Oregon historical quarterly

BINDING LIST MAY 1 1923

THE

QUARTERLY

OF THE

VOLUME XXI
MARCH, 1920— DECEMBER, 1920

Edited by

i

FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG ^

The Ivy Press \
Portland, Oregon

TABLE OF CONTENTS
SUBJECTS OF PAPERS

Page
CARVER, JONATHAN, THE STRANGE CASE OF, AND THE NAME

OREGON
By T. C. Elliott 341-368

IDAHO, DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN

By T. C. Elliott 49-61

METHODISTS IN OREGON, EDUCATIONAL PLANS AND EFFORTS BY,

IN OREGON, TO 1860
By Read Bain 63-94

NORMAL SCHOOLS, HISTORY OF OREGON

By John C. Almack 95-169

OREGON — ITS MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION

By John E. Rees 317-331

OREGON COUNTRY, THE EARLY EXPLORATIONS AND THE ORIGIN OF

THE NAME OF THE
By William H. Galvani 332-340

OREGON, THE STRANGE CASE OF JONATHAN CARVER AND THE

NAME
By T. C. Elliott 341-368

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY

By Henry L. Bates 1-12

PRINCESA, THE LOG OF THE, BY ESTEVAN JOSEF MARTINEZ

By Herbert Ingram Priestley 21-31

SPAIN AND ENGLAND'S QUARREL OVER THE OREGON COUNTRY

By F. G. Young 13-20

THOMPSON, DAVID, AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO

By T. C. Elliott 49-61

YOUNG, EWING, AND His ESTATE

By F. G. Young 171-315

DOCUMENTS

ROBERTS, REVEREND WILLIAM, THIRD SUPERINTENDENT OF THE
OREGON MISSION, THE LETTERS OF, Edited by Robert
Moulton Gatke 33-48

YOUNG, EWING, DOCUMENTARY RECORD OF AND His ESTATE,

Edited by F. G. Young 197-315

[ill]

AUTHORS

Page
Almack, John C, History of Oregon Normal Schools 95-169

Bain, Read, Educational Plans and Records by Methodists in

Oregon to 1860 63-94

Bates, Henry L., Pacific University 1-12

Elliott, T. C., David Thompson and Beginnings in Idaho 49-61

— The Strange Case of Jonathan Carver and the Name

Oregon 341-368

Galvani, William H., The Early Explorations and the Origin of

the Name of the Oregon Country 332-340

Gatke, Robert Moulton, Editor The Letters of Reverend William

Roberts, third Superintendent of the Oregon Missions 33-48

Rees, John E., Oregon — Its Meaning, Origin and Application. . .317-331

Priestley, Herbert Ingram, The Log of the Princesa by Estcvan

Josef Martinez 21-31

Young, F. G., Spain and England's Quarrel Over the Oregon

Country 13-20

— fairing Young and His Estate 171-315

[iv]

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXI MARCH, 1920 NUMBER 1

Copyright, 1919, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY

BY HENRY L. BATES

Time is a relative quantity and the age of an institution or
a nation is a matter of comparison. The Rocky Mountain
range seems hoary indeed as compared with the generations
of men who have lived in the Willamette Valley ; and yet geolo-
gists tell us that this mountain barrier belongs to the most
recent geologic time as compared with the countless aeons
since first the Appalachian range lifted its head.

We are all young here in Oregon. Contrast the brief exist-
ence of our educational institutions with such a foundation
as Harvard, nearly ready to celebrate her tercentenary; and
yet Harvard is young compared with the University of Paris
with its nearly 800 years of continuous history.

So, while it is my pleasing task to narrate some of the facts
concerning one of the oldest educational institutions west of
the Mississippi River — preceded indeed, only by the splendid
foundation laid by Rev. Jason Lee at Chemeketa, I realize that
every work of man here is recent and immature by comparison.

Harvard was founded in 1636, Yale in 1701, and many a
college in the East and Middle West has celebrated its hun-
dredth anniversary. Oregon's Provisional Government was

2 HENRY L. BATES

established in 1845, proclaimed as a territory in 1849 and ad-
mitted to the Union in 1859. Only in 1847 did the first steamer
enter San Francisco bay. California was ceded to the United
States in 1848 and admitted in 1850. Washington was or-
ganized as a territory in 1853 and became a state as late as
1889. Vancouver Island was constituted a British colony only
in 1849.

The high character and quality of the tide of immigration
to this Northwest in the thirties and forties is evidenced by
their early interest in education and religion.

The building of schools and churches seemed to them to be
one of the first necessities for the establishment of a permanent
and desirable social structure in this new land of promise.

Many of the leaders came from that part of the East which
gave us our free public school system and where the Christian
College was the dominant type of the higher schools of learn-
ing.

They stopped not to question the necessity of such schools
here. The first school teacher west of the Rockies was John
Ball, who opened a school at Vancouver in 1832 with 25 half-
breed children.

The first school south of the Columbia was the Mission
school near old Champoeg, taught by Philip L. Edwards in
1835. Then comes that heroic pioneer Methodist missionary,
Rev. Jason Lee, whose mission, as often has been the case,
was to found schools as well as churches; and in 1842 the
Oregon Institute at Chemeketa or North Salem, was begun—
primarily as a school for Indian children — though the school
was not formally opened till 1844. Out of this grew in time
Willamette University, which received its college charter from
the Territorial Legislature in 1853, just one year before Pacific
University received its charter.

Pacific University, too, like many of the best educational
institutions of our land, had its origin in a missionary enter-
prise. It was truly the child of missions in that its foundation

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY 3

was laid by men who were dedicated to missionary labor and
to planting the seeds, in this far-away land, of a Christian
civilization.

The first in order of time, at least, of these men of high
ideals and a lofty vision was the Rev. Harvey Clark, a native
of Vermont, who, with his young wife, a graduate of Oberlin,
fired with zeal for missionary work among the native tribes,
had come to Oregon in 1841 as independent, self-supporting
missionaries.

He settled upon his land claim, on which the town of Forest
Grove now stands, and built a log house in which he and his
wife taught the children of the settlers, being thus the first
school teachers in Washington County.

Mr. and Mrs. Clark had a vision of a school of higher rank
that might in time be established and that should mean much
for the highest enlightenment and culture of this new land.

Meanwhile they waited some time for the opportunity and
the means to realize their ideal.

Their first helper came in the person of a woman, Mrs.
Tabitha Moffet Brown — one of that long list of most heroic
forerunners of civilization, to whom all too little tribute has
been paid, the pioneer wives and mothers of the Pacific North-
west.

This is hardly the place to dwell very long upon her roman-
tic story ; it is a familiar one in Washington County. She was
the widow of an Episcopalian minister of Stonington, Conn.,
who was left without property and with three small children to
support. After teaching school several years, at the age of
nearly three-score years and ten, she came to Oregon to be
with her sons and grandchildren who had preceded her.

She crossed the plains with an ox-team, coming into Oregon
by that ill-fated Southern route and suffering untold dangers
and hardships on the way.

This was in 1846 and almost immediately "Grandma Brown,"
as she came to be affectionately called far and wide in the

4 HENRY L. BATES

Willamette Valley, having no family cares, but with a warm
love for God and humanity in her heart, looked around for
something to do for somebody. Soon the opportunity pre-
sented itself to take up the work of teaching again. She found
some 15 or 20 orphaned children at West Tualatin or what is
now Forest Grove, whom she gathered into an orphan school,
co-operating with Mr. Clark and taking over the work which
he and his wife had already begun. This school was held in
the log church which stood on what is now the college campus,
and the site of which is marked by a petrified stump. The next
year, 1848, the number of homeless children dependent on
Mrs. Brown was considerably increased through the exodus
of men from Oregon to the newly discovered gold mines in
California — who left their families, in some instances, almost
destitute.

Meanwhile Mr. Clark's larger purpose waited the oppor-
tunity and the man. Not long, however, for in 1848 there
arrived another of those missionary pioneers who had so much
to do in laying the foundations of a Christian civilization on
this side of the Great Divide. Dr. George H. Atkinson, the
first missionary sent here by the American Home Missionary
Society. With his young wife he sailed from Boston in October,
1847, by way of Cape Horn and the Sandwich Islands, reach-
ing Oregon City eight months later in June, 1848. Among all
the pioneers who came in that early day to Oregon, probably
no one had a clearer vision of its possibilities and a more
complete knowledge of its almost boundless resources. In
process of time he came to be recognized as a foremost author-
ity on matters of education in the territory.

He took a leading part in forming the public school system
of the state. He taught in the first graded school in Portland.
He prepared the educational part of the first message of the
Governor to the first Territorial Legislature which gave the
first impulse towards organizing the public school system. He
was a pioneer in meteorological observations in the Pacific

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY 5

Northwest. In 1865 he was sent East by the state in the in-
terest of prison reform. With Lt. Symonds of the U. S. Corps
of Engineers, he wrote the article on Oregon for the Encyclo-
pedia Britannica, ninth edition.

He dedicated the first Congregational Church building in
the North-west at Oregon City, August 18, 1859, and later he
organized the First Congregational Church of Portland. But
Dr. Atkinson, like a true son of New England, brought with
him to this new land an ambition and a well-defined purpose
to plant schools as well as churches here.

It is on record that before leaving for his distant field of
labor he made a visit to New York for final instructions and
while there was introduced to Rev. Theron Baldwin, secre-
tary of the American College and Education Society, then
newly organized to establish and aid new colleges. He said
to Dr. Atkinson:

"You are going to Oregon ; build an academy there that
shall grow into a college, as we built Illinois College." Learn-
ing soon after his arrival of the orphan school at West Tual-
atin, he rode over from Oregon City and visited Mr. Clark in
his log house. The men found they had a common purpose
and ideal and at once combined their efforts to attain their
purpose.

They called together an association of ministers at Oregon
City on September 21? 1848, at which time it was resolved to
establish an academy at Forest Grove. One year later, Sep-
tember 29, 1849, Tualatin Academy was incorporated by the
Territorial Legislature.

Mr. Clark was the first president of the board of trustees
and continued to hold the position till the time of his death.
Mrs. Brown's orphans were taken over by the new school, but
for a1 number of years she kept a boarding house for the
students, the price of board being $2.00 a week. In 1854, in
a letter to a friend, Mrs. Brown, then in her 75th year, said :

6 HENRY L. BATES

"In 1851 I had 40 in my family at $2.50 a week and I mixed
with my own hands 3423 Ibs. of flour in less than five months.

200 acres of Mr. Clark's donation land claim were given
as a basis of the endowment for the new school and later 150
acres more were given to secure adequate instructors.

About one-half of the present beautiful campus of 30 acres
was the gift of Mr. Clark. Others contributed generously of
their scanty means and their labor — none to so great an extent
as Mr. and Mrs. Clark. His interest in education was broader
than his denominational choice. He was a warm friend and
supporter of the Methodist school organized in 1842 and he
taught for a year in the Mission School at Champoeg.

For 40 years or until his death in 1889, Dr. Atkinson was
secretary of the board of trustees of the Academy and College
and was seldom absent from its meetings.

Doubtless the greatest single service which he performed
for the struggling enterprise was the securing the man who was
the first president. For several years after the founding of the
Academy there were no permanent teachers and no established
curriculum.

Faithful work was done in the log church by such men
as dishing Eells and J. M. Keeler, but still the vision of Mr.
Clark seemed far from fulfillment.

So Dr. Atkinson went East by way of the Isthmus — no
easy journey in those days. He gained the support of the
American College and Education Society, which endorsed the
college and pledged the interest on $10,000 for the support
of its first president. Best of all, however, and more significant
for the future development of the school, he persuaded Rev.
Sidney Harper Marsh to leave his New England home and
become the head of the school at Tualatin Plains and develop
it into a college.

Mr. Marsh was a young man of 28, descended from a line
of educators. His father was President James Marsh of the

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY 7

University of Vermont, and one of the foremost American edu-
cators of his day. His grandfather was Eleazer Wheelock, the
first president of Dartmouth College.

It is not strange that a young man with such an ancestry
and such an inheritance should accept with enthusiasm the
invitation to go to Oregon and give the best of his powers to
build up in the new land a college similar to those with which
he was familiar in New England.

He had no knowledge of pioneer conditions — reared in a
scholarly home and used to the refinement of the best society
in a University town, he had to meet at once the hardships
and privations of frontier life without any preparation.

He found here almost nothing to build a college upon — no
buildings, no permanent funds, no adequate teachers, and, most
discouraging of all, no apparent need or desire for such a
school.

President Marsh set himself steadfastly and courageously to
supply all these needs.

Immediately upon his arrival steps were taken to add college
grades of instruction to those in the Academy and in January,
1854, new articles of incorporation were granted by the Legis-
lature, and under the corporate name of Tualatin Academy and
Pacific University the present school was created.

We today can hardly realize the trials and hardships which
the new president had to endure. But brighter days began
to dawn. The country began to fill up. Families moved in
and built homes around the young college. Students began to
stay long enough to get into college and in process of time
young men and women were graduated, — many of whom have
been among the foremost leaders in the public life and service
of the state. The need of funds was ever pressing and Presi-
dent Marsh made three different trips to the East to solicit aid.
$70,000 in cash and many valuable books for the library were
secured on these trips. Among these latter the most notable

8 HENRY L. BATES

gift was that of more than 400 volumes by Sidney E. Morse,
the son of a famous geographer and brother of the renowned
inventor, S. F. B. Morse. One of the most valuable books in
the library is a copy of Ptolemy's Universal Geography printed
at Basle in 1542 — on the title page of which is inscribed,
"Sidney E. Morse from his affectionate brother, S. F. B.
Morse, Rome, June, 1830."

A more recent addition of great value was the gift of over
200 old and rare books from the library of D. W. Craig, a
pioneer journalist of Oregon. One book printed in 1482 is
one of the two or three oldest books west of the Rocky Moun-
tains.

Another book of unique interest and value is a copy of a
primer printed in the Spokane dialect, on the Lapwai press in
1842, said to be the only perfect copy in existence.

Today the library numbers about 20,000 volumes — housed in
a modern brick structure, the gift of Andrew Carnegie.

There was early organized as an important department of
the University a Conservatory of Music which is today giving
instruction in piano, pipe organ, violin, voice training and musi-
cal history and theory of a character equal to any similar
instruction given in the state.

Grandma Brown left to the college at her death, or rather
gave before her death, a lot in the village and a log house
which was afterwards sold for $506.60 — this sum was invested
and reinvested until today it has reached something like $5,000.

President Marsh was able thus to realize in some degree the
dream of the founders. He found a "small and weak academy
and left it well organized, fairly well equipped and with a
character established for all time for sound learning and thor-
ough instruction" and worthy ideals.

After 25 years of strenuous toil he laid down his task with
his life in 1879.

Those who succeeded him in the presidential chair have been
Rev. John R. Herrick, Rev. J. T. Ellis, Rev. Thomas McClel-

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY 9

land — who left here after nine years of service in 1900 to
take the presidency of Knox College, from which he has re-
cently resigned. Following him came President Wm. N. Fer-
rin, another teacher from Vermont, then President C. J. Bush-
nell, and now the school seems to be entering upon a new era
of enlargement and healthy growth under the enthusiastic and
efficient leadership of President Robert Fry Clark, who was
inaugurated last June.

Mention at least ought to be made of some of the men and
women who so efficiently helped to make the instruction in
academy and college of the high quality for which it has
always been justly proud.

Rev. Cushing Eells was the first principal of Tualatin
Academy.

E. D. Shattuck, a young Vermonter, was an early teacher
and afterwards for more than 25 years was one of Oregon's
ablest and most honored jurists.

Another early teacher in the Academy was Mrs. Elizabeth
Miller Wilson, who died only a few years ago at The Dalles.

Rev. Horace Lyman came to assist President Marsh when
the burden seemed to be heaviest and his labors and influence
counted much for the success of the enterprise. For several
years most of the college teaching was done by these two men.
Dr. A. J. Anderson was a teacher in an early day — going from
here to the presidency of Whitman College.

Thomas Condon, one of the ablest thinkers the state ever had,
went from the faculty of Pacific University to help start the
State University at Eugene and with him went Professor
Collier and Dr. Luella Clay Carson.

Coming rather early also to assist President Marsh in his
great work, was Professor Joseph W. Marsh, his brother and
another graduate of Vermont. For more than 40 years, as
professor of Latin and Greek and college librarian, Prof.
Marsh made an impress on the minds and hearts of generation
after generation of students and left memories that multitudes

10 HENRY L. BATES

still cherish. He delighted in learning and he loved his fellow-
men.

The first Bachelor's degree was granted in 1863 to a class
of one, but that one was Harvey W. Scott, Oregon's greatest
journalist and one of the keenest thinkers of his generation.

It has been said that he and the Honorable Thomas H.
Tongue, who graduated five years after Mr. Scott, were two
of the chief factors in carrying the state for sound money in
the days when the free silver delusion seemed likely to carry
everything before it.

The graduates of Pacific University number less than 400 —
its student body has never been large — but among that small
number have been some of the ablest and finest men and women
who have helped to make Oregon, and that noblest thing in a
state, a noble citizenship.

Out of all proportion to her numbers has been her influence
for sound learning, true culture and righteous living in this
great North-west.

Her alumni have not only wielded a worthy influence in
Oregon but in foreign lands and on mission fields. Hastara
Tamura, an important educator in Japan, and Kin Saito, Chief
Justice of the Court of Hokkaido, Hakodate, Japan, Rev. J.
Elkanah Walker, for many years a missionary to China, and
more recently Dr. John X. Miller, a missionary in India and
recognized by the British Government in India as doing work
of unusual value in industrial education, — the present city
editor of the Oregonian — lawyers, physicians, teachers and min-
isters all over the Pacific North-west. These are some of the
contributions of Pacific to the finest citizenship of the world at
home and abroad.

She has always kept her standards high — none are higher in
the North-west. A few years ago when a Federal Commis-
sion standardized the colleges and universities of the state, she
was one of the first three to be recognized as a standardcollege.

Her graduates are admitted for graduate or professional

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY 11

study in all the leading colleges and universities in the land.

If Garfield's conception was a true one, that Mark Hopkins
on one end of a log and himself as a student on the other end
was all that was needed to make a college, then must it not
be true that the value of a college must be measured at least
as much by the devotion and learning and character of its
instructors and the fine quality of the young men and women
which it turns out, as by its costly equipment and size of its
student body? Pacific University at least does not think she
has lived altogether in vain.

Her growth has been slow partly because the population of
Oregon has never been great. When Dr. Atkinson came to
Oregon there were not more than 7,000 people in the state.

In 1870 Oregon, Washington and Idaho combined had only
130,000.

The rush for gold in '48- '49 drew one-half or two-thirds
of the able-bodied men from Washington County. And yet
in 1912 Oregon ranked third in having the highest percentage
of students in college or one to every 150 of the population.
Kansas stood first with one to 112, and Utah second, 1 to 121.

In 1915 Tualatin Academy graduated its last class and passed
out of existence. The increasing number of standardized
high schools seeming to make secondary schools of the academy
type unnecessary.

Twenty-five years ago there were only three high schools
in the state. Today there are 200 of the standard variety.

While being in some sense the child of the churches, Pacific
University has never been sectarian or under denominational
control. Her aim has always been "to make it possible for
the young people of the Pacific Northwest to obtain a thorough
education under Christian influences." The name "University"
has always been somewhat of a misnomer. It reflects the high
aims and worthy aspirations of its early founders rather than
actual achievements in the shape of graduate courses and pro-
fessional schools.

12 HENRY L. BATES

Pacific belongs indeed to that important class of "the small
college" and she is not only proud of it but is inclined to
believe that her special mission to humanity is best fulfilled
in that capacity.

At present, at least, her endowment is inadequate and her
equipment greatly in need of improvement — but she and her
sister independent Christian colleges in the state can do things
for the youth of the land which great universities with larger
faculties, more costly equipment and crowds of students cannot
possibly do.

There never was a time when the peculiar influence and the
dominating ideals of a distinctively Christian college were
more needed in America — to mold the character and clarify
the motives of our youth in these days of unrest and uncertainty.
. The peculiar needs of the time make it a matter of the high-
est patriotism to the whole people to support such an institu-
tion ; for it is laying the foundations of a Christian civilization,
it is doing its part to make America safe for democracy.

Today the outlook for Pacific University seems bright with
promise. A beautiful campus, second to none in the state ; five
buildings, all modern but one; an endowment fund of about
a quarter of a million ; a loyal and enthusiastic student body ;
the prestige of an honorable past and an honor roll of worthy
sons and daughters ; the confidence that her friends who believe
in her and in her mission, will show their faith by their works
and increase her funds and add to her buildings and her equip-
ment ; a devoted and self-denying faculty ; the ideals of her
founders still sacredly cherished ; — these are what Pacific Uni-
versity posseses today as the sure foundation of her belief
in her mission and her future in the generations to come.

SPAIN AND ENGLAND'S QUARREL OVER THE
OREGON COUNTRY.

An Introductory Statement to furnish a Setting for the Incidents
in the Log of the Princesa used byf Professor Priestly to
throw new Light on the Nootka Sound Affair of 1789

The culminating events in the first struggle for the posses-
sion of the Oregon Country were staged in Nootka Sound on
the west coast of Vancouver Island. In our busy age, how-
ever, the average reader of the Quarterly without a Bancroft's
Northwest Coast at hand may not be sufficiently clear on
the details of the incidents out of which the Nootka Con-
troversy arose to get the benefit of the valuable source
material in the paper by Professor Priestly on the Log of
the Princesa or diary of her commander, Jose Martinez.

This Nootka Sound affair in which representatives of the
Spanish and English sovereignties were rivals for the posses-
sion of our Northwest Coast was in a way the first act in
the drama; the second act of which with its more familiar
complications was staged a quarter of a century later at Fort
Astoria some two hundred and fifty miles to the south.

The joint arrangement closing the Nootka Sound dispute
between Spain and England pertained primarily to rights of
access to and trade with the natives of this coast region. In
the next agreement, composing the second international con-
tention for the Oregon Country as a whole, Spain had receded
to the background and the United States had become a prin-
cipal contender with England. The issue now affected the
more substantial right of occupation. The arrangement again
was on a joint basis. In the third and concluding settlement
the situation had ripened to the exclusive "to have and to
hold" phase with the establishment of the 49th parallel as
the boundary line between the allotted portions of the claimants

14 F. G. YOUNG

who had been developing their respective rights for more
than half a century through discovery, exploration, occupa-
tion and settlement. The incidents recorded in the Log of
the Princesa by one who had the master role introduces us
directly to the first of the central series of dramatic situations
in the early history of Oregon.

One additional special feature of progressive change in the
developing drama on this Northwest Coast should be noted.
In the first crisis of affairs affecting this region and staged
at Nootka Sound, the participants had all arrived on the
scene in ships. In the second crisis at Fort Astoria, contin-
gents of both contestants had come overland. In the assem-
bling for the final scene out of which came the terms of the
treaty of 1846 it was those who had trailed across the con-
tinent rather than those coming by the sea route who con-
trolled the outcome.

To return to the situation in which our Pacific Northwest
first came into the limelight of political history as a bone
of contention between Spain and Great Britain. The van of
the forces of Spanish adventure and missionary zeal pressing
westward in the wake of the discoveries of Columbus had
passed through the West Indies and along the southern border
of what was to become the United States, had crossed Mexico
and turned northward on the Pacific Coast. By 1769, it
reached San Francisco Bay with a missionary establishment.
Though there was a vast stretch of coast beyond to the north
and northwest open to conquest and exploitation it had not
the lure of rich kingdoms or legendary treasure cities and
Spanish energy for less dazzling prizes seemed spent.

Spanish authorities were, however, concerned that the sub-
jects of no other nation should get a foothold in menacing
proximity, say within a sweep of 1000 or 1500 miles of their
farthest outpost on San Francisco Bay. Furthermore, geog-
raphers had for centuries mapped the Strait of Anian as
affording a northwest passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific

SPAIN AND ENGLAND QUARREL OVER OREGON 15

in a latitude that would mean trouble for the Spanish posses-
sions on the Pacific Coast, if the entrance to this supposed
waterway was not found and commanded by suitable fortifica-
tions. Russian explorers, too, had pushed across Siberia and
Vitus Bering and others were coming down this Northwest
Coast. To anticipate these possible menaces to an unmolested
sway over this region a more energetic Spanish King and
Mexican viceroy renewed explorations. Accordingly, one
vessel was dispatched northward in 1774 and two in 1775.
These traced the main outlines) of our coast from about 55°
southward. In the latter year, on the afternoon of July 17th,
Heceta, in command of one of the ships, the Santiago, dis-
covered a bay with strong currents and eddies, indicating
the mouth of a great river or strait in latitude 46° 9'. He
named the point on the north, San Rbque, and the one on the
south, Cabo Frondoso. He was looking at the mouth of the
Columbia River between capes Disappointment and Adams.
As he had not enough men to raise the anchor if it were once
lowered, or to man his launch, he continued on to the south
without consummating the discovery. Through these voyages
in 1774-5, Spain had explored and taken possession of the
whole extent of the Northwest Coast from 40° to 55°. But
the results of these expeditions were not published. Mean-
while English maritime enterprise had followe'd the lead of
the Cabots. Through activities of exploration and colonization
the eastern shore of the North American was occupied by the
English with Spain holding only St. Augustine in Florida.
During the latter half of the 18th century there was a great
renewal of exploring activity by England's navigators. The
most intrepid of all her mariners of this period was James
Cook. On his third voyage of discoverey in the Pacific he
found the Sandwich Islands and proceeding northward arrived
off our Oregon Coast in March, 1778. His quest was the
northwest passage that had been the objective of Verrazano,
Cartier, Hudson, Frobisher, Drake, Franklin and a host of

16 F. G. YOUNG

others during the preceding three centuries. Parliament had
just offered a prize of £20,000 for the discovery of it.

While Francis Drake had been off our Oregon Coast just
two centuries before Cook's appearance his lead was not
followed up by his countrymen as Cook's was destined to be
to the discomfiture of Spanish operations on our Western
shores. On Cook's cruise northward, at intervals along shore,
he named capes Perpetua, Foulweather, and Flattery on the
Oregon and Washington Coasts. He entered Nootka Sound
anchoring in what he called Friendly Cove. He there repaired
his vessels and "obtained full supplies of water, wood, fish
grass and spruce beer." He happened also to purchase a supply
of beaver skins from the natives, "holding no thoughts at
that time of using them to any other advantage than converting
them to purposes of clothing." He found a market for them
in China at the rate of $100 for what cost him 6 pence sterling.
Intelligence of the opportunity for profit demonstrated in that
transaction was passed along, reaching first the English mer-
chants operating in China and India, but arriving in due time
at the centers of foreign trade of England and America. John
Ledyard, an American, who had been a sailor with Cook's
expedition was particularly active in canvassing the matter
and was probably largely instrumental in getting the company
of Boston merchants to dispatch so promptly the Columbia
and Washington under Kendrick and Gray.

This economic lure of prodigious profit in fur trade with
the natives on the Northwest Coast soon made Nootka Sound,
with its inviting conditions for shelter and refreshments, a
great rendezvous.

In 1785 came the first ship to trade for furs, an English
vessel from China. The next year six additional English
vessels arrived, two from Bengal, two from Bombay, and two
direct from England. During the summers immediately fol-
lowing, this volume of trafficking along the coast was main-
tained. The individual participants would change. As a cargo

SPAIN AND ENGLAND QUARREL OVER OREGON 17

was accumulated the vessel would proceed to its market in
China and possibly load there with tea for its homeward bound
cargo. Meanwhile new recruits would be lured into the game.

In 1788 the American ships, Columbia and Lady Washing-
ton, sent out by Boston merchants and commanded by John
Kendrick and Robert Gray, arrived on the coast. They passed
the following winter in Nootka Sound and were on the scene
as interested spectators of the complications that were to
follow, and possibly had no small part in inciting the Spanish
commander, Martinez, to the suspicious attitude through which
the trouble developed between him and Colnett and other Eng-
lish captains as they arrived with their craft at the entrance
of the harbor. At any rate, the factors in the situation were
such as we shall see opened an opportunity which Yankee
shrewdness with a little sharp practice could utilize toward
putting difficulties in the way of a competitor in trade.

Looking at the situation as a whole as it was developing
during these later eighties, of the 18th century at Nootka
Sound through the profit-lure of the fur trade with the natives,
we see the rights of Spain based on prior discovery of this
coast completely ignored. In 1788, the Spanish authorities,
having been through the reports of the returning French ex-
plorer, La Perouse, apprised of the fact that the Russians
were fast encroaching from the north, sent out Martinez and
Haro in the Princesa and San Carlos to investigate. Martinez
and Haro visited the Alaska regions and reported that the
Russians intended to found a settlement at Nootka and also
that English traders were active along the coast. Consequently,
Martinez and Haro were sent back in 1789, equipped to es-
tablish a post there and to assert Spanish sovereign jurisdic-
tion over the region before it should be taken possession of
by any foreign power.

In the Spring and early Summer of 1789, the time was ripe
for a denouement at this rendezvous of traders of rival nations
in Nootka Sound. Martinez as the representative of His

18 F. G. YOUNG

Catholic Majesty was there to take exclusive possession on the
traditional basis of priority of discovery and he was fittingly
equipped. English seamen representing different commercial
enterprises plying their vocation as fur traders were arriving.
Their undisputed freedom of ingress and egress enjoyed
during the several years preceding was in their planning
maturing into the right of permanent occupation. In the pre-
ceding pages I have tried to indicate how the converging lines
of tendency of Spanish and English expansion on this coast
promised inevitable friction. It is now in place to show how
the train was laid for the explosion at Nootka in the summer
of 1789.

In 1788 a company of English merchants at Bengal, India,
fitted out two ships, one of which was the Iphigenia. They
were put under the command of John Meares and William
Douglas. "In order to evade excessive port charges in China,
and also to obviate the necessity of obtaining licenses from the
East India and South Sea Companies," says Bancroft, "one
Cavalho, a Portuguese, was made nominally a partner in the
concern, and through this influence with the governor of
Macao the vessels were furnished Portuguese flags, papers,
and captains. All of these were to be used as occasion might
demand, either in Chinese ports or in case of embarrassing
meetings with British vessels, where the real commanders
would appear in the Portuguese version of the ships' papers as
super cargoes." Furthermore, it was provided that in case
of real trouble with any Russian, English or Spanish vessels
they should, as victors, take possession of the vessel and
crew, bring both "to China that they might be condemned as
legal prizes, and their crews punished as pirates." It was
these Portuguese instructions that puzzled the Spanish
commander when he had seized the Iphigenia as an English
vessel. She was no longer flying the Portuguese colors, as a
license to trade had been obtained from the India Company.
Bancroft suggests that Kendrick with whom Martinez had

SPAIN AND ENGLAND QUARREL OVER OREGON 19

been spending a few days up the Sound had worked on
Martinez's suspicions through the clause in the papers of the
Iphigenia requiring the captain to take Spanish vessels and
carry their men to Macao to be tried for piracy. To enter a
Spanish port with such instructions, and uncertainly translated
as they were for Martinez, led him to take the steps he did
and to exhibit the subsequent vacillation with the Iphigenia.
Though Martinez acted on the principle that discretion is the
better part of valor with the Iphigenia, his attitude had be-
come suspicious. He found it necessary, with Captain Hudson
of the Princess Royal, to establish that the right of priority
was with the Spanish through Perez's voyage in 1774 rather
than with the English through Cook's discoveries of 1778.

The fact that the North West America, the first vessel
ever built on the coast, was built on soil claimed by the Spanish
may account for some of the insistence of Martinez that it
should be delivered to him for a consideration.

When the Argonaut, under Captain Colnett, appeared at
the mouth of the harbor it looks a little arbitrary for Martinez
to order her towed into port and anchored between the two
Spanish ships. But this English vessel belonged to the same
concern that had been using the shores of Nootka Sound for
a shipyard, that had erected structures there and her own
papers actually contained instructions "to establish a permanent
trading post or factory," the site of which would naturally
have been Nootka. Colnett with such a commission from his
superiors, and a weak mind, would have difficulty in not
betraying his designs to the Spanish commander and lead him
to demand Colnett's passport, instructions and invoice of
cargo. Furthermore, Martinez waiting for Colnett to find these,
"noted that the cargo of the Argonaut contained supplies of
expected vessels and material for building others." Further,
Colnett admitted "that he came as a governor of a colony."
This meant complications that only tact and diplomacy could
have straitened without an explosion, but Colnett flies off the
handle.

20 F. G. YOUNG

The return of the Princess Royal, Captain Hudson, ten days
later was in defiance of the warning Hudson had received, so
seizure was the natural outcome.

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA BY ESTEVAN
MARTINEZ.

What does it contribute to our Knowledge of the Nootka Sound
Controversy?

By HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY

Hubert Howe Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast
was published 36 years ago — in 1884. In volume I of that
work he gives an account of the Nootka Sound Controversy.
In 1904 Professor William Ray Manning published his ex-
tensive inquiry into that affair, availing himself of manu-
script materials in Spain and elsewhere which were inaccessi-
ble to Bancroft. In one very important particular Manning
was unable to add to the account by Bancroft. The latter
says, (p. 212.) "I have not been able to obtain the original
diaries of the Spanish expedition of 1789; nor has any previous
writer in English seen them;" Manning quotes this, and says
(p. 342 note) that Revilla-Gigedo, writing to Valdez, Mexico,
Dec. 27, 1789, "states that a copy of Martinez' diary is in-
closed, but a note on a small slip of paper inserted says that the
diary is not being sent on account of Martinez not having
sent a duplicate of it. The diary does not appear in the
bundle, and probably never was sent."

This diary, or more properly log, of which a copy is now
in the Bancroft Library of the Academy of Pacific Coast
History, bears the caption, Diaro de la navegacion que yo el
alferez de navi'o de Real Armada Don Estevan Josef Martinez,
boy a executor al puerto de San Lorenzo de Nuca, mandando
la fragata Princesa, y paquebot San Carlos, de orden de el
Exmo Senor Don Manuel Antonio Florez, Virey, Governador,
y Capitan-General de Nueva Espana, en el presente an de i?8p.
The original log is a notebook of 144 pages, with 2 of in-
troduction. The copy of it, which serves as the basis of this

22 HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY

paper, was secured from the Depo'sito Hidrogra'fico de Madrid
by the late Professor Henry Morse Stephens for the Academy
of Pacific Coast History. An English translation of the copy
has been made by William L. Schurz, sometime Travelling
Fellow of the Native Sons of the Golden West. It is of in-
terest to note what new light the log sheds upon the motives
and actions of the Spanish commander, as compared with the
published accounts.

The first discrepancy between the log and the account by
Bancroft is seen in the statement from Haswell's Voyage, MS
in the Bancroft Library, (Northwest Coast, Vol I, p. 213,
note.} that Martinez told Capt. Gray, when he met the latter
outside the entrance to Nootka Sound early in May, that he
had fitted for his voyage at Cadiz, and then, reshipping with
natives of California, had been to Behring Strait, where he
had parted from his consort in a gale. The farthest north of
the 1789 voyage was 50° 26', reached May 2; Haswell prob-
ably misunderstood Martinez, who must have been describ-
ing his voyage of 1788, to be speaking of his present under-
taking. This explains the "strange account" which Bancroft
says Martinez gave of himself to Gray and later to Douglas.

On the negative testimony which Dr. Manning adduces
from Meares' failure to record whether he had left his house
standing or not when he sailed in 1788 from Nootka for
Hawaii, the log adds nothing positive, but some negative
evidence, for Martinez makes no reference of any kind to
any English establishment, or remnant of one, tho' he does
make frequent reference to the houses of the natives, which
he visited. If any foreign building had been there, he would
have seen it, and would very probably have mentioned it.

The story of the log which narrates the controversy over
the instructions under which the Iphigenia sailed, is, that
these were submitted to Martinez on May 8, when requested,
but being long, they were left with him to be copied. It was
not until May 13 that Martinez seized the Iphigenia, and on

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA 23

the 17th he obtained the bond of Viana and Douglas to sur-
render the Iphigenia if the Viceroy should declare her a good
prize. The reason for releasing the vessel Martinez gives:
it is his lack of men and provisions to take the captured vessel
to- San Bias and at the same time secure Nootka. By May
24, he says, "I have reflected thoroughly that a different con-
struction could be placed upon the instructions which were
presented to me on the 8th inst., by ... Viana, . . .
they being written in Portuguese, of which no one in our
ship is master." The Iphigenia was released on May 25,
after its officers had been admonished to cease trading at
Nootka. It is apparent from the above that Manning's criticism
(p. 320) that Martinez was silent as to his real reason for
releasing the Iphigenia will have to be modified by the log
entry for May 24, above cited.

As to the moot question of the quantity of supplies restored
to Douglas, the diary gives no information in detail, except
to say that on May 31, just before she sailed, the vessel re-
ceived "the artillery, balls, powder, and other stores with
which she had been fitted," and that the provisions which he
furnished her were intended to last for the voyage to the
Sandwich Islands. They must have been ample for this, as
the Iphigenia spent a month on the coast before departing for
Hawaii, as Manning notes.

Concerning the plea recorded by Douglas, made to Martinez,
that he had entered Nootka in distress, Martinez says not a
word, tho' he does give a circumstantial account (May 8) of
the reasons given by Kendrick for entering. Neither is there
any hint in| the log that there was unusual objection by the
English to the treatment which they received as prisoners. It
is regrettable also that neither the first nor the second transla-
tions of the instructions to Viana are in the log, as from them
might be gathered some knowledge as to what frankness
Martinez showed in his effort to understand the situation. We
have on this point only the entry of May 24th, above men-

24 HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLY

tioned. Attention may be called also to the fact that Martinez
does not speak of any attempt to get an order from Douglas
to Funter requiring him to sell the Northwest America to the
Spaniard.

The log account of the reception accorded to the Northwest
America, Capt. Funter, which put back into Nootka, after a
northern cruise for pelts, on June 8th, is as follows: ". . .
As soon as it was within a proper distance, I ordered two
launches manned, and they towed it inside this port, where
it cast anchor at 8 :30 at night. The captain and pilot, Robert
Funter and Thomas Bennett, immediately came to greet me.
I had them stay to supper, and they returned on board their
vessel at 11 at night."

"Tuesday, June 9, 1789, at 7 a. m., I ordered my first pilot,
Jose Tovar, the carpenter and the calker and the secretary,
to examine that vessel and make an inventory of whatever she
contained that was useful and that might be of service. When
they had done so, they found that the whole bottom of the
ship was rotten and eaten through by shipworms, and that
in order to make her serviceable it would be necessary to re-
build her almost entirely. In view of the report which they
presented to me, I determined to receive whatever she con-
tained that was serviceable beside the cargo that she carried. I
kept ... of all this ... an inventory, ....
made at once, and [have it] in my possession. . . . Every-
thing must remain unsettled until we receive the decision
. . . of ... the Viceroy, to whom I will render a
proper account, to see if this vessel and her contents con-
stitute a good prize. [This depends on] whether she is
bound by the instructions which the captain of the Portuguese
packet Iphigenia presented to me, and whether this ship as
well as the other belongs to Don Juan Carvalho . . ." In
this we find no pique at inability to buy the vessel, as Meares
claimed (Manning, p. 325), which amply justifies his action
as a partisan of his king. The accounts of Meares, Douglas,

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA 25

and Funter were written at dates much later than the log,
hence ought to be of less credibility.

With respect to the arrival of the Princess Royal, Capt.
Hudson, at Nootka June 15, the log adds to Dr. Manning's
account the fact that Martinez remained aboard of her out-
side the Sound on the night of her arrival for the definite
purpose of preventing her departure before he could learn
particulars of her voyage and purpose — his act thus being in
keeping with the sense of his instructions to prevent trade
with the natives, or surprise to himself. Manning's criticism
that Martinez was inconsistent in releasing Hudson may be
explained by the belief of Martinez that Hudson was warned
that if he was found trading with the natives he would be
taken prisoner — as transpired upon the reappearance of the
Princess Royal at a later date. Hudson stated that "he had
acted in the belief that this port as well as the coast belonged
to the English crown, as discoveries made by Captain James
Cook. However, I convinced him . . . that I had an-
ticipated Cook by three years and eight months; ... he
could confirm this by ... Joseph Ingraham, who had
noted it in his log from the knowledge which he had gained
from the Indians of the region."

In the matter of the seizure of the Argonaut and the arrest
of Capt. Colnett and his crew, it is to be observed that Manning
used the report of Martinez to Florez, as well as the accounts
by Colnett, Gray, Ingraham, and Duf fin ; of these latter, only
the last named was a contemporary account. I shall set forth
briefly how the log agrees in general with the letter to Florez,
and what it adds, as well as how the spirit of the Dttffin
account substantiates in many ways the Martinez point of
view.

The log is, as was the letter to Florez, quite silent as to
any pretense of distress on the Spanish vessels as a reason
why Colnett should enter the port to succor them, tho' it does
say that it was Martinez who ordered the Argonaut towed

26 HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY

into port, where it was anchored, against Colnett's wishes, by
chains between the two Spanish ships, and under the guns of
the fort. Permission to anchor at Cook's old anchorage was
refused to Colnett "seeing that this was merely a pretext to
get away from us so that, secure from harm, he could leave
with less risk to continue his way, or proceed to some place
where he could act to better advantage."

Events of July 3rd, the day of the quarrel between Colnett
and Martinez, not chronicled by Dr. Manning, and included
in the log, state that the boatswain reported after daybreak
that Colnett had "taken his boat before sunrise and had gone
outside the port and around the hill on which the fort of San
Miguel is situated. He was apparently reconnoitering the
fortifications. . . . Soon after he came inside, he made to-
ward the beach, along which he coasted . . . and ex-
amined the cooper shop and the forge, . . . [Colnett's
account of this investigation is that he did these things in
company with Martinez.] Colnett failed to hoist his colors at
sunrise, until ordered so to do by Martinez, when he displayed
"a blue English flag at bow and stern, and at the mainmast,
instead of a streamer, a broad pennant of the same color with
a white square in the center. He thus gave me to understand
. . . that he was an officer of high rank."

Shortly afterward, Martinez demanded Colnett's passport,
instructions, and invoice of cargo. Colnett excused himself
from producing them, on the plea that his chests were in great
disorder. He was then allowed to drop his anchor, and take
his time in finding his papers. Martinez accompanied him
to his vessel. Here it was noted that the cargo of the Argonaut
contained supplies for expected vessels and material for build-
ing others. Colnett stated that he came as governor of a
colony, and gave some account of his plans.

Having heard these, Martinez told him that he could not
allow him to carry them out; then, refusing an invitation to
supper, he returned to the Princesa. In the afternoon, Colnett

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA 27

wrote a friendly note requesting the use of Martinez' launch
in raising his anchor and setting sail the following morning.
"I saw then that the reasons which he had given me in the
morning for not presenting the papers which I had demanded
were merely pretexts for not showing them, so that he could
delay until he could find a favorable opportunity to get away."
Martinez therefore refused assistance until Colnett should
place the papers in his hands. Colnett then went on board the
Princesa and showed his passport, but refused to show his
instructions, which, he said, were addressed to himself alone.
A moment later, he asserted that he had no instructions other
than his passport, and demanded an instant reply to his re-
quest for the Spaniard's launch, that he might set sail at once.
Being again refused until he should show his instructions, he
announced his determination to sail at once, "and if I did not
like it, I might fire at him, for he was not afraid of us. He
accompanied this talk by placing his hand two or three times
on his sword, which he wore at his belt, as if to threaten me
in my own cabin. He added in a loud voice the evil sounding
and insulting words, *G — d d d Spaniard.' ... I de-
cided that if I let him go free from my deck, I would thereby
suffer the arms of his Catholic Majesty to be dishonored.
Many, too, would think that I had failed to act, through fear,
though I had no reason to be afraid, since I was superior in
force to Colnett." Then, to avoid a conflict with possible
loss of life, and for fear Colnett would sail at once to London
to report, Martinez says, he arrested the Englishman and his
crew, and took over the ship.

Thus the log corrects Dr. Manning's statement (p. 334)
that everything seems to have been harmonious on the morning
of July 3, for at the outset Colnett began the day by suspicious
actions and haughty disregard of Martinez' claim to the
sovereignty of the land. He followed this by an ill-timed
disclosure of his purposes in Nootka, resorting to patent mis-
representation in saying that he could not find his papers to

28 HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLY

show them. If it be objected that we are here taking Martinez'
testimony in his own cause, it is yet plain that his account
of the quarrel and arrest in the cabin written at the moment
have quite as much air of verisimilitude as the accounts of
the other participants, which were equally partisan, and were
written later. Notice also Duf fin's letter of July 14 [13], in
Meares' Voyage, cited by Dr. Manning (p. 336), wherein the
writer calls attention to Colnett's refusal at Duffin's request,
to "draw out every particular concerning our being captured.
. . . His objection is that he has involved himself . . .
in difficulties that he is not able to extricate himself from.
. . ." Manning's conjecture is that this refusal was for
shame of his (Colnett's) insanity; it is quite as reasonable
to conjecture that it was due to the fact that he had been
rash in putting himself in a situation where seizure was the
normal outcome of his actions. It is noticeable that Duffin's
account, the one written by the only sane English participant,
exculpates Martinez from the charge of harshness, and puts
the blame for the situation upon Colnett by implication, in his
letter in Meares' Voyage, Appendix.

With regard to the capture of the Princess Royal, Capt.
Hudson, which returned to Nootka July 13, the log adds to
Bancroft's account, which merely states the event in a dozen
words, and to the more detailed narrative of Manning, the
assertion that when Hudson put off to the shore in his boat
he was disguised as a common seaman. He was, as the
English accounts have it also, taken from his boat onto the
Spanish launch sent to meet him, and disarmed; but his boat
succeeded in eluding the capturing launch, made off to an
inlet too narrow for the latter, and attempted to speak to
Colnett on the captured packet. This, Martinez refused to
permit, unless the crew should surrender themselves, to be
taken on board his frigate. (Log pp. 130-131.) "As soon as I
had descended to my cabin and found Hudson there, I com-
manded him to write an order directing his sloop to enter the

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA 29

harbor. He begged off, saying that he could not give it unless
he should first see his commander. . . He said furthermore
that he had a good crew to defend it, with the guns loaded,
and with orders that if they say any boats approaching, to fire
on them without letting them draw close.

"I was cognizant of the order which he had given, and knew
that there was no way to make him do as I had commanded,
in spite of the fact that I had given him to understand that
he was as much my prisoner as were those of the packet. I
accordingly ordered the pilot Mondofia, in the presence of
Hudson, to arm the launches and . . . bring the sloop in-
side. I commanded him that [if the crew fired] he should
. . . seize her by force, putting the crew to the sword
without quarter. I also gave Hudson to understand . . .
that if the crew offered resistance I would have him hanged
at the yard arm. . . . He [then] wrote out an order to his
men to surrender." ... He requested me that before
the launches should leave, I should send his own boat with
my men and one of his own, to give the countersign and warn
them not to fire. When once on board, they would hand over
the letter. Then, when the launches should arrive, his men
would surrender without resistance." This was done, and
the launches took the sloop on the 13th, without resistance.

The remainder of the log subsequent to the seizures, is con-
cerned with the details of the Spanish occupation, and with
contributions to the ethnography and topography of the region,
gathered from the log of Ingraham and from observation.
There is, so far as I know, no disagreement as to these features
of the Nootka occupation. Nor does the log shed any light
on further happenings in Mexico pursuant to the arrival of the
seized vessels there. A discrepancy is found between the log
and published account of Dr. Manning, taken from the report
of Revilla-Gigedo to Valdez, Mexico, p. 212, — to the effect that
upon his departure for San Bias Martinez seized two American
vessels and took them with him. The account of the log is

30 HERBERT INGRAM PRIESTLEY

that he took only one, the Fair America, commanded by the
son of Captain Metcalf . Another vessel, . . . young Met-
calf recognized as his father's, was given chase, but escaped.

Concerning the manifest favor with which Martinez treated
Gray and Kendrick, the log says: (entry of Oct. 30) "The
sloop Washington continued her voyage, not in making dis-
coveries, as was said, but rather in the collection of furs,
which is the principal object of the nations;" I might have
taken [these American vessels] prisoners, but I had no orders
to do so, and my situation did not permit it. I treated this
enemy as a friend, I turned over to him 187 skins to be sold
on my account in Canton, the proceeds to be turned over to
the Spanish ambassador in Boston for the benefit of the
Crown.

"Capt. John Kendrick informed me that he had not yet
fulfilled his commission, and asked me if he might maintain
himself on the coast the following year after going to Sand-
wich and Canton. I told him he might if he carried a Spanish
passport, as he said he expected to do, and that in that case
he should buy for me in Macao two ornaments for the mass,
and seven pairs of boots for the officers of the San Carlos
and my vessel, but I believe nothing of that will come to pass."

Dr. Manning says (p. 360) that there is ground for dispute
as to the justice or injustice of the seizures at Nootka. The
double character of the Iphigenia he mentions as a "harmless
trick, meant only to deceive the Celestials." It ought to be
more difficult to harmonize this judgment with probability,
seeing that the only Celestials whom it would be profitable to
deceive were across the Pacific, than to harmonize the act
of appearing under Portuguese colors with the fact that Spain
and Portugal were, since the rapprochement during the War
of American Independence, on more friendly terms with each
other than was either with England ; hence a Portuguese vessel
would run less risk on the Northwest Coast than would an
Englishman. It is to be observed that the instructions to

THE LOG OF THE PRINCESA 31

Martinez by Florez did not mention the Portuguese at all,
while they did particularize on the treatment to be accorded to
English, Russian, and American vessels. The account of the
quarrel with Colnett would seem to offer evidence that the
acute situation was caused quite as much by the arrogance of
Colnett as by misunderstanding on the part of Canizares the
interpreter. We have not yet a perfectly unbiased account of
what really did happen at Nootka, nor shall we, in all like-
lihood, ever have. What we have is another statement of the
case, by an active, competent, though naturally prejudiced
participant. The fact that the Martinez diary was a daily
entry, and that this fair copy of it was made at San Bias,
before question of the events made by the viceroy could affect
its purport, make it the best available source on affairs at
Friendly Cove in the summer of 1789.

DOCUMENTARY

THE LETTERS OF THE REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS, THIRD
SUPERINTENDENT OF THE OREGON MISSION.

Edited by ROBERT MOULTON GATKE, A. B., Graduate Fellow in Oregon History,
Willamette University.

Letters hold no small place among our best historical
sources. To read what a man says under conditions demand-
ing accuracy in expression and yet free from the restraint of
a self-consciousness resulting from the expectation of his
writings being published, is indeed to get very near his real
motives and opinions, especially as the passage of years have
not allowed events to become unduly colored by later opinions
and information. We get as close to history in the making as
we are ever able to get. We do not secure information which
has been brought forth by the suggestive question of the
investigator — but by the circumstances of the day which pro-
duced the letter, hence their great value. Often the incidental
reference to things of apparently slight importance opens for
us a straight passage way into the very heart and spirit of the
day we are seeking to understand.

The letters of Rev. William M. Roberts are splendid
examples of what letters can show us of the period in which
they were written. They were written by a man who was a
keen observer, and usually directed to men whom he felt must
be made to understand Oregon as he saw it. They are the
product of a man who was himself one of the molding factors
in the State's development as the leader of one of the great
formitive forces of our State — the Methodist Mission. Our
regret upon reading the Roberts letters is that they are so few
in number, and cover such a limited period, mainly 1847- '49.
Most of his papers were destroyed by his surviving relatives

34 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

who considered them to be merely personal papers which
should not concern the public. The only reason the present
group escaped a like fate was owing to the fact that the
signed copies had been written in a large letter book, bound
in heavy leather which Mr. Roberts kept with his library, and
hence passed with his other books, into the possession of
Willamette University.

Before letting the letters speak for themselves, it may be
well to remind ourselves, in just a word or two, concerning the
position of Roberts in Oregon history. As the third Super-
intendent of the Oregon Mission between the years of 1847
and 1849, Mr. Roberts directed the newly founded church
through the danger period of the Indian troubles and the mad
rush for California at the time of the Gold Discovery. He
organized the Oregon-California Mission Conference of the
Methodist Church, and exercised a wise control over the newly
established church in California as well as in Oregon. When
the Mission Conference was formally organized into two
Annual Conferences (1852) Roberts continued his work as
an aggressive pioneer minister. His position, ability and
interest gave him a marked influence in the civic and educa-
tional life of the new country, as well as its religious life, so
we find his influence touching many phases of Early Oregon
History.

This leader of Early Oregon was born in Burlington, N. J.,
in 1812, was city reared and educated, and entered the
Methodist Ministry in the Philadelphia Conference in 1834.
His early pulpit work marked him as a man destined to
become a leader in his church. In 1846 he was appointed to
succeed Dr. George Gary as Superintendent of the Oregon
Mission, and reached Oregon in June, 1847. The William
Roberts best remembered was as he appeared in later years,
but a description given of him by an associate of his earlier
years will serve to bring to mind his appearance at the time
he wrote the letters now before us: "He was thirty- four

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 35

years of age ; a very Chesterfield in appearance and manners,
and yet as affable and approachable to the lowly as to the
exalted. In the pulpit his elocution was nearly faultless, and
his sermons were thoroughly evangelical and charmingly
eloquent. He was energetic in execution. Though not a large
man, and yet not a small one, physically, when he entered
upon his work here, his figure and poise drew the instant
attention of the passerby, and introduced him to the favorable
regards of the people at once."

The long and useful career of the Rev. William M. Roberts
closed August 22, 1888, at the home of his later years, in
Dayton, Oregon.

Oregon City Deer 18th 1847
To Rev. Dr. Pitman Cor. Secy )
Miss'y Soc'y of the M. E. Church)
Dear Bro.

Afo unexpected event has just transpired in this territory,
which at once furnished the occasion and means of communi-
cation with the United States. It is the melancholy fact that
Dr. Whitman and wife and nine other persons have been
cruelly murdered at Waiilatpu.

It is generally known that for several years past the Ameri-
can Board has had three Mission Stations in the upper country.
One at Tshimakains, where the Rev. Messrs Walker and
Eells are located. Another at Clear Water under the care
of Rev. Mr. Spaulding : And a third at Waiilatpu, under the
Superintendence of Dr. Marcus Whitman, Physician and
catechist. This last station is near Fort Walla Walla, and
not far from the travelled route from the United States to
this Country. In fact many of the Emigrants stop at this
place for a time after their toilsome journey and some who are
too late or feeble to get in the Walamet Valley, remain there
all winter. The Indians in this vicinity, are chiefly, the
Cayuses who since the Establishment of the Mission, have
become wealthy in cattle and horses and have macle consider-
able progress in the tillage of the soil. All the reports I have
had from them by the Emigrants of the present season seem

36 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

to represent them as much less troublesome than other Indians
on the route, seldom condescending- to the petty thefts which
are so characteristic of Indians everywhere. It has so happened
that the Emigrants have brought the Measles with them into
this country, the present season, and of course the Cayuse
Indians among the rest have caught the Contagion: numbers
of them have died and in labouring to minister to the sick and
dying, Dr. Whitman has lost his life. The accompanying
letters in the Oregon Spectator* will shew you the horrible
suspicion which entered their minds that he was secretly
attempting to poison them and they at once resolved upon his
destruction. I refer you to the documents in question for the
particulars of this horrid massacre. They contain all the
information we have up to this moment.

My acquaintance with Dr. Whitman has been limited of
course, but I have recognized in him a deeply pious and indefat-
igable labourer in the missionary field with a heart over- flow-
ing with sympathy for the perishing Indian race, he has been
assiduously labouring for years to improve their condition:
And now while standing manfully at his post, he has fallen
by the hand of savage violence. I desire here for myself and
my brethren members of our Mission to express our deepest
Christian sympathies both to his friends in the States and
the Board under whose auspices he was labouring, in view
of this afflictive event. The heart of this whole community
at this moment throbs with emotion at the intelligence.

Nor is this all that is to be feared. The Indians threatened
to go to Clear Water and to the Dalls to murder the residents
in those places. The most efficient measures in our power
have been adopted to send relief. A company of more than
40 have volunteered and gone to the Dalls to hold that place
until a larger force can be raised and sent to the upper
Country to bring away the women and children who may yet
be alive, and proceed to the residences of Messres Spalding,
Walker, and Eells, whose situation if they are yet alive must
be iminently perilous.

Perhaps I ought to have said before this time that with the
exception of Mrs. Whitman the Indians decided to spare the
women and children.

The Legislature of the territory is now in session in this

* Published at Oregon City— 1846-1855.

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 37

city and is a very respectable body : Greatly perplexed how-
ever, with the present aspect of Indian affairs. If the cayuses
have succeeded in drawing the Walla Walla and Nez Perce
Indians into hostile measures against the whites, we are
involved in a most serious and embarrasing war which this
Country has no means to sustain. Application has been made
by Commrs. (commissioners) appointed for the purpose, To
the Hudson's Bay Com'y for a loan but the Chief Factor*
replied that the instructions of the Company would not allow
him to make such appropriation.

A public meeting of the Citizens was then called and such
were the exigencies of the case that it was regarded as indis-
pensable for me to furnish aid to the amount of $1000. I
stedfastly resisted all applications until I became convinced
that the circumstances would not only justify but really
demanded compliance. How far I can make the funds here
available for this purpose I cannot at this moment tell, but
think it probable that nothing short of a Draft will answer
the purpose. But the lives of my fellow labourers in the
mission field are at stake and immediate relief must be
furnished. The investment doubtless is perfectly secure, and
amts. only to a temporary loan payable in silver in this country.
I would not omit to mention that immediately on the receipt
of the afflictive intelligence here derailed Mr. Ogden of Fort
Vancouver with a party of 20 men proceeded to Fort Walla
Walla to afford all the relief in his power and intelligence has
just been rec'd by an Indian from the Dalls that all was well
there up to Monday the 18th Inst.

The Cayuses came to the DeShutes river and put a
"medican man" to death and then retired without doing further
damage. You will by this time percieve that the failure of
the American Gov. to send its laws for our control, and its
troops for the protection of its own citizens as they approach
our exposed border is a great calamity. The Mexican war
may (explain) but cannot justify the failure. Many thousand
dollars worth of property havce been stolen from the
Emigrants this season along the route, and as you see several
valuable lives lost simply for the want of from 20 to 100
men stationed at proper points along the road to prevent
Indian aggressions. Had the Act of the twenty ninth Con-

* James Douglas

38 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

gress "to provide for raising a regiment of mounted riflemen
and for establishing Military stations on the route to Oregon"
only been carried into effect, the Battle at the Dalls and the
Massacre at Waiilatpu would not have happened : and many a
toil worn emigrant who has come in sick and penniless, a little
pilfered from him here and there until his all was gone
might have had a competence : at least until he had recovered
from the fatigues of the journey through that great and
terrible wilderness.

The emigration of the present season is computed at from
4 to 5 thousand, the principal part of which crossed the
Cascade mountains over Barlow's road:1 soon after the rains
commenced, that road became impassable and those on the
northern route, were compelled to come down the Columbia
river. Several companies have come in the southern route
with safety, and the hope is entertained that future emigra-
tions will so divide themselves on the several routes as to
have an abundance of grass for their cattle. We are recieving
many valuable accessions to our Membership from the states
the present season: and have been blest with quite a (number)
of conversions, mainly on the West Side of the Walamet
river. Two weeks later I could furnish you with statistics. But
the special messenger2 to the States is expected to start in a
few hours and my communication must be closed. In previous
letters I have spoken of the transfer of the Dalls Station into
the hands of Dr. Whitman according to Bro. Gary's3 arrange-
ment, giving him all except the moveable property, the value
of which is about $600. Bro. Waller is stationed at the Insti-
tute4 and Bro. Brewer's connextion with the mission has
ceased. You will of course expect me to say if the recent
disaster will in any way affect the prosperity of our Mission
or the safety of the Missionaries, I think not. It may prevent
some of my excursions among the Indians another season
and certainly does seem to darken the prospect of doing any
good to them whatever. But I (plan) to enter every open-
door, and occupy until the master shall come. Whether it
(be) by natural neath, or Indian Massacre, or a chariot of fire.
We are all well as usual — My Indian Boy is just recovering

1 A toll-road across the Cascade Mts.; opened by Samuel K. Barlow about
July, 1845.

2 Joseph L. Meek.

3 Rev. George Gary. Second Supt. Oregon Mission. 1844- June 1847

4 Oregon Institute — Salem. Organized in 1844. (Became Willamette Uni-
versity.;

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 39

from the measles. This is the first introduction of this disease
into the Country and is at this time the cause of much suffering
in our borders both among whites and Indians. The hour has
come for this Com'n (communication) to be closed, and with
the greatest confidence that this afflictive event will be over-
ruled for good even in Oregon
I subscribe

myself

Yours in Christ

Wm. Roberts.

PS. The rumours of this morning are greatly against the
hope that Mr. Spalding is yet alive but nothing is certain.

(Copy) Oregon City Deer 20th 1847

To Rev. Dr. Pitman Cor Secy )
Miss Socy of the M. E. Church)
Dear Bro.

In my communication of Saturday last with its accompany-
ing documents, you have all the information we possess in
regard to our Indian difficulties. I now desire (Sub rosa)
to speak a little of some business matters if the special mes-
senger Mr. J. Meek does not start too soon. And First, as to
the payment of salaries. The course has been to pay the part
regarded as salary, either in cash or goods at cash or invoice
prices: The other part i. e. that regarded as table expenses
to be paid in the currency of the country, which is now not
worth more than 66 2/3 cts. to the dollar compared with cash.
I called the Brethren together recently to compare notes on
this subject and find that the salaries as estimated in N. Y.
are a little above what the estimating (committee) made them
here for 1847.

Now the query arises as the (committee) here estimated in
view of the Pay aforesaid ought I to pay the present (or N. Y.
estimate) in any other way. Bro. Wilbur1 is of opinion that
when the Board made the present estimate of $600. for himself
for example, it meant $600. in cash or if currency was used
an amt. of it equal to $600. in cash. The other Brethren
agree that if the present estimate is paid about as Bro. Gary
paid it when he was here that it is sufficient and they have
had experience. Do not understand me that there is any

i Rev. J. H. Wilbur. D. D.

40 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

feeling on the subject on the part of Bro. Wilbur, but such
are his convictions of right, and I think he will not be satisfied
with the payments made as Bro. Gary made them ; until you
shall have given instructions on the subject.

I am scarcely prepared to express an opinon on the subject
but the course I had marked out for myself was to ascertain
how nearly the present estimate, corresponded with those of
former years and also with the actual demand and cost of living
in the country. As to the former — it is above (only a little)
the estimate made here for the same time but below the esti-
mates of some previous years, then I intended to have the
pay according to the salary: following the example of my
predecessor in all cases where I ascertained he was right.
Provided that in all cases (I speak now of salaries) the
members of the mission are satisfied and happy. It is likely
that I may discount somewhat for Bro. Wilbur when I use
the funds here at least until you shall have given some direc-
tion (if you are prepared to give any) in regard to the
question. If at any moment I find the Brethren are not
entirely satisfied with payments as Bro. Gary made them, or
am convinced from experience that the support is not full
and liberal, I shall bring the currency part of the payments
down to cash prices so as to made the entire amt. equal to
cash as per estimate of the Board, until I recieve further
advices : for in my opinion a liberal support and entire
harmony of feeling are both essential to our prosperity in the
mission.

One thing I ought perhaps to mention I am of opinion that
the Board ought to send a good supply of goods to this place
not only for the use of the mission families but to enable me
to pay for somethings that have to be done in goods. Almost
every article of clothing here is from 100 to 200 per ct. above
the N. Y. prices. I am under the necessity of haveing some
work done for which goods would be most available, and
here I will say that my action in this case will be widely
different from that of Bro. Gary. He did not travel about
except as he was taken. I travel incessantly when angry
swolen rivers will permit, hence not only are my personal
expenses greatly increased, but I must have a barn and Fodder ;
and a man or boy to work for me, and travel with me when

1 Rev. David Leslie.

2 Dr. Gary came to Oregon with instructions to close out all the "aecular"
interests of the mission, instructions which he followed literally.

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 41

on long and perilous journeys. There is no Barn at the Insti-
tute and the Brethren spend nearly one third of their working
hours in hunting and catching their horses, and sometimes
fail to get to their work because no horse can be found. This
must not be and I have no alternative but to build. I have
already built one in this place. Bro. Leslie1 now lives at this
place in a house which I hold at present but which may be
redeemed at any time until the 23d of February next. They
have given me due notice that it will be redeemed and then
he must vacate the premises; at that time there will be two
of us to live with our families in one little one story house
18 by 22 or one of us must go to the Barn, for it is by no
means certain that any house can be had for love or money.
I refer to these things not to distress you much less to com-
plain, for we are very happy a mid it all and would be in a
dungeon. But for the purpose of saying it is necessary to
build a house for the Superintendent to live in. Arid all this
costs money, and is a different course pursued by my
predecessor.2

In both the fact and manner of these expenditures, I shall
pursue the most rigid economy : now if I had some tea, coffee,
flannell, Crockery, Calico stuff for pants, coarse Box coats or
Blanket Coats, made or unmade, some stout shoes or (Boots)
(nothing is fit for this country that is not very durable), I
could after supplying ourselves dispose of them to the greatest
advantage, together with the funds we have in this country
in paying workmen &C.

It may seem strange to you that I make these suggestions
in regard to goods: but if you were to hear the constant
enquiry Can't you furnish me with a pair of shoes ? I will do
anything for you for a coat, there is no coffee that I can get
&C. &C. you would feel as I do that for the present, the truest
economy is to keep a moderate supply of these necessaries of
life in the mission. We have had an abundant supply of
stockings and shirts, and a little Calico they have been a
blessing indeed. We want some small Books for presents for
children : I find the Sunday School Books we brought were
very appropriate, but I want to have some, more immediately
intended as presents.

There are a few Local Preachers comeing in this season,
and one (Rev. Asa White) to whom I was introduced on
Saturday last, one (an Itenerant, who may help us to some

42 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

extent, but I do not yet see any way at all, with our present
means to supply the Tualatin Plains or Clatsop or the extreme
upper part of the Valley, much less any hope of touching any
point North of the Columbia River, so that if you have
received my former letter calling for two young men to come
next season either over the mountains or by way of Panama,
my mind as to the necessity remains unchanged.

Campbellism is rampant in this country at present. I wish
you would send me a few copies of Phillips Strictures on it,
or any better work you know of, with 1 copy of Rice and
Campbell's Debate.

The prices of a few articles in this country are as follows
Flour $4. per hnd. Beef 5@6 Pork 8@10 Oil from $1.25 to $2.
Sugar 12c Tea $1.50@$2. and poor at that Coffee 25c but
none to be had. Fir wood $3. Oak & Ash $4. butter 25c per
Ib. Wheat is very scarce and worth $1. Cash. Fodder impos-
sible to get except a few bundles of oats in the sheaf at 75c per
dozen &c. &C.

I ought not to forget Hardware Glass and paint for the
said house. Nails cost 20c per lib. I think of building a
house 32 by 24 Cottage form one and a half stories with
Kitchen 14 by 16 the ground plan would be something of this
form and I allude to it only to indicate to you the hardware
&C necessary there are 5 inside and 2 outside doors on the
Lower floor, and Carpenter would give directions in a moment
as to the kind and No. of Locks fastenings hinges screws
nails (4d are used for shingling here) glass (I want 8 by 10)
Paint and a keg of oil. If by any means I can avoid building
or have to do it before you can send these items or there
should be a surplusage, they are worth here all they cost and
100 per ct. more. I name the above sized glass not because
it is the best but because in any contingency it is sometimes
possible to get it in this country.

A few remarks on the Oregon Institute and I have done, the
claim on which the building is located is now held by Wm.
H. Wilson1 in trust for a Board of Managers and excepting
the Buildings and a reserve of 60 acres2 he is to have one
third of all the claim for holding it &C. This arrangement

1 Made necessary by the failure of the Provisional Government to provide for
property holding by corporations.

2 The Willamette University Campus and the Capitol grounds at Salem
occupy part of this grant.

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 43

was concocted before I came and consummated in the pres-
ence of Mr. Gary a day or two before he left. If Bro. Wilson
were a thorough going business man it might be a tolerable
plan but as it is I dislike it exceedingly, and am trying to
persuade him to give it into other hands. It is possible I may
succeed. Bro. Wilbur could hold it just as well and it would
cost nothing and he would transact the business in due form
and order.

A Bro. Joseph Smith is keeping a good school in the build-
ing at present, and we are doing all we can to encourage and
help, but in a country so new where the Love of gain has
gained complete possession of allmost every heart, where the
the most Enterprizing cannot work fast and the idle and
vicious do nothing but mischief it is not easy to go a great deal
in a little time.

I have consecrated all my feeble energies to the work before
me, and think these energies both Physical and Spiritual (I
say nothing of mental) are strengthened by the Exercise.

There is need here for all the aid you can send us, whether
it be in prayers and sympathies, the goods or men I have indi-
cated or any other good and perfect gift you may have to send
us from the Father of lights. I omitted before leaving home
to secure Temperance Publications. I find we are threatened
with a Deluge of Rum, and that the most sturdy efforts imag-
inable are requisite to stem the torrent.

Gambling abounds. Will you send me the most valuable
Temperance publications together with the Permanent Temper-
ance Documents. Dec 21st I have just ascertained that by
loaning a man $300 in silver I can have a house suitable for
Bro. Leslie to live in for eleven months this will give me
time enough to build or to make some other shift.

Oregon City seems to be the proper place for me to reside,
at least for the present and is the key to the whole territory.
I shall be most happy to have such instructions and advice
from time to time as will better prepare me for my respon-
sible work in this country —
I am

Yours in Christ

William Roberts.

44 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

(Copy) Oregon City Dec 22nd 1847

Dear Bro. Kidder

After haveing prepared such communications for the Miss'y
Board as will give all the light we have on the recent afflictive
event which has shrouded our territory in gloom, I desire to
improve the remaining moments before the messenger starts
in writing to such friends as are most frequently in my
thoughts.

We are well as usual : my own health was never better, and
I think Mrs. Roberts enjoys even better health in the general
than in the States. Up to this time however, she has been
too much confined at home, I trust that when the rainy season
is over my business will allow of her taking some long horse
back trips which I am quite confident would be very conducive
to her comfort in many respects. I have quite a No. of Indian
Ponies so that if you will bring Mrs. Kidder to see us we can
take a tour, children and all.

In settling the Indian difficulties at the Dalls several horses
fell into my hands, which I have not yet disposed of. The
Sabbath School Cause is yet in its infancy in this country
oweing to the scattered character of the population. The
poverty of many of the people in not being able to clothe
either themselves or their children so that they would be fit
to appear in church or school, and to the ignorance of and
carelessness of many others, the subject has never received
that attention its importance demands: Every month however
brightens the hopes in regard to this enterprize. The Box
of S. S. Advocates which was sent to us was very opportune,
it contained however, only the first half of the 4th Vol. from
1 to 12 inclusive. Can you send us as many of the last half
of the same vol and so on of the next volume as they come out.
There are many families among whom we distribute these
papers very anxious to have the volume complete and we
distribute them in our schools at regular intervals just as if
we were recieving them from the publication office. I greatly
desire to have a lot of books more immediately suitable for
presents. In the name of the lambs of Christ's flocks let me
ask you to select and send such as will be sufficient for the
pockets and saddle bags of six or eight Itinerants who have
but few opportunities of seeing the children except when we
go from cabin to cabin in our regular appointments and pas-
toral visits: After next New Years ensueing I can give you

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 45

Statistics, but I have only had one Quarterly Con. and then
the Preachers in charge had not their S, S. reports as per
disciplin, they will not be behind hand after this I am
confident.

The glory of Oregon in Temperance has departed.1 There
are three dram shops in this city and in spite of all our efforts
tippling and gambling abound. We are just now making an
effort to alter the organic law so that Prohibition may be the
law of the land in regard to all that intoxicates. But I have
some hope that we can by the blessing of God put forth some
efforts to save the country.

Romanism is here and doing all it can. I give you an
incident. The Legislature is in session and at its opening
passed the customary resolution inviting the Clergymen of the
place to open the morning sessions with prayer. The Com-
mittee invited the Catholic Priest among the rest.

I opened the first morning by invitation. The Legislature
sits you must know in the Methodist Church2 as there is no
other suitable building in the place. The sec'd. morning the
Speaker arose and said he would be pleased if the Clergyman
would arrange among themselves as to who would officiate
each morning without his making the selection. The Priest
who was standing by the stove immediately said he had been
invited to officate as their chaplain. That he was present
for that purpose, but that he would allow no one else to dictate
a prayer to any of his people. We have, he said, authority to
preach from the Apostles. This is a political body and can
do its business without prayer or each one who wishes it can
pray silently but some of my people are members of the body
and if any of these persons come here to dictate prayers to
my people I will not permit it &C. The Speaker scarcely
knew what to reply to all this intolerance, but in a few
moments the House proceeded to elect a Chaplain and the
Priest was excused.

