Oregon historical quarterly

BINDING LIST MAY 1 1923

THE

QUARTERLY

OF THE

VOLUME XXII

MARCH, 1921.— DECEMBER, 1921.

Edited by
FREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG <1

The Ivy Prcu, Portland,

v v •

'\ vW»

TABLE OF CONTENTS

SUBJECTS OF PAPERS

Pages
BOIT'S, JOHN, LOG OF THE COLUMBIA, 1790-3 (Reprint)

Annotations by F. W. Howay and T. C. Elliott 257-351

EMIGRANT ROAD INTO SOUTHERN OREGON, NOTES AND REMI-
NISCENCES OF LAYING OUT AND ESTABLISHING THE OLD,
IN THE YEAR 1846
By Lindsay Applegate 12-45

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, THE

FIRST STAGE OF, 1849-52
By C F. Coan 46-89

GRAY, CAPTAIN ROBERT, REMNANT OF THE OFFICIAL LOG OF THE

COLUMBIA, 1792 (Reprint)
Annotations by T. C. Elliott 303-11

INDIAN RELATIONS IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST, THE FIRST STAGE

OF THE FEDERAL, 1849-52
By C. F. Coan 46-89

OREGON, THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME

By T. C. Elliott 91-115

OREGON BOUND, CORRESPONDENCE OF S. H. TAYLOR, 1853 117-160

OREGON BOUNDARY QUESTION, THE LAST PHASE OF THE

By Andrew Fish 161-224

ROGUE RIVER VALLEY, A SKETCH OF, AND SOUTHERN OREGON

HISTORY
By Alice Applegate Sargent 1-11

SAN JUAN ISLAND, THE STRUGGLE FOR, OR THE LAST PHASE OF

THE OREGON BOUNDARY QUESTION
By Andrew Fish 161-224

SOUTHERN OREGON HISTORY, A SKETCH OF THE ROGUE RIVER

VALLEY AND
By Alice Applegate Sargent 1-11

REVIEW

E. RUTH ROCK WOOD, Smith's Pacific Northwest Americana 252-6

DOCUMENTS
BOIT'S, JOHN, LOG OF THE COLUMBIA, 1790-3 257-351

CARVER, JONATHAN, PETITION FOR PAYMENT FOR SERVICES AND
EXPENSES IN CONNECTION WITH TRAVELS TO INTERIOR
PARTS OF NORTH AMERICA 111-3

— SECOND PETITION FOR PAYMENT FOR SERVICES AND EX-
PENSES IN CONNECTION WITH TRAVELS TO INTERIOR PARTS
or NORTH AMERICA 113-5

Pages

GRAY, CAPTAIN ROBERT, REMNANT OF THE OFFICIAL LOG OF THE

COLUMBIA 352-6

ROBERTS, REVEREND WILLIAM, THE THIRD SUPERINTENDENT OF THE
OREGON MISSION, THE LETTERS OF, Second Installment
Edited by Robert Moulton Gatke 225-251

ROGERS, ROBERT, PROPOSAL OF, TO EXPLORE FOR NORTHWEST

PASSAGE 101-5

— SECOND PROPOSAL OF, TO EXPLORE FOR NORTHWEST

PASSAGE 106-110

TAYLOR, S. H., LETTERS OF, TO THE WATERTOWN (WISCONSIN)

CHRONICLE, OREGON BOUND 117-160

WHITMAN, DR. MARCUS, REQUESTS OF, AT BOSTON OF AMERICAN
BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS OF FOREIGN MISSIONS, MARCH,
1843 357-9

AUTHORS

Applegate, Lindsay, Notes and Reminiscences of Laying Out and
Establishing the Old Emigrant Road Into Southern Ore-
gon in the Year 1846 12-45

Coan, C. F., Federal Indian Relations in the Pacific Northwest,

The First Stage of, 1849-52 46-89

Elliott, T. C., The Origin of the Name Oregon 91-115

— Annotations on John Bait's Log of the Columbia, 1790-3. 303-311
— Annotations on Remnant of Captain Robert Gray's Log

of the Columbia, 1792 352-6

Fish, Andrew, The Last Phase of the Oregon Boundary

Question 161-224

Gatke, Robert Moulton, Editing Letters of Reverend Wm.

Roberts 225-251

Howay, F. W., Annotations on John Boifs Log of the Columbia,

1790-3 265-351

Sargent, Alice Applegate, A Sketch of the Rogue River and

Southern Oregon History 1-11

Taylor, S. H., Correspondence of, Oregon Bound, 1853 117-160

Whitman, Dr. Marcus, Requests of, at Boston of the American

Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions 357-9

Young, F. G., Introduction to John Bait's Log of the Columbia,

1790-3 . .257-264

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXII MARCH, 1921 NUMBER 1

Copyright, 19.21, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarter!/ ditarowi responsibility for the positions taken by contributor* to its pages

A SKETCH OF THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY
AND SOUTHERN OREGON HISTORY*

By ALICE APPLEGATK SABGENT

PART I.

Lying between the Cascade mountains on the east, and the
Coast range on the west, and tempered by the warm oceanic
current from Japan, the Rogue River Valley has a climate
unsurpassed except perhaps by the coast valleys of Greece.

THE ROOUE INDIANS

About the year 1834 we find the Rogue River Valley a
wilderness inhabited by a tribe of Indians. These Indians were
a branch of the tribe living in northern California whom we
now know as the Shastas. But the original name was not
Shasta but Chesta. They were the Chesta Scotons and the
Indians living in the Rogue River valley were Chesta Scotons.

The first white men to set foot in the valley of whom we
have any authentic record, were some French Canadian trap-
pers who were trapping for furs for that great British monopoly
the Hudson's Bay Company. These men made their way into
the valley and set their traps along the river, but the Indians

• Read before the Greater Medford Club in the Spring of 1915.

2 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT

stole the traps, and the trappers always spoke of them as the
rogues; the river was the river of the rogues and the valley
the valley of the rogues. Old pioneers have assured me that
this is the way by which the river, the valley and the Indians
came by the name.

Another story as to the origin of the name is this : That the
river was called Rouge or Red river by some French voyageurs
on account of the cliffs at the mouth of the river being of red
color. By an act of the legislature in 1853-4 Rogue river was
to be Gold river, but it has never been so called.

FIFTEEN PIONEERS, OPENERS OF THE SOUTHERN ROUTE

In the year 1846 fifteen pioneers from the Willamette valley
came into the Rogue river valley, seeking a route by which
immigrants could reach the Willamette valley without having
to travel the long northern route across the Blue mountains and
down the Columbia river as they had to come. Their names
were: Jesse Applegate, Lindsay Applegate, Levi Scott, John
Scott, Henry Boygus, Benjamin Burch, John Owens, John
Jones, Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David
Goff, Benit Osborne, William Sportsman and William Parker.

Lindsay Applegate was my father, Jesse Applegate, my
uncle.

Each man was equipped with a saddle horse and a pack
horse. As they 'made their way through the Rogue river valley
they were constantly followed by the Indians and had to be
on guard day and night. When they had to pass through
heavy timber and brush they dismounted and led their horses,
carrying their guns across their arms ready to fire. The Indians
were armed with bows and poisoned arrows, the pioneers with
the old-time muzzle loading rifles. They made their way
through the valley, crossed the Cascade mountains into the
Klamath country and thence east to the Humboldt river. Here
they met a train of immigrants. They brought back with them
one hundred and fifty people, the pioneers traveling ahead and

THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 3

making a road over which the wagons could pass. This train
was taken through to the Willamette valley. Now that we
have our splendid Pacific Highway, built at enormous cost,
with all the modern implements, rock crushers, steam rollers,
and plows, and by the labor of hundreds of men, it is well for
us to remember that the first road in southern Oregon and
through the Rogue River valley was built by the labor of fifteen
men with nothing but axes in their bare hands, and amidst
perils and hardships that would strike terror to any but the
stoutest hearts. It was free to all, a work of humanity, the only
recompense to the builders was a consciousness of duty nobly
done.

PART II.

In 1848 a party of pioneers from the Willamette valley came
into the Rogue River valley on their way to the gold mines in
California. They prospected for gold on Rogue River and on
the stream we now know as the Applegate and then pushed on
to California. My father was with this party also and the
stream and valley were named for him.

In 1850 two men, Cluggage and Pool by name, equipped a
pack train at the mining town of Yreka, California, and carried
supplies between Yreka and towns in the Willamette valley.
They followed a narrow trail across the Siskiyou mountains
and along the bank of Bear creek. It was their custom when
they reached this valley, to stop to rest and recuperate their
animals. The wild grass grew so high in the valley that the
man who herded the mules had to stand on the back of his
horse in order to locate the rest of the herd.

Cluggage had worked at mining and one day, while they
were in camp in the valley, went up into the hills where Jack-
sonville now is. Following up a gulch or ravine, he came to a
place where the heavy rains had washed the soil entirely away,
leaving a ledge of rock exposed. Taking his bowie knife from

4 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT

his belt he dug around in the rocks and sand and found nug-
gets of gold. He returned to camp and reported his discovery
to Pool. Together they went back to the spot and staked out
their mining claims.

Returning to Yreka they bought a camp outfit and mining
tools and returned to work their claims. They had kept quiet in
regard to their discovery ; but in some way it became known and
in two months from the time Cluggage found the nuggets of
gold a thousand men were on the spot. Claims were staked
out and every man went to work to dig out the gold. No time
was spent in building cabins; a man would throw his saddle
blanket over a manzanita bush and put his bed under it. Some
built shelters of bark and brush while others put up tents.
Fortunes were taken out that winter, and many who had fam-
ilies in the east and elsewhere went back in the spring and
summer and brought them to the Rogue River valley. This
was the beginning of the settlement. Some took up land in
the valley while others settled in Jacksonville and Ashland.
The county of Jackson was organized by an act of the legisla-
ture on the 12th of January, 1852. Until 1853 there were but
four white women in Jacksonville, namely, Mrs. McCully, Mrs.
Evans, Mrs. Lawless and Mrs. Gore.

The winter of 1852 was an exceptionally hard one. Snow
fell until all trails were completely blocked. Flour rose to one
dollar a pound and salt was priceless. Some adventurous men
went to California on snow shoes to buy salt. Provisions gave
out and towards spring the people had to live on wild game,
meat cooked without salt. The summer of 1852 was very dry,
about such a summer as the one just past, and the wheat and
potato crop were not a great success, but the following season
was more favorable.

Ashland was founded in 1852 by Abel D. Helman and Robert
Hargadine. A saw mill was built on Mill creek, and in 1854 a
big flouring mill was built there, the first in the Rogue River
valley. Ashland was named from Ashland, Ohio, Mr. Helman's

THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 5

native town, and called Ashland Mills on account of the saw
and flouring mills. The town was known as Ashland Mills for
many years.

The first school in the Rogue River Valley was taught by
Mrs. McCully in Jacksonville, and was a subscription school.

The first white child born in the Rogue River valley was
Walter Gore, son of a pioneer of 1852, born on December
3rd 1852.

In 1853 the Indians began war on the white settlers, but
were soon subdued and a treaty made with them at Table Rock.
Stockades were built at different places in the valley, for the
protection of the settlers. Fort Lane was built in 1853-4 on a
hill facing Table Rock and occupied by regular troops for three
years. The old site is on a hill west of some old buildings at
Tolo and south of Gold Ray Dam.

In 1853 many immigrants came into the valley ; many build-
ings were erected, but as all supplies had to be brought from
Crescent City by pack animals, not a pane of glass could be had
that year for window lights ; cotton cloth stretched over the
openings was used instead.

During the spring steps were taken to found a Methodist
church in Jacksonville. The pastor was Rev. Joseph S. Smith.
The church was built and used jointly by Methodists and
Presbyterians for many years.

The town of Phoenix was founded in 1854, the land being
donated by Samuel Culver, whose old dwelling still stands by
the roadside. The town was named originally Gasburg.

The first newspaper printed in southern Oregon was called
"The Table Rock Sentinel", printed in 1855. The editor was
G. W. TVault.

Jackson county in 1855 was the richest and most populous
county in Oregon. Rut in that year the Indians again began
war. The 9th of October has been called the most eventful
day in the history of southern Oregon, for on that day nearly
twenty people were murdered by the Indians and their homes

6 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT

\
burned. The settlers were totally unprepared and taken by

surprise. A Mrs. Haines was taken prisoner and her fate is
still wrapped in mystery, although the Indians claimed she died
a week later; her husband and two children were killed. Mr.
and Mrs. Jones were killed. The next family in their path was
the Wagner's. A woman had made her way to the Wagner
home who wished to go to Jacksonville. She spent the night
at the Wagner home and next morning Mr. Wagner agreed to
take her to Jacksonville as he had a span of horses and a
wagon. On his return two or three days later nothing was
found of his home but a heap of ashes. Long afterwards, when
the war was over and the Indians had become friendly towards
the whites, some members of this war party told of Mrs.
Wagner's fate. When they surrounded the house she barri-
caded as best she could. The Indians wanted to get possession
of her and tried to induce her to come out of the house, fearing
to try to enter as they knew she was armed. Finally they set
fire to the house hoping to drive her out and then capture her.
While the house was burning she stood where they could see
her. Taking down her long hair, she combed it out before a
mirror and then sat calmly in a chair until the flames closed
around her. Her little girl had been captured and died soon
after, so the Indians claimed. At the Harris' home were Mr.
and Mrs. Harris, their two children, a boy aged ten and a girl
twelve, and a man who was employed about the place. This
man was in a field and was killed. Mr. Harris was shot while
on the porch near the door. Mrs. Harris dragged him into the
house, bolted the door and collecting a number of firearms
prepared for defense. The daughter was shot in the arm and
disabled and Mr. Harris died in about an hour. Mrs. Harris
continued to fire at the Indians through the crevices between
the logs. After a time an Indian messenger arrived with some
message to the Indians who all immediately ran towards the
river. As soon as they had disappeared Mrs. Harris and her
daughter fled from the house, knowing the Indians would set

THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY

fire to it on their return. They hid in a thicket of willows until
they were rescued by a company of troops the following day
and taken to Jacksonville. When Mrs. Harris ran to meet the
soldiers, carrying her little girl in her arms, covered with blood
and blackened by powder, Major Fitzgerald, the officer in
command cried out, "Good God! are you a white woman?"
while tears ran down the cheeks of the bronzed and bearded
men.

The little son of Mrs. Harris had disappeared. Every ravine
and thicket for miles around was carefully searched by men
aided by the soldiers, but not a trace of the missing child was
ever found. What pen could picture the grief of the sorrowing
mother as the long years rolled by bringing no solution of the
awful mystery. I have not the time to go farther into details.

The war was brought to a close in 1856 and the Indians
taken to the reservation in the Willamette country.

During the Indian wars there was quite a body of troops in
the Rogue River valley. Two companies of volunteers from
California, six companies, which were organized here in the
valley, and one from Douglas county, besides the regular
troops stationed at Fort Lane.

The toll road was built across the Siskiyou mountains in
1857-8 under authorization of the Oregon legislature. The
Oregon and California State Company was organized in 1860
to carry mail between Sacramento and Portland. A wagon
road was built between Jacksonville and Crescent City this
same year and a stage line established.

A company of volunteers was organized in Jacksonville in
1861 called the "Baker Guard." In 1863 a company of state
troops was organized in Ashland. It was Company A 1st
Regiment, 1st Brigade of Oregon Militia and was called the
"Mountain Rangers."

A telegraph line was established in 1866 and the little valley
of the Rogue, was put into communication with the outside
world.

8 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT

A woolen mill was built in Ashland in 1867-8 at a cost of
$32,000. This mill was destroyed by fire some years ago.

When I was a child there were eight large flouring mills in
the valley, and hundreds of pounds of flour were carried out of
the valley by pack animals and wagons, besides what was con-
sumed in the valley. From the old Barron farm at the foot of
the Siskiyous to Rogue River the valley was golden with grain,
and the yield was from thirty to fifty bushels of wheat to the
acre. Almost every farmer in the valley had planted an
orchard, many of them very large. I have never seen finer
fruit, for in those days the fruit was perfectly free from dis-
ease— a wormy apple was unheard of. Spraying was not nec-
essary and smudging was never resorted to, as there was always
an abundance of fruit. When the orchards came into bearing
the country east of the Cascades, and the mining towns in
California were supplied with fruit from the Rogue River
valley. The first apples raised in the valley were Gloria
Mundis, raised on the Skinner place on Bear Creek and sold to
a wealthy miner from Gold Hill for two dollars and fifty cents
each.

CONCLUSION

Jacksonville, besides being the first town founded in the
Rogue River Valley, was at one time the richest and most
flourishing. It had been settled by people of education and
culture who were wide awake and progressive. I marvel now
that people so isolated could have kept so abreast of the times.

When this valley was dotted with beautiful farms and Ash-
land called Ashland Mills, Phoenix known as Gasburg, and
Jacksonville was the hub of the universe (so to speak), my
father moved his family from Douglas County where I was
born, to southern Oregon, and we lived for two years at the
toll house on the Siskiyous.

FREIGHT OVER SISKIYOU TOLL ROAD

Looking back to that time, I realize that it was a wonderful

THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 9

experience for a child. Every day the road was thronged,
there were immense freight wagons drawn by six and eight
yoke of oxen, towering Marietta wagons drawn by six span of
horses ; these we called the "bell teams." The leading span had,
fastened to the collars, bows of iron which were hung with
little bells. These bells were worn to warn other teams, as
there were only occasional places on the narrow mountain
grade where these teams could pass one another. When the
driver of a team came to one of these places he would stop and
listen. I f he heard the faintest sound of bells there was nothing
to do but wait until the other team passed. Then there were
the long trains of fifty, sixty, and eighty pack mules all follow-
ing the bell mare in single file.

Twice daily the great red and yellow stage coaches went
swinging by, drawn by six splendid horses. Unless a horse
weighed so many hundred pounds and was so many hands high,
the Oregon and California Stage Company would not so much
as look at him. They were all matched horses and I recall
especially the sorrels and the grays. There were long trains of
travel stained immigrants with their weary ox teams. Think
what the feelings of these people must have been when they
crossed the Siskiyou mountains and beheld far below them the
promised land, the Rogue River Valley, lying like a beautiful
garden between the mountain ranges.

FORESTS FULL OF GAME

I must not forget the wagons loaded with apples on their way
to the mining towns in California. The wagon boxes were
lined with straw and the apples piled into them. These apple
peddlers advertised their fruit in an unique way by having a
pointed stick fastened to a corner of the wagon bed on which
was stuck an apple.

When winter came and the snow fell deep on the Siskiyous,
as it sometimes docs, father used several yoke of oxen and a big
bobsled to keep the road open to travel. Sometimes the snow
would fall steadily, filling the road behind them and all day

10 ALICE APPLEGATE SARGENT

long the weary oxen would have to travel back and forth over
the long mountain grade. The forests were swarming with
wild animals, panther, wild cats, black, cinnamon and grizzly
bear, and great gray timber wolves which would howl in a
blood curdling way in the forest at dusk.

Immigrants were pouring into Oregon over the old road laid
out by the fifteen pioneers in 1846. The Modoc and Piute
Indians made travel unsafe even at that late date. A report
came to my father that a train of immigrants coming over that
route was in great peril. Father called for volunteers and in a
very short time forty-one men were equipped and ready to go
to the help of the immigrants. They rode rapidly for several
days before they met the train. I have no recollection of my
father's or brother's return, but I distinctly recall the story that
father told of the rescue. When the party finally discovered
the immigrants they had corralled their wagons and prepared
to defend themselves as best they could against the Indians.
The rescuing party prepared a flag of truce by fastening a
white cloth to a long pole, to show that they were friends, -and
then rode slowly forward. They had ridden almost up to the
wagons before they saw any signs of life, then a wagon cover
was thrown up and an aged woman with snow white hair
called out to them "Glory be to God, we are saved." They
brought this train in safety to the Rogue River valley and we,
no doubt, have some of these same people living in Medford
today.

COMING OF RAILROAD

The next great event in the history of the valley was the
coming of the railroad which was built into Ashland from the
north. The first train of cars ran into Ashland on May 4th
1884, an event celebrated in an imposing way. Ashland was
the terminus until 1887 when the railroad was completed and
the Rogue River Valley was linked by bands of steel with the
outside world.

Medford, the little city of which we all feel proud, was

THE ROGUE RIVER VALLEY 11

founded in December, 1883, by J. S. Howard. It was not in-
corporated until a year later. Bear Creek, which runs through
the city, was named originally Stewart River for Captain
Stewart, an army officer who was killed in a fight with the
Indians on the banks of the stream on the 17th of June, 1851.

And now, as the years roll on, let us not forget the brave
and self-reliant men and women who brought civilization into
the wilderness and made it possible for us to have peaceful
homes in the Rogue River Valley.

NOTES AND REMINISCENCES OF LAYING OUT

AND ESTABLISHING THE OLD EMIGRANT

ROAD INTO SOUTHERN ORGEON

IN THE YEAR 1846.

By LINDSAY APPLEGATE

After the lapse of thirty-one years (as there has been no
history of this circumstance placed before the public), I pro-
pose to give a plain statement of facts from notes taken at the
time and from memory, giving1 motives that led to the enter-
prise. Our immigration of 1843, being the largest that had
ever crossed the plains, our progress was necessarily slow,
having to hunt out passes for our wagons over rivers, creeks,
deep gullies, digging down the banks where nothing but a pack
trail had been before, cutting our way through the dense for-
ests before we could reach the valley of the Columbia, and then
it appeared as though our greatest troubles had begun; for
here we had to encounter cataracts and falls of the Columbia
and the broad and lofty Cascades, with their heavy forests.

At Fort Walla Walla, on the banks of the Columbia river,
with our teams about exhausted, we were advised to leave
our wagons and animals over winter at that place in the care
of the Hudson's Bay Co. A portion of the immigrants, includ-
ing my two brothers' families and my own, accepted the prop-
osition, providing we could secure boats in which to descend
the river, as it was supposed we might secure them from the
Hudson's Bay Co. Under these considerations we made ar-
rangements with the said Company for the care of the latter
through the winter. We failed in our efforts to obtain boats ;
having a whipsaw and other tools with us, we hunted logs
from the masses of drift wood lodged along the river banks,
hewed them out, sawed them into lumber, and built boats,
and with our families and the contents of our wagons, com-

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 13

menced the descent of the river. Dr. Whitman procured us
the service of two Indians to act as pilots to The Dalles. From
there we thought we would have but little trouble by making
a portage at the Cascades. We did well till we reached The
Dalles, a series of falls and cataracts. Just above the Cascade
mountains one of our boats, containing six persons, was caught
in one of those terrible whirlpools and upset. My son, ten
years old, my brother Jesse's son, Edward, same age, and a
man by the name of McClellan, who was a member of my
family, were lost. The other three who escaped were left to
struggle the best they could until we made the land with the
other boats. Leaving the women and children on shore while
we rushed to the rescue, it was only with the greatest effort
that we were able to keep our boats from sharing the same
fate. William Doake, a young man who could not swim,
held on to a feather bed until overtaken and rescued. W.
Parker and my son Elisha, then twelve years old, after drift-
ing through whirlpools among cragged rocks for more than a
mile, rescued themselves by catching hold of a large rock a
few feet above water at the head of Rock Island. At the time
of the disaster it was utterly impossible to render them any
assistance for it was only with the greatest skill that we suc-
ceeded in saving the women and children from sharing the
same fate. It was a painful scene beyond description. We
dare not go to their assistance without exposing the occupants
of the other boats to certain destruction, while those persons
were struggling for life in the surging waters. The whole
scene was witnessed by Gen. Fremont and his company of
explorers who were camped immediately opposite, and were
powerless to render us any assistance. The bodies of the
drowned were never recovered, though we offered a reward
to the Indians who searched the river for months. We reached
the Cascades without any other incidents worth relating.

We then made a portage around the falls, packing the most
of our effects on our backs, dragging our boats over the rocks,

14 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

reloaded and proceeded on our way to Vancouver, ascended
the Willamette river to the falls, there made another portage
around the falls, reloaded again, ascended the river twenty-
five miles, coming to a place called Champoeg, where we fi-
nally left our boats and made our way across the valley to
Lee's Old Mission, ten miles below where Salem now stands,
and on the first day of December entered one of the old build-
ings to remain for the winter.

Previous to this, we had been in the rain most of the time
for twenty days. Oh, how we could have enjoyed our hos-
pitable shelter if we could have looked around the family circle
and beheld the bright faces that accompanied us on our toil-
some journey almost to the end! Alas, they were not there!
That long and dreary winter, with its pelting rains and howl-
ing winds, brought sadness to us. Under these sad reflec-
tions, we resolved if we remained in the country to find a bet-
ter way for others who might wish to emigrate, as soon as we
could possibly afford the time. From what information we
could gather from old pioneers and the Hudson's Bay Co., the
Cascade mountains to the south became very low, or terminated
where the Klamath cut that chain ; and knowing that the Blue
mountains lay east and west, we came to the conclusion there
must be a belt of country extending east towards the South
Pass of the Rocky mountains, where there might be no very
lofty ranges of mountains to cross. So in 1846, after making
arrangements for subsistence of our families during our ab-
sence, we organized a company to undertake the enterprise,
composed as follows :

Levi Scott, John Scott, Henry Boygus, Lindsay Applegate,
Jesse Applegate, Benjamin Burch, John Owens, John Jones,
Robert Smith, Samuel Goodhue, Moses Harris, David Goff,
Benit Osborn> William Sportsman, William Parker. Each
man had his pack-horse and saddle-horse, making thirty ani-
mals to guard and take care of.

A portion of the country we proposed to traverse was at

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 15

that time marked on the map "unexplored region." All the in-
formation we could get relative to it was through the Hudson's
Bay Co. Peter Ogden, an officer of that company, who had
led a party of trappers through that region, represented that
portions of it were desert-like, and that at one time his com-
pany was so pressed for the want of water that they went to
the top of a mountain, filled sacks with snow, and were thus
able to cross the desert. He also stated that portions of the
country through which we would have to travel were infested
with fierce and war-like savages, who would attack every party
entering their country, steal their traps, waylay and murder
the men, and that Rogue River had taken its name from the
character of the Indians inhabiting its valleys. The idea of
opening a wagon road through such a country at that time,
was counted as preposterous. These statements, though based
on facts, we thought might be exaggerated by the Hudson's
Bay Co., in their own interest, since they had a line of forts
on the Snake river route, reaching from Fort Hall to Van-
couver, and were prepared to profit by the immigration.

One thing which had much influence with us was the fact
that the question as to which power, Great Britain or the
United States, would eventually secure a title to the country,
was not settled, and in case a war should occur and Britain
prove successful, it was important to have a way by which we
could leave the country without running the gauntlet of the
Hudson's Bay Co.'s forts and falling a prey to Indian tribes
which were under British influence.

On the morning of the 20th of June, 1846, we gathered on
the La Creole, near where Dallas now stands, moved up the
valley and encamped for the night on Mary's river, near where
the town of Corvallis has since been built.

June 21 — Moved up the valley and encamped among the
foothills of the Calapooia mountains.

June 22 — This day we traveled along the base of the Cala-
pooias, our course being nearly southeast, passing near a prom-

16 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

inent peak since called Spencer's Butte. In a little valley near
the butte, on the south side, we discovered Indians digging
camas. On perceiving us, most of them secreted themselves
in the timber. One of our party succeeded in capturing an old
Indian, and representing to him by signs the course we wished
to follow, the old fellow preceded us two or three miles, and
put us on a dim trail which had been marked by twisting the
tops of the brush along the route. It had only been used as
a foot-trail and but seldom at that. It led us into a prairie at
the base of the main Calapooia chain. Crossing the prairie, we
found the little trail where it entered the mountains with dif-
ficulty, and being guided by the broken brush, reached at sun-
down a little stream on the Umpqua side, where we camped
for the night in a beautiful little valley where the grass was
good and the ground almost covered with the finest straw-
berries I had ever seen.

The next morning, June 23, we moved on through the grassy
oak hills and narrow valleys to the north Umpqua river. The
crossing was a rough and dangerous one, as the river bed was
a mass of loose rocks, and, as we were crossing, our horses
occasionally fell, giving the riders a severe ducking. On the
south side we encamped for the night.

On the morning of the 24th, we left camp early and moved
on about five miles to the south branch of the Umpqua, a con-
siderable stream, probably sixty yards wide, coming from the
eastward. Traveling up that stream almost to the place where
the old trail crosses the Umpqua mountains, we encamped for
the night opposite the historic Umpqua canyon.

The next morning, June 25th, we entered the canyon, fol-
lowed up the little stream that runs through the defile for four
or five miles, crossing the creek a great many times, but the
canyon becoming more obstructed with brush and fallen tim-
ber, the little trail we were following turned up the side of the
ridge where the woods were more open, and wound its way
to the top of the mountain. It then bore south along a narrow

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 17

back-bone of the mountain, the dense thickets and the rocks on
either side affording splendid opportunities for ambush. A
short time before this, a party coming from California had been
attacked on this summit ridge by the Indians and one of them
had been severely wounded. Several of the horses had also
been shot with arrows. Along this trail we picked up a num-
ber of broken and shattered arrows. We could see that a large
party of Indians had passed over the trail traveling southward
only a few days before. At dark we reached a small opening
on a little stream at the foot of the mountain on the south, and
encamped for the night.

On the morning of the 26th, we divided our forces, part go-
ing back to explore the canyon, while the remainder stayed to
guard the camp and horses. The exploring party went back
to where we left the canyon on the little trail the day before,
and returning through the canyon, came into camp after night,
reporting that wagons could be taken through.

We found everything all right on the morning of the 27th,
although the Indians had hovered around us all night, frighten-
ing our horses a number of times. From the tracks we could
see that they approached very closely to our encampment.
Making an early start we moved on very cautiously. When-
ever the trail passed through the cuts we dismounted and led
our horses, having our guns in hand ready at any moment to
use them in self-defense, for we had adopted this rule, never
to be the aggressor. Traveling through a very broken country
the sharp hills separated by little streams upon which there
were small openings, we came out at about noon into a large
creek, a branch of Rogue river, now called Grave creek, on
which we rested about two hours. During the afternoon our
course was over a more open country — through scattering pine
and oak timber. Towards evening, we saw a good many In-
dians posted along the mountain side and then running ahead
of us. About an hour by sun we reached a prairie of several
hundred acres, which extends down to very near the bank of

18 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

Rogue river. As we advanced towards the river, the Indians
in large numbers occupied the river bank near where the trail
crossed. Having understood that this crossing was a favorite
place of attack, we decided as it was growing late, to pass the
night in the prairie. Selecting a place as far from the brush
as possible, we made every preparation for a night attack.

In selecting our camp on Rogue river, we observed the
greatest caution. Cutting stakes from the limbs of an old oak
that stood in the open ground, we picketed our horses with
double stakes as firmly as possible. The horses were pick-
eted in the form of a hollow square, outside of which we took
up our positions, knowing that in case of an attack there
would be a chance of losing our horses and that that would
be a complete defeat. We kept vigilant guard during the
night, and the next morning could see the Indians occupying
the same position as at dark. After an early breakfast we be-
gan to make preparations for moving forward. There had
been a heavy dew, and fearing the effects of the dampness
upon our fire-arms? which were muzzle-loaders, of course,
and some of them with flint-locks, we fired them off and re-
loaded. In moving forward, we formed two divisions, with
the pack horses behind. On reaching the river bank the front
division fell behind the pack horses and drove them over, while
the rear division faced the brush, with gun in hand, until the
front division was safely over. Then they turned about, and
the rear division passed over under protection of their rifles.
The Indians watched the performance from their places of con-
cealment, but there was no chance for them to make an attack
without exposing themselves to our fire. The river was deep
and rapid, and for a short distance some of the smaller ani-
mals had to swim. Had we rushed pell mell into the stream,
as parties sometimes do under such circumstances, our expedi-
tion would probably have come to an end there.

After crossing, we turned up the river, and the Indians in
large numbers came out of the thickets on the opposite side and

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 19

tried in every way to provoke us. Our course was for some
distance southeast along the bank of the river, and the Indians,
some mounted and some on foot, passed on rapidly on the
other side. There appeared to be a great commotion among
them. A party had left the French settlement in the Wil-
lamette some three or four weeks before us, consisting of
French, half-breeds, Columbia Indians and a few Americans;
probably about eighty in all. Passing one of their encamp-
ments we could see by the signs that they were only a short
distance ahead of us. We afterwards learned that the Rogue
Rivers had stolen some of their horses, and that an effort to
recover them had caused the delay. At about three o'clock, we
left the river and bore southward up a little stream for four
or five miles and encamped. From our camp we could see
numerous signal fires on the mountains to the eastward. We
saw no Indians in the vicinity of our camp, and no evidence of
their having been there lately. They had evidently given us
up, and followed the other company which the same night en-
camped in the main valley above. Under the circumstances,
we enjoyed a good night's sleep, keeping only two guards at
a time.

On the morning of June 29th, we passed over a low range
of hills, from the summit of which we had a splendid view of
the Rogue River valley. It seemed like a great meadow, in-
terspersed with groves of oaks which appeared like vast or-
chards. All day long we traveled over rich black soil covered
with rank grass, clover and pea vine, and at night encamped
near the other party on the stream now known as Emigrant
creek, near the foot of the Siskiyou mountains. This night,
the Indians having gone to the mountains to ambush the
French party as we afterwards learned, we were not dis-
turbed. Here our course diverged from that of the other
company, they following the old California trail across the
Siskiyou, while our route was eastward through an unexplored
region several hundred miles in extent.

20 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

On the morning of June 30th, we moved along the north
bank of the creek, and soon began the ascent of the mountains
to the eastward ; which we found gradual. Spending most of
the day in examining the hills about the stream now called
Keene creek, near the summit of the Siskiyou ridge, we moved
on down through the heavy forests of pine, fir and cedar, and
encamped early in the evening in a little valley, now known
as Round prairie, about ten or twelve miles, as nearly as we
could judge, from the camp of the previous night. We found
no evidence of Indians being about, but we did not relax our
vigilance on that account. We encamped in a clump of pines
in the valley and kept out our guard.

On the morning of July 1st, being anxious to know what
we were to find ahead, we made an early start. This morn-
ing we observed the track of a lone horse leading eastward.
Thinking it had been made by some Indian horseman on his
way from Rogue river to the Klamath country, we undertook
to follow it. This we had no trouble in doing, as it had been
made in the spring while the ground was damp and was very
distinct, until we came to a very rough rocky ridge where we
lost it. This ridge was directly in our way. Exploring north-
ward along the divide for considerable distance without find-
ing a practicable route across it we encamped for the night
among the pines. The next morning, July 2d? we explored
the ridge southward as far as the great canyon of the Klamath
but, having no better success than the day before, we en-
camped at a little spring on the mountain side. The next day,
July 3d, we again traveled northward farther than before,
making a more complete examination of the country than we
had previously done, and at last found what seemed to be a
practicable pass. Near this was a rich grassy valley through
which ran a little stream, and here we encamped for the night.
This valley is now known as long prairie.

On the morning of July 4th, our route bore along a ridge
trending considerably towards the north. The route was good,

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 21

not rocky, and the ascent very gradual. After crossing the
summit of the Cascade ridge, the descent was, in places, very
rapid. At noon we came out into a glade where there was
tvater and grass and from which we could see the Klamath
river. After noon we moved down through an immense forest,
principally of yellow pine, to the river, and then traveled up
the north bank, still through yellow pine forests, for about six
miles, when all at once we came out in full view of the Klamath
country, extending eastward as far as the eye could reach. It
was an exciting moment, after the many days spent in the
dense forests and among the mountains, and the whole party
broke forth in cheer after cheer. An Indian who had not
observed us until the shouting began, broke away from the
river bank near us and ran to the hills a quarter of a mile
distant. An antelope could scarcely have made better time,
for we continued shouting as he ran and his speed seemed to
increase until he was lost from our view among the pines.
We were now entering a country where the natives had seen
but few white people. Following the river up to where it
leaves the Lower Klamath Lake, we came to a riffle where it
seemed possible to cross. William Parker waded in and
explored the ford. It was deep, rocky and rapid, but we all
passed over safely, and then proceeding along the river and
lake-shore for a mile or so when we came into the main valley
of the Lower Klamath Lake. We could see columns of smoke
rising in every direction, for our presence was already known
to the Modocs and the signal fire telegraph was in active
operation. Moving southward along the shore we came to a
little stream coming in from the southward, and there found
pieces of newspapers and other unmistakable evidences of civ-
ilized people having camped there a short time before. We
found a place where the turf had been cut away, also the wil-
lows, near the bank of the creek and horses had been repeatedly
driven over the place. As there were many places where ani-
mals could get water without this trouble, some of the party

22 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

were of the opinion that some persons had been buried there
and that horses had been driven over the place to obliterate
all marks and thus prevent the Indians from, disturbing the
dead. The immense excitement among the Indians on our ar-
rival there strengthened this opinion. Col. Fremont, only a
few days before, had reached this point on his way northward
when he was overtaken by Lieut. Gillispie of the United States
army with important dispatches and returned to Lower Cali-
fornia. The Mexican war had just begun and the "path-
finder" was needed elsewhere. On the very night he was over-
taken by Lieut. Gillispie, the Modocs surprised his camp,
killed three of his Delaware Indians and it is said that, had it
not been for the vigilance and presence of mind of Kit Carson,
he would probably have suffered a complete rout. At this
place we arranged our camp on open ground so that the In-
dians could not possibly approach us without discovery. It is
likely that the excitement among the Modocs was caused,
more than anything else, by the apprehension that ours was a
party sent to chastise them for their attack on Fremont. We
were but a handful of men surrounded by hundreds of Indians
armed with their poisoned arrows, but by dint of great care
and vigilance we were able to pass through their country safe-
ly. On every line of travel from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
there has been great loss of life from a failure to exercise a
proper degree of caution, and too often have reckless and fool-
hardy men who have, through the want of proper care, become
embroiled in difficulties with the Indians, gained the reputa-
tion of being Indian fighters and heroes, while the men who
were able to conduct parties in safety through the country of
warlike savages, escaped the world's notice.

FROM TULE LAKE TO THE SPRING IN THE DESERT.

On the morning of July 5th we left our camp on the little
creek (now called Hot creek), and continued our course along
the shore of Lower Klamath Lake. This threw us off our
course considerably, as the lake extended some miles to the

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 23

southward of our last camp, and we did not reach the eastern
shore until the day was far spent. We camped on the lake
shore, and the next morning, July 6th, we ascended a high
rocky ridge to the eastward for the purpose of making obser-
vations. Near the base of the ridge, on the east, was a large
lake, perhaps twenty miles in length. Beyond it, to the east-
ward, we could see a timbered butte, apparently thirty miles
distant, at the base of which there appeared to be a low pass
through the mountain range which seemed to encircle the lake
basin. It appearing practicable to reach this pass by passing
around the south end of the lake, we decided to adopt that
route and began the descent of the ridge, but we soon found
ourselves in the midst of an extremely rugged country. Short
lava ridges ran in every conceivable direction, while between
them were caves and crevices into which it seemed our ani-
mals were in danger of falling headlong. The farther we
advanced the worse became the route, so that at length we
decided to retrace our steps to the smooth country. This was
difficult, as our horses had become separated among the rocks,
and it was some time before we could get them together and
return to the open ground. Then we discovered that one of
our party, David Goff, was missing. While in the lava field
he had discovered a band of mountain sheep, and in pursuing
them had lost his way. Some of the party went quite a dis-
tance into the rocks, but could hear nothing of him. We de-
cided to proceed to the meadow country, at the head of the
lake, by encircling the lava beds to the northward, and encamp
until we could find our comrade. While we were proceeding
to carry out this program, we discovered a great number of
canoes leaving the lake shore, under the bluffs, and making
for what appeared to be an island four or five miles distant.
We could also see a lone horseman riding leisurely along the
lake shore, approaching us. This soon proved to be our lost
friend. The Modocs had discovered him in the lava fields,
and probably supposing that the whole party was about to

24 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

assail them from the rocks, they took to their canoes. He said
that, seeing the Indians retreating, he concluded he would
leave the rocks and ride along the lakeshore where the going
was good. We nooned in a beautiful meadow, containing about
two sections, near the head of the lake.

After spending a couple of hours in this splendid pasture,
we re-packed and started on our way towards the timbered
butte, but had not proceeded more than a mile before we came
suddenly upon quite a large stream (Lost river) coming into
the lake. We found this stream near the lake very deep, with
almost perpendicular banks, so that we were compelled to turn
northward, up the river. Before proceeding very far we dis-
covered an Indian crouching under the bank, and surround-
ing him, made him come out. By signs, we indicated to him
that we wanted to cross the river. By marking on his legs
and pointing up the river, he gave us to understand that there
was a place above where we could easily cross. Motioning
to him to advance, he led the way up the river about a mile
and pointed out a place where an immense rock crossed, the
river. The sheet of water running over the rock was about
fifteen inches deep, while the principal part of the river seemed
to flow under. This was the famous Stone Bridge on Lost
river, so often mentioned after this by travelers. For many
years the water of Tule Lake have been gradually rising, so
that now the beautiful meadow on which we nooned on the
day we discovered the bridge is covered by the lake, and the
back water in Lost river long ago made the river impassable;
is now probably ten feet deep over the bridge.

After crossing the bridge we made our pilot some pres-
ents, and all shaking hands with him, left him standing on the
river bank. Pursuing our way along the northern shore of
the lake a few miles, we came to a beautiful spring, near the
base of the mountains on our left, and encamped for the night.
After using the alkali water of Lower Klamath Lake the pre-
vious night, the fresh, cold water of this spring was a real

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 25

hixury. There was plenty of dry wood and an abundance of
green grass for our animals, and we enjoyed the camp exceed-
ingly. Sitting around our fire that evening, we discussed the
adventures of the past few days in this new and strange land.
The circumstances of the last day had been particularly inter-
esting. Our adventure in the rocks; the retreat of the whole
Modoc tribe in a fleet of thirty or forty canoes across the lake
from Goff; the singularity of the natural bridge; the vast
fields of tule around the lake, and the fact that the lake was
an independent body of water, were subjects of peculiar in-
terest and only intensified our desire to see more of this then
wild land.

July 7th, we left the valley of Tule Lake to pursue our
course eastward, over a rocky table land, among scattering
juniper trees. We still observed the timbered butte as our
landmark, and traveled as directly toward it as the shape of
the country would admit. This butte is near the State line,
between Clear lake and Goose lake, and probably distant fifty
miles from the lava ridge west of Lost river, from which we
first observed it, and supposing rt to be about thirty miles away.
In pursuing our course we passed through the hilly, juniper
country between Langell valley and Clear lake without seeing
either the valley or lake, and at noon arrived at the bed of a
stream where there was but little water. The course of the
stream was north or northwest, and appearances indicated that
at times quite a volume of water flowed in the channel. This
was evidently the bed of Lost river, a few miles north of where
this singular stream leaves the Clear river marsh.

Leaving this place, we pursued our journey through a sim-
ilar country to that passed over during the forenoon, and en-
camped at a little spring among the junipers, near the base
of the timbered hill, and passed a very pleasant night.

On the morning of July 8th, we passed our landmark and
traveled nearly eastward, over a comparatively level but ex-
tremely rocky country, and nooned in the channel of another

26 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

stream, where there was a little water standing in holes. On
leaving this place we found the country still quite level, but
exceedingly rocky; for eight or ten miles almost like pave-
ment. Late in the afternoon we came out into the basin of a
lake (Goose lake), apparently forty or fifty miles in length.
Traversing the valley about five miles along the south end of
the lake, we came to a little stream coming in from the moun-
tains to the eastward. The grass and water being good, we
encamped here for the night. Game seemed plentiful, and one
of the party killed a fine deer in the vicinity of the camp. From
a spur of the mountains, near our camp, we had a splendid
view of the lake and of the extensive valley bordering it on
the north. On the east, between the lake and mountain range
running nearly north and south, and which we supposed to
be a spur of the Sierra Nevadas, was a beautiful meadow coun-
try, narrow, but many miles in length, across which the lines
of willows and scattering pines and cottonwoods indicated the
courses of a number of little streams coming into the lake
from the mountain chain. A little southeast of our camp there
appeared to be a gap in the mountain wall, and we decided to
try it on the succeeding day.

July 9th we moved up the ridge towards the gap, and soon
entered a little valley, perhaps containing a hundred acres, ex-
tending to the summit of the ridge, thus forming an excellent
pass. The ascent was very gradual. The little valley was
fringed with mountain-mahogany trees, giving it quite a pic-
turesque appearance. This shrub, which is peculiar to the
rocky highlands, is from fifteen to twenty feet high and in
form something like a cherry tree, so that a grove of moun-
tain mahogany strikingly resembles a cherry orchard. About
the center of the little valley is a spring of cold water, making
it an excellent camping place, and for many years afterwards
it was the place where the immigrants were wont to meet and
let their animals recuperate after the long, tiresome march
across the so-called American Desert ; for this Sierra ridge

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 27

separates the waters of the Pacific from those of the great
basin which extends from the Blue mountains far southward
towards the Colorado. The little stream on which we en-
camped before entering this pass is called Lassen creek, tak-
ing its name from Peter Lassen, who led a small party of im-
migrants across the plains in 1848, following our route from
the Humboldt through this pass, thence down Pitt river to the
Sacramento. From the summit of the ridge we had a splen-
did view. Northward the ridge seemed to widen out, forming
several low ranges of timbered mountains, while southward it
seemed to rise very high, as we could see patches of snow
along the summit in the distance. East and south of us, at
the foot of the ridge, was a beautiful green valley, twenty or
thirty miles in extent, and containing a small lake. A num-
ber of small streams flowed from the mountain into and
through the valley, affording an abundance of water for the
wants of a settlement. This fertile valley on the border of
the desert has since been called Surprise V alley, and now con-
tains quite a population.

As we stood on the Sierra ridge, we surveyed the vast des-
ert plains to the eastward of Surprise Valley, apparently with-
out grass or trees, and marked by numerous high rocky ridges
running north and south. After deciding on our course, we
descended the mountain and soon came to a little stream, the
banks of which were lined with plum bushes completely loaded
with fruit. There was a grove of pines at hand, and there we
decided to noon, as the day was extremely hot. Game seemed
plentiful about this rich valley, and while we were nooning a
large band of antelope grazed in sight of us. Spending about
two hours among these pines, which were the last we saw dur-
ing our long and weary march on the desert, we packed up
and moved across the valley eastward. After crossing the
valley we entered a very sandy district, where the traveling
was laborious, and next ascended to a table land, the surface
of which was covered with small gravel. By this time most

28 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

of our horses were barefooted, and our progress through the
rocky country was consequently very slow. The country was
so desert-like that we had about despaired of finding water
that night, but just at dark we unexpectedly came to a little
spring. There was but little water, but by digging some we
were able to get quite enough for ourselves and horses, though
it kept us busy until about midnight to get the horses watered.
Although we had met with singularly good fortune in thus
finding water at the close of the first day's march on the des-
ert, we could not always expect such good luck in the future ;
and as we lay down in our blankets among the sagebrush that
night, we could not help having some gloomy forebodings in
regard to the future of our expedition.

FROM THE LITTLE SPRING ON THE DESERT TO BLACK ROCK.

On the morning of the 10th of July, we found an abundance
of water in the basin we had scraped out at the little spring
early in the night, so that we were able to start out on the
desert much refreshed. Our horses, however, looked very
gaunt as there was a great scarcity of grass about the spring.
The landscape before us, as we made our start this morning,
was anything but inviting. It was a vast sand plain. No trees
or mountains were in sight. Far in the distance were some
dark looking ridges. There was no vegetation excepting dwarf
sage and grease wood growing in the sand and gravel. At
about three o'clock in the afternoon we came to a huge vol-
canic wall, varying in height from twenty or thirty to sev-
eral hundred feet, extending north and south as far as the eye
could reach and apparently without any gap through it. We
divided at the wall so as to explore it both ways. The party
going southward, after proceeding a few miles, came to a
little stream, forming a beautiful meadow at the base of the
wall, and flowing through a narrow gateway into the ridge.
They immediately dispatched one of their party in pursuit of
us with the good news, and we returned to the meadow early
in the afternoon, and decided to turn out our horses and give

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 29

them a chance to feed and rest, while we explored the defile
on foot. We found it a very remarkable chasm, extending
nearly due east. The gateway was about sixty yards in width
and the canyon was, at some places, a little wider than that
perhaps, and at others, was only wide enough for a wagon
road. The little bottom was grassy and almost level, and, in-
deed, a remarkable track for a road. In many places, the cliffs
on either side towered to a height of several hundred feet, and,
in some places actually overhung the chasm. Those over-
hanging cliffs afforded excellent sheltering places for the In-
dians, and the signs betokened that it was a great place of re-
sort for them. Sage hens and rabbits were plentiful, also
mountain sheep, but the latter were so wild that we did not
succeed in killing any of them. After making quite an ex-
tended trip into the canyon, we returned to the little meadow
and spent the night.

On the morning of July 11, we again entered the gorge and
traveled ten or twelve miles to a place where the stream
formed quite a pool, and nooned. At this season, the stream
ran no further than the pool. Here another canyon comes
in from the north, and at the junction there is quite an area of
level ground — perhaps two acres — mostly meadow, forming an
excellent camping place. After noon we proceeded on our
way, following the dry bed of the stream, and, after a march
of perhaps ten miles, came out on the east side of the ridge.
Here we found a lake basin of several acres in extent, where
there was but a little water and a great deal of mud, hence
strongly suggesting the name of Mud Lake, which it has since
always borne. Earlier in the season, when the little stream
that feeds it flows all the way through the canyon, this is
doubtless quite a lake. The country eastward had a very for-
bidding appearance. Rising from a barren plain, perhaps fif-
teen miles away, was a rough, rocky ridge, extending as far
as the eye could reach towards the north, but apparently ter-
minating abruptly perhaps fifteen miles south of our course.

30 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

Along the base of the ridge, towards its extremity, were seen
green spots, indicating water. After considering the situation
pretty thoroughly, we concluded that it would be the surest
plan to depart from our usual course and travel southward to
the extremity of the ridge, as, by so doing, we would probably
keep clear of the rocks and be more certain to find water. So
we followed the dry outlet of the lake, in a southwesterly di-
rection, for a distance of three or four miles and we camped
at a little spring.

In this vicinity quite a tragedy occurred while Capt. Levi
Scott, accompanied by a detachment of regular troops, was en
route to meet the immigration of 1847. It was his intention
to make an effort to hunt out a direct route from Mud Lake
to Humboldt, thus saving the distance lost by our change of
direction in 1846. It appears that Mr. Scott and a man named
Garrison, leaving the train encamped at Mud Lake, started
out in a due easterly direction towards the black ridge to ascer-
tain the practicability of finding a way across it. When out
about ten miles they came across two Indians. Not being able
to talk with them, they undertook, through signs, to learn
something about the country. The Indians appeared to be
friendly, but, taking advantage of Scott and Garrison while
they were off their guard, strung their bows and commenced
shooting with great rapidity. Garrison was mortally wounded,
and Scott, while in the act of firing, was shot through the
arm with an arrow, which passing through, entered his side,
pinning his arm to his body. Scott fired, however, killing his
Indian and the other took to flight. Scott's were, fortunately,
only flesh wounds, but Garrison had been pierced by two ar-
rows and died soon after being conveyed to the camp. Thus
the effort to make the cut-off failed, and to this day has never
been made.

The little spring, where we encamped, furnished an abun-
dance of water ; the grass was good, but fuel extremely scarce,
there being nothing in this line but dwarf sage brush.

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 31

On starting out on the morning of the 12th of July, we ob-
served vast columns of smoke or steam rising at the extremity
of the black ridge. Reaching the ridge a few miles north of
its extremity, we traveled along its base, passing a number of
springs, some cold and others boiling hot. At the end of the
ridge we found an immense boiling springs from whence the
steam was rising like smoke from a furnace. A large vol-
ume of water issued from the spring which irrigated several
hundred acres of meadow. Although the water was strongly
impregnated with alkali, it was fit for use when cooled, and
the spot was, on the whole, a very good camping place for the
desert. The cliffs, at the extremity of the ridge, were formed
of immense masses of black volcanic rock and all about were
vast piles of cinders, resembling those from a blacksmith's
forge. This place has ever since been known as "Black Rock,"
and is one of the most noted landmarks on the Humboldt des-
ert. At this place we rested a day and consulted as to the
best course to pursue in order to reach the Humboldt, or, as
it was then called, Ogden's river. The result of the council
was that we agreed to separate, one party to travel eastward
and the other to pursue a more southerly direction.

In pursuance of the plan decided on at Black Rock, on the
morning of July 14th, we separated into two parties; eight
men starting out in a southerly direction and seven men, in-
cluding myself, towards the east. The country before us ap-
peared very much like the dry bed of a lake. Scarcely a spear
of vegetation could be seen, and the whole country was white
with alkali. After traveling about fifteen miles we began to
discover dim rabbit trails running in the same direction in
which we were traveling. As we advanced the trails became
more plain, and there were others constantly coming in, all
pointing in the general direction toward a ledge of granite
boulders which we could see before us. Approaching the ledge,
which was the first granite we had seen since leaving Rogue
river valley, we could see a green mound where all the trails

32 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

seemed to enter, and on examining the place closely we found
a small hole in the top of the mound, in which a little puddle of
water stood within a few inches of the surface. This was a
happy discovery for we were already suffering considerably
for want of water and our horses were well nigh exhausted.
The day had been an exceedingly hot one and the heat reflected
from the shining beds of alkali, had been very oppressive. The
alkali water at Black Rock had only given us temporary relief
— our thirst was really more intense from having used it. Un-
packing our horses, we staked them in the bunch grass about
the granite ledge, and began digging down after the little vein
of water which formed the puddle in the rabbit hole. The
water seemed to be confined to a tough clay or muck which
came near the surface in the center of the mound, thus pre-
venting it from wasting away in the sand. Digging down in
this clay we made a basin large enough to hold several gallons
and by dark we had quite a supply of good pure water. We
then began issuing it to our horses, a little at a time, and by
morning men and horses were considerably refreshed. Great
numbers of rabbits came around us and we killed all we wanted
of them. This is the place always since known as the Rabbit
Hole Springs.

Looking eastward, on the morning of July 15th, from the
elevated table lands upon which we then were, we saw vast
clouds of smoke, completely shutting out the distant landscape.
The wind blowing almost constantly from the southwest, kept
the smoke blown away so that we could get a tolerably good
view towards the south. Our wish was to continue our course
eastward, but the country, as far as we could see in that di-
rection, being a barren plain, we concluded to follow the gran-
ite ledge, which extended in a southeasterly direction from the
spring, believing the chances of finding water would be better
by following that route. The smoke, as we afterwards learned,
was caused by the burning of peat beds along the Humboldt
river, the stream we were now wishing to find, though we

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 33

had no correct idea of the distance we would have to travel
in order to reach it, nor of the difficulties to be encountered.
Pursuing our way along the ridge, searching everywhere care-
fully for water, at about eleven o'clock A. M. we observed the
rabbit trails all leading in the same direction, and following
the course indicated, we found a basin in the side of a rock
large enough to hold a few gallons of water. Into this basin
the water oozed from a crevice in the rock, very slowly, so
that when the basin was emptied it was a long time filling.
There was no way of improving this spring, for whenever the
basin was full and the water running over, it would waste in
the loose gravel and sand, and we did not get a sufficiency of
it for ourselves and horses until late at night. Appearances in-
dicated that it was a great resort for Indians, though there did
not seem to be any in the vicinity while we were there. Dur-
ing the afternoon and evening, great numbers of little birds
came for water, and were so tame that we could almost put
our hands on them.

On the morning of July 16th, we proceeded along the ridge
for four or five miles and came to quite a large spring, but so
strongly impregnated with alkali that we could only use it in
making coffee. Here we rested an hour or so while our horses
grazed. This morning we passed over a country abounding in
quartz. At this spring our granite ridge terminated, and be-
fore us was a vast desert plain, without a sj)ear of vegeation,
and covered with an alkaline effloresence which glittered be-
neath the scorching rays of the sun. The heat was intense as
we rode slowly out to the eastward upon the great plain. After
we had traveled a few miles, we observed what was supposed
to be a lake, even fancying that we could see the waves upon
its surface, but after riding in that direction awhile, we dis-
covered that it was only one of those optical illusions so often
experienced on the desert. Next, we saw what we supposed to
be a clump of willows to the eastward and rode in that direc-
tion with all possible dispatch, but, on nearing the place, we

34 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

discovered, to our intense disappointment, that it was only a
pile of black volcanic rocks, fifteen or twenty feet high. The
sun was now getting quite low, and the heat was somewhat
abating, yet it remained quite hot as we rode a few miles to the
eastward on the desert. As night closed in upon us we selected
our camping place in a little sag where there were some strong
sage bushes growing. To these we tied our horses securely, for,
as there was not a blade of grass and they were suffering for
water, we knew they would leave us, should they break away
from their fastenings. The only camp duty we had to perform
that night was to spread our blankets down upon the loose sand.
Then we stretched ourselves upon them, with little hope of rest,
for our thirst had by that time become intense ; worse, no doubt,
from reason of our having drank the strong alkali water that
morning. Our reflections that night were gloomy in the ex-
treme. Even if we could have heard the cry of a night bird
or the familiar note of a coyote it would have given us encour-
agement, for it would have indicated the presence of water
somewhere in the vicinity; but not a sound was heard during
the livelong night except our own voices and the restless tramp
of the half-famished horses.

As we started out on the morning of July 17th to the east-
ward we could see only a short distance on account of the
dense clouds of smoke which enveloped the country. We spent
much of the day in searching in various places for water and at
about four o'clock in the afternoon we came to some ledges of
rock. They afforded a shelter from the scorching rays of the
sun, and we halted to rest for a while as some of the party were
now so exhausted that they could scarcely ride. From the top
of the rocks we could discern a small greenish spot on the
desert, five or six miles distant, and, hoping to find water
there, we decided to ride towards it. Robert Smith was now
suffering severely from a pain in the head, and, as he was not
able to ride, we were compelled to leave him under the rocks,
with the understanding that he would follow us as soon as he

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 35

felt able to ride. After going four or five miles, we beheld a
horseman approaching us. This soon proved to be John Jones,
one of the party who left us at Black Rock on the morning of
the 14th. He had found water at the place we were making
for, and, in searching for the rest of his party, had accidentally
fallen in with us. We of course made a ''stampede" for the
water. On our arrival there two of the party, filling a large
horn with water, started on their return with it to Smith. They
met him on the way, hanging on to the horn of his saddle, while
his horse was following our trail. By the time they returned
the other party also arrived, so that, at about six P. M., we
found ourselves all together again. The other party had fared
almost as badly as we had, not having had any water since ten
o'clock in the forenoon of the day before.

Although a Godsend to us, this water was almost as bad as
one could imagine. It was in the bed of a little alkali lake,
thickly studded with reeds. There were about four inches of
strong alkali water resting upon a bed of thin mud, and it was
so warm and nauseating that it was impossible for some of the
party to retain a stomach- full very long at a time. It was a
grand relief to our poor horses to have an abundance of water
and grass cnce more, and, tired as they were, they worked
busily all night upon the reeds and grasses about the little lake.
Much exhausted, we retired early, and arose considerably re-
freshed the next morning.

On the morning of July 18, our course was nearly southeast
along the edge of a vast level plain to our right. Immense
columns of smoke were still rising in front of us, and at about
ten or eleven o'clock we came to places where peat bogs were
on fire. These fires extended for miles along the valley of the
Humboldt river, for we were now in the near vicinity of that
stream, and at noon had the great satisfaction of encamping
upon its banks. We found this sluggish stream about thirty
feet wide, and the water strongly alkaline and of a milky hue.
Along its banks were clumps of willows, affording us an abund-

36 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

ance of fuel, and as there was plenty of grass for our horses,
our camp was a good one. Since leaving Rabbit Hole Springs
we had traveled much too far south of our course to satisfy us,
and our desire was now to travel up the Humboldt until we
should reach a point nearly east of Black Rock, and endeavor
to find a route for the road more directly on our old course.

On July 19, we traveled perhaps twenty miles in a north-
easterly direction along the river bottom, and encamped. The
next day, -July 20, we pursued our way along the river, on
a good, easy route, making about the same distance as the
day before. On the 21st we continued our march up the
river and at noon came to a point where the river bottom
widened out into quite an extensive meadow district. From
this point we could see what appeared to be a low pass
through the ridge on the west, through which was a channel
of a tributary of the Humboldt, now dry. Here we decided
to encamp and send out a party to examine the country towards
Black Rock.

We had nothing in which to carry water but a large powder
horn, so we thought it best not to risk sending out too large a
party. On the morning of the 22nd of July, Levi Scott and
William Parker left us, and, following the dry channel of the
stream for about fifteen miles, they came to a beautiful spring
of pure water. Here they passed the night, and the next day,
Juy 23rd, they ascended by a very gradual route to the table
lands to the westward, and within about fifteen miles of their
camp of the previous night, they entered quite a grassy district
from which they could plainly see Black Rock. Exploring the
country about them carefully they found the Rabbit Hole
Springs. The line of our road was now complete. We had
succeeded in finding a route across the desert and on to the
Oregon settlements, with camping places at suitable distances,
and, since we knew the source of the Humboldt river was near
Fort Hall, we felt that our enterprise was already a success,
and that immigrants could be able to reach Oregon late in

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 37

the season with far less danger of being snowed in than on the
California route down the Humboldt and over the Sierra Ne-
vadas. The sequel proved that we were correct in this opinion,
for this same fall the Donner party, in endeavoring to cross the
Sierras, were snowed in, suffered the most indescribable hor-
rors, and about half of them perished.

The Humboldt Meadows affording us a splendid camping
place, we concluded to remain there and recruit our jaded ani-
mals for a few dnvs before pursuing our journey farther,

FROM HUMBOLPT MEADOWS TO FORT HALL AND
BACK TO BT.ACK ROCK,

Our object was to locate the road direct from near the head
of the Humboldt to Bear river, leaving Fort Hall forty or
sixty miles to the northward. Our stock of provisions being
almost exhausted, we decided to dispatch a partv. with the
strongest animals, to Fort Hall at once, for supplies, while the
rest of us would move along more slowly, making such im-
provements on the road as seemed necessary, and perhaps
reaching the head of the river in time to meet the Fort Hall
partv there on its return. Accordinglv. on the morning of the
25th of July. Jesse Applegate. Moses Harris. Henrv Bovgtis.
David Goff and John Owens, left us for Fort Hall. The place
decided on for the reunion of the partv was known as Hot
Spring or Thousand Spring Vallev. on the Humboldt. T shall
not undertake, after this date, to give a detailed statement of
our experiences, until the conclusion of our journey in the fall,
onlv mentioning the most important incidents of the long and
wearisome campaign.

The journey up the Humboldt. throuerh a country so uni-
formly alike the entire distance, was quite monotonous. The
sluggish stream, frineed with willows on either side, flowed
through a narrow vallev bounded by drv volcanic ridfres. grad-
ually increased in volume as we advanced towards its source,
as the water wastes away in the dry. sandy region through

38 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

which it flows. Like the Nile, this stream rises sufficiently
every year to overflow and fertilize its valley, so that it pro-
duces the finest grass. Since 1843, immigrants had occasion-
ally traveled down this stream to its sink, and had thence
crossed the high, snowy range of the Sierra Nevada, from
Truckee run via Donner lake, to the Sacramento valley; and
as we proceeded up the river, we frequently met small parties,
like ourselves, sunburned and covered with alkali dust, and
worn and wearied by the long and difficult journey.

Game was our principal dependence for food, and this we
found exceedingly scarce along the Humboldt, and the thou-
sands of Indians who inhabited the valley at this season seemed
to subsist chiefly upon grasshoppers and crickets, which were
abundant.

One day, during our march through this country, Capt. Scott
and myself, leaving the party on the west side, crossed the
river for the purpose of hunting, and, while pursuing a band of
antelope, came upon wagon tracks, leading away from the river
towards a rocky gulch among the hills, two or three miles
distant. Several wagons seemed to have been in the train, and
on either side of the plain tracks made by the wagon wheels
in the loose sand were numerous bare-foot tracks. Following
the trail into the mouth of the gulch, we found where the
wagons had been burned, only the ruins being left among the
ashes. We found no human remains, yet the evidences were
plain that a small train of immigrants had been taken here not
a great while before, and that they had perished at the hands
of their blood-thirsty captors, not one having escaped to recite
the awful tale of horror. Possibly the bodies of the victims had
been thrust into the river. Possibly the drivers had been com-
pelled to drive their teams across the sage plains into this wild
ravine, here to be slaughtered and their bodies burned. By a
more extended search along the river and among the hills, we
might possibly have found some of the bodies of the victims,
and might have obtained some clue as to who the ill-fated

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION , 39

immigrants were, but even this was not practicable at the time,
and we could only hurry on with sad hearts to overtake the
train far up the river.

On the 5th of August, we reached Hot Spring valley, having
traveled, as nearly as we could judge, about two hundred miles
along the river. On the 10th the Fort Hall party returned to
us with a supply of provisions, and on the llth we turned our
faces towards our homes, which we judged to be eight or nine
hundred miles distant.

Before the party of five reached Fort Hall, one of them,
young Boygus, hearing that a son of Capt. Grant, commander
of Fort Hall, had recently started for Canada, via St. Louis,
concluded to leave the party and, by forced marches, endeavor
to overtake Grant, as he was anxious to return to his home in
Missouri. Boygus was brave and determined, and expecting
to meet immigrants occasionally, he sat out alone on his hazar-
dous undertaking. We never heard of him afterwards, and his
fate has always remained a mystery. There was, perhaps,
truth in the report current afterwards that his gun and horses
were seen in the possession of an Indian at Fort Hall, and it
is most likely that he was followed by Indians from the very
moment he left his companions and slain, as many a poor fellow
has been, while all alone upon the great plains.

At Fort Hall the party of four met with a considerable train
of immigrants, with some of whom they were acquainted, who
decided to come to Oregon by way of our route. This train
closely followed our companions on their return, and reached
Hot Spring valley before our departure. Before starting on
the morning of July llth, a small party of young men from the
immigrant train generously voluntered to accompany us and
assist in opening the road. These were: Thomas Powers,
Burges, Shaw, Carnahan, Alfred Stewart, Charles Putnam,
and two others whose names I now disremember. A Bannock
Indian, from about the head of Snake River, also joined us.
This increased our road party to twenty-one men, exclusive

40 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

of Scott and Goff, who remained to guide and otherwise assist
the immigrants on their way to Oregon.

Nothing worthy of mention occurred during our return along
the valley of the Humboldt, and not until we left the river
and proceeded westward towards Black Rock. The first night
after leaving the river we spent at the spring found by Scott
and Parker, on the 22nd of July. This we called Diamond
Spring. Reaching this point about noon, we spent several
hours in digging out a basin at the spring, which soon filled
with pure, cold water.

Fifteen miles travel the next day over a good route, brought
us at noon to the Rabbit Hole Springs. We soon improved
this spring considerably, and, at about two P. M., took up our
line of march for Black Rock, which we reached at nightfall.
After we were out two or three miles from Diamond Springs
this morning, our Bannock Indian discovered that he had left
his butcher-knife and, tying his pony to a sage-brush, started
back to the spring on a run, supposing he could easily over-
take us, as we would be delayed considerably at Rabbit Hole
Springs ; at any rate, he would have no trouble in following our
trail. We saw him no more, and conjectured that he must
have fallen a prey to the Diggers, who continually shadowed
us as we traveled through their country, always ready to profit
by any advantage given them.

No circumstances worthy of mention occurred on the mo-
notonous march from Black Rock to the timbered regions of
the Cascade chain; then our labors became quite arduous.
Every day we kept guard over the horses while we worked the
road, and at night we dared not cease our vigilance, for the
Indians continually hovered about us, seeking for advantage.
By the time we had worked our way through the mountains to
the Rogue river valley, and then through the Grave Creek Hills
and Umpqua chain, we were pretty thoroughly worn out. Our
stock of provisions had grown very short, and we had to de-
pend, to a great extent, for sustenance, upon game. Road
working, hunting, and guard duty had taxed our strength

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 41

greatly, and on our arrival in the Umpqua valley, knowing that
the greatest difficulties in the way of immigrants had been
removed, we decided to proceed at once to our home in the
Willamette. There we arrived on the 3rd day of October, 1846,
having been absent three months and thirteen days. During
all this time our friends had heard nothing from us, and
realizing the dangerous character of our expedition, many be-
lieved in the news which some time before reached them, that
we had all been murdered by the Indians.

As soon as we could possibly make the arrangement, we sent
out a party with oxen and horses, to meet the immigrants and
aid them in reaching the Willamette settlements. For this
assistance we made no demand, nor did we tax them for the
use of the road, as was alleged by parties inimical to our en-
terpise. It had been the distinct understanding that the road
should be free, and the consciousness of having opened a bet-
ter means of access to the country than was afforded by the
expensive and dangerous route down the Columbia, which
we had tried to our sorrow, would be ample compensation for
all our labors and hardships in opening the South road.

Of course our enterprise was opposed by that mighty monop-
oly, the Hudson's Bay Company, whose line of forts and trading
posts on the Columbia afford them rare opportunities for trade
with the immigrants. Many of the immigrants who followed
us during the fall of 1846 had a hard time, though not as
hard as they would likely have experienced on the other route ;
and some of them, not understanding the situation fully, became
infected with the spirit of persecution, which had its origin with
the Hudson's Bay Company, and joined in charging us with
leading the travel away from the northern route for purposes of
personal speculation. Certain members of the party were sin-
gled out to bear the burden of persecution, whereas, if any
member of the party was animated by improper motives in
seeking to open the road, all were equally guilty, as the party
was governed in all its proceedings by a majority vote of its
members.

42 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

The efforts of the Hudson's Bay Company to put down the
road, proved an eminent failure. Its superior advantages were
better and better known and appreciated every year. It never
ceased to be an important route of travel, and a large portion
of the population of our State entered by this channel. It is a
very significant fact that the great thoroughfare of today, from
the Willamette to the Siskiyou chain, and thence out through
the Lake country and on to the Humboldt, departs rarely from
the route blazed out by the road company, thirty-two years ago.

Those who are conversant with the facts, know that that por-
tion of the route, from the Humboldt to the Lake country pre-
sents no serious obstacles in the way of the construction of a
railroad, and had the Central Pacific company located their
road on that route, from Humboldt as far as Goose lake, and
thence down Pitt river to the Sacramento valley, they would
doubtless have saved millions of money in the original cost of
the road, as well as in keeping it in order, since the snowfall
would never have been seriously in the way, even in the
severest winters.

In conclusion, I will recall the names of the road company,
with a few facts relative to their history. I regret that it is not
practicable to make this record more ample, but the company
was made up, almost to a man, of active, energetic characters,
who were not satisfied with a quiet, spiritless life, and many
of them long ago were lost to the little community, "over in
Polk," where they first settled, as they moved to other portions
of the State or went out into adjacent territories to seek their
fortunes. Under the circumstances, it has been impracticable
to learn the whereabouts of some of them, or to gather such
facts relative to their later history as would amplify and add
interest to their biographies. Perhaps few companies of men
ever performed such a campaign without repeated quarrels and
even serious altercations, but the members of the Old South
Road Company bore together the trials and privations of the
expedition with a "forgiving and forbearing" spirit, and their

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 43

mutual burdens and the dangers to which they were exposed,
continually developed and strengthened their frendship. A re-
union of them, were such a thing practicable, would be a sea-
son of peculiar joy, one to be remembered by the veteran sur-
vivors with pleasure, until they, too, shall pass away into the
great unknown.

THE ROAD COMPANY.

Capt. Levi Scott, a native of Illinois, came to Oregon in
1844, from near Burlington, Iowa. He was in the early days
quite a prominent man in Oregon affairs. He was a member
of the State constitutional convention. Capt. Scott located
Scottsburg, on the Umpqua river. He is now over eighty years
of age, and, I believe, resides in Lane County.

John Jones, usually known as "Jack" Jones, the wag of the
south road expedition, came to Oregon from Missouri in 1843.
Since then, he has been quite a wanderer. For many years he
resided in California, and, if living, is now in Idaho, I believe.
Native State, Missouri.

John Owens crossed the plains in 1843 from Missouri. He
was, I think, a native of that State. Have no knowledge of his
whereabouts.

Henry Boygus came from Missouri in 1843. He was a fine
looking, jovial and intelligent young man, and we were all
much attached to him. Was probably murdered by Indians,
near Fort Hall, after he left us, in 1846, to return to his home
in Missouri. Native State, Missouri.

William Sportsman crossed the plains in 1845, from Mis-
souri, which was, I think, his native State. He left Oregon in
1847, and I have no knowledge of his whereabouts.

Samuel Goodhue, a native of New York, came to Oregon in
1844. He afterwards became a son-in-law of - - Davidson,
the old pioneer, and a number of years resided about Salem.
When I last heard of him, he was in Ohio.

Robert Smith came to Oregon in 1843 from Missouri. Na-
tive State, Virginia. He now resides at the head of the Yon-

44 LINDSAY APPLEGATE

calla valley, in Douglas county. Mr. Smith is a son-in-law
of Charles Applegate, and brother to Mrs. Governor Chad-
wick.

Moses Harris, called "Black Harris," came to Oregon in
1844, from the Rocky mountains, where he had been a scout
and trapper for many years. He spoke the Snake language flu-
ently, and was of great service to us on the plains. He re-
turned to the States in 1847, as guide to Dr. White, the Super-
inte^dent of Indian Affairs in Oregon, and died in Indepen-
dence, Mo.

John Scott, a son of Capt. Levi Scott, came to Oregon with
his father in 1844. He now resides near Dallas, Polk county,
Oregon.

William G. Parker, a native of Missouri, came to Oregon
in 1843. He resided many years in California, but is now a
resident of Lake county, Oregon, and keeps the Half- Way
House, on the road from Ashland to Linkville. Mr. Parker
is a son-in-law of Capt. Solomon Tetherton, the old mountain
man, and a brother to Mrs. Jesse Applegate.

David Goff came to Oregon from Missouri in 1845. He
resided in Polk County, Oregon, until his death, which oc-
curred, I believe, in 1874, and was universally respected. He
was the father-in-law of Gen. J. W. Nesmith.

Benjamin F. Burch came to Oregon from his native State,
Missouri, in 1845. Mr. Burch has long been a prominent man
in Oregon affairs. He now resides at Salem, and is Superin-
tendent of the State Penitentiary.

Jesse Applegate was born in Kentucky, and came to Oregon
in 1843. He now resides on Mount Yoncalla, in Douglas
county, Oregon.

Lindsay Applegate, also a native of Kentucky, came to
Oregon in 1843. Now a resident of Ashland, Jackson county,
Oregon.

With the consciousness that I have endeavored faithfully
and impartially, though briefly, to relate the history of the

THE SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION 45

South Road expedition, I close this narrative, hoping that my
effort to preserve this much of this history of the early days
may inspire other "old timers" to relate their experiences also.
I am fully aware that memory is uncertain, and that a number
of errors may have occurred in my narrative from this reason,
but I place it before the people with confidence that it is, in
the main, correct. In doing so, I ask no other reward for the
labor of the preparation, than that its perusal may cause the
people to think more kindly of the old pioneers.

THE FIRST STAGE OF THE FEDERAL INDIAN

POLICY IN THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST,

1849-1852.*

By C. F. COAN, University of New Mexico

A SUMMARY OF INDIAN RELATIONS PRIOR TO 1849

The intermingling of the Indians and the whites in the Paci-
fic Northwest during the three-quarters of a century from 1774
to 1849 resulted in the races gradually becoming acquainted and
the creation by the latter date of a serious Indian problem
which had to be met by armed force. From 1774 to 1811 the
contact was comparatively slight, but this was greatly increased
during the years from 1811 to 1842. By 1849 there were few
Indians in the region who were not familiar with white men.

The explorers, both along the coast and in the interior, had
no conflicts with the natives of a serious nature. The coast
traders were not so fortunate. The Nootka Sound Indians
successfully expelled the traders from Vancouver Island. Prior
to 1811, the Indians along the Pacific Coast had become ac-
quainted with the whites and had had a number of conflicts
with them. However, no continued association had resulted
because no permanent trading post or settlement had been es-
tablished. In the interior along the Columbia river, the In-
dians had met a few explorers but the contact was very much
less than that along the coast.

The increased intercourse which followed the date 1811 was
due to the organized effort of well established companies to
exploit the most obvious natural resources of the region.

The elimination in 1813 of the American company and in
1821 of the "Northwesters" gave the control into the hands of
the highly favored and highly organized Hudson's Bay Com-
pany. Prior to the coming of the company, the character of

"The investigation of this subject was begun in the Seminar of Dr. Herbert
E. Bolton, University of California. Through his aid and that of Dr. J. Franklin
Jameson the documents were obtained upon which this paper is based.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 47

the Indians in a large part of the interior had been deter-
mined. Along the main ridge of the Rocky Mountains the
hostile Indians made the gathering of beaver an extremely
dangerous occupation; in the Flathead, Kutenai, Spokane,
Okanogan regions, peace was the general rule; the Snake
Valley was famous for its dangers ; the Indians at the portages
of the Columbia River were at first very bothersome but they
were taught to accept the presents given them for their ser-
vices, and not to commit robberies; the Wallawalla, Nez
Perces, and the Cayuse appear to have been neither so thievish
as the "portage" Indians nor so fierce as the Blackfeet and
the mountain Snake, nor so friendly as the Indians of the Flat-
head and the Spokane country; as for the Indians of the
eastern part of Oregon, southwestern Oregon, and the Puget
Sound country — their attitude toward the traders was little
known to the "Northwesters."

Although the North West Company established a number
of forts, and conducted "brigades" into the Snake country
the organization was not so complete as that of the Hudson's
Bay Company in the period between 1824 and 1836. It was
during this period that the company developed its trade over
the greatest extent of territory west of the Rocky Mountains.
Within the Pacific Northwest they came into contact with
a number of groups of natives not met by the early com-
panies and increased their dealings with those already known.
The Snake expeditions met the dangerous Modoc and the
mountain Snake. The southern "brigade" passed through
southwestern Oregon where the Indians were by reputation
hostile. Forts were now established in the Puget Sound
country, where the Indians were found to be peaceable. Farther
north on Vancouver Island a strong fort was necessary to
protect the traders against unfriendly Indians.

The missionary efforts — that introduced into the region a
group of men whose main purpose in life was to help the
Indians to become a civilized, settled people through religion

48 C. F. COAN

and agriculture — were organized in 1834, 1836, 1838, and
1841, preceding the period of the coming of the American
settlers by a few years, and at the beginning of the decline
in the quantity of beaver procured by the trappers, and the
decline in price. Both Whitman and De Smet felt that the
flood of emigrants would flow into the country long before
the work of teaching the Indians the ways of settled life could
be accomplished, which proved to be the case.

Before the Annexation of Texas and the Mexican Cession
there was no outlet for the frontier population so desirable as
Oregon. This resulted in an immigration across the Plains to
the Pacific Northwest between 1842 and 1847 of about seven
thousand people. The influx of this population, and the delay
of the United States in organizing the territorial government
of Oregon until 1849, resulted in the occupation of the Wil-
lamette Valley by settlers without any provision whatsoever
being made for the Indians. The western Indians were not
strong enough to prevent the settlement of their country. The
Indians east of the Cascade Mountains, however, were of a
different type. They refused to allow settlers to stop in the
interior; emigrants must go on to the coast. This feeling
against the settlers, and a desire to drive them out of the
country, resulted in the Whitman Massacre and the Cayuse
Indian War. The population had arrived before the military
protection of the Federal government. This, together with
the fact that during the period of settlement, 1842-1847, there
was no government, other than a provisional one, organized
by the settlers, resulted in a conflict over the occupation of
the land prior to the organization of the territorial government
by the United States.

Indian relations in Oregon had thus reached a rather ad-
vanced stage at the time the United States took up the matter
of adopting an Indian policy and yet the Commissioner of
Indian Affairs wrote to I. I. Stevens that there was very little
information in the Indian Office, May 3, 1853, on the subject

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 49

of Indian affairs in the newly created territory of Washington.
Lack of interest in the subject, distance from the seat of gov-
ernment, and the difficulty of obtaining information, must be
called in to explain this fact. It is clear that the Indians had
had extended contact with the whites, and I think it is probably
true that they had determined to eliminate the Americans from
the interior of the country.

THE ADMINISTRATION OF JOSEPH LANE

When the territory of Oregon was organized, March 2,
1849, the Federal government took over the management of
Indian affairs. During the term of the first governor, Joseph
Lane, recommendations were made for the removal of all the
Indians west of the Cascade Mountains to the country east
of those mountains. The few difficulties that occurred were
promptly settled.

The Act creating the territory provided that the governor
should be, ex-officio, superintendent of Indian affairs ; that
the rights of the Indians and the authority of the Federal gov-
ernment over them should be the same as previous to the
passage of the Act ; and that $10,000 be appropriated for
presents to the Indians and pay for the messengers sent to
Congress by the provisional government of Oregon.1 Of this
sum, $3000 was used for Indian purposes.2 In order that
agents be appointed, it was necessary that a provision be
made for them by an Act of Congress, but the Secretary
of the Interior could appoint sub-agents. Since Congress
did not provide for agents, the Secretary of the Interior ap-
pointed three sub-agents for Oregon Territory.3 A further
appropriation of $10,000 for Indian purposes in Oregon was
authorized by Congress, May 15, 1850.4 In urging that this
appropriation be made, the delegate from Oregon, Samuel
Thurston, stated that it was necessary that presents be made
to the Indians of the Willamette Valley to keep them quiet
until the government purchased their rights to the land. No

i "An Act to Establish the Territorial Government of Oregon. An*. 14, 1848.
Statuses at Large, IX, 323.

a "Indians in Oregon," Congretnonol Globe. Mar. a*, 1850, 31 Cong., I
Seta., p. 58*.

3 Secretary of the Interior, Annual Report. Dec, 3, 1849 (Serial 570. Doc. 5),
p. 15.

4 "An Act to Supply Deficiencies in Appropriation*. " May 15. 1830. Stohttn
at Large, IX, 4*7.

50 C. F. COAN

further provision was made for the Indian service prior to the
Act of June 5, 1850, which constituted the Indian policy of
Samuel Thurston.5

Shortly after Lane's arrival, March 2, 1849, large numbers
of the Willamette Valley Indians visited him expecting pres-
ents and pay for their lands, which the settlers had promised
them when the representative of the "Great Father," the Presi-
dent, should arrive. The Indians were greatly disappointed to
find that there had been no provision made to pay them for
their lands, but since they were not strong enough to enforce
their demands, they could merely continue to repeat them.6

Outside the Willamette Valley, Indian troubles were suc-
cessfully managed. These were more numerous than formerly
due to the steady increase in the number of whites and the
beginning of settlements along the Columbia River, in the
Puget Sound country, and in the valleys of southwestern
Oregon.

Lane held a council, April, 1849, with some of the interior
Indians at The Dalles for the purpose of making presents to
them and establishing friendly relations which would protect
the emigrants from attacks on their way down the Columbia,
and keep the Indians from joining the hostile Cayuse against
the settlers. The Cayuse were informed that they must either
surrender those guilty of the Whitman Massacre, or be ex-
terminated.7 The Indians gathered at The Dalles agreed to
maintain peaceful relations with the whites, in and passing
through their country. Presents to the amount of two hundred
dollars were distributed among them. Incidentally, at this time,
Lane brought to a close a tribal war between the Wallawalla
and the Yakima Indians.8

After the meeting at The Dalles, Lane visited the Cowlitz
Indians. While there, he received word that Wallace, an
American settler, had been killed by the Snoqualmu Indians
near Fort Nisqually. A company of the regular army forces,
which had recently arrived in the territory, was immediately

"Indians in Oregon," ot>. tit., p. 583.

5 ailuicuio ill v-'i v^vii, vy . (.»*., y. 3WO'

6 Joseph Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, C. I. A., A. R.,
'ov. 27, 1850 (Serial SQJ, Doc. i), p. 156, first paging. The abbreviation "C. I.

n., A. R.," is used for, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report.

7 Message of the Governor of Oregon Territory Transmitted to the Legislative
Assembly, May 7, 1850, p. 2.

8 Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, op. cit., p. 156, first paging.

Nov
A

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 51

stationed at Fort Steilacom,9 and an Indian sub-agent was sent
to the district, May, 1849, to obtain the surrender of the guilty
Indians. The sub-agent offered a reward for the capture of
the murderers of Wallace which caused the Snoqualmu Indians
to deliver to the military authorities several of their tribe.
These Indians were tried by a territorial court, and two of them
were found guilty and hanged. Lane believed that this punish-
ment of the Indians for an offence against the whites had the
effect of making them fear the Americans, which was necessary
for the peace of the scattered, unprotected settlements.10

In the spring of 1850, the standing hostilities between the
war party of the Cayuse Indians and the whites was brought to
a close by the surrender of the Indians who had led the attack
upon the Waiilatpu Mission. In February, Lane received
information from the Hudson's Bay Company's post, Fort
Walla Walla, that the Indians had agreed to give up the mur-
derers.11 Their decision may have been due to the increase in
the number of soldiers in the country. The Regiment of
Mounted Riflemen arrived in Oregon in the fall of 1849. Five
of the Cayuse Indians were taken to Oregon City for trial.
They were convicted and hanged, June 3, 1850. The Cayuse
had thus accepted the terms of the government. The respect
for Americans was increased among the Indians of the in-
terior, and the prestige of the Cayuse among the tribes of
upper Oregon was greatly diminished.

Lane's last important dealing with the Indians outside of
the Willamette Valley was a peace treaty with a band of one
hundred and fifty Indians in the upper Rogue River Valley.
In the spring of 1850 a party of miners, who were returning
from California, were robbed at the ferry of Rogue River.12
They requested that Lane attempt to recover the gold dust
which the Indians had stolen. Lane visited the Indians and
the peace treaty which was made provided that the Indians
should restore all stolen property, and that whites passing
through the country should not be molested. The Indians

9 Adjutant General, Annual Report, Nov. 28, 1849 (Serial $49. Doc. i), p. 181.

10 Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849. op. cit.. p. 156, first paging,
n Message of the Governor . . . , May 7, 1850, p. 3.

