans won't bear it
any longer, it will call for a 'reunion of the Democracy.' And
so all the factions will unite again and leave us to reorganize
and fight the battles over again. Ten years will not elapse
before all this will be done if the Statesman is elected printer ;
perhaps not five. . . Stir up your friends with a red hot
pitchfork. Write to W. L. [Adams] to be up and doing to
save himself and Republicanism."
In view of the grave crisis confronting the country, the
majority of the Republicans were inclined to allow the future
of their party to take care of itself. They wanted united action
now, and if it could be best secured in a Union party, they
would acquiesce. The Oregonian indicated that the manner or
plan of union was in the hands of Republican State Central
Committee and promised to abide by the judgment and action
of its members.3
In January a formal call was issued for the, holding of a
Union State Convention. 4 It was addressed to those who were
1 February 16, 1862.
2 Adams had been appointed collector of customs at Astoria by the new
Administration.
3 Oregonian, Jan. 14, 1862, Editorial, "The Demands of the Hour."
4 See Argus, Jan. 18.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 343
in favor of a vigorous prosecution of the war for the suppres-
sion of rebellion, who thought more of country than of party
prejudice and who were willing to unite for the election
of a ticket upon such a basis without reference to former po-
litical associations. All such voters were requested to meet in
the several precincts of the various counties on March 22 to
choose delegates to county conventions to be held March 29,
which in turn would select delegates to a state convention to
be held April 9 at Eugene, for the purpose of nominating a
Union ticket for state officers and member of Congress. The
apportionment of delegates for the various counties was given.
The call was signed, first, by H. W. Corbett, E. D. Shattuck
and W. C. Johnson, as the Republican State Central Com-
mittee; second, by Samuel Hanna, as chairman of the Demo-
cratic State Central Committee; third by forty-three more or
less prominent members of the two parties, among whom were
A. C. Gibbs, Alonzo Leland, John McCraken, W. S. Ladd,
R. J. Ladd, S. G. Reed, David Powell, S. J. McCormick, A. L.
Lovejoy, D. P. Thompson, R. P. Boise, C. N. Terry, Lucien
Heath, B. F. Harding, J. R. McBride, Benj. Simpson, Jos.
Magone, R. C. Geer, B. J. Pengra, E. N. Cooke, I. R. Moores.
There appeared, following the call, a statement to the Re-
publicans of Oregon made by the state committee, explaining
and defending its action in not calling a regular Republican
convention as it had been instructed to do. The members of
the committee disavowed the right or desire to dissolve the
Republican organization or to recant any Republican principles.
But being unwilling to do anything to distract the Union sen-
timent in the approaching canvass, they deemed it unwise to
call a party convention with a view to the support of a dis-
tinctively Republican ticket. An appeal was made to the loyal
people of the state, to Republicans especially, to support zeal-
ously the Union movement. In the same issue, the Argus,
despite its objections to such a plan, came out in earnest sup-
port of the proposed action. In accordance with the call,
notices of county Union conventions began to appear. They
344 W. C. WOODWARD
were signed after the manner of the general call for the state
— by the county central committees of both parties and then
by a number of representative Republicans and Democrats.
The representation between the two parties at the Union
state convention seemed to be pretty evenly distributed, but the
Democrats figured rather more prominently in the choice of
officials and in the various proceedings than the Republicans.1
The ticket was nominated as follows : for Congressman, JohnR.
McBride of Yamhill, a Republican ; governor, Addison C. Gibbs
of Multnomah, Democrat ; secretary, Samuel E. May of Jackson,
Republican; printer, Harvey Gordon of Marion, Democrat;
and connected with the Statesman ; treasurer, E. N. Cooke of
Marion, Republican. The platform adopted consisted of a short
series of ringing resolutions in support of a vigorous prosecu-
tion of the war and opposing any peace other than the honor-
able one sure to come "when rebels and their sympathizers
submit to the constitutionally elected authorities of the Re-
public."
As was to be expected, the nominations made by the conven-
tion were not wholly satisfactory. It was charged that Mc-
Bride, a Republican, was nominated by Democratic votes and
that Gibbs, Democrat, was placed on the ticket by Republicans
in direct opposition to the wish of three-fourths of the Demo-
crats.2 Jesse, Applegate, ultra-loyal, but irreconcilable as usual,
wrote to a friend — "In obedience to a 'higher law' than that
of conventions, I shall certainly strike the name of Mr. Gibbs
from my ticket."^ The securing of the office of state printer
by the Statesman was indicative of the fact that the Democratic
side of the partnership was able to enforce its wishes in the
division of the offices.^ The Oregonian stated that it was sorry
1 Proceedings, in Oregonian, April 19.
2 Private letter: Jesse Applegate to M. P. Deady, April 13, 1862. "McBride
is the representative of the Baker or rather office holders' interests in the Re-
publican party. He is an amiable man of fair character, but his talents, acquire-
ments and force of character are not equal to the position. . . But to him the
objections are neither loud nor deep. . . and the vote that will be given to him
will fairly represent the strength of the fusion. Not so with the candidate for
governor", etc.
3 Private letter: Jesse Applegate to M. P. Deady, April 13, 1862.
4 In private conversation, Judge Williams said the Democrats got the best
offices. He attributed the generosity of the Republicans to the fact that they
wished to tempt the Democrats to stay in the Union organization and thus prevent
the re-organization of the Oregon Democracy.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 345
to observe a manifest disposition on the part of some who had
professed themselves Union men, to discourage the Union
ticket. It was intimated that a movement was on foot to put
a People's Union ticket in the field, which was stigmatized as
a covert attack on the loyal spirit of the state and designed
alone to render assistance to the secession party, falsely styling
themselves Democrats.1
Editor J. H. Slater of the Corvallis Union issued a call to
the Democracy of the state to meet in convention at Corvallis,
April 15. The invitation to participate was made to include all
"who are opposed to the political policy of the present Admin-
istration and who are in favor of the establishment of the
Union as it was and the supremacy of the Constitution as
made by the Fathers of the Republic." The Argus charged
that the use of the past tense of the verb in "was," was an
acknowledgment that the Union had ceased to exist and was
a recognition of secession.2 The keynote of the whole ob-
struction policy of the Oregon Democracy as now constituted
was given in the reference to the supremacy of the Constitu-
tion. That the Democratic call was largely signed and by many
former Douglas Democrats who had refused to join the Union
movement, is indicated in the following paragraph from the
Argus of March 1 : "Some are expressing surprise at the
large number of names attached to the rebel call for a seces-
sion convention at Corvallis that were formerly of what were
called the Douglas Democrats."
The following was the ticket nominated at Corvallis: for
Congressman, A. E. Wait; governor, John F. Miller; printer,
A. Noltner; secretary, Geo. T. Vining; treasurer, J. B. Greer.
Of these men, Wait was the only one who had been considered
as a Douglas Democrat and he was not distinctively so. The
editor of the Dalles Mountaineer was a delegate to the con-
vention and a participant in its proceedings. The characteri-
zation of the situation by him, which may be credited with
1 Oregonian, May 10.
2 Argus, Feb. 15.
346 W. C. WOODWARD
being comparatively unprejudiced, is enlightening.1 He noted
that, as in all such assemblages, two elements were at work —
the one actuated by patriotic impulses, the other knowing no
higher motive than a greedy thirst for the spoils. There was
a third element, he continued, which was steadily kept in the
background, but yet, such was its irrepressible character, that
it would occasionally make itself manifest. "We will be un-
derstood as alluding to the Secessionists, the number of whom
was decidedly large. This was shown in the vote for governor,
state printer and in fact for every office outside of Con-
gressman. . . . From the first it was apparent that the name
of Judge Wait was to be used as a make-weight for the balance
of the ticket."
The platform adopted was a good illustration of how clever-
ly and plausibly a bad cause can be presented and of how real
motives and animus may be sugar-coated. The sentiment of
the immortal Jackson — "The Union must be preserved" — was
declared to be the watchword that the Democracy of Oregon
sent forth to animate the masses in the hour of their country's
peril, to rally for the, supremacy of the Constitution, the per-
petuity of the Union and the preservation of the rights of the
States and of the people. All "Constitutional efforts" were
advocated for the suppression of rebellion and restoration of
the Union. In nearly every resolution, the sacred name of the
Constitution was invoked as a rallying cry. Peaceable adjust-
ment along "Constitutional and legal lines" was the demand
made by the Democrats. In this platform, in 1862, the Re-
publican Administration was charged not only with conducting
the war for the emancipation of the Negroes, but also for their
enfranchisement. The corrupt coalitions of "so-called Demo-
crats and abolitionists," which had resulted in placing sec-
tional men in the councils of the Nation, were condemned.
The Union ticket was overwhelmingly successful in the June
election, the majorities ranging from 3177, for McBride for
Congressman to 4155 for Cooke for treasurer, these two Re-
i Account reprinted in Oregonian, May 3.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 347
publican members of the ticket receiving the lowest and highest
vote, respectively. The Union candidates carried every county
in the state with the exception of Josephine, which gave Miller
a majority of 10 over Gibbs for governor. The Union legis-
lative tickets were elected almost entire. As an illustration of
how even the political extremists put away personal and politi-
cal prejudices of the past and joined hands in support of the
Union in 1862, the private correspondence between Jesse Ap-
plegate and Judge Deady presents striking evidence. Deady,
so recently a radical, pro-slavery Democrat and a delegate to
the Charleston Convention, voted for McBride and the state
Union ticket. Applegate, uncompromising and radical Repub-
lican, relented1 and voted the whole Union ticket.2 The paean
of victory sung by the Oregonian, June 7, is suggestive of the
high tension of the campaign and is all the more significant,
in that the language of the paper had been noticeably tempered
after Dryer laid down the editorial pen. The fierce exultation
of victory gave as full expression to the elemental passions as
would have been displayed by the ancestral tribesmen of the
writer in the forests of Germany.3
The somewhat tortuous history of the many edged Viva
Voce ballot law was further indicated in this election. After
the election of 1858, the Argus in denouncing the evils of the
old British and Oregon Democratic method of voting, declared
that owing to the length of the ticket, the polls were kept open
in Oregon City until 12 o'clock at night and were then closed
without recording the votes of numbers who had been wait-
ing for hours for an opportunity to vote. The crowding,
squeezing and jamming around the polls was declared to be
excessive all day long.* For a radical change of view, note the
1 Supra, p. 305.
2 Applegate to Deady, June 8, 1862: "You are right, I did relent and voted
the Union ticket straight. I did it upon neighbor Estes' principle. He said — 'I
do not like some of the Union candidates — in fact I hate some of them, but I
hate the secessionists worse.' "
3 "Rejoice ye sons of freedom. Let the Heavens resound. . . Let the imps
of secession hide their deformed heads in everlasting shame and disgrace. . .
Run and hide, ye diminutive emmets of disunion. . . ^The day of your judgment
has come. . . In a word, you are 'dead and d d.' "
4 Argus, June 12, 1858.
348 W. C. WOODWARD
following from the same source, following the Union ticket
victory:1 "The Viva Voce system, in spite of manifest imper-
fections, has once for all proved itself a good institution, and
some in this state who helped forge the bolt, gnashed their
teeth to see it so successfully turned against them, now that
they are, in a weak minority and an evil cause."