I have regularly served them since that time and in a few
days, the session will close. The Governor (Bro. Abemethy)3
brought up the School Questin in his message but I fear that

1 Dr. John McLoughlin and Jason Lee had united their influence to keep
Oregon as free from liquor as possible. . ._ ,_ •

2 The first church building in the Pacific N. W.

3 George Abernethy, came to Oregon in 1840 as treasurer of the M. E'.
Mission. He became first Governor of Oregon.

46 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

war and rumours of war will crowd out any valuable action
on the subject. But I hear that the special messenger to the
States is to start shortly and with assurances of love and
Christian affection,

I am yours as ever

Wm Roberts.
Rev. D. P. Kidder

Oregon City 25 Deer 1847
Dear Bro.

I hereby advise you of a Draft I have made or rather of
two drafts I have drawn on you. One for $100. the other for
$400. in favour of Jos. L. Meek the Messenger to the United
States from the provisional Government of Oregon.
To Rev G. Lane ) I am

Treasurer of the Mis. Socy) Yours truly

of the M. E. Church ) Wm Roberts

Oregon City 25 Deer 1847
To Rev G. Lane &C
Dear Bro Lane

I hereby advise you that I have this day drawn on you for
$500. in favour of A. L. Lovejoy, H. Burns and Wm. H.
Wilson, Commissioners of Oregon territory at ten days sight.
I am

Yours truly

Wm. Roberts.

Oregon City Friday Deer 24th 1847
Rev. Dr. Pitman &C
Dear Bro.

And yet the Messenger delays: the difficulty of raiseing
the means, the necessary delay in preparing the memorial to
congress, and the intense desire to hear from the upper
country together with the necessary preparations for crossing
the Shasta mountain between here and California in this
winter season, will not allow him to start before next week.
I therefore commence another sheet, which I purpose to fill
with such events as may transpire in the interval. In the
meantime the present weeks paper will be out containing the
Governor's message and some of the proceedings of the Leg-

LETTERS OF REV. WM. M. ROBERTS 47

islature. I send you such parts of the paper as relate to this
Country folded in the letter as the safest means of transporta-
tion. In truth where an express can take with certainty only
such things as may be belted around the man it will not do
to burden it with newspapers. The present Editor of the
paper is too fond of his cups to give it much interest or credit,
and it is likely he will soon be excused from further service.

Monday Dec 27. Up to this moment we hear nothing that
is positively certain from the Dalles, and I must close my
letters to take a tour up the valley early tomorrow morning.
The general opinion is that the property at the Dalles has
fallen into the hand of the Cayuses, and that the Company of
volunters sent there are encamped in an open bottom 3 miles
below awaiting further orders.

The effort is (being made) to raise 500 men which I pre-
sume will succeed and then all those who go to the upper
Country will not return it is to feared that some will fall a
prey to Savage violence there are various opinions entertained
as to whether it would be best to do anything more now than
rescue the remaining families and wait for the U. S. troops to
chastise the offenders, or, to proceed at once to rescue and
chastise them ourselves. The Governor inclines strongly to
the former course but there are some restless persons in the
territory who are determined to go and chastise the Indians
at all hazards and it is thought best to place them under
proper control. So that no mischief may be done at any rate,
for if the disposition of some who desire to go and pay them-
selves with what they could take from the Indians were grati-
fied, the fields of Oregon could not be planted the comeing
season.

The Legislature adjourns tomorrow after a session of three
weeks more than half of which time has been occupied by
the war. Since commencing these letters, my eldest boy has
been taken down with fever it is of a low painless type Identical
I suppose with the camp fever which operates so fatally among
the Emigrants. While at home I could manage our ligffi
afflictions tolerably well but when away from home it would be
comfortable to leave one's sick family in the care of a good
physician but at present the great physician above is our only
reliance.

The present winter has been remarkable favourable the
weather has been so mild that the cattle are doing finely,

48 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

there has been very little rain during the present month. I
am reminded by the pattering of the rain at this moment that
my 50 miles ride tomorrow will be in the face of a South
East storm. Hopeing that the Lord will take care of us and
that we may hear from you soon.
I subscribe

myself

Your Bro in Christ

W. Roberts.

P. S. I will sketch some more wants if you have no objection
our church in this place has a Belfry, erected at the instance
of Dr. Babcock1 who promised to furnish a bell which is
really indispensable. Will you write to him and request him
to consent that you may forthwith purchase a Bell suitable
for a church 40 by 50 (I dont know its exact size) and send
it here at his expense. Inform him also that I have some pros-
pect of collecting some funds for him which were left in my
hands for collection, they shall be forwarded when collected
as per arrangement of Bro. Gary. Whether he pays for it or
not we greatly need a Bell, but if the above mentioned promise
was made and if I am to collect his debts I insist that he
shall pay for the bell. The following articles would contribute
to our comfort 2 or 3 pieces of Rag carpet, a piece of stuff for
Horse Blanket 2 Riding Bridles a Spanish Bit, gross of the
several kinds of Buckels.

W. R.

i Dr. Ira L. Babcock, M. D., member of the M. E. Mission group of 1840.

I

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXI JUNE, 1920 NUMBER 2

Copyright. 1919. by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pag-e s

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO*
By T. C. ELLIOTT

The statement has not infrequently been made that the mis-
sionary of the cross has led the way in exploration and the
acquisition of geographic knowledge among the wilderness
lands of the earth. The name most often mentioned in this
connection is that of David Livingstone and the claim is true
as to a certain part of the continent of Africa. But it is not
true as to the extensive region of North America once known
as "Old Oregon/' of which the present State of Idaho is a
part. Into "Old Oregon" it was the flag, the red, white and
blue flag we delight to honor, in the hands of Lewis and Clark
in 1805 which led the way. And the fur trader seeking for
gain followed immediately behind, first the trader from Mon-
treal across the mountain passes into what is now British
Columbia, and next the trader from St. Louis from the head
waters of the Missouri river, into Idaho.

Earlier than the acquisition of Louisiana by the United
States the Northwest Company, fur traders of Canada, had
been planning to cross the Rocky Mountains and had sent
their partners into the foothills to spy out the road; but the
activities of a rival company in the Canadian field delayed them.

* An informal address (amplified for publication) before the University Club,
Boise, Idaho, on April 10th, 1920.

50 T. C. ELLIOTT

The "Northwesters" were, of course, not ignorant of the move-
ments of the Lewis and Clark party in the United States and a
trader named Francois Larocque was sent to follow them up
the Missouri ; and that same year, 1805, Simon Fraser started
toward the Pacific by way of Peace River, where Alexander
Mackenzie had already explored the way. In 1806 Fraser
was building trading posts along the waters of the river of
his name, and David Thompson was receiving orders to cross
the mountains further to the south, and in 1807 he did so from
the head waters of the Saskatchewan to those of the Columbia.
That year he remained at the source of the Columbia, but in
1808 extended his trade to the Indians along the Kootenai
river, and in 1809 came still further south to the waters of the
Pend Oreille and Clark Fork rivers. It is this really won-
derful man, David Thompson, and his brief career in what is
now the State of Idaho which furnishes the material for this
address.

The City of Boise has been built upon one of the camping or
resting places on an old Indian road passing east and west across
the State of Idaho, which later became the route of travel for
white families migrating to Oregon and known as the Oregon
Trail. May it ever be held in honored memory as such! In
northern Idaho connecting the waters of the Kootenai river
at Bonners Ferry with those of Pend Oreille lake near Sand
Point there was another established road or trail, known to
the earliest explorers as the Lake Indian Road. This road is
now, with variations, used by the swiftly moving automobile
but more than one hundred years ago in September, 1809, such
a use was not foreseen, and a slowly moving pack train fol-
lowed it southward, in charge of David Thompson, an English-
man and partner of the North West Company already men-
tioned, assisted by Finan McDonald, a Scotchman ; the rest of
the party consisting of French-Canadian voyageurs and half-
breed hunters and servants, perhaps ten in all, and some In-
dians. And it may be here noted with some emphasis that

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 51

these two men, David Thompson and Finan McDonald, were
then the only white men in existence in the entire watershed of
the Columbia river, from California to the Fraser river and
from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific ocean. That seems
an historic fact of sufficient importance to call for special
mention.

These two men were not ignorant trappers or mere ad-
venturers but intelligent observers of the country and its
people and seriously engaged in organized exploration and
trade. David Thompson was a trained astronomer and sur-
veyor and carried with him both sextant and chronometer and
made observations of the sun and moon. He also carried
paper, ink (in powdered form) and pens and wrote regularly
in a journal a brief account of the daily journey and events.
It is this journal, preserved to us among the archives of the
province of Ontario, Canada, which contains a record of some
of the earliest incidents in the history of Idaho.

Before quoting some of the summarized writings in this
journal it may be well to recall with you that Pend Oreille
lake is the largest body of water in Idaho, more than thirty
miles long and five in width and of extraordinary depth, a
portion of the waters of which may soon be put to use to
irrigate a million acres of land in an adjoining state. Its outlet
is the river of the same name at its northwest corner where
the city of Sand Point is located, and at its northeasterly corner
it receives the waters of Clark Fork river coming from the
glaciers of the Rocky mountains. The Northern Pacific rail-
road follows the northern end of the lake between Sand Point
and the mouth of the Clark Fork river and a large peninsula
extends into the lake from the north, near the town of Hope.
David Thompson assigned the name Kullyspell to this lake and
to the river flowing from it, a name taken from the Indian
tribe residing along the river to the westward, while a con-
temporaneous writer1 (in 1810) applied the name Ear Bob

1 Alexander Henry.

52 T. C. ELLIOTT

(Pend d'Oreille, now officially spelled Pend Oreille) Indians
to this same tribe.

The arrival of white men at this lake and their activities
during the first few days thereafter were chronicled by Mr.
Thompson as follows: Sepr. 8, 1809: Friday A fine day, but
very cold night. Ice was formed, but the leaves are yet every-
where very green, except a few on the Ground, which in places
are a little faded. At 7% a.m. set off, Co. S. 20 E. % m. to
a Brook, which we followed, S. 40 E. % M, then crossed it.2
It is 15 Yds wide, deep & very easy Current. Co. S. 20 E. 6
M. to a Rill of Water which we followed down S. 40 E. 1%M.
to the Lake.3 I do not pretend to take any Courses farther
as I hope for a better opportunity, we went abt. 1 M. then met
Canoes who embarked abt. 20 Pieces of Lumber & Goods.
We held on SEd. 4 or 5 M. & put up at 2% p.m., the wind
blowing too hard for the Canoes to hold on. Killed 2 Geese.
Mr. McDonald 1 do. & Bouche 1 do. Beaulieu 1 Crane &
the Flatheads 3 Ducks.

Sepr. 9. Saturday. A fine day, the wind moderating, the
Canoes got off & we followed, but the wind rising, the Canoes
were obliged to lighten & reload part of the Horses. We all
at length arrived in safety, thank God, at the mouth of the
River4 at 2 p.m., where we camped for the night. They all
smoked, say 54 Flat Heads, 23 Pointed Hearts5 & 4 Kootenaes,
in all about 80 men. They there made us a handsome present
of dried Salmon & other fish with Berries & a Chevruil &c.

Sepr. 10. Sunday. A very fine day. Early set off with
2 Flat Heads to look for a place to build a House, we at length
found a place somewhat eligible but labours under the want
of good earth. I returned & we got all the Goods embarked
by the Flat Heads & landed the whole by 3 p.m., when we
set up our Lodge & Tents &c.

Sepr. 11. Monday. A cloudy day with a little Rain — we
made a scaffold for our Provisions & got Birch for Helves,
which is very scarce — & helved our Tools &c. &c.

2 Pack river, flowing into the lake near Hope, Idaho. So named in mining
days because loaded boats ascended the stream to this crossing of the trail.

3 Pend Oreille lake.

4 Clark Fork river.

5 Coeur d'Alen« Indians.

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 53

Sepr. 12. Tuesday. A rainy night but very fine day — began
our warehouse. The Ground is so very full of small stones
that the Holes for the Posts &c. &c. is a long time making.
Got the Posts and Needles ready — & threw down a Red Fir
of 2 fm. round to make a Canoe for fishing &c. 16 canoes of
Pointed Hearts passed us & camped with the other Flat Heads.
Sepr. 13. Wednesday. A fine morning, but abt. 10 a.m.
a heavy Gale from S.W. which soon brought on moderate
Rain, which lasted nearly all night. Bouche & the Chein
Foux brought 2 Chevruil, cut & hauled wood, the Needles &
arranged a Horse Collar6 which broke towards evening, we
then got wood for another. Spent much of the day in trading7
with the Indians who brought abt. 120 or 130 skins. Put out
a Fire the Indians kindled.

A transcript of the entire text8 would be monotonous read-
ing and sufficient has been given to indicate the style and
extent and accuracy of the journal. In it we find one of the
earliest instances of contact between" the white man and the
Indian in Idaho and unimpeachable proof of the friendliness
and even cordiality of the relations then existing. In it is
given the narrative of the building of the first houses in Idaho,
for another year elapsed before Andrew Henry, the American
trader from St. Louis, erected his temporary cabins at the
headwaters of Snake River. In it are given some figures
of the first commercial transaction known to have taken place
in Idaho. These are historic facts not widely known as yet.

An interesting item of nomenclature also appears in one of
the entries ; the name of the next largest lake in Idaho, Coeur
d'Alene. Here appears the first written reference to that name,
which literally translated means awl-hearted or stingy-hearted,
referring to trade relations. But it is evident that some French-
Canadian or half-breed trapper had already penetrated to
Coeur d'Alene lake and brought back that name to David
Thompson for his use in the corrupted form of Pointed Hearts,
referring to the Indians from that region.

6 Used in moving logs with horses.

7 The first recorded commercial transaction in Idaho. Lewis and Clark had
bartered for food and horses but not for gain.

8 See Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. XI for complete text and annota-
tions.

54 T. C. ELLIOTT

The site selected by David Thompson for this trading post
has been quite positively identified as a rather rocky point of
land projecting from the peninsula already mentioned, about
two miles from the mouth of the main channel of Clark Fork
river and a half mile from Memaloose Island, and locally known
as Sheepherders Point. Kullyspell House was the name as-
signed to it and it consisted of two log houses, one for the
trading goods and furs and the other for the use of the men.
At noon on September 23rd, 1809, Mr. Thompson took an
observation of the sun and calculated that he was standing at
latitude 48° 12' 14" (and near longitude 116) and so recorded.
Comparison with the latest quadrangle maps of the U. S.
Geological Survey shows that he was astonishingly correct in
this calculation. Sheepherders Point is located very close to
the northwest corner of Section fourteen in Township fifteen
North, of Range one East of the Boise Meridian, according to
maps of the U. S. Land Office.

Reasons for the selection of this location were its proximity
to the canoe route from all parts of the lake and its freedom
from the mosquitoes. Two years later Mr. Thompson had
found that the trail by land was used as well as the canoe route
and that the Indians going to the lake to fish and visit were
neither numerous or industrious trappers for furs and so he
ordered it abandoned in favor of the Spokane House, which
was built in the summer of 1810. But the distinction of being
the trading post first opened for commercial transactions in the
whole Oregon Country south of the 49th parallel belongs to
Kullyspell House. Finan McDonald, officially designated as
clerk, was in charge during the winter of 1809-10, while Mr.
Thompson in November built another trading post known as
Saleesh House at Thompson's Prairie in Montana, and win-
tered there in company with another clerk named James Mc-
Millan, who had arrived from the Saskatchewan country with
more trading goods.

From Kullyspell House David Thompson made two jour-

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 55

neys of exploration down the Pend Oreille river, going nearly
as far as Metaline Falls, and being the first white man to
survey that interesting river. He was endeavoring, without
success, to find a nearer route for canoe travel to the Columbia
river. From Kullyspell House also he was the first man to
survey and leave a record of the route later adopted by en-
gineers for use in the construction of the Northern Pacific
railroad between Missoula, Montana, and Lake Pend Oreille.
His last visit at this house was on June 6th, 1811, when pass-
ing from the Saleesh or Flathead country to Spokane House
and Kettle Falls on his remarkable journey down the Columbia
river to its mouth that summer.9

In the spring of 1810 the furs collected at Saleesh House
were brought down the river to Kiullyspell House and together
with those bought locally were pressed and packed for trans-
port to market, and on May 9th, 1810, Mr. Thompson and
Mr. McMillan set out on that long and weary journey, Finan
McDonald and Jaco Finlay being left in charge of the business
in the field. The route to market was circuitous and hazard-
ous, the greater distances by water but with long portages by
land. From Kullyspell House the loaded canoes were pushed
up the swollen waters of Pack river to the crossing of the Lake
Indian Road to the Kootenai, and there pack horses were in
waiting. At Bonners Ferry other canoes were made ready
and from there partly in canoes and partly upon horses the
packs were carried up the river to the portage at Columbia
Lake in what is now British Columbia. From there by the
water route the transport was one hundred miles northward
down the Columbia river to the mouth of Blaeberry creek,
where was the western end of the trail leading across the Rocky
mountains by way of the Howse Pass. After climbing over
the "height of land," as they termed it, the waters of the
Saskatchewan were reached and canoes and bateaux again
brought into service. Then came the long journey down the
river and across Lake Winnipeg and through the chain of

9 Consult "Journal of David Thompson" in Oregon Historical Quarterly,
Vol .X. v»

56 T. C. ELLIOTT

Rainy Lakes to the headquarters of the "Northwesters" at Fort
William, and from there all furs were carried to Montreal
and to London.

What was this first shipment of merchandise from the State
of Idaho? The "Narrative" of David Thompson tells us
when it says, as of date May 17th, 1810 (at Bonners Ferry) :
"We got the canoes repaired and in the afternoon with forty-
six packs of furs and eight bags of Pemmican we went off
for the Rocky Mountain defiles. Mr. James McMillan, one
man and myself and sixteen horses went by land." At ninety
pounds to the pack there were a little more than two tons of
pelts, and "A long, long way to Tipperary" to travel with them.

But the more human part of this story remains to be told,
namely, in brief summary the career of its hero.10 The earliest
mention of David Thompson is to be found in the records of
The Parish of Saint John, The Evangelist, London, which
contains the date of his birth, at Westminster, England, as
April 30th, 1770. The same record shows the death of his
father to have been on February 28th, 1772, when David was
not quite two years old. The next mention of him appears at
The Grey Coat School, Westminster (London), then a charity
school for boys; its "principall designe to educate poor chil-
dren in the principles of piety and virtue, and thereby lay a
foundation for a sober and Christian life." The three following
entries appear on the record books of this school : April 29th,
1777. "Abram Ackworth, Esq. was this day pleased to pre-
sent David Thompson to be admitted into this Hospl on ye
foundation, and ye Governors present being satisfy with ye
child's settlement. Ordered that he be admitted on bringing
in the usual necessities."

December 30th, 1783. "The Master also reports that ap-
plication was made by the Secretary belonging to the Hudson's
Bay Company, to know, if this Charity could furnish them 4
boys against the month of May next, for their settlements in
America."

10 The only complete life of David Thompson was published by the Champlain
Society, Toronto, Canada, in 1916, entitled "David Thompson's Narrative" and
edited by J. B. Tyrrell, whose research and personal courtesies are hereby acknowl-
edged. T. C. E.

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 57

June 29th, 1784. "On the 20th May David Thompson, a
mathematical boy belonging to this Hosp-1 was bound to the
Hudson's Bay Company & the Treas. then paid Mr. Thomas
Hutchins, Corresponding Secretary to the said Company, the
sum of five pounds for taking said boy apprentice for seven
years."

These brief extracts sufficiently disclose a boyhood spent
under conditions of poverty and with very little of personal
attention by a loving mother, but under strict observation
and schooling which plainly marked his future habits, and
at the tender age of fourteen he is landed in September, 1784,
on the bleak shores of Hudson's Bay at Fort Churchill to
begin the life of a fur trader in a region where the presence of
white women was unknown. His only companions are to be
men and Indians.

When David Thompson began his seven years of apprentice-
ship the Hudson's Bay Company had been in business for more
than one hundred years, but their rivals in the field were just
organizing into the well known North West Company, under
the leadership of certain astute Scotchmen of Montreal. The
practice had been that the Indian of the remote interior would
carry his furs to the trading posts at or near Hudson's Bay
but now the order had been reversed and the rival traders vied
with each other in carrying their goods into the Indian country.
So after two years of office and store duties at Churchill and
York our hero found himself assigned to field service and in
company with those who ascended the rivers and built trading
posts and even lived in tents for a time near the Indian en-
campments, although the winter season was usually spent at
one of the established posts.

In this sort of life the next eleven years were passed, during
which he very luckily found himself able to indulge his great
fondness for mathematics. The trade was carried on with
system and intelligence and an attempt made to map the country
as the business expanded and among the officers were men

58 T. C. ELLIOTT

skilled in surveying. One Philip Turner was one of those,
and during the winter of 1789-90 it happened that David
Thompson, nineteen years of age and eager to learn, and Mr.
Turner, a kind man and willing to teach, wintered together at
Cumberland House near the Saskatchewan river, and it was
then that David Thompson became skilled in the use of the
sextant and chronometer and the fine art of astronomical
observations. And from that time in particular began his habit
of noting in his daily journals the scientific location of the
prominent stopping places and trading posts, and courses of
the streams.

The "gentlemen" of the Hudson's Bay Company in charge
of affairs in North America were as a rule forceful and saga-
cious and tactful men, but of necessity life at trading posts was
monotonous and solitary and tended to make some men morose
and overbearing, particularly because of the use of liquor in
the trade. David Thompson had an abhorrence for liquor in
every form and also was a devout man in his daily life and
ambitious to do his work thoroughly, and when it happened
that the chief factor at York, who was a surly man and gen-
erally disliked, sent orders to do no more surveying, he
decided to make a change,11 and so we find in his journal on
May 23rd, 1797, this entry : "This day left the service of the
Hudsons' Bay Company, and entered that of the Company of
Merchants from Canada. May God Almighty prosper me."
He walked seventy-five miles across country to a trading post
of the rival company, and from there was sent to headquarters
at Grand Portage on Lake Superior, where he was welcomed
and set to work and soon after received into active partnership.

Life now became to David Thompson a continual joy in
the sense of freedom to do the kind of work he loved to do
well. His was the task of locating scientifically the various
trading posts of the North West Company, and the energy
with which he entered into the hardships and toil of such a
task is an inspiration to contemplate. He was now in active

11 His term of service was about to expire.

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 59

association with such men as Alex. Mackenzie and Simon
Fraser, the MacTavishes and McGillivrays and others. His
movements took him to all the lakes and rivers between Lake
Superior and the Rocky mountains, to the Mandan villages
on the Missouri, to the source of the Mississippi and through
the marshes and lakes between that source and Lake Superior,
along the south shore of that lake to the straits of Mackinaw,
to Peace river and the Athabasca and into the defiles of the
Rocky mountains. And when in 1806 he was given the au-
thority to cross the mountains and carry the trade to the regions
not yet traversed by the foot of white men he was a happy
man indeed.

Of David Thompson's career west of the Rocky mountains
something has already been said. He was in charge of the
business of his company in this district for five years and
established trade relations with all the tribes of the extensive
Saleesh family in the Columbia Basin. The observations he
recorded as to the habits of these Indians and their future are
of absorbing interest and have become true in their later
history. His prediction as to the future development of the
country has also been fulfilled. Because of his scientific ob-
servations he became known to the Indians as Koo-Koo-Sint
or the star man. In his journey down the Columbia to its
mouth in 1811 he had with him a copy of the journal of
Patrick Gass, the only journal then published covering the
travels of the Lewis and Clark party. He not only was the
discoverer of the source of the long looked for Columbia river,
but was the first traveler upon the upper three-fourths of
its entire length. His contributions to the ethnology and
geographic knowledge of this district exceed that of any other
one person. He left the Columbia in the spring of 1812 by
way of the Athabasca pass and had then opened to use the
first regular line of communication across the continent (Latin
America excepted) over which mail and express were carried
from Montreal (and from New York and Boston for that mat-

60 T. C. ELLIOTT

ter) to the trading and missionary stations in Oregon and
Idaho for a period of thirty years. Mention has been made
in published references12 of an attempt to anticipate the Pacific
Fur Company (John Jacob Astor) in their settlement at the
mouth of the Columbia river, but such was an erroneous con-
clusion. No such attempt was made by the Northwesters,
although unfortunate physical conditions in the fall of 1810
probably prevented David Thompson from proceeding down
the Columbia then.

David Thompson was forty-two years of age when he re-
turned to Fort William in 1812 and the following two years
were devoted to recording the results of his surveys in Western
Canada and the Rocky Mountain and Columbia River regions,
and adding thereto surveys of other traders in districts he
did not reach himself. The map he drew hung upon the wall
of the directors room of the North West Company at Fort
William for years and is still preserved in Toronto, Canada.
It bears the legend : "Map of the North West Territory of the
Province of Canada, 1792-1812, embracing region between
Latitudes 45 and 56, and Longitudes 84 and 124. Made for
the North West Company in 1813-1814." It was the only
source of information about much of Western Canada for
fifty years, and quite remarkably, still is as to certain parts.
The surveys and observations of David Thompson in Canada
and in Idaho are confirmed by those of the present day ; such
was their accuracy.

In 1816 David Thompson was employed by the Dominion
Government to take charge of surveying, in behalf of Great
Britain, the international boundary line between the United
States and Canada, work which required ten years to com-
plete. He set the boundary marks from the St. Lawrence
river as far west as the Lake of the Woods. For ten years
longer he continued to do field work for the government and
under private contract, but the later years of his life are not
pleasant to refer to. His competence was quite ample for a

12 See Oregon Historical Quarterly Vol. XII, p. 195 et seq.; "David Thompson
and the Columbia River," by T. C. Elliott, for such references, and other slight
errors.

DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGINNINGS IN IDAHO 61

time, but, as has not been infrequent with children of mixed
blood, his sons were not successful in life and in assisting them
his property was dissipated. His last years were spent in con-
ditions of poverty as abject as those of his childhood and much
harder to bear. He died at the advanced age of eighty-seven,
by the public unrecognized and forgotten.

The body of David Livingstone was buried in Westminster
Abby in London with high honors and his tablet is visited by
thousands, but the body of David Thompson lies in an un-
marked grave in the Mount Royal cemetery at Montreal. Both
were devout men and beloved by those in their employ or inti-
mate association. David Livingstone was a missionary of the
cross and died among the people he went to serve and we would
not diminish in the least the honors due to his name. David
Thompson lived the principles of his faith in God amid the
debaucheries of liquor in the fur trade as practiced by a large
number of those engaged in it. His scientific contributions to
our knowledge of the unexplored lands of North America
entitle him to honor as one of the greatest land geographers
if not the greatest the English race has ever produced.

A conclusion appropriate to the title of this address is
found in the brief journal entry of David Thompson when at
Kullyspell House on Sunday, April 22nd, 1810: "A fine
Easter13 Sunday, rested all day."

13 The first known observance of Easter in Idaho.

EDUCATIONAL PLANS AND EFFORTS BY METH-
ODISTS IN OREGON TO 1860*

By READ BAIN
I. INTRODUCTION

Whatever may be the verdict of history on the final cultural
effect of the evangelical religious denominations, it is quite evi-
dent all men will agree that they have made a very substantial
contribution to the educational progress of every region in
which they have established themselves. The fundamental idea,
of course, always has been to save the souls of the heathen and
raise up the sons and daughters of the faithful under the in-
fluence of educational advantages. In order to do this, the
minimum requirement is ability to read the Bible. Hence,
schools are necessary. So every church, we find, has now, or,
at sometime in its history had, an educational program. Indeed,
there is a very apparent ratio between the success of the
denomination as such, and the extensiveness of its educational
activities.

Practically all of the American religious bodies have given
up their work in elementary and secondary education (Cath-
olics excepted) and devote their energies to supporting some
more or less struggling institutions of higher learning. Their
objective is usually duofold; first, to foster their denomina-
tional program by training church and social workers ; secondly,
to provide a place where Christian young men and women of
whatever denomination may obtain an education in which the
moral and religious values of life are emphasized ; and to fur-
nish a favorable environment for the inculcation and develop-
ment of these ideals.

Just how long these financially weak and all too often mori-
bund schools will be able to stand out against the growing
demand for a complete monopoly of education by the state, is
a mooted question and one that time alone can settle. There

•Prepared for Seminar in Educational Historical Research conducted by Dean
Henry D. Sheldon of School of Education, University of Oregon.

64 READ BAIN

is evidence, however, that most denominations ( Methodists and
Catholics excepted) are coming to the conclusion that higher
education may better be left to the care of the state as primary
and secondary education have been,. The Methodists and Cath-
olics may sooner or later come to the same conclusion. At
least, there are some noticeable tendencies in this direction.
II. ANALYSIS AND SCOPE

However, our subject deals with a topic far removed from
the general question of religious educational statesmanship. In
the pioneer period, the church was the theorem and the school
the most apparent corollary. Where the church went, there
the schools went also. While the very first teaching in the
Oregon country was not under the direct influence of any
religious body, it is safe to say that fully nine-tenths of all
the educational activities in the Oregon country before 1860
was either directly or indirectly the result of religious in-
fluence.

The period with which we are dealing divides itself into
three logical phases : the period of Indian mission schools, from
1834 to 1844 approximately ; the period of pioneer elementary
term schools, 1844 to 1854, roughly; and the period of or-
ganized institutions, 1854 to 1860. Of course, it is understood
that this is a rough approximation, that there is considerable
overlapping in each division, but as a basis for discussion this
analysis will do very well, as the later development will show.

The purpose of this paper is not to give a complete and
final form to the educational history of this period, but to con-
fine itself pretty strictly to Methodist education. Even this
subject, limited as it is, cannot be treated exhaustively or with
finality. It is hoped, however, to indicate the chief sources
available for this work, and to sketch, at least, the principal
landmarks along the way. Doubtless there are valuable docu-
ments in existence of which we know nothing, old pioneer
letters, diaries, and perhaps even books which were used in
these primitive schools, and samples of the work done by the
pupils. It is certain there is a wealth of reminiscent material

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 65

which must be collected within a few years, if it ever is to be
preserved. Every loyal Oregonian and friend of education and
history ought to feel it his duty to put in permanent form all
of this precious and fast disappearing material of which he may
become cognizant.

Some mention will be made of the educational activities of
other churches than the Methodist, partly by way of com-
parison, and partly to supplement our knowledge of the Meth-
odist activities. Although the Methodist Episcopal Church
early took and held the lead in educational affairs, (and in
all other affairs of the territory, as well, be it said in passing)
it was by no means alone in educational and religious work.
By 1850, the Catholics, Disciples in Christ, Congregationalists,
Presbyterians and Baptists — even the Pedo-Baptists1 and
United Brethren, were in evidence.

III. INDIAN MISSIONS, 1834-44

The first school in the Oregon country was taught by one
John Ball at Fort Vancouver, Washington. Ball had come
out with Wyeth's expedition in 1832. Dr. McLoughlin put
him to work teaching the Indians and half-breeds at the Fort,
Nov. 19, 1832. Bancroft says2 this school was continued till
March 1? when Solomon Howard Smith, who also had come
out with Wyeth, was put in charge. He taught till he be-
came infatuated with the baker's wife. He ran away with her
to French Prairie and opened a school in the house of Joseph
Gervais. Then Cyrus Shepard, took charge of the school.
Ball, himself,3 says he taught at Vancouver 18 months, so
it is likely Bancroft is in error since the Methodists did not
come till September, 1834.

["The author is misled by the authority accepted here. Ball's
diary states that he was asked by Dr. McLoughlin to take the
school on Nov. 17, 1832, and that he taught until March,
1833.— Editor Quarterly.]

Ball says his two dozen pupils talked in all languages —
Klickitat, Nez Perce, Chinook, Cree, French, — and that only
one in the whole school could understand him ; that one took
issue with him as to how the school should be run. Just then

1 Ezra Fisher Correspondence. Edited by Henderson-Latourette, p. 210. Oct.
20, 1847.

2 Bancroft. Oreg. Hist. vol. I, p. 75

3 Quoted by Homer. "Oregon History," p. 67.

66 READ BAIN

McLoughlin came in. Seeing at once how things stood, he
had the young Indian taken outside and thrashed till he saw
things from Ball's viewpoint. From then on the school
flourished and discipline was easily maintained.

They all learned the English language ; some of them learned
parts of "Murray's Grammar" by heart; some had gone clear
thru the arithmetic and thereupon reviewed it thoroly. This
"review" consisted of copying the book completely. These
copies were used in subsequent instruction as texts.4

So if John Ball really taught there 18 months, and accom-
plished all he says he did, the work of Solomon Smith and
Cyrus Shepard was greatly simplified. The latter copiously
mingled his pedagogical labors with ecclesiastical efforts.
These latter exercises were attended quite generally by all
inmates of the Fort, Catholics, Indians, scoffers, rough moun-
tain men, all ages, sexes, and conditions.

As nearly as I can reason out the order of the instructors at
the Vancouver Post from the data in hand, it is this : John
Ball started the school on November 19, 1832. If he continued
it 18 months as he says he did, that would mean July 1, 1834.
Bancroft implies that Solomon Smith took the school March
1, 1833, but assuming that it was March 1, 1834, even then
Ball would fall short of his 18 months' service, particularly
since Ball engaged in farming in the Willamette Valley from
spring to autumn according to Bancroft.

Then Smith served from March first long enough to fall
in love with the baker's wife — and went to French Prairie and
established a school there. This was the first school in what
is now Oregon. So it must have been in the summer of 1834, —
particularly since Bancroft says Cyrus Shepard continued the
school at Vancouver which Smith deserted when he absconded
with the baker's wife. Certainly Shepard could not have taught
this school till late in September, 1834, since the Missionaries
did not reach Vancouver till the middle of that month.

Sometime in the fall of 1834 or winter of 1835, Shepard

4 "North Pacific History," vol. 1, p. 123. The "author" (Elwood Evans?)
says this was written to him by Solomon Smith. Horner says John Ball wrote it.
Evans (?) says Ball's school lasted only from January 1, 1833 till March 1, 1833,
when Smith took charge, agreeing to teach six months. It is not reported whether
Smith fulfilled his contract or not. Seems quite conclusive that Ball did not teach
eighteen months.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 67

went to the Mission where he assisted P. L. Edwards in the
mission school Lee had established there. Horner gives Ed-
wards the honor of being the first Oregon school teacher,5 but
I think it is conclusive that Solomon Smith deserves that
honor and the credit of long service thence forward as a
representative citizen. Shepard was teaching at the mission
school as early, at least, as was Edwards.6 Geo. H. Hines is
the authority for the statement that Smith also assisted in this
mission school.

Shepard was a frail, studious man, while Edwards was a
large, strong Kentucky frontiersman. It really is more rea-
sonable to assume that Shepard did the teaching while Ed-
wards cleared and cultivated land.

There were some wild Indians in the school, but their main
reason for being there seems to have been a desire for food and
shelter rather than any great spiritual or educational yearning.
There were three Calapooia orphans received in the mission
house in the winter of 1834-5. One of them, John, helped
with the work, but as soon as the warm spring came, he
answered the call of the wild, leaving his sickly, scrofulous
sister, Lucy Hedding} (named after the Bishop) to the mis-
sionary influences of the Methodists. Some of the Umpquas
brought a boy to the Mission in the spring of 1835. Shortly
thereafter, he died of consumption. Hines7 says the Ump-
quas came and menaced the lives of the Lees, as a result, but
Daniel Lee denies this. A Tillamook Indian boy was brought
to the mission and left there by his people. He would neither
work nor study, but sat all day long, looking toward the coast,
weeping. When his friends returned, he left with them.

A French-Indian, Louis Shangaratte, died and left three
children and five Indian slaves. Dr. McLoughlin asked Lee
to take them into the Mission. Lee agreed to this, but de-
manded that the slaves be given their freedom. This was done.
This crowded the small 18x32 building considerably but it
was not long till three of them died of syphilis and two more
ran away. During the first year, fourteen children were re-

5 Horner, "Oregon History," p. 70.

6 Hines, H. K., "Miss. Hist, of Pac. N. W '.," p. 99. Shepard taught at Van-
couver in the winter of 1834; came to the Mission in March, 1835.

7 Hines, G., "Oregon History/' p. 14.

68 RteAD BAIN

ceived; five died before the winter was over; five ran away;
two died within the next two years, leaving two of the original
fourteen to have their souls saved and their lives civilized.

The missionaries themselves all had been sick. Daniel Lee
nearly died. Dr. McLoughlin sent him to the Islands in the
winter of 1835, where he remained till August, 1836. Poison
oak, malaria or intermittent fever, a throat affection similar
to diphtheria, syphilis, consumption and scrofula were some
of the diseases with which they had to contend.

There is little wonder that the romantic ideas of the noble
red man seeking the "White Man's Book of Life" which the
missionaries had obtained back east in the fervor of the emo-
tional revival meetings, began to fade away into a cold gray
image of very unprepossessing reality. Jason Lee began to
lose his hope of rapid evangelization of the Indians and to
look toward the founding of an American state in Oregon.8

The methods of instruction were very crude. There were no
text books and in most cases the Indians did not understand
any English. The first thing was to teach them the language.
This was done by the usual method of pointing to objects and
calling their names, by saying words and phrases and having
the learners repeat. Later, more formal methods were em-
ployed. The best account I could find of the difficulties en-
countered, is in the work of the American Board Missions at
Lapwai, Waiilatpu, and Chemekane.

Gushing Eells, writing in the "Missionary Herald," Feb.
25, 1840, says, "I cannot learn that they have any realizing
sense of the odiousness of sin." This corresponds very well
with Lee's general attitude. Eells goes on to say that "they
do not lack ability to learn, but rather the inclination." He
says the apparent interest and pleasure in the school work
is due largely to the novelty of it. He thinks the reports of
their anxious reception of the gospel largely exaggerated,
thinks the Indians were just deceiving the missionaries.

Eells opened his school in Nov., 1839, with about 30 in

8 On July 1, 1844, testifying before the Missionary Board, Jason Lee spoke
the following words: "And indeed, the Indians have no life or energy and are a
melancholy doomed race. I think this is in part true: the Indians on the Wil-
lamette will become, as a distinct race, extinct. But I think there will be more
Indian blood, thru amalgamation, running in the veins of white men 100 years
hence, than would have been running in the veins of the Indians if they had been
left to themselves." A good commentary on the social conditions in the Wil-
lamette valley in 1840!

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 69

attendance. By Feb., 1849, he had about 80, but they were
very irregular in attendance, many leaving for good as soon
as their curiosity was satisfied. He taught them reading,
writing, spelling, arithmetic and music. They were very
fond of the latter subject.

In 1839, the Whitmans received a printing press from
Hawaii, and the next year succeeded in translating and print-
ing some of the Bible and school books into the Indian lan-
guage. This was the first printing done in the Oregon country.
These printed leaflets replaced the pen printing which had
been used formerly. Spalding, in writing of this, says, "Every
verb seems to be almost endless in its conjugations and com-
binations. I have carried an active, transitive verb through
several thousand forms."

So we may suppose this account is not greatly different
from the similar work of the Methodists. That Lee was not
misled by. the apparent eagerness of the Indians for formal
education is shown by the quotation above given, — and by the
fact that he always emphasized the material arts of civiliza-
tion.9 He called his mission establishment the "Methodist
Oregon Mission Indian Manual Labor School," and tried to
teach the Indians to farm, build, cook, clothe themselves, culti-
vate fruit and vegtables and worship God.

However, other viewpoints are not lacking. The Catholics10
found the Indians to be remarkably teachable; Samuel
Parker11, in 1835, speaking of the Indians on the lower Co-
lumbia, said that the "character of unabused and uncontam-
inated Indians would not suffer in comparison with any other
nation that could be named, — the only difference being that
produced by the practices of the Christian religion."

But, however much the enthusiasm of the Lees was damp-
ened by their first winter as missionaries, they continued the
work.

9 Eells— "Indian Missions," p. 20— "Capt. Slacum reported that the Indians
were being taught the most useful of all arts — agriculture — and that without the
slightest compulsion."

10 De Smet in the "Oregon Country," E. V. O'Hara, "Quarterly/' Sept.,
1909. "He was astonished at the innocence of their lives and has left pages of
writing in which he extols their virtues and their docility. It would be difficult
to find a parallel in the history of Christian Missions for this rapid and permanent
transformation of a savage tribe into a Christian community with morning and
evening prayers in common." p. 224.

11 Parker's Journal, p. 155. Quoted by Bancroft, "Oregon History," Vol. I,
p. 112.

70 READ BAIN

In March, 1838, Daniel Lee and H. Kl W. Perkins selected
a site and established a Mission at The Dalles. Daniel Lee
took fourteen head of cattle from the Willamette station over
the Cascades, reaching The Dalles in October. He spent most
the winter there, alone. The station prospered very badly but
the next summer a combined church and home were added to
the settlement. The Indians were very anxious to hear the
gospel. They used to come in great numbers to the Sunday
meeting. Soon the Mission school and Sabbath school wer'S
in a flourishing condition. Doubtless the Indians had other
reasons than a burning desire for knowledge as has been above
intimated.

Bancroft (p. 168) analyzes Lee's motives at some length
in regard to establishing these Mission posts ; makes him out
a colonizer rather than a missionary; argues that Lee knew
the Columbia river Indians, — all of them west of the Cascades,
—were a hopelessly diseased, depraved and degenerated race,
not worth saving if indeed that were possible. But he knew
the missionary-mad people back east would never support a
colonizing policy, nor would the Hudson's Bay Company per-
mit it, so he went ahead, setting these stakes of empire in the
name of God and the salvation of the souls of these scrofulous
Indians. He had too much help for missionary work, and not
enough for his plans to bring more Americans to Oregon.

In March, 1838, he had visited the Umpqua region, intending
to establish a station, but the hostility of the Indians and the
inaccessibility of the region caused him to forego it.

In April, he started his famous trip to the east, returning
in 1840 on the "Lausanne" with the needed reinforcements.
It was on this trip that he memorialized Congress to the effect
that it should extend its laws over Oregon.

The station at The Dalles was reinforced. Daniel Lee and
J. H. Frost established another at Clatsop Plains, near the
mouth of the Columbia, in the summer of 1840. It soon be-
came a flourishing settlement. Very little benefit came to
the degenerate Clatsop Indians, however.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 71

In the summer of 1840, Dr. J. P. Richmond and family, Dr.
William H. Wilson and Miss Chloe A. Clark were sent to
Puget Sound to establish a mission near Fort Nisqually. The
location chosen was in sight of the fort. Another station was
established at Oregon City, with the man in charge there
making regular visits to Tualatin Plains.

Thus by the end of 1840, the missionary stage of Methodist
education had practically come to an end in Oregon. Jason
Lee had given up his original plan of converting, educating,
and civilizing the Indians and had substituted a policy cal-
culated to make Oregon, an American state. He had planted
American colonies at the strategic points — at Salem, Oregon
City, The Dalles, Astoria, and Puget Sound ; he had memor-
ialized Congress to put Oregon under the protection of its
laws. He had truly foreseen the destiny of Oregon and laid
the foundations for its accomplishment.

Early in 1844, after the provisional government had been
organized. Lee resolved to return to the United States and
again attempt to get Congress to assume sovereignty over the
territory, confirm the title to all the property held by the
Missions and furnish an endowment for Oregon Institute.

But the Methodist Board of Missions had not been kept in
ignorance of the secularization of Lee's policy, and their vision
was not great enough to see the value of his shift in plans.
So when Lee reached Honolulu in 1844, he was informed that
Rev. George Gary was on his way to Oregon as Lee's successor
in the superintendency of the Oregon Missions, with instruc-
tions to close them if he thought best.

This he proceeded to do, in a very high handed manner.
The property of the Willamette Mission alone was sold for
about $26,000, while its actual cost had been nearly $60,000.
The only direct benefit to education that came from the Meth-
odist Missionary schools was the transfer of the Oregon Mis-
sion Indian Manual Labor School, valued at $10,000, to the
Oregon Institute. The venture cost the Methodist church about

72 READ BAIN

a quarter of a million. The missionizing results were nil, but
the indirect benefits to education and civilization, incalculable.12

IV. PIONEER ELEMENTARY TERM SCHOOLS,

1844-54

The only reason for dealing with this subject here is to show
the soil from which the Methodist institutions grew. This
type of education cannot be ascribed to any particular denom-
ination, but it is safe to say that the majority of the commun-
ities where such schools were found up to 1850 were pre-
dominantly Methodist.

The first school, in Oregon proper, as well as the first non-
mission school, was that taught by Solomon Smith in the house
of Joseph Gervais on French Prairie, near Wheatland (Cham-
poeg) as above set forth.

But it was not a "term" school. This type of educational
institution is one for which the teacher receives so much a
head for every pupil attending, the term being usually about
three months. Of course, when the first formal institutions
were organized, they followed this same plan, but they were
doing academic as well as elementary work, and furthermore,
the fees were paid to the institution, not to the teacher. The
term schools must be distinguished from the Mission schools,
which were "free and without price," — and also from the later
public schools supported by public taxation. The teacher of
a term school very often "boarded around" for part of his pay.

Sidney W. Moss provided a school at Oregon City in 1843,
for which he himself paid. J. P. Brooks was the teacher.

The first regular term school so far as I can find was or-
ganized by J. E. Lyle, and held in the log house of Colonel
Nathaniel Ford, near Rickreall, Polk County, beginning April
13, 1846, and was known as Jefferson Institute, with Col.
Ford, Jas. Howard and Wm. Beagle named as trustees.13 This
school served about twenty-five students, all white.

12 Bancroft, Vol. I, "Oregon History," p. 224.

13 Oregon Spectator, Mar. 1846.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 73

Dr. Ralph Wilcox conducted a school at the foot of Taylor
or Morrison street in Portland in 1847; Aaron Hyde in 1848-
49. Miss Julia Carter, at Second and Stark, in 1848, was the
first woman teacher in Portland.

After 1850, the term school was very common. The cost
was $8.00 to $10.00 a term.

According to the territorial law of 1850, districts could be
organized with power to levy taxes for school purposes. Such
a school was organized in Portland in 1851. This was held
in a frame building which Col. Wm. M. King had built in 1849
for "church, school and general purposes." This was the first
free public school in Oregon. John T. Outhouse was the
teacher, assisted by Miss Abigail M. Clark. They got $100.00
and $75.00 a month, respectively.

Finally, May 17, 1858, a school house was built and ready
for use. This was the first school building erected by public
taxation in Portland, — and in Oregon, so far as I could find.
L. L. Terwilliger was principal and Mrs. Mary Hensill as-
sistant.

Rev. Geo. H. Atkinson, Congregational minister in Portland,
wrote Gov. Lane's message in 1849 and framed the free public
school law of 1850. The latter was bitterly opposed by the
bachelors and the denominationalists.

The following is a description of one of these term schools
attended by Geo. H. Himes near Olympia, Washington, from
June to August, 1854.14

"The school was in a log cabin, 16x18 feet. The floor was
made of puncheons, i. e., logs smoothed on one side with a
broad ax. Sticks and moss were crowded into the spaces be-
tween the logs and held in place by mortar made of clay. Light
was provided by two panes of glass 8x10 inches set lengthwise
in a space where a log was cut out. These panes were held
in place by wooden pegs. The door was made of split cedar
smoothed with a drawing knife and hung upon wooden hinges.
These would emit a most doleful sound whenever the door

14 Geo. H. Himes — Unpublished article.

74 READ BAIN

was opened or shut. The proverbial latch-string was made of
Indian-tanned buck skin, which, like the latch-strings of all
pioneer cabins of that time, hung on the outside as a constant
reminder for folks to enter and make themselves at home.

"Desks and seats were made of split stuff, rude in con-
struction. They were without backs, unless the walls of the
cabin, around which they were arranged, could be called backs.

"Twenty-five pupils attended this school, some of them
walking three miles or more, the distance my sister and I had
to go twice a day. The road, or rather trail, ran through the
dense timber the whole way. Indians and wild beasts passed
across and along it daily.

"The text books used were "Webster's Elementary Spelling
Book," "McGuffey's Readers," "Smith's Arithmetic," and
"Grammar." Those composing the first spelling class had to
go through the book without missing a word, a feat not often
equaled in these days of graded schools and 'improved'
methods."

The following interview with Peter R. Burnett also con-
tains a pertinent criticism of modern educational methods.

Mr. Burnett came to Oregon in 1846 when he was four
years old. His father settled near Monmouth where young
Burnett grew to manhood.

Two years after coming to Oregon, he started to school
(1848) in the little rough board school house at Bethel, now
called Spring Valley, about fifteen miles south of Monmouth.
This school was conducted by T. R. Harrison, — "a remark-
able man ; he used to make every scholar stand up and read
aloud : and it would be a good thing if everyone had to do it
yet. I hear some most abominable readers these days. Of
course, I may be an old fogey on this subject."

Along about 1854, the people of Bethel began to get am-
bitious for "higher education." So G. O. Burnett and Amos
Harvey each gave 100 acres of fertile land as an endowment
for Bethel Academy. This institution opened its doors, — or

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 75

rather its door, in 1855. It was a large frame building, two
and a half stories high, the best building in Polk county at that
time. It may still be seen near McCoy.

T. R. Harrison was the faculty. He taught everything from
writing to algebra, though he was no "classical scholar."
"Davie's Algebra," "Thompson's Complete Arithmetic" and
"Sanders' Readers," — first, second, third and fourth, — were
the text-books. Later "Parker and Watson's" readers were
used, in a series of five. "Smith's and Bullion's Grammars" were
the foundation of the English course. There was no diagram-
ing and very little composition. The instruction consisted
mainly of the exercises for "correcting faulty syntax and
getting the ideas of the grammar of the language into our
heads, though we did not have to memorize it." There also
was a course in practical surveying. The spelling match every
Friday night was one of the big incidents in the school career
of the Bethel student. This was very important, since it was
the training ground of the spellers who took part in the spell-
ing matches which formed an important part of the frequent
meetings of the literary society.

The school was equipped with manufactured desks and
blackboards. It was in session from daylight till dark; the
attendance, 30 or 40. Each pupil paid six or eight dollars for
a term of three months, usually in the summer. "Why nobody
ever heard of supporting a school by taxation in those days,"
said Mr. Burnett.

When Christian College was founded at Monmouth in 1860,
Bethel closed its doors. The remarkable T. R. Harrison got
pretty overbearing and self-sufficient in the latter days of
the Academy, so Mr. G. O. Burnett got John Henry Smith,
a "brilliant young man" (and Burnett's nephew) to "assist"
Harrison. This caused more or less friction and hastened the
decline of the Academy.

"The Bethel Academy endowment still brings in money
for the Spring Valley school district, which has always been
noted for its good schools," concluded Mr. Burnett.

76 READ BAIN

Of course, there were many term-fee academies of this
period, most of them organized by the Methodists and other
religious denominations, but many of them were private ven-
tures. Nine such institutions were advertised in the Oregon
Statesman in 1852, if we include the "Dancing Academy of
Prof. Alexander Coggshall, late of Boston/' who "bearded the
lions of the Methodist faith in their own den" and advertised
that "he was prepared to teach the fashionable art of dancing
to those in Salem who may desire, for a very nominable sum,"
the amount of which he did not state.

Perhaps the most pretentious of these advertisements is
worthy of quotation.15 It is a good example of the "papal
darkness" which Rev. Ezra Fisher so much feared. He finally
succeeded in establishing a school at Oregon City, to combat
the menace of the "Catholics and Methodists who were placing
schools at every vantage point," and also to "vindicate the
peculiarities of the Baptist faith." This Catholic institution
was the "Young Ladies' Boarding and Day School of the
Sisters of Notre Dame of Oregon City." It announced its
particular brand of "papal darkness" and method of "uniting
the influence of Romanism with heathenism to bring into
disrespect the simplicity of the gospel," as Ezra Fisher wrote,16
in the following terms:

"The heart must be formed as well as the mind and adorned
with all those qualities which beautify the manners and render
virtue attractive and amiable. The moral advancement of
the pupil shall be the object of the most assiduous care.

"The academy is built on the banks of the Willamette river
remote from the business part of the city. The buildings are
spacious and airy ; the pleasure grounds dry and extensive.

"In case of sickness, they shall experience the most con-
stant and affectionate attention, and every incentive proper to
inspire a laudable emulation will be employed. At the end of
the term a solemn distribution of premiums will take place,
followed by specimens of drawing, sewing, etc."

15 Oregon Statesman, Sept. 1851.

16 This quotation is from a letter Jan. 4, 1847. He was referring not to
this particular school but to the general activities of the Catholics. Ezra Fisher
Correspondence has a great deal of valuable information in it, particularly, refer-
ence to economic conditions at that time, as well as a lot of amusing material.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 77

There were accommodations for 185 boarders ; fees, $4.50 a
term for infants, $6.50 for elementary, and $9.50 for higher
students. "Extra charges were made for piano, singing, draw-
ing, painting, which same could be had upon application, all
letters to be addressed, postage paid, to the Lady Superior."

The Baptists, Congregationalists, Christians, Presbyterians,
United Brethren and Methodists all had similar schools in
Oregon before 1860.

V. PERIOD OF ORGANIZED INSTITUTIONS, 1854-60
There were five Methodist schools in Oregon when the
Conference met in 1860, — Willamette University, valued at
$25,000.00; Portland Academy and Female Seminary, valued
at $8,500.00; Oregon City Seminary, $5,000.00; Santiam
Academy, $6,500.00; Umpqua Academy, $6,000.00. There was
no detailed account of attendance till 1864, when Willamette
had 264; 163 male, 101 female; Expenses, $4,387.40; Receipts,
$4,017.98. Portland Academy, 241 ; 170 in academic depart-
ment; 71 primary. Santiam, 105; 65 males, 40 females. Ex-
pense $1,218.00, Receipts $1,218.00. Umpqua, 112. Building
in good repair and clear of debt.17

There were other Methodist institutions which had come into
existence and died before 1860. I shall give the history of
these schools in chronological order. Doubtless there, were
some schools of which we have no record at all. Only those
which were chartered before 1860 will be dealt with in these
pages.

WILLAMETTE UNIVERSITY

Of course the first in order of time and importance is
Willamette University. It has its origin in the Oregon Meth-
odist Mission Indian Manual Labor Training School which
Jason Lee started in the fall of 1834 with an enrollment of
John, the lordly and lazy Calapooia boy, his scrofulous sister,
Lucy Hedding, and another member of the tribe. In 1838,
Jason Lee, somewhat disillusioned as to the destiny of the
noble red man, returned to the United States for reinforce-

17 Taken from Minutes of Oregon Conference M. E. Church by John Parsons.

78 READ BAIN

merits. There is no doubt that he expressed to his missionaries
on the "Lausanne" during the long trip around the Horn in
1839, the idea which was already taking root in his mind,
viz., that the missionary period was to be merely a transition
stage, that ultimately, Oregon was to be won for the United
States — that the Indians of the Willamette Valley were a
"melancholy doomed race." At any event, somewhere on
the east coast of South America, on board the good ship
"Lausanne," October 25, 1839, the Methodist missionaries cele-
brated the one hundredth anniversary of Methodism by taking
up a collection to start a school for white children in the
Willamette Valley. Gustavus Hines preached the sermon. The
sum of six hundred and fifty dollars was collected and con-
secrated to the task of starting education in the American
state of Jason Lee's vision and Hall J. Kjelley's dream.

The next step in the genesis of Willamette has to do with
the Mission school. In 1841, Lee had moved it from near pres-
ent Wheatland to the present site of Salem. Here, he had under
construction, a new building, three and a half stories high, which
cost $10,000.00. Lee had moved his own house to Salem, or
Chemeketa, as they called it, where a grist mill already had
been built. It was this new Mission school at Salem which
was to become the first home of that school for white children
which had been proposed on board the "Lausanne" in 1839.
This came about as follows :

On Jan. 17, 1842? there was a meeting at Lee's house in
Salem to undertake the organization of the school. A com-
mittee consisting of Dr. Ira L. Babcock, Gustavus Hines and
David Leslie was selected. A meeting was held near the first
of February at which a committee on location was selected.
They decided to proceed at once. They chose "Oregon In-
stitute" as a name and selected the first board of trustees : Jason
Lee, chairman ; David Leslie, Gustavus Hines, J. L. Parrish,
L. H. Judson, Alanson Beers, George Abernethy, Hamilton
"Cow" Campbell,18 and Dr. Ira L. Babcock. Webly Hauxhurst
was added in a short time.

18 Hamilton Campbell was known by no other name than "Cow" Campbell
thruout the whole Willamette Valley. When Gary sold the Mission property, Camp-
bell bought the cattle. His herds prospered and he became the cow king of Oregon.
He almost literally had "cattle on a thousand hills." Hence, the name.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 79

They selected a location on French Prairie, then changed
it to Wallace Prairie about three miles north of the mill at
Chemeketa.

On March 9, they drew up a prospectus and on March 15,
a constitution and by-laws. In order to get an idea of the
purposes of these pioneer promoters of education, we shall
examine the constitution and by-laws somewhat in detail.

In Article I, which is a preamble, we find, "Whereas the
Oregon Institute is designed not only to promote science, but
morality and piety, this Institution shall always be under the
supervision of some evangelical branch of the Protestant
Church, non-sectarian and liberal." This meant, of course, the
Methodist Episcopal Church and no other. This body re-
sponded to the call and took charge, or supervision, Oct. 26,
1842, before any school had been held in the building then
being erected.

In Article III we find: "The primary object of this institu-
tion is to educate the children of white men, but no person
shall be excluded on account of color if he has good moral
character, and can read, write and speak the English language
intelligibly."

In Article VII : "In the literary department there shall be
a male and female branch subject to the control of the male
and female teachers, conducted as best to promote science,
morality and piety."

There was a provision that the business should be conducted
by those who had subscribed $50.00 or more until such time
as some religious society should pledge itself to sustain the
institute.

Section 5 of the by-laws states that any subscription or dona-
tion of $500.00 or more entitles the donor and his heirs to free
tuition forever. Anyone giving $100 might raise it to $500
to gain this privilege. Section 10 says "no person shall be
eligible to the office of trustee or steward or visiting com-
mittee, or receive employment as a teacher who denies the
authenticity of the Sacred Scriptures."

80 READ BAIN

W. H. Gray was employed to construct the building. About
$4,000.00 was pledged and before the year 1843 was over,
Gray had spent about $3000 on the construction of the building.

Lee was very busy organizing the Provisional government
and laying his plans to get the United States to confirm the
titles of the several mission properties on which he had built
stations, — including the valuable Oregon City claim to which it
seems McLoughlin had prior rights, — moral, if not technical.
So in pursuit of this object. Lee left for the States in Feb. 1844.
In June of the same year George Gary arrived at Oregon City
as the new Superintendent of Missions, with power to close
them all if he thought that were best. This he proceeded to
do, — while Lee was laboring with Congress to get title to the
lands on which he had built his missions. He succeeded in
getting these confirmed, but in the meantime, Gary had sold
them all19 for a song, and the Methodist Missions in Oregon
were no more.

The Salem Mission Manual Labor School was sold to the
Trustees of the Oregon Institute for $4,000.00, although the
Catholics were in the market and offered $8,000.00 for the
property. Later, the building on Wallace Prairie was sold
for just about what it cost. So the Trustees of the Oregon
Institute made a pretty good investment, even for those days,
when real estate was very cheap, — a $10,000.00 building and
640 acres of fine fertile land, all for $4,000.00. This old mis-
sion land claim, of course passed to the Institute. At present,
the State Capitol grounds, the campus of Willamette Uni-
versity, and the best part of the business and residence section
of Salem are on this old mission claim. The broad, regular,
tree-lined streets and spacious lawns of Salem speak well for
the city-planning foresight of these missionary pioneers.

So it was in this new building, 78x45 feet, three and a half
stories high, that the Oregon Institute, the first organized
school for white children west of the Mississippi, began its

19 The Dalles Station was kept in the hope of getting a clear title to the prop-
erty. This was accomplished by J. Lee in 1844-5 before his death. The Dalles
claim was sold to Dr. Whitman in 1847. The actual confirmation of the titles is
found in the Enabling Act (1848) for the Oregon Territory. Ores. Ter. Laws,
1849 (U. of O. vault.) This is also called the "Organic Law."

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 81

sessions, in the fall of 1844. Mrs. Chloe A. Clark Willson
was the teacher.

The following advertisement appeared in the "Spectator"

August 10, 1846. " And as one ostensible object of

the Oregon Institute is to promote piety and morality as an
essential in the forming of the character of the young for
eminence and usefulness, every possible attention will be
bestowed upon the manners, morals, and habits of all con-
nected with the school. David Leslie, Chairman of Board of
Trustees." It went on to say that this could be done for $24
a year.

Mrs. Willson continued to teach (except that Jas. H. Wilbur
had charge 1847-48) the school till 1850 when Rev. F. S.
Hoyt took control and remained principal and president till
1860. Nehemiah Doane taught the school in 1850 till the
arrival of Hoyt. The Donation Land Law of Sept. 27, 1850
had a bad effect on the school attendance.20. Any married
man could get 320 additional acres of land for his wife. The
result was that there were numerous cases of love at first sight
and few "young ladies" over 15 were left in school.

On Jan. 12, 1853, the Territorial Legislature passed an act
incorporating Willamette University. This was not the first
educational institution incorporated in Oregon, but it was the
first one designed for higher education. Tualatin Academy
and two Catholic schools were chartered before this. The
preamble of the act is as follows :

"Whereas the happiness and prosperity of every community
(under the direction and government of Divine Providence)
depend in an eminent degree on the right education of the
youth who must succeed the aged in the important offices of
society; and the principles of virtue and elements of liberal
knowledge fostered and imparted in the higher institutions
of learning tend to develop a people in those qualifications most

20 There is more or less confusion in all the secondary sources as to the date
of this law. There was provision for survey made in the Organic Law of 1848,
and a Donation land law was discussed in Congress, but was not passed till 1850,
according to the Territorial Laws of Oregon printed by Ashel Bush, Salem (now
in U. of O. vaults). Of course, the tales of such a law in 1848, and the expected
passage of it, had the same effect as if the law had actually passed, because the
squatter" had priority rights on the claimj of his choice. So the schools were
deserted and many short notice marriages occurred.

82 READ BAIN

essential to their present welfare and future advancement, and
whereas, it appears that the establishment of a University in
the town of Salem in the county of Marion, with a suitable
preparatory department for the instruction of the youth in the
arts and sciences is likely to subserve the intellectual develop-
ment and enlightening of the youth of this Territory, there-
fore"—etc.

The new university was put under the control of a self-
perpetuating board of trustees composed of twenty-six mem-
bers, and a visiting board of seven, selected by and responsible
to the Methodist Episcopal Conference of Oregon. These
visitors were to meet and confer with the Trustees. The
faculty had power to suspend and expel, with the consent of
the Trustees ; to grant degrees and honorary degrees. A report
had to be made to the secretary of the Territory every year,
giving the names and officers of the faculty, names of teachers
and subjects taught, number of pupils and names and degrees
of graduates.21

F. S. Hoyt was president of the new University and principal
of the academic department. He was an optimistic, energetic,
resourceful man, eminently fitted for his work. By the time
he retired in 1860, he had raised a permanent endowment of
$20,000, bearing interest at 10%. 22 His wife was a great help
to him it is said.

The first graduate, and only one before 1860 was Miss Emily
I. York, who finished 1859 with the degree of B. S. The next
graduate was Mrs. A'ddie B. (Locey) Reasoner, 1862. In
1863 there were twelve.

The income of the University was limited by the Act to
$25,000 yearly. The board of trustees made the following
rule at their first meeting:

—Until the wants of the institution shall require further
provisions the following shall be the faculty of the collegiate
department :

1. A President whose title shall be the "President of Wil-
lamette University," who shall act as Professor of Mathe-
matics and Moral Philosophy. Salary $1,000.

21 Oreg. Ter. Special Laws, 1853.

22 Mines, H. K. "Miss. Hist, of N. W '.," p. 439. Gives A. F. Waller credit
for this, also gives list of the teachers.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 83

2. A Professor of Ancient and Modern Languages. Salary,
$900.

3. A Professor of Exact and Natural Sciences. Salary,
$900.

4. The President shall be responsible for the discipline.

CLACKAMAS COUNTY FEMALE SEMINARY

This school grew out of a venture of the part of Mrs. J.
Quinn Thornton who had established a "Female School for
the Instruction of Young Ladies and Misses" at Oregon City
in 1847.23 This instruction comprised "all branches of a thor-
ough English education, including plain and fancy needlework,
drawing and painting in water colors and mezzotint." Doubtless
the good lady was doing her best to counteract the influence
of the Baptists and Catholics who were founding schools in
Oregon City at the same time.

In any event, the first Territorial Legislature gave a charter
to the "Clackamas County Female Seminary" in Sept. 1849.24
This school was to be undenominational, the charter specifically
stating that no one religious sect was ever to be in complete
control, but, the Methodists and Congregationalists were back
of it. Dr. McLoughlin gave three blocks of land, (the act of
1849 limited the real estate to ten acres and the total resources
to $100,000.00). A $10,000.00 building was constructed and
Mr. Harvey Clark installed as teacher. He was followed by
Mrs. Thornton and Mr. and Mrs. H. K. Hines.

In 1852 according to an advertisement in the "Statesman,"
the president of the Clackamas County Female Seminary was
G. H. Atkinson, but it was under the "direction of Mr. E. D.
Shattuck, lady and competent assistants." These teachers
were obtained by Atkinson from Vermont. There were three
departments, primary, preparatory and regular course. The
tuition was $8, $10, and $12 respectively for a term of eleven
weeks. The "regular course" paraded the following curricu-
lum : Geometry, Logic, Intellectual Philosophy, Moral Science,

23 Oregon Spectator. Feb. 1, 1847.

24 I mention this school for several reasons, although it was not, strictly
speaking, a Methodist school. The Methodists were very influential in its affairs,
however. Eva Emery Dye says the Clackamas County Female Seminary and the
Oregon City Seminary were the same thing. I am inclined to doubt this. There is
no question about the acts of incorporation being different. It may be the Oregon
City Seminary was incorporated after the Female Seminary died out. Have been
unable to determine this point.

84 READ BAIN

Chemistry, Drawing, Painting, Monochromatic Drawing,
Music, French.

In 1851, we learn the school has several important advant-
ages, viz. : "deserved celebrity for healthfulness, being free of
intermittent fevers, — being convenient to steam boats. The
cost for the respective grades was then only 6} 8, and 10 dollars.
Courses: Languages, Music and the "ornamental branches."
Harvey Clark was secretary.

The Prof. Shattuck mentioned above had come out to teach
in Ezra Fisher's "Oregon City College," later Oregon City
University, later moved to McMinnville as the Baptist College.
In 1852, then, Oregon City had this Baptist College, the "un-
denominational"— Methodo-Congregational Clackamas County
Female Seminary and two Catholic schools.

I am unable to get any information as to the work of the
Clackamas County Female Seminary from 1852 to 1860.

PORTLAND ACADEMY AND FEMALE SEMINARY

In 1849, Jas. H. Wilbur left the Oregon Institute and went
to Portland with the idea of founding a Methodist school. He
prevailed upon the real estate firm of Chapman, Coffin and
Lownsdale to donate a site. The deed stated that the three
blocks therein conveyed were to be "held in trust to build a
male and female seminary thereon and therewith." They were
located at West Park and Jefferson streets. All three were
covered with heavy fir timber.

Wilbur went to work clearing the land and seeking sub-
scriptions. He was not very successful at the latter, so he
borrowed $5,000 on his personal note and spent it on the build-
ings. He begged money and material from door to door;
was ox-driver, axe-wielder, architect, painter, blacksmith,
preacher and financial agent. By November 17, 1851, it was
ready for occupancy and Calvin S. Kingsley was installed as
teacher, assisted by Nehemiah Doane.

It was incorporated June 25 1854,25 with Wilbur as presi-

25 Oreg. Ter. Special Laws, 1854, p. 49.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 85

dent of the Board of Trustees; T. J. Dryer, vice-president;
Calvin S. Kingsley, secretary ; and W. S. Ladd, treasurer.

The school flourished as Portland developed. By 1864, it
had 241 pupils in attendance as above noted, only 13 less than
Willamette University itself. Up to the time of its extinction
in 1878, Portland Academy was one of the most important
educational institutions in Oregon.

SANTIAM ACADEMY

Jan. 18, 1854, the legislature passed an act making John
McKinney, Aaron Hyde, Thomas H. Pearne, Wm. C. Gallager,
Andrew Kees, Alvan F. Waller, Morgan Kees, Jeremiah Ral-
ston, Luther T. Woodward, Delazon Smith, Luther Elkins,
John Settle, and David Ballard, trustees of Santiam Academy
at Lebanon. The yearly income was limited to $10,000; the
trustees were to meet and divide themselves into three classes
to retire in rotation.26

Later, on Jan. 25, 1856, the Euphronean Society was given
a charter to exist in connection with the Academy. The Philo-
mathean Society of Willamette University was incorporated
Jan. 29 of the same year.

The M. E. Church was to have power to fill vacancies in the
Board of Trustees and to visit the institution and confer with
the Trustees.

Santiam Academy grew out of a term school conducted in a
log cabin in 1852. Jeremiah Ralston and Morgan Kees each
donated five acres, money was raised by subscription, and a
two-story building containing four large school rooms was
built, 1854-55. A smaller frame building had been constructed
the year before. It was moved over to the new Academy
building and served as the dwelling of the "professor" until
the space was required for school purposes. Santiam Academy
was never anything other than a primary and secondary school.
It was co-educational, had no boarding school facilities,
although it drew students from as far away as Jacksonville

26 Or eg, Ter. Special Laws, 1854, p. 37.

86 READ BAIN

and Corvallis. The average attendance was forty or fifty,
although in 1864, one hundred and five were reported to the
Methodist Conference. Rev. Luther T. Woodward and wife
were the first teachers. They were followed by Rev. D. E
Blain and wife and a Miss Farrell.

After the establishment of a public school in 1870, the
Academy declined rapidly. It finally came into the hands of
the school district (cf. Bethel Institute) and the buildings
are now used for laboratories. The real title is still in the
M. E. Church, a 99-year lease having been given the district
in 1910. So there is a figure-head board of directors appointed
by the M. E. Church. Present value is about $10.000.27

CORVALLIS SEMINARY

This institution was chartered' Jan. 28, 1854.28 Its yearly
income was limited to $15,000. Three visitors were appointed
by the M. E. Church. Complete records of state of finances,
names of teachers and branches taught, number of pupils, male
and female, and the number in each class were required. These
records had to be open for inspection at all times and a yearly
report had to be made to the secretary of the Territory. First
Board of Trustees: John Stewart, Silas M. Stout, Wm. F.
Dixon, John W. York, Robt. W. Biddle, Wesley Graves, Perry
G. Earle, A. L. Humphrey, Silas Belknap, Samuel F. Starr,
Thomas H. Pearne, Alvan F. Waller, Hiram Bond, B. F.
Chapman, James Gingle.

There was another denominational institution in Corvallis
before 1860. This was Corvallis College, a Baptist institution.
The territorial legislature had appointed a committee to ex-
amine into the advisability of establishing a state school at
Marysville. Nothing was done. Finally, however, Corvallis
College was taken over by the state and became the Agricul-
tural College. I mention this, because the Methodist school,
Corvallis Seminary, is sometimes given as the "ancestor" of
O. A. C. The Methodist school evidently was extinct before
1860, since it is not mentioned in the Conference minutes.

27 I am indebted to Mr. Thos. D. Yarncs, M. E. Pastor at Lebanon, for these
facts. The history of Santiam after 1860 is also being put in shape by him. Mr.
Robt. H. Down of Portland has also written an article on Santiam Academy.

28 Oregon Ter. Laws, 1854, Special Laws, pp. 52-54.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 87

RAINIER SEMINARY

This school was located at Rainier, in Columbia County.
It was chartered Jan. 30, 1855,29 with the following Board of
Trustees: Alexander Abernethy, John S. Hawkins, James
Dobbins, Geo. C. Roe, Ezekiel Harper, A. P. Minear, Chas.
E. Fox, Wesley Jeans, Wm. Hutchins, John Campbell, Nelson
Hoyt, F. M. Warren, A. F. Waller, Enoch Chapman, Seth
Catlin. Other provisions are the same as usual except it took
seven for a quorum of the board, and both sexes were desig-
nated as having the privileges of the school.

I could find out nothing of the subsequent history of this
school, but it evidently had gone out of existence by 1860,
since it is not mentioned in the reports. Doubtless some rem-
iniscent material could be collected from the pioneer residents
in the vicinity of Rainier.