13 Lane, Narratives, MS. (Bancroft Collection), p. 90.

52 C. F. COAN

were promised that any lands settled upon by newcomers
would be paid for by the government, and that an agent would
be sent among them to care for their interests. Lane gave to
each member of the band a paper, signed "Jo Lane," for the
purpose of informing the whites that these Indians had made
a peace treaty with the government.13 No further trouble
occurred in this vicinity until the fall of the following year.

Thus, the governor, in his ex-officio duties as the superin-
tendent of Indian affairs, succeeded in establishing and main-
taining amicable relations between the races. No policy was
adopted further than that involved in making peace treaties
with the Indians, in giving presents to them, and in prompt
punishment for offences committed by the Indians against the
settlers.

A statement of the complaints of the Indians living in the
Willamette Valley was made by Lane in a report to the gov-
ernment, April 9, 1849. The Indians stated that the whites
had taken their lands, brought sickness among them, and killed
off the game. In return, they had received only promises that
the government would pay them for their lands. In order to
remove these causes for dissatisfaction, Lane recommended that
the government buy their lands, and locate them out of the
settlements. No suggestion was made as to where or how
they should be removed, but the opinion held by Lane was,
that there was no longer a place for them in the Willamette
Valley.14

Lane recommended in his message to the legislative as-
sembly of Oregon Territory, July 17, 1849, that they memo-
rialize Congress for the removal of the Willamette Valley
Indians. He stated that the Indians whom he had visited in
the valley, as well as in other parts, were well disposed toward
the whites and desirous of selling their rights to the land;
and that the Indians of the Willamette Valley should be re-
moved to some district remote from the settlements, because
the destruction of the roots, grasses, and game by the settlers in
the valley forced the Indians either to Steal or starve.15

13 Victor, The Early Indian Wars of Oregon, p. 260.

14 Lane to the Secretary of War, April 9, 1849, Message from the President
. . . in answer to a resolution of the Senate, calling for further information
in relation to the formation of a state government in California; and also, in
Oregon, May 22, 1850 (Serial 561, Doc. 52), p. 5.

15 Message of Governor Lan«, July 17, 1849, Ibid., p. 7.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST

Following the recommendation of the governor, the legisla-
tive assembly memorialized Congress, July 20, 1849, for the
purchase of the Indians' rights to the land ; and for the re-
moval of the Indians from the district needed for settlement,
namely: the Willamette Valley. The memorial also stated
that the Indians had been promised payment for their lands,
and that it was the custom of the government to pay the Indians
prior to the settlement of a region. Three reasons were given
for the need of removing the Indians from the settlements:
the absence of a large number of the men of the valley, who
had gone to the California mines ; the moral and civil interests
of the communities ; and the necessity of some humane pro-
vision for these Indians by the government, in some place
remote from the settlements, since they were no longer able
to take care of themselves, and were degenerating through con-
tact with the whites. The conclusion was that the Indians
should be colonized in some region distant from the growing
population of the Willamette Valley.16

For the Indian service in Oregon, Lane suggested the es-
tablishment of two agencies : one for the Puget Sound region,
and one for the Grande Ronde Valley in upper Oregon; and
two sub-agencies : one in the Umpqua Valley, and one near
Fort Hall. This plan would have placed representatives of
the Indian bureau along the emigrant trail in the interior of
Oregon, as well as in the Puget Sound country, and the valley
south of the Willamette Valley.17

THE CONGRESSIONAL POLICY OF THE ACT OF JUNE 5, 1850

While I^ane was dealing with the Indians in Oregon and
making recommendations for the future treatment of the
Indians, Samuel Thurston, the delegate to Congress from
Oregon, was planning to have all the Indians west of the
Cascade Mountains moved to the country east of those moun-
tains. The Secretary of the Interior, December 3, 1849, urged
Congress to make an appropriation for the conduct of Indian
affairs irr Oregon, and to authorize the appointment of a num-

16 Memorial of thg legislature of Oregon praying for Ike ertinguiskmtnt of
the Indian title . . . July an, 1849 (Serial 593. Doc. $), p. t.

if Lane to the Secretary of War, Oct. 13, 1849, op. fit., p. 161. firtt paging.

54 C. F. COAN

her of agents,18 but Thurston was evidently not satisfied with
only more appropriations and more agents. During the early
part of 1850, he wrote:

The Committee on Indian Affairs in the Senate have the
subject of extinguishing the Indian title to lands in Oregon
before them, and have promised me to report a bill soon for
the extinguishment of their title to all of that part of Oregon
lying west of the Cascade Mountains, and for the removal of
the Indians east of those mountains. I am in hopes that it
will pass Congress in the course of next summer, and all the
country at present and for some time to come, needed for
settlement, will be thrown open to the immigrant and thus the
first pre-requisite step will have been taken preparatory to the
final disposition of the soil.19

It was, thus, planned to extinguish the Indian title before
donating lands to settlers.

The Act of Congress of June 5, 1850, provided for the
negotiation of treaties, and the reorganization of the Indian
services, in Oregon. Three commissioners were to be ap-
pointed with the authority to treat with the Indians west of
the Cascade Mountains ; for their lands, and for their removal
to lands east of those mountains. An appropriation of $20,-
000 was authorized to pay the expenses of the commission.
The law also provided for the extension of the laws regulating
trade and intercourse with the Indians east of the Rocky
Mountains to the Indians in Oregon ; the creation of the office
of superintendent of Indian affairs of Oregon, thus separating
these duties from the duties of the office of governor; and
the appointment of three agents.20 It was understood that
three sub-agents would be appointed as formerly. Thurston
stated that this act provided for the efficent management of
the Indians and made it certain that there would not be the
least trouble with them in the future.21

Nineteen treaties were made with the Indians of the region
west of the Cascade Mountains in 1851. The officials found
that the Indians would not agree to move to eastern Oregon.

18 The Secretary of the Interior, Annual Report, Dec. 3, 1849 (Serial 570,
Doc. S). P.

19 T. T. fohnson, California and Oregon, p. 266.

20 "An Act Authorizin

:ing the Negotiation of Treaties . . .," June 5, 1850,
Statutes at Large, IX, 437.

21 Johnson, op. cit., Appendix, p. 332.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 55

The officers, then adopted the plan of allowing them reserva-
tions of a part of their tribal lands. This course did not carry
out the plan of removing the Indians from the settlements.
The result was, that the treaties were not ratified. In 1853,
the problem of providing for the Indians and extinguishing
the Indian title was not any nearer a solution than in 1850.
The early policy was a complete failure. During these years
conflicts became more numerous as the settlements spread to
the regions north and south of the Willamette Valley.

The following instructions were issued to John P. Gaines,
Alonzo A. Skinner, and Beverly S. Allen, October 15, 1850,
who had been appointed, under the Act of June 5, 1850, as
commissioners to treat with the Indians of western Oregon.
They were instructed to purchase; first, the lands of the
Willamette Valley, and then the others west of the Cascade
Mountains ; to treat with the tribes separately ; to gain the
consent of the Indians to move to lands in eastern Oregon ;
and to pay for the lands a nominal price in five per cent
annuities in the form of beneficial objects and provisions for
education.22

Six treaties were made by these commissioners in April and
May, 1851, prior to the receipt of information that the treaty
commission had been abolished by an Act of Congress, Feb-
ruary 27, 1851.

The Santiam and the Tualatin band of the Kalapuya tribe
were treated with by the commissioners at Champoeg, Oregon,
April 16 and 19, 1851. They agreed to cede their lands lying
along both sides of the Willamette River, south of Oregon City.
The Indians were approached early in the negotiations on the
subject of removal to eastern Oregon, but they firmly refused
to agree to such a plan. Their reasons were: that they did
not wish to leave the graves and lands of their forefathers
where they wished to be buried ; and that the country east of
the Cascade Mountains was an unknown land to them, where
they would starve due to their ignorance of the foods in that
region. The commissioners finally agreed to allow these
Indians certain lands in the foothills on each side of the
Willamette Valley. In justification of this action, it was

22 The Acting Commissioner of Indian Affair* to Gaines, Oct. 15, 1850,
C. I. A,, A. R., Nov. aj, 1850 (Serial 595, Doc. i), p. 146-

56 C. F. COAN

stated that the Indian laborers were indispensable to the settle-
ments on account of the scarcity of workmen.23

Two bands of the Molala Indians, and the Yamhill and
Lakmiut bands of the Kalapuya tribe, made four treaties with
the commissioners, May 14, 1851. The Indians refused to
move east of the Cascade Mountains and demanded cash pay-
ment for their lands. The upper and lower Molala agreed to
accept as pay for their lands, the sum of $42,000, in twenty
annual installments, one third of each payment to be in cash,
and two thirds in goods. The Indians were to be allowed
reservations of a part of the cessions of lands which they
made. In the case of the Yamhill band, they were advised to
move west of the Coast Range since their lands had been so
completely occupied by settlers that it would be impossible to
provide a reservation of sufficient size, of their tribal lands,
to support them.24

The policy concerning the western Indians of Oregon as
formulated by Thurston was not followed in the treaties of
the commissioners. In the place of the Thurston policy, they
adopted a plan of their own, which allowed the Indians to
remain in the Willamette Valley. They urged that the treaties
should be ratified on the grounds that the treaties procured
a valuable territory and justly compensated the Indians.25
These treaties were not ratified. The delegate from Oregon,
at the time that they came before the Senate was Joseph Lane.
It is not probable that they had his support, because the
treaties did not provide for the removal of the Willamette
Valley Indians which he had recommended when governor of
Oregon. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs did not oppose
their ratification nor did he advise it. He stated that the
treaties contained, "Novel provisions the practical operation
of which could not be foreseen."26

23 The Treaty Commissioners to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April
19, 1851, C. I. A., A. R., Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial 636, Doc. 2), p. 467.

24 Ibid., p. 469.

25 Ibid., p. 471.

26 The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial
636, Doc. 2), p. 271. There exists:

"A copy of a treaty (April 16, 1851), negotiated by Gaines, Skinner, and
Allen at Champoeg with subordinate chiefs of the Santiam band of the Callapooya
Indians, with a journal of the proceedings. Treaty 5 pp.; Journal 62 pp.

"A copy of a treaty (April 19, 1851), negotiated by Gaines, Skinner, and
Allen at Cnampoeg with the Twalty band of Callapooya Indians. 7 pp.

No treaties were found dated May 14, 1851, which were made by the com-
missioners with the Molala and bands of the Kalapuya Indians. Letter from Dr.
J. Franklin Jameson, Feb. 23, 1917.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 57

Anson Dart was appointed to the office of superintendent
of Indian affairs, which was created by the Act of June 5,

1850. He continued the policy of holding councils with the
Indians of the interior, which White and Lane had adopted.
The Act which abolished the office of the treaty commissioners,
February 27, 1851, transferred the duties of the commission
to the superintendent of Indian affairs. In the summer of

1851, he made thirteen treaties with the Indians of western
Oregon, in which he allowed the same terms that had been
included in the treaties made by the commissioners, namely:
a reservation of a part of each cession for the Indians making
the sale, and payments in cash and beneficial objects.

The superintendent of Indian affairs for Oregon was in-
structed to pay special attention to the work of civilizing the
Indians. This was to be accomplished through the encourage-
ment of agriculture among the Indians, cooperation between
the missionaries and the Indian service, the suppression of the
whiskey trade, and the prevention of wars among the Indian
tribes. In commenting on the general Indian situation the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs wrote: "The rapid increase
of our population, its onward march from the Missouri frontier
westward, and from the Pacific east, steadily lessening and
closing up the intervening space, renders it certain that there
remains to the red man but one alternative — early civilization
or gradual extinction."27

Anson Dart held three councils in June, 1851, with the
Indians of upper Oregon. He had promised some of the
Wasco, Klikitat, and Cascade Indians in the fall of 1850 that
he would visit them. These Indians had become alarmed on
account of the rumor that the western Indians were to be
moved into their country, and the beginning of settlements,
along the Columbia River. Another source of trouble in the
upper Oregon country was the unfriendly relations which ex-
isted between the Nez Perces and the Shoshoni. At the council
with the Columbia River Indians at The Dalles, June 5, 1851,

27 The Commissioner of Indian Affair* to Anson Dart. July jo. 1850. in
C. I. A., A. R., NOY. 27, 1850 (Serial 595. Doc. i). p. U9-

58 C. F. COAN

the subjects discussed were the removal of the western Indians
into eastern Oregon, and pay for the lands taken by the settlers.
The Indians objected to having the western Indians brought
into their country on the grounds that the western Indians
would bring disease among them, and that their customs were
different. Dart quieted their fears on this score by inform-
ing them that the government would not force the removal of
the Willamette Valley Indians, who had refused to leave their
native lands. As to pay for their lands, the superintendent
promised them that they would be paid for their rights to
the land. The second council was held in the Walla Walla
Valley with the Cayuse Indians, June 20, 1851. Expressions
of friendship were exchanged, and arrangements were made
for the establishment of an agency on the Umatilla River.
The third council was held with the Nez Perces, June 27,
1851. The superintendent feasted the Indians who expressed
themselves as friendly towards the whites.28 The Nez Perces
agreed to postpone their attack upon the Shoshoni.29 The
plan of holding councils with the Indians of upper Oregon
preserved the peace of that part of the territory fairly well, as
long as there were few settlers in the region.

Upon returning from the interior, Anson Dart continued
the work of making treaties with the Indians west of the
Cascade Mountains. He submitted a report and thirteen trea-
ties, November 7, 1851. These were received by the Commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs, January 10, 1852, and sent to the
Senate, by the President, August 3, 1852, where they were
read and ordered printed. These treaties were not ratified.
They may be divided into three groups, as follows : the Tansey
Point treaties, which included ten of the thirteen, the two
treaties made at Port Orford, and the one with the Clackamas
Indians.30

The Tansey Point treaties were made with ten small bands
of the Chinook Indians, numbering in all about 320 Indians.
The territory ceded stretched along the Pacific Coast from

28 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct. 3, 1851, in C. I. A., A. R.
Nov. 27, 1851 (Serial 636, Doc. 2), p. 479.

29 Bancroft, History of Oregon, II, 217, note.

30 Interior Department, Indian Affairs Office, "Anson Dart submits 13
treaties negotiated with Indians of Oregon, also his report relative thereto," Nov.
7, 1851, Archives. (Photostat copies of the report and five of the treaties are in
the Bancroft Collection), Appendix A.

[The references refer to the page numbers of the photostat copies in the
Bancroft Collection.]

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 59

Shoalwater Bay to Tillamook Bay, a distance of one hundred
miles, and extended back from the coast about sixty miles.

The treaty with the Lower Band of Chinook was made at
Tansey Point, August 9, 1851, by Anson Dart, H. H. Spalding,
and J. L. Parrish. These Indians ceded a small area on the
north side of the entrance to the Columbia River, and reserved
for their own use lands that they were occupying at the time,
which reserve was to continue during the lifetime of the
Indians signing the treaty. It was also provided that Wash-
ington Hall should be removed from the reservation. As pay
for the cession, the Indians were to receive an annuity of
$2,000 for ten years, $400 of which was to be in money and
the remainder in clothing, food, tools, cooking utensils, tobacco,
soap, and ammunition.31

The Wheelappa band of Chinook Indians were treated with
August 9, 1851, by Anson Dart and his assistants at Tansey
Point. The region ceded lay between the Pacific at Shoalwater
Bay and the Cowlitz Valley, and between lands claimed by
the Chehalis Indians on the north and the Chinook tribes that
bordered the Columbia River on the south. The treaty provided
that the region ceded should be a reservation for the Chinook
and Chehalis Indians, in case the majority of these Indians
agreed to move to this location within a year. In consideration
for accepting this central reservation, it was agreed that the
government would establish an agency, manual labor school,
blacksmith shop, and a farm on this reserve. The Indians were
to receive an annuity of $300 for ten years. Of this sum, $150
was to be in money and the rest in goods. This treaty included
the lands of the Quille-que-oqua band of Chinook and must be
counted as two to account for the ten stated to have been made
with the bands of the Chinook Indians.32

Concerning these two bands, Dart said that only two males,
and several females and children remained of the bands. The
cession extended twenty miles along the coast and forty miles
into the interior. At this time there was no white man located

31 Ibid., pp. 1 6 ff.
33 Ibid., pp. 19 ff.

60 C. F. COAN

on the purchase. As for the general reservation, the provision
was made to satisfy some of the citizens of Oregon. Dart had
not the slightest expectation that any of the Indians would leave
their accustomed places and take up a residence on the reserva-
tion within the year required by the treaty. At the expiration
of that time the area would become a part of the public domain,
in case the Indians refused to occupy it.33

The Waukikum band of Chinook Indians made a treaty at
Tansey Point, August 8, 1851, with Anson Dart, in which they
ceded lands lying along the north bank of the Columbia River,
between the cessions of the Lower Band of Chinook and the
Konniack Indians, and overlapping that of the Wheelappa
band of Chinook. The reservations consisted of their places
of residence at the time the treaty was made. An annuity of
$700 for ten years was to be paid in the following manner:
$100 in cash, and the remainder in goods.34

The Konniack band of Chinook Indians concluded a treaty
with Anson Dart, August 8, 1851, at Tansey Point. The
cession made by these Indians lay in two parts ; one on the
north side of the Columbia River which included the western
part of the Cowlitz Valley, and one on the south side of the
Columbia, west and south of that river. A reservation was
made of the lands occupied by these Indians at Oak Point.
The compensation for these lands was an annuity for ten years
of $1,050, of which $150 was to be money, while the rest
was to be goods.35

The information concerning the other eight treaties made by
Anson Dart is limited to his report on the treaties. No trace
of these treaties could be found in the Indian Office Archives.

The Klatskania band of Chinook Indians formerly had oc-
cupied the lands claimed by the Kooniack south of the Co-
lumbia. At the time the treaties were made, they claimed a
region south of the Konniack cession, that is, the land lying
to the north and west of the mouth of the Willamette River.
There were only three men and five women remaining of a

33 Ibid., p. 9-

34 Ibid., PP. ai ff.

35 Ibid., pp. 24 ff.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 61

band that in former times, according to Dart, had forced
tribute from the Indians and the whites who passed up or
down the Columbia River, it being impossible for the Hudson's
Bay Company to pass with less than sixty armed men. They
ceded their lands, but the terms of the treaty are not available.3*

The Kathlamet band of Chinook Indians ceded a region
along the south side of the Columbia. The cession had a
frontage on the Columbia of forty miles from Ah-pin-pin Point
and extended into the interior about twenty miles. Astoria was
located on this purchase. The reservations consisted of two
small islands in the Columbia River.37

Wallooska, the only survivor of a band of Chinook Indians
formerly of some importance ceded lands lying between those
claimed by the Kathlamet and those ceded by the Clatsop,
including the valley of the Lewis and Clark River.38

The Clatsop band of Chinook, at first, refused to sell unless
the ships and mills were removed from the country. Later
they agreed to cede their lands if they were allowed two res-
ervations of about one hundred square miles each, but finally
they accepted a reservation at Point Adams which was three
and one half miles in length, two miles wide at the north end,
and one mile wide at the southern end. They complained of
the injustice of the government in not paying them for their
lands. The cession was said to contain five hundred thousand
acres.39

The Tillamook band of Chinook Indians ceded the region
south of the Clatsop cession, the Tillamook Bay country. The
superintendent of Indian affairs stated that there were no
settlers in this region at the time the treaty was made, that
the lands were good, and that it would, no doubt, be rapidly
settled.40

The two treaties made with the Port Orford Indians seem
to have ceded the area between the Rogue River and the
Coquille River. Dart stated that the Coquille Indians, who
had murdered T'Vault's party, lived north of the Coquille

36 Ibid., p. it.
— "-'-» -

37 Ibid., p.

38 Ibid., p. i».

39 Ibid., p. 2.

40 Ibid., p. u.

62 C. F. COAN

River and were not included in the treaties made at Port
Orford. The Indians had had very little intercourse with the
whites, and had very little knowledge of the value of goods
or money, but it was believed that they would carry out the
provisions of the treaty in every particular. About five hun-
dred Indians were included in these treaties. Dart stated that
it was important that these treaties should be made because
the region would be rapidly settled due to the location near
the gold mines, the agricultural advantages, the cedar forests,
and the good harbors.41

The treaty with the Clackamas Indians provided for the
cession of lands lying along the south side of the Columbia
River and east of the Willamette River. It included the valleys
of the Clackamas and Sandy Rivers. This treaty was con-
sidered the most important of those made by Anson Dart, be-
cause the region was in the most thickly settled part of Oregon.
There were twenty mills operating in this region in the fall of
1851. The town of Milwaukee was located on the cession.
At the beginning of the negotiations, the Indians made unrea-
sonable demands but finally agreed to accept the terms offered
by the superintendent.42

Three causes for objection to the thirteen treaties were
mentioned by Dart. In the treaty with the Lower Band of
the Chinook, the removal of Washington Hall, which the
Indians demanded, was considered a possible objection. To
this, Dart held that the removal of an obnoxious whiskey
dealer was hardly a valid cause for non-ratification. The sec-
ond objection was the reservation at Point Adams desired by
the Clatsop band of Chinook Indians where two or three
settlers had claims. The superintendent stated that the Indians
refused to sell this region and he thought that they were en-
titled to the district as a home. The third reason for non-
ratification was the informality in the negotiation of the Clack-
amas treaty, having been made by Dart acting alone. H. H.
Spalding and Beverly S. Allen had been designated by the Act

41 Ibid., pp. 13

42 Ibid., pp. 13

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 63

of February 17, 1851, to serve with Dart in making treaties.
Spalding had been removed and his successor had not been
authorized to assist in making treaties, and Beverly S. Allen
had declined the office.43

Probably the reasons for the non- ratification of the treaties
were other than the objections raised to them by Dart. The
fact that in most cases they were made with insignificant bands
was probably the strongest objection to them. They did not
carry out the Indian policy of Lane and Thurston, which
planned for the removal of the western Indians to lands east
of the Cascade Mountains, but gave reservations of the tribal
lands. There also seems to have been objection to the amount
of annuities allowed the Chinook bands.

Dart stated that the plan for the removal of the western
Indians to lands east of the Cascade Mountains as provided
for in the Act of June 5, 1850, had been found impossible by
the treaty commissioners, Gaines, Skinner, and Allen, although
they had made every effort to obtain the consent of the
Willamette Valley Indians to the plan. The superintendent
believed that the Indians were more industrious than other
Indians of the United States. He stated that they did the
boating on the rivers, made all the rails for fencing, and did
the greater part of the labor on the farms, and worked for
lower wages than it was possible to obtain white laborers. For
these reasons he thought that it was better not to remove them.
The Indians treated with by Dart recognized the power of
the government to exterminate them, but they said that they
would suffer this rather than leave the graves of their band.
It was this attachment to their native region that caused the
superintendent to believe that the central reservation scheme
was impractical.44

The Indians would not accept annuities unless they were
paid within ten years. They said that unless they were paid
soon that the whites would have the lands for nothing. They
believed that their bands would become extinct within ten

43 Ibid pp. 7

44 Ibid., pp. 7

64 C. F. COAN

years. Contrary to instructions, the treaties provided for part
of the annuities to be paid in cash. This the Indians demanded.
Dart stated that money or clothing in excess of the yearly
needs of the Indians would be worse than thrown away. In
the case of the Chinook bands clothing was provided for
every adult of each band. Flour was provided to give a little
variety to their fish diet which Dart thought the cause of some
of the sickness among them. Tools and utensils were in-
cluded in the annuities to assist them in living and working.

In every case, the entire band was present at the time the
treaty was made, and every man, woman, and child was made
to understand the terms of the treaty. There was, therefore,
no chance for the complaint that only a portion of the band
was present and a party to the treaty. The Indians, in every
case, were satisfied with the conditions of the treaty.45

No more treaties were made during Dart's term of office.
He had promised the Indians of the upper Umpqua and the
upper Rogue River Valley that he would treat with them but
this was indefinitely postponed on account of the lack of
money.46 In the latter part of October, 1852, Dart was in-
formed by the Commissioner of Indian Affairs that the treaties
had been practically rejected by the Senate, and he was in-
structed to make no more treaties until the general policy of
the government should be determined.47 In his annual report
for 1851 the Commissioner recommended larger appropriations
and an assistant commissioner of Indian affairs for the Pacific
Coast region. He did not commit himself on the question of
the ratification of the treaties.48 In his report for 1852, he
assumed that the policy adopted in the treaties had been
abandoned by the government. Thus, by December, 1852, the
Federal government, the people, and the Indian officials, con-
sidered that the treaties had been finally rejected. Dart had
complained in his reports that he was unable to explain to the
Indians the delay in the fulfilling of the treaties, and that

an am

clothjnM ., ._

clothing, provisions, and other articles; and reservations were set aside at Clatsop
Point, Woody and Cathlamet Islands, and Shoalwater Bay. The Port Orford
treaties made in September, 1851, provided that the Indians should receive $28,500
in ten annual installments of supplies. Bancroft, History of Oregon, II. 217.

46 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Sept. 23, 1852, C. I. A., A. R.,
Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial 658, Doc. i), p. 446.

47 Bancroft, History of Oregon, II. 245.

4& The Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, Nov. 30, 1852 (Serial
658, Doc. i). p. 301.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 65

the Indian situation was made more serious by the postpone-
ment of ratification.49

In 1854, conjectures were made in the Senate as to why the
treaties had not been ratified. It was stated that it might
have been due to the large appropriations which were required
under them. Houston stated that the treaties contained ob-
jectional provisions, that they were made with insignificant
tribes, and that there was no apparent restriction in several of
the treaties.50 There may be some obscurity about the exact
terms of some of the treaties, and some difficulty in determin-
ing the exact reasons for their non-ratification, but of this we
are certain — the plan of Thurston for the removal of the
Indians west of the Cascade Moutains to lands east of those
mountains ended in complete failure, which was due to the
absurdity of the plan. To have moved the western Indians
into eastern Oregon would have meant to have exterminated
them.

APPENDIX

Oregon Superintendency, D. 3/52
Anson Dart

Oregon City Nov. 7, 1851, Sub-
mits 13 treaties negotiated with
Indians of Oregon. Also his report
relative thereto.

(Treaties)

Informal inquiry made at Senate
shows that treaties were received
there from President Aug. 3/52,
read and ordered printed, and there
all trace is lost. (Never ratified.)

Christiancy

April 1888
Reed. Jany. 10, 1852

49 Dart to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Sept. 23, 1852. in C. I. A.,
A. R., Nov. 30, 1853 (Serial 658. Doc. i, p. 447).

50 "Indian Appropriation Bill," Congrtsnonal Globt. Mar. 24. 1854, 33 Cong.,
i Sen., p. 744-

66 C. F. COAN

Copy sent with treaties to Sec. of
Int 21 Aug 1852

File

Office of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs
Oregon City O. T. November 7th 1851.

Hon. L. Lea

Commissioner of Indian Affairs

Sir:

You have herewith, thirteen Indian Treaties; which cede to
the United States more than Six Million acres of land, lying
upon both sides of the Columbia River, upon the Willamette
River ; and upon the Pacific Coast — west of the Cascade range
of Mountains in Oregon. The Treaties concluded at Tansey-
Point (near the mouth of the Columbia) cover a tract of
over one hundred miles on the Pacific, running back along
the Columbia about sixty miles ; the country was owned by ten
small Tribes of Chinook Indians, numbering in all, about
three hundred and twenty souls. The Clatsops, who were
the first treated with; interposed many objections to parting
with their country upon any terms ; they made many long
and loud complaints, at the injustice done them by the Gov-
ernment; who they said had taken possession of their lands
without paying them, had allowed the white people — many
years since — to occupy and buy and sell their country, for
which they had received no equivalent; pointing to instances
where farms had been sold for from two to six thousand
dollars, upon which lands the whites were making "much
money." Their first demands of the Government notwith-
standing their anxiety to get their pay — were very unreason-
able. They assured me that they would not "talk" until I
would stop the ships from coming into the Columbia, and
destroy two sawmills in the Southern part of their country;
which by their noise had "frightened the fish away!" Being
assured of the impossibility of having their demands com-

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 67

plied with; and after much talk in Council, they concluded
to waive these demands, provided they could be permitted to
have two Reservations of about ten miles square each: this
being objected to in like emphatic manner: the Indians held
a consultation with neighboring Tribes which lasted two days,
and finally agreed to one Reservation, which should cover
their Burying grounds and Lodges at Point-Adams — making
a tract three and a half miles in length — two miles wide at
the north end, and one mile at the lower or south end. As
this tract had three claimants or settlers upon it, large offers
were made the Indians to place the title to all in the United
States, this they steadily declined ; leaving no alternative, but
to allow this Reservation or not treat with them for the
balance of their lands, being about five hundred thousand
acres. That part of their lands known as "Clatsop Plains"
is an open level country with a very rich soil ; nearly or quite
every acre of which is claimed and occupied by white people.
The balance of the purchase is timbered land, chiefly of the
heaviest kind, (Although it is called "timbered land" there are
some Prairies of small extent on both sides of the Columbia,)
the soil is of excellent quality for farming purposes, and from
its very advantageous situation upon the Columbia River, and
Pacific Ocean affording superior facilities for exporting its
timber, and the products of the Farmer, it cannot but prove
of immense value to the United States, this too at a day I
think, by no means far distant. The timber alluded to, is
mostly a species of Fir, growing immensely large and tall.
There are upon this purchase two never-failing mill streams
sufficiently large for any mill or manufacturing purpose,
besides these are large Springs and Springbrooks in every part
of the Country west of the Cascade Moutains.

In relation to the Conditions of the Treaties made, it is
necessary to inform you, that the habits and customs of these
fishing Indians are unlike those of any other part of our
domain. It is characteristic with them to be industrious. Al-

68 C. F. COAN

most without exception, I have found them anxious to get
employment at common labour and willing too, to work at
prices, much below that demanded by the whites. The Indians
make all the rails used in fencing, and at this time do the
greater part of the labour in farming. They also do all the
boating upon the rivers : In consideration therefore of their
usefulness as labourers in the settlements, it was believed to
be far better for the Country that they should not be removed
from the settled portion of Oregon if it were possible to do so.
As alluded to in the Act of Congress of June 5th 1850, Let
me here remark that the Treaty Commissioners, appointed
under this act, used their best exertions to persuade all, or
either of the bands in the Valley of the Willamette ; to remove
east of the Mountains ; but without success.

The poor Indians are fully aware of the rapidity with which,
as a people, they are wasting away, on this account they could
not be persuaded to fix a time, beyond ten years to receive all
of their money and pay for their lands, saying that they should
not live beyond that period. They are fully sensible of the
power of the government, admit that they can be killed and
exterminated, but say that they cannot be driven far from the
homes and graves of their Fathers. They further told me that
if compensation for their lands was much longer withheld, the
whites would have the lands for nothing.

Believing as I do, that the food used by these Indians (being
almost entirely fish) tends much towards shortening their
lives, I cannot but admit that there is great probability that
only a few years will pass e're they will all lie side by side
with their Fathers and Braves, — the tribe or tribes extinct.
When an Indian is sick, his only food is Salmon, which he must
eat, or nothing, and I have observed that few — very few, ever
recover from Sickness. Owing to their wretched food in Such
Cases, I was induced to include in their annuities, Flour and
Bread: and to protect them from storms & inclement weather
I stipulated Clothing sufficient for every adult, male and

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 60

female in all of the several tribes treated with.

You will observe that besides furnishing each band with pro-
visions, which will go far towards their yearly subsistence,
there are many useful farming tools and cooking utensils.

I am convinced that money or goods given to the Indians of
the Pacific, beyond what is absolutely necessary for their sub-
sistence from year to year, — is worse than thrown away. I
would however here remark, that in every case with the bands
treated with, they are well satisfied with the Compensation to
be given them as well as with all the Conditions and Stipula-
tions of their Several Treaties.

It may not be uninteresting to inform you, that during each
treaty concluded with the thirteen tribes, the entire band was
present, men, women and children, and all were made to fully
understand the importance and the conditions of the contract
entered into. In most cases they were extremely anxious one
and all to sign their names (make their mark) upon the Treaty.
In several cases every man living of the band, did sign, make
his mark. I mention this to show you that a difficulty often
arising in Indian Treaties, may not be looked for here. I
allude to the many cases that have occurred, where loud com-
plaints arise after a Treaty was concluded — that the greater
part of the Tribe, were not parties to, or consulted during the
Negotiation.

The lower band of Chinook Indians, which is the largest of
that tribe; have their head-quarters at what is called Chinook
point — on the Columbia ; and occupy at present, the country
on the north side of that river directly opposite that of the
Clatsops : As late as the year 1820 this point was the rendezvous
of the most powerful Nation upon the Pacific Coast ; now
wasted to a few over three hundred souls.

In going to council with this band, a difficulty arose which
they assured me must be settled, before they were ready to
"talk." They stated that one Washington Hall, a white man,
had laid claim to the ground covering their whole Village he

70 C. F. COAN

had degraded himself by marrying one of their slaves: — was
very obnoxious to all the band; sought every means to drive
them from their possessions, and had particularly annoyed
them by fencing up all the fresh water and entirely excluding
them from it, in short had done many acts, which compelled
them to demand his removal as a first consideration; and we
were obliged to agree to this requirement, or abandon negotia-
tions with them.

In continuing this subject I would here remark, that the
removal of Hall, and the Clatsop Reservation, seem to be the
only grounds for objections raised against the ratification of
these treaties : I should be sorry then, if a Whiskey trader
upon one side of the river; and the influence of two or three
settlers on a point of land which the Indians refused to sell,
upon the other, — should interfere with their ratification.

The next treaty I would speak of in detail, is the one con-
cluded with the remnant bands of Wheelappas and Quilleque-
oquas. The only males living of which tribes, are the two
signers to the treaty; there are however several females —
women and children yet living.

The tract of country purchased of them is situated on what
is known as "Shoal-water Bay" upon the Pacific having about
twenty miles of Coast and running back inland about forty
miles — bounded on the north by the country owned by the
Chehales Indians — on the east by the lands of the Cowlitz
band, — and on the south by the lower band of Chinooks. This
purchase is known to embrace a tract, equal in fertility of soil,
and quality of timber, to any portion of Oregon. It has exten-
sive and beautiful groves of the Fir and Cedar, with small
Prairies interspersed; there are also large tracts of what is
called "hard wood bottoms". The surface is gently undulat-
ing and mill streams and fine brooks abound throughout the
purchase.

You will perceive that this tract is set apart as an Indian
country, or Reserve Provided all the neighboring bands shall,

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 71

within one year consent to occupy it, and give up their tem-
porary rights of possession ; This was not done at the sugges-
tion of the Indians, but to gratify a large number of our own
people, who believed these small bands on, and adjacent to the
Coast (should suitable provision be made) could be persuaded
to live together as one band or tribe. But in my opinion, there
is not the least prospect that a single band will leave their
present homes ; in which case the country will be open for set-
tlement within one year; — at the present time there is not a
white man residing upon the purchase.

Wallooska is the only male survivor of a tribe, once of some
note. The tract purchased of him, joining the Clatsops on
the east is mainly valuable for its immense forests of and
variety of choice timber, the southern part is very hilly almost
mountainous — yet everywhere covered with the timber de-
scribed. Lewis and Clarke's river (where these travellers win-
tered) is a superior mill stream, there are others — smaller
streams in different parts all valuable for milling or agricul-
tural purposes. It is equally true of this, as of the other pur-
chases, that the soil is good and has every indication of being
susceptible of high cultivation.

The Kathlamet band of Chinooks, cede a valuable body of
land to the United States — extending from Ah-pin-pin point
forty miles along the south side of the Columbia — running
back (south) about twenty miles. Astoria and Fort George
are upon this tract. Dense forests of various kinds of valuable
timber, with small Prairies and many mill streams — are the
principal features of the Country. The great growth of timber
and underbrush here, rendered it extremely difficult for me
to examine as much of the tract as I desired, but I informed
myself very particularly from those who had made personal
inspection of it — this band reserve from sale two small Islands
in the Columbia.

The treaty with the Tillamooks secures a valuable country
resembling the Clatsop Plains — and is directly south of that

72 C. F. COAN

tract, it is very even and regular along the Coast, but approach-
ing the Mountains, it is uneven and hilly. Tillamook Bay
affords a fine harbor, with sufficient depth of water on the bar
for vessels drawing twelve feet of water; There are no less
than five considerable streams putting into the bay ; the valley
of one of which extends fifty miles along the stream, making
richest of bottom lands. Much of this purchase is open coun-
try and as far as known, without settlers. Travellers all
concur in representing it as offering equal inducements to set-
tlers with any portion of Oregon.

The lands ceded by the Waukikam and Konniack bands of
Chinooks is everywhere densely covered with timber, and has
many very valuable mill-powers upon it ; that part lying upon,
and for two or three miles back from the Columbia, is very
hilly with many bluffs and deep ravines. The balance is mod-
erately rolling, and susceptible of cultivation. The Cowlitz
river near the east side of the tract is sufficiently large for
Steamboats to the rapids fifteen miles up from the Columbia,
at the rapids it is a series of falls suitable for Milling purposes
which extend many miles interior.

The country ceded by the Konniack's upon the South side of
the Columbia is composed of flat lands adjacent to this river,
with deep, rich soil, then gradually rolling, but good farming
land extends to the bounds of the Klatskania's a distance of
about twenty miles. These lands were once owned by the
Klatskania's above mentioned, and as an instance to show the
rapidity with which the Indian upon these shores is pass-
ing away, I will relate, that this tribe was, at the first settlement
of the Hudson's Bay Company in Oregon, so warlike and
formidable that the Company's men dare not pass their pos-
sessions along the river, in less numbers than sixty armed
men ; and then often at considerable loss of life and always at
great hazard. The Indians were in the habit of enforcing
tribute upon all the neighboring tribes who passed in the river,
and disputed the right of any persons to pass them except upon

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 73

these conditions. The tribe is now reduced to three men and
five women. The face and character of their country is very
similar to that previously purchased along the river, (of the
Konn iack's).

The two treaties made at Port Orford upon the Pacific
embrace a valuable tract of Country, not only on account of
the great value of its timber, but having two good harbors
upon the Pacific, viz, at Port Orford and mouth of the
Coquille river, — in addition to the harbor at Coquille that
river is navigable for large Steamboats seventy miles interior.
The bottom lands along this stream are from ten to twenty
miles in width, and I think in fertility of Soil are not sur-
passed in the United States; the whole tract will be rapidly
settled first, on account of its proximity to the gold-mines,
again its inducements in an agricultural point, of view, and
thirdly on account of the easy access to its almost interminable
forests of Cedar. The total number of Indians living upon
this tract is ascertained to be about five Hundred souls, have
had very little intercourse with the whites, and live in an almost
entirely denuded state ; they have no idea whatever of the
value of money or many articles of use and value among other
tribes; yet it is believed that they will in every particular,
scrupulously adhere to the Contract which they have entered
into with the Government.

The Coquille Indians, of whom so much has been said, con-
nected with the murder of T'Vault's party — have not yet been
treated with ; their country lies adjacent on the north, beyond
the river bearing their name.

I will now speak of the Clackamas treaty ; the last, and de-
cidedly the most important one concluded among the thirteen
bands or tribes of Indians. It embraces a country more
thickly settled than any portion of Oregon. The flourishing
town of Milwaukee on the Willamette river, is upon the pur-
chase: and immediately on its southern border adjoining is
Oregon City, the largest town in the Territory. Woodland

74 C. F. COAN

and Prairie, conveniently situated for farms make up the
western portion of the tract, and upon the North, or Columbia
side of the country, — as well as adjoining the Willamette on the
West, are extensive and rich river bottoms, there is much of
this kind of land also on a considerable stream, washing the
base of the Cascade range of Mountains — called "Sandy
river" (which joins the Columbia near the North East part
of the purchase).

The Clackamas river, which empties into the Willamette
just below Oregon City, is a dashing, never failing stream,
upon which are many mills, affording besides these, power for
many more; there are now in operation about twenty mills in
different parts of the tract. I will mention that instances have
occurred where farming lands have been sold for fifty dollars
per acre; this was of course upon the western or best settled
portion of the purchase.

The whole eastern side of the Clackamas lands is covered
with a dense growth of Fir and Cedar timber, and has not
been much explored ; at least not sufficiently for me to give a
minute description in these papers.

I was induced to negotiate this treaty, although there was
an informality connected with it, but which I hope will not
prove a serious obstacle to its ratification. I allude to the
fact of there having been no one associated with me on the
part of the United States. In conformity to the Act of Feb-
ruary last, you did associate with me Henry H. Spaulding
and Beverly S. Allen, but the first named having been
removed and his successor not having conferred upon him the
power to act with me. — and Mr. Allen declining the Office, —
left me the responsibility of acting alone on the part of the
Government.

At first many unsuccessful efforts were made to negotiate
with them owing to demands made by them, which were un-
reasonable, and even impossible to comply with ; at several of
our meetings, they refused to sell the most valuable part of

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 75

their lands ; but at length, came and expressed their willing-
ness to be governed in their sale, entirely by my readiness to
do them justice; and would submit the matter entirely to me
as to the reservations, and other preliminaries connected with
the sale. The same terms as contained in the treaty were then
submitted to them, upon which they deliberated a few days —

then they met male person in the tribe) and

desired the treaty to be drawn up accordingly. To conclude, I
would say, that I found so many persons anxious and deeply
interested in the result, that I assumed the responsibility before
mentioned, of acting alone.

In concluding this Report I would say, that I have sought to
Embrace the principal and important features connected with
the treaties herewith submitted ; without great care as to man-
ner of arrangement.

I desire time to become more thoroughly acquainted with
each, and every band of Indians in this important and interest-
ing Section ; as well as to examine personally tracts of country
occupied by them, (portions of which have been but little
explored) before I can enlarge upon many subjects, but briefly
alluded to in this Report.

I have the honor to be your Obt. Servt

Anson Dart

Superintendent of Indian Affairs
Oregon T.

TREATY WITH LOWER BAND OF CHINOOK

Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains between Anson
Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the
United States, and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Lower Band
of the Chinook Indians.

Articles of a Treaty, made and concluded at Tansey Point,
near Gatsop Plains, this ninth day of August Eighteen hun-

76 C. F. COAN

dred and fifty one between Anson Dart Superintendent of In-
dian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent, and Josiah
L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States,
of the one part and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of
the Lower Band of Chinook Indians, of the other part.
Article ist.

The said Lower Band of the Chinook Indians, hereby cede
to the United States the tract of land, included within the
following boundaries to wit :

Beginning at the mouth of a certain stream entering Grays
Bay, on the North side of the Columbia River, which stream
forms the western boundary of lands, ceded to the United
States by the Waukikum Band of Chinooks; running thence
Northerly on said western boundary to lands of the Wheel-
appa Band of Indians; thence westerly along said lands of
the Wheelappa Band, to the Shoalwater Bay; thence South-
erly and Easterly following the Coast of the Pacific Ocean and
the Northern shore of the Columbia to the place of beginning.
The above description is intended to embrace all of the lands
owned or claimed by said Lower Band of Chinook Indians.
Article 2nd.

The said Lower Band of Chinook Indians, reserve the
privilege of occupying the grounds they now occupy for the
purpose of building, fishing and grazing their stock, with the
right to cut timber for their own building purposes and for
fuel. Also the right to pick Cranberries on the marshes, and
the right to cultivate as much land as they wish for their own
purposes. No white man shall be allowed to interfere with
their rights, and it is hereby agreed, that a white man by the
name of Washington Hall, shall be removed from the land
above ceded. The reservations in this article, shall continue
during the lives of the Indians who sign this treaty.
Article 3rd.

In consideration of the cession, made in the first Article of
this treaty, the United States agree to pay, to the said Lower

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 77

Band of Chinooks an annuity of Two Thousand Dollars, for
ten years in the manner following to wit: Four hundred
dollars in money, Fifty Blankets, Thirty woollen Coats, Thirty
pairs pants, Thirty vests, Fifty Shirts, Fifty pairs Shoes, one
hundred and fifty yards Linsey Plain, Two hundred and fifty
yards Calico, Two hundred and fifty yards Shirting, Twenty
blanket Shawls, Three hundred pounds Soap, Three barrels
Salt, Fifty bags Flour, Three hundred pounds Tobacco, Twenty
Hoes, Ten Axes, Thirty Knives, Seventy Cotton Handker-
chiefs, Two Barrels Molasses, Four hundred pounds Sugar,
Thirty pounds Tea, Ten eight quart Brass Kettles, Fifteen
ten-quart tin pails, Thirty pint cups, Thirty six-quart pans,
Thirty Caps, one Keg Powder, All the above to be of good
quality, and delivered at Tansey Point aforesaid.
Article 4th.

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship, between all
the citizens of the United States of America, and all the indi-
viduals composing said Lower Band of Chinook Indians.
Article 5th.

This agreement shall be binding and obligatory upon the
contracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified and
confirmed by the President and Senate of the United States.

In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart, Superintendent,
Henry H. Spaulding Agent and Josia L. Parish Sub Agent
aforesaid, and the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Lower
Band of the Chinook tribe of Indians, have hereunto set their
hands and seals, at the time and place first herein above
written.

Signed, Sealed and Witnessed Anson Dart (Seal)

in presense of Superintendent

N. DuBois, Secretary H. H. Spalding (Seal)

W. W. Raymond, Interpreter Agent

R. Shortess, Acting Sub Agent Josiah L. Parish (Seal)

L. H. Judson Sub Agent

his his

Cumcumley X (Seal) Tychah-win X (Seal)

78

C. F. COAN

mark mark

his his

Kulchute X (Seal) Nar-cotta X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Ah-moos-a-mosse X (Seal) Yahmants X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Que-wish X (Seal) Kaase X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Selahwish X (Seal) Wahguevn X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Wahkuck X (Seal) Seekumtyee X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Chakinpon X (Seal) Kahdock X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Huckswelt X (Seal) Yahwisk X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Kah-luck-muck X (Seal) Elashah X (Seal)

mark mark

his his

Schoo X (Seal) Chacolitch X (Seal)

mark mark

Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains between Anson
Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the United
States and the Chiefs and Headmen of the Wheelappa Band
of the Chinook Indians.

Articles of a Treaty, made and concluded at Tansey Point,
near Clatsop Plains, this ninth day of August Eighteen Hun-
dred and fifty one, between Anson Dart, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding, Indian Agent, and

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 79

Josiah L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United
States of the one part and the undersigned Chiefs or Heads-
men of the VVheelappa Band of the Chinook Indians, of the
other part.
Article ist.

The said Wheelappa Band of Indians, hereby cede to the
United States, all the land claimed or owned by the said Band.
The land intended to be hereby ceded is bounded on the North
by lands owned by the Cheehales tribe of Indians, on the East
by lands of the Cowlitz Band of Indians on the South by lands
of the Waukikum and Lower Bands of Chinooks, and on the
West by the Ocean and Shoalwater Bay.
Article 2nd.

The above cession is made with the express understanding
that the land, shall be reserved for the exclusive use of the
Chinook Tribes or Bands and the Cheehales Tribe of Indians,
provided the majority of them, shall consent to give up their
reserved rights to the lands they now occupy, and remove to
the lands ceded in Article 1st of this treaty.
Article 3rd.

It is hereby agreed on the part of the United States, that
they shall establish an Agency, a Manual Labor School, Black-
smith Shop, farming establishment &c, at some point on the
lands above ceded ; provided the above mentioned Indians,
consent to congregate upon said lands and "give up their re-
served rights" as named in Article 2nd. of this treaty, within
one year after the ratification of this Treaty, by the President
and Senate of the United States.
Article 4th.

In consideration of the cession made in the first article of
this Treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said Wheel-
appa Indians, an annuity of Five hundred dollars, for ten
years, in the following manner, viz: one Hundred and fifty
dollars in money, Twenty five blankets, Four Woolen coats,
Four pairs pants, Four vests, Four pairs men's shoes, Ten

80 C. F. COAN

pairs women's shoes, Ten shirts, Sixty yards Linsey plaid,
one Hundred Yards Calico, one hundred yards brown muslin,
Eight blankets shawls, Fifty pounds soap, Twenty pounds Tea,
one hundred pounds Sugar, Eight sacks flour, Five Brass
kettles (eight quart) Five ten-quart tin pails, Five six quart
tin pans. The above articles are to be of good quality and
delivered at Tansey Point, aforesaid, one hundred dollars of
the money, to be used for educational purposes, provided the
conditions of Articles second and third of this treaty are com-
plied with.

Article 5th.

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all
the citizens of the United States and all the individuals com-
posing said Wheelappa Band of Indians.
Article 6th.

The cession made in Article 1st. is intended to embrace the
land formerly owned by the Quille-que-o-qua, Band of- In-
dians of whom only one man remains, Moaest, who is a signer
of this treaty.
Article 7th.

This agreement shall be binding and obligatory upon the
contracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified and
confirmed, by the President and Senate of the United States.

In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart Superintendent,
Henry H. Spaulding, Agent, and Josiah L. Parish Sub Agent,
and the said Chiefs or Headmen of the Wheelappa and Quille-
que-o-qua Indians, have hereunto set their hands and seals at
the time and place first herein above written.

Signed, Sealed and Witnessed Anson Dart (Seal)

in presence of Superintendent.

N. Du Bois H. H. Spaulding (Seal)

Secretary Agent.

W. W. Raymond Josiah L. Parish . (Seal)

Interpreter Sub Agent.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 81

R. Shortess his

Acting Sub Agent Mowaast X (Seal)

mark
his

Tosetum X (Seal)

mark
his

Pahanoo X (Seal)

mark
his

Alapast X (Seal)

mark

TREATY WITH WAUKIKUM BAND
Treaty at Tansey Point, near Oatsop Plains, between Anson
Dart, Supt. Indian Affars, and others on the part of the
United States, and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Waukikum
Band, of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.

Articles of a Treaty made and concluded at Tansey Point,
near Clatsop Plains, this eighth day of August, Eighteen hun-
dred and fifty one, between Anson Dart, Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent, and Josiah
L. Parish, Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States
of the one part, and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen
df the Waukikum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians of the
other part.
Article ist.

The said Waukikum Band of Chinook Indians hereby cede,
4o 'the United States, the tract of land, included within the
following boundaries, viz:

Beginning at the mouth of a certain stream, called the
Sahbacluthl, which empties into the north side of the Columbia
River, at the west end of Gray's Bay, running thence up and
along the Columbia to the mouth of a certain stream called
the Neuc-tuc-hae which empties into the Columbia on the North

82 C. F. COAN

side, above Oak Point, thence Northerly along said Neuc-tuc-
hae, to its headwaters, thence North to the summit of the high
lands, between the Columbia, and Che-halees rivers, thence
following the summit of said highlands westerly to a point
opposite, or directly North of the headwaters of the said
Sahbacluthl, thence south to said headwaters, and following
said last named stream, to the place of beginning. The above
description is intended to include all the land claimed by the
said Band of Chinook Indians.
Article 2nd.

The said Waukikum Band reserve to themselves the priv-
ilege of occupying their present place of residence, and also
of fishing upon the Columbia river, and the two other streams
mentioned in Article 1st. also the privilege of cutting timber,
for their own building purposes and for fuel, on the above
described land, and of hunting on said lands where they are
not enclosed.
Article 3rd.

In consideration of the cession made in the foregoing articles
of this treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said
Wau-ki-kum Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians, Seven
Thousand Dollars, in annual payments, of Seven Hundred
dollars for ten years, as follows viz: one Hundred Dollars in
money, Twenty Blankets, Ten Woollen Coats, Ten Pairs Pants,
Ten Vests, Twenty Shirts, Twenty pairs Shoes, Fifty yards
Linsey Plaid, one hundred yards Calico prints, one hundred
yards Shirting, Eight Blanket Shawls, one Hundred pounds
Soap, one Barrel Salt, Fifteen Bags Flour, one hundred pounds
Tobacco, Ten Hoes, Ten Axes, Fifteen Knives, Twenty five
Cotton Handkerchiefs, one Barrel Mollasses, one hundred
pounds Sugar, Ten pounds Tea, six eight quart Brass Kettles,
Ten ten-quart Tin pails, Twelve pint Cups, Ten six quart Pans,
Ten Caps ; all to be of good quality, and delivered at Brunies
[Birnie's] landing, on the Columbia River,
Article 4th.

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 83

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all
the Citizens of the United States of America, and all the indi-
viduals composing the said Waukikum Band of the Chinook
Tribe of Indians.
Article 5th.

This treaty shall take effect, and be obligatory on the con-
tracting parties, as soon as the same shall be ratified, by the
President of the United States, by and with the advice and
consent of the Senate thereof.

In Testimony whereof the said Anson Dart, Superintendent,
Henry H. Spaulding Agent, and Josiah L. Parish, aforesaid,
and the said Chiefs and Headmen, of the Waukikum Band of
the Chinook Tribe of Indians, have hereunto set their hands
and seals at the time and place first herein above written.

Anson Dart (Seal)

Superintendent

Henry H. Spaulding ( Seal )

Agent

Josiah L. Parish (Seal)

Sub Agent.

Sku-mah-queah

Hla-hau

Wal-lah-sah

Hal-lah-le

his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark

Stuc-allah-wah

Wall-halsh

Tah-we-os

Wa-ke-toes

his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark

Signed Sealed and Witnessed

in presence of
N. Du Bois, Secretary
W. W. Raymond, Interpreter.

84 C. F. COAN

R. Shortess

Acting Sub Agent

At the signing of the above articles of this Treaty it was
agreed, that upon the ratification of the same, by the President
and Senate, Sku-mah-queah should receive a rifle, worth Fifty
Dollars, as a present.

TREATY WITH KONNAACK BAND

Treaty at Tansey Point, near Clatsop Plains, between Anson
Dart, Supt. Indian Affairs and others on the part of the
United States and the Chiefs & Headmen of the Kon-naack
Band of the Chinook Tribe of Indians.

Articles of a Treaty made and concluded! at Tansey Point
near Clatsop Plains, this Eighth day of August Eighteen Hun-
dred and Fifty one, between Anson Dart Superintendent of
Indian Affairs, Henry H. Spaulding Indian Agent and Josiah
L. Parish Sub Indian Agent, on the part of the United States,
of the one part ; and the undersigned Chiefs and Headmen of
the Konnaack Band, of the Chinook tribe of Indians of the
other part.
Article ist.

The said Konnaack Band, hereby cede to the United States,
the tract of land included within the following boundaries viz :

Beginning at the mouth of the Neuc-tuc-hae-Creek, on the
North Side of the Columbia River, and running thence up and
along the said river to the mouth of the first stream that enters
the Columbia above the Cowlitz river, thence up the Cowlitz
and following the highland parallel with said river to what is
called the Fooshop; thence west to the North East bounds of
lands lately claimed by the Waukikum Band of the Chinooks ;
thence southerly following the eastern boundary of said lands
of the Waukikum Band, to the place of beginning. Also the
tract of land described as follows, to wit i

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST 85

Beginning at a point on the South side of the Columbia
River, opposite the mouth of the Cowlitz river, running thence
South, to lands claimed by the Klats-Kanias ; thence westerly
along their North boundary to a point due South of Hunts
Mill, on the Columbia, thence North to said Mill, thence up
and along said river to the place of beginning. The above
descriptions, are intended to include all the lands claimed or
owned by the said Konnaack Band of Indians.
Article 2nd.

The said Konnaack Band reserve the privilege of occupying
their present place of residence on Oak Point, and the privilege
of hunting on the lands described above.
Article 3rd.

In consideration of the cession made in the foregoing articles
of this Treaty, the United States agree to pay to the said
Konnaack Band of Chinook Indians, Ten Thousand five hun-
dred dollars, in annual payments, of Ten Hundred and Fifty
dollars for ten years, as follows to wit : one hundred and Fifty
dollars in money, Thirty Blankets, Twenty woolen [sic] Coats,
Forty Shirts, Thirty pairs Shoes, Twenty Caps, Twenty pairs
pants, Twenty Vests, One hundred yards Linsey Plaid, Two
hundred yards brown muslin, one hundred yards Calico, Ten
Shawls, Fifteen bags flour, one hundred pounds Tobacco, one
hundred and fifty pounds Soap, Two hundred pounds Sugar,
Ten ten-quart Tin pans, Ten eight-quart tin pans, Six Frying
pans, one barrel Salt, one barrel molasses, Six hoes, Six Axes,
Ten pounds Tea, Ten Knives, one Keg powder, one hundred
pounds shot, All to be of good quality, and delivered at the
Burnies landing, on the Columbia River.
Article 4th.

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the
Citizens of the United States of America, and all the individuals
of the said Konnaack Band of Chinook Indians.
Article 5th.

This Treaty shall take effect, and be obligatory on the con-

86

C. F. COAN

tracting parties as soon as the same shall have been ratified
by the President of the United States, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate thereof.

In Testimony whereof, the said Anson Dart, Superintendent
Henry H. Spaulding Agent, Josiah L. Parish, Sub Agent
Aforesaid, on the part of the United States of the one part, and
the said Chiefs and Headmen of the Konaack Band of the
Chinook tribe of Indians have hereunto set their hands and
seals, at the time and place first herein above written.

Anson Dart, (Seal)

Superintendent.
Henry H. Spaulding (Seal)

Agent

Josiah L. Parish (Seal)
Sub Agent.

his

Wah-sul-sul X (Seal) Qua-Cappa X (Se.al)

mark

his
X (Seal)

Sy-cum-icks

Tah-my-nin-nus

his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark

Qua-Kah

Ati-whul

Os-wal-licks

mark
his

X (Seal)
mark
his

X (Seal)
mark

Signed, Sealed and Witnessed

in presence of
Nicholas DuBois, Secretary
W. W. Raymond, Interpreter
R. Shortess,

Acting Sub Agent

Map of Indian Land

Cessions by Unratified

Treaties of 1851 and By

Ratified Treaties of 1859

FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS PACIFIC NORTHWEST

INDIAN LAND CESSIONS PROVIDED IN THE UNRATIFIED

TREATIES OF 1851 AND THE TREATIES

RATIFIED MARCH 8, 1859

INDIAN LAND CESSIONS OF THE UNRATIFIED
TREATIES, 1851

A Six treaties with the Willamette Valley Indians made by the treaty
commissioners, April and May, 1851.

B Ten treaties with the Chinook Indians made by Anson Dart,

August, 1851.
C Two treaties with the Port Orford Indians made by Anson Dart

in the fall of 1851.
D A treaty with the Clackamas Indians made by Anson Dart in the

fall of 1861.

INDIAN LAND CESSIONS OF THE DELAYED TREATIES1

No.

7-347 Treaty with the Duwamish, Suijuamish, etc., 1855; negotiated

January 22, 1855, ratified March «, 1359.
13-353 Treaty with the S'Klallam, 1855; negotiated January 26, 1855,

ratified March 8, 1859.

15-355 Treaty with the Makah, 1^55; negotiated January 31, 1855, rati-
fied March 8, 1859.
17-362 Treaty with the Wallawalla, Cayuse, etc., 1855; negotiated June

9, 1855, ratified March 8, 1859.
19-364 Treaty with the Yakima, 1855; negotiated June 9, 1855, ratified

March 8, 1859.
21-366 Treaty with the Nez Perces, 1855; negotiated June 11, 1855,

ratified March 8, 1859.
22-369 Treaty with the Tribes of Middle Oregon, 1855; negotiated

June 25, 1855, ratified March 8, 1859.
24-371 Treaty with the Quinaielt, etc., 1855; negotiated July 1, 1855,

ratified March 8, 1859.
26-373 Treaty with the Flatheads, etc., 1855; negotiated July 16, 1855,

ratified March 8, 1859.
30-401 Treaty with the Molala, 1855; negotiated December 21, 1855,

ratified March 8, 1859.

i The numbers, "347," etc., are those adopted by Royce, Indian Land Cessions
in the United States.

This map also shows the political divisions of the Pacific Northwest-
Oregon Territory and Washington Territory— from March 2, 1853. to
February 14, 1859.

1»

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXII JUNE, 1921 NUMBER 2

Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON1

By T. C. ELLIOTT.

Recent research establishes the fact that the name Oregon
is a corruption or variation by Jonathan Carver of the name
Ouragon or Ourigan, which was communicated to him by
Major Robert Rogers, the English commandant of the frontier
military and trading post at Mackinac,2 Michigan, during the
years (1766-67) of Captain Carver's journey to the upper
valley of the Mississippi river and to lake Superior. The evi-
dence in support of this assertion is contained in documents
deposited in the Public Records Office at London, England,
and now made the basis of this brief discussion. These docu-
ments serve to only increase the discredit already attached to
the writings of Captain Carver, but the morals of that author
do not suffer at all when compared with those of his fellow
officer, Major Rogers. Neither of these men seem to have
paid any heed to the biblical admonition "be sure your sin will
find you out". There were many others with the same moral
standards at that period in the world's history.

Connection of the name of Major Robert Rogers with Ore-
gon history is new and entertaining, but a study of the career
of that officer is not inspiring. He was born in November,

1 This contribution supplements "The Strange Case of Jonathan Carver and the
Name Oregon" by the same writer, in No. 4 of Vol. 21 of this Quart frly. and
should be read in connection therewith.

2 The common and shorter rendering of the Indian name Michilimackinac.
which was in use at that period.

92 T. C. ELLIOTT

1731, in a pioneer cabin in northeastern Massachusetts, of
sturdy and honest parentage, one of a numerous family which
soon after removed to the Colony of New Hampshire; and
near to where the capital city of Concord now stands the
Rogers' homestead was literally hewn out of the forest. Twenty
and more years of frontier experience in the region which
was then a borderland between the French settlements to the
north and the English settlements to the south developed for
him a magnificent physique, courage absolutely without fear,
and an almost superhuman knowledge of Indian customs and
wood-craft, but at the same time, unfortunately, an illicit trade
carried on in this borderland, by others and perhaps to some
extent by him, seems to have aroused and educated some of
the less noble instincts of his mind. He thus very naturally
became an astute Indian fighter and the organizer and leader
of the famous "Roger's Rangers" of the seven years French
and Indian War in North America, during which his bravery
in battle, his energy and endurance in the field and his skill
in Indian warfare excited the wonder and admiration of his
men and fellow officers and gained him a national reputation.
Then followed thirty years of more or less continuous debauch-
ery of both mind and body, when his audacity in dealings with
superior officers and in seeking personal preferment and gain
was astounding, and his duplicity, marital infidelity, and dis-
loyalty to relatives, friends and country were disgusting. Dur-
ing the War of the Revolution he first espoused the cause of
the Colonies but was suspected of being a spy and escaped
from confinement in Philadelphia about the time of the Dec-
laration of Independence. Later he fell under suspicion while
recruiting officer for the British in Canada and fled to Eng-
land. The last fifteen years of his life were spent in obscurity
and low living on an officer's half pay in London, where he
died in May, 1795, and the place of his burial is today un-
known. This brief summary is sufficient for the present
purpose.3

3 This estimate is based largely upon the research of Allan Kevins, editor of
the Caxton Club Edition of Rogers' book entitled "Ponteach; Or The Savages of
America."

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 93

It is well to get clearly in mind the chronological sequence
of Jonathan Carver's book and the documents referred to and
reproduced herewith. Captain Carver's "Travels Through the
Interior Parts of North America", which has had such a re-
markable vogue in literature and contains our first known
mention of the name OREGON, was published in London in
the year 1778, from manuscript finally prepared just previous
to publication but based upon "journals and charts" (to use
Carver's own words) claimed to have been made during his
journey to the West in 1766-67, and while at Mackinac, in
the fall of 1767. A proposal or petition by Major Rogers to
the King's Privy Council containing the name Ouragon bears
date in August, 1765; and a similar proposal by Major Rogers
containing the name Ourigan bears date in February, 1772. A
petition by Captain Carver to the King's Privy Council, show-
ing the original association of Carver with Major Rogers for
the purpose of Western exploration, was acted upon in May,
1769; and a later petition by Captain Carver, which shows
that the journals and charts aforesaid had been and then still
were deposited with the Board of Trade, London, bears date
in November, 1773. Not only did Major Rogers put into
writing the name Ouragon during the year before he engaged
Captain Carver to undertake a Western journey but none of
the several petitions (as far as yet examined) by Captain
Carver contain the name Oregon, although mentioning other
localities he visited in the West.

Our special interest is in Major Rogers' knowledge of the
geography of the interior parts of North America. His first
visit to the Great I^akes was in the Fall of 1760. After the
capture of Montreal in September of that year Gen. Jeffrey
Amherst, then commanding the British forces in America,
detailed him with about two hundred men to accept the sur-
render of the various French military posts as far west as
Mackinac in Michigan. This was a duty quite suited to him
and it was performed with energy and dispatch, for he was
back at headquarters in New York City on the 14th of Feb-

94 T. C. ELLIOTT

ruary following. The French garrison at Mackinac had
evacuated voluntarily and he returned from Detroit, traveling
almost alone by the forest trails of Ohio to Pittsburg and from
there across Pennsylvania to Philadelphia and New York.

While on his way out to Detroit an incident occurred which
was of far reaching influence. The major and his men were
proceeding along the southern shore of lake Erie and landed
one day near the site of the present city of Cleveland. Some
Indians appeared and demanded that he proceed no further
until their chief arrived to talk to him. That chief turned out
to be the famous Ponteac, who already had knowledge of
the prowess of Major Rogers on the field of battle. They now
met in council with due ceremonies, first that evening and
again the next morning. Major Rogers was as calm and
audacious before the council fire as he had been in the fighting
line. Ponteac listened to the reasons for his presence and
decided not to oppose the transfer of authority over the country
from French to English. Later when at Detroit the tricolor
of France was lowered and the cross of Saint George raised
in its stead not only did the garrison of French soldiers out-
number those under Major Rogers but the assembled Indians
were numerous enough to overwhelm both ; and Ponteac was
there to hold them in restraint.

Major Rogers again visited the West in the summer of
1763 with the detachment sent by General Amherst to put
down the general uprising of that year. The fort at Mackinac
was captured by the Indians that summer by a clever ruse;
Francis Parkman has graphically described the events of the
year in his volumes entitled "The Conspiracy of Ponteac" and
makes prominent mention of Rogers. He was not in command
of the expedition but acted rather as its guide, with twenty
picked men under him. The route was familiar because the
same he had traveled in 1760. By quiet and swift advances
the boats reached the fort at Detroit in the early morning of
July 28th before the Indians were aware of it and carried
relief to Colonel Gladwyn and the garrison there. That success

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 95

turned the heads of some of the British officers and an attack
on the Indian camp was undertaken with great disaster. Major
Rogers did gallant service in assisting to rescue a part of
those who took part in the battle of Bloody Run. When the
Indians began to retire from Detroit in the Fall Col. Gladwyn
reduced the numbers of his garrison and, in November, Major
Rogers journeyed to Niagara.4 In January he returned to New
York and retired from active service. During this year he had
fallen under the special displeasure of Sir William Johnson,
Supt. of Indian Affairs in America, because of rather open
activity in the Indian trade while an army officer, a misde-
meanor he had been suspected of in years previous. The
major's private affairs were in bad condition ; he was deeply
in debt and an appetite for drink and gaming added to other
troubles. His nominal home was at Portsmouth, N. H., where
he had married.

After a year of vicarious living, with creditors continually
at his elbows. Major Rogers determined to retrieve his fortunes
by political means and we find him in England in the spring
of 1765. He was welcomed in London very cordially. Many
of his former army associates were there to show him atten-
tions. His military exploits were deservedly well known and
during the popularity of the hour his moral lapses were over-
looked. He boldly sought a position which it would have been
impossible for him to have received through the regular chan-
nels of appointment in America, and political influence was
strong enough to command it. One method of his application
was the proposal of August, 1765, which is reproduced here-
with. The main request of that proposal was ignored but the
king's minister sent his name to Gen. Gage with instructions
that he be appointed governor commandant at the important
frontier post of Mackinac.

It is this proposal which contains the name Ouragon. In it
Major Rogers distinctly says that the name came to him from
the Indians and it has already been indicated when that might
have been possible. In 1760 his stay at Detroit and vicinity

4 Allan Nerins says Rogers' companions on this journey were two Mohawk
Indians. See Ponttack, p. 91.

96 T. C. ELLIOTT

was brief but seemingly well used. He was on cordial relations
with chief Ponteac, and, according to the record,5 had many
interviews with that famous warrior. They even discussed
matters of empire together. At the same time opportunity
was open to him to talk with traders and voyageurs who had
been going into the country beyond the great lakes for many
years; Frenchmen of course, or French-Canadians, for the
English had not yet been in that field. In 1763 came similar
opportunities, and that year he was suspected of being directly
interested in certain transactions of trade at Niagara. That
was the year of the Treaty of Paris by which France ceded to
England all of Louisiana East of the Mississippi river, and
this field for adventure no doubt was alluring to a man like
Major Rogers. His active service thus far had been in New
England, New York and Canada, and during 1761-2 in the
south campaigning against the Cherokees.

During his stay in London, and doubtless to urge his appoint-
ment, two books were published there with the. name of Major
Robert Rogers on the title pages. One of these was the
"Journals" of his military service from 1755 to 1763 ; the other
was a treatise entitled "A Concise Account of North America"
and descriptive of the colonies from Newfoundland to the
Floridas and of the newly acquired districts in the interior.
Just when and where Robert Rogers acquired an ability in
writing is unknown, and in fact the preparation of these books
has by some been attributed to one Potter, who acted in a
secretarial capacity for him at times. These books were well
timed as to publication, were creditable in style and contents,
and were welcomed by the public and praised by the press.
"A Concise Account" contains many interesting and accurate
observations of those parts of North America he had personally
traveled over but is in parts a compilation from books already
printed. Neither of these books contains any mention of the
name Ouragon or Ourigan. In fact in "A Concise Account,"
at page 152, the closing paragraph of a brief chapter on The
Interior Country reads as follows: "The principal rivers of

'5 According to Nevins in Ponteach, p. 86.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 97

North America are, St. Lawrence, communicating with the
sea at the Gulf of St. Lawrence ; the Mississippi, which flows
into the Gulf of Mexico, and the Christineaux, which dis-
charges itself into Hudson's Bay. There are great numbers of
smaller note, that join these in their courses from the heights
of the country to the seas." In the introduction the author
plainly states that his information about the more western
country was derived from the Indians. He himself up to that
time had not been further west than Detroit and in later years
never went further than Mackinac. Another book entitled
"Ponteach ; or the Savages of America," published anonymously
in the winter of 1766 after Major Rogers had returned to
America, was evidently inspired if not actually written by
him. It is in the form of a drama and contains nothing of
interest to this discussion.

The position of governor commandant at Mackinac did not
free Major Rogers from his debts and bad habits but rather
increased both. He paid little attention to the regulations laid
down by his superiors, General Gage and Supt. Johnson, and
administered the affairs of the Post arbitrarily and extrava-
gantly. He sent agents into the West without authority and
engaged personally in the Indian trade. He was suspected of
planning an uprising of the Indians and of negotiations with
the French at New Orleans and St. Louis. In December he
was arrested by orders from Gen. Gage and the following May
was taken to Montreal for trial, which in December resulted
in acquittal from the technical charges but suspension from
the office. Failure in America to obtain restitution took him
to London again, in July, 1769. He was for a time again
received there with favor and was able to secure payment of
expense and salary drafts which had been dishonored in
America. This money satisfied only some of his most greedy
creditors and he served a term in the Fleet street debtors
prison; and political influence soon deserted him. Although
remaining in London until the growing troubles in the colonies
lured him back to America he was able to secure no positive

98 T. C. ELLIOTT

recognition. Jonathan Carver had come to London before
him and the one assisted the other in appeals for financial aid
and opportunity to return to the field of western trade and
adventure, but Carver was an amateur as compared with
Rogers. The second proposals or petitions of both, which are
herewith reproduced, are incidents of those years.

As governor commandant at Mackinac from August, 1766
to December, 1767, Major Rogers had abundant opportunity
to inquire of Indians and voyageurs and' traders about the
country toward the Rocky mountains and beyond, and perhaps
this accounts for the more intelligent details of the route
outlined to be traveled by the expedition he, in 1772, proposed
to lead to the Pacific ocean, as given in his second proposal.
In 1765 he had intended to portage directly from the Minne-
sota river into the Ouragon and evidently believed the upper
Missouri was the Ouragon flowing westward from a source in
Minnesota. But by 1772 he had learned that the Missouri
must be ascended to its source before reaching the Ouragon.
Here is early geographical data that has not before come to our
attention; an outline of the outward journey by Lewis and
Clark in 1805 and of part of the instructions by the British
ministry to Captain James Cook in 1776. The existence of
a Northwest Passage was naturally a subject for discussion
among army officers in America as well as by officials and
ship owners in England, and Major Rogers' proposal in a
way only reflects that common topic of conjecture and con-
versation. But, to his credit be it said, his "proposal" discloses
knowledge of the transcontinental route which antedates that
contained in any book or document or shown on any map prior
to that date or for many years afterward.

In his first proposal Major Rogers states that he had em-
ployed Indians, at his own expense, to follow the various
streams to their outlets in the Pacific and the Northern ocean.
That assertion must be dismissed as being merely in keeping
with the character and needs of the man who made it, and as
neither the whole truth or nothing but the truth. It is much

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 99

more reasonable to suppose that he gathered his data directly
from French traders or habitants at Detroit or Niagara, or in-
directly through the Mohawk Indians of New York, with
whom he was intimate. It will be remembered that the Mo-
hawks and allied tribes were friendly to the English in the
French and Indian War; and that these tribes were members
of the great Iroquoian family which sent so many trappers
and canoemen into the fur trade in the west.

Major Rogers, in 1765, said that the Indians called the then
mythical river flowing into the always mythical Straits of
Anian the Ouragon ; and his later spelling (in 1772) is probably
merely a careless reiteration of the same name. Granting that
tale to be true does not mean that this was a name current
among the Rocky mountain or the Plains tribes, or those of
Minnesota. It might rather have been a name applied by
the Mohawks, or some other of the Iroquoian tribes of New
York or Canada.6 With them it would not have been a name
currently used, but one mentioned only in response to inquiry,
or by some retired canoeman or trapper ; and might have been
a French name. The French had been going into the Mississippi
valley and to the region of lake Winnipeg and its tributary
streams for many years prior to 1760: They were the fore-
runners of exploration and trade in those regions, and the
Iroquois who accompanied them necessarily heard and used
words of the French tongue.

In the application of place names it was the custom of
Indians to use a name descriptive of some physical feature of a
stream, or of the locality through which it flowed, and the
same custom prevailed among the French. When the French
bestowed a name they did so either in honor of some saint in
their religious calendar, or by some descriptive word. Every
state in the Old Northwest and in Old Oregon contains many
instances of such nomenclature. The name Ouragon is prac-
tically the same as Ouragan, a word to be found in any French
dictionary meaning windstorm, hurricane or tornado. The
River of the West was, in 1765 et circa, supposed to rise in

6 Classed by ethnologists as renr intelligent Indian* and whose dialect would
have permitted the pronunciation of this name.

100 T. C. ELLIOTT

western Minnesota and to flow westward through Dakota and
Montana, where blizzards in winter and tornadoes in summer
are still known to prevail. And we may carry the analogy
still further. It is a meteorological fact that what is known in
Oregon as the Chinook Wind does at times exert a remark-
able influence even in Montana and Dakota. The River of
the West was flowing into the region from which that re-
markable wind came and hence called, by some Indians or
Frenchmen, the Ouragon.7 This seems to be the origin of
the name OREGON. The map makers of those years did not
get hold of the name. It was obscure.

As to Jonathan Carver's dependence upon Robert Rogers
there are proofs in abundance but the discussion of that re-
lationship will more properly be in connection with another
document which discloses the plans of Major Rogers for his
agents in the west. As to the name OREGON however atten-
tion is called to the brief endorsement at the end of the second
of the documents herewith reproduced; "Lent the two plans
to Capt. Carver 15 Feb. 1775." It is thus revealed that Carver
had these two proposals to draw from when completing his
book and his map.8

7 It would be much more picturesque to suggest that Ponteac told Rogers the
name in November-December, 1760; and that is possible though not probable. Also
see Or. Hist. Quar., Vol. 21, pp. 351 and 354.

8 On Carver's map the name is spelled Origan.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 101

FIRST PROPOSAL

From Public Record Office, Colonials Off., Class 323,
Vol. 18, p. 327.

A Proposal1 by Robert Rogers Esq. formerly Major Com-
mand! of His Majesty's Rangers in North America,
founded on his Observations and Experience, during the
Space of Eight Years in the least known parts of that
great Continent. Humbly Submitted to the Wisdom of
the Kings most Excellent Majesty and his Ministers.
Major Rogers was originally brought into the Service from
the Knowledge he was presumed to have of the Country, his
Capacity for making Discoverys, his Strength of Constitution
in undergoing Fatigues, his willingness to Execute any Orders
he received from his Superiors, and his Talent for Conciliating
the Friendships of the Indians ; in all which he Distinguished
himself, through the Course of Eight Years with the Approba-
tion of the several Officers, who had the Honour to Command
His Majestys Troops in those parts, from whom he has not
the least Doubt that he shall be able to obtain the fullest
Testimonies of his Character and Capacity for the Executing
of all that he has the Honour to propose, for the benefit
and Advantage of the British Interests in that Wide-Spread
Empire, which the Glorious Successes of the late War, added
to His Majesty's Dominions, and the Title to which, has been
Settled and Confirmed by the peace.

Major Rogers thinks it his Duty to Represent, that he has
been very attentive to, and prosecuted, with the utmost as-
siduity, every Inquiry in his power, in reference to the real
Existance of a North-West passage ;2 In Consequence of which,
he has obtained a Moral certainty, that such a passage there
really is. For this purpose he Employed at his own Expence
certain Indians to Explore the distant Rivers & their Outletts,
either into the pacific or the Northern Ocean; and in regard
to the latter, he has received such Lights as he thinks cannot
possibly deceive him. In a true Confidence of which he is

i The disposition of this petition is indicated by the third paragraph of the
second petition, immediately following.

a In 1745 the British Parliament offered a prixe of twenty thousand pounds to
any private navigator who would sail his ve»»el through a North- West Passage into
Hudson's Bay. The offer did not include a land discovery. In 1776 the act was
amended to include any ship of the royal navy.

102 T. C. ELLIOTT

willing with 200 Men under proper Officers (a List of which
Officers, he has ready to be presented when required) to Un-
dertake a March for the Discovery of it, which tho' of great
Length and Difficulty, will be not a little Facilitated and
Shortened by the help of Indian Guides, & having Water
Carriage a great part of the way, & by the carrying either
of Bark Canoes from one River to another, or felling Trees
on the Banks & making fresh Canoes where it shall be found
Necessary.

The Rout Major Rogers proposes to take, is from the Great
Lakes towards the Head of the Mississippi, and from thence
to the River called by the Indians Ouragon, which flows into
a Bay that projects North-Eastwardly into the (Country?)
[multilated] from the Pacific Ocean, and there to Explore the
said Bay and it's Outletts, and also the Western Margin of
the Continent to such a Northern Latitude as shall be thought
necessary.

Should this Design be patronized, Major Rogers thinks it
would be Expedient and absolutely necessary, to Subserve this
proposal, that he should be Appointed Governor Commandant
of His Majesty's Garrison of Michlimakana and its Depend-
ancies on the Great Lakes, & that he has a Deputy-Governor
Commandant who is well acquainted with the Manners of the
Indians, to remain constantly at the said Garrison, on whose
Diligence, Steadiness and Integrity he can rely, and from
whom at his Setting out, & while on his Journey, as well as at
his Return, he may depend upon receiving what Assistance
shall be requisite; And that the General Commanding in
Chief3 in North America, & Sir William Johnson4 have Orders
to give him their Assistance in their respective Departments
as Occasion may require.

The proposal thus Encouraged, notwithstanding the Length
& the Fatigues of such a Journey by Land, Major Rogers will
undeitake to perfect the whole, in about Three Years, and
Transmit to Great Britain an Authentic Account whether there
is, or is not, such a passage, which in either Case he apprehends

3 At that time Gen. Thomas Gage, with headquarters in New York.

4 The Superintendent of Indian Affairs in America, residing near Albany at
what became known as Johnson Hall.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 103

would be of great Utility, in as much as it would for the future,
put an End to Repeated, Hazardous and Expensive attempts
for the Discovery by Sea. Oh the other hand, if there be, as
(he repeats it) he is confident there is, such a passage in the
Latitude of 50 Degrees North, where it communicates with
the pacific, but much further where it joins the Atlantic or
Northern Ocean, it may and indeed must prove of inexpressible
Benefit to this Nation by Establishing a Communication with
Japan, and perhaps with nearer and hitherto unknown Rich
Counties in the East, where both British and American Com-
modities might fetch large prices, and a New and Valuable
Commerce be Opened and Secured to His Majesty's Subjects,
which has been long wished for, and often attempted, but has
never hitherto been Effected.

Major Rogers has Spent many years in the Service of his
King and Country, in which he has been Exposed to the
greatest Fatigue, and to a continual Series of Dangers, received
several Wounds, been exposed to the worst Consequences of
Expensive Law Suits, merely on Account of the Service, by
which he has been reduced, and indeed Ruined in his private
Fortune, without any other Reward than the Slender Sub-
sistance arising from a Captains Half pay though he has a
Commission, and is Intitled to the Rank of Major from April
1758.

He therefore humbly presumes, if his past Services are con-
sidered, the Hardships he has endured, his present Situation :
his Expensive Voyage from America hither in order to obtain
Redress & the proposals he now makes for Entring into a
fresh (course?) [nearly worn away] of Difficulties and
Fatigues for the purpose of rendring fresh Services to the
Crown & Kingdom, his proposal will be candidly Examined;
And upon such Examination, he doubts not to produce such
Authentic Vouchers as may Entitle him to His Majesty's pro-
tection, and the Favour of the present Administration.

104

T. C. ELLIOTT

AN ESTIMATE OF THE EXPENSE THAT WILL ATTEND THE PRO-
POSED MARCH IN QUEST OF A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE, VIZ.:

£" S

Major Rogers, Captain Commandant of the
Proposed Company with such Rank in the Army as
His Majesty shall be pleased to give him from his
being a Major of his Rangers since April 6th,
1758

4 Second Captains . . .

s
.. .at 10

d
. . per diem is

4 First Lieutenants . . .

. . .at 4'

8 Do

4 Second Do

...at 4'

8 Do

1 Ensign . . .

... at 3 '

8 Do

1 Adjutant

... at 3 '

8 Do

1 Quarter Master . . .

... at 3 '

.. Do

1 Surgeon

...at 4'

8Do

3 Surgeons Mates . . .

...at 3'

.. Do

1 Chaplain

...at 4'

.. Do

8 Serjeants

...at 2'

6 Do

200 orivate Men .

..at 2'

. Do

O « «

"18" 8
"18" 8
" 3" 8
3" 8
3" ..
4" 8
9"..
4"..
1
20 ' . . " .

Daily Expense .... 26 " 5 " 4

Annual Do 587 " 6 " 8

For 3 years Service 28,762 ".."..

To be added— 800 Steel Traps for Catching]
Beaver and other Game for the use of theS
Detachment at 10/6 J

420"

For purchasing Cloathing, Wampum & other]

Boons to gain the Friendship of the Indians 1- 3,000 "
thro' whose Country s we must pass J

Total Expense £32,182 "

Exclusive of Ammunition & provisions.

One year of the Company's Subsistance to]
be Advanced to Equip themselves with proper [
Necessarys for their March, the Remainder off
their Subsistance to be paid at their Return.]

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 105

Cash likewise to be Advanced for purchas-)
ing the 800 Steel Traps. J

Money also to be Advanced for purchas-l
ing Wampum and other Necessarys as above}-
Expressed.

The Men will take their own Arms with them, so that the
[Government will be at no Expense for them, but an Ar-
mourer to keep them in Repair.

[Endorsed] PLANTS GEN'L.

A proposal by Robert Rogers Esq., formerly Major Com-
mandant of Mis Majesty's Rangers in North America, for the
discovery of a North- West Passage.

Reed. August 12)
Read Sept. 6 J1765
Copied from the original
Read & Corrected
S. May Osier.

106 T. C. ELLIOTT

SECOND PROPOSAL

From Public Record Office, Colonial Offices, Class 323,
Vol. 27, p. 143.

To the King's most excellent Majesty in Council

The Petition of Major Robert Rogers, most humbly sheweth:

That in the Month of September 1765, Your Majesty's Peti-
tioner preferred a Proposal to the Board of Trade and Planta-
tion, for an Atempt by land to discover a navigable Passage
by the North-West, From the Atlantic, into the great Pacific
Ocean.

That the great national Advantages which might result to
Comerce and Navigation, from that Discovery, proposed to be
atempted across the great Continent of North-America, were
submitted to Your Majesty, by Representation from their
Lordships the then Comissioners of Trade &c.

That Your Majesty by Order in Council of the second of
October 1765, was pleased to refer the said Proposal and
Representation, to their Lordships of the Comittee of Your
Privy Council, who, on the third of October 1765 were pleased
to postpone the Consideration thereof.

That Your Majesty's Petitioner, has since been employed
in an important Comand in the Midst of the interior Parts of
the great Continent of North-America, in which through his
Official Intercourse with the numerous savage Nations and
through divers Persons who had served as provincial Officers
during the last War, and were especially ordered out to ex-
plore remoter Parts of the Country ; he collected a great Fund
of additional Intelligence, tending to assure, evince, and al-
most positively establish the Existence of a navigable Passage
by the North-West, from the Atlantic, into the great Pacific
Ocean, and that the Discovery is only practicable by Land.