It was the business of the legislature which met in Septem-
ber to elect a United States senator to complete the term to
which Col. Baker had been elected and in which Stark was
temporarily serving by appointment. In the organization of
the session, Dr. Wilson Bowlby, Republican, was elected presi-
dent of the senate, and Joel Palmer, Union Democrat, speaker
of the house. J. R. McBride at once introduced a set of strong
resolutions proclaiming loyalty to the Union and defiance to
traitors, which were unanimously adopted in both houses. One
resolution denounced "the weak and wicked scheme of a Pa-
cific Confederacy." Another asserted that the issues of the
times demanded that patriots eschew partisan questions of the
past and unite in support of the Government. There were but
three members of the legislature who "bore the stain of seces-
sion or marks treasonable proclivities."2 And of these, two
were holdovers in the senate.
The inaugural address of Gibbs, Oregon's "war governor,"
was virile and to the point, breathing aggressive loyalty and a
firm determination to support the National Executive in every
way. In contrast to this was the expiring message of White-
aker, extended, and marked by a doleful wail anent the wicked
war, justifying the South in its point of view.3
Balloting for senator began September 11. The recognized
leading candidates from the first were, B. F. Harding, member
of the old Salem Clique, Judge Williams and Rev. Thos.
H. Pearne, editor of the Pacific Christian Advocate. The
first ballot stood : Harding, 7 ; Pearne, 9 ; Williams, 7 ; E. L.
Applegate, 8 ; Orange Jacobs, 5 ; Whiteaker, 3 ( representing
1 Ibid., June 7, 1862.
2 Oregonian, Sep. 13.
3 Statesman, Sep. 15.
POLITICAL PARTIES IN OREGON 349
the above mentioned secession members,) with a few scatter-
ing votes.1 The tenth ballot — Harding 12, Williams 12, Pearne
10, Jesse Applegate 10, scattering 5 ; the sixteenth — Harding
15, Jacobs 23, Williams 5, Whiteaker 3. This put Jacobs, a
radical Republican, within three votes of the required major-
ity. A motion to adjourn till the following day was carried
by a majority of one, amid "considerable excitement." On the
thirtieth ballot Harding was elected, receiving 28 votes. H. W.
Corbett was his principal opponent at the last, representing the
Republican element of the legislature. However, Harding
received some Republican votes, including that of J. R. Mc-
Bride.
In commenting upon the result, the Oregonian,2 while claim-
ing that Harding was not the choice of a large, portion of the
citizens, acknowledged that he was a good Union man, which
was the only qualification necessary. In view of the fact that
many Republicans claimed, that as a matter of courtesy the
vacancy occasioned by Senator Baker's death should have been
filled by a man of the same party, the Oregonian held that
the election of Harding fully demonstrated the sincerity of the
Republican members in their professions of love for the Union
party, especially as they could have elected a radical member
of their own party had they united for that purpose. The
election was cheerfully acquiesced in by the Argus, without ifs
or ands.3 Deady summed up the situation publicly as follows :
"Between them (Harding, Williams and Pearne) there is not
much political difference, each running as an unconditional
Union man. Harding is of Salem and the other two from
Portland and much of the real rivalry was between those
places; and Salem, with the aid of her reliable friends, the
surrounding 'cow counties,' as usual, triumphed. "4 Privately,
Deady said the election was a "steady-going, quiet affair," ex-
plaining that there were no wits nor wags in the assembly and
1 Statesman, Sep. 22.
2 Oregonian, Sep. 20.
3 Argus, Sep. 20.
4 Correspondence, Sep. 15, to San Francisco Bulletin.
350 W. C. WOODWARD
many of them were "God-fearing and prosy."1 With two mem-
bers of the Salem Clique now representing Oregon in the
United States senate, the election tended to show further how
the old organization Democrats were able to make patriotism
profitable politically, while they were demanding that party
lines be wholly obliterated for the purpose of saving the Union.
At the Union State Convention held in April, an executive
committee of five consisting of Henry Failing, B. F. Harding,
Hiram Smith, Geo. H. Williams and S. Heulat, had been ap-
pointed to manage the campaign, but no permanent party or-
ganization had been effected. On October 11 a meeting was
held at the state house, attended by members of the legislature
and other citizens for the purpose of effecting such organi-
zation.2 A state central committee was appointed and a regular
party organization known as the "Union Party" formally
launched. Speeches were made by Senator-elect Harding,
Gov. Gibbs, E. L. Applegate, R. P. Boise and J. R. McBride.
Resolutions were passed strongly endorsing Lincoln's Admin-
istration. As will presently be shown, it was at just this time
that Bush was beginning mildly to criticize the Administration
he had so aggressively supported. In harmony with the critical
attitude which he was preparing to assume, he deprecated and
belittled this meeting, maintaining that permanent organization
was ill-advised as no one could tell what new issues would
arise by 1864, necessitating a realignment of parties. To those
who knew Bush, the mere suggestion was a tacit announcement
of a policy of opposition on the part of the Statesman.
1 Deady to Nesmith, Washington, D. C., Nov. 22.
Nesmith, College Hill, Ohio, to Deady, October i: "The Telegraph has
informed me of the election of Harding as my colleague. I would have pre-
ferred Bush but am perfectly satisfied with a result which I feared at one time
would make me the colleague of the 'Holy Cobbler'." (Pearne.)
2 Statesman, Oct. 20.
AN ECHO OF THE CAMPAIGN OF SIXTY
&y Lester Burrell Shippee
When, in July of 1861, the first and special session of the
Thirty-seventh Congress assembled, pursuant to the call of
President Lincoln, an eddy in the tumultuous current of na-
tional affairs formed about a contested seat in the lower House.
Altho this episode was one of the minor incidents of that
exciting period, the ripple in Washington, D. C, marked a
raging whirlpool in political events on the Pacific Coast, and
gave rise to an interesting constitutional question for the
National House of Representatives to solve.
When the name of the Honorable A. J. Thayer was called,1
as the Representative of Oregon, John A. McClernand, of
Illinois stated that the name of Mr. Thayer had been improp-
erly inserted in the roll, and that the name of the Honorable
Geo. K. Sheil ought to be in its place. It appeared that Mr.
Thayer had been elected in November of 1860, and that Mr.
Sheil had been chosen in June of the same year ; moreover, each
appeared to be armed with a proper certificate. A resolution,
denying to each of the contestants the right to the seat until
the matter should have been passed on by the Committee on
Elections, about to be appointed, was tabled and Mr. Thayer
was seated.
The story, or at least the chapter immediately concerning
the, issue, has its location in Oregon, partly, and, in addition,
is closely bound up with pregnant Presidential campaign of
the year '60. Local politics and bossism, national aspira-
tions and secessionism were elements of the situation that lay
before the House for decision. In the young Commonwealth
across the Rockies, party politics had been one of the first prod-
ucts of the fertile soil of the Willamette Valley. In fact, the
political game as played here reminds one strongly of the bit-
ter strife that marked the campaigns east of the Alleghanies
i Cong. Globe, ist. Sess., 37th. Cong., 9-10.
352 L. B. SHIPPER
at the close of the eighteenth and the opening of the nineteenth
centuries. The little weekly newspapers of Salem, Portland,
Corvallis and The Dalles showed a virulence, a gall-steeped
vehemence, that needed no Freneau as master in the art. At
the storm center of this particular event were found General
Joseph Lane, candidate, in 1860, for the vice-presidency on the
ticket of the Southern wing of Democracy, together with his
faction in Oregon, and, on the other hand, the "Salem Clique",
a dictatorial political ring, the moving spirit of which was
Asahel Bush, editor and owner of the Oregon Statesman.
For a decade, Asahel Bush had been the political arbiter
of Oregon; he made and unmade fortunes; his approbation
must be secured before a future of public life might be dreamed
of ; his opposition hounded a man to civic oblivion. During the
Territorial period even Federal appointees were made to yield
obedience or were practically forced to seek some more salu-
brious clime. With this power Joseph Lane had worked and won
until the national convention of 1856; at that time a growing
coolness had resulted in a dissolution of the alliance, and
henceforth Bush and Lane were bitterest opponents. Never-
theless, so great had been Lane's personal popularity that when
Oregon was admitted as a state he continued his already long
career in Congress — as Territorial Delegate — by having the
honor of being the first Senator selected. His choice for the
lower House was also victorious, altho Lane was charged
with "bribery and treachery the most foul and disgraceful"3
in controlling the convention which nominated candidates. This
was in 1859. Less than a year later, while the term of Lansing
Stout, Member of Congress from Oregon, had still a year to
run, the question of his successor was uppermost. It was
evident that an election must take place sometime in the year
1860, in order that, when March 4, 1861, should end the 36th
Congress, Oregon might be duly represented.
Early in February the Oregon Weekly Union,3 of Corvallis,
2 Statesman, 5 June, 1860.
3 Feb. 4, 1860.
AN ECHO OF CAMPAIGN OF SIXTY 353
the organ of Lane, entered upon a consideration of the legal
date for the election. The Constitution of the State provided
for biennial elections of state officials, to be held on the first
Monday of June in the even numbered years. The schedule
also stipulated that the first Representative to Congress should
be selected at this time, in 1858. The Union held that, in the
absence of any act by the Legislature making further pro-
vision, the contention advanced, to the effect that the Constitu-
tion of the United States precluded the fixing of the time by a
state constitution, was purely captious. It therefore advised
that the Democratic Convention nominate not only candidates
for state offices but also a candidate to succeed Mr. Stout.
The Convention, held at Eugene City on the 17th of April,
was dominated by the Lane faction, and a Lane man, Mr.
Sheil, was accordingly nominated.*
Such domination and such action had been foreseen by the
astute editor of the Statesman, and accordingly the proper
moral sentiment against the, legality of an election of a mem-
ber of Congress in June had been assiduously cultivated. In
the issue of this sheet, next after the action of the convention,
an editorial leader came out flatly on the topic :*
"The democracy here regard this project of electing a Con-
gressman in June, without law or authority, as unwarranted
and worse than unnecessary ; as having been devised to further
distract and debauch the democratic party, and defy the popu-
lar will. We have no doubt that in November an election of
a Congressman will be held by authority of law, and then the
democratic vote of Marion, Polk, Washington and other coun-
ties will be polled for a Democrat. And the man then elected
will get the seat."
On election day, 5 June, the Statesman rounded out its cam-
paign by a long leader6 in which the downward course of
democracy under the Lane blight was traced in detail. This
series of perfidious acts culminated in the selection, at a con-
4 Union, 24 Apr., 1860.
5 Apr., 1860.
65 June, 1860,
354 L. B. SHIPPEE
vention composed of little over one half of the counties and
many delegates sanctioned by less than one half the demo-
cratic voters in the counties, of a candidate for Congress with
neither intellectual endowments nor ordinary attainments to
fit the position. Moreover, this man was "known to be
odious on account of past political tergiversations to the de-
mocracy of the county where he resides, and almost unknown
to any one outside of that county ;" he was the tool of a cor-
rupt and dishonest personal faction. Nevertheless this gentle-
man, after a heated campaign, and by close vote, managed to
secure a majority of 76,7 in a total poll of 12,909 over the Re-
publican candidate, David Logan, altho the latter was supported
not only by his own party, but by Know-nothings, Old Line
Whigs, and many Democrats who were of the Douglas variety.