OREGON CITY SEMINARY

This institution was chartered Jan. 10, 1856, with the follow-
ing list of trustees :30 Charles Pope. Jr., Thomas Pope, A. E.
Wait, Jas. E. Kelley, W.P. Burns, Gustavus Hines, H.K. Hines,
Geo. Abernethy, A. Holbrook, P. H. Hatch, C. F. Beattie, Wm.
Roberts, Chas. Adams. Other provisions were the same as for
the other Academies except no limit was set on income and
only five members were required for a quorum.

No further facts up to 1860 are available. The property was
valued at $5,000 in that year, but no attendance reports were
made. The discussion of the Clackamas County Female Sem-
inary above gives an outline of the educational situation at
Oregon City.

UMPQUA ACADEMY

Umpqua Academy, like so many of the other schools dis-
cussed, grew directly out of religious education, first a Sunday
School at the house of Benjamin J. Grubbe at Bunton's Gap,
afterward called Wilbur. The first school was taught by a Mr.
Eason. This was conducted in a shed which had been made

29 Oreg. Ter. Special Laws, 1855, p. 156.

30 Oreg. Ter. Special Laws, 1856, pp. 62-3.

88 READ BAIN

by leaning long planks against a pole which was supported by
pegs driven in two oak trees.31

Bishop E. R. Ames appointed Jas. H. Wilbur to go into
the Umpqua Valley and organize a mission in March, 1853.
Wilbur's general idea was that schools of the academic type
should be established all over the conference as "feeders" for
Willamette University. It was this idea which had governed
him in the establishment of Portland Academy in 1851. Now
his first plan in carrying out his work in the Umpqua Valley
was to found a school.

When he arrived at Bunton's Gap, he immediately took up
a land claim. This was in the fall of 1853. Sometime in the
year 1854, the Umpqua Academy was a reality. It was on
Wilbur's claim in a small log building built by his own hands,
— a repetition of the creation of Portland Academy. Rev.
Jas. H. B. Royal and his sister were the teachers, — the prin-
cipal and preceptress Royals served two years. They were fol-
lowed by Addison R. Flint.

Immediately, Wilbur set about the erection of a permanent
building in a suitable location. This was accomplished by
1857. At this time the school was moved into the large white
two-story building upon the side of Lincoln mountain over-
looking the village of Wilbur. The town of Bunton's Gap
had been renamed in honor of the preacher. In fact he was
popularly known as "Father Wilbur," here as well as else-
where in the state.

In the same year, the territorial legislature passed an act32
incorporating the Academy. The following men were named
as Trustees: Jas. H. Wilbur, Jas. O. Raynor, Hon. M. P.
Deady, Addison R. Flint, Benjamin J. Grubbe, Willis Jenkins,
Fleming R. Hill, John Kuy Kendall (Kuykendall) and William
Royal. The yearly income was limited to $10,000 and the in-
stitution placed under the supervision of the Methodist Church.
Five members were a legal quorum.

In the second annual catalogue or bulletin, we find that

31 "History of Umpqua Academy" — R. A. Booth. Oregon Historical Quar-
terly, March, 1918, pp. 1-25. Same number contains articles by Geo. B. Kuyken-
dall, Austin Mires and J. H. Booth on the Academy.

32 In archives of Oregon Historical Society, Portland.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 89

the course of study was somewhat extensive. This was in
1856-9, during the principalship of Rev. Thomas Fletcher
Royal. The preceptress was Mrs. Mary A. Royal, the pri-
mary department was in charge of Miss Mary E. F. Royal.
In 1864, the first class graduated. It was composed of Anina
Tenna Royal, Stanley Olin Royal, Miller Gould Royal and one
un-Royal member. But to return to the course of study.
"Physiology, Drawing, Needlework, English Grammar,
Geography, Arithmetic, Reading, Natural Philosophy, Algebra,
Geometry, Mensuration, Navigation, Surveying, Composition,
Declamation, Paley's "Evidences of Christianity," Moral
Science, Mental Philosophy, Natural Philosophy, weekly exer-
cises in Composition and Declamation through the entire course.
Persons wishing to pursue a preparatory college course may
take in connection with the above any or all of the following:
McClintock's and Crook's "Latin and Greek Lessons;" Bul-
lion's "Greek Reader ;" Fisk's "Classical Geography and Chron-
ology ;" Davis' "Legendary Geometry." Fees $6, $7, and $8
for primary, preparatory and Academic courses respectively.
Tuition in sketching, painting, Latin and Greek and Vocal
music, each two dollars extra with contingent expenses of fifty
cents. Payment of all bills is to be punctual."

From the same interesting document we gain the following
information concerning the government of the institution. — I
quote it in full :

GOVERNMENT

"The laws of the Institution are few and simple, but are
sufficient to secure quiet and order.33 The object of instruc-
tion will be to form correct mental and moral habits, and to
cultivate a taste for intellectual pursuits. Punctuality in at-
titude at all exercises of the Institution, a careful observance of
study hours, and a genteel deportment are required of every
student. Visits of pleasure, gathering in groups, taking amuse-
ments on the Sabbath Day, absence from rooms at improper
hours, writing upon or defacing the furniture or rooms of

33 Compare this with the statements made by old students — Mires, Kuyk«n-
dall, etc., in March, 1918, Oregon Historical Quarterly.

90 READ BAIN-

the Institution, wearing firearms or other weapons, drinking
intoxicating liquors, or keeping them, except by prescription of
a physician, playing with cards, dice and all other chance
games, such as are used for gambling purposes, contracting
debts without the knowledge or consent of parents or guar-
dians, using of profane language, refusing compliance with any
requirements of the Board of Teachers, and all other breaches
of morals and good order, or violations of gentlemanly de-
meanor, are strictly forbidden. No student who occasions
trouble in any of these particulars shall be suffered to remain
and exert on others his corrupting influence." —

On pages 14, 15, and 16 of Mr. Booth's article more of the
"rules of 1858" are given. They are interesting reading for
any one who enjoys that particular form of literature. I think
it is safe to say that every rule they made was successfully
broken before the week was out, and that they were broken
without incurring the dire penalties threatened.

Professor Ebenezer Arnold was principal in 1858-9. He
had five assistants. Some of them taught only one subject.
There were forty-six students. The building was not yet en-
tirely finished. The noise attendant upon this work caused a
good deal of disturbance during the year. Rev. Isaac Dillon
completed the year as principal. Mr. Arnold was compelled
to resign on account of ill health.

The year 1859-60 was under the direction of Rev. T. F.
Royal. The forty weeks was divided into three terms, fall
and spring 12 weeks each; winter, 16. There were 93 stu-
dents, 41 of which were female and 52 male. During the year
the total receipts were $805.50. There were eight different
teachers employed as assistants during Royal's principalship
which lasted till 1867.

So this ends the sketch of Methodist education in Oregon up
to 1860. From the tragic days of the Mission fiasco to state-
hood in 1859, the educational work of the Methodist Church
continued to develop. Some of the institutions flourished or

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 91

languished for a few years, and disappeared, but there were
five of them in a sound and prosperous condition in 1860, —
Willamette, Portland Academy, Santiam Academy, Oregon
City Seminary and Umpqua Academy. Many more were to
come into existence and die out before the Methodist Church
finally reached its educational angle of repose.

Short sighted and mistaken as its educational policy often
has been, no one can deny that the Methodist Church has been
one of the very greatest contributing forces in the educational
development of Oregon; no one ever will be able accurately
to appraise or measure what that influence has been, but all
fair minded people must recognize it as very great and en-
during.

If a complete appreciation were to be attempted, the roll
would be too long to call, but the names of four men stand out
pre-eminently above all others in the Methodist educational
history of Oregon, James H. Wilbur, Alvan F. Waller, Francis
S. Hoyt, and greatest of all, that farseeing statesman, colonizer,
missionary, and champion of education, Jason Lee.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following bibliography does not purport to be a com-
plete list of all the material which has a direct or indirect
bearing on the subject under discussion in the article below. It
comprises only such sources as were actually consulted in the
preparation of this paper. It should be noted that there is
thus far no satisfactory history of education in Oregon. There
is not even a history of the educational activities of any single
religious denomination. The purpose of this paper is a modest
attempt to set forth the facts of the early educational efforts
of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Oregon. There has
been some effort to interpret the motives of the church and
the leaders of its program, together with a little reference to
the work of other denominations. However, the principal
emphasis has been placed upon the facts as they actually oc-

92 READ BAIN

curred insofar as it has been possible to ascertain them.

Every religious denomination, particularly the Methodists
and Catholics, ought to feel a great pride and a real duty in
preserving the history of its early activities in the Oregon
Country. Every local pastor might be instructed by his Con-
ference to see that all the reminiscent material in his com-
munity is reduced to writing, preserved, and placed in all of the
larger public libraries where it will be available for research.
This reminiscent material should not be collected in a hap-
hazard way, but by a definitely worked-out schedule so as to
get all the facts available on the educational, political, economic,
religious, social and cultural history of the community. Rever-
end Thomas D. Yarnes of Lebanon has made a start in this
direction. It ought to be done thoroly and systematically
before it is everlastingly too late.

ORIGINAL SOURCES CONSULTED

Burnett, Peter R. Reminiscent; interview by R. Bain, 4/6/20,
Eugene, Oreg.

Somewhat rambling account of Bethel Institute; valuable
material on text-books, methods of instruction and support of
schools.

Fisher, Ezra. Correspondence of, pp. 492. Edited by Henderson-
Latourette. Also published serially in Oregon Hist. Quar.
Also in book form.

Fine account of early Baptist aspirations and achievements,
particularly educational. (Oregon City College.) Also has
vast amount of valuable economic data.

Himes, Geo. H. Reminiscent; interview by Bain. Also a paper on
"Early Education in Oregon," not yet published.

Very interesting. Accurate in most cases. Great fund of
facts.

Minutes of the Methodist Episcopal Church of Oregon about 1840-
1870.

In possession of John Parsons, Portland, Oregon. Some-
what jealously guarded. Facts as to valuation of Methodist
schools in 1864; also attendance. First class original source;
ought to be in some library.

Missionary Herald, 1840»-54. Publication of American Board of
Foreign Missions, New York. In Portland Public Library.

Some articles on progress and needs of missionary work in
the northwest. Letters from missionaries.

Oregon Spectator, 1846-48. Newspaper published at Oregon City.
In Portland Public Library.

Few advertisements of schools is all; no news of them.
Full of politics.

METHODIST EDUCATIONAL EFFORT IN OREGON TO 1860 93

Oregon Statesman, 1851-60. Newspaper, Salem, Oregon. Early
files in Portland Public Library.

Advertisements and politics.

Oregon Territorial Laws, 1849-59. Asahel Bush, Publisher, Salem,
Oregon.

Legislative acts chartering institutions cited.

Umpqua Academy Bulletin, 1859, Second Annual. In files of Ore-
gon Historical Society, Portland, Oregon.

Rare document; very valuable for curriculum and rules of
government of this academy.

U. S. Census Schedules, 1850-60. Seventh and Eighth Census
Schedules. The Original Copies are in the Oregon State
Library.

Not much good for Methodist Education as such, but they
are very valuable for general educational statistics of this
period; gives number of schools, pupils, teachers, valuations,
etc.

Yarnes, Thomas D. M. E. Pastor, Lebanon, Oregon. Reminiscent.
Material collected around Lebanon on Santiam Academy.

SECONDARY SOURCES CONSULTED

Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Oregon, 2 vol., 789 and 843.
The History Publishing Co., San Francisco, Calif., 1886.

By far the most exhaustive work and the most satisfactory.
Contains most of the facts in order of occurrence. There are
some errors of detail. There is no connected educational history
and not even any attempt at any educational history after the
missionary period. The missionary education is not stressed
any.

Booth, R. A. History of Umpqua Academy. Oregon Hist. Quar-
terly, March, 1918. pp. 1 to 25.

Very full account, giving names of many students and teach-
ers connected with the academy. Fine appreciation of char-
acter and influence of Wilbur. Is almost an original source,
since Mr. Booth was a student there during much of the time
of which he writes. Same issue of the Quarterly contains
other reminiscent material on the academy, mostly after 1860,
however.

Eells, Gushing. Indian Missions, pp. 270. Union Press, Phila-
delphia, Pa., 1882.

First four chapters deal very fully with Indian Missions in
general. Chapter five has a good account of founding of
Willamette University. Eells had an active part in the events
he relates.

Fenton, W. D. Father Wilbur and His Work. Oreg. Hist. Quar.,
June, 1909.

Best account of founding of Portland Academy.

Ferrin, W. N. Fifty Years of the College. Address at the Semi-
Centennial Celebration Exercises at Forest Grove, 1898. 86
pp. Pam. in Oreg. Col. U. of O. Library.
Account of founding of Pacific University.

Gaston, Joseph. History of Portland. S. J. Clarke Publishing Co.,

94 READ BAIN

Portland-Chicago, 1911. 3 vol. 681, 796, 830 pp. respectively.

Mostly biography. Doubt its accuracy.

Hines, Gustavus. Oregon and its Institutions. Comprising a Com-
plete History of Willamette University.

Most complete story of Willamette University. Is accurate
as to facts. Not so sure about motives. Hines had an active
part in the story he is telling. He and Waller were too closely
connected with the Oregon City Land Claim deal to speak
frankly on it.

Hines, H. K. Missionary History of the Pacific Northwest. Pri-
vately printed. Marsh Printing Co., Portland, Oregon, 1899.
510 pp.

Best story of Jason Lee and his work.

History of the Pacific Northwest. North Pacific History Co., Port-
land, Oregon, 1889. 2 vol., 653 and 723 pp. respectively.

Chiefly biographical. Inaccurate. Elwood Evans, Editor (?).
Homer, John B., Oregon. Gazette-Times Pub. Co., Corvallis, Ore-
gon, 1919. 408 pp.

Outlines history of education briefly but concisely. A mod-
est attempt, and a fairly successful, as a culture history. Not
very accurate.

Leonard, E. A. History of the Baptists in Oregon. Baptist Min-
isterial Conference, Portland, Oregon, Nov. 27, 1917. U. of O.
Library, Oreg. Col.

Very little comparative value.

Odell, Mrs. Gen. William H. History of the University. Wil-
lamette University catalogue, 1884.

Good brief account, chiefly taken from Gus. Hines' "Oregon
Institutions" and "Ten Years in Oregon" by Lee (Daniel) and
Frost.

O'Hara, Rev. Father Edwin V. DeSmet in the Oregon Country.
Oregon Historical Quarterly, Sept., 1909. p. 244 et seq.
Good account of early Catholic missionary work.

HISTORY OF OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLSf

BY JOHN C. ALMACK
ANALYSIS OF CONDITIONS

A comparison of statistics of significance in normal school
education reveals some interesting differences between Oregon
and her sister states : namely, Washington, Idaho, and Cali-
fornia. What these facts are is indicated in the following
tables:1

1915

Number of Normal
schools

Teachers

Enrollment

Graduates

Enrollment in train-
ing schools

Oregon Idaho

1

19
787
132

135

2

52

497

81

400

Washing-
ton

3

70

2130

300

580

Cali-
fornia

6

253
4733
1834

3162

Value of equipment. .$205,000 $480,000 $ 925,000 $2,500,000

Support 38,000

Number of normal

schools . 1

105,000 195,000 491,300

19
434
146

2

52
489
73

3**
104
2412
595

6

293
5052
1960

131

432

902

3417

Teachers

Enrollment

Graduates

Enrollment in train-
ing schools

Value of equipment.. $232,000 $490,000 $1,224,000 $2,500,000

Support 37,000 103,000 386,000 647,000

Population*** 1,000,000 500,000 1,750,000 3,000,000

An analysis of the data here given shows that Idaho with a
population less than half that of Oregon spends three times
as much for normal school education and employs over twice
as many teachers in these schools. The value of her normal
school equipment is approximately twice as great as, that of

t Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master
of Arts at the University of Oregon. (An abstract.)
1 Report U. S. Commissioner of Education 1915-16.
** The Washington legislature established another at Centralia in 1919.
*'* Estimated.

96 JOHN C. ALMACK

Oregon's. Washington, a much younger state, supports three
normals, has an enrollment nearly six times as great, employs
six times as many teachers, and devotes ten times as much to
the maintenance of the teacher training schools. Yet the
population of the northern state is only one and three-fourths
times that of Oregon. So far as California is concerned it
excels Oregon in normal school education to such an extent
that there is really but little value in the comparison. The
population of the former state is about two and one-half times
that of Oregon; but its normal school enrollment is twelve
times as great, it expends twenty times as much, and has ten
times as much equipment. In 1916 Oregon had 146 graduates
from its normal school ; California had 1960. These statistics
show that the three western states considered lead Oregon in
the preparation of teachers, though the development of the
states themselves (in the case of Washington and Idaho) has
been more recent than that of Oregon.2

What are the reasons for these differences? Does Oregon
have an adequate supply of well-trained teachers? Is the
experience of Oregon in relation to normal schools an unique
one, or has it parallels in the history of other states? What
light does the history of normal school education in the state
throw upon the problems of education that must be solved in
the present? These are some of the practical questions in-
volved in a study of normal school history and present con-
ditions.

Regarding the qualifications of teachers and the number
required, the facts are these :3

Grade of certificate Male Female Total

Life 359 1269 6173

Five year 187 726 913

One year 525 2692 3217

Special Ill 140 251

County and City 4 5 9

Temporary 47 128 175**

2 Report of state superintendent 1917.

3 Report of state superintendent 1917.

** Many more temporary certificates are in force now on account of the pre-
vailing teacher shortage.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 97

The census returns show the population of the four states
mentioned to be as follows :

Oregon Idaho Washington California

1870 90,923 14,999 23,955 560,247

1880 174,768 32,610 75,116 864,694

1890 311,704 88,548 357,232 1,213,398

1900 413,536 161,772 518,103 1,485,053

1910 672,765 325,594 1,141,990 2,377,549

PREPARATION OF TEACHERS

Completed eighth grade only 180

One year high school 123

Two years high school 282

Four years high school . . f 1 122

Three years high school , . 213

One year college or university 176

Two years college or university 181

Three years college or university 118

Four years college or university 564

One year normal 340

Two years normal 737

The total number of teachers required for the schools of the
state in 1916 was 6,503. The same year the enrollment in the
teacher training classes in high school was 478. Of the
150,0004 pupils enrolled in the public schools, about 20% had
teachers who had three years' high school training or less, 30%
had teachers who were high school graduates, 30% had teach-
ers with one to two years of normal training, and 20% had
teachers with from one to four years' of college or university
education. On account of a shortage of teachers, 133 schools
are closed, and a greater number of temporary certificates has
been issued than usual. Moreover, the general requirements
have been lowered since the beginning of the war until it is
estimated that over half of the pupils in the public schools
have teachers who are below accepted standards in prepara-

4 The total number of census children in the state in 1918 was 205,684 (ages
4-20), and the enrollment was: male, 72,547; female, 73,344; total, 145,891. In
1917 there were 19,181 students enrolled in the high schools. (Report of the state
superintendent.)

98 JOHN C. ALMACK

tion. At the same time there has been a falling off in the
normal school enrollment (Monmouth reported 240 students,
with 22 graduates the first quarter of 1919), and in the num-
ber of students taking teacher training courses in high schools.

EARLY SCHOOL CONDITIONS IN OREGON AND
THE DEMAND FOR NORMALS— 1870-1882

There is no more interesting chapter in the history of edu-
cation in Oregon than that which centers around the normal
schools. For nearly forty years they have furnished subjects
for discussion and controversy; they have occupied the atten-
tion of legislators, governors, and educators. They have risen
and fallen at the whim of politicians, or at the word of the
sovereign people ; they have had brief periods of opportunity
and longer periods of despair. The normal school problem
has been one of the most perplexing ones the state has been
called upon to deal with, and it is still unsolved. Yet Oregon's
experience is not unique ; it parallels very closely that of New
York — and like New York's much of it is valuable chiefly as a
warning.

A wonderful development — industrial, political, and educa-
tional— has characterized the state since the origin of the
normal school question two score years and more ago. The
population was less than 175,000; Portland was but little larger
than Astoria is now ; in 1890 there were only eight cities in the
state with a population above 2,500: namely Albany, Astoria,
Baker, La Grande, Oregon City, Pendleton, Portland, and
The Dalles. By far the larger part of the population was con-
centrated in the Willamette Valley. Means of transportation
were decidedly meager; the state boasted but two lines of
railroad ; the automobile with its accompaniment of good roads
had not been dreamed of; electric railroads belonged to the
remote future. Travel was, except on the railway lines, mainly
by horseback, wagon, steamboat, and stage. A county super-
intendent reported that he had during the year traveled two

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 99

thousand miles "on the hurricane deck of a cayuse" visiting
schools. Eastern Oregon is still called by the facetious "the
country of magnificent distances." In those days this remark
might truly have been made of the entire state.

Property values were low, and in few places, relatively
considered, was property concentrated so as to furnish op-
portunity for taxation for local school purposes. Neither
county or state levies for school purposes were available, and
district rates were invariably low; in some instances directors
refused altogether to lay a school tax. Multnomah County
now has an assessed valuation about eleven times as great
as the entire state in 1870. Something of the growth of the
state is shown by the table of assessed valuations herewith
given :

1870 $ 29,587,846

1880 48,483,174

1890 114,077,788

1900 117,804,874

1910 844,887,708

1918 987,533,896

Economic conditions furnish a good index to school con-
ditions. School buildings were for the most part poor struc-
tures. The first state superintendent remarked that many were
utterly unfit for use. More specific are some of the state-
ments made by county superintendents in their reports to state
superintendent Sylvester C. Simpson in 1874. In Josephine
County it was stated: "The present condition of the school-
houses is bad. Some of them were originally built of logs;
others are 'box' houses. All are furnished with seats, from
the strong and durable slab, with four stout two-inch legs, to
the genuine sugar-pine bench with the slivers planed off."
On the same subject the Marion County superintendent said:
"The district clerks' reports are not full enough to enable
me to state the exact condition of the school houses. Many of
them are bad ; others are worse ; and many of them are a dis-
grace to Marion County and an insult to nineteenth century
civilization."

100 JOHN C. ALMACK

Similar reports from other counties provoked Superinten-
dent Sylvester C. Simpson to make this summary in his an-
nual report to the legislature in 1874 :

'The school-houses are inferior in construction and in pro-
visions for the comfort of their inmates to the barns of some
of the farmers who live near them, and it is no uncommon thing
to find the school-house built upon the most barren and un-
sightly spot in the neighborhood. Some of our school-houses
are so dilapidated and befouled with obscene pictures and words
that they are hardly fit for decent people to enter."

However, if the architectural type of the school buildings
was not such as meets with popular approval today, at least
there were fewer of them. In 1878 there were only 7505
organized school districts in the state, and there were but
26,000 pupils enrolled in the public schools. Indeed it was
gravely questioned whether education should be fostered at
public expense. Free high schools would not have been tol-
erated, and college preparatory work devolved upon the acad-
emies, of which there were 28. The university, established
at Eugene in 1876, and the agricultural college at Corvallis
both did work of a preparatory grade. About four thousand
students were attending the academies at this time.

The reports of the state superintendents from 1873 to 1916
give the following statistics of school conditions:

Months

Dis- of Salaries School School

tricts School Male Female Fund Property

1873 642 4.5 $37.54 $43.70 $ 184,010 $ 322,440

1880 1007 4.5 44.19 33.38 339,080 567,863

1885 1336 4.7 48.22 36.96 578,340 1,160,433

1893 1915 5.3 51.11 41.74 1,449,614 2,649,081

1909 2243 6.4 69.25 51.97 3,392,162 7,696,444

1916 2519 7.5 87.14 63.61 9,313,502 10,258,313

5 In 1874 there were only 680 districts; the census showed 21,519 males and
19,379 females between the ages of four and twenty, with an enrollment of 11,138
males and 9,542 females. The average attendance was only 15,169, and there were
10,711 children not in school. The same year 579 county certificates were issued:
190 first grade, 355 second, and 34 third. The state fund contributed $33,367.28.
Contrasted with this are the figures from 1918-19, with 205,684 census children, an
enrollment of 145,891, aj state fund of 388,873, and a total amount of approxi-
mately $8,000,000 spent for school purposes.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 101

That most of the schools were small is borne out by the
fact that only 1314 teachers were reported actually in service.
However, as schools were in session for little more than a third
of the year on the average, and summer schools were required
in some sections, many teachers taught more than one school
each year. Over ten thousand pupils were reported as at-
tending no schools, and it was a common remark of county
superintendents in their reports that attendance was very
irregular.

The qualifications for teachers were not high, nor was there
too rigid insistence at all times upon the observance of the re-
quirements specified by law. County certificates were granted
by county superintendents, and even after the issuance of
more than one county certificate to a teacher was prohibited
"migratory" pedagogues evaded the law by going to another
county where a certificate of the same grade would be given
them. The public school system offered no facilities for the
education of teachers above the common school. As in New
York in 1826, the people of Oregon seemed to believe "our
great reliance for nurseries of teachers must be placed in our
colleges and academies." These institutions were unprepared
to fill the demand for teachers for the public schools, and other
states proved the chief sources of supply, drawn hither more by
the prospect of taking lands than by the munificent salaries
offered in the schools. These teachers were part of the new
immigration seeking the west following the war.

Oregon had suffered somewhat as had other states from the
panic of 1873, but with the general revival of industry in the
late seventies economic conditions began to improve. The
population more than doubled during this decade. New cities
sprang up, old ones grew, land increased in value, lumbering,
fishing, mining and agriculture were greatly stimulated. The
era of railroad construction began. Eastern capital made its
appearance, and a new spirit of progress seized upon the people.

This new spirit was reflected in the demand for better schools.
It was evident that the old system was inadequate and un-
satisfactory. School improvement was quite general in the

102 JOHN C. ALMACK

country. The volume of school business had grown to im-
mense proportions, necessitating the separation of the office
of superintendent of schools from that of the governor, who
had formerly attended to the duties of both offices. The nor-
mal school movement had gained great headway in other
states. Leading educators pointed out that the way to better
schools was through better teachers. These called for normal
schools for their training.

The first expression of the need came from the county super-
intendent of Yamhill, J. D. Robb, in his recommendations to
the state superintendent, Sylvester C. Simpson, in 1874. Mr.
Robb said :

"There is a want of thoroughly qualified and competent
teachers. I deem it of vital importance that the state should
establish a normal school and sustain it liberally ; that it should
not be connected with any college but purely distinctive as a
normal school."

Here was the wisdom of Horace Mann speaking, but he was
not heard.

This statement indicated the tendency. Later on6 Rev. Geo.
H. Atkinson, in his abstract of the history of education in
Oregon, said:

"A state normal school should be established. This is one
of the most pressing needs of our school system in order to
render it properly effective."

Superintendent Rowland two years later again called the
attention of the legislature to the need of normals :

"No want, it is confidently believed, is more keenly felt by
the real friends of thorough, practical education than that of a
state normal school."

The state university made an attempt to meet the demand
for normal courses by the introduction of subjects attractive
to teachers. Thomas Condon, writing in the report of the
state superintendent 1877-79 says :

"One of the three courses of study (at the university) is

6 Report of State Superintendent L. L. Rowland, 1875-76.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 103

styled 'normal course,' and is especially designed to aid as
rapidly as possible teachers who may be unable to take a full
college course. This course aims to cover the ground ordi-
narily occupied by state normal schools, and might easily and
economically be made to do this normal work for our state."
This is perhaps the first public pronouncement of one of
the most consistent objections to normal schools, not only in
Oregon but in other states, namely, that existing institutions,
public and private, were prepared to train all the teachers
necessary in the state. What the course "designed to aid
teachers as rapidly as possible" was may be seen below :

NORMAL COURSE
FIRST YEAR SECOND YEAR THIRD YEAR

I Term I Term I Term
Arithmetic Elementary Algebra Chemistry
English Grammar Modern History Psychology
Mental Arithmetic Elementary Rhetoric Botany

II Term II Term Natural Philosophy
English Grammar Geometry II Term
Elementary Algebra Mineralogy Astronomy
Physical Features Bookkeeping Natural Philosophy
Physiology III Term Pedagogics
Zoology Trigonometry III Term

III Term Ancient History Botany

English Grammar Bookkeeping English Literature

Elementary Algebra Constitution

Zoology

That opinion favorable to state normals was being created
among the teachers is shown by a resolution passed by the
western division of the state teachers' association, and pub-
lished in the Oregonian September 1, 1879. Here three nor-
mals were advocated instead of one as recommended by the
state superintendent:

'Teachers trained by our sister states are coming among us ;
and it is not doing justice to our sons and daughters in com-
peting with these to give them no opportunities for qualify-
ing themselves equally with those from abroad. All will agree
that we have first class talent; but trained teachers, will, in

104 JOHN C. ALMACK

all our best schools take precedence over those not especially
trained for that work. As early as possible, then, we ask that
three normal schools be established at convenient centers in
our state."

In 1879, Superintendent Rowland was superseded by L. J.
Powell. Mr. Powell evidently had misgivings as to the ad-
visability of building normals for in his first report to the legis-
lature he suggests an alternative in the normal institute :

"The necessity for the special training of teachers is a mat-
ter too self-evident to call for elaborate argument. ... I
recommend that there be appropriated $2,000 or $3,000 for
normal institutes. These would be far better for the state for
many years to come than a normal school, principally from the
fact that but a comparatively few of our teachers, even if
tuition were given free, would ever be likely to attend a nor-
mal school."

The agitation for normals continued into the years 1881
and 1882. Mr. Powell again called the notice of the legis-
lature to the need of thoroughly trained and well qualified
teachers, and said:

"If too much of a burden to establish normals, then let pro-
visions be made for normal institutes."

In the recommendations made to the state office, two county
superintendents7 and 8 took occasion to suggest that normal
schools be created. At the meeting of the state association in
Portland 1881, Superintendent Frank Rigler of Polk County
read a paper on "The Necessity for Better Teachers and How
to Secure Them," and put foremost as a means normal schools
supported by the state. Normal institutes also met with his
approval. The same year, Christian College, Monmouth, fol-
lowing the example of the state university or with some de-
sign for future use, announced that a normal department had
been added. r^^-11Pf

Outside of educational circles, there was no apparent interest
in regard to teacher training schools. The public was, so far
as evidence is available, indifferent ; the newspapers were silent

7 I. Allen Macrum, Multnomah County: "An efficient normal school is the
great need of the public schools of Oregon."

8 L. H. Baker, Yamhill: "A state normal should be established so better
methods in teaching may be secured."

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 105

on the question. Certainly their establishment was far from
being a political issue. The Educational Monthly, published
in Salem by W. P. Keady, in 1876 contained a brief editorial
asking that normal institutes similar to those in eastern states
be made compulsory in Oregon. Notwithstanding the popular
apathy, the subject was introduced into state affairs in 1882,
when a bill was brought into the state legislature designating
Christian College at Monmouth, and Ashland Collegiate and
Normal Institute at Ashland as state normals. Without ma-
terial objection the bill became a law.

THE FIRST STATE NORMALS— PERIOD OF PRIVATE
SUPPORT 1882-1893

The plans for a Christian college in Oregon Territory were
formulated in 1849 at the home of Tyrus Himes9 in Lafay-
ette, Stark County, Illinois. The occasion was a protracted
meeting of the Disciples in Christ, and several members of the
church from Monmouth, 111., were present. A map of the new
country beyond the mountains was produced, and an approxi-
mate location of the settlement and school indicated. In 1850,
several who were present at the meeting in the Himes house
crossed the plains and took up land near the present site of
the town of Monmouth,10 Oregon. A portion of the lands11
filed upon were set aside as the nucleus of an endowment for a
college,12 and the first school was opened in 1855. Among those
who helped organize the institution were Thomas H. Lucas,
Elijah Davidson, Albert W. Lucas, Squire Whitman, Ira F. M.
Butler, and James H. Roundtree. J. W. Cowls of McMinn-
ville was the first teacher.

Meanwhile a rival institution, Bethel Collegiate Institute,
had been started at Bethel, Polk County. The date of its

9 A meeting to discuss the same topic was also held at the home of Ira F. M.
Butler, in Monmouth, Illinois.

10 One of the founders wrote: "Our surroundings are new and cruel here.
We must control them: not let them control us."

The aim of the founders was to establish an institution of learning "where
men and women alike may become schooled in the science of living, and in the
fundamental principles of religion."

11 The town of Monmouth was surveyed in 1855 by T. H. Hutchinson. Two
names were proposed for the town: Dover and Monmouth. The vote resulted in a
tie, and Ira F. M. Butler, chairman of the committee, cast the deciding vote for
Monmouth, he having come from Monmouth, Illinois.

12 There was 500 acres in the tract given to found the school, and it was
donated by T. H. Lucas, S. S. Whitman, Elijah Davidson, Ira F. M. Butler, T. B.
Smith, and John Harris.

106 JOHN C. ALMACK

establishment was 1852, so it antedated the Monmouth school
by nearly three years. It was soon discovered that there
was not sufficient field to justify two schools in the same
locality, and in 1865 Christian College was chartered, thereby
merging Bethel Collegiate Institute and Monmouth University..
L. L. Rowland of Bethany College, Virginia, was the first
president. Mr. Rowland was afterward elected state superin-
tendent of schools and recommended the establishment of a
state normal school. Christian College was controlled and sup-
ported by the Christian Brotherhood of Oregon. Authority
was granted to confer the degrees of A. B., B. S., and M. A.13
The buildings and grounds were appraised at $20,000, and an
endowment of $25,000 was promised.

The college was quite successful14 even in those pioneer
days. Sylvester Simpson, who was superintendent of schools
in 1873, said the school had an enrollment of 300 students
with a school term of ten months. Receipts for the year were
given as $4,500, with expenses of only $3,500. However, there
were lean years,15 and the presidents16 were alert to discover
opportunities to advance the interests of the school. President
Stanley is said to have conceived the idea of having Christian
College made a state normal, and J. D. Lee of Dallas intro-
duced a bill to this effect in the legislature of 1882.

But Christian College was not the only candidate for such
advantages. The Methodists had founded the Collegiate and
Normal Institute at Ashland in 1879, and it soon became a
flourishing institution. By 1880 there were 54 students en-
rolled in the academic department, and 33 in the primary. The
first president was Rev. L. L. Rogers, who for the first year
was paid the munificent salary of $1,500 — much more than

13 The catalogue of Christian College 1872 said: "Any bachelor of arts may
receive the degree of A. M. on paying a fee of ten dollars to the library fund,
provided he shall have shown himself competent and worthy of such distinction.
This degree may be conferred on eminent persons for distinguished merit."

14 In 1874 when_the question of the location of 'the state university was under
consideration, Christian College was offered to the state. The committee ap-
pointed by the legislature to decide on the site voted on Eugene and Monmouth.
The latter lost by one vote, R. S. Crystal of Dallas voting against his own county.

15 In 1879 the attendance had fallen to 13 in the academic department, and the
tuition brought in only $600.

16 President Campbell traveled about the country collecting donations for the
support of the school, and at one time raised $15,000. Women raised money by
doing washings, and by labor of other kinds to enable them to contribute to the
cause of education. Mortgages were not uncommon, and many gifts made to
Christian were the product of strict self-denial.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 107

was drawn by any other educator in the state. The building
was valued at $5,000, and the five acres in the grounds were
modestly held at $2,000. When it became known that Chris-
tian College was asking the legislature to designate it as a state
normal school, the Methodists put forward the same request
for the Collegiate Institute.

There are two reasons why these schools were ambitious
to become state normals : ( 1 ) they would thus be empowered
to issue diplomas to their graduates entitling them to teach
in the schools of the state without the formality of passing an
examination, and (2) there was a certain amount of prestige
and advertising value in securing state recognition which would
attract students. Normal school opponents held that the pro-
moters of the scheme were only waiting for a favorable op-
portunity to apply for state aid, and were taking this first step
of putting the state under obligation for their support. In-
deed, it was not long until plans were made for securing ap-
propriations. It seems quite certain that friends of the two
schools promised they would never ask for state aid.

The act creating state normals at Monmouth and Ashland
was passed by the legislature without serious opposition in
1882, being approved by the governor on October 26. No dis-
tinction was made in the privileges accorded the schools. The
law was as follows:

"The Christian College at Monmouth, Polk County, and the
Ashland College and Normal School, Ashland, Jackson County,
are hereby declared to be state normal schools of the state of
Oregon. . . . Model training schools for professional prac-
tice shall be maintained. . . . Control shall be vested in the
present boards of trustees."

Mr. D. T. Stanley remained as president of Monmouth
Normal, and Mr. M. G. Royal was the first president of the
new normal at Ashland. In the spring of 1883, Monmouth
graduated its first normal school class, Miss May Hawley re-
ceiving a diploma. In 1884, nine students were graduated
from Monmouth, among the number being Mr. J. B. V. Butler,
now head of the history department of the Monmouth Normal,

108 JOHN C. ALMACK

and Miss Armilda Doughty, for several years a teacher in the
same school. There were nine teachers in the faculty; two
hundred sixteen students were enrolled ; and four students were
doing work of college rank. The buildings that year were rea-
sonably appraised at $14,000, while Ashland with four teach-
ers and forty-two students claimed a building worth $8,000.
The tuition in both schools was set at five dollars a term of
twenty weeks. Two terms constituted the school year.

The entrance requirements could not be called excessively
high. On this point, early catalogues contained this state-
ment:

"All persons of good morals and sufficient scholarship17 are
invited to enter the normal at any time."

The decision on both these points was left to the administra-
tive authorities of the schools, no standards of uniformity being
set. Conditions were not widely different in other states in
this respect. There was a great variation among the several
schools. In 1884, the National Council of Education reported:

"A uniform standard for admission to normal schools is
impracticable."

Conditions in Oregon should be judged, not by the stand-
ards of today, but by the standards of their own times.

The courses of study were prepared by the president of
each school and his board of trustees. Ashland's course of
study adopted in 1882 is given.

COURSE OF STUDY

Junior Year Intermediate Year Senior Year

(Orthography Orthography English Literature

Language (English Grammar English Grammar American Literature

Composition Rhetoric
( Word Analysis

(Mental Arithmetic Arithmetic Higher Algebra

Mathematics (Written Arithmetic Elementary Algebra Geometry

(Bookkeeping

(Geography Natural Philosophy Chemistry

(Map Drawing Zoology Geology

Science (Physiology Botany Map Drawing

(Physical Geography

17 Annual catalogue.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 109

(Reading
(Penmanship
(Drawing
(Vocal Music

American Ideas
U. S. History
Ancient History
School Law

Review
Elocution
Political Economy

(

Constitution of the

I iuQ

r

U. S.

* id. ni r> * : '

(

Reading

' ' ' « ,

c

i Vocal Music

ffilflifflOi j: . .;

Vocal Music
Constitution of

Methods of Teaching

Oregon
Map Drawing

Practice Teaching
Mental Philosophy

Drawing

Miscellaneous

Professional

This work was carried on with only four teachers. Mon-
mouth offered the same subjects, and in addition taught His-
tory of Education, Trigonometry, Astronomy, Objective Teach-
ing, School Organization, and School Hygiene. The work at
Monmouth was divided into an elementary course of one year,
and a regular course of two years above this.

There is not a great deal of difference between this course
of study and the first normal school curriculum (Lexington,
Massachusetts, 1839) in the United States. This, which was
copied from the state teacher training schools of Germany,
contained18 these subjects.

( 1 ) Orthography, reading, grammar, composition, rhetoric.
(2) Arithmetic (mental and written), algebra, geometry,

bookkeeping, navigation, surveying.
( 3 ) Writing, drawing.

( 4 ) Geography with chronology, statistics and general his-
tory.

( 5 ) Physiology.
( 6 ) Mental philosophy.
( 7 ) Music.

( 8 ) State constitution and history of the U. S.
( 9 ) Astronomy.

(10) Natural history.

(11) The principles of piety and morality.

(12) The science and art of teaching with reference to all
these subjects.

In 188719 two years of Latin and one of Greek were of-

18 Dexter, History of Education in the U. S., page 376.

19 Catalogue, Drain Normal, 1887, 1891.

110 JOHN C. ALMACK

fered, and in 1891 Drain listed telegraphy, violin, art, elocu-
tion, and shorthand, with eight courses: Elementary, normal,
post graduate, higher post graduate, business, academic, music
and painting, and kindergarten.

The law of 1882 which created state normals contained this
clause :

"Model training schools for professional practice shall be
maintained."

Pursuant to this requirement, training departments were
early organized in each school. The catalogue of Ashland
Normal in 1887 contained this statement :

"This department (training) is incidental to all first class
normal schools, and has been one of the leading features of
this school during the past year. Our student teachers are
required to work in this department, teaching classes and criti-
cising others. Students to graduate from normal school must
show a fair amount of ability to teach and to govern."

Monmouth advertised the same year :

"By an arrangement with the board of directors of the Mon-
mouth public school, the privilege of teaching in the school
under the supervision of critic teachers is granted to members
of the senior class. Each member of the senior class is re-
quired to teach twenty weeks, three hours each day. Thor-
ough preparation in both general and special method will
occupy the twenty weeks preparatory to teaching. The plan
is the one pursued by the best normals of this country and
Europe. Especial attention is called to the opportunity of
securing training in the work of the ninth grade, or first year of
the state high school course."

The use of the public school as a training school depart-
ment did away with the possibility of rivalry between the
normal and the public school — a condition too often found in
cities maintaining the two separate systems. This scheme
was not adopted without objection, as many held that the
educational opportunities offered in the training school, with

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 111

inexperienced teachers, was inferior to that of the public school.
Discipline was as a rule considered more lax in the training
department. On the other hand, some parents desired that
their children attend the training school, and stoutly upheld
the opinion that the quality of instruction there given was
second to none. The Ashland Normal, being located two miles
from the city, (after the construction of the new building)
operated with considerably less relationship to the city schools
than in the other schools. Ashland was confronted with the
necessity, however, of finding pupils for its practice school,
and that all was not harmony seems evident from the follow-
ing quotation from the first catalogue announcing the estab-
lishment of the training department:

"The pupils of this department are of the best element of
the city. Pupils who use bad language and those who are apt
to disregard the best rules of discipline are not given admis-
sion. This is a select school where parents may feel perfectly
safe in sending their children. Here is avoided the contami-
nation of those vulgar influences which are so often tolerated
in the public school/'

This idea of exclusiveness must have had an especially strong
appeal to the ambitious parent.

By the close of the year 1885 the two normals at Monmouth
and Ashland were in running order. That year State Super-
intendent E. B. McElroy reported to the legislature :

"The requirements of the law in prescribing a course of
study to be pursued by the students in the normal schools, as
well as the rules and regulations for their government, have
been complied with."

Looking upon this as so much accomplished, he turned his
attention to a demand for a normal school which had arisen
in Eastern Oregon. In the same report, Mr. McElroy said
there were 300 teachers required for the districts east of the
Cascades, that the population was rapidly increasing, and there-
fore there would soon be many more needed. Private acad-

112 JOHN C. ALMACK

emies, he said, were unable to give the kind of instruction
desirable and necessary for teachers, and the cost of travel was
so great it was impossible for them to attend the schools
in the western part of the state. He further advocated the
creation of normal institute districts identical with the judicial
districts. Summer schools were to be held annually therein
for from four to six weeks, and the teachers should be com-
pelled to attend. "We find," he said, "that there is a large
number of teachers who cannot afford to attend normals and
colleges." The normal institute has thus from the first been
a rival of the normal school, and finally secured recognition
in the law permitting county superintendents to conduct sum-
mer schools in lieu of county institutes. Clackamas and
Josephine have been about the only counties to take advantage
of the act.

Legislators pushed the claim of Eastern Oregon for a school,
and in 1885 the academy at Weston was made a state normal.
This was done by adopting an amendment to the original
normal school measure. No other change was made in this
law. Control was continued under the same boards, and the
right to grant degrees remained. The same session designated
a new state normal at Drain,20 a small village in Douglas
County. This had been the Drain Academy, founded by the
Methodists. A separate law was passed for this school, but it
differed in no essential particulars from the first. Authority
was granted to issue a diploma good in any school in the state.
This diploma might become a state life certificate after six
years' experience. This was in no way a lowering of the
standard as state certificates might be easily secured by exam-
ination. These were quite numerous in Oregon, as one gov-
ernor remarked in his inaugural address : "Thick as the autumn
leaves that strow the brook of Vallambrosa." For many years
there was no age requirement to gain a county or state certifi-
cate : the normals could not graduate males until they were
21 years old ; females must be 18 at least.

20 Enemies of the normals charged that Drain was established in return for a
vote given to John H. Mitchell, who was elected United States Senator. This was
the basis of the assertion of Jay Bowerman that "the normals were conceived in
iniquity."

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 113

With the addition of one more institution, the normal school
constellation is complete. The fifth and last was the Wasco
Independent Academy, established in 1889. W. C. Ingalls was
the president. Previous to becoming a normal the academy had
offered a normal course leading to the degree of Licentiate of
Instruction. There was also a short course for which a certifi-
cate to teach was granted. The catalogue for 1899 had this
announcement :

"We give four years' daily instruction in Latin, and thereby
give students a strong mental grasp on all subjects. It has
this great advantage over those normal schools which have no
Latin in their courses."

Probably this argument influenced the legislature to estab-
lish the school in the first place. There seemed to be no other
reason. The Dalles Normal was not prosperous ; its existence
was brief indeed. One graduate only, Frances Ettie Rowe,
was reported. This was in 1892. In 1895 the report of the
state superintendent, Mr. G. M. Irwin, contains one sentence
in relation to The Dalles school. Like Grey's line, "The short
and simple annals of the poor," it suggests volumes: "The
Dalles Normal School has ceased to exist."

Tuition was very reasonable, being about $20 a year, or $5
a term. This brought in an income entirely insufficient for
the needs of the schools. Indeed, increased enrollment merely
served to aggravate financial difficulties, as it made necessary
increased expenditures for teachers and equipment. The schools
were reported as prosperous, when the term applied mainly to
their prospects. Monmouth maintained an average enroll-
ment of approximately 200 for the first nine years of its exist-
ence, then experienced a decided growth. This was in part
due to the fact that in 1893 state aid was granted Monmouth
and Weston.

The sentiment for state assistance in a financial way had
been growing for several years. It was said to have been in
the minds of the supporters of Monmouth and Ashland at the

114 JOHN C. ALMACK

time of their establishment as state schools. However, the
first evidence of this desire for financial aid from the public
came from the expression of county and state superintendents ;
though these were doubtless inspired by normal school officials
and friends. In 1885 County Superintendent E. A. Milner of
Benton County wrote to the state superintendent :

"Establishing a normal school at Monmouth is a great aid to
the public schools. Although established less than two years,
Benton County is already receiving benefit from it. From
President Stanley I learn that it is the intention of the board
of trustees to deed the entire school property to the state, and
to allow the state to appoint the board of regents, upon con-
dition that the state make appropriation to meet the running
expenses."

Certainly if the supporters of the normal school at Mon-
mouth had promised in 1883 that they would never ask for state
aid that promise was soon forgotten.

Other county superintendents were happily struck with the
desirability of the state lending aid to the normals. Frank
Rigler of Polk County (in which Monmouth Normal is lo-
cated) advised the state superintendent:

"Some provision should be made for the support of the state
normal schools."

And L. H. Baker in the adjoining county of Yamhill be-
lieved :

"We need a normal school supported by the state, and then
require the teachers to attend."

The legislature of 1885, busily engaged in creating other
normals, did not heed the suggestions here given. Two years
later Superintendent Milner of Benton repeated his endorse-
ment of Monmouth :

"I visited the school at Monmouth in February, and found
over 200 young men and women in attendance. A more en-
ergetic body of teachers and professors cannot be found. The
teaching is thorough and practical as normal school work

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 115

should be. This institution should receive financial aid from
the state."21

These recommendations were not without effect. Two
years after being authorized to grant diplomas, the Monmouth
and Ashland schools went before the legislature and asked for
appropriations. The legislature did not lend a willing ear,
however. Lacking organization, and probably doubting the
wisdom of pushing their claims, the normal exponents with-
drew without causing more than a ripple on the financial sur-
face. In 1887 another request was put forward for state aid.
The normal institute here crops up in opposition, County Su-
perintendent T. T. Vincent of Washington County saying :

"As there are no training schools for the cause of education
within reach of a majority of our teachers, it would be better
if the legislature instead of appropriating $20,000 or $30,000
for a state normal or the university would appropriate said
amounts to the various counties for the purpose of having in-
stitutes for from two to four weeks duration each year.

Monmouth Normal insisted on bringing the matter to an
issue. In the annual catalogue of 1887 a comparison between
Oregon and other states in regard to support was drawn :

"The large and increasing appropriations of money made
for the support of normal schools in those states where they
have had a thorough trial show the estimation in which they
are held on their merits."

But Oregon normals were to get no help from the session of
1887. In the committee on ways and means to which the
appropriation bills were referred it was brought out that to
give state money to a denominational school was contrary to
the constitution, and that Monmouth and Ashland were in fact
denominational schools, as their properties were held by church
organizations. As a consequence no appropriation was made,
and the normal school authorities turned their efforts to the
discovery of means by which the obstacle to state support
could be rendered inapplicable. There seemed to be but one
solution of the question: namely, that mentioned by Super-

21 "The enrollment at Monnmuth for seven years beginning in 1883 was, in
order, 104, 216, 202 (this was during the hard times when the rust took the wheat
crop), 227, 261, 197, 216.

116 JOHN C. ALMACK

intendent Milner in 1885. Article I, section 5, of the Bill of
Rights is explicit :

"No money shall be drawn from the Treasury for the benefit
of any religious or theological institution ; nor shall any money
be appropriated for the payment of any religious services in
either house of the Legislative Assembly."

Therefore, the schools proposed to become state institutions
in fact. A formal offer of the property of the schools was
made to the legislature, and accepted without debate. In fact,
the legislators felt the state had the better of the bargain, and
regarded the acquisition of the buildings, grounds and equip-
ment of the schools as so much gain.

The acceptance of the property did not pledge the legis-
lature to grant aid, but the obligation to do this was expressed
by others. State Superintendent G. M. Irwin in his biennial
report to the assembly in 1889 said :

"It is not good policy to authorize normal schools which the
state does not control, and whose support it does not guar-
antee. It should be seen to that they are de facto what they
are in name. All that come away should show that they are 'apt
to teach.' Much criticism on just this point may be found in
various quarters, but the ground for such criticism should be
removed. Laws governing the institutions should be made
harmonious."

The criticism referred to was that other courses besides
those needed for teachers were being given, and that the
students did not become teachers. These criticisms were often
repeated. Governor Sylvester Pennoyer also expressed himself
on the question of normal schools. In his message to the
legislature in 1893 he said :

"By accepting the gift of college property (at Monmouth)
the state became morally and legally bound to extend aid to
that institution."

Ashland, though an early applicant for an appropriation,
was not to receive one. Weston had supplanted her in the
favor of the law-makers. On February 21, 1893, a bill was
passed authorizing the governor to appoint a board of nine
members which with the state board of education should con-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 117

stitute the board of regents of the Monmouth Normal. "The
board of regents," read the law, "shall receive a deed to the
premises now used and held by the state normal at Monmouth,
and shall have the same duly recorded." In return an appro-
priation of $23,382.7622 was given the Polk County institution.
Seven regents were given to Weston, and an appropriation of
$24,000 "conditioned on the conveyance of the property of the
school to the board, to be held for the state."

The same year, Portland University, which was then raising
high hopes in the hearts of the educational promoters of the
Northwest, made a proposition to Ashland to endow the normal
school with $20,000 if the people of the city would furnish
a suitable building and grounds. The offer was accepted, and
a building commenced. It soon became evident that the Port-
land institution would not be able to keep its part of the agree-
ment, and work on the new building was temporarily sus-
pended. In spite of the disappointment over the loss of the
prospective endowment, it was agreed that the building should
be finished. W. T. VanScoy, who had been president of the
Drain Normal and a teacher in Portland University, was called
to Ashland. Through his efforts the old normal school prop-
erty was sold, and funds made available for the construction of
the new building, which was rushed to completion. The year
following, Drain dedicated a new building. These institu-
tions were then ready to make an offer of their property in
return for state support.

THE NORMALS AND THE LEGISLATURE— 1893-1909

There seemed to be no doubt in the minds of the politicians
that the policy of granting assistance to the schools engaged
in training teachers should not be discontinued. In 1895,
Governor Lord in his inaugural address said:

"To obtain expert teachers it is necessary to have schools for
their education. Upon this basis of need and strictest economy
in management, I recommend whatever appropriation may be
necessary for their support."

22 In 1891 the trustees of Monmouth had been forced to borrow $4,200 on a
note. On receiving this appropriation the note was paid.

118 JOHN C. ALMACK

Upon this recommendation, Monmouth and Weston were
granted their second appropriations.

Two years later Ashland and Drain23 pushed their claims
for support. The latter school was particularly fortunate in
having a supporter in the senate in the person of Senator Reed.
The founder of the village was also a man of considerable
political influence. The original appropriation bill gave Ash-
land $12,500 and excluded Drain. Through the influence of
Senator Reed24 a special committee of the house and the senate
was appointed to visit the normals and report on their con-
ditions and needs. A favorable report was rendered on all.
On the final passage of the Ashland appropriation measure, an
amendment was added giving Drain $5,000 and Ashland $7,500.
In rather a whimsical manner, President Anderson, of Drain,
put the needs of his school before the legislature :

"If the state expects the child of its own creation to be
strong and healthy, it should supply it with the same kind
and quantity of nourishment it has given to other offspring
of like nature. We cannot keep pace with the others with-
out state aid."

Separate boards of regents of nine members each were pro-
vided, and the schools transferred the title to their holdings
to the state. Oregon then had four state normals, drawing
state aid.

The course of the normal schools was not even then a
smooth one. Opposition and criticisms were springing to

23 Senator Reed of Drain introduced the bill giving Drain normal an appro-
priation, and steered it through the senate. During the same time, E. V. Carter
of Ashland had put the Ashland bill through the house. When the Ashland normal
school bill appeared in the senate, Reed asked to have it referred to the com-
mittee on fisheries, of which he was chairman. His colleagues jocosely concurred,
thinking1 the senator from Drain wanted to kill the measure. With the Ashland
bill in his pocket, Reed called upon Carter and said: "This bill will never see the
light again unless you get the Drain normal school bill through the house." An
agreement was thereupon concluded and both schools given aid.

24 The state superintendent in his report, 1898, makes the following recom-
mendation: "The (normals) at Weston and Monmouth are organized under special
legislation, the governor being authorized to appoint the boards of regents, and to
these school appropriations have been made. The other two (Drain and Ashland)
are simply permitted to prosecute their work under tuitional and private support,
and to their graduates the state board of education is to issue diplomas of the same
degree as those granted to graduates of normals controlled and owned by the state.

. It is therefore a fact that the normal schools without state aid must
necessarily be crippled in their work. To maintain existence even they are com-
pelled to resort to various means to increase attendance, and there is great tempta-
tion to present a limited curriculum that the short and easy course may induce
attendance, the main object of many being the obtaining of a state diploma, real
merit and ability to teach being a secondary matter. This course cannot long
continue without awakening criticism, and it is also detrimental to the teaching
force. The logic of the situation is that there should be one taken under the
care of the state."

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 119

life. In his message to the assembly in 1899, Governor Lord
said:

"Our normals are a useful and indispensable adjunct to our
common school system. Let them be held strictly to the true
object of their work, and aloof from educating in other
branches: — there their success is assured, and their expense
will probably be greatly reduced."

There were other signs of opposition. When the legisla-
ture convened in special session in 1898, the authority of the
schools to grant certificates to teach was abrogated, and the
only privilege left the normals was that of issuing statements
of attendance to graduates, these statements being accepted in
lieu of thirty months' experience, admitting the holders to the
state examinations for life diplomas. This was the celebrated
Daly25 bill.

The criticisms were various. It was said the admission re-
quirements were too low, that they were not invariably fol-
lowed, that commercial, college preparatory, and college courses
were offered rather than normal courses; that the graduates
did not teach ; that the schools were of local service only ; that
they meddled in politics ; that buildings and equipment were
inadequate ; that they did not have training school facilities ;
that they were not in strategic geographical locations; there
were occasional discussions in reference to the qualifications
of instructors ; bad management ; extravagance ; and sectarian
relationships ; Governor Theodore T. Geer in his inaugural
address in 1889 hinted at some of these criticisms in a delight-
fully indefinite way that would do credit to any one skilled
in the art of successful politics :

"It is a source of much regret that so much turmoil exists
in many of the institutions located away from the state capital,
and governed by boards of trustees and regents. There are
reasons for believing that much of this is caused by the preva-
lent idea that the institution should be used as a means of

25 The Daly bill was passed to take away the certificating power from the
denominational schools, but so strong were they that it was necessary to include
the state institutions "in order that there should be no sign of favoritism," the plan
being to return the privilege to the state schools in a few years. The students at
Monmouth threatened to walk out in a body if the bill passed, but better counsel
prevailed." In 1902, President P. L. Campbell of Monmouth recommends that the
normal diploma constitute a legal license to teach.

120 JOHN C. ALMACK

permanently benefitting the town where it is situated. . . .
In some instances, the interference of local interests cripples the
institution, enters the social life of the town, and in some cases
has been known to hamper the efficiency of the local public
schools."

There is a slight allusion in the preceding paragraph to what
later was often mentioned: namely, that state institutions
located more than five miles from the state capital were thus
located in defiance of the state constitution, and they therefore
had no claim upon the state for support. Marion County,
from which Governor Geer hailed, has oftenest voiced this
sentiment, and the classical reply to the remark is for politicians
to threaten to remove the capital to Portland or some other
section of the state.

Though the demands for public education were growing in
favor the normals were apparently losing the confidence of
the people. About three thousand students were enrolled in
the high schools, of which there were 16 doing four years'
work, 12 three years, 38 two years, and 44 one year in 1903.
Three years before there were but four year high schools of
first rank in the state. In 1901 district and county high schools
were authorized, and there seemed less reason for giving state
support to schools doing work of high school grade. There
was also competition in normal work from sectarian schools.
The state board of education in 1898 adopted a rule to the
effect that all persons who completed a required course of
study and received a literary degree in any institutions of
learning of college or university rank should, upon passing a
satisfactory examination, be entitled to a state diploma, and
after six years of teaching receive a state life diploma. Re-
ferring to the state laws on certifications the state superinten-
dent said :

"The law provides that colleges and universities chartered
as such with authority to grant degrees, and candidates com-
pleting a course in said institutions, may receive from the state
board a state diploma. This law is so indefinite that possibly
its spirit and purpose have not been fully regarded. Courses
of study called normal have been adopted, and the require-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 121

ments have been so limited26 that persons have found this an
easy road to receiving state diplomas. It is certainly very
practical experience in teaching and school government. But
evident that no persons should have a diploma who has had no
it is a notorious fact that persons are sent forth from some
institutions who have no practical knowledge of the science
of teaching, and are equipped with nothing but knowledge of a
certain limited course of study."

The schools referred to are unknown, but an examination
of the report of the state superintendent for the year 1898 shows
that the following private schools gave normal courses : Philo-
math offered a normal course of three years leading to a
degree; LaFayette Seminary; Mineral Springs College, at
Sodaville, Linn County; Mt. Angel Academy and College;
Portland University; Santiam Academy; Radical College of
Philomath; St. Francis' Academy and College of Baker City;
Pacific University. In 1891 Philomath, Pacific, and Willam-
ette had taken advantage of the provision of the school law
empowering private colleges to grant certificates of teaching,
but the number of students they registered was small.

The appropriations given by the state were entirely inade-
quate, and the normals had a fearful struggle for bare exist-
ence. At last in 1901, the normals asked for greatly increased
appropriations, the total being $116,229.53. This was granted,
Monmouth receiving $30,800, Ashland $15,000, Weston
$59,429.53, and Drain $11,000. Of Weston's allowance,
$35,000 was for a new building. George E. Chamberlain, who
was opposed to four normals, became governor, and in 1903
in his message to the legislature recommended :

"The number of normal schools be reduced to two — on
account of expense and inefficiency of management — so situated
geographically as to best accommodate the entire state."

Far from heeding the recommendation of the chief execu-
tive, the legislature made an effort to create another school,
and the bill actually passed both houses but was vetoed by
the governor. The normal school forces were strong and well
organized, and succeeded in getting an appropriation of $88,000,

26 It was only necessary to read a book on education to meet the requirement.

122 JOHN C. ALMACK

postponing thereby the real struggle which began two years
later.

Governor Chamberlain continued his opposition to the nor-
mals. In his second message he again advised the assembly
to "abolish at least two normals." He favored requiring the
schools to adopt a uniform course of study, and prohibiting
them from teaching pupils in the common branches.

The normals evidently felt that their chances for getting
an appropriation from the twenty-third legislature were in
danger. Reports of the contest in the state legislature began
to appear in the press. The Oregon Teachers' Monthly in
February, 1905, in an editorial said the normal schools are in
danger and "have implacable foes," and

"Friends of the normals in the legislature resort to log-roll-
ing tactics. They tack their appropriation measures on general
appropriation bills, where other interests will carry them
through."

Later on in the session (March, 1905) the journal again
says the normals will probably get no aid from the state be-
cause "the people dislike the log-rolling process, and political
wire-pulling by which the schools are maintained." The schools
were forced to pool their interests, and the omnibus appropria-
tion bill was the result. This bill appropriated money for the
normals, the state penitentiary, the insane asylum, reform
school, the school for the deaf, the school for the blind, the
Oregon Agricultural College, and the State University. The
bill passed the legislature, but with the referendum clause at-
tached. The legislature had evaded its responsibility on the
Normal School Issue, and shifted it to the people. The elec-
tion was set for 1906.

The necessity of waiting for money until the decision on the
referendum precipitated a crisis in normal school finances.
While the proponents of the schools felt certain the outcome of
the election would be favorable, there was a period of a year
to be bridged over before the appropriation would be available.
Relief was immediate. In ten hours' time the citizens of Ash-
land pledged $11,000 to carry on the school pending the elec-
tion. The people of Drain met and voted a seventy-five mill

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 123

tax upon their property for the year 1905-1906. The town of
Monmouth aided by loyal friends of the school raised over
$7,000. This amount was insufficient to maintain the Mon-
mouth Normal for a year, so the Polk County Bank advanced
the teachers money monthly to the amount of seventy-five per
cent of their vouchers. Weston alone closed its doors. The
vote at the election was close, the omnibus bill carrying by
only 6,730 votes. In Southern Oregon the majority was
strongly in favor of the measure. Twenty-four twenty-fifths
of all the ballots cast in Ashland, seven-eighths of all the votes
of Jackson County, and four-fifths of the votes of Curry, Coos,
and Klamath Counties were for the bill. Marion, Linn, Yam-
hill, Clackamas, Washington, were strongly against the appro-
priation.

The fight over the normals grew in intensity. Representa-
tive Vawter of Jackson came forward with the proposal that
one board of regents be appointed to direct the affairs of the
four schools. The bill carried, and the Weston Leader notes
that this act marked the beginning of the downfall of the
normal schools. The new board consisted of six members
appointed by the governor, and the state board of education.

All the schools asked for appropriations. The totals were
larger than ever before, Monmouth alone asking for $115,000.
The committee on ways and means acted favorably on each
measure excepting Drain 27"to show the people what a big graft
the normals were working." Finally one bill was drafted
covering both Drain and Monmouth, hoping that the strong
support belonging to the older school would carry both safely
through. Ashland was accused of being a party to this bargain,
but she stoutly denied the charge. The legislative struggle was
bitter. In the end the bills carried, but Governor Chamberlain
vetoed the joint bill making appropriations for Monmouth and
Drain. His explanation28 of the veto was given at length,
charging bad faith on the part of C. N. McArthur, president
of the House, recalling his recommendation that two normals
be abolished, and maintaining that the joint appropriation bill

27 Oregon Teachers' Monthly, March, 1907.

28 "The legislature in this instance combined Monmouth and Drain in one

124 JOHN C. ALMACK

was illegal. The supporters of the two schools could not rally
enough strength to pass the bill over his veto. Accordingly
Drain closed her doors and never opened them again. Mon-
mouth turned again to private support. The new board of
regents administered the affairs of the Central Oregon Nor-
mal at Drain, leasing the buildings and equipment to school
district number 22. A few years later the district was given
full title to the property. Drain Normal had also ceased to
exist.29

But the normal school issue was still very much alive. Mon-
mouth had considerable prestige, a strong working alumni,
many friends, a strategic location, and in all an ambition to
continue to function as a state supported training school for
teachers. It had already been suggested by educators that
the question should be settled once and for all, and if the
normals were needed they should be given adequate funds
without the necessity of lobbying, or engaging in political
deals. A millage tax bill was recommended, carrying per-
manent support for the three schools. Before this could be
brought to public notice the legislature met again, and the
same bone of contention was before the assembly. Governors
and school superintendents had by this time become discreetly
silent on the normal school question.

The new board of regents30 had some suggestions to offer
A committee of three city superintendents was selected by the
board to visit the normals and to render a report on conditions
and needs. This committee was composed of J. A. Churchill,
Baker City, J. M. Powers, Salem, and R. R. Turner, Grants
Pass. The committee faithfully performed its duty. On the
basis of the information -furnished and their own knowledge
of the normals, the board of regents made two recommenda-

appropriation bill after a prolonged siege of trading votes on other measures, and
after other performances which have been thoroughly discreditable to those who have
taken part therein. There is no question in the minds of any that there is a public
demand for reducing the number of normal schools to two. It was the duty of the
legislature to select two and abolish two, but it failed by slight majorities to do its
duty. What was the purpose of the omnibus appropriation? It may have been
brought about by cowardice which I regret to say, a majority of this body have
shown in reference to the whole normal school question."

29 Drain voters met and voted a four-year high school as soon as word of the
defeat in the normal reached them.

30 The regents were E. Hofer, Salem, E. E. Bragg, La Grande, W. B. Ayer,
Portland, Henry J. Maier, The Dalles, Stephen Jewell, Grants Pass, and C. E.
Spence, Canby.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 125

tions : ( 1 ) that a board of regents of five members be created
to have complete control of the normals, agricultural college
and university; and (2) that appropriations sufficient for the
needs of Monmouth, Ashland, and Weston be allowed, the
total aggregating $318,000. On these propositions, the vote
stood five to four, and a minority report was submitted.

W. B. Ayer of Portland presented the minority report. Mr.
Ayer said that the normal school question had arisen because
there were too many schools. The poor buildings, inferior
equipment, and poor teachers were in his opinion a positive
reflection on the intelligence of the people of the state. Dr.
H. D. Sheldon's study of normal schools of the United States
was quoted as saying that the small school gives better train-
ing, 300 to 1,000 students being the proper limits. Professor
E. D. Ressler president of the Monmouth Normal was also
quoted as saying in his report to the board of regents that
300 students can be taught as easily as 100, yet the total
attendance of the three normals was in 1909 only 285. The
minority report favored two normals, on account of the great
distances to be traveled; the locations to be determined by
the board of regents, but one to be in the western part of the
state and one in the eastern.

Endorsed by a majority of the board31 of regents the nor-
mals went before the legislature of 1909 asking for $318,000.
Their adherents were fully aware of the difficulties before
them. A favorable report from the house committee on ways
and means32 was secured, and the bill was safely steered
through the house. Monmouth had an alumnus33 from Clatsop
County in the legislature on the house ways and means com-
mittee and he did valiant service for the schools. But the bill
made no progress when it reached the senate.

Jay Bowerman, an aspiring leader of Condon, Gilliam Coun-
ty, was president of the senate. It was charged that Bower-
man had an animus against the normal lobby that went back

31 Governor Chamberlain had modified his views on the normal question. In
his message to the legislature, 1909, he said: "I hope the legislature will once and
for all settle the normal school question, and probably the best way to do it is to
act upon the recommendation of the board of regents and make provisions for main-
taining three schools in fie state."

32 The normals had two avowed adherents on the ways and means committee in
the house: John C. McCue of Clatsop and Mann of Umatilla.

33 John C. McCue.

126 JOHN C. ALMACK

to the days before the primary and direct election of United
States senators existed. Others held that he wished to become
governor, and opposed the normals as a means of gaining
popularity. Whatever his motives, unquestionably he opposed
the normal appropriations by every means in his power. Sen-
ators Ben Selling and Nottingham,34 of Portland, and J. N.
Smith of Marion were also looked upon as "arch-enemies" of
the schools. There were others : some honestly believing the
schools had interfered too much in political affairs ; some hold-
ing three were unnecessary; some acting in good faith from
other motives ; and a few bent upon their destruction to foster
political ambitions, or to balance old scores. The Ashland
Tidings hinted that Senator Merryman of Klamath was either
the victim of a frame-up, or was in the combine against the
normals. In the issue of February 22, 1909, this publication
also stated that the senate was organized to kill the normals,
and each member of the ways and means committee was put
to the test before being given a place thereon. Newspaper
publicity, for which Bowerman was said to have been re-
sponsible, was commenced on normal activities in the legis-
lature. The Portland Oregonian was the most powerful enemy
of the schools. Its action can in part be explained by the fact
that Harvey W. Scott,35 its brilliant editor, had consistently
opposed public education above the elementary grades, believ-
ing that "progress in education lies in the capacity of the
learner, not in the teacher. Those desirous of learning can
always secure an education, private opportunities being
abundant."

The discussion in the press was bitter, not to say vitriolic.
Accrimination and recrimination were hurled impartially from
both sides. The language used was not always elegant and
refined, and there is evidence that statements that would get
results were more popular than those that attempted to get at
the merits of the issue. On January 22, 1909, the Eugene
Register, quoting from the Oregonian, said :

34 Oregonian, March 13, 1909.

35 Harvey W. Scott was the first graduate of Pacific University, a Congre-
gational school at Forest Grove, Washington County.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 127

"Already the gaunt ghosts of Monmouth, Ashland, Weston
and Drain are haunting the law-making body."

To this the Weston Leader, edited by Clark Wood, replied :

"The normals are not 'agitating' this year. They have no
'gaunt ghosts' at Salem as imagined by the esteemed Oreg-
gonian. All the agitation, wire-pulling, and log-rolling are
being done, if done at all, by their enemies — and by enemies
the Leader means the sectarian schools that have always been
jealous of the normals, and have sought their undoing. They
were back of the clause which makes a normal school diploma
an honorary certificate only. . . . The same influence was
responsible for the referendum movement against the appro-
priation bill of 1906. It is also back of the Calkins bill of
this session, which makes two years of high school work es-
sential to entrance at any state school. . . . Superinten-
dent Ackerman is doing some effective lobbying for the three
schools."

In spite of the effective work of the state superintendent,
the appropriations were making no progress. The Roseburg
Review of February 4th evinced discouragement :

"It looks as if the legislature might kill all the normal schools
and then perhaps resuscitate one36 of them. Like the Portland
papers, most of the law-makers can never grasp the idea of
what the normal schools are for. If they reduce the schools
to one, they will doubtless spend as much, or more, on one
as they did before on three or four, thus making it a second
state university."

The following day the daily Oregonian made this contribu-
tion:

"The normal school nuisance has arisen again. Normal
county law-makers are 'standing in' to continue their ancient
raid on the state treasure, and are awaiting their chance for
log-rolling."

On February 10th the Eugene Register reported that a big
normal school fight was in prospect, and said the committee on

36 Roseburg Review, February 4, 1909: "Members of the legislature in both
houses who have not been sent there from normal counties have grown weary of
the continual struggle of the normal schools for increased recognition and exist-
ence. The inclination is to settle the question once and for all by the abolition
of all but one institution, which shall be conducted and built up in the same manner
as the University of Oregon and the Agricultural College."

128 JOHN C. ALMACK

ways and means in the house had recommended one normal
to be located at Monmouth, and had approved an appropriation
for it of $110,000. Three days later the same paper gave its
readers the statement that:

"In the house old time trades with normal school forces
have been resumed with even more boldness than at preced-
ing sessions. When the normal schools had to have votes to
pass their three bills carrying $318,000 they got them from
Eastern Oregon. So strong do the normal members think
themselves, that they are threatening senate bills unless the
senate shall provide for their schools."

C. N. McArthur, speaker of the house, was for the normals.
In the fight in the house he defended the small enrollment in
the normals by saying that the attendance would be much
larger but for the fact of the "rotten policies this state has
assumed towards these schools, which have been made political
footballs without any consideration for their usefulness from
an educational viewpoint." On this point the Eugene Register
said on February 12th :

"There were only 285 students enrolled in the normals last
year, so the taxpayers are the chief sufferers, while normal
school education under such a scattering regime cannot reach
the high state of efficiency necessary to place it on a high
plane."