That from the vast Distances to which the interior Country
has been explored since the proposal of the Year 1765; from
the Extension of Setlement, from comercial Intercourse, and
Alliances with the remoter Tribes of Indians, and the Peace

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 107

and Harmony generally prevailing among them Your Majesty's
Petitioner is convinced that a smaller Number of Adventurers,
than that at First proposed for this Enterprize, will provide
against the Contingent of Mortality: and that therefore the
Expence of his First Proposal, may be reduced to a very
moderate Sum.

Wherefore ; and because the probable Permanency of Peace,
renders it unlikely that the Petitioner should have any sudden
Recall into that Walk of Service, in which his Former Efforts
against Your Majesty's Enemies, were neither unsuccessful,
nor are he hopes Forgotten : He most humbly, from an ardent
Desire to be usefully employed, beseeches Your Majesty to
order; that the Consideration of that great national Object
be now resumed, and that Your Majesty's Petitioner may be
directed forthwith to atempt by Land the Discovery of a
navigable Passage by the North- West from the atlantic into
the great Pacific Ocean, according to the following Route and
Estimate.

Route for Major Robert Rogers, in the Proposed Atempt
by Land, across the great Continent of North-America, to
discover a navigable Passage by the North-West, from the
atlantic, into the great Pacific Ocean.

It is meant to begin early in the Spring to engage the Ad-
venturers who are to associate for the Undertaking: In the
Fit Choice of these, the Proposer's Experience, as former
Commandant of Rangers, will prove an unerring Direction:
They are to assemble at the intended Rendezvous of Schenect-
ady, in or about the Middle of the Month of May ; at which
Place Batteaux, Ammunition, and every Species of Implement
for the undertaking, will have been previously collected. In
Order to it, the proper Officer of the Board of Ordnance, and
the Deputy to the Quartermaster general in North-America
should be directed to answer the Proposer's Demands in their
respective Departments.

Here it is proposed to embark, on the Mohawk River, and to
stem that Stream to Fort Stanwix : From that Place to follow
the Wood Creek to the Lake of Oneida, and to pass that Lake :

108 T. C. ELLIOTT

To follow the Onondago River to Oswego upon Ontario Lake :
and to coast the South Shore of that Lake to the Post of
Niagara. To pass the Portage of the great Falls of that Name,
and to enter the (river issuing?) [obliterated] from Lake
Erie: To stem that River and to follow the Northern Shore of
Lake Erie up to the River of Detroit : To cross the small Lake
of Saint Clair, into the River Huron; to stem this River up
to the Lake of that Name, and to coast the western Shore
of that Lake to the Strait and Post of Michilimakinak : To
cross the north End of Lake Michigan, to the Green Bay,
where formerly was the Post of La Baye : To enter the Sakis
River, to stem it to the carrying Place, and to cross that to
the River Ouiscongens : To pursue the Course of this River to
the Junction with the Mississippi, and to work-up against the
Stream of that great River to the Fall of Saint Antoine, where
it is proposed to arrive about the Middle of the Month of
September, and to pass the First Winter.

Here the Men will be employed in Housing for the Winter,
in trapping Beaver for present Consumption ; in gathering wild
Rice; and in curing Buffalo and Venison, against the B'reak-
ing-up in the ensuing Spring, and their Subsistence onward.

From the Falls of Saint Antoine it is proposed to depart in
the Month of April of the second Year: to enter the River
Saint Pierre,1 and to stem that to the Source in about the
forty fourth Degree of Latitude: To cross a twenty Mile
Portage into a Branch of the Misouri, and to stem that north-
westerly to the Source: To cross thence a Portage of about
thirty Miles, into the great River Ourigan : to follow this great
River, through a vast, and most populos Tract of Indian
Country to the Straits of Anian, and the Gulf or Bay project-
ing thence north-easterly into the Continent and there to pass
the second Winter.

Here an Intercourse of Traffic will be opened with the
Indians, to procure every necessary Article of Subsistence.
A Stock of Cod-Fish, and other Victualling will be cured, &
a Purchase of Boats or Craft, peculiar to these Parts will be
completed.

i Now the Minnesota river. Its source is at about 45° 45' and a portage
directly west to the Missouri river would be about 150 miles..

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 109

Early in the Spring the Adventurers will proceed to explore
every Inlet, Nook, or Bay, from the Straits of Anian to Hud-
son's Bay, between which it is expected to find the navigable
Passage, or Communication in Question.

The Proposer is induced to verge along the western Coast
of the Continent, and to trace the Straits of Anian, and the
Bay or Gulf projecting thence toward Hudson's Bay, the better
to avoid an Exposure to the intolerable Rigor of the Winds,
which on the Coast of Hudson's Bay, blow almost incessantly
from the Pole. But the Point being established and the great
national Purpose of the Expedition accomplished ; it will be-
come necessary to consult on the Expediency or Practicability
of dividing the Party, and leaving the greater Number to
winter at the Hudson's Bay Entrance of the Passage; to be
ready the ensuing Season to navigate, or pilot through the Ship
or Vessel, which may be dispatched to pass through into the
great pacific Ocean since such a Measure if practicable (would
doubtless prove most?) [obliterated] elegible and satisfactory:
But if an untoward, or hostile Temper in the Savages there,
or an Impossibility of subsisting during the Winter in these
inhospitable Latitudes should render the Return of the whole
Party, the only Alternative, it is urged, and may be insisted
upon, that Accuracy in Observation, and perfect Exactitude in
delineating the requisite Charts or Maps, will fully answer the
End, and every Purpose, although it should prove in some
Degree less satisfactory.

The Temperature of the Weather, and the almost constant
Direction of the Winds on the western Coast of North-America,
from the pacific Ocean, will render it most elegible to return
north-westerly between the Islands of Japan, and the Pole,
through that great Archipelago which bounds the Sea (hereto-
fore supposed a Continent) between America and Kamtchatka
the north-east Point of Asia; to return through Siberia,
Russia, &ca: &ca: to Great Britain.

London llth February 1772

ROBERT ROGERS, Major

110

T. C. ELLIOTT

Estimate for the Atempt proposed by Land across the great
Continent of North America, to discover a navigable Passage
by the North- West, from the Atlantic into the great pacific
Ocean, by Major Robert Rogers.
For himself as Director and Conductor in the En-
terprise 3 0 ' 0

For an intelligent Associate 1 5' 0

For a second ditto 1 5' 0

For two Draftsmen 15s each 1 10 ' 0

For one skillfull Surgeon 10 ' 0

For fifty common Hunters 4s each 10 0 ' 0

daily Charge, Sterling £17 " 10 " 0

The Time required will be three Years and a litle more,
from the Outlet till the Return to Great Britain, and the
Contingency requiring present Allowance, is for Presents of
all Sorts to distribute to the many savage Nations; through
which the Party is obliged to pass progressively

onward Sterling £4,000 " 0 '•' 0

London 11: February 1772.

ROBERT ROGERS. Major.

[Endorsed] Petition of Major Robt. Rogers Praying that
the Consideration of his Scheme for an At-
tempt by Land to Discover a Navigable
Passage by the North West from the Atlantic
to the Great Pacifick Ocean may be now
resumed &c. &c.
Re. llth Febry 1772

17th Do Refd. to a Committee
25th Do Read at the Committee
and Refd. to the Board of Trade,
lent the two Plans to
Capt. Carver 15 Feb. 1775
Copied from the Original
Read and Corrected.
S. May Osier.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 111

CARVER'S FIRST PETITION

From P. R. O. Colonial Office, Class 323, Vol. 28, p. 153.
To the Kings most Excellent Majesty in Council

The Petition of Captain Jonathan Carver, late Commander of
a Company of Provincial Troops of Massachusets Bay in
New England
Most humbly Sheweth,

That Your Majestys Petitioner having had such Command
as aforesaid and having from his Service therein gained some
knowledge of the Indian Languages and Customs, and of part
of the Interior and unfrequented parts of America was in
the Month of May 1766 applied to at Boston in America by
Captain Robert Rogers late Commandant of Michillimackinac,
who alledged he had Instructions1 and was armed with all
proper power and Authority from Your Majesty to employ
able and fit persons to explore the interior and unknown Tracts
of the Continent of America at the back of Your Majestys
Colonies, and to Inspect the same and make Observations Sur-
veys and Draughts thereof, And the said Captain Rogers to
Induce Your petitioner to undertake so hazardous an Employ,
assured your said Petitioner that he should be provided with
fit persons to Assist him therein, who should have every neces-
sary provided for them at the Expence of Government, and
be properly rewarded for such Service in so dangerous and
hazardous an Undertaking, and that Your Majestys said peti-
tioner should have all Incidental Expences whatsoever de-
frayed, And also eight Shillings a Day for such his Service;
until his Return from such Expedition to his own Residence in
New England, and Captain Rogers also promised and En-
gaged that the Journals plans & other Discoveries to be made
by your said petitioner should not be required of him 'till the
Terms and Conditions aforesaid were fully satisfied and paid
to your said petitioner.

That Captain Rogers at the Time he so applied to your

i Major Rogers had no such instructions. There is no mention here of any
search for the North-West Passage.

112 T. C. ELLIOTT

petitioner being just returned from Great Britain, and bearing
Your Majesty s Commission, your petitioner reposed an Entire
Confidence in such his pretended power and Authority, and
engaged himself with proper assistance to undertake the Ex-
pedition, and the Time fixed for your petitioners departure
being very short, and your said petitioner having every thing
to provide would not permit your petitioner to apply to General
Gage, but your petitioner had the honor to Represent the En-
gagement, to his Excellency Governor Bernard2 for his opinion
and has a Letter from his Excellency on the Subject now in
his Custody.

That your petitioner set forward with proper Assistance on
such his Employment the first day of May 1766, on this most
dangerous fatiguing and Expensive Service, and was absent
for near two years and an half3 during which time your peti-
tioner Explored to the Westward of Michillimackinac on the
Heads of the Great River Mississippi and west from thence
almost to the South Sea4 and on the West and North of the
great Lakes on that Continent, and the Disbursements your
petitioner was Directed to make to facilitate his Progress
amongst such a variety of Savage Nations of Indians which
were very heavy, will be the entire Ruin of your said petitioner
without your Majestys most Gracious Interposition in his
favour —

That your petitioner hath made several Discoveries which
he Imagines will be of great publick Use, which are Com-
prized in his Journals and Charts taken on the Spot none of
which have been hitherto published or Discovered to any
person —

That upon your petitioners Return from his Travels to
Michillimackinac, he found, to his great Astonishment Captain
Rogers confined,5 charged with being a Traitor to his King and
Country —

That your petitioner finding himself by his misplaced Con-
fidence deceived by Captain Rogers represented the Engage-
ments he had made with him, and the Fatigues he had under-

2 At that time governor of the colony of Massachusetts BPV.

3 Captain Carver left Boston in May, 1766: arrived at Maekinac in August.
1766: left there for the West Sept. 6, 1766: returned the last of Aujrust. 1767;
remained at Mackinac until May or June, 1768; reached Boston again in August,
1768.

4 The extreme western point reached by Cant. Carver was probably about fortv
miles Northwest of Minneapolis on the Mississippi river. The Pacific ocean was
then often re_ferred to as the South Sea.

5 This is a direct misrepresentation. Maior Rogers was not T>1?<-H -nrlpr
arrest at Mackinac until December, 1767. and Captain Carver was free to consult
with him during three months of that Fall.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 113

gone in Consequence, to the officers of the Garrison, and
afterwards to General Gage, and Governor Bernard, and was
Examined by them respectively, and had the honor of their
promises to use their Endeavours to serve your petitioner, to
whose Reports your petitioner humbly begs leave to refer, and
also to his own Journals and Plans, ready to be produced to
Your Majesty, which Your petitioner humbly hopes may be of
great publick Utility.

Your petitioner therefore most humbly prays your Majesty
to take this hard Case into Your Royal Consideration for
such his Services, and the great Expences he has been
put to in this very perilous undertaking. Your petitioner
submitting not only to be examined as Your Majesty shall
direct but to produce all his Journals plans and Charts
of the several Discoveries he has made —

And Your Majestys petitioner shall ever pray &ca.

JONATHAN CARVER*
Copied and compared by
Henry John Brown.

CARVER'S OTHER PETITION

From P. R. O. Colonial Office, Class 5, Vol. 115, p. 17.
Most Gracious Sovereign

With the Deepest Humility, I most Humbly beg leave to
prostrate myself at Your Majestys Feet, and pray that my
unhappy case, set forth in my Memorial Humbly Delivered to
Your Majesty the Eleaventh of August, May at this time, so
far meet with Your Royal indulgence, as not to be thought to
Trespass too far on Your Royal Goodness. Dread Sire, permit
me, Most Humbly to assure Your Majesty, That, Tho I Ex-
perience in many Respects, the utmost Distress that want can
produce, Yet it can hardly equal, the Pain I feel in Giving
so much inquietude to the Royal Repose; Yet Necessity, and

6 This petition was referred to a committee of the Council on Mar jrd, 1769.
and by that committee on June aist to the Board of Trade for consideration and
report, and reported back by them NOT. 20. 1760. Capt. Carver sailed from Massa-
chusetts for England on Feb. aand, 1769. Major Rogers arrived in England in
June or July, 1769.

114 T. C. ELLIOTT

I trust some Degree of merit in me, and the Royal Goodness so
Frequently Distinguished in instances of the like Kind, Gives
me Hope, That my services in the Army, Together with my
more Recent Travels into the interiour Countrys of America,
Newly Subjected to Your Majesty, and taking Plans and
Journals of the same, may in some Measure plead in favour of
this importunity, That a Proposed Publication of my Plans and
Journals During their Novelty, did so far attract the attention
of the Public, That Numerous Subscriptions were Opened for
that Purpose, Rather Promising great advantages to the
Author, But as I Humbly Conceived it my Duty first to make
a Tender of my services to my Most Gracious Sovereign,
Esteeming it my Greatest Happiness to be His Servant, And
to be intitled to Your Royal Bounty, as by order of Your
Majesty in Council Dated at St. James' 29th of November
1769, When my Plans and Journals (acquired by Hardships
and Dangers of every Kind, and that only, with the utmost
Resolution and Perseverence) were ordered to be Deposited
in the office of the Right Honorable Lords Commissioners
for Trade and Plantations, That by advice of my Friends, in
Particular Sr. John Pringle Bart, I have made Application to
The Right Honorable The Earl of Dartmouth for leave to
pursue my Discoveries, or that I might be appointed as Super-
intendent among those Remote Nations of Indians which ap-
peared to me, That the interest of the Public Stood in Need
of ; That I most Humbly Beg leave to add that the utmost of
my wishes do not Exceed the smallest allowance, or Some
Temporary Relief until I can, Or may be, Honoured with some
Employment in Your Majesty's Service, which I should Esteem,
the greatest Happiness all which I most Humbly Submit, To
My most Gracious and Most Mercifull Sovereign Lord The
King, who I wish may Live for ever Which is, and Shall be
Ever, the Constant Prayer of the Most Loyal and Faithfull
Subject,

JONATHAN CARVER.

ORIGIN OF THE NAME OREGON 115

Storys Gate Coffee House Gt. George Street Westminster

November 4th, 1773.

Addressed To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty
Endorsed Petition of

Jonathan Carver to

The King.

Copied and compared by
Henry John Brown.

OREGON BOUND 1853 117

DOCUMENTARY

LETTERS OF S. H. TAYLOR

TO THE
WATERTOWN [WISCONSIN] CHRONICLE

[Editorial in Watertown Chronicle, March 16, 1853]

FOR OREGON.— S. H. Taylor, Esq., and family, of this
city, and Amos Noble, of Emmet, will start this week for
Oregon, by the overland route. They will be accompanied by
two or three families from Illinois. Mr. T. has promised us
a series of letters giving a description of the route, and such
information of the country as may be of interest to the general
reader. He will also become a regular correspondent of our
paper after reaching Oregon. His well-known ability as a
writer is a sufficient guarantee that these letters will be full
of interest.

[Watertoum Chronicle, April 13, 1854]

OREGON BOUND.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE WATERTOWN CHRONICLE.

Owen, 111., April 4, 1853.
Friend Hadley — I write merely to gratify the kind interest

118 S. H. TAYLOR

felt in our success, by cherished friends whose hearts we be-
lieve are following us here.

We left Watertown Wednesday morning, and my family
reached here Sunday, and I on Monday — 65 miles — after wad-
ing through 40 miles of mud almost to the wagon axle. At
the Fort, the first night, one of my cows made her escape,
and I did not overtake her until I had got back within 8^
miles of Watertown. I then hurried on and overtook my
family at night at Milton, in mizzling rain and sozzling mud.
Although the cow had traveled 55 miles since 7 o'clock of
the day before, and without rest and with little food, she was
again missing in the morning. I found too that my coat while
drying was burnt up, and making a rush for my hat, that too
was gone — and with my blessings on the landlord, house, cow
and mud, and things generally I put back on the road, missing,
the cow at 5 miles, and again going within 8^2 miles of Water-
town. Supposing her to have been stolen, as she in ' fact
had been, I returned and found her after 45 miles more of
literal wading in the mud.

The next day, Saturday, the last of the frost came out, and
the roads were the next thing to utterly impassable. At Janes-
ville I navigated 7 miles of road that was in neither wagoning
nor boating condition. North of that place, over the low
prairies, the surface is too even and the fences too continuous
for either the water or traveler to escape. The fate of both is
the same — to go right down through. At almost every step
I sunk to my ankles, and was thankful for my flat feet that
kept me from going down deeper — while my poor cow went
down to her knees. And over that whole way, I met not a
single man, woman or child, from whom to get even the cold
comfort that it was 4 miles through. And I assure you it
was far from comforting, when I had made that 4 miles to
Janesville it was then 8 miles farther and worse !

At Milton, for the first time in Wisconsin, I heard the
demoniac, hyena yell of the "train" — so fiercely significant
that it neither stays nor turns save of its own will — bating of

OREGON BOUND 1853 119

course the necessities of grease spots and parabolic — though
the latter, it seems, in this road, under Mr. Kilbourn's im-
provements in railroading, are substituted by angles. The
cars came in there with a jolting, rattling sound as if running
on pavement — and the first thought was that they were off the
track running right along over the hubs on a straight cut to
the next turn of the road. It was a mizzling, dense, palpable
night, and as the cars crept slowly and noiselessly away to
the west, it required no great stretch of the fancy to the
thought that they were afraid to run in the dark. And if
they were animate, it might well be so — for just west of
Milton, a mile or so, the track takes a short turn around the
point of a gravel ridge, where the first impression of safety
is in being ready for a jump, or footing it over the point and
taking the train as it comes along. The man whose name is
associated with this road, will live in the memory of men,
forever ; at least he ought to.

I have been over northern Illinois and 150 miles, or so, into
Indiana — over a region that I traveled 15 years ago. On every
hill and valley and stream, the Anglo-Saxon has, in this little
time, written his character in signs that a half century of
barbarism could not efface. After leaving the lake region and
going south into Indiana, although the setment [settlement]
dates back far anterior to that of central Wisconsin, the im-
provement is much less marked. The southern Hoosier is
seen in their roads and fields and buildings and towns, as
readily as in the peculiar phrases and wanging tone of voice
of the people. Where the country has been settled from the
eastern and middle states, the progress has been truly wonder-
ful. Where, 15 years ago, the traveler threaded his weary and
solitary way over the plains and through the openings on
Indian trails, finding the rude habitations of men scattered here
and there far from each other, and now and then a mere
saw mill frame, perhaps, erected, with the miller's cabin by
it, the whole country, even the prairies, are covered all over
with fields and dwellings, and each "water-power" is the

120 S. H. TAYLOR

nucleus of a "town" now spreading itself over the hills, its
streets walled in with massive structures of brick and stone, and
presenting an appearance of life and power that might be
expected after a half century's labor and growth. Where, a
few years ago, men plodded on foot over vast and trackless
wastes, seeking vainly for any conveyance, you are now in
the tide of a thronging multitude, hurried away by the steam
car on its iron track at a speed which the most closely scanned
objects flit by you half unseen, and the still water in the pool
by the way side, quivers as the ponderous train rolls over
the trembling earth.

There is nowhere — at least where I have been — such progress
as in Wisconsin. Her agricultural country is better and more
universally improved, her towns are larger, better built and
more active, there are more evidences of thrift and less of
poverty, than anywhere where I have been. I have seen
more frame barns on Wisconsin farms, in 30 miles, and there
are more towns on the 50 miles intervening between Water-
town and the state line, down Rock river, than on any 150
miles of the best part of Illinois or Indiana. I am satisfied
that there is not in the northern part of these states, an
inland town equal, in any respect to Janesville or Water-
town. No man can open his eyes, and keep them open, during
opportunities for observation, without being satisfied that
Wisconsin is very far superior for all purposes of civilization,
to the region lying south of it — and that it is destined to the
support of a far more powerful community. Could the people
of your state realize the position it now occupies, and that to
which it is rapidly and certainly hastening, they would be
prouder of their homes and labor with more of hope and zeal
for the future.

Of Watertown itself — Janesville is the only larger town in
this interior. Rockford is now entering into advantages by
which it may beat Watertown — perhaps — but remember my
prediction, that Watertown is bound to outstrip every place on
this river except Rockford.

OREGON BOUND 1853 121

I have fooled away a good deal of time, and it is getting
late, so I will just say what I intended to in the beginning.
We are all either well or better, and in good spirits — intending,
with some dozen other families, to leave to-morrow for Kanes-
ville. In poddling through the mud after my cow, I saw a
little of going to Oregon, and if there is any truth in the
saying that a "bad beginning makes a good ending," we have
a good reason to hope for a successful ending.

I expect to write you from Kanesville,1 which we do not
intend to leave till about the 5th of May. Everywhere there
are families and crowds of cattle Oregon bound.

I know not what to say to those who gave us such touch-
ing evidences of their regard. Please say to them as you
meet them, that we find as yet, and I believe we shall find,
the parting with our dear friends there, the most painful
feature in the undertaking in which we have entered.

Yours, &c.,

S. H. TAYLOR.

[Watertown Chronicle, July 6, 1853]

Council Bluffs City, May 24, 1853.

Friend Hadley — Yesterday the 23d, after 47 days, mostly on
one of th worst roads in the world, we arrived at this place, and
with about 300 people and 1000 head of cattle, kept back and
dammed up by floods and broken bridges, "sat down before the
town." The season has been wetter than any that has preceded
it for many years, and all the late companies are from eight
to fifteen days behind their time. The tide, however, has
been up to its flow and swept on. Ten thousand strangers
have been here in a month, and are gone again, and the town
begins to be desolated and still. It is built of log cabins, one
story high, on both sides of a street running about 60 rods
down the bottom of a ravine, between high, dirty clay hills,
where it can neither see nor be seen. There are perhaps a
half dozen two story buildings in the place, all devoted to
gaming, the only business that can afford to live in them.

1 What ii now a northern portion of Omaha waa originally called Kanesrille.

122 S. H. TAYLOR

I know not whether there is a frame building in the city.
Their stores and offices are all in little log buildings, that
would be a disgrace to almost any Wisconsin farm, and
would not be allowed to stand a week in any Wisconsin village.
I have not seen a school house, nor a church, in the town, nor
indeed have I in any other Mormon settlement. There is not
in the city, a trace of taste, pride, enterprise or public spirit.
Wherever the Mormons have established themselves in this
country, you can see the clearest evidences that society is
sinking rapidly downward.

The whole country from Lyons, on the Mississippi, to this
city, is under the dominion of the Mormons and Hoosiers,
and its condition is what would probably be expected by one
acquainted with those settlers. You would hardly believe what
I should tell you of it. A man accustomed to the state of
things among the Yankees, would be unprepared to credit a
true statement of the condition of things.

We have traveled 337 miles, across the state, through its
capital and in its greatest thoroughfares, and we have not
crossed a stream 60 feet wide or over, without paying toll;
have not seen a stage coach nor any other public conveyance,
nor a public house out of a village, nor indeed a village as
large as Watertown. There is nothing, absolutely nothing, in
the country, showing enterprise. Even at Iowa City, the
capital, a village of 1200 inhabitants, where the Iowa is I
should think not more than 15 rods wide at high water, they
have a toll bridge and the people pay annually in toll one-
fourth enough to build a fine bridge. A settlement of Yankees
nine miles from the city, offered to give $3,000 if the city
would give $1,500 to construct a free bridge, and it could
not be raised. The city has nothing Yankee in its appearance —
neither gardens, orchards, nor many of what you would call
even second rate houses. The capitol is a building little su-
perior to the Jefferson2 jail, and the public grounds around it
are a mere common for the herding of cows and the storage
of lumber.

2 Watertown, Wis., is located in Jefferson county.

OREGON BOUND 1853 123

Pella, a village of 400 Dutch and Yankees, is the only town
on the road where we saw gardens, fruit and ornamental trees,
walks, good buildings, and such other evidences of taste and
enterprise as you see in Wisconsin towns.

Lyons has about 200, De Witt 200, Tipton 400, Iowa City
1200, Pella 400, Kanesville 500 people— in all less than 3000—
and there are not 400 more in all the many of what the
Hoosiers call "right smart villages" on this road. Instead of
taverns, they have here "wagon yards" — the sign of which is
over the barnyard bars. The Hoosiers seldom go from home,
and go in covered wagons, carrying their living with them,
and merely wanting a place where they can cook and feed.
Their wants are all supplied in the barnyard — and that is the
extent of the hotel. They have no railroads, plankroads, turn-
pikes, not even bridges — and their public roads are laid gen-
erally where the land is poorest and most broken, and there
only from two to three rods wide. The Hoosiers, many of
them, understand that it will take the Yankees to make any-
thing of the country, and freely expressed the hope that the
railroads from Lyons and Savannah to the Bluffs will bring
them in.

I believe there is more mail matter delivered in Jefferson
county than at all the offices on the great road — and I ques-
tion, indeed, whether there is not more delivered in Water-
town alone. Having seen nothing that looked like U. S. mail,
I asked a postmaster how they got their letters. He said a
man brought them on a horse every week from the east through
Iowa City. I asked if "in his breeches pocket." He said, "he
might." And that is the eastern mail to Kanesville — weekly —
but, says the P. M. here, we have two a week from the south!

Until I reached here I have not seen a newspaper since we
crossed the Mississippi ; and you may be assured that those
four Chronicles you sent me to this office were right gladly
received. I read one and keep the others to read on "the
plains." Our people all seized upon them with the avidity of
children. We have plenty of books, but we are all Yankees

124 S. H. TAYLOR

and need the "news," and shall feel sensibly the want of your
paper regularly on the road.

We intend tomorrow to enter upon the great waste wild
that lies now west of us. I cannot tell you so that you can
relish how we feel as we are about to go. Since we were here
I have seen many go out, and I have seen no countenance free
from evidences of strong emotion. Our departure is one of
those hours occurring seldom in life, on which the past and
the future press heavily. There are painful thoughts of those
who are dear to us and with us; visions of sickness and pain
that rivers of sympathy cannot relieve, and of death where
death comes without any of the consolatory influences that
Christianity and humanity can shed about the grave, and of
the burial and desertion of precious remains on the desert,
where the waves of empire will go over them as unheedingly
as the sea goes over its dead ; and there are earnest thoughts
of friends who are behind and whose passionate love will go
after us as vainly as the wind — and we know not how many,
but there are many bitter repentings. Many regret that they
are going — though few can be induced to say so much; and
many more, I apprehend, are conscious that they have not
acted wisely in entering upon the enterprise.

We go out in a company of about 20 effective men — three of
them Methodist preachers — 13 wagons and about 200 head of
cattle. The determination is to observe the Sabbath strictly.
We go well armed, but I believe generally trusting about as
much in God as in our arms.

Horse trains went out on grain as early as April 18th, but
companies with cattle did not go out trusting to grass until
about ten days ago. It is considered barely safe now to go out
with horses and depend on grass solely.

I have seen enough of "going to Oregon" to be enabled to
give some advice to those who may hereafter go. We are
now past a portion of the route that is acknowledged, in a
wet season like the present, to try the ability of teams as fully
as any part of it, and I have learned that the condition is more

OREGON BOUND 1853 125

important than the age of cattle. More cattle are supposed to
have given out on the road in this state, than will, with the
same usage, fail hereafter. Those that have failed are of all
ages, but, in all cases, I presume, in poor condition. It is not
well, however, to take heavy cattle. Those that are young and
no more than ordinarily heavy built, travel easiest and longest.
Men I have seen who have been through and are going again,
generally have oxen from four to six years old, and loose cattle
young, and none of them unusually heavy in the body. Cattle
must be in good condition. Were I to prepare again for the
expedition, I would grain up my oxen all winter, and have them
fat when I started. And this is the opinion of all I have heard
speak on the subject.

Stags do not make a good team unless they are quick. They
are naturally too slow to travel with oxen, but if they are
quick, their hardiness renders them far superior. We cannot
rely much upon cows for draught. We make nothing of "break-
ing in" a cow — nor, in fact, anything else — but they are of
little service. A young man, who feels himself rather smart,
seizes a cow by the horn with one hand, and with the other on
her neck to hold her, lets her splurge for a minute or two,
when she finds she is fast, and allows herself to be quietly
led into the yoke, and in an hour is drawing as if proud of her
new mission. And so we do with anything we want in the
team. I got a stag, five years old, quick and strong, that had
never been in the yoke, and a bull of the same age, a large,
powerful, self-reliant animal, that had never had a restraint
upon him, and knew nothing of restraints till we put a log
chain on his head, and we have them now both in the team, the
best animals in it. Cows, however, are not heavy enough for
service, and are not reliable in bad places. I have two cows
in the yoke, working very well, but they are of near twice the
usual size and weight — while they are the only ones in our
company now in the team, though we started with a dozen or so

Emigrants should be particularly careful to have their wagons
right. They should be very light and easy running. The cover

126 S. H. TAYLOR

should be low, and it is better to have it round at the top. The
sloughs — "slews" — of this state are perfectly horrible. A man
who has not been across it can form no conception of the evil.
On any direct line from here to the Mississippi — 397 miles by
the road — there are doubtless 2000 miserable "slews." The
only way possible to cross them is to have a wagon that will go
over them on the turf. This a carriage with a heavy top can-
not do. Nor can these "slews" be crossed with heavy loads.
We found it necessary to reduce the weight on our wagon's
below 900 pounds. No wagon, in a wet season like this, can
go over the sloughs with certainty with more than about 800
pounds. With such an amount it goes along over the turf,
while with 1000 pounds perhaps it will invariably go down — and
such a going down as you never saw ! We have had ten good
yoke of oxen on one wagon to get it out of a "slew," and that
perhaps near ten times in one day. We have sometimes trav-
eled for miles over high wet prairies where the wagon would
constantly settle 3 to 6 inches into the ground.

I would advise any man intending to cross this state, to go
down below Rock Island before crossing the Mississippi. The
Indians had a trail striking from a point there, to the Bluffs,
keeping a series of "divides" forming the water shed of the
Missouri and Des Moines. The road from Dubuque by Cedar
Rapids, that from Lyons by Iowa City, and all the others,
strike right west or south west from the Mississippi into this
ridge, and keep it. The Mormons, when they went to Salt
Lake, took it on the Mississippi, and made the best road, now
called "the Mormon Trail," that the ground will admit of.
This is a good road. It is serpentine, but even, dry and hard.
We came by Lyons and Iowa City, and have had about 140
miles of it, and we had rather our cattle would travel that
140 miles, than 50 of the road before we came to it. From
Beloit, on the line of Wisconsin and Illinois, an ox team will
go to Kanesville, at least in a wet season, in ten days less
time by going down to the mouth of Rock river and taking this
route, than by the straight roads.

OREGON BOUND 1853 127

Let no emigrant be fooled by the great efforts made at
Iowa City and Cedar Rapids to induce him to purchase there
his outfit of provisions. They can be obtained as cheap at
Kanesville as at those places, and the extra carriage actually
costs as much as they are worth. There are times when pro-
visions are high here — as at this time and for three days now,
flour is $10 a barrel, bacon from $10 to $15 a hundred, &c. —
but even at such prices, nothing is gained by buying at Iowa
City or Cedar Rapids.

Every effort that can be is made every where in this
route to palm off provisions and forage on the emigrant. He
is constantly told that "ahead there is scarcity, corn and oats
$1, &c." Such stories are all impositions. This is the farmers'
market, and every farmer's interest is to raise such products as
it requires. An abundance is produced for it on every road
where emigrants go, except within perhaps one hundred miles
of Kanesville, where very few people live, and the little that
is raised is soon consumed.

We go out with teams in as good condition, perhaps, as any
that have left this point. Some fast companies passed us on
the road, but we have passed some of them again, and believe
we shall pass the remainder. More anon.
Yours, &c., in haste,

S. H. TAYLOR.

[Watertoum Chronicle, July 13, 18531

Pawnee Country, June 4. 1853.

Friend Hadley — We are now 90 miles up the Platte on the
Loup Fork, in company with about 250 wagons, blocked up
here, near what was called a ferry before it was flooded, wait-
ing for the water to subside. We are in the heart of the ter-
ritory of the Pawnees, the most skilful thieves that can be;
and some are paying dearly for their misfortune. In this
neighborhood they have stolen about 50 head of oxen, and
every morning we hear of from two to six oxen being run off.
About 200 Pawnees came here three days ago and are lying

128 S. H. TAYLOR

here with us, but with what intention we know not. We are
not afraid of our lives — but we find them very annoying. Dur-
ing the day we keep our cattle constantly in view, and at night
chain them up and keep up a double guard. All do the same —
but it is impossible to keep their hands off property when they
attempt to get it. They will almost steal a horse from under
his rider.

We move very slowly, but are gaining upon those ahead of
us. It is the wettest season "known to the earliest settlers,"
and those who have been through in dry seasons can form no
conceptions of the difficulties we have had to encounter. Even
the road along the Platte, except a few miles along the base
of the highlands, is horrible. Last Wednesday we saw many
wagons set on the Platte bottoms, and I am sorry to say mine
was one of them. We saw a little of the best of the road just
before a rain and when it was very dry, and it was the best
I ever saw — in some respects equal and in others superior to
a plank road. There are places where 30,000 loaded wagons
have, within five years, passed along a track of not over seven
feet in breadth, and there is no rut — no depression of one inch
below its original level.

The description of this country is generally embodied in
the pithy expression that "it can never be settled." The plain .
truth is, it is the most splendid country in the world, but with-
out timber. From 15 miles this side of the Missouri, to this
point, except the river flats, the surface is in fine easy slopes,
or levels, and the soil cannot be excelled. From here back to
Elkhorn, 60 miles, there is no timber but the cottonwood groves
of the Platte, and that away in the midst of a wet valley from
8 to 15 miles wide. We traversed the banks of the Elkhorn
10 miles, and saw its valley 20 miles more, and it is to that
extent skirted with noble cottonwoods, and its hillsides on the
east are covered with grand old burr oaks. East of that
stream, as we rise to its highlands, the country lies, how far
back we know not, in the finest slopes and valleys. No man
ever saw a more beautiful region, or one better adapted to

OREGON BOUND 1853 129

agriculture, than that lying along the Elkhorn. It cannot
be long before the great depot of supplies will be transferred
from the Missouri to this stream. The best opportunity I
have seen for emigrants, is for 15 or 20 families to locate on
that stream, establish a ferry, raise provisions and build up a
town. — Where we crossed they have ferried about 6000 wagons
this season at $2.50 to $3 — and that with one old scow and,
perhaps, five men. A few Yankees settling at that point
would draw all Kanesville there in two years, and make twenty
fortunes for those who adventured.

How far the absence of timber will prevent or impede the
settlement of this grand country, is, of course, mere conjec-
ture— but it seems impossible that with all its other advantages,
it should be allowed to remain long, as it is, a desolation. The
construction of the Pacific railroad, by which the Platte country
will be admitted to Oregon, and the opening of the great coal
bed that is supposed to extend from the Iowa river to the
Rocky Mountains, will have much to do with the solution of
the question what is to become of this great region.

Since crossing the Nishnabatony, 25 miles beyond Kanes-
ville, we have not seen more than a rock in a place — nor indeed
do I know that we have seen one at all. The soil everywhere
lies on a formation of clay and fine sand, such as fills the waters
of the Missouri. The bluffs and hills about that stream, are
mere prominences left by the powerful denuding forces to
which the country has been exposed. I was told that there
was coal on the west side of the stream below Kanesville —
but I should not expect it there, and think it doubtful. Coal,
in the Missouri country, is probably very deep — having at least
the sand-stone in place, and this great bed of clay, the depth
of which no one knows, above it. 170 miles east of Kanes-
ville, near Pleasantville, and 240 miles near Montezuma, the
coal appears in all the ravines, and the indications are that
the supply is inexhaustible. With the opening of the railroad
to the Mississippi, it must become an important source of
revenue to the country.

130 S. H. TAYLOR

June 7. — We have a prospect of crossing the Loup today.
There are about 100 wagons here now— but few coming in.
We see many cattle trains of from 100 to 500 head — probably
about 1500 head now here. Many wagons have gone up to
the fords, one of which is 35 and the other 70 miles above. —
Fords on this stream are essentially dangerous. Its waters
are a mere mass of quicksand, rushing along with the velocity
of a mountain stream. In fording our cattle they sink right
down into the sand, and the farther they sink the faster they
sink, while the current is so swift that even ferriage is attended
with some hazard.

I had intended to write more freely, but we just learn that
we can cross the river inst (inter, and so I close for the present.

Yours, &c.,

S. H. TAYLOR.
[Watertown Chronicle, September 14, 1853]

Wood Creek, June 12, '53.

Friend Hadley — I wrote you last Tuesday from the crossing
of the Loup Fork — but the men keeping a whisky supply at
this point are gone and we shall probably see no one again going
east until we reach Fort Laramie. We are now spending the
Sabbath on Wood Creek, 170 and odd miles from Kanesville,
and on what may well be called "the plains." We are on a
flat, safely above the streams, of almost perfectly even surface
and to appearance boundless in extent. It is the "Platte bot-
toms." On the north, directly abreast, is to be seen, in a good
atmosphere, a dim trace of highlands, fading away immediately
at the right and left, so far away is it — and at the south, three
miles off, is the Platte, indicated by its dark cottonwood groves,
and between them you look on in that direction, and there, as
forward and back of us, the vast plain stretches away, we
know not how far, for it is beyond the reach of our vision.
Yesterday, at one time, our road was supposed to be 12 miles
from the Platte, and yet, landward, the level flat extended
probably 12 miles farther.

These flats are the great range on which the buffalo have

OREGON BOUND 1853 131

herded for centuries. Their bleached bones are eveiy where —
but it is evident that they are slowly retreating before the
whites. All the way to the Loupe, the remains were merely
the most durable portions of the skeleton; this side of that
stream we have seen many of those that perished last year.
That stream, however, has been a great barrier to their pass-
age eastward from their great crossings on the Platte, above
here, and they have never been so abundant there. They
are now seldom seen that side of the Loupe.

From the Loupe ferry, we kept the valley of that stream
about 45 miles — some of the way, for surface, soil, timber
and water, as fine a country as is in the world. The flats are
in places five miles wide. At 22 miles, where the bluffs ap-
proach the river, we go about 3 miles through them, and
emerge suddenly upon a great flat extending from the Loupe
over to the Platte, 20 miles or over, and 10 miles or more in
its other width, on which might be surveyed a square of more
than 125,000 acres with hardly a depression or elevation suffi-
cient to conceal a horse. — The flats of the Loupe are fine for
farming, and the stream is all the way where we saw it covered
by cottonwood groves. Just before leaving the Loupe valley,
we saw the first "alkali" — though by testing it we concluded
it to be the pure salt. At 45 miles we struck off south and
south-west, thro' steep, barren, naked bluffs of clay and sand ;
a day's drive, to the Platte bottoms, and another day brought
us here. The crossing of the stream is bad, and there is all
day a perfect jam and rush of people, teams and wagons ; but
a sermon from one of our folks holds a part of them for an
hour, and on they go again.

June 23. — We have traveled less than 5Vfc days this week
and made 1 19 miles, by our guide. We are where the cattle are
seized by the infection of westward fever, and without urging
go 20 to 26 miles a day. We are encamped near the Platte
forks, by some famous springs, which, in this interminable
region of "Platte water" and "slou' water," are really gloriously
refreshing. There is no point from the Missouri to Fort

132 S. H. TAYLOR

Laramie, to which the emigrant looks with more earnest desire,
nor, where he finds such a real heart-satisfying pleasure. By
this time men's natural wants have become strong, and what-
ever their habit may have been, the appetite for strong drink
is overwhelmed by the desire for "good cold water." As the
clear liquor comes up silvery and sparkling, rolling up the
white, beautiful sand, and flowing off, to revive and refresh
all the thousands that come, even the drinker forgets his
whisky, and pays some passionate tribute to the "blessed good
water." I sat down and sipped the water on the low bank,
where Waldron and Stimpson sat and sipped it four years
ago, and I presume thought about what they thought about.
There are three graves here, and the inscriptions say the dead
of them died in consequence of immoderate drinking of the
water. When we reached the springs the mercury was at
112 in the shade, and the warning may have saved some of us.

The weather has been cool and comfortable until yesterday,
and then it was about as hot as "the nature of things would
admit of."

Since leaving Wood creek, we have passed over a great deal
of alkaline land. The earth is wet and miry where the alkali
is found in the water, and where the surface has been dried
there is an incrustation of what appears to be saleratus. It
is everywhere found in connection with salt.

We have passed over much beautiful bottom land during the
week — especially that lying along Wood, Buffalo and Elm
creeks — little streams tha thave almost their whole course in
the flats. The timber of the Platte is now fast diminishing,
and we traveled by the stream on Friday all day where it was
almost naked of wood. It was only now and then that a tree
or bush could be seen, indicating the course of the river. There
is more just here, but it is all on the south side, and we can-
not reach it. Buffalo chips are abundant, and for fuel we find
them quite a passable substitute for wood. The timber that
is here and for 40 miles back, is not worth counting in con-
nection with the settlement of the country. Below that the

OREGON BOUND 1853 133

groves are heavy and apparently fine. The Loupe also is well
timbered along its immediate margin. They will both be
settled 100 miles above their confluence, and a great com-
munity will grow up there. Unless the Pacific railroad, or
some other collateral influences interfere, there will be, in "our
day," a city of 10,000 people at the mouth of the Loupe. In
spite of that or anything else, a city will be there, and soon.
Let the Indian title be extinguished and the Yankees get hold
of the Platte, Elkhorn and Loupe Valleys, and there will be
from the Missouri up, a mighty state, second in moral power
to but one in the north-west — your own.

The alkali has an effect to injure the hoofs of our cattle
to such an extent that they wear tender, and crack badly in
the heel, and we have much trouble in consequence. Tell your
readers who may hereafter come over these plains, to be pre-
pared with little thin plates of iron for ox shoes, and flat
headed nails to secure them — ivithout fail.

July 3 — We had hoped to be at Ft. Laramie that we might
pass the 4th there to-morrow — but the lameness of our cattle
delayed us and we are fifteen miles short. I trust that to-
morrow about when your folks are sitting down to their inde-
pendence dinner, we shall be driving up to Ft. Laramie.

We have been troubled much by the lameness of our cattle.
While the wet season has given us abundant forage, it has
aggravated this serious evil. The wetness of the alkaline sur-
face renders the principle more active and fatal, and the feet
of our cattle have been subject to its influence until the hoof
fails to answer the purpose of a hoof. — In spite of close and
constant care, one in seven of all our cattle has a hoof worn
through, or a heel cracked deeply and badly. This is a great
evil on the north side of the Platte. Oiling the hoof once or
twice a week has been in ordinary seasons a very good pre-
ventive, and it would be well for emigrants to be supplied with
it for the purpose — though this season it has failed of the end.
We have used alcohol with a better result. — Its effect is to
harden the hoof and fortify it against wearing, every emigrant

134 S. H. TAYLOR

should be supplied with it. Few men are supplied with the
means of using such remedies, and are obliged to resort to
shoeing with leather, fastening with eight-ounce tacks — a poor
expedient but much better than nothing. It is remarkable
that, to within about seventy-five miles of Ft. Laramie, the
evil increased, and then the feet of the cattle begin to harden,
and some are fitted to all the conditions of the road — that is,
supposing due diligence to be used in avoiding alkaline grounds.
The Platte, through almost its entire course below here, at
least, flows along the southern wall of its valley, and on that
side there is no flat and of course no alkali. On this, the north
side, the extent of surface occupied by it, is diminished by
the increase of alluvial and detrital deposits. — Two hundred
miles below here, almost the entire surface is impregnated with
alkali, while here perhaps two-thirds of it is covered by alluvion
carried on by the stream, and by sand and clay washed down
from the hills. The alkali is thus concealed — otherwise it
would render this route entirely impassable and uninhabitable,
high up the stream, for even here, where it is found, the water
is so strong as to be fatal and the earth covered with a crust
of alkaline salts, resembling the purest saleratus.

I wish to give your readers the best general idea I can of
this valley and its peculiarities, but I will wait for a better
opportunity than I shall have on the road. When we get
through, if in God's providence that event occurs, I shall try
to give you a view of this country and of all through which we
may pass. It is enough that the last 200 miles of our course
has been, so far as wood is concerned, over a total, utter deso-
lation. On this side the river, there is not a thing growing
as high as a man's knees. Even this great stream sweeps along
without a shadow cast upon its waters — without a tree or bush
to indicate its course. Even the "LINE TREE" has been
cut down and burned. When we stood by its stump, on ground
on which so many thousands have enjoyed its shade, we felt
that the man who could destroy it was fit only for murder and

OREGON BOUND 1853 135

arson. But the noble tree is gone, and there is now 200 miles
without a shade.

From the Platte forks up to this point, the valley is narrow,
from 2 to 6 miles wide, and more uneven, and deeper cut in
the surface formation, the high lands being in some cases per-
haps over 200 feet high. These are a mixture of clay and
sand, and it is curious and interesting to see what freaks the
water played here during the glacial period. The bluffs form
the most striking feature in the country. They are the broken
hills lying along the margin of the valley, more or less detached
from the great mass of clay and sand that forms the upper
and highest surface.

There are some grand bluffs just below here, on the south
side of the river. About 60 miles below is the first deemed
worthy of note on our guides — court house bluff. At a dis-
tance of 15 miles it presents a very fine appearance — seeming
like a great regular structure of brick with a low dome, but
too massive and heavy in its form to be pleasing. At a view
of 6 miles, our nearest point, it is unshapely and with a little
feeling of disappointment you turn to those that stand out in
finer proportions, farther up the stream. Chimney bluff, 10
miles ahead, is a tunnel shaped mass of clay, perhaps 170 feet
high, of really fine shape, and its center being a shaft probably
60 feet high and seemingly not more than four feet in diam-
eter. They are both entirely naked of vegetation and the rains
are slowly washing them down. The gutters in the surface
of the court house bluff, give to its walls, at a distance, the
appearance of a great columnade, and the effect is so great
that you almost look for human forms about it and among its
columns. 20 miles still farther up is a bluff — Scotts bluff —
the grandest object of the kind I ever saw. It is nearly divided
but encloses a fine green area like a court, around which,
except on the east, rises what seems like an imposing pile of
regal buildings in the style of the earlier days of monarchy.
It appears as if two immense structures had been raised in the
infancy of architecture, and additions had been made showing

S. H. TAYLOR

the progress of the science and the advance of each age. It
has no spires — the shafts rising from its wings being like
chimnies — but one part is surmounted with a noble dome,
and the other has what is more like a great castle rising above
the whole mass. The wings are naked, like bare brick walls,
but between them the sides seem a little sloping and are grassy,
with the summits covered with scattering dwarf cedars, that,
at the distance of our trail, look like men, and really appear
like guardsmen looking at us as we pass. East and near it is
a beautiful tower, apparently as perfect in its form as the
hand of man could make it. — It rises about 70 feet with a wall
leaning slightly in the center, and then goes up at least 60 feet
perpendicularly. In the center, and covering about half its sum-
mit, rises a noble perfect dome. In the court there is another
like this. They are about 160 feet high and 60 feet broad at
the base. The main bluff is from 200 to 250 feet high. Court
house bluff is probably about the same — though some have
made it as high as 400, and a book we have here calls it 800.
These are mistakes. They are high enough, however, to be
worth going far to see, and we have regretted very much that
the river cuts off from us the privilege of visiting them.

Yours, &c.,

S. H. TAYLOR.

[Watertown Chronicle, August 10, 1853]

Fort Laramie, July 6, 1853.

Dear Mrs. Hadley — Feeling that some of our friends in W.
would like to hear from me, I improve a leisure moment in
writing you.

You will recollect that we left home with a very sick babe.
She began to mend from the first day of starting, and con-
tinued to do until she, "with the rest of us," is now in the
enjoyment of good health. We have had a fine traveling sea-
son, although some mud to wade through ; and although there
is a great deal of sameness in the face of the country we have
traversed, yet I find it very interesting, and am not yet willing

OREGON BOUND 1853 137

to return. I wish I could paint for you a picture that would
not fade of the river, the bluffs, the flats and (by far the best
part) the flowers — the most beautiful and splendid, the grand-
est specimens of the floral kingdom. — The cactus grows here
in the greatest luxuriance, and many varieties. I wish I
could send you a root of the pineapple cactus. I would attempt
sending more of the dried flowers, but fear they will break to
pieces so you cannot distinguish them. The graves of de-
parted travelers are another interesting feature in this country.
We have seen but four of "53" — three of their tenants were
killed by lightning ; another was a babe of fifteen days.

We had a very narrow escape from lightning a few days
since, as our wagon was leaving camp some distance ahead of
the train. The shock from the flash was so great as to almost
prostrate our whole team of five yoke, causing every face to
blanch and every heart to quake; but the danger was safely
passed through, while a smaller object a few rods in our wake
was shivered. The rain storms here are tremendous, and you
may judge that our cloth house is poor protection.

The fort does not answer my expectations at all. From the
distance at which I view it (two miles) it seems nothing more
than a few log houses inclosed by a wooden picket fence. I
cannot see the men at all. The buildings are on the flats,
which gives them a mean appearance after viewing the grandest
specimens of bluffs.

In the course of an hour we shall continue our route, soon
to cross the Black Hills, which are seen in the distance. Yes-
terday we met a return train of Californians, by whom Mr. T.
sent letters, which may reach you before this. They say that
we have passed the worst part of our route, and we hope to
find it so. We have had no sickness in our train as yet.

I can give you no idea of the number now en route for
California and Oregon, but we have plenty of neighbors. In-
dians are very scarce, judging from our experience.

Saturday after we had encamped, more than forty wagons
passed on our road and a goodly number was at the same time

138 S. H. TAYLOR

in sight on the opposite side of the river. A great many cattle
and sheep are crossing the plains this season. Our company
have lost one horse by accident, and one wagon — sold two
head of cattle on account of lameness ; the rest are in pretty
good heart to continue our journey.

Hellen has dried a great many flowers, expecting to send
them to her mates in W. and is very much disappointed that a
letter will not hold them. I have scribbled thus far seated
on the ground in my tent with a rather troublesome babe
hanging to my lap — Please excuse, and remember me to all
inquirers.

Yours very sincerely,

CLARISSA E. TAYLOR.

[Watertown Chronicle, November 2, 1853]

July 17, 1853.

Friend Hadley — We are now 150 miles, only, above Ft.
Laramie, after about two weeks of hobbling along with lame
cattle and rickety wagons. We all wonder very much that
our friends who have been through, have not warned us of these
two difficulties — especially of the first. For near four week
we have been compelled to make short drives of five to fifteen
miles a day — sometimes stopping entirely. We might have
saved much had we known in the beginning what we know
now — though we have brought all our cattle through to this
point, except two we sold to the traders. Some have lost
much more than we have. Within 20 miles of Laramie are
probably 25 establishments for trade with emigrants, and their
principal traffic is in lame cattle. These traders have now
probably in their hands over 1000 head, besides many that
have recovered and been sold back to emigrants at from three
to five hundred per cent, profit. The evil begins to show
itself about 300 miles below Ft. Laramie ; at that point it is at
the worst, and above there it stops entirely. From there up,
our trouble is entirely with old cases.

OREGON BOUND 1853 139

Large chested cattle, treading heavily on their fore feet —
those having soft hoofs — those that haul or crowd in team,
and those that in the yoke hurry or fret themselves — are almost
sure to become lame. Whatever may be effected by treatment,
much more may be by the selection of proper cattle. — No yoke
of oxen, however valuable, should be brought on the route,
unless they are true in the draught, and satisfied to do their
part in the yoke — and though I have succeeded perfectly with
two the heaviest oxen in the train, and one of them a bull, and
they working on the tongue, the worst place in the team, yet.
knowing what I do, I would not trust such again for the worth
of them.

In a previous letter I advised emigrants to prepare them-
selves with iron shoes. We are not now so much in favor of
them. We have found that above Laramie the hoof has hard-
ened so that quite commonly it is out of the question to nail on
a shoe. The friends of shoeing are now more in favor of
having their oxen shod a hundred miles or so east of Kanes-
ville, and depending upon other means to protect their cows.
It may be the safest course, though it is generally thought
that the foot would thus be unfitted for service after the
shoe comes off. I believe, and I think our people are all
satisfied from our experience, that a safe and perhaps perfectly
sure remedy may be used. Several of our working oxen that
became tender in the feet, we saved by wetting the bottom of
the hoof with alcohol, or alcohol and camphor. With the
free use of it, twice a day, oxen went through the Black Hills
with feet that were tender and threatened to fail when they
went in them. Every one treated with it, has recovered with-
out becoming actually foot sore — and some of them, too, even
when kept constantly in the draught. I have such confidence
in it that with two quarts for five or six yoke of oven and a
dozen loose cattle, I would depend entirely upon it. A moc-
casin of leather, rawhide is best, is much used, and if adopted
when the foot is first tender, will generally save it, but it is
quite a trouble and only defends the hoof while it is hardening,

140 S. H. TAYLOR

while the alcohol hardens it. It is of great use, in connection
with spirits turpentine, or tar well heat in, to cure the heel
crack.

An important thing in saving oxen, is to have light wagons,
light loads and plenty of teams. Let the emigrant always bear
this in mind. But a wagon should be good, of course — the
best. In passing through a dry region like this, every seam
in woodwork opens. Few wagons go through here without
becoming loose in the fellys and hubs, and producing much
trouble. The timber should be of the best kind and perfectly
seasoned, and put together by good workmen — otherwise the
wagon will fail, or cost more than it's worth to take it through.

July 24 — We are now in the mountains — about four days
from the South Pass — in the midst of poor feed, but enjoying
a little more rain than for a month past.

We have heard nothing of symptoms of scurvy, fever or
cholera, though a day back of us there was a death by moun-
tain fever on the 4th of July. I have never known, anywhere,
a time of such universal good health, as has prevailed this
season from the Missouri to this point, on both sides of the
Platte. The distance is 740 miles, the time eight weeks, and
there has not been 30 deaths among 30,000 emigrants. We
have heard of but about three cases of sickness, and have
known of no deaths except as we have seen by the way perhaps
six or eight graves of this year. A healthy season has had
much to do with this state of things, but to a better habit of
living is it to be attributed to a great extent. We see no
such thing as living constantly on salt food, nor of exposure
to conditions to which the system is unfitted. Everybody has
milk, and most everybody has an abundance. One-fourth of
the draught on the road is done by cows giving milk, a large
share of the loose stock is the same — and you would be sur-
prised to see the extent to which milk enters into the living of
emigrants. The impression that evening drawn milk of cows
traveling in or out of the team is heated and unhealthy, is a
mistake. Our cows are warm, of course, when they stop at

OREGON BOUND 1853 141

night — rather, they are so in our warmest weather — but in a
few minutes they become cool, and there is nothing in the ap-
pearance or taste of the milk showing a disturbance of its
natural condition. We all use it freely, and I believe per-
fectly safely. Everybody has fruit, too, and I believe that
has much to do with their immunity from disease. No emi-
grant should come on this road without plenty of dried sour
apples and cows giving milk. — Their value is incalculable. It
is remarkable that all are excessively fond of corn meal in
every form in which it is cooked. Every one expresses satis-
faction or regret as they happen to have it or not. The "corn
starch" substitute is a failure, because it requires eggs to make
it good. We think the milk, fruit and meal save us from the
diseased anxiety for potatoes and vinegar, as it does from the
necessity of using too much salt meat. We have also fresh
meat now and then, which helps along our living very much.
The swine has no representative on these plains — so we get
no new pork — but the antelope and buffalo furnish us an
excellent article of fresh beef. From a young buffalo killed
by some neighbors the other day, we had steak we called fully
equal to any we ever had in Watertown, though Watertown,
in that respect, be not a whit behind the very chiefest of cities.
The hard bread manufactured at St. Louis or Kanesville,
and obtained at the latter place by emigrants, is bad — always
very bad. I believe nobody eats it except when unavoidable.
We find we need but very little of such food, and it is about
as well to go without as to use that. It is sometimes, though
very seldom, needed, and I would advise emigrants to take
very little of it. — Flour is the staple ; it is always the most
convenient and the best form of material for bread, except,
perhaps, one day in fifteen, when hard bread is needed. Rice
seems to be less relished on the road than at home — I presume
because we have not eggs to cook with it. The emigrant will
find that anything usually cooked with eggs, is of little use on
the road.

142 S. H. TAYLOR

If a man will bring- with him proper fishing tackle, he can
get good catfish from the Missouri, Elkhorn, and Loupe, and
the Platte as far up as fifty miles below Ft. Laramie. — In the
Missouri they catch multitudes going up from 50 to 90 Ibs.
each. Though poorly supplied with tackle we caught a few
fine catfish in the Loupe and Platte, and some dace in the small
streams.

The patent wagon lock is thrown away by everybody who
has it, and the simple chain substituted. A lock is indispen-
sible, and the common chain is, I believe, universally pre-
ferred.

That which I believe is pronounced the best form of stove,
is that of the common plate stove, but level at top and bottom,
with two holes over the furnace, draught under and over the
oven, and flue in the end. 3 or 4 feet perpendicular draught
is necessary. We see none such among the hundreds that
are thrown away. A stove should be double where most
exposed to heat — say half the front end and bottom. At least
one camp kettle should be taken besides a dripping pan, coffee
kettle, two tin kettles, and frying pan.

The best form of tent is just that of the common house roof —
not more than 6 to 61/X> feet high, and 10 feet wide, well secured
with pins at the edges. With such a form we have found
brace ropes and all such securities useless — or nearly so. The
three poles used with such a tent, may be made very light,
and the whole be lighter, more convenient, and safer and
better than any other form.

Great care should be used to have ox yokes and bows right —
every way right — chains light but good, of right length, with
good hooks, and a half dozen or so of good heavy false links
will be found worth their weight in silver.

Wagon tire should be so bolted to the felly that it may be
readily taken off. This is very important. When our tire
becomes loose, we take it off, find an old stove by the way
and cut it into strips, and put them on the rim of the wheel
and set the tire over them. All the irons should be in the

OREGON BOUND 1853 143

common form, because then if one breaks it is easy finding
another with which to replace it.

Dry Sandy Creek, July 31.

We are 16 miles by the summit of the South Pass, actually
descending towards the level of the common earth — though
descending very slowly indeed, and through a region of little
feed and less water. We are 7640 feet above the level of the
sea, our guide books say, and almost to the line of perpetual
snow. The Wind River range of mountains, abutting on our
right, loom out almost over our trail with their sides white
with snow down almost to our level. The wind comes cold
from them, and the moment the sun's heat is obstructed, the
air feels like that of a winter day. We have passed over,
perhaps, the highest point of unbroken surface on the conti-
nent— yet we should hardly be conscious of being in a high
altitude, so gradual has been our ascent. But the remains of
the last winter's now, here and there lingering on the northern
hillsides and the abundance of mosses on their summits, the
cold chilling air, and the difficulty of weak lungs to breathe
when a little wearied, indicate our situation.

I have a word to say here in regard to traveling on the
Sabbath — the almost universal habit of this road. When we
left home, we commenced the experiment of observing that
day with accustomed strictness, and to this time have observed
it against the practice of every train and the opinion of almost
every man we have met. Our experience, though it be that of
but a single train, has so convinced our company of the
economy and expediency of resting on Sunday, that I think
our irreligious men, if traveling by themselves, would from
policy, do as we have done. We have been on the road six
days less than four months — a time sufficient to test whether
our teams need such a rest, and whether the rest is given them
at the expense of time. We supposed we should fall behind
a little, and that we should have only a good conscience — •
though that be enough certainly — to console us as other trains
left us — but now, after 16 weeks of draught, and four weeks

144 S. H. TAYLOR

of it on the barren sage plains, our cattle are almost every
one in good flesh and some of them good beef. I say only
what all admit, that our teams are in better condition than
those of any other train we can hear of on the road. For
four weeks our oxen have been remarked by those who have
seen them, for their good condition, while in every train near
us, there are some failing from leanness, and quite a large
share of them are so thin that we would not put them in our
yokes. We are quite surprised at this difference — especially
that it should be so great. To-day a company that was to
reach the summit of the Pass a fortnight ahead of us, is en-
camped here, satisfied to stop with us over Sunday. A heavy
drover, now going through the third time, is satisfied on the
point and now lies by with us. A train composed of very
prudent men, acquaintances of some of us, left Illinois one
day ahead, traveling Sundays. The character of the men was
a guaranty of the best management of their team, and it -was
predicted that they would go through in ten to twenty days
less time than we. — At the Missouri they were a week ahead,
having gained six days. Fifty miles above Laramie we found
a note from them, and they were two days only in advance.
Another train starting and traveling under similar circum-
stances, has had to stop to recruit, and is now behind us. We
have probably lost a far less per centage of cattle than any
other company going over the road.

These are not the only good results of lying by on Sunday —
nor are they the most important. Our people have an oppor-
tunity that otherwise they cannot possibly enjoy, for those
attentions to personal cleanliness, necessary to a healthy con-
dition of body — and for the relaxation and rest required as
much by their moral and physical constitutions. — While travel-
ing we are necessarily constantly exposed to the vexing, har-
rassing influences, incident to the road, and which has done
much to deprave and dehumanize those who have gone over it.
We need relief from these causes. The patience cannot bear
a constant, perpetual abrasion. Even with the healing influ-

OREGON BOUND 1853 145

ences of religion upon us, we feel it. We feel that the mind
cannot bear chafing all the time. And Monday morning we
feel as we used to, refreshed for another week of toil on the
road — another week of the journey of life — another week of
the labor of self control, and of effort to make the most of the
enjoyment of the social and domestic relations. I wish all who
are to go over this road, might hear and believe what I say —
that it is no more strange that those who travel Sundays and
thus neglect their moral necessities, should be prepared to
abandon their sick and tumble their dead into holes in the
ground, than that they should become indifferent to the neces-
sities of their beasts and strew the trail with the carcasses of
over-driven and over-beaten cattle.

One great cause of loss on this road, is, feeding on alkaline
lands. Cattle should, in no case, be halted where there are
alkaline salts on the surface. This is the great curse of the
upper Platte, the Sweetwater, and all streams flowing through
the great waste from the Summit west to the base of the Bear
mountains. The low grounds are every where more or less
covered with saleratus, and thousands feed and herd their
cattle in it for three to four weeks of time. They have the
alkaline principle constantly in their grass, and to some extent
in their drink, and even the dust they inhale is impregnated
with it. The system resists the poison more effectually than
we ought to expect, for comparatively a small per centage die.
Where 200,000 cattle have passed this season, there are, for
400 miles, from one to four carcasses to the mile — and prob-
ably one-half of this 200,000 are fed on the lime grounds and
furnish nine-tenths of the dead. Grass can be every where
found on the high land. It is in spots— dry but nutritious —
thin and scanty but very hearty. Our oxen labor on a morn-
ing's feeding of it, all day as well as on the low ground grass
till 2 o'clock. We esteem it the best grass by great odds. It
is not so convenient, and so 100,000 cattle, this year, are
grazed on alkaline feed to be killed or injured for months to
come. Crossing the plains again, I would not feed on the low

146 S. H. TAYLOR

grounds, after leaving Wood creek, 170 miles from Kanes-
ville, unless when I found it utterly unavoidable.

Aug. 7 — We are at the eastern base of the Bear mountains —
still in the region of sand, clay, gravel, drought and barren-
ness. The west pass of the Oregon route, we found saved by a
cut-off. The 46 miles without water, from the Big Sandy
to the Green river, in the common route, the Sublett cut-off,
is avoided by going down the former to where it is but 18 miles
across. The "dry stretch" of 26 miles, from the Platte to a
tributary of the Sweetwater, is also by going up the Platte,
to about 13 miles. Our company is about determined to go to
Rogue river valley to settle. We shall probably take the
Brophy cut-off from the great Columbia river trail — turning to
the left at the great level of Bear river and going well to the
head of the Humboldt, then down that stream to within 80
miles of its sink, and from there over the northern terminus
of the Sierra Nevadas, at this kind [line?] a mere range of hills
to Rogue river. We thus take a direct road, without mountain
passes with abundance of feed, and no "horrors" but two "dry
stretches" 25 miles each, and a horrible tribe of Indians in the
Humboldt.

Speaking of Indians — to this point the Pawnees are the
only tribe to be feared, and they only for their proficiency in
theft. The emigrant cannot too closely watch and guard his
stock till he leaves the Loupe fork. The only safe course, so
far, is to have every animal secured nights with a chain and
lock, with a man by him with a revolver, and never allow him
to go from the hand of the guard during the day. Beyond this
there is no risk. From the Loupe there is no danger of the
kind. The Sioux, Ottoes, Tapoos and Crows, are nobler In-
dians than you have ever seen; and hating the Pawnees im-
placably. Among all these tribes it is deemed a merit to kill
a Pawnee in any place or in any way. They prosecute against
them a war of extermination. They are above thefts. I was
with them four days in the Black Hills, separated from the
train, in search of an ox stolen by a white man, and I found

OREGON BOUND 1853 147

them ever ready to give me the best place in the lodge, with
the best buffalo robe and best buffalo meat. I would trust
them to any extent. I have not heard of an animal ever hav-
ing been stolen by an Indian between the Loupe fork and
Bear river mountains, nor do I believe such a thing ever
occurred. About the Bear river region were the diggers —
miserable robbers — but now, with another tribe, by the agency
of the small pox, they are nearly annihilated. They were a
powerful band a year ago, but are now a disunited and wan-
dering handful, hardly recognized as a tribe, and nearly harm-
less even as thieves.

As additional advice to those who intend going over this
road, they should make their calculations to live as nearly as
possible as they do at home. The last place to get good whip-
stocks is on the west side of the Des Moines. There are some,
but not the best, on the east side of the Missouri, going up
from Kanesville to the upper ferry. Opposite and about 60
rods above the present eastern landing of that ferry, on the
west side of the Missouri, is a good place, and the best place
to get good hickory for spare ox -bows — three or four of which
ought to be taken with every team. A man wants about three
dozen common screws ; 2 papers 8 oz. and 10 oz. tacks ; 2 Ibs.
shingle and 2 Ibs. 6d nails ; a saw, hammer, good axe, spade,
%, % and inch augers with one handle, wrench, screw driver
and two good pocket knives — one being to lose on the way.
So far, a gun is of little use except to fire off, clean out and
load up again every three or four days. A family should be
supplied with such medicines as they know how to use, especial-
ly for such diseases as proceed from a neglected and dirty con-
dition of the skin and overcharging of the bowels with Platte
water sand, and colds taken by swimming the Platte for cattle
and fuel ; and the best of remedies for murrain, alkali, over-
flowing of the galls, hobnail and other ails of cattle and horses.
There is an abundance of a purer and honester article of saler-
atus in this country than can be got at factories, and a man
may get more or less as he pleases at Kanesville. Salt for

148 S. H. TAYLOR

cattle is unnecessary after striking the Platte — from that point,
for some reason, they will not eat it. There are about ten
ferries on the road — the aggregate cost on each wagon is about
$25 to $30 — by all but two of which — the Mississippi and
Missouri — we swam our cattle without difficulty. The loss of
cattle on the road is just according to the care they have. The
loss of sheep, some 15,000 to 20,000 of which are on the way,
I am informed by the most judicious drivers to be not much
less than 20 per cent., or one-fifth. If any one wishes to take
hens, they can manage a half dozen or so with little trouble.
There are some in our company, and they ride well, being let
out at evening, and have laid nearly all the way. There is no
trouble in taking a dog, unless a bad traveler, by seeing to it
that he has water supplied to him on the "dry stretches." It
is not well to take cows that will "come in" on the road; I
have seen many such, and many young calves traveling, but
there are great objections, to wit: Good butter cannot be made
on the road, and such as we have is little cared for. A can
holding 6 to 20 qts., keeps our sour milk and cream, and
makes our butter by the motion of our wagon. Everything
should be carried in tin cans and bags. Pickles, and, I pre-
sume, pork, can be kept in cans while air tight. — The flesh of
poultry, "cooked down," is found an excellent article of food.
The dried eggs were a failure with us. Tin ware should be
substituted for earthen, and sheet for cast iron. Russia is
the only sheet iron, that, in a stove, will last through. An
excellent substitute for a stove when no baking is to be done,
is a sheet of iron like a stove top, to be put over a fire hole
in the ground, a common means of cooking, and one which the
traveler soon learns to make and use. It is just as good as a
stove for every purpose but baking. Every one needs flannel
under clothing here. In regard to supplies of clothing for the
future, every one is convinced that anything not needed for the
road, costs a great deal more than it comes to. Take nothing
for use after getting through — excepting money, of course,
tho' I can assure you, you will have much less of that than you

OREGON BOUND 1853 149

expected, when you get there. No water should be used for
drinking or cooking, nor allowed to cattle, unless in a running
stream or containing insects ; otherwise it is probably alkaline.
Every one ought to have too much sense to use water from
the stinking holes dug by some foolish persons in the margins
of "slews" and alkaline marshes. No poison water is found
east of here, that I am aware of, except as the alkaline is called
poison. We have seen one alkaline spring, on the upper
Platte, but the alkali is too apparent to the taste to be danger-
ous. To this point it is safe to use all running water, or that
which contains the young of mosquitoes and frogs. The guide
books are full and reliable in their information on this subject.
A man wants a guide, of course, and the latest to be got. The
"Mormon Guide" is the best as far as it goes. This, as every-
thing the emigrant wants, is to be got at Kanesville.

I shall probably have no more opportunities to forward let-
ters until I reach Rock City,3 two months hence at least ; and I
may not have one to send this — though I hope for it, for we
expect to be, until we leave the Humboldt, on a trail taken by
some of the return travel from California and southern Oregon.
If I have time, I will fill up. — There are many things I wish
to write, but must defer till I get through. I expect, if I live,
to hail from Rock City, Oregon.

Yours, &c.,

S. H. TAYLOR.

[Watertown Chronicle, March 29, 1854]

Jacksonville, Oregon, Dec. 17, '53

Mr. Editor — We arrived here in ithe Rogue River Valley Oct.
26th, just five, instead of four months out from Kanesville, in
company with a train of 87 persons, 23 wagons, 334 head of
cattle, 1700 sheep and 29 horses and mules — all right save the
"ordinary wear and tear" of wagons and teams, and some wear
and tear of heart, especially for going hungry now and then,
and eating poor dry beef for a fortnight on the road. — We were
so foolish as to join company with this great multitude at

3 Rock City was probably to be located at Table Rock, the «ite of the Indian
fight.

150 S. H. TAYLOR

Green River, 60 miles this side of the South Pass, and to come
through with them, and dearly we paid for our folly. Our
teams were broken down and we were delayed three weeks
and over beyond the time we might have made. — There was a
great deal of suffering in the train in consequence of the delay-
suffering providentially arrested by relief of flour from the
valley, meeting us ten days out, near the Sierra Nevadas. We
cannot express our obligations to this people for their gen-
erosity. It is the noblest community I ever saw. Many had
consumed their whole summer in a most sanguinary war of
defence with the bloodiest horde of Indians on the continent;
all the grain that could be destroyed by fire, had been con-
sumed, and many of the dwellings of the settlers burned down ;
business of all kinds was totally prostrated, and the famine of
the past year threatened a continuance for a year to come;
but as news reached the valley that emigrants were suffering
on the road, a force of fifty rangers immediately volunteered
for their defense against the Indians, and under their protec-
tion a train of mules with three tons of flour, $1,000 worth —
was sent to their relief. The whole road to the Sierra Nevadas,
and indeed for a hundred miles beyond, was thus effectually
occupied and aid supplied as far as any necessity could be
anticipated. Wherever the presence of Indians was suspected,
there an efficient detachment of troops was posted and the
closest watchfulness maintained ; whenever property was plun-
dered from emigrants, the most vigorous efforts were made to
recover it — and when families were found destitute of bread,
they were supplied at the lowest rates to those having money,
and free to those having none. And twice after the first,
during the emigrating season, provision trains under escort
were sent out that there might be no possible failure of the
abundance of their liberality. On account of the great dis-
proportion of prices of labor and food, emigrants experience
very great difficulty in getting through the first eight months
of their residence here ; and no one can realize the intense in-
terest felt in their condition by the citizens of the valley. Every

OREGON BOUND 1853 151

facility within reach of the people is afforded them to obtain
food and to find employment. There is a great deal of in-
dustry in the valley, and the strangest mixture of economy
and liberality I ever saw. With the evidences of friendliness,
frankness and generosity a man every where meets, he can
hardly believe the community to be composed of people from
every part of the Union, a year ago all strangers to one an-
other.— Land here is good — but not as good as that of Wis-
consin generally. It is too gravelly. Much of it, especially
that most effected by drouth, is quite naked. Generally it
is about half covered with a short thick growth of very rich
bunch grass that seems to spread some by grazing and may
in places eventually form a close turf. A very little of the land
on the streams, has grass that may be mown — but the best of it
is not what your farmers would call tolerable wild meadow —
On the southern slopes of the mountains grass, much of it
clover, takes the place of timber, while the northern slopes are
covered with pine, (mainly pitch pine) fir and yellow cedar —
the latter differing a little from your white cedar, and ap-
proaching the famous red-wood, palo colerado, of Oregon and
California. Much of the southern slopes, is grown up to a
short stinted wild stage — Freemont's artimesia — a form of
which covers "the plains" from Scott's Bluffs, below Laramie,
to the Sierra Nevadas — fit for neither fuel nor food for man
or beast. There is soil everywhere. The rock is very seldom
exposed. Now and then you see a wall of sand stone or
hornblende running along the mountain side, but you see too
that time is fast employed whittling them to earth.

The periodical drouth produces a necessity for irrigation on
almost all soils, for the coarser products. Wheat, oats and
barley — all cereal grains — do well. They mature before they
suffer. Flax is indigenous on all good soils from the Bear
river to the Pacific. There is no three months of dog days
to make corn. The summer nights are too cool for it and
the drouth a little too early. The early kinds are grown but
with no great success. With wheat we can beat the world —

152 S. H. TAYLOR

and perhaps with oats. With coarse vegetables the country
does well. In fat cattle, it can't be beat. Now, at mid-
winter, there are hundreds of cattle, as fat as your best stall
fed, on the commons — propagating, growing, fatting, with as
little human care as the deer on the mountains. The animal
grows through all the seasons, and at one year old is as heavy
as in your country at two. An ox here is expected to weigh
eight to eleven hundred, of course, and you see one yoke
performing a labor that two of ours can hardly do. The wheat
crop for the next harvest is yet, Dec. 17, but little of it in.
They sow till March. The plowing of the season is now from a
third to a half done. It commences with the rains late in Nov.
and continues to the middle of Feb. or first of March. It
requires four or five yoke of oxen to break with a plow cutting
14 inches. We have had now four freezing nights, all in suc-
cession. It is called remarkably cold. Men complain of the
cold as they do in your country when the mercury is 20 degrees
below zero. Their houses are very open — about open enough
for comfortable summer houses — and they expect to keep warm
in them. The commerce of the country is carried on upon 'pack
mules, and so mild are the winters that the "packers" expect to
sleep and live in the open air in all seasons, even without tents.
The highest point to which the mercury rose last summer was
112 degrees — but the heat was not oppressive as it is in Wis-
consin. The air is balmy from the effect of the sea, and one
feels free about the chest in the highest heat of summer. In
winter the temperature ranges in the neighborhood of zero to
14 degrees below — seldom, perhaps never, freezing in the day
time, and only now and then nights. Nobody thinks of such
a thing as feeding cattle in the winter. You sometimes see a
little stack of hay designed for a working team in time of
emergency — but this is not common. It is expected that teams
will go right along through the winter, plowing and keeping
fat on the new growth of grass which is now green and fine.
The old Spanish trail and the present inland commercial route,
is through this valley, from California to Oregon. Thousands

OREGON BOUND 1853 153

of mules are employed on it. Trains are constantly passing.
And this multitude, winter and summer, subsist solely on grass.
Potatoes and other coarse products are secured when ripe
without regard to seasons. The potatoes are not yet all dug —
though they ought to be. These things are secured against
frost, by putting them into houses about as close as a good
log house. The mildness of the winter is a very great ad-
vantage to this country. The rains and fogs render it an
unpleasant season, but far less than you in that country sup-
pose. The rains came on this year about the middle of No-
vember. It rained more than half the time for ten or twelve
days, since that, for eighteen days, we have had two storms,
and enough to keep the ground very wet — that is all. This is
the busy time of the year. — Last summer and fall they had rains
out of their season, and many suppose they may be looked for
henceforth — but I apprehend there is no good ground for such
a hope. We met these rains on the road and they were called
unprecedented. The wet weather is from the south westward
brought by a tropical sea wind, I take it to be a diverted west-
ern monsoon, ranging along the region of mountains forming
the whole western coast couuntry of the continent, and it
comes warm like a summer shower. We have no cold rain
storms.

Hogs do but indifferently. If I were coming here again, I
would bring two or three full blood grass breed pigs. On the
clover they would do as well as the bears and cattle — but those
that subsist on roots and mast have a poor time of it. I should
think the hogs of the valley were of Spanish stock — but mean
and miserable as they are, a pig is worth an ounce of gold.
With such as they are the country will soon be supplied and
a better breed be called for. The breed of cattle cannot be
improved. Every thing of the kind becomes Durham in a year
after it gets here. The Umpqua valley, between here and the
Willamet, (pronounced Wil-/aw*-et) is said to be best for
hogs. Hens may be obtained here for about $2.00 a pair. A
family in our train took out a pair, with little trouble. I have

154 S. H. TAYLOR

seen no geese nor turkeys, and presume there are none in the
valley. Surrounded by mountains as this valley is, it cannot,
of course, be otherwise than well watered.

I can only say of the Rogue River what I have heard, that
it is so large as to require ferries. On either side, down valleys
three or four miles wide flow little creeks — Bear, Bute, Evans,
Antelope, &c — from the mountains to the river. There are
many little brooks that reach the creeks, and there you see every
where small spring runs that in a little way lose themselves
in the soil — and by all of these is afforded an abundant means
for irrigation. A few, very few, trout are in the creeks, and
some salmon live to get up here from the sea, but so bruised
and beaten about by the drift in the swift streams, that they
are unfit to eat. Of game — on the wooden slopes the deer are
really "too numerous to mention." Back a few miles in the
mountains, the black, brown and grizzly bears are abundant.
The grizzly is one of the noblest animals in the world — more
powerful and more fearless than the tiger. There is a species
of the American lion, and what is said to be a very fair repre-
sentative of the hyena, in the mountains — though I doubt
whether the latter is vouched for by any very good authority.
Myriads of wild geese and sand hill crains — but their place of
resort, so far as we know anything about it, is several lakes in
the interior, some of which we pass in coming over from the
Humboldt, and of which I may write more fully at another
time. The grizzly is an animal of incredible strength. I have
seen a cub, five months old, break up a bullock's leg in the
joint, stripping away the muscles from the bone with his claws.
But they can neither climb a tree nor run along a steep hill
side, and so they are not very dangerous. The fiercer animals
have never been known to descend into the valley. Small
game is scarce. Wild fruit, except the apple, is rather abund-
ant. Of that, no form is found save the tree — a fine crab tree,
but bearing only a very few small berries, half as large, per-
haps, as a currant, and half as good. — The grapes of this valley
are abundant and superior. The domestic apple does remark-

OREGON BOUND 1853 155

ably well. The native plurn grows on a dwarf bush, perhaps
10 to 18 inches high, and has the flavor of the peach. Apple
trees for sitting are packed over from the Willamet and sold
here for $1.00 each.

This valley is about 75 miles long and perhaps 8 wide, be-
side the valleys of the creeks. The lower part of the vaBey,
half of it, or thereabouts, is reserved for the present for the
Indians. They attempted last summer to drive out the whites,
and after a war of three months, during which about 40 white
and 100 Indians were killed, peace was concluded by the sur-
render of the best half of the valley to the whites. These
Indians are a wild fierce tribe, of kin to the Diggers on the
Humboldt, and about the lakes this side of there, and the
Snakes of Snake river. — They are degraded and cruel beyond
measure. It is said that they murder for pastime. They will
any of them shoot a man to get his hat. We saw the body
of an emigrant that had been dragged from its grave, to be
stripped, and left to the ravens. The whole country from the
head of the Humboldt to this place, and indeed to the ocean,
except the "desert," sixty miles, is infested by them to such an
extent that no place is safe. I wrote you what we heard of
the Humboldt Indians — the Diggers — of their extinction by
the small pox. We found it partially so — and no one comes
over the plains without wishing it were so of all these tribes.
At the western junction of the Bear river and Salt Lake roads,
we heard of the war of the Utahs and Mormons, the particulars
of which you probably had long ago. The opinion of the most
intelligent men I saw who came that way, was, that the war
was got up by the Mormons as a pretext for consolidating their
military establishment and fortifying the passes to the city.
Bad as the Utahs are, all who came that way agree that the
Mormons are worse — that they are more adept at theft and
more reckless at robbery. Much trouble is yet to be experi-
enced with that community. The cattle trains that came by
Salt Lake sustained more loss within striking distance of that
city than those by the Bear river road on the whole trip.—

156 S. H. TAYLOR

The closest vigilance was insufficient to prevent the theft of
cattle. The property of emigrants is probably no safer there
than in the country of the Pawnee. I thought our road over the
mountains by the Bear river was the worst possible, but I
would advise those having any more than a small number of
cattle, to come that way rather than run the hazards by Salt
Lake. But I am digressing here. More of this anon.

The wood of the valley is mainly pitch pine, fir, cedar and
burr oak. This pine cannot be split at all, and is too heavy
for convenience — heavier than water. It however makes our
lumber, while a mammoth pine of the mountain summits, called
the sugar pine, makes our shingles and the shakes with which
frame houses are generally covered. Our rail timber is the
cedar and fir. The oak is a short, tough, gnarled tree like
your burr oak, used only for fuel. The poplar and poorer
species of the elm flourish along the streams, and in many
places every thing is covered with the grape vine. The yew
tree grows here and there on the mountains — and so does the
laurel. — The alder grows to a tree 18 inches in diameter — but
it is useless. There is a tree representing the butternut - but
it has no fruit save a seed like that of the maple, and one called
the mansimeter, a more splendid tree than you ever saw; the
"misseltoe bough" too, rendering the oak classic with its
associations. The maple, linn and hickory are unknown here
— though the hazel, a brittle thing in your country, by its
singular toughness supplies the place of the latter for some
purposes. The mapparel, the crookedest, ugliest and most
obstinate bush you ever saw, forms the upland undergrowth.

The best informed men put the population of the valley at
three to four thousand — three to four hundred being in the
village of Jacksonville — and among them our old friend, Dr.
E. H. Cleveland, of Watertown. He is the only old acquaintance
I have seen except Mr. Warren, of Hartland, whom I met on
the plains and who called on you at your place. The Doctor
is doing well — first rate — and sends his respects to all who
remember him. He has actually driven out all competition

OREGON BOUND 1853 157

and is now doing all the business of the valley in the line of
his profession. The Dr. is now enjoying as much of wealth
and the confidence of the people as any many in the valley.
There are few — perhaps ten or twelve — families in the vil-
lage. The first time I was here I saw but one woman and she
kept a bowling saloon and drunkery. Since that we have
found a good society of families. The mass of the men "keep
batch" — the merchants in their stores, and mechanics in their
shops — even the Justice of the Peace, with several miners,
cooks, eats and sleeps in "the office," a circular mosque-like
building, made of "shakes," I believe without a board or pane
of glass about it. The houses, except one, the Robinson House,
are all made of these things, and are generally lighted by the
crevices or windows of cotton cloth. The first successful
schools in the valley are just started by persons of our com-
pany, are in Jacksonville to be the basis of an academy and
one in the country. The first religious societies — three Metho-
dist— are now being organized, with five clergymen, of the
same denomination, all of our company, in the field. The most
flourishing branches of business are those of the bowling sa-
loon, the gambling den and the drunkery — and yet there is less
of gambling and drinking in the place than you would expect
to see. Merchants and mechanics are doing well. There is
no cooper, gunsmith, carriage maker nor shoemaker doing busi-
ness in the place — though by another year, they might all, save
the latter succeed well. We have but one saw mill in the val-
ley— though three more, at least, are commenced, and a grist
mill is to be ready for the next harvest.