It was charged,8 before the election, that there was a well or-
ganized coalition of the republicans and the Bush (Douglas)
democrats ; in some counties an "Independent" ticket was put
in the field, in others the republicans were so well satisfied
with that of the Douglas democrats that they formed no slate
of their own. These "strenuous, not to say unscrupulous
efforts to ... elect a speckled"? delegation to the State
Legislature hinged more particularly about the impending
choice of two United States Senators, for Joseph Lane, not
yet the partner of Breckinridge on the Southern ticket, was
using all his influence to secure the return both of himself
and Delazon Smith. Apparently the Bush and "Salem Clique"
democracy could look with equanimity on the choice of a Re-
publican Representative in the lower House of Congress, if
only the scalps of Joseph "Humbug" Lane and "Delusion"
Smith might grace the walls of the sanctum of the Statesman.
Whether a reversal of a few votes on that June day would
have changed the legal aspect of the matter can only be left
to surmise. Standing as it did, however, Asahel Bush had a
mission to teach, through the columns of his paper, some fun-
7 Statesman, 10 July, 1860.
8 Union, 22 May, 1860.
9 Ibid., 12 June, 1860.
AN ECHO OF CAMPAIGN OF SIXTY 355
damental facts about the times and circumstances of Con-
gressional elections. Moreover, he who looks will probably
find, for, early in July, I0 we learn that "the sentiment for an
election of Congressman in November is more general than we
supposed. In every part of the State the people appear to be
in favor of it. Even some members of the Lane society admit
that there was no authority for an election in June, and that a
Representative ought to be elected in November by virtue of
law." Mr. Bush had not voted,11 as some evil minded men had
stated, for there was no election in June. New light appears
on the subject and it seems that the republicans made a blun-
der. The "Lane wire-pullers" counted — and correctly — on the
usual lack of judgment on the part of the Republican leaders;
they gave a color of legality to the election by putting a candi-
date in the field.12 Besides, the main reason was not to secure
a Congressman, but to gain strength to pull through the re-
quisite number of legislators to secure the return to the Senate
of Lane and Smith.
Already one of the chief hopes of the "Salem Clique" was
fading, and right must win without the assistance of law. It
had been expected that the State Legislature, controlled as it
was by Republicans and Bush men, would enact a statute fixing
the legal date for the election in November, at the time of the
Presidential election. While a measure to this effect passed
the lower House, in the September session of the legislature,
it failed in the senate.1^ In spite of the fact that the desired
law was not in existence after the adjournment of the June
session of the legislature, and hoping for better results at the
September session, what purported to be the Democratic State
Central Committee met in the Statesman office and nominated
Mr. A. J. Thayer1* as candidate for Member of Congress from
Oregon. This occurred in October just after the legislature
had adjourned sine die without having made the desired pro-
10 Statesman, 3 July, 1860.
11 Statesman, 10 July, 860.
12 Ibid., 14 Aug., 860.
13 Ibid., 15 Oct., 1860.
14 Ibid., 22 Oct., 1860.
356 L. B. SHIPPEE
vision by law. The next summer, while he made his contest
for the seat in the House of Representatives, Mr. Sheil could
point out that there had been no specific authority to this effect
given the Central Committee by the extraordinary convention
held in Eugene City in September. '5. Moreover, had there been
authority to act, on the part of the committee, those who met
in Salem, at Bush's office, assumed the right to speak for
eleven members who were absent.
As the time for the Presidential election drew near it ap-
pears that the scheme for a new Congressional election had not
taken especially well. The Union,16 now vigorously campaign-
ing for Breckinridge and Lane, together with the platform
on which they were nominated, intimated in broad terms that
the Statesman was the only newspaper of the state that had
anything to do with this "bantling of no parentage." Since
there was no authority by which the judges and clerks, at the
coming election, might receive votes for Representative, it was
quite proper that polls, independent of the constituted election
machinery, should be opened in every town and village. Why
even this formality? Why not let a certificate state that Mr.
Thayer had been elected by a majority of one ? Since the gov-
ernor might be lacking in the sagacity requisite for him to see
it his duty to certify to this election, why not save all the trouble
and get a certificate from Bush?
In the poll, a weapon, devised by the Bush faction and used
by it with deadly effect in rooting out Know-nothingism from
its lair, some four years before, was now turned against the
hand that shaped it. This was the viva voce voting law,
whereby each elector must either state his choice aloud, or
hand to the judges a paper from which the choice was read and
checked up. Bitterly the Statesman1? complained that, in many
portions of the state, election officials refused to receive votes
for Thayer, altho scores and hundreds were anxious to cast
a vote against a disunion and secessionist candidate. "What do
15 Cong. Globe, ist. Sess., 37th. Cong., 355.
16 3 Nov., 1860.
17 12 Nov., 1860.
AN ECHO OF CAMPAIGN OF SIXTY 357
the Lane desperadoes expect to accomplish by that high
handed proceeding? If O'Sheil is weak enough to contest
Thayer's seat (and he is weak enough to do nearly any foolish
thing) Thayer can and will show the facts, and the unlawful
things resorted to to prevent the people from voting for him."
There would have been 8000 votes cast had not unprincipled
and tyrannical officials barred them out.
As it was, Thayer received 4,099 votes.18 That only the
faction controlled from Salem considered that this was a real
election, is shown by the fact that for Sheil there were but
131 votes, and all of these, with the exception of seven, were
cast in one county. Logan had eight votes and Lane, five,
probably from some deep sympathizers who were not satisfied
merely by doing their best to have their favorite preside over
the Senate of the United States.
"O'Sheil" was weak enough to contest Thayer's seat when
the Thirty-seventh Congress organized ; but, as has been noted
above, Thayer was seated, and retained his seat till near the
end of the extraordinary session. It was not until the 30th
of July that Mr. H. L. Dawes reported, for the commit-
tee on elections, in regard to the case. It was a peculiar
situation for a committee composed of Republicans in over-
whelming majority — of the nine members of the committee,
only one was from a slave-holding state, and four were from
New England. The choice, providing either of the contestants
should be seated, lay between a Lane man, in sympathy with
secession principles, and a Douglas democrat who had scarce-
ly a suspicion of legality in his claim to a seat. The commit-
tee, however, reported unanimously in favor of putting Mr.
Sheil in place of the sitting contestant. Mr. Thayer was, na-
turally/9 accorded the privilege of justifying his presence;
and his defense smacked strongly of the doctrine that the
Statesman had been impressing upon the electorate of Oregon
the previous summer. He held that the Constitution of the
1 8 Statesman, 3 Dec., 1860.
19 Cong. Globe, ist. Sesa., 37th. Cong., 353 seq.
358 L. B. SHIPPEE
United States directed that times, manner, and places of hold-
ing elections for Representatives should be fixed by the State
Legislatures, unless Congress should act in the matter; no
provision allowed these details to be fixed by a constitutional
convention ; besides, the section of the schedule of the Oregon
constitution, on which the election of Sheil was predicated,
was special and terminated with the first election. Again, the
idea that a member of Congress should be elected eighteen
months prior to the date of the opening of his term was ridicu-
lous; political issues might have changed much in the mean-
time. If the contestant relied upon a section in the body of
the state constitution, he could not find here authority for
other than the general election of state officers, to be held bi-
ennially on the first Monday of June. If this section did pro-
vide for an election of Representative, then the legislature of
Oregon clearly exceeded the constitutional bounds when it
appointed an election for the 27th of June, 1859, at which time
Lansing Stout had been elected.
(Note: — This election had been set in order that Oregon
might not be unrepresented at the first session of the Thirty-
sixth Congress; had the election been allowed to wait till the
first Monday in June of 1860, the long session would have
ended before the succesful candidate could have gotten well on
his way to Washington. La Fayette Grover, elected to Congress
in June of 1858, sat for Oregon from the 14th of February,
1859, when the state was admitted, till the 4th of March.)
It was further claimed by the contestant that, under the Ter-
ritorial statutes, which had not been modified, and which had
been declared in force till repealed or changed, a delegate to
Congress was elected in June, consequently a Representative
should be chosen at this time. But, Mr. Thayer pointed out,
the Territorial Legislature had modified the original law, and
the election came in the odd numbered years ; hence this was
not consistent with the, state constitution which fixed the gen-
eral election for the even numbered years. The forms, pro-
vided for in the Territonallaw, had not been conformed to in
AN ECHO OF CAMPAIGN OF SIXTY 359
connection with the issuance of Shell's certificate. Finally, if
the House should adopt the report of the committee, the people
of Oregon would be as much at a loss as before regarding the
interpretation of their fundamental law.
Mr. Sheil, in presenting his side of the case, held that these
arguments were mere words ; that the constitution of Oregon
fixed the day for the election, and he had been duly elected
on that day. Moreover, the method of the poll, by which the
sitting member claimed to be elected, was of such a nature
that it was ridiculous to consider him properly elected; 4,099
votes cast, when the vote for president totaled some 14,500,
exposed the slightness of the claim. Again, the character of
the certificate received by Thayer was such as to show that the
civil authorities of the state did not look upon the election as
legal ; there was merely the statement that the sitting member
had received so many votes as a candidate for Representative
to Congress.
Thaddeus Stevens offered an amendment to the report of
the Committee on Elections to the effect that neither of the
gentlemen was entitled to the seat, and that it should be de-
clared vacant. He held that the constitution of a state might
fix the time for the Congressional election first held, but that
all subsequent elections should be regulated by a legislative
enactment; the United States Constitution fixes this, and no
other power can change. Stevens was not so liberal in his in-
terpretation of the word "legislature" as was the Corvallis
Union, which held that the Constitution used this word in its
broadest sense, that a constitutional convention was the legis-
lative authority next in power to a direct vote of the people.
Stevens' amendment was rejected, nevertheless, and the report
of the committee adopted ; thereupon Mr. Sheil took oath and
was seated.
In the meantime out in Oregon, the "Salem Clique's" pre-
mature jubilation was equalled only by the scorn and invective
which the Sheil adherents poured upon the heads of the leaders
360 L. B. SHIPPER
in the National House.20 When the news of the final disposi-
tion came, the Union?1 could adopt a tone of complaisant su-
periority; even "Lincoln's Rump Congress" could not retain
Thayer. It was a bitter pill for the "Salem League", but it
was "foiled at last," and the only consolation it would receive
would be the sharing of the $7,000 odd, out of which the
United States Treasury would be cheated for salary and
mileage for the defeated candidate.