Introducing a remedy for the normal school issue, the Regis-
ter on February 19th says:

"The normals plunge the state into extravagance, lower the
standards of our state schools, cause them to fight for the
meager appropriations they do get, and it will continue as
long as our educational institutions stay in politics up to their
eyes. ... A certain per cent of state tax ought to be
set aside for each school."

New plans for bringing the deadlock between the house
and the senate to an end began to appear. Representative
Buchanan of Douglas introduced a bill dividing the state into
five districts with a normal school in each. Portland under

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 129

this plan was to get a school, Corvallis was mentioned as the
site of one normal, all others were to be abolished, and the
agricultural college combined with the university at Eugene.
This suggestion came from Eugene, and the friends of Cor-
vallis retorted by offering to help move the university to their
city, and to use the university buildings for a state normal.
A' county normal system as in Wisconsin was also put for-
ward.37 Once it seemed that Monmouth38 would get an ap-
propriation, but Ashland and Weston withdrew their support
and she went down to defeat. The legislature made short
shift with Drain. The normal school there was formally abol-
ished, and the property deeded to the public school district.

The one normal idea persisted. Probably in compliment to
Salem, the Oregonian on February 19th said there should be
but one normal, and it should be located at the state capital.
Senator J. N. Smith of Marion introduced a bill establish-
ing a normal at Portland. Normal defenders said this was
done in order to retain the capital at Salem, the normal school
politicians having threatened to remove it to Eugene, Cor-
vallis, and Portland. In the last hours of the session the "one
normal at Monmouth" bill was proposed by the house as a
compromise. President Bowerman of the senate said after
the legislature had adjourned that this bill was defeated be-
cause "Monmouth was a very small town, and would require
dormitories." Clark Wood of the Weston Leader had prophe-
sied that "if the Eastern Oregon normal is abandoned it will
be because it has been traded off for a branch asylum — a plum
for which Pendleton and Baker will later do battle." In a
similar vein the Oregonian of February 18th goes on to say
that:

"Eastern Oregon lawmakers have been consorting with the
normal forces. Eastern Oregon wants an asylum, a scalp
bounty, and a portage road appropriation. They have found
the normals ready for their uses at every turn."

The Oregonian also gently stated that an asylum was what

37 Oregonian, March 16, 1909.

38 Ibid, February 11, 1909.

130 JOHN C. ALMACK

Eastern Oregon needed, not a normal school. To this charm-
ing bit of humor the Weston Leader proposed to build a wall
around and a roof over the whole of Marion County and de-
vote the enclosure to asylum purposes for the benefit of the
Willamette Valley. To leave these exchanges of journalistic
pleasantries, it was generally reported that the one normal plan
was defeated by the state board of education. The Ashland
Tidings says in its issue of February llth:

"According to the Portland Telegram, which like the Ore-
gonian, colors its news reports against the normals, both these
men (Jones of Lincoln and Hawley of Polk) were safely in
the one school column, and admit that their change of front
is due to the pleas of Ackerman and other members of the
state board of education."

On the same date, the Umpqua Valley News of Roseburg
wrote : > ^

"With victory almost within their grasp, the proponents of
one normal awoke this morning to find their forces scattered.
The result is said to have been attained through the active
lobbying of the state board of education, headed by State Super-
intendent of Public Instruction J. H. Ackerman."

The vote in the house on the appropriation bills showed
Monmouth to be the favored school. On final passage the
negative ballots were as follows :

Monmouth : Brandon, Farrell, Hatteberg, Hines, Jackson,
Jones (Clackamas), Jones (Douglas), Libby, Meek, Munkers,

Weston: Dimick, Farrell, Greer, Hatteberg, Hines, Jackson,
Jones (Clackamas), Jones ( Douglas), Libby, Meek, Munkers,
Orton, Smith. Total 13.

Ashland: Abbott, Brandon, Bryant, Clemens, Corregan,
Couch, Dimick, Farrell, Greer, Hatteberg, Hines, Hawley,
Hughes, Jackson, Jones (Clackamas), Jones (Douglas), Libby,
Munkers, Orton, Reynolds, Smith. Total 21.

But the state senate stood firm, and rejected all efforts at
compromise. On the last day, the normal leaders were offered

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 131

an appropriation of $8,000 to carry the schools through to the
end of the school year. This they scornfully refused. At this,
Senator F. J. Miller introduced a bill in the senate repealing
all normal school legislation. Bowerman and Selling led the
attack, the president of the senate taking the floor. Shortly
before adjournment the bill passed, and Oregon was without
normal schools : they were killed as effectively as it was pos-
sible for the legislature to do it.

For their defeat, the normals blamed chiefly Jay Bowerman
and the Oregonian. In respect to the former the Ashland
Tidings said on February 22d :

"Jay Bowerman was the most intemperate and irrational
opponent of the normal schools. Rumor has it that he has
a gubernatorial bee buzzing in his bonnet, or some other politi-
cal ambition, and played his game in the senate for popularity.
What a vote he would get in this section of Southern Oregon !"

At the next election Bowerman was a candidate for governor,
and though the state is normally Republican by a big majority,
he was defeated by Oswald West, Democrat.

The Oregonian gave the following as the real reason for the
destruction of the normals :

"The real reason why the normal schools have been aband-
oned lies in the belief that there is no real reason to educate
and graduate school teachers at the expense of the state. It
is believed teachers, as others preparing for professions, should
educate themselves. The state does not educate plumbers,
nor boilermakers, nor sheepherders. Yet all these and many
more are essential to the state.

"Besides, it is believed that there is too much literary edu-
cation these days, and not work enough to furnish a supply
of milk, eggs, and butter, pork and beans. Again, members
of the legislature, moved by the crowd of normal advocates,
were trying to trade and to log-roll everything to get what they
wanted."

The legislature drew much criticism after adjournment for

132 JOHN C. ALMACK

extravagance, the appropriations totaling about $2,000,000.
Of this amount $100,000 was given to build an automobile
highway to Crater Lake, which was characterized by the South-
ern Oregon papers as for "the gratification of the idle rich,"
and for the use of "bug-buzzing tourists." On the normal
question itself the papers outside of the interested centers were
silent. The Blue Mountain Eagle of Canyon City said :

"No state-wide legislation of any importance has been ac-
complished. The time has been spent mostly in raising salaries,
and debating ten-inch hat pins and nine-foot sheets."

The Corvallis Gazette on February 26th said this on the
normal fight :

"In wiping out the normal schools, the senate has succeeded
in accomplishing something no other legislature has ever been
able to do. The breaking up of the normal school combination
was chiefly the work of President Jay Bowerman. For several
years the normals have played a most important part in the
deliberations of the legislature. They have defeated and made
laws, and they have defeated and made United States sen-
ators. At least one of the normals was created because of
votes given to a candidate for United States senator."

"This is the first time the normals have ever been downed,
and they have taken their defeat hard. The senate refused
absolutely to even make the small appropriation of $10.000 to
pay salaries to the end of the school term. This appropriation
was designed as funeral expenses, but the senate was in a
mood where it would not even spend money for flowers."

The schools were cut off in the middle of the year without
means of support. Students who had been in attendance for
three and one-half years lost their hopes of graduation. Many
of the faculty had come from the East at the beginning of the
school year to take positions and several teachers were left
practically penniless with two months' salary unpaid. The
feeling against the senators in the schools was bitter. Ashland
with a perseverance that did her credit at once raised $1,500

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 133

by popular subscription. Before checking on it the secretary
of the board of regents required that a statement be filed that
the money was given voluntarily, and did not constitute a
claim against the state. The statement was not forthcoming,
and Ashland and Weston closed their doors. Monmouth con-
tinued until the end of the term in June.

The legislature which refused the normal schools aid had
given the state agricultural college a much larger appropria-
tion than ever before: $370,000. Within a short time after
it was known the normals had lost, a petition to refer the col-
lege appropriation to the people was put in circulation in Ash-
land. There seemed no difficulty in getting signers in the
southern Oregon city. Various reasons were given for this
action. The real reason is said to be that the college partisans
deserted the normals in order to get their own appropriation,
and the referendum was invoked in revenge. The Oregonian
was inclined to put the blame on both parties. On March 15th
it said:

"Ashland and its partisans have been willing enough to make
any sort of combination with Corvallis, any kind of concession
to the college, provided they were permitted to smell out their
own particular from the general treasury."

Weston at first seemed responsive, but at last came to the
decision that no help would be lent in the fight against the
agricultural college. A special session of the legislature was
called in the spring, and the normal lobbies were on hand.
However, they were not accorded a hearing. It was then
advocated that the people should be permitted to vote on the
normal school question: should there be one normal school,
three, or none in Oregon?

The movement first gained headway in Monmouth which
proposed to go it alone. Ashland on hearing of the plan com-
municated at once with Weston. After deliberating on the
proposition it was decided that separate initiative petitions
should be circulated, and each school should stand or fall on

134 JOHN C. ALMACK

its own merits. These were accordingly drawn up, sufficient
signers secured, and the fate of Ashland, Monmouth and Wes-
ton was submitted in the year 1910 to that sovereign power
from which there is no appeal.

The stormy period in the legislature had aroused discussion
and dissension among the people. Summarized, the charges
and counter-charges were essentially as follows :

The buildings and equipment were inferior and inadequate.

The faculty as a whole were not sufficiently trained.

Too many courses were attempted.

The schools were merely local.

The schools were usurping functions belonging to the public
schools and to the commercial colleges.

The admission requirements were too low.

High. standards of scholarship were not maintained.

The graduates and students did not become teachers, or else
remained in the profession only a short time.

There were more schools than were needed.

They were not well located.

The schools were lacking in adequate training school facili-
ties, particularly in pupils for practice teaching.

The costs of education were excessive.

One central normal school was preferable.

The normals interfered in politics and this interference re-
sulted in vicious legislation and prevented desirable legislation.

The normal legislators traded votes, and formed combines
to the injury of other interests.

To these accusations the friends of the normals replied that
they did not engage in politics from choice, but that the system
was responsible for the fact that the schools were not better,
and for their lobbying appropriations. They stated that the
sectarian schools were to blame for the agitation against the
normals, and that most of their criticisms were without basis
in fact. In order to evaluate the work of the normals, and
judge of the merits of the controversy, as well as to present a

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 135

picture of the daily affairs of the schools, an inquiry into their
organization, conditions, and life is necessary.

The presidents of the normal schools were also teachers.
Pedagogy, ancient and modern languages, psychology, history,
science, and mathematics represent some of the subjects taught.
Generally the tenure of office was short — Monmouth being a
conspicuous exception. Many of the prominent men of Oregon
have been in charge of the destinies of one of the state normals.

Monmouth has had but four presidents since 1882: D. T.
Stanley, who was successful in having the normal established ;
P. L. Campbell, who secured the first appropriation, now presi-
dent of the state university; E. D. Ressler, president 1902-
1909 while the fight was on in the legislature, now dean of the
school of education, Agricultural College; and J. H. Acker-
man, incumbent, who held the office of state superintendent
during the hottest part of the normal fight, and was elected
president when the normal was reinstated in 1911. At Ash-
land there were M. G. Royal, J. S. Sweet, W. M. Clayton,
W. T. VanScoy, and B. F. Mulkey; at Drain, H. L. Benson,
F. W. Benson, W. C. Hawley, W. T. VanScoy, Louis Barzee,
E. H. Anderson, J H. Orcutt, W. H. Dempster, and A. L.
Briggs; at Weston, C. A. Wooddy, F. J. Van Winkle, M. G.
Royal, D. V. S. Reed, J. A. Beattie, J. M. Martindale, and
Robert F. French. H. L. Benson is now a member of the
state supreme court, and W. C. Hawley is United States Con-
gressman from the first Oregon District.

College degrees were not required of the faculty members,
though the board of regents finally went on record as being
opposed to employing teachers unless they were at least grad-
uates of a four-year normal school.39 W. B. Ayer in the minor-
ity report of the board of regents quoted the visiting commit-
tee appointed to visit the schools in 1908 as reporting that:
"Out of fifty-one teachers reported upon only sixteen were
good; the balance were fair only, or absolutely poor." As an
example of the typical faculty roll the following list is given

39 1898.

136 JOHN C. ALMACK

from the catalogue of the Weston school 1906-07:

Robert C. French, B. S., President
Methods of Teaching, History of Education, Psychology

Charles P. Dennison, A. B.

History, English Literature, Latin

Anna Z. Crayne, Preceptress

English, Domestic Science

Clara Graves French, A. B.

Chemistry, Biology, Physics

Clara G. Hall

Mathematics

C. Paul Schmausser

Bookkeeping, Stenography, German

Winifred E. Welch

Music and Drawing

Frank W. Litchfield

Principal Training School, Manual Training

Charles A. Webster
Critic Teacher Training School, Physical Training

Ella R. Hayes
Kindergartner, Critic Teacher in Training School

C. Paul Schmausser
Secretary of Faculty, Librarian

Something of the work40 done by each teacher may be in-
ferred from the above and from a program of the Drain school
1902-1903. Miss Easterday taught drawing to three normal
school classes, music to one normal school class, and both
drawing and music to all the grades. Miss Johnson taught
civics, rhetoric, composition, Caesar, first year Latin, and first
and second year law, and sociology, and was principal of the
training school. Miss Crosno had daily recitations in sopho-
more and junior English literature, American literature, Eng-
lish history, grammar, and general history. At Weston, Mr.
and Mrs. Wood taught all the subjects — twenty-seven in the
course — and offered to organize classes in music, painting and

40 "In the past two years two teachers in succession who have had the work in
music and drawing have broken down from overwork." — Report of Monmouth Nor-
mal 1902-1904, page 17.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 137

drawing. The faculty at Monmouth had from seven to nine-
teen members ; Drain in its palmy days had twelve teachers ;
the other two schools as a rule employed nine.

The salaries were low. State aid enabled the regents to
increase salaries, but at the highest mark there could be no
just criticism on the score of their being exorbitant. In 1901
Drain received an appropriation of $10,000, yet spent only
$6,903.20. The positions were dignified by being called "chairs,"
and the salary schedule at Drain in 1901 was as follows :

President $1,500

Chair of Mathematics 800

Chair of History 750

Chair of Science 750

Chair of English 700

Principal of Training School 600

Assistant 400

Music Teacher (half time) 250

Janitor 200

Monmouth paid better salaries, as witness in 1898 :41

President $1,800

H. B. Buckham 1,200

Sarah Tuthill 1,200

J. M. Powers 1,000

A. F. Campbell 1,000

B. F. Mulkey 1,000

W. A. Warm 1,000

Ellen J. Chamberlain 800

Mrs. R. C. French 700

Louis P. Freytag 650

William Fellows 375

J. B. V. Butler 500

The sessions were uniformly forty weeks in length, and the
year was divided into four terms of ten weeks each. School
usually began the first week in September, and closed the
following June. The first summer school was held at Mon-

41 Report of Board of Regents, 1889.

138 JOHN C. ALMACK

mouth in 1899. As late as 1906, G. W. Bishop quoted Presi-
dent E. D. Ressler as saying that he would be delighted if
the summer school enrollment reached fifty. Ashland held
its first summer school in 1907. No special appropriation
was set aside for the summer, and the teachers were but illy
repaid for their services.

The courses offered were complex and varied. Commercial
courses were strongly emphasized. Weston widely adver-
tised her kindergarten and manual training courses. Mon-
mouth had the following nine courses as late as 1905 : Educa-
tion, Art of Teaching, English, Mathematics, Science, History,
Arts, Civil Government, and Physical Education.

Graduates of the normals were admitted to the state uni-
versity without examination, and degrees were granted. Mon-
mouth conferred degrees of B.S., B.A., and M.A., and in 1904
gave the degree of Bachelor of the Science of Didactics. The
other schools also granted these degrees with the exception of
The Dalles, which was forced to content itself with the degree
of Licentiate of Instruction.

In 1897 the entrance requirements were increased to the
extent that in theory only students from schools accredited by
the university were accepted. Ten years later only students
who had completed the ninth grade were admitted. The
schools were severely criticized for having low entrance re-
quirements. Governor George Chamberlain in his message
to the legislature in the year 1901 said :

"Many are admitted who are not well grounded in the rudi-
ments of the common school branches."

Again, in 1905, he said the normals should not teach pupils
in the common school subjects.

After state control was an established fact the tuition rates
were set at six dollars a term, or twenty-four dollars a year.
Reasonable as these charges were, they were not always col-
lected. In October, 1907, in a letter to President A. L. Briggs
of Drain, C. L. Starr, secretary of the board of regents, calls

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 139

attention to the fact that 25 students had failed to pay their
full tuition fees, and the records of the school do not show that
the collections were made. On the recommendation of E. B.
McElroy, state superintendent, a law was passed granting free
scholarships to teachers with second grade certificates.

The costs of board and room were so low as to cause us to
look backward with regret. The dining hall at Monmouth
provided board at $1.50 a week if paid in advance, and at
$1.75 a week if payments were deferred. A room might be
had at from fifty cents to one dollar a week. In 1899, the
estimated expenses for a year were from $110 to $200 a year.

The cost to the state of giving instruction in the normals
is equally interesting. In a study42 of the state normal school
systems of the United States made in 1905 by Dr. H. D.
Sheldon, dean of the school of education, University of Ore-
gon, a comparison is made of the costs of education in the
small normals with the costs in the large central schools.
Oregon with a population of 437,302 is shown to appropriate
$56,458 a year for its four normal schools, or an average of
$14,114 each. The total enrollment is given at 409. There-
fore the cost of educating a student in one of the Oregon
normals was $129 a year for each thousand inhabitants. The
annual cost of training a single student was placed at $138.
Contrasted with expenditure in Oregon are the costs in the
following states:

Cost per 1,000 Cost of Training

Inhabitants One Student

Oregon $129 $138

Colorado 272 248

Oklahoma 181 141

Rhode Island 140 294

Washington 225 189

California 121 118

South Dakota 75 65

The average cost of graduating trained teachers from the

42 State Normal School Systems of the U. S.f H. D. Sheldon, 1912.

140 JOHN C. ALMACK

schools of the United States was given at $419.28. In Oregon
the average cost per graduate was in 1907-1908, $420. The
average cost per student had fallen by that time to $84, this
being more than the actual cost to the state, as the expenses of
Monmouth were paid from private funds. That year (1907-
1908) the costs per student were in Rhode Island $294, Colo-
rado $248, Massachusetts $150, Oklahoma $141, South Da-
kota $192, Washington $189, Wisconsin $140. More mod-
erate expenses were incurred by New York $106, Michigan
$98, Minnesota $115, Pennsylvania $84, Illinois $75, and West
Virginia $98.

The income per school was lower in Oregon than in any
other state in the Union with the exception of Arkansas, Ver-
mont, Mississippi, Alabama, Kentucky, and Maine. The cost
of instruction for each student was exceeded by only seven
states. In 1904 the board of regents rendered a report on each
school, putting the costs on the basis of graduates. On this
basis the figures are :

Number of

Graduates Cost

Drain 2 $3,478

Ashland 29 383

Monmouth 51 385

Weston 14 714

Computed on the same basis, the cost at Monmouth was in
1918 $219.62.

As to number of schools, Dr. Sheldon's study showed that
seven states had one school only, thirty-seven had from two
to nineteen, and two states had none. Thirty states had either
two, three, four or five. New York had nineteen, Pennsyl-
vania had fifteen, and Massachusetts ten. The small normal
schools (of from 300 to 1,000 students) were preferred to
the large central schools.

Salary schedules were included in Dr. Sheldon's report. He
showed that $25,000 a year was the minimum that would be

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 141

required to pay the expenses of conducting a small normal

school of 300 students. This was apportioned in the following

fashion :

Salaries :

President $3,000

Four men at $1,750 7,000

Four women at 1,200 4,800

Two women at 1,000 2,000

Four critic teachers at 800 3,200 $20,000

Supplies, Library, etc 5,000

Budget for year $25,000

A comparison of these figures with the expenditures of the
Drain Normal should dispel the idea that the normals prac-
ticed extravagance.

The attendance rose and fell as legislation, appropriations,
and other circumstances of importance were favorable or un-
favorable. When the Daly bill was passed taking the certifi-
cating power away from the normals, there was a great fall-
ing off in attendance, tuition decreased as a consequence, and
a deficit was incurred at Monmouth. In 1889, there was such
an influx of students at Monmouth that the practice school was
discontinued in order to afford room for regular students.
This condition was closely paralleled in 1901 when the attend-
ance reached 399. In spite of higher entrance requirements,
two years later the attendance was 419. Two years before
the fate of the normals was submitted to the people there
were 630 students enrolled at the four schools and 111 grad-
uates.

There were fewer students as a rule at the other institutions,
though occasionally the older school was excelled. Increased
attendance at one school was usually accompanied by higher
attendance at the others. A partial record of enrollment from
1891 to 1907 is given herewith:

142 JOHN C. ALMACK

Monmouth Ashland Drain Weston

1891 216 93

1893 376 332 141

1895 243 133 306 317

1899 202 203

1901 399 206 156 448

1903 419 283 247

1905 207

1907 311 379* 279 348

In 1905 the president of Drain said:

"The year has been a successful one, notwithstanding the
financial troubles we have had. The public school of 180 pupils
has been added as our training department."

In 1908 the board of regents made a report to the governor
giving these statistics :

Monmouth Ashland Drain Weston

Receipts $13,996.27 $33,320.72 $4,159.06 $33,299.21

Expenditures 13,722.85 32,025.27 4,037.56 32,969.86
Donations . . . 7,000.00 100.00 2,950.00

Summer School 248 68

Graduates 48 28 14 22

Appropria-
tions $100,000.00 $108,060.00 $107,600.00

Student government seems to have been reasonable and fair,
and not a matter of great difficulty. Ashland announced :

"It is the aim of the teachers and of the government to lead
the students to a willing co-operation in the right and the good.
Students are urged to resist those impulses which oppose what
reason teaches best. If students do not do well, a request will
be made for their withdrawal."

That there were students who were not incapable of plan-
ning mischief is shown by the minutes of the Zamzamian lit-
erary society of Drain. The secretary recorded that members
created a disturbance during a meeting, and the president in-
structed the sergeant-at-arms to enforce the rules. Exemplify-
ing the adage that prevention is better than a cure, Monmouth43
published a formidable set of rules for the guidance of the
young men and young women of the school:

* Normal school and training school pupils combined.

43 The catalogue of 1870, Christian College, contained a long list of "laws"

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 143

"The principles and motives of self-government are faith-
fully presented. Students are taught to be ladies and gentle-
men. . . . Each student will be expected to subordinate
every other interest to his regular school duties. Profanity,
gambling, the use of intoxicating liquors, visiting saloons, at-
tending public balls at any time, or private dancing parties
except at the end of terms, carrying concealed weapons,
smoking cigarettes . . . are prohibited . . . Students
will be expected to be in their rooms early in the evening, and
not lounge about the stores or on the streets. Students of the
opposite sex must on no account visit each others' rooms. Any
forgetfulness will call for immediate criticism and warning/'

Literary societies were popular at all schools. "Rhetoricals
were compulsory, or as the catalogues put it:

"The faculty encourages literary work in every way possible.
A student has the choice of performing his rhetoricals before
the school or before the society. We prefer that it be done
in the society."

The Zamzamian society was active during the history of the
Drain normal. Monmouth had five literaries: two for men
and three for women. The Hesperians and the Vespertines
date back to Christian College days. Other societies were
named the Websterians, Orios, Normals, Invincibles, and the
Delphians. Faculty members often appeared on the programs :
Professor Orcutt at the meeting of the Zamzamians, April 4,
1902, giving a "brilliant talk on recent revelations of the
mysteries of the North Pole, and the future developments to
take place in that region." Mrs. O. C. Brown gave a "talk"
on "What the Legislature Has Done." Songs, readings, recita-
tions, debates and "talks" made up the programs.44

The students were usually given good grades. An analysis

among which were the following:

"That he be diligent in study, punctual in attendance at the calling of the
morning roll, recitation, examination, and all other college exercises, and that he
render a valid and satisfactory reason to the proper officers for any delinquency
on his part.

"That he go not beyond the immediate precinct of the village without the
permission of the president or faculty.

"That he neither keep in his possession nor use firearms, a dirk, a bowie
knife, or any other kind of a deadly weapon.

"The bell shall be rung each evening at a stated hour, when all students will
be required to retire to their respective rooms to study."

44 Two typical literary programs given by the Vespertines of Monmouth in
1911 follow.

144 JOHN C. ALMACK

of these would hardly serve as a basis for the origin of the
Missouri grading system. Both percentages and letters were
used. Failures were very few. One year the Drain records45
show two failures only, these being in "orthography " In a
class of sixty-three students in general history two were
marked as failures. Both were freshmen.

Athletics, lecture courses, student publications,46 plays and
oratorical contests were slow about being admitted. Prior to
the opening of the twentieth century, school activities were
largely unorganized. There were games, of course, in which
members of the faculty participated. W. C. Hawley and O. C.
Brown, professors at Drain, often played marbles in front of
the school building. Basket ball was introduced about 1902,
and inter-scholastic contests in this sport, baseball, football,
debate, and oratory were thereafter featured. In 1901, W, R.
Rutherford, J. C. Pettyjohn, and Gertrude M. Vernon of Mon-
mouth won the debate series against Albany, Pacific, and Mc-
Minnville. Mr. Julien Hurley, now state senator from Mal-
heur and Harney Counties, represented the school in the state
oratorical contest at Newberg in 1905. The Y. W. C. A. and
the Y. M. C. A. were represented in all schools. After 1900
"lecture courses, recitals, and musicals were given by the lead-
ing speakers and artists of the state."

Various inducements were held out to draw students. The
one reiterated most regularly in the catalogues was the need of
teachers, the number being given as six hundred annually.
Weston established an appointment bureau in 1901, saying that
there were many demands for teachers at salaries ranging
from $50 to $85 a month. In 1904 the catalogue of Mon-
mouth says :

"There is a good demand for teachers to take positions pay-
ing from $40 to $75 a month. Capable, well trained men are
in demand as principals. The salaries range from $60 to $120
a month. Although in many instances women fill these posi-

45 Records Drain Normal 1902-1903.

46 The first normal school publication was the Pacific Christian Messenger
designed for general circulation, founded by T. F. Campbell in 1870. The first
student paper was issued at Monmouth in 1905. Miss Ruby E. Shearer was the
first editor of the Courier, as the magazine was called. It was published quarterly
until the close of the school in 1909. After the rejuvenation of Monmouth
normal a new quarterly, "The Norm," was started, and this publication is still
in existence.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 145

tions satisfactorily, the majority of school boards insist upon
having men. Desirable positions in high schools, and super-
intendencies, await those who will thoroughly prepare them-
selves to occupy them. The salaries paid are from $800 to
$2,000 a year."

The training departments are described as offering excel-
lent opportunities for practice teaching. Weston made much
of its kindergarten and manual training departments ; Ashland
emphasized location, climate, and courses in agriculture and
school gardening. Other things set forth to attract students
are the high qualification of the faculties, social advantages,
courses, accessibility, low living expenses, laboratories, gym-
nasiums, modern buildings and equipment. Monmouth is
described as

"a delightful little village of 500 people. It can be reached
by the railway, or by boats plying the Willamette. One of
its remarkable features is its healthfulness, fevers and agues
being unknown. The sea breeze reaches it very gently, modi-
fying the temperature, but producing no unfavorable effects.
Saloons, gambling houses, and other dens of vice are strictly
prohibited by town charter and ordinances."

On reading the flattering prospectus one is at a loss to under-
stand the need for the prohibitory regulations mentioned on a
preceding page.

Of Weston, the advertising matter circulated among pros-
pective students said:

"Its elevation of 1800 feet above sea level, its proximity
to the mountains, the pure water brought to the town from
springs in the foothills, and its freedom from allurements
and excitements of more populous cities, render this a
most delightful, healthful, and desirable location for a school
of this kind. . . . There has never been a single death
at the East Oregon normal school but that of the late Presi-
dent Martindale, and he came here a sick man. Students are
seldom ill. No student has ever been hazed."

There are no complete reports showing the counties from

146 JOHN C. ALMACK

which the students came to the normals. In 1903 Monmouth
made this statement:

Number of counties represented 22

Number enrolled from Polk County 63

Multnomah 20

Marion 17

Lane 16

Washington 14

Yamhill 12

Clackamas 18

Lake 8

Clatsop 7

Benton 6

All other counties 32

Other states 10

Total 213

Two hundred seventy-five students were enrolled in the
Weston school during the biennium 1907-1908. Nineteen per
cent of these were from Umatilla County, the remainder from
seventeen other counties. Nineteen counties were represented
at Ashland in 1903, with eleven students from California and
Washington. The catalogue for 1905 contained this state-
ment:

"A canvas of the enrollment of last year shows that eighty-
five per cent of the students would not have attended any
other institution of secondary learning had the normal at
Ashland not existed, and that but fifty per cent of them would
attend school elsewhere should this school cease to exist. The
state normal at Ashland is not a local high school in any sense.
. . . Some thirty students from Willamette Valley counties
attended the school last year, but our chief reliance for patron-
age is upon the southern counties of the state, and the teaching
of the public schools of Southern Oregon is being largely done
by graduates of this school."

Regarding the occupations taken up by her graduates, Mon-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 147

mouth submitted these statistics in 1904, dating from the year
the school became a state normal :

Whole number of graduates 716

Number deceased 33

Number married ( females) 152

Number in educational work 445

Percentage for 22 years 65

Percentage for last five years 88.4

The general nature of the training school work has been
described. The principal and critic teachers were instruc-
tors in the training school and normal as well as supervisors.
Lesson plans were worked out by the practice teachers and
criticized by the critic teacher. After each practice recitation,
the critic was required to go over the work with the student,
correcting mistakes and offering suggestions and helps in the
improvement of method. Weekly meetings were called by the
principal, where instructions were given and where students
and teachers engaged in a general discussion of school prob-
lems. The training schools could usually accommodate no
more than 16 teachers and comply with the law requiring three
hours of practice teaching a day for each member of the senior
class. The enrollment in the four schools for the year 1909
in the normal, training school, and senior class is given below :
Monmouth Ashland Drain Weston

Training School 137 122 192 150

Normal 173 172 87 198

Senior Class 47 28 14 22

The legislative committee of three representatives and two
senators appointed to investigate the training school condi-
tions at Monmouth reported:

"Practice work facilities are decidedly limited. Only one
city in Oregon is of sufficient size to warrant the state in en-
deavoring to build up an ideal institution of this character.
It is unwise for the state to spend further sums in the con-
struction of buildings at the Monmouth Normal."

148 JOHN C. ALMACK

The buildings and equipment were generally inadequate.
The board of regents of the Monmouth school stated that
when the school was re-established in 1910 the main building
was old and in immediate need of repairs. There was also
an old gymnasium, which has since been removed from the
campus. W. B. Ayer in his minority report to the legislature
in 1909 said:

"The buildings and equipment are positively unfit. There
is not one first class building at any of the schools, and many
are a positive disgrace to the state."

Weston valued its plant at $75,000, while Ashland put a
valuation of $60,000 on buildings and grounds. Descriptions
of the buildings and apparatus at Monmouth in 1903 give these
conditions :

"The normal building is a fine brick structure especially de-
signed for the work of a normal school. It is well heated
throughout. There are twenty-four good working rooms, and
they are well equipped and convenient for school use. . . .
Many new books and periodicals have been added to the library.
. . . The school has a good supply of apparatus for illus-
trating the physical and natural sciences."

Weston's description indicated a more pretentions plant:

"The buildings," said the catalogue, "are four in number,
and include the school building, the boarding hall, the presi-
dent's cottage, and a building containing the gymnasium, the
young men's dormitory, sloyd rooms, and rooms for the de-
partment of domestic science."

"The school building is a fine modern brick structure with
sandstone trimmings. It has three stories and a basement.
It is heated by steam. ... In the spacious parlors of the
young ladies' hall are held many social functions participated
in by the faculty, students, and people of the town.
Good facilities for manual training have been provided, and
full sets of tools for wood and cardboard sloyd have been
secured. . . . Domestic science combines the practical and

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 149

theoretical, and the thought is kept constantly before the stu-
dent teacher that the work of the school is to equip the child
for complete living."

At Ashland there were four buildings, two for school pur-
poses and two dormitories. There were twenty-three rooms
in the school buildings. A gymnasium was built in 1902, and
is described as good sized and well equipped. The three labo-
ratory rooms were said to be provided with abundant apparatus
of the very best quality. The library consisted of 1,500 vol-
umes outside of departmental reports.

These descriptions are really better than conditions war-
ranted from the view of an impartial outsider. President E. H.
Anderson of Drain, who was known to speak very frankly,
when asking for an appropriation in 1897 says :

"We have not received a cent from the state, but we cannot
keep pace with the others without state aid unless some rich
Klondiker shall soon die and leave his find to the school. The
school needs recitation rooms, a library, laboratories, piano,
gymnasium, heating plant, some apparatus, and a chapel organ."

Yet this was after the new building was constructed. The
secretary of the Zamzamian says that a meeting of the society
broke up early (the month was December) because the room
was too cold. In 1905, Drain announces:

"We have repaired the building, two good laboratories for
the sciences have been equipped, and the library has been
improved. A new heating plant has been installed, and the
school has a fine water supply, from a large spring of excel-
lent water, piped into the building, thus making the building
healthful and pleasant."

Data has been presented that will enable one to judge of
the justice of many of the criticisms brought against the
normals. An important thing to keep in mind is that they
should be judged by the standards and possibilities of their
own times, not by the standards of today. On the subject of
vote-trading and log-rolling tactics in the legislature, Repre-

150 JOHN C. ALMACK

sentative W. I. Vawter of Jackson County, author of the one-
board of regents bill, writes :

"It is unquestionably true that there was trading for votes
during these several sessions. I think, in fact, that 90% of
the measures calling for appropriations were combined with
matters that members from somewhere else in the state were
interested in. The general rule was if a member from Eastern
Oregon would vote for some appropriation wanted in Western
Oregon the member from the west would reciprocate."

On the same subject, B. F. Mulkey, president of the Ashland
normal 1902-1907, and long prominent in state politics, states:

"This school (Ashland) had not been maintained by politics,
but by public needs and public sentiment. Politics had been
necessary as a means of getting done what the people of that
great section wanted done. Politics was not invoked in the
interest of normal schools, as has been maintained, but rather
they triumphed for a decade in spite of it."

The report of the special committee appointed in 1909 to
study the normals covered such matters as equipment, build-
ings, fitness and qualifications of teachers, character of work
being done. The report set forth that at only one institu-
tion, namely Monmouth, was creditable work being done. At
Drain and Ashland the chief purpose of the instruction seemed
to be to prepare for teachers' examinations. The course of
study offered at Weston was very little different from what one
might find offered in any good high school in the state. This
high school work was very well done, however. The report
conveyed the impression that three of the schools were noth-
ing more than local high schools maintained at the expense
of the state. Reference has already been made to the use made
by W. B. Ayer of the report of the committee, quoting the
members as saying that out of fifty-one teachers visited only
sixteen were good, some were fair, and some absolutely poor;
and further that "the buildings and equipment were a dis-
grace to the people of the state."

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 151

Many of the criticisms arose out of conditions over which
the normals had no control. Buildings, equipment, qualifica-
tions of faculty members, are dependent upon the amount of
money furnished by the legislature. In view of the rules of
the game then and now persisting in legislative bodies, the
resources the assembly had available from which to draw
appropriations, the growing demands from other quarters, the
competition for funds among state institutions, and the objec-
tion of the people to increased taxation, the projection of
normal school affairs into politics was inevitable. The state
institution that was not in politics could not long have con-
tinued a state institution.

The management of the normals did not appeal to politics
from choice : rather the schools were used by skillful politicians
— a valuable commodity in which exchanges could be made
in accomplishing individual and local purposes. It was quite
natural that those fighting for a common cause should com-
bine. However, the forming of combinations, the practice of
trading votes, legislative log-rolling, and the general type of
dealing known to every one who knows politics, did not end
when the normal schools were eliminated. New subjects have
simply been substituted, though it is improbable that there
will ever be found another that served so long and well as
the normal schools. That was the heyday for sections holding
the balance of power. The system was responsible for the
normals being in politics ; they did not choose to be, nor was
it for their benefit. The cause of education was hampered by
the circumstances, and the experiences of the past should
suggest a rational way of dealing with state institutions in the
future.

The persistence and loyalty of the normal school supporters
is conspicuous. This was due in no small part to the pride —
perhaps something of the feeling of sharing in the ownership
of an institution — felt by the people of the community, and
this feeling would be acccentuated by having contributed direct-

152 JOHN C. ALMACK

ly to its financial support and by replying to charges against
its efficiency. This feeling is likely to be deeper rooted when
the institutions, as in Oregon, had their origin in denomina-
tionalism. Some citizens at Monmouth, Drain, Ashland, and
Weston undoubtedly prized the normals because they believed
them to be of financial advantage; these, however, were few
in number. More than money, they esteemed the educational
opportunities, and the normals afforded what would otherwise
have been available. The great need of secondary educational
institutions is shown by the fact that the legislature subsidized
the Lakeview high school by an appropriation of $5,000, and
by the rapid rise of the high school after district and county
high schools were authorized in 1901. With the growth of
high schools, the demand for normals to perform so varied
and complex a function disappeared, and they began to spe-
cialize in the training of teachers — the original design. Had
high schools been as numerous as at present, it is doubtful if
the normals would have given so much time to the teaching of
high school subjects. Yet the normals and high schools have
been in competition.

This condition was found identically the same in Pennsyl-
vania. E. O. Holland writing on the Pennsylvania Normals47
in 1912 makes statements of conditions that applied with some
force to Oregon :

"The Pennsylvania state normal schools and the public high
schools are in direct conflict. In the past it was undoubtedly
true that the high schools of the state were so few and so
inadequate that it was absolutely necessary for the state nor-
mal schools to give work of a secondary grade."

On the question of whether the normals were responsible
for vicious legislation, opinions differ. There is a distinct
absence of unprejudiced evidence on either side. Specific
examples of vicious legislation for which the normals were
responsible are not on record. The men favoring the normals
in the legislature compared very favorably with those who

47 Pennsylvania State Normal Schools and Public School Systems. E. O. Hol-
land. Columbia University Contributions to Education, 1912, page 80.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 153

represented the opposition, and one is entitled to the conclu-
sion that without the normal school issue ill-advised legisla-
tion would have been adopted and meritorious measures killed.

It is equally difficult to formulate conclusions as to the
extent of the activities and influence of the sectarian interests
against the normals. The Ashland Tidings of March 18, 1909,
refers to a statement on this subject by Colonel E. Hofer in
the Salem Journal. Colonel Hofer was a member of the board
of regents.

"Colonel E. Hofer published an apparently well authenti-
cated story that the campaign to kill off the normal schools
in Oregon was started by the various sectarian schools of the
Willamette Valley. The schools were alleged to be organized
for this purpose, the accomplishment of which was to be
followed by an appeal to the legislature for the support of
normal departments to be conducted in connection with these
sectarian schools."

No appeal of this nature has ever been made, and should it
be made there is the insurmountable obstacle in the way which
was early encountered by Christian College: Article I, Section
5, of the Bill of Rights.

Following the destruction of the normals, the sectarian
schools waged a campaign for students for their normal de-
partments. Fletcher Homan, president of Willamette Uni-
versity, wrote letters to the principals of the Oregon high
schools dwelling at length upon the merits of his institution
as a training school for teachers. In reply to one of these
letters, Winfield S. Smith, principal of the public school,
Brownsville, wrote:

"I believe and am creditably informed that the influence
of the denominational schools helped to kill the normal schools
in the last legislature."

The strongest opposition the normals encountered in the
legislature came, generally speaking, from legislators repre-
senting Marion, Yamhill, Clackamas, Linn and Washington

154 JOHN C. ALMACK

Counties. A survey of the vote cast on the normals in the
initiative election of November 5, 1918, shows these results :

For Against Percentage

Normals Normals Against

Coos 1081 1937 64

Benton 671 1730 72

Lane 2318 3578 61

Lincoln 288 647 69

Multnomah 18125 19333 50

Polk ..: 688 2277 77

Marion 1329 5939 81

Yamhill 1010 2554 71

Clackamas 1976 3966 67

Linn 1069 4277 80

Washington 1013 2685 72

Eastern Oregon counties in the same election voted as fol-
lows:

For Against Percentage

Normals Normals Against

Crook 237 519 69

Grant 312 476 60

Morrow 323 425 57

Sherman 377 403 52

Wallowa 381 673 64

In Lane, Benton and Polk Counties are found the state uni-
versity, agricultural college, and Monmouth normal respective-
ly ; in Marion, Linn, Yamhill and Washington are located Wil-
lamette university, Albany college, McMinnville college, and
Pacific university respectively. The average percentages
against the normals ran higher in those counties in which there
are private higher institutions, and (notably in the cases of
Polk and Benton) in those in which there are the higher state
institutions.

We are now ready to summarize the reasons why the nor-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 155

mals were voted out of existence in 1909. The following seem
to be the most significant causes of their failure :

1. The normals were established without a strong public
demand for them and an interest in their function.

2. They secured their appropriations from the legislature
without the backing of popular approval.

3. The increasing needs of the schools called for increased
appropriations, culminating the request for about one-third of
a million dollars in 1909. This seemed a stupendous sum to
the taxpayers, who were inclined to listen to charges of graft
and extravagance. People are conservative when called upon
to levy taxes for which they do not see a special need con-
nected with their own individual interests.

4. The schools, with the possible exception of Ashland,48
were not located in strategic positions. On account of poor
means of communication, Ashland did not have the constitu-
ency in Lake, Klamath, and Coos Counties that a casual exam-
ination of the map would lead one to believe.

5. The equipment, buildings, and training school facilities
were entirely inadequate to meet the higher normal school
standards.

6. There was opposition from interests and individuals who
were not in sympathy with higher education at public expense.

7. Those connected with the promotion of denominational
schools were unfriendly to the normals.

8. There was jealousy and rivalry among towns and cities
which hoped in the event of the destruction of the schools to
be chosen as sites of new schools.

9. The appropriations granted were insufficient.

10. The growth of public high schools decreased the de-
mand for secondary education in the normals.

11. Furthermore, a majority of the people did not accept
the normal school idea. They believed that there was no reason
for maintaining professional schools to prepare teachers. The
experience of Oregon repeats that of Massachusetts, New York,

48 It would require all the children enrolled in the elementary grades in the
Ashland public schools, together with all the children of kindergarten age in the
district, to furnish enough pupils for a practice school in ai normal enrolling 300
seniors. . . ,_id,jd. -cLId!

156 JOHN C. ALMACK

Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, and parallels
that of Oklahoma. There is scarcely a state where the normal
schools have not had to struggle against obstacles similar to
those they encountered in Oregon.

12. The activities of the normal adherents in politics made
them implacable foes who resolved upon their elimination.
Combined with these were those who from principle were
against permitting state institutions to participate in legislative
affairs.

13. The one-normal plan was favored in some quarters.

14. The opinion was held that there were sufficient oppor-
tunities afforded by the state university, agricultural college,
and the private schools, for the training of all the teachers
necessary. This grew into the idea that the university and
college should train all the teachers.

15. Poor certification laws, making it easy to get certifi-
cates, and refusing to give normal graduates the right to
teach without passing examinations under the state board.

16. Failure to adopt uniform and higher standards for
admission, graduation and management.

17. Lack of the support of a strong organ of publicity.
These were all contributing factors in the downfall of the

Oregon normals. The feeling against them in political circles
had been gradually growing until it reached its climax in the
senate action of 1909. Thereafter the issue was squarely be-
fore the people.

THE NORMALS AND THE PEOPLE— 1909-1919
The initiative petitions were circulated during the year 1910
and there seemed no difficulty in getting signers. Weston
found two who refused to sign the petitions : the local Baptist
and Methodist ministers. Charges were made in the Weston
paper49 that part of this opposition had its inspiration in Mc-
Minnville, but the charges were hotly denied. A sufficient
number of petitioners were soon secured, and the election was
set for November, 1910.

49 "One man. gave as reason for refusing to sign the normal school petition
that each normal is asking for the same amount while one may need more than
another. His real reason is of sectarian origin, however, and is inspired from
MicMinnville."— Weston Leader, May 13, 1910.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 157

Separate petitions were drawn up for each school. Each
asked for a permanent levy of 1/25 of a mill, a rate that would
bring in at that time about $25,000 a year. Estimates were
made in the arguments for the schools filed with the secretary
of state that the cost annually to the property owner paying
taxes on $10,000 would be about forty cents for each school.
Ashland in its arguments called attention to the obligation the
state owed the students who had been forced to give up their
school work before it was completed, and said the state was
under moral obligation to complete the terms of its contract
entered into when the students registered. It gave a history
of the institution, enlarged upon the need of trained teachers,
particularly in Southern Oregon, and listed an investment in
the school plant at $60,000.

The claims of Monmouth were similar. The central loca-
tion of the school was pointed out ; the need of trained teachers
was dwelt upon. Monmouth was given as the proper place for
their training because "it is free from the bad influences of a
large city." The value of the plant was set at $100,000. Mon-
mouth appointed a committee of her alumni,50 and her friends
went actively to work in her interests.

Weston enumerated material which had appeared from year
to year in the catalogues : climate, healthful location, good
buildings, and equipment. It was emphasized that more than
one school was needed, and Eastern Oregon, on account of
long distances to other institutions, should be given one. The
buildings, grounds and equipment were valued at $75,000. No
arguments were filed against the petitions, and normalites felt
confident of success.

Not much publicity was given to the campaign. The Ore-
gonian continued anti-normal. On July 8, 1910, it reiterated
the argument that the normals were nothing but local high
schools and business colleges, remarking: "Very few teachers
have been trained in these imbecile institutions." There was
considerable controversy among the voters, and it was not

50 William D. Fenton, Judge George H. Burnett, John C. McCue, J. B. V.
Butler, Ira C. Powell, and A. C. Hampton constituted the promotion committee.

158 JOHN C. ALMACK

unusual for heated discussions of the normal school issue to be
heard on the trains, in hotels, and on the streets. At their
annual institute in September, 1910, the Lincoln County teach-
ers passed this resolution :

"Whereas, it is the universal opinion of educators that a
system of professional training is necessary for teachers in the
public schools, therefore be it Resolved, That we urge upon
the people the necessity of establishing normal training at once.
Be it further Resolved, That we sympathize with the alumni
and friends of the Monmouth Normal school in their efforts
through the initiative to provide for the permanent support of
that institution, thus removing the question of maintenance
from politics."

Monmouth seemed to be the favorite in educational circles.
This was borne out in the returns. When the votes were
counted it was found that Monmouth had won by approxi-
mately 10,000 votes.51 Weston and Ashland were defeated.
The thorough organization of the alumni of Monmouth was a
strong factor in determining the success of the Polk County
school. The voters of Polk County returned a majority against
Weston and Ashland, while Jackson and Umatilla Counties
voted strongly for Monmouth. Of the election, the Weston
Leader on November 18 said:

"Wallowa County voted against the normals because she
has a new county high school and is afraid some of her students
would go to Weston. Salem and Marion were against the
normals by a three to one vote as were Clackamas, Linn and
old Yamhill. Portland gave a majority for Monmouth, had
93 votes to spare for Weston, and was against Ashland by a
majority of 117."

Oregon was committed for the time being to the principle of
one normal school.

On November 26, 1910, Monmouth celebrated her reopening.
The doors had been closed since June, 1909, and the celebra-
tion was in the nature of a grand occasion. The program of

51 The vote stood: For Monmouth 50,191, against 40,044; for Ashland 38 473
against 48,655; for Weston 40,898, against 46,201.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 159

feasting and speaking lasted two days. Breakfast was served
by the ladies of Monmouth and there were over 500 present.
Mayor Hawley of Monmouth, who was on the point of desert-
ing the normal school combine in the session of 1909 for the
one-normal plan, was introduced by J. B. V. Butler as "one
of the oldest and greatest educators in the state," and the
remark was loudly applauded. C. N. McArthur, speaker of
the house in 1909, was called upon and repeated his endorse-
ment of three normals. E. D. Ressler was loudly applauded
when he appeared on the platform and complimented the alumni
of Monmouth on their good work. J. H. Ackerman referred
to the action of the board of education in 1909 in closing the
schools :

"I believe the board exercised a good policy in completely
closing the normal schools and boarding up their windows.
It proved an object lesson to the people, and jarred them into
voting right."

P. L. Campbell, at one time president of Monmouth, and
son of T. F. Campbell who was president of Christian College
in 1860, made the principal address of the day. After con-
gratulating the people of Monmouth and the alumni on the
victory at the polls, he said:

"The pioneers (who founded Monmouth University) believed
strong, hoped large, and always fought fair. They instilled
into the university the spiritual factors which have made it
a success. Friends of the school have been compelled to fight
against adversities from the first. Every appropriation has
meant a battle. ... I would like to see three or four
normals in this state, and when the demand comes, would like to
see a strong six-year high school in every county, and in con-
nection with these normal training preparatory to the higher
training of the state normals."52

Plans were made to reopen the school to students in the
fall of 1911. J. H. Ackerman, who had been state superin-
tendent of schools, during the fight in the legislature was

52 Oregon Teachers' Monthly. December, 1910.

160 JOHN C. ALMACK

chosen president. The legislature convened in the winter of
1911 and appropriated $50,000 for the construction of a girls'
dormitory. Needed repairs were also provided for. In March,
1911, the Oregon Teachers' Monthly stated that the normal
was scheduled to open on September 18 and that President
Ackerman was already in charge of affairs and engaged in
working out a normal school policy.

In the same issue of the Teachers' Monthly Dr. Joseph
Schafer, head of the history department of the University of
Oregon, published an article on the "Responsibility of the
Normal School." Dr. Schafer took occasion to say :

"(Oregon) is about to reopen on what is reputed to be a
thoroughly sound financial basis the normal school at Mon-
mouth. This institution, whose career was for so many years
so creditable to its management, and so advantageous to the
educational interests of the state, particularly the town schools,
was put out of existence two years ago by the legislature, and
is now revived by the people under the initiative. It is vir-
tually a new creation in all except the buildings."

As Dr. Schafer said the school which opened at Monmouth
in 1911 was virtually a new creation. A millage tax had been
voted for maintenance, and it was believed it would no longer
be necessary to lobby for support. The legislature had also
provided for the standardization of the school by prescribing
the method, and defining the term. According to this law a
standard normal is defined as follows :

"For entrance, four years' work above the eighth grade in
the secondary schools.

"For graduation, two years' additional work, including a
thorough review of the common branches and training in a
practice school.

"The maintenance of a well equipped training school, the
course of study covering work in the elementary grades.

"An attendance of 216 weeks above the eighth grade re-
quired for graduation; provided, that any normal school may

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 161

accept satisfactory credits covering twenty weeks above the
eighth grade."

A school accepted as standard by the United States Bureau
of Education is accepted by the state board of education of
Oregon. In the event that such a list is not prepared, a school
wishing to be accredited may be passed upon by a committee
comprising the presidents of the three higher public educa-
tional institutions, the state superintendent, one person selected
by the denominational colleges, the superintendent of the
largest city in the state, and one person selected by the Cath-
olic Educational Association.

The validation of certificates and diplomas issued by the
normal was arranged for as well. Graduates are first given
a certificate entitling them to teach in any grammar school or
one, two, and three year high school in the state. After six
months' successful experience a five-year certificate is issued,
which at the end of thirty months' successful teaching may
be exchanged for a life diploma. The holder of a normal
school diploma may act as city superintendent in any city in
the state.

The course of study was thoroughly revised and standard-
ized. The year is divided into four terms, and the subjects
are strictly prescribed. Greater emphasis is being placed on
training teachers for rural schools, and three rural schools
for practice teaching are operated. These are in the immediate
vicinity of the normal.

The plan of providing for acquaintance with rural school
methods and conditions resembles that in use in Rhode Island.
A regular teacher, part of whose salary is paid by the state and
part by the local district is appointed. Student teachers are
sent to the school, first to observe, and second to teach While
teaching, the students are required to live in the district, and
their period of apprenticeship is about four weeks. This train-
ing is supplemented by work in the practice school at Mon-
mouth or Independence.

162 JOHN C. ALMACK

In 1917, a law was passed authorizing districts to use public
schools for training school purposes. This measure was en-
acted to make it possible for Monmouth to utilize the public
school at Independence, two miles from the normal. About
180 pupils were added by this arrangement, making a total
of about 400 pupils in the training school.

The report of a visiting committee of the legislature on the
training school facilities at Monmouth has been referred to.
Notwithstanding the adverse account, $50,000 was set aside
for a new training school building. This building was con-
structed in 1915. It is unique in that the designers had a
specific purpose in mind: that of providing a model training
school. It has valuable original features in arrangement of
rooms and of equipment.

Two other improvements have been made in the way of
buildings. One is a new assembly hall completed in 1917,
capable of seating 1,000 people. The other is a new dormitory
for women, built at a cost of $50,000. This accommodates
120 students, is beautifully and tastefully furnished, and well
equipped. Adjacent to it has recently been built a small house
known as the senior cottage. This building was paid for from
surplus funds in the dormitory budget.

The year that the legislature made provision for the rejuve-
enescence, of Monmouth, a law was approved that is of great
significance to the development of normal schools. This was
the elementary teachers' training act. By this law a normal
training course may be given in any high school in the state,
provided the enrollment in the class is not fewer than eight.
On the completion of the two year course, a certificate good
for two years entitling the holder to teach in any rural school
or elementary grade in the state is issued. Nearly all the
accredited or standard high schools of the state offer this
course. The high school has thus become a competitor of the
normal.

In 1913 Monmouth asked the legislature to make an appro-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 163

priation which could be drawn upon to pay the traveling ex-
penses of students who came one hundred miles to attend the
school, the motive clearly being" to answer some of the argu-
ments in favor of restoring the schools at Weston and Ashland
on account of the long distances to be covered between Eastern
and Southern Oregon and Monmouth. The bill went through
the legislature safely enough, but was vetoed by Governor
Oswald West with the succinct comment : "I can see no good
reason for signing it." The bill came up again in 1919, but
met its Waterloo in the senate.

Having failed in the initiative, Ashland and Weston in 1913
tried a new tack. They persuaded the legislature to create
the schools, on the understanding that the referendum clause
would be attached. The scheme succeeded, and the proposi-
tion was put to the test in 1914. A tax of 1/40 of a mill on
the dollar was asked for — values having increased considerably
since 1909.53

Ashland put up pretentious arguments: the small cost to
each taxpayer ; the need, since Monmouth graduated only 100
students a year while 800 were required ; the desirable location
and favorable environment; and the fact that she had ever
lent her aid to the agricultural college and the university. She
closed with an appeal for the children in Southern Oregon
who were without teachers.

Weston's arguments were less specious. She referred to the
great need of teachers in Eastern Orgon, illustrated the small
cost in a concrete fashion, and again referred to the value of
the unused plant. No arguments were filed against the nor-
mals, and the campaign was a quiet one. But the apparent
apathy was no index to the results: the normals lost by a
decisive vote: Ashland by a majority of 25,602; Weston by
17,895. The Willamette Valley cast the big proportion of the
negative votes. ^113

One would have thought the results of the elections of 1910
and 1914 would have discouraged similar appeals to the people.

53 The assessed valuation of all Oregon property was in 1909 only
$694,727,631.90; in 1914 it had increased to $932,413,080. 1/40 of a mill tax
would have brought in approximately the same revenue as 1 /25 of a mill in 1909.

164 JOHN C. ALMACK

Not so. Two years after the failure of the referendum, the
commercial club of Pendleton initiated a measure, shrewdly
drawn, and backed up by excellent arguments and a strong
organization. It asked for a levy of 1/25 of a mill for the
support of each of two schools — one at Pendleton, the other
at Ashland — and for a building appropriation of $125,000. But
more interesting than these items were the clauses validating
the locations of certain state institutions.

Under the state constitution, all state institutions shall be
located within an area no more than five miles from the
capital — Salem in Marion County. The Pendleton Commercial
Club claimed that the Monmouth Normal, the Agricultural
College at Corvallis, and the State University at Eugene had
been established in these places illegally. Technically speaking
these were therefore not state institutions, and could not be
given state aid. The initiative bill proposed to validate these
locations by a vote of the people, make provisions for the Ash-
land Normal, and for the new normal to be built on a suitable
site donated by the city of Pendleton. The arguments said
the institutions before mentioned had been established con-
trary to the constitution, but admitted that the act of 1908
validated these by inference. The introduction of the refer-
ence to other state institutions seems to have been for the
purpose of drawing votes from people alarmed over the con-
dition of invalidated and illegal institutions, particularly in
places where these were located.

The arguments were well drawn and substantiated by facts
and figures. In substance they were :

"A great need exists for trained teachers. Out of 6055
teaching in the state, only 791 are normal graduates. This is
only 13% of the total ; therefore 87% are not properly trained.

"In 1903, 80% of the applicants for certificates had had no
training above the eighth grade.

"1,000 new teachers are needed every year.

"Oregon students are now going to normals in Washington

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 165

and California. The majority of these do not return to teach
in Oregon.

"Pendleton has many advantages as a site for a normal
school :

Excellent training school facilities ;

An abundant supply of pure water; a healthful location;

Excellent railroads affording access from any part of the
state ;

Sufficient housing capacity to take care of the students ;

A good city library, a new natatorium, and a stadium."
Weston offered the negative arguments. Mention was made
that the state already had an adequate plant at Weston, and
from the point of view of economy it was better to make use
of it than to spend $125,000 for a new one. The senate was
blamed for the failure to support Weston in 1909, and the
statement made that Pendleton had one state institution — the
Eastern Oregon branch of the asylum for the insane. As a
clincher, Weston said the establishment of a normal at Pendle-
ton would mean a return to the old log-rolling practices of
other days, thus using with good effect arguments which had
been her own undoing. At all events, the Pendleton normal
school proposition was voted down, the vote standing for the
normal 96,820, and against 109,523.

Again in 1918 Ashland came back with a new plan. It was
a referendum measure giving permanent support to the Ash-
land school by a tax of 1/25 of a mill, and further appropriated
$125,000 for buildings for a new school to be located in Eastern
Oregon, the site to be selected by the board of regents, grounds
being donated by the fortunate city. A 1/25 mill tax was
included for the proposed new institution. Weston considered
making a third attempt, but felt it was hopeless. Hermiston
had ambitions to become a normal school town, and offered
a site of twelve acres, which Hermiston citizens said was worth
$1,000 an acre. Hood River also deliberated on asking for a
normal, but wisely withdrew. Something of the attitude of

166 JOHN C. ALMACK

Eastern Oregon cities towards Weston may be gathered from
an editorial in the East Oregonian, published at Pendleton, and
quoted in the Weston Leader February llth, 1919:

"Should the Weston school ask for support under the initia-
tive, but fail to receive favorable action by the people, then the
field will become open to all towns of Eastern Oregon. Where
the school should be located in the event Weston's proposed
initiative measure loses out is a matter for future considera-
tion."

But Weston refrained, and Ashland's plan was tried. The
arguments for the bill were the usual ones and were advanced
by the board of normal school regents. The regents an-
nounced that in the event of the vote being favorable, building
operations would not be commenced until the end of the war.
This qualification was unnecessary as the proposition lost by
a big majority : 49,935 for, 66,070 against. Willamette Valley
again voted solidly against the normals.

One feature that accompanied the last two election contests —
a feature that dates back to 1880 — was the proposal strongly
advocated in some quarters that the University and Agricul-
tural College should train elementary teachers. In recent
years Mrs. Herbert Armstrong of North Bend has been the
most persistent exponent of the idea. In a circular distributed
in 1918 by the supporters of the plan it is said that "all over
the country colleges and universities are educating grade
teachers, while not a dozen normal schools have been estab-
lished in 20 years." In contradiction to the last part of the
assertion are the figures given by the state superintendent in a
circular on certification published in 1919 showing that the
increase in the number of normal schools has been from 131
to 234 in twenty-five years, a growth equal to 80%. Attend-
ance in the same period has reached 221% and the number
of graduates 365%. This matter will be considered in the dis-
cussion of methods of solving the normal school problem in
later pages.

Ashland will unquestionably make application for financial
assistance either to the legislature or to the people in the im-

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 167

mediate future.54 Plans are under way to open up the ques-
tion, and the first appeal will be made beyond doubt to the as-
sembly in 1921. Representatives of the Portland Chamber of
Commerce made an excursion through Southern Oregon in
October, 1919, and on the 16th stopped at Ashland. At a
meeting with Ashland business men the matter of reviving the
normal was brought up, and it was the unanimous pledge of
the trade excursionists that the support of the Portland dele-
gation would be given when next the school asks for support.
The normal school issue is therefore still alive.

The educational outlook in Oregon is exceedingly promising.
We stand on the threshold of a new era of economic develop-
ment. The state has within its borders the fourth greatest city
on the Pacific slope. Manufacturing and shipbuilding are rap-
idly becoming great industries. Foreign trade has more than
doubled in the last three years. The Columbia river and the
great coast indentations and rivers are not only profitable fish-
ing grounds, but afford unrivalled harbor facilities. The de-
velopment of wagon roads, the use of motor vehicles, and the
construction of electric railroads have removed the greatest
obstacle to the growth of the state — lack of means of trans-
portation. Each year sees more and more of the abundant
water power of the state utilized.

The timber resources are the greatest on the continent.
Western and Southern Oregon are the leading forest sections
of the state. There is over 60,000,000,000 feet of standing
timber in Lane County alone — a quantity that cannot be com-
prehended. The lumbering industry is now the most pros-
perous in the history of the state, and only the beginning has
been made. Agriculture in the Willamette Valley and in
Eastern Oregon is in its infancy. New lands are being put
under cultivation, and irrigated areas extended. The most
famous fruit growing lands in the world are within the state.

54 The Eugene Daily Guard of November 13, 1919, had this to say on the
normal question in its editorial columns: "The state normal at Monmouth is about
the only educational institution in the country which reports an abnormally small
enrollment this year. The condition presented in Oregon should be a strong argu-
ment against the founding of two more state normal schools, a proposition that will
be on the ballot next fall. It would be better to add teacher training courses to
the curriculum, of both the university and the agricultural college."

168 JOHN C. ALMACK 9

The mountains are rich in minerals, but these are almost
wholly untouched. Within the vast areas of Oregon — an area
greater than Illinois and Indiana combined — are valuable re-
sources as yet practically undeveloped. The estimated popu-
lation is one million — over six times what it was when the
first normals were established — while there is over thirty times
as much wealth.

The people are progressive, and thoroughly believe in public
education. The broad valleys, the noble forests, the shining
mountains, the rich resources are not Oregon, but, as Horace
Mann said of Massachusetts, "her noble men, her pure and
exalted women, the children in all her schools, whose daily
lessons are the preludes and rehearsals of the great duties of
life, and the prophecies of future eminence — these are the
State." The future destiny of the state and the nation rests
with the public schools, which in turn depend upon the fidelity
and efficiency of the teacher. To have good schools we must
have trained and educated teachers, and for their training we
must look to the normal schools. Oregon has the opportunity.
Much has already been done. The great educational need of
the state is properly qualified teachers. Certainly the people
will provide agencies for their training.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ORIGINAL SOURCES

1. Oregon School Laws, 1882, 1885, 1889, 1893, 1907, 1911,
1913-17.

2. Arguments on Initiative and Referendum Measures,
1905, 1909, 1913, 1915, 1917, 1919.

3. Reports of Boards of Regents, 1907-1918.

4. Reports of State Superintendent, 1872-1919.

5. Governors' Messages and Addresses, 1893, 1895, 1899,
1903, 1907.

6. Oregon Blue Book (statistics on elections, population
and wealth) 1911-1919.

7. Catalogues, 1882-1919.

OREGON NORMAL SCHOOLS 169

8. Records of enrollment, grades, and income Drain Nor-
mal, 1907-1909; Minutes of Zamzamian Literary Society, 1902-
1910.

9. Proceedings of State Teachers' Association, 1879, 1905-
1917.

10. Letters and Interviews.

SECONDARY MATERIAL

1. Oregon Teachers' Monthly, 1902, 1905, 1909, 1911, 1915.

2. The Educational Journal, 1870.

3. The Oregonian, 1870-1919. Especially January, Febru-
ary and March, 1909.

4. The Oregon Journal, 1905-1919.

5. The Oregon Voter, 1914-1919.

6. The Eugene Register, 1909.

7. The Ashland Tidings, January, February, March, 1909.

8. The Blue Mountain Eagle, February 12, 1909.

9. Corvallis Gazette, February 26, 1909.

10. State Normal School Systems of the United States. —
H. D. Sheldon, 1905.

11. Rise and Growth of the Normal School Idea. — J. P.
Gordy, 1891.

12. The Oregon System.— Allen Eaton, 1912.

13. History of Education in the United States. — E. G.
Dexter, 1904.

14. Pennsylvania State Normal Schools and Public School
Systems.— E. O. Holland, 1912.

15. The Weston Leader, January, February, 1909, May,
1910.

16. Roseburg Review, February, 1909.

17. The Umpqua Valley News, February, 1909.

18. The Portland Survey, page 184. — Elwood P. Cubberley
and others, 1913.

19. The Wisconsin Normal Schools, a Survey, — A. N.
Farmer, 1914.

20. An Educational Survey of Alabama. Federal Bureau
of Education, 1919.

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WHO

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXI SEPTEMBER, 1920 NUMBER 3

Copyright, 1920, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

EWING YOUNG AND HIS ESTATE

A CHAPTER IN THE ECONOMIC AND COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT OF OREGON

By F. G. Young

EWING YOUNG, LEADER OF THE FIRST OREGON COMMUNITY

ENTERPRISE

On the twenty-second of December, 1836, the American brig
Loriot from Oahu, one of the Hawaiian Islands, approached
Cape Disappointment at the mouth of the Columbia. The ves-
sel bore William A. Slacum, commissioned by the President
of the United States to "obtain information in relation to the
settlements on the Oregon River." "The wind was high from
the westward," he says, "and the bar presented a terrific ap-
pearance, breaking entirely across the channel from the north
to the south shoals."1 But the passage was attempted, the bar
safely crossed and Slacum was within the confines of the Ore-
gon country. After a stay of just a month and a day the Loriot
was again descending the Columbia on her return voyage with
the intention of going via California. Outward bound the ves-
sel had on board, in addition to the people who had come in
on her, Ewing Young with ten other Oregonians under his
leadership who were setting out as representatives for the
recently organized Willamette Cattle Company to secure an

i Slacum's Report on Oregon, 1836-7, reprinted in the Quarterly of the Oregon
Historical Society, v. XIII, p. i8a.

172 F. G. YOUNG

adequate supply of cattle from California for the young and
growing settlement on the Willamette. These were to be
driven north across deep rivers and through some five hun-
dred miles of mountain fastnesses infested with savages, whose
attacks had almost annihilated several parties attempting this
route. This cattle expedition was the first community enter-
prise backed by all the elements occupying the Oregon region
and if successfully carried out — as it was — meant for this
Pacific Coast settlement unity in associated effort, the means
for a rapidly rising standard of living and fully assured suc-
cess for the American settlers there in their venture as a far-
removed colony of civilized humanity. Furthermore, the or-
ganization of the Willamette Cattle Company with the leader-
ship entrusted to Ewing Young signalized the secure ascendancy
of democratic relationships where up to this time benevolent
autocracy had ruled. The initiation of this project is to be
credited to William A. Slacum. The management of it in the
trying ordeals involved in the execution of it fell upon Ewing
Young, aided by his company of hardy and stout-hearted
mountaineers.

THE OREGON SETTLEMENT IN THE WINTER OF 1836-72

To appreciate fully the significance of this dramatic turn in
the course of Oregon development it will be necessary to get
a more intimate view of the situation on the Oregon stage
when Slacum at the request of President Andrew Jackson
made his visit of inspection. The authorities at Washington
had probably been moved to this step by the then recently
published reports of Captain Bonneville and Hall J. Kelley.
The latter particularly had sounded a note of alarm for the
American interests in Oregon. Under the arrangement of
joint occupation, the British interests represented by the Hud-
son's Bay Company had gained decided advantage which they
were pressing to a limit that amounted to the oppression and
certain discomfiture of such American traders and settlers

2 Ibid, pp. 183-198, for the facts used and the quotations made in th« interpre-
tation of the situation on the Willamette in the winter of 1836-7.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 173

as were attempting to gain a foothold there. Under these
circumstances the experiences of Mr. Slacum as the agent of
the American government in spying out the situation are nat-
urally interesting. He had no sooner entered the Columbia
before he found that the Hudson's Bay Company had matters
well in hand. Two of the Company's ships outward bound
laden with valuable cargoes were met as he approached Fort
George, the guard post at the sea entrance to this domain.

The authorities were keenly alert when apprised of the
arrival of an American vessel without a cargo. In a few days
he had duplicate invitations to visit the center of operations,
Fort Vancouver, and soon was embarked thither in a boat of
one of the partners, Mr. Douglass. On his arrival he "met
a hospitable reception" from the chief factors, Dr. John Mc-
Loughlin and Mr. Duncan Finlayson. It was made agree-
able for him to use nearly half of the period of his stay in
Oregon in visiting the farm of the post and the Indian lodges
about it. He estimated the whole number of persons there
congregated as from 750 to 800. The farm of 3,000 acres
in cultivation was producing some 20,000 bushels of grain,
9,000 bushels of peas and 14,000 bushels of potatoes. Its live
stock consisted of 1,000 head of cattle, 700 hogs, 200 sheep,
450 to 500 horses, and 40 yoke of working oxen.

When ready to make a survey of the American establish-
ments up the Willamette he was furnished with canoe, oarsmen
and all necessaries for the trip. He ascended the river to
Champoeg and the settlements in its vicinity. To Champoeg
Jason Lee had come to meet him as Dr. McLoughlin had ar-
ranged. They visited all the settlers of the lower settlement, and
the next day the mission house and upper settlement some eigh-
teen miles from Champoeg. On French Prairie, stretching on
from Champoeg to the mission station, he lists thirteen retired
servants of the Hudson's Bay Company, quite a proportion of
whom had established themselves four or five years before.

174 F. G. YOUNG

They were, all told, cultivating some 550 acres and had raised
over 7,000 bushels of wheat the preceding season and kept
154 horses and 400 hogs. These settlers, "although freemen
in every sense of the word [were considered] still subject to
the protection and authority, otherwise thraldom of the Hudson
Bay Company — it being only necessary for the authorities at
Vancouver to say, 'if you disobey my orders, your supplies shall
be cut off," Mr. Slacum goes on to say, "and the settler knows
at once that his few comforts, nay, necessaries of life, are
stopped, rendering him more miserable than the savage that
lurks around his dwelling." At the mission station the four
men had 150 acres enclosed and had during the preceding sea-
son harvested some 600 bushels of grain, 200 bushels of peas
and 320 of potatoes. These missionaries were as much be-
holden to and dependent upon the graciousness of Dr. Mc-
Loughlin as were the ex-servants. Scattered in different direc-
tions in this general region were some 20 independent Ameri-
cans, some half a dozen of whom had separated themselves
from the Wyeth expeditions of 1832 and 1834, nine or ten had
come up from California with Ewing Young in 1834. The
farm establishments of these excepting Young's do not seem
to have impressed Slacum if he saw them.

Although Slacum does not mention the wreckage of an
establishment at what had been Fort William on Sauvie's
Island at the mouth of the Willamette, the vestiges of Nath-
aniel J. Wyeth's two efforts to get a foothold in Oregon, the
forces operating in the Oregon country to produce such results,
this inspector did detect. For he says "some steps must be
taken by our Government to protect the settlers and the trader,
not from the hostility of the Indians, but from a much more
formidable enemy, that any American trading house establish-
ing itself on the Wilhamet or the Columbia would have to en-
counter, in the Hudson Bay Company." On the other hand he
admits "Mr. Lee acknowledges the kindest assistance from Dr.
McLoughlin, of Fort Vancouver, who gave him the use of
horses, oxen, and milch cows and furnished him with all his

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 175

supplies." But just across the river from the mission lived
Ewing Young who said to Slacum, "A cloud hung over him
so long, through Dr. McLoughlin's influence, that he was
almost maddened by the harsh treatment he had received from
that gentleman." It should be noted that this was two years
and a half after Ewing Young had arrived from California
and the false charge lodged against him that he was at the
head of a party of horse thieves. The exemplary conduct of
himself and his associates had not sufficed to secure that at-
titude toward him on the part of the Hudson's Bay Company
authorities, or of those under their influence, including the mis-
sion people, but that he felt that he was an outcast. Young
had some 81 horses and mules, about half as many as all the
rest of the settlement, and only twenty-nine acres in cultiva-
tion on which to use them. Evidently the order given by Dr.
McLoughlin on Young's arrival in the country that the Can-
adian farmers should not trade with him continued to be in
force. The hostile boycott was still effective. It meant, and
was intended to mean, eventual exclusion from Oregon. Young
had become desperate. If he could not get into relations of
mutual advantage and co-operation with his fellowmen and
neighbors through exchange of his surplus of beaver skins,
horses or wheat for the vital necessities of a civilized life he
proposed to erect a distillery and offer a commodity for which
white man and Indian would risk the danger of the displeasure
of the Hudson's Bay Company and their own destruction as
well. Accordingly a caldron had been secured from the dis-
mantled establishment at Fort William, a building completed,
the arch raised and the boiler set for use as a still.3 Jason Lee
with the missionaries now rightly became active in the organ-
ization of a defense against this menace to the community.
A temperance society was formed which sent a courteous plea
to Young to desist and offered remuneration for the expenses
already incurred. It was at this stage that Slacum appeared
on the scene.

3 White, Ten Years in Oregon, p. 78.

176 F. G. YOUNG

SLACUM'S MEDIATION REMOVES THE Two IMPEDIMENTS TO
PROGRESS IN THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY

The situation was decidedly feudal so far as the Canadian
settlers and the missionaries were concerned and them it did
not chafe. Ewing Young would have none of it. No con-
descension or patronage for him. He had been accustomed
to association on a democratic basis. In a fair free-for-all
allotment of roles he had regularly been accorded leadership.
He naturally could not brook authority — although exercised in
as kindly and just a spirit as was Dr. McLoughlin's — that had
its source in a charter from the hand of the divine-right Stew-
art as king of England.

Slacum found two related and yet somewhat distinct diffi-
culties that called for adjustment if peace, progress and hap-
piness were to dwell on the Willamette. One of these has
been pointed out. Ewing Young provoked by the mistaken
indictment continued against him had challenged autocracy
with its presumptions that involved personal and social in-
justice. The other factor in the situation calling for adjust-
ment was a repressive economic policy enforced against all
alike. The significance of the refusal of the Hudson's Bay
Company to sell a head of cattle to any settler on the Wil-
lamette can probably be best illustrated through reference to
the niggardliness of nature to the aboriginal human species on
the western continent. She failed to develop among its fauna
any species of animals comparable to the wild horse, or the
wild ox that could on domestication be made the burden
bearer, the source of power for the cultivation of the soil and
the source of nourishing milk for the young. (The bison or
buffalo had spread over the northern half of the continent in
very recent centuries.) It was mainly because of this disparity
in the provisions for man on the two continents that had
enabled the white man to distance in his progress in civiliza-
tion the red man by half a millenium at the time of their meet-
ing through the discovery of America by Columbus.4

4 Payne, History of America, v. i, pp. 316-31.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 177

Suppose we take Dr. McLoughlin's own statement of the
policy pursued in this matter: "Every settler had as much
wheat on loan as he wanted to begin with, and I lent them
each two cows, as in 1825 we had only twenty-seven head, big
and small, old and young.

"If I sold they would of course be entitled to the increase,
and I would not have the means to assist the new settlers, and
the settlement would be retarded, as those purchasers who
offered me two hundred dollars for a cow would put such
a price on the increase as would put it out of the power of
poor settlers to buy. This would prevent industrious men
settling. For these reasons I would not sell but loaned, as I
say, two cows to each settler, and in case the increase of set-
tlers might be greater than we could afford to supply with
cattle, I reserved the right to take any cattle I required (above
his two cows) from any settler to assist new settlers.

"To the Methodist Mission, as it was a public institution,
I lent seven oxen, one bull and eight cows with their calves."5
In case the cattle died through some accident as poisoning,
the persons holding them were not charged with their value.

Granting that this policy was fully justified in 1825, in 1837
it was still continued when the farm at Fort Vancouver had
one thousand head of cattle and a proportional supply
of other live stock. At the same time Slacum reports: "In
the course of conversation with Mr. Lee, Young, and other
settlers, I found that nothing was wanting to insure comfort,
wealth, and every happiness to the people of this most beau-
tiful country but the possession of neat cattle, all of those in
the country being owned by the Hudson's Bay Company, who
refuse to sell them under any circumstances whatever."6 With
this sore need of cattle by the Oregon settler, with cattle galore
in California, with the presence of a natural and experienced
leader pining for just such responsibility as that of the enter-
prise of bringing a supply to Oregon, the combination that

5 Dr. John McLoughlin, Document among his private papers, printed in
Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1880, pp. 51-3.

6 Slacum's Report, op. cit. p. 196.

178 F. G. YOUNG

made an epoch in Oregon history naturally flashed upon the
mind of Slacum. A public meeting was called at "Camp Maud
du Sable" [Champoeg] to consider the project. An organiza-
tion was effected. Young was appointed "leader." Funds
were provided. At this meeting too the "Canadians" were
assured that their pre-emption rights to their farms would be
respected and that "ere long some steps might be taken to open a
trade and commerce with the country [Oregon]"7 so that their
wheat might be marketed at $1.50 instead of at 50 cents per
bushel, payable in goods at 50 per cent advance of London
price. This meeting registers the shifting of the missionaries
from allegiance to the Hudson's Bay Company's authority to
alliance with the independent American settlers. It brought
into evidence too the magnanimity of Dr. McLoughlin and his
associate chief factor at Fort Vancouver for they subscribed
liberally to the venture.8 Thus this meeting on the thirteenth of
January, 1837, at Champoeg really made inevitable that of
May 2, six years later. Here the spirit of independence and co-
operation was born and steps taken to insure a more abundant
and progressive life in the Oregon colony. So impressed were
the missionaries with the changed conditions of life that issued
from the undertaking here instituted that the natural expres-
sion of their sentiment regarding it was : "Bless God for
Brother Slacum's providential arrival among us."9 This com-
munity enterprise did secure not merely the sources of a bounti-
ful supply of milk and steaks for the table and of draft oxen
for the cultivation of the fields, but it meant active cooperation
on a democratic basis where hitherto there had been patronage
and bitter estrangement. And yet Slacum's achievement lay
not so much in the fact that he had brought to the support of
the venture Jason Lee and Dr. McLoughlin, the leaders of the
Missionaries and the Hudson's Bay Company respectively, but
rather in that all had been constrained to support the natural
leader for the undertaking, one whom they but recently had
treated as an outcast and who in retaliation had been threaten-

7 Ibid, pp. 196-7.

8 Documentary Record of Ewing Young and His Estate, appendix to this
paper, II, Treasurer's Statement, p. 208.

9 W. H. Gray, History of Oregon, p. 155.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 179

ing the settlement and the region with a curse which, if per-
sisted in, would have been worse than civil war. In place of
division and imminent embroilment for the settlement Slacum
had with discerning and diplomatic mediation during the few
days around the middle of January, 1837, brought harmony
and concert of effort in the direction of supplying the most
vital needs of the settlement for advancement. The projected
distillery of Ewing Young's across the Willamette from the
mission was dismantled and he was in charge of the Oregon
settlement's most important enterprise. Young, through
Slacum's intervention, had exchanged the brand of an outcast
and the contemplated role of a destroyer to that of commis-
sioned leadership in the community's most vital means to
progress. One would have supposed that between such right-
minded and sagacious leaders as Lee, McLoughlin and Young
such a situation as that from which the colony had just been
rescued would have been forestalled in its incipient stages. But
affairs were assuming an increasingly ugly and critical aspect
until Slacum arrived and through a master stroke of service
ensured sobriety, peace, prosperity and continued progress for
this pioneer American occupation of the Pacific slope.

GETTING THE FIRST CATTLE FROM CALIFORNIA CALLED FOR
DIPLOMACY AS WELL AS DARING AND SAGACITY

With the Oregon cattle party safely landed at Bodega, Cali-
fornia, Slacum's role as benefactor of Oregon was ended. He
had been sent to Oregon merely to inspect a situation from
which a report had gone forth that trouble was brewing for
American interests. He had intervened and initiated just the
co-operative project that, carried out, opened the way to re-
lease and peaceful expansion. The next phase in the realiza-
tion of this definite prospect of independence and development
for the American settlement in Oregon was that of securing
possession of California cattle and getting them safely to
Oregon. It was necessary first for Young to secure the re-

180 F. G. YOUNG

versal of the traditional policy that forbade such exportation.
Young- won over Vallejo, the military authority, Governor
Alvarado and the President of the Missions. These prevailed
upon the council or "deputation" to change its vote after hav-
ing once refused permission.10 Only with Herculean effort
did the Oregon party succeed in swimming their droves across
the San Joaquin and other large rivers on their way home.
Then there was ahead of them a stretch of some five hundred
miles of mountain barriers, "Alps on Alps" that mingled their
summits with the clouds. As several members of the party
were survivors of massacres suffered by the Jedediah S. Smith
and other expeditions in passing through this region they
could not be restrained from acts of retaliation, and thus soon
the fastnesses around them were full of lurking savages intent
on cutting off those engaged in this desperate undertaking.11
However, all arrived safely and in good spirits at the settle-
ments about the middle of October with six hundred and thirty
head, two hundred having been lost by the way.12 The pur-
chase price and cost of bringing them to Oregon brought
the cost to the settler up to seven dollars and sixty-seven cents
a head.

THE PLAY OF THE ECONOMIC FORCES IN THE MAKING OF EARLY
OREGON is REVEALED IN THE YOUNG DOCUMENTS

No sooner was this achievement for community advancement
consummated than another of only less degree of importance
for the welfare of the settlers was projected by Young and
rapidly pushed to realization. As their newly acquired herds
would make available for them the riches of the "finest graz-
ing country in the world/'13 so a sawmill would make it pos-
sible for them to command for their dwellings and other
buildings lumber from the best forests. Such a mill was soon

10 Bancroft, History of California, v. IV, p. 86; History of Oregon, v. I, p.
144; Documentary Record, appendix, II — Ewing Young's Petition to the Governor
of California; Diary of Col. Philip L. Edwards, p. 20.

1 1 Edwards Diary, pp. 22-47.

12 Bancroft, History of Oregon, v. I, p. 149.

13 Slacum's op. cit., p. 202.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 181

in operation "on the Chehalem creek near its confluence with
the Willamette."14

For a wonder we are not at loss to know what Ewing Young
as the natural, recognized but uncommissioned leader in con-
structive enterprise in this early Oregon community did during
the years 1838, '39 and '40, while his physical strength lasted.
We have records also containing data for estimating the meas-
ure and mode of influence upon the community that issued from
the fact that his accumulations at his death intestate in Febru-
ary, 1841, and without known heirs, became the common wealth
of the Oregon community. This advantage of a unique degree
of light on the doings of Ewing Young away back in the clos-
ing years of the thirties of last century is due to the preserva-
tion of his accounting records and those of the administrators
of his estate that was required because the Territory pledged
itself to reimburse any lawful heir or heirs should any appear.
It might have, as it did have, occasion to consult these records
to determine its liabilities on this score.15 This prime source
material for illuminating an epochal turn in the course of events
in Oregon has been available for three quarters of a century
in the archives of the territory and later the state of Oregon.
As a body of financial statistics without arrangement it has not
invited deliberate examination. Through the gracious courtesy
of the former Secretary of State, Ben W. Olcott, and the
present Secretary, Sam A. Kozer, and their aids, encourage-
ment was given to persevere in making it available to the stu-
dents of western history. These documents shall be allowed
to tell their own story with only a running line of suggestion
to show the thread of sequence.

It seems timely too in the interest of a real understanding
of the forces operating in the making of Oregon that this
material should be utilized. The emphasis in the telling of the
story of the life and the affairs of early Oregon has always
been strongly on the religious and the political movements. The
saving of the souls of the natives of the Pacific Northwest

14 Courtney M. Walter, Transactions of th* Oregon Pioneer Association,
1880, p. 58.

1 5 Documentary Record of Ewing Young and his Estate, Appendix, I, p. 197.

182

F. G. YOUNG

was an impelling motive that brought a goodly share of the
leading spirits among the earliest settlers. The purpose to
secure this desirable region to the United States so as to have
a national domain four square and facing both oceans actuated
spirits like Thomas Jefferson, Hall J. Kelley, Thomas H.
Benton. But the projects instigated by these would all
have been retarded, they would have languished and possibly
have been defeated, had not provision been made to make life
worth living in Oregon for the American settler. Ewing
Young's leadership and activities prevented a partial relapse
to the privations of barbarism in this isolated community and
gave the impulse to an advancing standard of living in matters
of food, shelter and power to utilize the natural resources.

The personality of Ewing Young expressed itself creatively
in the field of economic progress rather than in religion and
politics. But it should be noticed that the records show among
his belongings a two-volume edition of Shakespeare that he
had probably borne along with him through almost intermin-
able wanderings as a trapper and trader, from his eastern
Tennessee home along the Santa Fe Trail, on beaver hunting
trips into the northern provinces of Mexico, back and forth
between New Mexico and California, up and down and across
the wide dimensions of California and then on that terrifying
trip with nearly a hundred horses through the Rogue River
Indian country to Oregon.16 His mental calibre was such that
he found his real refreshment and recreation in having his
thought move along with that of this mental giant of the ages.
In taking the measure of Ewing Young as he was advanced
so quickly to leadership in the Oregon community it should
be noted that it was without the aid of a subsidy of missionary
funds and organization, and also without the backing of the
well-knit, privileged and strongly capitalized old-world fur
company. He relied only on democratic influence. He was
the original exponent of democratic procedure and organization
in Oregon expansion.

1 6 Ibid, VIII, p. 266, a8o.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 183

The body of documentary records pertaining to Ewing
Young and his estate made accessible in this number of the
Quarterly bring out not merely his work in Oregon develop-'
ment but also indicate the play of economic motive in first
bringing into existence an actual public mind of the com-
munity so that it sought expression in political organization.
In the interest of gaining a view of the early conditions true
to reality it would seem advisable to review these hitherto
overlooked economic forces. With the aid of the items of the
accounts produced here it is easy to build up a mental picture
of his home on the Chehalem as a center of distribution. First,
there was the drove of nearly a hundred horses and mules
brought by him in the fall of 1834. These of course moved
slowly in exchange because of the general interdict of Dr.
McLoughlin. Then in October of 1837 his corral held more
than six hundred cattle, which with their increase were to
become in due time the possessions of the settlers distributed
in all directions. Then the very next year we see the first
saw mill in all the valley arising there and soon through the
years 1838, '39 and '40 a regular procession of loads of lumber
is leaving that mill destined to the different homesteads.
During these years the settlers were for the first time equipped
to enlarge rapidly their cultivated fields and to provide ade-
quate and fitting shelter for themselves and their animals. If
we direct our attention more closely to the Ewing Young
establishment the items of the accounts show a service of
exchange. For the beaver, wheat and other productions of the
settlers, articles of supplies were provided by his depot. More
than that, in the almost money-less community the functioning
of a clearing house is strongly in evidence in these records.
In a word, because of his untiring activity Ewing Young's
establishment during these years served for the community as
virtually a market place, a store, a bank and a factory as
well as the largest farm. W. H. Gray says he was "a stir-

184 F. G. YOUNG

ring, ambitious man";17 and Courtney M. Walker pays him
the tribute of being "a very candid and scrupulously honest
man; was thoroughgoing, brave and daring."18 Is it any
wonder then that with his activities he was functioning as a
unifying and community making center for this outlying set-
tlement ?

UNITY IN ECONOMIC INTERESTS AND ACTIVITIES IMPEL TO
POLITICAL ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION

Fort Vancouver necessarily continued to be the chief pri-
mary source of the wide range of the manufactured supplies
indispensable for civilized existence. It had the only effective
line of communication with the outside world. But for an
adequate supply of such fundamental needs as those of meat
and milk for the table, and sawed lumber for capacious living
quarters the early Oregon settler was beholden to the untiring
efforts of Ewing Young. With his death in February, 1841,
this personal influence towards unifying this settlement and
transforming the conditions of its existence came to a close
and the waning of his strength through the preceding year is
painfully evident in his accounting records. The responsibility
of administering the estate then devolved upon the settlers.
The impulse to organization thus given was effective. Meet-
ings of the nature of folkmoots were held on three successive
days from the hour of his funeral. At the third, a full meet-
ing of the inhabitants of the Willamette valley, at the Ameri-
can Mission house "Dr. Ira L. Babcock was appointed to fill
the office of Supreme Judge with probate powers."19 To him
were added requisite administrative officials. Furthermore, a
committee was chosen to frame a constitution and draft a code
of laws. On April 15th Mr. Babcock as Judge of Probate
appointed David Leslie "administrator of the affairs of the
late Ewing Young, yeoman, deceased, intestate . . ."20
These political developments are facts familiar to all students

17 Op. cit., p. 154-

18 Op. cit., p.

10 v^p. cit., p. 50.

19 J. Henry Brown, Political History of Oregon, v. I, p. 83.

20 Ibid, p. 85.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 185

of early Oregon history. However, the administration of his
estate brought about three other meetings which the records
here produced for the first time bring into general notice. In
course of the disposal of the property comprising the estate
three auctions were held by the administrator. The "minutes
of sales" are evidence of a full attendance of the settlers.
Then there were repeated participations of a considerable pro-
portion of the community in collecting the cattle and horses
for the sale days. Their association on these auction days and
their general co-operation in holding them was a schooling in
facility for unanimity in achieving their later political organ-
ization.21 In a word, the public mind and spirit for the deliber-
ation at the Champoeg meeting on May 2, 1843, had been
prepared for through the meeting six years before at the
same place for the organization of the California cattle expedi-
tion, and more recently by the auctions participated in on the
farm of Ewing Young across and up the river. Joseph L.
Meek, who successfully evoked response and decision at the
political meeting, had previously trained for this as auctioneer
at Chehalem. And George Le Breton was naturally suggested
as secretary, for he had served as clerk at the auctions.

Bancroft holds that "From the presence of Ewing Young
in Oregon sprang two important events in the settlement of
the country: the coming of an authorized agent of the United
States, and the disinthralment of the settlers from what they
felt to be the oppressive bondage of the fur company. By his
death Ewing Young gave the colony a further and still more
important impulse. . . ."22 (The reference is to the move-
ment for complete political organization.) Using as the basis
of my claims data referring to the vital every day interests of
the settlers I have tried to show how he had even a more direct
and far-reaching part in early Oregon development. It is now
in place to turn to the background of his earlier preparatory
experiences and career, so far as records available suffice to

21 Documentary Record, appendix, VIII, IX, X,

22 Bancroft, History of Oregon, v. I, p. 152,

186 F. G. YOUNG

reveal these, and from these get additional support for the
interpretation given, as well as a more real and satisfactory
view of one of the founders of Oregon.

THE WORLD OF ADVENTURE AND OPPORTUNITY TO WHICH
EWING YOUNG WAS LURED IN THE TWENTIES

By the early twenties of the 19th century enough of the
home-building pioneers had in their westward movement
crossed the Mississippi river to qualify Missouri for state-
hood. Up to this time the hunters, trappers and fur traders,
serving as scouts for the on-coming settler, had regularly fol-
lowed the courses of the water ways in penetrating the wilder-
ness. Now as the vanguard reached the great bend of the
Missouri river conditions counselled a change to an overland
advance. Several efforts to stem the swift currents beyond
this point through the long distance to the mountains had
proven arduous and virtually futile. Two salients were thus
at the beginning of the twenties being projected westward
across the prairies to the mountains and beyond.

The line of the Oregon trail pointed to the northwest and
served as the highway for traffic with the Indian tribes in that
quarter and with the mountain men as they exploited the fur
wealth of the mountain wildernesses. The other line of advance
across the prairies to the southwest was the Santa Fe trail
serving for similar traffic with the tribes of the southwest, but
also made a new short cut, and therefore preferred, line of
communication with an isolated outpost of civilization in that
region. Soon over the Oregon trail pressed the caravans of
settlers who were to save the Pacific Northwest and Upper
California to our jurisdiction. Along the Santa Fe trail moved
those who Americanized the vast region of the southwest so
that its cession to us by Mexico was inevitable and in accord-
ance with the principle of self-determination.

These two transcontinental highways had as a common start-
ing point the turn made by the Missouri from its long south-

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 187

ward to its eastward course across the state, where now stands
the metropolitan center, Kansas City. Then two outfitting
stations marked its now widely extended site. They were
known as Independence and Westport. The caravans setting
out, whether destined for the northwest or southwest, held for a
short stretch to a common course. Then those taking the
Oregon trail branch penetrated a wilderness year by year to a
more and more remote objective until early in the thirties
Wyeth pressed on in a continuous journey to meet the tidal
waves of the Pacific. The Oregon trail was thus fully opened
and reached the Oregon shore of the Pacific. On the other
hand the Santa Fe trail as its name indicates led to a long
established community the inhabitants of which, however, were
of a quite contrasted type of the white race to that of those
who were opening this trade route to them.

The incoming traffic on the Oregon trail naturally was
exclusively of furs secured in exchange for supplies for the
mountain trappers and for Indian trading goods taken out.
While the returning caravans on the Santa Fe trail also brought
fur packs from the Colorado mountains and, from the streams
in the then provinces of northern Mexico, specie extracted from
the mines in the interior of Mexico, and mules secured from
California soon became the more valuable imports. These
cargoes were obtained mainly through funds from the sale of
the dry goods of cotton and silk, and articles of hardware,
taken out. With the isolated dwellers on the upper Rio Grande
such staples were naturally in great demand. Along each route
similar dangers of attack by fierce tribes were to be guarded
against as they resented this invasion of their hunting grounds
and more the highhanded ruthlessness of the unworthy of the
white men.

Opportunities for profit and adventure were thus being
opened in these two theatres for trade. A spirit having the
audacity and resourcefulness of Ewing Young was naturally
challenged by them. St. Louis papers would bring accounts

188 F. G. YOUNG

of expeditions undertaken to him, hemmed in as he was in
his native region of east Tennessee. An inevitable attack of
wanderlust in the years of early manhood must snatch him
away into these new and alluring fields of enterprise. Into
which regional wilderness would he be swayed? Into that
of the northwest or of the southwest?

In all of his later and known career he never showed any
disposition to seek parleyings with the red man. He cannot
lie charged with any exploitation of him or any unprovoked
ruthlessness toward him. The Indian nature was too slow.
He wanted contact with those worthy of his mettle. Nor did
he hanker for the unique satisfactions of wilderness solitudes
as such. He was not an explorer. His persistent bent was for
leadership in carrying out projects, directly of use, at the head
of companies of men of his own race, and then too he con-
stitutionally had the strongest aversion to dominating mon-
opolies such as the American Fur Company in evidence on the
Oregon trail In view of these traits exhibited when he was
within the range of recording agencies we should search for
traces of him on the route of the Santa Fe trail as he is making
his way westward to California and Oregon where he was to
emerge into the clear light of history. And sure enough ! Mexi-
can documents of the nature of reports by the Governor of
New Mexico and others, to those higher in authority, on a
(rapping expedition to the Gila in 1826 under Ceran St. Vrain
contain the name of a "Joaquin Joon" as the leader of one of
the four divisions of the party.23 The basis for identifying
this name as the one Ewing Young went by in that region w®
have in an affidavit made by Kit Carson and two other resi-
dents of Taos in 1852. This affidavit says Ewing Young "was
railed by Mexican residents of this territory Joachin John. . . ."
In the parish record of the baptism of his son it is "Joaquin
John." In the California documents Bancroft says he was
often called "Joaquin Joven."25

23 Thomas Maitland Marshall, "St. Vrain's Expedition to the Gila in 1826"
m The Southwestern Historical Quarterly, v. XIX, p. 255.

24 Documentary Record, appendix, I, p. 200

25 Bancroft, History of California, v. Ill, p.

p. 174.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 189

MEXICAN DOCUMENTS AND THOSE OF THE PARISH OF TAOS,

NEW MEXICO, THROW LIGHT ON THE WESTWARD

MOVEMENT OF EWING YOUNG

In all probability, then, it was Ewing Young that one morn-
ing in May, 1826, left Fort Osage, Missouri, in an expedition
gotten up by Ceran St. Vrain. It was destined for the Rocky
Mountains. It arrived at Santa Fe probably late in June. On
the 29th of August, 1826, Antonio Narbona, governor of New
Mexico, issued at Santa Fe a passport to this company to "pass
to the state of Sonora for private trade."26 Complaints were
soon filed against them by Mexican beaver hunters and others
that they were threatening the extinction "of a product so
useful and so valuable;" that they were arrogant and "had
talked in an insolent manner," and that they were "getting
alarming quantities of peltries frequently without paying even
an eighth of the customs to the treasury."27 By 1830 Young
is clearly identified as an independent leader of trapping and
mule trading parties entering California.28 In one of these
expeditions he was a partner of David Waldo and David E.
Jackson, formerly an associate of Sublette.29 From this point
on in his career the California documents keep him clearly in
view. Only one definitely established and interesting fact is
known about him in that interim between his connection with
the St. Vrain expedition to the Gila and his final departure
from New Mexico to California in September, 1831. This fact
is certified to in the affidavit of Kit Carson and two residents
of Taos already referred to. Young seems for a time to have
identified himself with that community. For the affidavit says
he "left this territory about the year thirty-two or there-abouts
and that said Young had lived as man and wife with Maria
Josefa Tafoya and that said Maria Josefa Tafoya had issue by
said Young as acknowledged by him, that said issue was a boy
and called Jose Joaquin. . . ." The same who appeared to
claim, and who in 1855 received, the proceeds of the Ewing
Young estate from the Territory of Oregon.30

26 Marshall, op. cit., p. 253.

27 Quoted from Marshall, op. cit., 257-9-

28 Bancroft, History of California, v. II, p. 600; v. Ill, pp. 174-5.

29 Ibid, v. Ill, pp. 387-8; Documentary Record, appendix, I, p. 203.

30 Documentary Record, appendix, pp. 197-202.

190 F. G. YOUNG

EWING YOUNG IN CALIFORNIA31

By 1830 Ewing Young had secured recognition as one of
the three or four leaders of trapping and trading expeditions
westward out of Taos, New Mexico, down the Gila and across
the Colorado into California. The annals of California of
the early thirties exhibit him possessed of a passport signed
by Henry Clay and vised by the Mexican minister at Wash-
ington, March 30, 1828. This authorized the activities he was
pursuing. In 1830 at the head of a group of a dozen trap-
pers he passed north through the Tulares region, penetrating
as far as San Jose. His band aided the mission authorities
to recapture some runaway neophytes. He thus was in the
good graces of the mission. But he had trouble with his own
men. Three in the vicinity of San Jose deserted him and
others when he was in the region east of Los Angeles quarreled
among themselves with the result that one of their number was
killed. In fact so insecure did he feel his hold on his party
that instead of returning from the Colorado, where his trap-
ping terminated in December, to southern California to ex-
change his catch of fur for mules and thus obtain a larger
margin of profit, he hastened directly home to Taos. Kit
Carson was probably with Young in this 1830 expedition.

Young was not ready to start on his second expedition over
this southeastern entrance to California before September,
1831. In the meantime he had become associated with David
E. Jackson, formerly a partner of Sublette's and with David
Waldo. Their plan of operations continued much the same
as on Young's first expedition in 1830. They were to accumu-
late a stock of beaver skins trapping the Gila and other streams
on the way, trade for mules and horses in the region of Los
Angeles and these were to be taken back for the Louisiana
market. They were in demand too for the caravans plying
between Santa Fe and St. Louis. Jackson with a detachment
of nine hired men and a negro slave proceeded directly to

31 Bancroft, History of California, v. II, 600; v. Ill, pp. 174-5, 180, 317,
387-8, 393-4, 410, 630; v. IV, 85-7, 263-4.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 191

California to locate the mules and horses whose purchase was
contemplated. Young with a party of thirty men was to
do the trapping on the way and thus secure the wherewithal
to pay for the droves selected. Young did not reach Los
Angeles until April, 1832, and as his traps had been defective
his beaver catch had not been satisfactory. Consequently a
major portion of his force of thirty men were sent back with
the horses and mules purchased. Young himself and those re-
tained set out to retrieve his fortunes in the varied trapping
and hunting trips, his course in which will be traced. It is
to be noted first that a part even of the horses and mules the
partners were able to obtain with their small beaver catch were
lost on their way to New Mexico in fording the Colorado.

Young seems first with a small party to have tried otter
hunting. He built two canoes at San Pedro near Los Angeles
with the aid of a ship carpenter. With these and a yawl he
cruised in the vicinity of Point Conception and the Channel
Islands. By October of this year 1832 with a larger party
he had started inland to trap on the Kings river in the direc-
tion of the San Joaquin from Los Angeles. Thence he worked
his way north through the California valleys until Klamath
lake was reached. He noted as he proceeded a dense Indian
population in the valleys. But on his return in the "following
summer the country was strewn with the remains of the dead
wherever a village had stood." Hundreds were lying dead in
a single rancheria. One of the party later reported that from
the headwaters of the Sacramento to the Kings river only five
living Indians were seen. Abundant and revolting signs of this
pestilence, supposed to have been the small pox, were still in
evidence to the members of the Willamette Cattle Company
when they passed through this region with their drove in 1837.

THROUGH HALL J. KELLEY EWING YOUNG GETS A VISION OF

THE OREGON SITUATION
Returning to the vicinity of Los Angeles in the fall of 1833

192 F. G. YOUNG

Young made a short trip to the Gila and Colorado. What he
had netted through these last three trips — the otter hunt, the
long trip to Klamath lake and the short one to the southeast —
we do not know. At any rate Hall J. Kelley was to find him
quite susceptible to the story of Oregon. Kelley had arrived
at San Diego enroute for Oregon, having come across the
Isthmus of Tehauntepec from Vera Cruz and up the west
coast of Mexico. Young and Kelley met at Pueblo near San
Diego. Kelley speaks of Young as "a native of Tennessee, a
man remarkable for sagacity, enterprise, and courage."32 After
listening to Kelley 's preaching Oregon we can picture him
taking account of his prospects in California and his compari-
son of them with what Oregon seemed to promise, if Kelley's
story was to be credited. He had tried out about all possible
trapping and trading enterprises, having traversed the length
and breadth of the almost continental domain of California.
\Yithal he had but meagre returns. He must too have become
conscious of the fact that his powers could be better applied
than in the roving life of the trader and trapper. For him to
remain as a settler in California as it then was would be the
doom of a foreigner buried in a foreign land. Its traditions,
language and polity could never be congenial to a nature so
intensely imbued with Americanism as was his. There was no
possibility of a following for the "stirring, ambitious" Amer-
ican among the languid natives of Spanish antecedents. On
the other hand the Oregon country with its Columbia and
abounding resources open and ready for American occupation
must have answered quite fully to the vision of the goal he
had always had in view. From this weighing of pros and cons
he soon changed from the "almost persuaded" of the first
meeting with Kelley to altogether persuaded and, hastening
north, sought out Kelley who had proceeded as far as Monte-
rey. "The last of June he arrived," says Kelley, "at my en-
campment on the prairie, five miles eastward of Monterey, and

32 Powell's Hall Jackson Kelley, p. 80.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 193

consented to go and settle in Oregon, with, however, this ex-
press understanding — that if I had deceived him, woe be to
me.'

"33

AN IMPEDIMENT is INTERPOSED THAT NEARLY BRINGS TO

WRECK AND RUIN THE CAREER OF YOUNG AND THE

PROSPECTS OF THE AMERICAN SETTLEMENT

ON THE WILLAMETTE

On the 8th of July the party set out for Oregon. Young
had fifty horses, each of his men one or more, Kelley had six
with a mule. They bought more as they passed through the
settlements, so that when leaving the last settlement Young
had 77 horses and mules. Kelley and the other five men had
twenty-one. Young was taking leave of California. He had
during four years of almost continuous activity as trapper and
trader consistently met all the requirements made by the
authorities there of foreigners to carry on these operations
within its borders. He had in fact gone out of his way to
uphold the forces of law and order. He was in good stand-
ing. When he returned three years later he was able to
secure concessions in the way of permission to purchase and
drive out a considerable drove of cattle, while a representative
of the Hudson's Bay Company with a similar purpose failed.34
But on his arrival in Oregon in the fall of 1834 he was to pass
under a cloud that was not fully lifted until this return. It
was an ordeal so severe that not only was his own career
dangerously near to being wrecked, but Samson-like he would
in his blindness have pulled down to ruin the Oregon com-
munity with him. A band of marauders with their booty of
stolen animals attached themselves to the party of Young and
Kelley as it moved northward. These horse thieves had been
operating in the vicinity of San Francisco Bay. A vessel, the
Cadboro, was at this time leaving San Francisco for Fort
Vancouver. Through this means the governor of California
despatched a careless and cruel charge against Young as the

33 Ibid.

34 Bane

34 Bancroft, History of California, v. IV, p. 86.

34 Bancroft, History of California, v. IV, p. 86.
/ Calif 01 ' "T • "'

194 F. G. YOUNG

leader of a band of horse thieves on the way to Oregon. The
details of the rest of this story are familiar in the annals of
Oregon. Not one of the narrators, however, has let his thought
linger a moment on the plight of the victim of this unintended
calumny.

The charge made by Governor Figueroa of California in
the letter to Dr. McLoughlin was by him accepted as evidence
adequate for conviction and sentence. Thus it stood for over
two years. He was to be frozen out. The tactics employed
meant his eventual banishment from American soil by forces
lodged in a foreign monopoly that was exploiting American
resources. He himself duly accredited with passports had at
the head of companies of Americans for eight years been
freely conducting enterprises of trade and exploitation on
foreign soil. Here on American soil he was to be denied the
pursuit of the means of happiness. It was too at the natural
goal of all of his adventures. He could go no farther. The
Oregon country was the real ultima thule. He must renounce
all his hopes. But he would not have been a valiant American
if he had. He naturally felt that he represented Americanism
in the middle thirties in Oregon. The missionaries did not
as they knuckled to the Hudson's Bay Company authorities.

Suppose we enter into the intent and course of Ewing Young
as in the autumn of 1834 he approaches the Willamette valley
settlement with his band of some eighty horses and mules. He
was bringing to the settlers an available horse power supply for
the cultivation of their fields and the transportation of their
produce. He establishes his farm across the river from the
mission and French Prairie settlements. His animals should
not trample their grain fields or consume their pasture. The
mission, the Hudson's Bay Company and its retainers on French
Prairie, had need of his goods or means for production and he
had need of clothes, tools, and other goods which they could
spare in exchange. Surely the mutual advantage would be

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 195

realized and the Oregon settlement would wax strong. His
actual necessities were supplied, but on terms that would have
made his acceptance of them a confession of mendicancy on his
part. He was essentially an outcast.

By using Kelley as a competent witness — for it was evident
that he had no proportionate share of the booty if the horses
were stolen, — along with Young's straightforward story, — for
he is credited with being a candid man — it is strange that Lee
and McLoughlin could not have reassured themselves about
this assertive new-comer. But for two long years and more
Young had occasion to remain embittered. He tended his bands
of horses on the Chehalem hills with no prospect that he with
his powers and resources could ever join in a co-operative
up-building of Oregon. Should he desert, as Kelley had de-
serted, his interests in Oregon and take passage back to the
states defeated and discomfited?

He was conscious of being an American on American soil.
From his association with Kelley, Young could no doubt give
account of this faith that was in him. Furthermore, he had
done nothing to forfeit his right to be accorded standing and
recognition as an American. Through nearly a decade of
severest testing his power to lead in progressive enterprise had
been proven. He was conscious of his ability. Why should he
succumb supinely? Was not here in Oregon his golden op-
portunity for constructive enterprise which he had visioned?

THE DOMESDAY BOOK OF RECORD FOR EARLY OREGON

Well, how all was most happily changed at the suggestion
of Slacum and the magnanimous responses of the missionaries
and Hudson's Bay Company has been told. How his first
leadership in community achievement with the cattle expedi-
tion was followed by the saw mill enterprise the appended
accounts fully show. The influence of his accumulations upon
the community is exhibited in the accounts of the administra-
tion of his farm and of the auction sales. Altogether these

196 F. G. YOUNG

accounting records of Ewing Young and his estate are more
than a domesday book for the Oregon of the later thirties and
early forties. They show the people of early Oregon in action
and dynamic.

They were in need of horse power and he brought it from
the neighboring California region. They needed cattle to
convert the unlimited pasturage of the valley into milk and
meat and leather material for shoes and harnesses and he led
in getting the first supply they could call their own.35 They
needed the use of their abundant water power to drive the saw
for lumber for their houses and barns and he built and operated
the first saw mill and supplied the valley settlement.36 He was
collecting" the machinery for a grist mill when his life was
cut short.37

He had the vision, the enterprise, the discernment and the
purpose that make the representative pioneer. Such a pioneer
was desperately needed in his day. The same type is probably
still more desperately needed now, and he will ever be needed
if progress, and yea, if safety, are to be insured. The needed
innovations he initiated were quite as difficult as those we need
now. In a large sense the livestock and dairy and the lumber
industries and the power development of Oregon today are
his memorials.

Sentiment there still was in 1844 to have a paling put around
his grave at a cost of $60.00.38 The desecrating use at the
same time of the major portion of the proceeds of his estate
by the Territorial Government for the erection of a territorial
jail is to be condoned, for by that time the great majority of
the settlers were recent comers so absorbed with their in-
dividual problems of establishing themselves that they could
little appreciate what Ewing Young had done towards build-
ing up the morale of the Oregon community.

35 The larger later expedition for securing California live-stock in 1842-3,
under Captain Joseph Gale, that started in the Star of Oregon, is described by Col.
J. W. Nesmith, in The Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Association, 1880, pp.
10-12.

36 See "Day Book," Documentary Record, appendix, III.

37 Walker, op. cit., p. 58; Documentary Record, appendix, IX, Financial
Statements, p. 291.

38 Walker, op. cit.; Documentary Record, appendix, IV, p. 270.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

197

Legend has it that Miranda Bailey, then the sweetheart, later
the wife of Sidney Smith, an employee of Ewing Young's,
planted an acorn on his grave so that now a sturdy oak marks
his resting place. Such a symbol of vigorous growth ever
transforming the elements of natural wealth of Oregon into
means ministering to a more abundant life here is a befitting
token of Ewing Young. Would that it could become duly cele-
brated as a historic attraction, so that in its shade there would
well up in the hearts of multitudes a full stream of civic
inspiration.

APPENDIX

Documentary Record of Ewing Young and His Estate.

I.

Papers refer to: (1) The young mother left behind by
Ewing Young at Taos, New Mexico, in 1831. (2) The claim
by his heir, Joaquin Young, of the proceeds of the estate and
the collection of them by him from the Territory of Oregon in
/#55. (3) The claim as creditor of David Waldo associated
with Ewing Young while he had his headquarters at Taos in
1831-2.

To the Honorable, the Legislative Assembly of the Territory of

Oregon :

Your petitioner Joaquin Young a citizen of New Mexico
but at present temporarily staying in California, represents
that he is the legitimate and only son, as he is informed and
believes, of Ewing Young who died without will, in Oregon,
in the year 1843 [sic] ; that the said Ewing Young was pos-
sessed of and owned, at the time of his death, a large amount
of personal property and that the same was afterwards con-
, verted into money and the said money appropriated by the

198 F. G. YOUNG

Provisional Government, for public uses ; and your Petitioner
further represents that the faith of the said Provisional Gov-
ernment was pledged, at the time of said appropriation, for the
payment of all monies received from said estate whenever the
same should be lawfully claimed and said claim established by
the heirs &c of said Ewing Young (See "laws of Oregon"
p. 94)-

And your Petitioner further represents that the said Ewing
Young, his father, was intermarried and lived with Maria
Josepha Tafoya, the mother of your Petitioner, previous to
the year 1832 at Taos in New Mexico and that your Petitioner
was the fruit of such marriage, as he is informed and believes,
and begs in support of the same to present to your Honorable
Body as well an authentic certificate establishing the same
copied from the Parish Register of the town where said mar-
riage and birth took place, as the sworn affidavit of three of
its most respectable inhabitants, one of whom, the distinguished
"Kit Carson," it is presumed is not unknown by fame and
generally conceded merit to most of the members composing
your Honorable Body. Your Petitioner also respectfully refers
in support of the same to the annexed certificate of Joseph Gale
a highly respectable citizen of California, formerly of Oregon,
and known to most of its old inhabitants. Your Petitioner
would further respectfully represent that his mother, the wife
of said Ewing Young deceased, now is and has been for many
years in destitute circumstances and entirely dependent upon
the daily labor of your Petitioner and the charity of her rela-
tions for her maintenance.

Your Petitioner therefore prays that, prompted by a sense
of right to a helpless female and her son and of justice to the
dead, whose substance and fruits of labor have been appro-
priated to the public uses of this Territory in its days of weak-
ness, as well as by its plighted faith, this Honorable Body will
without delay, pass an act making restitution to the legal repre-
sentatives of the late Ewing Young whereby on proof of
your Petitioners identity and heirship the money and reasonable
interest thereon, heretofore received from said estate, may be
paid over, through the proper authorities, to your petitioner

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 199

or his duly authorized Attorney. And your Petitioner will
ever pray &c.

JOAQUIN YOUNG.
Dated this 1st day of Jan. A. D. 1855.

[Certification of Baptism of Joaquin Young]

Priest Don Antonio Jose Martinez, Priest at Taos in the
Territory of New Mexico. I certify in the fullest form of law
that in a record book of baptism of the parish bound in sheep
skin which begins records in the month of January, 1833, and
concludes in the month of June, 1837, said book consisting
of 261 sheets on the sheet numbered 18, the front page, is
recorded the following: parish "In this parish church of Taos
on the 12th of April 1933 I, the priest Don Antonio Jose
Martinez baptized solemnly, applied the holy oil and sacred
baptism to a boy four days old and I gave him as name Jose
Joaquin, the natural son of Maria Josefa Tafoya, a single lady
inhabitant of the place of our Lady Guadalupe ; maternal
grand parents Jose Antonio Tafoya and Maria Francisca
Bernalt. God parents Richard Cambell and Maria Rosa
Gripalba, who said that his natural father Joaquin John, a
foreigner, dwelling in this place invited them.

And I informed the godparents of their obligation and spirit-
ual parenthood. And in order that it might be known I signed
"Antonio Jose Martinez."

Said record is the fifth and last on the front of said sheet.
This agrees exactly with its original to which I refer. With
this it was compared and made in duplication.

And in order that it may be known on the petition of Maria
Josefa Tafoya, mother of said Jose Joaquin, I gave the above
records certification in this place of our Lady Gaudalupe of the
county of Taos, on the 27th June, A. D. 1852.

Signed Jose Antonio Martinez.

Certified by Justice of the Peace that priest has records of
Baptism and burial

Taos, June 27th, 1852, Jose Ignacio Valdez, Taos depot.

200 F. G. YOUNG

[Affidavit of three citizens of Taos supporting representations

of Joaquin Young]
Territory of New Mexico
County of Toas

Charles Beaubien Christopher

Carson and Manuel Lefebre after being duly sworn declare
that they were well acquainted with Ewing Young who was
called by Mexican residents of this territory Joachin John and
who left this territory about the year thirty-two or therebouts
and that the Said Young had lived as man and wife with Maria
Josepha Tafoya that Said Maria Josepha Tafoya had issue by
him, that said issue was a boy and called Jose Joaquin and left
this territory for California with Thomas Boggs and Juan
Cristoval Tafoya in the year eighteen hundred and forty nine
Said Boy is about nineteen years of age and is supposed to be
at present with his uncle Juan Cristoval in California at or
near Sonoma.

Witness
James H Quinn

Charles Beaubien (Seal)

C. Carson (Seal)

Manuel Lefebre (Seal)

Sworn and subscribed before me this 27th June A D 1852

Jose Ignacio Valdez

Justice of Peace.

[Certification by Joseph Gale in support of claim of Joaquin

Young]

San Jose March 1st., 1854.

This is to Certify that the undersigned was in Oregon when
Mr. Ewing Young Died, and he knows that the Said E. Young
Died in the possession of a large property and the Said under-
signed believes that Ewing Young owed but little in com-

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 201

parison to the property he left at his death the Said under-
signed knew of the connection of E. Young with Maria Josepha
Tafoya, and I believe that Joaquin is a son of his from the
fact that he Resembles Mr. Young very much.

With many wishes that he may Recover the property that
justly belongs to him

I Subscribe My Name

Joseph Gale

[Endorsed : Ewing Young Copy of Judgment of Supreme

Court]

At a Supreme Court begun and held at the Court Room in
the village of Corvallis in and for the Territory of Oregon,
on the 3rd Day of December in the year One thousand eight
hundred and fifty four, before Hons Geo H. Williams Chief
Justice, and M P Deady Associate Justice, the following pro-
ceeding were had in
Joaquin Young

Plaintiff

vs.

Claim for money

Territory of Oregon

Defendant

This cause came on for hearing upon the allegations and
proofs of the parties and was argued by Campbell of Counsel
for plaintiff, and by Shiel of Counsel for defendant, and there-
upon it is considered that the plaintiff have and recover against
the Said defendant the Sum of Four thousand, nine hundred
and ninety four and 64/100 dollars, judgment and his cost in
this cause expended to be taxed.

I J. G. Wilson, Clerk of the Supreme Court of
Oregon do hereby Certify that the above is a
true copy of the record and cost in Said cause
now recorded in my office.

202 F. G. YOUNG

Witness my hand and Seal of said court
at Corvallis affixed this 8th day of December
1855.

J. G. Wilson

Fee. Bill Clerk of the Supreme

Costs in S. C. 1230 Court of Oregon

Costs on Depositions 32.50

Total 44.80
(Seal)

Corvallis 8 Dec. 1855
Sir:

Enclosed I hand you a certified copy of a Judgment of the
Supreme Court of Oregon Territory in the case of Joachin
Young against the Territory of Oregon together with a certi-
fied copy of the statute under which said suit was instituted.

I have therefore to urge you as auditor of this Territory,
pursuant to the terms of said act to draw a warrant in favor
of the Plaintiff for the amount of said Judgment being the
sum of $4,994.64, bill and 44.80 costs in order that same may
be paid in pursuance of said act.
I have the honor to be

Yours truly

A. Campell

Ay for Joachin Young
To A. I. Neya, Esq
Auditor O T.

[Endorsed :

"Petition of Daniel Waldo
In

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 203

Relation to the Estate of Ewing Young"]
To the Honorable the Legislature of Oregon Territory now
in session your petitioner the undersigned Daniel Waldo would
represent unto your honorable body that himself and one
Thomas Jeffreys are Lawfully appointed agents of one David
Waldo who has sued for and obtained a Judgment against the
Estate of one Ewing Young deceased late of Oregon Terri-
tory to the amount of

Dollars and cents, in

the County Court of Clackamas County Oregon Territory And
further that one A L. Lovejoy has been appointed administrator
with authority to collect the demands due the said Estate but
not with power to pay the demands or judgments against said
Estate, and further that the said Territory of Oregon has used
of the assets belonging to said estate a large amount, these
we therefore to pray your honorable body to pass a [law]
authorizing said administrator to pay said Judgment as well
as to appropriate the amount of assets that have been used by
the Territory as the faith of the Territory has been pledged
to pay the sum to the heirs or creditors of said Estate. In duty
bound will ever pray &c. Daniel Waldo.

Joseph Gale testify [sic.] that he saw Ewing Young in N.
M. and also in Oregon and also Mr. Young informed him that
he was in business with Mr. Waldo and Jackson also thinks he
knows his hand writing.

E Burrough testify that he saw Mr. Young in N. M. also
in Oregon and he further states that Mr. Young was con-
serned in trade with Mr. Waldo and Mr. Jackson.

F. Hathaway testify under oath that Ewing Young told him
that he had been in partnership with Jackson & Waldo at Taos
N. M. their capital was about 20,000 dollars. Jackson ran off
with some property.

204 F. G. YOUNG

S. W. Meek testify under oath that he has known Young at
Taos but cannot tell if he is the same Young who died in this
territory, he has seen him at Taos in '33 or '4.

Robt Newell testify under oath that he has known E. Young
in this Terr, but never knew him before he came here. E. Y.
said to N. that he had a son at Taos N. M. and said he (N.
Young) was in partnership Jackson &. . . at Taos.

[Suggestions to the Committee on Claims to which was
referred the claims preferred by Waldo & Jackson against the
estate of Ewing Young.]

Dec. 16, 1845
Mr B. Lee:

Dear Sir — As I shall start for the Rickreall this morning,
I take this method to discharge the obligation which I am
under to the "Committee on Claims" to assist them in investi-
gating the validity of the claims preferred by Waldo & Jack-
son against the estate of N [sic.] Young deceased. For them
to establish their right to said estate it will be necessary for
them to prove the following facts: 1st, They must establish
the identify of the said Young; 2ndly. That said Young, Waldo
& Jackson were in partnership, which may be done by the
testimony of clerks, or other persons who knew that the al-
leged partners have actually carried on business in partnership ;
3rdly. The amount of the stock invested, and also Young's
liability to the other partners. And furthermore, one partner
cannot bring an action against another while the partnership
accounts remain unliquidated ; yet it is otherwise when the
cause of action arises out of a transaction entirely distinct
from their general dealings.

I will also say to you that the depositions which Mr. Waldo
has procured and now brings forward to support the validity
of his claims against the estate of said N. Young deceased,

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 205

are wholly inadmissible — for they were taken without notify-
ing the party (Oregon) against whom these claims are brought
of the intention of the claimants to do the same, and conse-
quently without affording an opportunity to Oregon to cross
examine the witnesses. These are some of the rules of the law,
all I think that will be necessary to your guidance in examin-
ing the evidence and making up your opinions with respect to
the justness and validity of Waldo & Jackson's claims against
the estate of Young.

This is for the Committee only.

Respectfully yours,

M A Ford
B. Lee

Ch. Com.

[Endorsed : Mr. Barton Lee]

[Endorsed: "Petition of Daniel Waldo & Thomas Jeffries on

Ewing Youngs Estate referd to com on Claims"]
To the Honorable Legislator of Orregon territory

Having claimes against the Estate of Ewing Young de-
ceased and the administrator of that estate haveing released
of his Bondes by your Predissesors or others in office we think
it the only legal corse that we pursue to lay the whole matter
before your Honorable Body for adjustment the bookes and
papers we have at hand when caled for by your body
this 11 day of December 1845

By Thomas Jeffreys

Daniel Waldo
Lawful agents of David Waldo

II.

Pertaining to the Willamette Cattle Company.

206 F. G. YOUNG

[Designation endorsed on back :

"Mr. Young's Petition to the Govr California"]
To His Excellency Gov of the State of Up California.

Sir : Your Petitioner would beg leave to inform Your Ex-
cellency that there is on the Wallamette River south of the
Columbia a small settlement of Citizens of the United States.
This community have from their origin laboured under many
difficulties for want of horned Cattle of which they have none.
But knowing that your Excellency is aware of the advantages
they confer, your petitioner cannot think it necessary to ex-
press in detail the reasons why Cattle are indispensable to the
prosperity of an Agricultural People. Under these circum-
stances a part of the Citizens of said Community on the 13
day of January A. D. 1837, formed themselves into a joint
stock Company for the purpose of procuring Cattle from Upper
California. The object of your petitioner as well as that of
said company, are expressed in the following extract from
their Articles of association viz "Whereas we the undersigned
settlers upon the Wallamette River are fully convinced of the
utility and necessity of having neat Cattle of our own in order
successfully to carry on our farms and gain a comfortable live-
lihood, and whereas we find it impossible to purchase them
here as all Cattle in the country belong to the Hudson's Bay
Company, and they refusing to sell them under any circum-
stances, and as we believe that the possession of cattle will not
only benefit us personally, but will materially benefit the whole
settlement, we the undersigned do therefore agree &c. &c."

In pursuance of the object expressed in these articles, a
party of Ten American Citizens and three Indian Boys of
whom I was chosen Leader, took passage in the American Brig
Loriot, Capt Bancroft, of which vessel Wm. A. Slacum Esq of
the United [States] Navy was charterer.

In compliance with the wishes of said Association, your
Petitioner would pray your Excellency's permission to pur-
chase Cattle to the number of Five or six hundred head of
the Citizens of California for the purposes expressed above.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 207

And relying on the friendly relations in which the Citizens
of the United States have always stood to those of your Gov-
ernment and on your personal generosity, he waits determina-
tion I am your Excellency's
Humbl & Obdnt Servt
San Francisco
10th March 1837 (Signed) Ewing Young

[Ewing Young's Expenses in California as Leader of the
Willamette Cattle Company, 1837]
Bill of Expenditures from the Treasury of the Willam-
ette Cattle Co Viz

For guid from Bodago to Capt Cooper's Mill 1.00

And Travelling Expenses from San Francisco to

Monterey and returning 8.00

$9.00

12 March 1843 Ewing Young

Bill of Expenditures in going to Santa Barbara and return-
ing to San Francisco, for the purpose of bying [sic] horses
and getting permission to drive out cattle viz

Cooking Utensils 2.50

Translating Petition for permission to drive
out Cattle 3.00

1 Saddle 2.25

5 Ropes and 1 Sinch 2.75

Horse and Voccaro hire and taking care

of horses 12.00

Traveling Expenses 11.00

1 Rope .25

$33.75
24 May 1837 Ewing Young

208 F. G. YOUNG

[Treasurer's Statement]
Received of

19 Jan. 1837 Receipts of amounts to be invested according to
articles of association of the William [sic] Cattle Co

P. L. Edwards

$371 — the amount paid by Ewing Young for horses at South
for Company

24 May 1837 Ewing Young

Paid for one beef $4 1st June 1837

$810 $810 for Govt of California for Cattle

Mr. Guadalupe Vallejo
1st June 1837 Yerba Buena

[List of Subscribers to Funds and Contributions of Services]39

[Cash and

Services] [Services]

Ewing Young $1119.274

P. L. Edwards 442.73

Jas A O'Neil 326.72J

C. Tibbetts 182.83

P. Depo [Depot] 210.25

E Equette [Amable Arquoit] 189.54

J Turner 176,27J

Geo Gay 165.00

L Carmichael 233. 12-|

Wm Bailey 121.624 12.00

J Edmunds 68.33J

Wm Peter 60.08J

Benj Williams 76.00

Saml Campbell 111.50

H Wood 130.00

CMaci[?] 61.00

Moore [?] 34.00

Mr Lee 624.00

39 The contribution of William A. Slacum to the funds of the Willamette
Cattle Company is not mentioned in the Treasurer's statement. Wilkes United
States Exploring Expedition, v. IV, p. 359, gives Slacum's share as twenty-three
head, which in 1841 were counted as having increased to eighty-six. These were
sold by Slacum's nephew to Dr. McLoughlin for $860.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 209

Willamette Settler 3.10

Dr Me Loughlin 558.00

Messrs Douglass and Finlayson 300.00
Williams & Jim 20.00

III.

"Day Book" kept by Ewing Young as record of his saw mill
business mainly

[On inside of cover page, written crosswise — the book is
without regular cover — are the following entries :]

Fercies [Louis Forcier], Bill of plank

14 Boards f Inch 10 feet Long 9 Inches wi(de) [The edge
42 Plank 1^ Inch thick 10 feet Long of the page is torn off]
22 Plank 1£ Inch 12 feet Long 12 Inc wide

Atquet [Amable Arquoit] 14 Boards 12 feet Long 9 Inches

wide
400 feet of plank 1J Inches thick

[New page]
Deer 1st 1838

Bill of Boards for W Johnson

8 feet of plank 12 feet Long 1J Inch thick

Felix Hathaways Bill of Lumber

4000 feet of J Inch 7 Inches wide 12 feet Long

2000 feet f thick 12 Inches w

1500 feet of Rough Edg

2000 Inch 1 foot Broad

13 Hundred feet of Floring 1J Inch thick

500 1J do Oak 12 Inches

200 feet of wide Inch & -J

[New page]
January 1839

William Can [n] ing account

210 F. G. YOUNG

Brought forward from old Memorandum

Cr By fifty seven days work at $1 pr day $57.00

Including all time to the second day of December

Time worked from the second of December to the 26th
January including the 26 40 Days $1 40.

By 1 days work 28 Jan 1.00 1

Total 98 days work $1.00 pr Day

28 Jan Balance Due Mr Canning $29 38
Contra

26 To Beaver $13

1 faling ax 2 20

To order to fort Vancouver

To Goods Brought from the Fort

$67.62

To paid wood [Henry Wood] 1 00 $1

[This was bottom line of page. Across where there was
room on the next page is the following:]

$ C 98

68 62 68 62

29 38

[The main part of this page is taken up with material ap-
propriate for a beginner's book in French. It starts with an
English sentence: John gives you a pin. This is followed by
the French translation : Jean donne vous une plume. The re-
mainder of the page gives the grammar of the French articles]

[New page]

William Cannings Account Brought forward
9thFebra 1838 Amount 98 9800

Henry Wood Dr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 211

To $120 Dollars paid him for Six Months work $120

[New page]

[The book was antecedently used for the beginning of an
exposition of the French language, as on the pages partly rilled
with this content in a neat copper plate style of writing, the
unoccupied margins are encroached upon by the accounting
records.]

William Canning Dr

To order to the Fort 29 38

Amount Brought forward 6862

$98.00

[This following entry is exactly opposite the preceding Wood
account.]

By Six Month [repeated as "Mont"]

& five days work at $20 pr Month $123 85

120

385

W Johnson Dr

To 840 feet of plank 1J Inch thick 150 pr Hundred $12 60

[The pages containing above accounts seem to have been
designed as fly leaves or introductory pages. The next page
is designated "Page 1"]

[On it is written :]
"Memorandum or day Book"
[Page 2]
Jan 23rd 1839

Saw Mill Dr

212 F. G. YOUNG

To 1 Crank weying 183 Ib at 20c 42 00

2 Bands 27 Ib 5 40

$ C
Expences paid Indians for Trip 3 Shirts 60 each 1 80

3 Hkfs 18 C each 54
1 Bushel of Pees 60 C 60

Paid for Bread 75 75

40 Ib pounds pork 10 cents 4 00

Opeos wages 10 days
My own time 10 days

1 Dozen Large files $2 10
400 Nails 80
200 Spikes —[no cost figures]

200 Spikes do By Smih [sic] 1

300 2 Inch Nails 50

10 pound Nails By Smith 1

2 files By Smith 80
2 do from Beers C 1 00
1 Bushel of pees for Car [ry] ing oats up Hill 60

[Written on margin : Carried forward to page. . . .]
| Page 3 of "Day Book"]
15th Jan 1839

Babtiste Deguare Dr

To 1 Horse $35 [1?] $3500

21 Febra To 1 faling ax 200

6th March To paid Burress [William Burroughs] $10 00

Not paid. But asumed [sic]

4700

[Page 4 of "Day Book"]
Febra 1st 1839

Babtisto Deguear Cr

By 42 Days work at Mill
Including all time previous to this date marked at head of page

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 213

By error in ad [d] ing 4 Days

Febra 22 By Eighteen days work all time Credited to

the 22 Febra $49 29

By Whole Time two Months & 12 Days 47 09

229[sic]

[Page 5 "Day Book"]

6th March John Stephens Dr

To order to fort $5 10 $5 10

1 parr pantaloons [No cost figures]

1 Shirt 60

To 10 Bushels & a peck of wheat $6 00 $615

1 Board 25 25

20 May To Cash paid Johnson 2 87£

To Half of Six bushels of pees SOcts 2 40

To Sowing pees $6 3 00

27 June To order to the fort $20 $20 00

July To order John Quinine 20 00

To Baleys accounts [Dr W. J. Bailey] 1 70

[Page 6 "Day Book"]
Febra 1st 1839

John Stephens Cr

Up to above Date 14J Days Work at $20 pr Month 14J
By 36 days work

50[sic]

24 March 1839

Aug 3d By Babtiste Mullar [Moliere] 400

Wages up to the above date $20 pr Month

From the 25 of March 1839 wages twentifive dollars pr

Month

Time worked commencing the 25 March and continued to
the 25 august 121 Days Including the present day 25
august 1839

214 F. G. YOUNG

[Written on margin : "Carried forward"]

[Page 7 "Day Book"]
Febra

Solomon Smith Cr

By seven days work $1 00 $7 00

[The above item is crossed out]
By 3 do Hailing 3 00

[Page 8 "Day Book"]
Febr 8th 1839

Solomon Smith Dr

To 750 feet of weather Boarding at $11 per Thousand $8 25
To 40 feet of Boards 50 50

Brought from old Memorandum

To 22 Scantling 18 feet Long 396 $4 95

To 16 Rafters 176 feet
2 Boards 27 feet

2 do 36 Making 239 feet $3 00

To 22 Joist [ ?] 11 feet each making 242 feet

at $2 pr Hundred 484 $4 84

Jan To Six Hundred feet of weather Boards $1 $6 00

26 Dec To Lucees [Luciere] order 2000 feet of Inch 1-J

Plank $1.50 pr Hundred $3000

Febra 13th To 598 £ feet of floring 1J Inch thick $8 50

To 1 Staple & Ring for Yoke $1 50

$6754
[Written on margin : "Carried forward To Page 27"]

[Page 9 "Day Book"]

Febra 22nd 1839

Felix Hathaway Cr

By his part of Saw Mill $23700

By Settlement of prirea [ ?] [prairie ?] 225 54

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 215

to accounts $ 26

[Page 10 "Day Book"]
Febra 6th 1839

Felix Hathaway Dr

Qct 26 To 1943 feet of Scantling $24 29

April 6 To 4769 feet of weather Boards 52 58

at eleven dollars pr thousand

2104 Of Inch Boards at $13 27 35

1808 Of Inch & J at $13 50 2440

2377 f Inch at 12 Thousd 28 52

510 feet of oak at $20 M 1020

1000 feet of Rough Edg Boar 12 00

not Cash Beaver order

June 1 To To Cash paid R Mcary [Richard McCrary] $25 00
To oak Boards 2 2 00

Nov 14th To 1344 feet of floring l&i at 14 M 18 20

To Hailing 1 00

Settled in full 22 May 1840
Balance Due Hathaway $26.45

[Page 11 "Day Book]

William Burress Dr

To 134 feet of plank at 1 25 pr Hundred $1 68

To 1 plank 25C 25

6 To 687 feet of Boards 8.34

$1027

30 Apr To Debt paid Ben 9 00

To 252 feet of Maple 2pr 5 04

Hundred
1 pair of Shoes ' • > 1 40

216 F. G. YOUNG

1 Ib. Tea 1 00 1 00

1 Lofe Sugar 1 10

May 21 To 809 feet of Inch &J plank 11 32

210 feet of f 12$ 2 50

4133

To $15 24 Cents 1524

June 1 1839 To 181 feet of Inch Boards at 13 Dollars 2 35

This Charge Carried to Next Page

[Page 12 "Day Book"]

6th March William Burress

By $10 for Babtisto Deguear

By 1 Month & 6 days at 22 Dollars pr Month

By two yards Scarlet

By 3i yards of Blue Stroud

By 2 Days work 1

Sow & pigs

May 56 57 [57 57?]

21 Settled In full up To this date

E Young
Continued In Next page

[Page 13 "Day Book"]

Saw Mill account Brought forward [Probably the accounts
beginning with Jan. 23rd]

To paid Kysir $1-00 for Bringing Chain from Mission 1 00
paid Hubbard for Turning Crank $5 $5 00

To Cannings Work $98 98 00

To his Board $32 50 32 50

To woods wages 5 Months $20 100 00

To his Board 43 00

To Brandewines wages $21 21 00

His Board 3 weeks & \ 700

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

Babtisto wages 42 days 32 34

To his Board seven weeks 1400

Stephens 14 Days work $20 10 77

14 Days Board 4 50

[Page 14 "Day Book"]

To 30 Bundles of oats By Bileek [Beleque]

30 do of parue [?]

76 do from Smith 9J Bushels

To Smiths work 23 days $1 23 00

To work do 10 days $1 10 00

To Board 5 weeks 3 days 10 75

To paid Indian 3 yards of Calico for Diging [sic] Bank 30 90
To paid Sam 1 Blanket 2 $2 00

By error In Bt acount 4 00

[Page 15 "Day Book"]

[An account was entered and the same was again charged on

page 22 so it was omitted here]
[The following account was crossed out]
Henry Wood

To Difference In swap of Horses $10 / June, 12th 1839 10

Nov 2nd 1839 E Burress [Burroughs] Cr

By Cash 20 20

By pantaloons 2

Pig 2 50

$2450

[The above account is inserted near bottom of page. It
seems to be duplicated at bottom of opposite page]

[Page 16 "Day Book"]
June 1st 1839

Edward Burress Dr

To 181 feet of Inch plank at 13 dollars pr Thousd 2 35
21 To 288 feet of Scantling at 1,50 pr Hundred 4 32

218

F. G. YOUNG

1 3 Inch plank 23 feet

1 3 Inch plank 16 feet

To paid Jirva [Gervais]

To paid Lucie [Lucier]

Nov 3 [?] T(o) order To.Ft Vancouver

67

40

500

300

1500

32 74 [30 74]
2450

824

[Through inserting this "Kyser" credit Young became con-
fused and makes account stand as follows :]

Kyser 400

Contra Cr [Part of Edward Burress account]

By Cash $2000

By Batist Mullar [Moliere] 2 50

By Swap in pantaloons 2 00

2450
[Page 17 "Day Book"]

Cock De Lauge [?] [De Lard?] Dr $ $

To 233 feet of weather Boards at 12 pr Thousand 3 00

[This is the entry on page 17. Page 18 is blank. Pages 19
and 20 are also unused]
[Page 21 "Day Book"]

Contra Cr

By fifty Bushels of wheat at 60 Cents $30.00

20 Feb By 10 Bushels of potatoes 400

April By 30 bundles oats

By 10 Bushels of potatoes [No sums of value for

these two items]

[The following list of items is written perpendicularly to
page lines]

150 feet Paru [Pariseau]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 219

150 do Arquet

150 Laderute [In adding, the 150s seem to have

150 furcie [Fucier] been multiplied, and the 200 over-
200 charlow[?] looked]

600

29th Aprile Delivered for the Church 1800 feet of Boards
[No charge is made for the above item]

[Page 22 "Day Book"]
7th Febra

Parue Dr

To 1017 feet of plank 1£ Inch $1 p Hundred 15 25

17th To 700 feet of Inch & i .1.25 875

21 1671 feet of Inch &J floring 25 6

22 To 407 of Inch &J $150 6 12
April 28 To 1676 feet of Inch & i of white fur 14 pr Hd 23 46
To 688 feet of weather Boarding 7 46

To 150 feet of weather Boarding for Church [no charge]

8th May To 840 feet of weather Boards 9 75

To 140 feet of 12 feet Long 1 60

[Page 23 "Day Book"]

[The pages 23 & 24 have cancelling cross marks scrawled
over them]

Billeek Dr

To 1300 feet of Inch &i plank 1.50 $1950

To 1100 feet of 4 Inch 1980

580 feet of Inch

To 210 feet of Joist [?] $725

at $1.50 $3 15c $3 15

366 feet of weather Boards at $12 pr Thousand 4 38£

To Hailing Lumber 400

To 160 feet Edg 225

16 feet Joist

$6033i

220 F. G. YOUNG

24

6Q56J
5980

[Page 24 "Day Book"]

Contra Cr

By 30 Bundles of oats 4 80

By 10 Bushels of Pees 60c $600

By Tibbets order 1000

2080
26 By order To fort Vancouver $39 Dollars 3900

5980

[Page 25 "Day Book"]
Febra 23 1839

Aiken Lucie [Etienne Lucier] Dr

To two Thousand feet of Inch &J plank 1 50 $30 00
To 366 feet of weather boards at $12 pr Thousand 4 38J

Deem 5 to 250 feet of plank 3 25
March

8th To 210 feet of 4 Inch oak plank at 8 40

To 187£ feet of oak 2\ Inches thick 7 48

To 375 feet of 3&J Inch pine at 12 00

To 164 feet of 3 Inch pine 470

To 1300 feet of Inch & J Floring at 13 M 1685

To Hawling 4 4 00

9126J

[Page 26 "Day Book"]
Contra Cr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 221

By Order Solomon Smith 30 00

By 15 bushels of flour at 56Cents 840

By 20 bushels of wheat 60 12 00

By Thomas Me ay $53 53 58

10398
amount brought forward ( from preceding opposite

page) 91 26

To Inch plank 9 00

100 feet Inch 1 50

Hailing 2 Loads 1-00 1 00

10276

[Page 27 "Day Book"] Solomon Smith Dr

$

To Amount Brought forward [from page 8] 67 54

To 1 Role of Tobacco 1 46

$6900
Febra 25 Deduct one Staple & Ring 1 50

6750

Settled up all Cash acounts

To paid Dr white 50 00

To Order to Fort Vancouver 24 50

To five dollars 50 By order Ft 5 50

$14750

To Webs Order $2 2 00

To 1 Trap (No charge)

April 16 To 749 feet of Inch & J plank at $15 pr

thousand $12 98

To 468 feet of Inch & J at 14 M 6 55

222 F. G. YOUNG

To 140 feet of Inch Boards 1 82

17085

[Page 28 "Day Book"] [Beginning with page 25, excepting

page 27, pages are no longer numbered]

May 7th Solomon Smith Dr

128 feet of inch plank $1 66

124 do do 291

70 do do 91

To 2000 feet of weather Boards at $11 22

To two Hundred & 34 feet of 2 Inch plank 04 60

To 1017 feet of f at $12 13 30

To 251 feet of Inch $13 3 27

130 feet of Weather Boards 1 50
27

June 4 To 300 feet of Inch £ plank 4 80

To 2164 feet of Inch Boards at 13 dollars $28 26

8322[?]

[New page "Day Book"]
16 June 1839

John Turner Cr

By 9 days work Branding Cattle $1 dolar [sic] pr day $9 00
By 6 days Hailing Logs 1 6

16 June

Number of Cattle Branded
110 Calves this year
60 Females
50 Mails
[A blank page "Day Book"]

[New page "Day Book"]

F Frederick Contr Cr

By 3 Gallon & £ Kegs of butter 12 lb each 720

1 do of 3 Gallon 480

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 223

By ten dollars asumed for Mr Canning $10 00

$2200
26 May By 16 pounds Butter 3 20

2520

[New page "Day Book"]
17 March

Frederick Despor Dr

To Three Hundred & 66 feet of Weather Boards for $

Church $4 38£ 438£

To 676 feet of Inch and \ plank at 1 50 $10 14

To Hailing 1 00 1 00

16th
April To 1000 feet of weather boards $12 00

2752J

[New page "Day Book"]

April 4 Alonson [sic] Beers Dr

To 1000 feet of Inch Boards 12 50

To Hailing 00

[The "1 00" for hauling was written but very faintly. Has

appearance of having been erased]

[New page "Day Book"]
June 20th

Alinson [sic] Beers Cr

By amount of his acount paid By Mission $12 50

[New page "Day Book"]

4th

April Doctor White Dr

1839

To 277 feet of Weather Boards $ Cts

224

F. G. YOUNG

To 1020 feet do 40 boards
To 234 feet 2 Inch plank at $2 pr Hundred
320 feet of weather Boards

Weather Boards Total 1617
450 of Inch & J at 13 50 pr Thousand
225 of Inch & J at 16 Dollars thousand
175 of Inch Boards 13 thousd
To 475 feet of Inch Boards at 12J M
paid by Mission August 1839

468

1778
607
360

227
594

[New page "Day Book"]

April

8th Arquet

To 1152 feet of Inch £ Floring at $16 m
233 [with 180 written over these figures]
Weather Boards

9th To Hailing 2 Loads 50

Acount paid August 1839

Dr

$1829

300
100

$2229

[New page "Day Book"]

Fersie Dr

To 20 Weather Boards 180 feet $2 00

April 16th

Batisto Molar Cr

By 38 Days work at 20 pr Month $20 00[ ?]

Including the 17th of April
30 may Babtisto Moro [Molar] Cr

By thirty three days work Including this 30 of may 1839
3 August By 36 days work up to this date Total Time

four Months & 3 days $82 10

[New page "Day Book"]
Babtisto Moro Cts

To 3 Shirts 60 each

Dr

Cts

180

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 225

3 yards of Blue Stroud at 90 2 62J

To 1 3J point Blanket 3 70

21 may To order paid Dick Me ary $6 00 6 00

27 To 2 three point Blankets

To 1 pair of Fine Cloth pantaloons
3 yards of Second Blue Cloth
1 Black Silk Hkf

1 Flag pocket do

5 Ib Soap

6 Skanes of Silk

2 Fine shirts Gingham
1 fine Hat

['Written perpendicularly opposite these items: "Carried
forward"]

[New page "Day Book"]

Mr. Reva [Rivet] Dr

To Boards for Church $03 5
[Words "for Church" have line drawn through them]
26 Babtisto Mullar Dr

may To amount Brought forward [None stated] [Prob-
ably refers to sum of Items charged to Babtisto
Molar on preceding page]

To 1 Vest 200

5 Ib of Tobacco 1 50

To Bringind [sic] his articles 75

2 Gingham Shirts 1 30 2 60

1 fur Hat 4[?]

1 Dear Skin 40 Cents 40

To difference in swap of Blankets 1 00 1 00

To Beaver order paid Johnson $22 $22 00

1 Cotton Hkf 50

[New page "Day Book"]
Aprile 25 1839

226

F. G. YOUNG

Joseph Jervey [Gervais]
To 150 feet of weather Boards
80 do of maple 3
24 feet of 1 J Inch
Deem 1838 To plank for Church

To fifty feet of weather [boards]
acount Paid august 1839

Dr

$180
240

35
350

75

[New page "Day Book"]
21 May

Hudson Bay Co
To order Bt Deguar

Dr
$141 75

[New page "Day Book"]

1839

25 Dr

may Furcie

To 2000 feet of Boards & plank $30 00

Deem 1839 Paid

In Six sums [?] $5 each 3000

17 Laderute Dr

may To 250 feet of weather Boards at 12 pr Thousand $3 00
June 4th To Boards 4 40 4 40

740
480

By 2 Beaver
Cr by 3J pees

[New page "Day Book"]

John Edmunds

To 3 Beaver Traps $2 20C each
15th august
I sac Kyser

260

240

$240

Dr

$660
Cr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 227

By 12 Beaver Skins $2.20 [ ?] each $24 20 [sic]

[New page "Day Book"]
June 1st

John Edmunds Cr

By 3 Beaver Skins 2.20 $6 60

15th aug

Isaac Kyser Dr

To 1 Cow & Calf 45 $45 00

[New page "Day Book"]

Babtisto Mullar acount brought forward Dr

To four Dollars paid John Stephens 4 00

paid Doct Baley 235

26 augst To order to fort $12 12

To amount paid Burres $2 50

To paid John Stephens 4 00

[New page "Day Book"]

28 August 1839'

Thomas Me ay $ Dr Cts

To 568 feet of Inch & £ plank at $15 pr Thousd 8 62
To 250 feet of weather Boarding at 11 pr Thousand 5 75

To Hawling 1 00

1 Sep David Leslie Dr
To 804 feet of Inch Boards at $13 pr Thousd 9 45
274 of Inch & Half Damaged 3 00

Hawling $1-00 1 00

Thomas Me ay Dr

2 Oct To 1100 feet & 14 feet of 2 Inch plank at

$20 pr Thousand 22 28

To Hawling 4 Loads 50 2 00

14th Nov To 1873 feet of 2 Inch plank 20 M 37 46

to Hawling $3 3 00

[New page "Day Book"]

228 F. G. YOUNG

7 Sept 1839 Aiken Lucie Dr

To 400 feet of 2 Inch plank at $2 8 00

To Hawling 100

To 100 feet of Inch 1 00
Over looked

[New page "Day Book"]
28 October 1839

Mr Revay Dr $ Cts

To amount Brought forward 3 5

To 1268 feet of 1 J Inch plank at 16 pr Thousand 20 25

250 feet of Weather Boarding at 12 pr Thousand 3 00

160 feet of Inch at $12 1 77

Hawling 1.50 1 50

$29.57

Contra Cr

By order Fort Vancouver $20 00

[New page "Day Book"]
4 November 1839

Solomon Smith Dr

To Nine Hundred feet of

f Inch Boards 12 pr M 1080

| New page "Day Book"]

November 10th 1839

Isaac Kyser Dr

To Cash paid Burress $4 00

Edward Burress Dr

To order $15 fort Vancouver $15 00

[New page "Day Book"]
Nov 24 1839

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 229

Thomas Me ay Dr

To 1680 feet of Inch &i plank at $16 M [No sum charged]
December 7

Solomon Smith Dr

To 200 feet of Inch & £ Boards at 1.40 pr Hund $2 80

7 Sabastian Kyser Dr

To 1 Cow and Calf $40 00

Solomon Smith Dr

To 600 feet weather boards at $12 per Thousd 7 20

[New page "Day Book"]
12th January 1840

Solomon Smith Dr

To 500 feet of Inch plank at $13 M 6 50

Sabastian Kyser Cr

By 53 bushels wheat at 60 cts 31 80

820

[New page "Day Book"]

John Stephens Dr

March Order to the fort $5 10

4L 1 pair pantaloons 3 90

1 Shirt 60

paid Johnson 2 87-J

May 1 Board 25

#20 May To order to Fort 20 00

June order paid John quina 20 00

To paid Baley 1 70

Nov To order paid squire [ ?] 20 00

Janu To 10 Dollars balance on Rifle $10 00
8th 1840

# To order To the fort $25 00

109 42£

230 F. G. YOUNG

[New page "Day Book"]

December 5th 1839

John Stephens Cr

March 25 By 5 1 days work Cts

at $20 pr Month $39 23

By Six Months &Six teen days at $25 pr Month
Including all time worked Including
the 5th December 141 00

Cr By $5 In an order of Gervey 5 00

By balance on order by Tibbets 2 50

By babtisto Mullar 4 00

Oct By Babtisto— 4 00

Deem

4 By Wood 3 00

ft By 24 Days work $24 24

[New page "Day Book"]

Deem Henry Wood Dr

To paid John Stephens $3 00
12

13 To 1 Beav Skin ^ I 1 50

To paid C Tibbets 3 00

# To order To the Fort $20 00

Sebastion Kyser Dr

To two Shirts 1 20

Joseph Gale Dr

To 1 Shirt 50

ft order for 1 pair Bots [sic] 4 50

8 yds Cotton i 2 00
:# John Turner

1 pair Boots 4 5Q

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 231

[New page "Day Book"]
January 1840

John Turner Dr
To 1 3 point Blanket 2 90

^ Sebastion Kyser Dr

24 To 1 Pair Cord pantaloons 2 30
To two Shirts 60cts 1 20

$ John Turner Dr

25 To 4 Ib Tobacco 1 20

Sebastion Kyser Dr

Jt To Sib of Tobacco $2 40

[New page "Day Book"]
25 Ganu [sic] 1840

Jacob Green Dr

To 1 pair Boots 4 50 $4 50

# 1 Dest Elk Skin 1 50 1 50

Contra Credit By 1 otter 2 00

David Leslie Dr

25

To 1200 feet of Floring at $15 M $18 00

# To 500 feet of Cedar $1 50 [ ?] 7 50

To Hawling 3 Loads 50 pr 1 50

[Large dollar sign written across account]
28 Jacob Green Dr

To 1 three point &J point Blanket $3 90

21 Febra

John Turner Dr

to paid Henry Wood $27 40

232 F. G. YOUNG

[New page "Day Book"]

John Stephens Cr

By H Wood $10 00

22 Febra John Turner Dr

To amount paid Wood $27 40

March To amount paid George Gay 35
5

6 Joseph Gale Dr

To 1 Cow & Calf $40 $40 00

Fort Vancouver acount 10 70

5070
Cr by work 49 30

1.40

Solomon Smith Dr

10 To 356 feet of Inch plank 13 Dollars 4 78

[New page "Day Book"]
15th March

Jacob Green

$ Cts Dr

To 3 yards second Blue Cloth 2 30 6 90

2 Cotton Shirts 1 50

Blue vest 220

John Turner Dr

To amount paid George Gay $35 00

20 Aiken Lucie Dr

To 500 feet of Inch plank 6 50

To 3600 feet of Inch & J at $15 M 52 50

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 233

To 2570 feet of weather Boarding at $12 M 31 00

Sebastion Kyser Dr

M To paid John Stephens $5 5 00

26

[New page "Day Book"]

John Stephens Dr

To order to fort $8 00

26 March Settled with John Stephens

Due him one Hundred forty seven dollars

$14700

By hors[e] 30
By order 8

38

10910

[New page "Day Book"]
April 1st 1840

Opeo Dr

To Cash 3 3 00

Sebastion Kyser D

To paid Laderute 4 50

To 1 Saddle 3 3 00

Jacob Green Dr

To 1 pair pantaloons 2 40

# 1 Hkf 40

Buttons 37$

thread & Silk 62$

John Turner > Dr

234

F. G. YOUNG

To 1 fine Cappo [sic]
1 pair pantaloons
5 Ib Tobacco
George The Wihi
to 1 Pair pantaloons
Soap 4 Ib pounds

[New page "Day Book]
John Turner
To 4 pounds Soap

[no sum given]
230

[no sum given]
Dr

[no sums given or charged]

Dr

40c

Apr

Opeo

1 pair pantaloons

Dr

240

George the Wihi
To 1 pair stich [sic] Shoes

Jacob Green

to Difference in swap of Shirts 30 cts
To 1 Blue Cloth vest

George Wihi
17 Febra

To 1 fine Shirt

[New page "Day Book]
17 Febra Opeo

To 1 fine Shirt
June To 1 Course Shirt

[New page "Day Book]
22 may 1840

Felix Hathaway

on Settle

2 pair door Latches

Dr
200

Dr

30
[no sum charged]

Dr

[no sum charged]

Dr

[no sum charged]
[no sum charged]

Cr

$2645
300

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 235

Chain Staple & Ring 6 50

Nails $5 5 00

pees 2 00

4295
Deduct 5 50

3745

Felix Hatheway Dr

By branding Six Calves $1 each $6 00

[New page "Day Book]
June 1840

Thomas J Hubbard Dr

486 feet of Inch plank $6 29

1 plank do 2 Inch 15 feet 30

[The "2 Inch" is an insertion a correction probably of

first item]

306 feet of Inch Boards [Only one charge for two items)

1376 Weather boards 16 72

1098 feet of Scantling 16 50

1225 of Inch & J floring 17 10
To Charge from old Book to Iron [ ?]

To 1 Large Stel Tub 3 00

June to 1 quarter Beef 5 00

1 Half do 10

to Parues order 26

To iron 10

Opeos wages 1 Month & J 15

1 2 Inch plank 50

12641

[New page "Day Book]

Mission By Mr. Leslie Dr

236 F. G. YOUNG

To 513 feet of Inch &J plank at 15 7 69

To 400 feet of Inch 5 30

To 144 feet of Scantling 2 78

8 2 Inch plank 144 2 88

4 3&| Inch plank 3 00

Hawling 2 00

$2255

[On inside margin is written : "Settled by credit on Mission
Book"]

Thomas ] Hubbard Dr

to amount Drought forward $12641

By 4 Mill saw Files 42 Cts 1 64 [sic]

By Hailing his Lumber 6 00

134 90 [sic]
Plank sold Bileek 2 14

136 04 [sic]

[New page "Day Book]

Long Taw [ ?] ]>

To 1500 feet Inch & ^ plank 1 50 22 50

To 500 of Inch 1.30 "750

To Hailing 6 Loads 50 3

$3300

[ New page "Day Book]

George Gay Dr

To 350 feet of Inch Boar[d ]s at 13 dls M 5 50

To 400 feet of weather Boards 4 go

16 July Thomas Mcay j^r

to 339 lb of Beef at 6Cts 20 34

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 237

August 12 Mission Dr

To 704 of Inch & half plank 10 56

to 111 feet of 2 Inch 222

Hailing 1 00

1378

[In margin is written: "Settled by credit on Mission book"]
[There are indicated corrections of items in same hand. For
instance the first item has written over it in this hand : "400
feet of Inch." Evidently the Mission record differed.]

[New page "Day Book]
Sunday 16th August

S Smith Had worked 9 Days
30th august Including all time 19

Napua Wihe Dr

1 pair pantaloons Cort [ ?]

flanel Shirt [only one charge ] 3 00

S Smith 1 Shirt 87^

To paid Web $4 00

Mission Dr

to plank delivered for Mr Waller $18 80

1200 feet of Inch £i 260

200 Inch do 30

Hailing 2 00
[Written across : "Settled on Mission Book"]

[New page "Day Book"]
30 august

Napua Dr Cts

30

J. II dl_/ ^ICI, J-

To J pound Tobacco
[Dollar mark cancel]

238 F. G. YOUNG

Cowey Dr

To \ pound of Tobacco 30

To 1 3 point Blanket [No charge]

[Dollar mark cancel]

6th Sept 1840

S. Smith Cr

By 3 Days work this Includes all time to this date

Cowey Wihe Dr

to 13 point Blanket 4 75

[Dollar mark cancel]

[New page "Day Book]

Thomas J Hubbard Dr

To amount Brought forward $136 04

To Boarding Opeo two weeks & \ 1 50 3 75

[New page "Day Book]

Cr By 300 feet of Scantling $4 50

[New page "Day Book]
23 Sept

Solomon Smith j)r

By [sic] 40i Bushels wheat 60
By 13 Bushels of pees 70
By 1-J Bushels of potatoes
to order on McKay for 33f bushels of wheat
[No sums are charged or credited]

[New page "Day Book]

Sol Smith Bushels Q.

By balance Due 26

Joseph Whitcum [Whitcomb] Dr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 239

To delivering 2 Beeves to George Gay 1 each $2 00

Sidney Smith Dr

To 1. pair of Boots 325

P Armstrong Dr

to 1 Shirt 70

[Dollar mark cancel]

Mission Dr

By Alison Beers
To 484 foot of Inch & Half plank $150 [ ?]

[No sum charged. Written across is word "Settled."]

[New page "Day Book]

Cts

Oct 484 feet of Inch & [half?] plank at $15 M $7 26

1840

[Evidently a repetition of preceding entry]

323 do Inch 13 M 424

Hawling $1 50

$1300

[This is complete account of which first item was placed at
bottom of preceding page]

Cook Wihe Dr

To 1 Shirt 1 50

1 3J point Blanket 7 00

[Dollar mark cancel]

Cowey Dr

To 1 Half pound Tobacco

[Dollar mark cancel] 25

24 Oct. Winslow commenced for a years work

240

F. G. YOUNG

| New page "Day Book]
Oct 22nd 1840
Winslow & Baker
By [sic] 1 Beef

By order fort Vancouver
By two Shirts 1. each
Bu [sic] 1 Bushel flower [sic]
By pound powder
Bv five Gallons Molasses

$1

S Smith

By Mollar pd Hatheway
1 pair drawers
1 Flannel Shirt
1 do Fine Stripe
7 yds Callico
1 Black Silk Hkf

| New page "Day Book]

S Smith

4 Cotton do do
4 pipes

Dr

Dr

2500

5000

200

75

40

500

100

5 Nov P Armstrong
By 1 pair Boots
2 flannel Shirts &
U yds Duffle
1 pair pantaloons
1 Black Silk Hkf
Soap

| Dollar mark cancel]

5 Nov Cowey
To 1 Shirt
1 3 point Blanket

Wihe

[No charge]

Dr

450

320
300

100

Dr

[No charge for any of these three items]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 241

1 pair pantaloons
[Dollar mark cancel]

Cook Wihe Dr

1 Shirt [No charge for either item]

1 pair shoes

[Dollar sign cancel]

[New page "Day Book]

% C Walker Cts Dr

To 10 Ib Tobacco 40 4 00

Felix Hatheway Dr

To 16 Ib Tobacco 40 6 40

Felix Hatheway

By Smith $1 00

5 Nov S Smith Cr

By order to the Fort 29 40

P Armstrong Dr

1 fine Shirt 1 00

1 Cotton Hkf 30
[Dollar sign cancel]

Nov 15th

C Walker Dr

10 Ib Tobacco 4 $4 00

1 3 point Blanket 3 00

1 young Cow 30 40

1 Beef 25 25 00

1 Coat 20 2000

18 Decem

242 F. G. YOUNG

S Smith Dr

1 3 point Blanket 3 00

1 Beef 12 12 00
pork 5 00

4J pounds lead [no charge]

2 white Shirts 1 50
20 To Cow & Calf $40 00
[This account has cross lines over it made by blue pencil]

[New page "Day Book]

Contra C M Wkr [Walker] Cr

By Dress Coat 20

By Jerveys Note $30

[This account stands exactly opposite the above Walker
debit account.]

Winslow Anderson Dr

To 1 Cappo 4 4 00

1 Ib Tobacco 40
[Has written across it "transcribed"]

Cook Wihe Dr

By 1 White Shirt

1 pair skin pantaloons 3 00

1 Shirt

1 hair Cloth pant $600

[Dollar mark cancel]

[New page "Day Book"]

December 25

James Baker Dr

By 25 Bushels wheat Loaned until Harvest
to Beef $5 00,

[Written across this account entry: transcribed to Smiths

book]

George Gay Dr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 243

4 Ib Tobacco 40 1 60

[Dollar mark cancel]
Jan 1841

Winslow Dr

2 Ib Tobacco 4 80

[Written across this entry: "transcribed"]
[The remainder of the "Day Book," about two-thirds of it,
is blank with the exception of the following entries widely
separated from the above and from each other.]
Brought by F Hathaway against the Estate of E. Young
Ballence due pr assess labour $75 20

By sundry Articles loaned 31 20

By 4 days apprsing 8 00

By order pr G Gay 20 00

13440

Smiths Book not Settled
T J Hubbard Bill

1100 Hundred feet of Inch & J floring
1500 feet weather Boards
600 feet of Rough Edg Boards
1200 ft of Inch Boards

550 of Joist Running Measure 3 By 4 12 feet long
16 Rafters 3 By 4 12 feet Long

[The remaining records in the book are scattered fragment-
ary memoranda.]

IV.

From book, bound in undressed leather, designated "Regeaster"

244 F. G. YOUNG

["E. Young's," printed with pen in large letters on outside
of cover.]

[The book contains accounts that were kept by three differ-
ent persons: First section is in Ewing Young's own hand-
writing and contains mainly a record of the transactions relat-
ing to his live stock interests. Second section was kept by
Sidney Smith, virtually in charge of the ranch after Ewing
Young's death, until it was leased to C. M. Walker and George
Le Breton on the 1st of November, 1841. Third section is
composed of entries made by Judge I. L. Babcock.]
29 June 1838

E Young Dr

To Company Cattle two Stears & Two Bulls head 4

1 November To two Bull Calves six months old 2

To one Calf made a present to Smiths oldest daughter
December To two Bull Calves Bartered with Hubbard

for 2 Stears 1 Stag three years old 3

Memorandum of Cows Bought and sold of Company

Stock

Bartered for two cows of Solomon Smith 2

Laderute one do 1

Two tame Cows Reserved which was not put Into Com-
pany Stock 2

Four of the above Sold to henry wood

the balance of private Stock 1 Cow 1

Bartered with Hubbard one stear for a Cow 1

E Young Cr By two Calves from Joseph McLoughlin 2

[Remainder of page half torn away]

March 24th 1838

Memorandum of Cattle In Possession of E Young Belonging
to Himself and others Viz

E Young ninety Head

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 245

Belonging To Himself two tame Cows not included 92

Belonging to William A Slacum Twenty Three Head 23

Belonging To P L Edwards forty Nine Head 49

Daniel Lee & Cyrus Shepard Twenty Head 20

This Number is over and above After Delivering all that

Has Been Sold By Young or Edwards
The Sales Has been as follows of Cattle not yet Delivered

By E Young Sold To Solomon Smith Three Head 29th

June Paid *3

Deporty Mcay Three Head 30th Paid *3

W Johnson Two Head 29 June Paid *2

Broche [Brotchie?] 1

* [Crossed out on book.]

Sold By P L Edwards 29th June 1 Paid

To James Burney [Birnie] not yet delivered
Three Head To Whitcum (October llth paid) one Do

(Sept 1st 1838 Paid) 4

[Dates were filled in with different ink.]
June 29th paid S. Smith three Cows

PaidDeporty Me ay & Johnson

Paid for Burney one Cow.
llth October 1838 Branded Sixty 5 Calvs

[New page]

2d August E Young Dr 18 39

To 1 Stear 1J year old kiled [sic] for Beef 1

25 August To 1 year old stear killed for Beef 1

To 1 Cow and Calf sold To Kyser

Sept 6th To 1 year & ^ old stear Sold To Long Taw 1

October To one 4 year old stag kiled [sic] for beef 1

November killed 1 Stear 1J years old 1

Sold one Cow & Calf J Gale
December 20, Killed 1 Cow 1

1840
January 1 kiled 1 3 year old Stear 1840[So on Book]

246

F. G. YOUNG

1 Febra kiled 1 year old Stear 1
March 1st 1 3 year old stear 1
April 4 killed 1 2 year old Stear 1
20th 1 2 year old stear 1

2 May killed a two year old Stear 1
24 1 2 year old Stear 1
29 Swaped 1 Stear with Bolso [ ?] 1
June 15th kiled 1 Stear 1
June 25 1 Stear 1
August 10th killed 1 3 year old 1
august killed [sic] 27 killed 1

for Longtaw

2 September killed 2 year old Stear
16 kill 1 2 years old
21st kil 1 Stear for Winslow

[New page]

April 2d 1839 E Yound [sic] Cr

By Two Young Cows one year & a half old

1 from Hathaway & one from Wood 2

1 Cow from William A Slacums Number of Cattle sold To Dick

Me ary [sic] for building a house at the falls of the Wallamet

for Wm Slacum

E Young paid $30 and placed the cow and calf To his Credit 1
1 May 1839 By 1 Cow & Calf Bought of Kyzer

Sept 29th 1840

Sett[l]ed in full all accounts of Cattle With the Mission
where in I sold Bartered or Bought Due the Mission fifteen
Stears or Bulls & 2 tenhs [ ?] E Young

[New page]

June 18th 1838

Memorandum of Wages paid Hands for Work on Saw mill
paid W Brandewine Thirty seven dollars $37 00

Paid Henry Wood forty two Dollars $42.00

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 247

Paid Mr Cannon forty one dollars $41 00

august To 1 Hog 6 00

4700
Furnished one Mill Saw

The first Cost fourteen dollars $14 00

Boarded Wood Turner Brandewine during the Time they

worked on Mill
Also Campbell & John while Hubbard was Concerned in the

Mill E Young

July 1st Paid John Turner for Sawing five dollars &50 $5.50
The Total amount of Board forty tree [sic] Dollars 50

cents $43 50

the above account Settled

[New page]
Sept 5th 1838

Solomon Smith Cr

By Beaver forty three dollars $43 00

Cents
29 By Beaver and otter $20 50 20 50

Solomon Smith Dr

October 6th To Order at Fort Vancouver 24 50

To 1 Blanket $2 20 2 20

To Cash Paid Hathaway $12 00

[New page]

June 18th 1838

Brought from Memorandum Book
March 1838 Felix Hathaway To E Young Dr

To four Hogs 5 each $20 00

To five Bushels of wheat

By Johnson 50 25 [sic] 02 50

To one order Paid John Edmunds on Ft Vancouver

248 F. G. YOUNG

Beaver prices twenty five dollars $25 00

one order — do paid wood [Wood] six dollars $6 00
[Following item in different ink]

August 23 Settled ac[c]ount Cr By $15.35 15 35

Balance Due $38 15

Credit By Doctors Whites order
To balance of the above acount 15th Sept 1838
July 15 Henry Wood Dr

To 1 3J point Blanket $3.50

To Braking eight young Horses In payment forr 2 Mairs

& a Coalt $40-00

Carried forward next page the above Bargen Recorted

[New page]
Sept 2d 1838

Henry Wood Dr —

To two Tame Cows $30 each $60 00

To two mairs and 1 Colt $20 each 40

Colt not counted

To Balance on old acount 20 20 00

$12000

the above acount is to be paid by
Six Months work comencing at this date
Sept 3 1838

| New page]
July 1st 1838

Expences paid for Branding Cattle
To Beaver payment

Paid John Turner 4

Do paid Cheno 2

Do Wood $2 2

Paid Wood two Mairs £ one Colt at forty dollars for

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 249

Braking Horses To attend Cattle $40 00

Paid wood [sic] for working with Cattle ' 4 12£

Paid Brandewine $2-00 2-00

[New page]

Nov the 16th 1840

Tommis McKay Dr

To two hundred and fifty feet 3J inch plank $7.50

To hauling one dollar 1.00

[This second section of the book is not separated by any
blank space from preceding accounts. Ewing Young died
about January 15, 1841. Sidney Smith, an employee, had
charge of the farm accounts until it was leased.]

[The following accounts are all separated by double lines.
The "To E. Y. estate" following "Dr" is in different ink and
possibly different handwriting.]
Feb. llth 1841

James Baker Dr to Mr. E Y estate

To Seven J Bushels Wheat received of Luceay [Lucier]

Feb

12. Mr Hathaway Dr to E. Y. estate

To Trying Square $1 50

To 1. practical Navigator 1 50

To 1. Beef Hide 2.00

To 47 Ib. Beef at 6c 2.82

Feb 12th William Johnson Dr E. Y. Est.

To 1. pockette Knife " .50

To 2 Ib Tobacco. 40c " .80

Feb the 12 Comey— OWyhea Dr to E. Y. est
To 1 Ib Tobacco — 60c " .60

[Account has large Dollar sign written over it]

250 F. G. YOUNG

Feb the 12. Cook. OWyhea Dr to E. Y. est
To 1 pr. Corse Boots 2.00

To 1 Monkey Jackette 2.50

To 1 Ib Tobacco 60c .60

[First item of account crossed out.]

[Dollar sign cancel]

Feb the 12. John Edmonds Dr to E. Y. est.

To 10. Ib Tobacco. 40c 4.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

Feb 12. Winslow Anderson Dr E. Y. est.

To J Bushel Wheat 60c " .30

Feb 12 William Johnson To E Young estate

To side of ribs and Shoulder of Beef 3.00

[New page]

Feb the 12th Coweye OWyhee E. Y. est. Dr $ cts

To 1 pr. Course Boots 2.00

[Dollar Sign cancel]
16 Feb S. Smith Dr to E. Y estate

To two & half Ib. Tobacco 40c 1.00

18 Do To two Ib Tobacco 40c " 80

[Dollar sign cancel]

18 Feb Mission Store. Cr.

By 1 Ib Tea 1.25 1.25

By 4 Ib Nails 20c " 80

[Dollar sign cancel]

22 Feb Cook OWyhee Dr to E. Y. est

To 1. fine Vest $5.00 5.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 251

22 Feb. Winslow Anderson Cr.

By 1. fine Vest $5.00 5.00

1 1 Feb one Stear killed for the use of the
farm E. Y. Estate to E. Y. Estate Dr

25 Feb E. Y. Estate to E. Y. Dr.

To one Beef Hide $2.00 2.00

27 Feb Winslow Anderson to E Y est Dr

To 1. pr. fine boots, Old 2.00

24 Feb

[paid by Note at sight] Geo. Gay to E. Y. Estate Dr.
To 7\ Ib. fine powder [no amount given]

[Dollar sign cancel)

March Winslow Anderson Dr to E. Y. est.
1.2&3. To three days Lost to Look for wheet
Coc. De. [ ?] Laws per Self

3d March E. Young Est. Dr. to E. Young Estate
to One Beef Killed fo[r]
the use of the farm

[New page]

4 of March Delivered to Wilkins & Square for Hathaway his

big Black Cow & calf fron [sic] E Youngs Band per Verble

order to S Smith

24 Feb Delivered To Geo. Gay the Mules that the Said Gay
Sold to E. Young for which he Gay was to receive one hun-
dred and twenty five Bushels of wheat the Said Gay not

252 F. G. YOUNG

having a note or any other article to Show for the Said mules
and I not being otherwise to give an article to that effect
delivered the Said mules to the Said Gay

S SmITH40

4 March Winslow Anderson Dr to E. Y. Estate

Thursd. To 5 Ib Tobacco 40.c 2.00

4 March Paid Indian Sam for E Youngs one new white Shirt
for bringing the Cleckerlatt [?] [Clecker tall Possibly?]
Hors[e] Strayed

5 March. Delivered Mr. Newel, per order of Mr. Leslie one
tame Cow to be charged to E. Y. Estate as pay-ment for two
old horses that Said Young Perchased of the Said Newel.

5 March. Mr. Lieusee [Lucier] Cr. by five Bush of Oats
to Sam per E. Y. Estate 3.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

March. Bill of Goods Reed, from Fort Vancouver for E
Young Estate by Wm Johnson

1 Com. Capeau 18 s 6d ea 3.73^

2 pr. Com. Cloth pants 11s 2d ea 4.434
1. 3 point Blanket. 11s 6d 2.30

Amount Carried over $10.46$

[New page]

Amount Brot. forward— $10.46f

1. Do 3| point. 13s. 6d 2.70

6. pipes, 6d " .10

12 Ib. Coco. 9d 1.80

1 Tin Kittle 5s. 9d 1.15

20 Ib. Sugar 8d 2.70

40 Sidney Smith when signing his name regularly wrote from right to left.
As invariably he capitalized the first three letters of his name beginning at that
end. His surname thus stood: "SmITH." He seemed to think that if the left hand
end was entitled to two capitals the right hand end should have three.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 253

Neat [sic] Amount Reed 18.91 §

6 March Not being able to find the Hathaway cow and calf,
exchanged for a wild Cow & calf out E Youngs band

6 March. Cook OWyhee Dr. to E. Y. Est

To 1 pr. pants. $3.00 3.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

13 March E. Young Estate Dr to E Young Est.
To 1 White Cotton Shirt 1.25

[Dollar sign cancel]

13 March E Young Estate Dr to E Young Est.
To 1 Beef hide per use of farm.

13 March George Gay to E Young Estate Dr.
To 2J Ib Tobacco 40c 1.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

13th March

Delivered to Geo. Gay for Hathaway one Rone Colt Said
colt was bought of Young at the Delivering of the Mission
Cattle, per Order of Hathaway word of Mouth

S SmITH

13th March Delivered to John Cornan his three year Old Sor-
rall Colt from the Band of E Young Said Colt was Sold by
E Young to Geo. Gay and from Gay to Cornan.

20 March Geo. Abernathy Dr. to E Young est.

to 15 Ib Tobacco 40c 6.00

[Cancel : "Paid credited on Mission Book page 209"]

254 F. G. YOUNG

20 March Anderson Winslow41 Dr to E Y est

5 Ib Tobacco 40c 2.00

20 March Geo. Davice Dr to E. Y. Est

To 2J Ib Tobacco 40c 1.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

22d March Wm Johnson Dr., to E. Y. Est

To one Stear with a big horn $25.00

23d March Killed one Stear for the use of the farm E. Y. Est
Dr to E. Y. Estate

26 March Anderson Winslow Dr to E Y est

To 40 Ib Beef 6c 2.40

To 40 Ib Neck 5c 2.00

27th March Cowey OWyhee Dr to E. Y. Est

To 62 Ib Beef 7%c 4.65

[Dollar sign cancel]

27 March Anderson Winslow Dr. to E. Y. est.
To one day to Sow wheat per Self

1st April Cowey OWyhee Dr. to E Y est
To 1 Bed Spread 5.50cts $5.50

[Dollar sign cancel]

3d April John Turner, to E Yong est

paid To 6J Ib Tobacco 40c $2.60

Delivered to John Turner one Smoothing plane that E

Young borrowed of Turner
5th April S. Smith Dr. to E Young Estate

41 Winslow Anderson. The parts of this name seemed to be reversible when
handled by Smith.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 255

To 1. Ib Tobacco 40c "40

[Dollar sign cancel]

6 April Anderson Winslow Dr to E Y est
To 27. Ib Beef 6c 1.62

6th April Cook OWyhee Dr E. Y. est

To 1 fine Shirt 1.50

[Dollar sign cancel]

8th April Cowey OWyhee Dr to E. Y. Est

To 1 fine Shirt 1.50

[Dollar sign cancel]

8th April Anderson Winslow Dr to E. Y. est

To 1. fine Shirt 1.00

To 1. Do Damaged " 75

8th April Cook OWyhee Dr. to E. Y. Est

To 1. fine Shirt Damaged 1.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

8th April Anderson Winslow Dr to E. Y. est

To 1. Vest [No sum given]

10th April E Young Dr to E Young Est
To 1. Cotton Shirt paid Indian

9.10.12.13J Anderson Winslow Dr to E Y estate
To 3J Days lost going to Turners for his cows.

16th April

Geo. Gay Dr to E. Young Est

To 2\ Ib Tobacco 40c Delivered Mr Leslie 1 00

[Dollar sign cancel]

256 F. G. YOUNG

[New page]

19th April Plesant Armstrong Dr. to E. Y estate

To 5 Bever Traps 2.50 $12.50

To 16 Ib Lead lOc 1.60

To 1 Bear Skin 1.00

19 April Anderson Winslow Dr to E. Y. Est
To 1 Ib Tobacco 40c " 40

19th April To three Tin pans and one chair Delivered to
Anderson Winslow for J Turner that E Yong Borrowed
of Said Turner

20th April. E Young to E Young estate Dr
To 1 Beef for the use of farm

24 April Winslow & Baker Dr to E Y estate

To 12 Bushels wheat [no figures for wheat]

To 42 Ib Beef 6c 2.52

25 April Cowey OWyhee Dr to E Y estate

To 1. pr. Pants Old 1.50

[Dollar sign cancel]
25th April Cowey O Wyhee Dr to E Y estate

To 1 Coat $5.00 5.00

[Dollar sign cancel]
25th April E Young estate Dr to 5 Smith

To 1. Coat $5.00 $5.00

28th April Cook OWyhee Dr to E Y Est.

To 1 Ib Tobacco 60c " 60

[Dollar sign cancel]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 257

28th April Winslow Anderson Dr to E Y est
To 1 day Lost to Sow Wheat per Self
[Above entry cancelled]

1st May Mr Plassee Dr To E. Y. estate
To 1 Bb of Salt for which he is to pay 4.40

[Above item or entry crossed out]

[New page]

1st May E Young estate Dr. to E. Y. estate

To 30. Bushels Wheat Sowed

" " To 6J " used received of Lieusee [Lucier] Paid

6 May E Young Estate Dr. to Mission Store

To 3 Ib Nails 20c " 60

To 1 Ib Tea $1.00c 1.00

To 1 Ib pepper 40c " 40

To 1 Sithe Blade [No cost price given]

[Dollar sign cancel]

8th May Cook OWyhee Dr. to E Young Estate

To 1 Cappo $6.00 6.00

8th May Coweye OWyhee Dr. to E Young estate

To 2 Ib Tobacco 60.c 1.20

[Dollar sign cancel]

llth May E Young Est. Dr. to E. Y. estate
To 1 Shirt paid Indian
To 1 Ib Tobacco

15th May E Youngs Estate Dr to E Young Estate
To 1 Beef use of the farm

258 F. G. YOUNG

17th May H Web Dr to E. Young estate
To 1 Beef Hide 2.00

17th May Cook OWyhee Dr to E Y estate
To 60 Ib Beef 7Jc 4.50

[Dollar sign cancel]

20th May Winslow & Baker Dr. to E. Y. estate

To 50 Ib Beef 60c 3.00

21st May Cook OWyhee Dr to E Y Estate

To 2 Ib Tobacco 60c 1.20

[New page]

21st May E Young Estate Dr to E Y Estate

to one White Horse paid Indian by order of Mr Leslie
Administrator for splitting two thousand rails & two thous-
and pickets Said hors was purchased of Newel

S SmITH

24th May John Turner E. Y. Estate

Paid To 1 Ib Tobacco 40c " 40

26 May Joel Walker Dr. to E Y Estate

To 1. Beef-Hide $2.00 2.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

29 May John Turner Dr to E. Y. Estate

Paid To 1 pr Iron Sturips $1.00 1.00

26 May Baptiste Malez Dr to E. Y. Estate

To 1 Bb. $1.00 1.00

28 May Joseph Meek Dr to E Y Estate

To 2\ Ib Tobacco 40c 1.00

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 259

[Dollar sign cancel]

28 May David Leslie Dr to E. Y. Estate

To 1 Lass $3.00 3.00

[Written across item : "Paid"]

28 May Robert Newel. Dr to E. Y. Estate

To 1 Lass 2.00 2.00

[Written across item : "Settled"]

29 May Anderson Winslow Dr to E Y Estate
To 1 Day Lost in driving his Cattle

29 May S. Smith Dr. to E. Y. Estate

To 3 yearling heffers $40.00 40.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

29 May Cowey & Cook OWyhees Dr to E. Y. Estate

To 1 Bay Horse $30.00 30.00

[Dollar sign cancel]

[New page]
May

[Day of month uncertain.] Coweye OWyhee Dr to E. Y.
Estate

To 1. Vest. Old 1.50

29 May By order of Mr Leslie paid to John Turner 4 Ib
Tobacco for which said Turner paid in lass [o] ing but
made no charge against the Estate.
[Dollar sign cancel]

29 May Mr Baker Dr to E Y Estate

To 1 Sucking Calf Bot of Mr. Leslie $8.00 8.00

260

F. G. YOUNG

1st June Anderson Winslow Dr to E. Y. est.
To 4 Ib Tobacco 40c

1st June S. Smith to E Young Estate
To 3 Ib Tobacco 40c
[Dollar sign cancel]

3d June H. Web Dr to E Young Estate
To 50 6c Beef Delivered to J. Gale

Mond.

7 June Cook OWyhee Dr to E. Y Estate
To 1 Raisor Strop
[Dollar Sign cancel]

7 June E. Young Estate Dr to E Young Estate
To 1 Shoat killed for being always in mischief

10 June James ONeal Dr to E Young Estate

To I. Lass. 2.00
June 28 Mr Leslie Dr to E Y Estate

To 1. Lass Rope [written across: "Settled"]

[New page]

June 28 Mr. Shortess Dr to E Young estate
To 1. Lass Rope 250

1.60

1.20

3.00

" 50

2.00
1.40

2.50

June 28 Robt. Shortess Cr by order on the Misheon 2.50 2.50
[Written across above two items :
Dollar sign cancel]

28 June Louis Le Bontie Dr to E. Y. Estate
To 284 Ib Beef 5c
[Dollar sign cancel]

14.20

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 261

28th June Battiece Molair Dr to E Young Estate
To 100 Ib Beef 5c 5.00

To 1. Days work with Hors 2.00

28 June Battiece Molair Dr to E. Young estate

To 1 Beef Hide 2.00 2.00

28 June E Youngs Estate Dr t E Y Estate
To 1 Beef use of the farm

2d July Anderson Winslow Dr. to E Y Estate
To 1 Day lost Raising barn

26 May E Young Dr to E Young Estate
To 1 Cow killed at the marking of the
Cattle her leg being broke

9 July E Youngs Estate Dr to E Young Estate
To 1. Beef use of farm

10 July Baker & Winslow Dr. to E Youngs Est.

To 125 Ib Beef 5c 6.25

5 July E. Young Estate Dr. to Mission Store

To 1 Ib Ginger [No figures given]

[New page]

13th July Anderson Winslow Dr to E Young Estate 11.00
To 1. Sow and Pigs $11.00

14th July Battiece Molair Cr.

By 3 days with Horse Marking Colts 6.00

22d July David Leslie Dr. to E Youngs Estate

To 3000 ft Inch \ plank Sixteen dollars & fifty cts per
thousand 16.50 ["Settled" written across] 49.50

262 F. G. YOUNG

Do to howling 1J day with team

23d July Craig Dr to E Young Estate
To 1 Lass Rope 2.00 [Dollar sign cancel]

24th July Robbert Newel Dr to E. Youngs Est
To 3 Sows & 4 pigs $26.00
To 10 Ib butter 15c

["Settled" written across]

24th July Robbert Newel Dr to E Youngs Est
To Dried Beef

[Dollar sign cancel]

August 5th Robbert Newel Dr to E/. Y. Estate
To 1. Stear $20.00

[Dollar mark cancel]

August 5th Craig Dr to E Youngs Estate
To pease of Hide 50c

[Dollar mark cancel]
12th

August H. Campbell Dr. to E Young Estate
To chickens $1.50

6.00

2.00

26.00
1.50

1.00

20.00

" 50

1.50

August 28 Phelix Hathaway Dr to E Youngs Est

To 926 feet inch Lumber [No cost Figures given]

To 611 Do 1J inch Do
To 100 Do Scantling
[Dollar Mark cancel]

[New page]

28 August E Young Estate to S. Smith

To delivery Lumber to P Hathaway two dollar & fifty
cts 2.50

[Dollar mark cancel]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 263

1st of August [Sept?] Anderson & S. Smith quit Work for
the Estate of E Youngs Des

S Smith Dr to E Young Estate
[No To two White com. Shirts at appraisal [ ?]

date] [Dollar mark cancel]

Sept 16th Winslow Anderson Dr to E Young Estate
To 1 Washbole 1.00

To 1 Grindstone [No cost given]

Sept 23d Mr. Frost Dr to E. Young Estate
To 1 Keg powder. 25 Ib .30c 7.50

Keg 25c " 25

To 45 Ib. Lead lOc 4.50

[In different ink: "Lead settled for"]

27th Sept. Winslow Anderson Dr to E Y. Est

To 3 Ib powder 30c .90

27th Sept S. Smith Dr. to E Y Estate

To 3 Ib powder 30c "90

To 74 Ib Lead lOc 75

[Dollar mark cancel]

27th Sept. Winslow Anderson Dr to E Y. Est
To 6 3/4 Ib Lead lOc " 67

28th Sept S Smith Dr to E Young Estate

To 1 otter $2.00 2.00

To 1 Raisor Strop .25

[Dollar mark cancel]

Feb 12 John Edmonds Cr
by one days work after Cattle 2.00

264 F. G. YOUNG

[Dollar mark cancel]

[New page]

Oct 16 & 18 John P Edmonds Cr

To Repairing Cart

3J days Do

[Dollar mark cancel]

Oct 25th Winslow Anderson Cr

To ?^ days work repairing Cart $1.50 each

5.00
8.00

11.25

25 Oct. S Smith Cr by 7J Days repairing Cart 1.50 each 11.25

[Dollar mark cancel]
2 Nov. Edmonds Dr to E Young Estate

To 60 Ib Beef 5c 3.00

2 Nov. J Baker Dr. to E Youngs Estate

To 60 Ib Beef 5c
5 Nov. John Edmonds Dr to E Youngs Est.

To Beef

[Dollar mark cancel]

5th Nov J Baker Dr to E Youngs estate
To Beef

3.00
5.00

3.00

Sept. 28. Winslow Anderson Cr.

To 1 days work. 2.00

Nov The to. 1. Day work mendem Cart. 1.50

[The entries after August 1st entry that "Anderson & S.
Smith quit Work for the Estate of E Youngs Des [Sic]" are
in the same handwriting as those made prior to that entry]42
The following entries are in quite different handwriting, and

separate from the preceding by a blank page. They constitute

third section of book and were kept by I. L. Babcock, probate

judge.

42 As the farm was not leased until Nov. ist, 1841, Sidney Smith evidently
retained charge of the accounts until that date, although his engagement as em-
ployee had expired some time before this.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

265

Sidney Smith and Winslow Anderson

To E. Young Estate Dr

To the crops on the estate in 1841 to be paid in wheat.

Amt. 350 bus.
"Use of horse in delivering grain

210.00
6.00

216.00

[This entry has two and a half cross marks

scratched over it.J Cr

By 318 bus. wheat deld to H B C 190.80

" 20 do do do to Ebberts 12.00

" 20 do do do Newell 12.00 214.80

[In Diff. ink:]

8i " " " toHBCo 5.10

Sidney Smith To Estate of E Y. &c

To Amt of Your order given in favor of Estate on G Abernethy
dated Nov. 28, 1841, for $43.89 which order was pro-
tested 43.89
[The. above entry likewise has two ink marks scrawled
across it]

Winslow Anderson

To E Youngs Estate Dr
For 2 hides for which two ropes were to have been made 4.00

Cr

A demand of sixty dollars has been allowed to Anderson
against the Estate for services rendered and other items
of ac/ in the Rocky Mountains which was acknowledged
by Mr Young 60.00

May 26 1841

Winslow Anderson to E Youngs estate [Bot at sale]
3 Yearling heifers @ $17. ea 51.00

1 two year old Steer 15.50

266 F. G. YOUNG

[New page]

Winslow Anderson to E Young Sstate Dr

3 bus salt and 1 Barrell fr do 3.75 375

To sundry articles bot at sale as pr bill Sept. / 41 33.27

do do " " " " [an erased

entry of figures]

James Baker

To E Youngs Estate Dr
Bot at sale May 26. 1841

1 wild cow and calf $25.00

1 2 Year old heifer 17.00

Articles Bt at sale in Sept as p- bill 10.15 52.15

Wm Johnson

To E Youngs Estate Dr

3 Barrels of salt say 9 bushels

Bot at sale in May 26, 184 [1] 10.50

13 Files .45

Articles bot at sale in Sept as per bill 2.81 13.76

Jas Despot

To E Youngs Estate Dr
Sundries bot at sale in Sept 1841 8.75

X Laderoute to E Young Estate Dr

Bal for sundries bot at sale in Sept./41 10.00

M. Plisse (M. Laferte)

To E Youngs Estate Dr

Sunds bot at sale in Sep. 1841 as pr bill 7.45

C. M. Walker to E Young Estate Dr
2 vols. Shakespeare Bot at sale 3.50

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 267

Charles Cahete [?] (Charlo) Dr
Articles bot at sale in Sept. 1841 170

J Horrigan (Alias Paddy Rowland)
To E Youngs Estate Dr

One Frying pan bot at sale in Sept 1841 .60

Dubride to E Young's Estate Dr .30

La Chapel to E Young's Estate Dr

one Flat Iron bot at sale in Sept 1841 .50

Winslow Anderson to E Yo. Estate Dr
To one house near the saw mill 14.00

Winslow and Baker

1840 To account transcribed from Mr. Youngs old book
Oct 22 1 Beef 25.00

" Order on Vancouver for 50.00

" 2 Shirts 2.00

" flour 75

Powder 40

five Galls Molasses

5.00 83. 10 [sic]

Dec 1840 Winslow Anderson to account

brought from Mr Youngs old book Dr
1 cappo 4.00

1 Ib Tobacco .40 4.40

Jan 1841 2 " Do .80

Jas Baker Dr to account brot from Mr Youngs Old book
To 25 bushels of wheat loaned till harvest 5.00

268

F. G. YOUNG

[New page]

[The word " Settled" is written across each of the following
entries in this book]
1843 Oct 8th Felix Hathaway Cr
By an order Against Laddy Route and Jervey returned $31, $31

[Notice spelling of Laderoute and Gervais]
Oct 8 Felix Hathaway Dr

To order paid By G Abernethy

thirty Eight dollars and seventy five cts 38.75

Oct 8 Solomon Smith Cr

By order Returned by O Neal 5.00

Oregon Mission Dr

To E Youngs Estate

thirty one dollars on an order Returned from Laddy
Route & Jervey ["Settled" written across] 31.00

Oct 15 John Edmonds Dr 1840

To paid order two dollars & ninety two cts Lafortee 2.92
Oct 1842 I have this day settled with Placee [?] Lafortee

and reed his notes for what is due on the Land contract

formerly made between himself and Mr Young.
Oct 18th 1842

$10 Sold one Stud horse to Robert Shortess and Reed

an order on Mr. Abernethy amount of which was $10

Oct 8 Sold Mr Rogers three Beeves by the Hundred

amounting to 77 dollars $77.

Nov 4th 1842 James Oneal Dr

to an order in favor of Calvin Tibets twenty three

Dollars fifty cts 23 50

to be endorsed on Smiths contract

[New page]

Jany 25th 1843

James Oneal Dr to Est Young

To an order on Fort Vancouver given by Joseph Mc-

Loughlin twenty three Dollars and seventy nine cts 23 79

1842 I L Babcock Cr

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 269

Dec 14 By cash paid to Fletcher & Cook for thirty
Bushels of seed wheat delivd at the farm of E Young
Price agreed on thirty Dollars $30.00

1843 Cr By five dollars paid to G LeBriton for

Feby 9th services at sale 5.00

March 15 Oregon Mission Dr
To an order given by Dr White

To James O'Neal forty five Dollars $45.

I L Babcock Cr

1843 By horse services at different times 5.00

Apil 24

April 24 I L Babcock Dr

To and order reed from Mr Gray and endorsed on
James Oneals note of forty two Dollars and fifty cts 42.50

May 14th 1843 Oregon Mission Cr

By order given to Solomon Smith for five Dollars

and Eighty cts 5.80

July Oregon Mission Dr

To order from H Clark about $74.

July To J L Parrishs note $101 and interest

George LeBreton Dr
To order on Mr Abernethy
for services rendered at sale &c 27.00

[New page]

July 27th 1843

Judmumnt [?] rendered in favour of L Carmichael
prosecuted by James Oneal Esqu amounting to two
hundred and five Dollars and forty cts 205.40

against the estate of E Young

Also found due S. Smith on contract seventy two Dollars
and ninety one cts

James Oneal Dr

to notes and orders against sundry Individuals amount-
ing without interest to six Hundred and twenty three
Dollars and four cts 623 04

270 F. G. YOUNG

The above are put in his hands for collection and to be ap-
plied as stated in the receipt or returned if not collected

I L Babcock
1844

Oct 8th To paid L H Judson four dollars & four ^ in an
order on F Ermatinger 4 04

Rec about three hundred and fifty dollars for which a
change of obligations has been rend [ ?] [or reed] [ ?]
to accommodate the parties:

One note against D Leslie has been left with Mr. Abernethy
to pay the expens of enclosing the grave of E Young and
to pay probate expense

Price agreed on for the above $60
for expense of probate $15
[This item completes contents of "Reagester"]

V.

EWING YOUNG'S TRANSACTIONS WITH THE FORT VANCOUVER SALE

SHOP AND AS CONTINUED BY THOSE IN CHARGE OF HIS ESTATE
Ewing Young Dr

To Fort Vancouver Sale Shop for the following, vitz

£ s d £ B d
For'd per E. Lucier
1839 To

Novr 28 2 plain Blankets 3 pts Red Bar 11/8 1 3 4

6 Ib Ball 6d " 3 "

1 Stock Lock 12 in "79

10 Yds Com. blue flannel pr 1/9 " 17 6

1 Ib 6thd Ratline " " 8

4 Com. Stripd Cott Shirts 3/ "12 "

5 Yds Blue List Cloth 5/ 1 7 11
For'd per Joe Gale

Deer 5 4 Plain Blankets 3 pts BB 13/2 12 "

2 " " 3V2 " 14/6 1 9 "

1 Com Cloth Capot 4 Ells " 19 6
4 " Stripd Cott; Shirts 3/ "12 "

2 Iron Spades No. 3 4/6 " 9 "

6 E. W. Cups & Saucers wh handles 1/6 " 9 "
6 " " Deep Plates 10d " 5 "

3 Yds Indigo blue Duffle 10/2 1 10 6
18^ Ib Cocoa 'g "13 11

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 271

3 Yds Red Baize 2/9 " 8 3

ft Ib cold Thread 2/8 " 1 4

6 skeina Cold Silk Do Id " " 6

6 flat bastd files 14 in 1/9 " 10 6

2 prs Sea Boots 22/6 2 5 2

1 Quire Uncut pot paper " 11

1 pr Olive Cord Trousers 9 11

2 doz Bone Jacket Buttons 5d " " 10
6 Com Cott: Handkerchiefs 1/5 86

Deer 14 Paid your note 11 Deer '39
in favor Bte Deguire for

1840 at beaver prices 6 5 '

Jan 17 2 prs Sea Boots 22/6 2 5 "

2 " Drab Cord Trousers 9/11 19 10

Forwarded 27 7 8
[New page of statement]

Amt Brot Forward £ 27 7 8
Per H Wood

3 Ib Hyson Tea 3/9 " 11 3

2 " Congo " 2/3 "46
6 " Twist Tobacco 1/6 9 "
20 " Cavendish " 1/61 10 "
28 Yds fine printed Cotton 1/2 1 12 8
10 Ib 20d Sharp Nails 10 " 84
8 Yds Com Striped Cotton 1/11 15 4
Paid your Note 10 Jany 40 in favor

Jno Stephens for 25$ at

beaver prices 6 5
Paid your note 10 Jany 40 in
favor Henry Wood for $20.

at beaver prices 5 " "
Per J Gervais

Febr 26 2 prs Cord trousers 9/11 "' 19 10

3 Yds seed Blue Cloth 11/3 1 13 9
2 fine Cotton Shirts 4/5 " 8 10
2 Com: " " 3/ " 6 "
1 Tin Kettle No. 1 "59
1 " " No. 2 "52
1 " " No. 6 "26

1 Seed Blue Cloth Vest "99

2 Gns Lamp Oil 5/3 " 10 6
March 13 To Your Note in favor A

Blythe $1.50. date 11 Jany 7 6

April 3 6 prs drab Cord Trousers 9/11 2 19 6

6 fine Cotton Shirts 11/5 1 6 6

30 Ib Yellow Soap 81""

10 " Twist Tobacco 1/6 " 15 "

1 Seed Cloth Capot 4% Ells 223

£ s d £ s d

1 pr Seed Cloth Trousers " 19 6
4Pullecut(?) Cott: Hdkfs 1/8 " 6 8

2 Com " " 1/5 " 2 10
1 Seed Blue Cloth Vest "99
6 prs Long Worstd Hose 3/2 "19 '

Forwarded 60 14 4
[New page Statement]

Amt brot Forward 60 14 4

April 3 1 pr Shoes "83

4 Ib Hyson Tea 3/9 " 15 "
12 Yds fine Stripd Cotton 2/2 1 6 "
12 " 9 /8 Bleached " 9 " 9 "

1 pr Womans Shoes " 6 "
6 Tin Milk Turreens 2/10 " 17 "

2 Dressing Combs 11 " 1 10
1 Tin Kittle No. 1 "59

272

F. G. YOUNG

1 " " No. 3 .
1 " " No. 6
1 doz Gilt Coat Buttons
6 Skeins Blk Silk Thread
% Blk " No. 25

1 plain Blanket 3& pte BB
42 Ibs Loaf Sugar

2 Quires ruled foolscap paper
8 Yds purple Merino

1 Cott: Shawl

1 Mill Saw 6 ft

6 flat bastd files 14 in

By Etienne Luciers Note 31 March

'40 for L15 at Beaver Prices
Paid your Note 1 April '40 in

favor Ed: Burroughs for $5.

at beaver price
May 4 Pr Henry Wood

1 pr fine Cassimere Trousers
6 Scalping Knives
6 Indian Awls

1 fine blue Cloth Jacket
10 Ib Gunpowder

6 Cakes Windsor Soap

2 Band Silk Hdkfs

Forwarded

[New page Statement]
Amt brot Forward
May 4 1 Com Cott Hdkf

Paid Your Note 26 April '40 for
$41 in favor S Kyzer at
beaver prices

11 Paid your note 26 March '40

in favor Jno : Stephens for
$12. at beaver price
15 Paid your note 8 May '40 in

favor Jno : Stephens for $109.10,
at Beaver price Amounting to
18 1 Gall Madeira Wine P Kizer
Paid your note llth May in
favor S Kyzar for $83.67 at
Beaver price

Paid your note llth May in favor
Jacob Green for $28 at Beaver
price

Passage Money of 2 Men Barque
Vancouver from Woahoo to
Ft Vancouver

June 10 1 Cross Cut Saw 5 feet
6 " " " Files
4 Com: Cotton Shirts
4 " Handkfs

12V2 Yds fine printed Cotton
2 Ibs Congo Tea
13% Ibs Loaf Sugar

2 drachms Strychnine wh. Phial

12 To Balance on Handkfs from Cash Bk
Augst 27 The following forwarded p

E Burry [sic]

3 Cotton Com Shirt

2 " Fine "

3 Blkts 3 pts B.B.

12 Com Cotton Handkfs

4 Ibs Hyson Tea

2/11

1/9 " 3
1/11 1 11
5/9 " 5

i/9
1/9

3 6
4

5 9
1 16 9
" 10 6

15

1 5

1 9 3

8 " 4 "

doz 6 " " 3

1 16 "

1/3 12 6

6 " 3 "

4/6 " 9 "

78 2 3 15

78 2 3 15

1 5

10 5 "

27 5
1 "

20 18 4

7
ea5 10 "

1/2

2/l
138 /

14 7

4 6

8 10

17 3

1 "

13 / 1 19
1/5 " 17
3/9 " 15

10

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 273

£ s d £ B d
166 8 2 15 " "
[New page and sheet of Statement]

Amount Brought forda [sic] L 166 8 2 15 " "

Augat 27 1 Keg Loaf Sugar Wght 80 Ibs & Keg 8 2 19 "

5 Ibs Plug Tobacco 1/6 " 7 6

5 " Twist 1/6 " 9 7

3 Yds 2d Claret Brown Cloth 8/6 1 5 6

6 Yds blue Strouds Com. 4/11 1 9 6
12 " Regatta Cotton I/ "12 "

1 Waterproof Hat 19 6
Paid your note this date in favor

E Burrice for 17.60 at Beaver price 48"

30 Harrow Teeth 29 Ibs 1/19"
L La Bonte

Sept 23 2 plain Blankets 3% pts BB 14/6 1 9 "

12 Yds Com Striped Cotton 1/11 9 3 "
By William McCarty's note for $14

at Beaver Price and amounting to 3 10 "

By Joseph Dicksons Note " " " 1 10 "

Oct 29 To 12 flat bastard files 14 in 1/911"

20 Ibs Soap 8 " 13 4

% " Cotton Wick Ib 3/3 "26

2 Com. Cotton Shirts 3/ " 6 "
2 fine " " 4/5 " 8 10

4 Ibs Twankey Tea 2/5 " 9 8
79 " Loaf Sugar 8 2 12 8
& " Ounce Thread No. 26 8/ " 2 "

6 Rowing Shirts 3/9 1 2 6

6 plain blankets 3 pts BB 13 /- 3 18 "

2 E Ware Washhand Basins 2/3 " 4 6

1 pair Boys Shoes "49
6 " Long Worsted Hose Men 3/2 " 19 "

2 Com cloth Trowsers 11 /- 1 2 "
6 " Cotton Handkfs 1/5 " 8 6

10 Ibs Coffee 8 " 6 8

2 Ivory Combs 1/5 ' 2 10

Carried for'd £ 197 4 6 20 " "
[New page Statement]

1840 To Amount Brought for'd £ 197 4 6 20 " "
Octr 29

1 Coffee Pot s " " 11

1 Eware jug 1 Qt Damd d " 1 4

6 balls Cotton Thread 316

1 Clasp Knife with Driver "22

6 Gunflints doz 3 " " 2

1 DK Valentia Vest "86

1% Yd Com blue Strouds 4/4 " 7 5
By Revd Jason Lee's note date
29 Sept '40 for $250 at Beaver

price amounting to " " " 62 10
By Revd Jason Lee's note 24 Sept
'40 in favor Sidney Smith for

$29.40cts at Beaver price amounting to " " " 7 7
To For Armstrong

1 pair Sea Boots 126

2 Com wh flannel Shirts 8/3 " 16 6
1 Blk Silk Handkf 38 in 55
1 pair com cloth Trowsers d " 11 "
6 Ibs Soap 8d " 4 "

1% Yd Blue Duffle 7/3 " 10 11

For S Smith

1 pair Seamens drawers " 4 11

1 Com wh flannel Shirt "83

4 pipes " " 4

4 Cotton Handkfs 1/5 " 5 8

274

F. G. YOUNG

7 Yds Com printed Cotton
1 Blk Silk Handkf 38 in

1 Com Cotton Shirt
31 12 Yds Trace Chain
1 pair Sea boots
1 fruit dish

1 Stand Lamp

2 Galls Lamp Oil

Carried for'd £
[New page Statement]
Amount brought for'd £
Oct 31 1 Tray Japd Mid d [ ?]
1840 d

1 Gall Port Wine

1 Small Tin Tureen
6 B M Tea Spoons

2 boxes Muscatel Raisins

8 Ibs Currants

1 Dble Rein bridle

1 Tin funnel

Paid your note 29 Inst in favor

James Baker for $50 at Beaver price
To advances at Woahoo (Paid Engages)
Novr 30 Paid your note 25 Inst in favor

Caleb Wilkins for $6 at beaver price
Paid your note in favor G Ebberts

for $37 at beaver price
Irons for three Swinglle trees
" 2 prs traces 15Ms Ibs

3 Bridle Bits

To " " Cowie
To transfer Cr Napoua
By Balance 1st June 1840

Add Error on Coffee Pot

11 6

"5

d " 3

8d "

"12

"2

" 1

5/3 " 10

205 16

89 17

205

16 " 89 17 "

"

11 8

««

16 "

"

6 3

doz 1 /5
4/1 '••

" 9
8 2

9 "

6 "

"

18 "

"

" 6

12

10

5

12 6

1

10 "

9

5 "

I/- '«

15 6

5

6 4

4

9 7

1 14 2

7.

2 10

248

5 3 91 11 2

Less Credits

91 11

Less by the following credits in the Indian

Shop Book
May 18 By 4 Sm Beaver

156 16 11

Augst 27
Octr 31

1 Large
1 Pup
1 Large
17 Large
1 Large

5/6

11 /-

1 2
" 11
" 2
" 11
9 7
5

6 11
144

Carried Forward

(Additional entries on this sheet in pencil are blurred
They include a note of Dr Babcock 65"

and make a total of £155 14 11

[New Sheet and new page]

Dr Estate of E Young (deceased) in account with The Hudsons Bay Co Cr

£ d a £

To Amount of Account last rendered 155 „

Deduct Amount overcharged this 1 „

19 '
17 11

d s

14 „ H
10,, 5

By 429% bushels wheat received from Revd Mr Leslie

Add Interest on this Amount from June

154,,
3/ 64,,

4,, 6
8,, 6

16,, 0

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

275

1841 to 31 May 1842 @ 5 p cent

To Amount due Cowie vizt

wages fm 14 Feby 1840, date of Engagement

at Woahoo to 30 June 1841—10% mo <g> 50 / p mo 41 „ 5 „ 00

Less the following Vt
Amount of Sundry Supplies p Amts

handed in by Mr Leslie, $79, 26% 19 „ 16 „ 5

Advances at Woahoo 1840 paid by Mr.

Young 2 „ 16 „ 3

do do 5,, 6,, 4

4,, 9 ,,10
94 „ 5 „ 10

27 ,,19,, 0

[New page]

Carried forward £
Brought Forward
To Amount due Napoua Vz

Wages as Cowie
Adv. at Woahoo 1840 paid by Mr Young

atVanr 1840 Do
Amt of Sundry Supplies as

p Acct handed in by Mr Leslie $54%

Less Amount of Mr Blanchets Note

E E

Vancouver

15 April 1842

13,, 6,, 0

107 „ 11 „ 10
107- 11- 10

2-16-3
4- 9-7

13-11-3

41,, 5

,,17,, 1

127 ,,19,, 9
8 10 0

119,, 9,, 9

Dr

1842
June

[New page and new sheet]
Estate of E Young (deceased)

In account with the Hudsons Bay Company

DR

To Amount of Account rendered £

To Interest on above balance for one year, 5 p cent
By Amount put to credit of Estate

by Catholic Mission of Wallamette
Augt 12 By Transfer Dr Sundries for orders

in favor of Individuals, transferred

to credit of Estate vizt
J Holman p his Note favor of Ja ONeil

or bearer p 10% dolls beaver
R Newell do J Turner dated

27 May 1841 p 5 dolls beaver
Jason Lee do p G Abernethys Note

dated 9 Augt 1842, p $108,36 Beaver
Jason Lee p his order dated 8 Augt

1842 P $ 19% beaver
Louis Ossin p his note dated 10

Inst favor of D Leslie P $4.70
Robert Newell p Amount due by him to

the Estate p Mr Leslie's Au $34.50
David Leslie p his order
By Orders for wheat from Sundries Vizt

Jo A Rivet 86 2/3 bus

T Fletcher & Ja ONeli 153 1/3 bus

J McLoughlin 71

E Lucier 26

Hubbard & BelHque 31 5/12

Carried Forward £

127
6

19 9

CR

8 10

I

2

12

6

1

R

««

27

1

10

4

17

6

1

3

6

8

12

8

21

M

8

13

00

•;

•;

fO

10

13

••

3

18

««

4

14

3

134 7 9 130 8 9

276 F. G. YOUNG

DR OR

1842 Brought Forward £ 134 1 9 130 8 9

Aug 12 By 13% bu wheat deld Laframboise p Barnabe 3/ 2 " "

By 13 do do p Bellique 3/ 1 19 '

134 7 9 134 7 9
E E

Fort Vancouver
12 August 1842

p H B Co

Dugald Martavtah

VI.

An Ewing Young note

We or either of us promise to pay Solomon H Smith as
follows. In the year 1841 one Hun [dred] bushels of wheat
and twentifive dollars and als[o] in the year 1842 the sum
[of] 100 bushels of wheat and twentifive dollars In the
Year 1843 the same amount of wheat and twentifive dollars
which is to be paid to the Said Solomon Smith for an Im-
provement he sold to E You[ng] at the place Caled the
Yellow Banks

Wallammet, July 1840 Ewing Young

Endorsed as follows:

Rec twenty five Dollars on the within 9th of October 1841

S. H. Smith

Reed on the within forty Dollars fr S H Smith by D
Leslie Administrator fr E Youngs Est

Jas A ONeil

I Heirby Certify that Sh Smith informed me by letter that
he reed thirty three bushels of wheat from plassee [Michel
Laferty] whitch I think is to be Credited on this note

Jas A ONeil

August 15th 1842

This is to certify that I have reed an order on Joseph Mc-
Loughlin for seventy three Dollars twenty nine cents of I L
Babcock Adr of E young estat as a credit on this obligation
if said order is accepted at Fort Vancouver this 26th of
January 1843

Jas A ONeil

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 277

1841

VII.

Appraisal and Inventory of Property
The Estate of Mr Ewing Young Deed Dr in A/ct

with Robt Moore
1841
Feby 12th & 13th to 2 days appraising property at

$2 00 per diem $4.00

March 15 to 1 day measuring and apraising plank at

$2.00 2.00

" to copying appraisement and Inventory of

property $2.00 2.00

$8.00

Mr E Young Debt W Johnson for Going to forte George and
bring up Goods for him 10 Dollars

for Making of shirts and Washing 5 Do

five Days employed in the praisment of his property 10 Dollars
for his womans board eleven Weeks 14 Dol

To auctionering property amounting to $1333i/3 at 1J

per cent $20 00

$59.00
May 27th 1840 [sic]

[The last item in the above is in a different handwriting.
The date and summing up is in this different hand. As the
first sale or auction was on May 26, 1841, the year given
was an error]

(A document nearly of the same date)
$30.

On or before the first day of October next we promise to
pay David Leslie as administrator for the estate of Ewing
Young deceased, thirty dollars in merchantable wheat at
Champoic at sixty cents per Bushel or in Bills receivable at

278

F. G. YOUNG

the office of Fort Vancouver for value received witness our
hands & Seals this 25th May 1841.

W Bailey Seal
Attest

W Johnson Seal
C. M. Walker
[The above is the handwriting of C. M. Walker)

VIII.

First Auction

Account of Auction Sale of Property belonging to the Estate
of Ewing Young — by direction of David Leslie Esq Ad-
ministrator May 26 1841 Viz

1 Tame Brindld Cow & Suckg Calf

1 Heifer ' without calf

1 Speckled " & Calf

1 Tame Black "
1 " Speckled & dun Calf
1 " Spotted Brindld Cow & no Calf
1 Brindled Steer
First choice yearling Heifer
Chd3 next in choice " " a $17. each
Pair of yearling Steers
1 white Heifer yearling
1 Light Brindld Heifer yearling
1 Red & White Heifer "
1 Cream
1 Black Bull

S Smith
S Smith
S Smith
J ONeil
Squires
La Roque
S Smith
MacCarty
J Kernan
G Winslow
T. J. Hubbard
S Smith
S Smith
T. J. Hubbard
T. J. Hubbard
S Smith

45.00
32.00
17.50
25.00
38.00
28.00
28.50
13.40
17.00
51.00
17.50
12.00
12.00
15.50
17.50
11.50

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 279

1 Cow & Calf at Quantiles house L Fourcia 30.00
[Forcier]
1 yoke Oxen & yoke J ONeil 63.00
5 first choice yearling Heifer a $13 S Smith 65.00
2 Cows & calves take as come 2 a $24. S Smith 48.00

Chdl Cow

James Baker 25.00

4 " "

" " " $23 J ONeil 92.00

2 two year old Steers " " $15 Wm Bailey 30.00

Chdl

$15.5U (j. Winslow 15.50

1 "

" " " Baptiste De Guerre 14.00

Chdl " " "

: Heifer" " James Baker 17.00

^ U (t t(

" " " $16 Joseph Gale 32.00

I [sic]"' "

" " " 15.50 Joseph Gale 31.00

10 "

" " " $15 S Smith 150.00

Amnt carried over 994.00

[New page]

Amount brot

up $994.00

1 Cow without Calf first choice S Smith 23.00

i « «

" 2nd John Howard 23.00

1 "

" 3rd "FA Reavy [Rivet] 22.00

2 « «

" 4th " S Smith 44.00

Chd3 Bushels of

Salt & 1 Barrel G Winslow 3.75

3

" " L Fourcia 3.75

3

" " J Howard 3.75

3 " "

" " Paddy [Rowland] 3.50

9 « «

3 " a $3 McCarty 9.00

3

1 " Squires 3.75

3

" " Turner 3.75

Chd9

3 " a $3.50 Johnson 10.50

36 "

" 12 " a $3.50 G Le Breton 42.00

3

1 " J Gale 3.75

3

"1 T J Hubbard 3.75

3

1 " S Smith 3.50

3 " "

1 " Baptiste De Guerre 3.75

280 F. G. YOUNG

3 " " " 1 " Wm Craig 3.75

3 " " 1 " S Smith 3.50

1 File T J Hubbard 30cts 1 File J Connor 33 cts .63

1 " Wm Craig 31 " 1 " J Connor 31 " .62

1 " T J Hubbard 32 " 1 " J Connor 33 .65

1 " TJ Hubbard 35 1 " T J Hubbard 40 75

1 " Newel 50 1 " Wm Craig 42 .92

1 Cross Cut Saw (Large) J Baptiste Perault 14.00

1 Dbl Barrel Fowls piece & Equipmt Joseph Reavet 52.00

1 Cross Cut Saw (small) Francis Reavet 9.50

1 Pair Match Planes La Roque 6.00

1 " Planes La Roque 3.25

2 Planes $1 J Howard 2 Planes J Connor $2.88 3.88
2 plane Smith 25cts 1 Plane L Fourcia 40c .65

(Auction Sales of May 26, 1842)

Chd 13 Files Wm Johnson 3J cts ea .45£

1 Double Bridle Charles Paid 6.00

2 volumes Shakespaeare # C Walker 3.50
1 Spanish Bridle George Gay 4.50
1 Saddle John Turner .50
1 Spanish Saddle & riging Barnaby 8.00

Amount Total $1339. 15 J

[In different ink there is the following indorsement:
"Such items as are not marked chd in this bill are all
settled"]

[The "chd" opposite some the items is made with the same
ink as this indorsement.]
[Accounts of Expenditures in connection with the sale of

May 26, 1841]
Dr Estate of Ewing Young to John Turner

To 3 days work self & Horse $6.00

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 281

Reed Payment of David Leslie Administrator

his
Willammet May 27 1841 John X Turner

mark
Attest G Le Briton

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Geo Gay

To 4 days work self & Horse $8.00

Willammet

May 27 1841 Received Payment of David Leslie Admr

George Gay

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to John Kornan

To 3 days work self & horse $6.00

Willammet

May 27 1841 Received Payment of David Leslie Admr

John Kornan

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Joseph Gale

To 1 days work $1.00

Willammet

May 27 1841 Reed Payment of David Leslie Administrator

Joseph Gale

Dr Estate of Ewing Young George Ebbert

To 3 days work self & Horse $6.00

Willammet

May 27 1841 Reed Payment of David Leslie Adminisr

George Ebbert

282

F. G. YOUNG

[Another sheet]
Dr Estate of Ewing Young- to Wm Craig

To 4 days work Self & Horse

Willammet May 27 1841

Reed Payment of David Leslie Admstr

Wm. Craig

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Joseph Meek
To 3 days work Self & Horse

27 00

$8.00

$6.00

Willammet May 27 1841 Reed Payment of David Leslie
Adminstr J L Meek

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Joel Walker

To 4 days work Self & Horse $8.00

Willammet May 27 Reed Payment of David Leslie Adm
[Not signed, but "Paid" in different ink written across entry]

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Baptiste Moliere

To 3£ days work Self & Horse

$7.00

Willammet May 27 1841 Reed Payment of David Leslia
Admst (Not signed]

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to Antoine Revet

To 3 days work Self & Horse $6.00

Reed Payment of David Leslie Admnt

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 283

Willammet May 27 1841 [Not signed]

IX.

Second Auction

[Records of a sale on the Estate of Ewing Young, mainly
of household goods and tools and represented in indorsement
on one of the record sheets as having taken place "in Sept

Minits of E youngs Sail cts

Joseph Despaw Dr to two hogs $8.50

to sundreys 22

["Charged"] $8.72 cts

[Each one of the accounts has written over perpendicularly as
"Charged" "Charged in Book" or "Settled" "Reed pay-
ment"] &c.

[The double comma used in separating dollars and cents betray
accustomed use of English money.]

Marshall Dr to one hog 4,,00

to one Shirt " ,,70

[Settled] $4, 70cts

Mr Laddaroot Dr to one tabel 5,,75

do to one wash boll 1,,75

to Steel yards 10, 20
to one pound tea 1,,20

to J doz knivs & falks 3, 25

do do do 1,,30

to one hone ,,,15

284

F, G. YOUNG

to one hone

to one hammer

to one stand of Castings

to one bead sted

[Bal. Charged in Book]

George Gay Dr
to one horse
to one ox yoak
to five Chisels
to one hand Saw
to seven Books
to one tea ketel

[Settled]

[New page]

Minuts of E youngs Sail
[Rivet]

Riva Dr to Sive
to five files
to one froe [?]

to sundiarey
to one augur
to one kettle
to one hamer

[Settled]

Jas Baker to one funnel
to one Augur
to two pilowes
to one trunk

2,,20

,,,80

12,,00

7,00

$4S,,60

$45,,00
2,,50
1,,50
2,,25
1,,00
1,,25

$53,,50

$2.00 cts

1,,00

1,,00

,80

U6

70

16

$6,,82cts

$, ,,45 cts

90

2,,00

,,40

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

285

to one hog
to one barrel
to one iron pot

[Charged on Book]

Winslowe Anderson Dr

To tea pot

to one candel mould

to one trunk

to one blanket

to two hankerchiefes

to one shirt

to two

to two pillowe slips

to two pillowes

to four barrels

to ^ doz plats

to whippletree irons

to two iron wedges

to six sickels

to one bead sted

to one ketel

to one hog & strichnine

[Charged in Book]

Wm Johnson Dr one pitcher

to one chalk line

to ball moles

to one hammer &gimlet

to one Dimejohn

3,,00

,,40

3 00

$10,,15cts

0, ,,6cts

,,25

,,50

4,,25

75

40

20
1,75
2 25
2 10
2,,80
3,,50
3,;70
2 25

40
7,,00

$33;,27

$0,,50
,,,25
,,,11
1,,05
,,,90

[Charged in Book]

$2,81 cts

286 F. G. YOUNG

Jas ONeil Dr one sasspan $,,075cts

to one tea pot 0 20

to one draw shave 1, 00

to sand paper ,,20

to two lamp ,,20

to rings - 70

to two axes 1, 25

to one Cupbord 12, 50

to two f ether beds 15. 50

to one tabel 4,75

$37,,05cts
[Reed pament]

Peter Bileek Dr two brushes $1. 50cts

to one brush ,,40

$l,,90cts

[New page : Minets of Ewing Youngs Sail]

E Lucier two hogs $10,,00cts

do one keg [Settled] .40

Sidney Smith Dr one hog 7,,25

do one yoak of oxen 70,,00

do do 55,.,00

to two & half yds Cloth 6,.25

to one blanket 2,,70

to one pice of Cloth j?25

to one a* ,,35

to one log Chain 4,,00

[Settled] $145,,80cts

Mr. Plesse Dr one hog 4 QQ

to one pitcher ? 49

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 287

to £ doz pans ,,,60

to one sive , ,,60

to two pair drawers , ,,80

to one kettle , f,45

to one box glass , ,,60

$7,,45cts
[Charged in Book]

David Leslie Dr to one paper tacks „ ,,25cts

to three Raisors 1,,95

to one pair of trousers 3,,00

to books ,,,50

to one Saus pan \2\

to one water bucket 6

to one keg 6

to sundiareys 6

[Charged in his a/c] 5,,98J

Jeremiah Horrigan Dr to one dish ,,35cts

to one f ring pan 25

(Charged) 60

John Turner Dr to one log chain $2,,90cts

to one kettle 2,,30

to one fether bead 7,,00

to one bead sted 2,,25

to one Saw 1,,00

to tabel legs ,,50

(Settled) $15,,95cts

Sharlo Dr to three Sheets $1,,00

To one bread trough ,,70

288 F. G. YOUNG

1,70

Dubride Dr ,,30

Shappell Dr to one flat iron ,,50

X.

Farm and Live Stock of the Estate Leased
Articles of an agreement made and entered into this first
day of November in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and forty one, between David Leslie (as administrator
for the estate of Ewing Young deceased) on the first part;
and C. M. Walker and George La Britton of the second part,
Witnesseth; — That the said David Leslie on his part, doith
by these

presents Let unto the second party, the farm and premises, the
Horned Cattle & Horses belonging to the estate of the de-
ceased Ewing Youngs for the term of One year from the date
above written ; on the following conditions, viz —
1st The said Leslie, furnishes upon the farm, the necessary
agricultural tools, with sufficient teams of Horses or mules
for the ploughing or carting ; for the consideration of one third
the net products of said farm.

2d He, delivers into the safe Keeping of the 2d party all the
horned Cattle and Horses, for the three fourth part of their
increase, paying to the second party for their trouble in the care
of Said stock, One fourth their yearly increase ;
3rdly He also agrees to furnish all the tame Horses belonging
to the estate at this time for the guarding of Cattle and Horses
and also to give one third of all the wild Horses that may be
broken in —

4thly He also agrees to allow the 2nd party the privilege of
killing twelve head of beef on condition of returning an equal
quantity of our share of the increase say one half Bull and
half Heifer Calves.

Sthly He also agrees to allow to the 2nd party one half of
the increase of all Cows that are tamed by them.

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 289

6thly He also allows the 2nd parties the use of as much land
as they may wish to make use of for the purposeof gardening
free of rent —

The 2nd party also agree to cultivate as much of the land
as may be in their power and for the consideration of two
thirds of the net proceeds.

2nd The 2nd party also agree to take care of the Cattle and
Horses guarding them and Karraling them and branding the
the increase of the Estate with their brand & their proportion
with their own brands in or about the Month of September.

David Leslie
C. M. Walker
George Le Breton
Witness

James A. ONeil

XL

Third Auction
Account Sale

Property belonging to Estate Ewing Young

at Public Auction June 13 1843
Terms Sale Money to be paid one year from Sept 1843 with

Interest at 6 pr ct. Note with an endorser
1st choice 2 wild Horses Sneckel a$12J 24.50

2nd " 1 " " J Kelsey $10 10.00

1 " " CJoquar[?] $6| 6.50

1 " " WmMcCarty $6J 6.25

1 " " Wm Dougherty $15 15.00

1 Partly Tame " J B DeGuerre $15 15.00

1 Wild Horse Ring $5J 5.50

1 " Horse B DuCharm $10J 10.50

1 Tame Stud Horse John Howard $35 J $35.50
1 small Band Wild Mares & Colts about

20 head C W Walker $46 46.00

1 small Band Wild Mares & Colts Messrs

290

F. G. YOUNG

Buxton Griffin & other $90

1 small Band Wild Mares & Colts about

8 or 10 head Charles McRay $32J

1 Large Band Wild Mares & Colts about 50 head

J Howard McCarty & others
1 very old Tame work Horse John Saunders
1 " " " " " J Baker
1 " "
1 " "

1 " " Cartwheels

2 " ." Ploughs

1 Wild Horse
•i a st

1 a a

1 Tame work Horse
1 "

•I (t (( ((

M Placide
J Turner
J Turner
J Turner a$6
J Turner
Eustace Raymean
Johnson
Sidney Smith
George Gay
John Howard

90.00
32.50

216.00
18.50
11.00
16.00
30.00
10.50
12.00
13.50
13.00
21.00
30.00
4050
3150

Amount Carried over $753.25
[New page]

Amount brot up $753.25
All the wild Horses belonging to the Estate not otherwise dis-
posed off & not present at sale with the brand — G Gay Cook
& Fletcher & others 86 00
1 Yellow pied Tame Cow Joel Turnham 39 00
1 White Tame Cow C Walker 40 00
1 Yellow pied Tame Cow Horns Tips sawed off

R Williams 3400

1 2 & Calf J Turner 44 50

30 small Iron Harrow Teeth Cook & Fletcher 4 50
Claim to Farm & all Improvement's not otherwise

disposed off S Smith 205 00
One Half of the Wheat now growing upon Farm

J B DaGuerre 33 00

Lot of Harness Hames &c 50cts to Johnson — 50

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE

291

1 Iron Chain C Walker $5.00

1 Iron bar L H Judson $1. —

2 Mill stones & Gear to C Walker $14.00
1 Plough Iron J Holman $7.

1 Hide McKay 1.35

1 Hatchet Cook &Fletcher 50cts

500

100

1400

700

1.35

50

$1268.60

272 Head Wild Cattle at $9. pr Head sold at Private Sale to
Mess T J Hubbard J ONeal & W H Gray 2448.00

Whole amnt Sales $3716.60

Expense of Sale Collecting Cattle & Horse's & Branding &
Vending &c &c

Paid J Meek Auctioneer for his Services $5.00

" W Doughty Thompson & Black for collecting Horses J
day $1.50 ea 4.50

" J Turner 7J days collecting & Branding Cattle &

Horses at $3 22.50

" J Turner Services at last Sale not heretofore paid 10.00
" Cook & Fletcher each 7 days work & Horse hire $29.

For Flour & Bread $2.55 31.50

Paid W Johnson for Cooking 1 day &c $2 $2.00

" J. B DeGuerre 8 days with Horses & Cattle &c 7.00

" George Gay 7-J day's work himself & boy & Horses

at $5 3 extra Horses 1 day at $1 40.50

" C W LeBreton for 12£ day's Services a $2 Horse

hire Collecting & Karaling Horses & Cattle 2 days 27.00
" T J Hubbard for 2 days hunting Cattle & horse $4 4.00
" Smith for \ day hunting Horses (after he gave up

all claim) 1.50

Amount paid by Smith for collecting Cattle & Horses [Not
filled in]

XII.
A Bibliographical Record

292 F. G. YOUNG

Estate of Ewing Young Dr

To J. E. Long-
To Making full record of entire estate

And Attesting the Same 2.25

" Filing 90 Papers belonging to estate 6j 5.62J

$7.874

Received this first day of October 1845, of J. E. Long. All
the papers and documents in his possession relative to the un-
finished business of the Estates of Joel Turnham and Ewing
Young deceased.

W. H. Willson

Judge of Probate
XIII.

Financial Statements

[Arranged in the order in which the bills were incurred.
As most of them are receipted they reveal the administrative
affairs of the Ewing Young estate during the period covered
by them.]

Mr Ewin Young

To W J Bailey Dr
1838 Nov 7th Suph Quinine

for Kanacca $-50ct

Do for slave boy -" 50

llth Cathartic for 1 girl - 10

Dec 13th Astringent Mixt Do ~ 25

Visit & Medicine for slave boy 1- 25

1839
July 26th Three Anthelmintic [?] powders for

Mr Young " 60

Aug 13th Emetic 10

Sulph Quinine -- 25

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 293

Sept 2d do do 75

5th Visit & Medicine !„ 20

19th Visit & Medicine for Ind Woman 1,, 50

Nov 7th Stomachic pdr for Mr Y "40

Decb 29th Epsom Salts 20

1840

April 13th Visit Medicine &c for Peggy 2- 00

May 2d Do Do Do 1- 90

" Rhubarb for Mr Y 25

" 28th Powdered Rhubarb 50

Sulph Quinine & Cathartic 50

Stomach Mixture $1,, 00

Aug 19th Balsam Capaiva 1,, 00 13.75

Sulph Quinine Do 1,, 00 10

24th Emetic for Kanacca 10 23.75

" Sulph Quinine Do 1,, 00

Sept 2d Balsam Capaiva 1,, 00

" Injection 30

[Endorsed on back : "Doct Bailey Account"

"Mr Young"]

(The items following the summing up with the $13.75 total
are crossed out. The "10" added to 13.75 seems to be an
arbitrary charge in lieu of these items eliminated.)

Mr Ewing Young Dr in a/c with William Canning

1839 to ox ring and staple $2,,13|

"August 1839 Ewing Young Dr

To Louis Fercier for one hog $12.00cts to be paid in sawed
lumber at his mill."

[Endorsed : "Acknowledged. D. Leslie Adm

"Paid per Order on G Abernethy]

294 F. G. YOUNG

March 25 to three Bui flour at $1.00 3,, „

July 10 to 1 Bui Do " 1 00 1,,00

August 15 to H Do Do " 1 00 1 50

$763J

Reed Payment William Canning
Mr. E Young

1840 To C M Walker

Novr 26th For Servises up to 17. Deer on your Busi-
ness to Fort Vancouver for Supplies for
Horse Trade at $1. pr. diem $23.00

Pd Portage at Falls & Indian assistance. 1.20

$2430

Wallamette March 1st 1841
Ewing Young Dr

To Ettienne Lucier
August 1840 2 To 1 Large Beaver to be paid in Salt, price

agreed as five Bushel
October 1840 To making two cloth Dresses

" Bteaver Price $4.00

March 2, 1841 To 5, Bushels Oats 3 shillings pr. Bushel

Beaver price $3.00

the oats delivered to Smith who works on

the Estate

There are Nine thousand and four hundred feet of Lum-
ber measured pad and piled up for me, which Mr. Young
promised to draw to the Bank of the River without
further cost

Witness his

S. H. Smith Ettiene X Lucier

mark

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 295

L s d

1841 also a Small Beaver price 056

March 23 to hauling Load wheat to mill 5 00

May 8 to 10 Bui wheat at 5 shillings Stirling 2 10 00

to Delivering at mill 5 shilling Do 0 5 00

Mr Ewing Young Dr in a/c with Joel Walker
1840

Sept to 18 days services of Myself at $1.00 18,,00

to 10 days Do of son John

withmymuls at $1.00 10"00

Do to 9 days at 75 cts 6,,,75

to 2 pishamovs [?] & Beaverskin at $1,00 3,,00

1841
May to 4 days assisting to Collect Cattle

for sale $2.00 8,,00

45,75
Cr By Beefhides $2.00 2 00

43 75
Reed pay Henry Wood pr Joel Walker

Ewing Young to Joseph Gervais Dr

To 1 Mill Chain (del S Smith) $14.50

Willamet Settlement Sept 1840

Mr Young had in his hands at his death Sixteen and one half
Bushels of Salt belonging to me
Joseph Gervais

Wallamette Oct 1/40
Messrs Smith & Anderson Please deliver to

Geo H. Ebberts twenty bushels white wheat and place
to my acct

296

F. G. YOUNG

David Leslie

Also Permit him to take the small stones and oblige

Yours &c

David Leslie

Endorsed on back: I do hereby certify that the within order
was drawn on Smith and Anderson for wheat due from them
to the Estate of E. Young and was paid by Sidney Smith and
applied to the benefit of Sd Estate

Willamette July 2 — 45 David Leslie

November the 25 1840

Ewing Young Dr to George W Ebbert on shop book

to making six hooks and repairing chains $4 50

to one cittle [ ?] bail 37

Dec the 19 1840 tow fourges [ ?] 2 50

three sets of saddle rings 1 50

one cittle bail 25

$9 12J

Reed payment of David Leslie Ams
Willamet May 27 1841 George W Ebberts

Estate of Ewing Young

To C. M. Walker
1841 For

May Services — 6 days @ $2 pr diem
Octr " 3 " " 2$ " Do

Do Charges for recovery of Horse
lost by S Smith

By 2 Bbl Salt - $ 8-

add pr agreement 1.70

Dr

$12.00
6.00

$24.00
9.70

$14.30

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 297

Willammet May 27 1841

Due Two Dollars on demand from the Estate of E Young

$2.-- David Leslie Adm

[Endorsed on the back : "The within was to C Coniah"]

Chalam June 16th 1841

Reed of David Leslie AD. of E Young Estate forty Nine dol-
lars in full of all Demands

Pleasant Armstrong

Mr Ewing Young

To Martha Young Dr

To Making a dress for Peggy $1.00

Making Shirt for Mr Young 50

To one days washing 50

$2,,00
Wallamutte July 24th /41

Reed pay Henry Wood pr Martha Young
Endorsed : "Paid the within pr order on G Abernethy"

Dr Estate of Ewing Young to George Le Breton

To 3 days services at the public Sale of Cattle a $2 — $6.00

" Recording the appointment of D Leslie as Administrator of
said Estate 1.00

" Writing Notifications 1.00

$8.00

Reed of D. Leslie $8.00 in full of all demands for services ren-
dered the Estate of E Young Decsed

Geo Le Breton
Willammete August 16 1841

298 F. G. YOUNG

Mr Leslie
Sir

Please pay Joel Walker Sixty dollars, & charge the
Same to my Account

Chahalum July 16th 1841

Winslow Anderson

Mr Walker has made arrangements with Anderson to take
wheat notes or a Note for the above ammount which is to be
Indorsed on the note that Roe holds against Anderson & Whit
comb

S SmITH

Reed of David Leslie pay in full for one Gallon of powder
loaned to E Young

Willamette August 24 1841 John Kernan

$2.00

Reed of David Leslie Administrator on the Estate of E
Young $5.33 in full for my claim for a canoe on Sd Estate

his

Edward X Boaveds [ ?]
Willamitte Sept 4 1841 mark

Reed of Sidney Smith $12,00

to be accounted for on Settlement David Leslie

Willamette Sept 14, 1841

Wallamette Oct 1/41
Messrs Smith & Anderson

Please deliver to Robert Newell twenty
bushels white wheat and place to my Acct

David Leslie
Endorsed :

I do hereby certify the within order was drawn on Smith
and Anderson for wheat du to the Estate E Young and paid
by Mr. Smith and Applied to the benefit of Sd Estate
Willamette July 2 -45

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 299

Willamette Oct 8 1841

Reed of David Leslie Adm on the estate of E Yong .Deced
Seven dollars & thirty cents in full on settlement of Book
accounts S. H. Smith

Reed of D. Leslie twenty five dollars in full for the money
installment due from the Estate of E Young on the farm con-
tract

Willamette Oct 9 1841

S. H. Smith

Champoeick 20th Oct 1841

Mr Leslie Sir Please pay the Bearer five Dollars and eighty
cents and this shall be your discharge from me

S. H. Smith
Endorsed : Received the within amount in full

W J Bailey
Nov 28, 1841

Nov 28 1841

Reed of David Leslie A. D. of E Young Estate Twenty five
Dollars in full all Demands up to this Date

S Smith

This day Reed of David Leslie Administrator

on the Estate of E. Young deed $100.00 one hundred & ten

dollars in full for eleven month labor of Opeo

Willamette March 9 1842 Felix Hathaway

The Estate of Ewing Young 1842

To Jas A ONeil Dr
for Services six Dollars

Reed pament Jas A O'Neil

300 F. G. YOUNG

Dr Babcock

Sir pleas pay Calvin Tibetts twenty three Dollars and fifty
cents at the Mission Store and the sam I will credit on the
twenty five Dollars on E Youngs Estat that I hold and oblige
your humbel Servant Jas A ONeil

Nov 4th 1842
Endorsed : accepted Nov 4th 1842

I hereby certify that I was present when Sidney Smith called
on Judge Babcock to close his Unsettled Accts with the Estate
of E. Young it was then agreed that the within enclosed Orders
should be placed to the Credit of Sidney Smith, — it was ascer-
tained that he Sd Smith was owing the Estate twenty three and
a half bushels of wheat on account, which would leave a bal-
lance of Sixteen an a half bushels which was due Mr Smith
at ninety cents per bushel

Mr Smiths Book Account was also allowed by Judge Bab-
cock as correct David Leslie
Willamette July 2 1845
Addressed : To Judge Nesmith
Willamitte Falls

1840 D Leslie in a/c with Estate of Ewing Young

Dr Cr

Jan 25 To Lumber and hauling 27.00

1841

May 28 " one Cabres (Lasso) 3.00

June 28 " one do 1.40

July 22 " Lumber and hauling 55.50

By paid Hathaways note for 14.00

Lumber 3.75

do 3

" One Lasso 3.00

" 22 days use of horse 22.00

" Paid at Vancouver 85.60

I '" EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 301

" in exchange of orders with O'Neil 3.20
By 13 bus. wheat deld by Billique

on a/c of estate 7.80

To Articles bot at sale in Sept

1841 as per bill 5.98

By 12 bus. flour deld to Mr Young

by Mr. Canning in 1839 @

$1,00 12.00

Paid expenses in settling accts

at Vancouver 13.00

To amt received of J. L. Whitcomb

on a/c of Sunds bot at sale 67.00
" Balance of a/c due from J. L.

Whitcomb 3.50

To the Estate $163.38 $164.35

Balance Dr 97

Amounts paid out by D Leslie for the Estate of Ewing
Young deceased.

Paid to T J Hubbard amt due from Estate $28 78

1 Wm Canning as pr recpt 7 63J

Aug. 16 1841 Paid to Geo Le Breton (for service)

amt due him as pr receipt 8 00

July 1840 Paid to Martha Young as pr recpt 2 00

Sept 1840 Paid to Joel Walker do 43 75

March 1842 Paid to F. Hathaway do in full 11000

Oct 1841 Paid to S. H. Smith Do Do 730

May 27 1841 Paid to J. L. Meek for services Do 6 00

May 27 1841 Paid to Wm Craig Do Do 8 00

Paid to Baptiste Molaire services as pr rect 7 00
Aug 1841 Paid to John Kernan for powder as per rect 2 00
Sept 1841 Paid to Jos Gervais as pr a/c 14 00

Sept 1841 Paid to Sidney Smith for damage done by

Cattle 1200

302 F. G. YOUNG

Paid to Wm Bailey for medicines and

services 23 75

Sept 1841 Paid to Ed Borrows as pr receipt 5 33

Paid to E. Lucia as pr a/c 28 20

Aug 1839 Paid to L Fourcir Do 12 00

Paid to Joel Walker W Andersons order 60 00

May 27 1841 Paid to John Turner for services 6 00

Paid to Geo Gay Do 8 00

Paid to John Kernan Do 6 00

Paid to Jos Gale Do 1 00

Paid to Geo Ebberts Do 6 00

Paid to Jas O'Neil Do 6 00

Nov 1840 Paid to C M Walker as per a/c 24 20

Aug 27/41 Paid to G W Ebbert as pr a/c 9 \2\

May 27 1840 Paid to W Johnson services &c 59 00

Paid to Robt Moore as pr a/c 8 00

Paid D Leslies Note on demand to

C. Conia 2 00

Paid to F Hathaway as pr a/c 39 20

Amt card forward 460 27

[New page]

Amt Brot forward 460 27

Oct 1841 Paid to S. H. Smith as pr recpt 25 00

June 1841 Paid to P. Armstrong Do 4900

Aug. 1842 Paid for trip to Vancouver 13 00

Due to the Oregon Mission Amt chgd

by D Leslie for services 82 00

Paid H B Go's Bills in full as pr a/c

rendered by them 195 16 10— $783.26 783 26
May 27 1841 Paid Rivet for services as pr bill 6 00

(Endorsed : a/c of payment made from the Estate of Ewing
Young Dcd

By

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 303

D. Leslie Ad—

(A statement of account with Fort Vancouver)
Ewing Young Dr

To Fort Vancouver Sale Shop for the fol-
lowing vitz
1839 Nov 28 pr E Lucier & Joe Gale, H Wood. J Gervais

L s d

Cr 91 11 2

to Novr 30 1840 Dr 248 8 1

L s d
156 16 11
11 19

144 17 11

Estate of Ewing Yound Deed

To L. H. Judson Dr.

To one days attendance at sale and travelling fees $4.50

To assisting in taking minutes of testimony in case of

of Jose Rownaldo Young .50

$5.00
Cr by on small iron bar purchased at the day of sale 1.00

Ballance due L H Judson 4.00

Received payment

L. H. Judson

[No date but purchase of "iron bar" reveals date as that of
June 13, 1843.]

Reed of James Oneal forty four Dollars in an order on the
Mission given by Dr White to apply on a note given in favour
of E Youngs Est — I L Babcock

Willamette Feby [July?] 22 1843

also an order given by Mr Gray of forty two Dollars and fifty
cts ILB

304 F. G. YOUNG

15 June 1843

I L Babcock Sir

You will please pay S Smith one dollar and
fifty cts for my Services after mishd Colts

P F Thompson

Received of S. Smith four dollars and fifty cts for Services in
Branding E Young Cattle & Horses.

Wallamette Sept 4th 1843 J B Deguire

XIV

Miscellaneous Accounts
[A salt account with the Ewing Estate]

Dr Babcock you have here The Bill of Sale of the Salt Be-
longing to the Estate, E Young. I have delivered on Mr
Leslies order, one hundred and eight six Bush, of Salt by
measure and with this fifty two empty Blls. and fifty cts on the
price of two large Bll. 186. Bush,, 52. Blls. empt 50 cts on
2 large Blls.— -Since Mr Leslie left last fall.

At my own Instance I. have sold

To Cook & Fletcher 2 Bll at $3.50 pr Bll. $7.00

Mr Leslie 6. Large Blls $4.50 pr Bll 27.00

li Bush & 1 emty Bll 2,25

(This is an Book account) Total $29,25
Reed note of, D Leslie [This receipt in different

writing from a/c]
I have taken in payment for care & delivery

2. Empty Blls. & 1. nine Gall Keg $3,00

3. Bush Salt & 1. Beaver 5.00
3 Blls Salt at $4.00 per Bll. 12,00

$,20,00

P/S. Mr. Trask has given credit to the Estate on Mr. Aber
nethys Book, for part of Bll Salt with Bll

$3.00

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 305

[on the back :] Yours A. F. Waller

P. S. I hope you & yours are well. As usual here please write
and inform me what to do if anything with The a/c I
have made with Cook & Fletcher & Br Leslie

Yours A F W—

Peace be with, you

[Endorsed : Reed pay of D Leslie on the within acct]
[Separately endorsed : Dr. I. L. Babcock Passenger on Board
the Diamond

Chinook

[Any accumulating claim against the Estate]

Fort George, 30th June, 1842
Mr Leslie
Dear Sir

When I was at Vancouver Mr Joseph McLoughlin in-
formed me that he had received only Five wild cattle from
you on my account and that would be all he should receive it
is now five years since the late Mr. Young received on my
account a Tame Cow and Calf from Capt Cooper of which
Mr McLoughlin has shown you his certificate which I think
is proof enough for my claim/several persons have told me
that my share ought to be thirteen head.

I wish very much to have the tame Cow delivered to Mr
McLoughlin, also a committee appointed on my account and
I will abide by there [sic] decision by doing so you will oblige

Yours Ot St

W. Brotchie.

P. S. There are several people in the Wallamet that knows
my tame Cow.

[Endorsed on back: "Capt Brotchie YJ letter respeterting
cattle.]

Fality Plains July th3. 1843

Mr I L Babcock will you have the goodness to pa Mr Meek

306

F. G. YOUNG

$1.50 It being for survises that I Rendered At Mr Youngs
sail Henry Black

Endorsed: "I certify that H Black rendered services to E
Youngs Estate to the Amt of One dolls fifty cts

G W Le Breton Clk

[Statement unsigned, but evidently by Sidney Smith]

October 15 1843

20 To 8 days branding cattle 3 24

June To 3 at 2 6

To 1 day after colts 2.50

To 1 Green Hide 2 00

To paid Placeed 5 00

To 3 calves 27.00

To 1 colt 6.00

To 3 days driving cattle 3.00

To paid C Roe 3 3.00

To paid Kanaka 5.00

To 1 day in favor of Thompson 1.50

To 1 order on Deguerre 4.50

20

To Balance on
Contract

$89.50
14.85

104.35

[Final settlement of Sidney Smith's claims against the estate]
October 15th 1843 Dr

Estate of E Young to Sidney Smith
To Book act as allowed by Judge Babcock
Balence clam on wheat act
Roes Receipt
Duguers do —
Thompson do —
Leslies Bill of Goods

$8800
1485
300
450
150
770

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 307

$119.53

I doe solemnly swear that the above act is substancealy
correct and Remaines unpaid

So help me God

S SmITH

Sworn and subscribed to before me this llday of July A. D
1845

J. W. Nesmith Judge of probate

Received of J W Nesmith one hundred and nineteen dollars
and 55/100 in full of all demands against the Estate of Ewing
Young

July llth A. D. 1845 S. SmITH

[Claim of Lawrence Carmichael]

This is to certify that Lawrence Carmichael appeared before
me and declared upon oath that Ewing Young deceased late
of Wallamett O. T. and himself never had any settlement
of their business.

And said Lawrence Carmichael further declares that his de-
mands on the estate of Ewing Young (deceased) are as fol-
lows viz. The one half of 120 bushels white wheat 48 bus. red
ditto. 60 bus. Peas. 2 acres corn (the number of bushels not
recollected) 1J acres Potatoes (the number of bushels not
recollected) 4 acres Oats in the straw, said to be 10 acres
Barley, the number of bushels not recollected. Together with
one half of the Farm, and all improvements.

Given under my hand this 27 day of March in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty three.

Lawrence Carmichael

I hereby certify that the aforesaid Lawrence Carmichael tes-
tified to the truth of the contents of the above and did in my
presence also affix his name to the same.

Mds A. Doenen

U. S. Ship Dale Commander

308

F. G. YOUNG

Monterey March 27th 1843

Know, all men by these presents, that I Lawrence Carmichael
now of Monterey Upper California, do by these writtings [sic]
give to William Bailey now of the Wallammett Settlement, full
power to Ask, demand, and recover in my name, and for my
use, from the Heirs, Assigns, Administrators, or Executors of
the Estate of the late Ewing Young, who died in the said Wal-
lammett Settlement, All and every part of one half of the Farm
(commonly called Youngs place,) together with all improve-
ments, grain etc., etc., that was on the aforesaid Farm in the
month of January, 1837. And furthermore, I give said William
Baily full power to act in these premises, in my name, and my
behalf, in every way, and manner he may see proper. And in
my name, to give receipts and sign off in full for all money
or property he may recover for me, from said Estate.

In witness to hereof I hereby set my hand and Seal this 21st
day of Augt one thousand eight Hundred and forty one.

Witnesses Lawrence Carmichael.

Thomas Larkin (Seal)

W. T. Faxon

This is to Certify that I appoint James O'Neil on account of
W. J. Bailey being in the U. S. States

Witness Lawrence Carmichael

John Rainsford
George Kinlock

Monterey March 27th 1843

Judement [sic] rendered in favor of Carmichael for the
above claim $205.40 two hundred and five Dollars and forty
cts. J. L. Babcock.

XV

Records of A L Love joy's Administration of the Ewing Young

Estate

Executive Committee : O Russell and P G Stewart notify
J E Long of his appointment on 25th day of December, 1844.

[His "Bond as Administrator of E Youngs Estate]

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 309

Know all men by these presents that we A. L. Lovejoy
John McLoughlin Frs Ermatinger Esquirs all of Oregon City
and County of Clackamas in Oregon are held and stand firmly
bound unto the people of Oregon in the penal sum of eight
thousand dollars which payment well and truly to be made
and performed we and each of us do bend [sic] ourselves our
heirs executors administrators and assigns jointly severally and
firmly by these presents as witness our hands and seals this 26
day of Dec. A. D. 1844

The condition of the above obligation is such that if the
above bounden Lovejoy well and honestly discharges the duties
appertaining to his appointment as administrator to collect the
estate of Ewing Young late of Oregon deceased and shall make
or cause to be made a perfect inventory of all such goods
chattels debts and credits of the said deceased as shall come to
his possession or knowledge And the same in due time return
to the Treasurer of Oregon and shall in general perform such
other duties as shall be required of him by law then the above
obligation be void otherwise to remain in full force and virtut

John McLoughlin
A. L. Lovejoy
Frs Ermatinger
Attest

J. E. Long

Lovejoy took oath of office as administrator on December 28th,
1844

[Report of Lovejoy as Administrator unsigned— Identified

through handwriting]

The whole amt deposited in the Admr hands for collection
$3734.26

Receipts to the amt
Notes in the hands of Admr $1412.54

310 F. G. YOUNG

$3906.74
appropriated to the Admr own use 50.00

$3956.74
Said Estat indebted to Geo. Abernathy 93.00

$3863.74

The original deducted 3734.26

Overruns $129.48

["Communication from A. L. Lovejoy Administrator Ewing.
Youngs Estate, refered to B. Lee

H. Straight
J. N. Garrison

Committee

Laid upon the table 6th Deer"]
[The above is the endorsement on the back of the following

document]
To the Hon

The Legislative Committee of the Territory of Oregon

The administrator on the Estate of Ewing Young late of
Yamhill, deceased : appointed under an act of your body in
A. D. 1844 entitled an Act "to build and erect a public Jail
and close up said estate as soon as the circumstances would
admit would respectfully represent

That there has been collected on the said Estate some nearly
$2.500 which has been paid into the Treasury as directed under
said act

The administrator would most respectfully ask to be dis-
charged from further duties and services under said act And
suggest to your Hon. Body the propriety of appointing a com-
mittee to settle with him and report to the House the doings
and transaction of the said administrator and to take into
consideration the propriety of handing over the residue of

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 311

said estat uncollected to the Treasurer and rel [relieve?] the
Government from further extra expense on same Estate

A. L. Lovejoy Admr

[Report of Committee appointed at the suggestion of Lovejoy]

Your Committee to whom was referred the Communication
of the Administrator of the Estate of Ewing Young Deceased
Have had the same under consideration and beg leave to report

That said Administrator Received for Collection the sum
of Three thousand seven Hundred and thirty four dollars
twenty six cents in liabilities on persons in Oregon Territory

That said administrator was required by law to pay the
monies by him collected on said liabilities into the Territorial
Treasury and take the treasurers receipt for the same

And it appears to the satisfaction of your committee that
said administrator has paid to the Treasurer the sum of ftvo
Thousand four hundred and ninety four dollars twenty cents,
leaving in the hands of Said administrator the sum of One
thousand four hundred and sixty two dollars fifty four cents,
fifty dollars of which your committee finds has been appro-
priated by said administrator to his own use

Said administrator informs your Committee that said Estate
is indebted to Geo Abernethy the sum of ninety three dollars
all which will appear by reference to the report of said admin-
istrator herewith submitted with this report
and your Committee further report that some sutable [sic] per-
son be appointed to take charge of said Estate, and procede to
collect and pay over to the treasurer, and that said administer
[sic] so appointed shall be instructed to proceede as spedially
as practabl and that said administrator be allowed the sum of
cents pr Dollar for collecting the same

and your Committee beg to be discharged
[No signatures to the report]

312 F. G. YOUNG

XVI.

Jail Built With Proceeds of Ewing Young Estate — Site

Offered

Oregon City 20th Dec 1844
To Mess A L Lovejoy

M Gilmore Esqres
R Newell

Gentlemen

I beg to Acknowledge the Receipt

of yours of this Date and I have great pleasure in Acceeding
to your Request and give all that point laying between fourth
and fifth Cross street between Water Street and the River for
the purpose you Request — reserving all Rights to former —
and to Rtevert to me when not used as a Goal
I am

Gentlemen
your Obedient
humble Servant

Jno McLoughlin

P. S. in the mean [time] will you please select a suitable place
[plan], for a place more suitted hereafter for a Goal — so I
may make it over to you JML

[Receipts given by Contractor constructing jail out of pro-
ceeds of estate of Ewing Young]

Received this day of O Russell & P G Stewart Executive Com-
mittee of Oreon an order on the Treasurer of Oregon for two
hundred & Ninety one dollars 66 2/3 cts payable at the store of
John McLoughlin in Oregon City it being the full amount of
the first instalment as per contract for services rendered in con-
structing a publick jail

In acknowledgement whereof I have hereunto set my signa-
ture in Oregon City this eighth day of March A. D.

1845
P W Dawson Contractor

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 313

Received this day of O Russell and P G Stewart Executive
Committee of Oregon an order upon the Treasurer of Oregon
for two hundred & ninety one dollars 66 2/3 cts. payable at the
stores of John Couch & George Abernathy in Oregon City;
it being the full amount of the second instalment as per con-
tract for servises rendered in constructing a publick Jail
Witness my hand this 17th day of April A. D. 1845

At Oregon City P. W. Dawson Contractor

Oregon City 28th April 184 [5]

Received of O Russell and P G Stewart Executive Committee
of Oregon and on the Treasurer of Oregon two hundred ninety
one dollars 66 2/3 cts to be paid at the store of John Mc-
Loughlin in Oregon City it being the third instalment due
from constructing the Oregon Jail

P. W. Dawson

[Endorsed : P W Dawsons Receipt for money had on the Jail
Contract Apl 28th 1845]

Received this 29 July 1845 from Geo. Abernethy Governor of
Oregon an order for One hundred & fifty Dollrs on the Treas-
urer of Oregon payable out of any money in the Treasury not
otherwise appropriated being in full of all demands for services
rendered in constructing and weatherboarding a public Jail
as per contract

P W Dawson Contractor
Witness my hand 29 July 1845 at Oregon City

XVI.

A petition praying that the estate of Ewing Young should
not be used as the people of Oregon would become too deeply
involved thereby.

A Petition

To the hon. Legislative Committee of Oregon
Gentlemen :

314

F. G. YOUNG

Your Petitioners believe that have reason to fear
that this Gov.t will become too much involved by using the
Estate of Ewing Young deed. It has already been involved
to some extent in the use of the principle of said Estate.

We are unaware at what moment a demand may be made
upon this Gov.t for said Estate. If at an early day (as is very
likely) we are certain, that in our present condition we shall
be entirely unable to meet such demand. We have no doubt but
that these demands when paid must be discharged in specie a
sufficient quantity of which is not in the country. A sacrifise
of our property must ensue. We therefore petition your hon-
orable body to repeal that Act allowing this Gov.t to make use
of this Estate. And as in duty bound your Petitioners will ever
pray

June 27th 1845
Petitioners Names

Philip Foster

Saml McSween

Wm C Remick

R McCrary

Wm P. Dougherty

Nathan Smith

Wm Holmes

George P. Beale

USB Johnson

A. L. McKay

John P. Brooks

Jno F. Couch

Wm C. Dement

Lon Climon

Patrick Cormor

Campbell Stewart

George Heman

Noyes Smith

Theo Magruder

Petitioners Names

A. L. Lovejoy Collector
Benjamin Nichols

B. F. Nichols

R Mcmahan
Nathan P Mack
David Arthur
W H Vaughan
Henry Evans
M. R. Alderman
Wm Arthur
Joseph M. Wyatt
Hugh Burns
M. K. Pen-in
James B. Stephens
Robt Moore
P Armstrong
J W Nesmith

EWING YOUNG AND His ESTATE 315

A R Stoughton
Louis Springer
Endorsed :

Petition relating to Ewing Youngs Esatate
Referd to com. of 5

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXI DECEMBER, 1920 NUMBER 4

Copyright, 1920, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

OREGON— ITS MEANING, ORIGIN AND
APPLICATION*

By JOHN E. REES.

It may appear presumptuous for me to imagine that I can
elucidate the above caption. Ever since the word "Oregon"
came into use people have endeavored to ascertain its meaning
and origin and notwithstanding that considerable study and
research have been devoted to this subject, the history of the
word is still a mystery and bids fair, perhaps, to remain so.
For years the solution of this question has baffled many inves-
tigators and especially those who had a splendid opportunity
to know the facts by reason of their having lived nearer the
time when this event occurred. Therefore, the seeming
audacity of myself, without such opportunities, to now attempt
to explain the derivation of this word. I would not make such
endeavor were it not for the fact that so many remarkable
efforts, written by previous authors, to interpret the genesis of
this word, have invariably ended with the expression or its
equivalent, "I don't know."1

My presentation of this subject is suggestive and not to be
considered exact history. It is the result of almost a half a
century's acquaintance with the history, manners and customs

•Delivered before the annual meeting of the Oregon Historical Society, Oct. 23, 1920.
1 Bancroft's History of Oregon, I, 17.

318 JOHN E. REES

of Western Indian Tribes, especially the Shoshonis. While
suggestive and not entirely correct, perhaps, yet the theory pre-
sented herein appears quite plausible, at least, more so than
any previous contribution to this intricate investigation and is
possessed with sufficient reasonableness to take the inquiry out
of the realm of conjecture and place it in the field of probable
historical data.

This word is of Indian origin and therefore its history is
regarded as miraculous by many investigators. The meaning
of many Indian names now current in American history and
geography is grossly perverted because of the shallowness of
sentimental inquirers. The inability of many writers to solve
the meaning and fully understand the application of Indian
words is due to their ignorance of the language and especially
the nature of the American Indian. If so disposed we could
take the poetical thunder out of many American names, the
visionary meanings of which are so ancient that "the memory
of man runneth not to the contrary". But "truth is always
stranger than fiction". For example, the word "Mississippi"
is of Indian origin and is said to mean Father of Waters, an
eloquent thought that conveys a certain knowledge which the
red man did not possess. The Indian had no fixed names for
natural objects; when speaking of them he used descriptive
terms, only. Eight-tenths of Indian geographical names were
coined on the spot from some particular attribute which was
most striking to his mind at the time he bestowed it. There-
fore, when asked by the white man, the red man's name of a
certain stream or mountain, he designated it by some peculiar
characteristic which came to his mind when asked. When the
early trapper inquired his name for the Boise river he called it
"Wihinast", meaning boiling rapidly, from the chief peculiarity
in view at that moment which was an eddy or whirlpool in the
river; or while near a mountain peak during a storm as the
thunder was making itself manifest, he called it "Tome-up
Yaggi", meaning the clouds are crying; in other words
"Thunder," giving us the geographical "Thunder Mountain".

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 319

The Canadian Indians knew that Fathers Allouez, Hennepin,
La Salle and Marquette had made tremendous efforts to find
and did find and traveled with boats upon the Mississippi
river, so when the Chippewas were asked by the French their
name for this river replied, as corrupted into French, "Mee-
shee See-pee", meaning "Mee-shee", Father, and "See-pee",
water, or Father's Water, referring to the Jesuit Fathers and
not to the then unknown fact of its being the largest river in
the world.2

The word "Oregon" is derived from a Shoshoni Indian ex-
pression meaning, The River of the West, originating from the
two Shoshoni words "Ogwa," River and "Pe-on," West, or
"Ogwa Pe-on." The Sioux pronounced this word in the more
euphonious manner in which we now hear it, a characteristic
in which their tongue excels and the Shoshoni "Gwa" under-
went, etymologically, a variation in the new language and
became changed to "r," thus giving the sonorous word which
Jonathan Carver, who first published the name to the English
world, heard spoken by them during his visit with the Sioux
nation.3

In the word "Ogwa" the syllable "Og" means undulations
and is the basis of such words as "river," "snake," "salmon,"
or anything having a wavy motion. The sound "Pah" means
water. Therefore, a river is undulating water. "Pe-on" is
contracted from the two syllables, "Pe-ah," big and "Pah,"
water or Big Water meaning the Pacific Ocean. Some strik-
ing natural phenomenon determined the cardinal points for
the Shoshonis. Thus, "Coona-nah," derived from "Coona,"
fire and "Nah," in the direction of, means North, referring
to the Northern Lights; or "To-yah-nah" from "To-yah,"
mountain the East as the sun, in rising, comes from over the
mountains ; or "You-aw-nah" from "You-ant" meaning warm,
the South the direction of warmth especially of warm winds ;
and "Pe-on-nah," West, the direction of the big water or
ocean. Captain Clark stated that the Shoshonis of the Salmon
River country when asked about their river said it flowed into

2 Upham's Minnesota Geographic Names, 4.

3 Boaz, Handbook of American Indian Languages, 875.

320 JOHN E. REES

a great lake of water and pointed toward the setting sun.4
That direction was their West, and if any of the tribe are
asked to-day about "Oregon" they point to the west and say,
"Pe-on-nah." This is undoubtedly the etymology of the word
"Oregon" and its Shoshoni origin and meaning, The River
of the West.

The Snake River valley, in Idaho, was the principal habitat
of the Shoshonis at the time the white man came in contact
with them. However, they ranged from the Colorado to the
Columbia rivers and their language was understood by all the
tribes from the Rocky Mountains to California and by a few in
other tribes outside of these limits. While at no time, is it
known, that any of this tribe inhabited the Columbia River
section, yet they dwelt upon the Snake and Salmon rivers,
streams which are tributary to that river. They were well
acquainted with the physiography of that stream, yet if either
they or any other tribe had a name for the Columbia River, I
have been unable, so far, to ascertain what it was. However,
it is said that the Chinooks, who inhabited the coast near the
mouth of the river, had a descriptive term which they applied
to it.5

The oldest tradition among the Shoshonis is to the effect
that their original home was just east of the Rocky Mountains
in Montana, Wyoming and Colorado and that the Plains
Tribes drove them into the mountains. They were great
weavers of grass and twigs, making their lodges of such
products, and called themselves "Shawnt", meaning plenty, and
"Shaw-nip", grass, or the more euphonious name "Shoshoni",
which, broadly speaking, means Weavers of Grass Lodges, and
they always aimed to live near plenty of grass. Occasionally,
they re-crossed the mountains and hunted buffalo on the
Yellowstone and Platte rivers and often drifted down the
Missouri River, where they came in contact with other tribes,
sometimes in a friendly and at other times in a hostile manner.
That they came in contact with the Plains Tribes is evident
from the fact that the Arapahos, Blackfeet, Cheyennes, Crows,

4 Thwaites, Lewis and Clark, II, 380.

5 Bancroft's History of Oregon, I, 18.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 321

Hidatsa and Sioux possessed, in their vocabularies, names for
the Shoshonis which mean Grass Lodge People.6

When visiting- with the Plains Tribes the Shoshonis talked
about their own country. This is a natural supposition. No
tribe could explain better, or as well as they, the great Rocky
Mountain system, extending from Mexico northward for hun-
dreds of miles, dividing the waters flowing east from those
flowing west. They and their kinsmen occupied this region
and lived all their lives in those mountains and could describe
their rocky and crystalline natures better than any one. They
knew better than others that the highest land west of the Mis-
sissippi River was in those mountains and that there was a
place within them that was the source of three very large
streams, the Missouri, Columbia and Colorado, all taking their
rise within a few miles of each other, and within the Yellow-
stone National Park region where no Indian tribe ever dwelt,
except the Tukurikas, a family of the Shoshonis.7 That one
of these rivers was aOgwa pe-on", or the River of the West,
undoubtedly meaning the "Columbia", the one flowing into
the ocean, toward the setting sun. The other rivers were men-
tioned, perhaps, but the "Columbia" appealed to the Shoshonis
as it furnished him "Og-gi", or salmon, his principal food.
They talked of the stream as the river out west or toward the
west, at no time intending to give it a distinctive appellation.
Had they wished to give it a name, the descriptive part of
the word would have been placed first, as in the case of Snake
River which, after immigration had formed the Oregon Trail,
the Indian called "Po-ogwa" or Road River. As their rela-
tives, the Moquis, lived adjacent to the Spaniards, the Sho-
shonis had greater opportunities to know the Mexicans and
became the first western tribe to possess horses which they
procured from the Spaniard. They knew that the Mexican
tribes possessed ornaments and utensils of gold, but such did
not appeal to the Shoshoni as did bear claws and elk teeth. He
knew where in these mountains this gold could be obtained,
proven by the fact that he guided the white man to some of

6 Hodge's Handbook of American Indians, II, 556.

7 Ibid., 835.

322 JOHN E. REES

the greatest finds in the mountains. No tribe had the oppor-
tunity to know these things as did the Shoshonis, which knowl-
edge they imparted to other tribes with which they came in
contact.

Bancroft, the historian, wrote, "Although living lives of easy
poverty, the wild tribes of America everywhere possessed dor-
mant wealth enough to tempt the cupidity alike of the fierce
Spaniard, the blithe Frenchman and the sombre Englishman.
Under a burning tropical sun, where neither animal food nor
clothing was essential to comfort, the land yielded gold, while
in hyperborean forests where no precious metals were discov-
ered, the richest peltries abounded ; so that no savage in all this
northern continent was found so poor that grasping civilization
could find nothing of which to rob him."8

In the settlement of North America the French occupied the
northern, the Spanish the southern and the English the central
parts. In 1754, the contest between England and France for
supremacy on this continent began, the bone of contention being
the Indian fur trade along the Ohio River, which struggle was
designated the "French and Indian War". This war ended by
the Treaty of Paris in 1763, which divested France of all her
possessions in America, the English thenceforth assuming con-
trol.9 Jonathan Carver, a captain in the conquering English
army, made an exploring expedition toward the interior of this
newly acquired territory during the years 1766-7-8, for the
purpose of securing some information and knowledge for the
English people. He traveled by the way of the Great Lakes
toward the head waters of the Mississippi and ascended the
Minnesota River two hundred miles above its mouth, his object
being to study the character of the country, the customs of
the inhabitants and to endeavor to ascertain the size of the
continent by traversing it. The information which he gained
was published in a book entitled, "Travels Through the Interior
Parts of North America"

Some extracts from Carver's writings say, "That range of
mountains, of which the Shining Mountains are a part, begins

8 Bancroft's History of Central America, I, 63,

9 Ridpath's History of the World, VI, 669.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 323

at Mexico, and continuing northward, on the back or to the
east of California, separate the waters of those numerous
rivers that fall either into the Gulf of Mexico, or the Gulf of

California Some of the nations who inhabit those

parts that lie to the west of the Shining Mountains have gold
so plenty among them that they make their most common

utensils of it Among these mountains, those that

lie to the west .... are called the Shining Mountains,
from an infinite number of chrystal stones, of an amazing size,
with which they are covered, and which, when the sun shines
full upon them, sparkle so as to be seen at a very great dis-
tance. This extraordinary range of mountains is calculated
to be more than three thousand miles in length, without any
very considerable intervals, which I believe surpasses anything
of the kind in the other quarters of the globe. Probably in
future ages they may be found to contain more riches in their
bowels, than those of Indostan and Malabar, or that are pro-
duced on the golden coast of Guinea ; nor will I except even the
Peruvian mines. To the west of these mountains, when ex-
plored .... may be found other lakes, rivers, and
countries, full fraught with all the necessaries or luxuries of
life; and where future generations may find an asylum . .
. . there is little doubt but their expectations will be fully
gratified in these rich and unexhausted climes".10

Extracting further he says, "From the intelligence I gained
from the Naudowessie11 Indians, among whom I arrived on
the 7th of December, and whose language I perfectly acquired
during a residence of five months ; and also from the accounts
I afterwards obtained from the Assinipoils,12 who speak the
same tongue, being a revolted band of the Naudowessie ; and
from the Killistinoes,13 neighbors of the Assinipoils, who speak
the Chipeway language, and inhabit the head of the River
Bourbon;14 I say from these nations, together with my own
observations, I have learned that the four most capital rivers
on the continent of North America, viz., the St. Lawrence, the
Mississippi, the River of Bourbon, and the Oregon or the

10 Carver's Travels, 76-7-8. Walpole, N. H. 1813 edition.

11 Sioux.

12 Assiniboines.

14 Named in honor of the Royal Bourbon family of France. Now known as
the Saskatchewan-Nelson River System.

324 JOHN E. REES

River of the West (as I hinted in my introduction) have their
sources in the same neighborhood. The waters of the three
former are within thirty miles of each other; the latter, how-
ever, is rather further west." Bancroft says, "Substitute for
the St. Lawrence the Colorado, which makes the observation
all the more striking, and the statement is essentially correct."15
"This shews that these parts are the highest lands in North
America; and it is an instance not to be paralleled on the
other three quarters of the globe, that four rivers of such
magnitude should take their rise together, and each, after run-
ning separate courses, discharge their waters into different
oceans at the distance of two thousand miles from their
sources".16

Such was some of the information which Captain Carver
obtained concerning the West which we find is so manifest as
to be substantially correct. It was given to him by the Sioux
who, no doubt, acquired it from the Shoshonis. Some authors
have endeavored to discredit the captain's writings while others
have designated them a paraphrase upon the efforts of others17
but the information which he imparts concerning this western
country indicates that it came from some one who knew from
experience of which he spoke. It may be that others helped
to put his manuscript into readable book form as his papers were
prepared for the press by a bookseller,18 but the captain un-
questionably furnished the historical data which the Indians
had imparted to him. After returning from his travels he
proceeded to London where he proposed to the parliament of
the British government the plan of ascending the Missouri and
descending the Columbia and building posts along the route to
facilitate the Indian fur trade and colonial settlements,19 but
England, in neglecting support of Captain Carver's scheme,
overlooked her supreme opportunity to entirely dominate the
North American continent as did France, a century before,
lose her undoubted future prestige by her shameful treatment
of Pierre Radisson.

Captain Carver was the first white person known to use the

*-*:,!,•: jny*

15 Bancroft's Northwest Coast, I, 608.

16 Carver's Travels, 54-5.

17 Eleventh Edition, Encyclopaedia Britannica, V. 437.

18 Carver's Travels, 22.

19 Ibid., 18 and 280.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 325

word "Oregon", which he did in his book published in 1778,
using it four different times and each time he said, "Oregon
or the river of West," showing that he understood the word to
mean, The River of the West. While Captain Carver was the
first white person to use the word "Oregon", others before
him spoke of a western river. In 1673, when Father Mar-
quette and Joliet passed down the Mississippi, which they
called the "Conception River",20 they supposed that they would
float into the South Sea, later known as the Pacific Ocean;
but when they reached the Missouri it was evident to themi
from so vast a stream, that it must have come a long distance
and drained a large section of country. The Indians informed
them that such was the case and that beyond the source of the
Missouri was another "large river that flowed westward".21
In 1683, when Baron Lahontan was exploring the Des Moines
River he was told, by the Indians, "of a great western river
running to the ocean",22 and Charlevoix, in 1721, while along
the upper Mississippi, "learned of the Indians of a western
river leading to the ocean",23 all of which indicated that the
Indians of the Mississippi Valley knew of a western river
which flowed into the Pacific ocean; in fact, one of their
number, Moncacht-Ape, of the Yazoo tribe, told the French
that he had, in 1700, traveled up the Missouri, crossed the
mountains and descended a stream, which he called the "Beau-
tiful River", to the ocean, making the first known transcon-
tinental expedition.24 Such reports of a western river became
a tradition among the Spanish navigators who first explored
the Northwest Coast so that in 1543, Ferrelo and his crew,
"imagined they saw signs of the inevitable great river"25 and
in 1603, Aguilar sailing along the coast north of Cape Blanco
"and near it found a very copious and soundable river, on the
banks of which were very large ashes, willows, brambles and
other trees of Castile; and wishing to enter it the current
would not permit",26 from which incident the stream was called
Rio de Aguilar, which was supposed to be and denoted on
some maps as the Columbia River.

20 American Historical Review, XXV No. 4, 676.

21 Bancroft's Northwest Coast, I, 587.

22 U S Geol. Sur. Memoirs of Explorations, Surveys, Voyages and Dtscovertes,
491.

23 Ibid., 492.

24 Davis, Journey of Mon'cacht-A^e.

25 Bancroft's History of California, I, 79.

26 Bancroft's Northwest Coast, I, 146.

326 JOHN E. REES

In fact the reports by the Indians of a large river flowing
from the continental divide of the Rocky Mountains into the
Pacific Ocean caused some cartographers to represent on their
maps, by dotted lines, a River of the West, after which it
became the primary object and the goal of navigators of all
nations to seek for and find this Indian stream to whose tra-
ditional account were added many by the white man until
1792, when Captain Robert Gray solved the aboriginal legend
and entered, for the first time, the channel of this river of many
names, notwithstanding which he gave it another, "Columbia",
after his vessel, and by which name the river has usually been
known since.27

The next notable use of the word "Oregon", in literature,
after its first application by Captain Carver in 1778, was by
William Cullen Bryant in his poem, Thanatopsis, in 1812.
"Thanatopsis" is a Greek word meaning a contemplation of
death. It was said of the poet Bryant that if he was ever a
child and thought as a child no one knew when it was. The
widespread beauty of nature, her silent movements, her cease-
less changes, the endless mass of humanity drifting ever toward
the chasm of death, these were familiar themes over which he
contemplated in his boyhood days and it was as a boy of
eighteen years he wrote Thanatopsis. The splendid thought
expressed in this poem comes as "a voice out of the wilder-
ness" lifting one above the weary avocations of life to a purer
faith in a life beyond. The warm human sympathy of the
master poet is here overpowering. As proofs of his stately
thoughts on the gravity and universality of death he appeals
to the solemnity of the forest and the wilderness, for the dark
forests of the western coast of America were quite as familiar
to the average reader then, as was the wilderness in the
Libyan Desert on the African Coast and it was that idea rather
than for "meter" that the word "Oregon" was used by him.
He said, "Take the wings of the morning, pierce the Barcan
wilderness, or lose thyself in the continuous woods where rolls
the Oregon, and hears no sound save his own dashings, — yet

27 Lyman's Columbia River, Chap. 3.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 327

the dead are there! And millions in those solitudes, since first
the flight of years began, have laid them down in their last
sleep— the dead reign there alone!" This poem was published
first, in 1817, and at once the boyhood effort, portraying the
boundless majesty of nature, was stamped upon the minds and
emotions of others and the word "Oregon" thereby became
fixed and perpetual in the English language.28

President Jefferson, in his efforts to develop the resources
of the nation west of the Missisippi, adopted the plan outlined
by Captain Carver of carrying on a trade up the Missouri
across the Rockies and down the Columbia to the Pacific, and
in 1803, sent Captains Lewis and Clark on an exploring expe-
dition across the continent with instructions, among which
were, "The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri
River, and such principal streams of it, as by its course and
communication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, may offer
the most direct and practicable water communication across
the continent, for the purpose of commerce". And "Should
you reach the Pacific Ocean, inform yourself of the circum-
stances which may decide whether the furs of those parts may
not be collected as advantageously at the head of the Missouri
(convenient as is supposed to be the waters of the Colorado
and Oregon or Columbia) as at Nootka sound, or any other
point of that coast; and that trade may be consequently con-
ducted through the Missouri and the United States more
beneficially than by the circumnavigation now practiced."29

Lewis and Clark completed their mission in 1806 and when
nearing home on their return journey met many parties ascend-
ing the Missouri on their way to the wilderness to participate
in the fur trade with the aborigines,3° for as above quoted, no
native tribe was so poor, even if it inhabited hyperborean
forests, that it did not excite the cupidity of the white man.
John Jacob Astor, a practical person, conceived the idea of
putting into operation Captain Carver's plan and after form-
ing the Pacific Fur Company, in 1810, laid a scheme to erect
trading posts across the continent, the first one established

28 Bryant's Poetical Works.

29 Thwaites, Lewis and Clark, VII, 248, 251.

30 Chittenden's American Fur Trade.

328 JOHN E. REES

being Fort Astoria at the mouth of the Columbia in 1811,
which proved to be the first permanent settlement on the
Northwest Coast, after which subordinate posts were estab-
lished on the Okanogan, Spokane and Willamette rivers. During
the war with England, the British, in 1813, took Fort Astoria
and the subordinate posts.31 But the United States was vic-
torious in this war and was able to stipulate in the Treaty of
Ghent, which ended this war in 1814, that "All territory, places;
and possessions whatsoever, taken by either party from the
other during the war .... shall be restored without
delay",32 but England was loath to surrender back this fur
trading post just as she refused, for years after the Revolu-
tionary War, to give possession, to the United States, of the
frontier fur posts to which America was entitled by treaty
rights. From England's refusal to restore Fort Astoria to the
United States arose the Northwest Boundary dispute which
agitated both nations henceforth until 1846, when it was ad-
justed by placing the boundary at the 49th parallel.33

Lewis and Clark's Journal was published in 1814, giving a
glowing description of the country over which they had tra-
versed, including the "Great Columbia Valley", which report
made a deep and lasting impression upon all who read it. But
this country, while legally belonging to the United States,
under the Treaty of Ghent, was still in the hands of the British.
As the British had failed to give up Astoria, Secretary Monroe,
in 1815, six months after the treaty had been signed, made a
demand on the English Minister to restore, to the United
States, this post, to which request the English gave no heed.
From this date began the agitation for the American posses-
sion and occupation of the Northwest Coast, Hall J. Kelley, of
Boston, being the first party to call popular attention to this
subject. Until this time, this region was called the "Columbia
River Country"; the "Shores of the Pacific"; the "Country
Across the Rocky Mountains" ; the Northwest Coast" ; the
"Western Coast of America"; or the "Country Westward of
the Stony Mountains", but Kelley, being a school teacher and

31 Irving's Astoria.

32 Malloy's Treaties, Conventions, Etc., I. 613.

33 Von Hoist's Constitutional History, III, Chap 2.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 329

familiar with Carver's Travels and Bryant's Thanatopsis, des-
ignated the district the "Oregon Country", it being the first
instance in which is found the name "Oregon" applied to the
Columbia River Valley. Kelley became an enthusiast over
the subject, making it the principal topic of his private con-
versations as well as in public lectures, writing many newspaper
articles and later, pamphlets on the obsessed theme and, in
1817, began to memorialize Congress on the American claim
and occupation of the Oregon Country, calling the nation's
attention to this desired object.34

In 1817, Secretary Adams made a second request for the
surrender of Fort Astoria, which the British had re-named Fort
George, and in doing so displayed sufficient force, by dispatch-
ing the U. S. sloop of war, Ontario, to the Columbia, to re-take
the place if necessary. England gave up this post in 1818;
however, she still maintained a string to the prize in the way
of the "Joint Occupancy Treaty", whereby all lands west of
the Rocky Mountains were to be "free and open" for ten
years to the subjects of both nations'35 which practically left the
country still in the hands of the British subjects.

In the Sixteenth Congress, which met in December, 1820,
was a member from Virginia, Dr. John Floyd, whose ancestors
had been pioneer settlers, he having been born on the frontier
of Kentucky. He knew well both Lewis and Clark, his cousin,
Charles Floyd, having been a member of their expedition. At
the same hotel in which he took quarters for the winter were
Crooks and Farnham, men who had worked for Astor in estab-
lishing Astoria. All being western men naturally became well
acquainted and often exchanged ideas on the upbuilding of the
West and with Senator Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, often
proposed and discussed the virtues of the Columbia River
Country. As the result of such knowledge, Dr. Floyd was
able to get a bill before Congress, "To authorize the occupa-
tion of the Columbia river, and to regulate trade and inter-
course with the Indian Tribes thereon", which bill, however,
failed to become a law. In 1822, he introduced another bill

34 Oregon Historical Quarterly, XVIII.

35 Malloy's Treaties, Conventions, etc., I, 632.

330 JOHN E. REES

to the effect "That all that portion of the territory of the
United States north of the forty-second degree of latitude,
and west of the Rocky Mountains, shall constitute the Terri-
tory of Oregon", which was the first time in history in which
the words "Territory of Oregon" were used.36 By reason of
these various agitations public attention was, at least, directed
to our western coast, and in his Annual Message to Congress,
in 1824, President Monroe submitted to the consideration of
Congress "the propriety of establishing a military post at the
mouth of the Columbia River."37

The occupation of the Oregon Country, by the English, was
by the Hudson's Bay Company, a single "trading association
whose sole aim was the pursuit of material interests of a hand-
ful of capitalists. England had not founded a colony in
Oregon, but a few Englishmen had constructed there a machine
for producing wealth, which was kept going by its employees
and in which Indians and Sandwich Islanders were the main
wheels. The Company did not aim at the development of the
country, but its exploitation. In promoting civilization, it
labored only so far as the preservation of its pecuniary inter-
ests made this unavoidable. If the interests of civilization
actually or apparently came in conflict with these interests,
they were trodden under foot."38

In 1834, an American settlement sprang up in the Willamette
valley which built homes for their families, cleared lands, cul-
tivated crops and hewed out a place for civilization to exist.
This settlement changed conditions of affairs, for American
citizens as well as the interests of the country, demanded pro-
tection of the government. In 1838, Senator Linn of Mis-
souri, introduced a bill in the U. S. Senate to organize Oregon
as a territory and establish on the Columbia a fort and custom
house. However, from and after 1840, the people began to
solve this question by immigration to this new country and
"Not only had they brought with them the republican spirit of
independence, sucked in with their mother's milk, the habits
of self-reliance and self-rule-habits which from infancy were

36Benton's Thirty Years View, I, 13.

37 Richardson's Messages and Papers of the Presidents.

38 Von Hoist's Constitutional History, III, 44.

OREGON— MEANING, ORIGIN AND APPLICATION 331

part of their very being— and their American patriotism, but
they were convinced— without much inquiry about Drake's
voyages of discovery and England's old treaties with Spain—
that their feet stood, not on the soil of a stranger, but on that
of home."39

So, in 1843, at Champoeg, Oregon, was organized the first
American civil government west of the Rocky Mountains
which provisional government soon sought to extend its juris-
diction north of the Columbia River, which attempt resulted in
the democratic campaign slogan of 1844, of "fifty-four forty or
fight". However, pending difficulties with England over this
matter, the organization of the territory was deferred until the
boundary line was settled.

In 1848, during the Thirteenth Congress, Oregon was finally
organized into a territory from the anomalous "Territory of
Oregon", with boundaries defined as, "All that part of the
territory of the United States which lies west of the summit
of the Rocky Mountains, north of the forty-second degree of
north latitude, known as the Territory of Oregon, shall be or-
ganized into and constitute a temporary government by the
name of the Territory of Oregon",40 which territory was
reduced, in 1853, by the formation of Washington Territory.

The political destiny of Oregon became entangled, for awhile,
with the slavery question and its original fundamental law
prohibited slavery by putting into force the provisions of the
Ordinance of 1787. When a convention met, in 1857, to draft
a constitution for statehood, three parties existed in the State ;
one in favor of slavery, a second opposed to it and a third
opposed to negro immigration, which division of opinion re-
sulted in an "anti-negro clause" in the constitution and pre-
vented, for some time, its adoption and the admission of the
State which, however, was accomplished in 1859, with her
present boundaries and making the thirty-third State of the
American Union.41

39~Ibid., 45.

40 Gannett's Boundaries, 137.

41 Lalor's Ency. Political Science, III, 34.

THE EARLY EXPLORATIONS AND THE ORIGIN OF
THE NAME OF THE OREGON COUNTRY

BY WILLIAM H. GALVANI

I. THE EARLY EXPLORATIONS

It is certain that long before the voyages of Captains Gray and
Vancouver they (the Spaniards) knew at least a part of the course of
that (the Columbia) River which was designated in their maps under
the name of Oregon. — Gabriel Franchere's Narrative of the Voyage to
the Northwest Coast of America in the years 1811-14, Page II3, note.*

It is an undisputed historic fact that our earliest explorers
and settlers, long before the keen contest for supremacy began
between England and Spain, were Spaniards. It is likewise
a fact that for some strange and unaccountable reasons the
Spanish government, until the middle of the Eighteenth cen-
tury, carefully avoided the use of the name America in their
histories and official documents in not one of which can the
word be found. It is furthermore as certain and historically
fully accepted that the declining power of Spain directed
its active colonizing efforts towards the West Coast of
North America; and, whether anyone is inclined to ques-
tion the early voyages of the Portuguese navigator, Ca-
brillo, in the Spanish service, who discovered Cape Men-
docino in 1542,1 or those of the Greek pilot Apostolos
Valerianus of Cephalonia, commonly known as Juan de Fuca,
who, in 1592, is supposed to have approached the straits now
bearing his name2, — the voyages of Sebastian Vizcaino up to
the 43rd parallel as early as 1603 are certainly unquestionable ;
that based largely on the result of his explorations and actual
surveys, as recorded in his journals, he recommended certain
places for settlement and naval stations; that for some rea-
sons the Spanish Government deliberately concealed the

* French Edition published in Montreal in 1819, English translation in 1854.

1 Professor Geo. Davidson in his "An Examination of Some of the Early
Voyages on the Northwest Coast of America from 1539 to 1603," identified with
practical certainty some seventy points mentioned by the diary of Juan Rodriquez
Cabrillo along the Coast, and placing the limit of the voyage at Rogue River,
Oregon, though Ferrelo, Chief pilot to Cabrillo, gives the latitude 44 degrees. See
his Introduction to Spanish Explorations in the Southwest 1542-1706, Edited
by H. E. Bolton, New York, Charles Scribners' Sons, 1916.

2 Though no record of Juan de Fuca's voyage has been found in the Mexican
archives, the unsupported testimony of Michael Lock (an English Merchant who
published the story in 1619, "the narrative was accepted by Raleigh and Purchas,
and the latitude of the supposed channel and de Fuca's description of it corre-
spond with surprising accuracy to the Strait that now bears his romantic name." —
K. Coman in Economic Beginnings of the Far West. Vol. I p. 8. New York, The
MacMillan Co., 1912.

NAME OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 333

accounts of that expedition; that the first party of Spanish

i^f ^ undCr RiV6ra reached San DieS° on May 14th,
1769; and that before 1775 the Spanish colonies in upper Cali-
fornia enjoyed an abundance of means of subsistence, such

MA' <?ttle' and aSricultural Products; and that between
1774 and 1779 three exploring voyages of the west coast were
made by order of the Spanish Government and under the
direction of the Marine Department of San Bias, at the
entrance of the California Gulf, established for the purpose of
promoting active exploration of the Northwest Coast.3

The Russians, having in 1711 subjugated the whole of
North Asia, were looking for more— something beyond their
recently fixed ocean boundaries— further east in the direction
of the Spanish, French and British settlement in America. To
this end were directed the efforts of Bering and Tchirikoff
during the years 1728-1729, and of Lieutenant Synd, Captains
Kremnitz and Levascheff between 1766-1774. But, like the
Spanish Government, the wise men who governed Holy Russia
for some reasons systematically suppressed all accounts of
these voyages until 1774, when J. L. Staehlin, Councillor of
State to Empress Catherine, prepared a circumstantial account
of the principal voyages between 1741 and 1770 from the orig-
inal records in possession of the Russian government.4

While Spain and Russia were thus actively engaged in secur-
ing by right of discovery and possession the extension of their
sovereign claims on the Northwesterly coast of America,
Great Britain, it seems, directed every possible effort towards
consolidating her interests on the Eastern or Atlantic coast.
In 1771 Samuel Hearne, an agent of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, acting under its instructions to investigate the North-
west Country, made three journeys between 1769 and 1772;

3 The First Voyage, under Ensign Juan Perez, reached the 54th parallel on
July 18, 1774; the Second voyage under Captain Bruno Heceta sailed March IS,
1775, discovered the entrance of the Columbia on August 15th, reached the 58th
parallel, found it very difficult to proceed further and turned southward on
November 20th — (Heceta's Discoveries are unquestionable) ; and the Third voyage,
under Captain Ignacio Artega and Lieutenant Juan Francisco de la Bodega y
Quadra, sailed on February 7th, 1779, returning on November 2ist without, how-
ever, adding to what was accomplished by Perez and Heceta.

4 The records are curious and interesting, but they throw very little light on
the great geographical questions relative to the part of the world which then
remained unsolved, and the accompanying chart only serves, at present, to show
more conspicuously the value of the discoveries effected by other nations-
Robert Greenhow, The History of Oregon and California and the Other Terri-
tories on the Northwest Coast of America, Chap. V, p. 138, D. Appleton, N. Y.,

334

WILLIAM H. GALVANI

he discovered in 1771 a river in the northwest section of
America not emptying in the Atlantic or Hudson Bay, but
somewhere to the west. This changed considerably the pre-
vailing notions regarding the Northwest country. Likewise
the publication in 1778 of Captain Jonathan Carver's "Travels
Throughout the Interior Parts of North America in 1766,"5
in which the Great River of the. West was for the first time
mentioned under the name of Oregon, contributed somewhat
to the general awakening of Britain in Northwestern projects
for settlement, etc. Accordingly Captain James Cook, on his
return to England from his second voyage of circumnaviga-
tion, in obedience to instructions from the British Government,
sailed from Plymouth on July 12th, 1776, on the Ship Reso-
lution, accompanied by Captain Charles Clarke, on the Ship
Discovery, and a number of other officers and crews. He
was not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions, and,
if he should do so by some unavoidable accident, to give no
offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic
majesty. He was "with the consent of the natives to take
possession in the name of the King of Great Britain of con-
venient situations .... but, if he should find countries
so discovered to be uninhabited, he was to take possession for
his sovereign by setting up proper marks and inscriptions as
first discoverers and possessors." In obedience to these
instructions he proceeded by way of the Cape of Good Hope,
New Zealand and Otaheite to the Coast of New Albion which
he was to reach in the latitude of 45 degrees. He discovered
the Sandwich Islands, was near the 44th degree of latitude on
March 7, 1778, and a little beyond the 48th parallel on March
22, he was opposite the projecting point of the Continent which
he named Cape Flattery.

Captain Cook's voyage proved an epoch-making achievement,
both from a geographical viewpoint and also from his discovery
among the natives at Friendly Cove of a number of articles of

5 Carver's account, in a general way, was made up from existing journals and
histories— his descriptions of the habits, customs, religion and language of the
Indians of the Upper Mississippi are vague and contradictory, and for the most
part repetitions from existing accounts. If it were not for his using the name
Oregon for the Great River of the West his book of travels might have been for-
gotten long ago. As it is, it gave rise to the debatable question as to origin of
the name first used by him.

NAME OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 335

Spanish manufacture.* By determining accurately the princi-
pal points on the Coasts of Asia and America he made it pos-
sible for the first time to ascertain the actual extent of these
continents and the degree of their proximity to each other
All subsequent voyages, as far at least as the subject that is
before us, need not concern us ; and, whether we recognize or
reject the validity of the Papal concession of May 4th, 1493,
as a legitimate basis for Spanish claims to sovereignty7, we
can not deny that the Spaniards were the first discoverers' and
settlers of the West Coasts of America, at least as far North
as the 56th parallel of latitude. It nevertheless led to the first
controversy and to subsequent contests between Great Britain
and Spain respecting the Northwest Coasts of America in
1790, and in which contests British perseverance finally won
over Spanish clericalized rule.

In addition to the above documentary evidence of the voy-
ages of discovery and settlement, the following recorded inci-
dents of later travelers are of unusual interest and impor-
tance and show the unmistakable presence of Spaniards in the
Oregon Country. Under date of January 1st, 1806, there is
recorded in the journal of Lewis and Clark's Expedition8 a
visit from the Clatsops; and that "Among this nation (the
Clatsops) we have observed a man about twenty-five years
old, of much lighter complexion than the Indians generally;
his face was even freckled, and his hair long and of a color
inclined to red. He was in habits and manners perfectly
Indian; but, though he did not speak a word of English, he
seemed to understand more than the others of his party; and,
as we could obtain no account of his origin, we concluded that

6 Captain Cook's Explorations extended as far as Icy Cape in latitude 70
degrees 29 minutes; thence, repassing Bering Strait, he left on October 27, for
the Sandwich Islands, where this gallant English voyager was murdered by the
natives on February 14, 1779. Captain Charles Clarke succeeded him, but he died
near Petropaylovsk on August 22; John Gore next assumed command of the
expedition, sailed around the Cape of Good Hope, returning to England in Octo-
ber, 1780.

7 "From the time of the emperor Constantine various grants, endowments,
and donations of extensive territories were conferred by different princes on the
bishops of Rome . . . That many of these are supposititious is generally ac-
knowledged, whilst the validity of others, which are admitted to have existed,
frequently rests merely on the temporary right of some intruder whose title was
his sword, and who in many instances, gave the pontiff what he could no longer
retain himself." Wm. Roscoe, the Life and Pontificate of Lea the Tenth (in 2
Vols.) Vol. I, p. 5, London, Henry G. Bohn, 1846.

& History of the Expedition of Captains Lewis and Clark in 1804-5-6. Re-
printed from the Edition of 1814, with an Introduction and Index by James K.
Hosmer, LLD., in two volumes,— (Vol. II, p. 110, A. C. McClurg, Chicago, 1903.

336 WILLIAM H. GALVANI

one of his parents at least must have been completely white."9
A similar incident is recorded by Franchere under date of
May 8th, 1812, when in the vicinity of Point Vancouver the
party met a kindly old blind man and they were told by their
guide that "he was a white man and that his name was Soto .
. . . he was the son of a Spaniard who had been wrecked
at the mouth of the river ; that a part of the crew on this occa-
sion got safe ashore, but were all massacred by the Clatsops,
with the exception of four who were spared and who married
native women ; these four Spaniards, disgusted with the savage
life, attempted to reach a settlement of their own nation toward
the South, but had never been heard of since; and that when
his father and his companions had left the country he himself
was yet quite young."10

Such in brief is the interesting story of the early efforts of
the Spaniards to explore the Western slope of the New
World, to establish permanent settlements on the 'Pacific
Coast, and to insure the sovereignty of His Catholic Majesty
the King of Spain — all of which, like her whole world empire,
vanished from the face of the earth and apparently forever.
Sic transit gloria mundi.

II. ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF OREGON

The beginning of things or the rise of symbols for things
has always been an item of great interest to the mind of man.
Hence, it is that history, dealing in matters pertaining to this
world, and also theology, dealing with speculations relating
to all other worlds, are so prolific. And, indeed, it is but quite
natural that it should be so — for it is only in the light of the
past of the race that the mind of man can suggest an explana-
tion for the present state of things ; and, again, from the union
of the two, the past and the present, we may have a glimpse
into "the never ending flight of future days."

That is why history and theology are so prolific; it is our
deep concern in the future — for in life, as Byron so well

9 This is corroborated by the late John Minto (b. Oct 10, 1822, d. Feb. 25,
1915, a pioneer of 1844, who in. 1846 met at Morrison's (now Columbia beach —
about 8 miles South of Astoria), the Indian Cullaby whom he found to be a son
of the red haired and freckled faced Indian mentioned in the Journal of Lewis
and Clark under date of Jan. 1, 1806.

10 Franchere, Gabriel, Narrative of the Voyage to the Northwest Coast of
America in the years 1811-1814, page 113.

NAME OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 337

observed, "there is no present"— that makes it so. That is why
every subject had been handled, time and again, by everyone
who thought of having a thought, or a capacity of transcribing
and interpreting facts or fancies, into words and phrases.
Hence, it is that history, or the romance of history, includes
not only persons, events and places that had an actual exist-
ence, but also detailed accounts of events that never happened,
wonderful biographies of persons that never existed, and
graphic descriptions of places that no geographer ever located,
nor mortal eye had ever seen. We thus seem to know more
of what we suppose had happened thousands of years ago
than we do of what actually transpired but a few years ago,
or, indeed, of what is going on right now, before our very
eyes, so to speak.

It is my purpose to deal here with the derivation of a symbol
or word — a matter, it is true, not so important as that of an
actual or tangible thing. That word is O R E G O N, and the
fact that the subject, every now and then, receives some atten-
tion from editors, statesmen, historians and even poets must be
my apology for submitting the following observations :

Without going much into detail, I beg to remark here that
the various explanations for the derivation of the name of
Oregon have absolutely no foundation. Chief among these
explanations are the "wild thyme" myth, an herb of unusual
abundance found here by early explorers, but which herb has,
with the advent of civilization, so mysteriously disappeared.
Then comes the story of Jonathan Carver,11 who, while among
the Indians on the waters of the Upper Mississippi, in 1766-68,
was informed by them that they heard of far-away tribes to
the Westward, in a territory by the name of Oregon, which
according to them meant the "great River of the West,"12 as
if that, even assuming this to be absolutely correct, is sufficient
of an explanation for the actual origin of that name.

Another solution is that offered by Junius Henri Brown,

11 Winsor, in his "Narrative and Critical History of America," Vol. 7, p. 555,
gives credit to Carver for first using the name of Oregon.

12 "As to the name of Oregon, or the authority for its use, the traveller
(Carver) is silent; and nothing has been learned from any other source, though

p. 145, New York, D. Appleton & Co., 1845.

338

WILLIAM H. GALVANI

who, in 1842, in Hunt's Magazine, solves the great mystery
by attributing the whole matter to a supposed tradition, said to
have prevailed among the Indians near Lake Superior, of a
mighty river of the name of Oregon, emptying its waters into
the Pacific. Then, too, Bryant's celebrated "Thanatopsis,"
written in 1812, refers to the Columbia River as the Oregon —
"where rolls the O'regon, and hears no sound save his own
dashings," Nor should we overlook Professor Josiah D.
Whitney's theory of the derivation of the name of Oregon
from Ore-jon, or Big-ear, a name supposed to have been
applied to the Indians of the Northwest Coast by the early
Spanish explorers.13

Finally, we have more recently been treated to the latest
effort of a most fertile imagination, and by not less a person
than Joaquin Miller, the poet of the Sierras ; who, after thirty
long years of contemplation and inquiry, made the startling
discovery that the name of Oregon is derived from the Spanish
Oye-el-agua ; hear the waters.14 Wonderful, most wonderful!

Herein is practically a complete list of the explanations for
the derivation of the name of Oregon, explanations which to
anyone of a historical or linguistic turn of mind explain noth-
ing of its meaning, nor of its actual derivation.

In the absence of documentary evidence, there is but one
way to get at the heart of this mystery. We must turn to the
early settlers and to the homes they left behind them. Just
as the Dutch, the English and the French on the Atlantic, or
east coast of the New Continent, applied to their new homes
the names of their former cities and districts, so, indeed, the
settlers on the shores of the Pacific must have done likewise.
Hence, since we have shown and indeed it is admitted on all
sides that the first settlers on the Pacific were Spaniards, they,
and they only, must have named the new territory, and after
some spot most dear to their hearts. Undoubtedly among those
Spaniards, who first settled in what has become known as the
Oregon country, there were many who fled from Spain because
of the political tyranny and ecclesiastical persecution of those

13 Whitney, Josiah D., Names and Places, pag€ 28. Cambridge, 1888.

14 See, Morning Oregonian, October 21st, 1907.

NAME OF THE OREGON COUNTRY 339

days, so famous in Spanish history. It was a period when the
number of those who fled from religious persecutions must
have been enormous. The Kingdom of Aragon suffered and
resisted those horrors possibly more than any other territory
under Spanish rule. Religious refugees usually are more loyal
to the old homeland and its traditions than any wandering
adventurers, and when those refugees — or even if some of
them were but ordinary adventurers in search of fame or for-
tune—landed in the Oregon country, they could not help find-
ing here a picture so strongly resembling old Aragon. For be
it remembered that the Kingdom of Aragon, which included
Catalonia and Valencia, was noted for its long coast line, aus-
picious climate, beautiful valleys, rivers dashing with exulting
song into the glittering sunshine, forest covered hillsides, and
the majestic mountains of the Pyrenees with their snow-clad
sentinels — all of which familiar scenes of beauty and grandeur
they found here in their new abode. Under such circumstances
it is but natural that they should have transferred the old
name to the new home. Likewise, it is quite possible, as it
had been suggested by my good friend, John Gill, who is one
of the few well informed men on the subject of early Oregon
history, that some bold hidalgos might have named the Oregon
country after some Spanish ship by that name. In either case,
if the Indians used this name in later years, it is not because
of having invented it, but because they got this pure Spanish
name from the Spanish settlers, and they retained it even
though those Spaniards and Spanish names were doomed in
the course of human events to disappear from the New World,
because of the marvelous rise of New Albion at a time when
rapidly decaying Spain was altogether too busy with burning
heretics according to the policies of Torquemada and the Holy
Inquisition. That is all there is to it.

Should anyone insist upon an explanation for the transform-
ation of Aragon into Oregon, here it is, and it is simple
enough. The chief, or primitive, vowels in the different Aryan
languages are represented by "a," "i," and "u" (pronounced as

340 WILLIAM H. GALVANI

in the Italian). To these primitive vowels all other vowels are
traced as to a common source. This is recognized by the
physiologist no less than by the linguist. The modifications,
or gradations, of each were brought about under the influence
of other vowels or consonants. In tracing these gradations
we find that "e" and "o" philologically owe their derivation
to "a" just as "ei" and "ai" to "i" and "iu" and "au" are
traced to "u".

Hence, the first and the second "a" in Aragon, by the nat-
ural process and according to phonetic laws, have imperceptibly
become transformed into "o" and "e". Examples of this are as
numerous in modern languages as they are in Sanskrit, the
mother tongue of all.

In the light of these few observations even the plea of "the
poet of the Sierras/' based upon "an orchestra of angels away
up in yonder clouds, crying : Oye-el-agua — Hear the water" —
must give way to an explanation based upon human sentiment
and reason which somehow ever persists in perpetuating old
familiar names, and to the fact that the name — O r e g o n —
is certainly of most Spanish formation and sound, and espe-
cially so when it is supported by the principles upon which
rests all linguistic development — ancient and modern.

THE STRANGE CASE OF JONATHAN CARVER
AND THE NAME OREGON*

By T. C. ELLIOTT

The name of the mother state of all those west of the Rocky
Mountains and north of California first came to public notice
through the pages of literature. About the year 1812 William
Cullen Bryant, then only eighteen years of age, fitted the name
(hitherto obscure) into the philosophy and meter of his famous
poem "Thanatopsis" which, as first published, contained these
lines r1

"Take the wings

Of morning — and the Borean desert pierce —
Or lose thyself in the continuous woods
That veil Oregon, where he hears no sound
Save his own dashings — yet — the dead are there;"
Earlier than this President Thomas Jefferson, in written in-
structions to Captain Meriwether Lewis in 1803, included the
following :

"The object of your mission is to explore the Missouri
River, and such principal streams of it, as, by its course and
communication with the waters of the Pacific Ocean, whether
the Columbia, Oregan, Colorado, or any other river" etc.

But both statesman and poet took the name from a book
published in London in 1778 entitled: Travels Through the
Interior Parts of North America, by J. Carver, Esq., and that
book and its author have inspired both the title and subject
matter of this discussion.2

The winter season of 1920-21 marks the tercentenary of
the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers on the coast of Massachu-
setts, an event widely celebrated in both England and the
United States. Under the leadership of Governor John Carver,
that little band of colonists at Plymouth spent the early months

* A paper prepared to be read before The State Historical Society of Wash-
ington at the annual meeting in January, 1921, at Tacoma.

1 In later years the lines of the poem were twice revised by its author, the
more common rendering being:

"Take the wings

Of morning, pierce the Barcan wilderness,
Or lose thyself in the continuous woods
Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound," etc.

2 Some familiarity with the contents of the book and the opinions, pro and
con, as to its author will add to the interest of the reader.

342 T. C. ELLIOTT

of 1621 in such log huts as could be hurriedly erected for their
protection. About one hundred and fifty years after that event,
one, Jonathan Carver, a collateral descendant of Governor
Carver, wintered in a log hut not far distant from where the
cities Saint Paul and Minneapolis now stand, with only an
Iroquois Indian and French-Canadian voyageur as companions.
He established friendly relations with the Sioux Indians then
residing in that vicinity, and, eleven years later, in London in
1778, published a book in which are recorded his observations
and experiences that winter and during the months immediately
preceding and following, when he was traveling on the Missis-
sippi River and its tributaries and on Lake Superior. In that
book appears the first known record of the word Oregon,3 as
a name then applied to the river already called "River of the
West" but afterwards officially designated Columbia. Thus,
before the maritime discoveries of Perez, Heceta or Cuadra,
of Cook or Vancouver and of Kendrick or Gray, and before
the overland explorations of Mackenzie, David Thompson or
Lewis and Clark, the name Oregon was spoken.

One important but undetermined item in the history of the
Pacific Northwest relates to the origin of this name Oregon,
as communicated by Jonathan Carver in his book, and pre-
sumably as set down by him in a journal in that winter of
1766-67. Did he hear this word while among the Indians of
Minnesota? Did he see the name or something like it on
some map or in the writings of some other person? Did he
invent or coin it in his own mind when writing the book?
These questions may never be positively answered, but a knowl-
edge of the career of Jonathan Carver and of the conditions
existing when he made his journey and was writing his book
will assist in the forming of an individual opinion and a final
answer may be in sight.

The history of the "Oregon Country" connects itself with
that of the state of Missouri by the meanderings of the Oregon
Trail, over which so many of the pioneer families of Oregon
traveled with patience, fortitude and endurance. But in search-
ing for the name Oregon, the path leads to the states of

3 This statement applies only to the word as now spelled.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 343

Minnesota and Wisconsin and the scenes of Carver's travels
There an answer to the first question must be sought- for if
the name Oregon or something similar to it, was a spoken
word among the Indians or the traders with whom Carver
mingled, there is where he heard and made note of it, this
whether its ultimate source may have been in the Spanish, the
French, the English or the Native-American tongue. And
the path then continues on to the famous trading post of
Mackinac in Michigan and to London in England, where the
other answers will more naturally be looked for. '

This discussion is not intended to include the last word upon
the subject, but rather to bring within the reach of Oregon
readers some of the results of modern research regarding
Jonathan Carver and his book, and to place some interpreta-
tions thereon; also to suggest some possible sources for his
name Oregon. Source words other than through Carver do
not concern us.

Strangely enough, until very recently, the date, place of birth
and family line of Jonathan Carver have been quite as much
a mystery as is his source for the name Oregon. Among other
statements about him appear those of his biographer in London,
Dr. John Coakley Lettsom, as follows: "Our author died on
the 31st of January, 1780, at the age of forty-eight years, and
lies interred in the Holy well- Mount burying ground," (Lon-
don) ; and the place of birth is given as at Still water, Con-
neticut. However, in March, 1920, in volume three and num-
ber three of the Wisconsin Magazine of History, Dr. William
Browning, of Brooklyn, New York, has quite conclusively
shown from the "Vital Records of Weymouth" that Jonathan
Carver was born at Weymouth, Massachusetts, on the 13th
of April, 1710, and, at the age of about eight years, removed
with his parents to Canterbury, Connecticut. Thus it appears
that, while in the wilds of Minnesota in 1767, our traveler
could have celebrated his fifty-eighth birthday, and at the time
of death had nearly reached the allotted limit of three score
years and ten. Later in this discussion some explanation will

344 T. C. ELLIOTT

be offered for this apparent ignorance by his friends in Eng-
land.

The scholarly research by Dr. Browning has brought to light
other genealogical facts of interest. The great grandfather of
Jonathan Carver was Robert Carver, a brother of Governor
John Carver, of Plymouth, and a settler at Marsh field, Massa-
chusetts, about 1638. And it may be remarked by way of
digression that at Marshfield in later years lived Daniel
Webster, who had so much influence in the diplomatic settle-
ment of sovereignty over the Oregon Country. The father
of our traveler was Ensign David Carver, who was a man of
prominence and of property both at Weymouth and at Canter-
bury. Ensign Carver held various offices in the town govern-
ments, and, at the time of his death in Canterbury in 1727,
left no small amount of personal and real property to his
widow and children. An uncle of the traveler, on his mother's
side, was Colonel John Dyer, "prominent in the affairs of
Connecticut." A cousin was "Hon. Eliphalet Dyer, LL. D., a
member of the continental congress, and later chief justice of
the state of Connecticut." Another maternal uncle was Solomon
Pain, "widely known as a leader and organizer of the Separatist
Church movement in Connecticut, perhaps the greatest religious
schism that has ever stirred the old state." Dr. Browning sums
up his findings as follows : "Carver came of able stock on
both sides. His family had means. He enjoyed the best
advantages the time and place afforded. His nearest older
relatives were men of influence and standing, large factors
in the life and activities of a wide region."

In this same connection Dr. Browning- mentions some of the
opportunities open to Jonathan Carver to acquire skill as an
artisan in the making of shoes or some knowledge of the prac-
tice of medicine, but offers no evidence that he ever hammered
a last or prescribed a powder. This remark is injected because
the late Edward Gaylord Bourne, of Yale University, char-
acterized Carver as "an unlettered shoemaker," incapable of
producing such a book as his Travels, etc. ; and Dr. Lettsom

ession.
was

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 345

alluded to Carver having studied for the medical prof
As to the charge of illiteracy Profession Bourne evidently .„
partly mistaken. If anything is to be said against the ability
of Carver to write, it is that he could and did write "not wisely
but too well." There is a bit of evidence as to his having been
a shoemaker, but nothing as to his having practiced medicine,
and his education seems to have been more along the line of
surveying and draughting; for Mr. John Thomas Lee4 of
Madison, Wisconsin, has found instances of actual work of
that kind by Carver. As a matter of fact, nothing is positively
known of Carver's education, employment, occupation, trade or
profession up to the time of his enlistment as a soldier. Ap-
parently he was not a man of sufficient prominence to have
acquired property or been noticed in any public manner. There
appears the record of his marriage at Canterbury in the year
1746, and of the birth of children there and also at Montague,
in Northern Massachusetts, from which place he enlisted for
military duty at about the age of forty-four years.

While Professor Bourne5 was a trifle hasty in his estimate
of the literary inability of Jonathan Carver, he was unanswer-
able in proving the main contention of his argument, namely,
that the second and greater part of Carver's book was copied
from the writings of earlier explorers, Hennepin, LaHontan
and Charlevoir, and other books. This extensive plagiarism
had been known to scholars many years, but had never been
so authoritatively emphasized. There has been a disposition
to condone this as being more or less a reflection of the stand-
ards of writing at the time, but the fact is admitted. Professor
Bourne also denied that the first part of the book is a source
of original information.

The marital relations of Jonathan Carver were not honorable.
He appears to have deserted his first wife and family when,
if not before, he started upon his journey to the West, as is
indicated by a petition for relief by Mrs. Carver to the general

Mr. Lee may be called the apologist for Jonathan Carver.
s (See Proceedings of State Historical Society of Wisconsin,

His two contri-

are exceedingly accurate, fair and complete. But he has failed to take Major
Rogers' influence sufficiently into account, and evidently was not aware of the
limited acquaintance of Dr. Lettsom with Carver. Much data herein referred to
will be found in his two papers.

5 Professor Bourne was regarded as the leader of modern criticisms of Carver a
Travels- see vol. XI., pp. 287-302 of American Historical Review. But the late Dr.
Reuben Gold Thwaites of the Wisconsin Historical Society took the same view; see
vol. 1 8, of the Collections of said society, pp. 280-81.

346 T. C. ELLIOTT

court in 1768. In February, 1769, Carver sailed for England,
never to return, and, while there, married (whether legally or
not is uncertain) another woman by whom children were
born. Both wives survived him and were left in need and
distress.

Jonathan Carver's military career covered the entire period
of what is known as the French and Indian War and in that
he was more successful, being early advanced to the rank of
lieutenant, and later to a captaincy. General Jeffrey Amherst
(from whom Amherst College in Massachusetts is named)
after the capture of Montreal and the close of hostilities, mad«
honorable mention of his conduct. While at home recovering
from camp fever in 1756 he petitioned the general court foi
relief, and, again in December, 1763, presented a similar peti-
tion, both of which were favorably received and acted upon.
During this period the name "Lieutenant Carver" appears as
one of the selectmen of Montague, and probably this refers to
him. Upon his return from the West in August, 1768, Gen-
eral Gage, then in command of the British forces in America,
furnished him a letter of commendation, but to this reference
will be made later.

The title page of Captain Carver's book (first three edi-
tions)6 reads, as follows: Travels Through the Interior Parts
of North America in the years 1766, 1767 and 1768. Of these
years, about six months were consumed in the going and
coming between Boston and Mackinac, in Michigan, twelve
months in the journey to the westward and northward of
Mackinac, and about nine months in residence at Mackinac;
in all, two years and two months absence from Boston. His
own narrative states that, starting from Mackinac on Septem-
ber 3rd, 1766, he traveled in the boats and company of some
traders who were going to the Mississippi River by way of
the Green Bay and the Fox- Wisconsin river route; that late
in October, when in the neighborhood of Prairie du Chien, on
the Mississippi, he purchased a canoe, and, with two servants,
ascended that river to a point about forty miles above the

6 The title page in many of the later editions reads Three Years' Travels
Through the Interior Parts of North America, and some thirty editions are said
to have been issued. The writer of this discussion has used what is known as
"the best American edition", that of Harper and Brother, 1838, which is a reprint
from the third London edition with additional data in the addenda.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 347

falls of St. Anthony before returning to ascend the Saint
Peter River two hundred miles to winter with the Sioux
Indians there. Saint Peter River has been called the Minnesota
River since 1852, and at its mouth the United States military
post, known as Fort Snelling, is now located, between Saint
Paul and Minneapolis. The narrative goes on to state that,
in the spring of 1767, after returning to Prairie du Chien for
awhile he again ascended the Mississippi River to the Chippe-
way, and followed one of the regular routes of Indian travel
north to Lake Superior, then skirted the western, northern and
eastern shores of that lake, around to the Sault Sainte Marie
and Mackinac, where he arrived the first of November, 1767.7
It states that he rested for some time at a Chippeway town;
also, at the Grand Portage on the northwest shore of the Lake,
where the traders going to Lake Winnipeg and the regions
beyond foregathered, and Indians from those distant districts
visited. Thus it appears that not more than eight months
were spent in the regions of the Mississippi River and of
Lake Superior where he could have obtained information from
the Indians or traders as to the River Oregon, and the geog-
raphy of the continent and habitats and customs of the various
tribes of Indians, and learned to speak the language of the
Sioux. One is tempted to inquire whether the title of his book
was not disingenuously worded.

It is hardly necessary to enlarge upon the facts of the ex-
ploration and trade and missionary effort, during the French
regime in the Mississippi Valley and around the Great Lakes
for more than one hundred years prior to the time of Captain
Carver's journey through those regions. Suffice it to say
that a French officer, Nicholas Perrot, in 1689 at the Post
Saint Anthony in the presence of witnesses publicly proclaimed
the sovereignty of the King of France over all lands and
waters and peoples of that entire region. One of the witnesses
to that ceremonial was Pierre Charles Le Sueur, who was
already quite well acquainted with the country, and who later,
in 1700-1702, ascended the Mississippi River from New

7 The dates given by Carver in his Travels cannot be relied up; manifestly
wilful alterations appear.

348

T. C. ELLIOTT

Orleans with a large party and wintered on the Saint Peter
River, about where Captain Carver claims to have wintered
in 1766-7. Each year intervening, when Indian hostilities did
not prevent, Frenchmen were in this field gathering peltries.
From Lake Superior also the traders to the West had been
going from the Grand Portage to Lake Winnipeg and beyond
for many years. Captain Carver then did not travel through
any unknown country or mingle with Indians who had not met
with white people.

We interpolate here a few items of contemporaneous his-
tory. In 1762-3, France parted title to her possessions in
America, ceding to Britain, as a result of the war just closed,
all those parts lying east and southeast of the Mississippi
River, and to Spain, by gift, all lying to the westward then
known as Louisiana, including the city of New Orleans. Saint
Louis was founded in 1764 by Pierre Laclede, a French
merchant from New Orleans. Both cities were French in
their people, customs and speech, and remained so in spite
of the Spanish governmental control. Laclede's licenses gave
him at least partial rights to the Indian trade on the Mississippi,
the Saint Peter and the Missouri rivers. The western military
and trading post of the British was at Mackinac, but from
there the trade in the Mississippi Valley was almost entirely
carried on by French licensees. In the time of Captain Carver,
then, the Indians of the Upper Mississippi, in their relations
with traders and priests, still heard only the French language
spoken by white people. All commerce then was carried on by
use of the water routes and portages, and the place of rendez-
vous was at Prairie du Chien, which was about equally dis-
tant between Mackinac and Saint Louis by the trade route.

The language used by Captain Carver in his Travels, in
referring to the name Oregon, has been quoted too often to
require repetition. He speaks of having learned "from the
Indians" and by his "own observations" of the close proximity
of the sources of the four principal rivers of the continent of
North America among some high lands just south of the Lake

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 349

of the Woods, one of which rivers was the Oregon; and it is
apparent that he did not personally visit those sources. Such
a statement seems on the face of it ridiculous, but at the period
of the Revolutionary War, very few people in England knew
about that part of our continent, and such a proposition ap-
peared as a great discovery and helped the sale of his book
wonderfully. A map in the book shows this river as emptying
into the Pacific Ocean at an opening in the coast marked
"discovered by Aguilar" and along the lower course of the
stream appears the name "River of the West." It may be re-
marked that he does not say in direct words that the Indians
told him the name for this river.

In arguing that the name Oregon was an Indian place name,
several fundamental facts are to be taken into account.

First, to the Columbia River proper it is not known that
the Indians applied any particular name. Probably no ex-
plorer more intelligent as to Indian life was ever on the Co-
lumber River than David Thompson, who discovered its source
in 1807, and traversed its entire length in 1811 ; and nowhere
does he mention any Indian place name as applied to it.

Second, it was not the custom among the Indians to use
the same name with reference to the entire length of any
river; often on a short stream one name was used near its
mouth and another nearer its source. The Walla Walla River
is a case in point : where it emerges from the foothills it bore
the name Tum-a-lum. Captain Carver, on the plains of Minne-
sota, would have heard only a name of one of the tributaries to
the Columbia; the Snake, Salmon, Missouletka (Clark Fork)
or the Saleesh (Flathead). And Green River may be added
to the list as then being considered a possible tributary to the
Columbia.

Third, the English letter "R" is not common to Indian
dialects of the tribes of the Rocky Mountains or the plains.
Captain Carver set down in his book a vocabulary of Sioux
and Chippeway words directly obtained from those tribes,
and in but one of his words does the letter "R" appear.

350

T. C. ELLIOTT

Fourth, it was the custom of the Indians to use place names
descriptive of some physical feature of a stream or of the
region through which it flowed.

As coming from the Indians a Shoshone word Ogwa, mean-
ing "water," has been most often mentioned as being relevant.
This word appears in the notes of the early explorer La
Verendrye (1742-44), in the form Karoskiou, which the late
Granville Stuart8 of Montana interpreted as a rendering of
Kanarogwa, the Shoshone name for Green River. John E.
Rees,9 of Idaho, has recently urged the combination of Ogwa
with Peon, meaning "West" as an exact Shoshone designa-
tion meaning "River of the West," which name had been
written in French upon maps for thirty years before Carver's
time. Mrs. Frances Fuller Victor, in Bancroft's History of
Oregon, also mentioned some ramifications of this word Ogwa.

Reasoning from analogy, it does not seem probable that
Captain Carver heard any such name when among the Sioux
that winter near the Saint Peter River. Charlevoix, nearly
fifty years earlier, had closely questioned these Sioux as to any
river flowing into the South Sea (the Pacific Ocean), but
noted no name for the same,10 and not one of the many other
records left by the French makes any mention of it, as far
as now known. Nearly thirty-five years later, Lewis and
Clark spent the winter with the Mandan Sioux on the Missouri
River four hundred and fifty miles further west, and were
keen for any information of this sort, but their journals record
nothing as to such a name being current, or even mentioned by
Sacajawea, who had been born west of the Rocky Mountains.
It is more likely that the name would have been communicated
by Assiniboine and Cree Indians at Grand Portage on Lake
Superior, but the same reasoning applies there. When, prior
to the Lewis and Clark expedition, so little had become really
known about the streams and mountains and valleys, between
the Mandan Villages and the sources of the Missouri, does it
seem probable that the Indian name of a river, beyond the
Rocky Mountains, seeped through to the ears of Jonathan

8 See Vol. I, Contributions of Historical Society of Montana.

Q Printed in this issue of Quarterly of Oregon Historical Society.

10 See Collections of State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 16, pp. 417-18.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 351

Carver alone among all who explored, traveled, traded or
baptised along the Mississippi River prior to and later than his
time?

Very little attempt has been made to trace the name Oregon
to a French source, but it is possible that, through continuous
contact with French traders, the Indians could have said some-
thing about the river which was passed along or interpreted in
the tongue of a Frenchman or French-Canadian.

This theory is not new on the Pacific Coast, but was men-
tioned by one of the editorial writings of the late Harvey
Scott of Portland, Oregon, thus : "We believe it probable that
the name Oregon arose out of some circumstances connected
with the Western explorations of the French. Earlier than
the English the French had pressed on westward from the
Great Lakes to the Red River, to the Saskatchewan and to
the foot of the Rocky Mountains. They were ranging the
country of the Upper Mississippi in search of furs and for
trade with the natives ; they were full of curiosity and active in
inquiry about the great distant West and the unknown Western
sea. Of this sea they possessed Spanish charts, and probably
used among the natives the word Aragon as a homonym
(synonym) for Spain."11 This would really apply to either
French or Spanish origin for the name.

One of the picturesque features of the fur trade, in Old
Oregon, was the annual rendezvous of the trappers and traders
and Indians in the valley of Green River in western Wyoming.
During the period under discussion, similar scenes were an-
nually enacted at Prairie du Chien in Wisconsin, where Captain
Carver visited in May, 1767. He thus describes the place:
"This town is the great mart, where all the adjacent tribes,
and even those who inhabit the most remote branches of the
Mississippi, annually assemble, about the latter end of May,
bringing with them their furs to dispose of to the traders. But
it is not always that they conclude their sale here; this is
determined by a general council of the chiefs, who consult
whether it would be more conducive to their interest to sell

ii The Oregonian, Portland, Oregon, May 19, 1892.

352

T. C. ELLIOTT

their goods at this place, or carry them on to Louisiana, or
Michillimackinac. According to the decision of this council,
they either proceed further or return to their different homes."
But a more literal and less elegant account is given by Peter
Pond, another Yankee, who wrote when there in May, 1774,
seven years later: "We imbarkt and drifted down with the
Currant till we Came to the Plane Whare we Saw a Large
Colection from Eavery Part of the Misseppey who had arived
Before us Even from Orleans Eight Hundred Leages Belowe
us. The Indans Camp Exeaded a Mile & a half in Length.
Hear was Sport of All Sorts. We went to Collecting furs and
Skins - - By the Different tribes with Sucksess. The
french ware Verey Numeres. Thare was Not Les than One
Hundred and Thirty Canoes, which Came from Mackinaw
Caring from Sixtey to Eightey Hundred Wate Apease all
made of Birch Bark and white Seder for the Ribs. Those
Boates from Orleans and Illenoa and other Parts ware
Numeres. - - After all the Bisness was Dun and People
Began to Groe tirde of Sport thay Began to Draw of for thare
Differant Departments and Prepare for the Insewing winter."12

Commenting upon the above we may say that Peter Pond
(whose extensive travels into the Athabasca country are so
well known in the history of the Canadian fur trade) was
nearly cotemporaneous with Captain Carver on the Mississippi
River, and he has left a summarized journal or narrative
(quoted above) which is intensely human both in its orthog-
raphy and story. WThen going to his winter trading place on
the Saint Peter River in the fall of 1773, he wrote thus:
"As we past up Saint Peters River about fourteen miles, We
stopt to Sea Carvers Hut whare he Past his Winter when in
that Countrey. It was a Log House about Sixteen feet long
Covered with Bark — With a fireplace But one Room and no
flore. This was the Extent of his travels. His Hole Toure I
with One Canoe Well maned Could make in Six weeks."

Peter Pond just before this had been engaged in the Indian
trade for six years in districts tributary to Detroit, and had

12 See Collections of State Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 18, p. 341-

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 353

been at Mackinac during Carver's residence there, if we in-
terpret his dates correctly; at any rate he had heard about
Carver's journey five years before the publication of the
manuscript, and he reflects an opinion which probably was
current around Mackinac in those days. It may be remarked
that the same opinion about Captain Carver's not having
ascended the Saint Peter River at all was given independently
by William H. Keating, the trained naturalist and historian
of Long's expedition in 1823 to the sources of that river.13

Returning now to the theory that the Indians used a corrup-
tion of some Spanish name in speaking of the River of the
West, it may be said that Captain Carver's statement, about
the Indians at Rendezvous declining to trade there and unitedly
carrying their furs on to Mackinac or to distant Louisiana, is
not confirmed by other accounts of the fur trade at that time,
and is an example of the inaccuracies to be found in the first
or journal portion of his book. But all accounts agree as to
this opportunity for contact between the Indians and the
French from the lower-river trading points, where Spanish
influences prevailed, where the licenses to traders were issued
by Spanish officials, and where the trading goods may have
been given some Spanish markings, The name of Spain was
at the time very generally associated with a mythical river
flowing into the Pacific Ocean for several reasons, particularly
these: Spanish explorations northward from Mexico into
California and the acquisition of horses by the Indians by
way of the great interior basin between the Rocky and Sierra
Nevada ranges of mountains ; rumors of Spanish knowledge of
the sources of Colorado River; the discoveries by the Spanish
navigator Martin d'Aguilar on the Northwest Coast. In fact
a corruption from the Spanish, through French and Indian
tongues, of the name of that navigator is not an entire im-
possibility. A case in point appears in the narrative of Alex-
ander Mackenzie, who reached the Pacific Ocean at Bentict
Arm in the summer of 1792. The natives there told him
of the recent visit of boats containing white men, one com-

iTsee vol. i, pp. 323-4 of Narrative of Expedition to Source of St. Peter's
River, (Philadelphia, if- ^

354

T. C. ELLIOTT

manded by Macubah, meaning Captain Vancouver, and the
other by Bensins, meaning Lieutenant Broughton. We are
presuming that Captain Carver heard the name spoken by the
Indians, improbable though that presumption seems to be.

A French word that does not vary much from Oregon in
either spelling or sound is Ouragan, meaning "wind storm,"
"blizzard" or "tornado" and very literally descriptive of
climatic conditions in the region where Captain Carver heard
from the Indians that the River of the West tooks its rise.
There is nothing in Carver's Travels to indicate that he himself
could speak French ; some things in fact indicate the contrary.
His getting the word from the Indians could have been in-
directly through his own French-Canadian voyageur or in-
terpreter, or some of the traders who expressed in their own
tongue Ouragan (a descriptive name) given by the Indians to
the upper reaches of the mythical River of the West. A
Spanish word of similar sound and meaning, Huracan, offers
room for further speculation along the same line. These
suggestions carry Mr. Scott's theory further than he intended
perhaps, but meet the conditions of Indian nomenclature ex-
pressed in the French instead of the Indian tongue; and also
offer a word quite within philological requirements.

The Spanish name Aragon fills the same requirements along
with the prevailing association of Spanish discoveries with
the mythical river. But the glory of Aragon as a kingdom
had long since departed, and as a province of Spain was not
then in special prominence, and if that is our source name
it was more likely an instance of Carver's ingenuity in writing
than of any spoken word he listened to when in the West.

The four principal rivers of the continent of North America
were, according to Jonathan Carver, the Mississippi, the Saint
Lawrence, the Bourbon and the Oregon or "River of the
West ;" all rising very near together in the highlands west of
Lake Superior. All the names above mentioned appeared upon
maps then known and available except the name Oregon. The
river Bourbon was the Nelson River of a few years later and

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 355

today, flowing from Lake Winnipeg into Hudson's Bay; and
was given the name by La Verendrye about 1741. The upper
end of Lake Winnipeg, above the narrows, was Verendrye's
and Carver's "Lake Bourbon." The Red River of the North,
flowing into Lake Winnipeg from the south was never named
"Bourbon," not even on Carver's maps. There was only an
appearance of truth about this scheme of four such rivers
and that had been made known by map makers nearly forty
years before Carver claims to have heard about it, as is evi-
denced in the following letter written by the French governor
of Canada to the ministere des colonies at Paris :14

Monseigneur — I have the honor to send you a copy of a map
of the course of the river of the west, made by the savage
Ochagac and others.

If the account of these savages is accurate, that river must
discharge above California. The Sieur Chaussegros has traced,
from the Sieur de ITsle's map on a flying sheet, the course of
the river reduced according to the map. He finds that the
river discharges toward the entrance discovered by Martin
Daguilar. He has also reduced the savages' map, on which
there are three scales, while his is drawn to only one and
shows the whole course of the river, from the height of land
beyond Lake Superior to above California. The savages have
traced on the map the upper portion of the Mississippi River,
which takes its rise to the south of Lake Ouinipigou, and,
according to the Sieur de ITsle's map, the river Rio Colorado
would take its rise about the same spot.

I observed with the Sieur Chaussegros that this country is
traversed by two great rivers, which take their rise about the
middle ; one flows toward the east which is the Saint Lawrence,
the other to the south and is the Mississipy. There remain to
the west an extent of territory from seven to eight hundred
leagues in width, without any large river in it. This would
be contrary to all the knowledge we have of countries that are
known in the world ; where in so vast an area there is always
some great river that traverses it ; which leads me to think that

14 From manuscript in archives in Pans; see pp. 103-4 of Wisconsin His-
torical Society Collections, vol. 17. In this connection read L. P. Burpee's chapter
on Carver in his book entitled The Search for the Western Sea.

356

T. C. ELLIOTT

the savages may tell the truth, for it is not natural that, in sc
vast an extent, there should not be a great river ; and it seems
that the river, of which the savages speak, discharges into the
Southern sea. We know the rivers indicated on the Sieur
d Tlsle's map and according to the course that the savages
give to the river of the West, it flows to the entrance recently
discovered by Martin Daguilar, where we know of no other
river above or to the north.

I have the honor to be with very profound respect, Monseigj
neur, Your very humble and very obedient Servant,

Beauharnois.
Quebec, October 15th, 1730.

The map makers, prior to and during Captain Carver's time,
had not progressed farther than mere speculation as to streams
in the region westward, from the Red River of the North to
the Rocky mountains. The name Riviere or Fleuve d'Ouest
appears marked against any stream that was traced through
or in that region, even upon some we now at once recognize as
parts of the Missouri River. Their guesses were based upon
Indian tales and the brief and difficult notes of Verendrye's
(1742-44) and the reports of priests who mingled with the
Indians on the Assiniboine and tributaries of the Mississippi
rivers. There was no regular habit of land travel across the
plains between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers then, and
the courses of the Saskatchewan to the north were known much
earlier than those of the Missouri. There were half a dozen
maps available before 1766, showing tracings of a River of
the West, and others showing the Bourbon River, and it is
within reason to suppose that Captain Carver saw some of those
maps even before starting for the West, particularly so if
going upon any such enterprise as he outlined in the introduc-
tion to his book of Travels. The two maps appearing in that
book were not prepared until 1776-77 in London, and on only
one of them does the name Oregon appear, written "Heads of

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 357

Origan". On no other map published before that time, has
the name Origan or Oregon yet been found.15

The preface or introduction to a book is presumed to reveal
the true motives and intent of its author. Captain Carver's
introduction tells of his bitter disappointment because of hav-
ing been compelled to return to Mackinac from the West, with-
out carrying out a plan he had independently conceived soon
after the close of the war to make his way across the con-
tinent to the Pacific Ocean and locate there a port for the
use of British commerce. And for this far look into the
future, he has been lauded by some writers as a forerunner of
President Jefferson in plans for transcontinental exploration.
Captain Carver attributed the failure of his plan to the in-
ability of Commandant Rogers to supply him on the Mississippi
River with goods to use as presents to the Indians and also
his own inability to purchase such goods from the traders at
Grand Portage. To anyone familiar with the progress of the
organized fur traders to the Rocky Mountains, such an in-
dependent enterprise is at once recognized as absurd. Had
Captain Carver set out in the manner he describes he would
simply have disappeared, and with him perhaps any chance
for the evolution of the name Oregon. Such an enterprise
not only required higher official sanction than the mere per-
mit and assistance of the commandant at Mackinac, but also
called for personal experience in the Western field, outfitting
and financial backing, little or none of which Captain Carver

had.

The following excerpt from an official letter written at
Quebec on March 2, 1768, while Carver was still at Mackinac,
shows conditions at the time as well as what was already in
the minds of British officials. The letter was sent by Sir Guy
Carleton, then governor general of Canada, in reply to inquiry
from Lord Shelbourne, of the British ministry in London,16
and we quote as follows:

"I shall easily find in the troops here many officers and men
very ready to undertake to explore any part of this continent,

^"These maps have been cited t? the writer by librarians in the Library of

- " "-

358 T. C. ELLIOTT

who require no other encouragement than to be told such
service will be acceptable to the king, and if properly executed
will commend them to his favour; but, as they are unac-
quainted with the country, the Indian language and manners,
'tis necessary to join with them some Canadians, to serve as
guides and interpreters.

Should his majesty think proper to allow the traders to go

"Should his majesty think proper to allow the traders to go
winter in one of those posts, set out early in the spring for
the Pacific Ocean, find out a good port, take its latitude,
longitude, and describe it so accurately as to enable our ships
from the East Indies to find it out with ease, and then return
the year following; Your Lordship will readily perceive the
advantage of such discoveries, and how difficult attempts to
explore unknown Parts must prove to the English, unless we
avail ourselves of the knowledge of the Canadians, who are
well acquainted with the country, the language and manners of
the natives."

As far as Jonathan Carver is concerned, there is strong
reason to believe that he had no such original design, and that
this journey to West or Northwest was merely preliminary to
more extensive plans of the Commandant, as will appear in the
continuation of this discussion.

The discussion thus far has served to indicate Captain
Carver's journey to the Mississippi Valley and the opportuni-
ties afforded to hear the name Oregon mentioned there or at
the Grand Portage. We will now consider his environment at
Mackinac during nine months' residence.

He returned there the last of August, 1767, and in the fol-
lowing month wrote a letter to his wife at Montague, Massa-
chusetts, which was promptly published in a Boston paper the
following February. This letter,17 together with a prospectus
published in the same paper in August, 1768, clearly discloses
that his journal and observations were being prepared at
Mackinac for publication, and that the manuscript must have
been partly completed there. The statements in the letter

17 Both letter and prospectus are printed in full by Mr. Lee in Proceedings
for 1909, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 359

and also in the book itself indicate that he had access at
Mackinac to the writings of Hennepin and others, from which
he plagiarized. Major Rogers, the commandant, had books
relating to that region, and Carver mentions having carried
books with which he mystified the Sioux Indians. But The
History of the American Indians, by James Adair, from which
he plagiarized, was not published until 1775 in London, and
therefore the text of his Travels must have been added to and
revised at later dates.

The Mackinac we are speaking of was located on the sandy
shore of the south side of the strait, between Lakes Huron
and Michigan, near what is now Mackinaw City, in the state
of Michigan. There had been an original Mackinac on the
north side of the strait, and later there was another and more
permanent Mackinac on the island four or five miles away.
Mackinac was the final starting point in the traffic from
Canada and New York for peltries from the Northwest, years
before and after the time of Jonathan Carver. Here all
licensed traders registered and hired many of their voyageurs.
Here were the homes of both active and retired French-Cana-
dians and half-breeds, who were employed by the traders,
some of whom quite possibly had been with La Verendrye
during his years of exploration and trade to the westward. In
the office of the commandant, records must have been kept
and maps showing the trade routes and Indian tribes. Macki-
nac just then afforded abundant opportunities to anyone seek-
ing information about the regions toward the Rocky Mountains
or preparing to write a book such as Carver's Travels.

Mackinac was also the place where adventurers gathered;
men with or without resources seeking exploits or riches in
the field of exploration or the fur trade. There was a mythical
Northwest Passage to be located and Mackinac was on the
way toward it. There were visions of the extension of British
trade on the Pacific Ocean, and of an overland route to con-
nect with it. Not as a real explorer but rather as one among
such adventurers seeking to live at government expense we

360 T. C. ELLIOTT

find our Captain Carver at Mackinac, his plans well known if
not inspired by the resident commandant. In the letter already
referred to, he said: "I have two hundred pounds due me
from the crown, which I shall have in the spring; also, the
governor commandant * * has promised he will take spe-
cial care to acquaint the government at home of my services."
The claims he filed for the expense of travel to the Westward
bore the "O. K." of the commandant, but were not paid at
Headquarters because no authority had been given for such
employment and these claims became the basis for much im-
portunity in London later. The inquiry arises as to who
furnished money for this Western adventure by a retired army
officer who had been obliged to petition for relief in 1764.
The prompt publication in Boston of Carver's letter and his
announcement of a forthcoming book leads to the presumption
that some one in Massachusetts had advanced funds for this
enterprise.

Although he had written to Massachusetts from Mackinac
in September, 1767, and his letter had been published there,
Captain Carver did not hesitate to write in his Travels that
he did not return from the West until November, just as nav-
igation had closed on Lake Erie, and too late to return to
Boston before the following June. But of his own life at
Mackinac during those nine months he says little or nothing.
He passes without mention events which might have added
to the interest of his narrative, for about the 6th of December
the officer in command of the military forces, under orders
from Headquarters, placed Commandant Rogers under arrest,
later put him in irons because of attempted escape, and, in the
spring, sent him under guard to Montreal for trial by court
martial. The charge against him was conspiracy ; an attempt
to organize the French and the Indians of the Mississippi Val-
ley in revolt, in conjunction with another officer named Hop-
kins at New Orleans. The charge was changed to one of
mutiny and at the trial Rogers was, for lack of evidence it is
said, acquitted, but was not returned to Mackinac.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 361

During the French and Indian War, Captain Carver must
of necessity have had acquaintance if not comradeship with
Major Robert Rogers," from New Hampshire, who was the
daring leader of a partisan command known as the "Rogers
Rangers", as well known then as the Roosevelt Rough Riders
in our own times. Both officers were present at the massacre
at Fort William Henry and again at the capture of Montreal.
After the latter event, Major Rogers was sent by General
Jeffrey Amherst to capture the French outpost at Detroit, and
thus had opportunity personally to view the Western country
and observe its chances for personal adventure and exploit.
He afterwards retired from active service and spent a few
months in London, where his previous record gave him pres-
tige, and his boisterous conduct some notoriety. In October,
1765, he was appointed to the position of governor-command-
ant at Mackinac and returned to America, and evidently had
in mind activities outside of the usual official duties and which
were attractive to his former army acquaintance, Captain
Carver. At any rate both are recorded as arriving at Mackinac
in August, 1766, and probably had traveled together from
Niagara, and very soon Captain Carver set out for the Mis-
sissippi Valley under arrangements made by Commandant
Rogers. It is quite clear then why Carver said nothing about
the unusual events at Mackinac during the winter of 1767-8,
and makes the least possible mention of Major Rogers any-
where in his book.

A belief that Captain Carver was one of the emissaries of
Rogers to the Indians is based upon more than mere sus-
picion. Not only does his name appear with other names in
the papers in the case but his own narrative indirectly reveals
the fact. Mention of particular instances is deferred. Then
there is the curious incident of the deed which Carver obtained
from two Sioux chiefs in May, 1767, conveying to him a tract
of land more than one hundred miles square lying east and
southeast from the Falls of Saint Anthony and afterwards
prominently known in Wisconsin as the "Carver Grant." This

1 8 For sketches of Major Rogers, see Parkman's Conspiracy of Ponteac, vol.
2; also Collections of Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 18, p. 22*; also Pon-
teach; or the Savages of America, by Robert Rogers (Allan Nevins, editor, Caxlon
Club edition, Chicago, 1914). This contains the best biography of Major Rogers.
Through the courtesy of Mr. Nevins, the present writer has received valuable
references just as this manuscript is going to the printer.

362 T. C. ELLIOTT

deed was found among Captain Carver's papers after his
death. It had not been exhibited by him for the very evident
reason of fear to prejudice his standing in London, for by
proclamation in October, 1763, the king had especially forbid-
den any British subjects to acquire land from the Indians in
America.

But another of Major Rogers' accomplishments interests us
more directly because it casts suspicions upon the originality
of other parts of Carver's Travels. It appears that Rogers
was himself possessed of literary ability. One of the objects
of his going to London was to publish three books, one the
Journals he kept during the French and Indian War, another
a brief descriptive narrative entitled A Concise Account of
North America, and the third a drama or tragedy called
Ponteach, or the Savages of America. These were brought out
in 1765-6, and the first two in particular attracted very favor-
able attention, and it is easy to see where Captain Carver took
his cue for book writing. There appear in his Travels instances
of very positive plagiarism from "A Concise Account", and
from Major Rogers it is reasonably certain that Captain
Carver drew his idea of transcontinental exploration.19

From Mackinac in the summer of 1768, Captain Carver
traveled to Boston by way of Fort Pitt, Philadelphia and New
York. At British headquarters in the latter city, he endeavored
to secure payment of his expense bill, but General Gage re-
fused and gave him a letter of character in the service instead.
Arriving in Massachusetts, he visited his family, secured other
letters of recommendation from willing citizens and also under-
took to get subscriptions for the publication of his book in
America. Failing in that he sailed for London in February,
1769.

Of his eleven years in London, few details are really known.
During the first five at least, he was not unlike many an indi-
vidual who inhabits our own capital city of Washington, nurs-
ing a claim against the government. His first memorial was
promptly filed and was promptly examined by "the lords of the

19 See Ponteach, Caxton Club edition, at footnote on page 120.

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 363

committee of his majesty's most honorable privy council for
plantation affairs", who, in July, 1769, found that his discov-
eries were of no value and that he was entitled to nothing
except by way of compassion or relief. Later this relief, to
the extent of the expenditures of his journey, was granted on
the condition that he deposit with the government all his charts
and journals, and still later he was given permission to publish
these privately, which after more long waiting he was able to
do. Meantime there appears another petition by Carver to the
Crown for appointment as agent among the Indians of the
Upper Mississippi, upon which no action seems to have been
taken.20 This no doubt gave rise to the story that in 1775
the king had decided to equip an expedition to the Mississippi
River under the command of Captain Carver, but was pre-
vented by the outbreak of the War of the Revolution. That
tale came from the Reverend Samuel Peters, D. D., during his
many years (1804-1824) of remarkable activity and colossal
lying as chief promoter of the claimants for the "Carver
Grant".21 The said Peters, during an exceedingly long life,
injected spice into the annals of Connecticut, Vermont and
Wisconsin. But the vicissitudes of a poor author in London,
also with a new family connection which could not have been
inspiring, brought Carver to a pitiful death by starvation.
It must be remembered that he was nearly sixty years of age
when arriving in London.

When nearing the end of his life, Captain Carver fell into
the hands of kindly men whose names were well known in
London, Dr. John Fothergill and Dr. John Coakley Lettsom,
the latter of whom bought the rights of a publisher in the third
edition of the Travels, which Carver had himself arranged for,
and placed the books on the market for the benefit of the
London widow and child of Captain Carver. To that edition
Dr. Lettsom contributed a brief biographical sketch of the
author and added the deed from the Sioux chiefs as an appen-
dix. Dr. Lettsom was a gentleman and a scholar and a gener-
ous man, but all he knew of the career of Captain Carver was

20 This memorial is printed in full by Mr. Lee in Proceedings of the Historical
Society of Wisconsin for 1012.

21 See Collections of Historical Society of Wisconsin, vol. 6, p. 238; also see
the Review of Mississippi Valley Historical Society, vol. 7, No. i.

364 T. C. ELLIOTT

obtained indirectly from the widow and the personal papers
of the deceased and possibly from such an acquaintance as the
Reverend Samuel Peters, D. D., and, therefore, his sketch was
both incomplete and incorrect. Doctors Fothergill and
Lettsom knew Captain Carver only as the recognized author
of a book of travel which had been only recently published
but had gone through two editions and which was written in
good style and language and described a part of the empire
that was just then very much in the eye and mind of the
British people. Carver's Travels contains the names Ponteac,
Mackinac, Niagara, Detroit, Grand Portage and Mississippi,
of the Sioux and Assinniboiles, and many others just then of
almost magic interest in London. That the author of such a
book should have died from want and starvation seemed very
sad to Doctors Fothergill and Lettsom.22 And so it was, for
Captain Carver was not really a bad man, and neither was he
a good man ; and that is all the epitaph we can write under his
name.

The fact that Carver's Travels was dedicated to Joseph
Banks, Esq., the president of the Royal Society and a man of
scientific knowledge, added to the dignity of the book, but
meant little as to its real accuracy or reliability, for a great
many other books were, according to custom, dedicated to the
president of that society, whoever he might be. But such
dedication did cause the manuscript and other papers of this
author to be deposited in the British Museum and did make
it obligatory that the author have assistance in the final prep-
aration for publication. Speaking of the Carver papers in
the British Museum, Mr. John Thomas Lee says : "The jour-
nals and the Indian vocabulary are in the handwriting of the
author, and have numerous alterations and additions. They
do not appear to have been written from day to day,23 but
rather to be copies of original notes, with additions from
memory. * * * * Evidently Carver's manuscript was
not considered suitable for publication in its original form, for
a reviser seems to have been employed to prepare it for the

22 See documents printed in this number of Oregon Historical Quarterly.

23 Henry R. Schoolcraft was of the opinion that Carver did not "keep
diurnal notes". See page 168 of his Personal Memoirs (Philadelphia, i8sO-

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 365

press. Among the papers bequeathed -by Sir Joseph Banks,
there is a note "to the Reviser", in which Carver asks that
nameless gentleman, in case he finds any accounts which are
unconnected, to be so good as to let him "know by Mr. Pain
ancUvery information shall be given that the author is capable
of ". In London, of course, Carver had access to all known
material in the way of books (including the recently pub-
lished History, by James Adair) and maps and no doubt gave
his writings a final revision. If he then added the name
Oregon we now know of no other source for it than his
own mind or that of Major Robert Rogers, who had been in
London and had received assistance from Carver in pre-
senting claims against the government. But it is not at all likely
that the name was written into the final revision there in
London.24

There are those who prefer to condone the moral lapses of
Carver as a writer, and, for their consideration, another name
of Indian origin will be mentioned, as we conclude this dis-
cussion. It will be noted that, in the original rendering of
the lines of "Thanatopsis", the construction of the verse placed
the accent upon the second syllable of the name Oregon. There
can be no connection between William Cullen Bryant and
Jonathan Carver, except by mere coincidence, but this serves to
introduce a word taken from the dialect of the Pequot Indians
of New England spelled w-a-u-r-e-g-a-n and uttered with the
accent on the second vowel. Had Carver been a man of real
vision in writing and capable of evolving a etiphoneous name
for the fourth river of his scheme, he might have reverted in
thought to the days of his youth when hunting or fishing
among the wooded hills of Connecticut or listening to Indian
tales by the fireside, and recalled this beautiful Wauregan,
which means " good" , and altered that to Oregon, for surely
the Columbia is a goodly river. But that was beyond the
literary or mental ability of Jonathan Carver. Instead he
appears to have merely pilfered the name Onragon25 from
Major Robert Rogers, with slight variation.

24 It is impossible to say how much the style of Carver's published book
owes to the reviser of the manuscript; possibly enough to justify Professor
Bourne's criticism. The name Oregon as printed may have taken final form by
the hand of the reviser.

25 See page 122 of Ponteach, Caxton Club edition. (It is purposed to con-
tinue this discussion and show the relationship between Robert Rogers and the
name Oregon as indicated by documentary material now being transcribed.
T. C. E.)

366 T. C. ELLIOTT

Of course there is still the realm of conjecture open to those
who will prefer to believe in the authenticity of this book
Travels Through the Interior Parts of North America, which
has had such a remarkable vogue in literature; and Jonathan
Carver, like Marley in the famous and familiar Christmas
classic of Dickens', is "dead as a door nail" and cannot be
called to testify.

DOCUMENTS

Editor's Note — The two documents which follow throw some
light on the pitiful conditions surrounding the death of Jonathan
Carver in London in the year 1780. Both are from the pen of
Dr. John Coakley Lettsom, the benefactor of Carver on his death
bed and of his family afterwards.

The first speaks for itself. The transcript has been made from
the copy of the Memoirs in The Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C.

The second is a letter written fifteen years after Carver's death
in response to inquiry connected with the search for the original
of a deed from two Indian chiefs, conveying a large tract of land
in the present states of Wisconsin and Minnesota. The inquiry
came to Dr. Lettsom from persons interested in obtaining, from
the Congress of the United States, the confirmation of this reputed
conveyance. The tract is known in Wisconsin history as the
"Carver Grant", and committees from both the Senate and House
of Representatives, after much investigation, refused to confirm the
Indian deed. The transcript of the original letter is on file with the
State Historical Society of Wisconsin, and this copy is certified to
by the superintendent of that Society.

T. C. ELLIOTT.
Extract from : —

MEMOIRS

of
John Fothergill, M. D. £c.

by

John Coakley Lettsom
The Fourth Edition

London
Printed for C. Dilly

1786

(Read before the Medical Society of London,
July 17 & Oct. 23, 1782)

JONATHAN CARVER AND THE NAME OREGON 367
Page 82:—

"One instance, among numbers, I am urged to communicate
here, as death now equally precludes the power of bestowing,
and the gratitude of acknowledging, future bounties : Captain
Carver is a name known in the annals of misery, to which he
was reduced by long-continued want ; disease, its natural con-
sequence, gave him access to Dr. Fothergill ; and I am informed
by his widow, that as often as he applied for medical relief,
the doctor as often accompanied his prescription with a liberal
donation. But Captain Carver was not an importunate solic-
itor; the mind not hardened by familiarity of refusal, or that
hath not acquired, by frequent struggles, the art of suppressing
its emotions, possesses that diffidence which is the inseparable
associate of worth. Between diffidence and want, many were
the struggles of Captain Carver, but, overcome at length by
repeated acts of the doctor's generosity, a jealous suspicion of
becoming troublesome, to his benefactor, determined him to
prefer that want, from the deprivation of the necessaries of life,
which put it out of the power of his choice ; for death soon
triumphs over famine. What a conflict of sullen greatness
does this tragedy exhibit! When his fate was communicated
to the doctor, how tender was his expression ! "If I had known
his distress, he should not thus have died" !*

* The king has since graciously condescended to allow the widow Carver an
annuity. The unfortunate husband was only known to me on his deathbed. In
the early stages of his disease he was able to wait upon Dr. Fothergill; but in
the progress of it, being confined to his bed, the doctor requested me to visit
the captain at his lodgings; and my first interview was within three days of his
decease. It was after his funeral that I felt myself more immediately interested
in the succorr of the widow and orphans. As the captain died pennyless, he was
buried, to avoid expense, in the poor's ground, a part of the churchyard usually
appropriated to the abject poor. When I reflected upon the utility of his
Travels, I confided him as a public loss, and his offspring as the children of the
public; and I presented the widow with a few pounds, to clothe and feed herself
and children; but the money, thus designed to satisfy her hunger, she employed
otherwise; she had the corpse of her husband taken out of the poor's ground,
and buried in ground containing the ashes of higher company, arid over it she
raised a decent monument to his memory. His Travels, however, will prove a
more durable monument than stone; and, though the dust with which we are
mixed avails not to the living or to the dead, yet I was sensibly touched with
this instance of posthumous affection, and have since endeavored to mitigate the
miseries of a mind endowed with such tender sensibilities.

368 T. C. ELLIOTT

A LETTER BY DR. LETTSOM.
Mr. Gravener:

During Mrs. Carver's life, I saw a paper of half a sheet,
with two marks said to be those of Indian chiefs at the foot,
of a grant of land, and, after Mrs. Carver's death, I searched
every lodging where she had been and the place where she
died, without being able to find the least vestige of paper or
cloaths, not even any certificate of her having been married to
Captain Carver. Unfortunately I rarely saw her out of a state
of intoxication. All these facts Mrs. Pope knows very well.
Mr. Knox, the late American secretary, wrote me a letter with
one from Dr. Belknap, the late historian of America, that no
such grant of land existed by tradition or otherwise among
the Indians. Captain Carver, by his first wife, left several
sons and daughters who have made the same application to me
for any documents. So that, if any property could be dis-
covered, these children who are legitimate would precede any
title that could be claimed by Mrs. Pope. I once advertised to
find out whether Captain Carver was married to Mrs. Pope's
mother, but without success. I presume that Mrs. Pope pos-
sesses certificate of marriage. I never saw Captain Carver
but on his deathbed, nor did I know of any real or supposed
conveyance until after his death, when the widow showed me
the paper I mentioned above. Mr. Fisher, the secretary of
the American board here, told me that no such document ever
could be traced in his office. Mrs. Pope has given me a good
deal of trouble and knows how anxious I always was to serve
her could I have done it. But I am of opinion that no legal
instrument, intimated in your letter, exists, and that if it did
Captain Carver's issue, by his first wife, would alone be
entitled to possession, but your professional knowledge must
enable you to determine upon these matters superior to that of

J. C. Lettsom.
London
Jany 15 1805
[Copy of transcript of letter in State Historical Society of

Wisconsin.]

Joseph Schafer, Sttpt.

INDEX

[369]

INDEX TO VOLUME XXI

Atkinson, Dr. George H., sent to Ore-
gon by the American Home Mission-
ary Society, 4; becomes authority on
matters of education in the territory,
4-5; with Harvey Clark founds Tual-
atin Academy, 5; for forty years is
secretary of the board of trustees of
Tualatin Academy and Pacific Uni-
versity, 6; secures an endowment for
Pacific University and persuades
Sidney Harper Marsh to come from
Vermont to be its president, 6-7.

B

Brown, Mrs. Tabitha, career of, in Con-
necticut, arduous trip to Oregon when
nearly seventy, 3; her school at West
Tualatin, now Forest Grove, 1846-8, 4;
her school of orphans taken over by
Tualatin Academy, 5; when 72 years
old has 40 in her family of pupils
and mixes with her own hands 3423
pounds of flour in five months, 6;
her home is bequeathed to the Uni-
versity, 8.

CARVER, JONATHAN, THE STRANGE CASE

OF, AND THE NAME OREGON, 341-68;

William Cullen Bryant and Thomas
Jefferson give vogue to the word
Oregon, originated by Carver, 341;
genealogy of Carver, 341-2; the dif-
ferent possible sources of the name
Oregon, 342; the region to which in-
quiry into the origin of the name
leads, 342-3; early life, accomplish-
ments and marital relations, 343-6;
military career, 346; route of travels
traced, 346-7; the regions described
had long been visited by white men
and his suggestions as to locality of
sources of four principal rivers of
continent ridiculous, 348-9; Indians
could hardly have given him word
used as name of the Columbia, 349-50;
white men among the Sioux earlier
and later than Carver did not report
such name as current among them,
350-1 ; facilities for a French or
Spanish origin of Oregon, 350-4; a
river of the west proiected and mapped
long before Carver's time, 355-7;
Carver's projected enterprise to cross
the continent absurd for his resources,
357-8; his environment at Mackinac,
358-60; his connection with Major
Robert Rogers, 361-2; life in London
befriended by Dr. John Fothergill and
Dr. John Coakley Lettsom, 363: the
Carver MS., 364-5; the Pequot Wau-

regon and Major Robert Rogers'
Ouragon as possible sources of Ore-
gon, 365.

Clark, Reverend Harvey, espouses pur-
pose to found Pacific University, 3;
with Dr. George H. Atkinson organ-
izes Tualatin Academy, 5 ; teaches in
Mission School at Champoeg, 6;
most generous in endowing Pacific
University, 6.

EDUCATIONAL PLANS AND EFFORTS BY
METHODISTS IN OREGON TO 1860,
63-94-

F

Fothergill, Dr. John, as benefactor of
Jonathan Carver, 366-7

G

H

IDAHO, DAVID THOMPSON AND BEGIN-
NINGS IN, 49-61 ; first trader located
in, 54-55; first shipment of furs from,

K

Lettsom, Dr. John Coakley, publisher
of 3rd edition of Carver's Travels and
writer of biographical sketch of au-
thor, 363-4; letter by, bearing on
search for certificate of Carver
grant, 368.

M

McLoughlin, Dr. John, statement of.
relative to policy of refusal to sell
cattle to settlers, 177.

Marsh, Sidney Harper, comes to Ore-
gon to become head of school at
Tualatin Plains, 6-7; develops it into
Tualatin Academy and Pacific Uni-
versity, 7; secures endowment and
library, 7-8.

Martinez, Estevan Joseph, account by,
of seizures of British vessels at Noot-
ka Sound in 1789, 21-30.

METHODISTS, EDUCATIONAL PLANS AND
EFFORTS BY IN OREGON TO 1860, 63-94;
essential educational program of every
religious denomination, 63-4; educa-
tional before 1860 under religious
auspices, 64-5; the work of the mis-
sion schools, 65-71; elementary term

[370]

INDEX.

schools, 72-7; Oregon Institute and
Willamette University, 77-83; Clacka-
mas County Female Seminary, 83-4;
Portland Academy and Female Semi-
nary, 84-5; Santiam Academy, 85-6;
Corvallis Academy, 86; Rainier Semi-
nary, 87; Oregon City Seminary, 87;
Umpqua Academy, 87-91; bibliogra-
phy, 92-4.

N

OREGON — ITS MEANING, ORIGIN AND
APPLICATION, 317-331; Indian origin
and meaning of the word, 318-20;
conveyed east to the Sioux by the
Shoshonis, 321-2; Jonathan Carver
gets it from the Sioux and uses it in
his book of "Travels," 322-5; the
tradition of a western river, 325-6;
William Cullen Bryant, Thomas Jef-
ferson use the name Oregon, 326-7;
Lewis and Clark and John Jacob
Astor through exploration and occupa-
tion and Dr. John Floyd through agi-
tation bring the region into public no-
tice so that settlement and jurisdic-
tion are extended to include it, 327-31.

OREGON COUNTRY, THE EARLY EX-
PLORATIONS AND THE ORIGIN OF THE
NAME OF THE, 332-346; progress of
Spanish, Russian and English dis-
covery and exploration in the Pacific
Northwest, 332-5; evidence of the
presence of Spaniards in the Oregon
Country, 335-6; divers modes for ac-
counting for the word Oregon, 336-8;
early settlers as Spaniards would nat-
urally transfer name of ancestral
home to region, 338-9; transforma-
tion of Aragon into Oregon, 339-40.

P

PACIFIC UNIVERSITY, 1-12; had its origin
in a missionary enterprise, 3; schools
of Reverend Harvey Clark and wife
and of Mrs. Tabitha Brown its nu-
cleus, 3; Harvey Clark and George H.
Atkinson organize it as an academy,
5; through labors of President Sid-
ney Harper Marsh developed into
university, 6-8; its successive presi-
dents, 8-9; teachers that served the
Academy and University, 9-10; its
alumni, 10; standards, 10; its aspira-
tions and outlook, 11-12.

PRINCESA, THE LOG OF THE, by ESTEVAN
MARTINEZ, 21-31; corrects Bancroft's
account of this voyage, 22; fails to
refer to Meares' house, 22; gives rea-
son for releasing the Iphigenia, 23;
the reception accorded to the North-
west America, 24; comparison of Log
account with letter to Florez, 24;
seizures of English vessels, 25-9; rea-
sons for favoring Gray and Kendrick,
30; adequacy of the diary for deter-
mining what really did happen at
Nootka Sound in 1789, 31.

R

ROBERTS, WILLIAM M., LETTERS OF, AS
THIRD SUPERINTENDENT OP OREGON
MISSION, 33-48; description of per-
sonality and characterization of work
m Oregon, 34-5; account of Whit-
man massacre and of the conditions
before and after, 34-8; the immigra-
tion of 1847, 38; the salary and sun-
dry needs ot the mission, 39-43; glory
of Oregon in temperance departed, 45;
the war and the legislature of the
winter of 1847-8, 47; wants of the
church, 48.

s

Schools, Pioneer elementary term, 72-7;
organized institutions, 1854-60, 77-91.
SCHOOLS, HISTORY OF OREGON NORMAL,
95-169; Oregon Normal School sys-
tem less developed than those of
neighboring states, 95-7; preparation
of Oregoh teachers, 97-8; the early
school conditions and the demand for
Normals, 98-103; first state normals
evolved from denominational institu-
tions, 105-13; beginning of financial
aid from state, 113-7; their troubles
begin and criticism becomes fierce,
117-19; vicissitudes suffered at hands
of governors, legislatures, the press
and at the polls, 120-32; the normal
schools cut off, 132-4; the work of
the normal schools evaluated, 134-55;
summary of causes of failure, 155-6;
their appeals to the people and result,
156-68; bibliography, 168-9.
Slacum, William A., mission of, in Ore-
gon, 1836-7, and what he accom-
plished, 171-9.

SPAIN AND ENGLAND'S QUARREL OVER
THE OREGON COUNTRY, 13-20; the
Nootka Sound affair, the first of
three dramatic crises in the clash of
international interests in the Oregon
Country, 13-4; the progress of Span-
ish and English discovery and trade
expansion toward a point of collision
in the Pacific Northwest, 14-6; the
preparation from 1785 to 1789 in
Nootka Sound for the explosion,
16-20.

THOMPSON, DAVID, AND BEGINNINGS IN
IDAHO, 49-61; fur traders of Canada
early plan to cross the Rocky Moun-
tains, 49-50; David Thompson and
Fin an McDonald first penetrate to
tributaries of the Upper Columbia in
present Idaho, 50-1; accuracy of ob-
servations taken by Thompson, 52-3;
site of first trading post selected,
Kullyspell House, 54-6;, David
Thompson's birth, education and
career, 56-61.

u

[371]

INDEX.

V
W
X

YOUNG, EWING, AND His ESTATE, 171-
315; the formation of the Willamette
Cattle Company at the suggestion of
William A. Slacum, 171-2; the Ore-
gon settlement in the winter, 1836-7,
172-5; Slacum's mediation removes
the two impediments to progress, 176-
9; diplomacy, daring and sagacity in
getting first cattle from California,
179-80; play of economic forces in the
making of early Oregon revealed in
the Ewing documents, 180-4; unity in
economic interests and activities im-
pel to political organization, i84:6; the
western world of adventure in the
twenties that lured Ewing Young, 186-
8; his movements in the Southwest,

189-90; in California, 190-3; the ac-
cusation made against him by the
governor of California threatens ruin
to Young and to the American settle-
ment on the Willamette, 193-5; the
domesday book of record of early
Oregon, 195-7; documentary records
relating to Young at Taos, New
Mexico, and the claimants to his es-
tate, 197-205; records of the Willam-
ette Cattle Company, 205-9; "day-
book" record of saw mill operations
and employees' supply account, 209-43 ;
record of live stock interests and farm
accounts during summer following his
decease, 243-70; account with Fort
Vancouver sale shop, 270-6; inventory
and auction accounts, 276-92; separate
personal accounts, 292-308; adminis-
trator's accounts, 308-11; jail built
with part of proceeds of estate, 312-
3; petition praying that proceeds of
estate should not be used as the peo-
ple of the territory would thereby be-
come too deeply involved in debt,
3I3-S.

[372]

F

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