We find it very difficult to become familiarized to the enor-
mous prices in this country. Flour, this winter, ranges from
20c to 25c a pound, beef is 20c and 25c, bacon, mess 37c, prime
45c, potatoes 6c, squashes Sic., 4c a pound. Salt is 25c a pound,
candles 75calOOc, coffee 37c, sugar 33c. butter $1.25, milk
lOOc a gallon. While domestic staple products, it will be seen,
bear from five to ten prices, labor bears but two to four — as,
per day, $2.00a$3.00; per month, $50.00a$75.00. This renders

158 S. H. TAYLOR

it extremely difficult for emigrants to subsist the first few
months. Some of our folks say they never before found "exist-
ence so much a problem." — Some of them, men heretofore
well to do in the world, have dug potatoes for every 3Oth
bushel; some have worked for $2.00 a day, with board, and
paid $4.80 a bushel for potatoes — the price when we came. I
sold a good log chain for five squashes. A neighbor sold a
good wagon for 100 hills of potatoes, and got the worth of
the wagon, $80,00, and I sold one for 100 Ibs. of flour and 750
Ibs. or \2*/2 bushels potatoes. Oxen are worth, by the yoke,
but $100 to $160 and cows from $75 to $100 each. The diffi-
culty of obtaining food is increased 100 per cent by the vora-
cious wolfish appetites of all new comers. People eat till they
are themselves astonished, and oftener thus than till they are
satisfied. I presume four-fifths of those who have been here
but three months, experience great trouble in getting enough
to eat. It is a hard thing to say of the country, but it is true ;
and tell your readers if they do not wish to realize it, to stay
at home. When a man gets to raising and selling agricultural
products, or becomes established in any other business -the
profits of which are three or four times the profits of labor,
he can prosper — but not till then. — That is too true. And you
can tell them that if people were not made over, or rather half
unmade, by the dehumanising processes through which they
go from Kanesville here, they would never submit to the con-
ditions of this country. They would never submit to living
in such houses, with such an absence of the conveniences and
comforts of eastern life, and such a destitution of intellectual
and moral opportunities, if they had not already learned on the
plains to submit to anything. You can tell them that too ; and
tell them they can never, in living here, get paid for corning
over the plains. I am not homesick; I am not prejudiced; I
only tell you facts. And it is in fulfillment of a pledge to
many of your readers, to tell them facts, that I telJ them much
more than half of those, in this country of mild winters, of a
fruitful soil and mines of gleaming gold, are dissatisfied and

Bou,\p 1853 if 9

regret having come here. Of those who have cpme wijJiput
their friends, I have heard not one express an intention to
bring them here. The general expression of Hich is, "I am
glad my family are not here:" while the ma*s of those who
stay, stay for otl»er reasons than because they l&e the country.
—We are all told that by another year or so we shall preler it
to the East. I know not how that may be : but I know that
a large portion of those who have been here eighteen months,
the time of the settlement, iaUnd to leave.

Mining is being perhaps fairly paid now. Some are making
fortunes and some making nothing, or less. There is room for
many thousand miners in this valley. The gold, in tome *|uan-
tiiy, is exhaustless. And the farther explorations are carried
in every direction from MS, the more extensive the gold hearing
country is found. New diggings are discovered somewhere
every day. There is gold enough— more jthan -can be washed
out. And yet mining is a very precarious business. I would
advise no one to come here to mine, because he is very likely
to expend years of labor without profits and v.ery sure to get
less gold than will repay him for what he undergoes in coming
and living a miner's life. It is worth something to "see the
elephant/' and well enough, perhaps, at least for a young man,
to waste two years in learning the lesson of a trip to, and a
residence in this country ; and it is "well enough" for them only,
as young men are bound to fool away about so much time, and
there is no school in which they can learn as fast, or by the
discipline of which truths will be so indelibly impressed on
their memories. I will write again soon.

My respects to all — accept assurances &c.
of Yours, S. H. TAYLOR.

[Watertown Chronicle, April 5, 1854]

Jacksonville, O. T.t Jan. 17, '54.

Dear Sir — I write to advise you of the occurrence of a new
and probably a serious difficulty with the Indians. On the

160 S. H. TAYLOR

13th inst. a force of about 30 whites, near the Cottonwood,
about 40 miles from here, on the road south to California, in
the Chastee valley, went out in pursuit of Indians who had for
some weeks been engaged in the the theft of cattle. They
had traced them into the mountains to a cave, when they were
attacked by about 100 Indians from an ambush, and dispersed
with the loss of their rations and ammunition — having four
men killed and four seriously wounded. The attack was well
sustained by the whites, in a fight continuing in one form or
another, all day. The loss of the enemy is unknown.

The Indians are of the Shastee and Rogue river Tribes — a
portion from a band located but about nine miles from here.
It is generally treated as a prelude to certain war. — A Capt.
Wright, a famous Indian hunter, of this valley, has gone to the
scene of the affair, and at Yreka and Cottonwood is raising
a volunteer company to pursue them. — It was intended to have
200 regular troops stationed in this valley before this time —
but they are not here, and no one knows when they may be.
But regulars or no regulars, should these tribes renew hostili-
ties, the citizens will make short work with them. — -I will
advise you of the progress of the affair.

Yours, &c. S. H. TAYLOR.

THE QUARTERLY

of the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXII SEPTEMBER, 1921 NUMBER 3

Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

THE LAST PHASE OF THE OREGON BOUNDARY

QUESTION*
THE STRUGGLE FOR SAN JUAN ISLAND

By ANDREW FISH

Introduction — The Diplomatic Background — >The Hudson's
Bay Company and Vancouver Island — The Hudson's Bay Com-
pany and Colonization — The Effect of the Gold Rush — San
Juan Island — The Crisis of 1859 — General Harney's Vigorous
Action — The Crisis of 1859 — Governor Douglas' Belligerent
Response — The Advent of Admiral Baynes — Washington
Intervenes — Arrival of General Winfield Scott — Generals
Scott and Harney — Who Was to Blame? — President Buch-
anan's Attitude — Later Stages of the Diplomatic Struggle —
Summary and Conclusion.

INTRODUCTION.

My story concerns San Juan, an island which lies in the
Gulf of Georgia and is included in the State of Washington.
Though too insignificant a matter to find a place in the general
histories of our country, the contest between America and
Britain for the sovereignty of these few acres at one particular
juncture almost led to hostilities between the small armed con-
tingents on the northwest coast; an event which, in a time

•Offered as part fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of A. M. at
the University of Oregon, May, 1931.

162 ANDREW FISH

when feelings were none too friendly, not inconceivably might
have brought on a war between the two powers.

There were anxious moments for diplomats in Washington
and London. Contrary to some popular notions, in this case
at least the diplomats' anxiety was not to briner on hostilities

^wwMWMM««B«M«^MHBBaMH<HifeHH^^HHHBB^MM^M>***n|V'<*l>IHII'l**l*M*B*MVMMMBi^H^"^^^^^ **"^V**IM*^"*

but to prevent them. The cause of their anxiety was that, far
away on the debated frontier, otherwise admirable servants of
their governments displayed more patriotism than discretion,
and were concerned more with possession than peace. The
question was given a considerable proportion of space in one
of President Buchanan's annual messages on the state of the
nation, where it jostled with affairs that are better remembered,
as, for instance, the wild doings in Kansas of one John Brown ;
and in private notes and correspondence among statesmen an
ominous word occurred and recurred, if only to be spoken of
as denoting a state of things highly undesirable and to be
avoided if at all consistent with national self-respect. The
strain was soon over and high politicians breathed freely again.
A temporary settlement brought composure, though the final
disposition was not made for a dozen years or so. The scene
of the final stage of this diplomatic war is Berlin in the year
eighteen hundred and seventy-one. In Berlin, the capital of a
brand new Empire, the sovereign destiny of little San Juan was
discussed by scholars and statesmen of the United States,
Great Britain, and Germany. It was decided by the Emperor
himself while yet the gilt of his crown had lost none of its
bright newness. If on the face of it this does not seem to allow
self-determination to San Juan, let me hasten to say that the
7, decision awarding the territory to the United States was hailed
with joy by the settlers and proclaimed to be an act of justice.
If the matter was comparatively trivial to statesmen seeking
a solution, peaceful or otherwise, of such problems as slavery
in these States and Territories, and the possible consequences
to European relations of an Italian war of liberation, with the
complications of Louis Napoleon's adventures in that connec-
tion, it was of some importance to the handful of pioneer

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 163

Americans and Britishers of the Northwest — the advance guard
of European civilization. Mot only were the acres themselves t/
desirable, but upon the just settlement of the dispute depended
in some measure the spirit in which the citizens of the two
neighbor nations were to dwell together.

Furthermore, it was viewed as one skirmish in the war
between the settlers on the one hand and the giant monopoly,
the Hudson's Bay Company, on the other. A fundamental
antagonism is represented here — that between the individualism
of the settler whose ideal was that of personal independence,
and the characteristic outreaching of an impersonal corporation
with its host of servants. Behind this again lay the essential
opposition between two economic ideas, an opposition that has
been apparent throughout the history of the Pacific Northwest.
For the settler the basis of material existence was cultivated
land, but for the Company it was wild land; one primarily
worked for grain and cattle, and the other traded for furs.
The more land under cultivation the fewer fur-bearing animals»~»

While it is true that in the case of San Juan Island it was
grazing land for the incidental business of stock raising that
thg Company jyas after, nevertheless the hostility"^. -i \vn-n the
aims of the grain-grower and the fur trader accounted for the
long-standing bitterness felt by the farmers toward the Hud-
son's Bay Company, and to a large extenf for tha oiiflMMsi: rrf
™arlJKp \frn'^r nver ban Tuan. The victory of the ranchers
meant much more than actual possession of the land It
meant that ; it meant a victory for the flag ; and it also meant
a successful blow at the power interested in preventing the
spread of the industry and culture of the white man, the
power doing its utmost to postpone the inevitable day when
the forest should be cleared to make habitations for civilized
man, and when the redeemed soil should be turned to his uses.
Of course, even in British North America, the demand for
settlement could not be denied by the Company for long; but
the difference in airns_accounted for the hatred shown by sej-
tlers "to the Company.

164 ANDREW FISH

THE DIPLOMATIC BACKGROUND.

The expansion of Europe on the North American continent
began with the successful expeditions of the Spanish soldier
pioneers ; the realm of the Aztec ruler, Montezuma, in Mexico
was effectively annexed to Spain by 1521. Already the
Spaniards were in possession of some of the most desirable of
the West Indian islands; they had established themselves in
Central America, and had penetrated Florida to the north.
After Cortez's justly famous capture of Mexico City, various
expeditions made brilliant discoveries along the Pacific coast
and up through the interior to regions now included in the
State of Kansas.

Europe, of course, was not a unit, and expansion was
effected through the most intense and bitter rivalry among the
leading European nations. After Spain came England. At-
tempts at settlement were being made before the sixteenth
century had run its course, but not until 1607 at Jamestown,
was a permanent foothold gained. From this developed the
Old Dominion of Virginia. Separate movements beginning
in 1620 produced the New England settlements; royal grants
opened up still further tracts of land to English colonists ; and
an inconveniently situated Dutch Colony lying between the
English northern and southern groups was quietly annexed so
that the Atlantic coast from Canada to Carolina was under
the same flag.

Not only Spain and England, but France also must expand.
She had her intrepid discoverers as had the others; -in 1608
Champlain founded Quebec, and to the north of the English
there grew up the great French Empire, Canada. The writing
of this magnificent epic was the life-work of Francis Park-
man. North, west, and south along the valley of the Missis-
sippi went these adventurous Frenchmen, annexing enormous
stretches of territory to the French crown. The result was
that by claiming the whole Mississippi region under the name
of Louisiana any possible expansion of the English was

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 165

blocked — a fact that had important consequences for both
nations concerned.

Through European complications not wholly germane to our
present purpose, France and England were engaged in a
mighty war throughout the greater part of the eighteenth cen-
tury. The real significance of this great struggle is now
clearly seen to be that it was for a world empire affecting
the future of such vast but dissimilar countries as America
and India. Aside from Europe, and only considering the rela-
tive positions of the two countries in America, it is difficult to
see how hositilities could have been avoided. The fortunes of
war greatly favored England; Wolfe took Quebec in 1759,
Amherst took Montreal in 1760, and great victories were won
over France and her ally Spain at sea. By the peace treaty
England, among other things, got all territory in North
America east of the Mississippi between the Hudson Bay on
the north and the Gulf of Mexico on the south. To Spain
went the territories west of the river. So ended the great
struggle between the two leading powers of Europe for world
empire, a struggle which was the most important fact of world
politics during the eighteenth century. The success of Great
Britain was complete and, so far, final.

The pressure of the French removed, the colonies claimed
complete self-government in 1776. This claim they success-
fully maintained by force of arms ; the peace negotiations
which ended the war gave to the new republic the line of the
Great Lakes for its limit on the north and the Mississippi on
the west. The southern boundary was the subject of a dis-
pute with Spain which lasted until 1819 when Florida was
added to the United States.

The southern line has little to do with our present purpose,
but the acquisition of Louisiana from the French in 1803 has a
direct bearing. The territory called Louisiana, stretching
from the borders of Canada to the Gulf of Mexico and from
the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, had been taken from
Spain by Napoleon in 1800. In view of France's international

166 ANDREW FISH

position her possession of New Orleans was an alarming cir-
cumstance to the Americans, who were at the time developing
to the west and dependent upon the Mississippi for transporta-
tion and upon New Orleans as a port of shipment for their
products. By a stroke of policy in which was mingled sa-
gacity and sheer good luck Jefferson, who was then president,
purchased from Napoleon, hard pressed in Europe and with no
leisure in which to develop a colonial empire, not New Orleans
only but the whole of Louisiana for what seems to us today
the ridiculously small sum of fifteen million dollars. This im-
portant step doubled the area of the United States ; it also led
to disputes with Great Britain about the northern boundary.
This line was eventually fixed in 1818 by a treaty signed by
both parties in which it was agreed to accept the forty-ninth
parallel of north latitude from the Lake of the Woods to the
Rockies. We must remember that forty-ninth parallel, it plays
an important part in subsequent events.

The forty-ninth parallel was definite enough so far as it
went, but it was not at the time accepted as the dividing line
between the possessions of the two powers lying between the
Rocky Mountains and the Pacific Ocean, the region known
as the Oregon Country. Four powers had established and
acknowledged rights on the Pacific Coast — Spain, the United
States, Great Britain, and Russia. By agreement with the
"United States in 1818, the northern limit of the Spanish sphere
was set at the forty-second parallel ; by treaties between the
United States and Russia, and Great Britain and Russia, in
1825 the parallel of fifty-four degrees and forty minutes was
accepted as the southern Russian boundary. The Oregon
country lay in between, having for its eastern boundary the
Rocky Mountains. Over this territory the United States and
Great Britain waged a long, and sometimes very bitter, diplo-
matic war; indeed, it seemed at times as if the matter might
be pressed to a decision by more destructive weapons than the
arguments of diplomats.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 167

When on October 20, 1818,1 the line of the forty-ninth
parallel from the Lakes of the Woods to the Rocky Moun-
tains was agreed on, the difficulties in the way of a decision as
to the Oregon country were too great, and the settlement was
postponed by arranging for a joint occupation for ten years,
without prejudice to the claims of either party. On the face
of it this seemed to be quite fair to all interests, but in reality
it greatly favored the Hudson's Bay Company, which soon was
well established in the region ; it was in fact the greatest human
economic factor. The agreement was renewed in 1828, but
the necessity for some permanent form of government was
becoming more and more acute, mainly on account of the in-
creasing population of American settlers.

The sentiment in favor of the claim of the United States to
the whole of the territory was so strong that in May, 1844,
the Democratic Convention gave it a place in their party plat-
form, declaring that the title of the United States to the whole
of Oregon was "clear and unquestionable" and that "no part
of the same ought to be ceded to England, or to any other
power." During the election the issue was summed up in a
phrase which has more alliteration than sound judgment —
"Fifty- four Forty or Fight !" President Polk adhered to the
claim in his inaugural address, but the attitude of the admin-
istration soon modified, for on July 12, 1845, James Buchanan,
Secretary of State in Polk's cabinet, suggested the forty-ninth
parallel, and offered to make free to Great Britain such ports
on Vancouver Island south of that line as she might desire.2
Pakenham, the British Minister at Washington, refused this,
but in so doing misunderstood the sentiment of his govern-
ment. London was favorable but by the time this news reached
Washington the administration was not prepared to renew the
offer. A British offer of arbitration made in December of the
same year was refused by Buchanan. Then quite suddenly the
way opened. As the result of suggestions emanating from
Buchanan in February, 1846, and of the ready response in

1 For the diplomatic aspects of this whole question sc« John Bansett Moore:
History and Digest of International Arbitrations, Vol. I.

2 Sen. Ex. Doc. 1, 29th Cong., lit Sess. (Quoted by Moore.)

168 ANDREW FISH

London to the advances so made, by June Pakenham pre-
sented a draft treaty which was accepted by the Senate and
by the President without the alteration of a word. The
boundary was to be along the forty-ninth parallel, but it was
provided that the whole of Vancouver Island should remain
British ; in the words of the treaty the line should go "to the
middle of the channel which separates the continent from
Vancouver's Island, and southerly through the middle of the
said channel and of Fuca's Straights, to the Pacific Ocean."
This was substantial victory for Washington as the British
claim had been the forty-ninth parallel until it meets the Co-
lumbia River, and from thence the line of the river. The
navigation of the river was important in view of the business
of the fur company whose chief depot was at Fort Vancouver.
Fifty- four- forty can hardly have been seriously meant, so that
the only concession made by the United States was that with
regard to Vancouver Island. With the treaty signed it really
seemed as if the long wrangle was finally ended in mutual good
will. Little was known by diplomats of the geography of the
region, and if they knew there was more than one channel -that
might be covered by the terms of the treaty, affecting vari-
ously the sovereignty of some small island territories, there is
no hint of it in that document. Moore suggests that the
negotiators, anxious not to jeopardize again the much desired
settlement, refrained from entering into controversy about
what must have seemed to them a very small matter. What,
after all, are a few pin-points on the map of the great Pacific
Northwest? Yet the controversy over a few of those pin-
points, and principally over one of them, is the excuse for the
present writing-.

THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY AND VANCOUVER ISLAND.

The Hudson's Bay Company, or more properly, the Gover-
nor and Company of Adventurers of England Trading into
Hudson's Bay, is a corporation whose fortunes are interwoven

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 169

with those of the whole Pacific Northwest. It was originally
formed in 1670 and received from Charles the Second of Eng-
land a charter securing to them

"the sole trade and commerce of all those seas, straits,
bays, rivers, lakes, creeks, and sounds, in whatsoever lati-
tude they be, that lie within the entrance of the straits
commonly called Hudson's Straits, together with all lands
and territories upon the countries, coasts and confines of
the seas, bays, etc., aforesaid, that are not already actually
possessed by or granted to any of our subjects, or pos-
sessed by the subjects of any other Christian prince or
state."3

After the cession of Canada to Great Britain by France in
1763 many traders began to compete with the great Company
in their business of bartering with the Indians for furs, espe-
cially in the new territories of the west. These individual spec-
ulators eventually formed the North-West Fur Company of
Montreal. The result of the competition between the servants
of the two corporations was deplorable. The Indians were
corrupted by liquor; dark stories are told of what white men
did to each other in the scramble for the gains of this exceed-
ingly profitable employment, and the supply of furs was in
some danger of giving out through indiscriminate slaughter.
By 1821 the unwisdom of this strife was recognized and an
amalgamation took place. A license was obtained granting
exclusive trading rights in the regions west and northwest of
the old grant. The North-West Company lost its identity, and
in 1838 the Hudson's Bay Company procured a new license
for monopoly trading rights in the western lands for twenty-
one years. This was not renewed on its expiration in 1859.
The license of 1838 defined the territory affected thus:

"The exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in
all such ports of North America to the northward and
to the westward of the lands and territories belonging to
the United States of America as should not form part of
any of our provinces in North America, or of any lands
or territories belonging to said United States of America,
or to any European Government, State or Power."4

3 See Ency. Brit, llth Ed. Art Hudton'i Bar Company.

4 Quoted in "TA* Trnty of Washington" by Caleb Cuthing p. 217.

170 ANDREW FISH

From this the interest of the Company in the boundary ques-
tion becomes sufficiently apparent. This corporation, so typi-
cal a product of the Commercial Revolution which has played
so large a part in determining the economic structure of mod-
ern society, from its headquarters in London was exercising
powers of invisible government, retarding a diplomatic settle-
ment, while in the regions concerned it was exercising powers
that were not invisible to retard civilization generally and the
settlement of farmers in particular. Perhaps after such a state-
ment a word of explanation is necessary. While the Hudson's
Bay Company was a sinister influence behind so many of the
difficulties of northwestern development it was not because of
any extra measure of original sin in the Company or its offi-
cials, but simply because of the nature of its operations. The
story of its transactions presents the tangled web of good and
evil common to all human stories.

This is not the place to do more than note a few of the
chief events leading up to those we have specially to consider.
Dr. John McLoughlin built Fort Vancouver on the banks of
the Columbia River in the years 1824 and 1825 and remained
long enough in charge of that station and exercised his power
so wisely as to earn, even among the American pioneers, the
title "Father of Oregon". The fort was the headquarters of
the Company on the Pacific and the center of an extensive
and lucrative business, not only with the natives for furs but
with the settlers who began to arrive very soon after the estab-
lishment of the fort, and who by the forties were entering in
considerable numbers. In 1843 the Company saw fit to build a
depot and fort at Victoria, then known by its native name of
Camosun, at the southern end of Vancouver Island. This was
destined to supersede Vancouver as the principal station. The
reasons for the change are not far to seek. The boundary
question could not be postponed very much longer as American
settlers were present in such force in the Willamette Valley by
1841 as to take preliminary steps toward the formation of a

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 171

government. The subject was being urgently pressed upon
the attention of Congress, and in 1843 a provisional govern-
ment was actually established. Two strong reasons, then,
would present themselves for moving headquarters: it was
desirable to have a situation on territory that was likely to
remain British, and it was necessary to get in front of colon-
ization if trading with the natives was to continue, for fur-
trading and farming are incompatible. Furthermore, the estab-
lishment of substantial commercial interests on the island would
strengthen the British claim to possession ; nor were the offi-
cials of the Company unintelligent in their attitude to the new /
economic situation presented by the rapid increase in settle-
ment. If the golden days were going when paltry trinkets
could be exchanged for valuable pelts procured by innocent
Indians, good business in general supplies could be done with
the shipping population of the Pacific Ocean. They were in
the business themselves and knew how to cater to the skippers
of vessels trading with China and the South Seas, or engaged
about the perilous business of the whale-fisheries. Victoria
was a very suitable spot. There was more reason for the
foundation of Victoria than for that of many a western city.
As early as 1837 the south end of Vancouver Island was
explored by W. McNeil of the Hudson's Bay post at Fort
Simpson.5 In 1842 (the year American sentiment was strongly
expressed) James Douglas, who was factor at Vancouver,
made a careful preliminary survey and reported favorably on
the site, although the harbor at Esquimalt was better and easier
to enter. Camosun was the better place for a fort and there
was suitable arable and pasture land in the immediate vicinity.
In the spring of 1843 fifteen men under Douglas started out.
Men from the northern posts were also ordered to join the
party and assist in the work. Douglas and his men touched
at Cowlitz where supplies were obtainable ; at Nisqually. the
"Beaver", first steamship in these waters, awaited them. They
left Vancouver on March first and arrived at Camosun on the
fourteenth. Father Bolduc, a Jesuit missionary, zealous soul

5 Bancroft: History of British Columbia p. 84.

172 ANDREW FISH

that he was, immediately began to exercise his offices upon
the Indians and is said to have baptized until exhausted.
Douglas gave aid but had also other work to do ; a site for the
fort must be selected and material for its erection gathered.
The "Beaver" went north for the other part of the expedition,
leaving those on the spot to prepare timbers, dig a well and so
forth. She was back on the first of June and the work was
pushed ahead. In another three months stockades, bastions,
store, and dwelling houses were ready. Supplies came from
Vancouver and the new community was fairly launched.
Roderick Finlayson took command in 1844, and was practi-
cally ruler of the island. As an example of the economy of
Douglas and the ingenuity of Finlayson it is recorded that
Fort Camosun was built without a single nail; nothing but
wooden pegs were used. As to the name, it was changed from
Camosun to Albert, honoring the Queen's consort, but soon
afterwards it became Victoria, whether from fresh access of
patriotism or not I am unable to say. Cattle was taken from
the mainland ; ground was broken by primitive ploughs ; ships
from England began to arrive; whalers called, and presently
British naval vessels used it as a station.

Only the regular business of abrading post was carried on
for 'some years, but a change took place after the discovery
of gold in California in 1848. As a supply depot for mines
Victoria got some of the overflow business of San Francisco;
also some of the miners preferred to spend the winter in this
less expensive and less riotous place. These facts affected the
economic situation in that it not only brought more business
but provided gold as a medium of exchange. It also caused
great excitement and unrest among the population. Finlay-
son6 gives us an illuminating picture of the coming of the
strangers into this somewhat primitive society.

"These rough-looking miners landed here from their ves-
sels, which entered the harbor early in 1849. I took them
first to be pirates, and ordered our men to prepare for
action. I, however, entered into conversation with them,

6 See Bancroft p. 181.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 173

and finding who they were, was satisfied as to their friend-
ship for us. They had leather bags, full of gold nuggets,
which they offered to me in exchange for goods."
This gold he took at eleven dollars an ounce in trade.
In 1849 the first independent party of colonists, that is, those
other than Hudson's Bay Company servants, arrived in the
colony and it will be necessary to discuss a little the prospects
for settlement under the crown grant made to the Company by
the British Government.

THE HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY AND COLONIZATION.

We have noted the inherent and fundamental opposition of
the trader and the farmer in these Indian lands newly opened
to the white man. The Hudson's Bay Company officials ap-
parently saw that permanent settlement was bound to come
throughout the northwest as it had done in the Willamette
Valley, and yet they resisted it as long as they could. If
colonization had to go forward, it should be, if they could
compass it, just as slowly as they might think best for their
interests. They offered to take over from the British Govern-
ment the whole of the territory now comprising British Co-
lumbia (the mainland was then called New Albion) and ad-
minister it for settlement. Interest in emigration was keen in
England at the time on account of the distress everywhere
prevalent (Chartism reached a crisis it will be remembered in
1848), and the government did not dare to grant this even if it
had wished to. The Company graciously consented to enter-
tain the idea of restricting their plan to the island, but this
offer was opposed from two quarters when the government
seemed to favor it. Radical members like Roebuck attacked
the scheme on the ground that it gave too much to a great
monopoly at the expense of settlers; even Mr. Gladstone
opposed it. Another attack from a somewhat different quarter
was that of men like James Edward Fitzgerald who had col-
onization schemes of their own, conceived in a more generous
spirit.

174 ANDREW FISH

Lieutenant Adam D. Dundas of the Royal Navy, who had
spent two years on the Northwest Coast, in a confidential
report to the British Government, advised strongly against the
grant.7. He considered the island "highly favorable for the es-
tablishment of a colony" but had "no hesitation in saying that
their [the Company's] system would be wholly and totally
inapplicable to the nursing of a young colony". However, Sir
J. H. Pelly, the Governor of the Company in England, by
means not difficult to conjecture, had more power with the
Government than all his opponents combined. The matter was
debated in the House of Commons and the members of the
administration were bombarded with hostile letters but all to
small purpose. In 1849 the Crown granted the whole of Van-
couver Island to the great Company on condition that it should
be opened up for settlement.

"The grant is embodied in a charter, which ....
grants the land of Vancouver's Island with all mines to
the Company. The condition of the grant is declared to
be the colonization of the island. With this object the
Company are bound to dispose of the land in question at
a reasonable price, and to expend all the sums they may
receive for land or mineral (after the deduction of not
more than ten per cent for profit) on the colonization of
the island, reserving also to the Crown at a reasonable
price such land as may be required for naval establish-
ments.

"The manner in which these provisions are intended to
be enforced is this. The Company are to certify every
two years the number of colonists and the amount of
their land sold; and after five years Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment has power to cause a farther enquiry to be made
into the condition of the island. If the result of this
enquiry be that the Government is satisfied that the con-
ditions of the grant are not fulfilled, the grant may be
revoked.

"When the Company's license to trade terminates, i. e.,
in 1859, Government may repurchase the land on payment
of the sums expended by the Company on the island and
the value of their establishments."8

7 Report of the Provincial Archives Department of the Province of British
Columbia, 1913, p. 49.

8 Ibid, p. 71.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 175

Much depended, of course, on the terms upon which land
could be procured. These terms were not stipulated in the
charter, but were approved by the British Minister for the
Colonies. The price was one pound per acre and no lot was
to be less than twenty acres. If large tracts of land were
taken, the price was the same, and the purchaser undertook to
take out with him five single men or three married couples for
every hundred acres. All minerals were to remain in the pos-
session of the Company but the owner of the land might work
coal by paying a royalty of two shillings and six pence per ton.
While it was true that the American settler had to provide for
his own public improvement and was without the parental
guidance of his government, the terms upon which he could
procure land touch the farthest limits of generosity compared
with these. The British settler by declaring intention to natur-
alize might have given to him in the Oregon Country 320
acres without any irksome restrictions and conditions, and if
he were married 640 acres would be donated to him. It is clear
enough that the Company had determined to control, if they
could not prevent, colonization.

Attempts at settlement were made, notably by Captain Grant
at Sooke, who took out a party from Great Britain, but the
most successful settlers were ex-servants of the Company.
They had experience and were more or less used to the ways
of the Company.

Victoria was made the political capital by the establish-
ment of a government in Jo5Q wifli Blancnard as first governor.
There was misunderstanding over the terms of his appoint-
ment, and the following year he returned to England, being
succeeded bT^ameFT3ou^bs. Jhc : chief tiudson^s Bay otticer
oTthe Northwest. "Until! 859 Douglas continued to hold both
positions, thus completing control of the monopoly over all
the affairs of the colony. All land must be purchased from
the monopolizers; they alone had the supplies needed by the
settler; they alone provided a market for his product; prices
in buying and selling were fixed by them. A petition signed

176 ANDREW FISH

by fifteen men and presented to Governor Blanchard when it
was known that he had decided to resign, after protesting
against the appointment of James Douglas, asked for the crea-
tion of a council. The signers evidently had no idea of being
able to prevent Douglas' appointment, but thought they might
modify the autocracy. The council was formed, but it could
scarcely alter the basic facts of the situation. This state of
things lasted until 1859 when the reign of the Hudson's Bay
Company came to an end.
Thegoldj^,shJa.lhe Fraser River and the Cariboo country

^*^^^^i*i^^

completely changed Victoria, giving to it the metropolitan
character which it still retains. After the mainland and the
island united under one colonial government in 1866 the. city
became the^pHtical_capital and so remains.

EFFECT OF THE GOLD RUSH.

The discovery of gold, beginning in 1856, brought great
changes to the colony, altering its character and leading- up to
the end of the Hudson's Bay Company's regime. The city of
Victoria became a base for mine operations, and rapidly -in-
creased in size. The chief diggings, which were on the main-
land, were reached by ship from Victoria to New Westminster,
Fort Hope, or Fort Yale on the Fraser River. The big rush
began in 1858, drawing many Americans from Washington,
Oregon, and California. The population became predominantly
American, both in Victoria and in the mines. Governor Doug-
las assumed responsibility for the government of the new
region while he was still filling the double role of head of the
Government of Vancouver Island and chief factor of the Hud-
son's Bay Company. Very soon national jealousies expressed
themselves in the regulations about claims and conditions gen-
erally at the diggins, while the Company showed a disposition
to exact from the miners for transportation all the traffic
would bear. This was after it became evident that the move-
ment had assumed considerable proportions. In the early days

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 177

the gold seekers found their way from Victoria in canoes, or by
whatever better means could be secured. The irruption of
these outsiders into his peaceful domain seems to have been
unwelcome to the governor. At all events it presented un-
wonted problems and raised anxious questions. In the first
stages of the movement, as early as May 8, 1858, Douglas
wrote in an anxious strain to the Colonial Office in London
describing disturbed conditions and voicing fears.9 Intense
excitement, we are told, prevailed even as far south as San
Francisco. "Boats, canoes, and every species of small craft,
are continually employed in pouring their cargoes of human
beings into Eraser's River." The men seemed to be well pro-
vided with tools, capital, and intelligence. They had been rep-
resented as specimens of the worst population, "the very dregs,
in fact, of society." The Governor candidly admits, however :
"Their conduct while here would have led me to form
a very different conclusion; as our little town, though
crowded to excess with this sudden influx of people, and
though there was a temporary scarcity of food, and dearth
of house accommodation, the police few in number, and
many temptations to excess in the way of drink, yet quiet
and order prevailed, and there was not a single committal
for rioting, drunkenness, or other offences, during their
stay here."

Remarkable enough, all must agree. But after all, should
these foreigners be welcomed ?

"Taking a view of the subject, simply in its relation
to trade and commerce, apart from considerations of na-
tional policy, such perhaj>s would be the course most
likely to promote the interests of this colony ; but, on the
contrary, if the country be thrown open to indiscriminate
immigration the interests of the Empire may suffer from
the introduction of a foreign population, whose sym-
pathies may be decidedly anti-British. Taking that view
of the question it assumes an alarming aspect, and suggests
a doubt as to the policy of permitting the free entrance of
foreigners into British territory for residence without in
the first place requiring them to take the oath of allegiance,
and otherwise to give such security for their conduct as

9 Copies of Extracts of Correspondence relative to the Discovery of Gold in the
Prater's River Distritt in British NortH America. Presented to Parliament July 2,
1858, by the Government. (Copy consulted at the Provincial Archives at Vic-
toria, B. C.)

178 ANDREW FISH

the Government of the country may deem it proper and
necessary to require at their hands."

London had not so much reason to fear the Americans as
had Victoria, and the British Government was quite explicit
in expressing its sentiments when it sent a dispatch to Douglas
through the distinguished Colonial Secretary, Sir. E. Bulwer
Lytton. Douglas was commended for his vigilance, and was
promised the help he might need for maintaining order and
preserving national rights. However:

"It is no part of their [Her Majesty's Government's]
policy to exclude Americans and other foreigners from
the gold fields. On the contrary, you are distinctly in-
structed to oppose no obstacle whatever to their resort
thither for the purposes of digging in those fields, so
long as they submit themselves, in common with the sub-
jects of Her Majesty, to the recognition of Her author-
ity, and conform to such rules of police as you may have
thought proper to establish."

Remembering that the Governor was still the chief officer
of the Hudson's Bay Company's Victoria post and therefore
had what might be called the "Company" attitude toward im-
migration and the still unsettled claims to the islands in the
Gulf of Georgia, we may attach considerable significance to
the fact that Sir E. Bulwer Lytton finds it necessary to include
in the instructions the following wise injunction:

"Under the circumstances of so large an immigration
of Americans into English territory, I need hardly im-
press upon you the importance of caution and delicacy
in dealing with those manifold cases of international re-
lationships and feeling which are certain to arise, and
which but for the exercise of temper and discretion might
easily lead to serious complications between two neigh-
boring and powerful states."

The tide of immigration was too strong to stem; moreover
the attempt to stem it was prohibited by express injunction.
But the Company still had its trading monopoly and pro-
ceeded to exploit, when it was no longer feasible to exclude,
the immigrants. (It may be said by the way that the Com-

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 179

pany's affairs in the Northwest were investigated by a House
of Commons Committee in 1857 and 1858, and, on the recom-
mendation made, the monopoly was not renewed when it ex-
pired in 1859. This was the result of great opposition both
in British Columbia and in England.) Complaints were loud
and powerful enough to reach Washington, causing the United
States Government to send a special agent to the seat of the
trouble. Mr. John Nugent, Special Agent of the United States,
was in Victoria and vicinity during October and November,
1858; he presented his report in January, 1859.10

The grievances of the Americans were sufficiently Sjerious
toTiaye been made the subject of conversations withthc iBrit-
ish representative. Repeated assurances" of Lord Napier,
the British Minister at Washington, had aroused the hope that
the heavy exactions would be lightened if the request were
presented in specific detail. The Special Agent was to pro-
cure first-hand information; also to do what was possible to
lessen the friction between the citizens of the two powers. The
report states:

"The chief purpose of the special agency intrusted to
me I understand to be, to infuse among the citizens of the
United States, temporarily resident in the vicinity of Eraser
River, a spirit of subordination to the colonial authorities,
and of respect for the laws of Great Britain, and, at the
same time, by such representations to the Governor of
Vancouver Island as circumstances would suggest, to en-
deavor to obtain from the functionary the abrogation of
the rigorous systems of exactions theretofore pursued,
and the adoption for the future of such a policy toward
Americans as would not be inconsistent with their right
as the citizens of a friendly power, and would, further-
more, tend to promote among them feelings of kindness
and good will towards the government and the subjects
of Great Britain. Some such intervention by the United
States was deemed necessary, for the reason that much
exasperation was alleged to exist among those of our
citizens, then making their way to the Eraser River mines,
against the servants of the Hudson's Bay Company and

10 Ex. Doc. No. Ill, 35th Cong. 2nd Sess.

180 ANDREW FISH

the authorities of Vancouver's Island, in consequence of
the onerous exactions to which they were said to have
been subjected by those officials."

Interesting information is given in the report about condi-
tions in general. It is estimated that somewhere between thirty
and thirty-three thousand went into the gold region, most of
them during the three months of May, June and July of 1858.
Those who came first had to use canoes, skiffs, whale-boats and
the like, because American ships were excluded from the river
and no other transportation was available. Many lost their
lives with the destruction of their crazy craft. Presently Mr.
Douglas, "Governor of Vancouver's Island and chief factor of
the Hudson's Bay Company," issued permits to Americans to
navigate the river on payment of a fee for each trip. He
reserved the right to withdraw permission when he saw fit,
which would be, of course, when British vessels were available
for the traffic. As the license was issued in the name of the
Hudson's Bay Company, Mr. Nugent urges that this was
illegal.

"Great Britain had the right to exclude our steamers
from the waters of Eraser River, but if Great Britain did
not choose to assert that right, how could the Hudson's
Bay Company's servants claim to make conditions with
our people, and charge toll for the privilege of entering?
Admitting that they had the right of exclusive trade with
the Indians, that did not give them control of the naviga-
tion of the river."

The situation was somewhat Gilbertian ; perhaps Mr. Doug-
las-as-Governor generously gave Mr. Douglas-as-Factor the
benefit of any doubt there might have been on the subject.
At all events while the two offices were combined in one person
there was no effective legal check on the actions of the Com-
pany. Lawful or otherwise, it made agreements with the
steamships of great advantage to itself. Only "Company"
goods were to be carried, or such goods as it might permit
to be carried ; freight rates for "Company" goods were fixed
at about half the rate paid by other traders; no passengers

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 181

might be taken unless they had taken out a mining license
costing five dollars per month; two dollars head-money must
be paid to the Company for each passenger ; all vessels should
be owned and commanded by British subjects. The require-
ment as to nationality was a dead letter; it was probably in-
cluded so that it might be used if it should serve the purpose
of the Company to enforce it. The provision requiring all
passengers to have a mining license was particularly irksome,
as many used the boats who did not intend to mine. In addi-
tion to these charges the Port Collector took twelve dollars
a trip for the necessary sufferance. Evasion was not easy,
for a ship under command of a lieutenant of the British
navy was stationed at the mouth of the river to enforce pay-
ment. No distinction was made here between "Company" and
government taxes.

"If the passengers were so unfortunate as not to have
means to pay mining license, head-money, and sufferance
tax, their watches, pistols, knives, or other personal ef-
fects were held in pledge for payment. In the absence
of such personal effects, bags of flour, beans and coffee,
hams, and other provisions were retained, and I have been
assured that the deck of the brig was covered with those
articles."11

It is pleasant to note that the disagreeable duty was not
carried out in a harsh spirit. Mr. Nugent tells us:

"It is but just to add that the officers immediately
charged with the performance of this unpleasant service
acted with all gentleness and humanity compatible with
their orders, and that they endeavored, by every means
in their power, to mitigate the rigor of these amerce-
ments."

There remained another impost ; to license fee. head-tax,
and sufferance tax was added an import duty of ten per cent.
Did this go to the government or to the Company? In answer-
ing this question it must be remembered that there was no
organized government of the mainland of British North Amer-
ica other than that exercised by the Company as an incidental
accompaniment of its trading operations. As the Company

182 ANDREW FISH

was not in a position to undertake the more complicated task
of government under gold-rush conditions, Mr. Douglas, as
Governor of Vancouver's Island, took it upon him to assume
responsibility pending instructions from his home govern-
ment. There was, of course, no legislating body for the terri-
tory in which the mines were located, and it might seem not
unnatural for the Governor to impose a duty on imports on
his own responsibility. But did Mr. Douglas collect the tax
in his capacity as governor or in his capacity as factor? Mr.
Nugent reports that the Company collected through its financial
agent, Mr. Finlayson, "and not by the collector of the port."
In support of his statement that the Company were the bene-
ficiaries, he offers a copy of a permit to enter certain goods
for the United States Boundary Commission free of duty.
It was signed by Finlayson of the Hudson's Bay Company.

An interpretation of the trading rights of the Company
as giving power to levy import duties would not have been
so easy to the Governor perhaps, if he had not been so inti-
mately related to the Factor. On the face of it, this seems
to have been an unusually extreme case of nepotism ! Power
of office was not merely kept in the family, but under the same
hat. That feelings between the Americans and the British
were strained is not to be wondered at when the almost omni-
potent Company represented Great Britain.

It was not only in levying taxes that the power of the Com-
pany was made oppressive; it was charged that government
officials, and even the justices, were unduly swayed by national
prejudice. Under the peculiar conditions prevailing, much
responsibility rested on officers of the government acting at
a distance from the capital. It was charged that Americans,
after having spent much money in obtaining a necessary flow
of water for mining operations, were unjustly deprived of their
water rights in favor of some concern in which the official had
been given an interest. At the outlying posts of the Company
very often the only persons capable of administering law were

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 183

the servants of the Company, and it must have been exasperat-
ing to a foreigner not too welcome to begin with, and with a
chronic grievance against the well-nigh almighty monopoly, to
find himself assailed by someone who was not only an official
of the Company but a magistrate into the bargain. What hope
of justice was there? Furthermore, at Victoria, whose popu-
lation at this time was overwhelmingly American, only those
of British nationality could plead in the courts. Now there
was a sad dearth of English lawyers, but a good supply of
American. They might do all for a client short of conduct-
ing the case in court, but into the sacred precincts they might
not come — at least to function professionally.

There were more serious charges than those concerning
heavy taxes, corruption of officers, and denial of civil rights —
charges involving relations with the Indians. The Indians of
the territory were generally warlike. The nature of the Com-
pany's business led the officers of the Company to make friends
of the natives, for there could be no trade without confidence.
The traders were successful in establishing that confidence, and,
without doubt, became very skilful in managing their savage
neighbors. There is much to admire in the way these British
pioneers treated the Indians. The methods were the result
of a shrewd blend of sternness and kindness. Good feeling
must be preserved, or there would be an end to the supply of
furs, and, a still more serious matter, life would be in jeopardy
every hour. The "big stick" was always within reach, how-
ever, in the form of strict punishment, according to the law.
for all infringements, with a strict search for offenders no
matter what trouble it involved. Or it might be in the form
of a demonstration of the power of the white man's weapons,
as in the case in which a few shots from the cannon on the
fort at Victoria destroyed a number of Indian huts from which
the women and children (the men being at the fort) had been
carefully removed. This demonstration was immensely im-
pressive. By such methods "Company" servants had real

184 ANDREW FISH

influence with the Indians, and the Indians gave those servants
respect and confidence, mingled though it was with fear.

At least the native was at peace with the British as he was
not with the Americans. The settler was after his land; he
knew it was to the interest of the cultivator to crowd him
out of his hunting-grounds, and if in the process it meant
his extermination he felt instinctively that these land-hungry
farmers would not stop short. To these American home-
makers the Indian was a natural enemy ; "the only good Indian
is a dead Indian." Right or wrong, the spirit between the
native and the Americans could never be the same as that
between the native and the British. Hostility was inherent
in the situation, however much it might be mitigated by such
feelings of humanity as managed to survive in that atmosphere,
or however softened by the influence of the missionaries. Un-
like the servants of the Company the American farmers were
on terms of more or less constant enmity with the uncivilized
native.

This difference in attitude made it more difficult then ever
for Americans and British to understand each other ; to the
British the Americans seemed cruel and bloodthirsty, while to
the Americans it looked as if the British were sometimes un-
naturally neutral in the deadly feud between the red men and
themselves. There were occasions when Americans were glad
to have the protection of the Company, generously extended.
At other times much needed supplies of ammunition were forth-
coming from fellow whites for which the Americans were duly
grateful. But it is alleged in Mr. Nugent's report, on the
basis of testimony offered to him by military officers and others,
that the Company was purchasing American equipment cap-
tured by the Indians, thus providing a market for stolen goods,
and also that it was selling firearms and ammunition to the
Indians at a time when these were more than likely to be used
against the Americans.11 Again, it is stated that "Company"
agents went so far as to incite the redskins against the Amer-

11 Ex. Doc. No. Ill, 35th Cong. 2 Sess. p. 8.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 185

icans by misrepresenting the motives with which the Americans
came into1 the gold region. Says the report :

"Among the Hudson's Bay Company's people, there are
some gentlemen of high character and respectability. Mr.
McKay, Mr. McTavish, Mr. McLean, and the agent at
Fort Ylale, whose name I forget, have exhibited marked
courtesy and kindness towards Americans ; but that my
strictures upon the generality of the subordinate officers,
to whom they were intended to apply, were not too severe
will be admitted, when I state on the authority of Colonel
Snowden, a citizen of Yuba county, in California, that
he learned from several Indian chiefs, that they and their
people were led to believe by the representations of the
Hudson's Bay Company's servants, that the Americans were
coming there to rob them of their cattle, of their food, and
their squaws, and were advised by those same evil-minded
individuals to commence a war of extermination against
our citizens."12

On the competency of Colonel Snowden as a witness I
cannot pass judgment, nor on that of the Indians quoted;
consequently, I cannot say how much this evidence may be
worth. So grave a charge can only be admitted on the most
conclusive evidence. The most convincing thing about it is
that it states the logic of the situation, though it is to be hoped
that there was no actual incitement. Past question, however,
the opposed views regarding the Indian made understanding on
this subject between the two white peoples almost impossible.
It will be seen from what has been said that the quarrel
with the Americans was against the Hudson's Bay Company
much more than against the British people. My last quota-
tion from Mr. Nugent's interesting document will be on this
point.

"From all these petty exactions and oppressions,
these denials of justice and evidences of rampant preju-
dice, the conclusion is irresistible that whatever may have
been the disposition of the British Government, the feel-
ing of the Colonial officials and of the servants of the
Hudson's Bay Company was aught but friendly toward
our people ... I would here remark that from the

12 Ibid. p. 14.

186 ANDREW FISH

officers of the navy stationed near Victoria, and from the
English gentlemen residing on Vancouver's Island, the
Americans received naught but courtesy, kindness and at-
tention, from first to last ; and by none have I heard the
acts of the Hudson's Bay Company's servants more strong-
ly censured than by subjects of Great Britain who have
long resided on the island, and who are cognizant of
the many abuses practiced by the Company and its agents."

The British people had small cause to take the Company's
side; they had their own serious grievances against it.

It has seemed necessary to dwell upon these things in order
to understand the highly charged atmosphere in wJhich the
dispute over San Juan in 1859 almost brought about serious
bloodshed.

SAN JUAN ISLAND

I have already said that the long boundary dispute over
the Oregon country was settled in 1846 by a treaty which con-
tinued the boundary along the forty-ninth parallel "to the
middle of the channel which separated the continent from Van-
couver's Island, and thence southerly through the middle of
the said channel, and of Fuca's Straits, to the Pacific Ocean."
But "the channel which separates the continent from Van-
couver's Island" (the Gulf of Georgia) is studded with islands,
through which there is more than one navigable passage. Two
played prominent parts in the dispute : the Canal de Haro, the
most westerly, running for the most part along the coast of
Vancouver's Island ; and theJRiosario Strait, the most easterly,
running between the islands and the mainland. The important
point was that if the Canal de Haro were the boundary the
islands would be American, and if the line ran through Rosario
Strait they would be British. The_islands involved were San
Juan. Orcas, Lopez, Waldron, Blakely, Decatuy, Snaw, and
some smaller ones ; in all an area of about one hundred and
seventy square miles.13 San Juan, the most considerable, con-

13 British Columbia by F. H. Howay and E. O. G. Scholefield. p. 301.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 187

tained about 50,000 acres and was supposed to be of great

>trati-LjiV importance.

"It is fourteen miles long by four and a half in width.
Its superficial area is fifty-four square miles ; it is eighteen
miles from Victoria; the capital of Columbia, and is six
and three-quarter miles from the shore of Vancouver
Island,"
says an official Canadian report of 1872.14

The Indians had it to themselves until 1850 when the Hud-
son's Bay Company established a salmon-packing plant. In
1852 the Oregon Legislature, assuming that the intention of
the Treaty of 1846 had been merely to assure to Great Britain
Vancouver's Island and that the islands in the channel were
American territories, included San Juan in Island County,
and the following year it became part of the newly-formed
Washington Territory. Subsequently, in 1854, it was included
in Whatcom County. It was in 1&53 tha{ {he first steps were
taken toward actual occupation \yhen from the British" side
tlk- learner " Heaver" laiulcd a I'ock «i thirteen Inni'lm! -beep
t'«>r the Hudson's Hay Company.15 The accepted version on
the American side was that this was done in order to establish
a settlement claim to support British diplomacy in the conten-
tion over possession — not a preposterous assumption. Mr.
J. M. Ebey, Collector of Customs for the Puget Sound at this
time, in fulfillment of the duties of his office, warned Governor-
and-Factor Douglas that the sheep were liable to seizure for
having been landed without payment of duty. In reply Doug-
las declared that the island was British territory, and forthwith
appointed Mr. Charles J. Griffin, the clerk in charge of the
sheep, as magistrate. Having no force at his disposal, Ebey
could only protest against this and arrange for an account to
be kept of all goods so that duty might be demanded at some
more favorable time. Mr. Webber was appointed inspector of
customs and left on the island. Now, Captain Sangster was
collector of customs for Vancouver Island and, by the same

14 Report of the Hon H. L. Langevin, C. I!.. Minister of Public Works,
Ottawa, 1872.

15 For the story of the San Juan Controversy see H. H. Bancroft's "History
of British Columbia" 1792-1887, Chap. 31. Also Howay and Scholefield's Hritisk
Columbia, Chaps. 5 and 6.

188 ANDREW FISH

token, for its dependency San Juan, if the British claim could
be made good. He obtained a warrant against Webber for
calling himself a custom-house officer, and proceeded to serve
it. Webber resisted and threatened "to shoot the first man who
interfered with him in the possession of his rightful liberty,
saying, first, that he had committed no crime; and, secondly,
that he was on American soil, and would not recognize their
right to issue any process against him."16 The incident closed
without the arrest being effected. Webber kept the warrant
as evidence and stayed on the island for a year when he was
forced to leave by hostile Indians. It is illustrative of the
attitude of the Indians that Webber found safety at the Hud-
son's Bay house on several occasions.

"He (Mr. Webber) was succeeded in office by Oscar

Olney, who left from the same reason after a few months,

and he in turn by the present inspector, Paul K. Hubbs,

Jr., all of whom have, at different times, been compelled,

temporarily, to avail themselves of the protection of Mr.

Griffin, the Hudson's Bay Company's agent, and which, in

justice to him, I must say was always freely accorded."17

The reason why the Americans had not settled on this island,

so desirable agriculturally, was that the natives from the north

were wont periodically to make raids.

Being part of Whatcom County, Washington Territory, San
Juan was, of course, assessed for taxes in 1854. In conse-
quence of non-payment by the Company, the sheriff, Ellis
Barnes, seized some sheep (over thirty of them) and sold them
to the highest bidder. This was a challenge Douglas could
scarcely evade, even if he wished to, and he wrote on the 26th
of April, 1855, as Governor of Vancouver Island to Governor
Stevens of Washington Territory18 complaining in somewhat
legal phraseology that there had been demanded from

"Mr. Charles Griffin, a British subject," by "an armed
party of American citizens ostensibly acting under the
direction of a person named Barnes, who styles himself
Sheriff of Whatcomb County . . . certain monies in
payment of Taxes, on behalf and in the name of the United

16 Ex, Doc. No. 77, 36th Cong. 1st Sess. p. 2.

17 Ibid. p. 3.

18 See Douglas' letter and Stevens' reply in the Washington Historical Quar-
terly. Vol. 2, ps. 352-3.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 189

States of America, a demand which as a British subject,
acknowledging no authority except that emanating from
his own government . . . refuses to pay."
We may infer that the incident was not without some passion
when we read further :

"Mr. Barnes and his followers during Mr. Griffin's ab-
sence, and while his servants were, with one or two excep-
tions, dispersed at their several occupations did abstract
a number of valuable sheep, which they put into boats, and
were about to depart with the same when Mr. Griffin
returned and demanding restitution of his property was
menaced with violence and put in danger of his life."
Mr. Douglas thinks it would be a great injustice to assume
that the authority 'to levy Taxes on British subjects residing
on the Island of San Juan" had been given by Governor Ste-
vens ; it would "prove an ungracious requital for the kindness
with which you generously vindicated, at Washington, the
cause of truth and justice when a groundless charge was
brought against the character of this Government." He hopes
the Governor will prevent such acts in the future as they "must
ultimately lead to dissension and bloodshed." He claims sov-
ereignity for Great Britain :

"The Island of San Juan has been in the possession of
British subjects for many years, and it is with the other
Islands of the Archipelago de Arro declared to be within
the Jurisdiction, of this colony, and under the protection
of British Laws. I have also the orders of Her Majesty's
Ministers to treat those Islands as part of the British
Dominions."
Nevertheless there seemed to be some doubt, for he adds :

"Wisdom and sound policy enjoin upon us the part of
leaving the question to the decision of the Supreme Gov-
ernments, and of abstaining from enforcing rights, which
neither party is disposed to acknowledge."
Dissension would "be productive of the most serious evils,"
as "both countries will suffer from the absence of that whole-
some control which now holds the native Indian Tribes in
check." Despite the claim to absolute sovereignty he proceeds :

190 ANDREW FISH

"This Government will be responsible for the acts of British
Subjects and punish all offences committed by such on the
Arro Islands, and I trust your Excellency is disposed to exer-
cise the same vigorous control in that quarter over the conduct
of citizens of the United States."

It is to be remarked that the Hudson's Bay Company is not
once mentioned in this letter. Mr. Griffin, the aggrieved Brit-
ish subject, however, was Mr. Douglas' subordinate in the
employ of that Company, and the property seized belonged to
the Company and not to Mr. Griffin. It was apparently con-
sidered easier to appeal on behalf of a certain British citizen
named Griffin than on behalf of a Company already, rightly
or wrongly, in bad odour. "The Island of San Juan has been
in the possession of British Subjects for many years," pleads
the Governor-Factor. In actual possession not so very many
after all. It was only on the 13th of December, 1853, that the
sheep were landed, an event which represents the first actual
settlement, and the letter was written on April 26, 1855, about
sixteen months after. It is not known that any use whatever
was made of the island before 1850, when the Company began
to use it for a few weeks, or perhaps a few months, during the
year. On the matter of sovereignty the instructions were quite
clear. In September, 1854, presumably after the Sankster-
Webber incident already related, Douglas received the follow-
ing direct from the Foreign Office in London :

"In conveying to you the approval of Her Majesty's
Government of your proceedings with respect to the sov-
ereignty of the Islands in the Canal de Arro, I have to
authorize you to continue to treat these Islands as part
of the British Dominions."19

It did not go through the Colonial Office which would have
been the more usual route. Is it a possible explanation that
the Hudson's Bay Company in London had more influence at
the Foreign Office than at the Colonial Office ?

The reply of Governor Stevens left no room for doubt as
to his attitude. San Juan was United States territory, and the

19 Hudson's Bay Company correspondencne. Copy consulted at the British
Columbia Archives, Victoria. B. C

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 191

sheriff had acted according to the general laws relating to the

duties of his office. "The ownership remains now as it did

at the execution of the treaty of June 15, 1846, and can in no

wise be affected by the alleged possession of British subjects."

After some arguments in support of his position he concludes:

"I shall take the earliest opportunity to send a copy of

your communication and of this reply to the secretary of

state of the United States, and in the meantime I have to

reciprocate most earnestly your hope that nothing may

occur to interrupt the harmony and good feeling which

should characterize the relations of neighboring states."

Tn n»forrjflgr thp mfflpj to Washington, Governor Stevens

made_it an international question. The Com

cidmg to make it a question of diplomacy, presented a claim

for nearly $15,000 ( £2.'XX)-13s ) to the State Department

through the British Minister. The upshot was that Mr. W. L.

Marey. the Secretary of State, wrote to Stevens on July 14,

1855, and to the British Minister, Mr. John F. Crompton,

on July 17, defining the position as it was then understood.

As this point in the history of the question is important (it is

the point at which is fixed the status that was disturbed about

four years later as I shall relate), the communications had

better be given rather fully. To Governor Stevens Mr. Marcy

said:

"He (President Franklin Pierce) has instructed me to
say to you that the officers of the Territory should abstain
from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calcu-
lated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done
without implying the concession to the authority of Great
Britain of an exclusive right over the premises.

"The title ought to be settled before either party should
exclude the other by force, or exercise complete and ex-
clusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits.
Application will be made to the British government to
interpose with the local authorities on the northern bor-
ders of our territory to abstain from like acts of exclusive
ownership, with the explicit understanding that any for-
bearance on either side to assert the rights, respectively,

192 ANDREW FISH

shall not be construed into any concession to the adverse
party.

"By a conciliatory and moderate course on both sides,
it is sincerely hoped that all difficulties will be avoided
until an adjustment of the boundary line can be made in a
manner mutually satisfactory. The government of the
United States will do what it can to have the line estab-
lished at an early period."20
The note to Mr. Crompton said :

"I am under some apprehension that collision may take
place between our citizens and British subjects in regard
to the occupation of the disputed points along- the line
between Washington Territory and the British possessions
on the north of it.

"In the hope of avoiding such a difficulty, I have, by the
direction of the President, addressed a letter to the gover-
nor of that Territory on the subject, and herewith furnish
you with an extract from it. I presume that the govern-
ment of her Britannic Majesty will be willing to recom-
mend to her subjects along the boundary in question a
similar course until the line can be established. In that
way I sincerely hope all collision may be avoided."21

That Governor Douglas was advised is evident from his. ref-
erence to the subject in writing to General W. S. Harney on
August 13, 1859. He says :

"With reference to San Juan, in particular, I have al-
ways acted with the utmost caution to prevent, so far as
might lie in my power, any ill feeling arising from collis-
ions between British subjects and American citizens, and
have in that respect cordially endeavored to carry out the
views of the United States government as expressed in a
despatch from Mr. Marcy, dated 17 July, 1855, to Her
Majesty's minister at Washington, a copy of which I here-
with enclose for your information, as I presume that the
document cannot be in your pos'session."22
It would seem, then, as if no trouble could possibly arise.
Clear and unmistakable instructions are issued (and apparently
accepted in all good faith) to the responsible officials of both

20 Ex. Doc. No. 65, 36th Cong. 1st Scss. p. 6.

21 Ibid, p. 7.

22 Ibid, p. 40,

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 193

nations. Steps were taken in August, 1856 to determine \
finally the boundary when an act was passed appointing a com- I
missioner and a surveyor to serve with the British commission. I
Archibald Campbell was the commissioner, and Lieutenant
John G. Parke was chief astronomer and surveyor. The Brit-
ish commissioners were Captain James C. Prevost, R. N. and
Captain Henry Richards R. D. Campbell and Parke joined
their colleages at Victoria on June 22, 1857. Pending the final
disposition, the inspector of customs took account of goods
landed, and the county continued to assess for taxes. The ar-
rangement looked about as trouble-proof as it could be made,
but we are to see how, in spite of it, trouble did occur.

THE CRISIS OF 1859.
1. GENERAL HARNEY'S VIGOROUS ACTION.

\Yithout warning to the British authorities. Captain George
Pickett (in a few years to achieve fame at Gettysburg) com-
manding Company I). (|th Infantry, landed with hi-, men <".:
San Juan July 27, 1859, — and the fat was in the- fire. In
occupying the island in this way he was acting under orders
fronTGeneral W. S. Harney, who, in October,

up the command of the new Department of Oregon. General
Harney's military experience had been mainly that of sup-
pressing Indians ; he came to Oregon from Utah where he
had shown great prowess in this type of warfare. Acting As-
sistant Adjutant Pleasanton, in transmitting the General's
orders to the Captain, stated the reasons for the step :

"The General commanding instructs me to say the
object to be attained in placing you thus is two-fold, viz.:
First. To protect the inhabitants of the island from the
incursions of the northern Indians of British Columbia
and the Russian possessions . . . Secondly. Another
serious and important duty will devolve upon you in the
occupation of San Juan Island, arising from the conflict-
ing interests of the American citizens and the Hudson's

194 ANDREW FISH

Bay Company establishment at that point. This duty is
to afford adequate protection to the American citizens in
their rights as such, and to resist all attempts at inter-
ference by the British authorities residing on Vancouver's
Island, by intimidation or force, in the controversies of
the above-mentioned parties."

A sufficiently uncompromising order. "Resist" — no limit
stated — "all attempts at interference" — no exceptions apparent-
ly contemplated.

The gallant captain was as thorough-going as his com-
mander, and caused the following unequivocal order to be
posted by Second Lieutenant James W. Forsyth, his post
adjutant:

"1st. In compliance with orders and instructions from
the commanding general, a military post will be estab-
lished on this island, on whatever site the commanding
officer may select; 2nd. All the inhabitants of the island
are requested to report at once to the commanding officer
in case of any incursion by the northern Indians, so that
he may take such steps as he may deem necessary to pre-
vent any further occurrence of the same ; 3rd. This being
United States territory, no laws other than those of the
United States, nor courts except such as are held by virtue
of said laws will be recognized or allowed on this island.
By order of Captain Pickett."23

In a despatch dated August 6 General Harney supported
Captain Pickett in this attitude and said expressly:

"The general approves the course you have pursued, and
further directs that no joint occupation or any civil juris-
diction will be permitted on San Juan Island by the British
authorities under any circumstances."24

To state it mildly, this was not the language of 1855 ; it
brought about a new situation.

Some events that took place in 1859 and before, leading up
to Pickett's action, should be related.

The commissioners met with difficulties that delayed the
work of determining the line, while the Americans wishing to
settle on San Juan were getting more and more impatient.
We said that the labors of the commission began in 1857. The

23 I quote from H. H. Bancroft's History of British Columbia 1792-1887, p. 618.

24 Ex. Doc. No. 65, 36th Cong. 1st Scss. p. 23.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 195

following year saw the gold-rush, which had so momentous
an effect. One result was that disappointed miners drifted
back to Victoria and eventually over to the American side in
search of new opportunities. Many of these men were Amer-
ican, but in any case the land policy of the Hudson's Bay
Company made settlement in British territory almost impos-
sible. The attractions of San Juan were stronger than fear of
Indians""and doubt of status, and a number oTuiereturning
miners squatty according to the Company, pre-empted ac-
cordfog- to the Americans, on thf island.^ The extent of
occupation can be judged from a report by Mr. Henry R.
Crosbie, an American magistrate who took part in some of the
proceedings connected with the dispute. On May 20, 1859, the
Company had

"4,500 sheep, 40 head of cattle, five yoke of oxen, 35
horses, and 40 hogs on the island . . . with about 80
acres fenced and under cultivation, sowed principally with
oats, peas, and potatoes. There were attached to the
Hudson's Bay Company station, besides Mr. Griffin,
eighteen servants, three only of whom were white, and
those three were naturalized American citizens, and exer-
cised their rights as such at the territorial election held
on the second Monday in July last, at which time there
were twenty-nine actual settlers on the island."26
The Hudson's Bay men were a motley crew, some of them
South Sea Islanders.

Among the American settlers was Lyman A. Cutler, an-
other "embattled farmer," who, as I shall tell, "fired the shot
heard" throughout the North Pacific Coast region, the echoes
of which were heard far off. In a sworn statement Cutler
relates that in April of 1859 "he located on one hundred and
sixty acres of land, agreeably to the pre-emption law." This,
of course, was presuming that the sovereignty would be
awarded to the United States. If San Juan eventually went
to Great Britain, accounts as to title would have to be settled
with the Hudson's Bay Company or with the Government of
British Columbia; and the prospect could hardly be satisfac-

a$ See narrative of Charles McKay in the Washington Historical Quarterly
Vol. 2, pp. 290- .203.

26 Ex. Doc. No. 77, 36th Cong. 1st Sess. p. 3.

196 ANDREW FISH

.tory for the farmer. Cutler put in some potatoes, and, as
supplies had mostly to be procured from Victoria by row-
boat, they had more than ordinary value. Not far off was
the Company's establishment, with its accompaniment of live-
stock roaming pretty much at large. One of jfche^ hogsr having
done some damage to the potatoes, was shot by Cutler. His
explanation was that he did it under an impulse of irritation.
In any case he went to Mr. Griffin (the Company's agent)
and offered to pay any reasonable sum that might be asked.
Mr. Griffin angrily demanded one hundred dollars which Cutler
would not pay. That same day, "Mr. Dallas, one of the
directors of the Hudson's Bay Company," and two other
gentlemen, along with Mr. Griffin, came to Cutler's house (their
visit had nothing to do with the pig incident originally), and
after some verbal wrangling,

"Mr. Dallas . . . stated this was British soil, and if
he, Cutler did not make the reparation demanded — one
hundred dollars — he would take him to Victoria; their
steamer [the Hudson's Bay Company's steamer Beaver]
was in port, and they had a posse at their command."
The deposition says farther that "their manner and lan-
guage were both insulting and threatening."27
This incident affords the reason for the occupation so far
as it (the occupation) does not refer to defence against the
Indians. A somewhat different account of it is given by other
witnesses.

Apparently as the result of this encounter a magistrate was
appointed 1>y the I British authorities to reside on the island.
Mr. John K. DC Courcy was commissioned Justice of the Peace,
and took up his duties almost at the exact time at which Pickett
landed his forces. In considering the question of who was
responsible for disturbing the status of 1855, it would be well
to note that the instructions issued to Mr. De Courcy by the
Colonial Secretary for Vancouver Island, Mr. William A. G.
Young, were dated July 27 — the day of Pickett's landing. The
policy outlined was determined, and the instructions issued,

27 Cutler's deposition is given in Ex. Doc. No. 65, 36th Cong., 1st Sess. p. 53.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 197

before the occupation was known in Victoria. Said Colonial
Secretary Young:

"The Island of San Juan having been, and being still,
considered and treated as part of Her Majesty's Domin-
ions, you will warn off all persons who may attempt to
assert any rights of occupation as against the British
Dominion in the Island of Juan."28
The good Justice might "warn off" but he was told:

"You must in particular be most careful to avoid giving
any occasion that might lead to acts of violence."29
On July 4, 1859, the Americans on the island celebrated
Independence Day according to custom. As an important part
of the proceedings the Stars and Stripes were hoisted, and the
flag remained for several days, so that when General Harney
visited San Juan on July 9, on a tour of inspection, it was
still flying. The occasion of the visit was fully improved by
the settlers in stating their case to the General, both with
respect to the Indians and to the Company. As to the In-
dians, Mr. Crosbie says30 that the American settlers had peti-
tioned as early as May for protection. They asked General
Harney

"to give them a small force, say a detachment of twenty
men, something that would give them a feeling of se-
curity, as continued apprehension was equally as bad as
actual danger: it had prevented the settlement of San
Juan and the adjoining isolated islands for years."
Murders were being committed, and instead of the occa-
sional visitation of troops the farmers asked for permanent
protection, their idea being, "Say a small detachment of twenty
men." On July 18 General Harney ordered Captain Pickett
to land with his company of sixty men, and Colonel Casey
to be ready nearby with another company in the steamer "Mas-
sachusetts." The General ordered that in the selection of a
position Captain Pickett was to "take into consideration that
future contingencies may require an establishment of from four
to six companies retaining the command of San Juan harbor."
It is not likely that he was thinking of Indians when he wrote

28 British Admiralty dispatch**. Copies consulted at British Columbia Archive*.
Victoria, B. C

39 Ibid.

30 Ex. Doc. No. 77, 36th Cong., lit Sera. p. 4.

198 ANDREW FISH

that. Governor Douglas displayed the expected belligerency
and eventually four hundred and sixty-one soldiers landed
with howitzers and fifty tons of ammunition. The story of
the disembarkation of the re-inforcements under Colonel
Casey almost beneath the noses of the British ships of war is
an exciting one. It will be noted that the American occupa-
tion was purely military, whereas the British attempt had been
civil in character. It happened, however, that a magistrate
of Whatcom County, Mr. Henry R. Crosbie, paid a visit to
San Juan on July 29, as he says,

"finding there was an English official claiming to be the
civil authority of the island, I remained as such [that is
as magistrate] on the part of the United States."

From that point, then, the American occupation was both
military and civil, with the military predominating.

2. GOVERNOR DOUGLAS' BELLIGERENT RESPONSE.

The agent of the Company, Mr. Griffin, on Pickett's land-
ing, protested that the island was the property of Hudson's
Bay Company, and that if the occupation on the part of
Pickett did not cease he would "feel bound to apply to the
civil authorities." The Captain replied that he was there by
order of his government and would "remain till recalled by
the same authority." On the following day reinforcements
began to move from Steilacoom.

By July 29th the great news had reached Victoria. The
excitement was intense. Douglas called on the Senior Naval
Officer of Vancouver Island, Captain Michael De Courcy, "in
the name of the Queen" to assist him in this crisis. "I beg,"
he says, "you will immediately despatch a powerful vessel of
war to San Juan, and instruct the officer in command to pre-
vent the landing of any further armed parties of United States
soldiers for purposes of occupation, and also the erection of

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 199

fortifications of any description by the party already on the
island." In a further note he explained that the civil power
would deal with the party already landed; that power would
if necessary call "upon all subjects of Her Majesty, civil,
military, or naval, to render him assistance as may enable him
to carry out the law." Not yet satisfied that all had been done
that was necessary, on the 30th he requested that "another
powerful vessel of war" be sent, "so as happily by the show
of an overwhelming force to prevent the probability of any
resistance being shown to the actions of the law, and the
consequent prospect of bloodshed."

Ships began to arrive. On the 30th Captain Pickett did
not feel comfortable, "lying within range of a couple of war
steamers." The "Tribune" was a thirty-gun frigate and lay
broadside to the camp. On August 3 he reports to the Gen-
eral that "the British ships the 'Tribune', the 'Plumper* and
the 'Satellite' are lying here in a menacing attitude." But the
guns were silent. Pickett stated the case correctly: "They
have a force so much superior to mine that it will be merely
a mouthful for them." Yet, despite the orders of the Gov-
ernor, no advantage was taken of the superiority of power
even when fortifications were erected and reinforcement^ were
landed. Captain_ De Courcy ^ffl a moderating influence on

the bellicose I ><>u-la- : lie ur-ed that the riidit to the i>1;md was

-till in dispute, and declared that he

"considered it highly essential to do everything possible
to prevent a collision with the United States forces, and
not disturb the amicable relations existing between the
two countries, more particularly at the present time, when
it was not improbable that Great Britain might be in-
volved in the war raging in Europe."
It will be recalled that this was the time of the Italian war

of liberation from Austria.

It was to be expected that the British authorities would

issue some such proclamation as that of Governor Douglas

dated August 2, in which he "formally and solemnly" pro-

200 ANDREW FISH

tested against the occupation, and declared that the sovereign-
ty of the island "now is and always has been, in Her Magesty
Queen Victoria and her predecessors, Kings of Great Britain."
This pronouncement is purely formal, and harmless enough;
it only makes clear that the long-standing claim is not to be
considered prejudiced by the circumstances of the new situa-
tion. On August 3 in his message to the Legislative Council
and House of Assembly of the Colony of Vancouver's Island
the Governor quite properly harked back to the note of Mr.
Marcy written in 1855, and declared he could only conclude
that, the commission not yet having completed its work, that
General Harney was acting without authority from his gov-
ernment. Quite in the spirit of Mr. Marcy the Governor
says:

"Convinced that any assumption, on either side, of
exclusive right to the disputed territory would simply be
a fruitless and mischievous waste of energy, neither de-
tracting from nor adding to the claims of either nation,
wise and considerate policy enjoins upon us the part of
leaving so important a national question for settlement
by the proper authorities, and of avoiding complications
foreign to the views and wishes of and probably embar-
rassing to both governments."

The tone of this does not harmonize with that of the instruc-
tions to, and conversation with, the naval authorities, and even
this moderate message promises that the detachment of royal
engineers and royal marine light infantry ordered from New
Westminster by her Majesty's ship "Plumper" will be landed
at San Juan "to protect the lives and property of British
subjects."

There was great activity on August 3 at San Juan. Cap-
tain Hornby of the "Tribune" requested by letter that Captain
Pickett would confer with him on the ship, but for some rea-
son or other the request was refused. Captain Pickett had
no objection to meeting Captain Hornby at the camp, how-
ever, and Captain Hornby seemingly did not consider his

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 201

dignity in jeopardy by making the visit. Captain Hornby
thought joint military occupation would equalize the positions
of the re.spective powers, and offered this plan. General
Harney subsequently_refused it, and on the same day, August
6, sent a reply to Douglas' proclamation in which a somewhat
garbled account of the alleged attempted arrest of an American
citizen is made the reason for the occupation. Nothing about
Indians this time. The letter makes one thing clear— ^tlje.jjen-
p ral k not agriiy gp special orders from his government.

"As military commander of the departmenTof Oregon,
assigned to that command by the orders of the President
of the United States, I have the honor to state, for your
information, that by such authority invested in me I
placed a military command upon the island of San Juan
to protect the American citizens residing on that island
from the insults and indignities which the British au-
thorities of Vancouver's Island and the establishment of
the Hudson's Bay Company recently offered them."
Leaving nothing to chance, the next day the General sent
a request for a ship to the Senior Naval Officer on the Pacific,
at San Francisco. On the day following that, Colonel Casey
was authorized to reinforce with four companies of soldiers.

THE ADVENT OF ADMIRAL BAYNES.

About this time there arrived on the scene a bluff and
hearty old salt in the person of Rea r- Adm iral JR^ L._Baynes,
Commander in Chief of the British naval forces in the Pacific.
who supplied the necessary common sense. He refused to go

•^— ^»— — — — ^MfeMMkMl^ggy^^MMAMMMM^AbAMftAMHMi^HMMi W^MBM^M^0M0Mfl£"^^VBHbM

to war over the shooting of a [n^. When told <>f Douglas
orders he exploded with "Tut, tut ! no, no ! the damned fools !"31
I do not know how the authority was distributed between
Douglas and Baynes ; the Admiral avoids the tone of positive
authority in addressing Douglas. He was for avoiding a clash,
feeling that the ultimate question of 8ftYt"**8Tl1iYi a ****** 811'
could^be settled only by the two governments. He told the
Governor Tfiat he did not think that the United States officers

202 ANDREW FISH

would "molest, or allow to be molested, the few British sub-
jects on the island," and continues in this strain :

"Wherever your Excellency may, from circumstances,
feel yourself called on to take active measures on the
point in question, I trust they may be such as I can
cordially concur in. I feel confident that a joint military
occupation would complicate the boundary question still
more, by evils that would result from it. I will therefore
conclude by trusting that your Excellency has modified
your views on this subject, as it would be painful to me
in the extreme to find that I could not act in accordance
with your views."

This was written the day after an excited debate in the
House of Assembly, during which it had been angrily de-
manded :

"Why were the troops not landed according to prom-
ise?"
The Speaker of the House complained:

"His Excellency sends troops and ships. Why all this
expense and show, if for parade? Why were not the
troops landed? Instead of fighting, her Majesty's Cap-
tains take to diplomacy . . . They should have land-
ed their troops and avoided all degrading negotiations.
But more troops have landed, in spite of post captains
and admirals. Yes, a militia must be raised. We must
defend ourselves, for the position we occupy today would
make the iron statue of Wellington weep, and the strong
statue of Nelson bend his brow."32

But the breezy old Admiral did not see it that way; four
days after the outburst in the House, and three days after his
diplomatic rebuke of Douglas, he wrote very positively to
Captain Hornby. "It is now my positive order," he said, "that
you do not on any account whatever take the initiative in
commencing hostilities by firing on them, or on any work they
may have thrown up."33 This "plain, little, big-hearted,~un-
assuming, lowland Scotchman, lame, but full of salt and fresh
fun"34 brought cool sea breezes into the super-heated atmo-
sphere. Through him actual hostilities were definitely pre-
vented.

31 See the Angus McDonald Memoirs printed in the Washington Historical
Quarterly, Vol. 8, p. 195.

32 British Colonist, Victoria, August 17th, 1859.

33 Admiralty Dispatches.

34 Angus McDonald, Chief Trader at Fort Colville 1852-1872. See Washing-
ton Histortcal Quarterly, Vol. 8, p. 195.

LAST PHASE -OF OREGON BOUNDARY 203

On the American tide Coloney Casey displayed a more
mocleratfr spirit than his general, or than Captain Pickett. In
reporting to General Winfield Scott, General Harney related
the story of Pickett's adventures in a way that shows the Gen-
eral's turn for heroics:

"The senior officer of three ships-of-war threatened to
land an overpowering force upon Captain Pickett, who
nobly replied that whether they landed fifty or five thou-
sand men, his conduct would not be affected by it; that
he would open his fire, and, if compelled, take to the
woods fighting."35

Though brave and capable, Colonel Casey does not seem to
have had the lust for martyrdomThe sought rather to reach an
agreement uith tin- foe. lie vi-ite<l tin- har!>. >r of F.M|uimalt
on August ll and there tried to come face to face with Admiral
Baynes for conference. Only what seems to the layman an
unimportant point of etiquette prevented — Baynes would not
go to Casey on the "Shubrick," nor would Casey go to Baynes
on the "Ganges." General Harney expressed regrets that this
visit had been made, and pushed along war-like preparations,
taking up the matter of war supplies with Governor Gholson of
Washington Territory.

WASHINGTON INTERVENES AND SCOTT ARRIVES.

British sanity bore u[»<n the filiation from the threat -pare- of
the Pacific; American wisdom came from the east. When
despatches from the west reached Washington, negotiations
had reached the point where Lord Lyons i British Minister)
was proposing the middle passage as a compromise. The news
of the occupation was a shock. Acting Secretary of War
Drinkanl wrote to Ilarney: "The President was not prepared
to learn that you had ordered military possession to be taken
of the Island of San Juan." If Harney had reason to think
that the British authorities were about to disturb status, then
he was right to anticipate them. The President was especially
anxious to know if he had consulted with Commissioner Camp-

35 Ex. Doc. No. 65, 36th Cong., 1st SMS., p. 28.

204 ANDREW FISH

bell before acting. (He had not done so.) It should be
made clear to the British authorities that the action was not
an attempt to pre- judge the question of sovereignty.

It was decided that Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott,
Commander-in-Chief, be sent "to assume the immediate com-
mand, if necessary, of the United States forces on the Pacific
Coast." This act in itself showed that the issues involved
were very important ; also that the government was not satis-
fied that Harney was equal to the occasion. The attitude of
Washington was correct in every particular, and the instruc-
tions given Scott show a wide difference between the view of
Harney and that of the President. Much, of course, must
be left to the discretion of Scott as he would have much
fuller knowledge when on the spot than the government could
possibly have.

I "His (the President's) main object is to preserve the
I peace and prevent collision between the British and Amer-
; ican authorities on the island until the question of title
can be adjusted by the two governments . . . The
President perceives no objection to the plan proposed by
Captain Hornby, of her Majesty's ship "Tribune," to
Captain Pickett; it being understood that Captain Pick-
ett's company shall remain on the island to resist, if need
be, the incursions of northern Indians on our frontier set-
tlements, and to afford protection to American residents
thereon."36 (It will be recalled that Hornby's proposal
was to institute a joint military occupation. This had
been refused by Harney.)

If hostilities should have broken out before Scott arrived?
"In that event, it would still be your duty, if this can,
in your opinion, be honorably done, under the surround-
ing circumstances, to establish a temporary joint occupa-
tion of the island, giving to neither party any advantage
over the other. It would be a shocking event if the two
nations should be precipitated into a war respecting the
possession of a small island, and that only for the brief
period during which the two governments may be peace-
fully employed in settling the question to which of them
the island belongs."

..' r i? ~ r T<

36 Ibid, p. 27.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 205

But if the British, because of their superiority of available
resources, shall have actually seized San Juan? This was
looked at as a possible but not a probable event ; but

"if we must be forced into a war by the violence of the
British authorities, which is not anticipated, we shall abide
the issue as best we may without apprehension as to the
result."37

Thanks to Admiral Baynesf no blood had been abed, and
General Scott had no «u»rinus trni1Mfi ffl

pose. Joint military occupation was in due course proposed
to Governor Douglas, but the Governor countered with a plan
to withdraw the soldiers and have joint civil occupation. The
menace of Indians seemed sufficient reason to General Scott
for maintaining some forces on the island, and Douglas, after
the General had refused civil occupation, submitted the sug-
gestion of joint military occupation to his government. On
November 3 Douglas wrote to Scott :

"Should you, sir, after the explanations I have herein

given in reference to my official powers and position, pro-

ceed to carry out your pacific mission, — and divest the

large military force now on San Juan of its menacing

attitude by removing it from the island, we will instantly

withdraw the British naval force now maintained there;

and as soon as I receive the instructions of my govern-

ment, I shall be glad to co-operate with you in arrang-

ing a plan for the temporary maintenance of order and

protection of life and property upon the island."

A positive assurance was given that nothing should be done

by British authority to prejudice the status established by the

Marcy correspondence of 1855. For his part Scott issued

orders immediately for the evacuation of the island, except-

ing that one company under Captain Hunt should remain.

Pickett was not to stay. Hunt was given copies of the cor-

respondence so that he would understand

"the spirit in which it is expected you will execute the
delicate and important trust confided to you, the general
having full confidence in your intelligence, discretion, and

~37IWd.

206 ANDREW FISH

(in what is of equal importance in this case) your court-
esies."38 (The italics are the General's.)
Subsequently, the plan outlined to Douglas by Scott in his
"project of a temporary settlement" was accepted by the
British Government. In March, 1860, a force of Royal Marines
under Captain (ieor^v Ilazalgette, equal to the American force.
was stationed on San Juan; the two forces, at opposite ends
of the island, carrying out_ their duties until final settlement
in 1871, in perfect friendliness.

GENERALS SCOTT AND HARNEY.

The responsibility for the crisis, so far as the American side
is concerned, rested squarely with Harnev; Pickett was sup-
ported in all he did by his general; Harney acted without
orders from Washington. We have seen that he was not

supported at general headquarters ; General Scott in large
measure reversed his (Hartley's) policy. Further evidence
of disapproval is given by the suggestion of Scott that Harney
should accept a transfer to St. Louis. Scott expected that
the British would ask for Harney's removal and told Harney
so, suggesting that in such a case it would be a relief 'to the
President if Harney were no longer in that command. A con-
ditional order to report at St. Louis was sent by Scott, but
it was left to Harney to decide for himself whether he should
take advantage of it. Said Scott : "If you decline the order,
and I give you leave to decline it, please throw it into the
fire." Harney elected to stay where he was; he could not
believe that there could be any embarrassment to the Presi-
dent in this, nor could he "suppose the President would be
pleased to see [him] relinquish [the] command." After Scott
left for the east, Pickett was re-instated in his command and
Harney issued orders in connection with his duties that could
scarcely be harmonized with General Scott's instructions. This
led to his recall to Washington, where a reprimand was ad-
ministered by the Secretary of War — not a severe reprimand,

38 Ibid, p. 76.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 207

/as the Secretary had regard for his "known high character
* and distinguished services," and Pickett was again removed.
There were, unfortunately, other subjects in dispute be-
tween these two officers, and something like a quarrel ensued.
Late in 1859 or early in 1860 Scott wrote very strongly to
the Adjutant-General. He said:

"In dismissing this most nauseating subject [court-
marshalling of an officer for alleged insubordination], I
beg permission to add, that the highest obligations of my
station compel me to suggest a doubt whether it be safe
in respect to our foreign relations, or just to the gallant
officers and men in the Oregon Department, to leave them
longer, at so great a distance, subject to the ignorance,
and caprice of the present head-quarters of that depart-
ment."39

It was not until June, 1860, however, that the recall was
issued. The sympathy of the people in Washington Territory
was strongly with Harney, as is shown by resolution passed
by the legislature.

WHO WAS TO BLAME/*

The rebuke to Geneql Harney seems to have been de-
served. Both sides, of course, wCTe^Emmng title, but the

real status was that neither government was to take action
implying sole sovereignty until the Commission issued its
findings. On the basis of the Hudson's Bay pig affair Iferpqy
seized the territory and proclaimed through Pickett that "no
laws other than those of the United States, nor courts except
such as are held by virtue of said laws, will be recognized or
allowed on this island." He

he consult with GammisMOncrjIaiPpbell. Pickett evidently
felt the weakness of his case wnen, as he plainly says, he "en-
deavored to impress them [the three British captains] with
the idea that [his] authority [came] directly through [Har-
ney] from Washington." In the same communication we have
this:

39 Ex. Doc. No. 65, 3fitii Cong., lit S««f. pp. 190-1.

208 ANDREW FISH

"I must add that they [the captains] seem to doubt
the authority of the general commanding, and do not wish
to acknowledge his right to occupy this island, which
they say is in dispute, unless the United States govern-
ment have decided the question with Great Britain. I
have so far staved them off, by saying that the two gov-
ernments have without doubt settled this affair; but this
state of affairs cannot last, therefore I most respectfully
ask that an express be sent me immediately on my future
guidance."40

This shows at least that Pickett was uneasy; there is no
evidence that Harney was.