The question finally arises — after it is admitted that Con-
gress dodged the issue on the Constitutional point — as to why
a Republican House should seat a disunionist rather than de-
clare the seat vacant and allow a new election. It will be re-
membered that this was the critical period when it was felt that,
altho the war might be a short one, it was safe to try to
keep the wavering states still in the fold. The state in which
Joseph Lane had been such an idol was one to be handled
carefully, until it could be seen whether the would-be vice-
president represented the true sentiment of his state, or
whether Senator Baker was right when he said :22 "There may
be there some disaffected; there, may be some few men there
who would 'rather rule in hell than serve in heaven/ There
are a few men there who have left the South for the good of
the South; who are perverse, violent, destructive, revolution-
ary, and opposed to social order. A few, but a very few, thus
formed and thus nurtured, in California and in Oregon, both
persistently endeavor to create and maintain mischief ; but the
great portion of our population are loyal to the cause and in
every chord of their hearts." That Senator Baker was right
was shown amply before the war was over, but in the summer
of 1861 the Republican leaders were, as a body, not willing to
take chances.
20 Union, 5 Aug., 1861.
21 Ibid., 12 Aug., 1 86 1.
22 Cong. Globe, ist. Sess. 37th. Cong., 379.
PRESERVATION OF INDIAN NAMES '
£y Walter H. Abbott
The purpose of this Society as I understand it is the preser-
vation of a record of past events. Such records in Oregon
should cover a history of its discovery, exploration, settlement,
and development. Due to the newspapers and various other
publications this record is very fully kept as to present day
happenings; hence a society such as this will find its chief
field in the period before such means of daily records were
established, and along the lines of happenings or enterprises
which are not chronicled in the above mediums.
In every Western state the period, open to historical record,
is very short. One or two generations measure the beginning
of real settlement even though the discovery may have reached
back a century or more. What is usually regarded as history,
is, therefore, within the memory of many now living, and the
collection of much of the historical material is easy and more
valuable because of the fullness of information obtainable. It
is to be hoped that this Society will take advantage of the
present decade to leave the fullest possible records for succeed-
ing generations so that the future may have full information
from which it can draw its deductions from the experience of
the past.
When, however, the Oregon historian reaches the limit of
white occupation, exploration or discovery, he does not have
to step off into botany, natural history or geology for all
further information. Oregon was already teeming with human
life. Man had been here for centuries. Who will tell us how
long? The record which we now have is but the dust on the
surface as compared with the events which have happened, and
which possibly cry out at us in signs and marks yet to be
deciphered.
i Paper read before the Linn County Historical Society.
362 W. H. ABBOTT
We know there were many tribes, several races, curious
customs, innumerable traditions and many languages, all of
which have received scant attention from the conqueror who
disdained learning anything from the Indian.
The records left seem to civilized man meager, indeed. The
white race, with its instinct for building, cannot comprehend a
race that has no desire for permanent habitations or occupa-
tions. We are so delighted with our new found mastery of some
of the natural powers that we cannot excuse the absence of them
and have forgotten how to read the records of any other events
than those commemorated by an exercise of these new powers.
When we remember that nature leaves a complete record of
her march onward, without recourse to any of these artificial
helps, we then realize that the immense book of history of pre-
ceding ages is only closed because we do not know how to
read, rather than because no record is left.
Of. the records left, the mounds with their various skulls,
implements, and structures have given an inkling of how to
start the deciphering. The camping grounds, the oyster shell
piles and the arrow heads and tomahawks give another point
of departure. The traditions are of course actual history much
distorted, but surely of great value and especially so for re-
cent events.
The most valuable record left and the one which can prob-
ably be made the stepping stone for any extensive research is
the various Indian languages. A complete study of all the
dialects will probably give a thousand years of history and
may point the way to that larger study of traces and markings
which the future historian will be able to decipher as the geolo-
gist now deciphers the story of the rocks.
For the above purpose alone, possibly a record of books
open to the philologist and the historian would be sufficient.
We certainly cannot hope to use the Indian languages to
form any considerable, part of the language of the present
day. It is, however, advantageous to have the Indian words
enter into our daily life in some capacity, so that they may be
PRESERVATION OF INDIAN NAMES 363
a living force and a sign board to all future generations point-
ing to the period in the development of the race, of which all
that remains of a thousand years of human life, is words and
a problem for students to decipher.
The above is the more necessary since there is a great need
of extending our vocabulary to furnish words for the naming
of towns.
Of the many defects of modern man, his poverty of words
for geographical names seems to me one of the most pitiable.
Of the three nations which have taken the lead in colonization
and therefore in the giving of names to new territory, the
English and Spanish seem to have suffered most from this
lack. The Spanish took their list of saints and went through
it again and again, repeating the same names over and over.
The English never got beyond the limit of originality, result-
ing from the prefixing of the word new, to some worn out
English name.
The colonists themselves could not mount to even these
heights of fancy. For them and for ourselves, — their worthy
descendants, — the wildest flights of imagination do not get
above the stage of finding out some name used in Massachu-
setts, Connecticut or Virginia and then using it over and over
again in each state and each territory. Think of 49 Albanys,
49 Salems, 49 Lebanons, 49 Brownsvilles. In fact only a strin-
gent post office law prevented there being many towns in the
same state with the same name.
For the geographical names, where there is no regulation
and the genius of the race for repeating itself can find free
rein, we have a remarkable condition. In the State of Oregon
alone, reading from a small scale map, there was found 3 Bald
Mts., 2 Silver Lakes, 2 Antelope Creeks, 3 Badger
Creeks, 2 Burnt Rivers, 4 Camp Creeks, 2 Cottonwood
Creeks, 2 Cow Creeks, 2 Deep Creeks, 3 Elk Creeks, 2 John
Day Rivers, 2 Long Creeks, 2 Salmon Rivers, 5 Silver Creeks,
and 3 Wolf Creeks. And this with most of the branches of
the rivers not named. The state is still young, surely in a few
364 W. H. ABBOTT
years it ought to be possible to have at least 10 Silver Creeks,
that seeming to be the favorite.
Can any greater prostitution of an opportunity occur than
to deliberately saddle a town or a river with a name already
worn threadbare in dozens of other localities, when a vast store
house of words rich in historical association and the growth of
that particular section lies open for use ? It is like choosing a corn
tassel as the state emblem for Oregon, or a sunflower for Ire-
land in place of the shamrock. Surely the spirit which slaugh-
tered millions of buffalo just to see them dead, and burned
up half of the timber of the Northwest just to get pasture for
cows, is abroad in other fields.
The disease then, is lack of imagination ; lack of reverence of
the past; ignorance; mental laziness. What is the remedy?
None of the past methods such as the study of local history,
the organization of historical societies, or the collecting and
distributing of historical books will suffice. Clearly anything
that will combat the above causes will help, but in the meantime
the, cities and villages will be named. We will have forty
Lovers Leaps instead of only fifteen. Little Silver Creeks will
come winding out of dozens and dozens of canyons. Wolf
Creeks will run over the country in such numbers as to make
it possibly unsafe to go out.
Of all of the above causes I believe the one which weighs
heaviest with the present generation is lack of knowledge. The
present generation is not prejudiced against the Indian as were
their forefathers. Neither are they ashamed to hear their
towns called by Indian names. We do not glory in the fact
that we have not enough originality to make up a new name
or in being the forty-ninth imitation of a poor original. But
lacking it, we also lack the knowledge of what is available and
appropriate.
If Indian words and therefore the Indian languages are to
be preserved and at the same time the towns and rivers yet
to be named are to have some originality, something of the
spirit of the region in which they are situated, show in their
PRESERVATION OF INDIAN NAMES * 365
names, some concerted effort will have to be made by the his-
torical societies while the country is still young. The purpose
of this article is to point out a method by which this may be
done without exciting too much opposition.
It certainly cannot be done by any public meetings or by try-
ing to stir up the feelings of imagination of any community.
The effort put forth by the Oregon Agricultural College to
have Mt. Chintimini called by its right name and the small
results show the futility of agitation in effecting this. Names
are not made that way. They are made by some one arbitrarily
putting a name on a signboard, or map, or rock. More names
have been made, by just putting them on a map than in any
other way. How utterly different they would be if they were
the result of the evolution of a community.
In any public meeting the Indian word even though it may
have been the very name of that spot for 500 years will seem
to Anglo-Saxon ears, impossible. Suppose some one should
propose the word Massachusetts or Mississippi for the first
time. They would be laughed to scorn. The words of any
new language must first be written and must be read many
times (before they are spoken) to be accepted. The greatest
makers of names are the map-makers. Not, however, because
they want to be such, but because they cannot help it. The
map-maker will grasp at a good name, if you just suggest it
to him, that is, of course for a new place not yet named. There
are thousands of names yet to be given in Oregon. Why not
preserve the glory of that which was instead of steeping our-
selves in the imitation of an imitation.
As a practical plan for the introduction of new names, I
would suggest the following: Every county engineer has a
tracing on a moderately large scale of the county map; or if
he has none one can be made up for a few dollars. Most of
the high schools boys now learn to make such tracings. The
historical society of each county should take up the map of its
county and note the places where the names are either absent
or not firmly fixed in the public mind. For instance many
366 W. H. ABBOTT
rivers are still called, North Fork, South Fork, Middle Fork,
South Fork of Middle Fork, and etc. These are excellent
opportunities to change all but the name of the main stream.
Most of the branch creeks have no very fixed names. They
are known by the names given them in the map having the
largest circulation. This condition, however, continues only
so long as the population is scant. The names eventually be-
come fixed.
From a list of the words of the language of the tribe which
inhabited that particular region such words could be selected
as seem most worthy of preservation and as having some as-
sociation with the particular locality. In many cases the origi-
nal name of a stream can be found ; if this cannot be attached to
the main stream it frequently can be to the branch. Sometimes,
if it is uncertain whether a name can be changed, both names
are advisable, the Indian name to follow the common English
name. A name like an idea, once let loose on a map, may find
a use that was least expected.
In addition to the streams there are many cross roads where
it is pretty certain that a village will spring up. In fact, every
cross roads, if in a fertile section with a couple of houses near
should have a name. The historical society will have more
prestige in giving it a name than any other body in the coun-
try.
A particularly good opportunity occurs when a new line of
railway is built. The railway nearly always names the new
towns and the writer's experience indicates that they are fre-
quently at a loss for appropriate, names. In no case would a
list of names presented by a historical society be rejected with-
out serious consideration and the adoption of some of them.
Most of the lesser mountain peaks have names that are not
firmly fixed. If by a foot note it can be explained that the
name used up to that time has already been appropriated in
another part of the state, the new name will have a strong
reason for soon gaining currency. All knobs and buttes should
PRESERVATION OF INDIAN NAMES 367
be named even though they may not be high. Eventually they
will be named so it behooves the Society to get there first.
After settling on as many names as possible the Society
should arrange to blue print as many maps as possible and dis-
tribute them gratis to as many different people in the county
as practicable and above all get them on sale at cost in all the
localities where they could possibly be needed or where, there
is any likelihood of a sale of a map. Make good maps and
sell them cheaper than anybody. All of the county societies
should of course, co-operate with the State Society, whose office
should be to get out a state map introducing all the suggestions
that seem feasible of the various county societies.
The passenger departments of the railway companies get out
great numbers of state maps. They are also interested in pre-
serving anything that will attract tourist travels. Indian names
with the legends which go with many of them certainly appeal
to the tourist. The adoption by the railway map makers oi
even a portion of the names suggested by the historical society
would fix them definitely.
The automobile clubs are putting up signs in many places
over the country. It would be wise to operate in conjunction
with them. They will furnish the cost of the sign and fre-
quently are only too glad to have some one interested locally
who can give them information and cooperate with them in the
protection of signs.
A simple sign will frequently change the name of a cross
road that has another name for years. In a rocky county a
man in an automobile with a can of paint can do much to
fixing the names on the map as sent out by the society.
Mountain peaks and buttes should have the names cut into
some rock wall near the summit. The carving of such name
can often be made the excuse of delightful excursions which
not only result in the name being cut into the rock but also
newspaper attention, which furthers the fixing of the new name.
If the county engineer happens to be an enthusiastic member of
the historical society the plan of campaign as mapped out is
368 W. H. ABBOTT
much easier of realization due to his detail knowledge of the
various localities.
In many counties it is difficult to obtain a map. This should
be the opportunity of the Historical Society. The maps which
find the greatest sale or any form of distribution will deter-
mine the names in that section. Frequently some business house
if solicited will print great numbers of county maps with their
advertisement on the back and distribute them' free.
The Society should print copious notes on the back of the
map giving as many historical references as possible so as to
excite the interest of each community in the Indian name if it
is desired to change the name already partially fixed. The maps
should, of course, be the latest that have been gotten out and
new editions should be gotten out from time to time bringing
them up to date if any changes have been made. The Society
should also keep in touch with the great map printing houses
furnishing them maps free. It is very easy in this way to be-
come the authority for new names in the county and the oppor-
tunity frequently arises for changing a name that was re-
garded as fixed.
In o/ther words the gist of this article is, that if we wiHl
make it easier for everybody to find out an Indian name for a
locality than some other name, they will use the Indian name.
THE GUN POWDER STORY
Editorial Notes by T. C. Elliott
There have appeared in various contributions — romantic and
otherwise — to the literature of the Pacific Coast accounts of
an occurrence at the mouth of the Walla Walla river partici-
pated in by the officer in charge of the Hudson's Bay Company
trading post there, Fort Walla Walla, and the Indians, and
termed the Gunpowder Story. Recently a narration of that story
by the officer himself has become available in the form of a let-
ter written to the late Elwood Evans in March, 1882, when Mr.
Evans was gathering data for his contributions to the History
of the Pacific Northwest, published 1889. The narrative shows
a tendency to elaboration quite natural forty years after an
event, but specifies names and family connections among In-
dians who were prominent in the first Indian War of Oregon
and illustrates the high level of the relationship maintained
between the traders of the Hudson's Bay Company and the
Indians. It also contains a direct reference to the name "The
White Head" as applied to Doctor McLoughlin.
The letter is drawn from the letter-book of its author, the
late Mr. Archibald McKinlay, who was, in 1882, residing at
Lac La Hache in British Columbia. Mr. McKinlay was a
chief trader of the Hudson's Bay Company and afterward be-
came a citizen of Oregon, residing at Oregon City from 1846
until about 1862. His certificate of marriage with the daugh-
ter of Peter Skene Ogden has been reproduced in fac simile
in the Oregon Historical Quarterly (Vol. 10, p. 325, et seq.),
but it was omitted there to state that the certificate was writ-
ten in the hand of Mr. Ogden himself. This gunpowder inci-
den must have taken place in the summer of 1843, for it was
later than the promulgation of Dr. Elijah White's laws in De-
cember, 1842, and it was prior to the departure of Mr. Ogden
on leave in the spring of 1844. The original Fort Walla Walla
was burned in the fall of 1841. This same story as told on pp.
370 ARCHIBALD McKiNLAY
690-91 of Vol. 2 of History of Northwest Coast from MSS.
dictated to Mr. Bancroft himself at Victoria in 1878, illustrates
the Bancroft method of popularizing his text ; for this volume
of the series of Bancroft histories was written by Mr. Bancroft
himself (see p. 52, Vol. 4, of this Quarterly).
Mr. Elwood Evans,
Tacoma, Wash.
Dear Sir: I will now send you the gunpowder story in
detail :
At Walla Walla it was the duty of the officer in charge to
furnish horses, pack saddles and other equipment to all and
every party requiring the same. All over the country from
Utah to British Columbia: I had a man especially employed to
make pack saddles. The only hard wood we could find for
the purpose was Birch; this we got from the Blue Mountains
at least fifty miles away. My saddles for the season were fin-
ished ; however there was a quantity of saddle wood
in the saddle maker's house. I happened to go in
one day and found the saddle wood diminished in
bulk. I remarked the same to the saddle maker; his reply
was that both Indians and whites helped themselves to the
wood & that he thought the wood was not required. I told
him that if the wood was not required then it would be re-
quired in another year, to allow no person to take a stick of it.
A few days after while busily employed writing the saddle
maker opened my door and told me an Indian was taking a
piece of the wood, that he had remonstrated with him & that
he would not give it up. I asked my clerk Mr. Wm. Todd
to go and see about it. In a few minutes after I heard some
noise which induced me to go to the window ; I saw an Indian
rush out of the saddle maker's house, pick up a stone & before
you could say Jack Robertson Todd was out grappling with
him and happening to have two other Indians standing by they
also got hold of Todd. I drove the two off, to give Todd fair
play. The consequence was that altho. Todd's opponent was
a stronger man than himself, he had thrown him down and
THE GUN POWDER STORY 371
kicked him unmercifully. On separating them I inquired of
them who his opponent was; he told me he was the son of
Pio Pio Mox-Mox, the big chief of the Walla Walla (tribe).
I blamed Todd for being so hasty and told him we would have
some trouble. All the men except Todd, the saddle-maker and
myself, were out in the fields about two miles away. However,
I expected a big talk, but did not anticipate anything worse.
About an hour after the old chief accompanied by some forty
or sixty men came in by the, back gate of the Fort through the
kitchen into my room. On seeing him wishing to be polite I
offered him a chair, instead of accepting the same he & his
men flew by me to Todd and took hold of him ; as soon as I
could get among them I was in time, to take hold of the chief's
arm who had a tomahawk in his hand & was about bringing
it down on Todd's head. I managed to draw him toward my
desk where I had three pistols (not revolvers) hanging prob-
ably not loaded. As the chief and I were scuffeling the men
who had hold of Todd let go apparently to see what we were
about to do. I handed one pistol to Todd, kept two for my-
self with the order not to fire till I give the word. The chief
then presented his naked breast & asked me whether I was
going to shoot him. "Shoot me. You shoot a man," said he.
I replied such was by no means my wish, but if he again at-
tempted to use his tomahawk on Todd's head I would certainly
use my pistol. Then ensued a long conversation about Dr.
White's laws, wherein if an Indian struck a white man he
would be flogged & if a white man struck an Indian that he
also would be flogged. I told the chief that I would not sub-
mit to anything of the kind, that if his son had thrashed my
young man, I would have thought nothing more of it. He still
insisted of having Todd flogged. I told him that they would
have to kill me first. While thus talking the young man who
had been thrashed by Todd gave me a severe blow from be-
hind hitting me under the fifth rib. I took him by the hair
of the head intending first to strike him, but knowing to do so
would be sure death, I let him go & thinking of a keg of
372 ARCHIBALD McKiNLAY
powder in the adjoining room I sprung to the door, took hold
of a flint & steel and defied them to touch Todd. Before I
could think of what I was about there was not an Indian in
the house, except the old chief and his son; the former after
sitting moodily for a few minutes addressed me thus, "Don't
you think you are very smart to frighten my young men so?
You can't frighten me. I have heard that you white people
are in the habit of taking guns and challenging one another;
let's you & I do the same." My reply was : ''there are only six
whites of us here and there are as many hundreds of you.
Should you kill me there is no one to take my place as chief
of the whites. Should I kill you there are plenty in your tribe
as good if not better men than yourself." At this he went off
in 'high dudgeon ; sent messengers to the Cayuses & Nez
Perces that his son was killed by the whites, & for two days
Indians gathered round the Fort but none came inside the
gate; something unusual. On the evening of the second day
the Five Crows, a Cayuse Chief, an uncle of the young man
who got the thrashing, a very old friend of the whites & a
man who had a very great regard for me, came, from a distance
and entered the Fort without ever knowing anything of what
occurred. I must here digress a little and mention that a few
days previously Mr. Ogden had passed down taking my wife
to Vancouver, so when the Five Crows came in I enquired
whether he had heard the news, referring to my trouble with
the Indians ; his answer was that he had. "I have heard," he
said, "that your father-in-law (Mr. Ogden) has lost two men
by the upseting of the boat at the Dalles." I told him that I
had also heard of that accident but that I did not mean that,
but my trouble with his brother-in-law, the Walla Walla chief.
He wished to know the particulars. I told him that he would
find out the trouble from the Indians as Indians considered the
white men liars. On this he said: "did you ever know me to
doubt your word or to go among Indians listening to their
idle tattle ?" I answered : "now as you have spoken, I will tell
you," and of course repeated what had happened. He ex-
THE GUN POWDER STORY 373
pressed himself sorry for what had happened, saying that it
was a great disgrace for a chief's son to be thrashed. I ex-
plained to him that if my young man had got the worst of
the fight I would think nothing of it & that they were both of >•
them to blame; to this he said nothing but remained in the
Fort all night alone attended by an Indian boy. Next morn-
ing he said he would send for the father, sent his boy accord-
ingly. To my surprise he came to me saying, "My brother-
in-law knows I am a peace maker & he will not come" (at
this time they were not in speaking terms). Shortly the Five
Crows went off saying that he might see his brother Tawato,
head chief of the Cayuses, & would give my version of the
story. At noon the same day, Tawato came to the Fort accom-
panied by Elijah, an elder Brother of the young man who got
a thrashing, & a young man who had received a considerable
smattering of English, reading & writing at the Methodist In-
stitute at the Willamette. They were both cleanly dressed
fully armed with guns, pistols & swords. This was in my
opinion carried more for show than for violence. After being
seated for some time without saying a word Tawato made
known the object of his visit; it was if there was not a pos-
sibility of our coming to some arrangement of settling the
difficulty. After explaining my case, he proposed to send for
the father. The father accordingly came, accompanied at last
by five or six hundred Indians, if I remember rightly they
were not all armed. They filled the house, every nook & crany
of the fort yard crowded outside of the windows. Every avail-
able space was occupied by them. After Peo Peo Mox-Mox
came in he & I agreed to explain our case to Tawato and to
cut a long yarn short, Peo-Peo Mox-Mox told me he had noth-
ing particular against me personally, but that I must send Mr.