Commissioner Campbell was surprised at the occupation.
That Pickett should land troops seemed to him natural enough
— it had been done before when Indians threatened, — but that
1'icket t should refuse to allow liritish forces to land for the
protection of their nationals was strange. He saw Pickett's
confidential instructions and wrote to Harney that he could
only suppose it "possible, if not probable" that he had received
instructions from the War Department for the occupation of
the island. Not having heard from the State Department him-
self, however, he felt "considerably troubled lest there might
be some misunderstanding." He advised "caution; so 'as to
prevent if possible any collision, which," he thought "under
no circumstances ought to be allowed to occur." He expressed
a fear that Harney's action might "somewhat embarrass the
question," and declared, "I shall be greatly relieved to learn
that you have some authority from the government for the
decisive step you have taken."41 Inferentially, then, Campbell
blames Harney, for there was no "authority from the gov-
ernment for the decisive step." In his explanation to the
commissioner Harney declared that the relative claims of the
two governments were not in any way affected by his action.
"The British authorities chose to violate treaty stipulations
made in good faith, and maintained by the United States in
good faith, by attempting to arrest an American citizen on
San Juan Island to carry him to Victoria to be tried by British

40 Ibid, p. 17.

41 Ibid, p. 59.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 209

laws. To prevent a repetition of this outrage, until the gov-
ernment of the United States could be apprised of it, I have
placed troops on the island, with such orders as I have deemed
necessary to effect this object." To the Adjutant General at
Washington he made the somewhat indefinite statement that he
"disclaimed any intention of asserting any sovereignty over
the island of San Juan, beyond that which the necessity of
the case had demanded."42 Ambiguous as this is I decline
the task of harmonizing it with the proclamation of Pickett.
That proclamation was the establishment of a complete Amer-
ican sovereignty or words are meaningless. But did Great
Britain violate the treaty as Harney alleges? That would
make some difference, certainly.

The gravamen of the charge against the British authorities
was that they attempted to arrest an American citizen and
take him to Victoria for trial tinder British laws for an of-
fense committed against a British subject. The offense was
not denied (indeed, the offender, perhaps needlessly, avowed
Tils'" deed) — a Hudson's Bay Company's hog was shot — but
the incident of the alleged attempted arrest is variously de-
scribed. Harney did not get his story straight. As explained
to Douglas the soldiers were ordered to San Juan

"to protect the American citizens residing on that island
from the insults and indignities which the British au-
thorities of Vancouver's Island, and the establishment
of the Hudson's Bay Company recently offered them, by
sending a British ship-of-war from Vancouver's Island
to convey the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company
to San Juan for the purpose of seizing an American
citizen and forcibly transporting him to Vancouver's
Island to be tried by British laws.' 43

This inaccurate account gave Douglas a fine opportunity to
deny the charge. That Harney was reflecting the popular
feeling in identifying the Company with the government there
can be no doubt, nor can it be doubted that there was some
justification. It was not, however, technically correct, and
Douglas, could point out that the Company's officers had no

42 Ibid, p. 38.

43 Ibid, p. 22.

210 ANDREW FISH

more rights than had other British citizens. By this time
Douglas' connection with the Company was at an end, though
the severance was very recent. His resignation of all official
connection with, and interest in, the Company had been de-
manded by the British Government as a condition of the
appointment as Governor of British Columbia toward the end
of 1858. The Governor emphatically says :

"To the reported outrage on an American citizen I beg
to give the most unhesitating and unqualified denial. None
of her Majesty's ships have ever been sent to convey the
chief factor or any other officer of the Hudson's Bay
Company to San Juan for the purpose of seizing an
American citizen, nor has any attempt ever been made
to seize an American citizen and to transport him forcibly
to Vancouver's Island for trial."

Of course not; Mr. Dallas, who was accused of the attempt
to arrest, was not chief factor but a director of the Company,
and President of Council in North America; he did not go in
a war-ship but in the Company's trading-steamer; he did not
go for the purpose of seizing anybody, he happened to be
there at the time; nor did he attempt to forcibly transport
Cutler, for, as Cutler himself deposes, he was only threat-
ened. Mr. Dallas denied even the threatening, and gave a
different account of some of the other details of the affair.
"No demand of $100, or any other sum of money, was made
upon him [Cutler], nor did I threaten to apprehend him, or
take him to Victoria. On the contrary, I stated distinctly
that I was a private individual, and could not interfere with
him. I have fortunately three unimpeachable witnesses to
prove this."44

Among the contradictory statements we have to find suf-
ficient evidence to warrant Harney seizing the island if he
can be warranted at all. He was demonstrably at fault in his
account of some parts ; other parts are in doubt through con-
flict of evidence. Beyond cavil the culprit was not actually
arrested and no force was used upon him, even if we concede

44 The British Colonist, June 7th, 1860.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 211

that he was threatened. Harper's reaction was to send 461
soldiers and several field-guns to take exclusive possession —
a steam-hammer to kill a gnat. The truth seems Jg_bc that
Harney took die prevailing hostile view of the Hudson's Bay

Company la view that wa> in a large mea-iire >hareil hy the

C . .mpany i
British resi

Jents on Vancouver Island) and allowed himself
to take stronger action than hi> instructions permitted. On
the other hand, l>ougla-. hut recently chief-factor lor the
Company at Victoria and apparently >ti;l uilling to Mipport
the Company's aggressive policies, studiously refrained from
committing acts that were technically wrong. He sent a
magistrate to the island Defofe™?i3cettianded, as the result
of the pig-shooting, but the limit of the commission was "to
warn off all persons who may attempt to assert any rights
of occupancy as against the British Dominion." Specifically
the justice was to be "most careful to avoid giving any occa-
sion that might lead to acts of violence." This is far short of
sole occupation by force of arms, and in any case Harney knew ;
nothing of this commission when he issued orders to Pickett. -'
After the seizure, Douglas was ready to fight ; he ordered the \
naval force to respond to the call for help when the call |
should come from the civil authorities. Furthermore, the
orders were explicit that the Americans were to be prevented /
from landing more troops.

This was war, and so it was understood at the time. Duncan
George Forbes Macdonald, surveyor with the British boundary
commission then on the spot, writing in 1862 declares :

"In this San Juan affair, let the people of England never
forget how nearly we were thrown into all the horrors
of war, at a time when the States were not, as now, dis-
united and helpless, by the intemperate policy of His Ex-
cellency Governor Douglas, who is Commander-in-Chief
of Her Majesty's Colony of British Columbia and its
dependencies. Btit for the arrival of Rear-Admiral Sir
Robert Baynes, K.C.B., at the eleventh hour, war with
America was certain. This I know, having been upon
the island when His Excellency's commands were re-

212 ANDREW FISH

ceived. The good old Admiral and the captains of his
fleet boldly refused to adopt a course which would have
created a rupture between England and America. These
noble upholders of the British Flag contemplated with
true feeling the awful effect of the boom of cannon and
the roll of musketry. To the chivalry and forbearance,
therefore, of these wise and valiant men the two kindred
nations owe much indeed. It would be an unpardonable
omission were I not to make special mention of Captain
Hornby, of the "Tribune," who, although under the most
positive instructions from the Commander-in-Chief to
declare war at once, took upon himself the responsibility
of delaying the execution until the arrival of the Ad-
miral, who was daily expected."45

For additional evidence I quote from Angus McDonald
who has already been referred to. McDonald as Chief-factor
at Fort Colville for the Hudson's Bay Company would not
naturally be suspected of bias against Douglas. He writes :

"Although Governor Douglas and Colonel Hawkins, the
British commissioner, were rather in favor of a war, the
lucky arrival of Admiral Baynes muzzled their designs in
a council of war held at Victoria, where he told the Gov-
ernor that if ordered to attack the American camp on
San Juan he would refuse doing it, and he hooted the
idea of raising a war with America for such nonsense,
it having as reported been started by a personal quarrel
over a Hudson's Bay Company's pig."46
The Admiral seems to have shared in a measure the popular
British opinion of the Company. Captain Hornby, writing to
his wife on December 4, 1859, says :

"I hear that the Governor has got much praise in Eng-
land for keeping peace with the Yankees. That is rather
good, when one knows that he would hear of nothing but
shooting them all at first and that peace was only pre-
served by my not complying with his wishes, as I felt
he was all in the wrong from the start."47
This evidence is hardly impeachable. To Baynes, Douglas
urged that he had "clear and definite instructions" from his
government "to treat the islands in the Haro Archipelago
as part of the British Dominion" ; but, as Baynes pointed out

45 Macdonald's British Columbia and Vancouver Island, London 1862, p. 257.

46 Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. 8, p. 195.

47 Washington Historical Quarterly, Vol. 8, p. 195 (note).

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 213

in a despatch to the Admiralty, American squatters had been
permitted to locate themselves without being warned off, also
an American deputy collector of customs.48 The only instruc-
tions I have found were those issued before the Marcy cor-
respondence of 1855, and these could hardly be appealed to
with fairness. On the evidence, then, Harney would seem to
hayjejheen technically atJauIt. but Pouglas must take his snare

of^the hn^-hf!} of Mame. Harney disturbed the status with- V
out sufficient^cause, but Douglas would have brought about

blood-hoi over a teihnical 1 -reach that could ea-ily have been
settled 1>y di[>li -nucy. and wa- so -ettled when wiser men than

rJouglas restrainedTum. We have seen that the aggressiveness

and greed of the Hudson's Bay Company had much to do with
producing the state of mind in which the Americans of the
region were prepared to take arms if necessary in support of
Harney. The honors for preventing bloodshed should be
shared among the British naval officers, cabinet officers at
Washington and General Win field Scott. The General seems
to have been amused by the heroics of his subordinates of the
Oregon department.49

PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S ATTITUDE.

This San Juan seizure was looked upon as a very serious
affair by President Buchanan, even though his administration
was harrassed by domestic dissensions as serious as any that
ever tortured this country. In correspondence with Lord
Clarendon (whom he had known in London), among other
matters, the action of Harney was referred to.50 Lord Clar-
endon wrote :

"This affair at San Juan, tho' more serious than the
one at Nicaragua, is of a similar character. The over-
zeal (which Talleyrand so much deprecated) and the
over-slowness and the over-desire to make political cap-
ital without reflecting on the consequences, of employes.
have caused difficulties which put the firmness and good
faith of both governments to the test. I am much mis-

48 Admiralty Dispatches.

49 See his Memoirs, or note in Moore: Internatnional Arbitrations, p. 222.

50 See Works of James Buchanan, Vol. 10.

214 ANDREW FISH

taken if you did not learn the proceedings of General
Harney with as much regret as Lord Malmesbury did
those of Sir W. Ouseley [in the Nicaragua business].
Lord M. disowned his Plenipotentiary, and you seem to
have taken the best course open to you under the circum-
stances by sending General Scott to supersede General
Harney — at least I hope I am not wrong in so inter-
preting the object of the mission with which he is
charged."

His Lordship is quite sure that the claim of Great Britain
is sound, but thinks that above all things a collision should be
prevented so that a calm judgment might be rendered.

"John Bull's usual habit," he says, "is to take things
quietly, but his dander has been roused by the high-
handed proceedings of General Harney more than I ever
remember upon occasions of the kind, and this miserable
business might be productive of the most disastrous con-
sequences. May God of His infinite mercy avert from us
all the responsibility and guilt of such disasters."
The President's answering letter did not discuss Harney,
but urged that his (the President's) action in sending Gen-
eral Scott must have satisfied even Lord John Russell.

Lord John, the British Foreign Minister at the time, had
sent a disquieting despatch to Lord Lyons at Washington ;
it was this that was disturbing President Buchanan. We must
come back to this dispatch shortly, when we shall understand
the President's perturbation. Should Lord John act upon the
principle he had enunciated and take possession by force, "I
say with you," declared the President, "May God of his in-
finite mercy avert from us all the responsibility and guilt of
such disasters !" He was sadly disappointed at the turn events
had taken for, as he said, he "had earnestly hoped to settle all
the dangerous questions between the two countries during [his]
presidential term." "This was," he said, "one of the prime
objects of my ambition but I now find it impossible." He fears
that the influence of the leaders of the Hudson's Bay Company
"has been and will be exerted, not in favor of peace but of
war." "It worries me to think that after a two years' sue-

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 215

cessful trial to unite the people of the two countries in the
bonds of kindred and intimate friendship, all my labor may
prove to have been in vain." He is sorry to notice from the
date of Lord John's dispatch that it could not have been in-
spired by the knowledge of Harney's conduct.

The third annual message of the President, delivered on
December 15, 1859, was taken up to the extent of about one-
tenth by San Juan. Competing for attention were many other
questions, some of which have assumed a greater place in our
history. The message deals among other matters with "recent
sad and bloody occurrences at Harper's Ferry," the Supreme
Court decision which established the right of every citizen "to
take his property of any kind, including slaves, into the com-
mon territories belonging equally to all states of the con-
federacy," the execution of laws against the African slave
trade, and the necessity of a Pacific railway. Not much is
said about Harney. It was not the proper time to discuss
"the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of
the British colonial authorities, contesting the accuracy of the
information^ on which the gallant general acted," but it was
due to him that his own reasons should be presented. The
admiral is praised because "he wisely and discreetly forbore
to commit any hostile act." There can be no doubt of the
validity of the American title, and in the meantime American
citizens will be "placed on a footing at least as favorable as
that of British subjects," and a company of soldiers will
remain to protect their interests.

We may now leave the discussion of this dangerous crisis,
thankful that it was passed without more serious and regret-
table consequences. It ended with the agreement to establish
joint military occupation. From 1860 until after the final
award of the arbitrator in 1871 an equal number of American
soldiers and British marines camped on the island, maintain-
ing friendly relations throughout the whole time.

216 ANDREW FISH

LATER STAGES OF THE DIPLOMATIC STRUGGLE."

The dispatch from Lord John Russell to the British Am-
bassador which distressed President Buchanan so much was
dated August 24, 1859, and contained the following offending
passage :

"Her Majesty's Government must, therefore, under any
circumstances, maintain the right of the British crown to
the Island of San Juan. The interests at stake in con-
nection with the retention of that island are too import-
ant to admit of compromise, and your Lordship will,
consequently, bear in mind that whatever arrangement as
to the boundary line is finally arrived at, no settlement
of the question will be accepted by Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment which does not provide for the Island of San
Juan being reserved to the British Crown."52
The interests at stake were those of defence ; it was sup-
posed that the island was of very great strategic value. This
view was held by both Britons and Americans. This aspect
of the matter was not an unimportant one at that time, how-
ever it may look now, but for Lord John Russell to say that
"no settlement would be accepted which did not provide for
the island being reserved to the British Crown" was surely to
pre- judge the case and to utter sentiments contrary to the
spirit of the Marcy correspondence. We have seen how it
upset the President. He complained :

"We all believed that the line ran through the Canal de
Arro. Under this impression you may judge of our
astonishment when we found that Lord John, in his first
diplomatic note, gives us fair notice that Great Britain
never will surrender the subject-dispute. He waits not
to hear what can be said on this side of the water in
support of our title, but informs us in effect that he had
pre- judged the case."

The main outline of the dispute may be recalled. The
commissioners were disputing over the interpretation of the
treaty of 1846 — the British claimed the Archipelago on the

51 I am indebted to Moore's International Arbitrations for much of the in-
formation used in this section.

52 Quoted by Alexander Begg in his History of Britsh Columbia, p. 244.

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 217

ground that the Rosario channel was the one intended by the
Treaty ; the Americans, on the ground that the Canal de Arro
(or Haro) was intended. The British ca«^e rested on the
wording of the treaty Inn this wording \va~ ambiguous. The
channel should have three characfenstTcs to meet tfie terms
of the treaty contended the commission: (1) it should sep-
arate the continent from Vancouver's Island; (2) it should
admit of the boundary line being carried through it in a south-
erly direction ; (3) it should be a navigable channel. The
Haro channel, while it was with difficulty navigable, did not
separate from the continent as it was already separated by
another channel, and it made it necessary to run the boundary
line west before it could run south. This is about as near
to verbal quibbling as makes no difference. The. American
commissioner maintained that the Haro strait should be the
boundary because it was the widest, deepest, and largest vol-
ume of water and was the one usually marked on the maps
at the time of the treaty. As it washed the shores of Van-
couver Island it was the only one that could be said to sep-
arate the continent from the island. The word "southerly"
was not used in its strict sense but as opposed to northerly.
The general intention to make Haro the line was shown by the
report of Mr. McLane, who conducted the negotiations, to
Mr. Buchanan, then at the state office; also by the fact that
this report was submitted to the Senate along with the treaty.
Furthermore, Senator Benton's speech made it clear how the
treaty was generally understood. When the Rosario channel
had first been mentioned by Mr. Crampton (British Minister)
it was not asserted that it was the channel intended but merely
that it had been surveyed and used and "it seemed natural
to suppose that that was the one intended." Moreover, the
Haro channel had also been surveyed and used — by Spain and
by the United States.

The British commissioner^ had^ secret instructions to com-
promise on the middle passage, and in his dispatch

218 ANDREW FISH

Russell definitely authorized Lord Lvooa to negotiate on this

basis. The central channel would fit the language of the
treaty, and it would be a useful compromise as to the islands,
leaving only one important island to Great Britain — San Juan
This offer was made in a spirit of accommodation it was
pointed out; the British government would not acknowledge
that its claim to the Rosario straits was not valid.

The offer was refused and the commission, having done
what it could, and being still unable to agree on interpreta-
tion, adjourned proceedings in 1867. The Civil War had
intervened and San Juan had been pushed into the background
by considerations of much greater moment. Much more
serious differences had arisen between the two governments —
that over the "Alabama" being the most thorny. Other sub-
jects of dispute were naturalization, fisheries, and reciprocity
with Canada. A convention was signed on January 14, 1869,
by Mr. Reverdy Johnson and Lord Clarendon by which it
was agreed to submit the case to the arbitration of the Presi-
dent of Switzerland. However, in 1871, the matter was still
unsettled and among other questions was submitted to the
Joint High Commission between the United States and Great
Britain. Again the old offers were made, again without suc-
cess. Britain then proposed arbitration. The United States
agreed to this if the arbitrator was to be instructed to deter-
mine whether the boundary should go through the Rosario or
Haro straits, and refused to accept the proposal that he should
have the right to compromise on some other channel. The
acceptance of this limitation was a distinct diplomatic victory
for the United States and was probably decisive in getting a
favorable award later. The German Emperor, fresh from
thrilling scenes in Paris, was chosen arbitrator. He was to
determine "finally and without appeal which of those claims
is most in accordance with the true interpretation of the Treaty
of June 15, 1846." Fortunately for the United States her
representative at Berlin was pre-eminently fitted to conduct

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 219

her case. George Bancroft, the historian, had been a member
of Folk's cabinet when the Oregon Question was one of the
liveliest political issues ; he had also been the American repre-
sentative in London. He was an expert on the subject in dis-
pute ; his knowledge of American history was vast. In Berlin
he was to win a final diplomatic victory, and clear from the
slate the last vestige of dispute about the Northwestern bound-
ary. In charge of Britain's interest was the same Admiral
James C. Prevost, who, as Captain, had acted as boundary
commissioner.

It seems reasonable to snppoae that when the Treaty of
1846 was drafted neither government had one particular chan-
nel in mind, probably for lade of knowledge of the geography
of the region^ Maps <Bd not agree ; Vancouver's chart (prob-

alily used by the 1'ritMi government ' bad the Tana! de A IT-'
marked but he himself used the Rosario strait. The strength
of the American_a»JioweverLjro8^i_tfae_ge^yal intention
as shown in the negotiations, and the general sense in which
it was understood at the time of the acceptance of tlk- treaty.
fn the discussion preliminary to the treaty Buchanan (then
Secretary of State) offered to make free to Great Britain
any port or ports she might desire south of parallel forty-
nine on Vancouver Island, if that line should be accepted.
Great Britain stood out for free navigation of the Columbia
and Buchanan withdrew his offer. A little later Pakenham
(for Great Britain) urged parallel forty-nine or the arbitra-
tion of "some friendly sovereign or state." This was refused,
and the matter hung fire. A few months passed and in Febru-
ary, 1846, Buchanan let McLane (who was acting in London
for the United States) know that from the temper of the
Senate he judged that parallel forty-nine would be accepted.
McLane talked to Lord Aberdeen who agreed to submit a
proposal through Pakenham. Fresh from his conversation
with Aberdeen, McLane reported to the State Office that tie
proposal would likely be to divide at parallel forty-nine to

220 ANDREW FISH

the Canal de Haro and the Straits of Fuca. President Polk,
writing on the very day the draft was presented, observed to
McLane :

"Neither does it provide that the line shall pass through
the Canal de Arro, as stated in your dispatch. This would
probably be a fair construction."
A week later Buchanan used these words :

"Thence along the middle of this channel and the Strait
of Fuca, so as to render the whole of that island to
Great Britain."
The island, of course, was Vancouver.

To permit Great Britain to retain the whole of Vancouver

Island was in fact the only reason for deflecting the line at
all from parallel forty-nine. Senator Benton in the Senate
definitely mentioned the Haro Channel, showing clearly how
he understood the arrangement. Aberdeen in his instructions
to Pakenham did not, it is true, mention any definite channel,
but he said nothing about any islands except that of Vancouver
— "thus giving us the whole of Vancouver's Island and its
harbors." The same general understanding on the part of
Sir Robert Peel is plain enough — "but that the middle of the
channel shall be the future boundary, thus leaving us in pos-
session of the whole of Vancouver's Island, with equal rights
to navigation of the straits." Nevertheless, the Canal de
Haro is not "the middle of the channel" constituted by the
Gulf of Georgia. From something that happened, George
Bancroft when minister of London, got suspicious that there
might be difficulties of interpretation and asked for some
charts to be sent to him — charts which he had caused to be
prepared when he was at the Navy Department. Benton had
said that the islands were of no value, but Bancroft knew
better. He (Blancroft) asked permission to claim the Haro
Strait if a dispute arose; Buchanan, however, thought it im-
probable that Great Britain would seriously make a claim for
anything east of the Haro Channel. Bancroft thought this
was true of the ministry but said he had reason to think that

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 221

the Hudson's Bay Company wished to get some of the islands
in the gulf. It was in 1847 that Bancroft wrote this ; in 1850
the Hudson's Bay Company began salmon-packing operations
on San Juan. By 1848 Lord Palmerston in London and Mr.
Crampton in Washington were asking for charts and sug-
gesting that the boundary depended first of. all on interpreta-
tion of the treaty rather than on a survey. Mr. Crampton
said that only one channel seemed to have been surveyed —
that used by Vancouver. If this construction was accepted
then the channel near the mainland would be the boundary,
giving the only important island to the United States — Whidby.
The other islands, it was said, were of little or no value. But
nothing was done about it.

Then followed events already related — incorporation of San
Juan into Washington Territory, the trouble over assessments
and customs, the Marcy correspondence, the appointment of the
commission, the difference of interpretation, the slow progress
of the negotiations, the impatience of American settlers and
intending settlers to have the matter decided, the shooting of
the Hudson's Bay Company's pig, the military occupation by
Harney, the agreement on joint military administration, and
the submission of the case to arbitration. On October 21,
1872, the Emperor announced his award to be that the Haro
Channel was "most in accordance with the true interpreta-
tions" of the treaty of 1846. On March 10, 1873, a protocol
was signed at Washington by Hamilton Fish, Secretary of
State, Sir Edward Thornton Minister of Great Britain to the
United States, and Admiral Prevost by which the boundary was
finally determined. No further trouble occurred; in a few
weeks the marines were withdrawn and the United States held
undisputed sovereignty.

Thus another chapter of Northwestern history was closed.
On the merits of the case the decision appears to have been
quite just; one cannot doubt that the only object in departing
from parallel forty-nine short of the Pacific Ocean was to

222 ANDREW FISH

give Great Britain the Island of Vancouver and that only.
The foundation of the British claim, a verbal ambiguity, was
essentially weak.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION.

The point of highest interest in this story as I have told
it is the forcible military occupation of San Juan in 1859 by
General Harney's soldiers. I treated it as an incident in the
westward movement of the white man's civilization — in the
Europeanization of America — in the supersession of barbar-
ism. This truly was the important process taking place at the
time. The struggle for possession of San Juan was a minor
affair between groups of whites with their more or less serious
causes of disagreement. I traced sketchily the spread of the
dominion of the United States across the continent and showed
how the Oregon Question was raised and settled, leaving the
disposition of the islands of the Gulf of Georgia somewhat
uncertain. Something of the part taken in these matters by
the Hudson's Bay Company has been indicated. I showed
them migrating from the Columbia to Vancouver Island. We
saw how the opposed economic interests of the Company and
the American farmers aggravated national animosities. An-
other disturbing factor was the gold discovered on British
soil and eagerly sought by American adventurers. I recounted
the disabilities of American miners in the situation and the
efforts of their government to provide a remedy. The history
of San Juan Island and how it came to be the scene of the
explosion of American exasperation has been told. We have
followed together the details of the occupation, the reasons
given for it, and the response of the British authorities to it.
Particular attention was given to the parts played by General
Harney, Governor Douglas, and Admiral Baynes. We saw a
satisfactory settlement effected by General Scott on the one
side and Admiral Baynes on the other. I have tried to find out

LAST PHASE OF OREGON BOUNDARY 223

who was to blame and am obliged to conclude that Harney
through Pickett disturbed the status established by Marcy in
1855. Both sides were pledged to refrain from acts involving
the implication of sole sovereignty pending the result of the
work of an international commission. Pickett's proclamation
on San Juan was an assertion of sole sovereignty. As the land-
ing was directed more against the Hudson's Bay Company
and the British authorities than against hostile Indians it
amounted to seizure by force. In the upshot Harney's policy
was in effect repudiated by the government. Douglas, on his
side, seemed disposed to fall back on instructions earlier than
1855 and, on the theory of sole British sovereignty, to put all
to the test of arms. He issued orders that really meant war.
Had not naval officers refrained from executing his orders
hostilities must have occurred. The worst was averted by
Admiral Baynes, who took the situation out of Douglas' hands.
I pointed out that the British claim to San Juan rested on a
verbal ambiguity in the Treaty of 1846, that the commissioners
disagreed hopelessly on the interpretation of the doubtful
passage, and that arbitration was eventually agreed upon by
the two governments. Strong evidence has been produced that
the plain intention of the treaty was to run the boundary
through Haro Straits, thus leaving the islands on the American
side of the boundary, and that it was understood in this sense
by the various officers of the American government concerned.
The final award made by the German Emperor in 1871 in favor
of the United States would therefore seem to be a just one.

But did it really matter whether San Juan was American
or British ? It mattered to the individuals who wished to take
land on the generous American terms. Under the settlement
the private interests of the Hudson's Bay Company were, of
course, protected, but the Company could no longer retard nor
control land cultivation. The crown rights of the Company
on Vancouver Island expired in 1859, but, while it then be-
came easier to get land, the British policy was not so generous

224 ANDREW FISH

to the home-seeker as the American. The outcome of the
dispute made a real economic difference to some few indi-
viduals, llroadly. however, the matter was not of vast im-
portance. The civilized white stranger was crowding the
native barbarian off the soil, and the dispute over San Juan
was between two groups of about equal culture. The stand-
ards of life would have been broadly the same whatever the
issue. As things are and have been in the world, the Amer-
ican and British peoples may indulge themselves in legitimate
pride and thankfulness that the Oregon Question in its various
phases was settled without recourse to the stern arbitrament
of war. The contest was at times acrimonious, but never, we
may be thankful, bloody. In spite of dangerous lapses of
judgment on the part of individuals of both nations, the affair
of San Juan did not mar the record. The over-zeal of em-
ployes was counter-balanced by the calmer judgment of more
responsible officials. If to our sorrow we have often to reflect
that men are not equally wise, at least we may take comfort
from the fact that they are not equally foolish.

DOCUMENTARY

THE LETTERS OF THE REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS, THIRD
SUPERINTENDENT OF THE OREGON MISSION.*

Second Installment.

Edited by ROBERT MOULTON GATKB

(Copy) Oregon City, March 18th, 1848.

To the Cor. Secy. &C.
REV. DR. PITMAN.
Dear Bro.:

In a former part of this report, I have given you the No.
of persons in the employ of the Mission. The condition of
their families, the work they are engaged in together with such
general facts as I then deemed important. I now present the
fiscal state of the mission, and do it in a separate letter because
whatever publicity may be given to the former, this is some-
what more confidential and private. I allude first to salaries
or the amt. paid to the preachers, David Leslie $624. I. H.
Wilbur $600. A. F. Waller $680. W. Roberts $800. Wm.
Helm $404. J. L. Parrish $364. The amt. which will be
necessary for Bros. Helm and Parrish each the coming year
will be $450. I think this will be satisfactory to them, of
course all their time is not employed in Pastoral work tho
most of it is, unfortunately neither of them live on their circuit.
Chauncey S. Hosford the Young man liveing in my family is
to receive 100. and his board. When at home the items of
work he does in my family in the intervals of study are an
equivalent in part at least for his board and when abroad, his
work is so fully Mission work that his salary of course should
be paid by the mission.

Indeed my work as Sup. requires the employment of some
one constantly, as an assistant in travelling for four months
I had an Indian at an Expense of $25.99. He traveled over
Mt. Hood with me from The Dalles last September. In the
above items I am giving the amt. that is to be paid rather than
the precise items which have been reed, by each one, the latter
I could not do without a settlement with each one which I
have not yet had.

The table Expenses of Bro. Wilbur and myself which were
to commence immediately on our arrival in Oregon, will bear

•The first installment is found in Volume XXI, pp. 33-47 (March number,
igao).

226 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

date from July lst-1847. The annual Expenses of the mission
supposing things to remain as they now are (which of course
cannot be long) are a little [over] $3700, increased by various
contingencies chargeable to Expense [account]. The amt.
reed, from the board the past year (I mean since I have been
here) is Goods per Bark Whiton $562.06 as per invoice. Ditto
Bibles & [Testaments] $208.23. There is now lying at Port-
land two boxes of Bibles & Tes. which came in the [Mt. Ver-
non ?] values as per note I reed, at the Bible House in Novr.
/46, at $260.00. I failed to have them brought up the river
before the rainy season commenced and have a supply, had
them stored there until this spring. There is due to the mission
for property sold by Bro. Gary as follows from I. R. Robb
$1140.35 payable in instalments of 250 each. Judson and
Wilson $5122.20 do. of $500. H. Campbell $3144.00 do. $705.83
annually. Geo. Abernethy $0501.21 do. $2000. annually in
currency and $500. in cash or its equivalent, these are the prin-
cipal liabilities held by the mission instalments payable as
aforesaid with interest at 6 pr. ct. pr. annum. I will try to
tell you how available they are. I. R. Robbs notes are for the
mission farm on the Clackamas about which there was some
difficulty. Bro. Gary says I should give him a years interest
$00. the instalmt[s] for 1846 &/47 are behind and he says Br.
Gary told him he should not be huried for payment and when
it comes it is in the "chips and Whitstones" currency of the
country — Judson & Wilsons Notes are for the Mills and prop-
erty near the institute payment in currency. The instalment
for Sep. 1847 and interest is behind except 237. and some lum-
ber for a barn. Wilson is dissatisfied with his responsibility
and wishes to get his name off the notes. He thinks Bro.
Gary favours his claim on this property as per letter he (Wil-
son) has written to the board and represents him (Bro. Gary)
as saying if the '47 instalment was met those for /48 and /49
would perhaps be remitted by the board and certainly not be
crowded. If I were to say a word here it would be this that
I have not a particle of belief that the board ever ought or
ever will remit a farthing for any such plea as is put in in his
letter. But then all this answers to baffle me in any attempts
to collect the notes. H. Campbells notes are for Horses &
Cattle in currency of course and the instalments for 1846 &
/47 are behind. He represents Bro. Gary as saying that if the
interest was payed the principle would not be required at
present. I think Br. Gary never encouraged any such thing.

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 227

Bro Abernethy lias paid each year mare tlian his $2000. I
think $1000 or more over last year: but the cash I. E. $500
he did not meet and tells me that he is not sure that he can
pay all of it this year either. His $2000 is in currency it will
buy flour when he has it at $4.50 pr Hundred while the cash
paid is $3.00 pr cwt. He has no groceries and but few dry-
goods in his store. There is an honest buisiness like prompt-
ness in his manner of doing buisiness which I like, and altho
he cannot just now meet all his engagements with the mission
yet I have no doubt he will be able to do so when he shall have
struggled through the toils of the present year. Last fall I
loaned him an Order on Vancouver for $1100. payable in
Silver March first 1848. This I [did] partly to help him
through a hard year and partly for the sake of getting some
cash for I had not the prospect of getting a dollar to help
myself except I sold Drafts on the treasury at some 10 to
twenty pr ct. discount. When this note fell due he could not
meet it Therefore I paid my Vancouver bill (which included
this amount together with a draft I loaned the provincial Gov-
ernment for $400, spoken of in a former letter and $158.36. for
supplies and the payment of Indians total $1758.36) in two
sets of exchange drawn in triplicate in favor of James Douglass
Esq. one for $1190.% and the other for $561.40. It was
somewhat mortifying to myself and to Br. Abernethy for
for me to draw for the whole amount of the $1100. which he
borrowed, as the army had taken some of the wheat with
which he hoped to meet the engagement and otherwise de-
ranged his plans he has paid $150 on the note and the rest I
think will soon be in hand. Formerly there was some cash
coming in from things sold at the Dallas now of course there
is none except it be the $500 from Bro. Abernethy and it is
impossable to manage the payments of the salaries &c of the
Preachers & freight without the cash in hand. (I have just
paid $50 for 50 bushels of wheat for bread. $20 for 20 bushels
of potatoes, and $35.70 for 51 bushels of Oats for my horse
in cash and very thankful to get them at that.) besides haul-
ing them at an expense of nearly 10 Dol. more. But I will
proceed with the debts due the Mission — G. Abernethy (above
mention'd) $1100. in Silver less $150. already paid. Beers.
Abernethy & Force $220.64. — G. Abernethy $299.82 D. Leslie
$339- 1 7 «• Abernethy $390. due Oct. 3d 1848. Beers and
Carter 400 bush wheat due Sep. 1846. J. Q. Thornton $282.

228 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

payable in two years. The above payable in currency where not
otherwise indicated. Provisional Government $1500. payable
in Silver in three years : $1000 of which is at 10 pr. ct. $500
of which at 7 pr ct. per annum. One thousand of the above
was in Drafts on the board and $500 in an order on H. Camp-
bell. I have said enough in my former letters by J. Meek
Esq. as to the nature and necessity of the above loans to the
Government. Wilson, Leslie, Beers & Abernethy's bond for
$4437.83 for the Institute payable in July 1851 &c &c. I hold
a house & Lot as security for the payment of $330 due Jan 1st
1849 — This amt. I loaned in order to get a house for Bro
Leslie to reside in as mentioned in a former letter the interest
is the rent. The only other debt due the Mission except a few
small items the exact amt. is not easily ascertained is that of
Doct. Whitman for the movable property left at the Dalles
amounting to $561.38 payable either at Vancouver after May
1st 1848 or in a draft in triplicate on the A. B. C. F. M. to
be drawn 8th Sep. 1848. 1 I have not yet decided which to
take but probably it will be on Vancouver unless I can find a
good chance to sell the Dft. for cash. The entire amount I
think is $28308.60 Exclusive of the four hund. bush of wheat.
The amount of property held by the mission is about as fol-
lows, Real estate — at Oregon City — House with Barn just
erected — $1000. This is the one I reside in. Another in
which Broth. Leslie resides $1236. This house is the Force
property which was not redeemed as was promised and pro-
vided for. Parsonage at the Institute with 200 Acres $1380.08.
There are yet a few items unsold which came from the Dalles —
One Waggon. 1 Yoke of Oxen and three inferior horses. Of
books left by Bro. Gary2— 6 q. Rev. V vol— 1 do. W. A. 3
[Wesley] Mission to America — 3 Powel on succession — 3
Crovosvo — 4 Wat. Wesly — 2 Ben Fletcher — 1 man of Preach-
ers— 1 Mib on Babtism — 1 Lady Maxwell — one Erron of
Corini — 7 men of Crovosro — 1 Set Lonk & notes — 1 Life
Luther — 4 Bromwell — 2 Bunyan — 1 Hesteram Rogers — 4
Rem. of Cox — 4 Nelsons Juvenile — 2 Mason on Sf. Knowl. — 1
Let. to Pusey — 5 Watson Apol — 5 Intro to Christian — 1 Scrip.
Chur.— 1 Vill. Blacksmith— 1 Sketches &c— 1 The Jew.—
Walls End War p. — 1 Meth. by Dixon — 1 Hare on Justi — 1
Prayr. meetings — 113 Meth. Hymns — 41 Disci. — 5 Chris.
Maanuel — 6 Wes. on Perfec. — 5 Christian Pattern — 1 Seri.

1 In anticipation of the necessity of moving from his interior mission, Dr.
Whitman had arranged to purchase the Methodist Mission site at The Dalles.

2 Mr. Roberts' purpose in keeping a copy of his official correspondence was
merely to have one for his own reference, hence his free use of abbreviations
when making that copy. Many of these book titles will be recognized readily altho
some are too obscure to justify an effort to interpret them.

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 229

Enquirer — 12 Class Books — 1 set Sur. Instruments — 1 Do.
Cuppin — And there is a lot of some of which I found here
others I brought here, 26 quilts — 119 Shirts — 50 Boys do — 157
Yds. Muslain in Little Remnants — 8 Sheets — 30 pr pillow
casses — 18 Papers need. — 16 Doz. pair Wollen Socks — 18 pair
Cotton Do. — 12 Pair small shoes — 8 Pair Boots — Now the rest
of the things such as 50 pr. boys pants — 24 vests — 24 dresses
— 7 childrens dresses — &c&c are as nearly nothing or worth-
less as may be. So poor that they are scarcely worth giving to
the Indians really I think it not worth while to send such
trumpery so many miles at 75 cts. pr. sqr. foot (It would seem
as though some of our good friends had made an especial
selection of the poor and maimed and that which is lame) to
present as an offering to the Lord. How will it do to suggest
to them that a little wool off the firstlings of their flock would
make us some warm clothing. The truth is we need some good
durable warm clothing and I suspect you will have to buy it
and the sooner the better. The preachers families are badly
in want of various articles of woolen clothing and I hope long
before you receive this that we shall get a new supply. It is
found necessary in some places to build log churches and I
think it the best policy to encourage the people to do this all
over the country but in most places they are too poor to buy
the glass, sash and nails which are necessary. Nails are 20c
per Ib glass 12^ pr light and sash the same In cash. The
Church we are now building up country is 24 by 32 feet of
hewn logs with five windows of 24 lights this is a fair speci-
men of the kind of churches we need and we must build some
parsonages also. It is death to our work to have the preachers
living 10 or twenty miles off their circuit and every nail we
drive at 20c pr Ib is rather a costly affair. In a former letter
I asked for some materials to build a house in this city may
I ask again for more materials such as 8d lOd 6d 4d Nails
some boxes of 8 by 10 glass for the purpose named above. The
Course we are trying to adopt is this, to encourage the people
to build (to) get them to do all if possible, and where they
cannot aid them a little. The articles above named are the
most needed also some hinges & fastenings. I wish you would
send me a sash plain. Now I shall be glad if the board will
send us the things named above with permission to use them
for the purposes above mentioned. I think it will be the best
economy to spend some means in this way. If Br. Gary were
to go with me a few excursions perhaps he would a little

230 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

modify the opinion he expressed that the people here are able
to pay the table expences of the preachers. In some places they
might do a part of it but in most not anything-. I regret to
state that Br. Flees one of our very best members of Yam Hill
who was leading the way in this thing had his house burnt
down a few days ago and every thing in it consumed. His
family barely escaping with! their lives. Did the $25. worth
of tracts voted by the Board ever get on Board the Whiton.
There was a Box of Tracts some of which we now have, but
I reed, the impression that they were a present from some
of the persons in the Book concern. What is the state of the
case, the manner in which my stationary goes convinces me
that I shall soon need more: I have had to get some books
made of it for Record Books of the circuits. There is great
need here for school books. Is there any person or any In-
stitution in your city or vicinity intimately enough acquainted
with the Books needed in Common Schools and sufficiently
interested in the subject of the Education of youth to make
the selection and advance the means, necessary to purchase
books for a few common schools in this country and wait for
the money until there is time to dispose of the Books and make
the return.

If there be let such a selection be made and sent, of the
very best books most approved now in use in the States. I
mean new Books not old ones Such as Spelling Books,- De-
finers of Die., Reading Books, Arithmetics, Grammars, Ge-
ographies, Copy Books and Slates with Pencils and ink powder.
One word more and I am done. If you will send us some
$5.00s worth of the best friction machines' put up in small
parcels in tin cases it will be an accommodation. Bro. Dando
sent a note of enquiry by me to this country concerning the
Toulon, which sailed in Feb. 1845. Also the Maripos's, the
Charles, the Brooklyn and the Stylon by all of which goods or
letters were sent. Bro. Gary had answered all these queries
before now much more intelligibly than I can. I think that all
has come safely to hand I know the goods by the Hylondia
for I reed, them and paid the freight of nearly $30. The lost
Bill Book was sent home by Bro. Gary. — With the deep con-
viction that a large amt. of wisdom which cometh down from
above is essential properly to transact the business of this mis-
sion, So that Christian enterprize may put forth the most

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 231

powerful efforts consistent with strict economy, and praying
most earnestly for its bestowment

I am Dear Bro.

Yours in Christ,

William Roberts.
Rev. Dr. Pitman
Cor. Secy.

P. S. — If it would not be too much I would be glad if this
letter and postcript could be copied and sent to Bro. Gary,
with the request that he will favor me with his maturest advice,
in regard to its contents. I wrote to him last fall. — W '. R.

N. B. — It had not occurred to me until this moment that I
am bound to sent a Dft. for a small amt. favor Dr. Babcock.
It is a small part of certain notes placed in my hands by Bro.
Gary for collection for him the Dft. is for $157.40 for value
reed.— W. R.

(Copy)
To the Treasurer of the Missionary Socy of the Methodist E.

Church —
REVD. G. LANE. Oregon City, 18th March 1848.

Dear Bro.: I am instructed by the board see. Rec. of Nov.
17, 1846, to keep an account of all such traveling expenses as
may necessarily arise out of my duties as superintendent of
the Mission and transmit the same to you for payment at
every convenient opportunity. The following is the result up
to this time including the travel in California as pr order of
the board. Errors excepted.

Traveling in California in May & June 1847 —

Washing in San Francisco & co $ 1.00

Passage to Monteray 15.00

Board 4.00

Supper, horse & guide at San Juan 2.25

Loss on horse bot. for $20. sold for $10 10 00

Postage on letters sent by Panama 1 .00

Oregon Jan. 1848. Ferriage 3.00

Wages of Indian to travel with 4 months 25.99

March trip to Vancouver 1 .38

Ferriage over Walamet 1 year 4.00

$68.22

232 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

I am Yours very truly

Wm. Roberts.
To Rev. G. Lane
Treasurer &c.

To the corresponding Secy of the Sunday School Union of the

M. E. Church.
REV. D. P. KIDDER Oregon City, 18th March, 1848.

Dear Broth.: The annual Express of the Hudson Bay Com-
pany starts tomorrow for Canada and I improve the opper-
tunity to write a few lines in relation to the Sabbath School
interest in Oregon. At this time there are but two Sabbath
schools really organised in this country under the care of our
Church. One at this city with one Sup. 8 Teach. 48 Scholars.
& 150 volumes in the Library. This school is now in a flour-
ishing condition but there have [been] no cases of conver-
sion reported among the children during the past year. There
were a few vol. of Books in the Library when we arrived in
the country but those reported above are the set furnished
by the kindness of the board in the autumn of 1846. The other
school is at Salem and is held in the Oregon Institute. It has
2 Superintendents, 10 Teach., 40 Scholars, and upwards of
150 vols in the Library. I am pleased with the prospects of
this School an amount of seriousness was manifest among the
children at my last visit that showed the teachers are not
labouring in vain.

The donation of Books which we brought to this country
were I think judicially selected and will be of great advantage.
As soon as the rainy season is over we expect to start a num-
ber of Schools in places where it has been impossible during
the rainy season. The action of quarterly conferences con-
templated in the discipline in regard to the instruction of chil-
dren &c was thoroughly attended to during my brief sojourn
in this land. But the scattered state of the population lies
directly in the way of doing much good in the way of Sabbath
School labours at present. There is one way however in which
as we go from place to place much good may be done. It is
by distributing copies of the S. S. Advocate & suitable books
for children. The Box of Advocates brought by the Whiton
are almost gone. It contained only the first 12 No. of the 4 Vol.,
we are most thankful for them but can you send us another
Box containing the remainder of the volumn, and so on with

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 233

the rest. The bound copies of the Advocate are eagerly sought
for. I can dispose of 50 copies annually selling the whole of
them at the full price. The 10 sets of Library Books placed
in my hands I have disposed of as follows, Sabbath School at
San Francisco uper California, 1 Set of 150 vols another at
this place in the School and another at the school at Salem.
It is possible that we may break one or two of the sets for
the sake of getting Books to place in the hands of Children in
various parts of the country where as yet we can have no
school. The rest will be reserved for new schools as they
may be formed in various parts of the country. We have
many ragged ignorant children these are growing up in this
country as wild and careless of God as the wolves that nightly
howl around the cabins in which they sleep. And we must
haste to save them ere yet their vices are full grown yealding
in abundance the bitter fruit of Sin.

In earnest hope that Heaven will bless and direct our labours
and that you will render all possible assistance, I subscribe
myself, Yours in Christ,

William Roberts.
To Revd. D. P. Kidder.

Oregon City, March 18th, 1848.
To DR. J. L. BABCOCK:

Sir, of the let Notes your Your favour left in my hands by
Bro. Gary for collection, I have succeeded in collecting or
securing the following amt. On the note of J. Applegate $90
cash. J. Hutchins $20 cash. On another 46 Bush wheat at 90c
pr bu $41.40. There is a small amt. more collected on this
last item it is in the hands of Bro Beers to whom I have com-
mitted many of the Notes due in the French Settlement there
will of cource be some expence envolved in the collection I
shall do what is in my power for your accommodation. I now
send you a draft for $157.40. I deem it quite a misfortune
for you that any of your things brought prices so exorbitant
it is a direct barrier to their collection.
I am Yours truly,

Wm. Roberts.

$157.40 Oregon City, March 18th, 1848.

Ten days after date of this first of Exchange (second &

234 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

third of the same tenor and date unpaid) pay to the Order
of J. L. Babcock one hundred fifty seven 40/100 dollars value
Reed and charge to the act. of Oregon Mission.

Ylours,

Wm. Roberts.

To REV. G. LANE, New York
Treasurer of the Miss, of the M. E. Church.

(Copy)

To the Corresponding Secy of the American Bible Society
REV'D DR. BRIGHAM.

Dear Sir: I hereby desire to acknowledge the rect. of two
lots of Bibles . Testaments one by the Bark Whiton invoiced
at $2o8.23l/2 the other per Ship Mt. Vernon valued as per note
I rec'd at the Bible House in Novr 6 at $200.90. This last
Lot I have had stored at Portland 12 Miles below untill the
rainy season is over. Of course I have not yet examined them
nothing more appropriate was ever brought to Oregon than
the Book of God. At another time I will tell you something
of the distribution we have made as well as the Sales. For
we have been circulating them both on the Ocean in California
as well as in this country.

In those sent by us in the Whiton there was a deficiency of
Royal Octave Bibles (E. I. Family Bibles) as the people call
them. I wish you would assertain. If, in those sent by the
Mount Vernon there is a good supply of these if not send us
some by the first oppertunity. We are making arrangements
to form a Bible Society Auxy &c on this side of the Rocky
Mountains. With many thanks for those favours rec'd from
you through the missy Socy. of the M. E. Church.
I am yours in Christ,

Wm. Roberts,
Rev. Dr. Brigham. Supt. of Oregon Mission.

To REV. G. LANE Oregon City, March 18th, 1848.

Dear Bro.: I hereby advise you of having drawn on you
this day for $157.40 Dollars favor of J. L. Babcock which you
will please honor and charge to account of Oregon Mission.

Yours truly,

W m. Roberts.

To Revd G. Lane, Treasurer
of Missy Socy of M. E. Church.

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 235

Oregon City, Sat. Morn, 25 March, 1848.
To MR. PETTIGREW.

Sir: 1 hereby send Mr. Horford to your place to ascertain
if any arrangement can be made for public preaching there
tomorrow. I desire to come down to your place (tomorrow)
(Sunday morning) and preach in Portland sometime during
the day if entirely agreeable to those concerned provided a
place can be found where it will be suitable. I am not aware
of any religios service in your place tomorrow and even should
there be, mine perhaps can be fixed at some other hour not
unacceptable to the people. [Trusting] that you will favor
any proper effort to promote the morals of the people I have
taken the liberty to address you and remain
Your Obt. Servant,

Wm. Roberts.

P. S. — I can visit your place again in a fortnight. — IV. R.

Oregon City, 17 April, 1848.
DEAR BRO. BREWER:3

When I saw you on Thursday last I understood that it
was your intention to come to this place to go to the Islands
in the Eveline. Let us understand each other definitely. I
then said that I believed it wrong for you to insist on going
at this time. You are acquainted with my reasons. Still I
will repeat them so that they may be known to the Board at
home. If you go to the Islands now there are 9 chances out
of 10 that you must remain there on Expense until next Autumn
and the cost of living is high.

If you go home by way of China it is enormously expensive
and the vessels must wait somewhere until the ordinery sea-
son, for a return Cargo which will detain you just as long
as if you remain here until July or August by which time some
vessel may be going home direct or an opportunity is fur-
nished of going to the Island as Bro. Gary did in time for the
ordinary Autumn passage home. Still as I find you are deter-
mined to go at all hazards, as I mentioned when I saw you I
shall not object any further, but shall refer you Entirely to
the Board for any allowance for expenses you may incur above
what would be reasonably incured if you were to wait and go
about the time known to be the best to reach the Islands if
there should be no passage home direct.

I am, Dear Bro.,

3 Henry B. Brewer, lay member of the Fourth group of Methodist Mission-
aries, who arrived in Oregon June 1, 1840.

236 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

Yours in Christ,

Wm. Roberts.

P. S. — I have engaged your passage in the above vessel and
Mr. Holden will inform you as to time.

To the corresponding Secy of the Missy Socy of the M. E.
Church.

Oregon City, April 1, 1848.
REV. DR. PITMAN.

Dear Bro.: I learn a party of men intend starting for the
states on the first of May and I desire to send by them [a]
duplicate, or second Edition rather, of our annual report. The
annual meeting of the Mission was held at the Institute on
the llth & 12th instant. It was deemed proper to have the
business corespond in its general arrangment with the order
persued in our annual conferences so far at least as our infant
state would allow. The examination of Character, the re-
spective claims of the Missionary, Bible, Sunday School, and
Temperance Societies with the interests of Education. Reports
of numbers in Societies togather with the extension of our
work and appointment of our scanty labourers to their re-
spective fields of labour ocupied two days of close and diligent
attention. Nor were our religious services without their
interest. It was a season of great spiritual profit and up to
this moment all is harmony and peace. There are eight per-
sons in the employ of the Mission including those sent by the
board and four others employed by the Superintendent to do
regular pastoral work. I might add a ninth which is a young
man of promise living in my family and employ'd partly as an
assistant in travelling and partly with a view to direct pastoral
labour. David Leslie resides in this city. His family con-
sists of five persons, Himself, wife, and three children one over
14 one under 14 and over 7, and another under 7 years of age.
He has charge of the pulpit here and sometimes preaches in
the village of Clackamas 2 miles distant ; But the laps of years
makes it almost imposible for him to travel and he claims to
be almost Supernumerary. We have here 47 members in
Society and 1 Sabbath School with nine officers and teachers.
60 scholars and 150 volumes in the Library.

James H. Wilber lives at the Oregon Institute4 and has
charge of the Salem circuit. His family consists of himself,
wife and daughter. There is on the same circuit and living

4 Located at what is now Salem.

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 237

in the same parsonage A. F. Waller, formerly stationed at the
Dalles of the Columbia but who since the transfer of that
station to Doct. Whitman in September last has been labouring
with brother Wilber. Brother Waller's family consists of
himself, wife, 2 children under 14 and over 7 and 3 under 7
years of age. There are on this circuit 115 members and two
Sabbath Schools one at the Institute and the other at the
Santi Am.5 Here are 9 officers and teachers 48 scholars and
upwards of 150 vol. in the library.

My own family resides at Oregon City and consists of my
wife and self and two children one over and the other under
7 years of age. The young man already spoken of and one
orphan child 13 years of age who was in the family of Doct.
Whitman at the time of the massacre and whose two brothers
were butchered at the same time, her name is Catharine Segar.
Occasionally the work of the mission allows me to be at home
at which time I assist Broth Leslie in his work in this city
and its vicinity. The two brothers employed by Bro. Gary
and who yet continue to labour are Wm. Helm and J. L.
Parrish besides I have just engaged two others John McKinney
and James O. Rayner. Josiah L. Parrisli lives at the Institute
and has charge of the Yamhill circuit. He is a Local Deacon
from the bounds of the Gennesee conference and came here
as a secular member of the mission 1849. His family consists
of himself, wife, and three children two under 14 years and
over 7 and one under 7 years of age ; his circuit was reported
last year to have 135 members in Society but no Sabboth
Schools. Broth J. O. Rayner is appointed to labour with him
he is a young man 23 years of age of vigerous health and so
far as we can ascertain possesses such gifts and graces as will
render him useful to the Church. He traveled two years in
the Iowa Conference. Six months under the P. E. [Presid-
ing Elder] and about 18 months on trial when he was permitted
by the proper authorities to come to this country chiefly on
account of his health, he came in the last emigration and is
well recommended having the certificate of his standing as a
local preacher from the preacher in charge of the circuit on
which he traveled.

Wm. Helm is appointed to the Calapoya circuit which com-
prises the tract of country above the Santi Am on the east
and the Rickreal on the west side of the Walamet river he
expects to reside on the circuit. His family consists of him-

5 Santiam river, written by some during early days a* "Santa Ana" or called
"Santa Ann'» Fork."

238 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

self, wife, with five children who reside at home one over 14 —

3 under 14 and over 7 and one under 7 years of age.

Bro. John McKinney is appointed to labour with Bro. Helm
he is a married man who leaving his family in Missouri came
through in the last emigration with his son to explore the
country and make arrangements to bring his family. He ex-
pects to return to his family in the spring of 1849. Bro. Mc-
Kinney is a local deacon of good report and it is thought will
be useful on his circuit. Ylou will perceive that our work is
enlarged considerably and while wars and rumors of wars
are all around us we are striving to endure hardness as good
soldiers of the Lord Jesus. In addition to the above we have
sixteen Local preachers one of whom is a Deacon and six
exhorters. If we were all holy men of God labouring as faith-
fully for Christ as once we did for Satan and as industriously
as our obligations to his dying love imperiously demand a
flame of piety would be kindled in this valley that would
burn with Millennial Glory, But it is to be feared we are not.
I have some reason to suspect that the Methodism of this
country is not in every respect the Methodism of the discipline.
Still there are a number of faithful labourers in the country
both in the Local as well as in the traveling ministry and many
among our members adorn the doctrine of God our Savior.

The amount of labour performed by our Missionaries may be
indicated in part by a glance at the extent of our work. At
the present time this is confined to the Walamet valley and
extends from Vancouver on the Columbia to the extreme upper
settlement here are included within this district Oregon City,
Salem, Ylamhill, and the Calapooya circuits.

Oregon City has a population of nearly 1000 persons there
are 185 houses, with two churches, one Methodist one Cath-
olic, two flouring mills, and two saw mills ; about two miles
distant there is quite a little village springing up on the Clack-
amus river which empties into the Walamet just below the
city. Twelve miles below is the little town of Portland just
springing into existance. It is about the head of ship navi-
gation. We have not been able this winter to supply this
place with preaching. About 25 miles west of [Oregon] City
there* are a number of beautiful prairies, Tualatine plains, in
these fertile plains quite a population is collected and some

4 or 5 years ago we had regular preaching in a log building
erected for the purpose but since that time occasional visits

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 239

very few and far between are all the people have received at
our hand. In 8 months I have only paid them one visit since
the anual meeting the place is included in the Yamhill circuit,
and we hope to furnish the people with stated pastoral labour.

The Salem circuit receives its name from the town of Salem
which just rising into notice at the Oregon Institute. It is
50 miles above this city on the east bank or the Walamet
river the situation is beautiful and many suppose it will be-
come quite a city in a very few years. Directly on a line
between Salem and this city and about thirty miles from here
lies what is called the French Settlement peopled chiefly by
Canadian speaking French and all holding to the Catholic
church. They occupy a fine district of country beautiful indeed
to behold but so far as the prospects for successful labour is
concerned excepting here and there a solitary emigrant as
baren as an Arabian desart. In the extreme lower part of
this settlement we have had two appointments the past winter
the congregations have been small. Above the Institute and
laying on and between the Santiam and the Calapooya river
their is a tract of country exceeded by nothing I ever saw in
the Eden spots of California either for beauty or fertility in
this district has several appointments.

The Yamhill circuit lays between Walamit and the coast
range of mountains and includes the Twalatine Plains, Che-
halani. Yam Hill, and Rickeral, an extent of country some 75
miles in length and varying in breadth with the meanderings
of the river and the encroachment of spurs jutting out from
the coast range of mountains. The Calapooya circuit formed
at our last annual meeting occupies both sides of the Walamet
from the Santi Am and Rickreal to the upper settlement in
the valley. The preaching done in this country up to this time
has been chiefly on the Sabboth day and it may be proper
to indicate farther the labours of your Missionaries by allud-
ing briefly to some of The Embaresments under which they
labour.

I am not about to speak of Romanism alltho that Exists and
has some influence here with all its machinery of Bishops &
Bells archbishops & nuns Priests & ceremonies and is ready
to compass sea and land if not to make prosalytes to edify
the faithful and convert the Indians. What connexion it has
had with the fearful tragedy at Waiilatpu will be seen at the
Judgment if never known before. Nor yet of Campbellism

240 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

altho that abounds and stationing itself along the line of our
numerous waters calls loudly for subjects to wash away their
sins in its laver of Baptismal regeneration which is of such
mighty efficacy as almost to do without the "renewing of the
holy Ghost" but what I refer to chiefly is peculiar to new set-
tled countries such as : The Scattered state of the population.
It was estimated that their was a population of 8000 in the
country previous to the arrival of the last Emigration which
of itself amounted to from three to five thousand but the
difficulty is to find them. The arrangement of our provisional
government by which a person under conditions can secure
a mile square of Land tends directly to distribute the people
all over the country and opperates most prejudicially against
the gathering of any considerable congregation in any one
place our only recourse is to go from one cabin to another
through prairie and forest which is a slow prossess requiring
more time and men and shall I add grace than we have at
present. Add to this the almost impassible STATE OF THE
ROADS DURING THE RAINY SEASONS. We have as
yet very few bridges and the crossing of many of the streams
is perilous and often impossible. Some of the slough's are as
mire'y as that of despond into which if Bunyan's pliable ever
gets he is likely after a desperate struggle or two to get out
of the mire on that side which is nearest to his own house.

Another difficulty is the want of food for horses especially
in the winter season in most cases after a hard days travel
they must be hobbled or staked out or turned loose altogether
to hunt their scanty fare of grass for hay or oats are seldom
to be had and corn is out of the question. If we turn our
horses loose when we are on our journey we cannot get them
^without much trouble and if we do not our excursions must
be short and hurried and the weary starving animals must
be turned out on our return to recruit for a few weeks and
another secured for the following trip. Untill the people gen-
erally give attention to raising fodder for horses so that we
may have some other dependence than the wild grasses of the
country each preacher must keep three or 4 horses and spend
no small amount of time in hunting them when they are
needed. The present war opperates unfavourably on the public
mind so far as piety is concerned. To say nothing of the de-
moralizing tendency of war at all times. The employment of
so many men and means including some of our members call-

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 241

ing them away from their homes and families cannot but
cripple our opperations in some parts of our work. There is
nothing in any of these embarasments that tends in the least to
quench the zeal or dampen the ardor of any of the members of
the Mission our resources are greater than our difficulties
there is before us an abundant harvest and altho we would
rejoice to have a share in gathering it as well as breaking up
the ground and sowing the precious seed still we shall rejoice
even if that is done by others who shall come after us when
we are gone to our reward in Heaven. In addition to the
above mentioned members there is a class of 13 members
recently formed at Vancouver and 7 members in the Twalatine
plains So that our Statistics are as follows :

Sunday O. &
Members L. Pr«a. L. Dea. Schools Teach. Scholars

Oregon City &

Clackamus 47 2 . . 1 10 60

Salem 115 .. 12 9 48

Yamhill 135 8

Vancouver 13

Twalatine Plains ... 7

317 10 1 3 19 108
Vol. Library
150
150

300

I have no means to ascertain the increase during the year
but suppose our numbers to be nearly double what they were
a year ago. Nor can I state with much positiveness the number
of conversions. I am acquainted however with the case of 31
persons who have professed a change of heart since the first
of July last including a few cases of backsliders who have been
reclaimed.

The school kept in the Oregon Institute was deprived of a
teacher recently by the illness of Mr. Joseph Smith who has
had charge of it for several months past. He is not expected
to recover, we were called into his room to see him die as it
was supposed his hour was come, it was an hour of triumph.
The power of divine grace was gloriously manifested and this
is another of the numerous instances of in which persons who
have come to this country ignorant of God and Salvation have

242 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

been brought to the knowledge of the truth by the instrument-
ality of the Oregon Mission. Two of our members have re-
cently departed this life, Capt. Brown and Sister Howell, both
suddenly and both in holy peaceful triumph.

I deem it a matter of great importance to keep the school
above mentioned in Efficient opperation. For the time being
it is placed under the superintendes of Bro. Wilber with his
daughter Elisabeth as teacher untill a competent male teacher
can be secured. I have some hope of securing the services
of a gentleman who came in the last emigration and who
taught for some time in Virginia. But it is essential to the
prosperity of the institution and of our church as Identified
with education in Oregon to have a competent person sent
from the States and sustained so far as need be by the board
and for the honor of the church and the good of souls may it
be done quickly.

In the special instructions communicated by you at the time
of Embarkation for this country I was requested to enquire
whether the Oregon Institute can be transfered to the Mis-
sion and if so on what terms can such transfer be made." The
corespondence on this subject I now lay before you, and as
their is not the least embarasment in the way it is presumable
the board will act accordingly. About the last of March a
government vessel arrived the "Anita" in the River direct
from California by her we received some letters and papers
more than half the Nos. are missing and of the C. [Christian]
Advocate their was but one solitary number, where they are
we know not but suppose them to have been left at California.
The [Anita] sailed from San Francisco 24 hours after the
Sweden arived and in the hurry perhaps some of the male
[mail] was left. It is a question of vital importance here as
to whether we have an interest in the prayers and sympathies
of the church at home ours is a work of privation and toil of
difficulty and danger of weariness and want. But the grace of
God which is exceeding abundant toward us in answer to the
suplications of the church at home can make this a pleasant
employment let us have this and we will work contented and
cheerful but withhold this and some of us will soon ask to be
released. I am satisfied since we have been in the country we
have had many deliverences and enjoyed many precious con-
solations in answer to the petitions of Gods people. There
has been some sickness in some of our families Broth. Waller's

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 243

children have had the measles and his eldest son was at the
point of death. They have all recovered each of our boys and
myself have been attacked with the fever, my ilness was only
a few hours, and theirs of but a few clays continuence. Two
afflictions have prevailed the Measles and a species of low
typhus fever known in the west as the winter fever and on
the road as the camp fever. Both are contagious not in the
same sense nor to the same extent but still both brought in
by the emigration and spread over the country wherever they
have gone. In my letters Via Canada I mentioned that Mr.
Ogden of the Hudson Bay Company had succeeded in per-
chasing the persons held in captivity by the Indians including
the families of Mr. Spalding & Mr. Osborn with the women
and orphan children and had all (amounting to 51 Persons)
arrived in safety. The treatment of the captive women was
horible tho their lives were spared. Mr. Spalding has gone to
the Twalatine plains and the orphans are placed in families
where they will be well taken care of. We have [not] heard
from Messrs. Walker & Eells up to the last account they had
concluded to remain at their post. Altho fears may well be
entertained for their safty. Our war continues. Gol. Gilliam
was shot by accident and the chief command now devolves on
Col. Lee. The Governor has just issued proclimation for 300
more volunteers and while I am writing troops of horsemen
coparisoned for Indian warfare are passing by my window
while now and then a wounded man is seen patiently waiting
for returning health that he may return and again renew the
deadly strife. Up to this time it is not known that one of
the murderers has been killed but it is almost certain that
terrible vengeance awaits them. I shall present the fiscal state
of the Mission in another letter. Indulging the hope that the
dark cloud which has lowered over us with such threatening
aspect may give way to the bright sunshine of peace and pros-
perity, I am, Dear Bro.

Yours in Christ,

Win. Roberts.
Rev. Dr. Pitman, Cors. Sec. &c.

Extract of letter to G. Gary.6

Salem, Octo. 26th, 1848.

"There is a little business affair to which I desire you to
reply early as possible, it is the transfer of 10 acres of the

6 George Gary, D. D., the second superintendent of the Oregon Miuions.

244 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

Parsonage reserve to Bro. Craft for 10 acres of land in the
rear.

I am sorry to find this business in its present position. About
a month ago I called the committee which they say you ap-
pointed together and enquired First. Are there any papers what-
ever either from Bro. Gary or any one else in relation to this
matter? It was answered No. Second. Is the transfer finished
or is it expected that I in any way yet have it to do ? Ans. It
is not finished the property is not surveyed. No writings have
passed. A committee was appointed by Bro. Gary to confer
with Bro. Craft to select or allow him to select a site for a
taw yard. A site was selected. Bro. Craft now occupied it
&C &C. And third. Is the lot which he is to give in Exchange
now or was it at the time anything like an equivalent? Ans.
No, by all the committee.

After some considerable reflection I came to the conclusion
that I would not do anything in the affair until I reed word
from you communicating definitely your understanding and
intention with regard to the matter. My reasons are these. I
dislike exceedingly these traditionary affairs, and especially in
the conveyance of property. It is an unfinished, unsettled con-
cern. There was time enough from April or May to August
to settle it. It mutilates and spoils the 100 acres by takeing
a quadrangular piece out of the middle (see diagram) and re-
ceives a poor almost worthless, irregular shaped lot in return.
The following is about the state of the case. Tho possible
the exchange piece may be much more irregular than I have
represented it. Now poor as the bargain is and much as the
property is spoiled thereby! I should consummate the affair
at once. If there was any writing whatever giveing me to
understand that you understood the arrangement.

If you did understand it then you intended a donation or at
least a favor for which you had good and sufficient reasons no
doubt. And I never should object. But then you must really
do the business or shew me that you engaged to do it. In
which case I am of course under obligation.

Favors could not be bestowed on a more worthy Bro. than
Bro. Craft. But I must not lengthen out my detail. There is
no misunderstanding between Bro. Craft and myself, and tho
he regrets the business was not finished, will wait patiently,
until you communicate fully on the subject. If Bro. Leslie
ever gave it as his opinion that the parsonage would lose noth-
ing by the exchange he is now of a different opinion."

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 245

(Copy) (Private)

Salem, Or. T., Feb. 14, 1849.
To THE COR SEC &c

Dear Bro.: It is proper to express a few thoughts on some
points less adapted to the public eye than those in the accom-
panying letters. There is a strong propability I think that the
people of this country will be better able to pay something
towards the support of the gospel shortly than they have been.
Some of them are returning from the mines with some quanti-
ties of gold. I think 250 person in all have come in on the 5
ships now in the river, and perhaps they will average $1500
apiece in gold dust their success varies from $100 to $5000.

Most of those who have come home this winter will go
again in the spring; the people are in a most unsettled state
still I hope they may be induced to contribute towards the sup-
port of the gospel. I am greatly perplexed with one embar-
rasment in Oregon. It is the preachers liveing away from their
circuits ; how to remedy this is not easy for me to see. I have
said everything against it possible.

Bros. Helm, Waller, and Parrish are on their own premises,
while their own houses and circuits are together, it may not
be so objectionable, but when conference comes it trammels
the appointments, in fact it works here just as it does at home.

I never did believe in Itenerant preachers having Local fam-
ilies and my submission to it in Oregon is with a very poor
grace, but the country is new — there are very few schools and
but two parsonages. My idea is on every circuit let the
preacher go and live, if no house can be had otherwise let
him build one with such help as the people can be induced to
give and the mission funds do the rest. Then let there be a
barn and garden and if need be (and we cannot do without
it) a few acres put in oats. Then whatever time the preacher
spends in work at home at house or fence or garden or pasture
it is directly promoting the work of the Itinerancy and not for
private personal interest. So that very shortly the whole coun-
try completely covered with a net work of circuits, will be
ready for the somewhat comfortable occupancy of the pastors
of the people living among them, and then the swollen river
and violent storm will seldom or never get between the preacher
and his work.

But then this plan contemplates the entire consecration of

246 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

the preacher to his work, and of course an entire support from
the Gospel. Bro. Wallar is thus entirely supported, perhaps
Bros. Parrish and Helm receiving $450. each, would think they
are not. Bro. Wallar now lives on his circuit. But suppose
it were necessary for him to go to Mary's river next year —
The nearest appointment would be 20 miles from his place of
residence, and much of his time must be spent away from
either his family or his charge. When I conversed with him
he gave the following reasons among others. He has been at
the Dalles 3 years, outside of all civilization, has had no ad-
vantages of school for his children since he has been in the
country, and now desires to place his 5 children close by a
school for a little time where they may be educated for God
and his church.

He adds this was the course substantially advised by Bro.
Gary and that when he thus gets his family so they can be
comfortable that he can attend to his work better, spending
more hours in labouring among the people, than if he were to
move from circuit to circuit leaveing his children without
school, family without comfortable quarters exposed as they
must be in the Country at present. There is a force in these
reasons which you cannot feel so powerfully as myself. I
know of no better plan than to urge the principle that every
man to live in and about his work and then if exceptions occur,
why, endure them as best you can.

If you can relieve this question by further instructions or
advice please furnish it forth with. Farther thoughts in rela-
tion to this matter in the Annual Report which must be forth-
coming shortly.

It will doubtless be desirable to the Board to know how
nearly the support estimated by their committee accomplishes
its object. I heard Bro. Wilbur remark a few days since that
circumstanced as he now is, he can get along quite comfortably
indeed with the amount appropriated to him. Bro. Wallar
says there is no proper proportion between his support and
that of others. (Say Bro. Wilburs.) The latter receives
$600 having one child (i. e. a daughter aged 16). The former
receives $688. with a family of 5 children 1 under 7 the other
4 over 7 but under 14. This is very disproportionate, were
the support exceedingly ample I would say nothing about the
disproportion, but it is not and I advise the board to revise
the estimate and bear in mind that children eat as well as

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 247

grown people. So that while $88. may pay the salary of
4 children it furnishes nothing for table expenses at all. I of
course refer to the estimate of Octo. 46 for I know of nothing
later. Bro. Leslie is doing fairly I think for support, though
he was a little involved last year. Owing to some business
arrangements of other years which involved him somewhat in
in debt. As to myself I desire to say I have just footed up my
bills since I have been in the country and find that up to this
time I am worse off in finances than I was at home, and am
likely to be so unless the Board shall make such appropria-
tions as will raise the allowance to the neighborhood of

per annum from July 1st, 1847, to the present time. I am
doing but one work every energy is consecrated to it. It bur-
dens me with solicitude for it[s] prosperity in its various
departments, I am left with but little time to attend to the
affairs of my family. And I am sure It is at once the WISH
and policy of this Board to keep me above every anxiety and
burdensome care with respect to personal support. The above
remarks would not be made were they not necessary and I
was not aware until a few days past but that the allowance was
sufficiently ample. If at any time it should occur to you that
the disproportion is too great between the supt. and other
brethren the data can be immediately forth coming which ren-
ders it necessary. He ought to keep from 6 to 10 horses,
waggon, harness and all travelling gear in this country is im-
mensely high and difficult to get and soon wears out. All these
extras above what any of the brethren require for the ordinary
work you may say might belong to the mission and be charge-
able to Expense a/c. So I thought for a time but I find it
best to have little or nothing belonging to the Mission. When-
ever it is possible let every thing belong either to the Mission
or myself and there is much less danger of loss or difficulty.
2 of my horses are lost and the remaining six could not be
replaced for $500. But enough of this for the present. How
would it do for you to get up an Edition of the Methodist
almanac for Oregon City perhaps also if you find a copy of
ours for 1848. There is none likely to be published here at
present and if it would cost but little, to get it up, I think a
small edition of from 200 to 300 Copies might be sold say @
lOc. It may not be adviseable if there would be much ex-
pense involved but if it could be done cheaply there might be
some good accomplished by the arrangement. Can you tell if

248 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

the gold discovered in California will induce the Merchants
to send goods largely to Oregon? If you are not sure that
a supply will be sent at once, then there remains no alternative
but for the Mis. Bbard to ship here soon as possible almost
every article needed by the 6 or 7 families and 3 or 4 single
men now in the employ of the mission for wearing apparel.
Not a Blanket, or Kettle or tin pan, or pair of boots, or strong
coat or pants or hat fit to wear or pound of Sal Eratus or
tea can be bought anywhere in the territory that I know of at
any price. A few Ibs sugar, some Manilla coffee, a little
rotten sewing silk &c yet remain, but I suppose the sugar crop
is neglected at the Islands and if raised the ships are otherwise
employed. Oh if we could but hear from you once more then
the hope of relief might spring up.

The Advocates sent to this country with my other papers
seem to be rummaged or pillaged so that every file is broken,
and incomplete and then what is the matter in the clerk's de-
partment in the forwarding office. Until nearly the last Nos
papers were sent to J. and D. Lee, Shepherd &c then those
were stopt, and Bros. Leslies and Wilbur's papers also. Please
correct this and if there is to be a regular communication for
papers as well as letters, let us have say 50 copies of the
Advocate to begin with, all sent to one address and we will
endeavor to distribute them and forward the pay for those
not taken by the preachers as soon as possible.

The brethren laboring here under the auspices of the Ameri-
can Board desire to return to our hands the Dalles Station.
They cannot occupy it or their own either at present, and as
their losses are enormously heavy, they wish to lesson them by
returning this property. They were to pay a little over $600
and my conclusions on the subject are as follows. If the
station is ever again to be occupied we can man it better than
they. If it is not and the property is to be a total loss it is
not much, and I think Brotherly kindness will be promoted by
our promptly relieving them of the obligation in view of their
broken up condition: And if the establishment is sold to gov-
ernment or to some private person, it will bring three times as
much in which case we not they ought to have the advantage.
So I have said I see no objection to receiving it with the under-
standing that they make good any property they may have
appropriated and we will look to the government for any dam-
age done by the Indians or troops during the war. The troops

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 249

took down the barn and made a stockade fort and when the
U. S. Gov. comes doubtless it will be wanted for a military
station. The business is not yet consummated and I could
have wished counsel before acting in the case. But it is one of
those plain cases which did not admit of the delay necessary
to abtain such counsel and I must therefore act according to
the light I have trusting the Board will approve. The Papists
have settled a mile or two off the premises, and some day
would be accessory to the murder sooner or later of any Pro-
testants who might tenant the station. But when once the
jurisdiction of the U. S. Gov. is extended here no fear of
Papists should ever keep me one hour from going or sending
men to labor there if no other reasons existed.

They now infest every part of the upper country despite
the prohibition of our Prov. Gov. and when that prohibition is
removed I purpose visiting the Station if not called away to
California, and any interferance with our property by them
will be laid before the proper authorities. Such visit in com-
pany with Bro. Wallar will enable me to form some more
enlightened opinion as to the state of the Indians in the Upper
Country, and as to the question whether their final abandon-
ment by all Protestant Missionaries is really unavoidable.
You will know much sooner than we can what are the intentions
of the American Board and will be prepared to give some
counsel with regard to the question.

The Indians have been severely rebuked for the murders
committed and will not be likely to misbehave in future. I am
sorry in my heart that we can hear of nothing which you have
done for California. Others are now on the ground before us
after all. A Mr. Hunt from the Islands went to San Fran-
cisco last fall, and the people made him up a salary of $2500.
for one year. So he is now their chaplain.

I cannot resist the conviction that our movements are in-
excuseably slow and dilatory. I yet hope some of these days
to receive intelligence that the Board has acted with great
promptness and all that spontaniety of fear which the case
called for.

There have been so many sources from which I expected to
get advices that I have not dared to move a step from my
own work here, lest they should come in my absence and thus
time be lost, and withal our hands are filled with work here
else I should have gone down the coast and preached at the
Bay of San Francisco myself.

250 ROBERT MOULTON GATKE

We are often enquired of by aged persons for spectacles to
enable them to read the Bible. There is none to be had in
Oregon. I think it within the range of doing good, to request
you to send two or three dozen pair of common ones suitable
for persons from middle age and onward, it will be a blessing
to many. Many persons enquire of us for books. They hear
of the libraries of the A. T. Soc. and of the Harpers &C and
they wish to send money by us to buy some of these Libraries.
Now we tell them we have libraries and books of the very best
kind, and cheap too and moreover that we will have some
brought out to this country soon as possible. Can you help us
redeem this pledge. The only plan I know of is this. By this
time you have the general Catalogus so classified as that.
Family Libraries or select books calculated to enlighten the
mind and sanctify the heart are set apart in Libraries for social
and family use. Now Sir select a little lot of them worth at
least $500. and let the Board send them to us to sell at cost.
It will be a loseing matter so far as money is concerned but
great gain in every other respect. Perhaps I ought to suggest
a thought in refference to boxes. In every case where the
article will admit of it send us our things in barrels or moderate
sized casks with iron hoops seldom in boxes and never in large
boxes at all and let them be made and packed so as to hold
the largest amt. of goods with a measurement of the smallest
no of inches. Transportation here is very difficult and large
boxes or casks are unmanageable. But time fails. If my
letters are full of the expressions of want and necessity they
will doubtless meet the expectation of a body of men whose
very existance was designed to supply them. I rejoice the
mercy seat above is not so distant nor inaccessible either as
our Board at home and as our spiritual necessities and supplied
most abundantly by our Father in heaven doubtless you will
contribute to the supply of our temporal necessities, with such
counsel and advice as you may deem proper.
I am D. B. Yours in Christ,

W. Roberts.
Ex— to E. S. Johnston Feb. 12 1849

Shawl for Hannah, Woolen Plaid 1 whole or two half pieces.
2 or 3 dozen Picket knives Phlegen, Water Proof cloth 6 to
10 yds, white hat 3y2 brim 5 or 5^4 high 22^ circumference.
Revolver 12 inches pair of Holsters with Pistols smooth bore,
flint lock & saddle for Mrs. Roberts.

LETTERS OF REV. WILLIAM M. ROBERTS 251

To the Rn>d Messrs H. H. Spalding E. Walker and C. Ells.

Dear Brethren: Your proposal of the 3 Inst. to retransfer
the Mission station at Wascopam near the Grand Dalls of the
C.[olumbia] River to the Oregon Mission of the Methodist
Episcopal Church was reed, by the hands of Bro. Eells.

I take the earliest opportunity to say that the offer is hereby
accepted according to the terms of the proposal.

With sentiments of great respect, I am Dear Brethren,
Yours in Christ,

Win. Roberts,

Salem March 13th 1849 Sup. O. M.

Salem O. T. April llth 1&49.
Rev & Dear Bro.:

I reed yesterday a letter from W. W. Jones by order of your
Conference in answer to one I sent some months since to Bro
I Green in relation to J. G. T. Dunleavey with the request that
his credentials be forwarded to you to be filed with the papers
of the Conference. You will therefore receive them enclosed
in this sheet. All that I reed which includes parchments
liscence to preach, exhort and Testimony of official standing
from his Pre[ siding] E[lder] when he left Mo. I am inter-
ested in this man and have some hope rather "forlorn" to be
sure, that he may yet be saved. He resides near Santa Cruz in
upper California and talks of coming to Oregon. Could we be
permitted here to surround him with the priveleges and checks
of gospel influence we should hope to "convert the Sinner
from the Error of his ways and hide a multitude of sins."

I am Dear Bro.

Yours in Christ,

To Rev Jno R. Bennete W. R.

Lexington, MO.

REVIEW

Pacific Northwest Americana. A Checklist of Brooks and

Pamphlets Relating to the History of the

Pacific Northwest.

Compiled by
CHARLES W. SMITH,

Associate Librarian, University of Washington

Second edition, revised and enlarged. (New York: The H. W. Wilson
Company. London: Grafton & Company.) Pp. XI, 329. "1921.

The new edition of the "Pacific Northwest Americana; a
checklist of books and pamphlets relating to the Pacific North-
west," the most ambitious co-operative project so far under-
taken by the Pacific Northwest Library Association, justifies
our expectation of its increased value; both on account of its
more permanent form and its larger size.

There are some changes in the list of contributors. Montana
State Library, Pacific University Library and State College
of Washington have withdrawn, although unique items in these
libraries have been retained from the old edition. The check-
list has been greatly strengthened by the addition of five new
libraries: University of British Columbia, Oregon Historical
Society, Oregon State Library, and the public libraries of Boise
and Tacoma. This makes a total of fifteen co-operating
libraries.

Neither the larger number of contributing libraries, nor
the numerical increase in the items (two and a half times
as many as the old list) is an index of the real gain in titles
and in completeness, since many titles and imprints have been
omitted on account of closer limitations of the scope of the
work, and entries for serials have been condensed. Without
doubt the Oregon Historical Society is the most important of
the new contributors, both from the number of items and
their rarity. All the libraries previously co-operating have
added much valuable material and have listed items in their
collections which they had not had time to list for the earlier
edition. Perhaps the most notable of these additions are those
of the Provincial Library of British Columbia, only a small

PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA 253

part of whose valuable collection of voyages of discovery to
the Northwest Coast, and of material on British Columbia
was listed before. On account of the necessary limitation of
this checklist to printed material, both of these libraries are
inadequately represented in the checklist even now, as the Pro-
vincial Library contains the archives of British Columbia, with
extremely important Hudson's Bay Company material, and the
chief treasures of the Oregon Historical Society's Library are
the manuscript journals and letters of early pioneers. The
Oregon Historical Society has also some exceedingly valuable
pamphlet collections which it seemed impracticable to list by
the individual pamphlet and so they are shown only as collec-
tions.

The physical appearance of the checklist is quite different
from the old edition as it has assumed the dignity of a bound
volume and its convenience for use is increased by having half
of the page left blank for notes and additions.

In general the plan is much the same as in the earlier edition,
though there are some changes in detail. As the preface states
"it includes descriptive material relating to the history of the
region lying north of California and west of the Rocky Moun-
tains . . . The word history has been used in the broadest
sense including a wide range of literature bearing upon the
region."

There are certain definite policies of limitation and exclusion
which account for what might otherwise be considered serious
defects and omissions. It is limited to printed material in
the co-operating libraries and therefore cannot be expected to
be a complete bibliography of the region. The date Jan. 1,
1920, has been definitely set, beyond which nothing has been
included. This makes it necessary to leave out valuable books
published or purchased after that time. The geographical area
is more carefully defined than in the former edition so that
some important items like Tache and Zebulon Pike do not
appear. Fewer analyses of long sets are made in this but the

254 E. RUTH ROCKWOOD

series with inclusive volumes and dates are given. Definite
classes of material are omitted, as follows:

(a) Manuscripts.

(b) Federal, state and city documents with the exception
of a few rare items of great historical importance, not easily
found in the readily available lists and indexes.

(c) "Periodicals published in the region, except those de-
voted mainly or wholly to history. Serials, however, as year-
books and publications of societies have been included as a
part of the institutional history of the Pacific Northwest."

(d) "Maps, except those independently issued and bound
in book form."

Even of the material included in general, there has been
more rigid limitation, in order to keep the checklist within
reasonable bounds. For example, directories published after
1900 are omitted ; some of the more recent advertising material
is excluded; different imprints of the same book are left out
unless they are definitely different editions.

The checklist has both the advantage and disadvantages of
a co-operative undertaking. It is already proving its useful-
ness to the research worker by indicating in just which libraries
books and editions are available. Even though limited to
printed items in these few libraries, it is quite a full bibli-
ography of the important works dealing with this region and
will prove especially valuable to libraries as a buying list.
We find that individual collectors are referring to it also.

A defect inseparable from co-operative undertakings is that
each library probably contains many items listed but not cred-
ited to that library. This difficulty arises in various ways.
A library having a strong collection rates as unimportant items
which are of a great deal of value in a smaller library. Again,
the understanding of the limitations of the scope of the work
unavoidably differs with the individual and one will list ma-
terial which to another seems outside the range of work. An
example of this is the Bulletins of the U. S. Geological Survey,
some of which are listed in only one or two libraries while
they are probably in every library. Still another reason is

PACIFIC NORTHWEST AMERICANA 255

that most of the libraries limit their collection to a definite
part of the territory covered and have not listed fully their
resources for the other parts.

Another disadvantage, also unavoidable in a co-operative
undertaking, is that one library lists a work in one way, another
in a different way. The compiler has caught many of these
but a few have escaped. An instance is "Funeral services in
memory of Mrs. M. F. Eells" which is entered both under the
title and also under Atkinson, G. H. ; another is Oregon Baptist
State Convention which also appears as Baptist State Con-
vention. The greatest trouble of this sort is in having gov-
ernment publications entered both under the country and the
individual author, as happens occasionally.

When work of this sort is finished, one always finds omis-
sions, and this is no exception to the rule. The greatest lack
seems to be general works that libraries want for other pur-
poses than simply local collections. For instance, Folk's Diary
is not included, nor is the comparatively recent edition of
Buchanan's Works, both of which must be in several of the
libraries, and both of which are important for this country.
Typographical errors seem rare. In two cases the author's
name has been omitted, — one on page 200, where the History
of the Pacific Northwest should be credited to the North Pacific
Coast History Co., the other on page 28 where Samuel Bowles
has been left out and "Across the continent" and "Our New
West" seems to be written by Bower, mistakes evidently due to
the printer after the final proof reading.

It seems to the reviewer that still more state and city, espe-
cially city, documents might be left out to advantage, as the
list is not sufficiently complete to be very helpful as a docu-
ment checklist and it seems rather misleading to have a few
years of these, with no means of telling what should be the
complete file. It seems, in occasional instances, that even more
explanatory notes would be helpful.