Todd out of the country immediately. I replied I would do
nothing of the kind, that Todd had been sent to me by The
White Head (McLoughlin) as my assistant, that he had not
committed a fault, that I would not discharge him, that they
had strength enough to kill us but our lives would be re-
374 ARCHIBALD McKiNLAY
venged, if his heart was not good toward Todd it could not
be good toward me. Then he sprung from his seat beating
his breast, saying "my heart will never be good," & rushing
out of the door ; a few minutes of a dead silence ensued. You
might hear a pin drop. When Towato arose to his feet stern-
ly addressing me, telling me that I was a fool, that I wanted
blood & that I would get enough of it. Another term of silence
ensued as impressive as the last lasting a few minutes ; it was
a critical time. Giving myself time to think I asked Tawato
whether he was chief or not ; he sneeringly answered, "ask my
young men." I told him I knew that he was the son of a great
chief, that his father was known among the early whites as a
great and a good man, that no number of white men would
make him through fear do wrong, that I was a chief, that not-
withstanding the number that were standing around me would
not make me change one iota of what I said. Then followed
a murmuring sound as of a consultation in low tones which
lasted for sometime. I observed the chief give an order that
caused a young man to leave, the room. Shortly after Peo Peo
Mox-Mox entered the room and without any preface or cere-
mony came forward and offered me his hand in token of
friendship. I looked with an expression of surprise and took
his hand; then asked him whether his heart was good. He
answered "yes," striking his breast. I then asked him whether
his heart was good towards Todd ; his reply was "yes & to
prove it & wipe out all ill feeling for ever my son is coming
with a horse as a present for Todd." To seal the compact
I made the son a present of a suit of clothes and smoked the
pipe of peace, a peace which lasted the whole time I remained
with him. I have been more proud of the termination of this
incident than the gunpowder plot for I believe I ought to
give myself the credit (for it was so conceded by my Brother
Officers) I had secured a lasting peace "with honor" to all
concerned without any bloodshed, whereas if I had acted in
anyways hasty or without forethought or firmness it would be
hard for me to say what the consequences might have been.
You might think that I was devoid of forethought & ask
why did I not shut the gates. In answer I had no gates; the
old Fort was burnt down & I was building a new one,"
REVIEW
ACQUISITION OF OREGON AND THE LONG SUPPRESSED
EVIDENCE ABOUT MARCUS WHITMAN
By William I. Marshall, of Chicago
(Seattle: Lowman and Hanford Company, 1911. Volume I, pp. 450; Volume II, pp. 366)
Though many writers have essayed history of the acquisition
period of Oregon, none has quite rilled the need. More or less
common is lack of scrutiny of "original sources" and of keen
discernment of materials. Frequently, writers have based chron-
icles and conclusions on "facts" remembered long afterwards,
not recorded at the event — often tinted with imagination or
biased opinion of a later time.
Many "original sources" must yet be studied before a satis-
factory history can be written of the large movements in dis-
covery, exploration, settlements and acquisition of Oregon.
Records of Hudson's Bay Company are yet to be opened and
of the British Government ; those of the United States Govern-
ment are. to be examined for fuller data and writings of its
statesmen and diplomats ; also of missionary organizations that
contributed to early settlement. Much knowledge is to be
gleaned from letters, diaries and journals of contemporary
periods.
A book just published, "Acquisition of Oregon," written by
the late William I. Marshall of Chicago (2 Vols., Lowman &
Hanford Co., Seattle), delves farthest into first-hand materials
of any history yet published of the pioneer period. The labor
expended on this book by Professor Marshall was immense.
His search into the issues of diplomacy over Oregon, through
government archives and through diaries and letters of Ameri-
can diplomatists for the period 1814-46; his inquiry into rec-
ords of the executive department and of Congress for that
period; his study of letters and diaries of missionaries and
pioneer immigrants between 1832 and 1846 — all this makes
the completest and most illuminating story of pioneer Oregon
yet compiled.
376 LESLIE M. SCOTT
There is opportunity for best literary skill in the tale of
Oregon. World-wide currents affected discovery, exploration,
settlement and title of this region. The story turns on the
most important episodes of western progress. There is abund-
ant room, too, for exercise of "philosophy of history."
The Marshall history possesses very high excellence. Its
vigor betokens the energy and vigilance wherewith Marshall
busied himself at the task during twenty-eight years. Its cen-
tral purpose is to explode the Whitman myth. It succeeds ad-
mirably and fully. No reader of Marshall, no unbiased reader,
hereafter can believe that myth. Few close investigators ever
believed it. Every writer of Oregon history must go hence-
forth to Marshall, as he must go to Greenhow, else must un-
dertake himself the vast labor of examining first-hand ma-
terials. The facts that Marshall cites are full and true. He
distorts nothing.
Yet the Marshall work has faults. In demolishing the
Whitman myth the author detracts unduly from the heroic
character of the Wailatpu missionary, and from his very valu-
able participation in pioneer immigration and settlement. Mar-
shall's continuous effort to reduce the importance of Whitman
in the "saving" of Oregon leaves too little in the book for
admiration of Whitman. Then, too, Marshall injects repeated
doses of Whitman myth acrimony ; he quarrels with authors
of the myth after the manner of the half-century dispute over
the question; he shows not enough of the even tenor of the
true historian.
Also, Marshall asserts, as corollary of his argument, that
Oregon would have been saved had the pioneer Whitman never
been born, that Oregon would have been won to the United
States from Great Britain without the advent of any of the
pioneer parties. This broad assertion — that of occupation of
Oregon by American pioneers played no part whatever in
establishing the United States title — cannot be reconciled with
the political spirit of the nation between 1840 and 1846, which
drove thousands of American citizens to this region and de-
MARSHALL'S ACQUISITION OF OREGON 377
manded its possession even to the line of "fifty- four-forty-or-
fight."
However, this criticism is of Marshall's conclusions, not of
his facts. There they are for the reader to judge. Marshall
asks no person to accept his conclusions.
But for Marshall's untimely death in 1906, undoubtedly he
would have improved this crowning work of his life ; perhaps
revised some of his conclusions; probably given his book
finer literary arrangement; certainly fixed himself more firmly
as a foremost authority on Oregon history, as he is the, very
first authority on the Whitman legend. It will not be neces-
sary for anybody else to disprove that legend.
Only 200 copies of the book have been printed. This has
been accomplished through contribution of money by some
twelve residents of Oregon and Washington, who saw the
need of bringing to fruition the life work of Processor Mar-
shall. This effort, headed by C. B. Bagley of Seattle, has been
entirely successful.
Whitman Needs No False Glory.
Dr. Marcus Whitman needs no false glory; nor does the
missionary cause which did great things for Oregon; neither
does Whitman College — an ever growing monument to this
patriot hero. Dr. Whitman will be an everlasting figure in
Oregon annals ; always will be honored by the gratitude of our
people. But he was but one character among many, though
indeed a foremost one, in occupation of Oregon. He did his
duty as missionary, pioneer, citizen, and died a martyr's death
at the hand of the savage. He did not "save Oregon," that is,
he alone did not.
In company with other Americans, Whitman carried the
claims of his country to this region, and with them won Ore-
gon from the British. Occupation of Oregon and consequent
possession by the United States belongs to no one man, but
to many. Jason Lee and his associates,, who settled in the
Willamette Valley in the critical time are equal in honor to
Whitman. Before these pioneers, and contemporaneous with
378 LESLIE M. SCOTT
them, our diplomatists and statesmen did their part in saving
Oregon: Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, John Quincy Adams,
Henry Clay, Richard Rush, Daniel Webster. And before them
were others deserving of honor, American explorers — Captain
Gray, Lewis and Clark, the Astors, Wyeth. And the thousands
of Whitman's contemporary pioneers, who settled in Oregon
up to 1846 played a vital part in the acquisition of Oregon.
The journey of Whitman from his mission, near Walla
Walla, to Boston, much of it in the dead of winter, 1842-43,
is a fact of history. But much fiction has fastened to the story.
Details of the fiction came into existence many years after
Whitman's death in 1847. Imagination supplied adornments
to the tale one after another. Marshall disproves them all.
The legend tells of two Flathead Indians, who had made
their way to St. Louis about 1831, and had been refused the
"Book of Heaven" by Governor William Clark, after having
been offered unsatisfying forms of Catholic worship. It nar-
rates that Whitman, responding to this Indian call, and spend-
ing six years (1836-42) as missionary near these Indians in
what is now Eastern Washington, discovered the British and
the Hudson's Bay Company, with Catholic aid, taking posses-
sion of Oregon. It represents Whitman finally determining
(1842) to make for Washington, D. C, press upon President
Tyler and Secretary of State Webster, who were then treating
with Britain concerning the Canadian boundary, the claims of
the United States and the value of Oregon, and lead back a
large immigration to possess Oregon. The legend pictures
Whitman spurred to this feat by a party of British traders
holding feast at Walla Walla in the autumn of 1842 and exult-
ing that Britain had won the country. It takes Whitman be-
fore President Tyler and Secretary Webster, whom he found
ready to trade Oregon for a cod fishery off Newfoundland. It
puts into the mouth of Webster that Oregon was a "worthless
area."
It portrays Whitman exacting a promise from the President
and his Secretary to delay negotiations with Great Britain
MARSHALL'S ACQUISITION OF OREGON 379
until he should lead to Oregon the large pioneer train of 1843.
It pictures Whitman making speeches and publishing pamphlets
on Oregon, endeavoring in every way to electrify the country
and to induce immigrants to Oregon in 1843. It details him
as a Moses leading the party of pioneers to Oregon that year,
and as being its indispensable overseer. It tells of the officers
of the British Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Hall barring
the way to the pioneer train, and trying to stop its wagons,
and of Whitman's resolution in taking the party by the British,
wagons and all, to the Columbia River. It represents the
success of the wagon immigration and the opening of the
mission ; none in the archives of the missionary board in Bos-
wagon route as achievements of Whitman. It avers that
this wagon road thus opened was the means of saving Oregon
by American pioneers.
Wonder grows, in analyzing this romance, that in these
days of enlightenment, of writing and printing, this story could
grow to such absurd proportions and to so many fiction de-
tails ; that it could gain such wide credence.
Corrob oration Is Lacking.
No corroboration of any of these foregoing details of the
myth can be found in contemporaneous writings, none in let-
ters of Whitman or of Mrs. Whitman or of any member of his
ton that sent Whitman to Oregon in 1836; none in the ar-
chives of the Government or in the letters of Tyler or Web-
ster ; none in religious publications of newspapers of the time ;
none in letters and diaries of leaders of the 1843 immigration,
among them P. H. Burnett, Jesse and Lindsay Applegate,
J. M. Shively, J. W. Nesmith, Almoran Hill — well known
Oregon pioneers, all of whom have denied the Whitman myth.
All this disproof is fully detailed by Professor Marshall in
manner completely convincing. And every person to whom
Professor Marshall submitted his manuscript was convinced
by what he says, except Dr. W. A. Mowry, one of the Whit-
man myth authors.
380 LESLIE M. SCOTT
Several score persons read Marshall's manuscript, including
historians of national and international reputation, professors
of history in universities and colleges, teachers of history in
normal schools, high schools and academies, principals of
schools, judges, clergymen, lawyers, editors and public officers
of various kinds — most of whom had been believers in the
Whitman-saved-Oregon story and had indorsed it in lectures
or sermons or in newspapers and magazine articles, or in their
school and other histories, and therefore very naturally would
have preferred not to have it proved false and who subjected
all criticism of such evidence adverse to it to the most careful,
and some of them to the most hostile scrutiny.
Among these critics Professor Marshall names: George
Bancroft, John Fiske, Horace E. Scudder (who was editor of
Barrow's "Oregon"), Professors John B. McMaster, of the
University of Pennsylvania, Francis N. Thorpe, Harry Pratt
Judson, of the University of Chicago ; Andrew McLaughlin,
formerly of the University of Michigan ; Edward Channing, of
Harvard University ; Allen C. Thomas, of Haverford College ;
William P. Cordy, superintendent of schools, Springfield,
Mass., and "many others."
Just What Whitman Did.
Then what truth lies behind the legend and why did Whit-
man make his famous midwinter "ride?"
Quarrels and dissensions and failure to make progress on
the part of Whitman and his associates had caused the Ameri-
can board of foreign missions (Congregational, Presbyterian
and Dutch Reformed) to order discontinuance of three of the
four mission stations, including Whitman's, and return home
of two of the missionaries. Whitman and his associates
deemed this order fatal to their mission work, and they decided
it expedient for Whitman to return to Boston to secure annul-
ment of the order and a reinforcement of clergymen and lay-
men for whom they had been importuning the board. Whit-
man was successful in securing annulment of the order at Bos-
MARSHALL'S ACQUISITION OF OREGON 381
ton, where he arrived on March 30, 1843, having left Wailatpu
October 3, 1842.
This midwinter journey was a feat of rare courage and
hardihood. But it had no political influence in affairs of Ore-
gon. It had no political purpose. There is no evidence that
Whitman interviewed President Tyler or Secretary Webster.
Congress adjourned March 4, 1843, when Whitman was at or
near St. Louis, eastbound, just emerging from the frontier,
and he did not reach Washington for more than a month
afterwards. There was no disposition to sacrifice Oregon
either on the part of the President or of Congress then
adjourned.
Congress at its session recently ended had received the re-
port of Lieutenant Wilkes, more fully describing Oregon than
Whitman could do, and was fully alive to the Oregon situation.
Secretary Webster, through Senator Choate, had announced
January 18, 1843, in the Senate that the Secretary of State
never had made or entertained a proposition to admit of any
boundary line south of the forty-ninth parallel (the present
boundary fixed in 1846) in negotiations with Ashburton, Brit-
ish plenipotentiary, in 1842, with whom it was alleged Webster
was negotiating to trade Oregon north of the Columbia River
for a cod fishery.
Nor did Whitman make any speeches nor publish pamphlets
to arouse the spirit of immigration to Oregon. That spirit
was already fully aroused, and the 1843 party assembled near
Independence, Mo., May 20, 1843, with little or no knowledge
of Whitman's presence in the East, nor did Whitman join
them until several days later. On the journey his counsel and
services as physician were valuable, yet not indispensable, and
his utility as guide was small.
At Fort Hall the Hudson's Bay Company men made no
effort to stay the wagons nor, if its men had tried, would
they have succeeded, since the party was fully equipped to go
through. Besides, three wagons had gone through in 1840,
those of J. L. Meek, Robert Newell, Caleb Wilkins and Fred-
382 LESLIE M. SCOTT
eric Ermatinger, British chief trader at Fort Hall. This party
was outfitted at the British post and one of its wagons was
owned by Ermatinger.
This, remarks Marshall, "reduces to senseless drivel all the
scores of pages in Barrows, Nixon, Craighead, Mowry, and
the other advocates of the 'Whitman-Saved-Oregon' story,
which accuses the Hudson's Bay Company of opposing the
passage of wagons beyond Fort Hall."
After leaving Fort Boise, Whitman, together with a num-
ber of the younger men put off ahead and were of no service
whatever to the wagon party in crossing the Blue Mountains.
All this and much more is substantiated, by testimony that is
conclusive. Scores of American explorers and pioneers are
quoted to show that Hudson's Bay Company did not oppose
their going to Oregon, nor their hauling wagons thither.
The evidence of Whitman's own writings and those of his
wife and his associates shows plainly that his "ride" had no
political purpose bearing on Oregon. This and similar evi-
dence from original sources, never before published, is con-
tained throughout the book.
Marshall shows the first animus of the legend to have been
a desire to obtain from the Government $30,000 or $40,000
indemnity for Indian destruction of the mission, through rep-
resentations that the missionary work, especially Whitman's,
had won Oregon from the British and that the Government
had failed to protect Whitman's station. When these repre-
sentations were made in the '60s, there was keen hostility
towards Britain in the United States on account of Civil War
matters.
Much new information is presented by Marshall of diplo-
macy on Oregon between the restoration of Astoria after the
war of 1812 and the final boundary treaty of 1846. This in-
formation shows that the United States from the very first
held out for the forty-ninth parallel, never wavered from that
line, never would accept south of that parallel, and finally
secured it through President Polk and Secretary of State
Buchanan.
MARSHALL'S ACQUISITION OF OREGON 383
This line was proposed in 1818 by President Monroe and
Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, when the treaty of
joint occupation was negotiated, as an offset to the British
offer of the Columbia River as a boundary. Monroe, as Sec-
retary of State under Madison, and Adams, as one of the peace
commissioners, had secured restoration of Astoria in the treaty
of 1814 with Britain.
In 1823-24 Secretary Adams renewed the proposal of the
forty-ninth parallel to the British Government but the latter
again declined. In the negotiations Secretary Adams an-
nounced the Monroe doctrine through Henry Middleton, then
American Minister to Russia, and Richard Rush, then Min-
ister to Great Britain.
Monroe Doctrine First Applied.
It is interesting to note that the Monroe doctrine — now an
axiom of American diplomacy — was first announced in nego-
tiations with Britain and Russia concerning Oregon. It was
intended as a warning to Russia colonization schemes in
America and was supported by Britain. Also it was a warn-
ing, backed by Britain, to the holy alliance — France, Prussia,
Austria, Russia — which planned to restore to Spain its lost
American colonies.
The British then declined, however, the forty-ninth parallel,
but in 1824 offered the forty-ninth parallel to the Columbia
and thence that river to the Pacific. This Mr. Rush declined
and again proposed the forty-ninth parallel to the ocean. Thus
the British virtually conceded south of the Columbia. In 1826,
Adams, then President, instructed Albert Gallatin, plenipo-
tentiary negotiating with Britain the renewal of the 1818 joint
treaty, that the forty-ninth parallel was our "ultimatum." From
this "ultimatum" of Adams the American Government never
receded. Webster's refusal to accept the Columbia River as
boundary in 1842 in negotiations with Ashburton caused de-
lay in the settlement until 1846.
These negotiations, not before fully examined as to their
bearing on the Oregon boundary, convinced Professor Mar-
384 LESLIE M. SCOTT
shall that the Oregon question between the United States and
Great Britain was one of diplomacy and not one of settlement
and occupation. It is not probable, however, that Professor
Marshall will be sustained in this view. Large influx of
American settlers into Oregon, prior to 1846, undoubtedly
alarmed Great Britain and finally induced its Government to
accede to the American "ultimatum" of John Quincy Adams
of 1826. But Marshall clearly shows that Whitman could
have had no influence on the diplomacy of the question.
Important also is Professor Marshall's proof that the wagon
road to Oregon was not Whitman's opening. Three wagons
reached the Columbia River from Fort Hall in 1840 — three
years before the large wagon party which he is alleged to
have guided through in 1843.
Besides, the route to the Columbia was really laid out by
fur traders. Marshall finds that certainly 1000 Americans had
crossed the Rocky Mountains before Whitman in 1836, probably
2000. On Whitman's first journey across in 1836 he was
guided by American traders to Green River, and by Hudson's
Bay men, thence to Fort Hall, and the, Columbia River. All
the passes through the mountains to the Columbia, and the
river routes, had been explored before Whitman's advent, and
he followed the beaten path of the fur traders. The wagons of
traders, explorers and settlers followed these trails of the fur
traders. It was well known that wagons could go through to
the Columbia before Whitman's journeys of 1836 and 1843,
and that the only requisites were sufficient equipment and men
for the enterprise. The wagons that did go through to the
Columbia in 1840 and 1843 owed nothing to Whitman for the
feat.
This review and criticism of the Marshall work, though
somewhat extended, touches only briefly the main features of
the book. The investigation is one long needed. The Whit-
man myth has distorted the truth during half a century, and
it is time now to accord Dr. Whitman his due as patriot and
hero of Oregon, but not as savior of this region.
LESLIE M. SCOTT.
NOTES
Through the exercise of fine historic sense and activity
Baker is preparing for a fitting observance of the centennial
anniversary of the passing of the main division of the Hunt
overland expedition through that section in the winter of
1811-1812. It will be remembered that Wilson Price Hunt
was the leader of that part of the Astor expedition to the
mouth of the Columbia that proceeded across the continent.
The, suggestion of Mr. Walter H. Abbott for the preserva-
tion of Indian names of natural features and of localities
should elicit some response. Many undesirable geographical
names should be discarded. Important natural features and
developing population centers are still to receive their designa-
tions. Mr. Abbott reveals a fine opening for the activity of
historical societies and suggests effective modes of procedure.
An analysis of the census bulletin on population of Oregon
discloses some interesting facts. The growth of the State
during the last decade amounted to an increase of 62.7 per
cent, a nearly two-thirds addition in numbers. During the
same period the United States as a whole added 21 per cent.
Oregon grew nearly twice as rapidly in the decade from 1900
to 1910 as it did from 1890 to 1900. The gain was 259,229,
making a total population in 1910 of 672,765. The largest
growth in any preceding decade was from 1880 to 1890, when
142,936 comprised the gain. The increase during the last de-
cade was as great, very nearly, as one and a half times the
entire population of the State in 1880.
Portland with its 207,214 people lacked about 20,000 of
having one-third of the population of the state as a whole.
Salem was the second city with 14,094 ; Astoria was third with
9,599; Eugene with 9,009 was a close fourth. Medford had
the highest percentage .of increase, 393.6 per cent; Salem's
was 231 ; Eugene's, 178.4.
The urban population as a whole — that of the cities and in-
corporated towns of 2,500 inhabitants or more — numbered
386 NOTES
307,060, or 45.6 per cent of the total population of the State;
while 365,705 people, or 54.4 per cent, lived in rural territory
— on the farms or in villages, towns and cities of less than
2,500. In 1900 only 32.2 per cent of the Oregon population
was urban, while 67.8 per cent lived in rural territory. There
had thus during the decade from 1900 to 1910 been a large
increase in the proportion of urban population. The urban
population of the nation at large was 46.3 per cent. During
the last decade the urban population of Oregon grew 115 per
cent; the rural population during the same period increased
but 35.1 per cent. In other words, the population of the urban
areas in Oregon increased more than three times as fast as
did that of the rural territory. The City of Portland grew
somewhat more than twice as rapidly as did the State as a
whole. The average density of the population in Oregon was
seven persons to the square mile. The average number for
the nation as a whole was 30.9. Three counties, Harney,
Lake and Malheur, each averaged less than one person per
square mile. The rural population in Union County, and the
population as a whole of Grant County, decreased during the
decade.
Maps indicating density of population show a great south-
eastern block of the area of the State that was virtually empty.
This wilderness region comprised nearly half of the extent of
the State. A tier, — in some places two, — of counties along the
northern and western sides of the State were a little more
fully occupied. So far that section of the State which first
drew the pioneer across the continental wilderness of the
forties and fifties still leads in inhabitants. But the conquering
forces in irrigation and railway building are at work. The
maps of the returns of the next national count promise to be
different — at least the vast vacant area will have vanished.
INDEX
INDEX TO VOL. XII
ADAMS, W. L., author of "Breakspear"
— a melodrama entitled "Treason,
Strategems and Spoils," 46-7; becomes
editor of the Argus, 70; as editor of
Argus^ strongly supports republican
organization, 133.
Apple Tree, the oldest seedling in the
Pacific Northwest, 120-1.
APPLEGATE, JESSE, gives picture of con-
ditions fostering spirit of secession,
ASTOR, JOHN JACOB, and his enterprises,
208-10; War of 1812 interferes with,
210-1; expeditions of, reviewed and
results estimated, 217-9.
Astor parties, overland journeys of,
213-6; discover the Oregon Trail,
215-6.
Astoria, the possession of different na-
tions, 212-3.
B
BAKIR, COLONEL E. D., comes to Ore-
gon and conducts campaign, 301-3;
chosen senator from Oregon, 319.
BARKLEY, CAPTAIN CHARLES WILLIAM,
real discoverer of Straits of Fuca, 60;
voyage of, in the Imperial Eagle on
Northwest Coast in 1787, 6-10; dif-
ficulty of, with owners of Imperial
Eagle, 8-10.
BARKLEY, FRANCES HORNBY, wife of
Captain Barkley, first white woman
to visit Northwest Coast, 6-7; diary
of, source of particulars of voyage
of Imperial Eagle, 7-10.
BENSON, FRANK W., notice of death
of, 190.
Budgetary practice in Oregon, 111-4.
BUSH, ASAHEL, begins movement for
party organization, 39; espouses move-
ment for statehood, 76-7; real leader
of democracy, 77-8; with Statesman
becomes nucleus of Salem clique, 78:
prestige of, 85-6; stand taken on Dred
Scott decision, 162; editorial of, on
squatter sovereignty, 254-5.
Capitol location question furnishes line
of cleavage for first party organiza-
tions, 38; capitol controversy becomes
violent, 44-6.
CARSON, JOHN C, notice of death of,
192.
Champoeg, state park at, 193.
COOK, CAPTAIN JAMES, notices southern
entrance of Strait of Fuca, 2; third
voyage of, discloses facts relating to
furs on North Pacific Coast, 207.
DAVENPORT, T. W., notice of death
of, 190-1.
DAVIS, JOHN P., Governor of Oregon
territory, 75.
DEADY, M. P., contributes article on
location law, 43.
Democracy, Oregon, organization of,
35-55; solit in the party, 138-142;
Dred Scott decision increases division
of, 158-163; differences between
based on principle, 301-6.
Democratic discord in Oregon, 226-241.
DORION, PIERRE, and wife, the parents
of the first-born on the Oregon Trail,
164-170.
Dred Scott decision in Oregon politics,
158-163.
DRYER, THOMAS J., editor of Oregonian,
49; steadfast in Whig allegiance. 132;
makes first determined assault on
slavery, 134; becomes an advocate
of state organization, 134.
DUNCAN, CAPTAIN CHARLES, first voy-
age of, on the Princess Royal, 14-6;
first to give world any definite in-
formation about Strait of Fuca, 16.
Durhamites, 49-50.
Flattery, Cape, named by Captain
Cook, 2.
Flax culture in early days in Oregon,
118-9.
FUCA, JUAN DE, story of discovery of
Strait of Fuca by, declared a fabri-
cation, 2-3.
Fuca Strait, claim of discovery of, by
Spanish navigators, examined and re-
jected, 3-5.
GAINES, GENERAL JOHN P., unpopular
as governor of Oregon territory, 37-^8;
treats capital location law as in-
valid, 43; message of, in 1852-3;
arouses a storm of opposition, 44.
Geographical names show poverty in
words of modern man, 363-8.
GRAY, CAPTAIN ROBERT, in sloop Wash-
ington first to navigate Strait of
Fuca, 37-30,
390
INDEX
GKEELEY, HORACE, holds proxy from
Oregon at Chicago convention, -1860,
313-4.
GROVER, LAFAYETTE, notice of death of,
191.
H
HENRY, DR. A. G., discusses slavery
question cogently, 127.
Hunt's expedition, identification of
route of in Northeastern Oregon,
164-170.
I
Indian words urged for geographical
names, 361-8.
Imperial Eagle (the Loudoun, the
voyage described, 6-10; log of, in
possession of Mr. Justice Martin,
Victoria.
J.K
Kansas-Nebraska bill in Oregon pol-
itics, 125-135; resistance to doctrine
of, 128-9.
Know Nothing movement in Oregon,
62-74.
Land funds, administration in Oregon,
108-110.
LANE, GENERAL JOSEPH, appointed first
territorial governor of Oregon, 36-7;
gains popularity, 37; has presidential
aspirations, 260-3; nominated for
vice-president, 312.
LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, candidacy of,
urged by Simon Francis, 310; nom-
ination of, received with enthusiasm
in Oregon, 316.
LORD, WILLIAM P., notice of death of,
I2I-2.
Me
McBRiDE, GEO. W., notice of death of,
192.
MCDONALD, RANALD, parentage of,
221-2; runs away to Japan and pre-
pares for American access to, 221-3.
McKiNLAY, ARCHIBALD, relates gun
powder story, 370-4.
M
MARSHALL, WILLIAM I., made most
thorough examination of sources of
history of acquisition of Oregon, 374;
in discrediting Whitman myth dis-
parages Whitman, 376.
MAY, S. E., embezzlements by, as sec-
retary of state, 94-5.
MEARES, JOHN explorations of, in the
vicinity of Fuca Strait, 10-4; name
written large in annals of Northwest
Coast, 10 ; was in possession of copy
of Barkley's chart of coast, 10-11;
misrepresentations of, 11-14; examina-
tion of his statement that sloop
Washington circumnavigated Van-
couver Island, 25-32.
Monroe Doctrine first applied in Oregon
diplomacy, 383-4.
N
Negroes, sentiment against, in Oregon,
125.
Northwest Coast of America, the re-
moteness of, before the third voyage
of Captain James Cook, i; motives
leading to frequent and thorough
examinations of waters of, 1-2.
Northwest Company extends explora-
tions and posts westward, 207.
Northwest passage, myth of, died
hard, 2.
Ogden "fountain" on Powder river
identified, 115-6.
Oregon, admission of, vitally affects
development of national issue of
slavery, 245-263; before Congress,
245-7-
Oregon constitutional convention, 150-5;
constitution adopted, 156.
Oregon history for "Oregon system,"
264-8.
Oregon lands, constructive policy for,
proposed, 117.
Oregon political issue in, at the time
of the election of the first territorial
delegate, 36.
Oregon political revolution of 1860, in,
301-324; only northern state to give
larger vote for Breckinridge than for
Douglas.
Oregon statehood, first movement for,
Si-
Oregon territorial bill becomes a law, 35.
Pacific railroad scheme a leading Whig
party issue in Oregon, 57; repub-
lican convention declares for, 135-7.
Pioneers, the thirty-ninth annual re-
union of Oregon, 192-3.
Pio Pio Mox-Mpx, part of, in gun
powder incident, 370-4.
Popular sovereignty in Oregon, mean-
ing of, 126.
PRATT, O. C., Durham leader, confirma-
tion of, as chief justice defeated, 53;
aspires to succeed Lane as delegate to
Congress, 79.
Railway transportation to the Pacific
Northwest, events developing, need
for, 172-7; the rising tide of schemes
and agitation for, 178-189.
Railway, Pacific projects analyzed,
186-8.
Republican party, name of, first as-
sured in Oregon, 129-130; party; ad-
dress issued in 1857, 137-8; principles
declared, 1859, 251-2; republicans and
Douglas men unite, 306-8; choices for
president, 1860, 309-311.
INDEX
391
Salem clique, rule of, in Oregon pol-
itics, 78-86; break with Lane, 247-9.
Secession sentiment in Oregon, 325-37.
SHEIL, GEO. K., elected in June, 1860,
to represent Orgon in Congress, seat
contested by A. J. Thayer, who was
voted on in November, 1860, 351-360.
SKINNER, A. A., candidate against Lane
for position of territorial delegate, 54.
Slavery did not and could not exist
in Oregon, 12-5; but passage of Kan-
sas-Nebraska bill made it a para-
mount issue in Oregon, 125-6; Ore-
gon in danger of becoming a slave
state, 145; Oregon press on, 147-152.
Slavery, state of opinion in Oregon as
to power of federal government over,
253-6.
Social income, portion of, set aside
in Oregon for public expenditures,
perils of, 89-97.
Statehood issue lost in 1854; democratic
convention declares for, 1855, but
defeated by people, 76; next legis-
lature calls for another vote on, 77;
state organization promises only se-
curity against distress of "bleeding"
Kansas, 135; people committed to,
144.
STEVENS, I. I., chairman of Oregon
delegation at Charleston convention,
SUMMERS, GENERAL OWEN, notice of
death of, 121.
THAYER, A. J., put forward by Salem
clique to be voted on at November
election, 1860, as member of Con-
gress, and contested seat of Geo. K.
Sheil, who had been elected in pre-
ceding June, 351-360.
THOMPSON, DAVID, details of travels of,
down and up the Columbia river in
1811, 191-8; personal characteristics
of, 199-203; Indians hindered from
coming down the Columbia in 1810,
Iff.
THURSTON, SAMUEL R., election of, as
territorial delegate, 36; death of, 40.
Treasuries, congested state, 97-100.
Treasury administration in Oregon, 89-
109.
Treasury, public, in Oregon, a public
snap for half-a-century, 100-105.
Tree, lone, on the Oregon Trail, 117.
Trust fund administration in Oregon,
105-108.
u
Union clubs organized, 330.
Union movement in Oregon in 1862,
338-350.
V-W
Washington, sloop, first voyage of, on
the Northwest Coast, 17-32; claim
that vessel circumnavigated Vancouver
Island based on Meares' map and
statements, 17-8; critical examination
of basis of claim of Meares, 25-32.
Whig party organization in Oregon
promoted, 56-74.
WILKES, GEORGE, advocates transcon-
tinental railway as a government
project, 296.
WHITEAKER, GOVERNOR JOHN, issues ad-
dress to people of Oregon on political
situation in 1860, 332; animus
shown in appointing Benjamin Stark
to succeed Col. Baker, 333.
WHITMAN, MARCUS, needs no false
glory, 377-8; why he made his
famous winter trip and what he ac-
complished, 380-3.
Whitman legend, 378-380.
WHITNEY, ASA, project of, for trans-
continental railway, 180-5.
WILKES, CHARLES, report of, on Ore-
gon territory, 1842, 269-299.
WILLIAMS, GEO H., appointed as suc-
cessor to Pratt, 74; his "free state
letter" reviewed, 152-3.
F Oregon historical quarterly
871
047
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