It is in general a careful piece of work and promises to be

256 E. RUTH ROCKWOOD

very useful for the libraries of this district. The comment
of the Boston Transcript upon the 1909 edition, two years ago :
"That work still remains the most substantial bibliography of
its kind," is even more true of this edition.

E. RUTH ROCKWOOD.

rt,

CAPTAIN ROBERT GRAY
I i

SHIP COLUMBIA

May ii. 1792, Captain Gray, in command of the ship "Columbia," sailed into
the Columbia River and anchored a short distance from what is now known as
Chinook Point, opposite Astoria. He named the river after his vessel. Th«
"Columbia" was built near Boston in 1773 and was broken to pieces in, igoi. It
was the first vessel to carry the Stars and Stripes around the world. It is
believed this was the original flag made by Mrs. Betsy Ross, according to the
design adopted by Congress on June 14, 1777. Taken from the photograph of a
large oil painting by an eastern artist for C. S Jackson, publisher of the Oregon
Daily Journal, and used for the first time in a Souvenir Edition of that paper in
1905. The photograph was presented to the Portland Press Club.

THE QUARTERLY

oi the

Oregon Historical Society

VOLUME XXII DECEMBER, 1921 NUMBER 4

Copyright, 1921, by the Oregon Historical Society
The Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors to its pages

JOHN BOIT'S LOG OF THE COLUMBIA— 1790-1793
INTRODUCTION

The Massachusetts Historical Society early in 1919 received
as a bequest from Robert Apthorpe Boit the journals and log-
books of his grandfather, John Boit. Among these was a
journal kept of the Columbia's second voyage from Boston to
the northwest coast of America for the collection of furs from
the Indians for the markets of China. The Columbia's first
voyage is memorable as the first circumnavigation of the globe
by an American ship. Captain Robert Gray was in command
of the vessel on this first voyage from the time of her departure
from the northwest coast to China and retained command
throughout the second voyage. This second voyage of which
the Boit journal gives an account outshines the first in renown
through the fact that in course of it the Columbia river was
first entered and was named for the vessel.

Not only thus is the Boit journal a record of probably the
most memorable of American voyages but it is also unique in
being the only record extant of this voyage as a whole. And
of none of the parallel voyages in these furtrading activities
of this period by Americans is there a similar complete record.
Of the official log of the Columbia only a remnant is preserved,
covering the days from May 7th (1792) to May 21st, or from
the time Gray first approached the entrance to Gray's harbor,
to be discovered and by him named Bulfinch harbor, to his
return to that vicinity after having entered and named the
Columbia river. This portion of the official log is reprinted in
this number of the Quarterly with the Boit document.

258 JOHN BOIT

This journal of John Boit was published in volume b3 of
The Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society. That
portion of it recording the movements of the Columbia while
on this coast was reprinted in The Washington Historical
Quarterly, volume XII, No. I. The Oregon Historical Society
would here express highest appreciation of the courtesy of
the Massachusetts Historical Society in granting it the privilege
of reprinting this document. To the Washington State Uni-
versity Historical Society it is indebted for the use of the
annotations made by Professor Edmond S. Meany in his re-
print. The items of bibliography in Professor Meany 's In-
troduction are exceedingly valuable.

The considerations that compel the reprinting complete of
the Boit log of the Columbia in the Quarterly of the Oregon
Historical Society are connected primarily with the specially
planned annotations with which it here appears. And the
command of this source record as a whole enables us also more
easily to see the wider relations and meaning of this voyage
and thus to connect the flow of our Pacific northwest history
with the currents of the world's greatest movements. This
document contains the record of a close inspection of this
coast line through two summers by an experienced navigator
spying out opportunities for trade with the native tribes. The
Columbia passed up and down the stretch of coast from Cape
Blanco at about the 43d parallel to the 55th parallel and be-
yond, covering a large portion of it half-a-dozen times and
nearly all of it as many as four times. This log registers the
latitude and longitude from observations taken regularly of
the vessel's position. Through annotations on the entries of
such a record that utilize critically all the sources of light from
other MS. and printed records of exploration available, this
document becomes the best guiding clue through the some-
what labyrinthine confusion necessarily created by the condi-
tions under which these sources of the exploration history of
the Pacific Northwest were produced. Both the region to be
explored and the combination of explorers participating were
factors in creating this confusion. The intricacy of the coast
line indentations north of the Straits of Juan de Fuca and the

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 259

multitudinous island groups constituted a veritable labyrinth
of passages to be defined. Then representatives of four or
five different nationalities simultaneously and without con-
cert participated in effecting the exploration. That such
materials of history may enter into the lives of a people they
needs must be sublimated and vitalized. Adequate annotation
is the first step toward this end.

Through the Boit log we have for the first time a view of
this historic voyage as a unit. We are in position, therefore,
to get more completely the meaning of it. But this meaning
and the import of the record cannot be satisfactorily grasped
unless the situation under which the Columbia participated in
this work of exploration is clearly visualized. To get this
background it is necessary to note the transformation wrought
during the last quarter of the 18th century in the geography
of northwest America, affecting nearly if not quite one-fourth
of the continent. The typical map of this part of North
America at the opening of the fourth quarter of that century
represented an inland sea as occupying a goodly share of the
lower portion of this region and two or three wide straits cut-
ting diagonally across the upper part. The actors in this
transformation scene were to approach independently from the
landward and the seaward sides. Alexander Mackenzie played
almost the sole role during this period in the exploration on
land from the east. The Mackenzie river, the Peace river and
portions of the Fraser and other rivers were placed on the map.
From the side of the sea the participating personnel included
illustrious representatives of four leading nations but Robert
Gray through entering the Columbia on this second voyage won
the highest honor. Through such cooperation the salient fea-
tures of the interior and the coast line of northwest America
were defined, named and mapped.

By following now a little more in detail the development
of this quarter of a century of exploration from the seaward
side we get the stage setting for Robert Gray's achievement.
The Spanish authorities with newly established outposts as far
north as San Francisco Bay were first on the scene. Reports
of advances down the coast from the Alaskan region by

260 JOHN BOIT

Russian explorers as well as anxiety about possible use of a
supposed northwest passage incited the Spaniards to activity in
exploration beginning in 1774. In the next few years under
Perez, Heceta and Cuadra a cursory inspection of the coast was
made from the 55th parallel south. No Russian trespassers
were detected nor was the fabled northwest passage or Straits
of Anian discovered. However, Heceta in 1775 did detect evi-
dences of the mouth of a large river in latitude 46° 9', but
did not succeed in entering it. At this time James Cook, the
English navigator, was dispelling the darkness that was still
hovering over the south Pacific region. On his third voyage
of discovery spurred by an offer of Parliament of £20,000 for
the discovery of a northwest passage through the continent
of North America he passed up along the northwest coast in
1778 and made a landing in Nootka Sound. The immediate
and moving outcome of his voyage was the disclosure of the
opportunity of riches through trade in sea-otter furs to be
secured from the northwest Indians for trifles and marketed
in China. Beginning in 1785 the grand rush in this maritime
fur trade was on. The flags of half-a-dozen nations were soon
in evidence in these waters. Some of the English fur traders
took steps looking towards a permanent occupation of the
shore at Nootka Sound. This was resented by the Spanish
authorities as they had priority in discovery and had occupied
the coast, though their post was some 750 miles to the south.
Seizures and a diplomatic controversy followed that seriously
threatened war between Spain and England in 1790. In the
meantime inlets offering means of trade contacts with the
Indians were being spied out and visited more and more fre-
quently by vessels plying back and forth and up and down the
coast. "In the year 1792, there were twenty-one vessels under
different flags," writes Washington Irving, "plying along the
coast and trading with the natives." Log books and seamen's
journals were kept and reports were made. As they pertained
to the affairs of a lucrative trade and some of them had to do
with a hot international controversy they were in part pre-
served and not a few, especially those whose authors had
public commissions, and those that had a bearing on disputed

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 261

territorial claims, were published. Thus a body of source
material was accumulating. This material contains the sources
largely of the names of places of this region and constitutes
the records of the origins of the communities here developing.
History serves its leading purpose through such annals as the
cherished home traditions. The richest and best authenticated
nuclei of facts with their relations should be segregated and
organized for each locality. The annotations on the text of the
Boit journal here supplied through selecting the appropriate
portions of the other sources conserve and focus all the light
available for illuminating the stage of exploration in the his-
tory of each locality visited by the Columbia during her sec-
ond voyage, and at the same time furnish the means for a
more accurate and complete determination of the background
of the voyage as a whole. The Quarterly had the great good
fortune of interesting Judge F. W. Howay of New West-
minster, British Columbia, in this project of making this prime
and recently available source of Pacific Northwest History
serve the largest and best purpose. Judge Howay's mastery
of northwest history sources, and his large personal acquaint-
ance with the features of the coast line now British territory
make his annotations invaluable. Mr. T. C. Elliott of Walla
Walla, Washington, has been a like indefatigable student of
the sources of the history of the coast line south of the Straits
of Juan de Fuca. He annotates the entries of the Boit log
while the Columbia was on this section of the coast on her
trading tours. He also contributes the annotations to the
remnant of the official log of the Columbia still extant.

Turning now to the orientations of this achievement of
Captain Robert Gray in connection with the course of world
history. The discovery of the Columbia river recorded in the
two documents here reprinted completes at the end of a three
hundred year period of continuing progress, the full discovery
of America which in 1492 Christopher Columbus had initiated.
The western continent in its essential features as a home for
civilized humanity was now revealed.

In sailing into the Columbia under the American flag Cap-
tain Gray brought into the race a new competitor for the

262 JOHN BOIT

possession of this vast and still unacquired region of the basin
of the Columbia. For, in international usage or comity, the dis-
covery of a river carried with it at least an inchoate title to
the territory drained by that river. The American people had
a zealous and an able exponent for promoting their interests
in view of this opening made for national expansion. Thomas
Jefferson did not let slip an opportunity to follow up this
basis for a claim to this part of the continent. With the pur-
chase of Louisiana in 1803 proximity of possession was secured.
Then Lewis and Clark were dispatched so that only fourteen
years after Gray's presence in the river they were encamped
on the south bank. In less than half-a-dozen years later the
Astor expedition had established its fort at Astoria. And at
the end of another half-a-dozen years in 1818 the restoration
of the American flag was acknowledged by our only rival
claimant to this domain.

It needs, however, to be noted that this discovery of the
Columbia river with the view of extending geographical knowl-
edge, or of laying the basis for the extension of the jurisdiction
of his nation's sovereignty, was not the leading motive im-
pelling Captain Gray in his exploit. Just how far it was in evi-
dence in his consciousness it would be hard to say. Nothing
of the kind, I believe, figured in his instructions. This is not
by any means arguing that the discovery of the Columbia
river was an accident. The Columbia was being sailed the
third time along this stretch of the coast with the one purpose
in mind of finding new inlets affording desired opportunities
of new contacts with the Indians that additions might be
made to his accumulations of furs for a cargo for the markets
of China. John Boit's record of how the vessel in this latitude
was kept "beating off the coast waiting for to find a good
harbour" and of the practice thus . specified : "sent a boat in
shore often, but cou'd find no safe harbour," indicate that
Gray's determination and skill made the discovery at this time
virtually inevitable. Still more closely, negatively, is it pos-
sible with the aid of the Boit document to discern Captain
Gray's purpose. Mr. Worthington C. Ford's annotation with
the original document in hand here comes to our aid. Re-

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 263

ferring to the expression: "I landed abreast the ship with
Captain Gray to view the Country and take possession, leaving
charge with the 2d Officer", Mr. Ford notes, "the words 'and
take possession' were inserted at a later time and are in quite
different ink". The official log says, "In the afternoon, Cap-
tain Gray and Mr. Hoskins, in the jolly-boat went on shore to
take a short view of the country." An over-zealous nationalist
it seems tampered with the record and made it say what had
not been in the mind of Boit to record. As Boit attended
Captain Gray in this landing party he would have been enough
impressed with the ceremony, had it taken place, to have made
a record of it.

In historical literature this voyage has been celebrated as
an event initiating a new turn of events politically that was
consummated in the establishment of the jurisdiction of the
United States over the main portion of the Columbia river
basin. This major outcome of this voyage, so far as yet
recognized, was an incident or by-product with regard to the
purpose contemplated with it. .The enterprise of the company
of Boston merchants was rather in direct line of evolution of
New England's main interests of shipping and cod and whale
fisheries during the 18th century. It is quite easy to believe
that in line with increasing international interdependence in
trade and cooperation for the best utilization of the earth's
resources for human purposes this second voyage of the Co-
lumbia may in time to come have larger meaning as an achieve-
ment in the evolution of trade than as an exploit of discovery
laying the basis for national territorial expansion. These fur
trading ventures to the northwest coast of America were the
natural expansion of the New England activities in cod fisheries
on the banks of New Foundland and in the whale fisheries in
the South Sea. These were the mainstay of New England
prosperity. On an Act placing an embargo on these fisheries
and restricting the trade they involved did Parliament in 1775
rely "to starve New England." This intent brought forth the
following glowing tribute from Edmund Burke to the daring
exploits of the American whalemen which would have been as
well deserved by the fur traders on their more extended voy-

264 JOHN BOIT

ages in their quite as dangerous experiences with the treacher-
ous native tribes:

"And pray, Sir, what in the world is equal to it? [Referring
to "the spirit by which that enterprising employment had been
exercised"] Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in
which the people of New England have of late carried on the
whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tumbling
mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest
frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis's Straits, whilst
we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear
that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold,
that they are at the antipodes, engaged under the frozen
serpent of the south. Falklands Island, which seemed too
remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambi-
tion, is but a stage, and resting-place in the progress of their
victorious industry. . . . No sea but what is vexed by their
fisheries. No climate that is not witness to their toils. Neither
the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor
the dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, ever
carried this most perilous mode of hard industry to the extent
to which it has been pushed by this recent people; a people
who are still, as it were in the gristle, and not yet hardened
into the bone of manhood."

This spirit of enterprise which the Columbia's voyages so
signally exemplify has been in eclipse as to this honor it had be-
cause of the momentous project of political or territorial ex-
pansion it enkindled. When all nationalities have become
equally democratic and equally enamored with the mission of
human welfare it may be possible that this spirit of human
enterprise animating these voyages, now largely unnoticed,
may outshine the nationalism that has heretofore enveloped
them.

F. G. YOUNG.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 265

REPRINT OF

BOIT'S LOG OF THE COLUMBIA, 1790-1793.
[Annotations by Judge F. W . Hoivay and Mr. T. C. Elliott]

Remarks on the Ship Columbia's
voyage from Boston, (on a Voyage round

the Globe).
BY JOHN BOIT

N. B. The dates etc. is by Nautical Ac-
count (Not Civill).

The Ship Columbia was fitted out for a four years cruize, on
a trading voyage to the N. W. Coast of America, China etc —
about 250 tons burthen, mounted 12 Carriage Guns, and navi-
gated with 50 men (including Officers) — own'd chiefly by
Sam'l Brown, Joseph Barrell and Crowell Hatch Esq'rs, and
Commanded by Robert Gray. Cargo consisted of Blue Cloth,
Copper and Iron.

1790, September 28. Latt. of Boston 42° 25' N. ; Long. 70°
31' W. from London. Left Boston Sept. 28th, 1790, with the
wind from the western board, and the next day pass'd Cape
Cod. On the 30th the wind having chang'd to the East'd and
blowing heavy, obliged us to bear away, and we anchor'd the
same evening, in Herring Cove, on the west side Cape Cod, in
15 fm. muddy bottom, but not liking our situation, we got
under way the following morning, and anchor'd the same
evening in Nantasket Roads, in 7 fm. Blowing weather, from
the eastern board.

October 2. Wind at SW. Weigh'd and came to sail, stood
to sea On the 3d pass'd Cape Cod, at 3 leagues distance.
Generally blowing hard, with squalls of rain.

8. N. Latt. 40° 30' ; W. Long. 55° 43' ; Aizi. 14° 35' W. O. «.
Ship sails dull, but is a fine seaboat. Crew appears to be a
set of fine fellows.

10. N. Latt. 39° 58' ; W. Long. 52° 38' ; Amp'd 14° 38' W.1
Weather more pleasant, winds generally from SW.

i Th« Century Dictionary defines the amplitude compos* as an azimuth com-
pass whose zeros of graduation are at the east and west points, to facilitate the
reading of the amplitudes of the celestial bodies. "Amplitude. . .differs from the
azimuth merely in being counted from the east and west points, instead of from
north and south." U. K. S. Nat Phil., III. XIII.— W. C. F. (Worthington C.
Ford).

266 JOHN BOIT

16. N. Latt 35° 37'; W. Long. 37° 31'; Azi. 14° 35' W.2
Weather generally pleasant, winds from the NE.

18. N. Latt. 34° 33' ; W. Long. 31° 40' ; Amp'd 14° ZZ W.
Fair weather, wind from NW.

22. N. Latt. 28° 46'; W. Long, 24° 37' Azi. 14° 54' W.
Pleasant weather. Crew all well.

23. N. Latt. 26° 41'; W. Long. 24° 16'; Azi. 14° 54' W.
Serene, pleasant weather. Winds from the North'd.

24. N. Latt. 24° 5Z; W. Long. 24° 10'; Amp'd 14° 22' W.
Serene, pleasant weather. Winds from SE.

25. N. Latt. 24° 12'; W. Long. 24° 7'; Azi. 14° 26' W.
Serene, pleasant weather. Winds from SE.

27. N. Latt. 22° 0'; W. Long. 23° 0'; Azi. 14° 19* W. O. <t.
Pleasant weather, winds from the NW. Plenty of Dolphin and
Skip-jacks playing round us.

30. N. Latt. 20° ; W. Long 23° ; This day took the NE.
trade winds, after experiencing one day's calm (between the
variable and trades).

November 1. N. Latt. 17° 16'; W. Long. 22° 30'; In the
course of this day, say the Island of Sal, (one of the Cape de
Verd Isles), 29l/2 days from Boston light house — (a "long
passage). Pass'd it to the Eastward and bore away to the
South'd, high land. Crew are all in health, although the reg-
ulation of the ship as respects cleanliness among them, is not
strict.

TOWARDS CAPE HORN.

4. N. Latt. 12° 15'; W. Long. 23° 6'; Azi. 13° 28' W.
This day lost the NE. trade winds, and immediately took the
wind from the Southward.

7. N. Latt. 9° 16'; W. Long. 22° 35'; Amp'd 11° 52' W.
Light variable winds, pleasant warm weather, attended at
times with sharp lightning.

9. N. Latt. 7° 21'; W. Long. 22° 13'. Squally weather,
with rain, with sharp lightning and heavy thunder, many water

2 "In the azimuth compass the circumference of the card is divided into
degrees and parts by a vernier, and is fitted up with sight-vanes to take ampli-
tudes and azimuths, for the purpose of determining the variation of the compass
by observation. The variation is applied to the magnetic course shown by the steer-
ing compass and thus the true course with respect to the meridian becomes known."
Encyclopaedia Britannica (gth ed.) VI 0225. — >W. C. F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 267

spouts in different directions. Experience very heavy squalls.
Winds all round the compass since losing the trades. Many
vessells in sight.

14. N. Latt. 5° 4'; W. Long. 22° 13'. Winds continue
very variable and squally. This day spoke two ships: one a
Portuguese from Lisbon bound to Rio Janeiro; the other an
English waleman from England, for the Brazil coast. The
Captain (by name Duller) was an American.

18. N. Latt. 3° 48'; W. Long. 23° 3(X. This day Capt.
Buller left us, his ship sailing much faster than ours. Winds
and weather still remains very unsettled, with hard squalls,
carried away our Jib boom, and got a new one out. A constant
swell from the SE. Winds harp most at SSW.

19. N. Latt. 2° 41'; W. Long. 25° 42'; Azi. 11° 32*.
Weather pleasant. This day took the wind at SSE, which no
doubt is the commencement of the SE generall winds. The
weather at this time is quite settled. Heretofore since leaving
the NE. trades, it has been very gloomy and dark. Have
noticed, since passing the Lattitude of 12° that the winds
generally have been from South to SSW. — at times squalls
from West.

21. N. Latt. 2° 38'; W. Long. 24° 48'; Azi. 10* 30' W.
A constant Current, setting to the Northward, in these Lati-
tudes; (two sail in sight.)

22. N. Latt. 2° 6' ; W. Long. 25° 2* ; Azi. 10° 13' W. Winds
holds from SBE. to SSE. and fair pleasant weather, with a
swell from the SE.

23. N. Latt. 1° 41'; W. Long. 25° 26'; Azi. 10° 7' W.
Winds and weather as before. Crew all well.

24. N. Latt. 1° 15'; W. Long. 26° 1'; Azi. 9° 28' W.
Winds at SSE. and quite moderate, weather pleasant.

25. W. Long. 26° 57' O. C. In the course of this day
cross'd the Equator. Wind at SEBS. and pleasant, serene,
temperate weather. Have fish of different kinds round most
of the time. Ship's crew are all in health.

54y2 days from Boston, 25 days from Isle of Sal, (long
passages). Keep all hands through the day in good weather,
employed in the various departments of the ship — it is best to
keep them moving. They are allowed tea or coffe, each morn-

268 JOHN BOIT

ing and in general the ship's fare is good, but proper attention
to airing their beds and cloathing and fumigating their berths is
not paid.

27. S. Latt 2° 5'; W. Long. 28° 26'; Azi. 5° 5(X W.
Pleasant, agreeable weather. Wind from SE to ESE. Plenty
of fish about us. Breezes moderate.

28. S. Latt. 3° 34'; W. Long. 29° 5'. Spoke a French
India ship, from L'Orient bound to Pondicherry, reckond
himself in Longitude 26° 50' W. of Paris. Caught a large
Albacore.3 Wind ESE. Pleasant weather.

29. S. Latt. 5° 12'; W. Long. 29° 22'; Amp'd 4° 59' W.
Winds from ESE., squally weather.

30. S. Latt. 7° 24'; W. Long. 30° 16'; Azi, 4° 51' W.
Fresh gales. Caught an Albacore that weighed 130 Ib. Spoke
a Portuguese ship from Lisbon bound to Rio Janeiro.

31. S. Latt. 9° 31'; W. Long. 31° 9'; Morning Azi. 4° 8',
Evening, Azi. 3° 42'. A ship in sight. Pleasant weather with
fresh trade winds, from ESE. to SE.

December 3. S. Latt. 13° 30'; W. Long. 32° 26'; Azi.
1° 40' W.; O. <T. This day lost the SE. general winds, and
immediately took it at NE. This Northly wind is no doubt
the Monsoon prevailing at this season along the Brazill coast.
Pleasant weather.

4. S. Latt. 14° 39' ; W. Long. 32° 40' ; Amp'd 0° 53' W.
Light breezes from NE. and very hot weather.

6. S. Latt. 17° 23'; W. Long. 33° 14'; azi. 1° 28' W. Mod-
erate breezes and pleasant. Winds from NE. to ENE.

7. S. Latt. 18° 25' ; W. Long. 33° 33' ; Amp'd 0° 17' E.
Do winds and weather, and swell from NE.

9. S. Latt. 21° 52'; W. Long. 35° 43'; Azi. 1° 36' E.
Moderate monsoon, and fair weather.

10. S. Latt. 23° 55'; W. Long. 37° 4'; Azi. 2° 34' E.
Lively breeze and pleasant temperate weather.

11. S. Latt. 25° 0'; W. Long. 38° 44' O <T. This day a
heavy squall struck the ship, carried away the top gall't masts
and yards, topsail yards, and fore, and mizen, topmasts; lost
the top gall't sails and damaged the topsails.

3 A larg« species of Tunny (Thynnus). — W. C. F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 269

13. S. Latt. 27° 11'; W. Long. 39° 18'; Azi. 5° 15' E. In
the course of this day got ship to rights again. Winds some-
times hauls to the southward of East. Crew all in health.

14. S. Latt. 27° 50'; W. Long. 40° 5'; Amp'd 8° 5' E.
Wind at SE., moderate breeze, large swell from SW.

16. S. Latt. 30° 26'; W. Long. 42° 59*; Azi. and Amp'd
8° 28' E. Wind at NE. and weather pleasant.

18. S. Latt. 32° 52*; W. Long. 45° 39'; Azi. 9° ff E. O «.
This day the NE. winds left us, and come at NW., fresh
breeze and cloudy hazy weather.

21. S. Latt. 33° 56'; W. Long. 48° 34'; Azi. 11° 32* E.
Saw an Albatross, many other kinds flying about the ship.
Large sea from SE.

22. S. Latt. 34° 33'; W. Long. 48° 15'; Azi. 11° 38' E.
* <T. This day a heavy gale of wind from the SE. Lay too.
Saw a turtle. A high sea.

25. S. Latt. 36° 57'; W. Long. 46° 23'; Azi. 11° 36' E.
Cool weather. Since the NE. winds left they have generally
prevailed from the Southward, and blow'd fresh.

26. S. Latt. 37° 37'; W. Long. 47° 20'. Sounded, no
bottom, 150 fm. line out the water discolour'd.

27. S. Latt. 39° 7' ; W. Long. 49° 58'. Discolor'd water.
Sounded no bottom at 150 fm.

29. S. Latt. 41° 6'; W. Long. 53° 28'; Azi. 17° 25' E.
Discolor'd water, no bottom at 120 fm. lowr'd a whale boat,
and struck a black fish but lost him. The iron drew.

30. S. Latt. 41° 53'; W. Long. 54° 4'; Azi. 17° 54' E.
Cold weather. Winds from SW.

31. S. Latt. 42° 46'; W. Long. 53° 45'; Azi. 17° 54' E.
Fresh gales. Caught 16 Albatross's, with a hook and line from
the stern, hook'd them in the bill. Ships crew are all in
health.

So ends the year 1790.

MADE THE BRAZIL COAST OR PATIGONIA.

1791. January 6. S. Latt. 48° 0'; W. Long. 54° Or;
Amp'd 21° 2* E. Generally fresh gales, and winds mostly
from the Southward. Have caught many albatrosses within

270 JOHN BOIT

these few days past, and seen plenty of Finback and right
whales. Experience a current setting to the Southward.

7. S. Latt. 47° 43' ; W. Long. 54° 40' ; Amp'd 20° 10' E.
Fresh gales and pleasant cool weather.

10. S. Latt. 46° 28' ; W. Long. 58° 22'. Winds from the
southward. Sounded, no ground, with 120 fm. line. Saw
seals and whales. Water much discolour'd.

13. S. Latt. 45° 2'; W. Long. 61° 14'; O «. A whale
come so near as to strike the ship with his flukes and gave
considerable of a blow. Got bottom, with 53 fm. line, fine
black sand, with a few white specks.

14. S. Latt. 46° 0'; W. Long. 62° 0'. Wind from NW.
Soundings 50 fm., fine black sand.

15. S. Latt. 45° 31'; W. Long. 63° 54'; Azi. 22° 0' E.
Winds from the Southward. Soundings 45 fm., soft mud with
sand.

17. S. Latt. 46° 48' ; W. Long. 66° 58'. Fresh gales, under
double reef'd topsails, with a high sea. At noon 35 fm. mud,
wind NE. Saw the land to the Westward of Cape Blanco on
the Coast of Patigonia, bearing from SSE. to SW. Very
squally, haul'd our wind to the Eastward, find the ship embayed
with the wind, on shore. Stood on within 2 miles of the
beach, and cou'd not weather the land on our larboard tack;
we were under the necessity of wearing ship to the Westward,
at this time had 12 fm. grey sand. Our situation was very
critical, as we cannot weather the land on either tack. Bent
cables, and overhaul'd a range of each of them, pass'd several
times over very shoal water but did not sound, for fear of
intimidating the crew. Ship'd many seas, one of which stove
the Binnacle and broke the Compasses. Wore ship several
times as the wind favour'd. This land appear'd levell, without
much wood and very high grass growing. Saw several smokes,
but none of the Natives The shore was lined with white sand
banks. Fortunately at midnight the wind moderated, and
haul'd more of shore. Haul'd off into 20 fm. and stood along
shore ; given the Cape a good berth.

18. S. Latt. 47° 9'; W. Long. 66° 38'; Azi. 21° 36' E.
Saw breakers a head, haul'd to the East'd. Cape Blanco bore

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 271

S. 65° W., 4 leagues. Sounded and had but 5 fm. water;
deepened gradually, in 25 fm. pebble or gravell stones. This
shoal was not laid down in the Drafts. I judge it to be very
small.

AT THE FALKLAND ISLANDS.

19. S. Latt. 48° 37'; W. Long. 66° 8'. Winds from the
SW. 56 fm. water, weather pleasant but cold. Many Albatross
and large scholes of Whales.

22. S. Latt. 51° 53'; W. Long. 64° O <f. Wind at NW.
and squally. Made the Islands of Sebald-De Wert,4 (or Jasons
Islands) which lie off the NW. part of the Group call'd Falk-
land. Vast many birds and seals round. Made sail to the
South'd for States Bay, in New Island (one of the Falkland).
At 6 A. M. saw Cape Percivall, SEE. 10 leagues. Fresh gales.
At Meridian anchord, in New Island harbour. Mud and sand
in 5 fm. Remain'd in this Harbour 11 days, during which
time we give the ship a complete overhaul. We had the winds
generally from the westward, and sometimes blew so strong
that we drag'd with 5 anchors a head. A tent was erected on
shore, for the Tradesmen. Found the watering place very
handy, and the water excellent. The ship's crew on our arrival
was all in health. Still no doubt, by being frequently indulg'd
on shore, was of great service to them. The weather generally
was very cool. During our stay at these Island [s] we shot
upwards of 1000 Ducks and Geese, and 6 Hogs (which was
evidently of the Spanish breed). The fowl was quite tame
when we first arriv'd, but they soon was taught the doctrine
of self-preservation. The Swine was very wild.

The face of the Country does not present a very delightful
prospect, extensive heaths, mountains, and ponds of water are
to be seen all over the Island. There is not a tree upon it, but
the grass is 3 feet high in most places. The turf generally of
the height of 6 foot, between which the Hogs and Penguins
have their habitations.5 The soil appear'd to me to be proper
for the reception of such seeds as contribute towards the sub-

4Sebald d« Weert, who circumnavigated the globe in 1598-99 in the ship
hft Geloof, the sole surviving vessel of the fleet of five commanded by Jacques
Mahu and Simon de Cordes. — W. C. P.

5 Hoskins describes the mode of hunting these hogs. "The party being ashore.

272 JOHN BOIT

stenance of inhabitants. The wild Cellery, which is an ex-
cellent antiscorbutic grows here in abundance.

I think these Islands are most proper to touch at, when
bound round Cape Horn in preference to those in Straits La
Maire6 as the water is handy, and you may keep your People on
Geese and Ducks while you remain.

IN THE PACIFIC OCEAN AFTER PASSING STATEN
LAND AND CAPE HORN.

February 3. S. Latt. 51° 47'; W. Long. 66° 10'; Amp'd
25° 7' E. Wind from the Southward and pleasant weather.
Left the Falkland Isles last evening. This day spoke the Ship
Bedford, Laben Coffin, Master, from Dunkirk (in France)
bound to the Pacific Ocean, on a whaling voyage.7 Took a
departure from Cape Percivall at 6 P. M., it being the west-
ward extreme of the Falkland, lying in Latt. 51° 50' South,
and Longitude 66° West of London. Light airs, and a swell
from the Southward. Vast many marine birds flying round.

5. S. Latt. 53° 54'; W. Long. 69° 36'; Amp'd 25° 1' E.
Moderate breezes and pleasant. Saw Staten Land8 bearing
South 14 leagues distant, a Current setting to the Eastward.

6. S. Latt. 54° 52' ; W. Long. 68° 13'. Pleasant weather.
St. Bartholomews on Staten Land, bore SWBW.

7. S. Latt. 55° 24'; W. Long. 68° 1'; Amp'd 25° 16' E.
Winds light and from the Westward, a Constant Current set-
ting to the Eastward. Staten Land in sight, bearing WNW.

six would enter at one end of those tufts of grass arn\ed, walking: through them
with a hue and cry; while two would walk on each side and two stationed at each
end, ready to shoot the hog as soon as he should run out; by this means we were
able to kill seven hogs and catch one oig alive."

6 Named after Jacob le Maire, who circumnavigated the world in 1615-1617. —
W. C. F.

ANNOTATIONS BY JUDGE F. W. HOWAV, except on entries made when the Columbia
was south of the Straits of Juan de Fuca. For this part of her cruise annota-
tions are by Mr. T. C. Elliott. The annotations by Worthington C. Ford,
editor Proceedings Massachusetts National Society, retained, are indicated by
Mr. Ford's initials, W. C. F.

7 Ingraham in the preceding January had met in much the same locality the
French whaler Necker from Dunkirk, Captain John Haives. He explains: "This
ship was sailed under French papers and colours, yet she was an America-built
ship likewise the Captain all his officers & most of his men were Americans but
the great encouragement given by the French government to Americans to settle
in Franc* and fit out ships in the whaling service has induced many of our
countrymen to emigrate yet I believe the major part of them have no idea of
remaining among the French longer than they by their industry obtain a suffi-
ciency to enable them to live comfortably in their own country."

8 I. de los Estados.— W. C. F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 273

20 leagues distant, very high and unequal land, with snow on
the mountains.

12. S. Latt. 58° 0'; W. Long. 76° 15'; Azi. 24° 36' E.
Weather still hold* pleasant, but very cold. Winds generally
from the Eastward.

17. S. Latt. 60° 1'; W. Long. 82° 8'; Azi. 24° 30' E.
Winds since the 12th has been much from the Westward and
blowd excessive fiery, with high seas. This day's Latitude
is the highest South during the passage.

23. S. Latt. 57° 36'; W. Long. 84° 42'. A Seal playing
round the ship. (Light winds.)

27. S. Latt. 54° 44'; W. Long. 86° 24'; Azi. 23° 52' E.
Cape Horn is doubled. Winds light from the west'd with
frequent calms.

March 13. S. Latt. 43° 9'; W. Long. 88° 55'; Amp'd 15°
54' E. Since 27th Feb'y winds have prevailed generally from
the Westward, with moderate breezes and pleasant weather.

19. S. Latt. 40° 32'; W. Long. 88° 20'; Azi. 14° 28' E.
Light winds and pleasant.

21. S. Latt. 37° 43'; W. Long. 88° 7'; Azi. 14° 44' E.
Very pleasant weather. Some of the Crew have the Scurvy
in the Gums.

24. S. Latt. 36° 56'; W. Long. 89° 7'; Azi. 13° 20' E.
Light winds from NW. and frequent Calms.

26. S. Latt. 34° 35'; W. Long. 88° 41'; Azi. 12° 51' E.;
Amp'd 12° 35' E.; 2d Azi. 12° 47' E. Very pleasant, and
temperate light airs.

31. S. Latt. 30° 0' ; W. Long. 89° 28'. Winds still from the
westward with pleasant weather. Ship's Crew are in health.
PASSAGE FROM CAPE HORN TO THE NW. COAST.

April 2. S. Latt. 27° 17'; W. Long. 89° 38'; Azi. 11° 50'
E. O <f. This day took the SE. trades, and experienced a
swell from the Northward. Weather very pleasant.

4. S. Latt. 24° 59'; W. Long. 93° 0'; Azi. 11° 34' E.
Swell from the Southward.

6. S. Latt. 22° 38'; W. Long. 96° 12*; Azi. 10° 14' E.
Steady trades and fair. Blackfish and Porpoises.

8. S. Latt. 20° 56'; W. Long. 98° 19*; Azi. 10° 26' E.
Very pleasant, with smooth sea, winds to the North of East.

274 JOHN BOIT

9. S. Latt. 20° 32'; W. Long. 98° 55'; Azi. 9° 59' E.
Small winds.

10. S. Latt. 19° 41'; W. Long. 99° 56'; Azi. 9° 50' E.
Small winds.

11. S. Latt. 18° 50'; W. Long. 100° 29'; Amp'd 9° 12 E.
Small winds. Wind at ESE. Ship's Crew is many of them
complaining.

12. S. Latt. 17° 57'; W. Long. 101° 24'; Azi. 9° 16' E.
A little Scurvy among the Crew.

15. S. Latt. 14° 9'; W. Long. 105° 28'; Azi. 9° 0' E.
Lively trade winds and pleasant serene breeze, with smooth
water.

16. S. Latt. 12° 36'; W. Long. 106° 54'; Azi. 7° 50' E.
Do. Do.

22. S. Latt. 5° 37'; W. Long. 113° 39'; Azi. 6° 44' E.
Amp'd 6° 32' E. Saw a Turtle.

23. S. Latt. 4° 37'; W. Long. 114° 39* O <C. Between the
hours of 3 and 4 P. M. Departed this life our dear friend
Nancy the Goat having been the Captain's companion on a
former voyage round the Globe, but her spirited disposition
for adventure led her to undertake a second voyage of Cir-
cumnavigation ; But the various changes of Climate, and sudden
transition from the Polar Colds, to the tropical heats of the
Torrid zone, prov'd too much for a constitution naturally deli-
cate. At 5 P. M. Committed her body to the deep. She was
lamented by those who got a share of her Milk!!9 Men of
War Birds and Porpoises round.

26. S. Latt. 1° 59'; W. Long. 117° 23'; Azi. 6° 0' E.;
Amp'd 5° 34' E. Pleasant weather. Saw a Turtle. Many
Barracota and Dolphin round the ship.

28. S. Latt 0° 50'; W. Long. 118° 35'; Azi. and Amp'd
5° 30' E. Caught a shark ; porpoises about the ship. Excessive
warm.

29. S. Latt. 0° 5'; W. Long. 119° 13'; Azi. and Amp'd
5° 18' E. O 1 Gentle trades at ESE and pleasant. Four

9 Hoskins recorfls this incident: "On the zsd having some rice up to air,
our best she goat got at it, eat so much that it swel'd her belly and caused her
death; this was the more grievous as it depriv'd us of the greatest delicacy we
had in the Ship, her milk, which made our tea so much the more palatable."

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 275

seamen laid by, with the Scurvey, their mouths and legs are
very bad.10

30. Both by Meridian and Double Altitudes N. Latt. 0° Sff ;
W. Long. 119° 59^; Azi. 5° 15' E. Porpoises and Bonnetto
round together with Tropic Birds and Boobies.

May 2. N. Latt. 3° 26'; W. Long. 121° 45'; Azi. 6° 28' E.
Sharks round, and Boobies. This day took the NE trade wind.

3. N. Latt. 4° 38'; W. Long. 122° 42*; Azi. 6° 52* E.
Squally weather porpoises round and many birds, on the wing.

8. N. Latt. 12° 34' ; W. Long. 128° 5' ; Fresh trade winds.
Saw a turtle.

13. N. Latt. 20° 7'; W. Long. 132° 44'; Azi. 9° 1' E.
Fresh trade winds. Porpoises round. Weather pleasant.

15. N. Latt. 23° 9*; W. Long. 132° 33'; Azi. 9° 47' E.
Steady trade winds and very pleasant. Scurvy making progress.

AT ANCHOR IN COX'S HARBOUR OR CLIOQUOT ON
THE NW. COAST.

17. N. Latt. 25° 35'; W. Long. 133° 43'; Azi. 9° 45' E.
Fresh trade winds and generally pleasant weather.

19. N. Latt. 27° 38'; W. Long. 134° 15'; Azi. 10° 41'.
Do. Do. 7 Men off duty with the scurvy, their Gums is quite
putrid, and legs as big round as their bodies and quite numb,
( the worst of Complaints ! ! ) .

24. N. Latt. 34° 9*; W. Long. 135° 33'; Amp'd 12° 20* E.
This day lost the NE trades, and immediately took the wind
from the westward.

31. N. Latt. 46° 47'; W. Long. 125° 50'; Azi. 17° 20' E.
Have had generally fresh breezes and cool weather since 24th
with the winds generally from SW. Many birds round, among
the rest some that look'd like Plovers. 6 People extreme bad,
with the scurvy.

June 4. N. Latt. 49° 10*; W. Long. 120° 21'. This day
made the land, on the NW. Coast of the American Conri-

10 Strangely enough, Hoskins makes no mention of the appearance of the
•curvy until aoth, May, when he records "the scurvy began to make its appear-
ance on one of the people." Eight uays later he adds that six of our people (arc)
confin'd with the scurvy."

276 JOHN BOIT

nent between Nootka11 (or King George's Sound) and Cliquot12
(or Coxes harbour). For these severall days past we had
seen whales, drift wood, feathers, kelp, etc. All signs of its
vicinity. Breakers pt.13 bore NEBE 8 leagues, high land back,
and snow perceivable on some of the mountains. Wind from
Southward.

5. N. Latt. 49° 5'; Correct W. Long. 125° 26' O 1 This
day anchor in Coxes harbour,14 and found it very commodious.
This Harbour is made remarkable by three remarkable round
Hills.15 abreast its entrance. Hannah,16 Chief of the village
Ahhousett,17 came on board and appeared friendly. Above 300
of the Natives was alongside in the course of the day. Their
canoes was made from the body of a tree, with stem, and stern,
pieces, neatly fixed on. Their models was not unlike our Nan-
tucket whale boats. The dress of these Indians was either the
Skin of some Animal, or else a Blankett of their own manu-
factory, made of some kind of Hair.18 This garment was
slung over the right shoulder. They all appear'd very friendly,
brought us plenty of fish and greens. We tarry'd in this

11 This sound is situated in latitude 49° 32' north, longitude 126° 35' west.
By general consent its discovery is attributed to Captain James Cook, who .spent
some weeks there in March and April, 1778; though it is now known that the
Spaniards had seen land near its entrance in August, 1774. Captain Cook first
named it King George's Sound, but later changed it to Nootka, believing that
to be the native name. Cook's Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 288, 4to. ed. 1785. As
to the probable origin of the name, see Walbran's Place Names, p. 359. During
the early years of the maritime fur trade it was of considerable commercial
importance; the seizure of Meares' vessels and the threatened war between Britain
and Spain made it. in 1790, world-known.

12 Clayoquot Sound is about fifty miles to the southward of Nootka. It com-
prises a number of inlets coverins; an area of about thirty miles in length and
sixteen in breadth. The Port Cox of Meares was near the entrance to this
sound, probably on the east side of Stubbs Island.

13 Now Estevan Point, the southern entrance of Hope Bay, as Cook called
the water between it and Woody Point, now Cape Cook; Nootka Sound is one
of its inlets. It was in this vicinity that the Spaniards, in the Santiago, under
Juan Perez, anchored on 8th August, 1774.

14 Named by Meares in 1788 after John Henry Cox of Canton, who is frequently
referred to in the acrimonious discussion that went on between Meares and Dixon
after the appearance of the former's Voyages. See a sketch of it in Meares
Voyages, 4to. ed. p. 202.

1 5 These are well known landmarks today. They are on Meares Island; th«
highest is called Lone Peak.

i6This was Chief Cleaskinah, who exchanged names with Captain Hanna of the
Sea Otter in 1786. Meares met him in June, 1788, and describes him as "about
forty and carried in his looks all the exterior marks of pleasantry and good
humour." Meares Voyages 4to. ed. p. 136. Gray had met him in March, 1789.
Haswell in his first Log says he "seemed a very intelligent old fellow." The cus-
tom of exchanging names as a token of friendship was prevalent on this coast
and is mentioned by Meares, Roquefeuil and many others.

i7Ahousat, an Indian village, now on Flores Island in Clayoquot Sound;
but at this time the tribe were still living at their original home on Vargas Island
in the same sound, from which they had an uninterrupted view of _the ocean.
This old village site, now abandoned, was called Ahous, and thus gives its name to

1 8 The celebrated dogs' hair blankets of the Coast Salish. For a discussion of
this subject, see Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. be, pp. 83-92.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 277

harbour till the 16th June, landed the sick, immediately on our
arrival and pitch'd a tent for their reception, and although
there was ten of them in the last stage of Scurvy, still they
soon recover'd, upon smelling the turf, and eating greens of
various kinds. We buried severall of our sick, up to the Hips,
in the earth, and let them remain for hours in that situation.
Found this method of great service. The principall village
in this harbour is called Opitsatah,19 and is governed by
Wickananish,20 a warlike Chief. He and his family visited us
often. The Indians brought severall Deer, and plenty of Rock
Cod, Salmon, and other fish. Wild parsley, and a root call'd
Isau or Isop,21 by the natives and much resembling a small
onion, was brought us in abundance. We purchas'd many of
the Sea Otter skins in exchange for Copper,22 and blue Cloth.
These Indians are of a large size, and somewhat corpulent.
The Men wear no other covering, but the garment before men-
tioned, and seem to have no sense of shame, as they appear in
a state of Nature. The Women stand in great fear of the
Males,23 but appear to be naturally very modest. Their gar-
ment is manufactured from the bark of a tree and is well
executed, being so constructed as to cover them complete from
the Neck to the Ancle. Both Male and Female wear Hats
of a conicle form made out of strong reeds.24 On them is
painted, (in a rude manner) their mode of Whale fishery.

ip An Indian village on the southwest side of Meares Island in Clayoquot
Sound. It is shown on Meares' map of Port Cox (410. ed. p. 202), being the
northerly one of the two villages there shown. Today it is known officially as
Opitsat; but is generally spoken of as Clayoquot Indian village. Father Brabant
spells it Opissat.

20 This chief, whose name is spelled by the early voyagers in a variety of
ways, figures in almost every account of these expeditions. He is the first chief
that Haswell mentions, as having been met the Washington was cruising north-
ward on ist September, 1788. He came on board, says Haswell, "completely
while dressed in a genteel sute of Cloths which he said Captain Mears had given
him."

21 Haswell calls this plant a leek.

22 On his first voyage Gray had found copper much in demand; he had evi-
dently profited by his experience. Luckily tor him the variable taste of the
natives, of which the traders all complain, had not changed in the interval. Copper
was almost sterling amongst them; but they were whimsical as to the thickness of
the sheets.

23 Exactlv the reverse conditions prevailed in Queen Charlotte Islands, as both
Ingranam and Haswell inform us.

24 For a complete description of these cedar bark garments, see Cook's Third
Voyage, 4to. ed. vol. a, p. 304. In the folio atlas accompanying this edition
of Cook's Voyage will be found a picture showing these garments and also the
hats.

278 JOHN BOIT

Attoo,25 the Captain's servant (and a native of the Sandwich
Isle) ran away, among the Indians. A chief coming on board,
plac'd a guard over him, and sent his Canoe back to the village
with the news. They soon return'd with Mr. Attoo, and
ransom'd their Chief.26

17. This day weigh'd the anchors and left Coxe's harbour.
Fine weather, wind at SW. All hands once again on duty.
Make the people use Spruce Tea,27 boil'd from the Boughs
we took on board, for that purpose and although not very
palatable, I believe is an excellent Antiscorbutic. Bound along
shore to the North and West. Saw woody point bearing ESE
3 or 4 leagues.

AT ANCHOR IN COLUMBIA'S COVE AND JUAN
DE FUCA STRAITS

20. N. Latt. 50° 6' ; W. Long. 128° 12'. Moderate breezes.
At 8 P. M. abreast Woody point,28 lay'd off and on through the
night. At daylight made sail, for Chickleset sound,29 out
Pinnace, and sent her ahead of the ship to sound. At 8 A. M.
abreast the entrance of the sound. Hove to. At 10 the pinnace
made the signall for an harbour. Bore away, wind at NW.
At Meridian anchor'd in a small Cove, (which we named

25 This boy had been taken from the Sandwich Islands by Captain Gray on his
first voyage, just as Cook took Qmai from Otaheite and Meares took Tianna from
Attoo. E. G. Porter in his article on the Ship Columbia and the Discovery of
the Oregon in the New England Magazine for June, 1892, says on page 478 that
Attoo was a "young chief (sometimes called the crown-prince)." In any event
he was flogged for this attempted desertion. See further, as regards him, the
entries under dates i8th January, 1792, and 2nd November, 1792.

26 In Hoskins' Narrative will be found the details of this incident, including
the deception by which the Chief, Tootiscoosettle, the eldest brother of Wickanan-
ish, was induced to come on board, and thereafter held until Attoo was brought
back. Some of the subsequent difficulties may possibly be connected with this
event.

27 This was a recognized anti-scorbutic. This decoction must have been very
nasty; it was originally prepared, "brewed," some of the voyagers call it, from the
trees themselves. For reference to it, see Meares' Voyages, Introduction, 4to. ed. p.
xx ; Cook's Third Voyage, 4to. ed., vol. 2, p. 273; vol. 3, p. 331; Dixon's Voyage,
p. 151; Portlock's Voyage, pp. 215, 217, 231, etc., and many other authorities.

28 Now Cape Cook, the most westerly point of Vancouver Island, and the
northern entrance to Hope Bay. It was so named by Captain Cook in 1778,
but was changed, in honour of the great navigator, to Cape Cook by Captain
George H. Richards, H. M. surveying vessel Plumper, in 1860. Walbran's Place

20' This sound was well known, especially to the American traders. It is

. " * . * *rr . r« _ _1 _ . 3 _ f ___!_ • 1_ *ir__J__ Tl • „ *

surroundings fits this sound exactly; and finally in the map in the Report of the
Royal Commission on Indian Affairs, 1916, vol. 4, P- 850, Nesparte Inlet is marked
"Chickleset"

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 279

Columbias).30 In this situation we was completely land lock'd.
Vast many natives alongside. They appear'd much the same
as those at Coxs harbour and talk'd their language. We laid
in this harbour till the 26th, during which time got many Sea
Otter and land furs, from the Natives, in exchange for Copper,
Iron and Cloth, (with Beads, fish Hooks and such small stuff
kept the Ship supplied with various kinds of fish and greens,
with a few deer). These Natives was generally arm'd with
Bows, arrows, and spears. Like those at Clioquot they would
pilfer whenever an opportunity offer'd. Their Women were
more Chaste than those we had lately left. But still they were
not all Dianas. During our tarry here I visited one of the
villages in the sound, found the Natives busily employ 'd build-
ing Canoes, and packing provisions against the ensuing Winter.
They treated me quite friendly. They dry their fish in the
Sun, and then pack it in neat wooden boxes.31 W Necessity
is the mother of invention.

26. This day left Columbia's Cove, and stood along shore
towards the Straits of Juan De Fuca. Crew all well. Steering
to the South and East'd. This is an Iron bound Coast, with
high land back.

27. This day pass'd Clioquot, with a fine breeze from WNW
and pleasant.

28. N. Lart. 48° 42'; W. Long. 124° 0'. Enter'd the
Straits of Juan De Fuca and hove to abreast the Village of
Nittenatt,32 found strong tides. Vast many Natives off, with
Sea Otter and other Furs, which we purchas'd with the same
articles as before. T was evident that these Natives had
been visited by that scourge of mankind the Smallpox.33 The

30 It would appear that this cove is that now known as Quln-e-ex, on Nesparte
Inlet. It is on the southeast side of Brooks Peninsula, a few miles from Cape
Cook. The Indian village, Opswis, mentioned by Hoskins, is opposite this cove
and is now called "Opsowis." See further hereon the above m.ip and Report, pp.
853-891.

31 For a description of these boxes, see Cook's Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 316.
A picture of one will be seen in the view of the interior of a house .v Nootka
Sound, contained in the accompanying atlas.

32 Nitinat. "Nittenat," says Hoskins, "lies in the latitude of 48° 4°' north,
longitude 124° 06' west; it has no harbor or any other shelter before it; and is
only rendered remarkable by a large cataract or waterfall a few miles to the
northward of it." Probably this is Cjo-oose, the head village of the tribe, which
lies about a mile eastward from the discharge of Nitinat Lake.

33 Portlock in hit Voyage, p. 271, heard of great ravages of this disease
amongst the Tlingit, and believed that it was introduced by the Spaniards in ijJi.
and worked its way down the coast.

280 JOHN BOIT

Spaniards, as the natives say, brought it among them. These
Indians appear'd friendly.

N. Latt. 48° 23' ; W. Long. 124° 0' O « * 1 Kept beating
about the entrance of De Fuca Straits till 3d July, on SE. parts
(off a small Isle) call'd Tatooch,34 we collected many Otters.
These natives gave the preference to Copper. Fine Halibut and
Salmon was procured in abundance. Nails, Beads, etc. serv'd
for this traffic. This Chief at Tatooch's Isle offer'd to sell
us some young Children they had taken in war.35.

July 3. N. Latt. 49° 1' ; W. Long. 126° 20'. Left the Straits.
At 6 P. M. Cape Flattery36 (so named by Capt. Cook) bore
SEBE 8 leagues. Standing along shore to the Westward, wind
from the East'd.

4. Took the wind from the Westward, employ'd beating to
windward the land about 12 leagues. Many Whales.

AT ANCHOR IN BARRELL'S SOUND, IN QUEEN
CHARLOTTE ISLES

8. N. Latt. 52° 10'; W. Long 131° 12'. This day anchor'd
in Barrells sound37 on the SE. part of the Queen Charlotte
Isles, 20 fathom, rocky bottom. Sent the Pinnace, with" an
officer, to seek better anchorage, which was soon found. Got
under way and stood up sound, and anchor'd in 15 fathom
muddy bottom. A Chief by name Coyac,38 came along side,
with plenty of other Indians. The Natives here are much
stouter than any we had before seen, and appear to be very
savage. The Men go quite naked, except a skin over the

34 Tatoosh Island, off Cape Flattery; named in .17.88 by Meares, after Tatooch,
by the Spaniards called Tetaous, the Chief of the vicinity. See also note 186 post.

35 In the same locality in March, 1789, Haswell records that the natives "offered
their own manufactured blankets which weir realy curious and children for sale."
Captain Peron alleges in his Memoires that, in 1796, "Apres une assez longue
negociation, Makouina (Maquinna) nous le (i e. a child of six years of age)
vendit, moyennant trois brasses de drap bleu." See vol. 2, p. 2. Other instances
are recorded.

36 Named by Captain Cook on 22nd March, 1778, because its appearance
"flattered us with the hopes of finding an harbour." See vol. 2, p. 263.

37 Haswell, writing under date nth June, 1789, says: "this sound was hon-
oured with the name of Barrel Sound in honour of our owner." Joseph Barrel!
was really the principal of the six co-owners of the Columbia and the Washington.
It is now called Houston Stewart Channel; it separates Moresby Island from
Prevost Island. Dixon, who was on the coast in command of the Queen Char-
lotte in 1787, named it Ibbertson's Sound.

38 Haswell calls him Coya ; Hoskins calls him Coyah. The latter says that
Coyah, whom Gray had met in 1789, did not com* near the ship until a little
after sunset, when most of the natives had left; that he told them Captain
Barnard (Barnett) had got all their skins and asked Gray to wait for a few day»
for a fresh supply.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 281

shoulder. The Women are entirely cover'd, with Garments
of their own manufactory, from the bark of tree.39 They
appear to carry full sway over the men40 and have an incision
cut through the under lip, which they spread out with a piece
of wood, about the size and shape of a goose egg ( some much
larger). It's considered as an ornament, but in my opinion
looks very gastly. Some of them booms out two inches from
the chin.41 The women appear very fond of their offspring,
and the Men of both. We remain'd in this sound till the 17th.
During which time we purchas'd a good lot of Sea Otter and
other furs chiefly for Iron and Cloth. Copper was not in
demand. The boats were sent frequently after wood and water,
but were always well arm'd. The Natives supplied us with
plenty of Halibut and Rock Cod, for which we paid them in
Nails. Wild fowl was plenty in this Sound, of which we
caught and kill'd many. I landed at one of their villages, found
the Indians comfortably lodg'd, and kept large fires, although
the weather was temperate. When I went into one of their
houses they was eating roast muscles and singing a warlike
Song. They appear'd fond of our visit and never offer'd to
molest any thing in the boat. Their canoes are not made near
so neat as those we had seen before, but I think was more
commodious. The females was not very chaste, but their lip
pieces was enough to disgust any civilized being. However
some of the Crew was quite partial.

39 The cedar — the blessed tree of the Northwest Coast.

40 Both Hoskins Narrative and Ingraham's Journal are to the same effect
and both give examples of this sway. See also Vancouver's Voyage, 4to. ed.,
vol. 2, p. 409, and Portlock's Voyage, p. 290.

41 This is the labret, or, as it is called amongst the Haida, the natives of
Queen Charlotte Islands, the staie, which has excited the curiosfty and derision
of all the visitors to those islands from the time of Perez downward. Dixon
gives a description and a picture of one, which was three and seven-eighths inches
long and two and five-eighths inches in the widest part: it was inlaid with a
small pearly shell, round which was a rim of copper. See Dixon's Voyage, p. 208.
The custom was not confined to the Haida; it extended from Yukatat Hay to the
boundaries of the Kwakiutl. Sir George Simpson in his Narrative of his Journey
round the World, vol. I, p. 204. records having met instances of its use at Fort
McLoughlin, amongst the Bella Bella Indians. Father Crespi, who accompanied
Juan Perez in 1774. gives the first account of this strange adornment. "They
(the women) wear pendant from the lower lip, which is pierced, a disk painted
in colors, which appeared to be of wood, slight and curved, which makes them
seem very ugly, ana, at a little distance they appear as if the tongue was hanging
out of the mouth. Easily, and with only a movement of the lip, they raise it so
that it covers the mouth and part of the nose. Those of our people who saw them
from a short distance said that a hole was pierced in the lower lip and the disk
hung therefrom. We do no know the object of this; whether it be done to make
themselves ugly, as some think, or for the purpose of ornament." Publications
of the Histoncal Society of Southern California, vol. a, p. 19*.

282 JOHN BOIT

IN THE STRAITS OF ADMIRAL DEFONT42

17. Weigh 'd and left Barrells sound, bound to the Straits
of Admiral De Font,43 which is formed by the Charlotte Isles
and the Main.

18. N. Latt. 51 : 34'. Wind from Westward and pleasant,
beating to and fro, off the South pt. of Charlotte Isles, en-
deavouring to get into the Straits.

'23. N. Latt. 52° 26'; W. Long. 131° 30'; Azi. 20° 22' E.
Spoke the Brig Hope,44 Joseph Ingrahim master from Boston,
on the same business with ourselves. Soon parted.

24. N. Latt. 53° 6'. A small Isle, in the Straits bore North
at Meridian, which we named Hatches.45 Weather is gen-
erally clear, so that the Isles and Main are distinctly seen
together. Found ground at 120 fm. The Natives wou'd often
come along side from the Main, or Isles, as we border'd on
either shore, and brought furs and plenty of Halibut, which
you cou'd buy for a board Nail apiece.

28. N. Latt. 53° 14'; W. Long. 132° 0'; Azi. 21° 35' E.
Ship over towards the Main. Send an officer46 in the pinnace

42 In terms of modern geography the Columbia now leaves Houston Stewart
Channel, sails west into the Pacific Ocean, rounds Cape St. James, the southern
point of Queen Charlotte Islands, proceeds up Hecate Strait, which lies between
these islands and the mainland of British Columbia, keeping generally to the
mainland side, and turning to the westward follows along the northern shores
of Dixon Entrance, the strait separating Queen Charlotte Islands from Alaska.

43 The story of this fictitious voyage of Admiral Bartholomew De Fonte will
be found in Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast, vol. I, pp. 115-118. For
a full discussion, see Navarrete's Viajes y Descubrimientos Apocrifos, pp. 134-16:.
Haswell, Hoskins, Ingraham and Boit all believed in the existence of his fabled
strait, which by an involved series of lakes and rivers conected with the Atlantic
Ocean. The stretch of water called De Font's Strait by Boit is Hecate Strait.
See also hereon, Vancouver's discussion of the voyage in Vancouver's Voyage,
vol. 6, pp. 8 vo. ed. 1801.

44 The Hope was a brig which left Boston a few days before the departure of
the Columbia in 1790, under the command of Joseph Ingraham, who had been
first officer on the Columbia on her first voyage. Ingraham left an account of
both his voyages; but that of the first voyage has disappeared; and the second
one is not complete, the entries ending abruptly after the Hope left the coast in
the fall of 1792. His charts today are all the information that exists relative
to some parts of the west coast of Queen Charlotte Islands. The account of this
meeting of the two Boston vessels is also given by Hoskins, who was on the
Columbia, and by Ingraham. Hoskins says: "During the night we had light airs
and pleasant weather heard the cutting of wood at a distance which sounded as
if on a vessel's deck when the lanhqrns were ordered to be hoisted at four the
next morning (the 236) the south extreme of the land bore south by east six
leagues distance at half past five saw a sail to the northward which by her signals we
soon discovered to be the Hope of Boston Joseph Ingraham commander when at
a short distance he welcomed us with three cheers which was immediatejy
returned the Hope hove to under our lee when the jolly boat was sent for Captain
Ingraham who came on board." Ingraham's version is not reproduced, as Pro-
fessor E. S. Meany has appended it in a note to this journal, which will be
found in the Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. xii, p. 12.

45 Named after Charles Hatch, one of the owners of the Columbia. It is
now called Bonilla Island in Hecate Strait, four miles from Banks Island. It is
two miles long and one mile broad; rises to a height of 550 feet; and is an
excellent landmark.

46 Robert Haswell, the Chief Officer of the ship.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 283

in search of anchorage. Found the land hereabouts low and
barren near the shore, but rises back into high mountains. Find
excessive strong currents in these Straits. The Natives on
the Main speak a language different47 from those on the
Islands. Boat returned without success.

30. N. Latt. 52' 47'; W. Long. 131° O <T. Fresh gales and
stormy weather. At Meridian Charlotte Isles extended from
SBW to WBN 8 or 10 leagues. Some Canoes full of Indians
boarded us from the Isles. They inform'd us that severall
English vessels48 had visited not long since. We purchased
a good lot of furs, chiefly for Iron and Cloth.

31. Stood towards the Islands, and anchored in 24 fm.
with a Kedge. Light wind from NW. A Chief (by name
Cumswah)49 brought us several fine Sea Otter skins.

August I. Wind from SE. Standing along the Queen
Charlotte Isles, through De Font straits, about 3 or 4 leagues
from land, soundings generally from 15 to 25 fm. mud. The
main land in sight to the North and West'd at a great dis-
tance.50

2. Fresh gales and very thick weather. Narrowly escaped
running on a reef of rocks. Quite foggy and see the land but
seldom, beating to and fro. Wind from the Eastward.

3. N. Latt. 54° 43'; W. Long. 132° 23'. Heavy gales from
SE. and thick weather, found the Ship embay 'd,51 employ'd
making short hanks. At length we being too nigh the shore
for to keep off, through the night, we was alarm'd with all the
horrors of a lee shore. A small opening appearing in the land
to leeward, hove out the pinnace and sent an officer to examine
for anchorage. At 6 in the evening she made a signal for a

47 The observations of the American officers in regard to language are always
correct. The natives of Queen Charlotte Islands are of the Haida race; while
on the mainland opposite they are Tsimshean.

48 So far as can be discovered there were but two English vessels in this
vicinity in 1791. the Grace, Captain William Douglas, and the Gustovus. Captain
Thomas Barnett.

49 The recognized form of the name is Cumshewa. He was one of the
principal men of these islands. His head village was on the northern side of
Cumshewa Inlet, on the east coast. The place of this anchorage cannot be iden-
tified, but it was probably near Skedans on the south side of Cumshewa Inlet or
near Cumshewa's village on the north side.

50 Hecate Strait in this locality is about forty miles wide; the land to th«
northward would be, perhips, seventy miles distant, being that lying between
Prince of Wales Island and the mainland in Southern Alaska.

51 The Columbia, driven by gale and current, and in the fog, had entered
Clarence Strait. See hereon more fully the "Supplementary Note on the Identi-
fication of Port Tempest and Massacre Cove," found at the close of the Journal,
pages 350-'-

284 JOHN BOIT

Harbour. Bore away and anchored under a point of land, in
17 fm. sandy bottom, let go three anchors, it being a wild
road stead. We remain'd in this station, which we call'd Port
Tempest52 till the 8th and only four Indians made their ap-
pearance, and I believe there was no villages53 in the vicinity.
Made severall excursions, with boats, and procur'd many Sal-
mon and plenty of Berries. In one of these excursions I
discover'd a small rivulet,54 not deep enough to admit the boat.
In it we caught upwards of 100 fine salmon, chiefly with the
boat hook and grainz, and shot a deer upon the banks. Crew
all in health.

8. Got under way and left Port Tempest (situated on the
main land of America),55 stood over for land in sight to the
North'd and westward, and as we approach'd it severall Canoes
came off, with furs and halibut.

10. N. Latt. 55° 0'; W. Long. 133° 0'. Light winds and
pleasant, standing to the NW. and 6 P. M. came to with the
Kedge 28 fm. Port Tempest bearing NEBN. 12 leagues. The
Natives brought us plenty of fine Otter furs. Their Canoes are
the same as at Charlotte Isles, some of them capable of carry-
ing 30 men. They go well arm'd, with bows, arrows and spears,
and appear to be a savage race. I went in the Cutter — well
arm'd — to a small cove, not far distant from the Ship, and soon
caught 9 large Halibut. The Ship was concealed by a point
of land, making out from the NE. part of the Cove.

12. Still laying at anchor in same situation as on the 10th,
the nearest land not above ^ mile distant, and the point of
the Cove I was fishing in on 10 inst. about % mile. Mr. Caswell
this morning took a Boatswain Mate and one Seaman with

52 This is identified as being near Point Higgins, at the western entrance of
Revillagigedo Channel (otherwise Tongass Narrows), which separates Revillagi-
gedo Island from the Gravina Group of Islands. The reasons which support this
suggested identification are so lengthy that it has been thought better to include
them in a "Supplementary Note on the Identification of Port Tempest and Massa-
cre Cove," found at the close of the Journal, pages 350-1.

53 Hoskins, however, mentions two, Sushin and Cahta. Some inhabitants of
the former were actually on board. The ship was striving to reach Sushin when
she anchored near Massacre Cove. The villages were of the Kaigani Haida; the
journalist may be referring to villages of the Tlingit; if so, the nearest, according
to Vancouver, who was there in August, 1793, was at Point Whaley, perhaps
fifty miles distant.

54 The unnamed creek which empties into Ward Cove in Revillagigedo Channel.
See supplementary note hereto.

55 Until Vancouver circumnavigated Revillagigedo Island in August, 1793,
it was thought to be part of the mainland. Port Tempest was near Point Higgins,
the westerly point of that island.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 285

him in the Jolly Boat, by the permission of Capt. Gray, and
went to the Cove a fishing. A breeze springing up soon after,
and wishing to leave this place, a six pounder was fird, a signal
for the boat to return. She not appearing, soon after two
more Cannon was fir'd. Got the Ship under way and stood
off and on, and sent the pinnace under charge of the 4th
officer56 in search of the small boat. Soon after we see the
Pinnace returning with the Jolly Boat in tow, without any
person in her and soon discover'd they had the Boats Colours
hoisted half mast. With this melancholy token they approach'd
the Ship, when we soon discover'd our worthy friend, and
brother officer, Mr. Joshua Caswell (2d) lay dead in the bottom
of the boat, strip'd perfectly naked and stab'd in upwards of
twenty places. They saw nothing of John Folger (the boat-
swains mate) but Joseph Barnes (the Sailor) lay
dead on the beach, and quite naked. Fearing the Natives lay
in ambush, they did not land to take of the Corps.57 It is
probable they were beset upon by a great superiority of natives,
prompted by a desire to possess their cloaths and arms. As
soon as the boats return'd made sail for Port Tempest, and
anchor'd in the evening, at our former station. In Mr. Caswell
I lost a firm and steady friend. He was a man of mild and
gentle temper, a complete Seaman, and in short was possest
of every qualification that bespoke the gentleman.58 Observ'd
that the day previous to this disastrous affair few Indians had
visited the Ship.

NW. END OF CHARLOTTE ISLE59
13. N. Latt. 54° 43'; W. Long. 132° 23'.60 Calm, and tern-

56 Mr. Waters, as appears by the entry of 24th March, 1792, post.

57 The account in Iloskins adds nothing to these facts; that in Ingraham
is very brief and, necessarily, hearsay.

58 Hoskins adds the following facts in reference to Mr. Caswell. He was
about twenty-six years of age; was born in Maiden, four miles from Boston; had
followed the sea from boyhood; served in the War of Independence; was taken
prisoner early in that war; after peace was declared re-entered the merchant
service and rose to the rank of captain; but, being interested in discovery, was
content to take the position of second mate on this expedition. "He was, adds
Hoskins, "a reputable good seaman of a most happy serene placid disposition in
most cases too passive he was loved and beloved by all who knew him he was
an honest man which Pope says 'is tne noblest work of God'."

59 After obtaining the body of Mr. Caswell the Columbia returns to the
western end of Revilfagigedo Channel, sails thence to the north shore of Queen
Charlotte Islands and enters Masset Harbour.

60 This latitude and longitude have no relation cither to Port Tempest or
Massacre Cove; they are given by Haswell as the position of Murderers Cape,
which lay at the western entrance of Brown's Sound, in which Port Tempest
was situated. That is Cape Chacon of today. Its latitude is the well known
$4* 40*.

286 JOHN BOIT

perate weather. At 8 in the morning the 4th Officer was
dispatch'd with a party well arm'd in the Pinnace, for to dig
a grave for our worthy friend. At 9 the pinnace return'd
At 10 left the Ship with three boats, under charge of Mr.
Hazwell, 1st Officer, with the corps, the Ship firing minute
guns. At 11 Capt. Gray landed in a small boat, and after
performing divine service, we inter' d the remains of our de-
parted, and much beloved, friend, with all the solemnity we was
capable of.

The place was gloomy, and nothing was to be heard but the
bustling of an aged oak, whose lofty branches hung wavering
o'er the grave, together with the meandering brook, the Cries
of the Eagle, and the weeping of his friends added solemnity
to the scene. So ends.61

15. Weighed, and left Port Tempest, wind at NW. At
sunset it bore NEW. 6 leagues, and (Massacre Cove)62 West 5
Miles. Saw none of the Natives. No doubt the Rascles wou'd
have destroy'd the Jolly boat after they had massacred our
unfortunate countrymen, had not the Ship's guns alarm'd them.
Standing to the South and E.

16. This day spoke the Brig Hancock63 of Boston, Samuel
Crowell, Master. They was on the same business as ourselves,
and had been pretty successful.64 Capt. Crowell inform'd that

61 When Haswell returned to the spot in the Adventure on 2nd June, 1792,
he found that "the natives had dug the corpse of Mr. Caswell up, and by the
appearance it must have been done soon after burial."

62 This, it is suggested, was situate on the eastern side of Prince of Wales
Island between Cholmondeley Sound and Skowl Bay. No data are given in any
of the narratives whereby to distinguish it from any of the other coves in the
vicinity. Perhaps Indian tradition may later be brought forward to identify
the exact spot. See the supplementary note hereto for further discussion of this
subj ect.

63 This vessel had evidently been trading for a month in the vicinity, for
Ingraham had learned of her presence on i6th July, while he was in Parry
Passage (Cox Strait). On that date he says, "Cow inform'd us he saw a vessel!
to the Eastward with 2 masts on which I sent a boat with an Officer accom-
panied by Cow to view her after a short absence the boat return'd and inform'd
u was a Brig standing to the Eastward this vessel I afterwards found was the
Hancock Cap Croel from Boston N A." Hoskins states that she had arrived
on 1 4th July, having left Boston in the beginning of November, 1790. She had
stopped tor supplies at St. Salvador, a Portuguese settlement on the coast of
Brazil, and had also stayed some time at Staten Island, killing seals and obtaining
wood and water. She had called at Mas afuera for water and at Owhyhee for
fresh provisions. The natives there had determined to capture her, but Tianna
(weli known to all readers of Meares) had informed the captain of their intention
and had urged him to sail at once, as he haJ promised his people that if the
brig remained there on the following day they were at liberty to carry the

64 The Hancock had obtained between five hundred and six hundred sea otter
skins- the Columbia had about as many. See Washington Historical Quarterly,
vol xi p 17. Haswell says she had seven hundred sea otter skins.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 287

his Longboat was cruizing among the Charlotte Isles, under
charge of his 2nd Officer.65 The Brig kept us company.

18. Pleasant weather. Came to anchor, in a River, which
Capt. Crowell had named Hancocks,66 situated on the NW
part of the Queen Charlotte Isles, in company with the Brig,
6 fm. water, mud. The Brig's Longboat we found at this place,
vast many of the Natives along side the Ship, and a few furs
was purchased. Capt. Crowell had, upon some trifling offence,
fir'd upon these Indians, by which a number of them fell, (such
wanton cruelty throws him upon a levell with the savage), and
perhaps this same fray was the means of our losing our worthy
2nd Officer as the places are not 20 leagues distant and mayhap
they reck'd their Vengeance67 upon us, thinking us all of one
tribe. If it was so, bad luck to CrowelL Amen.

19. N. Latt. 54° 12'; W. Long. 132° 25'. .Fine weather.
The Hancock saild on a Cruize.68 The land about this River,
is the best without exception I've yet seen, on the NW. Coast,
and a place well calculated for a Factory for to reap the ad-
vantages of the fur trade. The Natives, I dare say, have always
plenty of Otters, and there is fish in abundance. Hove up,69
and came to sail towards evening and stood to sea, light winds
and very strong tides. At sunsett Murderers Cape bore NNW.
at a great distance.

20. N. Latt. 53° 49^; W. Long. 133° 24'. Soundings from
7 to 12 fm., shoal water about these parts of Charlotte Isles.
Standing to the Southward through Defont straits, running

65 The frame of the longboat had been brought out in the brig from Boston
and put together somewhere on the coast of Queen Charlotte Islands. It had
been rigged as a sloop and placed in charge of Mr. Adamson, formerly in Meares*
employment on the Iphigenia.

66 This so-called river is now Masset Inlet. In Haswell's second Log will be
found a sketch of it, on which the river-like portion is marked Mahsheet. lie gives
its position as 54° 5' north latitude and 132° 13' west longitude. This is nearly
correct.

67 The greater probability is that, as in the cases of Quadra, Barkley, and the
Atahualpa, it arose from mere cupidity; the implements, clothing and the nails in
the boat were sufficient temptation.

68 Before doing so Captain Crowell left with the natives at Tadents in Parry
Passage (Cox Strait) a man named Jones, who was to collect furs against his
return; but he soon tired of the life there, went to Kaigani, and shipped away
at the first opportunity. This expedient was frequently tried by the traders;
the result was always the same.

69 The reason for the Columbia t sudden departure was, according to Hos-
kins, to forestall tb« Hancock in th« trade on the eastern side of Queen Charlotte
Islands.

288 JOHN BOIT

along the Isles in from 15 to 30 fm. according to distance off
shore, these Charlotte Isles are from the Latt. 51° 55' to 54° 24'
N. and from Longitude 131° 0' to 133° W.

22. N. Latt. 53° 2'; W. Long. 131° 31'; Amp'd 20° ? E.
O tf. Many of Indians of this day from Cumswah village,
in Charlcot Isles, brought a few skins, but I think they are
pretty well drain'd.70 Came to, with the Kedge in 20 fm. about
2 miles from shore. Soon after see a Boat rowing towards us,
and heard a Cannon fir'd in the sound. At 3 P. M. Mr. Cruft,71
1st Officer of the American Brig Hope (which we had spoke
with before) came along side, with Capt. Ingrahim's compli-
ments, and of fer'd to be the bearer of Letters, as he was shortly
bound for Canton.72 We readily embraced the opportunity.
At dark Mr. Cruft left us. Uip Kedge and bore away to the
southward and East'd.

23. N. Latt. 52° 37' ; W. Long. 130° 22'. The SE. part of
Charlotte Isles bore SE^E. 12 leagues, light winds and vari-
able. A Canoe boarded us, at this great distance, and brought
many prime furs.

28. N. Latt. 49° 20' ; W. Long. 127° 16'. At Noon this day,
Nootka (or King Georges sound) bore ENE. 10 leagues.. Since
the 23d we have never lost sight of the Continent. 'T is very
high land. Saw whales.

29. N. Latt. 49° 5' ; W. Long. 126° 0'. At Noon the en-
trance of Clioquot (or Coxes harbour) bore NE 4 leagues.
Standing in for the harbour, and towards evening anchor'd in
our former station, vast many of the Natives along side, and
seem'd glad to see us again. Found riding here the Brig Lady

70 Ingraham in the Hope had been lying at anchor, trading continuously with
these natives, for over a fortnight.

71 This officer died shortly afterwards while the Hope was en route to the
Sandwich Islands. Ingraham gives his name as Crafts. Proper names apoear
to have been spelled, as Sam Weller said, according to the taste and fancy of
the speller; this renders identification difficult in many cases. Ingraham was
returning good for evil; the owners of the Columbia, he tells us, being "filled with
envy and malice against all who went to share with them this valuable trade gave
orders that no Letters should be borne out in their ship to any one on board
the Hope." Thus, though Ingraham got his letters through the instrumentality
of Haswell, who smuggled them through, poor Crafts' letters were refused and
came out on the Hancock, with the result that he never received them, having
died before the two vessels met at the Sandwich Islands.

72 Ingraham's voyage had been remarkably successful, so far as obtaining
furs was concerned. This result was obtained partly through his invention of
the iron collars and partly through his policy of remaining in one place so long
as furs continued to be offered for barter, instead of flitting from place to place
as the other vessels did. See a resume' on his voyage in Washington Historical
Quarterly, vol. xi, pp. 3-28.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 289

Washington,73 of Boston, John Kendrick, master. He had
made up his Voyage and was bound for Canton. He appear'd
happy in meeting with his old friends.

N. Latt. 49° 9*; W. Long. 125° O € * «. Captain Ken-
drick inform'd us that he had had a skirmish, with the Natives
at Barretts sound in Queen Charlotte Isles, and was oblig'd
to kill upwards of 50 of them before they wou'd desist from
the attack. It appear'd to me, from what I cou'd collect that
the Indians was the aggressors.74 This Brig Lady Washington
was a Sloop when she left Boston, but Capt. Kendrick had
alterd her rig in Canton the year before. I was sorry to find
that Kendrick had made no remittances, to the owners, since
he had parted with the Columbia the first voyage, although
since that period he had made two successful trips75 from this
Coast to Canton. As the Vessells still belong'd to the same
owners he was under some mistrust that Capt. Gray was
empower'd to seize the Brig,76 and kept himself always ready
against attack.77 We tarried in this harbour till the 8th Sept.,

73 The consort of the Columbia on the voyage 1787-1790. She was at anchor
in Larks Bay when on iath February, 1790. the Columbia passed down the Tigris
on her return to Boston. In the interval the latter had made the voyage to
New England and back, whilst the former had occupied the same time in dis-
posing of her furs, altering her rig from a sloop to a brig, or more likely a
brigantine, and returning to the coast. The Washington, as she is usually called,
had reached Queen Charlotte Islands on i^th June from China, via Japan; the
Columbia had arrived at Clayoquot Sound eight days before, from Boston.

74 Ingraham gives the outlines of the story; but Hoskins, Captain Kendrick's
friend, enters into all the details. Summarized the story is that in the fall of
1789, while at Houston Stewart Channel, some clothing was stolen from the
Washington. Kendrick seized the two chiefs and, fastening them to a cannon,
threatened to kill them if the stolen articles were not forthcoming. The greater
part were returned: the remainder he made them pay for in skins, and finally he
forced the natives as a condition of releasing the Chiefs to bring all their furs,
which he took and paid for at the current rate. He then gave the Chiefs their
liberty and sailed away. He did not return until June, 1791, but soon after his
arrival, and after trading had gone on as usual, the natives gathered on the ship
in large numbers, took possession of the arm chest, and drove the crew below.
Kendrick remained on deck, Coyah, one of the Chiefs, taunting him and daring
him to tie him to the cannon again. The natives, all armed, only waited the signal
to begin a massacre. Coyah and Kendrick got into a scuffle, and at this time
the crew returned with arms and, led by Kendrick, who had freed himself from
his assailant, cleared the vessel's deck. The Indians retreated precipitately on
seeing the firearms; and even the exhortations of a perfect Amazon could not
re-form them for attack. The small arms and the cannon were discharged at the
fleeing Indians and when they were out of range they were pursued by the armed
boats.

75 The journalist is in error here. Kendrick in the Washington did not see
the Northwest coast from his departure in the fall of 1789 until i.ith June, 1791.

76 Hoskins, in a letter to Joseph Barrel), dated August 21, 1793, says: Capt.
Kendrick when I saw him the last season (referring to the occasion now in nota-
tion) offer'd to give up to me (if I would pay his men's wages & a debt he had
contracted in Macao of about 4000 dollars) his vessel and cargo which was a
thousand sea otter skins. I tola him I had no authority to accept his offer or
to demand any payment from him nor did I think any person in the ship hid."

77 This is an exaggeration; both Hoskins' Narrative and Haswell's Log
show that the two ship* were on the best of terms, mutual visits were exchanged,
and the fullest confidence prevailed.

290 JOHN BOIT

during which time collected many Sea Otter and other furs,
and fish in abundance. These Natives miss'd Mr. Caswell, and
it was thought proper to inform them that he had died a
natural death.

September 8. Weighed and beat out of the harbour, wind
at SW. At Noon Clioquot bore NW. 6 leagues standing
toward Juan De Fuca straits.

IN THE STRAITS OF JUAN DE FUCA

11. N. Latt. 48° 15'; W. Long. 124° 30'. This day abreast
Cape Flattery, on the SE. part of De Fuca entrance, vast many
of the Natives along. Purchas'd many Otters. These Indians
told us, there was five sail of Spaniards up the straits.78 At
Midnight saw Tatoosh Isle, bearing NNE. 3 miles. Thought
ourselves further off shore. Almost calm, and an excessive
strong tide sweeping us between some ledges and the Isle.
At daylight thick fog, saw the Rocks a head, within pistol
shot, with high breakers. Out all Boats, and just towed the
Ship clear. Our situation was truly alarming, but we had no
business so near the land in thick weather. However Good
Luck prevail'd and a breeze springing up from offshore we
stretch'd out clear in Boats. Foggy disagreeable weather.
Cou'd observe at intervals that the woods were on fire.79

12. Wind NE. Heard the roaring of Breakers, foggy,
haul'd more off shore. At 3 P. M. saw a rock about a stone's
throw distant, and narrowly escaped being dash'd upon it —
damn nonsense to keep beating about among rocks, in foggy
weather. At midnight heard the surf roar again, which I
suppose to be on the North side of the Straits, sounded and
found ground at 25 fm. Rocks. The Captain, at length, was

78 At present these cannot be identified. Navarrete says in Viajes y Descu-
brimientos Apocrifos, pp. 113-121, that Elisa, who was exploring the strait that
year, returned in August; and in any event, according to this author, had only two
ships, though Bancroft thinks it possible there may have been three. See Ban-
croft s History of the Northwest Coast, vol. I, p. 244 et seq.

79 Haswell says: "The weather became so hazy we could see scarcely 4 miles.
The weather was not damp, but appeared like an intensely thick smoke." Hoskins
gives the following account: "At noon it was cloudy with exceeding sultry weather
the wind blowing in puffs off the land and fetching so hot a stream that many of
our people insisted on it that they were burnt. The higher you were aloft the
greater was the degree of heat this is I conceived to be occasioned by some back
woods the natives must have been setting fire to, though there was no smoke
seen to warrant this opinion."

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 291

frightened,80 and proceeded with the Ship to a good offing
(this ought to have been done long before), thick foggy
weather, with a moderate breeze.

16. N. Latt. 48° 14'; W. Long. 124° 3(X « *. Fog clear'd
off, saw Cape Flattery bearing NNE. 2 leagues. Very strong
tides. At Noon we were about 2 miles from Tatooch Isle.
Came to with the Kedge, sandy bottom, the Island bearing
North. I think it possible there is a passage between Cape
Flattery and this Isle of Tatooch; it appears about 2 miles
wide. However cou'd see breakers between them and currents
are excessive strong, as we cou'd discern them to foam in
that narrow pass. Many Natives came off, and we purchas'd
a few skins and plenty Halibut. Weigh'd and came to sail
towards evening, bound to Clioquot.

AT ANCHOR IN CLIOQUOT HARBOUR

18. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 125° 26' This day anchor'd
in our Old Station81 in Clioquot harbour, found the Brig Lady
Washington still riding here.82 At this Harbour Captain Gray
had determin'd to winter, if he cou'd find a suitable place, for
to build a Sloop of 45 Tons, for to assist in collecting furs,
on the next season. The stem and stern post, with part of
the floor timbers had been brought from Boston for this pur-
pose.

19. On the 19th Capt. Gray went with two boats up the
sound, for to seek a convenient cove. In the evening the
Captain return'd, having found a place to his mind, about 4
leagues83 from where the Ship lay.

WINTER QUARTERS, LATT. 49°9' N ; LONG. 125°3(X W.

20. On the 20th weigh'd, with light airs, and with the Boats
ahead, assisted by the Brig's Crew, we tow'd, and sail'd, into

80 Both Haswell and Hoskins give this awful experience in somewhat greater
detail and unite in blaming Captain Gray for his stubbornness in refusing to
seek an offing. Hoskins asserts that at times they could not see a hundred
yards ahead; and for two days the Columbia was tacking backwards and forwards
across the strait with its strong tides "having the surf on one side and the
breakers on the other to give us warning when to go about."

8 1 In Port Cox, see ante, note 14. The latitude given is correct; the lati-
tudes are usually nearly right but the longitudes are always too rar east; the
longitude here should be 125* 58'.

82 Kendrick's movements appear quite leisurely. Gray can get ready to sail
for China in three days; see entries in this journal Sept. 30, 1 79*. el seq; but it
takes Kendrick nearly a month. Haswell says that on their return Kendrick was
not much nearer ready than when they had left, ten days before.

83 This is an exaggeration. Hotkins is nearer correct; be says eight miles

292 JOHN BOIT

winter quarters, which we call'd Adventure Cove,84 and moor'd
Ship for the winter. Vast many of the Natives along side,
and appear'd to be highly pleas'd with the Idea of our tarrying
among them through the Cold Season. The Columbia lay
moor'd in this Cove till the 25th of March, 1792. I shall en-
deavour to give the heads of our proceedings during that period.
Adventure Cove was situated in about the Latitude of 49° 15'
N. and Longitude 125° 30' W. of London, about 17 miles from
the Ocean. This Cove was form'd by an Isle and the SE.
shore Clioquot sound — so small, that when the Ship was moor'd,
you might throw a stone upon the beach in any direction, the
passage in was not to exceed 100 feet, so that we was in a
complete bason. (At 25th inst. Capt. Kendrick sail'd for Can-
ton.85} The Adventure was set up at the back of a fine beach,
the woods being previously clear'd. A Log House86 was
erected near, mounted with two Cannon, with Loop holes for
Musketry. Here Capt. Haswell, with a party of Seamen, and
all the Mechanics was station'd. Near it, the Blacksmiths and
Boat Builders Shops were plac'd; two Saw pitts was erected,
and kept constantly at play, sawing planks, and was supplied
with Logs from the sound, by Boats constantly on that duty.
So that Adventure Cove soon had the appearance of a young
ship yard. Strip'd the Ship to a gritline, and kept a gang
under the directions of the Boatswain upon the rigging.

from the anchoring place (Port Cox) and fifteen miles from the sea. According
to Haswell, it was intended to winter at Naspatee (Nesparte Inlet, Columbia's
Cove), but the wind was adverse, and as the fall was approaching it was con-
cluded to find some suitable spot in Clayoquot Sound.

84 It is difficult to identify this cove with certainty, principally because
none of the writers, Boit, Haswell, nor Hoskins agreed upon its distance from any
one place; and again, it was such a small cove that the Columbia was moored
with cables to the trees on either side, and thus situate was completely landlocked.
Hoskins says also that the Indians called it Clickslecutsee; all efforts to trace
this name in the nomenclature of today have, up to the present, been unsuccessful.
It is clear that Adventure Cove was on the eastern side of Disappointment Sound,
Meares Island, for Hoskins records that when the Columbia lay in the harbour
(Port Cox of Meares) the flag staff of Opitsitah bore north northwest, Harbor
Island (Stubos Island) south one half west, and Fort Defiance (Adventure Cove)
east by north. Dr. C. F. Newcombe of Victoria has kindly furnished me with the
following note, which supports the above statement: "The Indians of Clayoquot
Sound told me that the Americans built their first ship on the southeast point of
the entrance to Disappointment Sound in Meares Island, just opposite the present
village of Opitsat, which was already in existence."

85 Captain Kendrick appears to have made this voyage with more celerity than
he usually showed. He left Clayoquot on zsth September, 1791, and was at the
Sandwich Islands on 2/th October, as appears from Vancouver's Voyage (vol. I,
p. 383, ed. 8vo. 1801). There he left some men to collect sandal wood and
pearls. He sailed for China and, according to Ingraham, arrived in Larks Bay,
near Macao, on 7th December; a good quick passage.

86 Kendrick had called his house Fort Washington; Gray named his Fort
Defiance.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 293

The Natives made us frequent visits, and brought a good
supply of fish and some Sea Otter Skins, and by keeping a
small boat down sound, with 4 of our Seamen we procured a
constant supply of wild Geese, Ducks and Teal. The Geese
and Teal resembled those at home, but the Ducks were exactly
of the same Species, with the tame of our Country.87 We see
none of any other kind. Now and then we shot a wild turkey.66
The Natives appear'd to be highly pleased with the different
works going on at the Cove. They sometimes brought us
Venison and supplied us with as many boards as we wanted.
They was all caeder, and appear'd to have been split with
wedges, from the Log.

October 7. An alarm was given by the Centry at the Block
house, that there was Canoes in the Cove. Finding they was
discover'd they soon went off.89

13. The frame of the Sloop was up complete, and this day
brought the Garboard streak of Plank to her bottom. This is
what I call dispatch. Wickananish, high Chief, came on board,
with severall of the Royal family. He inform'd that his winter
village90 was a great way off, which occasion'd his visiting us
so seldom. He went on shore, and astonishment was conspicu-
ous in his countenance at the work going on there. The
Natives was very much puzzled to know how we shou'd get
the Sloop off when finish'd, as she was 75 foot back from high
water mark. Wickananish is the most powerful chief91 we

87 The mallard which is the parent of our ordinary tame duck.

88 As there were no wild turkeys in that region, Professor Meany has
suggested that it may have been a large grouse. Mr. F. Kermode, the Curator of
the Provincial Museum of British Columbia, however, thinks that it was a sand-
hill crane. He points out that some persons to his knowledge have mistaken it
for a wild turkey. Haswell records, under date of ajrd May, 1792, that at
Portland Canal he "had the good fortune to shoot a turkey."

89 Haswell gives a totally different version. "But wonderful to tell," he
says, "these mighty war equipped savages turned out to be none other than some
rocks, which the tide ebbing low had left dry." He adds that he did not chide
the sentinels for their error, preferring that they should report the least suspicious

90 Haswell in his first Log says: "Their winter village Oakakinah (is) far
up a fresh water river where they have plenty of silmon." Hoskins calls it
Okerminnah. It was so far, the Indians told him, from Adventure Cove that it
took them the greater part of two days to paddle the distance. It was likely on
the Bear River, which flows into Bedwell Sound, and is the village which was
attacked by Maquinna while Jewitt was a captive. See Jewitt's Adventures, 168
ft ttq, Edinburgh 1824.

91 The first white person to see Wickananish has fortunately left us a manu-
script account of him. She says: "A day or two after sailing from King George's
Sound we visited a large sound in latitude 49 -20 north, which Captain Barkley
named Wickananish's Sound, the name given it being that of a chief who seemed
to be quite as powerful a potentate as Maquilla at King George's Sound. Wick-
ananish has great authority and this part of the coast proved a rich harvest of
fur» for us. This is an extract from Mrs. Barkley's diary which is in th«
Archive* of British Columbia. This was in 1787.

294

JOHN BOIT

have yet seen on this Coast. His tribe consists of upwards of
3000 souls. They allow Polygamy, but the women are not
prolific, as barrenness is very common among them. The
Indians girls kept us well supplied with Berries of different
kinds, which was very gratefull.

14. We was inform'd this day that Capt. Crowell, in the
Brig Hancock, was at Juan de Fuca straits.91*

27. The Natives brought us some excellent Salmon. Experi-
ence much rain, which hinders the work. When the weather is
too bad for to work on the Sloop, keep the Carpenters under
shelter making a boat for her. Heard of three Spanish ships92
being at Nootka. Keep always upon our guard against surprize
as we are among a powerful sett. The boat after game, met
with some Indians that was a little troublesome, but by firing a
musket over their heads they soon went off. These Indians
was very enquisitive, for to know the cause of thunder and
lightning, but we cou'd not make them understand the real
cause, but much surprized them by saying there was a man in
our Country, that made both. They suppose thunder to be
occasioned by an Eagle carrying a Whale into the air, and
Lightning, the hissing of a Snake, which are exceeding large
in this country. One of our Seamen, being down sound a
gunning, saw one of these animals, which by his discription
was as big round as his thigh.93 Being alone, and somewhat
frightened, retir'd without firing. These Indians are very
superstitious in regard to this Animal, for when they go on a
whaling cruize they always rub their face with a piece of it.
We have never been able to gain much information as respects
their Religion, but they certainly pay adoration to the Sun,
and Moon, and believe in Good and evil Spirits. They lash

91 }4 This is a strange error. The Hancock was then at the Sandwich Islands
on her way to China. On 6th October Ingraham records that on his anchoring
at Owhyhee he met the Hancock, then lately arrived from the Northwest Coast,
and spent some days in her company. She sailed at about that time for China
and was there during that winter.

92 The identity of these ships is uncertain. Malaspina in the Descubierta and
the Atrevida had been there, but sailed about the end of August. The San Carlos
and the Santa Saturnina were probably still at Nootka, though they returned that
fall to San Bias, but at what time is not known.

93 This frightful monster the seaman described as being like an alligator
Hoskir.s started at once to find it, but all he could discover was a piece of burnt
log. When he spoke to the Indians about it they recognized it as the magic
animal, Haieclick, and offered twenty skins for a specimen. "If they have the
least piece of it in their canoe they are sure to kill a whale, which among them
is deemed the greatest honour. Indeed a piece of it ensures success at all times
and on all occasions."

LOG or THE COLUMBIA 295

their dead on the trees, first stowing them in a box 3 or 4 feet
long. The Head and Legs are cut off to make good stowage,
and little valuables that belong to the deseas'd are bury'd with
them. Capt. Gray went to an Indian Village for to look at a
Chief, said to be very sick. On his arrivall he was received
very cordially, and conducted to the sick man's house, which
was full of people. In one Corner lay the Sick Chief, and
around him eight strong men, which kept pressing his stomach
with their hands, and making a most hideous Bow-wowing, in
the poor fellow's ears. Upon the Captain's approach he sup-
pos'd the Chief to be nearly dead, and ordered this band of
Doctors to desist.94

December 22. Having made him some gruell to take, the
Chief soon came to a little, and order'd two Sea Otter skins
as a present. After giving him a Wine toast he order'd him
to be left to sleep, and visited a number of Chiefs houses, the
masters of which treated him with an attention not very com-
mon among savages. (He returned on board.) I made an
excursion to this same Village, not long after. As soon as I
landed, Men, Women, and Children came down to the beach
to receive me, but did not offer to molest the boat. Found
the sick Chief much better, and reliev'd him from his pressing
and noisy friends. The house was large and commodious, and
wou'd hold fifty Indians very comfortably. All round was
packages of Fish in Boxes, and decorated with pearl shells.
Their furniture consisted chiefly of matts, and wooden boxes,
which last serves to boil their fish in, which they easily do by
applying red hot stones, till it boils. They neither scale or
draw the fish, but as it comes from the water, so it goes into
the box, to boil, or on the Coals to broil. There was severall
fires about the house but being there being no chimnies, the
smoak was too mighty for my eyes. They sleep on boards,
rais'd about a foot from the ground, and covered with matts,
rolling themselves up with furs. Over the sick man's head
there was a board cut out in the shape of a heart, and stuck
full of Otter's teeth, with a long spear on each side of him.
His young wife did not appear to be affected at the sight of

94 This wu Yethjan, the youngest brother of Wickmnanish. The brief
description of the practice of the Shamans agrees with other accounts.

296

her sick husband, but the Father and Mother was watching
their Son, with the most parental affection. After boiling
him some rice and leaving more with his mother, I left the
village and returned safe on board.

25. This day was kept in mirth and festivity by all the
Columbia's Crew, and the principal Chiefs of the sound, by
invitation, din'd on board ship. The Natives took a walk
around the work shops on shore. They was surprized at
seeing three tire of wild fowl roasting, at one of the houses —
indeed we was a little surprized at the novelty of the sight
ourselves, for at least there was 20 Geese roasting at one
immense fire, and the Ship's Crew appear'd very happy, most
of them being on shore. The Indians cou'd not understand
why the Ship's and houses was decorated with spruce bows. At
12 clock fir'd a federall Salute,95 and ended the day toasting
our sweethearts and wifes.

1792. January 1. This day, being down sound, with the
Jolly boat after game. I stopt at the village. Visited Yethlan
the sick Chief, and found him much better. The family treated
me extremely well. I received many pressing invitations from
the rest of the Chiefs, for to visit their houses, and complied
with most of them, and was particularly pleas'd at visiting
Wickananish' s dwelling, who this day had given an entertain-
ment96 to all the warriors of his Villages, with many visitors
from distant villages. As soon as the King saw me I was
call'd towards him, and seated upon his right. This house was
about 80 foot long, and 40 broad, and about 12 feet high, with
a flat roof. The King was elevated about two feet higher than
the company, with a Canopy over his head, stuck full of
animals teeth. The Company consisted of above 100 men, all
considerably advanced in years. The Women belonging to the
house was in an apartment by themselves, busily employ'd
making their Bark Garment. The Machines for that purpose,

95 A salute of thirteen cannon shots. Martinez in his diary gives the fol-
lowing explanation: "They told me that the reason for not giving more shots
each time was since there were thirteen of the American states and thirteen stars
in the canton of tneir flag, they had orders from their Congress to fire these
salvos with a like number of shots."

96 This entertainment took place at Opitsitah, the regular dwelling place of
the tribe, on Meares Island. Hoskins tells us that they had only returned from
their winter village at Okerminnah a week or so before. He gives the date of the
festivities as the 31 st December and enters much more fully into the details.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 297

is not unlike the Looms with us. They are very neat and
dexterous in this business. The entertainment (which con-
sisted of Fish Spawn mixed with Berries and train Oil,) was
served up in wooden Bowls, handed by the lower Orders of
males. I was invited strongly to partake, but the Smell was
enough — therefore pleaded indisposition. After they had done,
the remains was sent to the females. The King inform'd they
was going to have a dance in the evening, and wish'd me for
to stay. However I declin'd, and return'd on board. This
Village was 3 leagues97 from Adventure Cove. Capt. Hannah,
a Chief of the village, Ahhousett sometimes came to see his
old friends (as he call'd us). He resided 9 leagues from the
Cove but was under the Jurisdiction of Wickananish.

6. This day one of the Chiefs of Juan De Fuca Straits
came on board. He was upon a visit to Wickananish, and
indeed had married his sister, inform'd us there was a Spanish
Ship in the Straits, brought many furs.

17. Began to caulk the Sloop Adventure's bottom, it being
completely planked up. I this day made an excursion to the
Village, having put myself under the car of Tatoochkasettle,98
one of the King's brothers, who conducted me in his Canoe.
Upon my arrival was treated as usuall very politely. I took
up my residence at Tatoochkasettle's house, who invited a large
company to sup with him. After supper finding I wish'd to
visit some other familys he sent his servants with lighted
torches, for to conduct me. I return'd back about Midnight
and found there was an excellent watch kept throughout the
village, each one hooping at certain intervals throughout the
night. My Indian friend had made me as comfortable a berth
to sleep on as was in his power, but the House being full of
smoak, and the young Children very fractious, occasion'd my
sleeping but little all night. In the morning early observ'd
most of the Men bathing on the Beach. On enquiring the
cause, was inform'd that this day the King was going to give
his Eldest Son the name of Wickananish, and take another

97 Haswell fives the distance b«tw««n Opitsitah and Adventure Cove as
three m\l«3.

98 The eldest brother of Wickananish, and the Chief who had been decoyed
on board and held until Attoo, the Sandwich Island boy, was returned. Evi-
dently this insult still rankled in his breast, despite his outward appearance of
friendliness.

298 JOHN BOIT

upon himself, upon which account there was to be great rejoic-
ings. About noon, upwards of 100 men assembled upon the
beach in front of the Village, with the King at their head.
Their dress, which was exactly uniform, consisted of a Blankett,
made fast around the Loins with a Girdle, and reach'd about
half way down their thighs. Their hair was turn'd up, and
tyed with a thick bunch before and decorated with feathers.
Their faces was painted of different colours, and their bodies
of a deep red. Beads and fibres of Bark were woulded round
their Ancles and Knees, and at a distance they made a grand,
although savage appearance. They collected near the water,
at one end of the village, in regular tiers, about four deep. At
each wing many women were placed with Copper Boxes," in
which was small Stones, serving as part of the music. The
procession moved slowly along, the front squatting on their
hams, the others standing erect, with three of the King's
brothers upon their shoulders, who were dancing and running
from right to left, in that position while those under them was
on the Continual move. The King kept in front, giving the
word of Command. All their voices kept perfect tune with the
rattling of the boxes. The rest of the inhabitants were seated
along the beach viewing the performance. When they arrived
opposite the King's house, they enter'd single file, and I fol-
lowed to see the transactions within doors. About 30 of the
principal Actors seated themselves in a Circle, and was pre-
sented with a piece of board and a small stick. This they used
instead of a Drum. The whole Company then began to dance
and sing, and the Musicians joining, made it very pleasing.
But the Smell was too strong for my Organs. Therefore soon
drew off. These Natives are mild and chearfull, with little of
that savage appearance that Savages generally have. Their Com-
plexions is very light Copper,100 but they darken it with Oil
and Paint. The Hair is coarse, long and black. 'T is a

99 Hoskins also mentions such boxes. It is possible that they may have been
manufactured from the sheets of copper purchased from the traders. It is certain
that they were not manufactured from the native copper.

i oo Cook (Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 303, 4to. ed. 1785) says that when the dirt
and paint were well rubbed off "the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to
equal that of Europeans; though rather of that effete cast which distinguishes
those of our Southern nations." Almost every other voyager has made some-
what the sam« remark.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 299

general custom to eat their own Vermin, and they are so
plenty that they will often make a decent repast. The Men
are generally thick set with flat noses and broad faces. The
Women are pretty. Their eyes are rather small, and though
they are not very quick and piercing, they give the counte-
nance a frank, chearfull, and pleasing cast. We understood
from the Natives that they sometimes made Human sacrifices,
and shocking to relate, that they eat the flesh of such poor
victims. However I do not believe that this custom is very
common and only happens on some very particular Occasion.
A prisoner of War is the person selected for this savage feast.101
18. This day severall chiefs came on board, one of which
we found was busily employ 'd talking with our Sandwich
Island lad. Their conversation was soon put a stop to, and
the Lad examin'd, but he denyd that the Chief ask'd him any
improper questions. These Natives, always behaving so
friendly,102 occasion'd us to place too much confidence in them,
and what a pity it is, that we cou'd not leave this port, with
that opinion of them which we had heretofore held ; But alas !
We find them to be still a savage tribe, and only waiting an
opportunity for to Massacre the whole of us, in cold blood.
The Ship had been brought some days previous to this, to a
bluff point of Rocks, where she lay'd as to a wharfe, not even
touching the ground at low water. The Cannon and all the
stores was landed here, as we was about hauling on the beach
to grave and pay the Bottom. The situation of the Ship at
this period was very favorable to their views,103 and must have
encouraged them with the hope of destroying the whole of us ;
without the loss of a man on their side. However in this they
wou'd have been mistaken, as we kept a strong watch, under
the conduct of an Officer and was always guarded against

iot Hoskins accompanied Boit on this visit and enters much more fully into
the description of this entertainment.

102 Hoskins nevertheless records that in the preceding October a hunting
party had had some difficulty with th« natives, who had behaved in a very rude
manner, striving to take their fire arms from them and seeking to capture Captain
Gray. Though Boit was of the party, he makes no allusion to the occurrence. It
was thought that this action was instigated by Tootiscoosettle in revenge for hit
treatment already mentioned.

103 Hoskins opposed this move, as it had the effect of separating the crew
and left the ship and the fort out of sight of each other. "I only told Captain
Gray." he says, "I hoped the native* would not take any advantage of the oppor-
tunity which was presented them."

300 JOHN BOIT

surprize. But shou'd we have been over pow'd by numbers,
our friends perhaps never wou'd have known our sad fate.

But fortunately, in the evening, the Sandwich Island lad
made a confession to his Master, (as follows) :104 He said
Tatoochkasettle, (the Chief) told him, that Wickananish was
about to take the Ship and Massacre all the Crew, and said
he shou'd be a great man if he wou'd wet our Musketts, and
steal for him some Bulletts. He said they shou'd come that
night, or the next, or the next, and told him to come over to
them, when the fray first began. This news alarm'd the Ship's
Company exceedingly, and we immediately got in readiness to
receive them. Capt. Gray call'd his officers together, for to
consult what was best to be done, and we was unanimously of
opinion that 't was best to haul the Ship on the ways, and
grave her, as, the tide then suited, and we cou'd retreat in
safety to the Block House shou'd the Natives appear, (where
we had several Cannon mounted and good quarters.) This
plan was immediately put in execution, leaving a strong guard
on the point for to guard the Stores, with necessary signals
shou'd they want relief. By midnight one side of the Ship
was finish'd, when we heard a most hideous hooping of Indians,
and at every shout they seem'd to come nearer. Every man
immediately took his arms, and stood ready, both on board
ship and at the Log house. They kept hooping about one
hour, when they ceas'd and 't is probable retreated, lamenting
their hard luck, that the cruel plan was so completely frus-
trated. The guard at the point saw many large Canoes off
the entrance of the Cove, but like brave fellows, they scorn'd
to quit the station. In the morning tide we finish'd the Ship,
and haul'd again to the point, and in the course of the Day
took on board all the stores and cannon, and moor'd off in
the Cove, in our old berth. Scal'd the Guns, which made all
rattle again, and I believe never was more work done in so
short a time. But Men determin'd can do most any thing.

It does not appear that Wickananish wish'd to conquer a part
of us, as he had frequent opportunitys to have accomplish'd

104 Both Hasw«ll and Hoskins tell the same _story, in the main; though their
accounts are more circumstantial and more thrilling.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 301

it, for two or three times a week a boat was down at the
Village,105 generally with an Officer and four Sailors, but I
suppose he very prudently thought, that shou'd he cut a boat's
Crew off, there was still enough left, for to destroy his Villages.
The Chiefs had been telling us for some time that they was
going to war with a distant tribe and wish'd for us to lend them
Musketts and Ammunition, which some of these fellows used
as well as ourselves. We had observed of late that they did
not seem so cheerful as common, but seem'd to be deeply
wrapt in thought. After this, no more of the Natives visited
Adventure Cove, except some old women and young girls, who
brought us berries and fish — and most propable they was sent
as spies.106

March 4. This day the Ship was completely rig'd, hold
stowed, and in every respect in readiness for sea. She look'd
like a fiddle! The King's Mother came along side and brought
some otter skins which we purchased. She told Captain Gray
that the Moon inform'd her Son if he come to the Ship he
wou'd be killd.

21. This day departed this life, after a lingering sickness,
Benj. Harding107 (Boatswain). He was a smart, active, and
steady man, and one that know'd, and did his duty in every
respect. Deposited his remains, next morning, near to the
Block house, after performing divine service. Promoted a
Seaman to his place.

22. Launch'd the Sloop Adventure.10* She went off ad-

105 At the very time of this attempt Hoskins was making a visit to the village
Opitsitah. He found warlike preparations proceeding, ana was not allowed the
same freedom of roaming in and out amongst the houses that he had theretofore
enjoyed. When he returned the greatest consternation prevailed on the ship.
The crew were much rejoiced at his safe return, telling him that they never
expected to see him again. It was then he learned of the attempted capture of
the Columbia.

1 06 Hoskins says that these people would not exchange their fish and leeks
for anything but powder and shot, and in reply "Captain Gray ordered them to
immediately depart with a promise of giving them a-plenty of both articles when
we should come down to Opitsitah." This may perhaps be interpreted to mean
that already Captain Gray had formed the intention of destroying the village.

tor "This man," says Hoskins, "was a good seaman and well respected in
his office the spirits of this man was surprising the night we expected to be
attacked by the natives at a time when he was not able to be removed from his
bed he begged that be might have a pair of pistols laid along side of him that
should the natives overpower us he might shoot the savage who came to take
his life then says he I should die in peace."

1 08 Boit makes the date of this launching and March; but Hoskins and
Haswell both say the ajrd February.

302 JOHN BOIT

mirably.109 Took a hawser and got her along side the Ship,
and soon had her rig'd.

24. The Sloop Adventure is ready for sea.110 Capt. Has well,
1st mate of ship, went on board and took charge, taking with him
Mr. Waters (4th mate) and a crew of ten Seamen and trades-
men. I think she was one of the prettiest vessels I ever saw,
of about 45 tons, with a handsome figure head and false badges,
and other ways touch'd off in high stile. There was not a
Butt either in the Planks on deck or sides, and the plank not
above nine inches wide. She was victuall'd for a four months
cruize, and supplied with Articles for the Queen Charlotte
Isles trade, on which route 't was meant she shou'd go, while
the Ship proceeding along the Southern Coast.

25. Pleasant weather, wind at SE. In the morning got the
Remainder of our affairs from the shore, and unmoor'd. Left
Adventure Cove, and stood down Sound, with the Sloop in
company. We left our log houses all standing. Anchor'd
abreast the Village Opitsatah, but found it entirely deserted.111
Observ'd very few Canoes moving.

During our long tarry in Adventure Cove, we all enjoy'd
good health, although the Crew was at times very much ex-
posed. The boatswain's sickness commenced before our ar-
rival in the Cove. The weather was generally very fine, and
very seldom had Snow, and never Ice thicker than a Spanish
Dollar, but experienced frequent heavy rains. We pick'd
Whurtle and Blue Berries, throughout the winter, which was
very fine, and Whurtle Berry pudings was quite common with
us. We kept the Crew continually supplied with Spruce beer,
and their breakfast and supper was Tea boiled from the green
Spruce boughs sweetned with Molasses. Perhaps this method
kept the Scurvy off. However they did not eat much Salt pro-
visions, as we was generally supplied with Poultry, Venison,
and fish.

109 Hoskins says that on the first attempt she ran a little more than her
length and stopped; the ground proving false the ways sank under her; the
carpenters relaid the ways and she was successfully launched the next day.
Haswell is to the same effect with slightly different details. The first attempt
was made on 22nd February.

no This took, according to Haswell and Hoskins, about a month, and not
two days, as Boit has it.

in The natives had suddenly removed to Echahchist on Village Island. This
village is shown on Meares map already mentioned (Meares Voyages, p. 202, 4to.
ed). So precipitate had been their flight that they had left many of their
domestic utensils scattered about their houses and hidden in th« bushes.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 303

27. I am sorry to be under the necessity of remarking that
this day I was sent, with three boats all well man'd and arm'd,
to destroy the village of Opitsatah. It was a Command I
was no ways tenacious of, and am grieved to think Capt. Gray
shou'd let his passions go so far.112 This village was about
half a mile in diameter, and contained upwards of 200 Houses,
generally well built for Indians; every door that you enter'd
was in resemblance to an human and Beasts head, the passage
being through the mouth, besides which there was much more
rude carved work about the dwellings some of which was by
no means inelegant. This fine village, the work of Ages, was
in a short time totally destroy'd.

CRUIZING TO THE S. AND E. OF DE FUCA STRAITS

April 2. Weigh'd in company with the Sloop, and left Clio-
quot harbour, and stood to the South'd with the Ship, while
the Sloop haul'd her wind to the Northward. Parted, with
loud Huzzas, a proper rendevous being appointed.

3. On the 3d passed De Fuca Straits, experience blowing
weather on the coast, but generally keep sight of the Land.
The Shore seems sandy, and the land of a moderate height,
with much clear ground fit for cultivation.113 Lat. 45° 15'.
There is regular soundings of this Coast, which is not the case
to the Northward.

7. N. Latt. 44° 56'; W. Long. 122° 52*. Very blowing
weather, and quite cold. Beating off the Coast, waiting for to
find a good harbour.114 The weather grows pleasant.

9. N. Latt. 44° 24'; W. Long. 122° 17' Pleasant weather,
wind NW. Running along shear to the South and East'd,
about 2 miles off the land trended NBE. and NEW., and
look'd very pleasant. The Shore made in sandy beaches, and
the land rose gradually back, into high hills and the beautiful

1 12 Neither Haswell nor Hoskins mentions the destruction of this village
Opitsitah; but there is no reason to doubt the fact. Gray had made a threat
to give the natives powder and shot when he reached the village. His conduct
after the attempt to take the ship was that of an angry man; Hoskins record*
many instances of his exhibitions of passion, and complains bitterly of this con-
duct, which was only ruining the chances of trade with these people, who were
great hunters.

(Notes 113-138 inclusive by T. C Elliott.)

1 13 Cruising to southward along coast of state of Washington, and this
observation taken off Cape Lookout

1 14 Observation taken a little north of Cape Foulweather on coast of Oregon.

304 JOHN BOIT

fields of grass, interspersed among the wood lands, made it
delightfull.115

10. N. Latt. 43° 45'; W. Long. 122° 11'. Abreast a small
inlet in the land, which had some the appearance of an harbour.
Hove to for some canoes that were coming off. These Natives
talk'd a different language from any we have before heard.
Their canoes had square stems, and the blades of the paddles
oval. We purchas'd of them many fine Otter skins for Copper
and Iron. They had some raw Buff aloe in the canoes, which
they offer'd us for sale, and greedily devourd some of it, in
that state, as a recommendation. I'm fearfull these fellows
are Caniballs.116 Mr. Smith, 2d Officer, was sent in the Cutter
to look for an harbour but was unsuccessful. Bore off and
made sail. Cape Gregory (so call'd by Capt. Cook) bore SE.
Variation. Amp'd 15° 57' East.

11. N. Latt. 42° 50'; W. Long. 122° 3'; Amp'd 16° 4? E.
Some Canoes came along side full of Indians and brought a
few Otter and Beaver skins. Cape Mendocin bore ESE. 2
leagues.117 Hauld again to the Northward.

17. N. Latt. 44° 54'; W. Long. 122° 23'; Azi. 16° 57' E.
Sent the Boat, under charge of 2d officer, to examine an -inlet
abreast the Ship, to see if there was safe anchorage, but was
unsuccessful. A large Canoe came along side full of the
Natives. By their behaviour the Columbia was the first ship
they ever saw.118

22. ;N. Latt. 46° 39'; W. Long 122° 50'; Azi. 17° 33' E.
Still beating about, in pursuit of anchorage. Sent the boat in
shore often, but cou'd find no safe harbour. The Natives fre-

115 Now off mouth of Alsea river and Bayview, Oregon.

116 Off the mouth of Umpqua river in Oregon. Of course, there were neither
buffalo nor cannibals there, but with reference to the claim that cannibalism was
practiced on the Northwest Coast of America it is of interest to quote a private
letter from so high an authority as Dr. C. F. Newcombe, of Victoria, B. C,
who says that no one making that statement has admitted ever being a witness
to such an act. Then, referring to Cook, Ledyard, Meares, Galianp & Valdes,
Malaspina and Roauefeuil, he says: "In none of these is there anything said that
would give grounds for thinking that cannibalism in our province was anything
more than a ceremonial affair." "Coming down to our own times, if you
will look up that well known work of Dr. Boaz, 'The Social Organization etc.
of the Kwakiutl Indians,' you will find ample evidence for believing that this
tribe has to a very recent date kept up the observance of what to them is a
religious rite."

1 1 7 Nearly as far south as Cape Blanco, on Oregon coast.

1 18 Returning northward. No inlet charted opposite this location. If the
legendary claim that Capt. Gray landed on the coast of Oregon is true, this
journal does not reveal the fact.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 305

quently came along side, and brought Otter furs and fish.
Their language to us was unintelligible. Experience strong
currents setting to the southward. We have frequently seen
many appearances of good harbours, but the currents and
squally weather hindered us from a strict examination. How-
ever Capt. Gray is determin'd to persevere in the pursuit.119

AT ANCHOR OFF THE VILLAGE OF KENEKOMITT

27. N. Latt. 47° 52*; W. Long. 123° 30' O A. This day
stood in shore, the weather having become more settled, and
anchor'd with the Kedge in 15 fm. sand, abreast a village,
call'd by the Natives Kenekomitt,120 which was situate on a
small Hill, just back of the Beach. The Indians brought us a
fine lot of Skins, which we got chiefly for Copper, but the
weather coming again unsettled, we weigh'd towards evening
and stood off making short hanks off and on, shore. These
Indians spoke the same language as those in De Fuca Straits.

28. This day spoke his Britannic Majesty's Ships Discovery
and Chatham, commanded by Capt. George Vancover, and
Lieutenant Wm. Broughton, from England, on a voyage of
discovery.121 Left England April 1st, 1791, Do Othaheita
January, '92, and Sandwich Isles March, '92. A boat boarded
us from the Discovery, and we gave them all the information
in our power. Especially as respected the Straits of Juan De
Fuca, which place they was then in search of. They bore
away for the Straits mouth, which was not far distant. Stood
in and drain'd the village we was at yesterday and then bore
off after the English ships.

-29. Pass'd Tatooch Isle, close on board, and left a large
ledge of Rocks without us, and stood into the Straits of De

1 19 Now off Willapa Harbor on Washington coast and no mention at all of
mouth of Columbia riv«r in passing. The longitude cited must be disregarded
as too far east, an error common to the observations noted in this journal.

1 20 This village was close to a point now charted as Teakwhit Head. som«
miles southeast of the mouth of Quillayute river on the coast of Washington. A
•mall stream emptying there had some years ago the Indian name Kenehenwhitt.
according to O. B. Sperlin, of Tacoma. Possibly identical with "Queenwith*
mentioned by Barkley in 1787 and Meares in 1788.

I3i Compare with Vancouver's Voyages, ist Edit., vol. i, page 313, where it is
stated that on April agth Capt. Vancouver anchored off Destruction Island, but
made sail at 3 A. M. on morning of Sunday, the 29th. and at 4 A. M. sighted the
Columbia, and had his officers on board of her at 7 A. M. This would have been
about off the mouth of Quilliyute river. A New Vancouver Journal, published
in Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. 5, p. 133, puts the date as joth of
April.

306 JOHN BOIT

Fuca. Many Indians came off and brought plenty of furs.
The English ships came too towards evening on the South
entrance of the straits. In the morning they got under way
and stood up. We stood in and anchor'd, to the Westward of
Cape Flattery, in 17 fm. Trade not very brisk. Got under
weigh again towards evening and stood to the S. and E. along
shore.

May 1. N. Latt. 47° 52'; W. Long. 123° 3(X; Azi. 17° 30'
E. Anchor'd off the Village Kenekomitt, in the place we left
on the 27th April. Tatooch Isle bore WB'S. 2 leagues. A
brisk trade for furs.122

3. Hove up and made sail for the Straits, the weather
looking threatening and soon enter'd them, found smooth
water. Kept beating to and fro, in preference to casting anchor.

5. Stood in toward Tatooch's Isle. The Natives brought
plenty of Halibut and other fish, but few Skins. Stretch'd out
from De Fuca Straits and bore off to the S. and E., running
along shore, about 2 miles from land.

6. Hove to for some Canoes to come up. They brought us
fish but no skins. Bore off. These fellows belong'd to a
small village in sight from the Ship, call'd Goliew.123

AT ANCHOR IN GRAY'S HARBOUR124

7. N. Latt. 46° 58'. Saw an inlet in the land, which had all
the appearance of an harbour. '.Sent the Cutter, under charge
of 2d Officer, to examine it. Laying to, a strong current with
Squally weather. The Boat returned, and the Officer re-
ported that he cou'd find nothing but breakers at the entrance,
but farther in it had the appearance of a good harbour. This
appearance being so flattering, Capt. Gray was determin'd not
to give it up. Therefore ordering the boat a head to sound,
with necessary signalls, the Ship stood in for the weather bar

122 The Columbia followed the ships of Capt. Vancouver as far as the entrance
to the Straits of Juan de Fuca, but then returned to the southward, for trade
and discovery.

123 Our Indian name, Quillayute. The village is La Push, at mouth of the
river of that name.

1 24 Gray's Harbor, State of Washington. So named by the under officers
of the ship Columbia, as indicated by this and Haswell's Journal. Capt. Vancouver
adopted this name, but Capt Gray always referred to it as Bulfinch's Harbor, in
honor of one of the principal owners of his ship. Compare with entries in the
Log of the Columbia (printed herewith), giving much the same information.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 307

and we soon see from the Mast head a passage in between the
breakers. Bore off and run in NEBE., having from 4 to 9
fathom sand, an excellent strong tide setting out. The boat
having made a signal for anchorage and a good harbour, we
continued to stretch on till completely within the shoals when
we anchor'd in 5 fm. in an excellent harbour. Vast many
canoes came off, full of Indians. They appear'd to be a
savage set, and was well arm'd, every man having his Quiver
and Bow slung over his shoulder. Without doubt we are the
first Civilized people that ever visited this port, and these poor
fellows view'd us and the Ship with the greatest astonish-
ment. Their language was different from any we have yet
heard. The Men were entirely naked, and the Women, except
a small Apron before made of Rushes, was also in a state of
Nature. They was stout made, and very ugly. Their canoes
was from the Logs, rudely cut out, with upright ends. We
purchas'd many furs and fish.

. N. Latt. 46° 58'; W. Long. 123° 0'. Vast many canoes
along side, full of Indians. They brought a great many furs
which we purchas'd cheap, for Blankets and Iron. We was
fearfull to send a Boat on discovery, but I've no doubt we was
at the Entrance of some great river, as the water was brack-
ish, and the tide set out half the time. This evening heard the
hooting of Indians, all hands was immediately under arms.
Several canoes was seen passing near the Ship, but was
dispers'd by firing a few Muskets over their heads. At Mid-
night we heard them again, and soon after as 't was bright
moonlight, we see the canoes approaching to the Ship. We
fird severall cannon over them, but still persisted to advance,
with the war Hoop.125 At length a large canoe with at least
20 Men in her got within y2 pistol shot of the quarter, and
with a Nine-pounder, loaded with langerege and about 10

125 Capt. Gray, in hit log, makes no mention of this attack. He had similar
experiences on the coast of Vancouver Island and further north. The circum-
stances suggest the presence of a war party from the south. The natives there
would have been of the Chehalis or Chickales tribe of the Chinookan family.
Compare with Vancouver's Voyages, ist Edit., vol. a, pp. 79-02, where is related
the visit to this harbor of Lieut. Joseph Whitbey in the Daedalus, who remained
there Oct. ipth-Nov. loth, 1702, and encountered very few Indians and those very
peaceable. Whidbey bestowed the names Point Brown and Point New, which still
remain. Capt. Gray left no nomenclature here.

308 JOHN BOIT

Muskets, loaded with Buck shot, we dash'd her all to pieces,
and no doubt kill'd every soul in her. The rest soon made a
retreat. I do not think that they had any conception of the
power of Artillery. But they was too near us for to admit of
any hesitation how to proceed.

9. Very pleasant weather. Many canoes came along side
from down River126 and brought plenty of Skins; likewise some
canoes from the tribes that first visited us, and their counte-
nances plainly show'd that those unlucky savages who last
Night fell by the Ball, was a part of the same tribe, for we
cou'd plainly understand by their signs and gestures that they
were telling the very circumstance, to their acquaintances from
down River, and by Pointing to the Cannon, and endeavoring
to explain the noise they made, made us still more certain
that they had no Knowledge of fire arms previous to our coming
amongst them. I am sorry we was oblidged to kill the poor
Devils, but it cou'd not with safety be avoided. These Natives
brought us some fine Salmon, and plenty of Beaver Skins,
with some Otters, and I believe had we staid longer among
them we shou'd have done well.

11. Weigh'd and came to sail, and stretch'd clear of the
bar.127 Named the harbour we had left, after our Captain.
Standing to the South.

AT ANCHOR IN COLUMBIA'S RIVER

12. N. Latt. 46° 7' ; W. Long. 122° 47'. This day128 saw
an appearance of a spacious harbour abreast the Ship, haul'd
wind for it, observ'd two sand bars making off, with a passage

i26Boit uses the expression "down river" here and later when referring to
Indians coming to trade from upper parts of the Chehalis and Columbia rivers.

127 The Columbia was a ship of only 212 tons, as certified by the collector
of the port of Boston, and drew only six to eight feet of water, which was the
extreme draft of vessels entering Gray's Harbor before any dredging was done
on the bar. The fact that Capt. Gray left this harbor at evening and sailed
directly southward all night, and the next morning "at 4 A. M. saw the entrance
of our desired port bearing east-southeast, distance six leagues," suggests that he
had obtained from the Indians of Gray's Harbor some definite information as
to the existence of a large river at Cape Disappointment. Boit mentions later
on that he recognized some of these same Indians around the ship in the Columbia
river, but this is doubtful.

128 Compare with Log of the Columbia, which is printed herewith. For
cotemporaneous mention of this discovery, consult "Log of H. M. S. Chatham" in
Oregon Hist. Quarterly, vol. 18, page 231 et seq.; Letter of John Hoskins, th«
supercargo or clerk on board the Columbia, to Jos. Barrell, one of her owners,
in archives of Miss. Hist. Society, Boston, said letter being dated at San
Lorenzo, Nootka Sound, Aug. 2ist, 1792; Capt. Geo. Vancouver's Voyages, ist
Edit., vols. i and 2; Journal of Capt. Jos. Ingraham, of the brig Hope, in Library
of Congress.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 309

between them to a fine river. Out pinnace and sent her in
ahead and followed with the Ship under short sail, carried in
from l/z three to 7 fm, and when over the bar had 10 fm.
water, quite fresh. The River129 extended to the NE. as far
as eye cou'd reach, and water fit to drink130 as far down as
the Bars, at the entrance. We directed our course up this
noble River in search of a Village. The beach was lin'd with
Natives, who rang along shore following the Ship. Soon after,
above 20 Canoes came off, and brought a good lot of Furs,
and Salmon, which last they sold two for a board Nail. The
furs we likewise bought cheap, for Copper and Cloth. They
appear'd to view the Ship with the greatest astonishment and
no doubt we was the first civilized people that they ever saw.
We observ'd some of the same people we had before seen at
Gray's harbour, and perhaps that was a branch of this same
River. At length we arriv'd opposite to a large village, situate
on the North side of the River, about 5 leagues from the en-
trance. Came131 to in 10 fm. sand, about }/\ mile from shore.
The River at this place was about 4 miles over. We purchas'd
4 Otter Skins for a Sheet of Copper, Beaver Skins, 2 Spikes
each, and other land furs, 1 Spike each.

129 The Columbia river (or Columbia's river, as named by Captain Gray),
the existence of which had been the very positive belief of geographers, n.ivigators
and explorers for nearly two hundred years. Its mouth had been associated with
the fabled Straits of Anian, and the voyage of the Spanish navigator, Martin de
Aguilar (1602). Its westward flow and watershed had been reported by Charle-
voir and the French explorers in the Mississippi Valley and beyond during the
first half of the fifteenth century under the broad designation River of the West.
Its upper courses had been strangely confused with those of the upper Missouri
by Major Robert Rogers in 1765, who then applied the name Ouragon. Its
theoretical source had been blantantly placed in northern Minnesota by Jonathan
Carver in 1778,. who called it the Oregon; and it's true source was not discovered
until 1807 by David Thompson. In 1775 the Spanish navigator, Bruno Heceta,
sailed up to its mouth, made an astronomical observation and bestowed names
upon river, bay and the two capes, but these names did not become permanent.
Thirteen years later Capt. John Meares, an Englishman, after similar examination,
declared that no such river existed, and left the name Cape Disappointment to
commemorate his warped or ignorant opinion. In April, 1 792, Capt. Geo. Van-
couver examined the opening at longer range and recognized Cape Disappoint-
ment and confirmed the opinion of Capt. Meares. Now Capt. Robert Gray con-
firms the discovery by Heceta and actually sails into the long looked for river.

130 Explained by the fact that the river was then in flood with the spring
freshets. In October of the same year Lieut. Broughton of the Chatham did not
find this condition of fresh water, and did not find as much depth of .water
on the sand bars further upstream. This accounts considerably for the criticisms
by Broughton and Vancouver of the chart or sketch of the river given by Capt.
Gray to Capt. Vancouver when at Nootka. That chart has never been found for
reproduction, but the chart showing Lieut. Broughton's survey in October- November
of this same year (1792) »• reprinted herewith.

131 This anchorage was a little southeast of the R R. station now known as
McGowan's and a little southwest of Point Ellice on the north bank of the river.
It is practically the tame as that of the Chatham on October aist. 1793, as indi-
cated on the chart herewith.

310 JOHN BOIT

We lay in this place till the 20th May,132 during which time
we put the Ship in good order and fill'd up all the water casks
along side, it being very good. These Natives talk'd the same
language as those farther South, but we cou'd not learn it.
Observ'd that the canoes that came from down river, brought
no otter skins, and I believe the otter constantly keeps in Salt
water. They however always came well stocked with land
furs, and capital Salmon. The tide set down the whole time
and was rapid. Whole trees sometimes come down with the
Stream. The Indians inform'd us there was 50 Villages on
the banks of this river.

15. N. Latt. 46° 7'; W. Long. 122° 47'. On the 15th took
up the anchor, and stood up River, but soon found the water
to be shoal so that the Ship took the ground, after proceeding
7 or 8 miles from our first station. However soon got off
again. Sent the Cutter and found the main Channel was on
the South side,133 and that there was a sand bank in the
middle. As we did not expect to procure Otter furs at any
distance from the Sea, we contented ourselves in our present
situation,134 which was a very pleasant one. I landed abreast
the ship with Capt. Gray to view the Country and take pos-
session,135'13554 leaving charge with the 2d Officer. Found

132 This amplification discloses that the writing of this journal was not
diurnal, but this entry at some later date, presumably on May zoth, when the
ship left the river. This probably explains the unimportant divergence of one day
between the dates given by Capt. Gray and Boit.

133 Capt. Gray found that the deep water or ship's channel of the river
then, as now, crossed the river from Harrington Point to Tongue Point and
followed the south band to Point Adams, but then crossed again into Baker's Bay
behind Cape Disappointment. Sand Island was then attached to Point Adams and
lay directly in what is now the deep water channel off that point. For discussion
of this consult vol. 18, pp. 242-3 of this quarterly. Lieut. Broughton's chart does
not show this deep water channel.

134 The latitude cited is practically correct, but the longitude a full degree
too far east. This anchorage was somewhere near Point Gray, which is the
location of the speculative townsite of Frankfort, now shown on commercial
maps of the north bank of the river. According to the table of distances by th«
government engineers, this point is seventeen and a half miles from the sea.
Boit does not record all the movements of the ship on May I4th, isth and i6th,
and for this compare with Log of the Columbia, printed herewith.

135 The words "and take possession" were inserted at a later time and are in
quite a different ink. — W. C. F.

i35# As indicated by Mr. Ford, this is an interpolation. It suggests a cere-
mony which is not yet known to have actually taken place, and one which would
have been of great value to the U. S. officials during the boundary disputes
prior to the treaty of 1846. During the first session of the 32nd Congress of
the U. S. a bill was introduced for the relief of Martha Gray, widow of Capt.
Robert Gray, and of the heirs of Capt. John Kendrick (S. B. Bill No. 526),
and in that connection on Aug. nth, 18*2, a report was filed which contained
unsupported statements as to such an act of taking possession. In "Early Days
in Old Oregon" (McClurg, 1916), there appears the positive statement of the
author that such an act was performed, but no references are given to support it.
If proven this will become a very interesting item of history.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 311

much clear ground, fit for cultivation, and the woods mostly
clear from underbrush. None of the Natives come near us.

18. Shifted the Ship's berth to her Old Station abreast
the Village Chinook, command'd by a chief named Polack.136
Vast many canoes, full of Indians, from different parts of the
River were constantly along side. Capt. Gray named this
river Columbia's, and the North entrance Cape Hancock, and
the South Point, Adams.137 This River in my opinion, wou'd
be a fine place for to set up a Factory. The Indians are very
numerous, and appear'd very civil (not even offering to steal).
During our short stay we collected 150 Otter, 300 Beaver, and
twice the Number of other land furs. The river abounds with
excellent Salmon, and most other River fish, and the Woods
with plenty of Moose and Deer, the skins of which was brought
us in great plenty, and the Banks produces a ground Nut, which
is an excellent substitute for either bread or Potatoes. We
found plenty of Oak, Ash, and Walnut trees, and clear ground
in plenty, which with little labour might be made fit to raise
such seeds as is necessary for the sustenance of inhabitants,
and in short a factory set up here, and another at Hancock's
River, in the Queen Charlotte Isles, wou'd engross the whole
trade of the NW. Coast (with the help [of] a few small coast-
ing vessells).

20. This day138 left Columbia's River, and stood clear of
the bars, and bore off to the Northward. The Men, at Co-
lumbia's River, are strait limb'd, fine looking fellows, and the
Women are very pretty. They are all in a state of Nature,
except the females, who wear a leaf Apron — (perhaps 't was
a fig leaf. But some of our gentlemen, that examin'd them
pretty close, and near, both within and without reported, that

1 36 Evidently a predecessor of Comcomly , the one-eyed potentate of the
Chinook Indians during so many years of the fur trade period, whose daughters
were given in marriage to some of the traders.

i .17 This name is still officially recognized, but the name given to the northern
cape did not become permanent. Captain Heceta named the southern point Cabo
Frondoso because of the trees and brush which then grew down to the edge of
the beach. Astoria, on the southern bank fifteen miles inland, was the first
trading post on the lower river and Fort Vancouver, one hundred miles inland
and on the north bank, became the first Factory, meaning thereby The residence
and headquarters of the Chief Factors, who managed the business of the district

138 Now the two accounts, Capt Gray's and Boil's, synchronize. The date*
given by Capt Gray are official and take precedence, and it is still correct to say
that the Columbia river was first entered by white men on May nth. 179*. A
similar divergence of one day appears in the narrative of Capt. Vancouver the
following October.

312 JOHN BOIT

it was not a leaf, but a nice wove mat in resemblance ! ! and so
we go — thus, thus — and no War ! — !

21. N. Latt. 47° 55'. Abreast the Village Colin, hove to
and purchas'd some Skins from the Natives, then bore off to
the North and West

22. N. Latt. 48° 20' ; W. Long. 124° 32'. Saw Tatooch's
Isle and Cape Flattery, on the S. and E. entrance of Juan De
Fuca straits (bound to the North 'd) for to meet the Sloop
Adventure.

23. N. Latt. 49° 9'; W. Long. 128° 0' O « * <T. Pass'd
Clioquot harbour, fine fresh gales, at SE.

24. N. Latt. 50° 10'; W. Long. 128° 10'. Pass'd Woody
point, at 2 miles distant. Several canoes put off from Colum-
bia's Cove, but we did not stop.

AT ANCHOR IN ST. PATRICK HARBOUR

25. N. Latt. 50° 30'; W. Long. 128° 30'. This day the
Ship being abreast a fine inlet, dispatch'd Mr. Smith, in the
Cutter to examine it. Soon after the Boat had a signal for a
harbour. Haul'd our wind and stood in shore and anchor'd
15 fm. mud and sand, in a complete Snug Cove.139 Many
canoes came along side, full of Indians. They was all dress'd
in War Armour,140 and completely arm'd with Bows, arrows
and Spears, and had altogether quite a savage appearance. I
believe they was fearful we shou'd rob their village, which
was at no great distance as they appear'd much agitated. How-
ever soon began a brisk trade for Otter furs. We landed,
with the boats, and got Wood and Broom Stuff, but the Indians
wishing to be troublesome, soon give over this business —
indeed I was obliged to knock one of them down with my
Musket.

1 39 It is difficult to identify this cove. If the latitude could be relied on it
should be in Quatsino Sound; but no such cove exists there near the ocean as
this cove manifestly was. The reference to the fine inlet and the complete snug
cove would fit San Josef Bay and Sea Otter Cove, which lies just west of it.
Meares gives on page 326, 4to. ed., a representation, of Sea Otter Cove and
fixes its latitude as 50° 41'. Unfortunately, however, Boit says they anchored in
fifteen fathoms and Sea Otter Cove has only five fathoms at its entrance and one
to three fathoms inside.

140 Captain Cook tells us that this "armour appeared to be the skin of elk
tanned; it covered them from the breast almost to the heels; it was not only suffi-

ist July, 1808, "Th« Chief made me a present of a coat of mail to make shoes.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 313

AT ANCHOR IN COLUMBIA'S COVE

28. N. Latt. 50* 30*; W. Long. 128' 3ff O «. Weigh'd
and came to sail, and left this harbour, which we named St
Patrick's.140* The Indians were much the same as the Nootka
tribes. Standing towards Woody point, which was in sight.
Towards evening, anchor'd in Columbia's Cove, in our former
berth, past many natives along side, and seem'd much pleased
at our visiting them again.

29. N. Latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 12'. Vast concourse
of Indians coming off, among whom was Necklar chief of the
sound. They brought many more furs than they did the last
season we visited them. Found these Natives so chearful
and oblidging, that we did not apprehend any danger in send-
ing parties on shore after Wood and Water. However, they
soon discover'd our Crew was diminish'd, and was very in-
quisitive for to know what had become of the rest of us.
We thought prudent for to tell them that they was asleep below.
I mistrust that the Indians did not believe us, but probably
supposed our Shipmates had been kill'd. At 10 in the evening,
a number of large canoes full of People, came into the Cove.
They halted near some rocks about Pistol shot from the Ship,
and there waited about ten minutes, during which time all
hands was brought to arms, upon deck in readiness to receive
them. Soon after a large War Canoe, with about 25 Indians,
paddled off for the Ship. We hail'd them, but they still per-
sisted, and other canoes was seen following, upon which Capt.
Gray order'd us to fire, which we did so effectually as to kill
or wound every soul in the canoe. She drifted along side,
but we push'd her clear, and she drove to the North side of
the Cove, under the shade of the trees. T was bright moon
light and the woods echoed with the dying groans of these
unfortunate Savages. We observ'd many canoes passing and
repassing the Cove, at a small distance, in all probability they
was after the poor dead Indians. They soon after ceas'd

140 J4 Captain Hanna had named St. Patrick's Bay in this vicinity. It it
San Josef Bay on our maps of todty. In it Hanna gives 15 fathoms, but it is not
a snug cove, being three miles in length and two miles in breadth at its entrance
and open to all winds except from the north. There is no contemporary
account to assist us here; for Moslems' Narrative ends with the departure from
Clayoquot and Haswell was at this time on the Advtnturt.

314 JOHN BOIT

groaning, and we neither see nor heard any thing of them
after.141

We always found these Natives very friendly but they soon
discover'd how thin the Ship's Company was now to what it
was when we visited them before, and I believe it is impos-
sible to keep friends with savages any longer than they stand
in fear of you. But I cannot think they had any intention
of boarding the Ship but were after a small anchor, which
they in the course of the day see placed on some rocks (above
water) for to steady the Ship, and when taken off at dusk
they had left the Ship. But still they was daring fellows to
think they cou'd steal the anchor of a moon light night, within
pistol shot of the Ship. Capt. Gray did not wish to fire upon
them, for we cou'd easily have blown them to pieces, while
they was holding a conference abreast the Rocks. They first
stopt all by firing a cannon or two among them, and the
reason we suffer'd them to approach so near before firing was
that we were in hopes they wou'd miss the Anchor and then
leave the Cove, for we wish'd much to keep friendly with these
Indians, as this was the appointed Rendezvous for to meet
the Sloop.

BOUND TO THE NORTHWARD

30. This day unmoor'd and left Columbia's Cove, bound
to the Northward, having left a Board nail'd to a tree, just
back of the watering place, with the following inscription
"Ship Columbia, arriv'd May 28th Saild May 30th. BEWARE/'
that in case Capt. Haswell shou'd arrive before us, he might
be on his guard.

June 1. N. Latt. 50° 7 ; W. Long. 128° 30' ; Amp'd 21° 20*
E. Head wind at NW. and squally weather. Ships Crew all
well and hearty.

141 On 3rd June, 1792, some of these Indians arrived at Nootka asking from

8uadra assistance against a vessel which, said they, had attacked their village,
lling seven, wounding others, and despoiling the rest of their sea otter skins.
They brought with them a wounded Indian to be treated by the Spanish doctor.
The natives claimed that the Americans, being unable to agree upon the price
of the furs, had used force to compel them to surrender their peltries. The
account in the Viaje, page 24, proceeds as follows: "Segun se pado comprehender
el buque era la Fragata Americana la Columbia, su Capitan Gray, a quien indi-
caban los Indios con la senal de que era tuerto; circumstancia que sabiamos recaia
en dicho Capitan." In connection with the Indian account the entry of May 25
ante may be consulted; it will be observed that Boit believed "they was fearful
we should rob their village."

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 315

4. N. Latt. 51° 0'; W. Long. 129° 1'. Some Canoes full
of Indians came off from the Shore, abreast the Ship, and
many valuable skins was purchas'd. Iron seem'd most in
demand. These fellows soon grew saucy, and threw a number
of stones, at our people, but as we did not wish, (if possible)
to avoid it, for to shoot the poor mistaken savages, we bore
off to the Northward, keeping in sounding from 30 to 20 fm.,
2 miles off shore.

PINTARD'S STRAITS142

5. N. Latt. 51° 30'; W. Long. 129° 30'; Azi. 20° 3(X E.
This day saw a large entrance in the land, between two points,
above 4 leagues wide.143 We haul'd in for the same and when
between the points had no bottom with 30 fm. We directed our
[course?] about E^S and cou'd not see the Land to the East.
The Ship went in exceeding fast with a strong tide in favour.
Water was quite salt, which prov'd it not to be a River.
Observ'd many high Rocks and small Isles, scatter'd about in
this famous Straits. Kept the Lead going but got no bottom
with 30 fm. line, and saw no signs of Indians. Towards dark
stretch'd close in to the South Shore for anchorage, but
found none. Kept working under short sail all night, making
short boards. No ground in any direction with 120 fm. line.

6. Azi. 20° 30' E. Bore away up sound, in pursuit of
anchorage and Natives. At length, after advancing 15 leagues
up sound, we came to, within stone's throw of the beach, in
20 fm. water, sandy bottom, upon the South shore.

7. I went on shore abreast the Ship, with two boats after
wood, took the Carpenter with me for to cut a Mizen topmast.
We had not been long at work, in the Woods before above
200 Indians, of a sudden rush'd out upon us. The carpenter

142 Pinurds Sound was the name given by the Americans to the waterway
now called Queen Charlotte Sound, in honour of J. M. Pintard of Boston, one
of the owners of the Columbia and the Washington. The first mention of the
name, so far as can be at present ascertained, is in Haswell's first Log in May,
1789, on the first voyage made by the Americans (that of the Washington) to the
northward. "I am of opinion," says Haswell, "there must be some inland con-
munication by lakes or perhaps the sea may continue by large arms and have
communication in the interior part perhaps by way of Pintnrd Sound."

143 At its entrance this sound is twenty miles wide, though in its extent it*
average width is from ten to fifteen miles. It is very deep. There are only two
places. Beaver Harbour and Port Alexander, where a vessel of any sise can
find good anchorage. The sound is only fifty miles long; the distances given in
this part are much exaggerated.

316 JOHN BOIT

being some way from the rest of the party, got nearly sur-
rounded, and was oblidged to fly, leaving his Broad Axe behind.
I immediately rallied my people together, and retreated slowly,
at the same time fir'd a few Musketts over their heads which
kept them in check. At length they advanced so near as to
throw their Spears. We then discharg'd our Musketts and
killd several. However they still persisted, and I believe if
we had not got to the beach (clear from the woods) that we
shou'd have been overpower'd. They heard the reports of
the Musketts on board, but never dreamt that we [were]
attack'd by Indians, as none had been seen before. Imme-
diately as we made our appearance the Ship cover'd us with
the Cannon and the Grape and round shot, must have done
considerable damage to our pursuers, as they fell just into the
brink of the wood, where the thickest of the Indians was.
This soon dispers'd them, and we got all safe on board. Some
of these fellows afterwards came down abreast the Ship and
brandished their Weapons at us, bidding defiance.

8. N. Latt. 51° 30'; W. Long. 129° 30'; or thereabouts.
Got under way bound farther up the Straits and towards eve-
ning luff'd into a small bend of the land, and came to -in 17
fathom close to the shore.144 A few canoes, with Indians came
off, who talk'd the Nootka language. They inform'd that
in two days, through the woods, they cou'd reach Nootka Sound
and indeed, the Ship was at Anchor near to a Mountain, which
is plainly in view at Friendly Cove, (Nootka Sound).

9. Many canoes of this day, and plenty of fine Otter Skins
was purchas'd. About Noon, 20 large War Canoes hove in
sight, with above 30 Men in each, and we soon discern'd with
our Glasses that they was all arm'd, with Spears and Arrows.
The friendly Indians that was trading along side, told us these
people had come to fight, and belong'd to the tribe we had fir'd
at two days before, when attack'd upon the beach. Capt. Gray
thought it not safe to admit them along side at once, and
therefore order'd them, when within hail, for to keep off, and

144 This may be Beaver Harbour, though it is strange that he does not
mention the islands that protect it. From this vicinity there ts an Indian trail
some eight miles in length which leads to Quatsino Sound, which may have been
mistaken for a trail to Nootka Sound. As the crow flies the distance to Nootka
Sound is about eighty miles. The mountain referred to is, likely, Mount Karmut-
zen; but this is not visible from Nootka.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 317

not but one canoe come along side at a time. They obey'd
the command, and one canoe, with 42 men came alongside,
but had only a skin or two. We soon discover'd that the main
body of canoes was paddling towards us, singing a War Song.
We fir'd a cannon and some Muskets over their heads. At
this they mov'd off about 100 yds. and again halted. A Small
Canoe, with a Chief, (paddled by two Indians) kept con-
stantly plying between the Ship and the main body of the
Canoes, counting our men, and talking earnestly to the Natives
along side, encouraging them to begin the attack. He was
suffer'd to proceed in this manner some time, when Capt.
Gray told him to come near the Ship no more, but he still
persisted, and was shot dead for his temerity. Also the Chief
Warrior, of the Canoe along side, was shot, for throwing his
Spear into the Ship. They then made a precipitate retreat,
and the trading Indians, who had kept at a small distance
viewing the transactions, again recommenced their trade with
us. They inform'd us these Indians, who meant to attack
us, was of another tribe with them. Canoes with Indians,
came along side and traded away their Otter Skins, but not
without Manifest signs of fear.

12. The Natives kept bringing furs, which we purchas'd
for Copper and Goth. Iron very dull sale.

FROM PINTARD'S STRAITS TO COLUMBIA'S COVE

13. Weigh'd and came to sail, standing down straits saw a
number of fishing canoes, at a distance but none came near.
Towards evening came to in 16 fm. at our former anchorage.
See no Indians.

14. Fair wind and pleasant, weigh'd and stood down straits,
and at 9 in the evening got clear out bound to Columbia's Cove,
our place of Rendezvous. Shou'd these straits join with Juan
da Fuca, which perhaps it does, it must make the whole Coast
between the Latitudes of 48° 15' and 51° 30' North and Longi-
tudes 120° 57' and 129° 30' W. a vast Archipelago of Islands.145

145 This idea is not original with Boit. It was in the air at that time. In
M cares Voyages, 4to. ed., prefixed to his account of bis voyages in 1788 and 1789,
is a map in which is shown the celebrated, and now proved to have been imag-
inary, track of the Washington, entering at the Strait of Juan de Fuca and emerging
at Queen Charlotte Islands. The curious will find further imaginary details of
this voyage in the correspondence- of Meares annexed to the Report of the
Archivist for British Columbia, 1014, and also in Newcombe's First Circumnavigation
of Vancouver Island. The quotation from Haswell's first Log set out in note 142 ante
shows the same opinion. Ingraham also entertained it

318 JOHN BOIT

We named the port we had entred Pintards, after one of the
owners, and I've no doubt we are the first discoverers.146 It
is certainly the most dangerous navigation we have experienced
being full of Ledges, small Isles, no soundings and excessive
strong tides. But I think it affords the most Sea Otter skins.
We procured upwards of 300 hundred, during our stay, and
saild up this straits more than 100 miles, and cou'd see no
end.147 At our last anchorage, or rather the highest up the
shore seem'd to trend about ESE.

15. N. Latt. 51° 17'; Amp'd 21° 14' E. Head wind beat-
ing to and fro, making slow progress. The entrance of Pin-
tards straits bore East, 3 or 4 leagues, 70 fm. water.

17. N. Latt. 50° 6' ; W. Long. 128° 12' O <f. Fresh breezes.
This day spoke the Sloop Adventure, Capt. Haswell, sent our
boat and Capt. Haswell came on board the Ship. Bore off the
Cove. 'T is remarkable that we both meet within 12 league
of our Rendezvous bound in. The chief of the Sloop's Cruize
had been about the Charlotte Isles, and had collected about
500 Skins, all prime.148 On the 24th of April Capt. Haswell
fell in with the Ship Margaret of Boston,149 James Magee
Master. They was on the same business as ourselves. • At 5
P. M. past Woody point, and at 7 anchored in company with
the Sloop, in Columbia's Cove.150 A few Natives ventured

146 Queen Charlotte Sound was discovered in 1786 by the Experiment, then
in command of Wedgborough (Vancouver's Voyage, vol. 2, p. 308, 8vp. ed. 1801);
though there may be doubt as to the exact person then actually in command.
James Hanna in the snow Sea Otter was also in this sound in the summer of
1786. Duncan, in August, 1788, spent some time at its western entrance. Funter,
in the North West America, was there in 1789; see his map of Raft Cove in
Meares Voyages, 4to., p. 326, which appears to be the present Goletas Channel and
Shushartie Bay.

147 This is an exaggeration; the Sound is only fifty miles long. Boit s state-
ment that the shore at the end of their examination trended ESE would indicate
that they were following the Vancouver Island shore, and at this point were
looking down Johnstone Strait.

148 Under date i8th June, Haswell records that he "delivered to Capt. Gray
238 sea otter skins 142 Tails 23 Cootsacks and 19 pieces." The tails were fre-
quently sold separate from the rest of the skin. The fur thereon was the richest.
The cootsacks, or cutsarks, were Indian sea otter cloaks, usually composed of three

149 The Adventure, under Haswell, met this ship at Barrell Sound (Houston
tewart Channel) on 7th May. Haswell says she was as fine a vessel as ever I saw

Boston by the first opportunity. .

150 This entry shows that Columbia's Cove was very close to Woody Point
(Cane Cook) In rounding that point, owing to the rocks which extend from it,
die ship would probably give it a berth of at least two miles; and within two
hours she is at anchor.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 319

along side, after much coaxing. (Found the Inscription at the
watering place unmolested.) Took the Skins from Sloop on
board ship. Sent parties on shore, well arm'd after wood and
water. Purchas'd some furs.

20. Haul'd the Sloop on shore, and graved her. Capt. Has-
well says she is an excellent sea boat, and sails very well.151
The Indians among whom we traded never offer'd insult.

21. Got the Sloop off the ways, and fitted her for another
Cruize.

24. Weigh 'd and sail'd from the Cove, in company with the
Adventure, bound to Queen Charlotte Isles.

25. N. Latt. 50° 37'; W. Long. 129° 55'. Fair wind and
moderate breezes. Sloop in company. The coast about 8
leagues distance.

28. N. Latt. 52° 18'; W. Long. 129° 15'. Fresh winds,
all sail out running along shore, about 3 leagues distance, with
smooth sea. Sloop about 2 miles a head. At 2 P. M. the Ship
struck a Rock,152 which lay about 7 feet under water and did
not break, hove all aback, and she came off clear, try'd the
pump, and found she leak'd 1000 smart strokes per Hour,
sounded along the Rock, and found no ground at 70 fm. Hoisted
a signal for the Sloop, and she immediately haul'd her wind
for us. Stood off, both pumps just keeps the leak under. In
the morning bore off to the Northward.

151 Hoskins, writing to Barrel! on 28 th September, 1792, makes a different
statement. He says, "she sails very dull"; but Haswell states twice in his second
Log that she outsailed the Columbia.

153 Vancouver (Voyage, vol. 4, p. 287, 8vo. ed. 1801) says that Captain Gray
in the Columbia struck and received some material damage upon a s tnken rock,
which he represented as lyinq much further than a league from Cape St. James
in an almost southeast direction. But the latitude and longitude given by both
Haswell and Boit place it very much further east. Haswell, indeed, says it was
abreast of the south entrance of Loblip Sound, which has been identified as Milbank
Sound. There the coast is broken into low craggy islands and detached sunken
rocks. "I was surprised to find Capt. Gray," says Haswell, "standing in for the
land in a place that looked to me very dangerous. However, as he nal ordered
me to lead off, I did not follow him. He had all sail on his ship, steering sails
below and aloft. I had seen as I passed several sunken reefs of rocks, and as the
Columbia passed not looking out properly, she struck. I immediately made Mil
to windward, hoisted my boat out and set off for the ship. She fired a gun,
but soon swung clear of the rocks and hoisting her colon stood towards me. The
ship hid been roing at the rate of 5 knots when she struck. She appeared to
have met with no material damage compared with what might have been expected."

In a letter to Barrell dated from Nootka aist August, 1792, young Hoskins
unburdens himself in regard to many matters on the vessel; after complaining
of the risk run by Captain Gray in crossing the Columbia River bar, be proceeds:
"At last, however, fortune refus'd any longer to smile and in blundering along
(for I can call it by no better name) without any lookout kept, within three
miles of a most inhospitable & rocky shore, the Ship going six knots with a crowd
of sail struck on a rock about four feet under water (this was the ajth of June),
the Sloop in company. Mr. Haswell says he in the Sloop saw the rock break ft
haul'd from it (the Ship was to follow him)."

320 JOHN BOIT

29. N. Latt. 53° 1'; W. Long. 131° 41'. Came on a hard
gale of wind, and although we kept firing Cannon through
the night the Sloop parted from us, as 't was very thick in
the morning. The leaks rather increas'd, and our feelings was
not the most agreeable on the occasion.153

OFF QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLES (SOUTH PART)

30. N. Latt. 51° 57'; W. Long. 131° 10'. This day see
the Queen Charlotte Isles, stood in pretty close to the South
pt. and fother'd the Ship with a topsail which we had pre-
viously prepared for that purpose. This, fortunately for us,
stop'd the leak one half.

July 1. N. Latt. 51° 48'. Close in off the South pt. of
Queen Charlotte Isles from which lay many detach'd Rocks.
We pass'd the pt. within two or three miles and left many
breakers without us in the Offing. We wish to get into Barrells
sound.

2. N. Latt. 51° 49'; W. Long. 130° 30'. Saw the entrance
of Barrells sound, bearing NW., the wind direct in our teeth.
Employ'd turning to windwards, with all the Elements against
us. Crew all in brave health.

3. Employ'd beating to windward through the night, in the
morning spoke the Ship Margaret, James Magee, Master.
Capt. Gray went on board the Margaret, and found Capt.
Magee very sick.154 This ship stopt a few days at the Cape
De Verds, and made her passage in 6 months. They had not

153 Evidently the gale was from the northwest, as it drove the ship about
sixty miles southward and about thirty eastward. Has well was informed at two
o'clock in the morning by the officer of the watch that the ship had suddenly
disappeared and he feared she had foundered. He immediately sailed the Adven-
ture back to the spot where the Columbia had last been seen; but he searched
for her in vain. Haswell loitered in the vicinity for another twenty-four hours,
but seeing nothing of the missing ship, concluded that she had surely foundered.
On 2ist August, while at Cox Strait (Parry Passage), he learned from Ingraham,

in the Adventure, had been instructed, as he was leading, to tack at twelve
o'clock. The two vessels got into a race as to which could go longest and fastest
by the wind. Haswell, nevertheless, tacked at midnight, but the Columbia's men,
irritated that the sloop should tack before the ship, continued on their course
without tacking until one o'clock. Of course, in that hour the vessels drew
steadily apart; ultimately the Columbia was no longer seen; then arose the hue
and cry that the ship had foundered.

1 54 The Margaret was owned by the same people as the Hope. Ingraham met
her about a month later near Nootka Sound, when Mr. Lamb, the chief officer,
came aboard to report to him that Captain Magee was very ill. Later Ingraham
states that Captain Magee was so ill that it was agreed that he should return to
China in the Hope as a passenger.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 321

been very fortunate in trade. Bore away to the Southward, in
company with Capt. Magee, bound to Columbia's Cove, for
the purpose of examining the Columbia's bottom. Fair wind
at NW.

AT ANCHOR IN COLUMBIA'S COVE

5. N. Latt. 50° 6' ; W. Long. 128° 0' This day came to in
Columbia's Cove in company with the Margaret. Several
canoes came along side, and the Natives appear'd quite chear-
full.

6. Hoisted all our Cannon, in the longboats of both Ships,
made a raft of our spare spars on which we put everything
possible that wou'd not damage. Struck yards and topmasts.
So ends.

7. Took up the Anchor, and hauld the Ship on shore, on a
fine beach, at high tide. When the tide ebb'd, 't was discover'd
that the Ship's keel was split, and the lower part of the Stem
was entirely gone, within 2 inches of the Wood ends, a great
deal of Sheathing was off, and three of the plank next to
Garboard Streak was stove on the larboard side. The Car-
penters went to work and put in new pieces of plank but it
was found impracticable to pretend to repair the bows with-
out heaving down, or some such method, and this cou'd not
be done in our present situation. Nootka Sound, where we
knew there was a Spanish settlement, Capt. Gray tho't the
most proper place, and we all concur'd in the opinion155.

8. Hauld the Ship off, and soon got ready to leave the Cove.

BOUND TO NOOTKA SOUND

10. N. latt. 50° 6'; W. Long. 128° 0' This day weigh'd,
and again left the Cove, in company with the Margarett,15**
standing towards Nootka, but overshot it in the Night, which
is a misfortune.

11. N. Latt. 49° 9; W. Long. 125° 26'. Abreast Clioquot

155 Hoskins* letter to Harrcll, dated from "St. Lorenzo. Nootka Sound. Augt.
21, 1792." shows that the owners' orders very positively forbade the ship's entering
a Spanish port except in case of distress.

'55 54 Ingraham states that this vessel carried a Mr. Howell, who was charged
with the duty of writing an account of the voyage. So far as is known this record
is not extant at the present time.

322 JOHN BOIT

harbour, and as it's in vain to beat to Nootka with a strong
breeze a head, we bore up, and towards evening, in company
with the Margaret, anchor'd in Clioquot harbor.156 The Natives
were at first shy, but we prevail'd on some of them to come on
board.

12. Capt. Gray, having met with Wickananish on board the
Margaret, prevail'd on him to visit the Columbia, but he did not
appear happy. However 't was the means of getting more
Skins, than we otherwise would have done. Employ'd wood-
ing and watering (abreast the Ship) and under cover of her
Guns.

15. This day arriv'd in the Harbour the English Brig
Venus™ Henry Sheppard Master, 6 months from Bengali in
India. I went off to him in the offing, and piloted his Brig
to the harbour. He inform'd us that at a small harbour in
De Fuca straits, where he was at anchor a few days since,
there was a Spanish settlement, where lay a Spanish 64, the
master of which while amusing himself in shooting back in the
woods, was kill'd by the Indians, in consequence of which the
Spaniards seized a Canoe full of Natives and massacred them
all (in cold blood) not even sparing Children. Shocking to
relate !158

17. Weigh'd with a fair wind, and left Clioquot bound to
Nootka sound, to repair the Ship, under the protection of the
Spaniards. Left the Ship and Brig behind. The wind soon
came a head, and we began turning to windward, without mak-
ing much progress. However we shall reach it by persever-
ance.

19. N. Latt. 49° 0' ; W. Long. 125° 0' Bad weather and
the wind direct ahead. This day stood in and anchor'd in
Clioquot harbour. Found the Ship made a poor hand beat-

156 The Port Cox already frequently mentioned in these notes. From this
anchorage Gray could see all that remained of the destroyed village of Opitsitah,
which was onlv four miles distant.

157 A brig of one hundred and ten tons commanded by a Captain Shepherd.
Finding the price of furs too high on the sea coast, she sailed from Nootka to try
the trade in Queen Charlotte Sound, and, much to Vancouver's surprise, was
met by him near Calvert Island on i7th August, 1792. Vancouver's Voyage, vol.
2, pp. 319-320, 8vo. ed. 1801.

158 The atrocities were not always on the Indians' side. In grab am gives
much the same account; he says the Spaniards killed eight of the natives on
this occasion. See New Vancouver Journal in Washington Historical Quarterly,
vol. VI, p. 57-

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 323

ing to windward, without a Stem. Found the Brig Venus
here, but Capt. Magee had sail'd.159 No canoes off.

20. Wind favorable, weather more settled. Weigh'd at
Daylight, in company with the Venus, and stood to sea. Wind
soon haul'd in its old quarter. Employ'd beating to windward
towards Nootka Sound.

21. N. Latt. 49° 17'; W. Long. 126° 0' Wind still at
WNW. and fair weather. Saw Breakers point160 NW. 4
leagues, making short hanks.

22. Weather'd away Breakers point and stood towards
Nootka Sound. Observ'd the Spanish Colours flying at the
Entrance of Friendly Cove, but the tide swept us so strong
towards some breakers on the East shore, and the wind being
light oblidg'd us to Anchor in 16 fm. rocky bottom. Hoisted
our Ensign in a Wiff and fired a Gun for assistance which
was answered by the Spaniards. Soon after see several Boats
rowing towards us. Quite calm.

23. The Boats got alongside. They was sent by the Spanish
Admirall to our assistance (except one, from an English Store
Ship,161 under charge of Mr. Neal, the 1st Officer) . This
Ship was sent out by the British Government, with Stores
for Capt. Vancocn'er, who had not yet arriv'd at the Sound.
The Spanish boats was under the charge of a Pilot, who had
order to Get the Ship to the Cove, and lend every assistance.

AT ANCHOR IN NOOTKA SOUND

24. N. Latt. 49° 30' ; W. Long. 126° 0' Light breeze from
the South'd and East'd. Weigh'd and came to sail, under
conduct of the Spanish Pilot, who well knew his business, and
was perfectly acquainted with the soundings and tides. Upon
passing the Spanish fort,162 at the Entrance of the Cove, we

Martinez, who, in 1780. established the first Spanish settlement at Nootka and in
the Mine year seized Meares' vessels.

161 The Daedalus of Vancouver's squadron, commanded by Captain New,
whom Ingraham describes as "a very clever old gentleman."

162 On Hog Island; but not that which had been erected by Martinez in
1789. That fort had been dismantled when the settlement returned to Mexico
in the fall of 1780. This was a new one erected on the same site by Elisa in
1700. It is described in the entry of the following day as a poor affair, barely
sufficient to carry the weight of the guns.

324 JOHN BOIT

saluted with 7 Guns, which was return'd. Towards evening
came to, in Friendly Cove (Nootka Sound). Found riding
here the Store Ship, a Spanish Sloop of War, and the Brig
Venus. The Spaniards treated us nobly, and offer'd freely
every assistance in their power. We lay in this place till the
23d August. Shall give the Minutes of our transactions during
that period.

25. N. Latt. 49° 30' ; W. Long. 126° 30' Discharg'd the
Ship's Cargo and stores, and stored them in a house on shore
which the Spaniards had lent us for that purpose.163 Strip'd
the Ship to a Outline, and got the riging all on shore to repair.
The Spanish governor seem'd highly pleas'd with the dispatch
that took place ; indeed ev'ry man in the Columbia was anxious
to get the Ship in readiness to pursue her Voyage, well know-
ing that the time drew nigh when we shou'd again be sailing
towards our friends in America, and our sweet anticipation
of the joys that await us there made us use ev'ry effort. This
Spanish settlement at Nootka, contained about 50 Houses,164
indifferently built (except the Governor's, which was rather
grand than otherways) . There was about 200 Inhabitants, con-
sisting of Spaniards and Peru Indians, but no females. Their
fort was no great thing, mounted with 6 twenty four and thirty
six pounders — the platforms would not bear the weight of
metal. There was two Botanists resided with the Governour.165
Capt. Gray took up his lodgings at the governor's request, at
his house.

163 Hoskins in his letter, referred to in note 155 ante, writes: "We arrived the
23rd of July, and reported our situation to the Spanish Governor, who very politely
offer'd us every assistance. He has lent us store houses for our Goods, granted
the second best house in his small Town for Capt. Gray and myself to lodge &
do our business in; and insists on our eating & drinking with him, at his house,
where we live most sumptuously."

1 64 This seems an exaggeration. Ingraham says "the villaere consists of 16
houses." This corresponds reasonably closely with the pictures still extant;
furthermore it agrees fairly well with the diagram of that most interesting village
which is appended to Elisa's map of the Strait of Fuca. A copy of this map will
be found, numbered K, in the Berlin Arbitration Papers, Washington 1872.

165 This is the only reference to the presence of botanists in this unique set-
tlement. Much research is still necessary before any adequate conception of the
Spanish village at Nootka Sound can be obtained, or any knowledge gathered of
the incidents in its short existence (1790-1795). In the New Vancouver Journal
(Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. 5, p. 306) it is noted that the Aransasu on
her return to Nootka in September, 1792, ' had a Botanist on board her."

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 325

29. Don. Van Francisco De La Vondego,166 which was the
name of the Governor, gave a grand entertainment, at his
house, at which all the Officers of the Fleet partook. Fifty
four persons sat down to Dinner, and the plates, which was
solid silver was shifted five times, which made 270 Plates.
The Dishes, Knifes and forks, and indeed every thing else
was of Silver,167 and always replaced with spare ones. There
could be no mistake in this as they never carried the dirty plates
or Dishes from the Hall where we dined (as / thought, on
purpose to let us see the quantity of plate used by Spaniards
in South America.)

31. This day got all ready to heave down, by the Spanish
Sloop of War, the Governor having granted us his permission.

August 1. Haul'd along side the Spanish Ship,168 fix'd our
purchases to her, and soon had the Columbia keel out. But
was oblig'd to right her again, as she made too much water,
her upper works being quite weak. Capt. Gray determin'd
to give over the Idea of heaving her out, and accordingly gave
orders to prepare to lay her ashore on blocks.

2. N. Latt. 49° 30' ; W. Long. 126° 30' This day haul'd
the Ship upon the beach at high water, and placed a long round
log along her keel fore and aft, endeavouring to trip her over
it, but the Bottom being so flat, she wou'd turn keel out. Other
logs was laid, and moor'd with Cannon on the Beach, with an
intention of laying the Ship's Fore foot on them, which we
accordingly did at high water, the logs laying as far aft as
the fore Chains. This method answered our most sanguine
expectations. At low water, or half ebb, the ship's bows lay'd
four feet above the beach. In this situation we scuttled her

1 66 Don Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra; one of the most interesting
figures in the Spanish regime on this coast; his entrance into our history it
gripping; no reader can forget his courageous voyage in the little Santiago in
1775. He was a fit representative of the courtly Spaniard; and while he was
commandante at Nootka all visitors, of every nationality and of every kind of
vessel, unite in bearing testimony to his constant courtesy and his unfailing
kindness.

167 Ingraham records that when he dined with the Governor, Quadra, a few
days later, he had an excellent dinner and everything was served on silver. He
adds that it was Quadra's custotm to invite to dinner all commanders of vessels
regardless of rank or nationality. Even when Vancouver and Quadra visited
Maquinna at Tashees, the Spaniard took care to have the dinner served on plate.
Vancouver's Voyage, vol. a, p. 354, 8vo. ed. 1801: Washington Historical Quar-
terly, vol. 5, p. 304.

i68Of necessity this must be the Acttva; for the Aromas* was then engaged
on the survey of Queen Charlotte Islands, under Camaano; while the Pnnceta
lay at anchor guarding Fidalgo and his men at Neah Bay.

326 JOHN BOIT

Aft, so as to keep her steady in her berth, at high water. In
three days, by the assistance of the Spanish and English Car-
penters, a New Stem and part of the Cutwater was put to the
Ship. Stopt the Scuttle, grav'd the Ship, and haul'd off to our
Moorings.

8. The Spaniards view'd us, with astonishment, and the
Governor observ'd that he believed we cou'd build a ship in
a month.

9. The Brig Hope, Joseph Ingrahim, arriv'd here, on the
1st from Canton,169 and sail'd this day on a Cruize.

10. On the 10th arrived here the ship Buttersworth,170 from
London, Wm. Brown Commander; Ship Margaret, James
Magee, and Brig Hope, Joseph Ingrahim.

11. And on the llth arriv'd the Sloop Prince La Boo,171
Capt. Gordon from London. These vessells were all in the fur
trade. The Laboo was a tender to the Buttersworth.

16. The Ship Margaret172 put to sea, under charge of Mr.
Lamb, 1st Officer Capt. Magee residing with the Spanish
governor for the benefit of his health.

22. This Day the Columbia was ready for sea, and in fine
order. 'Have painted her complete.

23. Arriv'd the English brig Three B's,173 Lieutenant Alder,

169 The Hope left Macao on ist April, 1792, and arrivel at Cox Strait (Parry
Passage), Queen Charlotte Islands, on 2nd July. She had spent the interval in
cruising and trading around those islands.

1 70 The ship Butterworth had been a French frigate of thirty guns. She was
on the coast in 1792-3 as the "mother ship" under Captain William Brown, having
as tenders the Prince Lee Boo and tne Jackal. At Clayoquot a few days before
this arrival at Nootka, she had an encounter with the natives, in which one sea-
man was killed and two severely wounded. Captain Brown represented it as an
unprovoked attack upon his boats; but Ingraham learned from the Margaret a
totally different version in which the seamen were said to have robbed and
attempted to rob the Indians of their furs and in the resultant struggle and
retaliation the losses occurred; see Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. xi, p. 26.
This expedition was quite unsuccessful in obtaining furs during the season of
1792. Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. vi, p. 58. At the end of the follow-
ing season the Butterworth was dispatched to England with instructions to engage
in whaling and sealing in the South Seas and at Staten Land, where her com-
mander had formed a temporary establishment. Vancouver's Voyage, vol. v, p.
354, 8vo. ed. 1801.

171 The small sloop Prince Lee Boo, named after a young Chief who had
been taken to England by Captain Wilson. This vessel was on the coast in
1792, 1793 and 1794, as one of the vessels of the Butterworth squadron. At the
end of the season of 1793, she, in company with the Jackal, sailed to China,
returning again in June, 1794- See Vancouver's Voyage, vol. v, pp. 354-S, 8vo.
ed. 1 80 1.

172 According to the New Vancouver Journal, Washington Historical Quarterly,
vol. v, p. 224, Captain Magee was utilizing his sick leave in selling intoxicating

1 73 The full name was Three Brothers, though the Viaje refers to her as
"El Bergantin Ingles Tresbes." This vessel was one of the few British ships
that utterly ignored the monopoly of the South Sea Company. Soon after her
arrival, following Meares' and the Americans' custom, she set up the frame of a
small sloop at Nootka. For further information, see Washington Historical Quar-
terly, vol. 5, p. 3»i; vol, 6, p. 59 and p. 85.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 327

Commander, from London, on a trading Voyage.
BOUND TO CHARLOTTE ISLES

24. Weigh'd and came to sail, bound for Queen Charlotte
Isles, Barrells sound, those Isles being the appointed rendez-
vous, for to meet the Adventure, Capt. Haswell. It is but
doing Justice to the Spaniards at Nootka sound to observe
that during our tarry among them we was treated with the
greatest hospitality, and in fact they seem'd to exert them-
selves, and to feel interested in our behalf. May such fine
fellows Never be in want of the like assistance shou'd they
ever stand in need of it from the hands of any American. The
Governor wou'd Not allow Capt. Gray for to pay one farthing.

25. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Nootka sound is
as remarkable a place to know from seaward as any I know of.
At most times latheo peak174 (a mountain) in the form of a
sugar loaf can be seen, and there is none other that at all
resembles it, on this part of the Coast. A long low point, with
high Breakers off it, makes the SE. part of the Bay.175 The
Western entrance of the sound runs down to a low point, with
a small round Hill just back of Friendly cove.

28. N. Latt. 51° 45'; W. Long. 130° 30'. This day made
the SE. part of the group of Charlotte Isles. A thick fog176
came on, so that we cou'd not reach the sound. Employ 'd
beating off and on, waiting for fair weather.

30. This day the weather clear'd and the Sloop Adventure
hove in sight standing for Barcl. [Barrells?] sound. This is
the second time we have met off the place of Rendezvous.
Saluted each other with 7 Guns. Found Capt. Haswell and
Crew all well, and had made a successful cruize. We stood

i74Conuma p«ak, a remarkable steeple-shaped mountain. 4,889 feet high,
twenty miles from the entrance. It is a most conspicuous feature.

175 Kscalante point, low and rocky, marks the eastern entrance of Nootka
Soun<i. The name is by association with Kscalante reef. It signifies in Spanish,
climbing, or scaling.

176 All navigators, from the time of Juan Perez in 1774, complain of the
thick fogs of Queen Charlotte Islands.

328 JOHN BOIT

into Port Montgomery,177 a small harbour to the North'd of
Barrells Sound, which the Adventure had visited before, and
her Captain named it after our famous American General
who fell before Quebec while gloriously fighting in the defence
of our liberties. Graved the Sloop in this place, and otherways
put her in fine order, to attract the eyes of the Spaniards at
Nootka, as Capt. Gray meant to sell her to them if possible.
Cut some spare spars at this place, and wooded and watered
the Ship for her passage to Canton. Many Natives visited
us, and brought plenty of fish but few furs. Took out the Skins
from the Sloop178 and stow'd them away on board the Ship.

BOUND TO NOOTKA SOUND

September 13. Weigh'd and stood to sea, in company with v
the Adventure, bound to Nootka sound.

21. N. Latt. 49° 30'; W. Long. 126° 30'. Abreast the
Entrance of the Sound. A Spanish Brig in sight to leeward,
which hove to and fir'd a Gun. We immediately bore off for
her. She was the Acteva of 14 Guns, with the Spanish Gov-
ernor of Nootka179 on board, bound to Peru. He told Capt.
Gray that he wou'd wait 10 days at a small Spanish settle-
tlement, in Juan De Fuca straits, where he was then going,
for to leave some orders, previous to his leaving the Coast. He
appear'd anxious to have the Sloop, and Haswell was not back-
ward in displaying her to the best advantage. Towards evening
we anchor'd in Friendly Cove, having saluted the .Spanish
Governor with 13 Guns180 when we parted. Found riding in
the Cove His Majesty's Ships Discovery and Chatham,181 The

177 Haswell gives its latitude as 52° 25' north; his log shows that he was
there twice, once in May and again in August, 1792. No longitude is given (it
would be of no assistance, because of its constant inaccuracy), but it is plain
from Haswell's log that on both occasions he reached this port from Dixon
Entrance along the western coast of Queen Charlotte Islands. It was therefore
on the western coast of these islands and north of Houston Stewart Channel.
He calls it St. Tammonies Cove, Port Montgomery; from his scattered allusions
it seems to have been a cove in a large sound. Though the latitude does not
agree, could it by any possibility hay* been Ingraham's Magee Sound? In making
a comparison it must be kept in mind that Ingraham stayed a considerable time
in Magee Sound and made a careful examination; Haswell appears to have looked
on it merely as a suitable rendezvous.

1 78 Haswell's entry, i2th September, 1792, reads: "I delivered to Capt.
Gray 75 sea otter skins, 29 cootsacks, 137 tails, and 25 pieces."

1 79 Quadra was returning, not to Peru, but to San Bias in Mexico.

1 80 The federal salute; see note 95 ante.

181 Vancouver's vessels, which had arrived in Friendly Cove, Nootka Sound,
28th August, 1792, after circumnavigating Vancouver Island.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 329

Dedalns, Store Ship, Capt. [Thomas] New, Ship Margaret,162
of Boston, Capt. Magee, English Brig Fens,163 Capt. Duffin,
English Sloop Jackhall,1*4 Capt. Steward, and a Spanish Line
of Battle Ship of 74 Guns. Spanish Colours still flying at the
fort, the Governor having refused to give up the Sound to
Capt. Vancoover who was authoriz'd by his Government for
to take possession of it. However the Spaniards told Van-
coover that he might have that particular place where Capt.
[John] Mears made his small settlement, and built a Sloop,
which was very inconsiderable. Capt. Vancoover insisted upon
having the whole or none. However they both agreed to let
the business remain (in statu quo), to remain friends, and
write home to their respective Courts, on the subject of dispute.

JUAN DE FUCA STRAITS

22. Weigh'd in company with the Sloop, and left Nootka
bound to Port Ne-ar185 in Juan de Fuca straits. Fair wind and
pleasant weather.

23. N. Latt. 49° 9*; W. Long. 125° 26' O <t. Close in with
Clioquot harbour. In the morning saw two Sail in the NW.
At Meridian Tatooch's Isle186 on the SE. entrance of the Straits
bore Ei^S. 8 or 9 leagues.

24. N. Latt. 48° 30'; W. Latt. [Long.] 123° 45'. Spoke
the Spanish Brig Acteva, with the Governor on board. They

182 This ship had just reached Nootka, arriving on igth September, 1792.
Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. vi, p. 54.

183 The Fenis and St. Joseph. Vancouver says she was a Portuguese brig,
commanded by John de Barros Andrede, with Mr. Duffin as supercargo, Voyage,
vol. 2, p. 367; and see Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. vi, p. 50, to same
effect. Perhaps Duffin, who had been with Meares in the Felice, may have taken
his cue from his former employer. Duffin on this occasion give Vancouver a
written account of the seizures of 1789; the gist of the letter will be found in
Vancouver's Voyage, vol. », p. 370 et seq., and verbatim in Washington Historkal
Quarterly, vol. vi, p. «. et seq. She had arrived on i$th September. 1792.

184 The Jackal, of the Butterworth squadron. Vancouver calls her a schooner,
but all others speak of her as a sloop. Ingraham had met her near the southern
end of Queen Charlotte Islands on i;th July previous, and had at first thought
her to be the Adventure; but she showed British colours, and on her
nearer approach he saw that she had a tier of ports fore and aft, the greatest
part of which were "false or only painted, yet they made a good appearance at a
distance that for some time we concluded she was a Kings Cutter or tender to
some of the men of war on the coast."

185 Neah Bay.

186 Tatoosb Island first appears in Duncans sketch ijth August, 1788. He
give* the following information: "Green Island or To Touches is about 1A mile
in length; covered over with green grass; on the West Side It a •mall Cove
very narrow and only navigable for Boats; I saw some Canoes go in and out
and many Indians on the Beach; on the East Side is a large village, and from
the number of Canoe* that come to us from thence. I suppose it to be well
inhabited."

330 JOHN BOIT

was much suppriz'd at our being in the Straits as soon as they
was. At dark the Spanish Brig hove to under her tops'ls.
We kept plying all night for our Port, and in the Morning
got safe to anchor in C'o with the Sloop Adventure. Found
riding here the Spanish Ship Princessa of 64 Guns, and Brig
Hope, Capt. Ingrahim. This was a small, good harbour,187
situate about 5 leagues from Cape Flattery, within the straits
of De Fuca. The Spaniards had erected a Cross upon the
beach, and had about 10 Houses and several good Gardens.188
Several Natives along side, and a few prime Skins was pur-
chas'd (with plenty of fine Halibut*)* I went with the Pinnace
to the Assistance of the Acteva, she having been oblig'd to
anchor near Cape Flattery, in a dangerous situation. When I
came on board, instead of using every effort to get clear of
Danger, they was performing Mass. However soon got under
way and stood for Port Ne-ar.189

25. N. Latt. 48°. 35'; W. Long. 123° 30'. The Acteva
anchor'd in company. Saluted the Governor with 13 Guns,
which was return'd. Employ'd filling up our Water, and get-
ting ready for our passage across the Pacific Ocean.

26. Spanish Officers from both ships, together with 'Capt.
Ingraham, dined on board the Columbia. Fired, on their
coming, and going away, two Foederall salutes.

27. Saild the Princessa for Nootka sound.190 Ships crew
are all in prime health. Natives constantly visit us, but they
do not like the Spaniards.

187 Ingraham had a contrary opinion. In his journal under date 28th Septem-
ber, 1792, he writes. "It is 5 points of the compass open to the sea from
WNW to NEW so that it is almost as bad as being in the centre of the straights
and I much wonder how the Princessa road out 7 months in safety in such a
place especially as the bottom is very rocky in forming a new settlement I
should suppose a good Harbour was the first and most materiall thing to be sought
for."

1 88 Ingraham describes it thus: "The settlement consisted only of a few Huts
and a tollerable good garden."

189 Ingraham states that when he and Mr. Hoskins of the Columbia visited
Quadra the latter was much vexed that the Americans had not sent their boats
to his assistance on the preceding evening. Satisfactory explanations were, how-
ever, made and, with the assistance of the Americans, the Acteva was towed into
safe anchorage. He expresses in his journal great sorrow that anything having
even the semblance of inattention or neglect to one who had been so kind to them
should have happened.

too The Spaniards were now, on instructions from Quadra, abandoning Nunez
Gaona as they called the settlement at Neah Bay. It had only been established
in the preceding March. Fidalgo, who was its commandante was sailing to
Nootka to take over the command at that place, superseding Camaano, who had
been left in charge.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 331

28. This day sold the Sloop Adventure to the Spanish Gov-
ernor, for 72 Prime Sea Otter Skins, worth 55 Dollars each in
Canton, which is equal to 4960$., which at 50 per Ct. advance
home, is 7440 Spanish Piasters, a good price. He wanted
her as a present to the Viceroy of Mexico. Before delivery
we took out all her provisions and stores, with a New Cable
and Anchor.

29. Saild this day the Brig Acteva and Sloop Adventure,
under Spanish Colours, bound to Acapulco. We saluted on
their departure with 9 Guns which was return'd.

30. Weigh'd and saild from Port Near, bound across the
Straits for a Cove, call'd by us Poverty.191 Same evening
anchor'd, in 7 fathom. Found this harbour much snuger for
our business. The Indians brought a few Skins and plenty
of fish and some train oil, which last article we much wanted.

October 1. Employ'd wooding and watering and getting the
Ship in order. Cut many spare spars.

3. Weigh'd for the last time on the NW Coast, and left
Poverty Cove, bound for Canton in China, via Sandwich
Islands. Our feelings on this occasion are easier felt than
described. Our friends at Home and ev'ry endearing Idea rush'd
so full upon us, and made us so happy, that 't was impossible,
for a while, to get the Ship in readiness for bad weather, and
full allowance of Grog being serv'd on the occasion, made our
worthy Tars join in the general Mirth — and so we go.

N. Latt. 48° 25' ; W. Long. 123° 30'. At noon Cape Flattery
bore East 7 leagues. Steering SW. Wind NE. Soon lost
sight of the Mountains of North America.

9. N. Latt. 44° 51'; W. Long. 128° 34'; Amp'd 14° 37' E.

11. N. Latt. 43° 7'; W. Long. 129° 5'; Amp'd 13° 17' E.
O <f. Pleasant weather. Wind at West. Ship's Crew in
health.

16. N. Latt. 34° 7'; W. Long. 138° 6'; Azi. 10° 58' E.
Pleasant gales and fair weather.

17. N. Latt. 32° 54'; W. Long. 138° 42'; Azi. 11° 46' E.
Pleasant gales and fair weather.

191 Port San Juan, on Vancouver Island, just insidr the entrance of Juan de
Fuca Strait. Captain Walbran, in a manuscript note, gives ita true position as lati-
tude 48° 2»' north, longitude 124° jo' west. The Indian name wai Pachenat, but
Haswell in his first LOB;, under date 29th March. 1789, records that Captain
Gray, then in the W(uh**fto», named it Poverty Cove.

332 JOHN BOIT

21. N. Latt. 28° 10'; W. Long. 142° 24'; Azi. 10° 0' E.
Crew all in health, and wind and weather propitious. Took
NE. Trade winds this day.

26. N. Latt. 20° 15' ; W. Long. 150° 39' ; Azi. 6° 7' ; Amp'd
6° 38' E. Warm and pleasant, with a smooth sea.

28. N. Latt. 20° 5'; W. Long. 154° 52' * 1 Spoke the
Brig Fens, Capt. Duffan,192 bound to Canton. The first lieu-
tenant193 of the Discovery, Capt. Vancoover, was a passenger on
board this Vessell, bound home, with dispatches for Govern-
ment.

SANDWICH ISLES. PACIFIC OCEAN

29. N. Latt. 20° 14'; W. Long. 154° 20'. Made the Isle
of Owhyhee,193^ one of the Sandwich Isles, where the famous
Circumnavigator, Capt. James Cook was killed by the Natives.
Standing towards the Isles, it having been seen at 15 leagues
distant.

30. Hove to, for some Canoes, and purchased 11 Hogs from
the Natives, and plenty of vegetables, such as Sweet Potatoes,
Yams, tarro, etc. These Canoes was very neatly made, but quite
narrow. The Outrigger kept them steady, or else, I think, they
wou'd too easily upset in the Sea. The Men were fine stately
looking fellows, and the Women quite handsome. They were all
in a state of Nature, except a small covering round the middle.
Not many of the Columbia's Crew prov'd to be Josepths. Run
along very near the Isles, and hove to off Karakakoa Bay.
Some double Canoes came alongside. These was suspended
apart by large rafters, well supported. The Masts were rig'd
between the canoes, and they carried their mat sails a long
time, sailing very fast. The Shore was lined with people.

31. N. Latt. 20° 14'; W. Long. 154° 50'. Stood round the
Island and haul'd into Toaj yah yah bay,194 and hove to. Vast
many canoes sailing in company with us. The shore made

192 The ostensible commander was a Portuguese, John de Barros Andrede,
Duffin being but supercargo. Further investigation may show that, like Meares'
vessels, she was merely masquerading under the Portuguese flag. The passenper
referred to was Lieutenant Mudge of the Discovery, who was carrying to England
an account of the abortive negotiations between Vancouver and Quadra. See
Vancouver's Voyage, vol. 2, pp. 377-378, 8vo. ed. 1801.

103 Lieutenant Mudge? — W. C. F.

193^ Hawaii.— W. C. F.

J94Kawaihae Bay?— W. C. F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 333

a delightful appearance, and appeared in the highest state of
cultivation. Many canoes along side, containing beautiful
Women. Plenty of Hogs and fowls, together with most of
the Tropical fruits in abundance, great quantities of Water,
and Musk, Mellons, Sugar Cane, Bread fruit, and salt was
brought for sale. The price of a large Hog was from 5 to 10
spikes — smaller ones in proportion. 6 Dunghill fowls for an
Iron Chizzle, and fruit cheaper still.

November 1. This day, having on board 93 Hogs and great
quantities of Fruits and Vegetables, we bore away from this
enchanting Island bound to Onehow,195 after more Yams and
to put a Native on shore, which the Captain had taken from
that Isle on his former voyage. Pass'd the Isles of Tahousa,196
Rainai,197 Mower,19* and Whahow,199 left them to the North'd
of us.

2. N. Latt. 21° 59'; W. Long. 160° 0' Pass'd Atooi, and
steer'd for Yam bay in Onehow. In the morning was well
into the bay. Vast many canoes off, in one of which was
the Father and other relations of our Sandwich Island Lad.
They came on board and the meeting was very affectionate,
but still our Lad refused to go on shore and Capt. Gray did
not think proper to force him. However made his friends
many presents. Purchas'd some Hogs here, and great quan-
titys of Cocoa Nuts, with a good lot of Nice line for Rising, etc.

3. Bore off and made all sail for the Coast of China, and
soon lost sight of these beautiful Isles, the Inhabitants of which
appear'd to me to be the happiest people in the world. Indeed
there was something in them so frank and chearful that you
cou'd not help feeling prepossess'd in their favour.200

4. N. Latt. 19° 56'; W. Long. 163° 58' Pleasant NE.
trade winds, with smooth sea. Crew all in health. Kill'd and
salted 17 large Hogs. We followed Capt. Cook's plan,201 by

^5 Niihau.— W. C. F.
i96Kahoolawe.— W. C. F.
i97Lanai?— W. C. F.

198 Maui.— W. C. F.

199 Oahu.— W. C. F.

200 Boit changed his opinion some three years later; sec the entries from the
log of the I'nion. reproduced in S. E. Morison's Boston Traders in Hawaiian
Islands, Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. xii, pp. 168-9.

201 See its details in Cook's Third Voyage, vol. a, p. 135, 4to, ed. 1785, and
rol. 2, p. 135. 8vo. ed. Dublin 1784..

Page 263, Massachusetts Historical Society.

334 JOHN BOIT

taking out the Bones, and laying the Meat, (after salting),
between two Hatches, with a heavy Weight on them, through
the Night and in the morning early, after a good examination,
pack'd it away in Barrells, using strong pickle. This method
answerd ev'ry purpose.

13. N. Latt. 15° 49' ; W. Long. 185° 25' ; E. Long. 174° 35' ;
Amp'd 13° 23' E. Keep the people employ'd cleaning furs.

24. N. Latt. 15° 50'; W. Long. 212° 29'; E. Long. 147°
31'; Azi. 9° 56' E. This is pleasant sailing, have not experi-
enced a squall since leaving the Islands, and the sea quite
smooth, although a fresh NE. trade. Crew all well.

29. N. Latt. 18° 24' ; W. Long. 226° 15' ; E. Long. 133° 45' ;
Azi. and Amp'd 7° 12' E. Sea grows more rough, and the
weather a little squally.

BASHEE ISLES AND COAST OF CHINA. PAFIFIC

OCEAN

December 3. N. Latt. 20° 30' ; W. Long. 232° 28' ; E. Long.
127° 32* O <T. This day, contrary to our expectation, we made
the Bashee Isles, at 10 leagues distance to the Westward. Have
experienced strong Currents in our favour, since leaving the
Sandwich Isles. As we cou'd not weather, with the wind at
NE., 't was thought best to run between Graf ton and Mon-
mouth Isles, bore off accordingly.

4. Fresh breeze. At 6 P. M. we were between the Islands,
doubled pretty near Grafton, and luffd close under the lea'd
of Orange Isle. Saw a number of fires on the shore, but it
was too dark to make any observations. When clear of the
group hauld close on a wind for the Coast of China.

5. N. Latt. 21° 48'; Correct W. Long. 239° 29*; Correct
E. Long. 120° 31'; Azi. and Amp'd 2° 41' W. 16 O O * <T <T.
<L Sights. Saw the Island of Formosa, bearing EBN. at Mer-
idian, 12 leagues. Fair NE. Monsoon.

6. N. Latt. 22° 20'; W. Long. 243° 38'; E. Long. 116° 22'.
Saw the Main land of China, bearing NW. 8 leagues, at
Meridian above 100 sail of fishing boats in sight. Soundings
23 fathom sand and ouze.

7. N. Latt. 22° 7'; W. Long. 244° 57'; E. Long. 115° 3'.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 335

Pass'd the Island, or rather Rock of Pedro Branca, (or
Blanco),202'202** at Daylight. It was of a conical shape and ap-
pear'd perfectly white. At Noon, the Grand Lema Island bore
WSW., 5 leagues. Hundreds of fishing boats in sight. At 3
P. M. pass'd the Lema, leaving it on our larboard hand. At 6
got a Pilot on, board, who agreed to carry us to Macao roads,
for 25 Dollars. Stood between the Lema Islands all night, with
a light breeze.

MACAO ROADS. COAST OF CHINA

8. This morning early anchor'd in Macao roads, 14 fm.
muddy bottom. Not liking our situation weigh'd and shifted
our berth nigher to Macao, and anchor'd in 4y2 fm. Mud. The
Fort at Macao bearing S. 8° 8' W. 4 miles, and the outermost
of the Nine Isles N. 8° E. Capt. Gray went to Macao in the
pinnace. A Black fellow came on board and inform'd us that
Capt. Kendrick, in the Lady Washington, lay in Lark's Bay,203
and that the Brig had been dismasted in the Chinese seas
about two months before, in a Tuffoon, being again bound for
the NW. Coast. Kendrick was refitting his vessell again.

9. Capt. Gray return'd on board, he inform'd us that Capt.
Kendrick saild for the NW. in September last, in company with
a small tender he had fitted in Macao. He was out four days
when the Tuffoon overtook him. The Brig laid on her Beam
ends for some time before they cut away the Masts. She then
righted, and the gale abating steer'd for Macao. The whole
surface of the sea was cover'd with the Wrecks of Chinese
Boats, and many of the poor fishermen was still hanging to
pieces of the Boats. Capt. Kendrick pick'd up above thirty
of the poor fellows, and was obliged to pass a great many
that he cou'd not assist. He arriv'd in Larks Bay, the 7th
day after the Gale.204 A Macao Boat came along side, with

303 Pedra Branca.— W. C. F.

2O2Y> The Columbia is following the usual route from the Sandwich (Hawaiian)
Islands to China. Meares says: "The land generally made on the coast of China
is about Pedro Blanco or White Rock." Meares' Voyages, 410. ed., p. 57.

303 Lark's Bay — sometimes called Dirty Butter Bay — a small harbour lying
three or four leagues southwest of Macao, the Portuguese settlement near the
mouth of the Canton River. The object of lying there was to save the payment
of duty on the cargo, as the bay was out of the reach of Chinese authority at
that time; see Delano s Voyages, p. 43-

304 It is by such scattered references as this that, by degrees, the intensely
interesting story of Kendrick is being pieced together.

336 JOHN BOIT

two European gentlemen, and purchas'd of us 21 pistale of
Iron at 7$ per pistal.205 A River pilot took charge for 40$ to
take the Ship to Whampoa.206

10. Weigh'd, with the wind at NE. early in the morning
making slow progress ; in the evening anchor'd below Lintin
bar, in 5 fathom. Next morning weigh'd and beat up to the
Boca Tigris,206* and anchor'd in 17 fm.

CANTON RIVER, CHINA

12. This day arriv'd to our Moorings at Whampoa, having
been obliged to beat the whole way from Macao roads. Found
riding here 47 sail of European Ships, and six American Do.
Capt. Gray went to Canton, in the pinnace. We lay'd at this
place till the 2d of February, during which time we give the
Ship a complete overhaul from her keel to the truck. We
haul'd the Ship a shore, on Dutch Island beach, and graved.
This business cost 150$ (paid to the Proprietors of the beach).
The whole expence accruing to the Columbia at Canton
amounted to the enormous sum of 7000 Spanish $. The other
Furs were landed at Canton, and delivered to the Hong Mer-
chants, for 90,000$, average 45 Dollars each. The Land furs
sold quite low, in proportion.

The Ship was1 laden with a full Cargo of Teas and Nanken
with a small proportion of Sugar and China Porcelain. 'Tis
the Custom in this place to engage with a Contractor to supply
the Ship with provisions and other stores. They call them-
selves Compadores. You must give them a certain Sum, gen-
erally 150$ before they'll undertake. The first of these fellows
that was engag'd run away with 250$ in our debt. This Money
was advanced him previous to our having a Security Merchant ;
otherways it wou'd have been recover'd. These security Mer-
chants207 ev'ry ship must have before they can transact business,

205 A picul, a common weight in the Orient and of 1331-3 pounds. See
Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. xii, p. 170. Capt Cook called it a pecul, and
says it contains one hundred catty aid that each catty is eighteen ounces. His
pecul would thus be \\2l/t pounds.

206 Sometimes spelled Wampu and in numerous other forms. It was the port
of Canton and was situate on the Canton River on the opposite side from Canton
and about ten miles below.

206 # Part of the estuary of the Canton River. See an illustration in M cares'
Voyages, 4to. ed., p. n.

207 For remarks upon the method of carrying on this trade and the hamper-
ing restrictions imposed on it by the Chinese Government, see Marchand's Voyage,
vol. a, p. 96, et seq., 1801 ed., and also Dixon's Voyage, Letters xliv and xlv.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 337

as the government looks to them for the Amount of Duties.
Capt. Gray generally staid at Canton and the Officers by turns,
and ev'ry man on board had two Days liberty allowed him.

We had a building, made of Bamboo and Cover'd with Matts,
nearly abreast the Ship on the Banks of the River. This was
found by the Compadore and answer'd very well for to put
the Ship's stores in while careening and loading. An Officer
and gang of hands was station'd at this place, as a guard.
There was two large boats station'd along side the Ship, with
Customs house officers on board, the whole time we lay'd in
the river. A family resided in each boat (they being com-
pletely shelter'd). The Manderine had an apartment by him-
self.

1793, January 1. Rec'd a letter from Capt. Kendrick, who
inform'd us of the death of Messrs. Wood and Stodderd, two
young men of Boston. I believe they liv'd too fast for the
climate.

When we arriv'd at Whampoa there was upwards of a
dozen fine Hogs on deck, which we had reserv'd for the Passage
home. The Rasscles of the Chinese found means to throw
them some poisinous stuff, which kill'd the whole of them.
But we took notice as soon as they was thrown overboard
they was eagerly seiz'd, and no doubt was feasted upon by the
poor of the River; indeed nothing escap'd their clutches — the
Entrails of Poultry, or Dead Rats serv'd equally alike to
appease these half starv'd wretches that constantly surrounds
the shipping. However I always remark'd that they was very
nice in their Cookery, and Rice was always a part of ev'ry
Mess. No Indians we had ever visited during the Voyage was
more complete in the Art of thieving than the Chinese of the
lower order, on this River. And in fact they appear'd to me
to be the greatest Villains in the Universe. (These remarks
are only as respects the common people.) The Chinese Gen-
tlemen is of a very different character, and indeed I was highly
pleas'd with the polite attention shown to strangers at Canton,
by the Mandarines and Merchants at that place ; indeed among
themselves they appear to stand upon the nicest Etiquette.
The Chinese merchant is very particular in his business, and

338 JOHN BOIT

very nice in his calculations, and no part of his affairs appear
to be unnotic'd by him. In making a bargain they are very
shrewd; when closed they are faithful as to quantity, but for
quality you must be constantly on your guard or else 'tis certain
the Goods will not turn out as expected, and the only satis-
faction you will get from them is that you ought to have
looked sharper, and at the same [time] will try to console you
by this remark, that on another Voyage you will be better
acquainted with the mode of doing business at Canton. Upon
the whole, the Candour that is about the Chinese merchant
makes some amends for the general complaint against them,
that they will cheat you, if they can — therefore your business
is to see that they shall not.

"Tis surprizing to observe the business that is going on in
the Suburbs of Canton; the streets are generally thronged
with people, all busily engag'd in their several avocations ; the
Shops well stock'd with Goods, and appear to meet with en-
couragement. Few Women are to be seen. These (if Chinese)
have the small crippled feet, the Ancle looking like an Horse's
hoof. If Tarter, the feet is of the natural growth. So much
has been said about Canton, and the Manners and Customs of
the Chinese, that 'tis needless for me to make any further re-
marks on the subject.

FROM CANTON TOWARDS THE STRAITS OF BANCA

February 2. This day the Pilot came on board and took
charge. Unmoor'd and stood down the River. Left but 7
Ships behind, all English and Swedes.

4. Anchor'd this day below the Bars. Wind gradually in
our teeth, work along with the tides.

6. Anchor'd just above the Boca Tigris; in the Night the
Chinese rasscles cut the cable, although we kept a good watch.
Let go another, and brought up. In the morning, the Buoy
being taken away, cou'd not recover the Anchor. Therefore
left it with 9 fm. Cable.

7. Pass'd the Boca Tigris, and stood for Macao roads.

8. Ran through Macao Roads, and stood to sea. The Pilot
left us. Took a departure from the Macao Fort, it lying in

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 339

Latitude 22° 13' North, and Longitude 113° S? East of
London. Some Chinese junks in company. Find the Ship re-
quires one Pump pretty steady to keep her free. However
as it has been a steady leak for some time it is not look'd upon
as a serious affair. The Wind prevails from the Easterly board,
and is very squally.

The Ship's Crew are all well and hearty, and looking for-
ward, with anxious solicitude, to a happy meeting of Sweet-
hearts and Wives. How can we be otherways than happy,
when anticipating the joys that awaits us there!!208

9. N. Lat. 19° 57'; W. Long. 246° 39*; E. Long. 113° 21';
Azi. 1° 43' W. Wind at SE. Pleasant weather. Two Chinese
Junks in company.

10. N. Lat. 19° 35'; W. Long. 245° 44'; E. Long. 114°
16' ; Amp'd 0° 43' W. Wind SS W. Junks in company. Very
pleasant, light airs.

12. N. Lat. 17° 31'; W. Long. 246° 35'; E. Long. 113° 25'.
Azi. 0° 48' W. Wind SE. and pleasant weather. See Boobies
often.

14. N. Lat. 15° 2'; W. Long. 246° 14'; E. Long. 113° 46'.
Took the wind at NE., which I suppose is the Monsoon.

18. N. Lat. 9° 44'; W. Long. 250° 48'; E. Long. 109° 12*.
At Midnight saw a small Isle bearing SWBS. 1 league, and
soon after see Pulo Sapata, bearing SEE. 2 leagues to the
North'd. At 6 A. M. bore off and made sail. Wind ENE.
Cou'd not weather Pulo Sapata. Pass'd two miles to the West-
ward of it. When the Isle bore East, a large White Rock or
Isle bore NNW., 6 or 7 leagues distant. At 9 was clear of
Sapata,208* and see no dangers in the track we pursued, although
I believe 't was quite an unfrequented one. This Sapata Isle
is very properly named, as it has every appearance of a Shoe —
after which it is called in Malay. Bore off to the west'd with
an intention of striking soundings off Pulo Condore. Pulo
Sapata, Latitude is 10° 4', and 109° 10' E.

19. N. Lat. 8° 4'; W. Long. 252° 4'; E. Long. 107° 56'.

208 The course of the Columbia from Canton to and through the StraiU of
Sunda is that followed by the vessels of the day. Any one wishing details can
find them readily in Dixon's Voyage and in Portlocfc's Voyage, and even in
Captain Cook's Third Voyage.

See Captain CookTs Third Voyage, 4to. ed. 1785. vol. 3, p. 449. and 8vo.

340 JOHN BOIT

Regular NE. Monsoon. Soundings at Noon 26 fathom, fine
sand.

20. N. Lat. 6° 9' ; W. Long. 252° 46' ; E. Long. 107° 14'.
Soundings at Noon, 32 fm., fine sand.

21. N. Lat. 4° 28'; W. Long. 253° 23'; E. Long. 106° 37';
Azi. 1° 18' E. Soundings at Noon 45 fm., steady Monsoon.

22. N. Lat. 3° 0'; W. Long. 255° 5'; E. Long. 104° 55'.
The Islands of Pulo Timon, Aore, and Tissang209"209^ in sight
to the Southward. At Noon Pulo Aore bore SBW^ 10
leagues. Soundings 35 fathom.

23. N. Lat. 0° 56'; W. Long. 254° 20'; E. Long. 105° 40'.
Soundings at Noon 35 fm., Sand and Mud.

24. S. Lat. 0° 44'; W. Long. 254° 46'; E. Long. 105° 14'.
This day saw Pulo Taya to the westward. At Noon Pulo
Taya210 bore WNW. 6 leagues, the Seven Islands, SEE. Ex-
perience a current to the Southward this 24 hours, the Mon-
soon moderate.

25. S. Lat. 1° 43'; W. Long. 255° 9'; E. Long. 104° 51'.
Pass'd between Taya and the Seven Isles, distance from Seven
Isles about 4 leagues. More Islands hove in sight to the SE.
At Sunset saw land, which we took for Monopin Hill. Laid
off and on through the Night under short sail. Soundings
from 8 to 16 fathom. At daylight Monopin Hill bore SEE,
7 leagues. Bore off. At Meridian Monopin Hill bore E^N
and the Sumatra shore WSW., the ship nearest the Banca
Shore,211 strong currents to the Southward. Soundings 18
fathom.

STRAITS OF BANCA

26. S. Lat. 2° 43'. Enter'd the Straits of Banca, and stood
to the SE. At 5 P. M. Monopin Hill bearing NNW, the Ship
being y? nearest to the Banca shore from Sumatra on. We

ed. 1784. Dublin, vol. 3, p. 449. See also Dixon's Voyage, 2nd ed. 1789, p. 323.

209 These are evidently the islands mentioned by Captain King as Pulo
Timoan, Pulo Puisang and Pulo nor. See Cook's Third Voyage, vol. 3, p.
465, et seq.

20954 Tioman, Aor and Pemangil or Tingy? — W. C. F.

210 Saya.— W. C. F.

211 In Marchand's Voyage, vol. 2, p. i, among the plans and sketches, will
be found one showing the tracks of «-ome eight ships through the straits between
Banca and Billiton.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 341

shoal'd the water very sudden from 10 to 3 fathoms, rocks,
bore off to the South and West, and soon deep'd it again. This
must have been on the Fredrick Hendrik Shoal.

In the evening came to on the Sumatra shore, 9 fm. Mud,
strong tides. 3d point bore EBS. 2 leagues.

At daylight got under way, and stood down straits. At 10
abreast the Nanka Isles, a number of Malay proas in sight.
At 11 A. M. a dangerous shoal bore West 1 league, high
breakers. At Noon obsen/d as above. 1st pt. bore SBE. 4
leagues.

27. S. Lat. 4° 21'; W. Long. 253° 43'; E. Long. 106° 17'

0 C. Winds from NW. and pleasant. At 2 P. M. pass'd a
Moorish Sloop, at anchor. She was strongly man'd and arm'd.

1 believe she was a Pirate. Many Proas about. At Sunset
the Isle of Lucepara bore SEBE 3 leagues, and 1st point on
Sumatra, SWBS. Pass'd nearest to the Sumatra Shore, the
shoalest water 4l/2 fm. and when through deep'd it to 12 and
14 fm. A strong tide in favour. At Noon observ'd as above.

28. S. Lat. 4° 39'; W. Long. 253° 50'; E. Long. 106°
10* * <T. Depth of Water, from 10 to 14 fm. throughout these
24 hours. Wind from the West'd, and very dark weather.
Bound towards the Straits of Sunda.

March 1. S. Lat. 5° 9'. At sunset see the Two Sisters212
Isles to the Southward, wind to the SW. and very light. Sound-
ings from 12 to 14 fm. At dark came to off the Sumatra
shore, at 2l/2 leagues distant, 9l/2 fm. Mud. In the morning
got under way. At Noon observ'd Lat. as above, the Sisters
bearing SSE. 2 miles.

2. S. Lat. 5° 25'. Wind at West. Soundings throughout
the 24 hours from 12 to 15 fm. Found these Isles of Sisters
to be surround'd with Dangerous Reefs. In the evening came
to in 12 fm. Muddy bottom. Hogs point on Sumatra in sight
bearing South 11 leagues, and North Island SWBS^W. In
the morning weigh'd and stood towards North Isle. At Noon
observ'd as above.

AT NORTH ISLE AND STRAITS OF SUNDA

3. Winds moderate and cloudy, working towards North

aia Two Brother*?— W. C. F.

342 JOHN BOIT

Isles Roads. At sunset came to in the Roads, 15 fm. muddy
bottom. Pass'd several Turtle and Water Snakes between the
Sisters and our anchorage. The two ships shew English
Colours. In the morning early shifted our berth nearer the
watering place, and at 7 A. M. anchor'd in 15 fm. Hoisted
out all the Boats, and dispatch'd them for water. The ships
that lay in the Road was an English 64, Capt. Gore213 and the
Indostan India Company Ship, Capt. Mackintosh. The Lion
had on board Mr. Macartney,214 a Minister from the British
Government to the Court of Pekin. We took Dispatches for
them to leave at St. Helena. Towards evening these ships
sail'd for Batavia. Two Dutch Guard of Coasters anchor'd
in company with us. By night we had fill'd up all our water
and purchas'd a good quantity of Poultry and Fruit of the
Malays at the Beach. I landed, with the charge of our boats,
found above 200 Malays round the watering place. They was
completely arm'd, with Creases, (or Daggers), but was quite
friendly. However I did not allow the Boats to touch the
beach and only let 6 men beside myself land, and swam the
water casks off to the boats, when fill'd. This method I thought
but prudent, as the Malays had kill'd one of the Lion's crew,
while washing cloaths at the brook. I cannot say that I experi-
enced the most agreeable sensations while on this duty.

4. Employ'd variously. Got a good quantity of Wood
from North Isle. The watering place being on Sumatra, we
see no Natives on North Isle.

5. Weigh'd and sail'd from North Island Roads, bound
through Sunda Straits, pass'd the Qepthan Isles and Stroon
Rock, upon which was high breakers. Pass'd it on the lar-
board hand. At Meridian Crackatoa Isle bore SSW. 4 miles,
sounding 20 fm. St. Tamanies Isle NNE. Wind SSW.

6. S. Lat. 6° 2'. Wind from SW. to NW. and very squally
weather, with heavy rain. Turning to windward between
Princes Island and Crokatore and in the Night came very near
depositing the Ship on the Qu Klip rocks. However good
luck prevail'd. Crew all in health.

7. S. Lat. 6° 39'. At Meridian Princes Isle bore East and

213 Erasmus Gower. — W. C. F.

214 George Macartney, Earl Macartney (1737-1806). — W. C. F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 343

Java Head ESE. 5 leagues. Wind from NVV. Stood to the
southward.

8. S. Lat. 7° 13'; W. Long. 255° 36'; E. Long. 104° 24'.
Steady NVV. Monsoon and pleasant.

9. S. Lat. 8° 4'; W. Long. 255° 47'; E. Long. 104° 13';
Amp'd 1° 24' East. Wind WSW. and squally weather.

13. S. Lat. 10° 47' ; W. Long. 257° 40' ; E. Long. 102° 20'
O <T. This day took the SE. trade winds after having experi-
enced the NW. Monsoon quite variable from SSW. to NNW.,
and weather much unsettled, with plenty of rain and a con-
tinual swell from the Southward. Many Boobies about us.

20. S. Lat. 15° 32'; W. Long. 270° 16'; E. Long. 89° 44';
Azi. 1° 54' E. This is an uncommon Variation for the place.
Have had fine weather since taking the SE. Trades.

27. S. Lat. 17° 1'; W. Long. 280° 57'; E. Long. 79° 3'.
Have had the wind from the west'd these three days past, with
squally weather. This day it drew to the SE. again. Caught
several Dolphin.

30. S. Lat. 16° 32' ; W. Long. 286° 5' ; E. Long. 73° 55' ;
Azi. 4° 38' W. Pleasant SE. Trade winds.

April 1. S. Lat. 16° 55'; W. Long. 289° 25'; E. Long. 70°
35'; Azi. 7° 36' W. Have experienced a little Thunder and
Lightning, for several days at intervals.

3. S. Lat. 18° 52* ; W. Long. 295° 0' ; E. Long. 65° 0' ; Azi.
14° 0' W. Fresh trades and Hazy weather.

SAW THE ISLE OF RODERIGUE AND MAURITIUS.
SOUTHERN OCEAN

4. S. Lat. 19° 37' ; W. Long. Corrected 297° 10* ; E. Long.
62* 50' O (. This day made the Isle of Roderigue bearing
SW. The Ship having experienced a current to the West'd
since leaving the Straits of Sunda. Found this Island to be
surround'd with dangerous Reefs — the one on its NW. extends
many miles into the Sea.

5. S. Lat. 19° 44'; W. Long. 299° 11'; E. Long. 60° 49/;
Azi. 10° 4' W. Amp'd 9° 58' W. Wind from the south'd
and pleasant.

7. S. Lat. 20° 36'; W. Long. 302° 19'; E. Long. 57° 41'.

344 JOHN BOIT

Saw the Isle of France at daylight. At noon the South pt.
of Mauritius bore WNW, 8 leagues, very high uneven land.

8. S. Lat. 21° 36'; W. Long. 303° 38'; E. Long. 56° 22'.
Pleasant trade winds. Saw the Isle of Bourbon. At noon it
bore NW. 10 or 12 leagues. Exceeding mountainous.

10. S. Lat. 24° 4'; W. Long. 307° 55'; E. Long. 52° 5';
Azi. 18° 51' W. Fresh SE. trades and squally. Crew all well.

14. S. Lat. 28° 2'; W. Long. 315° 59'; E. Long. 44° 1'.
Azi. 22° 25' 0 <T O *. Wind still at SE. and pleasant
weather.

17. S. Lat. 30° 41' ; W. Long. 323° 44' ; E. Long. 36° 16'
O <T. This day the SE. trades left us, and immediately took
the wind from NW.

19. S. Lat. 29° 3?; W. Long. 325° 49'; E. Long. 34° 11';
Azi. and Amp'd 23° 50' W. O <T O * 16 O <L Sights. Wind
at SW. and pleasant cool weather. Current setting to the NE.

21. S. Lat. 29° 37'; W. Long. 326° 48'; E. Long. 33° 12';
Azi. 25° 30' W. Wind from west, and pleasant.

23. S. Lat. 31° 11'; W. Long. 328° 20'; E. Long. 31° 40';
Azi. and Amp'd 27° 56' W. Wind from the Eastward. Ex-
perience a strong current setting to the North.

28. S. Lat. 33° 58'; W. Long. 336° 13'; E. Long. 23° 47';
Amp'd 28° 28' W. Have had much blowing weather for some
time. This day saw the land about Muscle Bay,215 at 11
leagues distance. At Noon Cape Talhado bore NW. The cur-
rent has changed, and now sets strong to the SW. Wind
from the Westward.

OFF THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE

29. S. Lat. 34° 12'; W. Long. 337° 6'; E. Long. 22° 54'.
Soundings 45 fm. Black sand, 2y2 leagues from land, many
smoakes on shore. At Noon the land in sight bore from North
to ENE., a strong current in favour. Wind right a head.

30. S. Lat. 34° 22'; W. Long. 338° 3'; E. Long. 21° 57'
O <T. Many Gannetts and some seals round. Pass'd Cape
St. Brass, saw the 7 Hills, and a number of Fires on the shore
through the Night. Generally keep about 5 leagues from the
Coast. Wind a head. So ends.

215 Mossel Bay.— W. C F.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 345

May 1. S. Lat. 34° 49* ; W. Long. 340° 9f ; E. Long. 19° 51' ;
Amp'd 25° 18' W. Land at 10 leagues distance, 75 fm. sand
and shells. A current to the S & W.

2. S. Lat. 34° 29/; W. Long. 340° 27'; E. Long. 19° 33';
Azi. 26° 24' W. Wind steady from the Westward, not even
allowing us a tolerable slant. Sounding 54 fm. grey sand with
shells. Keep an offing generally of about 6 or 7 leagues, the
land very mountainous in our present situation. At Noon the
land 5 leagues distance, 57 fm., fine grey sand and shells.

3. S. Lat. 34° 32*; W. Long. 337° 30'; E. Long. 22° 3CX
O <t. Fresh gales, employ 'd working to windward.

4. S. Lat. 35° 1'; W. Long. 340° 0'; E. Long. 20° (X O «.
At length, thank God, the wind changed to the Eastward, made
all sail, haul'd more to the Southward to clear Cape Lagullas.316

5. S. Lat. 34° 40'; W. Long. 340: 30'; E. Long. 19° 30'
O <f. Saw the Table land and Gunners Quoin to the East
of False Bay. At Noon Cape Point bore NW'd 10 leagues.
Wind SE. Bore off to the Xorth'd and West'd.

9. S. Lat. 31° 29/; W. Long. 344° 39'; E. Long. 15° 21';
Azi. 22° 0' W. Wind from the Westward.

10. S. Lat. 30° 24' ; W. Long. 346° 28' ; E. Long. 13° 3? ;
Azi. 21° 40' W. Wind at SW. and fair weather. Crew all
in health.

13. S. Lat. 27° 7'; W. Long. 350° 52'; E. Long. 9° 8';
Amp'd 20° 34' W. O «. Winds still from SW to NW.

16. S. Lat. 24° 27'; W. Long. 353° 1'; E. Long. 6° 59';
Azi. & Amp'd 20° 26', 19° 22* W. O « * «. Winds steady
from the Westward.

17. S. Lat. 24° 27'; W. Long. 353° 16'; E. Long. 6° 44';
O <[. Amp'd 20° 30'. Tight winds for men in a hurry, steady
at NW.

20. S. Lat. 20° 9' ; W. Long. 357° 3' ; E. Long. 2° 57'. This
day took the SE. trade winds box'd her away for St. Helena.

21. Pass'd the Meridian of London.

ST. HELENA ISLAND

25. S. Lat. 15° 54'; W. Long. 5° 46'. Saw the Island of
St. Helena at Sunset. Hove to for the night. Early in the

~~Ti6 A«un»M.— W. C. F.

346 JOHN BOIT

morning sent a boat in to ask permission of the Governor to
anchor in the Bay. At 9 the Boat return'd, and the officer
reported favorably. Bore off, and at 10 anchor'd in Chapell
Vally bay, in 14 fm. mud and sand, the Church bearing SE.
Found riding here several English India and Whale Ships —
waiting for Convoy. At this place we first heard of the War
and troubles in Europe, and that poor Louis was a head shorter.
Capt. Gray landed to visit the Governor. Employ'd watering.
The Lieutenant Governor (by name Robinson) paid us a visit.
He appear'd to be an excellent man and was anxious to obtain
curiositys from us, to put in his Museum. He appear'd grati-
fy'd with the Collection that was present'd him. I must con-
fess that I was agreeably surpriz'd on landing at James Town,
for from the appearance it has from the Ship at anchor you
feel prepossessed against it, but to me, when on shore, 'twas
quite a pleasant place, and the sight of an English Lady made
my heart feel all in an uproar — and alas! the poor Sandwich
Isle Girls were entirely forgot. So it is, and we cannot help it.

26. S. Lat. 15° 54'; W. Long. 5° 46'. Finish'd watering,
and got ready for sea. I made an excursion in company with
a Brother Officer to view the Company's Garden, and was
amply rewarded for my trouble. 'T was kept in fine order.
St. Helena had been visited by a famine, not long since, which
carried off the greatest part of their stock and greatly dis-
tress'd the inhabitants. Consequently cou'd not procure much
refreshments for the Ship.

The Island to the windward makes a most rugged appear-
ance, and indeed in the Bay 't is not much mended but to
leeward 'tis quite pleasant and the roads — though the work of
Art cheifly — are far from being bad. The Inhabitants are
very polite to strangers, and in short no Man after a long
voyage ought to pass this pleasant and agreeable place with-
out stopping. You get the Water with great ease, as its con-
vey'd to the Port by pipes under ground. You fill with a Hose,
and are not oblig'd to take the Casks from the Boat, but in
case you do, there is a Crane on the pier to load with. Shou'd
have sail'd this evening but 'tis against the rules of the Port
to sail after sunset.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 347

BOUND FOR BOSTON

27. S. Lat. 15° 34' ; W. Long. 6° 15'. Saild at daylight, and
stood to the NW., with pleasant sensations enough at what
awaits us in that direction.

28. S. Lat. 14° 33' ; W. Long. 7* 14' Azi. 12° 6' W. O 1
Pleasant trade winds and fair weather.

June 3. S. Lat. 8° 3?; W. Long. 15° 9* O « * «. Azi.
& Amp'd. 11° 2* W., 10° 50' W. Pass'd the Isle of Assencion
about midnight, at 2 miles distance.

7. S. Lat. 1° 22*; W. Long. 22° 10'. Azi. 11° 38' W. O «.
Plenty of fish about the Ship, and a few Birds.

9. N. Lat. 1° 10' ; W. Long. 22e 33' ; Amp'd 7° 41' W. * «.
This is the fourth time the Equator has been cross'd during the
Voyage.

16. N. Lat. 6° 0'; W. Long. 30° 38'. Azi. 6° 48' W. O «.
Dull times. Winds very light and baffling.

20. N. Lat. 7° 28' ; W. Long. 33° 26' ; Variation 2° 26' W.
O <f. This day took the NE. trade winds, having lost the
SE. trades in Lat. 4° 30' North. Winds between have gen-
erally been from the West'd but very light.

22. N. Lat. 9° 58' ; W. Long. 36° 49* ; Azi. 2° 26' W. Pleas-
ant trade winds. Employ'd painting ship, etc.

24. N. Lat. 12° 38' ;' W. Long. 41° 0'; Amp'd 3° 7' W.
Pleasant trade winds. Employ'd painting ship, etc.

27. N. Lat. 17° 55'; W. Long. 46° 36'; Azi. 4° 36' W.
Generally fresh winds. No Birds, or Fish.

30. N. Lat. 22° 11'; W. Long. 51° 2'; Azi. & Amp'd 3°
10' W.

o <r

16 O <£ Sights

* <r

Gentle trades and fair weather. Several sail pass'd at a dis-
tance.

July 2. N. Lat. 24° 29'; W. Long. 53° 11'; Azi. 2° 46' W.
O <T Spoke an English Brig, under American colours, from
New London, bound to Grenada, loaded with stock. Was
oblig'd to fire several shot a head of him before he wou'd stop.
Purchas'd out of her many Sheep Hogs etc., with two tierces

348 JOHN BOIT

Bread. This was quite a seasonable Supply, as we had been
eating maggotty bread for this some time.

5. N. Lat. 25° 33' ; W. Long. 56° 13'. Spoke two Sloops
from Portland for Guadal [oupe] .

8. N. Lat. 28° 16'; W. Long. 59° 35'; Variation 1° 28'
E. O <T. This day the NE. trade wind left us, took it from
the Southward.

18. N. Lat. 40° 17'; W. Long. 65° 15'; Variation 14° 55'
W. O <T * <T. Spoke the Brig Betsey from New York, Wm.
Williams Master, bound to Amsterdam. Have experienc'd
much blowing weather from the North and West since leaving
the Trades, and generally squalls of rain. Ship's Crew are all
in health, but anxious to get home, as the Ship's provisions have
grown quite bad and but little of it left.

20. N. Lat. 40° 23'; W. Long. 67° 51'; Azi. & Amp'd 12°
17' W. Winds from the Northward.

21. N. Lat. 40° 29'; W. Long. 68° 35'; Azi. 7° 16' W.
Dull times for men in a hurry. The Columbia is in fine order,
having given the rigging a complete overhaul since leaving
St. Helena. Rounded to and got soundings 67 fm. fine black
and white sand.

22. N. Lat. 42° 11'; W. Long. 68° 45'. At Sunset
sounded, in 38 fm. gray sand. Spoke a Sloop from Newbury
port, bound to the West Indies, told us Cape Cod bore NW.
30 leagues. At Midnight shoald our water pretty sudden, from
20 to 15, 12, 10 and 8 fm., fine white sand on Georges Shoal;
hauld to the East and soon deep'd it again to 30 fm. At Noon
Latt. as above, soundings in 40 fathom. Wind from the WSW.
Hard luck.

24. Lower'd the yawl and sent her on board a fishing
Schooner in sight to the west'd, it being nearly calm. At
Sunset the boat return'd and Officer reported that the Skipper
of the Schooner cou'd not spare any salt provisions, but sold
us 3 Bar'l Salt Mackarell and about 300 Ship Biscuit. These
last were very grateful. Divided them fore and aft among
the Crew. A breeze sprang up from the Eastward pt., all sail,
and at daylight saw Cape Cod bearing SW. at 6 leagues, and
the Gurnett WBS, the land abreast us on the South Shore, 4

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 349

leagues distance. Several sail in sight. Employ'd turning to
Windward, the wind having shifted to the NW.

ARRIVED AT BOSTON

25. Light breezes and pleasant weather. At 1 P. M. nearly
abreast of Cohassett Rocks, almost calm. At Sunset we had
got too near to Hassett Ledges, by reason of the tide. How-
ever a small breeze sprang up and we san'd off. At daylight
Boston Light bore WBN. 3 leagues distant. At 8 A. M. a
pilot came on board and took charge to take the Ship to Boston.
At Meridian pass'd the Light house, with a light air from the
Eastward. At 6 we pass'd Castle William, and gave a federal
salute, which was return'd. A fine Breeze at SE. At 7 an-
chored off the Long wharfe in the Stream and saluted the
town, with 11 Guns which was return'd from the VVharfes.
with three welcome Huzzas.

B^3 At making Boston Light, from which place we took
our departure, we have just made 360 degrees of Longitude
West, which is the Circumference of our Globe — of course we
have lost one complete day. It was Friday at Boston, and
Thursday with us. Tis impossible to express our feelings at
again meeting with our friends. But the loss of an affection-
ate and much lov'd Sister, during my absence, was a great
obstacle to the happiness I shou'd otherways have enjoy 'd.

So Ends the Remarks on Columbia's Voyage.

JOHN BOIT.

SUPPLEMENTARY NOTE ON THE IDENTIFICATION OP PORT TEMPEST AND
MASSACRE COVE.

The identification of Port Tempest and Massacre Cove is a subject that has
attracted much attention; many have tried to solve it, but none of these solutions
have been accepted by the students of Pacific Coast history. Professor E. S.
Meany has prepared a short but interesting note upon this difficulty, which will
be found in the Washington Historical Quarterly, vol. xii, p. 15. In such cir-
cumstances the identification of Port Tempest with the western end of Tongas*
Narrows, or Revill.igigedo Channel, is offered with deference; it is not a case
for dogmatizing; it is essentially a case in which reasons must be given for the
faith which is held.

In this search Boit s journal is of little assistance; and Has well t Log unfor-
tunately does not commence until August, just as the Columbia is preparing
to leave the ill-fated shore. Hoskins. very fortunately, is quite full in bis account
of the two spots and Brown's Sound in general. At the outset it must be prem-
ised that the latitude and longitude of the early traders, with the single exception
of Ingraham, are quite unsafe guides; the latitude is sometimes nearly right,
the longitude, never. So, to, the distances, like those of the land traders, are
only to be taken, in most cases, as approximations.

As Boil's journal shows, the Columbia left Cumshewa Inlet, Queen Char-
lotte Islands, on ist August. Hoskins gives her courses thereafter; but Bolt's

350 JOHN BOIT

statement that she stood along the shore about three or four leagues from land
shows that it was the mainland — the depths he gives could not be gotten at that
distance from the Queen Charlotte Islands' shore. Through Hecate Strait, up
which she is sailing, there is a current of one to two knots in a northeasterly
direction. Thick fog comes on and a heavy gale from the southeast, which con-
tinue for two days, during which the Columbia beats to and fro. On the 3rd
August the fog lifts, an indifferent observation is taken, and the ship is found
embayed. This spot, it is suggested, was the stretch of water immediately to the
eastward of Prince of Wales Island. Captain Gray then, says Hoskins, determined
to stand "to the northward through what was supposed to be a strait between
the continent and some islands." Upon the foregoing hypothesis this strait would
be between Prince of Wales Island and the Gravina Islands. After being driven
in that direction by the southeast gale for. three hours, land was seen in every
direction but the westward; this means that in the fog Kasaan Bay, which lay
ahead, seemed open water. The ship pursued her course and two hours later
"the land was seen close aboard"; then a passage opened to the northwest. This,
it is submitted, is Clarence Strait; but, being directly to leeward, it was thought
unwise to enter it, and an effort was made to find a harbour on the weather
shore. Reaching that shore — the eastern — iBoit says a small opening appeared, the
Columbia made for it, and anchored under a point of land in Port Tempest. If
the other suggested identifications be correct, this opening will be the western

Revillagigedo Channel is about 55° 25' north and 131° 45' west; the difference is
no greater than is to be found over and over again in the journal, though the
longitude is usually too far east.

Hoskins describes Brown's Sound, as the stretch of water in the neighborhood
of Port Tempest was called. The above suggested site of Port Tempest fits his
description exactly. After stating that the sound has many arms, ne proceeds to
specify them; the geography of the suggested locality answers the requirements
in an appealing and convincing manner. The first branch that Hoskins mentions
is that upon which Port Tempest was situated; it trended east inclining to south
as far as the eye could reach; this is Revillagigedo Channel. There was another
arm extending to the north; this is Behm Canal. Then another running in a
northwesterly course "up which the natives informed me was a village called
Cahta"; this is Kasaan Bay, on which the Indian village of Cahta or Carta exists
today. There was another arm leadin^ west northwest, in which the horizon was
clear to the limit of vision, and which he took to be a strait; this is Clarence
Strait. Finally there was another arm stretching to the west southerly, "up
which I was informed by the natives was their village of Sushin"; this is "Choi-
mondeley Sound, on which is the abandoned Indian village of Sushin or Sushan,
Chasina or Chachina! Having disposed of the large branches, Hoskins adds that
there were other smaller inlets; these are Baker Inlet, Skowl Bay, etc.

The general geography of the suggested site of Port Tempest bein~ thus
shown to correspond with Hoskins' description, it will now be shown that the
suggested spot fits also with the details that he furnishes. At Port Tempest, he
tells us there were "also two small islands which afforded some little shelter"; and
at the western end of Revillagigedo Channel is Guard Island, which is described
in the Alaska Coast Pilot, 1883, p. 82, as "consisting of rocks uniting at low
water two low, rocky, high-water islets, one west from and considerably larger
than the other, and both bearing shrubs and a few trees." Vancouver also men-
tions them as "two small islands with some trees upon them, S 40 W, half a
league distant" from Point Vallemar. Voyage, vol. 4, p. 184, 8vo. ed. Again,
Hoskins says that from Port Tempest "the land to the northward was about four
miles and that to the southward one mile distant." Here also the geography
agrees. From Guard Island, at the western entrance of Revillagigedo Channel,
to Cape Camaano, the nearest land to the north, the distance is four and a half
miles, and from that island to the western end of Gravina Island — Point Vallemar,
the nearest land to the southward — is about two miles.

finally, in these small matters, Hoskins and Boit both mention the

At that distance lies Ward Cove. "A creek forming a small bank at its mouth
falls in at the head of the cove"; Alaska Coast Pilot, 1883, p. 81. The method
of fishing shows that the "river" was only a brook, for the men waded into the
water, threshing it with long poles and scaring the fish down the fall, where
they were gaffed with harpoons, boat hooks, etc.

Leaving the geographical portion of the subject, a word may be said ethno-
graphically. The Indians met in the vicinity of Port Tempest, as Hoskins records,
spoke the same language and had many of the customs of the natives of Queen
Charlotte Islands. They were therefore plainly the Kaigani Haida, an intrusion
into the Tlingit territory, occupying the southern part of Prince of Wales Island

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 351

and the adjacent archipelago. They came from the villages already mentioned.
Sushin and Cahta, the most easterly and northerly residences of the Kaigani
Haida. Hoskins tells of the visit of a strange Chief and of the terror which it
inspired in the Kaigani Haida. This stranger was, of course, of the Tlingit stock;
the boundary between the two peoples was only some thirty miles northerly from
the spot now suggested as being Fort Tempest. This stranger spoke a language
which the Americans could not understand; they had never met the Tlingit
before, but had been confined to the Haida and the Tsimshean in the northern
waters. It may be added that Vancouver had an exactly similar experience; see
his Voyage, vol. 4, p. 225, 8vo. ed. 1801.

If Port Tempest be settled, there is no difficulty in locating Massacre Cove.
Its exact position cannot perhaps be fixed, but its situation can, in a general way,
be readily indicated. It was on the opposite, i. e., the western, side of Brown s
Sound, as Boit's entry of 8th August shows. This would place it on the eastern
shore of Prince of Wales Island. From it Port Tempest bore NEBN; in other
words. Massacre Cove was SEBE from Port Tempest. This is borne out by the
compass bearings in Boit's entry of Mth August. Massacre Cove therefore must
lie between Cholmondeley Sound and Skowl Bay, perhaps about four miles south-
erly from Island Point, the entrance of the latter. Boit's statement that the
distance between Port Tempest and Massacre Cove is twelve leagues is an exag-
geration; if these identifications are correct, the real distance, as the crow flies,
is about ten or twelve miles.

These reasons lead to the position that Port Tempest is identical with the
western end of Revillagigedo Channel. It is not urged that they conclusively
settle the question. They are merely put forward as a contribution to the effort
to solve a problem that, though small and unimportant, is attractive because of
its very difficulties.

In conclusion I wish to acknowledge, gratefully, my indebtedness to Dr. C. F.
Newcombe, of Victoria, B. C., for his assistance in working out this identification.
His local knowledge of the region is invaluable.

NOTE I.

For the location of the villages of Cahta and Sushan I am indebted to Dr.
C. F. Newcombe. of Victoria, B. C. I append a portion of a recent letter on this
point. "With reference to Cahta and Sushan, I am in a different position, hav-
ing visited both places. The present Cahta, now spelt Carta, is at the head of
Kasaan Inlet on the East side of Prince of Wales Island, but no doubt in early
days included the present Indian village of Kasaan, which is nearer the mouth
of the Inlet. An early copy by Arrowsmith in the Provincial Library, dated
Jan. ist, 1795, gives the name spelt Kada. Sushan is spelt in early days in several
manners, as you will find by reference to "The Alaska Coast Pilot." It is right
at the entrance of Cholmondeley Sound, and has long been deserted."

352 CAPTAIN ROBERT GRAY

REMNANT OF OFFICIAL LOG OF THE COLUMBIA

ANNOTATIONS BY T. C. ELLIOTT.

Text in Greenhow, 1848 Edition, p. 434.

Extract from the Second Volume of the LOG BOOK OF
THE SHIP COLUMBIA, of Boston, commanded by Robert
Gray, containing the Account of her Entrance into Gray's
Harbor and the Columbia River.

May 7th, 1792 A. M. — Being within six miles of the land,
saw an entrance in the same, which had a very good appearance
of a harbor ; lowered away the jolly-boat, and went in search of
an anchoring-place, the ship standing to and fro, with a very
strong weather current. At one P. M., the boat, returned, hav-
ing no place where the ship could anchor with safety1 ; made sail
on the ship; stood in for the shore. We soon saw from our
mast-head, a passage in between the sand-bars. At half past
three, bore away, and ran in north-east by east, having from
four to eight fathoms, sandy bottom ; and, as we drew in nearer
between the bars, had from ten to thirteen fathoms, having a
very strong tide of ebb to stem. Many canoes came alongside.
At five, P. M., came to in five fathoms water, sandy bottom,
in a safe harbor, well sheltered from the sea by long sand-
bars and spits. Our latitude observed this day was 46 degrees
58 minutes north.

May 10th — Fresh breezes and pleasant weather; many na-
tives along side ; at noon all the canoes left us. At one, P. M.,
began to unmoor, took up the best bower anchor, and hove
short on the small bower-anchor. At half past four, (being
high water,) hove up the anchor, and came to sail and a beating
down the harbor.2

May llth. — At half past seven, we were out clear of the bars,
and directed our course to the southward, along shore.3 At

1 This log makes no mention of the sending of a small boat ahead of the
ship, either here or at the mouth of the Columbia river, which precaution is men-
tioned by Mr. Boit in his journal. Neither does Capt. Gray mention any observations
for longitude, as Mr. Boit does. For more extended comments see the Boit
Journal printed herewith.

2 This entry indicates that Capt. Gray's anchorage was not far inside the
entrance, but any attempt to designate it would be mere speculation. The pre-
sumption is in favor of the bay behind one of the capes.

3 This entry written at evening on the nth, clearly states that the ship left
Gray's Harbor on the evening of the loth. Boit erroneously puts the date as the
nth.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 353

eight, P. m., the entrance of Bulfinch's Harbor bore north,
distance four miles; the southern extremity of the land bore
south-south-east half east, and the northern north-north-west;
sent up the main top-gallant-yard and set all sail. At four,
A. M., saw the entrance of our desired port bearing east-south-
east, distance six leagues ; in steering sails, and hauled our wind
in shore. At eight, A. M., being a little to windward of the
entrance of the Harbor, bore away, and run in east-north-east
between the breakers, having from five to seven fathoms of
water. When we were over the bar, we found this to be a large
river of fresh water, up which we steered. Many canoes
came alongside. At one, P. M., came to with the small bower,
in ten fathoms, black and white sand.4 The entrance between
the bars bore west-south-west, distant ten miles; the north
side of the river a half a mile distant from the ship; the
south side of the same two and a half miles' distance; a
village on the north side of the river west by north, distant
three quarters of a mile. Vast numbers of natives came along-
side; people employed in pumping the salt water out of our
water-casks, in order to fill with fresh, while the ship floated
in. So ends.

May 12th. — Many natives alongside; noon, fresh wind; let
go the best bower-anchor, and veered out on both cables ; sent
down the main-top-gallant-yard ; filled up all the water-casks
in the hold. The latter part, heavy gales, and rainy, dirty
weather.

May 13th. — Fresh winds and rainy weather; many natives
along-side ; hove up the best bower-anchor ; seamen and trades-
men at their various departments.

May 14th. — Fresh gales and cloudy ; many natives alongside ;
at noon, weighed and came to sail, standing up the river north-
east by east; we found the channel very narrow. At four,
P. M., we had sailed upwards of twelve or fifteen miles, when
the channel was so very narrow that it was almost impossible
to keep in it, having from three to eighteen fathoms water,
sandy bottom. At half past four, the ship took ground, but

4 This anchorage, V, mile off shore between Pi Ellice and McGowani Station.
wu exposed to the wind and current, which fact partly explains the use of more
than one anchor and the determination to move further up the river two dajre
liter.

354 CAPTAIN ROBERT GRAY

she did not stay long before she came off, without any assist-
ance. We backed her off, stern foremost, into three fathoms,
and let go the small bower, and moored ship with kedge and
hawser. The jolly-boat was sent to sound the channel out,
but found it not navigable farther up; so, of course, we must
have taken the wrong channel. So ends,5 with rainy weather ;
many natives alongside.

May 15th. — Light airs and pleasant weather; many natives
from the different tribes came alongside. At ten, A. M., un-
moored and dropped down with the tide to a better anchoring-
place ; smiths and other tradesmen constantly employed. In the
afternoon, Captain Gray and Mr. Hoskins, in the jolly-boat,
went on shore to take a short view of the country.

May 16th. — Light airs and cloudy. At four, A. M., hove up
the anchor and towed down about three miles, with the last of
the ebb tide ; came into six fathoms, sandy bottom, the jolly-boat
sounding the channel. At ten, A. M., a fresh breeze came up the
river. With the first of the ebb-tide we got under way, and
beat down the river. At one, (from its being very squally,)
we came to, about two miles from the village, (Chinook) which
bore west-south-west ; many natives alongside ; fresh gales and
squally.6

May 17th. — Fresh winds and squally; many canoes along-
side; calkers calking the pinnace; seamen paying the ship's
sides with tar ; painter painting ship ; smiths and carpenters at
their departments.

May 18th. — Pleasant weather. At four in the morning, began
to heave ahead; at half past, came to sail, standing down the
river with the ebb tide; at seven, (being slack water and the
wind fluttering,) we came to in five fathoms, sandy bottom ; the
entrance between the bars bore south-west by west, distant
three miles. The north point of the harbor bore north-west,

5 This day Capt. Gray proceeded around Point Ellice and past Cliff Point
and Knappton as far as some sand bar in the shallow waters off the wide entrance
to Gray's Bay. presumably more than half the distance across the entrance to that
bay. By soundings from his small boats he then discovered that the deep water
channel crossed the river above him, from Harrington's Point to Tongue Point,
and that his ship was not in a safe place, and he therefore dropped down the
following morning to a better anchorage off Point Gray (Frankfort).

6 Today the ship again dropped down stream, first to anchor opposite Knapp-
ton and later to the upper or lea side of Point Ellice, where she remained until
the 1 8th.

LOG OF THE COLUMBIA 355

distant two miles ; the south bore south-east, distant three and a
half miles. At nine, a breeze came up from the eastward ; took
up the anchor and came to sail, but the wind soon came flut-
tering again ; came to anchor with the kedge and hawser ; veered
out fifty fathoms. Noon, pleasant. Latitude observed, 46
degrees 17 minutes north. At one, came to sail with the first
of the ebb tide, and drifted down broadside, with light airs
and strong tide; at three quarters past, a fresh wind came
from the northward ; wore ship, and stood into the river again.
At four, came to in six fathoms ; good holding-ground about
six or seven miles up ; many canoes along side.7

May 19th. — Fresh wind and clear weather. Early a number
of canoes came alongside ; seamen and tradesmen employed
in their various departments. Captain Gray gave this river
the name of Columbia's River, and the north side of the en-
trance Cape Hancock, the south, Adams's Point.

May 20th. — Gentle breezes and pleasant weather. At one,
P. M. (being full sea,) took up the anchor, and made sail,
standing down the river. At two, the wind left us, we being
on the bar with a very strong tide, which set on the breakers ;
it was now not possible to get out without a breeze to shoot
her across the tide; so we were obliged to bring up in three
and a half fathoms, the tide running five knots. At three
quarters past two, a fresh wind came in from seaward; we
immediately came to sail, and beat over the bar, having from
five to seven fathoms water in the channel. At five, P. M., we
were out, clear of all bars, and in twenty fathoms water.8 A
breeze came from the southward ; we bore away to the north-
ward ; set all sail to best advantage. At eight, Cape Hancock
bore southeast, distant three leagues; the north extremity of
the land in sight bore north by west. At nine, in steering and
top-gallant sails. Midnight, light airs.

May 21st. — At six, A. M., the nearest land in sight bore
east-south-east, distant eight leagues. At seven, set top-gallant-

7 This d«y C«pt. Gray sailed down stream with the intention of crowing
out, but, because of unfavorable conditions, returned up river again to an anchor-
age off Chinook Point (Fort Columbia), which was a very favorable spot for
observing the capes and the entrance.

8 Good-bye to "Columbia's River." after a narrow escape from disaster upon
TlMfnrfc and Clatsop spits on the way out.

356

CAPTAIN ROBERT GRAY

sails and light stay-sails. At eleven set steering sails fore and
aft. Noon, pleasant, agreeable weather. The entrance of
Bulfinch's Harbor bore south-east by east half east, distant
five leagues.

( I.ai )b " it) N .
' / I.ong-.uoG t>

\ .u -o (.H> K .

DR. MARCUS WHITMAN 357

ARCHIVES OF THE AMERICAN BOARD OF COM-
MISSIONERS FOR FOREIGN MISSIONS

Volume 248— Letter 78

Submitted to the Prudential Committee April 4, 1843
Doer. MARCUS WHITMAN

Left the Oregon country 3d October 1842, & arrived at
Westfort Mo. 15 February & in Boston 30 March, 1843. Left
unexpectedly & brought few letters. Letters of March 1842 —
Making changes, had been received & acted on.

The difficulties between Mr. Spalding & the others was
apparently healed, Mr. S. promises to pursue a different course.
The mission wish to make another trial, with Mr. Smith &
Mr. Gray out of the mission. Mr. Gray requests a dismission
—Has left the mission & gone to the Methodist settlement —
Mr. Rogers also.

Prospects among the Indians more favorable — half the year
from 30 to 100 & the other half from 100 to 300 attend worship
at Waiiletpu & Clear Water, each — attention & advancing
somewhat in knowledge — their temporal condition much im-
proved & improving — the traders at Walla Walla decidedly
friendly and accommodating.

There is, however, an influx of Papists, & many emigrants
from the U. S. are expected. The religious influence needs
to be strengthened. The mission therefore purpose request
thus:
1 — One preacher be sent to join them to labor at Waiiletpu —

and that

2 — A company of some five or ten men may be found, of piety
& intelligence, not to be appointed by the Board or to be
immediately connected with it, who will go to the Oregon
country as Christian men, and who, on some terms to be
agreed upon, shall take most of the land which the mission
have under cultivation with the mills & shops at the several
stations with most of the stock & utensils, paying the mis-
sion in produce, from year to year, in seed to the Indians, &
assistance rendered to them — or in some similar manner, the

358

REQUEST AT BOSTON, 1843

particulars to be decided upon in consultation with the men.
The results of this would be

1. Introducing a band of religious men into the country
to exert a good religious influence on the Indians & the
white population which may come in — especially near the
mission stations.

2. Counteracting papal efforts & influences.

3. Releasing the missionaries from the great amount of
manual labor, which is now necessary for their subsistance,
& permitting them to devote themselves to appropriate
missionary work among the Indians, whose language they
now speak.

4. Doing more for the civilization and social improve-
ment of the Indians than the mission can do unaided.

5. It would afford facilities for religious families to
go into the country & make immediately a comfortable set-
tlement, with the enjoyment of Christian privileges. — Both
those who might be introduced upon the lands now occupied
by the mission & others who might be induced to go &
settle in the vicinity of the stations.

6. It would save the mission from the necessity of -trad-
ing with immigrants. Those now enter the country expect
to purchase or beg their supplies from the mission for a
year or two, & it would be thought cruel to refuse provide
such supplies.

'Fine country for sheep — on the hills. Hudson Bay Co. have
now 15,000 or 20,000 & have $800,000 or more to be invested
by a collateral company for sheep, stock, lumber, agriculture
&c — 1000 sheep would not cost much over $100 annually —
Mr. Spalding has about 100 sheep.

Shall Doct. Whitman adopt any measures to recover from
the Sioux, through the U. S. govt. the value of the property
taken from Mr. Gray by them in 1838.

Mr. W. H. Gray asks a dismission to engage in a seminary
in the Methodist settlement on the Wilammette.

Rev. H. H. Spalding requests that he may be allowed to
remain in the mission, in which request the other brethren unite.

DR. MARCUS WHITMAN 359

This document has been copied from the archives of the
American Board of commissioners for Foreign Missions in the
Library at the Congregational House, No. 14 Beacon Street,
Boston, Mass. Volume No. 248 is labelled ABENAQUIS
AND OREGON INDIANS, 1844-1859. In that volume docu-
ment No. 78 is indexed as "Information given personally by
Dr. Whitman in Boston, 1843." The volume contains various
letters and reports from missionaries and others, including
many pertaining to the murder of Dr. Whitman and subsequent
events. Document No. 78 is not in the hand-writing of Dr.
Whitman and is not signed. If not written on April 4th,
1843, by a secretary of the Prudential Committee, it obviously
was prepared from the records of that committee and bound in
among other papers relating to the Oregon Mission, one of
which bears date as early as 1828. This document has not
been heretofore printed, as far as known, and is now presented,
without comment, for the use of those interested in one of the
mooted questions in Oregon history. — T. C. ELLIOTT.

INDEX

[Ml]

INDEX TO VOLUME XXII

Allen, Beverly C., Indian Commissioner,
55-6.

Applegate Creek, origin of name, 3

Applegate, Lindsay, member of South
Road Expedition and author of Remin-
iscences of, 3.

Ashland, founding and naming of, 4-5.

B

BOITS, JOHN, Loo OF THE COLUMBIA.
i79°-3. 257-351; only complete record
of a most memorable voyage, 257;

ploits of discovery, 262-4; the mas-
sacre of Joshua Caswell and com-
panions, 284-6; meeting with Captain
John Kendrick of the Lady JVashin-
ton, 288-9; Kendrick leaves coast for
Canton, 292; Gray in winter quarters
at Adventure Cove, 290-301; in dan-
ger of massacre, 299-301 ; Sloop Ad-
venture launched, 301; Captain Gray
orders Indian village destroyed 303;
cruising along the coast of Washington
and Oregon, 303-312; meets Captain
George Vancouver, 305; discovers
Gray s Harbor, 306-8; enters Columbia
River, 308-9 ; carries on trade in the Co-
lumbia River, 3oo_-n; mishap to the
Columbia, 319; given assistance and
entertainment by the Spanish com-
mander, 323-5; ship repaired, 325-7;
leaves Northwest coast for Canton,
331; arrives at Macao Roads, 335; at
anchor in Canton River, 335-8; home-
ward bound, 339-49; supplementary
note on the identification of Port
Tempest and Massacre Cove, 350-1.

C

Carver, Jonathan, receives original
name Oregon from Major Robert
Rogers, 91 ; does not mention it in
petitions for compensation for ex-
plorations, 93; petitions for reimburse-
ment for expenses and compensation
for services while Conducting explora-
tions in the interior of North Amer-
ica, 111-115.

Cluggage discovers gold on Bear Creek,
Rogue River Valley, 3-4.

Columbia, JOHN BOIT'S LOG OF THE,
257-351; Remnant of CAPTAIN ROBERT
GRAYS Log of the, 352-6; enters the
Columbia River, 309, 352.

Dart, Anson, treaties with Northwest
Indians negotiated by. 57-83.

Douglas, James, as Chief Factor of Hud-
son's Bay Company and Governor of
Vancouver Island, 175-212.

E
F
O

Gaines, John P., Indian Commissioner,
55-6-

Gladwyn, Colonel, in command of Fort
Detroit, 1763, 44-5-

Gold Mining, first, in Rogue River Val-
ley, 4.

Gray, Captain Robert, second voyage of,
to the Northwest coast and around the
world, 257-356; discovers Gray's Har-
bor, 306-8; enters the Columbia River,
308-9, 351; carries on trade with the
Indians in the Columbia River, 309-11,
351-6; on the coast of China, 335-9.

H

Harney, General W. S., takes hand in the
San Juan Island situation, 192-207.

Hudson's Bay Company clashes with the
individualism of the settler, 163, 168-

222.

INDIAN RELATIONS IN THK PACIFIC
NORTHWEST, 1849-52; THE FIRST
STAGE OF THE FEDERAL, 46-89; a sum-
mary of Indian relations prior to 1849,
46-9; attitude of different tribes to-
wards trappers and traders, and espe-
cially towards representatives of the
Hudson's Bay Company, 47; mission-
ary projects do not avail, 47-8; settlers
arrive before protection is organized
by the Federal government, 48-9;
Joseph Lane's dealings with Indians as
first governor, 49-57; complaints of
Indians living in the Willamette val-
ley, and their plight, 52-3; congres-
sional policy of the Act of June 5,
1850, 53; Thurston not satisfied, 54;
negotiation of treaties under above act,
54-86; Indian commissioners, their in-
structions and negotiations, 55-6; An-
son Dart as superintendent of Indian
affairs, 57-83; his report to the Sec-
retary of the Interior, 1852, with
copies of treaties, 66-86.

J

Jackson county organized, January 12,

1852, 4.
Jacksonville and its people, 8.

K

Lane, Governor Joseph, dealings of, with
Indians as ex-ofticio superintendent
of Indian affairs of Oregon territory,
49-52; recommends removal of Will-
amette Valley Indians, 52-3.

M

Massacre Cove and Port Tempest,
tragedy at, 284-5; note on identifica-
tion of, 350-1.

N

OREGON BOUNDARY QUESTION, The Last
Phase of the (See the Struggle for
San Juan Island).

[362]

INDEX

OREGON, ORIGIN OP THE NAME, 9>-us-
ORECONBOUND, CORRESPONDENCE OP S. H.
TAYLOR TO THE WATERTOWN (Wiscon-
sin) CHRONICLE, 1853. 117-160; road
and railroads in southern Wisconsin.
118-9; rapid development of country,
119-21; Council Bluffs City. 121-2;
conditions observed in crossing
Iowa, 1853, • 3.*'3'f state of mind of
those about to Jump off into the great
waste, 124; advice to those who are
going to Oregon, 124-7; experiences
in passing through Pawnee territory.
127-8; description of countr- to the
Loup Fork of the Plane. 128-30;
travel up the Platte bottom lands.
130-3; trouble with lameness of cattle,
'33-4; the trip up the North Platte,
description of the bluffs. I3.V6; cli-
mate and flora on trip, 136-8; lame
cattle and rickety wagons, but good
hcilth on the route above Fort Lara-
mie. 138-40; more suggestions to fu-
ture emigrants, 141-*: the trip
through the South Pass. 141- v com-
parative results of lying by and travel-
ing on Sunday. 1-13-5; danger to cattle
feeding on alkali lands. 145-6; route in-
to Southern Oregon outlined. 146; In-
dians on the route across the plains,
146-7; additional advice to those pro-
posing the trip, 14 7-9; the final
stretch, noble relief furnished the im-
migrants, 149-50; conditions in the
Rogue River Villey in the winter ot
1853-4; difficulty with Rogue River
Indiana in January, 1854, 157-8.

PACIPIC NomTHWEST AMERICANA, review
of. 252-5.

Pickett, Captain George, in command of
American force ordered to take pos-
session of San Juan Island, 193-207.

PORT TEMPEST AND MASSACRE COVE, note
on the identification of the, 350-' •

ROBERTS, REVEREND WILLIAM, THIRD
SUPERINTENDENT OP THE OREGON
MISSION, THE LETTERS OP THE, 225-56;
fiscal statement of the mission, 225-8;
books left by Gary, 228-9; needs oi
the mission, 229-30; accounts of travel-
ing expenses, 231; report on the
Sabbath schools, 232-3; note collec-
tions and remittances. 233-4: ac-
knowledgment of receipt of bibles.
234; arranging public preaching in
Portland, 235; the missionary force ot
preachers and pastors. 236-8; Oregon
City and Portland, 1848, 238; Salem
ana other settlements in the Willam-
ette Valley, 238-9; population, roads
and traveling in the Willamette Val-
ley, 240-1; missionary statistics, 241:
the school at the Oregon Institute and
proposed transfer of it to the mission,
241-2; rescue of Whitman massacre
captives and account of Cay use War,
243; an uncompleted bargain, 243-4:
prospects of support of the gospel-
gold miners returning, 245: nted ot
substituting resident pastors for itin-
erant preacher*, 34S-6; insufficient
financial support for ministers fam-

ilies, 247-8; representatives of the
American Board desire to return to
Methodists The Dalles Station. 248-9.
251; the work in California. 240;
enumeration of needs, spectacle*, li-
braries. etc., etc., 250.

Rogers, Major Robert, communicated
original of name Oregon to Jonathan
Carver, 91; family, training and ca-
reer, 91-2; uses "Ouragon" before en-
gaging to undertake western travels,
93; under commission from General
Amherst proceeds to Detroit to receive
surrender of French military posts,
1760, 93-4: meets Pontiac near present
site of Cleveland, 94; through misde-
meanors incurs displeasure oi Sir
William Johnson and in financial
trouble goes to England, 95; pro-
poses to conduct exploration for loca-
tion of northwest passage across the
continent and uses name "Ouragon".
05; king's minister instructs General
Gage that he be a -ointed command
ant at Mackmac. 05: likelihood of his
receiving name "Ouragon** from In-
dians, 95-6; publishes two books on
military service and general develop-
ment of country, neither of which
mention Our.i»on or Oragin. 96-7: ad
ministration of post quite unsatisfac-
tory and he is suspected of planning
uprising of Indians, 97; proceeds
again to London to regain recognition,
09; makes second proposal to search
for northwest passage, 98-9; probable
sources from which word Ouragon was
obtained, 98-9; text of first proposal
to seek northwest passage, 101-5; text
of second proposal, 106-9.

ROGUE RIVER VALLEY AND SOUTHERN
OREGON HISTORY, A SKETCH OP THE,
i-n; the Rogue River Indians, i-a;
the name Rogue, 2: pioneers open
southern route, list of and their work.
2-3; discovery of gold, 3-4: first school
taught and newspaper printed. 5; In-
dian War, 1855-6, 5-7; toll road across
the Siskiyou Mountains, 7; mountain
ranges, 7; telegraph line, 7; flour
and fruit industries, 8; Siskiyou toll
road, 8-9; wild animals, 9-10; rescue
of immigrants, to; coming of railroad
and founding of Medford, 10-11.

S

SAN JUAN ISLAND, THE STRUGGLE FOR,
161-224; salient features of situation
in which crisis developed. 161-3: a
skirmish in the war between settlers
and giant monopoly, the Hudson's Bay
Company, 163; the diplomatic back-
ground, 164-8; Hudson's Bay Com-
pany and Vancouver Island. 168-73;
Hudson's Bay Company and coloniza-
tion, 173-6 the gold rush to Fraxer
River and Cariboo country and com-
plications it developed with British
authorities, 176-86; San Juan Island
becomes bone of contention because
of dispute in applying terms of treaty
of 1846. 186-7; landing of a flock ot
sheep and demands for payments ol
duty and taxes bring development of
passion in resistance and lead to
crisis. 187-93; General Harney's vig-
orous action. 193-8; Governor Doug-

; ad-

.
las' belligerent response. 198-201;

[Ml]

INDEX

yent of Admiral Baynes, 201-3; Amer-
ican government at Washington in-
tervenes and General Scott arrives,
203-6; Harney recalled and Pickett re-
moved, 206-7; how a strained situation
between the Hudson's Bay Company
and the A_merican settlers and in-
discreet action on the part of officials
representing each side came so near to
precipitating a war, 207-13; President
Buchanan's attitude. 213-5; the issues
in contention to be settled by di-
plomacy, 216-22; a summary review of
the matter, 222-4.

Siskiyou toll road, freighting over, 8-0.

SOUTH ROAD EXPEDITION ON THE OLD
EMIGRANT ROAD INTO SOUTHERN ORE-
GON, 12-45; experiences of the Apple-
gate party of the immigration of 1843
in proceeding down the Columbia. 12-
14; these experiences and the control
or the Columbia route by the British
led to the undertaking of the opening
of the south route, 14-15; member-
ship of the company organized, 14; ac-
count of the experiences with the In-
dians and in selecting a location for
the road, 14-41; expressions as to mo-

tives, 41-3; record of the membership
of the company, 43-5.

Thurston, Samuel, as delegate to Con-
gress, urges removal of Willamette
Valley Indians to the east of the Cas-
cade Mountains, 53-4.

u

V

w

Whitman, Dr. W. Marcus, in Boston,
March 39, 1843, makes requests of
the American Board of Commissioners
of Foreign Missions, 357-9.

X

Y

[38AJ

F Oregon historical cmartorly

871

047

PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY