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Full text of "Organized communism in the United States"

I 



83d Congress, 2d Session 



Union Calendar No. 625 

House Report No. 1694 



ORGANIZED 

COMMUNISM 



IN THE 



UNITED STATES 




AUGUST 19, 1953 
(Original Release Date) 



May 28, 1954. — Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on 
the State of the Union and ordered to be printed 



Prepared and released by the 



3-7^ 



b 



Committee on Un-Ameriean Activities, U. S. House of Representatives 

Washington, D.C 




P U ^ 



^'^M' 






Committee on Un-American Activities 
United States House of Representatives 

eighty-third congress, first session 



Harold H. Velde, Illinois, Ohairman 

Bernard W. Kearney, New York 
Donald J. Jackson, California 
Kit Clardy, Michigan 
Gordon H. Scherer, Ohio 
Francis E. Walter, Pennsylvania 
Morgan M. Moulder, Missouri 
Clyde Doyle, California 
James B. Frazier, Jr., Tennessee 



Robert L. Kunzig, Counsel 

Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel 

Louis J. Eussell, Chief Investigator 

Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk 

Raphael I. Nixon, Director of Research 



Public Ia\w 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides : 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Con ffress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121, STANDING COMMITTEES 
m ***** * 

17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 



(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities, 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee ou Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is autliorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) tlie extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propajianda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any neces- 
sary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) tlie results of any such investi- 
gation, together with suoli recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and tlie production of sucli books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

m 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE S3D CONGRESS 
House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the comiuencement of each Con- 
gress, following standing committees : 

q. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of Hine members. 
• ****•* 

Rule XI 

POWERS ANB DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 



17. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time, investigations of (1) the e.xtent, char- 
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attaclis the principle of tlie form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
In any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig- 
nated by any such chairman or member. 

IV 



CONTENTS 



Vast 

Introduction ^ 1 

Origin 3 

Socialist Party Left-Wing Section Convention, 1919 4 

Manifesto 4 

Committees 9 

National Conference of Left-Wing 10 

Call for conference 10 

Left-Wing National Council, manifesto 13 

Convention To Organize Communist Party 25 

Joint call for Communist Party Convention 25 

Communist Party of America, 1919 29 

Manifesto 29 

Program 35 

Constitution . 37 

Communist Labor Party, 19^19 42 

Platform and program 42 

United Communist Party, 1920 47 

Constitution 47 

Communist Party of America, 1921 (merger of Communist Party of 

America and United Communist Party) 51 

Constitution and program 51 

Constitution 62 

Workers Party of America, 1921 69 

Party organization 70 

Convention and constitution 72 

An open party and an underground party 77 

Workers Party of America, 1923 (merger of Communist Party of America 

and Workers Party of America) 79 

Workers (Communist) Party of America, 1925 SO 

Constitution 80 

Communist Party of the United States of America, section of the Com- 
munist International, 1929 89 

Open letter from Executive Committee of the Communist Interna- 
tional 89 

Constitution 90 

The Communist International changes its tactics 98 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1938 99 

Constitution 99 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1940 108 

Constitution 108 

Communist Political Association 114 

Constitution 115 

Return to status quo ante bellum, Duelos letter 119 

Browder's reply 120 

End of Communist cooperation vplth capitalist countries 120 

Communist Political Association 1945 Convention 120 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1945 122 

Constitution : . . , 122 

Voice of the Kremlin in American Communist activities 128 

Relationship of American communism to the Soviet Union 129 

Alleged dissolution of the Communist International 133 

Resurrection of the Comintern (Cominform) 138 



VI CONTENTS 

Faff* 

Splinter groups 141 

Proletarian Party of America 141 

Communist League of America (opposition) 141 

Socialist Workers Party 142 

Communist League of Struggle 142 

American Workers Party 142 

United Toilers 142 

Communist Party, U. S. A. (opposition) 143 

What does the future hold? 143 

Index 145 



Union Calendar Noe 62 

83d Congress ) HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIVES j Report 
£d Session j ( No. 1694 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 



May 28, 1954. — Committed to the Committee of tlae Whole House on the State 

of the Union and ordered to be printed 



Mr. Velde, of Illinois, from the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, submitted the following 

REPORT 

[Pursuant to H. Res. 5, S3d Cong.] 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE 
UNITED STATES 

INTRODUCTION 

Any nationwide opinion survey as of early 1953 would disclose that 
99 percent of the American people are unequivocally and emphatically 
against communism. 

Yet, on February 25, 1953, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal 
Bureau of Investigation, told the House Committee on Appropriations : 

Communism is still with us and is as much a menace today as ever. 

This seeming paradox is at least partially explained by the fact that 
a major segment of anti-Communist opinion has remained apathetic, 
or at least passive and inarticulate, largely because the great Ameri- 
can public has no real understanding of the Communist threat — and 
for the further reason that a considerable aggregation of self-serving, 
self-proclaimed "anti-Communists" are actually helping the Com- 
munist cause by their continuous carping criticism of every honest 
effort to expose and combat Communist subversion — a situation which 
likewise is flourishing because of a lack of public appreciation of Com- 
munist methods and objectives. So, while it appears that almost 
everybody is against communism, a collective inquiry as to just what 
they are against would disclose an almost unanimous divergence of 
opinion, and, to a lesser degree, would reflect ulterior motives and a 
serious conflict of interest. 

It is quite possible that no two anti-Communists would express 
themselves similarly as to the meaning of the term "communism." 

Many would declare, and rightly so, that communism is a conspiracy, 
but any attempt at further definition would bring confusion worse 
confounded. Most would say, of course, that communism is un- 
American or anti-American, and let it go at that. 

But the more thoughtful would contend that communism is socialism 
in action. And not a few might quote the observation of a distin- 
guished American commentator who said that communism is socialism 
m a hurry. 

Some would insist that communism is Marxism. Others would 
explain that the communism they are against is really Stalinism — and 
that Stalinism isn't communism at all ; that it has no relation whatever 
to Marxism or to "scientific socialism." 

Such a survey would undoubtedly uncover some ex-Communists who 
still believe that "communism is 20th century Americanism," as the 
Communists claimed not so long ago, or that communism is "real 
democracy," but who would insist that they are really "anti-Com- 
munists," nevertheless, because they are against present Communist 
leadership. 

And there would be still other "anti-Communists" who would ignore 
the issue of communism and denounce "Communists" (with a capital 



2 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

"G") who belong to the Communist Party, but who would exclude 
from their criticism "communists" (with a small "c") who just believe 
in the Communist philosophy and want to supplant the American 
system by violence or "by democratic means," but without the help of 
a foreign power. 

In fact, many of the latter-type Communists would be found to be 
outspoken "anti-Communists." 

It is because of all this confused thinking on the subject of com- 
munism that so many self-styled "anti-Communists," with Socialist or 
Communist or Communist-front backgrounds, are able to get away 
with their attacks on congressional committees investigating com- 
munism — attacks which are aiding and abetting the Communist con- 
spiracy in the United States. 

Aud it is because of the lack of understanding of just what com- 
munism is, how the Communist movement was organized and how it 
works, that so many good, conscientious Americans have allowed 
themselves to be influenced and to be used in so many ways in the 
Communist-inspired campaign which is attempting to disparage and 
discredit the important and necessary investigations that the Congress 
is undertaking. 

There are diflFerent kinds of communism and different kinds of 
Communists, but they all have for their purpose the undermining 
and overthrow of our Government and the destruction of the Amer- 
ican way of life. 

And there is a difference between communism and socialism, but 
there is also a similar purpose, which explains, to some extent, the 
confused thinking that exists in the minos of so many people who 
claim to be "anti-Communists," but whose actions belie their words. 

Earl Browder, for many years the top Communist in the United 
States, explained the similarity quite clearly to the National Press 
Club in August 1936, when he said : 

The program of the Socialist Party and the program of the Communist Party 
have a common origin in the document lino-wn as the Communist Manifesto. 
There is no difference, so far as the program is concerned, in final aim. 

The more satisfactory explanation is found in the birth, growth, 
and development of the American Communist movement, which began 
with a split in the old Socialist Party, has changed its name and 
program on a number of occasions since 1919, and inspired the organ- 
ization of numerous splinter groups. 

A careful study of tne calls, conventions, constitutions, manifestoes, 
and directives adopted or issued throughout these past 34 years will 
give the American people a better understanding of the true meaning 
of communism, and will effectively demonstrate that it is not only tlie 
threat of Soviet-inspired subversion, spying, and sabotage that con- 
stitutes a danger to our free institutions, but that the philosophy of 
communism in whatever form, or whatever name it may appear, re- 
gardless of how cleverly it may be camouflaged, or how attractively it 
may be packaged, is an even more dangerous threat to the American 
system of society and government. 

The following resume of the background of Organized Communism 
in the United States is intended to serve this purpose. 



ORIGIN 

A resume of the Communist movement in the United States 
necessitates a partial review of the history of the Socialist Party. 

The Socialist Party of the United States was founded in 1890. Like 
that of the American Communists, the history of the Socialist Party 
is one of factional fights, splits, and splinter groups. The first split 
in the Socialist Party occurred in 1899. Numerous disputes within 
the party from 1907 to 1912 resulted in another split in 1912. In 1916, 
a number of extremists organized the Socialist Propaganda League at 
Boston, and issued a newspaper called The New International. An- 
other publication, The Class Struggle, made its appearance in April 
1917. 

During 1917 and 1918, the radical elements of the Socialist Party 
continued activities contrary to the platform of the Socialist Party, 
and in November 1918 a Communist Propaganda League was formed 
in Chicago. During the same year, the Boston branch of the Socialist 
Party began the publication of The Revolutionary Age, in which 
Communist tactics were advocated. 

As a result of all this dissension within the ranks of the Socialist 
Party, a left-wing section was formed in New York City in February 
1919. The program and manifesto of this left-wing section were 
adopted by many of the Socialist Party locals and all of the Slavic 
federations of the Socialist Party, with the result that they were all 
expelled from the Socialist Party of America. 

In June 1919, the First National Left- Wing Conference of the 
Socialist Party was held in New York City. The purpose of this 
conference was to form a Communist Party in the United States. 

Within this so-called left-wing section of the Socialist Party, a fight 
for control developed even before a new party was formed. Under 
the impact of the Kussian revolution, the foreign-language Socialist 
movement in the United States grew by leaps and bounds. The for- 
eign born were organized into language federations, and the leaders 
of these federations aspired to control the new party. Another fac- 
tion within the left-wing group wanted an American leadership be- 
cause the foreign-born were unfamiliar with the American economic 
and political scene and did not understand the psychology of the 
American workers. As a result of this dissension there was a definite 
split within the ranks of the left-wing section before the Socialist 
Party Convention in September 1919. 

Much of the history of the events leading up to the formation of 
the Communist Party in the United States, as well as its stormy exist- 
ence in later years, is recorded by Benjamin Gitlow in his book, I Con- 
fess, and by James Cannon in his book. History of American 
Trotskyism. 

Gitlow goes into some detail and names the leaders, not only of the 
movement, but of the several factions. He says that the Bolshevik 
revolution gave the left-wing Socialists the program they were look- 

8 



4 ORGANIZED COIVIAIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

ing for — that the first news of the Czar's overthrow was received with 
great rejoicing. One of the first demonstrations in the United States, 
according to Gitlow, was held at Hunt's Point Palace on September 
13, 1918. John Reed, who had just returned from Russia, was the 
speaker and started the spread of Bolshevism that swept the Socialist 
Party like a prairie fire. The Greater New York local of the Socialist 
Party took the first important step to consolidate the left-wing sec- 
tions at a convention held on February 16, 1919. 

Socialist Party Left- Wing Seciion Convention — 1919 

manifesto 

The following program for the convention was prepared by Louis 
C. Fraina under the title of "Manifesto of Left-Wing Section of the 
Socialist Party of Local Greater New York" : ^ 

Prior to August 1914 the nations of the world lived on a volcano. Violent 
eruptions from time to time gave warning of the cataclysm to come, but the 
diplomats and statesmen managed to localize the outbreaks, and the masses, 
slightly aroused, sank back into their accustomed lethargy with doubts and 
misgivings, and the subterranean fires continued to smoulder. 

Many trusted blindly — some in their statesmen, some in the cohesive power 
of Christianity, their common religion, and some in the growing strength of 
the international Socialist movement. Had not the German Social-Democracy 
exchanged dramatic telegrams with the French Socialist Party, each pledging 
itself not to fight in case their governments declared war on each other! A 
general strike of workers led by these determined Socialists would quickly bring 
the governments to their senses. 

So the workers reasoned, until the thunderclap of Sarejevo and Austria's 
ultimatum to Serbia. Then, suddenly, the storm broke. Mobilization every- 
where. Everywhere declarations of war. In thre« or four days Europe was 
in arms. 

The present structure of society — Capitalism — with its pretensions to democracy 
on the one hand, and its commercial rivalries, armament rings, and standing 
armies on the other, all based on the exploitation of the working class and tlie 
division of the loot, was cast into the furnace of war. Two things only could 
issue forth : either international capitalist control, through a League of Nations, 
or Social Revolution and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Both of these 
forces are today contending for world power. 

The Social Democracies of Europe, unable or unwilling to meet the crisis, 
were themselves hurled into the conflagration, to be tempered or consumed by it. 

The Collapse of the Second International 

Great demonstrations were held in every European country by Socialists 
protesting against their governments' declarations of war, and mobilizations 
for war. And we know that these demonstrations were rendered impotent by 
the complete surrender of the Socialist parliamentary leaders and the official 
Socialist press, with their "justifications" of "defensive wars" and the safe- 
guarding of "democracy." 

Why the sudden change of front? Why did the Socialist leaders in the parlia- 
ments of the belligerents vote the war credits? Why did not Moderate Socialism 
carry out the policy of the Basle Manifesto; namely, the converting of an 
imperialistic , war into ^ civil war — into a proletarian revolution? Why did 
ft either openly favor the' war or adopt a policy of petite bourgeolsfe pacifism? 

The Development of Moderate "Socialism" 

In the latter part of the nineteenth centnry the Social-Democracies of Europe 
set out to "legislate Capitalism out of office." The class struggle was to be 
won in the capitalist legislatures. Step by step concessions were to be wrested 
from the state ; the working class and the Socialist parties were to be strengthened 



» Lusk Committee Reports, vol. I, p. 706. 



ORGANIZED COMIVIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 5 

by means of "constructive" reform and social legislation ; each concession would 
act as rung in the ladder of Social Revolution upon which the workers could 
climb step by step, until finally, some bright, sunny morning, the peoples would 
awaken to find the Cooperative Commonwealth functioning without disorder, 
confusion, or hitch on the ruins of the capitalist state. 

And what happened? When a few legislative seats had been secure the 
thunderous denunciations of the Socialist legislators suddenly ceased. No more 
were the parliaments used as platforms from which the challenge of revolutionary 
Socialism was flung to all the corners of Europe. Another era had set in, the 
era of "constructive" social reform legislation. Dominant Moderate Socialism 
accepted the bourgeois state as the basis of its action and strengthened that 
state. All power to shape the policies and tactics of the Socialist parties was 
entrusted to the parliamentary leaders. And these lost sight of Socialism's 
original purpose; their goal became "constructive reforms" and cabinet 
portfolios — the "cooperation of classes," the policy of openly or tacitlv 
declaring that the coming of Socialism was a concern "of all the classes," instead 
of emphasizing the Marxian policy that the construction of the Socialist system 
is the task of the revolutionary proletariat alone. "Moderate Socialism" accepted 
the bourgeois state as the leaders, was now ready to share responsibility with 
the bourgeoisie in the control of the capitalist state, even to the extent of 
defending the bourgeoisie against the working class — as in the first Briand 
Ministry in France, when the official party press was opened to a defense of the 
shooting of striking railway workers at the order of the Socialist-Bourgeois 
Coalition Cabinet. 

"Sausage Socialism" 

This situation was brought about by mixing the democratic cant of the eight- 
eenth century with scientific Socialism. The result was what Rosa Luxemburg 
called "sausage Socialism." The "Moderates" emphasized petty-bourgeoisie social 
reformism in order to attract tradesmen, shopkeepers, and members of the 
professions, and, of course, the latter flocked to the Socialist movement in great 
numbers, seeking relief from the constant grinding between corporate capital 
and awakening labor. 

The Socialist organizations actively competed for votes, on the basis of social 
reforms, with the bourgeois-liberal political parties. And so they catered to 
the ignorance and prejudices of the workers, trading promises of immediate 
reforms for votes. 

Dominant "moderate socialism" forgot the teachings of the founders of scien- 
tific socialism, forgot its function as a proletarian movement — "the most resolute 
and advanced section of the working-class parties" — and permitted the bourgeois 
and self-seeking trade-union elements to shape its policies and tactics. This was 
the condition in which the Social-Democracies of Europe found themselves at the 
outbreak of the war in 1914, Demoralized and confused by the crosscurrents 
within their own parties, vacillating and compromising with the bourgeois state, 
they fell a prey to social-patriotism and nationalism. . . 

Sparticides and Bolsheviki 

But revolutionary socialism was not destined to lie inert for long. In Germany, 
Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring, Rosa Luxemburg, and Otto Ruble organized 
the Spartacus Group. But their voices were drowned in the roar of cannon and 
the shrieks of the dying and the maimed. 

Russia, however, was to be the first battleground where "moderate" and 
revolutionary socialism should come to grips for the mastery of the state. The 
breakdown of the corrupt, bureaucratic Czarist regime opened the floodgates 
of revolution. 

Three main contending parties attempted to ride into power on the revolu- 
tionary tide; the Cadets, the "moderate Socialists" (Mensheviki and Social 
Revolutionists), and the revolutionary Socialists — the Bolsheviki. The Cadets 
were first to be swept into power; but they tried to stem the still-rising flood 
with a few abstract political ideals, and were soon carried away. The soldiers, 
workers, and peasants could no longer be fooled by phrases. The Mensheviki 
and Social Revolutionaries succeeded the Cadets. And now came the crucial 
test: Would they, in accord with Marxian teachings, make themselves the ruling 
class and sweep away the old conditions of production, and thus prepare the way 
for the Cooperative Commonwealth? Or would they tinker with the old 
machinery and try to foist it on the masses as something just as good? 



6 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

They did the latter and proved for all time that "moderate socialism" cannot 
be trusted. 

"Moderate socialism" was not prepared to seize the power for the workers 
during a revolution. "Moderate socialism" had a rigid formula— "Constructive 
social reform legislation within the capitalist state," and to that formula it 
clung. It believed that bourgeois democracy could be used as a means of con- 
structing the Socialist system ; therefore, it must wait until the people, through 
a Constituent Assembly, should vote socialism into existence. And in the 
meantime, it held that there must be established a Government of Coalition with 
the enemy, the bourgeoisie. As if, with all the means of controlling public 
opinion in the hands of the bourgeoisie, a Constituent Assembly could or would 
ever vote the Socialists into power. 

Revolutionary Socialists hold, with the founders of scientific socialism, that 
there are two dominint classes in society— the bourgeoisie and the proletariat; 
that between these two classes a struggle must go on, until the working class, 
through the seizure of the instruments of production and distribution, the 
abolition of the capitalist state, and the establishment of the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, creates a Socialist system. Revolutionary Socialists do not 
believe that they can be voted into power. They struggle for the conquest of 
power by the revolutionary proletariat. Then comes the transition period from 
capitalism to socialism, of which Marx speaks in his "Critique of the Gotha 
program," when he says: "Between th« capitalistic society and the communistic 
lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. 
This corresponds to a political transition period, in which the state cannot 
be anything else but the dictatorship of the proletariat." 

Marx and Engels clearly explain the function of the Socialist movement. It 
is the "moderate Socialists" through intellectual gymnastics, evasions, mis- 
quotations and the tearing of sentences and phrases from their context, who 
make Marx and Engels sponsors for their perverted version of socialism. 

Problems of American Socialism. 

At the present moment, the Socialist Party of America is agitated by several 
crosscurrents, some local in their character, and some a reSex of cleavages within 
the European Socialist movements. Many see in this internal dissention merely 
an unimportant difference of opinion, or, at most, dissatisfaction with the 
control of the party, and the desire to replace those who have misused it with 
better men. 

We, however, maintain that there is a fundamental distinction in views 
concerning party policies and tactics. And we believe that this difference Is 
so vast that from our standpoint a radical change in party policies and tactics 
is necessary. 

This essential task Is being shirked by our party leaders and oflBciais generally. 

Already there is formidable industrial unrest, a seething ferment of dis- 
content, evidenced by inarticulate rumblings which pressage striking occurrences. 
.rVThe transformation of industry from a war to a peace basis has thoroughly 
disorganized the economic structure. Thousands upon thousands of workers are 
being thrown out of work. Demobilized sailors aud soldiers find themselves a 
drug upon the labor market, unless they act as scabs and strikebreakers. 
Skilled mechanics, fighting desperately to maintain their war wage and their 
industrial status, are forced to strike. Women, who during the war have been 
welcomed into industries hitherto closed to them, are struggling to keep their 
jobs. And to cap the climax, the capitalists, through their Chambers of Commerce 
and their Merchants and Manufacturers' Associations, have resolved to take 
advantage of the situation to break down even the inadequate organizations 
labor has built up through generations of painful struggle. 

The temper of the workers and soldiers, after the sacrifices they have made in 
the war, is such that they will not endure the reactionary labor conditions so 
openly advocated by the master class. A series of labor struggles is bound to 
follow — indeed, is beginning now. Shall the Socialist Party continue to feed 
the workers with social-reform legislation at this critical period? Shall It 
approach the whole question from the standpoint of votes and the election of 
representatives to the legislatures? Shall it emphasize the consumers' point 
of view, when Socialist principle:^ teach that the worker is robbed at the point 
of production? Shall it talk about the cost of living and taxation when it should 
be explaining how the worker is robbed at his Job? 

Tliere are many signs of the awakening of labor. Strikes are developlDg 
which verge on revolutionary action ; the trade unlona are oi'ganlzlng a Labor 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 7 

Party In an effort to conserve what they have won and wrest new concessions 
from the master class. The organization of the Labor Party is an immature 
expression of a new spirit in the Labor movement ; but a Labor Party is not 
the instrument for the emancipation of the worlsing class; its policy would 
be in general what is now the official policy of the Socialist Party-J-*eftrrming 
capitalism on the basis of the bourgeois state. Laborism is as much a danger 
to the revolutionary proletariat as "moderate" socialism ; neither is an instru- 
ment for the conquest of power. 

Capitalist Imperialism 

Imperialism is the final stage of capitalism, in which the : ccumulated capital 
or surplus of a nation is too great to be reinvested in the home marliet. The 
Increased productivity of the working class, due to improved machinery and 
efficiency methods, and the mere subsistence wage which permits the worker to 
buy back only a small portion of what he produces, causes an ever-iucreasing 
accumulation of commodities, which in turn become capital and must be invested 
in further production. When capitalism has reached the stage in which it 
Imports raw materials from undeveloped countries and exports them again in 
the shape of manufactured products, it has reached its highest development. 

This process is universal. Foreign markets, spheres of influence and protecto- 
rates, under the intensive development of capitalist industry and finance in turn 
become highly developed. They, too, seek for markets. National capitalist 
control, to save itself from ruin, breaks its national bonds and emerges full- 
grown as a capitalist League of Nations, with international armies and navies 
to maintain its supremacy. 

The United States no longer holds itself aloof, isolated and provincial. It is 
reaching out for new markets, new zones of influence, new protectorates. 

The capitalist class of America is using organized labor for its imperialistic 
purposes. We may soon expect the capitalist class, in true Bismarckian fashion, 
to grant factory laws, old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, sick beneflts, 
and the whole litter of bourgeois reforms, so that the workers may be kept fit 
to produce the greatest profits at the greatest speed. 

Dangers to American Socialism 

There is danger that the Socialist Party of America might make use of these 
purely bourgeois reforms to attract the workers' votes, by claiming that they 
are victories for Socialism, and that they have been won by Socialist political 
action ; when, as a matter of fact, the object of these master class measures is 
to prevent the growing class-consciousness of the workers, and to divert them 
from their revolutionary aim. By agitating for these reforms, therefore, the 
Socialist Party would be playing into the hands of the American imperialists. 

On the basis of the class struggle, then, the Socialist Party of America must 
reorganize itself, must prepare to come to grips with the master class during the 
difficult period of capitalist readjustment now going on. This it can do only by 
teaching the working class the truth about present-day conditions ; it must preach 
revolutionary industrial unionism, and urge all the workers to organize into 
Industrial unions, the only form of labor organization which can cope with the 
power of great modern aggregations of capital. It must carry on its political 
campaigns, not merely as a means of electing officials to political office, as in the 
past, but as a year-round educational campaign to arouse the workers to class- 
conscious economic and political action, and to keep alive the burning ideal of 
revolution in the hearts of the people. 

Political Action 

We assert with Marx that "the class struggle is essentially a political struggle," 
and we can only accept his own oft-repeated interpretation of that phrase. The 
class struggle, whether it manifest itself on the industrial field or in the direct 
struggle for governmental control, is essentially a struggle for the capture and 
destruction of the capitalist state. This is a political act. In this broader view 
of the term "political," Marx includes revolutionary industrial action. In other 
words, the objective of Socialist industrial action is "political," in the sense 
that it aims to undermine the bourgeois state, which "is nothing less than a 
machine for the oppression of one class by another and that no less so in a demo- 
cratic republic than under a monarchy." 



8 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Political action is also and more generally used to refer to participation ir 
election campaigns for the immediate purpose of winning legislative seats. Ii 
this sense, too, we urge the use of political action as a revolutionary weapon. 

But both in the nature and the purpose of this form of political action, revolu 
tionary socialism and "moderate socialism" are completely at odds. 

Political action, revolutionary and emphasizing the implacable character o: 
the class struggle, is a valuable means of propaganda. It must at all times 
struggle to arouse the revolutionary mass action of the proletariat — its use ii 
both agitational and obstructive. It must on all issues wage war upon capitalisn 
and the state. Revolutionary socialism uses the forum of parliament for agita 
tion ; but it does not intend to and cannot use the bourgeois state as a means oi 
introducing socialism : this bourgeois state must be destroyed by the mass actioi 
of the revolutionary proletariat. The proletarian dictatorship in the form of t 
Soviet state is the immediate objective of the class struggle. 

Marx declared that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready 
made state machinery and wield it for its own purposes." This machinery mus 
be destroyed. But "moderate socialism" makes the state the center of its action 

The attitude towards the state divides the Anarchist (Anarcho-Syndicalist) 
the "moderate Socialist" and the revolutionary Socialist. Eager to abolish th( 
state (which is the ultimate purpose of revolutionary socialism), the Anarchis 
and Anarcho-syndicalist fall to realize that a state Is necessary in the transitioi 
period from capitalism to socialism ; the "moderate Socialist" proposes to us( 
the bourgeois state with its fraudulent democracy, its illusory theory of "uniti 
of all the classes," its standing army, police and bureaucracy oppressing anc 
baffling the masses ; the revolutionary Socialist maintains that the bourgeoii 
state most be completely destroyed, and proposes the organization of a ne^^ 
state — the state of the organized producers — of the Federated Soviets — on th( 
basis of which alone can socialism be introduced. 

Industrial unionism, the organization of the proletariat in accordance witl 
the integration of industry and for the overthrow of capitalism, is a necessary 
phase of revolutionary Socialist agitation. Potentially, industrial unionism con 
structs the basis and develops the ideology of the industrial state of socialism 
but industrial unionism alone cannot perform the revolutionary act of seizure 
of the power of the state, since under the conditions of capitalism it is impossible 
to organize the whole working class, or an overwhelming majority, into Indus 
trial unions. 

It is the task of a revolutionary Socialist party to direct the struggles of th( 
proletariat and provide a program for the culminating crisis. Its propaganda 
must be so directed that when this crisis comes, the workers will be prepared t( 
accept a program of the following character : 

(a) The organization of Workmen's Councils; recognition of, and propaganda 
for, these mass organizations of the working class as instruments in the imme 
diate struggle, as the form of expression of the class struggle, and as the instru 
ments for the seizure of the power of the state and the basis of the new prole 
tarian state of the organized producers and the dictatorship of the proletariat 

(b) Workmen's control of industry, to be exercised by the industrial organiza 
tions (industrial unions or Soviets) of the workers and the industrial vote, as 
against government ownership or state control of industry. 

(c) Repudiation of all national debts — with provisions to safeguard smal 
investors. 

(d) Expropriation of the banks — a preliminary measure for the complete 
expropriation of capital. 

(e) Expropriation of the raihcays, and the large (trust) organizations o: 
capital— no compensation to be paid, as "buying-out" the capitalists would in 
sure a continuance of the exploitation of the workers ; provision, however, to b( 
made during the transition period for the protection of small owners of stock 

(f ) The socialization of foreign trade. 

These are not the "immediate demands" comprised in the social reform planki 
■fiow iff the platform of oiir'party ; they are not a coinpromise with the'fcapltallsi 
state, but imply a revolutionary struggle against that state and against capital 
ism, the conquest of power by the proletariat through revolutionary mass action 
They imply the new Soviet state of the organized producers, the dictatorshli 
of the proletariat ; they are preliminary revolutionary measures for the expro 
priation of capital and the introduction of Communist socialism. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 9 

Program 

1. We stand for a uniform declaration of principles in all party platforms both 
local and national and the abolition of all social reform planks now contained iu 
them. 

2. The party must teach, propagate, and agitate exclusively for the overthrow 
of capitalism, and the establishment of socialism through a proletarian dictator- 
ship. 

3. The Socialist candidates elected to otfice shall adhere strictly to the above 
provisions, 

4. Eealizing that a i)olitical party cannot reorganize and reconstruct the 
Industrial organizations of the working class, and that that is the task of the 
economic organizations themselves, we demand that the party assist this process 
of reorganization by a propaganda for revolutionary industrial unionism as 
part of its general activities. We believe it is the mission of the Socialist move- 
ment to encourage and assist the proletariat to adopt newer and more effective 
forms of organization and to stir it into newer and more revolutionary modes of 
action. 

5. We demand that the official party press be party owned and controlled. 

6. We demand that officially recognized educational institutions be party 
owned and controlled. 

7. We demand that the party discard its obsolete literature and publish new 
literature in keeping with the policies and tactics above-mentioned. 

8. We demand that the National Executive Committee call an immediate emer- 
gency national convention for the purpose of formulating party policies and 
tactics to meet the present crisis. 

9. We demand that the Socialist Party repudiate the Berne Congress or any 
other conference engineered by "moderate Socialists" and social patriots. 

10. We demand that the Socialist Party shall elect delegates to the Interna- 
tional Congress proposed by the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviki) ; 
that our party shall participate only in a new International with which are 
affiliated the Communist Party of Russia (Bolsheviki), the Communist Labor 
Party of Germany (Spartacus), and all other Left Wing parties and groups. 

COMMITTEES 

Out of all the debate and wrangling, the following were elected as a 
committee to carry out the work : 

Nicholas I. Hourwich Joseph Brodsky 

Fanny Horowitz Dr. Julius Hammer 

Jay Lovestone Jeanette D. Pearl 

James Larkin Carl Brodsky 

Harry Hilzik Mrs. L. Ravitch 

Edward I. Lindgren Bertram D. Wolfe 

Milton Goodman Benjamin Gitlow 
John Eeed 

For the purpose of carrying out the daily activities of the new 
organization, the following were elected as members of an executive 
committee : 

Nicholas I. Hourwich Benjamin Corsor 

George Lehman Edward I. Lindgren 

James Larkin Maximilian Cohen 

L. Himmelfarb ' ' " - Benjamin'Gitlow — -. . . 

George C. Vaughn 

In April 1919 an official publication, the New York Communist, 
was launched, with John Eeed as editor. 

As heretofore stated, this left-wing element was expelled from the 
Socialist Party. This expulsion was sponsored by Morris Hillquit, 

47716*— 54 2 



10 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM EST TI^E UNITED STATES 

and the expulsion was effected by the New York State Executive 
Committee of the Socialist Party at a meeting held in Albany, N. Y^ 
in May 1919. Subsequently, the entire Michigan State organization 
was expelled from the Socialist Party. 

National Conference of Left Wing 

The left-wing element took immediate steps to consolidate its forces 
on a national scale, and called for a national conference to be held in 
New York City on June 21, 1919. About 100 delegates attended, in- 
cluding Charles E. Ruthenberg, secretary of the Cleveland local of the 
Socialist Party; Alfred Wagenknecht, Ohio State secretary of the 
Socialist Party; Louis E. Katterfield, a Kansas Socialist; William 
Bross Lloyd, a millionaire Socialist from Chicago, accompanied by 
his private secretary, Isaac E. Ferguson ; James P. Caimon, an I. W. 
W. from Kansas City; James Larkin, John Reed, Rose Pastor Stokes, 
Jay Lovestone, and Benjamin Gitlow from New York; Nicholas I. 
Hourwich and Alexander I. Stoklitzky from the language federa- 
tions; and Dennis E. Batt from the Michigan State Socialist Party. 

Gitlow's explanation as to the reasons for the split in the left-wing 
element at the national conference of June 1919 differs somewhat from 
the reasons previously given. He says that one faction, composed 
of the foreign lan^iage federations and supported by Fraina, Love- 
stone, Wolfe, Ruthenberg, and Ferguson, wanted the passage of a 
motion calling upon the conference to immediately organize a Com- 
munist Party of the United States. The other faction, composed of 
Reed, Larkin, Katterfield, Wagenknecht, Gitlow, and others, insisted 
that only after the national convention of the Socialist Party had 
refused to recognise the left 'wing as the majority should the left wing 
split the Socialist Party and organize a Communist Party. The mo- 
tion sponsored by the foreign language groups was defeated. This 
was followed by the election of a national council composed of Louis 
C. Fraina, Charles E. Ruthenberg, Isaac E. Ferguson, John J. Ballam, 
James Larkin, Benjamin Gitlow, Eadmonn MacAlpinc, Maxmilian 
Cohen, and Bertram D. Wolfe. 

The minority /immediately withdrew from the conference and 
formed a national organizing committee to issue a call for a confer- 
ence with the objective of organizing a Communist Party. This move 
had the full support of the Russian Socialist Federation. This organ- 
izing committee, which consisted of Dennis E. Batt, O. C. Johnson, 
John Keracher (later to become the leader of the Proletarian Party), 
S. Kopnagel, I. Stilson, and Alexander Stoklitzky opened offices at 
1221 Blue Island Avenue, Chicago, 111. 

THE CALL FOR CONFERENCE 

The call by this committee was printed in the July 7, 1919, issue 
of "Novy Mir," a translation of which is as follows : * 

In this, the most momentous period of the world's history, capitalism is tot- 
tering to its ruin. The proletariat is straining at the chains which bind it. A 
revolutionary spirit Is spreading throughout the world. The workers are rising 
to answer the clarion call of the Third International. 

Only one Socialism is possible in this crisis. A Socialism based upon under- 
itanding. A Socialism that will express in action the needs of the proletariat. 



»Lusk Committee Reports, vol. I, p. 739. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 11 

The time has passed for temporizing and hesitating. We mnst act. The Com- 
munist call of the Third International, the echo of the Communist Manifesto of 
1848, must be answered. 

The National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party of America has evi- 
denced by its expulsion of nearly half of the membership that they will not hesi- 
tate at wrecliing the organization in order to maintain control. A deadlock has 
been precipitated in the ranks of revolutionary Socialism by the wholesale ex- 
pulsion or suspension of the membership comprising the Socialist Party of 
Michigan, locals and branches throughout the country, together with seven lan- 
guage federations. This has created a condition in our movement that makes 
it manifestly impossible to longer delay the calling of a convention to organize 
a new party. Those who realize that the capturing of the Socialist Party as 
such is but an empty victory will not hesitate to respond to this call and leave 
the "Right" and "Center" to sink together with their "revolutionary" leaders. 

The majority of the delegates to the left-wing conference in New York meekly 
neglected to sever their connections with the reactionary National Executive 
Committee. Rendered impotent by the conflicting emotions and lack of under- 
standing present they continued to mark time as Centrists in the wake of the 
Right. Their policy is one of endeavor to capture the old party machinery and 
the stagnant elements who have been struggling for a false unity and who are 
only ready to abandon the ship when it sinks beneath the waves of reaction. 

This condition confronting the minority delegates representing the following 
organizations — Socialist Party of Michigan ; Left Wing State Convention of 
Minnesota; Locals, Buffalo; Chicago; Union Local, N. J.; Cudahy, Wis.; Roches- 
ter, N. Y. ; Rockford, 111.; Kenosha, Wis.; New York; Providence; Nanticoke, 
Pa.; Milwaukee, Wis.; Boston, Mass.; Polish, Lettish, Russian, Jewish, Lithu- 
anian, Esthonian Federations — at the Left Wing Conference has been met by this 
call for the organization of a Communist Party in America. 

No other course is possible, therefore, we, the minority delegates at the Left 
Wing Conference, call a convention to meet in the city of Chicago on September 1, 
1919, for the purpose of organizing a Communist Party in America. 

This party will be founded upon the following principles : 

1. The present is the period of the dissolution and collapse of the whole capi- 
talist world system ; which will mean the complete collapse of world culture, if 
capitalism with its unsolvable contradictions is not replaced by communism. 

2. The problem of the proletariat consists in organizing and training itself 
for the conquest of the powers of the state. This conquest of power means the 
replacement of the state machinery of the bourgeoisie with a new proletarian 
machinery of government. 

3. This new proletarian state must embody the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
both industrial and agricultural, this dictatorship constituting the instrument for 
the taking over of property used for exploiting the workers, and for the reor- 
ganization of society on a Communist basis. 

Not the fraudulent bourgeois democracy — the hypocritical form of the rule of 
the finance-oligarchy, with its purely formal equality — but proletarian democ- 
racy based on the possibility of actual realization of freedom for the working 
masses ; not capitalist bureaucracy, but organs of administrations which have 
been created by the masses themselves, with the real participation of these masses 
in the government of the country and in the activity of the communistic struc- 
ture — this should be the type of the proletarian state. The workers' councils and 
similar organizations represent its concrete form. 

4. The dictatorship of the proletariat shall carry out the abolition of private 
property in the means of production and distribution, by transfer to the prole- 
tarian state under Socialist administration of the working class; nationalization 
of the great business enterprises and financial trusts. 

5. The present world situation demands the closest relation between the 
revolutionary proletariat of all countries. 

6. The fundamental means of the struggle for power is the mass action of the 
proletariat, a gathering together and concentration of all its energies; whereas 
methods such as the revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamentarism are only 
of subsidiary significance. 

In those countries in which the historical development has furnished the op- 
portunity, the working class has utilized the regime of political democracy for its 
organization against capitalism. In all countries where the conditions for a 
workers' revolution are not yet ripe, the same process will go on. 



12 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

But within the process the workers must never lose sight of the true character 
of bourgeois democracy. If the finance-oligarchy considers it advantageous to 
veil its deeds of violence behind parliaraeutary votes, then the capitalist power 
has at its command in order to gain its ends, all the traditions and attainments 
of former centuries of upper class rule, demagogism, persecution, slander, brib- 
ery, calumny, and terror. To demand of the proletariat that it shall be content 
to yield itself to the artificial rules devised by its mortal enemy, but not observed 
by the enemy, is to make a mockery of tlie proletarian struggle for power — a 
struggle which depends primarily on the development of separate organs of the 
working-class power. 

7. The old Socialist International has broken into three main gi-oups : 

(a) Those frankly social patriots who since 1914 have supported thfir 
bourgeoisie and transformed these elements of the working class which they 
control into hangmen of the international revolution. 

(b) The "Center," representing the elements which are constantly wavering 
and incapable of following a definite plan of action, and which are at timts 
positively traitorous; and 

(e) The Communists. 

As regards the social patriots, who everywhere in the critical moment oppose 
the proletarian revolution with force of arms, a merciless fight is absolutely 
necessary. As regards the "Center" our tactics must be to separate the revolu- 
tionary elements by pitilessly criticizing the leaders. Absolute separation from 
the organization of the "Center" is necessary. 

It is necessary to rally the groups and proletarian organizations who, though 
not as yet in the wake of revolutionary trend of the Communist movement, never- 
theless have manifested and developed a tendency leading in that direction. 

Socialist criticism has sufficiently stigmatized the bourgeois world order. The 
task of the International Communist Party is now to overthrow this order and 
to erect in its place the structure of the Socialist world order. Under the Com- 
munist banner, the emblem under which the first great victories have already 
been won ; In the war against imperialistic barbarity, against the privileged 
classes, against the bourgeois state and bourgeois property, against all forms of 
social and national oppression — we call upon the proletarians of all lands to 
unite. 

PBOGBAM OF THE CALL 

1. We favor international alliance of the Socialist movement of the United 
States only w4th the Communist groups of other countries, such as the Bolshe- 
viki of Russia, Spartacans of Germany, etc., according to the program of Com- 
munism as above outlined. 

2. We are opposed to association with other groups not committed to the 
revolutionary class struggle, such as labor parties, nonpartisan leagues, people's 
council, municipal ownership leagues, and the like. 

3. We maintain that the class struggle is essentially a political struggle that 
Is, a struggle by the proletariat to conquer the capitalist state, whether Its form 
be monarchistic or democratic-republican, and to destroy and replace it by a 
governmental structure adapted to the Socialist transformation. 

4. The party shall propagandize class-conscious industrial unionism against 
the craft form of unionism, and shall carry on party activity in cooperation 
with industrial disputes that take on a revolutionary character. 

5. We do not disparage voting nor the value of success in electing our candi- 
dates to public office — not if these are in direct line with the class struggle. 
The trouble comes with the illusion that political or industrial immediate 
achievements are of themselves steps in the revolution, the progressive merging 
of capitalism into the cooperative commonwealth. 

The basis of our political campaign should be —  

(a) To propagandize the overthrow of capitalism by proletarian conquest 
of the political power and the establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat. 

(b) To maintain a political organization as a clearinghouse for proletarian 
thought, a center of political education for the development of revolutionary 
working-class action. 

(c) To keep in the foreground our consistent appeal for proletarian revo- 
lution ; and to analyze the counterproposals and reformist palliatives in their 
true light of evasion of the issue ; recognizing at all times the characteristic 
development of the class conflict as applicable to all capitalistic nations. 

(d) To propagandize the party organization as the organ of contact with 
the revolutionary proletariat of other lands, the basis for international asso- 
ciation being the same political understanding and the common plan of action, 



ORGANIZED COJVIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 13 

tending toward Increasing unity in detail as the international crisis develops. 

6. Socialist platforms, proceeding on the basis of the class struggle, recog- 
nizing that the Socialist movement has come into the historic period of the 
eocial revolution, can contain only the demand for the dictatorship of the 
proletariat. 

(a) The basis of this demand should be thoroughly explained in th« eco- 
nomic, political, and social analysis of the class struggle, as evolving within the 
system of capitalism, 

(b) The implications of this demand should be illustrated by the first steps 
and general modes of social reconstruction dependent upon and involved within 
the proletarian domination of the political life of the nation. 

(c) A municipal platform of Socialism cannot proceed on a separate basis, 
but must conform to the general platform, simply relating the attainment of 
local power to the immediate goal of gaining national power. There are no 
city problems within the terms of the class struggle, only the one problem of 
capitalist versus proletarian domination. 

7. We realize that the coming of the social revolution depends on an over- 
whelming assertion of mass power by the proletariat, taldng on political con- 
sciousness and the definite direction of revolutionary Socialism. The mani- 
festations of this power and consciousness are not subject to precise precalcula- 
tion. But the history of the movement of the proletariat toward emancipation 
since 1900 shows the close connection between the revolutionary proletarian 
assertion and the political mass strilie. 

The mass action conception looks to the general unity of the proletarian forces 
under revolutionary provocation and stimulus. In the preliminary stages, which 
alone come within our predetermination and party initiative, the tactics of 
mass action include all mass demonstration and mass struggles which sharpen 
the understanding of the proletariat as to the class conflict and which separate 
the revolutionary proletariat into a group distinct from all others. 

Mass action, in time of revolutionary crisis, or in the analogous case of large 
scale industrial conflict, naturally accepts the council form of organization for 
its expression over a continued period of time. 

8. Applying our declarations of party principle to the organization of the party 
Itself, we realize the need, in correspondence with the highly centralized capi- 
talist power to be combated, of a centralized party organization. 

Organizations indorsing the principles and program outlined as a tentative 
basis for the organization of a Communist Party are invited to send delegates 
to the convention in Chicago on September 1, 1919. 

The basis of representation to be one delegate for every organization and one 
additional for every additional 500 members or major fraction thereof. 

Provided, also, that each Language Federation shall have one fraternal dele- 
gate at the convention. 

Provided further, that in states where the states are organized, they shall send 
delegates as states. In states which are not organized, the locals shall send dele- 
gates as such. In locals which are not organized a part of the local may send a 
delegate. 

Left- Wing National Council 

manifesto 

The National Council set up offices, with Isaac E. Ferguson as 
secretary, and the Revolutionary Age became the official organ with 
the first issue of July 15, 1919. 6n authority of the Conference of the 
National Council of the Left Wing, the following "Left Wing Mani- 
festo" was issued : ' 

The Avqrld is in crisis^. Cjapitalism, jthe prevailing system of _ society, ___ls in 
process of disintegration and collapse." Out of its vitals is developing a new 
social order, the system of Communist Socialism ; and the struggle between this 
new social order and the old, is now the fundamental problem of international 
politics. 

The predatory "war for democracy" dominated the world. But now it is the 
revolutionary proletariat in action that dominates, conquering power in some 
nations, mobilizing to conquer power in others, and calling upon the proletariat 
of all nations to prepare for the final struggle against capitalism. 

* Lnsk Committee Bepsrts, vol. I, p. T16. 



14 ORGANIZED COJMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

But Socialism itself is in crisis. Events are revolutionizing capitalism and 
Socialism — an indication that this is the historic epoch of the proletarian revo- 
lution. Imperialism is the final stage of Capitalism; and Imperialism means 
sterner reaction and new wars of conquest — unless the revolutionary proletariat 
acts for Socialism. Capitalism cannot reform itself; it cannot be reformed. 
Humanity can be saved from its last excesses only by the Communist revolution. 
There can now be only the Socialism which is one in temper and purpose with 
the proletarian revolutionary struggle. There can be only the Socialism which 
unites the proletariat of the whole world in the general struggle against the 
desperately destructive Imperialisms — the Imperialisms which array them- 
selves as a siusle force against the onsweeping proletarian revolution. 

The War aJid Imperialism 

The prevailing conditions, in the world of Capitalism and of Socialism, are a 
direct product of the war ; and the war was Itself a direct product of Imperialism. 

Industrial development under the profit system of Capitalism is based upon 
the accumulation of capital, which depends upon the expropriation of values pro- 
duced by the workers. This accumulation of capital promotes, and is itself pro- 
moted by, the concentration of industry. The competitive struggle compels each 
capitalist to secure the most efhcient means of production, or a group of capi- 
talists to combine their capital in order to produce more efficiently. This process 
of concentration of industry and the accumulation of capital, while a product 
of competition, ultimately denies and ends competition. The concentration of 
industry and of capital develops monopoly. 

Monopoly expresses itself through dictatorial control exercised by finance- 
capital over industry ; and finance-capital unifies Capitalism for world exploita- 
tion. Under Imperialism, the banks, whose control is centralized in a clique of 
financial magnates, dominate the whole of industry directly, purely upon the 
basis of investment exploitation, and not for purposes of social production. The 
concentration of industry implies that, to a large extent, industry within the 
nation has reached its maturity, is unable to absorb all the surplus-capital that 
comes from the profits of industry. Capitalism, accordingly, must find means 
outside the nation for the .Tbsorption of this surplus. The older export trad© 
was dominated by the export of consumable goods. American exports, particu- 
larly, except for the war period, have been largely of cotton, foodstuffs, and raw 
materials. Under the conditions of Imperialism, it is capital whicli is exported, 
as by the use of concessions in backward territory to build railroads, or to 
start native factories, as in India, or to develop oil fields, as in Mexico. This 
means an export of locomotives, heavy machinery, in short, predominantly a trade 
in iron goods. This export of capital, together with the struggle to monopolize 
the world's sources of raw materials and to control undeveloped territory, pro- 
duces Imperialism. 

A fully developed capitalist nation is compelled to accept Imperialism. Each 
nation seeks markets for the absorption of its surplus capital. Undeveloped 
territory, possessing sources of raw material, the industrial development of 
which will require the investment of capital and the purchase of machinery, 
becomes the objective of capitalistic competition between the imperialistic 
nations. 

Capitalism, in the epoch of Imperialism, comes to rely for its "prosperity" and 
supremacy upon the exploitation and enslavement of colonial peoples, either in 
colonies, "spheres of influence," "protectorates," or "mandatories" — savagely 
oppressing hundreds of millions of subject peoples in order to assure high profit 
and interest rates for a few million people in the favored nations. 

This struggle for undeveloped territory, raw materials, and investment markets, 
is carried on "peacefully" between groups of international finance-capital by 
means of "agreements," and between the nations by means of diplomacy ; but a 
crisis comes, the competition becomes irreconcilable, antagonisms cannot be 
solved peacefully, and the nations resort to war. 

The antagonisms between the European nations were antagonisms as to who 
should control undeveloped territory, sources of raw materials, and the invest- 
ment markets of the world. The inevitable consequence was war. The issue 
being world power, other nations, including the United States, were dragged in. 
The United States, while having no direct territorial interests in the war, was 
vitally concerned, since the issue was world power; and its capitalism, having 
attained a position of financial world power, had a direct imperialistic interest 
at stake. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 15 

The Imperialistic character of the war is climaxed by an imperialistic peace— 
a peace that strikes directly at the peace and liberty of the world, which organizes 
the great imperialistic powers into a sort of "trust of nations," among whom the 
world is divided financially and territorially. The League of Nations is simply 
the screen for this division of the world, an instrument for joint domination of 
the world by a particular group of Imperialism. 

While this division of the world solves, for the moment, the problems of power 
that produced the war, the solution is temporary, since the Imperialism of one 
nation can prosper only by limiting the economic opportunity of another nation. 
New problems of power must necessarily arise, producing new antagonisms, new 
wars of aggression and conquest — unless the revolutionary proletariat conquers 
in the struggle for Socialism. 

The concentration of industry produces monopoly, and monopoly produces 
Imperialism. In Imperialism there is implied the socialization of industry, the 
material basis of Socialism. Production moreover, becomes international; and 
the limits of the nation, of national production, become a fetter upon the forces 
of production. The development of Capitalism produces world economic prob- 
lems that break down the old order. The forces of production revolt against the 
fetters Capitalism imposes upon production. The answer of Capitalism is war ; 
th€ answer o( the proletariat is the Social Revolution and Socialism. 

T?ie Collapse of the International 

In 1912, at the time of the first Balkan War, Europe was on the verge of a 
general imperialistic war. A Socialist International Congress was convened at 
Basle to act on the impending crisis. The resolution adopted stigmatized the 
coming war as imperialistic and as unjustitiable on any pretext of national 
interest. The Basle resolution declared : 

1. That the war would create an economic and political crisis; 2. That the 
workers would look upon participation in the war as a crime, which would arouse 
"indignation and revulsion" among the masses ; 3. TJiat the crisis and the psycho- 
logical condition of the workers would create a situation that Socialists should 
use "to rouse the masses and hasten the downfall of capitalism"; 4. That the 
governments "fear a proletarian revolution" and should remember the Paris 
Commune and the revolution in Russia in 1905, that is, a civil war. 

The Basle resolution indicted the coming war as imperialistic, a war neces- 
sarily to be opposed by Socialism, which should use the opportunity of war to 
wage the revolutionary struggle against Capitalism. The policy of Socialism was 
comprised in the struggle to transform the imperialistic war into a civil war of 
the oppressed against the oppressors, and for Socialism. 

Tlie war that came in 1914 was the same imperialistic war that might have 
come in 1912, or at the time of the Agadir crisis. But, upon the declaration of 
war, the dominant Socialism, contrary to the Basle resolution, accepted and 
justified the war. 

Great demonstrations were held. The governments and war were denounced. 
But, immediately upon the declaration of war, there was a change of front. The 
war credits were voted by Socialists in the parliaments. The dominant Socialism 
favored the war ; a small minority adopted a policy of petty bourgeois pacifism, 
and only the Left-Wing groups adhered to the policy of revolutionary Socialism. 

It was not alone a problem of preventing the war. The fact that Socialism 
could not prevent the war, was not a justification for accepting and idealizing the 
war. Nor was it a problem of immediate revolution. The Basle manifesto simply 
required opposition to the war and the fight to develop out of its circumstances 
the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat against the war and Capitalism. 

The dominant Socialism, in accepting and justifying the war, abandoned the 
class struggle and betrayed Socialism. The class struggle is the heart of 
Socialism. Without strict conformity to the class struggle, in its revolutionary 
implications. Socialism becomes either sheer Utopiaism or a method of recreation. 
But the dominant Socialism accepted "civil peace," the "unity of all the classes 
and parties" in order to wage successfully the imperialistic war. The dominant 
Socialism united with the governments against Socialism and the proletariat. 

Tlie class struggle comes to a climax during war. National struggles are a 
form of expression of the class struggle, whether they are revolutionary wars for 
liberation or imperialistic wars for spoliation. It is precisely during a war that 
material conditions provide the opportunity for waging the class struggle to a 
conclusion for the conquest of power. The war was a war for world power — a war 
of the capitalist class against the working class, since world power means power 
over the proletariat 



16 ORGANIZED eOMMUNISM EST THE UNITED STATES 

But the ciomiBant Socialism acceptecl the war as a war for democracy — as If 
democracy under the conditions of imperialism is not directly counterrevolu- 
tionary. It justified the war as a war for national independence — as if Impe- 
rialism is not necessarily determined upon annihilating the independence of 
nations. 

Nationalism, social patriotism, and social Imperialism determined the policy 
of the dominant Socialism, and not the proletarian class struggle and Socialism. 
The coming of Socialism was made dependent upon the predatory war and 
Imperialism, upon the international proletariat cutting each other's throats in 
the struggles of the ruling class. 

The Second International on the whole merged in the opposed imperialistic 
ranks. This collapse of the Intemationfil was not an accident, nor simply an 
expression of the betrayal by individuals. It was the inevitable consequence of 
the whole tendency and policy of the dominant Socialism as an organized 
movement. 

Moderate Socialism 

The Socialism which developed as an organized movement after the collapse 
of the revolutionary First International was moderate, petty bourgeois Socialism. 
It was a Socialism adapting itself to the conditions of national development, 
abandoning in practice the militant idea of revolutionizing the Old World. 

This moderate Socialism initiated the era of "constructive" social refonns. It 
accepted the bourgeois state as the basis of its activity and strengthened that 
state. Its goal became "constructive reforms" and cabinet portfolios — the 
"cooperation of classes," the policy of openly or tacitly declaring that the coming 
of Socialism was the concern "of all the classes" instead of emphasizing the 
Marxian policy that the construction of the Socialist system is the task of the 
revolutionary proletariat alone. In accepting social reformism the "cooperation 
of classes," and the bourgeois parliamentary state as the basis of its action, 
moderate Socialism was prepared to share responsibility with the bourgeoisie 
in the control of the capitalist state, even to the extent of defending the bour- 
geoisie against the working class and its revolutionary mass movements. The 
counterrevolutionai*y tendency of the dominant Socialism finally reveals itself 
in open war against Socialism during the proletarian revolution, as in Russia, 
Germany, and Austria-Hungary. 

The dominant moderate Socialism was initiated by the formation of the Social 
Democratic Party in Germany. This party united on the basis of the Gotha 
program, in which fundamental revolutionary Socialism was abandoned. It 
evaded completely the task of the conquest of power, which Marx, in his Criticism 
of the Gotha Program, characterized as follows : "Between the capitalistic 
society and the communistic lies the period of the revolutionary transformation 
of the one into the other. This corresponds to a political transition period, in 
which the state cannot be anything else than the revolutionary dictatorship of 
the proletariat." 

Evading the actual problems of the revolutionary struggle, the dominant 
Socialism of the Second International developed into a peaceful movement of 
organization, of trades-union struggles, of cooperation with the middle class, of 
legislation and bourgeois State Capitalism as means of introducing Socialism. 

There was a joint movement that affected the thought and practice of Social- 
ism ; on the one hand, the organization of the skilled workers into trade unions, 
which secured certain concessions and became a semiprivileged caste; and, on 
the other, the decay of the class of small producers, crushed under the iron tread 
of the concentration of industry and the accumulation of capital. As one moved 
upward and the other downward, they met, formed a juncture, and united to use 
the state to improve their conditions. The dominant Socialism expressed this 
unity, developing a policy of legislative reforms and State Capitalism, making the 
revolutionary class struggle a parliamentary process. 

This development meant, obviously, the abandonment of fundamental Social- 
Ism. It meant working on the basis of the bourgeois parliam^itary state, in- 
stead of the struggle to destroy that state ; it meant the "cooperation of classes" 
for State Capitalism, instead of the uncompromising proletarian struggle for 
Socialism. Government ownership, the objective of the middle class, was the 
policy of moderate Socialism. Instead of the revolutionary theory of the neces- 
sity of conquering capitalism, the official theory and practice was now that of 
modifying capitalism, of a gradual peaceful "growing into" Socialism by means 
of legislative reforms. In the words of Jean Jaures : "We shall carry on our 
reform work to a complete transformation of the existing order." 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 17 

But Imperialism exposed the final futility of this policy. Imperialism unites 
the nonproletarian classes, by means of state capitalism, for international con- 
quest and spoilatiou. The small capitalists, middle class and the aristocracy 
of labor, which previously acted against concentrated industry, now compromise 
and unite with concentrated industry and finance-capital in imperialism. The 
small capitalists accept the domination of finance-capital, being allowed to par- 
ticipate in the adventures and the fabulous profits of Imperialism, upon which 
now depends the whole of trade and industry ; the middle class invests in monopo- 
listic enterprises, an income class whose income depends upon finance-capital, 
its members securing "positions of superintendence," its technicians and in- 
tellectuals being exported to undeveloped lands in process of development, while 
the workers of the privileged unions are assured steady employment and com- 
paratively high wages through the profits that come from the savage exploita- 
tion of colonial peoples. All these nonproletarian social groups accept Im- 
perialism, their "liberal and progressive" ideas becoming factors in the promotion 
of Imperialism, manufacturing the democratic ideology of Imperialism with 
which to seduce the masses. Imperialism requires the centralized state, capable 
of uniting all the forces of capital, of unifying the industrial process through 
state control and regulation, of maintaining "class peace," of mobilizing the 
whole national power in the struggles of Imperialism. State capitalism is the 
form of expression of Imperialism — precisely that State Capitalism promoted by 
moderate, petty bourgeois Socialism. What the parliamentary policy of the 
dominant moderate Socialism accomplished was to buttress the capitalist state, 
to promote State Capitalism — to st'-engthen imperialism. 

The dominant Socialism was part and parcel of the national liberal movement — 
but this movement, under the compulsion of events, merged in Imperialism. The 
dominant Socialism accepted capitalistic democracy as the basis for the reali- 
zation of Socialism — but this democracy merges in Imperialism. The World 
War was waged by means of this democracy. The dominant Socialism based 
itself upon the middle class and the aristocracy of labor — but these have com- 
promised with Imperialism, being bribed by a "share" in the spoils of Im- 
perialism. Upon the declaration of war, accordingly, the dominant moderate 
Socialism accepted the war and united with the imperialistic state. 

Upon the advent of Imperialism, Capitalism emerged into a new epoch — an 
epoch requiring new and more aggressive proletarian tactics. Tactical differ- 
ences in the Socialist movement almost immediately came to a head. The con- 
centration of industry, together with the subsei*viency of parliaments to the 
imperialistic mandates and the transfer of their vital functions to the executive 
organ of government, developed the concept of industrial unionism in the United 
States, and the concept of mass action in Europe. The struggle against the 
dominant moderate Socialism became a struggle against its perversion of 
parliamentarism, against its conception of the state, against its alliance with 
nonproletarian social groups, and against its acceptance of State Capitalism. 
Imperialism made mandatory a reconstruction of the Socialist movement, the 
formulation of a practice in accord with its revolutionary fundamentals. But 
the representatives of moderate Socialism refused to broaden their tactics, to 
adapt themselves to the new conditions. The consequence was a miserable 
collapse under the test of the war and the proletarian revolution— the betrayal 
of Socialism and the proletariat. 

The Proletarian Revolution 

The dominant Socialism justified its acceptance of the war on the plea that 
a revolution did not materialize, that the masses abandoned Socialism. 

This was conscious subterfuge. When the economic and political crisis did 
develop potential revolutionary action in the proletariat, the dominant Socialism 
immediately assumed an attitude against the revolution. The proletariat was 
urged not to make a revolution. The dominant Socialism united with the 
capita-lisfc governments to prevent a revolution.. ^. . . . . ... - .. 

The Russian Revolution was the first act of the proletariat against the war 
and Imperialism. But while the masses made the lievolution in Russia, the 
bourgeoisie usurped power and organized the regulation bourgeois-parliamentary 
republic. This was the first stage of the Revolution. Against this bourgeois 
republic organized the forces of the proletarian Revolution. Moderate Socialism 
in Russia, represented by the Mensheviki and the Social-Revolutionists, acted 
against the proletarian revolution. It united with the Cadets, the party of 
bottrgeols Imperialism, In a coalition government of bourgeois democracy. It 



18 ORGANIZED COMIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

placed its faith in the war "against German militarism," in national ideals, 
in parliamentary democracy and the "cooperation of classes." 

But the proletariat, urging en the poorer peasantry, conquered iwwer. It 
accomplished a proletarian revolution by means of the Bolshevik policy of "all 
power to the Soviets," organizing the new transitional state of proletarian dic- 
tatorship. Moderate Socialism, even after its theory that a proletarian revolu- 
tion was impossible, had been shattered by life itself, acted against the proletarian 
revolution and mobilized the counterrevolutionary forces against the Soviet Re- 
public, assisted by the moderate Socialism of Germany and the Allies. 

Apologists maintained that the attitude of moderate Socialism in Russia was 
determined not by a fundamental policy, but by its conception that, Russia not 
being a fully developed capitalist country, it was premature to make a proletarian 
revolution and historically impossible to realize Socialism. 

This was a typical nationalistic attitude, since the proletarian revolution in 
Russia could not persist as a national revolution, but was compelled by its very 
conditions to a struggle for the international revolution of the proletariat, the 
war having initiated the epoch of the proletarian revolution. 

The revolution in Germany decided the controversy. The first revolution was 
made by the masses against the protests of the dominant moderate Socialism, 
represented by the Social-Democratic Party. As in Russia, the first stage of 
the revolution realized a bourgeois parliamentary republic, with power in the 
hands of the Social-Democratic Party. Against this bourgeois republic organized 
a new revolution, the proletarian revolution directed by the Spartacan-Commu- 
nists. And, precisely as in Russia, the dominant moderate Socialism opposed the 
proletarian revolution, opposed all power to the Soviets, accepted parliamentary 
democracy and repudiated proletarian dictatorship. 

The issue in Germany could not be obscured. Germany was a fully developed 
industrial nation, its economic conditions mature for the introduction of Social- 
ism. In spite of dissimilar economic conditions in Germany and Russia, the 
dominant moderate Socialism pursued a similar counterrevolutionary policy, and 
revolutionary Socialism, a common policy, indicating the International character 
of revolutionary proletarian tactics. 

There is, accordingly, a common policy that characterizes moderate Socialism, 
and that is its conception of the state. Moderate Socialism aflQrms that the 
buorgeois, democratic parliamentary state is the necessary basis for the intro- 
duction of Socialism ; accordingly, it conceived the task of the revolution, in Ger- 
many and Russia, to be the construction of the democratic parliamentary state, 
after which the process of introducing Socialism by legislative reform measures 
could be initiated. Out of this conception of the state develoi)ed the counterrevo- 
lutionary policy of moderate Socialism. 

Revolutionary Socialism, on the contrary, insists that the democratic parlia- 
mentary state can never be the basis for the introduction of Socialism ; that it la 
necessary to destroy the parliamentary state, and construct a new state of the 
organized producers, which will deprive the bourgeoisie of political power, and 
function as a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. 

The proletarian revolution in action has conclusively proven that moderate 
Socialism is incapable of realizing the objectives of Socialism. Revolutionary 
Socialism alone is capable of mobilizing the proletariat for Socialism, for the 
conquest of the power of the state, by means of revolutionary mass action and 
proletarian dictatorship. 

Ameriean Socialism 

The upsurge of revolutionary Socialism in the American Socialist Party, 
expressed in the left-wing, is not a product simply of European conditions. It is, 
in a fundamental sense, the product of the experience of the American move- 
ment — the left-wing tendency in the party, having been invigorated by the experi- 
ence of the proletarian revolutions in Europe. 

The dominant moderate Socialism of the International was equally the Social- 
ism of the American Socialist Party. 

The policy of moderate Socialism in the Socialist Party comprised its policy 
in an attack upon the larger capitalists, the trusts, maintaining that all other 
divisions in society, including the lesser capitalists and the middle class, the 
petite bourgeoisie, are material for the Socialist struggle against capitalism. 
The moderate Socialism dominant in the Socialist Party asserted, in substance : 
Socialism is a struggle of all the people against the trusts and big capital, making 
the realization of Socialism depend upon the unity of "the people," of the workers, 
the small capitalists, the small investors, the professions, in short the offi«iftl 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 19 

Socialist Party actually depended upon the petite bourgeoisie for the realization 
of Socialism. 

The concentration of industry in the United States gradually eliminated the 
small producers, which initiated the movement for government ownership of 
industry — and for other reforms proposed to checlt the power of the plutocracy ; 
and this bourgeois policy was the animating impulse of the practice of the Social- 
ist Party. 

This party, moreover, developed Into an expression of the unions of the aris- 
tocracy of labor — of the A. F. of L. The party refused to engage in the struggle 
against the reactionary unions, to organize a new labor movement of the militant 
proletariat. 

While the concentration of industry and social developments generally conser- 
vatized the skilled workers, it developed the typical proletariat of unskilled labor, 
massed in the basic industries. This proletariat, expropriated of all property, 
denied access to the A. F. of L. unions, required a labor movement of its own. 
This impulse produced the concept of industrial unionism, and the I. W. W. But 
the dominant moderate Socialism rejected industrial unionism and openly or 
covertly acted against the I. W. W. 

Revolutionary industrial unionism, moreover, was a recognition of the fact 
that extraparliamentary action was necessary to accomplish the revolution, that 
the political state should be destroyed and a new proletarian state of the organ- 
ized producers constructed in order to realize Socialism. But the Socialist Party 
not only repudiated the form of industrial unionism, it still more emphatically 
repudiated its revolutionary political implications, clinging to petty bourgeois 
parliamentarism and reformism. 

United with the aristocracy of labor and the middle class, the dominant Social- 
ism in the Socialist Party necessarily developed all the evils of the dominant 
Socialism of Europe, and, particularly, abandoning the immediate revolutionary 
task of reconstructing unionism, on the basis of which alone a militant mass 
Socialism could emerge. 

It stultified working class political action, by limiting political action to elec- 
tions and participation in legislative reform activity. In every single case where 
the Socialist Party has elected public officials they have pursued a consistent 
petty bourgeois policy, abandoning Socialism. 

This was the official policy of the party. Its representatives were petty bour- 
geois, moderate, hesitant, oblivious of the class struggle in its fundamental 
political and industrial implications. But the compulsion of life itself drew 
more and more proletarian masses in the party, who required simply the oppor- 
tunity to initiate a revolutionary proletarian policy. 

The war and the proletarian revolution in Russia provided the opportunity. 
The Socialist Party, under the impulse of its membership, adopted a militant 
declaration against the war. But the officials of the party sabotaged this decla- 
ration. The official policy of the party on the war was a policy of petty bourgeois 
pacifism. The bureaucracy of the party was united with the bourgeois People's 
Council, which accepted a Wilson Peace and betrayed those who rallied to the 
Council in opposition to the war. 

This policy necessarily developed into a repudiation of the revolutionary Social- 
ist position. When events developed the test of accepting or rejecting the revo- 
lutionary implications of the declaration against the war, the party bureaucracy 
immediately exposed its reactionary policy, by repudiating the policy of the 
Russian and German Communists, and refusing affiliation with the Communist 
International of revolutionary Socialism. 

Problems of American Socialism 

Imperialism is dominant in the United States, which is now a world power. 
It is developing a centralized, autocratic federal government, acquiring the 
financial and military reserves for aggression and wars of conquest. The war 
has aggrandized American Capitalism, instead of weakening it as in Europe. 
But world events will play upon and influence conditions in this country — dynam- 
ically, the sweep of revolutionary proletarian ideas ; materially, the coming con- 
struction of world markets upon the resumption of competition. Now all-mighty 
and supreme, Capitalism in the United States must meet crises in the days to 
come. These conditions modify our immediate task, but do not alter its general 
character ; this is not the moment of revolution, but it is the moment of revo- 
lutionary struggle. American Capitalism is developing a brutal campaign of 
terrorism against the militant proletariat. American Capitalism Is utterly In- 



20 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

competent on the problems of reconstruetion that press down upon society. Ita 
"reconstruction" program is simply to develop its power for aggression, to 
aggrandize itself in the markets of the world. 

These conditions of Imperialism and of multiplied aggression will necessarily 
produce proletarian action against Capitalism. Strikes are developing which 
verge on revolutionary action, and in which the suggestion of proletarian dicta- 
torship is apparent, the striker-workers trying to usurp functions of municipal 
government, as in Seattle and Winnipeg. The mass struggle of the proletariat 
is coming into being. 

A minor phase of the awakening of labor is the trades unions organizing a 
Labor Party, in an effort to conserve what they have secured as a privileged 
caste. A Labor Party is not the instrument for the emancipation of the working 
class ; its policy would in general be what is now the official policy af tlie Socialist 
Party — reforming Capitalism on the basis of the bourgeois parliamentary state. 
Laborism is as much a danger to the revolutionary proletariat as moderate, petty 
bourgeois Socialism, the two being expressions of an identical tendency and 
policy. There can be no compromise either with Laborism or the dominant mod- 
erate Socialism. 

But tJiere is a more vital tendency — the tendency of the workers to initiate 
mass strikes — strikes which are equally a revolt against the bureaucracy in the 
unions and against the employers. These strikes will constitute the determining 
feature of proletarian action in the days to come. Revolutionary Socialism must 
use these mass industrial revolts to broaden the strike, to make it general and 
militant; use the strike for political objectives, and, finally, develop the mass 
political strike against Capitalism and the state. 

Revolutionary Socialism must base itself on the mass struggles of the pro- 
letariat, engage directly in these struggles while emphasizing the revolutionary 
purposes of Socialism and the proletarian movement. The mass strikes of the 
American proletariat provide the material basis out of which to develop the 
concepts and action of revolutionary Socialism. 

Our task is to encourage the militant mass movements in the A. F. of L. to split 

the old unions, to break the power of unions which are corrupted by Imperialism 

and betray the militant proletariat. The A. F. of L., in its dominant expression, 

is united with Imperialism. A bulwark of reaction — it must be exposed and 

• its power for evil broken. 

Our task, moreover, is to articulate and organize the mass of the unorganized 
industrial proletariat, which constitutes the basis for a militant Socialism. The 
struggle for the revolutionary industrial unionism of the proletariat becomes 
an indispensable phase of revolutionary Socialism, on the basis of which to 
broaden and deepen the action of the militant proletariat, developing reserves for 
the ultimate conquest of power. 

Imperialism is dominant in the United States. It controls all the factors of 
social action. Imperialism is uniting all nonproletarian social groups in a 
brutal State Capitalism, for reaction and spoliation. Against this, revolutionary 
Socialism must mobilize the mass struggle of the industrial proletariat. 

Moderate Socialism is compromising, vacillating, treacherous, because the 
social elements it depends upon — the petite hourgeoisie and the aristocracy of 
labor — are not a fundamental factor in society; they vacillate between the bour- 
geois and the proletariat, their social instability produces political instability; 
and, moreover, they have been seduced by Imperialism and are now united with 
Imperialism. 

Revolutionary Socialism is resolute, uncompromising, revolutionary, because 
It builds upon a fundamental social factor, the industrial proletariat, which is 
an actual producing class, expropriated of all property, in whose consciousness 
the machine procei^s has developed the concepts of industrial unionism and mass 
action. Revolutionary Socialism adheres to the class struggle because through 
the class struggle alone — the mass struggle — can the industrial proletariat secure 
immediate concessions and finally conquer power by organizing the industrial 
government of the working class. 

Politieal Action 

The class struggle is a political struggle. It is a political struggle in the sense 
that its objective is political — the overthrow of the political organization upon 
which capitalistic exploitation depends, and the introduction of a new social 
system. The direct objective is the conquest by the proletariat of the power of 
the state. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 21 

Revolutionary Socialism does not propose to "capture" the bourgeois parlia- 
mentary state, but to conquer and destroy it. Revolutionary Socialism, accord- 
ingly, repudiates the policy of introducing Socialism by means of legislative 
measures on the basis of the bourgeois state. This state is a bourgeois state, 
the organ for the coercion of the proletarian by the capitalist; how, then, can 
it introduce Socialism? As long as the bourgeois parliamentary state prevails, 
the capitalist class can baffle the vpill of the proletariat, since all the political 
power, the army and the police, industry and the press, are in the hands of the 
capitalists, whose economic power gives them complete domination. The revolu- 
tionary proletariat must expropriate all these by the conquest of the power of the 
state, by annihilating the political power of the bourgeoisie, before it can begin 
the task of introducing Socialism. 

Revolutionary Socialism, accordingly, proposes to conquer the power of the 
state. It proposes to conquer by means of political action — political action in 
the revolutionary Marxian sense, which does not simply mean parliamentarism, 
but the class action of the proletariat in any form having as its objective the 
conquest of the power of the state. 

Parliamentary action is necessary. In the parliament, the revolutionary rep- 
resentatives of the proletariat meet Capitalism on all general issues of the class 
struggle. The proletariat must fight the capitalist class on all fronts, in the pro- 
cess of developing the final action that will conquer the power of the state and 
overthrow Capitalism. Parliamentary action which emphasizes the implacable 
character of the class struggle is an indispensable means of agitation. Its task 
is to expose through political campaigns and the forum of parliament, the class 
character of the state and the reactionary purposes of Capitalism, to meet Capi- 
talism on all issues, to rally the proletariat for the struggle against Capitalism. 

But parliamentarism cannot conquer the power of the state for the proletariat. 
The conquest of the power of the state is an extra-parliamentary act. It is 
accomplished, not by the legislative representatives of the proletariat, but by 
the mass poiver of the protetariat in action. The supreme power of the prole- 
tariat inheres in the political mass strike, in using the industrial mass power of 
the proletariat for political objectives. 

Revolutionary Socialism, acocrdingly, recognizes that the supreme form of 
proletarian political action is the political mass strike. Parliamentarism may 
become a factor in developing the mass strike ; parliamentarism, if it is revolu- 
tionary and adheres to the class struggle, performs a necessary service in mobiliz- 
ing the proletariat against Capitalism. 

Moderate Socialism refuses to recognize and accept this supreme form of pro- 
letarian political action, limits and stultifies political action into legislative rou- 
tine and non-Socialist parliameutarsm. This is a denial of the mass character 
of the proletarian struggle, an evasion of the tasks of the Revolution. 

The power of the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industrial 
process. The mobilization of this control in action against the bourgeois state 
and Capitalism means the end of Capitalism, the initial form of the revolutionary 
mass action that will conquer the power of the state. 

Unionism and Mass Action 

Revolutionary Socialism and the actual facts of the class struggle make the 
realization of Socialism depend upon the industrial proletariat. The class 
struggle of revolutionary Socialism mobilizes the industrial proletariat against 
Capitalism — that proletariat which is united and disciplined by the machine 
process, and which actually controls the basic industry of the nation. 

The coming to consciousness of this proletariat produces a revolt against the 
older unionism, developing the concepts of industrial unionism and mass action. 

The older unionism was implicit in the skill of the individual craftsmen, who 
united in craft unions. These unions organized primarily to protect the skill 
of the skilled workers, which is in itself a form of property. The trades unions 
developed into "job trusts;" -and noft-into militant^ organs of the proletflrian 
struggle; until today the dominant unions are actual bulwarks of Capitalism, 
merging in Imperialism and accepting state Capitalism. The trades unions, 
being organized on craft divisions, did not and could not unite the workers as a 
class, nor are they actual class organizations. 

The concentration of industry, developing the machine process, expropriated 
large elements of the skilled workers of their skill, but the unions still maintained 
the older ideology of property contract and caste. Deprived of actual power, the 
dominant unionism resorts to dickers with the bourgeois state and an acceptance 



a 



PO BL 



22 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

of imperialistic State Capitalism to maintain its privileges, as against the indus- 
trial proletariat. 

The concentration of industry produced the industrial proletariat of unskilled 
workers, of the machine proletariat. Thia proletariat, massed in the basic 
industry, constitutes the militant basis of the class struggle against Capitalism ; 
and, deprived of skill and craft divisions, it turns naturally to mass unionism, 
to an industrial unionism in accord with the integrated industry of imperialistic 
Capitalism. 

Under the impact of industrial concentration, the proletariat developed its own 
dynamic tactics — mass action. 

Mass action is the proletarian response to the facts of modern industry, and the 
forms it imposes upon the proletarian class struggle. Mass action starts as the 
spontaneous activity of unorganized workers massed in the basic industries ; its 
initial form is the mass strike of the unorganized proletariat. The mass move- 
ments of the proletariat developing out of this mass response to the tyranny of 
concentrated industry antagonized the dominant moderate Socialism, which tried 
to compress and stultify these militant impulses within the limits of parliament- 
arism. 

In this instinctive mass action there was not simply a response to the facts of 
Industry, but the implicit means for action against the dominant parliamentarism. 
Mass action is industrial in its origin ; but its development imposes upon it a 
political character, since the more general and conscious mass action becomes 
the more it antagonizes the bourgeois state, becomes political mass action. 

Another development of this tendency was Syndicalism. In its mass impulse 
Syndicalism was a direct protest against the futility of the dominant Socialist 
parliamentarism. But Syndicalism was either unconscious of the theoretical 
basis of the new movement, or where there was an articulate theory, it was a 
derivative of Anarchism, making the proletarian revolution an immediate and 
direct seizure of industry, instead of the conquest of the power of the state. 
Anarcho-syndicalism is a departure from Marxism. The theory of mass action 
and of industrial unionism, however, are in absolute accord with Marxism — 
Revolutionary Socialism in action. 

Industrial unionism recognizes that the proletariat cannot conquer power 
by means of the bourgeois parliamentary state; it recognizes, moreover, that 
the proletariat cannot use this state to introduce Socialism, but that it must 
organize a new "state" — the "state" of the organized producers. Industrial 
unionism, accordingly, proposes to construct the forms of the government of 
Communist Socialism — the government of the producers. The revolutionary 
proletariat cannot adapt the bourgeois organs of government to its own use ; 
it must develop its own organs. The larger, more definite and general the 
conscious industrial unions, the easier becomes the transition to Socialism, 
since the revolutionary state of the proletariat must reorganize society on the 
basis of union control and management of industry. Industrial unionism, ac- 
cordingly, is a necessary phase of revolutionary Socialist agitation and action. 

But industrial unionism alone cannot conquer the power of the state. Po- 
tentially, industrial unionism may construct the forms of the new society; but 
only potentially. Actually the forms of the new society are constructed under 
the protection of a revolutionary proletarian government; the industrial unions 
become simply the starting point of the Socialist reconstruction of society. 
Under the conditions of Capitalism, it is impossible to organize the whole work- 
ing class into industrial unions; the concept of organizing the working class 
Industrially before the conquest of power is as Utopian as the moderate Socialist 
conception of the gradual conquest of the parliamentary state. 

The proletarian revolution comes at the moment of crisis in Capitalism, of 
a collapse of the old order. Under the impulse of the crisis, the proletariat acts 
for the conquest of power, by means of mass action. Mass action concentrates 
and mobilizes the forces of the proletariat, organized and unorganized ; it acts 
equally against the bourgeois state and the conservative organizations of the 
working class. The revolution starts with strikes of protest, developing into 
mass political strikes and then into revolutionary mass action for the conquest 
of the power of the state. Mass action becomes political in purpose while extra- 
parliamentary in form ; it is equally a process of revolution and the revolution 
Itself in operation. 

The final objective of mass action is the conquest of the power of the state, 
the annihilation of the bourgeois parliamentary state and the introduction or 
the transition proletarian state, functioning as a revolutionary dictatorship of 
the proletariat. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 23 

Dictatorship of the Proletariat 

The attitude toward the state divides the Anarchist (and Anarcho- Syndi- 
calist), the moderate Socialist and the revolutionary Socialist. Eager to abolish 
the state (which is the ultimate purpose of revolutionary Socialism), the An- 
archist (and Anarcho-syndicalist) fails to realize that the state is necessary in 
the transition period from Capitalism to Socialism. The moderate Socialist 
proposes to use the bourgeois state, with Its fraudulent democracy, its illusory 
theory of the "unity of all the classes," its standing army, police and bureaucracy 
oppressing and baffling the masses. The revolutionary Socialist maintains that 
the bourgeois parliamentary state must be completely destroyed, and proposes 
the organization of a new state, the dictatorship of the proletariat. 

The stat€ is an organ of coercion. The bourgeois parliamentary state Is the 
organ of the bourgeoisie for the coercion of the proletariat. The revolutionary 
proletariat must, accordingly, destroy this state. But the conquest of political 
power by the proletariat does not immediately end Capitalism, or the power of 
the capitalists, or immediately socialize industry. It is, therefore, necessary 
that the proletariat organize its own state for the coercion and suppression of 
the bourgeoisie. 

Capitalism is bourgeois dictatorship. Parliamentary government is the ex- 
pression of bourgeois supremacy, the form of authority of the capitalist over 
the worker. The bourgeois state is organized to coerce the proletariat, to baffle 
the will of the masses. In form a democracy, the bourgeois parliamentary state 
is in fact an autocracy, the dictatorship of capital over the proletariat. 

Bourgeois democracy promotes this dictatorship of capital, assisted by the 
pulpit, the army and the police. Bourgeois democracy seeks to reconcile all 
the classes; realiziag, however, simply the reconciliation of the proletariat to 
the supremacy of Capitalism. Bourgeois democracy is political in character, 
historically necessary, on the one hand, to break the power of feudalism, and 
on the other, to maintain the proletariat in subjection. It is precisely this 
democracy that is now the instrument of Imperialism, since the middle class, 
the traditional carrier of democracy, accepts and promotes Imperialism. 

The proletarian revolution disrupts bourgeois democracy. It disrupts this 
democracy in order to end class divisions and class rule, to realize that industrial 
self-government of the workers which alone can assure peace and liberty to the 
peoples. 

Proletarian dictatorship is a recognition of the necessity for a revolutionary 
state to coerce and suppress the bourgeoisie; it is equally a recognition of the 
fact that, in the Communist reconstruction of society, the proletariat as a class 
alone counts. The new society organizes as a communistic federation of pro- 
ducers. The proletariat alone counts in the revolution, and in the reconstruction 
of society on a Communist basis. 

The old machinery of the state cannot be used by the revolutionary proletariat 
It must be destroyed. The proletariat creates a new state, based directly upon 
the industrially organized producers, upon the industrial unions or Soviets, or 
a combination of both. It is this state alone, functioning as a dictatorship of 
the proletariat, that can realize Socialism. 

The tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat are : 

(a) To completely expropriate the bourgeoisie politically, and crush its powers 
of resistance. 

(b) To expropriate the bourgeoisie economically, and introduce the forms of 
Communist Socialism. 

Breaking the politicical power of the capitalists is the most important task 
of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, since upon this depends the 
economic and social reconstruction of society. 

But this political expropriation proceeds simultaneously with an immediate, 
if partial, expropriation of the bourgeoisie economically, the scope of these 
measures being determined by industrial development and the maturity of the 
proletariat. These measures, at first, include : 

(a) Workmen's control of industry, to be exercised by the industrial organiza- 
tions of the workers, operating by means of the industrial vote. 

(b) Expropriation and nationalization of the banks, as a necessary preliminary 
measure for the complete expropriation of capital. 

(c) Expropriation and nationalization of the large (trust) organizations of 
capital. Expropriation proceeds without compensation, as "buying out" the 
capitalists is a repudiation of the tasks of the revolution. 

(d) Repudiation of all national debts and the financial obligations of the old 
system. 



24 ORGANIZED COIMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

(e) The nationalization of foreign trade. 

(f) Measures for the socialization of agriculture. 

These measures centralize the basic means of production in the proletarian 
state, nationalizing industry ; and their partial character ceases as reconstruc- 
tion proceeds. Socialization of industry becomes actual and complete only after 
the dictatorship of the proletariat has accomplished Its task of suppressing the 
bourgeoisie. 

The state of proletarian dictatorship Is political In character, since it represents 
a ruling class, the proletariat, which is now supreme ; and it uses coercion against 
the old bourgeois class. But the task of this dictatorship is to render itself 
unnecessary ; and it becomes unnecessary the moment the full conditions of 
Communist Socialism materialize. While the dictatorship of the pi'oletariat 
performs its negative task of crushing the old order, it performs the positive 
task of constructing the new. Together with the government of the proletarian 
dictatorship, there is developed a new "government," which is no longer govern- 
ment in the old sense, since it concerns itself with the management of production 
and not with the government of persons. Out of workers' control of industry, 
introduced by the proletarian dictatorship, there develops the complete structure 
of Communist Socialism — industrial self-government of the communistically 
organized producers. When this structure is completed, which implies the 
complete expropriation of the bourgeoisie economically and politically, the dicta- 
torship of the proletariat ends, in its place coming the full and free social and 
individual autonomy of the Communist order. 

The Communist International 

The Communist International, issuing directly out of the proletarian revolution 
In action and in process of development, is the organ of the international revolu- 
tionary proletariat ; just as the League of Nations is the organ of the joint ag- 
gression and resistance of the dominant Imperialism. 

The attempt to resurrect the Second International, at Berne, was a ghastly 
failure. It rallied the counter-revolutionary forces of Elurope, which were 
actually struggling against the proletarian revolution. In this "International" 
are united all the elements treasonable to Socialism, and the wavering "center" 
elements whose policy of miserable compromise is more dangerous than open 
treason. It represents the old dominant moderate Socialism; it based affilia- 
tion on acceptance of "labor" parliamentary action, admitting trades unions 
accepting "political action." The old International abandoned the earlier con- 
ception of Socialism as the politics of the Social Revolution — the politics of the 
class struggle in its revolutionary implications — admitting directly reactionary 
implications, admitting directly reactionary organizations of Laborism, such as 
the British Labor Party. 

The Communist International, on the contrary, represents a Socialism In 
complete accord with the revolutionary cbaracter of the class struggle. It 
unites all the consciously revolutionary forces. It wages war equally against 
the dominant moderate Socialism and Imperialism, each of which has demon- 
strated its complete incompetence on the problems that now press down upon 
the world. The Communist International issues Its challenge to the conscious, 
virile elements of the proletariat, calling them to the final struggle against Capi- 
talism on the basis of the revolutionary epoch of Imperialism. The accept- 
ance of the Communist International means accepting the fundamentals of 
revolutionary Socialism as decisive in our activity. 

The Communist International, moreover, issues Its call to the subject peoples 
of the world, crushed under the murderous mastery of Imperialism. The revolt 
of these colonial and subject peoples is a necessary phase of the world struggle 
against capitalist Imperialism ; their revolt must unite Itself with the struggle 
of the conscious proletariat In the imperialistic nations. The Communist Inter- 
national, accordingly, offers an organization and a policy that may unify all the 
revolutionary forces of the world for the conquest of power, and for Socialism. 

It is not a problem of immediate revolution. It is a problem of the immediale 
revolutionary struggle. The revolutionary epoch of the final struggle against 
Capitalism may last for years and tens of years; but the Communist Inter- 
national offers a policy and program immediate and ultimate in scope, that 
provides for the immediate class struggle against Capitalism, In its revolutionary 
Implications, and for the final act of the conquest of power. 

The old order is in decay. Civilization is in collapse. The proletarian Fevolu- 
tion and the Communist reconstruction of Bocietj^— the struggle for these — is now 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 25 

indispensable. This is the message of the Communist International to the 
workers of the Avorld. 

The Communist International calls the proletariat of the world to the final 
struggle I 

Further dissension witliin tlie left-wing group led to the resigna- 
tions of Keed, MacAlpine, and Gitlow from the staff of the Revolu- 
tionary Age, and a new paper, The Voice of Labor, was launched on 
August 15, 1919. 

Communist Party Con\T!:ntion 

During the month of July 1919, the majority of the national coun- 
cil of the left wing effected a compromise with the national organizing 
committee. The result was the issuance of a joint call for a Com- 
munist Party Convention to take place on September 1, 1919, in Chi- 
cago bv the National Council of the Workers Left-wing Section of the 
Socialist Party and the National Organizing Committee, representing 
the delegates who had bolted the national left-wing conference in 
June. This joint call was almost identical in terms with the call 
published in Novy Mir on July 7, 1919. 

JOINT CALL FOR COMMUNIST PARTY CONVENTION 

The joint call was published in the Revolutionary Age of August 
23, 1919, and is a follows : * 

JOINT CALL FOR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY TO ORGANIZE COMMUNIST PAETY OF 

AMERICA (Issued by the National Organization Committee and the National 
Council of the Workers Left-Wing Section of the Socialist Party). 

In this the most momentous period of the world's history capitalism is tot- 
tering to its ruin. The proletariat is straining at the chains which bind it. A 
revolutionary spirit is spreading throughout the world. The workers are ris- 
ing to answer the clarion call of the Third International. 

Only one Socialism is possible in the crisis. A Socialism based upon under- 
standing. A Socialism that will express in action the needs of the proletariat. 
The time has passed for temporizing and hesitating. We must act. The Com- 
munist call of the Third International, the echo of the Communist Manifesto 
of 1S48, must be answered. 

The National Executive Committee of the Socialist Party of America has 
evidenced by its expulsion of nearly half of the membership that it will not 
hesitate at wrecking the organization in order to maintain control. A crisis 
has been precipitated in the ranks of revolutionary Socialism by the wholesale 
expulsion or suspension of the membership comprising the Socialist Party of 
Michigan and Massachusetts, locals and tranches throughout the country, to- 
gether with seven Language Federations. This has created a condition in our 
movement that makes it manifestly impossible to longer delay the calling of a 
convention to organize a new party. Those who realize that the capturing of 
the Socialist Party as such is but an empty victory will not hesitate to respond 
to this call and leave the "Right" and "Center" to sink together with their 
leaders. 

Uo other course is possible; therefore, we, the National Left-Wing Council 
and the National Organization Committee, call a convention to meet in the city 
of Chicago on September 1, 1919, for the purpose of organizing a Communist 
Party in America. 

This party will be founded upon the following principles : 

1. The present is the period of the dissolution and collapse of the whole cap- 
italist world system, which will mean the complete collapse of world culture, 
if capitalism with its unsolvable contradictions is not replaced by Communism. 

2. The problem of the proletariat consists in organizing and training itself for 
the conquest of the powers of the state. This conquest of power means the re- 
placement of the state machinery of the bourgeoisie '<\ith a new proletarian 
machinery of government. 



• Lusk Committee Reports, vol. I, p. 770. 
47710'— 54 S 



26 ORGANIZED COLIMUNISM EST THE UNITED STATES 

3. This new proletarian state must embody the dictatorship of the prole- 
tariat, both industrial and agricultural, this dictatorship constituting the in- 
strument for the taking over of property used for exploiting the workers, and 
for the reorganization of society on a Communist basis. 

Not the fraudulent bourgeois democracy — the hypocritical form of the rule 
of the finance-oligarchy, with its purely formal equality — but proletarian democ- 
racy based on the possibility of actual realization of freedom for the working 
masses ; not capitalist bureaucracy, but organs of administration which have 
been created by the masses themselves, with the real participation of these 
masses in the government of the country and in the activity of the communistic 
structure — this should be the type of the proletarian state. The Workers' 
councils and similar organizations represent its concrete form. 

4. The dictatorship of the proletariat shall carry out the abolition of private 
property in the means of production and distribution, by transfer to the pro- 
letarian state under Socialist administration of the working class ; nationaliza- 
tion of the great business enterprises and financial trusts. 

5. The present world situation demands the closest relation between the revo- 
lutionary proletariat of all countries. 

6. The fundamental means of the struggle for power is the mass action of 
the proletariat, a gathering together and concentration of all its energies ; 
whereas methods such as the revolutionary use of bourgeois parliamentarism 
are only of subsidiary significance. 

In those countries in which the historical development has furnished the op- 
portunity, the working class has utilized the regime of political democracy for 
its organization against capitalism. In all countries where the conditions for 
a worker's revolution are not yet ripe, the same process will go on. 

But within the process the workers must never lose sight of the true charac- 
ter of bourgeois democracy. If the finance-oligarchy considers It advantageous 
to veil its deeds of violence behind parliamentary votes, then the capitalist 
power has at its command, in order to gain its ends, all the traditions and at- 
tainments of former centuries of upper class rule, demagogism, persecution, 
slander, bribery, calumny, and terror. To demand of the proletariat that it shall 
be content to yield itself to the artificial rules devised by its mortal enemy, 
but not observed by the enemy, is to make a mockery of the proletarian struggle 
for power — a struggle which depends primarily on the development of separate 
organs of the working-class power. 

7. The old Socialist International has broken into three main groups: 

(a) Those frankly social patriots who since 1914 have supported their bour- 
geoisie and transformed those elements of the working class which they control 
into hangmen of the international revolution. 

(b) The "Center," representing elements which are constantly wavering and 
Incapable of following a definite plan of action, and whir-h are at times posi- 
tively traitorous ; and 

(c) The Communists. 

As regards the social patriots, who everyw here in the critical moment oppose 
the proletarian revolution with force of arms, a merciless fight is absolutely 
necessary. As regards the "Center" our tactics must be to separate the revolu- 
tionary elements by pitilessly criticizing the leaders. Absolute separation from 
the organization of the "Center" is necessary. 

8. It is necessary to rally the groups and proletarian organizations who, 
though not as yet in the wake of the revolutionary trend of the Commuuist 
movement, nevertheless have manifested and developed a tendency leading in 
that direction. 

Socialist criticism has sufficiently stigmatized the bourgeois world order. The 
task of the International Communist Party is to carry on propaganda for the 
abolition of this order and to erect in its place the structure of the Communist 
world order. Under the Communist banner, the emblem under which the first 
great victories have already been won ; in the war against Imperialistic bar- 
barity, against the privileged classes, against the bourgeois state and bourgeois 
property, against all forms of social and national oppression — we call upon the 
proletarian of all lands to unite. 

Program of the Call 

1. We favor international alliance of the Communist Party of the United 
States only with the Communist groups of other countries, such as the Bolshevik! 
of Russia, Spartacans of Germany, etc., according to the program of Communism 
as above outlined. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 27 

2. We are opposed to association with other groups not committed to the 
revolutionary class struggle, such as Labor parties, Non-Partisan leagues. Peo- 
ple's Councils, Municipal Ownership Leagues and the like. 

3. We maintain that the class struggle is essentially a political struggle 
by the proletariat to conquer the capitalist state, whether its form be monarchis- 
tic or democratic-republican, and to destroy and replace it by a governmental 
structure adapted to the Communist transformation. 

4. The Party shall propagandize class-conscious industrial unionism as against 
the craft form of unionism, and shall carry on party activity in cooperation with 
industrial disputes that take on a revolutionary character. 

5. We do not disparage voting nor the value of success in electing our candi- 
dates to public office — not if these are in direct line with the class struggle. 
The trouble comes with the illusion that political or industrial immediate 
achievements are of themselves steps in the revolution, the progressive merg- 
ing of capitalism into the cooperative commonwealth. 

The basis of our political campaign should be : 

(a) To propagandize the overthrow of capitalism by proletarian conquest of 
the political power and the establishmcut of a dictatorship of tlie proletariat. 

(b) To maintain a political organization as a clearinghouse for proletarian 
thought, a cepter of political education for the development of revolutionary 
working-class action. 

(c) To keep in the foreground our consistent appeal for proletarian revolution ; 
and to analyze the counterproposals and reformist palliatives in their true light 
of evasions of the issue ; recognizing at all times the characteristic development 
of the class conflict as applicable to all capitalistic nations. 

(d) To propagandize the party organization as the organ of contact with the 
revolutionary proletariat of other lands, the basis for international association 
being the same political understanding and the common plan of action, tending 
toward increasing unity in detail as the international crisis develops. 

6. Communist platforms, proceeding on the baeie of the class struggle, recog- 
nizing that the Socialist movement has come into the historic period of the 
social revolution, can contain only the demand for the dictatorship of the 
proletariat. 

(a) The basis of this demand should be thoroughly explained in the economic, 
political, and social analysis of the class struggle, as evolving within the system 
of capitalism. 

(b) The implication of this demand should be illustrated by the first steps 
and general modes of social reconstruction dependent upon and involved within 
the proletarian domination of the political life of the Nation. 

(c) A municipal platform of Communism cannot proceed on a separate basis, 
but must conform to the general platform, simply relating the attainment of 
local power to the immediate goal of gaining national power. There are no 
separate city problems within the terras of the class struggle, only the one prob- 
lem of capitalist versus proletarian domination. 

7. We realize that the coming of the social I'evolution depends on an over- 
whelming assertion of mass power by the proletariat, taking on political con- 
sciousness and the definite direction of revolutionary Socialism. The manifes- 
tations of this power and consciousness are not subject to precise precalculation. 
But the history of the movement of the proletariat toward emancipation since 
1900 shows the close connection between the revolutionary proletarian assertion 
and the political mass strike. 

The mass action conception looks to the general unity of the proletarian forces 
under revolutionary provocation and stimulus. In the preliminary stages, which 
alone come within our predetermination and party initiative, the tactic of mass 
action includes all mass demonstrations and mass struggles which sharpen the 
understanding of the proletariat as to the class conflict and which separate the 
revolutionary proletariat into a group distinct from all others. 

Mass action, in time of revolutionary crisis, or in the analogous case of large- 
scale industrial conflict, naturally accepts the council form of organization for 
its expression over a continued period of time. 

8. Applying our declarations of party principle to the organization of the 
party itself, we realize the need, in correspondence with the highly centralized 
capitalist power to be combated, of a centralized party organization. 

Organizations endorsing the principles and program outlined above as a ten- 
tative basis for the organization of a Communist Party are invited to send 
delegates to the convention at Chicago on September 1, 1919. 



28 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

; The basis of representation to be 1 delegate for every organization and 1 
additional for every additional 500 members or major fraction thereof. 

Provided, that States vphich are organized and endorsing this call shall send 
delegates as States. In States which are not organized the organized locals 
accepting this call shall send delegates as locals. In locals vrhich are not organ- 
ized a part of the local may send delegates. 

Provided further, that organizations composed of less than 251 members shall 
be given fractional votes ; and provided that the total vote for each State rep- 
resented at the convention shall not exceed 1, plus 1 per 500 members or major 
fraction thereof. 

Organizations sending delegates will be assessed $50 for each delegate. This 
fund will be applied to equalize the railroad fare of all delegates to the con- 
vention. Organizations having less than 251 members which are unable to pay 
all of this amount ($50) are urged" will be created to defray their traveling 
expenses. Expenses other than railroad fares will be paid by the organizations 
sending delegates. In the event the delegates are not provided with funds for 
rooms and meals, effort will be made to assist them. 

Do not fail to be represented at this historic convention. All delegates, either 
directly or through their local secretaries, are requested to communicate with 
the national secretary immediately following their election. Uniform credential 
blanks will be furnished. 



* So In original. 



THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA— 1919 

On July 19, 1919, the National Organizing Committee issued the 
first number of The Communist as the official organ of the Communist 
Party of America. Dennis E. Batt was the editor. 

Pursuant to the above-mentioned Call, the Communist Party Con- 
vention opened in Chicago on September 1, 1919. Louis C. Fraina 
was elected Temporary Chairman, and the work of the convention 
proceeded. 

A committee composed of Louis C. Fraina, D. Elbaum, Alexander I. 
Stoklitzky, Nicholas I. Hourwich, Alexantler Bittelman, Dennis E. 
Batt, Maximilian Cohen, Jay Lovestone, and H. M. Wicks was ap- 
pointed to formulate a program. The following Manifesto, program 
and Constitution were adopted : • 

The Communist Party Manifesto 

The world is on the verge of a new era. Europe is in revolt. The masses of 
Asia are stirring uneasily. Capitalism is in collapse. The workers of the 
world are seeing a new life and securing new courage. Out of the night of war 
is coming a new day. 

The spectre of Communism haunts the world of capitalism. Communism, 
the hope of the workers to end misery and oppression. 

The workers of Russia smashed the front of international Capitalism and 
Imperialism. They broke the chains of the terrible war ; and in the midst of 
agony, starvation and the attacks of the capitalists of the world, they are 
creating a new social order. 

The class war i-ages fiercely in all nations. Everywhere the workers are in a 
desperate struggle against their capitalist masters. The call to action has come. 
The workers must answer the call. 

The Communist Party of America is the party of the working class. The 
Communist Party proposes to end capitalism and organize a workers' industrial 
republic. The workers must control industry and dispose of the products of 
industry. The Communist Party is a party realizing the limitations of all existing 
workers' organizations and proposes to develop the revolutionary movement 
necessary to free the workers from the oppression of Capitalism. The Com- 
munist Party insists that the problems of the American worker are identical 
with the problems of the workers of the world. 

The War and Socialism 

A giant struggle is convulsing the world. The war is at end, but peace is not 
here. The struggle is between the capitalist nations of the world and the in- 
ternational proletariat, inspired by Soviet Russia. The Imperialisms of the 
world are desperately arraying themselves against the onsweeping proletarian 
revolution. 

The Leag-ue of Nations is dividing the world financially and territorially. It is 
directing the fight against the workers. It is the last effort of Capitalism to 
save itself. 

The reactionary League of Nations is the logical result of this Imperialistic 
war. And the war was the product of Capitalism. 

Capitalism oppresses the workers. It deprives them of the fruit of their 
labor — the difference between wages and product constituting the profits of the 
capitalists. As the capitalists compete with each other, while exploiting the 



 Lusk Committee Keports, vol. I, p. 776. 

29 



30 ORGANIZED COMSIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

workers, new and more efficient means of production develop. This compels the 
concentration of industry which results in monopoly. Under monopoly there is 
rapid accumulation of capital, producing a suiiplus which it is necessary to export 
for investment. This export of capital, together with the struggle to monopolize 
the world's sources of raw materials and to control undeveloped territory for 
purposes of investment, is the basis of Imperialism. 

Imperialism produced the war. The war now being at an end, the victorious 
nations are concerned almost exclusively with these economic, territorial, and 
finsucial problems. The United States was vitally concerned in the war, the 
issue being world power ; and its capitalism, having secured a position of finan- 
cial supremacy, had a direct imperialistic interest at stake. 

The war made a shamble of civilization. It proved the utter incapacity of 
capitalism to direct and promote the progress of humanity. Capitalism has 
bruken down. 

But the Socialist movement itself broke down under the test of war. The old 
dominant moderate Socialism accepted and justified the war. It acted against 
the proletarian revolution and united with the capitalists against the workers. 
Out of this circumstance developed the forces of revolutionary Socialism now 
expressed in the Communist International. 

Socialism had repeatedly emphasized the menace of war. It had urged the 
workers to act against the war. The Socialist Congress at Basle in 1912, when 
Europe was on the verge of a general war, condemned the war as imperialistic 
and as unjustifiable on any pretext of national interest. It urged using the crisis 
of war to "rouse the masses and to Isasten the downfall of capitalism." 

The war that came in 1914 was the same imperialistic war that might have 
come in 1912. But upon the declaration of war, the dominant opportunistic 
Socialist parties accepted and justified the war of plunder and mass murder ! 

This was a direct betrayal of Socialism. It was an abandonment of the class 
struggle. The class struggle is tlie very heart of revolutionary Socialism. Un- 
less the Socialist movement wages the class struggle under any and all conditions 
in its revolutionary implications, it becomes either Utopian or reactionary. But 
moderate Socialism accepted the war and the "unity of the classes," and united 
with the capitalist governments against the working class. 

The Socialist parties accepted the war as a war for democracy — as if democracy 
under Imperialism is not directly counterrevolutionary. They justified the war 
as a war for the independence of nations. Not the proletarian class struggle, 
but nationalism, social-patriotism and social-imperialism determined the policy 
of the dominant Socialism. The coming of Socialism was made dependent upon 
the workers cutting each others' throats in the struggles of their own ruling 
class ! 

Socialism and Communism 

The collapse of the Socialist International during the war marks the transi- 
tion from the older moderate Socialism to the new Socialism of revolutionary 
practice and promise in the Communist International. 

Moderate Socialism, which perverted the revolutionary Socialism of the 
First International, placed its faith in "constructive" social reforms. It accepted 
the bourgeois state as the basis of its activities and then strengthened that 
state. It developed a policy of "class reconciliation," affirming that the coming of 
Socialism was a concern of "all the classes" instead of emphasizing the Marxian 
policy that it was the task of the revolutionary proletariat alone. There was 
a Joint movement that affected the thought and practice of Socialism ; on the 
one hand, the organization of the skilled workers into trade unions, which 
secured certain concessions and became a semiprivlleged caste ; and, on the 
other hand, the decay of the class of small producers, crushed under the iron 
tread and of industrial concentration. As one moved upward and the other 
downward, they met and formed a political juncture to use the state to improve 
their conditions. The dominant Socialism expressed this compromise. It 
developed a policy of legislative reforms and State Capitalism. 

The whole process was simple. The workers were to unite with the middle 
class and government ownership of industry was to emancipate the working 
class. Parliamentarism was to revolutionize the old order of slavery and power, 
of oppression and destruction. 

It was simple, but disastrous. The state, as owner of industry, did not free 
the workers, but imposed a sterner bondage. The capitalist state was made 
stronger by its industrial functions. The parliamentary representatives of 
the workers played at the parliamentary comedy, while Captialism developed 
new powers of oppression and destruction. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 31 

But Imperialism exposed the final futility of this policy. Imperialism united 
the nonproletarian classes, by means of State Capitalism, for international 
conquest and spoliation. The small capitalists, middle class, and the aristocracy 
of labor, which previously acted against concentrated industry, now compromise 
and unite with concentrated industry and finance-capital in Imperialism. The 
small capitalists accept the domination of finance-capital, being allowed to par- 
ticipate in the adventures and the fabulous profits of Imperialism, upon which 
now depends the whole of trade and industry. The middle clas» invests in mono- 
polistic enterprises; its income now depends upon finance-capital, its members 
securing "positions of superintendence," its technicians and intellectuals being 
exported to lands in process of development. The workers of the privileged 
unions are assured steady employment and comparatively high wages through 
the profits that come in from the savage exploitation of colonial peoples. All 
these nonproletarian social groups accept imperialism, their "liberal and pro- 
gressive" ideas becoming camouflage for Imperalism with which to seduce the 
masses. Imperialism requires the centralized state, capable of uniting all the 
forces of capital, of unifying the industrial process through state regulation, of 
maintaining "class peace," of mobilizing the whole national power for the strug- 
gles of imperialism. State Capitalism is the expression of Imperialism, precisely 
that State Capitalism promoted by Moderate Socialism. What the parliamentary 
policy of Socialism accomplished wag to buttress the capitalistic state, to promote 
State Capitalism to strengthen imperialism. 

Moderate Socialism developed while Capitalism was still competitive. Upon 
the advent of monopoly and Imperialism, Socialism emerged into a new epoch — 
an epoch requiring new and more aggressive proletarian tactics. Capitalism 
acquired a terrific power in industry and the state. The concentration of in- 
dustry, together with the subserviency of parliaments to the imperialistic man- 
dates and the transfer of their vital functions to the executive organ of govern- 
ment, made more clear the impossibility of the parliamentary conquest for power. 
The older unionism and parliamentary Socialism proved their utter incompetence 
for the new conditions of struggle. These conditions developed the concept 
ef industrial unionism in the United States and the concept of mass action in 
Europe. Imperialism made it necessary to reconstruct the Socialist movement. 

But Moderate Socialism itself did not change under the necessity of events. 
The consequence was a miserable collapse under the test of the war and the 
proletarian revolution in Russia and Germany. 

In the Russian Revolution, the proletariat, urging on the poorer peasantry, 
conquered the power of the state after the first revolution had established the 
democratic parliamentary republic. It established a dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat. This proletarian revolution was accomplished in spite of the opposi- 
tion of Moderate Socialism, represented by the Mensheviki and the Social Rev- 
olutionists. These Moderates argued that since Russia was economically an 
undeveloped country, it was premature to make a proletarian revolution in 
Russia and historically impossible to realize Socialism. 

Moderate Socialism in Germany also acted against the proletarian revolu- 
tion. It offered a capitalist parliamentary republic as against proletarian dic- 
tatorship. 

The issue in Germany could not be obscured. Germany was a fully deveolped 
Hation industrially, its economic conditions were mature for the introduction 
of Socialism. But Moderate Socialists rejected the revolutionary task. 

There is a common policy that characterizes Moderate Socialism ; that is. 
Its conception of the state. Out of the conception that the bourgeois parliamen- 
tary state is the basis for the introduction of Socialism developed a directly 
counter revolutionary policy. 

Communism rejects this conception of the state. It rejects the idea of class 
reconciliation and the parliamentary conquest of Capitalism. The Communist 
Party alone is capable of mobilizing the proletariat for the revolutionary mass 
struggle to conquer the power of the state. The Communist Party realizes that 
it is necessary to develop separate organs of working-class political power by 
means of which to crush the resistance of Capitalism and establish the Com- 
munist Commonwealth. 

American Socialism 

Socialism in the United States, prior to the appearance of the Socialist Labor 
Party, was a movement of isolated and indefinite protest. It was the spur of 
middle-class movements, while itself split by Socialist and Anarchist factions. 

The Socialist Labor Party, after casting off the non-Socialist elements, de- 
Teloped as a consistent party of revolutionary Socialism. Particularly, the S. 



32 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

L. P. realized the importance of jmparting a Socialist character and conscious- 
ness to the unions. The Socialist Labor Party, together with the experience 
of the Western Federation of Miners and the American Labor Union, developed 
the theory and practice of Industrial Unionism. 

The struggle of the Socialist Labor Party against the old unionism developed 
a secession from the party of elements who considered protecting the reactionary 
American Federation of Labor more important than revolutionary Socialism. 
These, together with bourgeois and agrarian radicals, organized the Socialist 
Party. 

The Socialist Party was a party of Moderate Socialism. Its policy was that 
of government ownership of industry, not the proletarian conquest of power. 
It maintained that the middle class and the lesser capitalists are necessary in 
the Socialist struggle against capitalism. The Socialist Party asserted in sub- 
stance : Socialism is a struggle of all the people against the trusts, making the 
realization of Socialism depend upon the "unity of the common people," the 
worlsers, the small capitalists and investors, the professions. In short the of- 
ficial policy of the Socialist Party was to attain Socialism by means of capitalist 
democracy. 

The Socialist Party stultified proletarian political action by limiting it to elec- 
tions and participation in legislative reform activity. The party favored re- 
actionary trade unionism as against revolutionary industrial unionism. 

The Socialist Labor Party developed a purely theoretical activity, of real 
value, but was isolated from the masses. The Socialist Party attained a con- 
siderable membership, but largely of a petty bourgeoisie character. The war 
brought in new industrial proletai'ian elements but the party still isolated itself 
from revolutionary theory and practice. The proletarian masses in the Socialist 
Party required simply the opportunity to develop a revolutionary proletarian 
policy. 

The Socialist Party under the impulse of its proletarian membership adopted 
a militant declaration against the war. But the ofl^cials of the party sabotaged 
this declaration. The official policy of the party on the war was that of liberal 
pacifism. The party bureaucracy united with the People's Council which propa- 
gandized a Wilson peace. The 1918 party platform accepted the Wilson "four- 
teen points" as adopted by the prowar Interallied Labor and Socialist Confereoce. 

The war and the proletarian revolution in Russia sharpened the antagonism 
between the party policy and the revolutionary proletarian temper in the party. 
Revolt broke loose. The Socialist Party was crushed. The Communist Party 
is the response to this revolt and to the call of the Communist International 

Communist Party Proilems 

The United States is now a world power. It is developing a centralized, auto- 
cratic federal government, acquiring financial and military reserves for aggres- 
sion and wars of conquest. Imperialism now consciously dominates the national 
policy. 

The war strengthened American Capitalism, instead of weakening it as In 
Europe. But the collapse of Capitalism in other countries will play upon and 
affect events in this country. Feverishly, American capitalism is developing a 
brutal campaign of terrorism. It Is utterly incompetent on the problems of 
reconstruction that press down upon society. Its "reconstruction" program 
aims simply to develop power for aggression and plunder in the markets of the 
world. While this is not the moment of actual revolution, it is a moment of 
struggles pregnant with revolution. 

■Strikes are developing verging on revolutionary action, and in which the sug- 
gestion of proletarian dictatorship is apparent. The striker-workers try to usurp 
functions of industry and government, as in the Seattle and Winnipeg general 
strikes. 

A minor phase of proletarian unrest Is the trade-unions organizing a Labor 
Party, in an effort to conserve what they have secured as a priviliged caste. A 
Labor Party is not the instrument of aggressive working-class struggle ; it cannot 
break the power of the capitalists and the profit system of oppression and 
misery, since it accepts private property and the "rights of capital." The prac- 
tice of a Labor Party is in general the practice of the Socialist Party — coopera- 
tion with bourgeois "progressives" and reforming Capitalism on the basis of the 
capitalist parliamentary state. Laborism is as much a danger to the proletarian 
as moderate petty bourgeois Socialism — the two being expressions of an identical 
social tendency and policy. There can be no compromise either with Laborism 
©r reactionary Socialism. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 33 

But there is a more vital tendency, the tendency of the workers to start mass 
strikes — strikes which are eqi.ally a revolt against the bureaucracy of the unions 
and the capitalists. The Communist Party will endeavor to broaden and deepen 
these strikes making them general and militant, developing the general political 
strike. 

The Communist Party accepts as the basis of its action the mass struggles of 
the proletariat, engaging directly in these struggles and emphasizing their revo- 
lutionary implications. 

Political Action 

The proletarian class struggle is essentially a political struggle. It is a political 
struggle iu the sense that its objective is political — overthrow of the political 
organizations upon which capitalist exploitation depends, and the introduction 
of a proletarian state power. The objective is the conquest by the proletariat of 
the power of the state. 

Communism does not propose to "capture" the bourgeoisie parliamentary state, 
but to conquer and destroy it. As long as the bourgeoisie state prevails, the 
capitalist class can baffle the will of the proletariat. 

In those countries in which historical development has furnished the oppor- 
tunity, the working class has utilized the regime of political democracy for its 
organization against Capitalism. In all connti'ies where the conditions for a 
workers' revolution are not yet ripe, the same process will go on. The use of 
parliamentarism, however, is only of secondary importance. 

But within this process the workers must never lose sight of the true character 
of bourgeois democracy. If the finance-oligarchy considers it advantageous to 
veil its deeds of violence behind parliamentary votes, then the capitalist class 
has at its command in order to gain its end, all the traditions and attainments of 
former centuries of working class rtile, multiplied by the wonders of capitalist 
technique — lies, demagogism, persecution, slander, bribery. To the demand of 
the proletariat that it shall be content to yield itself to the artificial rules de- 
vised by its mortal enemy but not observed by the enemy is to make a mockery 
of the proletarian struggle for power, a struggle which depends primarily on the 
development of separate organs of working class power. 

The parliamentarism of the Communist Party performs a service in mobilizing 
the proletariat against Capitalism, emphasizing the political character of the 
class struggle. 

The conquest of the power of the state is accomplished by the mass power of the 
proletariat. Political mass strikes are a vital factor in developing this mass 
power, preparing the working class for the conquest of Capitalism. The power 
of the proletariat lies fundamentally in its control of the industrial process. 
The mobilizing of this control against Capitalism means the initial form of the 
revolutionary mass action that will conquer the power of the state. 

Unionism and Mass Action 

The older unioni.sm was based on tlie craft divisions of small industry. The 
unions consisted primarily of skilled workers, whose skill is itself a form of 
property. The unions were not organs of the militant class struggle. Today the 
dominant unionism is actually a bulwark of Capitalism, merging in Imperialism 
and accepting State Capitalism. 

The concentration of industry and the development of the machine process 
expropriated large numbers of the skilled workers of their skill ; but the unions 
still maintained the ideology of property contract and caste. Deprived of actual 
power by the ineffectiveness of its localized strikes as against large-scale industry, 
trade-unionism resorts to dickers with the bourgeois state and accepts im- 
perialistic State Capitalism to maintain its privileges as against the unskilled 
industrial proletariat. 

The concentration of industry produces the industrial proletariat — the machine 
workers. This proletariat, massed in the basic industry, constitutes the militant 
basis of the class struggle. Deprived of skill and craft divisions, the old petty 
isolated strike is useless to these workers. 

These facts of industrial concentration developed the concept of industrial 
unionism among the organized workers, and mass action among the unorganized. 

Mass action is the proletarian response to the facts of modern industry, and 
the forms it imposes upon the proletarian class struggle. Mass action develops 
as the spontaneous activity of unorganized workers in the basic industry ; its 
initial form is the mass strike of the unskilled. In these strikes large masses of 
workers are unified by the impluse of the struggle, developing a new tactic and a 
Dew Ideology. 



34 ORGANIZED CO]VIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Mass action is industrial in its origin, but it acquires political character as it 
develops fuller forms. Mass action, in the form of general political strikes 
and demonstrations, unites the energy and forces of the proletariat, brings prole- 
tarian mass pressure upon the bourgeois state. The more general and conscious 
mass action becomes, the more it becomes political mass action. Mass action is 
responsible to life itself, the form of aggressive proletarian struggle under Im- 
perialism. Out of this struggle develops revolutionary mass action, the means 
for the proletarian conquest of power. 

The conception of mass action has little in common with Syndicalism. In its 
mass impulse Syndicalism was a protest against the futility of parliamentarism. 
But Anarcho-syndicalism tactically and theoretically is a departure from Marx- 
ism. It does not appreciate the necessity of a proletarian state during the 
transition period from Capitalism to Communism (which implies the disappear- 
ance of all forms of the state). Syndicalism makes the proletarian revolution a 
direct seizure of industry, instead of the conquest of the power of the state. 

Industrial Unionism, also, cannot conquer the power of the state. Under the 
conditions of Capitalism it is impossible to organize the whole working class into 
industrial unions. It will be necessary to rally the workers, organized and 
unorganized, by means of revolutionary mass action. Moreover, industrial union- 
ism does not actually construct the forms of the Communist administration of 
industry, only potentially. After the conquest of power the industrial unions 
may become the starting point of the Communist reconstruction of society. But 
the conception that the majority of the workiag class can be organized into con- 
scious industrial UDions and construct under Capitalism the form of the Com- 
munist society, is as Utopian as the moderate Socialist conception of the gradual 
"growing into Socialism." 

Dictatorship of the Proletariat 

The proletarian revolution comes at the moment of crisis in Capitalism, of a 
collapse of the old order. Under the impulse of the crisis, the proletariat acts 
for the conquest of power, by means of mass action. Mass action concentrates 
and mobilizes the forces of the proletariat, organized and unorganized; it acts 
equally against the bourgeois state and the conservative organizations of the 
working class. Strikes of protest develop into general political strikes and then 
into revolutionary mass action for the conquest of the power of the state. Mass 
action becomes political in purpose while estraparliamentary in form; it is 
equally a process of revolution and the revolution itself in operation. 

The state is an organ of coercion. The bourgeois parliamentary state is the 
organ of the bourgeoisie for the coercion of the proletariat. Parliamentary gov- 
ernment is the expression of bourgeois supremacy, the form of authority of the 
capitalist over the worker. Bourgeois democracy promotes the dictatorship of 
capital, assisted by the press, the pulpit, the army and the police. Bourgeois 
democracy is historically necessary, on the one hand, to break the power of 
feudalism, and, on the other, to maintain the proletarian in subjection. It is 
precisely this democracy that is now the instrument of Imperialism, since the 
middle class, the traditional carrier of democracy, accepts Imperialism. The 
proletarian revolution disrupts bourgeois democracy. It disrupts this democracy 
in order to end class divisions and class rule, to realize industrial self-government 
of the workers. Therefore it is necessary that the proletariat organize its own 
state for the coercion and suppression of the bourgeoisie. Proletarian dictator- 
ship is a recognition of the fact ; it is equally a recognition of the fact that in the 
Communist reconstruction of society the proletariat alone counts as a class, 

While the dictatorship of the proletariat performs the negative task of crush- 
ing the old order, it performs the positive task of constructing the new. Together 
with the government of the proletarian dictatorship, there is developed a new 
"government," which is no longer government in the old sense, since it concerns 
itself with the management of the production and not with the government of 
persons. Out of workers' control of industry, introduced by the proletarian dic- 
tatorship, there develops the complete structure of Communist Socialism — in- 
dustrial self-government of the communistically organized producers. When 
this structure is completed, which implies the complete expropriation of the 
bourgeoisie, economically and politically, the dictatorship of the proletariat 
ends, in its place coming the full, free social and individual autonomy of the 
Communist order. 



ORGANIZED COMJMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 35 

The Commuvist International 

The Communist International, issuing directly out of tlie proletarian revolu- 
tion in action, is the organ of the international revolutionary proletariat; just as 
the League of Nations is the organ of the joint aggression and resistance of the 
dominant Imperialism. 

The Communist International represents a Socialism in complete accord with 
the revolutionary character of the class struirgle. It unites all the conscious 
revolutionary forces. It wages war equally against Imperialism and moderate 
Socialism— each of which has demonstrated its complete inability to solve the 
problems that now press down upon the workers. Tiie Communist International 
issues its call to the conscious proletariat for the final struggle against Capitalism. 

It is not a protilem of immediate revolution. The revolutionary epoch may last 
for years, and tens of years. The Communist International offers a program both 
immediate and ultimate in scope. 

The old order is in decay. Civilization is in collapse. The workers must pre- 
pare for the proletarian revolution and the Communist reconstruction of society. 

Tlie Communist International calls! 

Workers of the world, unite ! 

The Program of the Pabtt 

The Communist Party is the conscious expression of the class struggle of the 
workers against capitalism. Its aim is to direct this struggle to the conquest of 
political power, the overthrow of capitalism and the destruction of the bourgeois 
state. 

The Communist Party prepares itself for the revolution in the measure that it 
develops a program of immediate action, expressing the mass struggles of the 
proletariat. These struggles must be inspired with revolutionary spirit and 
purposes. 

The Communist Party is fundamentally a party of action. It brings to the 
workers a consciousness of their oppression, of the impossibility of improving 
their conditions under capitalism. The Communist Party directs the workers' 
struggle against capitalism, developing fuller forms and purposes in this 
struggle, culminating in the mass action of the revolution. 



The Communist Party maintains that the class struggle is essentially a political 
struggle ; that is, a struggle to conquer the power of the state. 

(a) The Communist Party cball keep in the foreground its consistent appeal 
for proletarian revolution, the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a 
dictatorship of the proletariat. As the opposition of the bourgeoisie is broken, as 
it is expropriated and gradually absorbed iu the working groups, the proletarian 
dictatorship disappears, until finally the state dies and there are no more 
class distinctions. 

(b) Participation in parliamentary campaigns, which in the general struggle 
of the proletariat is of secondary importance, is for the purpose of revolutionary 
propaganda only. 

(c) Parliamentary representatives of the Communist Party shall not introduce 
or support reform measures. Parliaments and political democracy shall be uti- 
lized to assist in organizing the working class against capitalism and tlie state. 
Parliamentary representatives shall consistently expose the oppressive class 
character of the capitalist state, using the legislative forum to interpret and em- 
phasize the class struggle; they shall make clear how parliamentarism and 
parliamentary democracy deceive the workers ; and they shall analyze capitalist 
legislative proposals and reforms palliatives as evasions of the issue and as of 
no fundamental significance to the working class. 

(d) Nominations for public oflBce and participation in elections are limited to 
legislative bodies only, such as municipal councils, state legislatures, and the 
national congress. 

(e) The uncompromising character of the class struggle must be maintained 
under all circumstances. The Communist Party accordingly, in campaigns and 
elections, and in all its other activities shall not cooperate with groups or parties 
not committed to the revolutionary class struggle, such as the Socialist Party, 
Labor Party, Non-Partiean League, People's Council, Municipal Ownership 
Leagues, etc 



36 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

II 

The Communist Party shall make the great industrial struggles of the working 
class its major campaigns, in order to develop an understanding of the strike in 
relation to the overthrow of capitalism. 

(a) The Communist Party shall participate in mass strikes, not only to achieve 
the immediate purposes of the strike, but to develop the revolutionary implica- 
tions of the mass strike. 

(b) Mass strikes are vital factors in the process out of which develops the 
workers' understanding and action for the conquest of power. 

(c) In mass strikes under conditions of concentrated capitalism there is latent 
the tendency toward the general mass strike, which takes on a political character 
and manifests the impulse toward proletarian dictatorship. 

In these general mass strikes the Communist Party shall emphasize the neces- 
sity of maintaining industry and the taking over of social functions usually 
discharged by the capitalists and the institutions of capitalism. The strike 
must cease being isolated and passive; it must become positive, general and 
aggressive, preparing the workers for the complete assumption of industrial and 
social control. 

(a) Every local and district organization of the Party shall establish contact 
with the industrial units in its territory, the shops, mills and mines — and direct 
its agitation accordingly. 

(b) Shop Committees shall be organized wherever iwssible for the purpose 
of Communist agitation in a particular shop or industry by the workers employed 
there. These committees shall be united with each other and with the Commun- 
nist Party, so that the party shall have actual contact with the workers and 
mobilize them for action against capitalism. 

Ill 

The Communist Party must engage actively in the struggle to revolutionize the 
trade unions. As against the unionism of the American Federation of Labor, the 
Communist Party propagandizes industrial unionism and industrial union organ- 
ization, emphasizing their revolutionary implications. Industrial unionism i3 
not simply a means for the everyday struggle against capitalism ; its ultimate 
purpose is revolutionary, implying the necessity of ending the capitalist parlia- 
mentary state. Industrial unionism is a factor in the final mass action for the 
conquest of power, as it will constitute the basis for the industrial administration 
of the Communist Commonwealth. 

(a) The Communist Party recognizes that the A. F. of L. Is reactionary aud 
a bulwark of capitalism. 

( b ) Councils of workers shall be organized in the shops as circumstances allow, 
for the purpose of carrying on the industrial union struggle in the old unions, 
uniting and mobilizing the militant elements; these councils to be unified in a 
Central council wherever possible. 

(c) It shall be a major task of the Communist Party to agitate for the con- 
struction of a general industrial union organization, embracing the I. W. W., 
W. I. I. U., independent and secession unions, militant unions of the A. F. of L., 
and the unorganized workers, on the basis of the revolutionary class struggle. 

IV 

The Communist Party shall encourage movements of the workers in the shoi)s 
seeking to realize workers' control of industry, while indicating their limitations 
under capitalism; concretely, any movement analogous to the Shop Stewards 
of England, These movements (equally directed against the union bureaucracy) 
should be related to the Communist Party. 



The unorganized unskilled workers (including the agricultural proletariat) 
constitute the bulk of the working class. The Communist Party shall directly 
and systematically agitate among these workers, awakening them to industrial 
nnion organization and action. 

VI 

In close connection with the unskilled workers is the problem of the Negro 
worker. The Negro problem is a political and economic problem. The racial 
oppression of the Negro is simply the expression of his economic bondage and 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 37 

oppression, each intensifying the other. This complicates the Negro prohlem, but 
does not alter its proletarian character. The Communist Party will carry on 
agitation among the Negro workers to unite them with all class-conscious 
workers. 

VII 

The United States is developing an aggressive militarism. The Communist 
Party will wage the struggle against militarism as a phase of the class struggle 
to hasten the downfall of Capitalism. 

VIII 

The struggle against Imperialism, necessarily an international struggle, is the 
basis of proletarian revolutionary action in this epoch. 

(a) There must be close unity with the Communist International for common 
action against Imperialism. 

(b) The Communist Party emphasizes the common character of the struggle 
of the workers of all nations, making necessary the solidarity of the workers of 
the world. 

The Paety Constitution 

/. Name and Purpose 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be The Communist Party of 
America. Its purpose shall be the education and organization of the working 
class for the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, the abolition 
of the capitalist system and the establishment of the Communist Society. 

//. Emilem 

Section 1. The emblem of the party shall be a button with the figure of the 
eartli in the center in white with gold lines and a red flag across the face bearing 
the inscription, "All Power to the Workers" ; around the figure of the earth a 
red margin shall appear with the words "The Communist Party of America" and 
"The Communist International" on this margin in white letters. 

///. Member ship 

Section 1. Every person who accepts the principles and tactics of the Com- 
munist Party and the Communist International and agrees to engage actively 
in the work of the party shall be eligible to membership. It is the aim of this 
organization to have in its ranks only those who participate actively in its work. 

Section 2. Applicants for membership shall sign an application card reading 
as follows: 

"The undersigned, after having read the constitution and program of the Com- 
munist Party, declares his adherence to the principles and tactics of the party 
and the Communist International ; agrees to submit to the discipline of the party 
as stated in its constitution and pledges himself to engage actively In its work." 

Section 3. Every member must join a duly constituted branch of the party. 
There shall be no members at large. 

Section 4. All application cards must be endorsed by two persons who have 
been members for not less than three months. 

Section 5. Applications for membership shall not be finally acted upon until 
two mouths after presentation to the branch, and in the meantime applicant shall 
pay initiation fee and dues and shall attend meetings and classes. He shall have 
a voice and no vote. Provided that this rule shall not apply to the charter mem- 
bers of new branches nor to the members who make application to newly or- 
ganized branches during the first month. 

Section 6. No person who is a member or supporter of any other political 
organization shall be admitted to membership. 

Section 7. No person who has an entire livelihood from rent, interest, or 
profit shall be eligible to membership in the Communist Party. 

Section 8. No person shall be accepted as a member who enters into the 
service of the national, State, or local governmental bodies otherwise than 
through the Civil Service or by legal compulsion. 

Provided, that the civil employment by the government is of a nonpolitical 
character. 

Section 9. No members of the Communist Party shall contribute articles or 
editorials of a political or economic character to publications other than those of 



38 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

the Coiamunist Party or of parties affiliated with the Communist International. 
(This clause shall not be considered as prohibiting the contribution of articles 
written from an economic or scientific standpoint to scientific or professional 
journals. Permission to answer an attack upon the Communist Party in the 
bourgeoisie press may be granted by the Central Executive Committee). 

IV. Units of Organizations 

Section 1. The basic organization of the Communist Party shall be branches 
of not less than seven members. (Applicants for a charter shall fill out the 
form provided by the National Organization.) 

Section 2. Two or more branches located in the same city shall form a City 
Central Committee. City Central Committees may include branches in adjacent 
territory, subject to supervision of the central management of the party. 

Section 3. City Central Committees and all other branches in the same state 
shall form State Organizations. Provided, that under the control of the Central 
Executive Committee more than one state may be included in a single District 
Organization ; and provided also that District Organizations may be formed by 
the Central Executive Committee along the lines of industrial rather than state 
divisions. 

Section 4. Branches of the Communist Party made up of member-s who speak 
a foreign language, when there are ten or more of such branches, consisting of 
a total not less than 750 members, may form a Language Federation. Provided, 
that this rule shall not apply as to members of those Federations affiliating w^ith 
the party at the time of its organization or within four months thereafter. No 
more than one Federation of the same language may exist in the party. 

Section 5. All language branches shall join and become part of the Federations 
of their language, if such a Federation exists. 

Section 6. All subsidiary units shall be combined in the Communist Party. 
Branches of the cities, states, districts and federations shall be units of the 
Communist Party. 

F. Administration 

Section 1. The supreme administrative body of the Communist Party shall be 
the convention of the party. 

Section 2. Between the meetings of the conventions the supreme body shall 
be the Central Executive Committee elected by the convention. The Central 
Executive Commitee shall consist of 15 members. The convention shall also 
elect five alternates who shall take their places as members of the Central 
Executive Committee in case of vacancies in the order of their vote. 

Section 3. The Central Executive Committee shall elect from its members 
a subcommittee of five members, who together with the executive secretary and 
the Editor of the central organ of the party shall be known as the Executive 
Council. The members of the Executive Council shall live in the city in which 
the National Headquarters are located or in adjacent cities. This Executive 
Council shall carry on the work of the party under the supervision of the Central 
Executive Committee. 

Section 4. The Convention shall elect an Executive Secretary and the Editor 
of the central organ of the party. All other officials shall be appointed by 
the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. The Executive Secretary and Editor shall conduct their work 
under the direction of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 6. The supreme administrative power of the State, District, Federa- 
tion or City units shall be vested in the conventions of these respective units. 
Conventions of the State or District Organization shall be held in May or June 
each year. 

Section 7. Between conventions of the district, state and federations the 
Central Executive Committee of these organizations shall be the supreme bodies. 

Section 8. The Central Executive Committee of these organizations shall in 
each case be elected by the conventions, which shall also determine the number 
of members. 

Section 9. The City Central Committee shall consist of delegates elected by 
the branches upon the basis of proportional representation. They shall meet at 
least once each month. The City Central Committees shall elect their executive 
committees and Executive Officers. 

Section 10. Each Fedoration shall elect a Translator-Secretary, who shall 
have an office in the National Headquarters and whose salary shall be paid by 



ORGANIZED COM]\'IUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 39 

the National Organization. Translator-Secretaries are the representatives of 
their organizations in tlie National Headquarters, and shall serve as mediums 
of communication. They shall submit monthly to the Executive Secretary and 
the State and District Organizations a statement sliowing all the dues stamps 
sold during the previous month. Translator-Secretaries shall not be eligible to 
membership in the Central Executive Committee but shall meet with the Com- 
mittee and the Executive Council and have a voice but no vote. 

VI. Dues 

SECTION 1. Each applicant for monibership shall pay an initiation fee of fifty 
cents, which shall be receipted for by an initiation stamp furnished by the Na- 
tional Organization. The fifty cents shall be divided between the branch and 
City Central Committee. Where there is no City Central Committee its share 
shall be paid to the State or District Organization. 

Seci'ion 2. P^ach member shall pay forty cents per month in dues. Stamps 
shall be sold to the State or District Organization at fifteen cents; State or 
District Organizations shall sell stamps to the City Central Committees and 
branches in cases where there are no City Committees at twenty-five cents; City 
Central Committees shall sell stamps to brandies at thirty cents. 

Section 3. Branches of Language Federations shall purchase their dues stainns 
tb.rough their Federations. Translator-Secretaries shall pay ten cents per 
stamp to the National Organization and shall remit to each State or District 
Organization ten cents for each stamp sold for each month. Where a City Cen- 
tral Committee exists the State or District Organization shall remit five cents 
of this amount to the City Central Committee. Members of Language Federa- 
tion branches pay forty cents per stamp, ton cents going to the branch and ton 
cents to the federation. 

Section 4. Special assessment may be levied by the National Organization, 
Federations or the Central Executive Committee. No member shall be con- 
sidered in good standing unless he purchases such special assessment stamps. 

Section 5. Husband and wife belonging to the same branch may purchase dual 
stamps, which shall be sold at the same price as the regular stamps. Special 
assessments must be paid by both husband and wife. 

Section 6. IMembers unable to pay dues on account of unemployment, strikes, 
sickness or for similar reasons shall, upon application to their financial secre- 
tary, be furnished exempt stamps. Provided that no State or District Organi- 
zation or Federation shall be allowed exempt stamps in a proportion greater than 
5 percent of its monthly purchase of regular stamps. 

Section 7. Members who are three months in arrears in payment of their dues 
shall cease to be members of the party in good standing. Members who are six 
months in arrears shall be stricken from the rolls. No member shall pay duos 
Ih advance for a period of more than three months. 

VII. Discipline ' 

Section 1. All decisions of the governing bodies of the party shall be bind- 
ing upon the membership and subordinate units of the organizations. 

Section 2. Any member or organization violating the decisions of the party 
shall be subject to expulsion by the organization which has .lurisdiction. Charges 
against members shall be made before branches, subject to appeal by either side 
to the City Central Committee or State or District Organization where there is 
no City Central Committee. Charges against the branches shall be made before 
the City Central Committee, or where there is no City Central Committee, be- 
fore the State or District Organization. Decisions of the City Central Com- 
mittee in the case of branches shall be subject to revision by the State or District 
Organization. Charges against State or District Organizations shall be made 
before the Central Executive Committee. When a City Central Committee ex- 
pels a Federation branch, the branch shall have the right to present its case to 
the Central Executive Committee of the Federation. If the Central Executive 
Committee of the Federation decides to that effect it may bring an appeal for 
reinstatement before the Central Executive Committee of the party, which shall 
make final disposition of the matter. 

Section 3. Members and branches of the Federation shall be subject to the 
discipline of the Federation. Branches expelled by the Federation shall have the 
right to appeal to the City Central Committee, or, when there is no City Central 
Committee, to the State or District Organization. If the City Central Com- 
mittee or the State of District Organization does not uphold the expulsion the 

47716'— 54 4 



40 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

matter shall be referred to the Central Committee upon documentary evidence, 
and if the decision of the City Central Committee or State or District Orj^anl- 
zation is upheld, the branch shall be reinstated as a branch of the Federation. 

Section 4. Each unit of the party organization shall restrict its activities to 
the territory it represents. 

Section 5. A member who desires to transfer his membership to another 
branch shall secure a transfer card from the financial secretary of his branch. 
No branch shall receive a member from another branch without such a transfcrral 
card, and upon presentation of the transfer card the secretary of the l)rai)cli 
receiving the same shall make inquiry about the standing of the member to 
the secretaj-y issuing the card. 

Section 6. All party units shall use uniform application cards, dues books and 
accounting records, which shall be printed by the National Organization. 

Section 7. All employees of the party must be party members. 

VIII. Hcadquartera 

Section 1. The National Headquarters of the party shall be located in Chicago. 
In an emergency District or State Office may be used as the National Head- 
quarters. 

IX. Qualifications 

Section 1. Members of the Central Executive Committee, the Executive Secre- 
tary, Editor, International Delegates and International secretary and all candi- 
dates for political office must have been members of the party for two years at 
the time of their election or nomination. Those shall be eligible to election to 
party offices or nomination to public office on June 1, 1920, who join the Commu- 
nist Party before January 1, 1920. All who state their intention of joining the 
Communist Party shall be eligible at this convention. 

X. Conventions 

Section L National Conventions shall be held annually during the month of 
June, the specific date and place to be determined by the Central Executive Com- 
mittee. The Central Executive Committee may call Emergency Conventions, and 
such conventions may also be called by referendum vote. 

Section 2. Representation at the National Convention shall be upon the basis 
of one delegate for each 500 members or major fraction thereof ; provided, that 
when the number of delegates would exceed a total of 200 the Central Executive 
Committee shall increase the basis of representation so that the number of 
delegates shall not exceed that figure. 

Section 3. Delegates shall be apportioned to the State or District Organiza- 
tions on the basis of one delegate for each such organization, and the apportion- 
ment of the balance on the basis of the average membership for the six months 
prior to the issue of the call for the convention. Delegates shall be elected at 
the Convention of the State or District Organization. 

Section 4. Delegates to the National Convention shall be paid their traveling 
expenses and a per diem of .$5.00. 

Section 5. The call for the convention aad the apportionment of delegates 
shall be published not later than April 1. 

XI. Referendum and Recall 

Section 1. Referendums on the question of party platform policy or constitu- 
tion shall be held upon the petition of twenty-five or more branches representing 
5 percent of the membership; (2) or by initiative of the Central Executive 
Committee; (3) or by initiative of the National Convention. 

Section 2. All officers of the National Organization or those elected to public 
oflBce shall be subject to recall upon initiative petition of twenty-five or more 
branches, representing 5 percent of the membership. A recall vote of the mem- 
bership may also be initiated by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 3. Each motion and resolution shaU be printed in the official bulletin 
and remain open for ninety days from the date of first publication, and, if it has 
not received the requisite number of seconds, it shall be abandoned. The vote oq 
each referendum shall close sixty days after its submission. 

Section 4. Referendums shall be submitted without preamble or comment, but 
the party press shall be open for discussion of the question involved during the 
time the referendum is pending. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 41 

XII. International Delegate and Secretary 

Section 1. Delegates to the International Congress and alternates and an 
International Secretary and alternate shall be elected by the convention. 

Schedtde 

Any branch of the Socialist Party or Socialist Labor Party which endorses the 
program and constitution of the Communist Party and applies for a charter 
before January 1, 1920, shall be accepted as a branch. 

The provisions of Article III, section 4, shall not be enforced until after 
December 1, 1919, except as to the two signatures. 

Recommendation 

That this convention authorize the secretai-y immediately to issue a Special 
Organization Stamp to sell at fifty cents to create a fund for the organization of 
the party. 



COMMUNIST LABOR PARTY— 1919 

Wlien the Socialist Party Convention met on August 30, 1919, cer- 
tain left-wing delegates presented themselves to that convention as 
delegates. The credentials committee of the Socialist Party refused to 
seat these delegates and they were excluded from the convention. 
These delegates then appointed a committee of five to meet with the 
organization committee of the Communist Party for the purpose of 
seeking unity, but the negotiations came to nothing. Tlie delegates 
then organized themselves into a Communist Labor Party Convention. 
The convention elected Alfred D, Wagenknecht as executive secretary, 
and the following as members of the national executive committee : ^ 

Max Bedacht 
Alexander Bilan 
Jack Carney 
L. E. Katterfield 
Edward I. Lindgren 

The following platform and program were adopted : ' 

Platform and Pbogeam Communist Labor Pabtt 

Platform 

(1) The Couimunist Labor Party of the United States of America declares 
itself in full harmony with the revolutionary working-class parties of all countries 
and stands by the principles stated by the Third International formed at Moscow. 

(2) With tiiem it thoroughly appreciates the complete development of capi- 
talism into its present form of Capitalist Imperialism with its dictatorship of 
the capitalist class and its absolute suppression of the working class. 

(3) With them it also fully I'ealizes the crying need for an immediate change 
in the social system ; it realizes that the time for parleying and compromise has 
passed ; and that now it is only the question whether all power remains in the 
hands of capitalist or is taken by the working class. 

(4) The Communist Labor Party proposes the organisation of the workers as 
a class, the overthrow of capitalist rule, and the conquest of political power liy 
the workers. The workers, organized as the ruling class, shall, through their 
government, make and enforce the laws ; they shall own and control land, 
factories, mills, mines, transportation systems, and financial institutions. All 
power to the workers. 

(5) The Communist Labor Party has as its ultimate aim: The abolition of the 
present system of production, in which the working class is mei'cilessly exploited, 
and the creation of an industrial republic wherein the macliinery of production 
shall be socialized so as to guarantee to the workers the full social value of the 
product of their toil. 

(G) To this end we ask the workers to unite with the Communist Labor Party 
for the conquest of political power to establish a government adapted to the 
Communist transformation. 

Party and Lator Program 

Part I 

The Communist Labor Party of America declares itself in complete accord with 
the principles of Communism, as laid down in the Manifesto of the Third Inter- 
national formed at Moscow. 



• Lusk Committee Reports, toI. I, p. 801. 
•Ibid., p. 809. 

42 



ORGANIZED COIVDVIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 43 

In essence, these principles are as follows : 

(1) The present is the i)eriod of the dissolution and collapse of the whole 
system of world capitalism. Unless capitalism is replaced by the rule of the 
working class, woi*ld civilization will collapse. 

(2) The working class must organize and train itself for the capture of state 
power. This capture means the establishment of the new working-class govern- 
ment machinery, in place of the state machinery of the capitalists. 

(3) This new working-class government — the Dictatorship of the Proletariat- 
will reorganize society on the basis of Communism, and accomplish the transition 
from Capitalism to the Communist Commonwealth. 

Communist society is not like the present fraudulent capitalist democracy — 
which, with all its pretensions to equality, is merely a disguise for the rule of the 
financial oligarchy — but it is a proletarian democracy, based on the control of 
industry and the state by the workers, who are thereby free to work out their 
own destiny. It does not mean, capitalist institutions of government, which are 
controlled by the great financial and industrial interests, but organs of admin- 
istration created and controlled by tlie masses themselves ; such as, for example, 
the Soviets of Russia. 

(4) The Dictatorship of the Proletariat shall transfer private property in the 
means of production and distribution to the working-class government, to be 
administered by the workers themselves. It shall nationalize the great trusts 
and financial institutions. It shall abolish capitalist agricultural production. 

(5) The present world situation demands that the revolutionary working class 
movements of all countries shall closely unite. 

(6) The most important means of capturing state power for the workers is the 
action of the masses, proceeding from the place where the workers are gatliered 
together — ^in the shops and factories. The use of the political machinery of the 
capitalist state for this purpose is only secondary, 

(7) In those countries in which there is a possibility for the workers to use 
this macliinery in the class struggle, they have, in the past, made effective use 
of it as a means of propaganda, and of defense. In all countries where the con- 
ditions for a working-class revolution are not ripe, the same process must go on. 

(8) We must rally all groups and proletarian organizations which have mani- 
fested and developed tendencies leading in the direction above indicated, and 
support and encourage the working class in every phase of its struggle against 
capitalism. 

Part II 

(1) The economic conditions in every country determine the form of organiza- 
tion and method of propaganda to be adopted. In order efficiently to organize 
our movement here, we must clearly understand the political and economic struc- 
ture of the United States. 

(2) Although the United States is called a political democracy there is no 
opportunity whatever for the working class through the regular political 
machinery to effectively oppose the will of the capitalist class. 

(3) The years of Socialist activity on the political field have brought no increase 
of power to the workers. Even the million votes piled up by the Socialist Party 
in 1912 left the Party without any proportionate representation. The Supreme 
Court, which is the only body in any Government in the world with the power to 
review legislation passed by the popular representative assembly, would be able 
to obstruct the will of the working class even if Congress registered it, which it 
does not. The Constitution, framed by the capitalist class for the benefit of the 
capitalist class, cannot be amended in the workers' interest, no matter how large 
a majority may desire it. 

(4) Although all the laws and institutions of government are framed and 
administered by the capitalists in their own interests, the capitalists themselves 
refuse to be bound by these laws or submit to these institutions whenever they 
conflict with these interests. The invasion of Russia, the raids into Mexico, the 
suppression of governments in Central America, and the Carribean, the innumer- 
able wars against working class revolutions now being carried on — all those 
actions have been undertaken by the Administration without asking the consent 
even of Congress. The appointment by the President of a Council of National 
Defense, the War Labor Board, and other extra constitutional governing bodies 
without the consent of Congress, is a direct violation of the fundamental law of 
republican government. The licensing by the Department of Justice of antilabor 
strikebreaking groups of employers — such as the National Security League^ 



44 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM EST THE UNITED STATES 

the American Defense Society, the Knights of Liberty, the American Protective 
League — whose express purpose was the crushing of labor organization, and all 
class activities of the workers, and who inaugurated in this country a reign of 
terror similar to that of the Black Hundreds in Russia — was entirely opposed to 
the principles of the American government. 

(5) Moreover, the War and its aftermath have demonstrated that governing 
power does not reside in the regularly elected, or even the appointed officials 
and legislative bodies. In every State, county and city in the Union, the so-called 
"police power" is shown to be superior to every law. In Minnesota, Wisconsin, 
and many other states, so-called Public Safety Commissions and similar organi- 
zations were constituted by authority of the Governors, made up of representa- 
tives of Chambers of Commerce and Employers' Associations, which usurped the 
powers of Legislatures and municipal administrations. 

(6) Not one of the great teachers of scientific Socialism has ever said that 
It is possible to achieve the Social Revolution by the ballot. 

(7) However, we do not ignore the value of voting, or of electing candidates 
to public office, so long as these are of assistance to the workers in their economic 
struggle. Political campaigns, and the election of public officials, provide oppor- 
tunities for showing up capitalist democracy, educating the workers to a reali- 
zation of their class position, and of demonstrating the necessity for the ovei'- 
throw of the capitalist system. But it must be clearly emphasized that the 
chance of winning even advanced reforms of the present capitalist system at 
the polls is extremely remote ; and even if it were possible, these reforms would 
not weaken the capitalist system. 

Part III 

(1) In America the capitalist class has never had a feudal aristocracy to com- 
bat, but has always been free to concentrate its power against the working class. 
This has resulted in the development of the American capitalist class wholly 
out of pi-oportion to the corresponding development in other countries. By 
their absolute control of the agencies of publicity and education, the capitalists 
have gained a control over the political machinery which is impossible to break 
by resorting to this machinery. 

(2) Moreover, in America there is a highly developed Labor movement. This 
makes it impossible to accomplish the overthrow of capitalism except through 
the agency of the organized workers. 

Furthermore, there is in America a centralized economic organization of the 
capitalist class which is a unit in its battle with the working class, and which 
can be opposed only by a centralized economic organization of the workers. 

(3) The economic conditions of society, as Marx foretold, are pushing the 
workers toward forms of organization which are, by the very nature of things, 
forced into activity on the industrial field with a political aim — the overthrow 
of capitalism. 

(4) It is our duty as Communists to help this process, to hasten it, by sup- 
porting all efforts of the workers to create a centralized revolutionary industrial 
organization. It is our duty as Communists, who understand the class struggle, 
to point out to the workers that upon the workers alone depends their own 
emancipation and that it is impossible to accomplish this through capitalist 
political machinery, but only by the exercise of their united economic power. 

Prograrn 

(1) We favor international alliance of The Communist Labor Party only with 
the Communist groups of other countries, those which have affiliated with the 
Communist International. 

(2) We are opposed to association with other groups not committed to the 
revolutionary class struggle. 

(3) We maintain that the class struggle is essentially a political struggle, 
that is, a struggle by the proletariat to conquer the capitalist state, whether its 
form be monarchial or democratic-republican, and to replace it by a govern- 
mental structure adapted to the Communist transformation. 

(4) Communist platforms, being based on the class struggle, and recognizing 
that this is the historical period of the Social Revolution, can contain only one 
demand : The establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. 

(5) We favor organized party activity and cooi)eration with class conscious 
Industrial unions, in order to unify Industrial and political class conecious 
propaganda and action. Locals and branches shall organize shop branches, to 



ORGANIZED COJMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 45 

conduct the Communist propaganda and organization in the shops and to 
encourage the worlcei^ to organize in One Big Union. 

(G) The party shall propagandize industrial unionism and industrial union 
organization, pointing out their revolutionary nature and possibilities. 

(7) The party shall make the great industrial battles its major campaigns, 
to show the value of the strike as a political weapon. 

(8) The party shall maintain strict control over all members elected to 
public office— not only the local organizations, but the National Executive Com- 
mittee. All public officials who refuse to accept the decisions of the party shall 
be immediately expelled. 

(9) In order that the party shall be a centralized organization, capable of 
united action, no autonomous groups or federations independent of the will 
of the entire party shall be permitted. 

(10) All party papers and publications endorsed by the party, and all educa- 
tional and propaganda institutions endorsed by the party, shall be owned and 
controlled by the regular party organization. 

(11) Party platforms, propaganda, duos and methods of organization shall 
be standardized. 

Special Report on Laior Organization 

The purpose of the party is to create a unified revolutionary working-class 
movemen*^ in America. 

The European war has speeded up social and industrial evolution to such a 
degree that capitalism throughout the world can no longer contain within itself 
the vast forces it has created. The end of the capitalist system is in sight. 
In Europe it is already tottering and crashing down, and the proletarian revolu- 
tions there show that the workers are at the same time becoming conscious 
of their power. The capitalists themselves admit that the collapse of European 
capitalism and the rise of the revolutionary working class abroad cannot help 
but drag American capitalism into the all-embracing ruin. 

In this crisis the American working class is facing an alternative. Either 
the workers will be unprepared, in which case they will be reduced to abject 
slavery, or they will be sufficiently conscious and sufficiently organized to save 
society by reconstructing it in accordance with the principles of Communism. 

II 

(1) By the term "revolutionary Industrial unionism" is meant the organiza- 
tion of the workers into unions by industries with a revolutionary aim and 
purpose ; that is to say, a purpose not merely to defend or strengthen the status 
of the workers as wage earners, but to gain control of industry. 

(2) In any mention of revolutionary industrial unionism in this country, there 
must be recognized the immense effect upon the American labor movement of 
the propaganda and example of the Industrial Workers of the World, whose 
long and valiant struggles and heroic sacrifices in the class war have earned 
the respect and affection of all workers everywhere. We greet the revolutionary 
industrial proletariat of America, and pledge them our wholehearted support 
and cooperation in their struggles against the capitalist class. Elsewhere in 
the organized Labor movement a new tendency has recently manifested itself 
as illustrated by the Seattle and Winnipeg strikes, the One Big Union and Shop 
Committee movements in Canada and the West, and the numerous strikes all 
over the country of the rank and file, which are proceeding without the authority 
of the old reactionary Trade Union officials, and even against their orders. 
This tendency, an impulse of the workers toward unity for common action across 
the lines of craft divisions, if carried to its logical conclusion would inevitably 
lead to workers' control of industry. 

(3) This revolt of the rank and file must not be allowed to end in the dis- 
organization of the ranks of organized labor. We must help to keep the workers 
together, and through rank and file control of the Unions, assist the process of 
uniting all workers in One Big Union. 

(4) With this purpose in view, the Communist Labor Party welcomes and 
supports, in whatever labor organization found, any tendency toward revolu- 
tionary industrial unionism. We urge all our members to join industrial unions. 
Where tlie job control of the reactionary craft unions compels them to become 
members of these craft unions, they shall also join an industrial organization, 
if one exists. In districts where there are no industrial unions, our membera 
shall take steps to organize one. 



46 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

III 

To Labor and Labor alone is industry responsible. Without the power of 
Labor, industry could not function. The need of the hour is that Labor recog- 
nize the necessity of organization and education. This cannot be achieved by 
attempting to influence the leaders of the Labor movement, as has been clearly 
shown by the actions of the recent Convention of the American Federation of 
Labor. It can only be done by getting the workers on the job to come together 
and discuss the vital problems of industry. 

(3) Because of the industrial crisis created by the World War, together with 
the breakdown of industry following the cessation of hostilities, and the interrup- 
tion of the processes of exchange and distribution, there is great dissatisfaction 
among the workers. But they can find no means of dealing with the situation. 
Their unions have refused to take any steps to meet the grave problems of 
today ; and, moreover, they obstruct all efforts of the rank and file to find some 
way by which the workers can act. 

(4) We suggest that some plan of labor organization be inaugurated along 
the lines of the Shop Steward and Shop Committee movements. These Com- 
mittees can serve as a spur or check upon the officials of the Unions ; they will 
necessarily reflect the spirit and wishes of the rank and file, and will educate the 
workers on the job in preparation for the taking over of industry. 

Recommendations 

We recommend the following measures : 

(1) That all locals shall elect committees on labor organization, composed so 
far as is possible of members of Labor Unions, whose functions shall be : 

(a) To initiate, or support, the creation of shop committees in every industry 
in their district, the uniting of these committees in industrial councils, district 
councils, and the central council of all industries. 

(b) To propagandize and assist in the combining of craft unions, by industrifif, 
In one big union. 

(c) To bring together in the centers of party activity — locals and branches — 
delegates from factories and shops to discuss tactics and policies of conducting 
the class struggle. 

(d) To propagandize directly among the workers on the job the principles of 
communism, and educate them to a realization of their class position. 

(e) To find a common basis for the uniting of all existing economic and 
political organizations based on the class struggle. 

(f) To mobilize all members who can serve as organizers to fill the demand 
for men and women who can organize bodies of worker* along the lines indicated 
above. 

(g) To direct the activities of local party organizations in assisting the 
workers wholeheartedly in their industrial battles, and making use of the.se 
battles as opportunities for educating the workers. 

(2) That a national committee on lal)or organization be elected by this Con- 
rention, which shall cooperate with the local committees above-mentioned. In 
addition, the national committee shall be charged with the task of mobilizing 
national support for strikes of national importance, and shall endeavor to giv<» 
these a political character. 

(a) It shall collect information concerning the revolutionary labor move- 
ment from the different sections of the country, and from other countries, and 
through a press service to labor and Socialist papers, shall spread this informa- 
tion to all parts of the country. 

(b) It shall mobilize on a national scale all members who can serve as propa- 
grandists and organizers who can not only teach, but actually help to put into 
practice, the principles of revolutionary industrial unionism and communism. 



UNITED COMMUNIST PARTY— 1920 

On January 12, 1920, the president of the executive committee of the 
Communist International addressed a communication to the central 
committee of the Communist Party of America and the Communist 
Labor Party on the necessity of immediate unification.® In Febru- 
ary 1920, negotiations began between the two parties. Months of ne- 
gotiations resulted in a split within the ranks of the Communist Party 
of America. A convention lasting 7 days was held in May 1920 and 
resulted in the formation of the United Communist Party by merg- 
ing the group splintered from the Communist Party of America with 
the Communist Labor Party. 

The following constitution was adopted : ^° 

Constitution of the United Communist Party 
Article 1. Name, Purpose and Emblem 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be the United Communist 
Party of America. It is the American Section of the Communist International. 

Section 2. The United Communist Party of America is the organization of the 
vanguard of the class-conscious workers. Its purpose is the education and y 
orgauization of the workers fo:- the overthrow of the capitalist state, establish- 
ment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, abolition of the capitalist system and 
the development of a Communist society. 

Section 3. The emblem of the party shall be a hammer, sickle and sheaves of 
wheat above the words "All Power to the Workers," surrounded by a circular 
margin with the words, "The United Communist Party of America" and "The 
Communist International." 

Article II. Membership 

Section 1. Any person who accepts the principles and tactics of the party and 
of the Communist International, agrees to submit to the party discipline and to 
engage actively in its work, shall be eligible for membership, provided he has 
severed connection with all other political organizations. 

Section 2. Applicants must be accepted with due care and only on recommenda- 
tion of two persons who have been members for at least three months, except in 
newly organized groups in new territory. Every applicant shall be on probation 
for two months with a voice but no vote. Before being admitted to full member- 
ship the applicant must familiarize himself with the program and constitution of 
the party. Applicants can be accepted only by unanimous vote of the group to 
which application is made. Whenever practical, applicants shall be assigned 
to recruiting groups during the period of probation. 

Section 3. Applicants shall pay an initiation fee of one dollar and monthly 
dues of 75 cents. Dues shall be paid during the probation period. 

Section 4. Members may transfer from one party unit to another only upon 
permission from the party unit to which they belong. The unit granting the 
transfer shall notify the unit to which the member transfers through regular 
party channels. 

Section 5. No member of the party shall accept or hold any appointive public 
oflace, honorary or remunerative, otherwise than through civil service, nor enter 
the service of the government in any way except through legal compulsion. No 
member shall be a candidate for any public office except by instructions of the 
party. 



» Fish Committee Reports, pt. II. vol. 3, pp. 189-101. 
*• Lusk Committee Keports, vol. II, p. 1892. 

47 



48 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 6. Members of the party who are writers, speakers, and artists shall, 
so far as possible, place their services at the disposal of the party. Any member 
vising his training in those lines detrimentally to the party shall be disciplined, 

Article III. Units of Organizations 

Section 1. The basic units of the party shall be groups of approximately ten 
members, and wherever possible, not less than five members. 

Section 2. Each party group shall elect a group organizer to serve as con- 
necting link between the group and the unit of party above it. 

Section 3. Not more than ten groups shall constitvite a branch and not over 
ten branches a section ; not over ten sections a subdistrict and not over ten sub- 
districts a district. Districts shall be organized around the industrial centers, 
rather than along state lines. 

Section 4. Party members working in the same industrial plants shall, so far 
as is practical, be organized into shop units. Groups may also be organized in 
unions and other working-class organizations. 

Section 5. Groups may consist of members speaking the same language, when 
this does not interfere with the organization of industrial groups. 

Article IV. Administration 

Section 1. The supreme administrative body of the party shall be the con- 
vention of the party. 

Section 2. Between conventions the supreme body of the party shall be the 
Central Executive Committee, which shall consist of ten members elected by the 
convention. They shall live in the city in which the national headquarters is 
located or in adjacent cities. The convention shall also elect ten alternates for 
the C. E. C. In case the list of alternates is exhausted the C. E. C. shall have 
power to fill the vacancies. 

Section 3. The Central Executive Committee shall appoint such party officials 
as are necessary to conduct the work of the party. It shall carry on the propa- 
ganda, organization, and educational work of the party; and publish the party 
papers, supplying each member with a copy of the official party paper in 
the respective languages free of charge. 

The Committee shall have power to — 

(a) Divide the country into districts. 

(b) Appoint district organizers as the representatives of the national organi- 
zation in these districts. 

SEx:nnoN 4. It shall be the duty of the Central Executive Committee to make a 
monthly report of its activities and of party finances. 

Section. 5. The administrative power of the District tshall be vested in the 
district conventions to be held at least once each year. Between the district 
conventions the work of administration shall be vested in a district executive 
committee elected by the district convention. The district executive committee 
shall supervise the work of the district organizer ; it shall also appoint subdistrict 
organizers, subject to approval of the subdistrict committees. 

Section 6. The administrative power of the subdistrict shall be vested in the 
subdistrict conventions, to be held once each six months. Between subdistrict 
conventions, the work of administration shall be vested in a subdistrict executive 
committee. 

Section 7. Section committees shall consist of the branch organizers. The 
branch committees shall consist of the group organizers. The group organizers of 
a branch shall elect the branch organizer. 

Article V. Language Federations 

Section 1. In order that the party shall be a centralized organization capable 
of united action, no autonomous federations of language groups shall exist in the 
party. 

Section 2. Branches made up of language groups may form subdistrict propa- 
ganda committees and these may be combined in district propaganda committees. 
These propaganda committees shall have power to devise plans for propaganda 
and agitation in their respective languages, which shall be carried out through 
the regular party channels. 

Section 3. The C. E. C. of the party shall annually call a national conference 
of the respective language groups by request of district committees representing 
a majority of the language group. These conferences shall plan the work of 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 49 

agitation and organization of the group on a national scale and elect the editors 
and organizers to carry on the work of the groups. "Such editors and organizers 
shall work under the direction of the C. B. 0. of the party. 

Section 4. Should the organizers or editors elected by the language conference 
prove incompetent the C. E. O. may upon protest of district propaganda commit- 
tees representing a majority of the language group, remove such officials and fill 
the positions by appointment. 

Section 5. All language literature and official party papers shall be published 
by the C. E. C. of the party. 

Article VI. Discipline 

Section 1. Every unit of the party is responsible for the maintenance of party 
discipline over its members and subordinate groups. Members expelled from 
groups may appeal to the branch committee and subordinate units to the next 
higher unit. District organizers may appeal from the C. E. C. decision to the 
convention. 

Section 2. Party policies shall be formulated by the convention and by the 
C. E. C. and all subordinate party units are bound by the decisions of convention 
and C. E. C. The work of the district and subdistrict committees is strictly 
limited t© administration. 

Section 3. All party units shall confine their activities to their respective terri- 
torial limits. 

Section 4. The Central Executive Committee shall maintain discipline over its 
members and may remove any of its membei's by a unanimous vote of the 
remaining members of the committee. 

Section 5. No unit of the party shall publish a party organ without the consent 
of the C. B. C. 

Section 6. All papers published by the party shall be under the editorial control 
of the Central Executive Committee. 

Article VII. Finance 

Section 1. Applicants for membership shall pay initiation fee of one dollar, 
which shall be forwarded to the national organization. 

Section 2. Monthly dues shall be seventy-five cents, which shall be paid into 
the treasury of tiie national organization. Dues shall be receipted for by dues 
stamps issued by the C. E. C. 

Section 3. An organization stamp shall be issued by the C. E. C. which shall 
be used as receipts for special contributions from the membership. 

Section 4. Special assessments may be levied by the convention and the 
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good standing 
unless he pays such assessments. The organisation stamps shall be used to 
receipt for these assessments. 

Section 5. Huband and wife belonging to the same group shall only be obli- 
gated to pay seventy-five cents dues monthly. 

SEoriON 6. Unemployed and imprisoned members shall be so reported by the 
group organizer and shall not be considered in bad standing because of non- 
payment of dues. 

Section 7. Dues shall be paid monthly by every member. No advance pay- 
ment shall be made and members who have not paid dues by the first of the 
succeeding month for the previous month shall be considered in bad standing. 
Members three months in arrears shall be excluded from their group. 

Article VIII. Conventions 

Section 1. A national convention shall be held annually at a time and place 
determined upon by the Centra". Executive Committee. The C. E. C. may call 
emergency conventions when requested by district committees representing a 
majority of the membership. In case the C. E. C. does not act, district ey»cutive 
committees may send delegates to a conference for the purpose of calling the 
convention. 

Seotion 2. The number of delegates shall be determined by the C. E. C. accord- 
ing to the circumstances. Delegates shall be apportioned to districts in propor- 
tion to the membership. 

Section 3. Districts shall apportion the delegates to subdivisions In such a 
manner that no subdivision shall elect more than one. Provided that such 
apportionment must be proportionate to the membership. 



50 ORGANIZED COMMIIN-ISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 4. Delegates to national conventions shall be paid railroad expenses 
and the same per diem as party officials. 

Section 5. The convention call and apportionment of delegates must be issued 
not less than sixty days before the convention. 

Secjtion 6. When requested by any district committee or by five subdistrict 
committees, the C. E. C. shall submit propositions that are to come before the 
convention to every party group for discussion at the same time that the call 
for the convention is issued. 

Article IX. International 

Section 1. Delegates and alternates to the International Congress of the 
Communist International and an international secretarj shall be elected by 
^Jie convention. 



I 



COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA— 1921 

(Merger of Communist Party of America and United Communist 

Party) 

On June 12, 1920, The Communist ajipeared as the official organ of 
the United Communist Party of America. A year later the remain- 
der of the Communist Party of America merged with the United Com- 
munist Party. As a result of this merger, a new Constitution and 
Program of the Communist Party of America was adopted in May 
1921, by the Joint Unity Convention of the Communist Party and the 
United Communist Party of America. 

The constitution is as follows : " 

Constitution and Peogeam of the Communist Party of America 

Adopted by the Joint Unity Convention of the Communist Party and the United 

Communist Party of America 

Capitalist society is distinguished from all previous forms of society by the 
production of commodities on the basis of capital. Through the private owner- 
ship of the means of production, the bourgeoisie, a small group in society, have 
reduced the great majority of the people to the status of proletarians and semi- 
proletarians. The working class is compelled to sell its labor power to the 
owners of the machinery of production, and have become wage slaves who, by 
their labor, create profits for the ruling classes of society. 

During the last century the development of machinery means of communica- 
tion and technique led to the extension of the capitalist system of production 
throughout the world. As a result of the consequent formation of large industrial 
enterprises, the small industrial enterprises and the small independent manu- 
facturers were expropriated. This whole class, the petite bourgeoisie, is con- 
tinually being reduced to impotency in social, political, and economic life. 

The development of technique in production and distribution led to the division 
and subdivision of labor, the use of woman and child labor, and the substitution 
of unskilled and semiskilled workers for craftsmen and artisans. The relative 
decrease in the demand for human labor created a condition wherein the supply 
of labor exceeds the demand. The dependence of labor upon capital increased. 
The degree of exploitation is intensified. 

This economic development within the nation, together with the continual 
sharpening of rivalry in the world market, makes the sale of commodities, the 
production of which is ever increasing, more and more difficult. The inevitable 
result of this development of productive power in capitalist society is over- 
production. This overproduction brings about industrial crises which ruin the 
small manufacturers still more, creates a further dependence of wage labor 
upon capital, and accelerates the deterioration of the conditions of the working 
class. 

Manufacturers are compelled to perfect their machinery. This perfection of 
machinery Is complemented by a constant displacement of laborers, constituting 
the industrial reserve army. The inevitable extension of production brings with 
it a tremendous development of the productive forces, causes excess of supply 
over demand, overproduction, a glutting of the market, and recurring crises — 
resulting in a vicious circle. On the one hand, there is an excess of the means 
of production and products ; on the other, laborers without employment and 

"Report of Special Committee on Un-American Activities, appendix I, p. 214. 

51 



52 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

without means of existence. The two levers of production — machinery and labor 
power — are unable to function because capitalism prevents productive forces 
from working and the products from circulating unless they are first turned into 
capital. The oversupply of machinery and labor power hinders this process. 
The mode of production rebels against the form of exchange and the bourgeoisie 
stands convicted of incapacity to further manage their own social production 
forces. 

These contradictions, which are inherent in bourgeois society, increase the 
discontent of the exploited masses. The number of the proletariat is continually 
augmented. Their solidarity is strengthened, and the struggle with their ex- 
ploiters becomes ever more acute. This and the improvement of technique, con- 
centrating the means of production and socializing the process of labor, prepares 
the ground for the social revolution — the replacement of the capitalist system 
by a Communist society. This is the final aim of the Communist Party of 
America. 

Through the systematic organization of production, distribution, and exchange 
capitalism tends to overcome anarchy in social production. Mighty corporations 
(syndicates, trusts, cartels) rise in place of the numerous small competitors. 
Finance capital is combined with industrial capital. The finance oligarchy, 
because of superior organization, becomes the dominant power in the whole 
economic system. Monopoly supplants free competition. The individual capi- 
talist becomes the corporation capitalist. Organised capital tends to remove 
the anarchy of competition within each nation. 

With the development of imperialism in each nation the contradictions, the 
international competitive conflicts, the anarchy of world production and ex- 
change became more acute. Competition between the highly organized im- 
perialist states and the groups of states led directly to the world war. Greed 
for profits compels the capitalist-imperialist national groups to fiight among 
themselves for new markets, new fields for the investment of capital, new 
sources of raw materials, and for the cheap labor power of colonial peoples. 

These imperialist states were dividing among themselves the territory of the 
entire world. Millions of proletarians and peasants of Africa, Australia, Asia, 
and the Americas were being reduced to a most degrading wage slavery. In 
the struggle for these spoils the imperialist states met each other in a mortal 
combat — the Imperial World War. 

The World War marks an epoch — the epoch of the collapse of capitalism and 
the beginning of the proletarian revolution. With the disintegration of im- 
perialism come uprisings among the exploited masses in the colonies and in the 
small independent nations. The imperialist armies disintegrate. The ruling 
classes are unmasked and their incapacity to further direct the destiny of the 
world's working mas.sos is exposed. Armed insurrection of the proletariat, re- 
sulting in victorious revolution, as in Russia ; and a series of open armed con- 
flicts with the state power of the bourgeoisie, as in Germanj'. This is typical 
of the conditions throughout the world. 

There is only one power that can save humanity — the power of the proletariat. 
The old capitalist order is in decay. It can prevail no longer. The final out- 
come of the capitalist system of production is chaos. Only the great producing 
class, the working class, can bring order out of this chaos. The working class 
must destroy the capitalist state, root and branch. The working class must 
establish a dictatorship of the proletariat, based upon Soviet power, in order 
to crush both the resistance of capitalist counterrevolution at home and im- 
perialist onslaught from without. 

Imperialism arms itself for the final conflict against the world revolution. 
Under the guise of a league of nations, or other similar alliances, it is making a 
last desperate effort to bolster up the capitalist system. Through such alliances 
It aims to direct all its power against the ever-growing proletarian revolution. 
These is but one answer to this huge conspiracy of collapsing capitalism. The 
proletariat must conquer political power and direct it against its class enemies 
and set in motion all the forces of social revolution. 

In order to achieve victory in the world revolution, the working class must at- 
tain unity and coordinate all its forces. This victory cannot be realized unless 
the working class forever completely breaks with all forms of bourgeois per- 
version of socialism which have dominated the Social-Democratic and Socialist 
parties of the world. 

One form of this perversion is opportunism — social chauvinism, socialist in 
name but chauvinist in fact. These opportunists have betrayed the interests 
of th3 working class under the false watchwords of the defense of the fatherland. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 53 

Witness the imperialist world war. This opportunism takes root in the wanton 
robbing of colonial and weals nations by imperialist states. The suiierprofits 
acquired through this exploitation have enabled the bourgeoisie to bribe the 
leaders of the working class. They have placed the upper strata of the workers 
in a privileged position by guaranteeing them, in time of peace, a tolerable 
existence and by taking their leaders into the service of the bourgeoisie. 

The opportunists and social-chauvinists are servants of the bourgeoisie. They 
are enemies of the proletariat, especially is this true when, together with the 
capitalists they are suppressing the revolutionary movement of their own and 
other countries. 

As Socialist workers begin to awaken to the treacherous character of the so- 
called Socialist parties, and to desert them, the leaders of those parties make 
desperate efforts to hold their following. These efforts sometimes take the form 
of indorsing the Communist International "with reservations." Another device 
is to endorse Soviets in Russia "but not here." Another is to pose as "defending 
the Russian Soviet Republic from invasion by foreign imperialists." All these 
are evasions of revolutionary duty. The Communist International is an organi- 
zation for waging class warfare for the liberatien of the working class; there 
can be no reservations in endorsement and affiliation with it. Loyalty "with 
reservations" is treachery. Indorsement and defense of Soviets in Russia with 
failure to advocate the Soviet form of proletarian dictatorship in the United 
States is hypocrisy. 

Those who attempt by such means to hold revolutionary workers in a position 
midway between the old bourgeois Socialist-reform position and the revolu- 
tionary Communist position, are known as "centrists." Without the courage 
and intelligence to lead the workers to revolution, yet unwilling to admit their 
character as friends of the bourgeois state, these centrist leaders confuse and 
obstruct the development of the proletarian revolution. 

The Socialist Party of the United States is a mixture of elements varying from 
extreme social-chauvinism to centrlsm. The revoluntary and semirevolutionary 
membership brought into it or awakened within it by the world war and the 
Russian revolution, compelled the Socialist Party nominally to oppose the entry 
of the United States into the war. The membership which compelled the party to 
adopt the mildly antiwar platform has been ruthlessly expelled. The leaders, 
in defiance of the mandate of the membership, during the war took official part in 
promoting war loans and patriotic measures. Since the close of the war the party 
spokesmen have completed the bankruptcy and disgrace of the Socialist Party 
by pledging it to support the capitalist state (even against proletarian revolution) . 

After attempting to keep their party from disintegrating by a cowardly endorse- 
ment of the Communist International "with reservations," and after being re- 
pulsed by the Communist International and rebuked before the world for their 
cowardice, the Socialist Party leaders are now engaged in slandering the Com- 
munist International and trying by deliberate falsehood to keep their membership 
from understanding it. 

Driven by the opposition of the working class out of the Second International, 
to which they, by the logic of their program, still belong, the Socialist Party 
leaders now try to form a "Fourth International" of most of the opportunist 
parties and the centrist parties of the world. The Communist Party will con- 
tinuously expose this "Fourth International" as having the same basis poltically 
as the Second International, which is now buried forever under the blood and 
crime of the world war to which it gave its support. The Second International 
is a reeking corpse, and the "Fourth International" is its still-born child. 

The Communist International alone conducts the struggle of the proletariat for 
its emancipation. The Communist Party of America is its American section. 
Not alone in words but in deeds is the Communist International gaining more 
and more the sympathy and support of the proletariat of all countries. Its 
political content and ideology restore Marxism and realize the Marxian revolu- 
tionary teachings. 

The social revolution will replace the private ownership of the means of pro- 
duction and distribution by collective ownership, systematize the organization 
of production in order to secure the welfare of all members of society, abolish 
class divisions, liberate oppressed humanity, and put an end to all exploitation 
of one part of society by another. 

The establishment of a proletarian dictatorship is indispensable to the attain- 
ment of the social revolution. The proletariat must destroy the bourgeois state. 
It must establish a proletarian state, and thereby crush the resistance of the 
capitalists. In order to fulfill its great historic mission, the proletariat must 



54 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

©rganize itself into an independent political party — a Communist Party — -which 
opposes all the bourgeois and opportunist Socialistic parties. Such a party is 
the Communist Party of America. It leads the workers in the class struggle and 
reveals to the working masses the irreconcilable conflict of interest between 
the exploiters and the exploited. The Communist Party of America points out 
the historic significance and the essential conditions of the approaching social 
revolution. The Communist Party of America, the revolutionary vanguard of 
the proletarian movement, calls upon those of the toiling and exploited masses 
who accept its principles and tactics to join the ranks. 

The Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, 
defines the aims and processes of the proletarian revolution as follows : 

PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP AND BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACT 

•'Between capitalist and Communist society there lies a period of revolutionary 
transformation from the former to the latter, A state of political transition 
corresponds to this period, and the state during this period can be no other than 
the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat" (Marx). 

Through the private ownership of the means of production, the bourgeoisie 
exploit and suppress the broad masses in all capitalist countries. Bourgeois 
republics, even the most democratic, through skillful use of such watchwords 
as "public opinion," "equality before the law," and "national interest," as opposed 
to class interests, only veil this suppression and exploitation. Bourgeois democ- 
racy is in reality bourgeois dictatorship. The proletarian or Soviet democracy 
can be realized only through a transformation of all organizations of the broad 
laboring masses — proletarian and semiproletarian (that is, the vast majority 
of the population) — into a single and permanent basis of state apparatus, local 
as well as national. 

The proletarian revolution comes at a moment of economic crisis precipitating 
a political crisis. The politico-economic crisis causes a collapse in the capitalist 
order. The role of the "Social Democratic" parties is to attempt to solve the 
political crisis by a coalition of an "all-Socialist" government within the bour- 
geois State machinery, thus, by the deception of the workers enabling the capital- 
ist State to live through the economic crisis. 

The proletariat, once having learned the disastrous consequences of "Social- 
Democratic" bolstering up of the bourgeois State, throws its support to the Com- 
munists. Under pressure of the economic chaos, and led by the Communist 
Party, the proletariat forms its organs of working-class power entirely separate 
and distinct from the bourgeois State. These organs are the Workers' Soviets 
(councils) which arise at the moment of tbc revolutionary outbreak and attain 
a dominant position, during the course of the revolution. 

By the use of force, the proletariat destroys the machinery of the bourgeois 
State and establishes the proletarian dictatorship based on Soviet power. 

The proletarian State, like every other state, is an organ of suppression and 
coercion, but its machinery is directed against the enemies of the working class. 
It aims to break the desperate resistance of the exploiters who use all the power 
at their command to drown the revolution in blood. The proletarian state aims 
to make this resistance impossible. Under a proletarian dictatorship, which is 
a provisional institution, the working class establishes itself as the ruling class 
in society. After tlie resistance of the bourgeoisie is broken, after it is expro- 
priated and gradually absorbed into the labor strata, then only do all classes 
Tanish, the proletarian dictatorship disapiiears and the State dies out. 

The bourgeois parliamentary state is the organ of the bourgeoisie for the 
suppression and coercion of the working masses. Parliamentary government 
is nothing but an expression of bourgeois supremacy — the form of authority of the 
capitalist class over the working class. Bourgeois democracy is nothing but a 
concealed dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Bourgeois democracy, through its 
parliamentary system, fraudulently deprives the masses and their organizations 
of any real participation in the administration of the State. 

Under a Workers' Government — the proletarian dictatorship in the form of 
Soviet power — the organizations of the masses dominate. Through these organ- 
izations, the masses themselves administer. Bourgeois democracy, manifesting 
itself through its parliamentary system, deprives the masses of participation 
in the administration of the capitalist state by a division of legislative and 
executive power, by unrecallable mandates, and by numerous agencies of social, 
political, and economic suppression. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 55 

Under a proletarian government, the Soviets, acting as real organs of state 
power, merging the legislative and executive function, and by the right of recall, 
bring the masses into close contact with the administrative machinery. This 
unity is further promoted by the fact that uuder the Soviet government the 
elections themselves are conducted, not in conformity with arbitrary, territorial 
demarcations, but in accordance with industrial divisions. The proletarian 
dictatorship, in the form of a Soviet government, thus realizes true, proletarian 
democracy — a democracy of and for the working class and against the bourgeoisie. 

The proletarian revolution is a long process. It begins with the destruction of 
the capitalist state and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, 
and ends only with the complete transformation of the capitalist system into the 
Communist society. 

POLITICAL ACTION 

Every class struggle is a political struggle. The object of the class struggle, 
which inevitably develops into civil war, is the conquest of political power. A 
political party that shall or^sanize and direct this struggle is indispensable for the 
acquisition of this power. When the workers are under the leadership of a well- 
organized and experienced political party that has strictly defined objectives and 
a program of immediate action, in foreign as well as domestic policy, then only 
will the acquisition of political power cease to be a casual episode, and become 
the starting point for the gradual realization of the Communist society. 

The class struggle demands that the general guidance of the various expres- 
sions of the proletarian movement (such as labor unions, cooperative associa- 
tions, cultural-educational societies, election campaigns, etc.) be centered in one 
organization. Only a political party can be such a unifying and guiding center. 
The class struggle of the proletariat demands a concentrated propaganda to throw 
light upon various stages of the conflict. It makes imperative a unified point of 
view to direct, at each given moment, the attention of the proletariat to deiinite 
tasks that are to be accomplished by the working class as a whole. 

The Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, is 
that part of the working class which is most advanced, intelligent, self-sacrificing 
and class-conscious. It is therefore the most revolutionary part of the working 
class. The Communist Party has no other interests than those of the working 
class as a whole. It differs from the general mass of workers in that it takes a 
comprehensive view of the entire historical development of the working class. At 
every turn of the road it endeavors to defend the interests, not of separate 
groups or trades but of the entire working class. The Communist Party is the 
organized political power by means of which the more advanced part of the 
working class leads the whole proletarian and semiproletarian mass. 

During the proletarian dictatorship the Communist Party will continue to sys- 
tematically direct the work of the Soviets and revolutionized industrial unions. 
The Communist Party, as the vanguard of the proletarian movement, will direct 
the struggle of the entire woi'king class on the political and economic fields. Jt 
will guide the proletariat in the field of education and social life. The Commu- 
nist Party must be the animating spirit in the Soviets, revolutionized industrial 
unions, and in all proletarian organizations. 

I. Mass Action 

In countries where the historical development furnished the opportunity, 
bourgeois democracy served the working class as a means of organizing itself 
against capitalism. This process will go on in all countries where the condi- 
tions for a proletarian revolution are not yet ripe The workers must never lose 
sight of the true character of bourgeois democracy. The capitalist class screens 
its deeds of violence behind the parliamentary system. Centuries of capitalist 
rule have placed at its disposal the equipment and attainments of modern civil- 
ization. To achieve its end the capitalist class resorts to lies, demagogy, bribery, 
persecution, and murder. 

The revolutionary epoch upon which the world has now entered forces the 
proletariat to resort to militant methods — mass action, leading to direct collision 
with the bourgeois state. Mass action culminates in armed insurrection and 
civil war. The centralized power of the capitalist class manifests itself through 
control of the state machinery — the army, the navy, police, courts, bureaucracy, 
etc. It is through such means that the capitalist class imposes its will upon 
the workers. Mass action is the proletarian revolt against the oppression of 
the capitalist class. It develops from spontaneous activities of the workers 



56 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

taassed in large industries. Among its initial manifestations are mass strikes 
and mass demonstrations. 

Tbe Communist Party will educate and organize the working masses for such 
direct political action, i. e., mass strikes and mass demonstrations, and will 
lead them in these struggles. These struggles form the major campaign of the 
Communist Party. It is through such struggles that the working masses are 
prepared for the final conflict for power. This can be nothing else but a direct 
struggle between the armed forces of the capitalist state on the one hand, the 
armed forces of the proletarian revolution on the other. In these mass strikes 
and demonstrations large masses of workers are united. New tactics and a new 
ideology are developed. As these strikes grow in number and intensity, they 
acquire political character through unavoidable collision and open combat with 
the capitalist state which openly employs all its machinery to break their strikes 
and crush the workers' organizations. This finally results in armed insurrection 
aimed directly at the destruction of the capitalist state and the establishment 
of the proletarian dictatorship. This objective cannot be attained unless the 
entire mass movement is under the control and guidance of the Communist 
Party. 

The Communist Party will keep in the foreground the idea of the necessity 
of violent revolution for the destruction of the capitalist state and the establish- 
ment of the dictatorship of the proletariat based on Soviet pov/er. 

The Communist Party will systematically and persistently propagate the idea 
of the inevitability of and necessity for violent revolution, and will prepare the 
workers for armed insurrection as the only means of overthrowing the capitalist 
state. 

Parliamentary Actioti 

The Communist Party of America recognizes that the revolutionary proletariat 
must use all means of propaganda and agitation to win over the exploited masses. 
One of these means is parliamentary activity. The work of Communist repre- 
sentatives in parliament will consist chiefly in making revolutionary propaganda 
from the parliamentary platform. They should unmask and denounce the ene- 
mies of the masses. Our representatives in parliament shall further the ideo- 
logical unification of the masses who, captivated by democratic illusions, still 
put their trust in parliaments. The Communist Party will utilize parliament 
as a means of winning especially such backward elements of the working masses 
as tenant farmers, farm workers, and the semiproletariat. All work within the 
parliaments must be completely subordinated to the task of the mass struggles 
outside of parliament. 

Communist representatives shall make all their parliamentary activity de- 
pendent on the work of the Party outside of parliament. They should regularly 
propose demonstrative measures, not for the purpose of having them passed by 
the bourgeois majority, but for the purpose of propaganda, agitation and organiza- 
tion. All this activity must be carried on under the direction of the Party and 
its Central Executive Committee. 

The bourgeois parliament, one of the most important instruments of the bour- 
geois state machinery, can no more be won by the proletariat than the bourgeois 
order in general. It is the task of the proletariat to destroy the entire machinery 
of the bourgeois state, not excluding its parliamentary institutions. 

The parliamentary system of the American bourgeois government is based on 
a rigid constitution. Its authority is divided among forty-eight states. Each of 
these States has its own legislature, governor, courts, etc. The American 
capitalist state, screened by bourgeois democracy, Is the machinery in the hands 
of the capitalists for crushing all working class aspirations. Large masses of 
Negroes, migratory and foreign-born workers, are disfranchised. The working 
class of America now faces a practically naked dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. 

The American bourgeois state was quick to recognize the Communist parties 
in America as its historic and deadly enemies. It employed all its power in a 
vicious onslaught against them. Being outlawed, the Communist parties re- 
organized as underground, illegal parties. Thus, for the present, the Communist 
Party of America is prevented from participating in the elections under its own 
name. 

While the Communist Party of America wages its major campaigns and 
activities through the mass struggles of the working class outside of parliament, 
It will also organize the necessary legal machinery for participation in munici- 
pal, state, and national election campaigns. It shall, wherever possible, enter its 
candidates in opposition to all bourgeois and social-reform parties. 



ORGANIZED COMIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES £7 

Labor Unions and Labor Organizations 



The trade unions arose as organs of the working class to check the growing 
exploitation. In their early form the trade unions were organizations of skilled 
workers in separate crafts. Modern industry has developed the machine worker. 
The machine workers are massed together in the basic industries and constitute 
the militant factor in the class struggle. The concentration of industry and the 
development of the machine process renders useless the isolated craft strike 
and makes necessary the organization of the workers on a wider scale. Industrial 
unions are a better form of organization for the workers in their struggle for 
higher wages and improved conditions, under capitalism. Craft unions have not 
kept pace with the development of capitalist organization and still retain to a 
large degree the ideology of property, contract, and obsolete craft division. 

Industrial unions alone are not sufficient for the successful carrying out of 
the revolution. Syndicalism denies the necessity for establishing the proletarian 
state during the transition period from capitalist society to Communist society. 
Revolutionary syndicalism and industrialism are a step forward only in com- 
parison with the old, counter-revolutionary ideology of Socialist parties. But 
in comparison with the revolutionary Marxian doctrine, i. e., with communism, 
syndicalism, and industrialism, are a step backward. 

The Socialist movement in America originally followed the policy of maintain- 
ing contact with labor organizations and of propagating their ideas within them. 
Impatience with the slowness of the process of educating and leading the workers 
by working within the reactionary trade unions gave rise to the attempt during 
the period of 1895 to artificially stimulate the organization of brand new "class- 
conscious" labor unions, such as the Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance. The 
opportunist policy of the "yellow" reformist Socialists of catering to and sup- 
porting the reactionary leaders of the trade unions increased this discouragement 
and led to the abandonment of the struggle within the old unions by the more 
advanced worker and to the formation in 1905 of the IWW as an entirely new 
labor union, outside of and in opposition to the existing trade unions. 

The policy of the IWW and similar organizations of artificially creating new 
industrial unions has been shown by experience to be mistaken. Such efforts 
result in isolating the most advanced workers from the main body of organized 
labor and strengthening the control of the trade unions by reactionary leaders. 
The members of the trade unions as a rule have not deserted the old unions for 
the new ones : The old unions become more reactionary when the revolutionary 
workers leave them. This situation represents a great danger, for without the 
support of the labor unions, the success of the proletarian revolution is im- 
possible. The experience of the Hungarian and German revolutions fully estab- 
lishes the fact that if the American labor unions remain under the control of 
such leaders as those who grossly betrayed the workers during the World War, 
and who serve the bourgeoisie against the workers in every struggle, they will be 
manipulated as deadly implements for the defeat of the proletarian revolution. 

The Communist Party condemns the policy of the revolutionary elements 
leaving the existing unions. These elements must remain with the large mass of 
organized workers. The Communists must take an active and leading part in 
the everyday struggles of the unions. They must carry on a merciless and 
uncompromising struggle against the social-patriotic and reactionary leaders, 
criticize and expose them and drive them out of power. The Communist Party 
will develop from its ranks the most determined fighters in the labor movement 
who, through courage, sacrifice, and class-consciousness will inspire the masses 
with a spirit of determined struggle and win them over for the proletarian 
revolution. Only in this way can the distlntegration of the unions be prevented, 
the reactionary leaders ousted from control, the bureaucratic machinery de- 
stroyed and replaced by the apparatus of shop delegates, and the trade unions 
broadened in scope and gradually developed into industrial unions. 

Bearing in mind the necessity for the closest contact of the Communists with 
those workers who have not yet reached a revolutionary understanding, and 
the intensity of the struggle which requires the closest unity and solidarity of 
the workers on the economic field, the Communists shall not foster artificial 
division in the labor movement, nor deliberately bring it about. On the con- 
trary, they must use all measures, short of giving up the revolutionary task in 
the unions, not hesitating to employ strategy to avoid giving to the reactionary 
leaders the pretext to expel them. The Communists must not fear a split when 

47716'— 54 5 



58 ORGANIZED COMMUTSTISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

the circumstances leave them no alternative except to abandon the struggle to 
transform the unions into instruments of revolutionary action. Such a split 
may be carried out only when the Communists, by the incessant warfare against 
the reactionary leaders and their tactics, and by their wholehearted participa- 
tion in the everyday struggles of the unions, have gained the confidence and 
the leadership of the workers, and are able to convince them that the split is 
occurring, not because of some remote revolutionary aim which they do not under- 
stand, but because it has been forced by the bureaucracy and because it is 
demanded by the concrete, immediate interests of the working class in the 
development of the economic struggle. Even in such cases, the Communists 
must act with the greatest care and consider the possibility of such a split 
resulting in separating them from the working masses. 

The Communist Party will lead and participate in every effort on the part of 
the unorganized workers to organize into unions — initiating the organization of 
unions where these do not exist — and will lead them in the class struggle towards 
the proletarian revolution. 

The Communist Party will work within the industrial unions of the IWW 
where these are established and function as mass organizations of the workers ; 
and will support them especially during strihes and mass movements. The 
Communist Party regards the workers in the ranks of the IWW as comrades iu 
the class war. At the same time, the Communist Party rejects the absurd theory, 
entertained by the IWW, that the revolution can be accomplished by the direct 
seizure of industry without first overthrowing the capitalist state. Only 
after the conquest of political power, after the establishment of the proletarian 
dictatorship, can the revolutionized industrial unions become the starting point 
for the Communist reconstruction of society. The Communist Party will put 
forth every effort to overcome the syndicalist prejudices of the members of the 
IWW, and to win them over to the position of the Communist International. 

« 

II 

The effort to transform the antiquated craft unions into more effective offensive 
and defensive instruments of the working class gives rise to the formation of 
rank and file organizations of the more advanced workers within the unions. 
The purpose of such organization is to more effectively wage the struggle for 
control of the unions and to oust the traitorous leaders. These expressions 
within the unions are a necessary feature of the struggle to revolutionize the 
labor movement and must be crystallized by the Communist Party. The Com- 
munist Party will take an active part in this movement and coordinate it, fully 
utilizing for this purpose its press, nuclei and all other means, and lead it by 
degrees to the platform of Communism and thus make of it an auxiliary instru- 
ment of the Communist Party. 

m 

The experience of the European labor movement indicates that out of the 
economic chaos developing in America the laboring masses will endeavor to create 
factory committees, such as the factory councils (Betriebs Rat) in Germany, 
which will undertake a struggle for workers' control over production. The aspir- 
ation to create such organizations takes its origin from the most varied cause.?, 
namely, struggle against the counter-revolutionary bureaucracy, discouragement 
after a strike or defeat of the unions, or the desire to create an organization em- 
bracing all the workers, etc., but in the end, it results in the struggle for control 
over industry, which is their special historic task. These organizations should 
consist of the widest possible masses of workers and should not be formed ex- 
clusively of those who already understand and are fighting for the proletarian 
dictatorship. The Communist Party will organize aU workers on a basis of the 
economic crisis, and lead them toward the struggle for the dictatorship of the 
proletariat by developing the concrete struggle for workers' control over industry. 

The factory committees cannot be substituted for the trade unions. The trade 
unions are central fighting organs although they do not embrace such large 
masses of the workers as the factory committee, since these become accessible 
to all the workers of a given industry. The trade and industrial unions organize 
the workers on a national scale for the struggle to increase wages and shorten 
hours of labor. Factory committees fight for workers' control over production, 
in the struggle to resist the economic crisis, and embrace all the workers in a 
given industry. This division of tasks is the result of the historic development 
of the social revolution. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 59 

Factory committees are extra-union organizations and must not be confused 
with shop committees and the shop-delegate system, which are part of the 
machinery of some labor unions. The shop committees and the shop-delegate 
.system constitute a form of union management whereby the power in the union 
rests in the hands of delegates elected by and from the workers in the shop. 
The Communist Party will advocate and promote this form of union manage- 
ment. At the same time it will expose the so-called shop committees which are 
organized by employers as substitutes for labor unions. 

The Communist Party will propagate the idea of factory committees to the 
working class of America as an immediate and essential part of its general 
propaganda. It will lead the workers in their attempts to form factory com- 
mittees and will initiate their organization when the necessary conditions arise. 

IV 

Two Internationals of Trade Unions are struggling for supremacy. On the 
one hand, The International Federation of Trade Unions, with headquarters 
at Amsterdam, endeavors with a subtle program of Socialistic reform to lure 
t!ie labor unions into collaboration with the capitalist governments and leagues of 
governments. It seeks to paralyze and demoralize the working class of all 
countries simultaneously, in time of revolutionary crisis, in the interests of the 
capitalist class. 

(In the other hand is the Red Labor Union International, with headquarters 
at Moscow. This International of Trade and Industrial Unions xmites the labor 
unions of the world for the carrying on of the labor struggle on the economic 
field in the interests of the working class as a whole. It wars on the capitalist 
class and all capitalist governments in close and indissoluble union with the 
Commimist International. 

The Communist Party will carry on an extensive propaganda for the affiliation 
of all organized labor in America to the Red Labor Union International. Where 
revolutionary minorities or separate organizations within the American labor 
movement indorse the revolutionary program of the Red Labor Union Interna- 
tional, the Communist Party will pursue the policy of keeping the revolutionary 
minorities within their national organizations for the purpose of combating any 
efforts at affiliation with the yellow Amsterdam International, and of bring- 
ing the entire labor movement of America into the Red International. The Com- 
munist Party will fully cooperate with the Red Labor Union International and 
any committees or bureaus it may establish to carry on its work in the American 
labor movement, in keeping with the decisions of the Communist International, 

The Communist Party will strive to inspire all the organizations of labor with 
the spirit of determined struggle, 1. e., with the spirit of Comriiunisra. The Com- 
munist Party will practically subordinate these and thus create a mass organiza- 
tion, a basis for a powerful centralized organ of the proletarian struggle. The 
Communist Party will lead them all to one aim, the victory of the working class, 
through the dictatorship of the proletariat, to Communism. 

Communist Party 'Nuclei 

The Communist Party of America will organize party nuclei wherever there are 
proletarians or semiproletarians. These nuclei will be organized in trade and 
industrial unions, in factory committees, in working class educational or social 
organizations, in government institutions, in the army and navy, and in the 
organizations of the agricultural laborers, tenant farmers, small farmers, etc. 
These nuclei will enable the party to effectively carry on its propaganda. These 
nuclei will aid the party in leading the working masses in the proletarian revolu- 
tion. Communist Party nuclei shall be subordinated one to another in a central- 
ized order and system. They shall be under the control, supervision, and 
discipline of the Communist Party of America. 

Agricultural Workers and Farmers 

Capitalism dominates agricultural production as well as all other functions of 
the economic life of society. The exploitation of the agricultural proletariat 
links up the interests of this class inseparably with the interests of the city 
proletariat. The forces which drive the city worker into conflict with the capi- 
talist state are also at work in rural districts. 



60 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

In the United States, the small farmers have time and again attempted to resist 
oppression and exploitation by the finance and industrial oligarchy. The Green- 
bacli movement in the '70's, the Populist movement in the '9U's, and the present 
Non-Partisan movement are examples. 

These small farmers are only nominally the owners of parcels of land. They 
are mercilessly exploited by banks, commission merchants, transportation com- 
panies, farming implement trusts, absentee landlords, etc. The reform move- 
ments vphich have periodically swept over the country failed to ameliorate the 
conditions of the exploited rural masses. The position of the latter, lilie that of 
the city proletariat, is becoming steadily worse under the capitalist system. 

The city proletariat must educate, win over, and lead in the class struggle 
these laboring and exploited masses of the country. In America, the latter are 
represented by the following groups: 

1. The agricultural proletariat, that is, hired laborers, farm and harvest hands. 
They are wage workers on the large ranches, plantations, and farms. They are 
largely migratory workers. 

2. The semiproletariat. These are the small farmers and tenant farmers. 
Through the land owned or rented by them, they secure only part of the suste- 
nance needed by them and their families. They are compelled to work partly for 
wages in capitalist agricultural or industrial establishments. 

3. The small proprietors — small farmers. The land owned by them is usually 
heavily mortgaged. They satisfy the needs of their families and fanning with- 
out working for wages. These three groups constitute the vast majority of the 
agrarian population of the United States. Cooperation of the city proletariat 
with the exploited agrarian masses is necessary to insure the success of the 
proletarian revolution. 

The large landed farmers are capitalists in agriculture. They manage their 
own farms and employ foremen and laborers. This group constitutes a most 
numerous element of the bourgeoisie and is an open enemy of the proletariat. 

Only the city proletariat, under the leadership of the Communist Party, can 
emancipate the laboring masses from exploitation and oppression by the capi- 
talists and landowners. Privation and imperialist wars are inevitable as long 
as the capitalist system endures. The salvation for the small farmer, tenant 
farmer, and farm worker lies only in a union with the revolutionary proletariat. 
They should wholeheartedly support the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat 
in order to throw off the yoke of the landowners and bourgeoisie. The prole- 
tariat will become a truly revolutionary class only when it acts as the van- 
guard of all those who are exploited and suppressed and leads the struggle 
against the oppressors of the toiling masses. 

The Communist Party of America will establish nuclei in the organizations 
of the exploited rural masses in order to win them away from the political 
and moral influence of the bourgeoisie. The Communist Party will carry the 
struggle into the agricultural districts and gather the toiling masses around 
the standard of communism. 

The Communist Party will initiate and support the organization of farm 
laborers and tenant farmers and will lead them to cooperation with the city 
proletariat in their struggle against their exploiters, toward the social revolu- 
tion. 

Imperialism and the Colonial Question 

Since the Imperialist World War, the United States has become a creditor 
nation. It is now seeking new fields for the investment of capital. It is looking 
for new sources of raw material for its factories. Thus, America is brought 
into conflict with such imperialism as the Japanese or English. This leads to 
imperialist wars in preparation for which the American bourgeoisie maintains 
huge military and naval establishments. 

The recent imperialists' war has exposed the fraudulent character of bourgeois 
democracy. The war was waged by both sides under such false slogans as "rights 
of small nations" and "national self-determination." The Brest-Litovsk, the 
Bucharest and "Versailles Peace have clearly slrtwn how the bourgeoisie estab- 
lished their "national" boundaries in conformity with economic class interests. 
The so-called "league of nations" is only an insurance company, in which the vic- 
tors are guaranteed their prey. The revolutionary struggle and the overthrow 
of the bourgeoisie alone can achieve national freedom and unity for the prole- 
tariat Thus, the revolutionary struggle in the advanced countries becomes ever 
more acute. The ferment of the working masses of the colonies and subject 
countries is increasing, and the middle class nationalistic illusion of the possi- 
bility of peaceful collaboration and the equality of nations under capitalism 
is being dispelled. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 61 

The present world political situation has placed the qnestion of the Dictator- 
ship of the Proletariat in the foreground. All the events of world politics are 
inevitably concentrating around one point — the struggle of the entire bourgeois 
world against the Russian Soviet Republic, the heart of the world Soviet move- 
ment. The Russian Soviet Republic is drawing to itself more and more closely 
not only the Soviet movement, carried on by the vanguard of the proletariat of 
all countries, but also the national liberation movements of the colonial and 
subject countries. These have already been taught by bitter exi>erience that 
salvation for them lies only in a union with the revolutionary proletariat and 
in the triump of Soviet power over imperialism. 

The United States was in its origin a colony of England, It retained the char- 
acteristics of a colonial people and was a hinterland for Europe until after th-i 
American Civil War, The American capitalists had their own world to conquer 
and exploit within the present territorial confines of the United States, which 
contains fabulous resources and natural wealth. Millions of workingmen and 
their families, lured by the false light of bourgeois democracy and the hope of 
economic security, came to this country. These immigrant workers were merci- 
lessly exploited in the building up of capitalism in America, which forcibly 
annexed huge territories from its weaker neighbors through fraud and conquest. 
After the Spanish-American war, the United States definitely entered upon the 
conquest of world markets. An aggressive policy of imperialism was developed, 
Hawaii, Cuba, Porto [sic] Rico, and the Philippines were conquered and sub- 
jected. The Caribbean and Central American republics are practically de- 
pendencies of tlie United States, Together with Mexico, they have been brought 
under the control of American finance imperialism by the constant threat of 
military intervention. 

The Communist Party of America will support with all its power every move- 
ment for the liberation of the oppressed colonial peoples of the United States. 
The Communist Party will fight against the economic and military aggression 
of American capitalists upon the populations of the weaker American republics. 
The Communist Party of America will carry on a systematic agitation in the 
American army and navy against every kind of oppression of the colonial peoples 
by American imperialism. It will strive to cultivate among the American prole- 
tariat a fraternal feeling towards the colonial working populations in all the 
nations that are under the iron heel of American capitalists. The Communist 
Party will systematically agitate against the oppression of the colonial peoples by 
American imperialism, and support every uprising on the part of these oppressed 
peoples. It will aid them in every way possible to throw off the yoke of American 
imperialism. The Communist Party will link up the struggle of the exploited 
toiling masses in the subject countries with that of the proletariat in America 
against their common enemy — the American capitalist and the subject countries' 
native bourgeoisie, who are only tools of the American capitalist class. 

THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL 

The Communist International, brought forth by the proletarian revolution 
in action, is the central organ of the revolutionary proletariat in its struggle 
for the conquest of world power. The revolutionary movement is growing in 
every country. But this movement of the proletarian revolution is menaced 
with suppression by a coalition of capitalist states. The social-patriotic parties 
are uniting with each other to betray the revolution through service to the 
imperialist League of Nations. The coordination of proletarian action all over 
the world is imperative. The Communist International is an absolute necessity. 

The Communist International subordinates the so-called national interests 
to the interest of the international proletarian revolution. The Communist In- 
ternational merges and centralizes the reciprocal aid of the proletariat of all 
countries. In order to accelerate the final collapse of the imperialistic system 
of the world, the Communist International supports the exploited colonial peoples 
in their struggles against imperialism. 

The Communist International is the concentrated will of the world revolu- 
tionary proletariat. Its mission is to organize the working class of the world 
for the overthrow of the capitalist system and the establishment of Communism. 
The Communist International is a fighting body and assumes the task of combin- 
ing the revolutionary forces of every country. 

In order to overthrow the international bourgeoisie and to create an Inter- 
national Soviet Republic as a transition stage to the Communist Society, the 
Communist International will use all means at its disposal, including force of 
arms. 



62 ORGANIZED COMMITNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

The Communiat International breaks with the traditions of the Second Inter- 
national. The Communist International fraternally invites to its ranks the men 
and women of all colors and races — the toilers of the entire world. The Com- 
munist International declares that a firm and centralized organization is in- 
dispensable to a speedy achievement of victory. The Communist International 
represents the single universal Communist Party, of which the parties of the 
various countries are sections. 

The Communist International calls the world proletariat to the final struggle 
against capitalism. The revolutionary epoch may last for years. The Com- 
munist International offers a program both Immediate and ultimate in scope. 
The old order is in decay. The workers must prepare for the proletarian revo- 
lution and the Communist reconstruction of society. 

CoNSTrnmoN of The C. P. of A. 

Adopted at the Joint Unity Convention of the United Communist Party 
and the Communist Party of America 

Article I. Name, Purpose, and Emhlem 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be the Communist Party of 
America, Section of the Communist International. 

Section 2. The Communist Party of America is the vanguard of the working 
class, namely, its most advanced, class conscious, and therefore its most revolu- 
tionary part. Its purpose is to educate, direct, and load the working class of 
America for the conquest of political power; to destroy the bourgeois stnte 
machinery; to establish the Dictatorship of the Proletariat in the form of Soviet 
power ; to abolish the capitalist system and to introduce the Communist Society. 

Section 3. The emblem of the Party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle 
between sheaves of wheat and within a double circle. Below the hammer and 
sickle the words "All power to the workers." In the circular margin the words 
"Communist Party of America — Section of the Communist International." 

Article II. Membership 

Section 1. Every person who accepts the principles and the tactics of the Com- 
munist Party and of the Communist International, and agrees to submit to the 
Party discipline and engage actively in its work, shall be eligible for member- 
ship, provided he is not a member or supporter of any other political organization. 

Section 2. No person whose livelihood is gained by exploiting labor shall be 
eligible to membership in the Communist Party of America. 

Section 3. Applicants shall be vouched for by two persons who have been 
members of the Party for at least six consecutive mouths, except in newly organ- 
ized groups in new territory. Every applicant shall be assigned to a recruiting 
group on probation for three months, with voice but no vote. The applicants 
shall be accepted only upon examination and recommendation by the recruiting 
group captain, and by unanimous approval of the Branch Executive Committee, 

Section 4. A special captain shall be placed in charge of each recruiting group 
by the Branch Executive Committee. 

Section 5. An applicant shall pay one dollar initiation fee, and all dues and 
assessments beginning with the month in which he Is accepted in the recruiting 
group. 

Section 6. A member may transfer from one Party unit to another only upon 
certification of the Party unit to which he belongs. The unit gi-anting the trans- 
fer must ascertain that the member asking for it has discharged all his Party 
obligations, and shall notify the unit to which the member transfers through the 
regular Party channels. He shall go to the group to which he is assigned by the 
Branch Executive Committee. 

Article III. Form and Units of Organization 

SEcnoN 1. The Communist Party of America is an underground, illegal organ- 
ization. It is highly centralized with the Convention as its supreme body, and 
the Central Executive Committee acting as such l»etween Conventions. 

Section 2. The basic unit of the Party shall be a group of approximately ten 
members, and wherever possible not less than five. 

Section 3. Groups of the same language within a city or locality shall form 
a Branch. Branches shaU consist of not more than ten groups each. 



ORGANIZED COMIMUNISIM IN" THE UNITED STATES 63 

Section 4. Branches within a locality shall form a Section. Sections shall 
consist as nearly as possible of ten Branches, and shall be formed wherever there 
are two or more Branches within a locality. 

Section 5. Subdistricts sliall consist of not more than ten Sections and of 
isolated Branches within a territory prescribed by the District Executive Com- 
mittee. 

Section 6. All subdistricts within a prescribed territory shall form a District. 
The limits of Districts are determined by the Central Executive Committee. 
Districts and subdistricts shall be organized withiu industrial sections regardless 
of political boundaries. 

Article IV. Conventions 

Section 1. The Convention is the supreme body of the Party, and shall be called 
by the Central Executive Committee at least once a year. 

Section 2. Emergency Conventions, with all the powers of regular Conven- 
tions, shall be called by the Central Executive Committee upon its own initiative 
or upon the demand of District Conventions representing a majority of the mem- 
bership. 

Section 3. (a) Elections to the Convention shall begin in the groups. Each 
group shall elect one elector to the Section Convention, and the Section Conven- 
tion shall elect delegates to the District Convention. Branches that are directly 
connected with the Subdistrict shall send their delegates to the nearest Section. 
The representation in the Section and the District electors' meeting and in the 
Convention of the Party shall be fixed by the Convention call, issued by the 
Central Executive Committee. 

(b) If there are more than fifteen groups in a Section, the Subdistrict Com- 
mittee shall subdivide the Section for the elections so that no more than fifteen 
attend a Section electors' meeting. Wherever necessary, units shall be com- 
bined to comply with the accepted basis of representation. 

Section 4. The number of delegates shall be determined by the Central Execu- 
tive Committee according to the circumstances. Delegates shall be apportioned 
to the Districts in proportion to the membership. 

Section 5. Section, Subdistrict, and District Organizers of the Party shall 
attend the electors' meetings of their respective and subordinate units, and shall 
have voice but no vote, unless elected as delegates themselves. 

Section 6. Section, Subdistrict, and District electors' meetings may elect as 
their delegates members of the Party from any unit outside their territorial 
divisions. 

Section 7. At the same time that the call for the Convention is issued, the 
Central Executive Committee shall submit to every group for discussion the 
Agenda and other propositions that are to come before the Convention. At least 
sixty days before the Convention, the Party Press shall be opened for discussion 
of important Party matters. 

Section 8. Delegates to the National Convention shall be paid railroad ex- 
penses and the same wages as Party officials. 

Article V. Central Executive Committee 

Section 1. Between Conventions the Central Executive Committee shall be 
the supreme body of the Party and shall direct all the Party's activities. 

Section 2. The Central Executive Committee shall consist of ten members 
elected by the Convention. The Convention shall also elect six alternates. 
When the list of alternates shall have been exhausted the Central Executive 
Committee shall have the right to co-optation. 

Section 3. All Central Executive Committee INIembers shall devote all their 
time to the work of Party and shall live in the city in which the National 
Headquarters are located, or in adjacent cities. 

Section 4. Candidates for the Central Executive Committee must have been 
members of a Party afliliated with the Communist International at least eighteen 
mouths. 

Section 5. The identity of the Central Executive Committee members shall not 
be made known either by themselves or by those present at the Convention. 

Section 6. The Central Executive Committee shall elect delegates to the 
International Congresses and the Communist Party of America members of the 
Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

Section. 7. The Central Executive Committee shall call in the District Organ- 
izers for a conference at least every six months. 



64 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 8. The Central Executive Committee shall make a monthly report of 
the Party activities and Party finances itemized by Districts. 

Section 9. A complete audit and accounting of all Party funds shall be made 
every six months. The auditing committee shall consist of three members elected 
by the Convention. The convention shall also elect three alternates. No member 
of the Central Executive Committee and no paid Party employee shall be a mem- 
ber of the auditing committee. The report of the auditing committee shall be 
made to the membership, within one month after the completion of its work. 

Article VI. Districts and Subordinate Units 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee shall appoint District Organ- 
izers for each District. 

Section 2. Every District Organizer shall make complete reports to the 
District Executive Committee as to the general Party work in his District. He 
shall submit and carry out the instructions and decisions of th^ Central Executive 
Committee. He shall make remittances, financial statements, and reports to the 
Central Executive Committee at least once a month. 

Section 3, District Conventions shaU be held at least every six months. Every 
Section shall send delegates to the District Convention in proportion to the 
membership. The District Convention shall elect five members to the District 
Executive Committee. These five members, together with the District Organizer 
and the Subdistrict Organizers, shall constitute the District Executive Committee. 
The District Executive Committee shall supervise the activities of the District 
Organizer and shall regularly submit the minutes of its meetings to the Central 
Executive Committee. All actions of the District Convention are subject to 
approval by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 4. District Organizers shall appoint Subdistrict Organizers subject 
to the approval of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. Subdistrict Organizers shall make remittances, financial state- 
ments and reports to the District Organizers once a week. 

Section. 6. The Subdistrict Organizer shall call meetings of the Subdistrict 
Executive Committee at least every two weeks. He shall make a complete report 
to the Subdistrict Elxecutive Committee, and transmit and carry out the decisions 
and the instructions of the Central Executive Committee, the District Organizer, 
and the District Executive Committee. 

Section 7. The Subdistrict Executive Committee shall consist of the Subdistrict 
Organizer, the Section Organizers and the Organizers of the Isolated Branches 
having direct connections with the Subdistrict. 

Section 8. The Section Executive Committee shall consist of Branch Organizers 
and shall elect Section Organizers. 

Section 9. Branch Organizers shall be elected by the group captains. They 
shall work under the direction of the Section Organizers and shall meet at least 
once a week. 

Section 10. The Branch Executive Committee shall consist of the Branch 
Organizer and the group captains of the Branch. The Branch Executive Com- 
mittee shall meet at least once a week. 

Section 11. District Organizers, Subdistrict Organizers, Section and Branch 
Organizers shall have been members of the Party not less than one year. Group 
captains six months. 

Section 12. Executive Committees of the various Party units have authority to 
act within their jurisdiction, subject to the decisions of the higher Party units. 

Section 13. Each group shall meet at least once every week under the direc- 
tion of the group captain, who sliall make a complete report to his group on 
all Party work, on the activities of the Branch and of all other Party units. 

Article VII. Language Federations 

Section 1. Language groups shall consist of members speaking the same 
language. Language groups in the same locality shall be formed into Lan- 
guage Branches ; all Branches of the same language shall be united into Lan- 
guage Federations, provided they have at least 250 members. 

Section 2. All language gi'oups and branches shall be integral parts of the 
Party structure in their localities, and shall perform and carry out all Party 
functions and obligations. 

Section 3. (a) Shortly after Party Conventions, National Language Con- 
ferences shall be held. The expenses of these conferences shall be paid out 
of the regular Party treasury. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES C5 

(b) These National Conferences shall formulate plans for education and prop- 
aganda in their respective languages, both legal and illegal, and shall elect 
National Language Bureaus consisting of not less than five and not more than 
seven members each, subject to the approval of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee. All actions of these conferences shall be in strict conformity with the 
decisions of the Party Convention and the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 4. National Language Bureaus shall elect editors for their legal 
and illegal publications, and shall supervise all legal and illegal activities of 
their respective Federations, subject to the approval of the Central Executive 
Committee. 

Section 5. The minutes of the National Language Bureaus shall be regu- 
larly submitted to the Central Executive Committee and all their actions shall 
be subject to the direction, control and approval of the Central Executive 
Committee. 

Section 6. (a) For illegal work, the National Language Bureaus shall con- 
nect with their respective Branches through their Language Federation Chan- 
nels, or, if necessary, through regular Party channels of communications. 

(b) They shall have the right to appoint Organizers, Including District and 
Subdistrict Language Organizers, subject to approval of the Central Executive 
Committee. 

(c) All Language Organizers shall work under the supervision of the Party 
District Organizers in the various districts. 

Section 7. National Language Bureaus shall translate and transmit all state- 
ments, circulars, and communications addressed to the membership by the Cen- 
tral Executive Committee within one week after their receipt. They shall issue 
at least once a month an underground official organ in their respective languages, 
subject to the approval of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 8. (a) Language Groups and Branches shall pay all their dues and 
assessments through the regular Party channels to the Central Executive 
Committee. 

(b) By the 10th of each month the Central Executive Committee shall remit 
20 cents of the dues received from each member of the Language Branches to 
the respective National Language Bureaus. 

(c) Additional expenses of Language Bureaus, authorized by the Central 
Executive Committee, shall be paid from the regular Party treasury. 

(d) The National Language Bureau shall account to the Central Executive 
Committee regularly for all funds entrusted to them and shall make regular 
financial reports to the Central Executive Committee regarding all the legal 
institutions in their respective languages, subject to the audit of the Central 
Executive Committee. 

Section 9. (a) Special assessment for language work may be recommended 
by the Language Bureaus and may be levied by the Central Executive Committee 
upon the entire Party membership. 

(b) Special assessments may also be levied by the National Language Bureaus 
on the membership of their Federations, with the approval of the Central Execu- 
tive Committee. 

Section 10. (a) Language Bureaus and Federations shall have no power 
to suspend, expel or reorganize affiliations. All disciplinary powers are vested 
exclusively in the regular Party organization machinery. 

(b) Language Bureaus and Federations may recommend such suspension, ex- 
pulsion or reorganization to the party units having jurisdiction. 

Section 11. District Language Conferences shall be called by the District 
Executive Committee to discuss educational and propaganda needs of their 
languages in the district and to elect five memliers to the District Language 
Bureaus. These, together with the Federation District Organizer and the Fed- 
eration Subdistrict Organizer, sliall constitute the District Language Bureau. 
The District Language Bureau shall carry on the work in their respective lan- 
guages under the direction of the District Executive Committee. 

Article VHI. Discipline 

Section 1. All members and Party units shall maintain and enforce strict 
Party discipline. All decisions of the governing bodies of the Party shall be 
binding upon the membership and subordinate units. 

Section 2. The following offenses are breaches of Party discipline: 

(1) Violation of the fundamental principles of the program and the Consti- 
tution of the Party. — 

(2) Refusal to accept and carry out the decisions of the Party. 



C6 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

(3) Wilfully to block and disrupt Party work and the cooperation of the 
Tarious Party units. 

(4) Knowingly and unnecessarily to endanger the underground work of the 
Party. 

(5) In any way to betray the Party trust. 

Section 3. Formal charges must be presented against any member or unit 
accused of breach of discipline, and these must be investigated by the next higher 
unit before discipline is enforced. 

Section 4. Members deliberately accusing any member or unit of the Party, 
after accusation has been found groundless by the investigating committee, are 
subject to discipline. 

Section 5. Members may be suspended or expelled by the Branch Executive 
Committee subject to approval of the Section Executive Committee. 

Section 6. Groups may be suspended, expelled, or reorganized by the Section 
Executive Committee subject to the approval of the Subdistrict Executive Com- 
mittee. 

Section 7. Branches may be suspended, expelled, or reorganized by the Sub- 
district Executive Committee subject to the approval of the District Executive 
Committee. 

Section 8. A Section or Subdistrict may be suspended, expelled, or reorgan- 
ized by the District Executive Committee subject to the approval of the Central 
Executive Committee. 

Section 9. Districts may be suspended, expelled, or reorganized by the Central 
Executive Committee subject to the approval of the Convention. 

Section 10. Members or groups suspended or expelled may appeal to the Dis- 
trict Executive Committee befoi'e final action is taken. 

Section 11. Any higher unit in the Party may present charges against any 
subordinate unit or member within Its jurisdiction. 

Section 12. Every member of the Communist Party elected or appointed to an 
official position in a labor union or any other organization shall be under strict 
Party control and the immediate instructions of the Party nucleus of his labor 
union or other organization. 

Section 13. No delegates to the National Convention shall be bound by deci- 
sions of the units by which tliey are elected. Delegates are obliged to present 
instructions as recommendations to the Convention. 

Section 14. The Central Executive Committee shall maintain discipline over 
Its members. It may suspend or expel one of its members by a vote of eight to 
one, accused member not voting. 

Section 15. Any suspended or expelled member of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee shall have the right to appeal in writing to the next National Party Con- 
vention. 

Article IX. Finance 

Section 1. Applicants for membership shall pay an initiation fee of One Dol- 
lar, which shall be forwarded to the National Organization. 

Section 2. Monthly dues shall be sixty cents and shall be receipted for by dues 
stamps issued by the Central Executive Committee and paid into the National 
Party treasury through the regular Party channels. 

Section 3. Special assessments may be levied by the Convention and the Cen- 
tral Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good standing 
unless he pays such assessments. 

Section 4. Members unable to pay dues and assessments on account of sick- 
ness, unemployment, imprisonment, strikes or for similar reasons, shall be 
granted exemption upon application to the Branch Executive Committee. Group 
Organizers shall include such requests in their reports, and Branch Organizers 
shall report all exemptions granted every time they make their remittances for 
dues. 

Section 5. Dues shall be paid monthly. No advance payments shall be made, 
and members who have not paid dues by the first of the month for the previous 
month shall be considered in bad standing. A member who is two months in 
arrears shall be dropped from the membership, unless within one month after 
notification by the Group Organizer he places himself in good standing. 

Article X. Party Press 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee shall publish the official under- 
ground organ of the Party, which shall be issued at least once a month. 

Section 2. The Central Executive Committee shall issue a biweekly Party 
bulletin which shall be distributed to the membership free of charge. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 67 

Section 3. Literature issued by tlie Tarty sliall be under tbe supervision of the 
editorial committee and under the control of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 4. No subdivision of the Party may publish papers or boolis without 
the permission of the Central Executive Committee. Over their own signature, 
Sections may issue leaflets, dealing with matters in their l(X>ality, subject to 
the approval of the Central Executive Committee or such District Conuuittees 
as may be so empowered by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. All legal and illegal Party press and publishing machinery, includ- 
ing Federation press and estal)lishments, shall be unconditionally and fully sub- 
ject to the Party through its Central Executive Committee or such other Party 
units as may be expressly authorized by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 6. No member of the Party shall contribute articles or editorials of a 
political or economic nature to the bourgeois press except by permission of the 
Central Executive Committee. 

Article XI, Party Nuclei 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee shall provide for the organization 
of Communist Party nuclei, composed of Communist Party members only, in the 
shops, in the unions, and in other workers' organizations ; within the army and 
navy, and ex-soldiers' organizations. 

provisions for the organization of communist party nuclei in the shops and 

unions 

Article I 

Section 1. In order to carry out the Communist task in the labor unions and 
shops, the Section Executive Committees of the Party, or the Subdistrict Execu- 
tive Committees (where there are two or more Sections in a city) shall organize 
Party Nuclei in the shops and unions. 

Section 2. Every Party member shall belong to a labor union, if eligible. 

Section 3. All Party members belonging to a labor union shall be affiliated 
with the Party Nuclei in their respective unions. Members who do not belong 
to any union shall, wherever possible, form and belong to Party Nuclei in their 
shops, trade, or industry. 

Section 4. Each Nucleus shall consist of about 10 members. The Nuclei shall 
elect their captains, and these captains shall form the Nuclei Committee of their 
respective union locals, trades, or shops. 

Section 5. Where two or more locals of the same union exist in a city, Party 
Nuclei in these locals of the union shall be connected with each other through 
organizers elected by the Nuclei for each local of the union. 

Section 6. The Nuclei Organizers for the various unions shall be appointed 
by the Section or Subdistrict Executive Committees. These Organizers shall 
constitute the Industrial Department of the respective Party subdivisions. 

Section 7. In order to coordinate and centralize the work of the Nuclei on a 
national scale, the CEC of the Party shall organize a National Industrial De- 
partment, and through it appoint District Nuclei Organizers, who shall be mem- 
bers ex officio (with voice but not vote) of the District Executive Committee. 

Section 8. The District Nuclei Organizer shall appoint, subject to the ap- 
proval of the District Executive Committee, the Section or Subdistrict Nuclei 
Organizers, who shall be in charge of the Section or Subdistrict Industrial De- 
partment. 

Section 9. All Party Nuclei shall be subject to the discipline and decisions 
of the Party, and shall, in their various localities, be under the control of the 
Section or Subdistrict Executive Committees. 

Article II 

Section 1. All local Industrial Departments shall submit for the approval 
of the Section or Subdistrict E. C. any general plan of action which they intend 
to carry out in the unions or industry. 

Section 2. Section or Subdistrict Industrial Departments may be authorized 
by the District Executive Committee to issue leaflets in connection with the 
various problems arising from the daily struggle of the workers in the shops 
and unions. Such leaflets shall not attempt the exposition of general communist 
principles and tactics, and shall not be signed in the name of the Communist 
Party. Copies of all leaflets issued by the Industrial Departments shall be sent 
through regular Party channels to the Central Executive Committee of the Party. 



68 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 3. Communist Nuclei shall not participate in a split within a local 
labor union without the approval of the District Executive Committee. In case 
of a split in their national unions, C. P. Nuclei shall not participate without the 
approval of the Central Executive Committee of the Party. 

Section 4. Party members may accept paid positions in the unions, provided 
that they can further Communist propaganda. 



THE WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA—1921 

During the latter part of 1919, the Department of Justice sub- 
mitted to the Department of Labor a Large amount of evidence on the 
Communist Party of America. This resulted in the issuance of a 
large number of warrants for deportation hearings. The deportation 
cases were based upon the theory that the Communist Party of Amer- 
ica advocated the overthrow by force and violence of the Government 
of the United States, and, therefore, its officials and members who 
were aliens were subject to deportation as being members of an organi- 
zation proscribed by the immigration laws. 

As a result of the wholesale arrests and deportations, the Com- 
munist Party was forced underground. It began to stagnate. 

The Third Congress of the Communist International (June, July 
1921) issued instructions to the Communist Party of America to form 
an open political party that could operate legally. These instruc- 
tions were passed on to the comrades by the following article that 
appeared in the August 1921 issue of The Communist : 

The Communist International draws the attention of the Communist Party 
of America to the fact that the illegalized organization must not only form the 
groand for the collection and crystallization of active Communist forces, but it is 
their duty to try all ways and means to get out of their illegalized condition and 
into the open among the wide masses; that it is their duty to find the means 
and form to unite these masses politically thi'ough public activity into the 
struggle against American capitalism. 

A movement began to create a legal Communist Party and a group 
consisting of Lovestone, Ruthenberg, Cannon, and others labored for 
the formation of some kind of legal party in order to approach the 
American workers. To carry out the mandates of the Communist 
International to form a so-called legal political party in the United 
States, the Communist Party of America organized what was known 
as the American Labor Alliance. The entire party membership was 
called upon to organize branches of the American Labor Alliance, a 
purely propaganda organization, as a first step in creating an open 
le^al political party. 

In December 1921, the Workers Party of America was formed as an 
open and legal organization while the Communist Party of America 
remained underground. This did not end the factional fights over 
whether the Communist movement should remain underground. Fin- 
ally the matter 77as submitted to Moscow for decision and with the 
support of Lenin and Trotsky it was decided that the Communist 
movement in the United States should be placed in the hands of a 
legalized party. 

The Communist International transmitted a program for the guid- 
ance of the comrades in the United States. This program was entitled 
^'Concerning the Next Task of the Communist Party of America (a 
Thesis by the Executive Committee of the Communist International)." 

69 



70 ORGANIZED COIVIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Party Organization 

Under the heading of "Party Organization" the instructions, in 
part, were : 

1. The Communist Party of America is yet far from having satisfactory con- 
nections with the masses. The means of contact must be constructed with the 
greatest possible speed. 

2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation. Secret 
operations, even with the widest possible ramifications cannot be satisfactory mass 
operations. The means of public contact with the masses must be principally : 

a. A legal press, including at least one daily English newspaper. 

b. Organized groupings of sympathizers within the trade unions. 

3. * * * The Government of the United States will not permit a "Com- 
munist Party" to exist, but it is compelled to permit "Parties" to exist in an 
otherwise almost unrestricted variety for the purpose of its own preservation 
* *  the state attempts, wherever it can, to exclude a truly revolutionary 
party from the public field. It attempts, first, to exterminate the revolutionary 
party if possible ; or, second, to terrorize and corrupt the revolutionary party into 
subservience to capitalist law which makes revolution impossible; or, third, at 
least to confine the Revolutionary Party's operations to the narrow sphere that 
can be reached secretly. A Communist Party must defeat all these attempts. It 
must not be exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law, 
and must urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal 
machinery. It is equally the duty of a Communist Party to defeat by any means 
that may be necessary the Capitalist Government's attempt to confine the revo- 
lutionary party to the underground channels in which it Is even more concealed 
from the masses than it is from the Government. The program of the legal 
party will have to be somewhat restricted. Special measures and slogans which, 
while not stating the illegal Communist purpose, will objectively have the revo- 
lutionai-y effect upon the masses, must be adopted. The legal party must, at all 
times, go as far toward the Communist program as is possible while continuing 
a legal existence. 

Gitlow, -who at that time was one of the top functionaries of the 
Communist Party, gives, in his book, "I Confess," written after he had 
left the party, more detailed information on these instructions from 
the Communist International. He says that whatever the decision of 
the supreme clique of the Communist International, it was couched in 
such equivocal terms that, far from terminating the factional contro- 
versy, it merely added fuel to the fire. Further, Gitlow says that the 
Communist International sent three representatives to the United 
States to enforce its decision. The first was a Pole named Walecki, 
the second a Hungarian named Joseph Pogany who came to the United 
States under the name of John Pepper, and who, as John Pepper, 
played a major role in the American Communist movement. The 
third representative of the Communist International was Boris Rein- 
stein, a druggist from Buffalo, who had been active in the Socialist 
Labor Party for many years, but who returned to his native Russia 
shortly after the overthrow of the Czar. 

Before proceeding further, it is necessary to retrace some steps show- 
ing how and why the Workers Party of America was created. It is 
to be remembered that the Communist Party of America was an illegal 
underground organization and that the Communist International de- 
cided that in order to reach the masses there should be an open legal 
party in the United States. Nothing was said about abolishing the 
illegal organization. 

Convention Call 

The December 3, 1921, issue of the Toiler contained the following 
call to action : " 



" Copy in committee files. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 71 

A CALL TO ACTION 
CONVENTION CALL TO ORGANIZE THE WORKERS' PARTY OF AMERICA 

A fierce class war is racing tlironghout the world. All capitalist governments 
are openly fighting the battles of the exploiters. 

The struggle of the workers, even for the most elementary needs, is today met 
with merciless suppression, and develops into a fight for political power. 

Inspired by the proletarian revolution in Russia, and impelled by the cowardly 
and traitorous conduct of their leaders, the workers of the world have organized 
the Communist International as an answer to the unholy alliance of their 
capitalist oppressors. Despite the bitter opposition of the capitalists and their 
labor lieutenants, the Communist International is growing rapidly. It has 
become a world power. 

The American capitalists are using the present economic crises to increase 
their power of exploitation and oppression. The whole working class is being 
crushed under the iron heel of a brutal capitalist dictatorship. 

At this critical moment we must have an organization that will not only val- 
iantly defend the workers, but will also wage an aggressive struggle for the 
abolition of capitalism. Only a revolutionary workers' political party can fulfill 
this task. 

Such a party will and must grow out of all political groups which stand on the 
platform of tlie militant class struggle. It is not necessary to create this desire 
for unity. It is already a living reality, grown out of the very struggle of the 
masses during the years since the ending of the world war and the inauguration 
of Soviet Rule in Russia. 

With a full realization of these facts, the undersigned join In issuing this call 
for tJie organization of the Workers' Party of America, pledged to the following 
principles : 

1. The Worlcers' Repuhlic: To lead the working masses in the struggle for the 
abolition of capitalism, through the establishment of a government by the work- 
ing class and for the working class — A Wopkers' Republic in America. 

2. PoUtical Action: To participate in all political activities, including electoral 
campaigns, in order to utilize them for the purpose of carrying our messages to 
the masses. The elected representatives of the Workers' Party will unmask the 
fraudulent capitalist democracy and help mobilize the workers for the final 
struggle against their common enemy. 

3. The Labor Unions: To develop the labor organizations into organs of mili- 
tant struggle against capitalism, expose the reactionary labor bureaucrats, and 
educate the workers to militant unionism. 

4. A Fif/hthiff Party: It shall be a party of militant, class-conscious workers, 
bound by discipline and organized on the basis of democratic centralization, with 
full power in the hands of the Central Executive Committee between conventions. 
The Central Executive Committee of the party shall also coordinate and direct 
the work of the party members in trade unions. 

5. Party Press: The party's press shall be owned by the party, and all of its 
activities shall be under the control of the Central Executive Committee. 

All working-class bodies that accept the above program are invited to join in 
the first national convention of the Workers' Party, to be held in New York City, 
December 23-26, 1021. 

Working men and women! Help build the political party that will load the 
oppressed masses to achieve their own complete emancipation ! Let us raise the 

banner of the militant workers of the world with the immortal rallying cry of 

"Workers of the World, Unite! You PTave Nothing To Lose but Your 
Chains ! You Have a World To Gain !" 
(Signed by) 

American Labor Alliance 
Afflliated Organisations: 
Finnish Socialist Federation, 
Hungarian Workers' Federation, 
Italian Workers' Federation, 
Jewish Workers' Federation. 
The Workers Council of the U. S. A. 
The Jewish Socialist Federation 
Workers' Educational Assn. 
(Arbeiter Bildungs Verein). 



Convention and Constitution 

A convention was held in New York City December 24-26, 1921 ; the 
Workers Party of America was created and the following constitution 
adopted : " 

Constitution of the Workebs Party of America 

Article I — Name and Purpose 

Section 1 — The name of this organization shall be The Workers Party of 
America. Its purpose shall be to educate and organize the working class for 
the abolition of capitalism through the establishment of the Workers' Republic. 

Article II — Emblem 

Section 1 — The emblem of the party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle 
with a circular margin having at the top, "Workers Party of America," and under 
neath, "Workers of the World, Unite." 

Article III — MemtersJiip 

Section 1 — Every person who accepts the principles and tactics of the Workers 
Party of America and agrees to submit to its discipline and engage actively in its 
work shall be eligible to membership. 

Section 2 — Applicants for membership shall sign an application card reading 
as follows: 

"The undersigned declares his adherence to the principles and tactics of the 
Workers Party of America as expressed in its program and constitution, and 
agrees to submit to the discipline of the party and to engage actively in its work." 

Section 3 — Every member shall join a duly constituted branch of the party if 
such exists in the territory where he lives. Applicants living in territories where 
the Workers Party of America has no organized branch may become members 
at large. 

Section 4 — All applicants for membership must be endorsed and recommended 
by two persons who have been members for not less than three months. An 
applicant must be present in person when his application is acted upon. 

Section 5 — Applications for membership shall not be acted upon finally until 
one month after presentation. In the meantime, the applicant shall pay initi- 
ation fees and dues and shall attend all meetings. This rule shall not apply 
to charter members of new branches nor to those who make application to the 
newly organized branches during the first month. 

Article IV — Units of Organization 

Section 1 — The basic units of organization of the Workers Party of America 
shall be: 

(a) The Branch, to consist of not less than five members. 

(b) Members-at-large, who shall be connected with the nearest district 
organization. 

(c) Such special forms of local organization as may be authorized by the 
Central Executive Committee. 

Section 2 — Two or more branches in the same city shall form a City Central 
Committee. The City Central Committee may also include branches in adjacent 
territory. 



*« Keport of Special Committee on Un-American Activities, appendix I, p. 239. 
72 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 73 

Section 3 — The Central Executive Committee is empowered to designate the 
boundaries of the district organizations (which may include more than one state 
or parts of states), such boundaries to be fixed with regard to economic rather 
than state divisions. For the purpose of carrying on parliamentary activity, 
the City Central Committees and branches in any state shall constitute the state 
organization. The entire supervision of this activity shall be assigned by the 
Central Executive Committee to the district organization best equipped for this 
purpose. 

Article V — Administration 

Section 1 — The supreme body of the Workers Party of America shall be the 
Convention of the Party. 

Section 2 — Between conventions the Central Executive Committee elected by 
the convention shall be the supreme body of the Party and shall direct all ac- 
tivities of the Party. 

Section 3 — The administrative power of the district shall be vested in the 
Annual District Convention. 

Section 4 — Between District Conventions the administrative powers of the 
district shall be vested in the District Committee elected by the District Con- 
vention. District organizers appointed by the Central Executive Committee shall 
be members of the District Committee and carry on their work under its 
supervision. 

Section 5 — The City Central Committee shall consist of delegates elected by 
the branches. Every branch shall have at least one delegate. The City Central 
Committee shall meet at least twice a month. The City Central Committee shall 
elect a secretary, executive committee, and such other ofiicers as may be found 
necessary. The District Executive Committee reserves the right of approval 
of secretary. 

Article VI — Conventions 

Section 1 — ^The Convention is the supreme body of the Party, and shall be 
called by the Central Executive Committee at least once a year. 

Section 2 — Emergency conventions, with all the powers of regular conven- 
tions, may be called by the Central Executive Committee or upon demand of 
District Organizations representing 40 percent of the membership. 

Section 3 — The number of delegates to the National Convention shall be de- 
termined by the Central Executive Committee. Delegates shall be apportioned 
to the districts according to membership based upon average dues paid for the 
period of four months prior to call for the convention. The districts shall appor- 
tion the number to be elected by city conventions on the same basis. 

Section 4 — Delegates to the national convention shall be elected by district 
conventions. Branches in organized cities shall elect delegates to a city conven- 
tion which in turn shall elect the delegates to the district conventions. The 
number of delegates to which each branch is entitled shall be decided by the 
City Central Committee according to membership as above. When there is no 
city central organization the branch shall elect delegates directly to the district 
convention. 

Section 5 — City and district secretaries and organizers shall attend the con- 
ventions of their respective units and shall have a voice but no vote unless 
elected as delegates themselves. 

Section 6 — City and district conventions may elect as their delegates mem- 
bers of the Party from units outside their territorial divisions. 

Section 7 — At the same time that the call for the convention is issued the 
Central Executive Committee shall submit to every branch for discussion the 
Agenda and other propositions that are to come before the convention. At least 
sixty days before the Convention the Party Press shall be opened for discussion 
of important Party matters. District Committees may submit propositions to 
be included in the Agenda. 

Section 8 — Delegates to the National Convention shall be paid railroad ex- 
penses and a certain amount per diem to be determined by the Central Executive 
Committee. 

Article VII — Central Executive Committee 

Section 1 — Between Conventions the Central Executive Committee shall be 
the supreme body of the Party and shall direct all its activities. 

Section 2 — The Central Executive Committee shall consist of seventeen mem- 
bers elected by the Convention, The Convention shall also elect seven alternates, 

47710°— 54 6 



74 ORGANIZED COIVIMTJNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

to fill vacancies in order of vote. When the list of alternates are exhausted the 
Central Executive Committee shall have the right of cooptation. 

Section 3 — The Central Executive Committee shall elect the Executive Secre- 
tary and Chairman of the Party, and all other officers. 

Section 4 — Tlie Central Executive Committee shall appoint District Organ- 
izers and all national officials. It shall create subcommittees for the proper 
direction of its activities. 

Section 5 — The Central Executive Committee shall make a monthly report of 
the Party activities and of Party finances, itemized by dis-tricts. 

Section 6 — The Central Executive Committee shall divide the country into 
districts in accordance with Article IV, Section 3, provided that the boundary 
lines of the district shall not be changed within a period of four mouths prior 
to the national convention. 

Section 7 — A complete audit and accounting of all Party funds shall be made 
every six months. 

Section 8 — All press and propaganda activitites shall be under the full control 
of the Central Executive Counnittee. 

Article VIII — District and Subordinate Units 

Section 1 — The Central Executive Committee shall appoint District Organ- 
izers for each district. 

Section 2 — Every district organizer shall make complete reports to the District 
Executive Committee as to the general Party work in his district. He shall 
submit and carry out the instructions and decisions of the Central Executive 
Committee. He shall make remittance and financial statements regularly to the 
Central Executive Committee and shall also submit financial statements to the 
membership in his district at least once a month. 

Section 3 — District conventions shall be held within thirty days of the national 
convention. The district convention shall elect six members to the District 
Executive Committee. 

Section 4 — These six members, together with the District Organizer, who shall 
be a member of the District Executive Committee with voice and vote, shall 
supervise the activities of the district and shall regularly submit the minutes of 
their meetings to the Central Executive Committee. All actions of the District 
Committee are subject to review by the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5 — The District Executive Committee shall determine the boundaries 
of the city locals. 

Section 6 — The City Central Committee shall consist of delegates i-epresenting 
branches in accordance with their relative memberships. Each branch shall be 
represented by at least one delegate. The City Central Committee shall have 
supervision of all activities in the local and shall make regular reports of its 
work to the District Executive Committee. 

Section 7 — The City Central Counnittee shall elect a city executive committee, 
consisting of from 5 to 7 members, which shall act for the city central com- 
mittee between meetings. 

Section 8 — The Branch shall consist of members, as provided in Article III, 
Section 1. It shall elect an executive committee, branch organizer, delegates to 
the City Central Committee, and such officers as may be considered necessary. 

Article IX — Language Sections 

Section 1— Members speaking a common language other than English may 
organize into a "Language Branch." 

Section 2 — Language branches of the same language, with an aggregate mem- 
bership of at least 400, shall be formed into a Language Section. There ivhall be 
only one section in each language, and all language branches must affiliate with 
their respective language sections. 

Section 8 — All language branches shall be integral parts of the party struc- 
ture i-i their localities, and shall perform and carry out all Party functions and < 
obligations. 

Section 4 — Shortly after Party Conventions, national language conferences 
shall be held. Those conferences shall formulate plans for education and prop- 
aganda in their respective languages, subject to the approval of the Central 
Executive Committee. All actions of these conferences shall be in strict con- 
formity with the decisions of the Party Convention and the Central Executive 
Committee. Expenses of these conferences shall be borne by the language 
sections. 



ORGANIZED COJVIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 75 

Section 5 — The lancaiage sectton conference shall elect a bureau to administer 
Its affairs and a suitable number of alternates. The bureau shaU elect the editors 
and officers and shall supervise all activities of their respective language sections, 
subject to the approval of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 6 — The Central Executive Committee shall have the right to disapprove 
the members elected by the conference to the language bureaus and fill such 
vacancies from among the alternates. 

Section 7 — The Central Executive Committee may appoint a fraternal member 
to every language section executive committee with voic< but no vote. 

Section 8 — The bureau shall have the right to appoint district language section 
organizers subject to the approval of the Central Executive Committee. All 
organizers shall work under the supervision of the Party District Organizers in 
the various districts. 

Section 9 (a) — National Language Bureaus shall translate and transmit all 
statements, circulars and communications addressed to the membership by the 
Central Executive Committee within one weeli after their receipt. 

Section 9 (b) — Language branches shall purchase their due stamps directly 
from their national bureau, which shall purchase due stamps from the Central 
Executive Committee at 30 cents each, and seU same to its branches at a price 
determined by the Language Section conference. The branches to sell due stamps 
to members at 50 cents. The national office shall remit to the district organiza- 
tion ten cents, and to the city local five cents for each stamp sold to language 
sections. 

Section 9 (c) — The National Language Bureau shall account to the Central 
Executive Committee regularly for all funds entrusted to it and shall make 
regular financial reports to the Central Executive Committee regarding ail the 
institutions under its control. Its accounts shall be subject to the audit of the 
Central Executive Committee. Special assessments may also be levied by the 
National Language Bureaus on the membership with the approval of the Central 
Executive Committee. 

Section 10 (a) — Language Bureaus and Language Sections shall have no 
power to suspend, expel or reorganize affiliations. All disciplinary powers are 
vested exclusively in the regular Party organization machinery. 

Section 10 (b) — Language Bureaus and Sections may recommend such sus- 
pension, expulsion or reorganization to the party units having jurisdiction. 

Article X — Discipline 

Section 1 — All decisions of the governing bodies of the Party shall be binding 
upon the membership and subordinate units of the organization. 

Section 2 — Any member or organization violating the decisions of the Party 
shall be subject to suspension or expulsion by the organization which has juris- 
diction. Cliarges against members shall be made before branches, subject to ap- 
peal by either side to the City Central Committee or to the District Executive 
Committee, where there is no city organization. Charges against a branch shall 
be made before the City Central Committee or before the District Executive 
Committee where there is no city organization. Decisions of the City Central 
Committee In the case of branches shall be subject to revision by the district 
organization. Charges against state or district organization shall be made be- 
fore the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 3 — Each unit of the Party shall restrict its activities to the territory 
It represents. 

Section 4 — A member who desires to transfer his membership to another 
branch shaU have a transfer card from the financial secretary or organizer of 
his branch. No branch shall receive a member from another branch without 
such transfer card and upon presentation of the card the secretary of the branch 
receiving same shall make inquiries about the standing of the member to the 
secretary issuing the card. 

Section 5 — All party units shall use uniform application cards, dues books 
and accounting records, which shall be printed by the National Organization. 

Section 6 — Any suspended or removed member of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee shall have the right to appeal in writing or in person to the next National 
Party Convention. 

Article XI — Dues 

Section 1 — Each applicant for membership shall pay initiation fees of fifty 
cents, which shall be receipted for by an initiation stamp furnished by the Cen- 



76 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

tral Executive Committee. Ttie entire sum shall go to the National Organiza- 
tion. 

Section 2 — Each member shall pay fifty cents per month in due stamps, which 
shall be sold to the state or district organizations at 25 cents. State or Dis- 
trict Organizations shall sell stamps to the City Central Committee and to 
the branches where there is no city central committee at 35 cents. The City 
Central Committee shall sell stamps to branches at 40 cents. 

Section 3 — Special assessments may be levied by the National Convention or 
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good stand- 
ing unless he purchases such special assessment stamps. 

Section 4 — Husband and wife belonging to the same branch may purchase dual 
stamps, which shall be sold at the same price as the regular stamps. Special 
assessments must be paid by both husband and wife. 

Section 5 — Members unable to pay dues on account of unemployment, stril^es, 
sickness or for similar reasons shall upon application to their financial secre- 
tary be furnished with exempt stamps. Provided that no state or district 
organization shall be allowed exempt stamps in a proportion greater than ten 
percent of its monthly purchases of regular stamps. 

Section 6 — Members who are three months in arrears in payment of their dues 
shall cease to be members of the Party in good standing. Members who are 
six months in arrears shall be stricken from the rolls. No member shall pay 
dues in advance for a period of more than three months. 

Article XII — Headquarters 

Section 1— The National Headquarters of the Party shall be located in the 
city designated by the Convention. 

Article XIII — Qualifications 

Section 1 — Members of the Central Executive Committee, Executive Secre- 
tary, Editor, and all candidates for political office, must have been (a) members 
of tlie party for two years at the time of their nomination, or (b) members of 
a charter organization, or members of any oi'ganization affiliating as a body 
within sixty days after the first convention. 

Section 2 — One year's membership in the Party sliall be necessary to qualify 
for membership on the District Executive Committee; six months for city cen- 
tral delegates and officers, three months (in the branch) for branch officers. 
This section shall not apply to branch officers or city central delegates of new 
branches. 



AN OPEN PARTY AND AN UNDERGROUND PARTY 

{Workers Party of America — Communist Party of America) 

Shortly after the convention of the Workers Party of America, or 
on January 12, 1922, the Communist Party of America sent secret 
instructions which were binding on all their members, instructing 
them as to the part they were to play in the Workers Party so as to 
insure absolute control. These instructions established the fact that 
the Workers Party was controlled by the Communist International 
through its American Section, the Communist Party of America. 

That the American Comrades were directed to affiliate with the 
open, legal organization, the Workers Party of America, is made clear 
by an official bulletin of the Communist Party of America released 
March 9, 1922. The following is quoted from that bulletin ; 

Number 2 (Workers Party of America) must be firmly controlled and directed 
by Number 1 (Communist Party of America). All policies as to principles and 
tactics of Number 2, as well as activities of the everyday struggle, must be dis- 
cussed and decided upon by Number 1 before carried into action. This is as 
important for the lower units as it is for the higher committees. In order to 
establish a practical combination, the following rules are to be observed and 
carried out witliout delay : All members of Number 1 must join Number 2 and 
activities of the latter are to be broadened as extensively as possible. Every 
member of Number 1 must submit to iron discipline in both Number 1 and 
Number 2. 

Domination by Communist International 

The dissension among the American Communists mentioned by Git- 
low is apparent from a bulletin entitled "The issue between the minor- 
ity and the party" issued by the central executive committee of the 
Communist Party of America in May 1922, wherein it was said that 
the minority faction of the Communist Party of America voted not 
to obey the instructions of the executive committee of the Communist 
International and that the executive committee of the Communist 
International made a final decision to the eifect that every member 
must obey within a set time limit or stand expelled from the Com- 
munist Party of America and the Third International. 

Convention of Underground Party 

As related by Gitlow, the Communist International sent three rep- 
resentatives to enforce their mandate^ These representatives arrived 
shortly before the National Convention of the Communist Party of 
America. Being an illegal underground party, the convention, of 
necessity, would also be illegal. Arrangements were made to hold the 
convention in the woods near Bridgeman, Mich., and the time set as 
the latter part of August. In addition to the three Comintern repre- 
sentatives, others who attended this convention were Benjamin Gitlow, 

77 



78 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Louis E. Katterfield, Harry Winetsky, Charles E, Eutlienberg, Jay 
Lovestone, Bertram D. Wolfe, Edward Lindgren, Anthony Bimba, 
William F. Dunne, Rose Pastor Stokes, John J. Ballam, Shachno 
Epstein, and others. William Z. Foster, not openly a member of the 
Communist Party at that time, addressed the convention on the Trade 
Union Educational League. The convention came to a sudden end 
when State and Federal authorities raided the convention and arrested 
the Communist leaders. 



WORKERS PARTY OF AMERICA— 1923 

{Merger of Communist Party of America and ^Yorkers Party of 

Amenca) 

Faced with the prosecution and possible imprisonment of the top 
officials of its American section, the Fourth Congress of the Com- 
munist International, on December 3, 1922, decided that the Commu- 
nists in America should function as an open, legal party. When the 
legal Workers' Party met in convention in New York later that month, 
all elements were united and agreed to follow out the Comintern's 
decision. Three months later, on April 7, 1923, the Communist Party 
of America voted to dissolve and merge with the Workers' Party of 
America, and authorized the Workers' Party, when desirable, to adopt 
the name of the Communist Party of America. 

However, the merger of the two Communist Parties and the elimi- 
nation of the underground organization did not put an end to the 
everlasting disagreements among the top leadership — the constant 
bickering, open fighting, and behind-the-scenes maneuvering for con- 
trol within the party. Although they accepted, without reservation, 
the right of the Russian Communists to boss them, the leading Ameri- 
can Communists continued to fight among themselves as to who was 
to be their American boss. 

Trade Uniokt Educational League 

In 1920, William Z. Foster, who had led the disastrous strike in 
the steel industry in 1919, organized the Trade Union Educational 
League. Without funds and with but little following in the trade 
unions, his organization was destined to be a failure. However, 
Foster, with Earl Browder and Ella Reeve Bloor, made a trip to 
Moscow in 1921. (Foster had been employed by Sidney Hillman 
as organizer of his unsuccessful Amalgamated Textile Worliers Union. 
Hillman sent Foster to represent this union at the Congress of the 
Red International Labor Union then being held in Moscow.) Foster, 
with Russian leaders, worked out a plan to capture the American 
Federation of Labor. Foster's Trade Union Educational League 
was accepted by the Russian Communists as the organization through 
which the Communists were to operate. Foster left Russia in the 
autumn of 1921, supplied with Soviet fimds and with the full support 
of Moscow. On his return to the United States he joined the Com- 
munist Party, became secretary-treasurer of the Trade Union Educa- 
tional League, and editor of its journal, the Labor Herald. He placed 
Earl Browder in the position of managing editor of the publication. 

Wlien Foster's effort to capture the American Federation of Labor 
failed he developed another ambition — to capture the Communist 
Party and become America's No. 1 Communist leader. By skillful 
manipulation, he finally obtained a majority of delegates to the na- 
tional convention, elected a new central executive committee, and had 
himself designated as chairman of the party. 



WORKERS (COMMUNIST) PARTY OF AMERICA— 1925 

The Daily Worker of August 18 and 19, 1925, carried a letter from 
the Communist International to the central executive committee of 
the Workers Party of America, directing that the Workers Party be 
reorganized. A convention was held in Chicago, August 21, 1925, and 
a resolution was passed on the Bolshevization of the party. One para- 
graph of the resolution reads : 

The Central Executive Committee accepts in its entirety the special letter to 
the Party from the organization department of the Communist International 
and declares its opinion that this letter, which was drawn up with the coopera- 
tion of the American delegation, lays down the correct line in regard to the 
reorganization of the Party structure." 

Constitution or Workers (Communist) Party 

The Daily Worker of September 19, 1925, contains the following 
proposed constitution of the Workers (Communist) Party: 

Article 1. Name of the Party 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be the Workebs (Communist) 
Party of Amebica, the American section of the Communist International. 

Article 2. Emblem 

Section 1. The emblem of the Party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle 
with a circular margin having at the top: "Workers (Communist) Pabtx of 
America" and underneath "Workers of the World Unite." 

Article 3. Membership 

Section 1, Every person who accepts the program and statutes of the Com- 
munist International and of the Workers (Communist) Party, who becomes 
a member of a basic suborganization of the Party, who is active in this organ- 
ization, who subordinates himself to all the decisions of the Comintern and 
of the Party, and regularly pays his membership dues may be a member of the 
Party. 

Section 2. Applicants for membership shall sign an application card reading 
as follows: 

"The undersigned declares his adherence to the program and statutes of the 
Communist International and of the Workers (Communist) Party and agrees 
to submit to the discipline of the Party and to engage actively in its work." 

At the time of being accepted as a member of the Party this pledge shaU be 
read to the applicant who shall indicate his endorsement of same. 

Section 3. New members must join a shop nucleus or a street nucleus (inter- 
national branch) of the Party and the application must be accepted by a vote of 
the membership of the unit to which application is made and the acceptance rat- 
ified by the leading committee of the territorial division of the Party in which 
membership is held. 

Section 4. Members who change their place of work, or in case they are mem- 
bers of an international branch, their place of residence, must secure a trans- 
fer card from the Party unit in which they have held membership and present 
this card to the unit to which they transfer. A duplicate of the transfer card 



*♦ Fish Committee Reports, pt, II, vol. 3, p. 176. 
80 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 81 

given the member shall be sent to the leading committee of the territorial section 
from which the member transfers and transmitted by this committee to the 
territorial section to which the member transfers. 

If the member transfers from one section of a city organization to another, 
the transfer card shall be transmitted thru the city executive committee ; if the 
member transfers from one city in a district to another the transfer card shall 
be transmitted thru the district executive committee; if the member transfers 
from one district to another the transfer card shall be sent thru the Central 
Executive Committee. 

Section. 5. Members of the Party who desire to leave the country and go to 
another country must obtain the permission of the Central Executive Committee 
of tlie Party. 

Section 6. Every member of the Party who is eligible to be a member of a 
trade-union must become a member of the union to which he is eligible. 

Article 3. The Structure of the Party 

Section 1. The Workers (Communist) Party, like all sections of the Comintern 
Is built on the principle of democratic centralization. These principles are : 

(a) Election of the subordinate as well as the upper party organs at general 
meetings of the Party members, conference and conventions of the Party. 

(b) Regular reporting of the Party committees to their constituents. 

(c) Acceptance and carrying out of the decisions of the higher Party com- 
mittees by the lower, strict Party discipline, and immediate and exact applica- 
tion of the decisions of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
and of the Executive Committee of the Party. 

(d) Any Party committee whose activities extend over a certain area is con- 
sidered superior to those Party organizations whose activity is limited only 
to certain parts of this area. 

(e) The discussion on Party questions can be carried on by the members only 
until the proper Party committee has decided them. After a decision has been 
adopted at the Congress of the Comintern, the Party convention, or by the lead- 
ing Party committee, it must be carried out unconditionally even if some of the 
members or some of the local organizations are not in agreement with the 
decision. 

Section 2. The highest authority of each unit of the Party is the general 
meeting of Party members, conference, or Party convention. 

Section 3. The membership meeting, conference, or Party convention elects 
the leading committee which acts as the leading Party organ in the interim be- 
tween the membership meeting, conferences or conventions and conducts the 
work of the Party organization. 

Section 4. The units of the Party organization shall be as follows : 

(a) The shop nucleus, of which the leading committee is the nucleus bureau. 

(b) The street nucleus (the international branch) of which the leading com- 
mittee is the street nucleus bureau. 

(c) In small cities having not more than two hundred members the shop 
nuclei and the street nuclei (international branches) shall send delegates to a 
city conference, or if the membership is not large a general membership meeting 
shall be held at which a city executive committee shall be elected. 

(d) Larger cities shall be divided into sections and subsections. The shop 
nuclei and the street nuclei (international branches) in each of these sections 
and subsections shall hold conference of delegates which shall elect the section 
and subsection executive committee. The sections of the city organization shall 
hold conferences of delegates which shall elect the city executive committee, 
except in the headquarters city of a district organization in which case the 
District Executive Committee acts as the City Executive Committee. 

(e) The city organization in each district shall send delegates to a conference 
which shall elect the district executive committee. 

(f) The delegates from the district organization shall send delegates to the 
national convention which elects the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. For the conduct of special work each leading committee organizes 
departments, such as the Agitprop Department, Organization Department, Trade 
Union Department, Women's Work Department, and such other departments, 
the need for which arises. These departments are subordinate to the leading 
committee and work in accordance with its instructions and carry out its 
decisions. 



82 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Article 4- The Shop Nucleus and the Sti-eet Nucleus 
(International Branch) 

Section 1. The basis of the Party organization is the shop nucleus (in fac- 
tories, mines, workshop, offices, stores, agricultural enterprises, etc.) which all 
Party members working in these places must join. The nucleus must consist of 
at least three members. Newly organized shop nuclei must be endorsed by the 
leading committee of the territorial section in which the shop nuclei are 
organized. 

Section 2. In factories where only one or two members are employed, these 
members are affiliated to the nearest working nucleus or form a factory nucleus 
jointly with the members working in neighboring factories. 

Section 3. Party members who cannot be immediately affiliated with a shop 
nucleus, shall join the street nucleus (international branch) in the section of 
the city in which they reside. 

Section 4. The nucleus is the organization which links up the Party with 
the workers and poor farmers. The tasks of the nucleus are to conduct Party 
work among the nonparty masses of workers and peasants by means of system- 
atic communist agitation and propaganda, to recruit new members to distribute 
and sell Party literature, to issue a factory newspaper, to conduct cultural work, 
to discuss Party problems, to carry on the work of enlightenment and education 
of the Party members in the fundamental principles of Communism. The mem- 
bers of the nucleus should strive for all official positions in the workers' organi- 
zations in the factory, participate in all economic conflicts and demands of the 
employees, interpret these from the standpoint of the revolutionary class struggle 
and seek to win the leadership of all the struggles of the workers by tireless 
nucleus work. 

Section 5. The street nucleus (international branch) conducts similar work 
among the workers living in that section of the city in which it is organized. 

Section 6. The shop nucleus and street nucleus (international branch) elects 
a bureau to conduct its work. This bureau should consist of from three to five 
members and conducts all nucleus work, assigns it to the individual members of 
the nucleus or international branch, as, for instance, propaganda, distribution of 
papers, fraction work in the trade unions, shop committee work, work among 
women, defense work, connection with the youth nucleus, etc. The nucleus 
bureau is responsible for this work and makes periodical reports to the next 
higher committee. 

Section 7. The shop nucleus or street nucleus (international branch) bureau 
elects an organizer-secretary, whose duly it is to maintain the connections 
between the shop nucleus or street nucleus (international branch) and the next 
higher committee, conduct the correspondence of the shop nucleus or street 
nucleus and to carry out the decisions of the bureau. 

Article 5. Subsection, Sections and City Organisations 

Section 1. In the small cities (of not more than two hundred members), 
the shop nuclei and street nuclei (international branches) shall each hold 
general membership meetings periodically, not less often than each three mouths. 
These membership meetings ia January and July shall elect the city executive 
committee which shall direct the Party work in such cities. 

Section 2. Larger cities shall be divided into sections by the city executive 
committee of such cities. The party members aflJliated with the shop nuclei or 
street nuclei (international branches) in each section of such cities shall meet 
in a general membership meeting once each three months to discuss general 
Party problems. At the membership meetings held in January and July or at 
a special conference of elected delegates from the shop and street nuclei a sec- 
tion executive committee which shall direct the work of the Party in this section, 
shall be elected. 

Section 3. In the very large cities such as New York and Chicago, the city 
shall be divided into sections and subsections. The shop nuclei and street nu- 
clei (international branches) in each subsection shall hold periodic membership 
meetings in January and July, shall elect a subsection executive committee which 
shall direct the work of the Party in the subsection. 

(b) There shall also be held periodic conferences of delegates from the shop 
nuclei and the street nuclei (international branches) in each section, and the 
conferences in January and July shall elect a section executive committee which 
shall direct the work of the Party in the section. 



ORGANIZED COM^IUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 83 

(c) In January and July of each year, there shall be held a conference of 
delegates elected by ttie section or subsection conferences (of representatives of 
the shop and street nuclei) in the city, which shall elect the city executive com- 
mittee, except in those cities which are the headquarters of the district execu- 
tive committee. In the latter cities, the district executive committee functions 
as the leading committee. 

Section 4. The size of the subsection, section, and city executive committees, 
shall be determined by the respective conferences which elect these committees. 

Section 5. As soon as the Party reorganization progresses so that at least 
25 percent of the Party members are organized in shop nuclei, at least 50 
percent of the members of the subsection, section and city executive committee 
shall be elected from the shop nuclei. 

Section 6. The subsection, section, and city executive committees elect a 
secretary-organizer, who is responsible for the maintenance of connections with 
the next higher unit and for the execution of the decisions of the committees. 

Article 6. SubdistHct Organization 

Section 1. "Wherever the district executive committee considers that the 
functioning of the Party organization will be improved, it may with the consent 
of the Central Executive Committee, create a subdistrict organization, throUgh 
the combination of several cities. Such subdistrict organizations shall hold a 
conference of delegates from the city organizations or from shop nuclei and 
street nuclei (international branches) in the subdistrict in January and July of 
each year and elect a subdistrict executive committee. 

Section 2. The number of members of which the subdistrict executive com- 
mittee shall consist shall be determined by the subdistrict conference. Where 
the basic organizations of a subdistrict are made up of shop nuclei to an extent 
of at least twenty-five percent, fifty percent of the members of the subdistrict 
executive committee shall be elected from the shop nuclei. 

Section 3. The subdistrict executive committee shall elect a secretary-organ- 
izer who shall maintain connections with the next higher unit of the Party, and 
execute the decisions of the subdistrict executive committee. 

Section 4. In the city in which the subdistrict committee has its headquarters, 
the subdistrict committee acts as the executive committee of that city. 

Article 7. District Organization 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee of the Party shall divide the 
country into districts. Once each year there shall be held a district conference 
made up of delegates from the city organizations in the district and such un- 
attached nuclei and international branches as there may be in the district. This 
district conference shall elect a district executive committee. Special confer- 
ences may be called by the district executive committee or by the Central Execu- 
tive Committee. 

Section 2. The district conference also elects the District Control Committee 
which shall be charged with the control of the financial accounts of all the Party 
units in the district and which also deals with the appeals from the decisions of 
lower Party units against disciplinary action. 

Section 3. The District Executive Committee is the highest Party authority 
In the district between district conferences. The District Executive Committee 
must be composed partially of factory workers and should include representatives 
of the chief towns of the district. The district committee determines how often 
full meetings of the district committee are to be held. But these must be held 
at least once a month. The district committee where composed in part of mem- 
bers not residing in the city of the district headquarters shall elect an executive 
council for the conduct of its current business. 

Section 4. The District Executive Committee elects the district organizer in 
agreement with the Central Executive Committee. The district organizer must 
have been a member of the Party for two years. If a district paper is published 
the District Executive Committee elects the editor of the paper with the agree- 
ment of the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 5. The district executive committee shall organize such departments 
for the conduct of the Party work as Agitprop, organization, trade-union work, 
woman's work, etc. As a rule members of the district committee should be 
placed at the head of these departments. These departments carry on their work 
under the direction of the District Executive Committee and submit periodic re- 
ports to the District Executive Committee. 



84 ORGANIZED COAIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 6. The District Executive Committee is responsible for Its work to 
the district conference and the Central Executive Committee. It must submit a 
monthly report of its activities to the Central Executive Committee. 

Section 7. In the city in which the District Executive Committee has its head- 
quarters the city organization does not elect a city executive committee and the 
Party work in this city is directed by the District Executive Committee. 

Article 8. The Party Conference 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee may, when it deems it necessary, 
call party conferences. The delegates to these party conferences from the dis- 
tricts shall be elected by the district committee. The Central Executive Com- 
mittee may coopt individiual party workers to attend the party conferences in an 
advisory capacity without voting rights. 

Section 2. Tlie decisions of the Party conference are not valid and binding 
on the party unless endorsed by the Central Executive Committee, 

Article 9. The Party Convention 

Section 1. The party convention is the hiiihest authority of the Party and 
shall be called by the Central Executive Committee at least once a year in agree- 
ment with the executive committee of the Communist International. 

SECmoN 2. Special conventions which shall have all the powers of regular con- 
ventions may be called by the Central Executive Committee either at its own 
initiative and in agreement with the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International or at the initiative of the Communist International, or upon the 
demand of party organizations representing half the members of the Party. Spe- 
cial conventions, however, can only be called with the agreement of the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Communist International. 

Section 3. The call for the national convention and the proposed agenda of 
the convention shall be submitted to the membership at least one month before 
the date of the convention. 

Section 4. The number of delegates to the convention shall be determined by 
the Central Executive Committee. Delegates shall be apportioned to the dis- 
tricts in proportion to the membership to be decided in accordance with the pro- 
vision of article 10 of this constitution. 

Section 5. The party convention shall hear the reports of the Central Execu- 
tive Committee and the Central Control Committee, decide the questions of 
Party program, formulate resolutions on all political, tactical, and organizational 
questions, elect the Central Executive Committee and the Central Control 
Committee. 

Article 10. Elections of Delegates 

Section 1. Election of delegates to all party conferences and conventions shall 
be based upon the number of members in good standing on the tirst of the month 
prior to the date of the election. No party member can vote in the election if 
more than two months in arrears in dues payments. The secretary of the Party 
unit shall submit with the results of the election a certified list stating the names 
of the good-standing members in the Party unit. No election of delegates to 
any conference or convention shall be valid unless 5 percent of the good-standing 
members in the Party unit participated in the elections. 

Section 2. The highest committee of the unit of the Party in which a confer- 
ence or convention is to be held shall decide the basis of representation, that is, 
the number of good-standing members necessary to elect delegates. 

Section 3. The shop nucleus and the sti-eet nucleus (international branch) or 
in case of large cities the subsection, shall elect delegates to the city convention 
in accordance with the number of delegates they are entitled to based upon the 
certified list of good-standing '»iembers which the secretary shall send to the 
city convention in certifying the resuiis :>f the elections. 

Section 4. The city convention shall elect tne number of delegates it is entitled 
to according to the ratio fixed for the election of delegates from the city conven- 
tion to the district convention based upon the number of members in good stand- 
ing in the city as certified by the shop nuclei and the street nuclei (international 
branches). 

Section 5. The district convention shall elect the number of delegates it is en- 
titled to according to the ratio fixed for the election of delegates from the district 
convention to the national convention based upon the number of good-standing 
members in the distri'^t as certified by the city convention. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 85 

Section 6. The same rule shall apply in the election of delegates to section 
and city conferences, provided for in Article 5. 

Article 11. Central Executive Committee 

Section 1. The Central Executive Committee of the Party shall be elected by 
the Party convention and shall consist of 19 members elected by the convention, 
a representative of the Young Workers League, and a neutral chairman with 
decisive vote. The convention shall also elect six candidates who shall have a 
right to participate in the full sessions of the C. E. C. with a voice but no vote. 
In case of vacancies the candidates shall become members of the C. E. C. 

Section 2. The Central Executive Committee is the highest authority of the 
Party between the party conventions. It represents the Party as a whole over 
and against other Party institutions and other institutions, organizes various 
organs of the Party, conducts all its political and organizational work, appoints 
the editors of its central organs who work under its leadership and control, 
organizes and guides all undertakings in importance for the entire Party, dis- 
tributes all the Party forces and controls the Central Treasury. The Central 
Executive Committee conducts the work of the Party fractions within bodies of 
a central nature. 

Section 3. The Central Executive Committee elects from among its numbers 
a Political Committee for conducting the work of the C. E. 0. between its full 
sessions. The Central Committee shall elect a general secretary, and a secre- 
tariat for conduct of the permanent current work, and establish an agitprop 
department, organization department, and such other departments as the Party 
requires. The members of the Central Executive Committee should be the heads 
of these departments wherever possible. 

Section 4. The Central Executive Committee shall divide the country into 
districts and create district organizations. The Central Executive Committee has 
the right to combine or divide existing organizations, either according to territory 
or otherwise in conformity with their political and economic characterstics. 

Article 12. The Central Control Committee 

Section 1. The Party convention shall elect a Central Control Committee of 
four members which shall audit the books and accounts of the national organiza- 
tion and supervise similar control of the financial accounts of the Party as a 
whole. 

Section 2. The Central Control Committee shall also pass upon appeals from 
decision of lower party units in reference to breaches of discipline. The decisions 
of the Central Control Committee in such matters are subject to the approval of 
the Central Executive Committee. 

Article IS. Qualifications 

Section 1. Members of the Central Executive Committee, general secretary, 
editor, and all candidates for political office must have been members of the Party 
for two years at time of their nomination. 

Section 2. Members of the District Executive Committee, must have been 
members of the Party for two years at the time of their nomination. 

Section 3. Members of City Executive Committees must have been members 
of the Party for one year at the time of their nomination, and of section and 
subsection committees must have been members of the Party for six months at 
the time of their nomination. 

Article I4. Party- Discipline 

Section 1. The strictest party discipline is the most solemn duty of all Party 
members and all Party organizations. The decisions of the Communist Inter- 
national and the Party convention, of the Central Executive Committee and all 
the leading committees of the Party must be promptly carried out. Discussion 
of questions over which there have been differences must not continue after the 
decision has been made. 

Section 2. Breaches of party discipline by individual members may be punished 
by censure, public censure, dismissal from office, suspension from the Party, and 
expulsion from the Party. Breaches of discipline by Party committees may be 
punished by removal of the committee by the next higher Party committee. 



86 ORGANIZED COJMJVIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 3. Charges against individual members shall be made in the shop 
nucleus or international branch and the decision of the Party unit shall be 
confirmed by the Party committee in the territory in which the unit is located. 
Charges against individual members may also be made in any leading committee 
of the Party and such committees have full power to act. The member expelled 
may appeal to the next higher committee. Appeals can be made only by the 
punished members themselves or by a party organization in his behalf. 

Sfxtion 4. No leading committee of the Party has power to suspend any of its 
members from the committee. Charges against members of committees must be 
filed with the next higher committee. 

Article 15. Dues 

Sectiox 1. Each applicant for membership shall pay an initiation fee of 50^ 
which shall be receipted for by an initiation stamp furnished by the Central 
Executive Committee. The entire sum shall go to tlie national organization. 

Section 2. Each member shall pay 500 per month dues, which shall be receipted 
for by dues stamps issued by the Central Executive Committee. Members whose 
earnings are more than $100.00 per month shall pay additional dues to the amount 
of one percent of their earnings above $100. The payment of the additional dues 
shall be receipted for by special stamps issued by the Central Executive 
Committee. 

Section 3. The district organization shall purchase regular dues stamps from 
the Central Executive Committee at 250 per stamp, the city organization shall 
purchase dues stamps from the city organization at 40(5 ; the subsection organiza- 
tion shall purchase dues stamps from the section organization at 42yo0; and the 
shop nuclei and the street nuclei (international branches) shall purchase stamps 
from the subsection organization at 45(i Where no subsections exist, the shop 
nuclei and international branch purchase their stamps from the section organiza- 
tion at 45^ Where no sections exist, the shop nuclei and street nuclei (inter- 
national branches) purchase stamps from the city organization at 45^ 

Section 4. Special assessments may be levied by the national convention or the 
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good standing 
unless he purchases such special assessment stamp. 

Section 5. Members unable to pay dues or assessments on account of unem- 
ployment, strilies, siclvness, or similar reason shall by vote of the nucleus or inter- 
national branch be furnished with exempt stamps. No district organization 
shall be allowed exempt stamps in a proportion greater than ten percent of its 
monthly purchase of regular stamps, except by decision of the C. E. C. 

Section 6. Members who are three months in arrears in i)ayment of dues shall 
cease to be members of the Party in good standing. Members who are six months 
in arrears shall be stricken from the rolls. No member of the Party shall pay 
dues in advance for a i)eriod of more than three months. 

Article 16, Language Fractions 

Section 1. All members of the Party now members of language branches must 
become members in either shop nuclei or international branches in the re- 
organization of the Party on the basis of this constitution, in order to retain 
their membership in the Party. 

Section 2. The former members of the language sections of the Party, in addi- 
tion to their membership in the Party, through affiliation with the shop nuclei 
or international branch shall form language fractions. 

Section 3. The language fraction shall consist of all the members of the Party 
who speak a certain language, who are members of a subsection, section, or city 
organization of the Party. The units of the language fraction should be formed 
on the basis of the most efficient method of working among their particular 
language group. The D. E. C. or City Executive Committee shall decide as to the 
units to be formed. 

Section 4. Where there is more than one subsection in a section organization, 
in which language fractions of a particular language group are organized, tliese 
language fractions shall hold general membership meetings of all the members 
of the language fraction in the section in January and July of each year, and 
elect an executive committee of the language fraction for the section. Where 
there are several sections of a city in which fractions are organized, the members 
of the language fraction shall hold a city membership meeting in January and 
July of each year, and elect a city executive committee of the language fraction, 
subject to the approval of the respective Party committee. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 87 

Section 5. Once each year, there shall be held a district conference of dele- 
gates from the language fractions in the party districts which shall elect a 
district executive committee for tlie language fraction. The D. E. C. for the 
language fraction must be approved by the Party D. B. C 

Section 6. The Central Executive Committee of the Party may, if it deems it 
advisable, permit the holding of a national conference of a language fraction of 
a particular language group. When such national conferences are held they shall 
elect, subject to the approval of tlie Central Executive Committee, a national 
language bureau. In cases vphere the Central Executive Committee does not 
deem it advisable to hold national conferences of a language fraction, it shall 
appoint a national bureau for the language fraction. 

Section 7. The language fraction is an auxiliary organization of the Party, for 
work among a particular language group. Only Party members who are affiliated 
to the shop nuclei or the street nuclei (international branches) and pay dues 
to the basic units of the Party, can be members of the language fraction of the 
Party. The language fraction of the Party does not collect dues, but may, with 
the consent of the Central Executive Committee carry on special campaigns 
among their language groups for funds to carry on the work of the language 
fraction. The Central Executive Committee shall also provide a definite monthly 
appropriation from the dues receipts for the work of the language fraction na- 
tional bureaus. 

Section 8. It is the work of the language fraction to carry on agitation, 
propaganda, and organization work among the working masses of its language 
group. The language fraction must also organize fractions of party members 
In the fraternal and benevolent organizations of its language group, as provided 
for in the section of this constitution dealing with the organizational question, 
and carry on a systematic campaign to establish Communist influence and bring 
these organizations under the influence of the party, ideologically and organi- 
zationally. 

Section 9. The language fractions of each language group shall also organize 
a workers' club of their particular language group in each city or the sections 
of the city. These workers' clubs shall consist of both party and nonparty 
members. The language fraction shall function as a fraction in tliese clubs to 
carry on agitation and propaganda and bring the non-Party members under Com- 
munist influence and recruit them for membership in regular Party units. 

Article 11. Fractions 

Section 1. In all non-Party workers' and farmers' organizations (trade unions, 
cooperatives, cultural societies, educational societies, fraternal and benevolent 
societies, sports and other clubs, war veterans' organizations, factory councils, 
unemployed councils, at conferences and conventions, in local administrative 
bodies, state legislatures and the national congress) where there are at least 
two Communists, a Communist fraction must be organized for the purpose of 
increasing the influence of the Party in applying its policy in the non-Party 
sphere. 

Section 2. The fractions are organs of the Party within non-Party organiza- 
tions. They are not independent fully authorized organizations, but are sub- 
ordinate to the competent local Party committee. 

Section 3. In case of differences arising between the Party committee and the 
fraction, the Party committee must investigate the questions anew, together with 
the representatives of the fraction and come to a decision which must be carried 
out unconditionally by the fraction. In case an appeal is made against the de- 
cision by the fraction, the question shall be finally settled by the next higher 
Party committee. 

Section 4. If questions are discussed by a Party committee which concerns a 
fraction, the committee shall accept a representative of the fraction concerned, 
who shall attend the meeting of the committee in an advisory capacity. 

Section 5. The fractions elect their own officers who, however, must be en- 
dorsed by the Party committee in the section in which the fraction operates. The 
officers of the fraction are responsible for their activities to the fraction and to 
the Party committee. 

Section 6. The Party committee, which directs the Party work in the ter- 
ritory in which a fraction is organized, has the right to send its representatives 
into the executive committee of any fraction or to recall any member of that 
body, after the reason for such action has been explained to the fraction. 



88 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 7, Candidates for all important positions in the organization in which 
the fractions are working are selected by the fraction, in agreement with the 
Party committee for the section. 

Section 8. Questions which come up for decision in the organization in which 
a fraction is working must be discussed in advance in the meeting of the fraction, 
or by its leading committee. On every question on which a decision is reached in 
the fraction, or a decision made by the leading committee, the fraction members 
must act unanimously in the meeting of the organization and vote together solidly. 
Members who break this rule are subject to disciplinary measures by the Party. 

Article 18. Relations to the Y, W. L. 

Section 1. A corresponding committee of the Young Workers League shall be 
entitled to send one representative with voice and vote into all subsections, sec- 
tions, city and district and central executive committees of the Party, provided 
there is a corresponding Y. W. L. organization to the organization of the party 
to which the representative is sent. 

Section 2. The Party executive committee, In the subsection, section, city, 
district, and the Central Executive Committee shall send a representative with 
voice and vote into the corresponding Y. W. L. committee. 

Section 3. The corresponding Y. W. L. organization shall be entitled to send 
representatives to all conferences and conventions of the Party organization. 
The number of representatives which shall be given to the Y. W. L. in such con- 
ferences and conventions shall be decided by the Party committee which calls 
the conference or convention. 

Section 4. All members of the Party under 21 years of age must Join the 
Young Workers League. All members of the Young Workers League over 21 
years of age, should join the Party and must join the Party if 23 years of age or 
over, or be excluded from the League. 

Section 5. Members of the Y. W. I. who are under 11 [sic] years of age and 
who are also members of the Party, shall be exempt from paying Party dues uiion 
presentation of their Y. W. L. dues card, with dues stamp affixed. An exempt 
stamp, marked "Y, W. L." shall be affixed to the Party card of such member. 

Schedule 

1. The provisions of this constitution in relation to purchase of dues stamps 
from the district committee and city organizations by the basic units of the 
Party go into effect on October first. Language branches which have not been 
reorganized by that date must purchase their dues stamps from the district and 
city organizations. 

Section 2. The provisions of this constitution in regard to the elections of 
the subsection, section, city and district committees go into effect as fast as the 
reorganization of the Party on the basis of this constitution takes place in a 
locality. This provision also applies to the organization of language fractions 
which must be organized as fast as the Party reorganization takes place. The 
provisions of the previous constitution of the Party apply in a locality until such 
time as the reorganization takes place, except that the City Central Committee 
shall hold one session to constitute a City Executive Committee and then be 
abolished. 

Section 3. The reorganization of the entire Party on the basis of the pro- 
visions of this constitution shall be completed within six months from the time 
of its adoption. The Central Executive Committee is instructed to take all the 
necessary steps to carry out the reorganization in the period allotted. 



COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERI- 
CA, SECTION OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL— 

1929 

The constant bickering and manipulation for control of the party 
brought numerous rebukes from Moscow. On July 1, 1927, the pre- 
sidium of the executive committee of the Communist International 
endorsed a resolution of the Comintern calling the Workers (Commu- 
nist) Party of America to task for "deviations" and other "mis- 
takes." '' 

The Daily Worker of August 3, 1927, published a declaration of the 
political committee of the Workers (^Communist) Party declaring its 
complete acceptance of the Communist International resolution, clos- 
ing the declaration with a plea for a unified Communist Party in 
America. 

Open Letter From Executi\t: Committee of the Communist 

International 

Some time prior to the 1929 convention the Workers (Communist) 
Party received an open letter from the executive committee of the 
Communist International. The following paragraphs from this open 
letter not only illustrate the existence of constant factional fights 
within the ranks of the American Communists, but they also illustrate 
the strict and unyielding control of the Comintern over the comrades 
in America : ^^ 

The struggle against the right and "left" dangers has to contend with faction- 
alism in the Workers (Comiuunist) Party of America and cannot be developed 
in a truly Bolshevik manner until this main hindrance is eliminated. 

The Communist International has several times requested the Party in the 
most decisive manner to put an end to the factional struggle. The sixth Plenum 
of the Executive Committee of the Communist International demanded from the 
Party a "complete and unconditional cessation of the factional struggle." The 
American Commission during the eighth Plenum confirmed that decision. The 
Folit-St'cretariat of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
declared in April, 1928, that: "It is the opinion of the Executive Committee of 
the Communist International that the main problem of the Party in the field of 
organization is to kill all I'emnants of factionalism". Finally the Sixth Congress 
decided that "The most important task confronting the Party is to put an end to 
the factional strife, which is not based on any serious differences, and at the 
same time, to increase the recruiting of workers into the Party and to give a 
definite stimulus to the promotion of workers to leading Party posts." 

The existing factions must be resolutely and definitely li(iuidated. Tlie fac- 
tional struggle must be unconditionally stopped. Without this no mass Commu- 
nist Party of the American Proletariat can be organized. 

This is the most urgent task of the Party. The sixth convention of the Workers 
Party must categorically prohibit any further factional struggle under threat 
of expulsion from the Party, and lay the foundation of a normal party life, espe- 
cially internal democracy, self-criticism and iron party discipline, based on the 
unconditional subordination of the minority to the majority and an unconditional 
recognition of the decisions of the Comintern. 



" Fish Committee Reports, pt. II, vol. 8, p. 226. 
M Ibid., p. 234. 

80 

47716°— 54 7 



90 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN TlIE UNITED STATES 

Accordinj^ to the Daily Worker of March 11, 1929, the convention " 
accepted, without reservation, the open letter of the Comintern and 
agreed to all the conditions and mandates set forth in the letter.^^ 

Out of this convention, which was held in New York City, March 
1-10, 1929, emerged the Communist Party of the United States of 
America, section of the Communist International. 

Constitution 

The Daily Worker of February 21, 1929, published the following as 
the constitution of the new party : 

I. NAME OF THE PARTY 

1. — The n?me of this organization shall be the Communist Pakty of U. S. of 

America, section of the Connnuuist International. 

n. EMBLEM 

1. — The emblem of the Party shall be the crossed lin miner and sickle with a 
circular margin having at the top: "Communist Paihy of America" and under- 
neath "V^OKKEBS OF THE WORLD, UNITE." 

III. MEMBEBSHIP 

1. — A member of the Party can be every person from the age of eighteen up 
who accepts the program and statutes of the Communist International (Com- 
intern) and the Communist Party of America, who becomes a member of a basic 
suborganization of the Party, who is active in tliis organization, who subordi- 
nates himself to all the decisions of the Comintern and of the Party, and regu- 
larly pays his membership dues. 

2. — Applicants for membership shall sign an application card reading as 
follows : 

"The undersigned declares his adherence to the program and statutes of the 
Communist International and of the Communist Party and agrees to submit to 
the discipline of the Party and to engage actively in its work." 

At the time of being accepted as a member of the Party this pledge shall be 
read to the applicant who shall indicate his endorsement of the same. 

3. — The question of acceptance must first be discussed by the shop nucleus 
or street nucleus of the Party and the application must be accepted l)y a vote 
of the membership of the unit to which application is made and the acceptance 
ratified by the leading committee of the territorial division of the Party in 
which membership is held. 

4. — Members who change their place of work, or in case they are members of 
a street nucleus, their place of residence, must secure a transfer card from 
the Party unit in which they have held membership and present this card 
to the unit to which they transfer. A duplicate of the transfer card given the 
member shall be sent to the leading committee of the territorial section from 
which the member transfers and transmitted by this committee to the territorial 
section to which the member transfers. 

If the member transfers from one section organization to another, the trans- 
fer card shall be transmitted thru the district executive commiltee; if the 
member transfers from one district to another the transfer card shall be sent 
thru the Central Executive Committee. 

5. — Members of the Party who desire to leave the country and go to another 
country must obtain the permission of the Central Executive Committee of the 
Party. 

6. — Every member of the Party who is eligil)le to be a member of a trade 
union must become a member of the union to which he is eligible. 



« Fish Comniittee Reports, pt. II, vol. 3. p. 255. 
» Ibid., p. 256. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 91 

IV. THE STRUCTURE OF THE PARTT 

1. — The Communist Party, like all sections of the Comintern, is built upon the 
principle of democratic centralization. These principles are : 

(a) Election of the subordinate as well as the upper Party organs at general 
meetings of the Party members, conferences and conventions of the Party. 

(b) Regular reporting of the Party committees to their constituents. 

(c) Acceptance and carrying out of the decisions of the higher Party com- 
mittees by the lower, strict Party discipline, and immediate and exact applica- 
tion of the decisions of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
and of the Executive Committee of the Party. 

(d) Any Party committee whose activities extend over a certain area is con- 
sidered superior to those Party organizations whose activity is limited only to 
certain parts of this area. 

(e) The discussion on basic Party questions or general Party lines can be 
carried on by the members only until the Central Executive Committee has 
decided them. After a decision has been adopted at the congress of the Comin- 
tern, the Party convention, or by the leading Party committee, it must be carried 
out unconditionally, even if some of the members or some of the local organiza- 
tions are n»t in agreement with the decision. 

(2e) The highest authority of each unit of the Party is the general meeting of 
Party members, conference, or Party convention. 

(3e) The membership meeting, conference, or Party convention elects the lead- 
ing committee which acts as the leading Party organ in the interim between the 
membership meetings, conferences, or conventions and conducts the work of the 
Party organization. 

V. THE PARTY NUCLEUS 

1. — The basis of the Party organization is the nucleus (in factories, mines, 
workshops, offices, stores, agricultural enterprises, and so forth) which all Party 
members working in these places must join. The nucleus consist of at least 
three meml)ers. Newly organized nuclei must be endorsed by the leading com- 
mittee of the territorial section in which the shop nuclei are organized. 

2. — In factories where only one or two members are emiiloyed, these members 
are affiliated to the nearest working nucleus or form a factory nucleus jointly 
with the members working in neighboring factories. 

3. — Party memliers who cannot be immediately affiliated with a shop nucleus, 
shall join temporarily the street nucleus in the section of the city in which they 
reside ; until it shall be possible to create a shop nucleus in the factory. 

4. — The nucleus is the organization which links up the Party with the workers, 
poor farmers, and laborers. The tasks of the nucleus are: to spread Party 
influence among the non-Party masses of workers and peasants, to carry out 
Party slogans and decisions among them, by means of systematic Communist 
agitation and propaganda to recruit new members to distribute and sell Party 
literature, to issue a factory newspaper, to conduct cultural work, to discuss 
Party problems, to carry on the work of enlightenment and education of the 
Party memliers in the fundamental principles of Communism. 

The members of the nucleus should strive for all official positions in the 
workers' organizations In the factory, or in their territory, participate in all 
economic conflicts and demands of the employees, interpret these from the 
standpoint of the revolutionary class struggle, and seek to win the leadership 
of all the struggles of the workers by tireless nucleus work. 

5. — The street nucleus conducts similar work among the workers living in that 
section of the city in which it is organized. 

6. — The leading organ of the nucleus, the nucleus bureau, is to be elected at 
the membership meeting of the nucleus and is to consist of 3 to 7 members depend- 
ing upon the size of the nucleus. As a rule, the nucleus bureau should be elected 
for a period of 6 months and during this period is to make a complete report to 
the full meeting of the nucleus at least twice, giving the results of its activity. 

7. — The nucleus bureau elects an organizer-secretary and divides the Party 
work of the nucleus among the other members of the bureau. The organizer- 
secretary of the nucleus must be an active Party member for not less than six 
months and must be approved by the higher Party committee. 



92 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

VI. THE SECTION OKGANIZEB 

1. — The next body following the nucleus shall be the section organization. 
The subdistrict, city, and subsection shall be abolished. Under this system, a 
section will be either the division of a larger city, a single city, or a number of 
cities with the larger city as the center of the section. This new division of 
the disti'icts into sections maljes it necessary that, after the DEC shall divide 
its territory, it submit its proposals for approval to the CEC. Exception to tbis 
structure may be made only with the permission of the CEC. 

2. — The leading organ of the section is Section Executive Committee which la 
to be elected either at a section conference consisting of representatives of the 
nuclei, or at the general membership meeting of the section. The committee 
should consist of 5 to 9 members and 2 to 3 candidates. The Plenum (full 
Section Executive) elects a bureau of 3 to 5 members. No other organs (such 
as secretariat) should exist in the Section Executive. 

3. — The Section Executive Committee at its first plenum elects a secretary- 
organizer, who must be not less than one year an active member of the Party, 
and elects other members of the bureau. The secretary-organizer must be ap- 
proved by the District Executive Committee. 

4. — The section conference or section general membership meeting shall be 
called once a year by the Section Executive, with the approval of the D. E. C, 
for the purpose of discussing the report and plans of the Section Committee, 
electing a new Section Executive Committee and also delegates to the District 
Conference. 

5. — The section Party organization and the Section Committees shall have all 
rijihts as leading bodies in their territory. They are the political leaders of 
the given territory, working under the leadership of the District Executive 
Committee and the Central Executive Committee. 

6. — The regular meetings of the Plenum of the Section Committee shall be for 
a part of a city or a single city — not less than once in six weeks; for section 
organizations, which consist of a number of cities — not less than once in three 
months. 

7. — The meetings of Section Bureaus shall be called as often as it is necessary, 
but not less than once in two weeks. 

VII. DISTRICT ORGANIZATION 

1. — The district organization, which should be either a single state, or a num- 
ber of states, is the next Party body following the section. 

2.— Regular district conferences, which shall elect members of the District 
Executive Committee, discuss reports of the work of the District Committee 
and other important Party matters, and also elect delegates to the Party Con- 
vention, shall be called by the District Committee, with the approval of the 
Central Executive Committee. 

3. — The district conference also elects the District Control Committee, which 
shall be charged with the control of the Qnancial accounts of all the Party 
units in the district, and which also deals with the appeals from the decisions 
of lower Party units against disciplinary action. 

4. — Special District Conferences may be called by the District Committee 
by the demand of not less than one-half of the membership, or by the Central 
Executive Committee. 

5. — The District Conferences consist of delegates, elected at Section Con- 
ferences, general section membership meetings, or in some instances directly 
from the Party nuclei. 

6. — The Di.'!trict Executive Committee Is the highest Party authority In the 
district between District Conferences. The District Executive Committee must 
be composed primarily of factory workers, disciplined and active Party members, 
and should include representatives of the chief towns, of some mass organiza- 
tions, and important shop nuclei of the district. 

7. — The District Executive Committee is elected at the District Convention 
and should consist of 9 to 15 members and 3 to 5 candidates. Exceptions in 
some cases may be made, with the approval of the CEO. The frequency of the 
meetings of the Plenum will, of course, depend largely on the local conditions, 
but the full DEC must meet no less than 3 times during the year. 

8. — The leading organs of the District shall be the following: 1, DEC (Ple- 
num) ; 2, District Bureau; 3, Secretariat. Names "Polbureau," and "Polcom" 
shall not be used by any of the Districts. There is only one Polbureau, the 
Polbureau of the CEC. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 93 

9. — The DEC Plenum is to elect a District Bureau of 5 to 7 members and a Sec- 
retariat of 3 members, which should be composed of the chief functionaries of the 
District : Organizer, bead of the Trade Union Department, head of the Organi- 
zation Department. In some districts, as, for example, the agricultural district, 
other arrangements may be made. 

10. — The District Executive Committee elects the District Organizer in agree- 
ment with the Central Executive Committee. The district organizer must 
preferably be a worker and must have been an active member of the Party not 
less than three years. The District Organizer and the other members of the 
Secretariat must be approved by the Central Executive Committee. 

11. — The District Bureau must meet at least once a month. The Secretariat 
should be called together as often as necessary, but at least once a week. 

12. — If a district paper in any language is published, the District Executive 
Committee appoints the editor of the paper with the approval of the Central 
Executive Committee. 

13. — The Secretariat of the District Committee shall organize an apparatus 
which must consist of a maximum of five departments (organization, agitprop, 
trade union, etc.). As a rule, members of the District Committee should be 
placed at the head of these departments. These departments carry on their 
work under the direction of the Secretariat and Bureau of the District Executive 
Committee and submit periodic reports to them. 

Vin. THE CENTRAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE PARTY 

1. — The Party Convention Is the highest authority of the Party and shall be 
called by the Central Executive Committee at least once a year, in agreement 
with the Executive Committee of the Communist International. 

2. — Special conventions which shall have all the powers of regular conven- 
tions, may be called by the Central Executive Committee, either at its own 
initiative and in agreement with the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International, or upon the demand of Party organizations representing not less 
than half the members of the Party. Special conventions, however, can only 
be called with the agreement of the Executive Committee of the Communist 
International. 

3. — The call for the national convention and the proposed agenda of the 
convention shall be submitted to the membership at least one month before 
the date of the convention. 

4. — The number of delegates to the convention shall be determined by the 
Central Executive Committee. 

5. — The Party Convention shall hear reports of the Central Executive Com- 
mittee and the Central Control Committee, decide the questions of Party pro- 
gram, formulate resolutions on all political, tactical and organizational ques- 
tions, and elect the Central Executive Committee and the Central Control 
Committee. 

6. — The Central Executive Committee of the Party shall be elected by the 
Party Convention and shall consist of 37 members elected by the convention, in- 
cluding a representative of the Young Workers League. The convention shall 
also elect nine candidates who shall have a right to participate in the full sessions 
of tlie C. E. C. with a voice but not vote. In case of vacancies the candidates 
shall become members of the C. E. C. 

7. — The Central Executive Committee must have as members and candidates 
not less than fifty-one percent workers, especially from basic industries. All the 
members of the Central Executive Committee must have been active members 
of the Party at least three years at the time of their nomination. 

8. — The Central Executive Committee is the highest authority of the Party 
between the Party Conventions. It represents the Party as a wliole over and 
against other Party institutions, and other institutions, organizes various organs 
of the Party, conducts all its political and organizational work, appoints the 
editors of its central organs, who work under its leadership and control, organizes 
and guides all undertakings of importance for the entire Party, distributes all 
the Party forces and controls the Central Treasury. The Central Executive 
Committee conducts the work of the Party fractions within bodies of a central 
nature. The ("entral Executive Committee has the right to combine or divide 
existing organizations, either according to territory or otherwise in conformity 
with their political and economic characteristics. 

9. — The Central Executive Committee elects from among its members a Polit- 
ical Committee of 7 members and 3 candidates for conducting the work of the 



^'4 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

C. B. 0. between Its full sessions. The Central Committee shall elect also a 
general secretary and members of a secretariat for conduct of ttie permanent 
current work. 

10. — The general secretary of the C. B. C. must have been an active member 
of the Party not less than seven years and members of the Political Committee, 
the Secretariat, and editors of central organs, not less than Ave years. 

11. There shall be arranged approximately once in four months plenary 
sessions of the Central Executive Committee for the discussion of urgent and 
basic Party questions. 

12. The Polbureau of the C. E. C. must meet at least once in a month and the 
Secretariat should be called as often as necessary, but at least once a week. 

13. — The Central Executive Committee may, when it deems It necessary, call 
Party Conferences. The delegates to these Party Conferences from the Districts 
shall be elected by the District Committees. The Central Executive Committee 
may co-opt individual Party workers to attend the Party conferences in ac 
advisory capacity, without voting rights. 

14. — The decisions of the Party Conference are not valid and binding on the 
Party unless endorsed by the Central Executive Committee. 

IX. CONTROL COMMITTEES 

1. — In order to help the Party to unify Its ranks, and for a ruthless eradication 
of factionalism and oppositioui.'^ra — a struggle against Uie breaking of constitu- 
tional rules and program of the Party, for the cleansing of the Party of non-Com- 
munist elements, for a careful review of the Parly's financial standing — National 
and District Control Committees must be organized, which are to be elected at the 
National Convention and District Conferences. 

2. — All the matters in connection with systematic refusal to carry out Party 
decisions, creation of opposition groups and factions, and systematic carrying 
on of destructive activities within the Party, which weakens Party unity — come 
before the Control Committees, while the decisions of the Control Committees in 
connection with all tliese matters mast be in agreement with the respective 
Party committees. 

3. — In Section Party organizations and in nuclei no Control Committees are to 
be organized, but all the actions on the questions mentioned in point one, are to 
be taken up in corresponding committees, the decisions of which are to be ap- 
proved by the District or National Control Committees. 

NOTICE : All decisions of Party organs and District Control Committees about 
expulsions of Party members are to be enforced only after the approval by the 
National Control Committee and the Secretariat of the C. E. C. 

4. — In some cases. In the most important Section Committees, special repre- 
sentatives can be assigned by the District Control Committees, who are to work 
on the basis of .^special instructions and in full accordance with the decisions of 
the Party Committee. 

5.— The Party Convention shall elect a Central Control Committee of 7 mem- 
bers and 2 candidates, five of whom at least shall be workers, active and disci- 
plined Communists, and have been in the Party not less than five years. 

6. — Members of the Central Control Committee cannot be at the same time 
members of the C. E. C, or District Organizers, etc. 

7. — Members of the Central Control Committee shall have the right to partici- 
pate in the sessions of the C. E. C. with a voice but no vote. 

8. — Ihe C. C. C. elects from among its members a Presidium of three comrades, 
the chairman of which shall be an active Party member not less than seven years. 

9. — Meetings of the C. C C. must take place approximately once every 4 
months, and its Presidium as often as necessary, but not less than once each 
month. 

10. — The District Conferences shall elect District Control Committees of from 
8 to 5 members and 2 candidates In each District, mostly workers, di.scipllned 
and active Communists, and having been in the Party not less than 3 years. 

X. ELECTIONS OF DELEGATES 

1. — Election of delegates to all Party conferences and conventions shall be 
based upon the number of members in good standing on the first of the month 
prior to the date of the election. No Party member can vote in the election if 
more than two months in arrears in dues payments. The secretary of the Party 
unit shall submit with the results of the election a certified list stating the names 
of the good standing members in the Party unit. No election of delegates to any 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 95 

conference or convention shall be valid unless 55 per cent of the good-standing 
members in the Party unit participated in the elections. 

2. — The highest committee of the unit of the Party in which a conference or 
convention is to be held shall decide the basis of representation, that is, the 
number of good-standing members necessary to elect delegates. 

3. — The shop nuclei and the street nuclei shall elect delegates to the section con- 
ference in accordance with the number of delegates they are entitled to, based 
upon the certified list of good-standing members which the secretary shall send 
to the Section Conference in certifying the results of the elections. 

4. — The Section Conference shall elect the number of delegates it is entitled 
to according to the ratio fixed for the election of delegates from the Section Con- 
ference to the District Conference based upon the number of members in good 
standing in the city as certified by the shop nuclei and the street nuclei. 

5. — The District Conference shall elect the numiier of delegates it is entitled to 
according to the ratio fixed for the election of delegates from the District Con- 
ference to the National Convention, based upon the number of good-standing 
members in the district. 

XI. THE PARTY APPARATUS 

1. — Tt is necessary to build the Party apparatus which must be so constructed 
tliat it will correspond to the conditions of work of the Party. It must be flexi- 
ble and carry out the Party work in a systematic manner. 

2. — The apparatus of the Party Committees must consist of a maximum of five 
departments : Organization, Agitprop, Trade Union, Women's and Negro. Such 
districts as North Dakota, Minnesota, etc., should also establish an Agrarian 
Department. 

The work of each department must be clearly defined. There should be no 
parallels, but rather coordination. 

3. — The heads of the departments are to work under the direct supervision of 
the Party Committee (Secretariat-Bureau-Plenum). 

4. — Every Party department should work in conjunction with a committee of 
five to seven members whose duty should be not administrative, but exclusively 
consultative. The head of the department is also to be the chairman of this 
committee. Special attention must be paid to the selection of a competent head 
for each department, a comrade who must be energetic and work systematically. 

XII. PARTY DISCIPLINE 

1. — The strictest Party discipline is the most solemn duty of all Party members 
and all Party organizations. The decisions ot the Communist International 
and the Party Convention, of the Central Executive Committee and of all the 
leading committees of the Party must be promptly carried out. Discussion of 
questions over which there have been differences must not continue after the 
decision has been made. 

2. — Breaches of Party discipline by individual members may be punished by 
censure, public censure, dismissal from office, suspension from the Party, and 
expulsion from the Party. Breaches of discipline by Party committees may be 
Xmnislied by removal of the committee by the next higher Party committee. 

3. — Charges against individual members shall be made in tlie shop nucleus or 
street nucleus and the decision of the Party unit shall be confirmed by the Party 
committee in the territory in which the unit is located. Charges against indi- 
vidual members may also be made in any leading committee of the Party or by 
the Central Committee and such committees have full power to act. The member 
expelled may appeal to the next higher Party or Control Committees. Appeals 
can be made only by the punished members themselves or by a Party organiza- 
tion in his behalf. 

4. — No leading committee of the Party has power to suspend any of its mem- 
bers from the committee. Charges against members of committees must be filed 
with the next higher committee. 

XIII. DUES 

1. — Each applicant for membership shall pay an Initiation fee of $1, which 
shall be receipted for by an initiation stamp furnished by the Central Executive 
Committee. The entire sum shall go to the national organization. 

2. — Each member shall pay 50 cents per month dues, which shall be receipted 
for by dues stamps issued by the Central Executive Committee. Members whose 
earnings are more tlian $100 per month shall pay additional dues to the amount 
of one per cent of their earnings above $100. The payment of the additional 



96 ORGANIZED COIVIMUNISM EST THE UNITED STATES 

dues shall be receipted for by special stamps issued by the Central Executive 
Committee. 

3. — The district organization shall purchase regular dues stamps from the 
Central Executive Committee at 25^ per stamp, the section organization shall 
purchase dues stamps from the district organization at 400 ; and the nuclei shall 
purchase dues stamps from the section organization at 450. Dues stamps of a 
higher denomination shall be sold to the various organizations in the same rates. 

4. — Special assessments may be levied by the national convention or by the 
Central Executive Committee. No member shall be considered in good standing 
unless he purchases such special assessment stamps. 

5. — Members unable to pay dues or assessments on account of unemployment, 
strikes, sickness, or similar reason shall by vote of the nucleus be furnished with 
exempt stamps. No district organization shall be allowed exempt stamps in a 
proportion greater than ten per cent of its monthly purchase of regular stamps, 
except by decision of the CEO. 

6. — Members who are three months in arrears in payment of dues shall cease 
to be members of the Party in good standing. Members who are six months in 
arrears shall be stricken from the rolls. No member of the Party shall pay dues 
in advance for a period of more than three months. 

XIV. FRACTIONS 

1. — In all non-Party workers' and farmers' organizations (trade unions, coop- 
eratives, cultural societies, educational societies, fraternal and benevolent socie- 
ties, sports and other clubs, war veterans' organizations, factory councils, unem« 
ployed councils, at conferences and conventions, in local administrative bodies, 
state legislature and the national congress) where there are at least two Com- 
munists, a Communist fraction must be organized for the purpose of increasing 
the influence of the Party in applying its policy in the non-Party sphere. 

2. — The fractions are organs of the Party within non-Party organizations. 
They are not independent, fully authorized organizations, but are subordinate to 
the competent local Party committee. 

3. — In case of differences arising between the Party committee and the fraction, 
the Party committee must investigate the question anew, together with the repre- 
sentatives of the fraction and come to a decision which must be carried out uncon- 
ditionally by the fraction. In case an appeal is made against the decision by the 
fraction, the question shall be finally settled by the next higher Party committee. 

4. — If questions are discussed by a Party committee which concern a fraction, 
the committee shall accept a representative of the fraction concerned, who shall 
attend the meeting of the committee in an advisory capacity. 

5. — The fractions elect their own oflScers who, however, must be endorsed by 
the Party committee in the section in which the fraction operates. The officers of 
the fraction are responsible for their activities to the fraction and to the Party 
committee. 

6. — The Party committee, which directs the Party work in the territory in which 
a fraction is organized, has the right to send its representatives into the executive 
committee of any fraction or to recall any member of that body. 

7. — Candidates for all important positions in the organization in which the 
fractions are working are selected by the fraction, which must be approved by 
the Party committee for the territory. 

8. — Questions which come up for decision in the organization in which a frac- 
tion is working must be discussed in advance in the meeting of the fraction, or by 
its leading committee. On every question in which a decision is reached in the 
fraction, or a decision made by the leading committee, the fraction members must 
act unanimously in the meeting of the organization and vote together solidly. 
Members who break this rule are subject to disciplinary measures by the Party. 

XV. EELATI0N8 TO THE Y. W. L. 

1. — A corresponding committee of the Young Workers League shall be entitled 
to send one representative who is a member of the Communist Party with voice 
and vote into all Nucleus, Section, District and Central Executive Committees of 
the Party, provided there is a corresponding Y. W. L. organization to the organi- 
zation of the Party to which the representative is sent. 

2. — The Party Executive Committee, in the Nucleus, Section, District and the 
Central Executive Committee shall send a representative with voice and vote into 
the corresponding Y, W. L. committee. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 97 

3. — The corresponding Y. W. L. organization shall be entitled to send repre- 
sentatives to all conferences and conventions of the Party organization. The 
number of representatives which shall be given to the Y. W. L. in such conferences 
and conventions shall be decided by the Party committee which calls the con- 
ference or convention. 

4. — All members of the Party under 21 years of age must join the Young Worlj- 
ers League. All members of the Young Workers League over 18 years of age may 
join the Party and must join the Party if 23 years of age or over, or be excluded 
from the League. 

5.— Members of the Y. W. L. who are under 21 years of age and who are also 
members of the Party shall be exempt from paying Party dues upon presentation 
of their Y. W. L. dues cards, with dues stamps afljxed. An exempt stamp, marked 
"Y. W. L." shall be affixed to the Party card of such member. 



THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL CHANGES ITS 

TACTICS 

From 1919 to approximately 1935 the Communist Parties in Amer- 
ica received their instructions from the Communist International in 
the form of directives, letters, and so forth. This practice ceased 
about 1935 when the Soviet Union began to seek the support of the 
democracies against the rising threat of Nazi aggression. A new 
method of transmitting instructions was adopted. Pronouncements 
by leading spokesmen of the International Communist movement and 
such internationally circulated Communist publications as Interna- 
tional Press Correspondence, World News and Views, Communist 
International, War and the Working Class, New Times, and For a 
Lasting Peace — For a Peoples Democracy now serve as a means of 
conveying instructions to the disciplined Communist Parties through- 
out the world. 

The American comrades receive their directives not only by word 
of mouth from the higher echelons within the party, but also through 
such party publications as the Daily AVorker, Daily People's W^orld, 
Political Anairs, Masses and Mainstream, Soviet Kussia Today, and 
others, well known and recognized as party propaganda sheets. Some 
of these newspapers and publications, too numerous to mention, 
are printed in foreign languages. 

Because of these and other changes in the position of the Soviet 
Union on world affairs, some changes were necessary in the constitu- 
tion of the Communist Party in the United States. Among others, 
the party dropped from its name the designation, "Section of the 
Communist International." 

These changes in the Communist Party constitution also illustrate 
that the Communist International had begun to disguise its role as 
the center of world revolution and to lull other governments into 
believing that the Soviet leaders were no longer interested in organiz- 
ing the Communist conspiracy in other countries. 



98 



THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF 

AMERICA— 1938 

The 1938 Constitution- 

At the tenth national convention held in New York City, May 27-31, 
1938, a new constitution was adopted. The constitution which was 
subsequently ratified by the party membership is as follows : ^^ 

PKE AMBLE 

The Communist Party of the United States of America is a working-class politi- 
cal party carrying forward today the traditions of Jefferson, Paine, Jackson, 
and Lincoln, and of the Declaration of Independence; it upholds the achieve- 
ments of democracy, the right of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," 
and defends the United States Constitution against its reactionary enemies who 
would destroy democracy and all popular liberties; it is devoted to defense of 
the immediate interest of workers, farmers, and all toilers against capitalist 
exploitation, and to preparation of the working class for its historic mission 
to unite and lead the American people to extend these democratic principles to 
their necessary and logical conclusions : 

By establishing common ownersliip of the national economy, through a govern- 
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people; the abolition of all ex- 
ploitation of man by man, nation by nation, and race by race, and thereby the 
abolition of class divisions in society ; that is, by the establishment of socialism, 
according to the scientific principles enunciated by the greatest teachers of 
mankind, Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, embodied in the Communist Inter- 
national ; and the free cooperation of the American people with those of other 
lands, striving toward a world without oppression and war, a world brother- 
hood of man. 

To this end, the Communist Party of the United States of America establishes 
the basic laws of its organization in the following Constitution. 

ARTICLE I 

Name 
The name of this organization shall be the communist party of the united 

STATES OF AMERICA. 

ARTICLE II 

Eniblem 

The emblem of the Party shall be the crossed hammer and sickle, representing 
the unity of worker and farmer, with a circular Inscription having at the top 
"Communist Party of the U. S. A." and in the lower part "Affiliated to the Com- 
munist International." 

ARTICLE III 

Membership 

Section 1. Any person, eighteen years of age or more, regardless of race, sex, 
color, religious belief, or nationality, who is a citizen or who declares his inten- 
tion of becoming a citizen of the United States, and whose loyalty to the working 
class is unquestioned, shall be eligible for membership. 

Section 2. A Party member is one who accepts the Party program, attends 
the regular meetings of the membership Branch of his place of work or of his 
territory or trade, who pays dues regularly, and is active in Party work. 

Section 3. An applicant for membership shall sign an application card which 
shall be endorsed by at least two members of the Communist Party. Applications 
are subject to discussion and decision by the basic organization of the Party 
(shop, industrial, neighborhood Branch) to which the application is presented. 

P Copy in files of committee. 



100 ORGANIZED COIMMTJNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

After the applicant is accepted by a majority vote of the membership of the 
Eranch present at a regular meeting he shall publicly ple«lge as follows : 

"I pledge firm loyalty to the best interests of the working class and full 
devotion to all progressive movements of the people. I pledge to work actively 
for the preservation and extension of democracy and peace, for the defeat of 
fascism and all forms of national oppression, for equal rights to the Negro 
people and for the establishment of socialism. For this purpose, I solemnly 
pledge to remain true to the principles of the Communist Party, to maintain its 
unity of purpose and action, and to work to the best of my ability to fulfill its 
program." 

Section 4. There shall be no members-at-Iarge without special permission of 
the National or State Committee. 

Section 5. Party members two months in arrears in payment of dues cease to 
be members of the Party in good standing, and must be informed thereof. 

Section 0. Members who are four months in arrears shall be stricken from 
the Party rolls. Every member three months in arrears shall be oflicially in- 
formed of this provision, and a personal effort shall be made to bring such 
member into good standing. However, if a member who for these reasons has 
been stricken from the rolls applies for readmission within six months, he may, 
on the approval of the next higher Party committee, be permitted to pay up 
his back dues and keep his standing as an old member. 

ARTICLE IV 

Initiation and Dues 

Section 1. The Initiation fee for an employed person shall be 50 cents and 
for an unemployed person 10 cents. 

Section 2. Dues shall be paid every month according to rates fixed by the 
National Party Convention. 

Section .3. The income from dues shall be distributed to the various Party 
organizations as follows: 

a. 25 percent to the Branch. 

b. 35 percent to the National Office. 

c. The remaining 40 percent shall be distributed among the respective State, 
County, City, and Section Organizations in accordance with decisions of the 
State Conventions. 

Section 4. Fifty percent of the initiation fee shall be sent to the National 
Committee and 50 percent shall remain with the State Organization. 

article V 
International Solidarity and Assessment 

Section 1. Every four months, all members of the Party shall pay an 
assessment equal to the average dues payment per month for the previous four 
months, for an International Solidarity Fund. This money shall be used by the 
National Committee exclusively to aid our brother Communist Parties in other 
countries suffering from fascist and military reaction. 

Section 2. All local or district assessments are prohibited, except by special 
permission of the National Committee. Special assessments may be levied by 
the National Convention or the National Committee. No member shall be con- 
sidered in good standing unless he purchases stamps for such special assessments. 

article VI 

Rights and Duties of Memhers 

Section 1. The Communist Party of the U. S. A. upholds the democratic 
achievements of the American people. It opposes with all its power any clique, 
group, circle, faction, or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, 
weaken, or overthrow any or all institutions of American democracy whereby 
the majority of the American people have obtained power to determine their 
own destiny in any degree. The Communist Party of the U. S. A., standing 
unqualifiedly for the right of the majority to direct the destinies of our country, 
will fight with all its strength against any and every effort, whether it comes 
from abroad or from within, to impose upon our people the arbitrary will of any 
selfish minority group or party or clique or conspiracy. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 101 

Section 2. Every member of the Party who is In good standing has not only 
the right, but the duty, to participate in the maliiug of the policies of the Party 
and in the election of its leading committees, in a manner provided for in the 
Constitution. 

Section 3. In matters of state or local nature, the Party organizations have 
the right to exercise full Initiative and to make decisions within the limits of 
the general policies and decisions of the Party. 

Section 4. After thorough discussion, the majority vote decides the policy 
of the Party, and the minority is dutybound to carry out the decision. 

Section 5. Party members disagreeing with any decision of a Party organiza- 
tion or committee have the right to appeal that decision to the next higher body, 
and may carry the appeal to the highest bodies of the Communist Party of the 
U. S. A., its National Committee and the National Convention. Decisions of 
the National Convention are final. While the appeal is pending, the decision 
must nevertheless be carried out by every member of the Party. 

Section 6. In pre-Convention periods, individual Party members and delegates 
to the Convention shall have unrestricted I'ight of discussion on any question of 
Party policy and tactics and the work and future composition of the leading 
committees. 

Section 7. The decisions of the Convention shall be final and every Party 
member and Party organization shall be dutybound to recognize the authority 
of the Convention decisions and the leadership elected by it. 

Sections. All Party members in mass organizations (trade unions, farm, 
and fraternal organizations, etc.), shall cooperate to promote and strengthen 
the given organization and shall abide by the democratic decisions of these 
organizations. 

Section 9. It shall be the duty of Party members to explain the mass policies 
of the Party and the principles of socialism. 

Section 10. All Party members who are eligible shall be required to belong 
to their respective trade unions. 

Section 11. All officers and leading committees of the Party from the Bran-^h 
Executive Committee up to the highest committees are elected either directly by 
the membership or through their elected delegates. Every committee must 
report regularly on its activities to its Party organization. 

Section 12. Any Party officer may be removed at any time from his position 
by a majority vote of the body which elected him, or by the body to which he 
is responsible, with the approval of the National Committee. 

Section 13. Requests of release of a Party member from responsible posts 
may be granted only by the Party organization which elected him, or to which he 
is responsible, in consultation with the next higher committee. 

Section 14. No Party member shall have personal or political relationship 
with confirmed Trotskyites, Lovestoneites, or other known enemies of the Party 
and of the working class. 

Section 15. All Party members eligible shall register and vote in the elections 
for all public offices. 

article VII 

Structure of the Party 

Section 1. The basic organizations of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. 
are the shop, industrial, and territorial Branches. 

The Executive Committee of the Branch shall be elected once a year by the 
membership. 

Section 2. The Section Organization shall comprise all Branches in a given 
territory of the city or state. The Section territory shall be defined by the 
higher Party committee and shall cover one or more complete political divisions 
of the city or state. 

The highest body of the Section Organization is the Section Convention, or 
special annual Council meeting, called for the election of officers, v.'hich shall 
convene every year. The Section Convention or special Council meeting discusses 
and decides on policy and elects delegates to the higher Convention. 

Between Section Conventions, the highest Party body in the Section Organi- 
zation is the Section Council, composed of delegates elected proportionately from 
each Branch for a period of one year. Where no Section Council exists, the 
highest Party body is the Section Committee, elected by a majority vote of the 
Section Convention, which also elects the Section Organizer. 

The Section Council or Section Committee may elect a Section Executive Com- 
mittee which is responsible to the body that elected it. Nonmembers of the Sec- 



1U2 ORGANIZED COMIMUNISM DT THE UNITED STATES 

tion Council may be elected to the Executive Committee only with the approval 
of the next higher committee. 

Section 3. In localities where there is more than one Section Organization, a 
City or County Council or Committee may be formed in accordance with the By- 
Laws. 

Section 4. The State Organization shall comprise all Party organizations in 
one state. 

The highest body of the State Organization is the State Convention, which 
shall convene every two years, and shall be composed of delegates elected by the 
Conventions of the subdivisions of the Party or Branches in the state. The 
delegates are elected on the basis of numerical strength. 

A State Committee of regular and alternate members shall be elected at the 
State Convention with full power to carry out the decisions of the Convention 
and conduct the activities of the State Organization until the next State Con- 
venion. 

The State Committee may elect from among its members an Executive Commit- 
tee, which shall be responsible to the State Committee. 

Special State Conventions may be called either by a majority vote of the State 
Committee, or upon written request of the Branches representing one-third of 
the membership of the state, with the approval of the National Committee. 

Section 5. District Organizations may be established by the National Commit- 
tee, covering two or more states. In such cases the State Committees shall be 
under the jurisdiction of the District Committees, elected by and representing 
the Party organizations of the states composing these Districts. The rules of 
convening District Conventions and the election of leading committees shall be 
the same as those provided for the State Organization. 

AETiCLE vm 
National Organisation 

Section 1. The supreme authority in the Communist Partj of the U. S. A. is 
the National Convention. Regular National Conventions shall be held every two 
years. Only such a National Convention is authorized to uialie political and or- 
ganizational decisions binding upon the entire Party and its membership, except 
as provided in Article VIII, Section 6. 

Section 2. The National Convention shall be composed of delegates elected by 
the State and District Conventions. The delegates are elected on the basis of 
numerical strength of the State Organizations. The basis for representation 
shall be determined by the National Committee. 

Section 3. For two months prior to the Convention, discussions shall take 
place in all Party organizations on the main resolutions and problems coming 
before the Convention. During this discussion all Party organizations have the 
right and duty to adopt resolutions and amendments to the Draft Resolutions of 
the National Committee for consideration at the Convention. 

Section 4. The National Convention elects the National Committee, a Na- 
tional Chairman and General Secretary by majority vote. The National Com- 
mittee shall be composed of regular and alternate members. Tlie alternate mem- 
bers shall have voice but no vote. 

Section 5. The size of the National Committee shall be decided upon by each 
National Convention of the Party. Members of the National Committee must 
have been active members of the Party for at least three years. 

Section 6. The National Committee is the highest authority of the Party be- 
tween National Conventions, and is responsible for enforcing the Constitution 
and securing the execution of the general policies adopted by the democratically 
elected delegates in the National Convention assembled. The National Commit- 
tee represents the Party as a whole, and has the right to make decisions with 
full authority on any problem facing the Party between Conventions. The Na- 
tional Committee organizes and supervises its various departments and commit- 
tees ; conducts all the political and organizational work of the Party ; appoints 
or removes the editors of its press, who work under its leadership and control ; 
organizes and guides all undertakings of importance for the entire Party; dis- 
tributes the Party forces and controls the central treasury. The National Com- 
mittee, by majority vote of its members, may call special State or National Con- 
ventions. The National Committee shall submit a certified, audited financial 
report to each National Convention. 

Section 7. The National Committee elects from among its members a Political 
Committee and such additional secretaries and such departments and committees 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 103 

ns may he considered necessary for most efficient work. The Political Com- 
mittee is charged with the responsibility of carrying out the decisions and the 
work of the National Committee between its full sessions. It is responsible for 
all its decisions to the National Committee. The size of the Political Committee 
shall be decided upon by majority vote of the National Committee. 

INIembers of the Political Committee and editors of the central Party organs 
must have been active members of the Party for not less than five years. 

The National Committee shall meet at least once in four months. 

The I'olitical Committee of the National Committee shall meet weekly. 

The National Committee may, when it deems it necessary, call Party Confer- 
ences. The National Committee shall decide the basis of attendance at such 
Conferences. Such Conferences shall be consultative bodies auxiliary to the 
National Committee. 

ARTICE IX 

National Control Commission 

Section 1. For the purpose of maintaining and strengthening Party unity and 
discipline, and of supervising the audits of the financial books and records of 
the National Committee of the Party and its enterprises, the National Committee 
elects a National Control Commission, consisting of the most exemplary Party 
members, each of whom shall have been an active Party member for at least 
five years. The size of the National Control Commission shall be determined 
by the National Committee. 

Section 2. On various disciplinary cases, such as those concerning violations 
of Party utiity, discipline, or ethics, or concerning lack of class vigilance and 
Communist firmness in facing the class enemy, or concerning spies, swindlevs, 
double-dealers and other agents of the class enemy — the National Control Com- 
mission shall be charged with making investigations and decisions, either on 
appeals against the decisions of lower Party bodies, or on cases which are 
referred to it by the National Committee, or on cases which the National Control 
Commission itself deems necessary to take up directly. 

Section 3. The decisions of the National Control Commission shall go into 
effect as soon as their acceptance by the National Committee or its Political 
Committee is assured. 

Section 4. IMembers of the National Control Commission shall have the right 
to participate in the sessions of the National Committee with voice but no vote. 

Section 5. Meetings of the National Control Commission shall take place at 
least once every month. 

ABTICLE X 

Disciplinary Procedure 

Section 1. Breaches of Party discipline by individual members, financial irreg- 
ularities, as well as any conduct or action detrimental to the Party's prestige and 
influence among the working masses and harmful to the best Interests of the 
Party, may be punished by censure, public censure, removal from responsible 
posts, and by expulsion from the Party. Breaches of discipline by Party Com- 
mittees may be punished by removal of the Committee by the next higher Party 
Committee, which shall then conduct new elections. 

Section 2. Charges against individual members may be made by any person — 
Party or non-Party — in writing, to the Branches of the Party or to any leading 
committee. The Party Branch shall have the right to decide on any disciplinary 
measure, including expulsion. Such action is subject to final approval by the 
State Committee. 

Section 3. The Section, State, and National Committees and the National 
Control Commission have the right to hear and take disciplinary action against 
any individual member or organization under their jurisdiction. 

Section 4. All parties concerned shall have the fullest right to appear, to bring 
witnesses and to testify before the Party organization. The member punished 
shall have the right to appeal any disciplinary decision to the higher committees 
up to the National Convention of the Party. 

Section 5. Party members found to be strikebreakers, degenerates, habitual 
drunkards, betrayers of Party confidence, provocateurs, advocates of terrorism 
and violence as a method of Party procedure, or members whose actions are 
detrimental to the Party and the working class, shall be summarily dismissed 
from positions of responsibility, expelled from the Party and exposed before the 
general public. 



104 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

ABTTCLE XI 

Affiliation 

The Communist Party of the U. S. A. is affiliated with Its fraternal Communist 
Parties of other lands through the Communist International and participates in 
International Congresses, through its National Committee. Resolutions and 
decisions of International Congresses shall be considered and acted upon by the 
supreme authority of the Communist Party of the U. S. A., the National Conven- 
tion, or between Conventions, by the National Committee. 

ABTICLE XII 

Amending the Constitution 

Section 1. This Constitution and By-Laws may be amended as follows: (a) by 
decision of a majority of the voting delegates present at the National Convention, 
provided the proposed amendment has been published in the Party press or Dis- 
cussion Bulletins of the National Committee at least thirty days prior to the 
Convention; (b) by the National Committee for the purpose of complying with 
any law of any state or of the United States or whenever any provisions of this 
Constitution and By-Laws conflict with any such law. Such amendments made 
by the National Committee shall be published in the Party press or Discussion 
Bulletins of the National Committee and shall remain in full force and effect 
until acted upon by the National Convention. 

Section 2. Any Amendment submitted by a State Committee or State Conven- 
tion within the time provided for shall be printed in the Party press. 

ARTICLE XIII 

By-Laws 

Section 1. By-Laws shall be adopted, based on this Constitution, for the purpose 
of establishing uniform rules and procedure for the proper functioning of the 
Party organizations. By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of 
the National Convention, or between Conventions by majority vote of the National 
Committee. 

Section 2. State By-Laws not in conflict with the National Constitution and 
By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of the State Convention or, 
between Conventions, by majority vote of the State Committee. 

ARTICLE XIV 

Charters 

The National Committee shall issue Charters to State or District Organizations 
and at the request of the respective State Organizations, to County and City Or- 
ganizations, defining the territory over which they have jurisdiction and au- 
thority. 

Rules and By-Laws 

The following are the Rules and By-Laws adopted by the Communist Party 
of the United States of America, in accordance with its Constitution, for the 
purpose of carrying out the principles, rights, and duties as established in the 
Constitution in a uniform manner in all Party organizations. 

Basic Organizations 

The basic organizations of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. are the shop, 
territorial, and industrial Branches. A shop Branch consists of those Party 
members who are employed in the same place of employment. Shop Branches 
shall be organized in every factory, shop, mine, ship, dock, office, etc., where 
there is a sufficient number of Party members, but no less than seven, 

A territorial Branch consists of members of the Party living in the same neigh- 
borhood or territory. Territorial Branches shall be organized on the basis of the 
political division of the city or town (assembly district, ward, precinct, election 
district, town, or township, etc.). 

Industrial Branches may be organized and shall consist of Party members 
employed in the same trade or industry and shall be composed of those Party 
members who are employed in places where shop Branches have not yet been 
formed. Shop Branches shall be organized wherever possible. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 105 

Every Branch of the Party shall elect an Executive Committee, which shall 
consist of at least the following officers : chairman, treasurer, educational direc- 
tor, memhership director. There may be a recording secretary whose functions 
may be filled by one of the other officers. The size of the Executive Committee 
shall be determined by the size of the Branch, but shall not be less than four. 

The Executive Committee has the duty of preparing the agenda and proposals 
for the membership meeting, administering and executing the decisions of the 
membership and the higher Party committee, and, between Branch meetings, of 
making decisions concerning matters which require immediate action. The Exec- 
utive Conmiittee of the Branch shall report regularly on its work, which shall be 
subject to review and action by the membership. 

Regular election of Branch oflScers shall take place yearly, but not more than 
twice a year. All officers shall be elected by majority vote of the membership 
at a specially designated meeting of which the whole membership shall be notified. 
Ofiicers may be replaced by majority vote of the Branch membership at any 
time, with the approval of the higher Party committee. 

Financial statements shall be submitted to the Branch by the Executive Com- 
mittee at least quarterly. 

The order of business at the Branch meeting shall include the following: 

1. Reading of minutes of previous meeting; 

2. Dues payments and initiation of new members ; 

3. Report of Executive Committee : 

a. Checkup on decision (old business) ; 

b. Assignments and tasks, reports on comnnuiicntions, literature and press 
(new business) ; 

4. Good and welfare; 

5. Regular educational discussion (educational discussion may be moved to 
any point on the order of business). 

Collections within Party organizations in a given territory may be made only 
with the approval of the next higher body. 
One-third of the Branch membership shall constitute a quorum. 
Branches shall meet at least once every two weeks. 

Section Organizations 

Delegates to the Section Convention or Council shall be elected by all Branches 
In proportion to their membership. The basis of representation shall be decided 
upon by the Section Committee in consultation with the higher Party Committee. 

Any delegate to the Section Council may be recalled by a majority vote of his 
Branch. The Section Council meets regularly once a month. 

The Section Council shall make a report at least once in three months to the 
general membership meeting of the Section. All Party members residing in 
the territory may be Invited to these meetings. 

The Section Council shall submit financial reports to the Branches and to the 
higher Party Committee at least once in three months. 

City or County Organizations 

In cities where there is more than one Section Organization, a City Council 
may be formed by the election of delegates either from the Section Councils or 
directly from the Branches. The role of this form of organization is to coordi- 
nate and guide the work on a citywide scale, and actively participate in or super- 
vise Party activity in all public elections and civic affairs within its territory. 

The City Council elects from among its members a City Executive Committee 
with the same rights and duties on a citywide scale as the section Executive 
Committee has on a Sectionwide scale. 

The State Committee may form County Councils with the same rights and 
duties on a county scale as the City Council has on a city scale. 

The structure of the County Council shall be the same as of the City Council. 

State or District Organizations 

For two months prior to the State Convention, discussion shall take place in 
all Party organizations on the main resolutions and problems coming before the 
Convention. During this discussion, all Party organizations have the right and 
duty to adopt resolutions and amendments to the Draft Resolutions of the State 
Committee, for consideration at the Convention. 

Only members who are at least two years in the Party shall be eligible for 
elections to the State Committee. Exceptions may be made only by State or 

47716°— 54 8 



106 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

National Conventions. The size of the State Committee shall be decitlod upon 
by the Convention, in consultation with the National Committee. 

The State Committee shall meet at least once every two months. It shall elect 
from among its members an Executive Committee to function with full power, 
which shall be responsible to the State Committee. 

The State Committee, by a majority vote of its members, may replace any 
regular member who is unable to serve because of sickness or other assignment, 
or who is removed from office. New regular members shall be chosen from 
among the alternate members of the State Committee. 

An auditing committee, elected by the State Committee shall examine the 
books of the State Financial Secretary once every month. A certitied Public 
Accountant shall audit these books at least once a year, and his report shall be 
presented to the State Committee and Conventions. 

Special State Conventions may be called by a majority vote of the State Com- 
mittee, or by the National Committee, 

Upon written request of Branches representing one-third of the membership 
of the State Organization, the State Committee sliall call a special State 
Convention. 

The call for a special Convention shall be subject to the approval of the 
National Committee. 

The State Committee shall have the power to establish an official organ with 
tl e approval of the National Committee. 

The State Committee shall conduct or supervise Party activity in all public 
elections and statewide public affairs within the State. 

In states having more than one thousand members, the State Committee shall 
r.l)point a Disciplinary Committee with the task of hearing disciplinary cases, 
and reporting its findings and recommendations to the State Committee. In 
States with less than one thousand members, a committee may be appointed 
if it is considered necessary. 

Tl'o rules governing the organization and functioning of District Organizations 
shall be the same as those provided for the State Organizations. 

Qualifications for Delegates to Conventions 

Delegates to the State Conventions must be in good standing and have been 
members of the I'arty for at least one year. 

Delegates to the National Convention must be in good standing and have been 
members of the Party for at least two years. 

In special cases, the latter qualification (length of time in Party) may be 
waived, but only with the approval of the leading committee involved (National 
Committee for the National Convention, State Committee for the State 
Convention ) . 

MeynTjersliip 

It is within tlie provision of Article III, Section 1 of the Constitution that 
the following are eligible to membersliip in the Communist Party: 

a. Persons who, by some present unjnst and undemocratic laws, are excluded 
from citizenship and disbarred from legally declaring their intentions of becom- 
ing citizens ; 

b. Students and others temporarily residing in the country ; 

c. All persons coming from coimtries contiguous to the United States, engaged 
in migratory work, and temporarily in the country. 

Rate of Dues 

Dues shall be paid every month according to the following rates : 

a. Housewives, unemployed, and all members earning up to $47.00 a month, 
shall pay 10 cents a month. 

b. All members earning from $47.01 to $80.00 a month inclusive shall pay 25 

cents a month. .^ . , . ,1, rn 

c. All members earning from $80.01 to $112.00 a month inclusive shall pay 50 

cents a month ., . , . ,, „ 

d. All members earning from $112.01 to $160.00 a month inclusive shall pay 

$1.00 a month. , .-, ^t. i„ 

e Members earning more than $1GO.OO per month shall pay, besides t^ie regular 
$1.00 dues, additional dues at the rate of 50 cents for each additional $10.00 or 

fraction thereof. , . ., • v,- 1, v k^ a-.-.oc 

All dues payments must be acknowledged m the membership book by dues 

stamps, issued by the National Committee. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM EST THE UNITED STATES 107 

Transfers and Leaves of Absence 

Members who move from one neighborhood, shop or industry to another and 
have to go from one Branch to another, shall obtain transfers from their 
Branches. No member shall be accepted by the new Branch without a properly 
filled out transfer card. Before receiving transfers, members shall be in good 
standing and have paid up all other financial obligations to their Branches. 
If a member transfers from one Section or City Organization to another, a 
duplicate transfer card shall be transmitted through the State or District Com- 
mittee. If a member transfers from one State or District to another, this 
shall be recorded in the membership book, and a duplicate transfer card shall 
be sent through the National Committee. 

No member has the right to take a leave of absence without the permission 
of his Branch. Leaves of absence not exceeding one month may be granted by 
the Branch. An extended leave of absence, upon the recommendation of tlie 
Branch, shall be acted upon by the next higher committee of the Party. Before 
a leave of absence is given the member shall pay up dues, and settle his financial 
obligations up to and including the end of the leave of absence period. 

Read7nittance 

Expelled members applying for readmittance must submit a written statement 
and their applications may not be finally acted upon except with the approval 
of the National Control Commission. 

Former members whose membership has lapsed must submit a written state- 
ment on application for readmission, to be finally acted upon by the respective 
State Committees. 



THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES OF 

AMERICA— 1940 

On October 17, 1940, the Voorhis Act became effective. This act 
provided for the registration of every organization subject to foreign 
control which engages in political activity. Inasmuch as the consti- 
tution of the Communist Party, U. S. A., provides that the party be 
"affiliated to the Communist International" the question arose as to 
"whether the party came within the purview of the Voorhis Act. This 
situation was remedied by the calling of a special convention of the 
Communist Party, U. S. A., on November 16-17, 1940, at which time 
the following constitution was adopted : " 

The 1940 CoNsnxunoN 

PREAMBLE 

The Communist Party of the United States of America is a working class 
political party carrying forward today the traditions of Jefferson, Paine, Jack- 
son, and Lincoln, and of the Declaration of Independence ; it upholds the achieve- 
ments of democracy, the right of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," 
and defends the United States Constitution against its reactionary enemies who 
would destroy democracy and all popular liberties ; it is devoted to defense of 
the immediate interests of workers, farmers, and all toilers against capitalist 
exploitation, and to preparation of the working class for its historic mission to 
unite and lead the American people to extend these democratic principles to 
their necessary and logical conclusions : 

By establishing common ownership of the national economy, through a 
government of the people, by the people, and for the people; the abolition of 
all exploitation of man by man, nation by nation, and race by race, and thereby 
the abolition of class divisions in society ; that is, by the establishment of social- 
ism, according to the scientific principles enunciated by the greatest teachers of 
mankind, Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, embodied in the Communist Inter- 
national ; and the free cooperation of the American people with those of other 
lands, striving toward a world without oppression and war, a world brotherhood 
of man. 

To this end, the Communist Party of the United States of America establishes 
the basic laws of its organization in this Constitution. 

ARTICLE I 

Natne 

The name of this organization shall be COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE 
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

ARTICtE n 

Party Emblems 

The highest Party authority in each State shall have power to select the 
emblem of the Communist Party of that State, taking into consideration the 
Statutes of said State applying thereto. Its design shall be in such form as 
shall represent the idea of the unity of worker and farmer. 



■" Copy In flies of the committee. 

108 



ORGAlSriZED COMIVrUNISM EST THE UlSIITED STATES 109 

AETICLE HI 

Membership 

Section 1. Any person twenty-one years of age or more, regardless of race, 
color, national origin, sex, or religious belief, who is a citizen of the United 
States, and whose loyalty to the working class is unquestioned, shall be eligible 
for membership. 

Section 2. A Party member is one who accepts the Party'prograra, as deter- 
mined by the Constitution and the conventions of the Party, attends the regular 
meetings of the membership Branch, pays dues regularly, and is active in Party 
worli. 

Section 3. An applicant for membership shall be endorsed by at least two 
members of the Communist Party. Applications are subject to discussion and 
decision by the basic organization of the Party to which the application is 
presented. 

Section 4. There shall be no members at large without special permission 
of the National Committee or of a State Committee. 

Section 5. Party members two months in arrears in payment of dues cease 
to be members of the Party in good standing, and shall be informed thereof. 

Section 6. Members who are four months in arrears shall be dropped from 
Party membership. Every member three months in arrears shall be otficially 
informed of this provision, and a personal effort shall be made to bring such 
member into good standing. However, if a member whose membership is ter- 
minated for these reasons applies for readmission within six months, he may, 
on the approval of the next higher Party committee, be permitted to pay up 
his back dues and keep his standing as an old member. 

abticle IV 

Initiation and Dues 

Section 1. The initiation fee for an employed person shall be 50 cents and 
for an unemployed person 10 cents. 

Section 2. Dues shall be paid every month according to rates fixed by the 
National Committee. 

Section 3. The income from dues shall be distributed to the various Party 
organizations as determined by the National Committee. 

Section 4. Fifty percent of the initiation fee shall be sent to the National 
Committee and 50 percent shall remain with the State Organization. 

ARTICLE V 

International Solidarity and Assessment 

Section 1. Every four months all members of the Party shall pay an assess- 
ment equal to the average dues payment per mouth for the previous four months, 
for an International Solidarity Fund. This money shall be used by the National 
Committee exclusively to aid the workers and toilers of other lands, and their 
organizations, who may be victimized in their struggles against fascism and 
military reaction, for national and social emancipation, for peace and freedom. 

Section 2. All local or district assessments are prohibited, except by special 
permission of the National Committee. Special assessments may be levied by 
the National Convention or the National Committee. No member shall be 
considered in good standing unless he purchases stamps for such special assess- 
ments. 

AETICLE VI 

The Party: Rights and Duties of Members 

Section 1. The Communist Party of the U. S. A. upholds the democratic 
achievements of the American people. It opposes with all its power any clique, 
group, circle, faction, or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, 
weaken, or overthrow any or all institutions of American democracy whereby 



110 ORGANIZED COMIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

the majority of the American people have obtained power to determine their 
own destiny in any degree. It condemns and opposes all policies and acts of 
sabotage, espionage, and all other forms of "Fifth Column" activity. The Com- 
munist Party of the U. S. A., standing unqualifiedly for the right of the majority 
to direct the destinies of our country, will fight with all its strength against 
any and every effort, whether it comes from abroad or from within, to impose 
upon our people the arbitrary will of any selfish minority group or party or 
clique or conspiracy. 

Section 2. Every member of the Party who is in good standing has not only 
the right, but the duty, to participate in the making of the policies of the Party 
and in the election of its leading committees, in a manner provided for in the 
Constitution. 

Section 3. In matters of state or local nature, the Party organizations have 
the right to exercise full initiative and to make decisions within the limits of 
the general policies and decisions of the Party. 

Section 4. After thorough discussion, the majority vote decides the policy of 
the Party, and the minority is dutybound to carry out the decision. 

Section 5. Party members disagreeing with any decision of a Party organiza- 
tion or committee have the right to appeal that decision to the next higher body, 
and may carry the appeal to the highest liodies of the Communist Party of the 
U. S. A., its National Committee and the National Convention. Decisions of the 
National Convention are final. While the appeal is pending, the decision 
must nevertheless be carried out by every member of the Party. 

Section 6. In pre-Convention periods, individual Party members and delegates 
to the Convention shall have unrestricted right of discussion on any question of 
Party policy and tactics and the work and future composition of the leading 
committees. 

Section 7. The decisions of the Convention shall be final and every Party 
member and Party organization shall be dutybound to recognize the authority of 
the Convention decisions and the leadership elected by it. 

Section 8. All Party members in mass organizations (trade unions, farm and 
fraternal organizations, etc.), shall cooperate to promote and strengthen the 
given organization and shall abide by the democratic decisions of these organiza- 
tions. 

Section 9. It shall be the duty of Party members to explain the mass policies 
of tlie Party and the principles of socialism. 

Section 10. It shall be the duty of Party members to struggle against the 
national oppression of the Negro people; to fight for complete equality for 
Negroes in all phases of American life and to promote the unity of Negro and 
white toilers for the advancement of their common interests. 

Section 11. All Party members who are eligible shall be required to belong 
to their respective trade unions. 

Section 12. All officers and leading committees of the Party from the Branch 
Executive Committee up to the highest committees are elected either directly 
by the membership or through their elected delegates. Every committee must 
report regularly on its activities to its Party organization. 

Section 13. Any Party officer may be removed at any time from his position 
by a majority vote of the body which elected him, or by the body to which he 
is responsible, with the approval of the National Committee. 

Section 14. Requests for release of a Party member from responsible posts 
may be granted only by the Party organization which elected him, or to which he 
is responsible, in consultation with tlie next higher committee. 

Section 15. No Party member shall have personal or political relationship with 
confirmed Trotskyites,'Lovestoneites, or other known enemies of the Party and of 
the working class. 

Section 16. All party members eligible shall register and vote in the elections 

for all public oflices. 

article vn 

Structure of the Party 

Section 1. The basic organization of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. is 
the Branch. 

The Executive Committee of the Branch shall be elected once a year by the 

membership. 

Section 2. The State Organization shall comprise all Party organizations in 

one state. 



ORGANIZED COAtMUNISM IN THE UMITED STATES HI 

The highest body of the State Organization is the State Convention, which 
shall convene every two years, and shall be composed of delegates elected by 
the Conventions of the subdivisions of the Party or Branches in the State. The 
delegates are elected on the basis of numerical strength. 

A State Committee of regular and alternate members shall be elected at the 
State Convention with full power to carry out the decisions of the Convention 
and conduct the activities of the State Organization until the next State Con- 
vention, 

The State Committee may elect from among its members an Executive Com- 
mittee, which shall be responsible to the State Committee. 

Special State Conventions may be called either by a majority vote of the State 
Committee, or upon written request of the Branches representing one-third of 
the membership of the state, with the approval of the National Committee. 

Section 3. District Organizations may be established by the National Com- 
mittee, covering two or more states. In such cases the State Committees shall 
be under the jurisdiction of the District Committees, elected by and representing 
the Party Organizations of the states composing these Districts. The rules of 
convening District Conventions and the election of leading committees shall be 
the same as those provided for the State Organization. 

Section 4. State and District Organizations shall have the power to establish 
all necessary subdivisions such as County, City, and Section Organizations and 
committees. 

Section 5. The State Organization shall have full autonomy and power within 
the framework of the program, policies, and Constitution of the National Organ- 
ization. 

ARTICLE VIII 

National Organization 

Section 1. The supreme authority in the Communist Party of the U. S. A. 
is the National Convention. Regular National Conventions shall be held every 
two years. Only National Conventions are authorized to make political and 
organizational decisions binding upon the entire Party and its membership, 
except as provided in Article VIII, Section 6. 

Section 2. The National Convention shall be composed of delegates elected 
by the State and District Conventions. The delegates are elected on the basis 
of numerical strength of the State Organizations. The basis for representation 
shall be determined by the National Committee. 

Section 3. For two months prior to the (Convention, discussion shall take place 
in all Party organizations on the main resolutions and problems coming before 
the Convention. During this discussion all Party organizations have the right 
and duty to adopt resolutions and amendments to the Draft Besolutions of the 
National Committee for consideration at the Convention. 

Section 4. The National Convention elects the National Committee, a National 
Chairman and General Secretary by majority vote. The National Committee 
shall be composed of regular and alternate members. The alternate members 
shall have voice but no vote. 

Section 5. The size of the National Committee shall be decided upon by each 
National Convention of the Party. Members of the National Committee must 
have been active members of the Party for at least three years. 

Section 6. The National Committee is the highest authority of the Party be- 
tween National Conventions, and is responsible for enforcing the Constitution 
and securing the execution of the general policies adopted by the democratically 
elected delegates in the National Convention assembled. The National Com- 
mittee represents the Party as a whole, and has the right to make decisions with 
full authority on any problem facing the Party between Conventions. The 
National Committee organizes and supervises its various departments and com- 
mittees ; conducts all the political and organizational work of the Party ; appoints 
or removes the editors of its press, who work under its leadership and control; 
organizes and guides all undertakings of importance for the entire Party ; dis- 
tributes the Party forces and controls the central treasury. The National Com- 
mittee, by majority vote of its members, may call special State or National 
Conventions. The National Committee shall submit a certified, audited financial 
report to each National Convention. 

Section 7. ITie National Committee elects from among its members a Political 
Committee and such additional secretaries and such departments and committees 
as may be considered necessary for most efficient work. The Political Committee 



112 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Is charged with the responsibility of carrying out the decisions and the work 
of the National Committee between its full sessions. It is responsible for all 
its decisions to the National Committee. The size of the Political Committee 
shall be decided upon by majority vote of the National Committee. 

Members of the Political Committee and editors of the central Party organs 
must have been active members of the Party for not less than five years. 

The National Committee shall meet at least once in four months. 

The National Committee may, when it deems it necessary, call Party Confer- 
ences. The National Committee shall decide the basis of attendance at such 
Conferences. Such Conferences shall be consultative bodies auxiliary to the 
National Committee. 

ARTICLE IX 

Disciplinary Procedure 

Section 1. Breaches of Party discipline by individual members, financial 
irregularities, as well as any conduct or action detrimental to the Party's prestige 
and influence among the working masses and harmful to the best interests of 
the Party, may be punished by censure, public censure, removal from responsible 
posts, and by expulsion from the Party. Breaches of discipline by Party com- 
mittees may be punished by removal of the committee by the next higher Party 
committee, which shall then conduct new elections. 

Section 2. Charges against individual members may be made by any person — 
Party or non-1'arty — in writing, to the Branches of the Party or to any leading 
committee. The Party Branch shall have the right to decide on any disciplinary 
measure, including expulsion. Such action is subject to final approval by the 
State Committee. 

Section 3. The State and National Committees have the right to hear and take 
disciplinary action against any individual member or organization under their 
jurisdiction. 

Section 4. All parties concerned shall have the fullest right to appear, to bring 
witnesses and to testify before the Party organization. The member punished 
shall have the right to appeal any disciplinary decision to the higher committees 
up to the National Convention of the Party. 

Section 5. Party members found to be strikebreakers, degenerates, habitual 
drunkards, betrayers of Party confidence, provocateurs, persons who practice or 
advocate terrorism, sabotage, espionage, and force and violence, or members 
whose actions are otherwise detrimental to the Party and the working class, shall 
be summarily dismissed from positions of responsibility, expelled from the Party, 
and exposed before the general public 

ABTICLE X 

Amending the Constitution 

This Constitution may be amended as follows: (a) by decision of a majority 
of the voting delegates present at the National Convention ; or (b) by the National 
Committee for the purpose of complying with any law of any state or of the 
United States or whenever any provisions of this Constitution and By-Laws 
conflict with any such law. Such amendments made by the National Committee 
shall be published in the Party press or Discussion Bulletins of the National 
Committee and shall remain in full force and effect until acted upon by the 
National Convention. 

article XI 

By-Lawa 

Section 1. By-Laws may be adopted, based on this Constitution, for the purpose 
of establishing uniform rules and procedure for the proper functioning of the 
Party organizations. By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of 
the National Convention, or between Conventions by majority vote of the National 
Committee. 

Section 2. State By-Laws not In conflict with the National Constitution and 
By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of the State Convention or, 
between Conventions, by majority vote of the State Committee. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 113 



ARTICLE Xn 

Charters 



The National Committee shall issue Charters to State or District Organizations 
and, at the request of the respective State Organizations, to County and City 
Organizations, defining the territory over which they have jurisdiction and 
authority. 



THE COMMUNIST POLITICAL ASSOCIATION— 1944 

The attack on Russia by Germany in June 1941 followed by tlie 
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor placed the American Communists 
in the unusual position of supportino; a capitalist government. The 
national committee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., met in a plenary 
session in January 1914. Earl Browder, general secretary of the 
party, in his report to the national committee said : ^^ 

The Oommiinist Party commits itself in full good faith to work with the over- 
whelming majority of our nation for the most successful realization of our enor- 
mous national task of war and postwar construction on this basis. 

It is equally evident that the political issues of this time will be decided within 
the form of the two party system traditional in our country. In this framework 
can be fought out and won the necessary struggle of the American people to safe- 
guard our country's victory and the preservation of its institutions through such 
measures as the restoration of universal suffrage to the southern people, the 
elimination of the anti Negro and of all undemocratic restrictions in the primary 
elections and total removal of all antilabor laws and racial discrimination. 

The Communist Party's contribution in the election will be to aid the struggle 
for the unity of the people in support of the nation's war policy, without partisan 
or class advantages. 

The win the war policy of the nation are under challenge in this election. 
A rejection by the people of all defeatist attacks on the President and the nation's 
war policy is an inseparable part of the successful and speedy victorious conclu- 
sion of the war. The national election of 1944 is as much a test of the peoples' 
support of the war as was the election of 1S64. 

The war is not yet won. The really decisive fighting lies ahead. The Com- 
munist Party places ahead of all other considerations the consolidation of our 
national unity to guarantee the speedy victorious conclusion of the war in Europe 
and Asia, uninterrupted and full war production and the consolidation of the 
peace and collaboration between nations which the agreements have made pos- 
sible. 

The National Committee calls the National Convention of the Communist Party 
to meet in May, the day and place to be fixed by the Political Committee by Febru- 
ary 1. Before this convention the National Committee will place a number of 
proposals, among which will be that the Communist organization cease to carry 
the word "Party" in its name, and, instead, adopt a name more exactly 
representing its role as a part of a larger unity in the nation, not seeking any 
pai-tisan advancement — a name, for example, like American Communist Political 
Association. 

The National Committee of the Communist Party, U. S. A., unani- 
mously adopted Browder 's report. A committee consisting of Roy 
Hudson, John Williamson, Gilbert Green, Eugene Dennis, Ann Bur- 
lak, Pat Toohey, Sam Darcy, Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., Ben Gold, and 
Peter Cacchione w^as appointed to submit recommendations to the 
national convention on possible changes in the preamble, name, ar- 
ticles, and sections of the constitution. 

The Communist Party, U. S. A., met in convention in New York 
City, May 20-22, 1944, formed the Communist Political Association 
and adopted the following constitution : ^^ 

=1 The Communist, February 1944, pp. 98-101. 
^ Copy in files of committee. 

114 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM EN TUB UNITED STATES 115 

The followin^Constitution was adopted by the Communist Political 
Association in National Convention held in New York City, May 20- 
22, 1944 : 

Constitution 

preamble 

The Communist Political Association Is a nonparty organization of Americang 
which, basing itself upon the working class, carries forward the traditions of 
Washington, Jefferson, Paine, Jackson, and Lincoln, under the changed condi- 
tions of modern industrial society. 

It sef^ks effective application of democratic principles to the solution of the 
problems of today, as an advanced sector of the democratic majority of the 
American people. 

It upholds the Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution and 
its Bill of Rights, and the achievements of American democracy against all the 
enemies of popular liberties. 

It is shaped by the needs of the nation at war, being formed in the midst of 
the greatest struggle of all history ; It recognizes that victory for the free peoples 
over fascism will open up new and more favorable conditions for progress ; it 
looks to the family of free nations, led by the great coalition of democratic cap- 
italist and socialist states, to inaugurate an era of world peace, expanding pro- 
duction and economic well-being, and the liberation and equality of all peoples 
regardless of race, creed, or color. 

It adheres to the principles of scientific socialism, Marxism, the heritage of the 
best thought of humanity and of a hundred years' experience of the labor move- 
ment, principles which have proved to be indispensable to the national existence 
and independence of every nation ; it looks forward to a future in which, by 
democratic choice of the American people, our own country will solve the prob- 
lems arising out of the contradiction between the social character of production 
and its private ownership, incorporating the lessons of the mcst fruitful achieve- 
ments of all mankind in a form and manner consistent with American traditions 
and character. 

For the advancement of those aims, the Communist Political Association estab- 
lishes the basic laws of its organization in the following Constitution. 

ABTICLE I 

Name 

Section 1. The name of this organization shall be Communist Political 
Association. 

ARTICLE n 

Purposes 

Section 1. The purposes of the Association are to assure to its membership 
adequate information, education, and organized participation in the political life 
of our country in cooperation with other Americans for the advancement and 
protection of the interests of the nation and its people. 

ARTICLE ni 

MemhersMp 

Section 1. Any resident of the United States, eighteen years of age or more, 
regardless of political affiliation, race, color, national origin, sex, or religious 
belief, who subscribes to the purposes of the Association shall be eligible for 
membership. 

Section 2. Any person eligible for membership according to Section 1, who 
accepts the program policies of the Association as determined by its Constitu- 
tion and Conventions, who is active on their behalf, reads the press and litera- 
ture; pays dues regularly and holds membership in an Association club shall be 
considered a member. 



116 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

ABTICLE IV 

Initiation Fees, Dues and Assessments 

Section 1. Initiation fees and dues shall be paid according to rates fixed toy 
the National CJonvention. 

Section 2. The income from dues and initiation fees shall be distributed to 
the various subdivisions of the Association as determined by the National 
Convention. 

Section 3. Special assessments may be levied by the National Convention or 
by a two-thirds vote of the National Committee. All local or district assessments 
are prohibited except by special permission of the National Committee. 

ARTICLE V 

Rights and Duties of Members 

Section 1. Every member of the Association who is in good standing has the 
right to participate in the making of its policies and in the election of its leading 
committees, in a manner provided for in this Constitution. 

Section 2. After thorough discussion in any club, committee, or convention, 
decisions are made by a majority vote, and all members are dutybound to carry 
out such decisions. 

Section 3. Association members disagreeing with any decision of a club, state 
or county committee have the right to appeal such decision to the next higher 
body, until they reach the National Committee and the National Convention. 
Decisions of the National Convention are final. 

Section 4. No member shall be eligible to be elected to an office or committee, 
or to vote in the adoption of policies or in the election of officers, committees, or 
delegates who is three months or more in arrears in the payment of dues. 

Section 5. Every member is obligated to fight with aU his strength against 
any and every effort, whether it comes from abroad or from within, to im- 
pose upon the American people the arbitrary will of any selfish minority 
group or party or clique or conspiracy, or to interfere with the unqualified 
right of the majority to direct the destinies of our country. 

article VI 

Structrire 

Section 1. The basic organization of the Association is the club, which shall 
be organized on a community basis in cities, townships, or rural areas. 

The officers and executive committees of the clubs shall be elected by the 
membership by secret ballot once a year. Except for newly organized clubs, 
these elections shall take place in January of each year. 

The clubs shall meet at least monthly, but shall establish standing commit- 
tees, to be provided by the By-Laws, whose task shall be to function contin- 
uously and develop activity under the direction of the club executive conimittre. 

Section 2. The state organization shall comprise all clubs in one state or- 
ganized in such subdivisions as may be established, as provided for in this 
Constitution. 

The highest body of the state organization is the State Convention, which 
shall convene every two years, and be composed of delegates elected by the 
conventions of the subdivisions of the Association or by the clubs in the state. 
The delegates shall be elected on the basis of numerical strength. 

The State Convention shall elect, by majority vote, a State Committee, a 
President, Secretary, Treasurer, and such other state officers as it may de- 
termine. The State Committee may be composed of regular and alternate 
members. It has the responsibility to carry out the Convention decisions and 
direct the activities of the state organization between state conventions. 

The State Committee shall elect from among its members a State Board, 
which shall be responsible to the State Committee. 

Special state conventions may be called by either a majority vote of tbe 
State Committee, or upon written request of clubs representing one-third of 
the membership of the state. 

Section 3. District organizations may be established by the National Com- 
mittee. Where these cover two or more states, the State Committees shall 
be under the juri.sdietion of the District Committees, elected by and repre- 
Benting the Association membership of tbe states composing these districts. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 117 

The rules for convening the District Conventions and the election of leading 
committees shall be the same as those provided for the state organizations. 

Section 4. State and District Committees shall have the power to establish 
all necessary subdivisions, such as county and city organizations and com- 
mittees, and the rules for election of such committees shall be the same as those 
provided for the State Committees. 

Section 5. In matters of a state or local nature, the clubs, state and coun- 
ty committees have full autonomy and the right to make decisions vi'ithin the 
limits of the general policies and Constitution of the Association and its 
Convention. 

Section 6. All officers and leading committees of the Association, from the 
club executive committees to the highest committees, shall be elected either 
directly by the membership or through their elected delegates, Every com- 
mittee must report regularly on its activities to the body that elected it. 

Section 7. Any Associaion officer may be removed at any time from his 
position by a majority vote of the body which elected him, or by the com- 
mittee to which he is responsible. 

ARTICLE VII 

National Organization 

Section 1. The highest authority of the Association is the National Con- 
vention. Regular National Conventions shall be held every two years. Only 
National Conventions are authorized to make political and organizational de- 
cisions binding upon the entire Asssociation and its membership, except as pro- 
vided in Article VII, Section 7. 

Section 2. The National Convention shall be composed of delegates elected 
by the State and District Conventions. The delegates shall be elected on the 
basis of the numerical strength of the state or district organizations. The basis 
for representation shall be determined by the National Committee. 

Section 3. Prior to conventions, adequate time shall be allowed for dis- 
cussion in all Association clubs of the main resolutions and problems coming 
before the convention. During this discussion all Association organizations 
have the right to adopt resolutions and propose amendments to the draft reso- 
lutions of the National Committee for consideration at the convention. 

Section 4. The National Convention shall elect a National Committee by a 
majority vote. The National Committee shall be composed of the national officers 
and other regular and alternate members. Alternate members shall have voice 
but no vote, except where they replace regular members absent from meetings 
of the National Committee. 

Section 5. The officers of the Association shall be : President, Vice Presidents, 
Secretary, and Treasurer, and shall be elected by a majority vote of the con- 
vention. 

Section 6. The number of members of the National Committee and the number 
of Vice Presidents shall be determined by a majority vote of each National 
Convention. 

Section 7. The National Committee is the highest authority of the Association 
between National Conventions and is resiionsible for the enforcement of the 
Constitution and the execution of the general policies adopted by the National 
Convention. The National Committee represents the Association as a whole and 
has the right to make decisions with full authority on any problem facing the 
Association between conventions. The National Committee organizes and super- 
vises its various departments and committees; conducts all the political-edu- 
cational and organizational work of the Association ; elects or removes editors 
of its press, who work under its leadership and guidance ; organizes and directs 
all undertakings of importance to the entire Association ; administers the 
national treasury. Special conventions may be called by the National Committee 
by a majority vote or by a vote of two-thirds of the State Committees. The 
National Committee shall submit a certified, audited financial report to each 
National Convention. 

Section 8. The National Committee shall elect a National Board. The National 
Board shall be charged with the responsibility of carrying out the decisions and 
work of the National Committee between its sessions. The number of members 
of the Board shall be determined by the National Comnjittee by majority vote. 
It shall be responsible for all its decisions to the National Committee. The 
duties and responsibilities of the Vice Presidents shall be determined by the 
National Committee or National Board. 



118 ORGANIZED COIMIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

AKTICLE VIII 

Dtsclplinary Procedures 

Section 1. Conduct or action detrimental to the working class and the Nation, 
as well as to the interests of the Association, violation of decisions of its leading 
committees or of this Constitution, financial irregularities, or other conduct un- 
becoming a member of the Association, may be punished by censure, removal 
from posts of leadership, or by expulsion from membership. Such conduct or 
action by any committee may be punished by removal of the committee by tlie 
State or National Committee, which shall then order new elections for said 
committee. 

Section 2. Adherence to or participation in the activities of any clique, group, 
circle, faction, or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, weaken, 
or overthrow any or all institutions of American democracy, whereby the major- 
ity of the American people have maintained power to determine their destinies in 
any degree, shall be punished by immediate expulsion. 

Section 3. The practice or advocacy of any form of racial or religious dis- 
crimination shall be grounds for expulsion from membership. 

Section 4. No member shall have personal or political relations with enemies 
of the working class and Nation. 

Section 5. Charges against individual members or committees may be made by 
any member in writing to the club of which he is a member, or to the leading 
committee having jurisdiction. Clubs sliall act upon charges directed against 
anyone holding membership in that club. 

Section 6. All parties concerned in disciplinary cases shall have the fullest 
rlglit to appear to bring witnesses, and testify. 

Section 7. The club or leading committee having Jurisdiction shall have the 
right to decide by majority vote upon any disciplinary measure including ex- 
pulsion. Disciplinary measures taken by leading committees are subject to aj)- 
proval by the body to which they are responsible. 

article IX 

Appeals 

Section 1. Any member who has been subject to disciplinary action has the 
right to appeal to the next higher body up to the National Convention, whose 
decision shall be final. 

ARTICLE X 

Amending the Constitution 

Section 1. This Constitution may be amended by a majority vote at any regular 
or special National Convention. 

article XI 

Relations and Affiliations With Other Organizations 

Section 1. The Association shall cooperate locally and nationally with all 
organizations whose activities contribute to the welfare and furtherance of the 
interests of the working people and the Nation. 

Section 2. Organizations — local, State, or national — which subscribe to the 
purposes of the Association as set forth in this Constitution and desire to become 
affiliated with it may be accepted, upon such conditions as the National Commit- 
tee may adopt, by Association Committees in whose jurisdiction the application 
is made. 

article xn 
By-Laws 

Section 1. By-Laws may be adopted, based on this Constitution, for the pur- 
pose of establishing uniform rules and procedure for the proper functioning of 
the Association organizations. By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority 
vote of the National Convention, or, between conventions, by majority vote of 
the National Committee. 

Section 2. State By-Laws not in conflict with the National Constitution and 
By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of the State Convention, 
or, between conventions, by majority vote of the State Committee. 



RETURN TO STATUS QUO ANTE BELLUM 

The end of the war in Europe brought about another change in the 
ranks of the American Communists. 

DucLOS Letter 

In the April 1945 issue of "Cahiers du Communisme," theoretical 
organ of the Communist Party of France, appeared an article by 
Jacques Duclos entitled "On the Dissolution of the Communist Party 
of the United States." This article was reprinted in the Daily Worker 
of May 24, 1945. After reviewing the reasons advanced by Browder 
for the dissolution of the Communist Party and the formation of the 
Communist Political Association, Duclos said, in part:^ 

We, too, in France, are resolute partisans of national unity, and we show that 
in our daily activity, but our anxiety for unity does not make us lose sight for a 
single moment of the necessity of arraying ourselves against the men of the 
trusts. Furthermore, one can observe a cei'tain confusion in Browder's declara- 
tion regarding the problems of nationalization of monopolies and what he calls 
the transition from capitalism to socialism. 

Nationalization of monopolies actually in no sense constitutes a socialist 
advancement contrary to what certain people would be inclined to believe. No ; 
in nationalization it is simply a matter of reforms of a democratic character, 
achievement of socialism being impossible to imagine with the preliminary 
conquest of power. 

Everyone understands that the Communists of the United States want to work 
to achieve unity in their country, but it is less understandable that they envisage 
the solution of the problem of national unity with the good will of the men of 
the trusts and under quasi-idyllic conditions as if the capitalist regime had been 
able to change its nature by some unanimous miracle. 

In truth, nothing justifies the dissolution of the American Communist Party, in 
our opinion. Browder's analysis of capitalism in the United States is not dis- 
tinguished by a judicious application of Marxism-Leninism. The predictions of 
regarding a sort of disappearance of class contractions in the United States 
corresponds in nowise to a Marxist-Leninist understanding of the situation. 

As to the argument consisting of a justification of the party's dissolution by 
the necessity of not taking part in the presidential elections, this does not with- 
stand a serious examination. 

Nothing prevents a Communist Party from adopting its electoral delegates to 
the requirements of a given political situation. It is clear that American Com- 
munists were right in supporting the candidacy of President Roosevelt in the 
last election but it was not at all necessary for this to dissolve the Communist 
Party. 

It is beyond doubt that if instead of dissolving the Communist Party of the 
United States all had been done to intensify its activity in the sense of developing 
an ardent national and antifascist policy it would very clearly have consolidated 
its position and considerably extended its political influence. On the contrary 
formation of the Communist Political Association could not but trouble the minds 
and obscure the perspectives in the eyes of the working masses. * • • 

And it is clear that if Comrade Earl Browder had seen, as a Marxist-Leninist, 
this important aspect of the problems facing the liberty-loving peoples in this 
moment of their history, he would have arrived at a conclusion quite other than 
the dissolution of the Communist Party of the United States. 



» Daily Worker, May 24, 1945, p. 7. 

119 



120 ORGANIZEH COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Browder's Reply 

The question has often been asked as to why a member of the French 
Communist Party should criticize the methods of the American Com- 
munists unless he had the authority from Moscow. The following 
article by Earl Browder, appeared in the same issue of the Daily 
Worker as the Duclos letter and is more or less an admission by 
Browder that the Duclos article was the voice of the Kremlin. 
Browder wrote, in part: 

Unquestionably, while this is a personal article of Jacques Duclos it reflects 
the general trend of opinion of European Marxists in relation to America, and 
thus demands our most respectful attention. * * * 

It has been clear at all times that the end of the war in Europe would require 
a fundamental review of all problems by American Marxists. We must estimate 
our past work, and face the tasks of the future. We must make the most careful 
inventory, balance our political books, and know clearly how we stand as we 
enter a new period of sharpening struggles, crises and profound changes. The 
article of Duclos may conveniently provide a starting point for this fundamental 
review, which the C. P. A. leadership had independently begun some time ago ou 
the basis of accumulating threats against the unity of the great coalition. * * * 

The National Committee will meet to draw conclusiims after a period of dis- 
cussion sufl[icient to crystallize the basic Marxist understanding of the C. P. A. 
membership, and at that time undertake to focus this understanding into a clear 
perspective for the coming period of new storms. * * * 

Browder in saying that the Duclos letter reflected the opinion of 
European Marxists said, in efl'ect, that the Duclos letter reported the 
opinion of Stalin, the leading European Marxist. If, as claimed by 
the Communists, that the Comintern had been dissolved, that the 
American Communist Party had no connection with Russian Com- 
munists, why would the opinions of European Marxists demand the 
most respectful attention of the American Communists ? The answer 
is obvious. 

End of Communist Cooperation with Capitalist Countries 

The war in Europe was over. The Soviet Union was in no danger 
of a "Fascist Aggressor" and therefore the period of cooperation with 
capitalist countries was over. Those who had a short while before 
hailed Earl Browder as a great American Marxist now renounced him 
as a "revisionist." The doctrine of Marxism-Leninism must be revised. 

Communist Political Association 1945 Convention 

The Communist Political Association met in convention in New 
York City July 27-29, 1945. The results of this convention were re- 
flected in the Daily Worker of July 30, 1945, at page 2. The Daily 
Worker said : 

With William Z. Foster, veteran leader of the American labor movement, at 
the helm, an invigorated and strengthened National Committee yesterday took 
over direction of the Commui 'st Party of the United Stales. 

Election of a new nation,"' leadership climaxed an historic three-day national 
convention which recoust"* d the Communist Party and adopted a new consti- 
tution. An over-all pol esolution committed the organization to struggle 
against reaction and fas«. . and pledged extensive education for the ultimate 
realization of Socialism. 

The policies of Earl Brt ler, former leader of the Communist movement, were 
condemned as a "revision „•; Marxism" and a negation of the independent role of 
the labor movement and t "^ Communist Party, They were rejected unanimously 
by the 93 delegates. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM m THE UNITED STATES 



121 



A new national committee of 55 members to map out the policies 
between conventions was selected. A national board of 11 members 
and a secretariat of 4 members was selected to direct the activities of 
the organization. 

Those selected to the secretariat were : William Z. Foster, Eugene 
Dennis, John Williamson, and Kobert Thompson. 

Those selected to the national board were, in addition to the four 
members of the secretariat: Benjamin J. Davis, Jr., Elizabeth Gurley 
Flynn, Jack Stachel, Louis Weinstock, Irving Potash, Steve Nelson, 
and Josh Lawrence. 

Those selected to the national committee, in addition to the members 
of the national board, were : 



Gil Green 

William Sohnoiderman 

Ella Reeve Bloor 

Ann Burlak 

David Davis 

Beu Gold 

Arnold Johnson 

Doxey Wilkerson 

Rose Gaiilden 

Martin Mackie 

Carl Ross 

Robert Hall 

Alexander Bittelinan 

Claudia Jones 

Nat Cohen 



H. Smith 
Joe Dougher 
Frederick N. Myers 
Mickie Lina 
Sam Donchin 
1. Amter 
Hal Simon 
Roy Hudson 
Morris Childs 
Alice Burke 
Peter V. Cacchione 
Nat Ganby 
Henry Hull 
Max Weiss 
Carl Winter 



Gus Hall 

William Patterson 
John Gates 
Henry Winston 
Fred Blair 
A. W. Berry 
George Kane 
Ted Russell 
Clarence Sharp 
Ralph Shaw 
N. Kovac 
Albert Lannon 
Bella Dodd 



The national committee was approved by the convention and the 
national committee then selected Foster as chairman of the party and 
its national board. 

The following were selected as a review commission in charge of 
training personnel and checking on finances: 



Helen Allison 
Phil Bart 
James Ford 
Charles Krumbein 
J. Miudel 
George Morris 
Dan Slinger 



Alexander Trachtenberg 
Saul Wellman 
Rose Wortis 
David Carpenter 
William McKie 
Roy Honsborough 
Dora Lifshitz 



William Norman 
R Roberts 
N. Sparks 
A. Wagenknecht 
Anita Whitney 



47716°— 54- 



COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA— 1945 

The new constitution follows : '^ 

Constitution 
preamble 

The Comjui.nist Party of the United States is the political party of the Ameri- 
can worliing class, basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialism, 
Marxism-Leninism. It champions the immediate and fundamental interests of 
the workers, farmers, and all who labor by hand and brain against capitalist 
exploitation and oppression. As the advanced party of the worliing class, it 
stands in the forefront of this struggle. 

The Communist Party upholds the achievements of American democracy and 
defends the United States Constitution and its Bill of Ritihts against its reaction- 
ary enemies wlio would destroy democracy and popular liberties. It uncom- 
promisingly fii^'hts against imperialism and colonial oppression, against racial, 
national, and religious discrimination, against Jim Crowism, anti-Semitism, and 
all forms of chauvinism. 

The Communist Party struggles for the complete destruction of fascism and 
for a durable peace. It seeks to safeguard the welfare of the people and the 
nation, recognizing that the working class, through its trade unions and by its 
independent political action, is the most consistent fighter for democracy, national 
freedom, and social progress. 

The Communist Parly holds as a basic principle that there is an identity of 
Interest which serves as a common bond uniting the workers of all lands. It 
recognizes further that the true national interests of our country and the cause 
of peace and progress require the solidarity of all freedom-loving peoples and 
the continued and ever closer cooperation of the United Nations. 

The Communist Party recognizes that the final abolition of exploitation and 
oppression, of economic crises and unemployment, of reaction and war, will be 
achieved only by the socialist reorganization of society — by the common owner- 
ship and operation of the national economy under a government of the people 
led by the working class. 

The Communist Party, therefore, educates the working class, in the course 
of its day-to-day struggles, for its historic mission, the establishment of Social- 
ism. Socialism, the highest form of democracy, will giiarantee the full realiza- 
tion of the right to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and will turn 
the achievements of labor, science, and culture to the use and enjoyment of all 
men and women. 

In the struggle for democracy, peace, and social progress, the Communist Party 
carries forward the democratic traditions of Jefi'orson, Paine, Lincoln, and 
Frederick Douglass, and the great working-class traditions of Sylvis, Debs, and 
Ruthenberg. It fights side by side with all who join in this cause. 

For the advancement of these principles, the Communist Party of the United 
States establishes the basic laws of its organization in the following Constitution : 

ABTICLK I 

Name 

Section 1. The name of the organization shall be Communist Party of the 
United States of America. 



*^ Copy In files of the committee. 
122 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 123 

ARTICLE II 

Purposes 

Section 1. The purposes of this organization are to promote the best Interests 
and welfare of the worliing class and the people of the United States, to defend 
and extend the democracy of our country, to prevent the rise of fascism, and 
to advance the cause of progress and peace with the ultimate aim of ridding our 
country of the scourge of economic crises, unemployment, insecurity, poverty, 
and war, through the realization of the historic aim of the working class — the 
estahlishment of Socialism by the free choice of the majority of the American 
people. 

ARTICLE III 

Membership 

Section 1. Any resident of the United States, 18 years of age or over, regardless 
of race, color, national origin, sex, or religious belief, who subscribes to the 
principles and purposes of the Communist Party, shall be eligible for membership. 

Skction 2. Any person eligible for membership according to Section 1, who 
accepts the aims, principles and program of the Party as determined by its con- 
stitution and conventions, who holds membership in and attends club meetings, 
who is active on behalf of the Party, who reads the Party press and literature 
and pays dues regularly, shall be considered a member. 

Section 3. An applicant for membership shall be indorsed by at least one 
member of the Communist Party. Such application is subject to discussion and 
decision by the Club to which it is presented. 

Section 4. Party members three months in arrears in payment of dues cease 
to be members in good standing and shall be so informed. Members who are six 
months in arrears shall be dropped from Party membership after a personal 
effort has been made to bring such members into good standing. If members who 
terminated their membership for these reasons apply for readmission within 
six months, they may, upon approval of the Club Executive Committee, be per- 
mitted to pay up back dues and maintain standing as old members. 

article IV 
Rights and Duties of Members 

Section 1. Every member of the Party who is in good standing has not only 
the right but the responsibility to participate in the making of its policies and in 
the election of its leading committees in the manner provided for in this 
Constitution. 

Section 2. After thorough discussion in any Club, committee, or convention, 
decisions are made by a majority vote of those in attendance, and all members 
are duty-bound to carry out such decisions. 

Section 3. Party members disagreeing with any decision of a Club, County, or 
State committee have the right to appeal such decision to the next higher body 
until they reach the National Committee and the National Convention. Decisions 
of the National Convention are final. While the appeal is pending, members shall 
adhere to the decision already rendered. All appeals must be heard by the 
respective committee within 30 days. 

Section 4. In preconvention discussions, members have the unrestricted right 
and duty to discuss any and all Party policies and tactics, the right to criticize 
the work and composition of all leading committees, the right of full expression 
in the Party press or other organs provided for such discussion. 

Section 5. In accord with the principles of democratic centralism, and in 
accord with Article VII, Section 6, Communist Party members shall be involved 
in the formulation of major policies and shall have the right and duty to examine 
the execution of policies. 

Section 6. Communist Party members in good standing have the right to vote 
on the adoption of policies and in the election of officers, committees, and 
delegates. 



124 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Section 7. Comrnnnist Party memhors. In a^rord with the provisions set forth 
In this Constitution, have the right to be nominated and elected to all offices 
or committees. 

Section 8. The members of a Club, by majority vote, have the right to recall 
any of the Club officers or committees. 

Section 9. A Party member shall have the right to prefer charges against any 
other member of the organization. Any member who has been subject to disci- 
plinary action has the right to appeal to the next higher body up to the National 
Convention, including the right to testify and bring witnesses. 

Section 10. Every member is obligated to figiit with all his strength against any 
and every effort, whether it comes from abroad or from within our country, to 
destroy the ri.i;hts of labor and the people, or any section thereof, or to impose 
upon the United States the arbitrary will of any group or party or clique or 
conspiracy, th(rei)y violating the unqualified right of the majority of the people 
tc direct the destinies of our country. 

Skction 11. Every Party member in a mass organization shall work to promote 
and strengtlien the given organization and protect the interests of its members. 

SiccTiON 12. All members shall strive to acquire an understanding of the fua- 
dnmenlals of Marxism and at all times aim to apply Communist consciousuess, 
understanding, responsibility, and initiative in their work and activity. 

Section 13. It shall be the obligation of all Party nif-mhers to struggle against 
all forms of national oppression, discrimination, and segregation, against all 
ideological influences and practices of "racial ' thenries. such as white chauvinism 
and anti-Semitism. It shall be the duty of all Party members to flght for the 
full social, political, and economic equality of the Negro people; and promote 
the unity of the Negro and white people as essential for the advancement of their 
common interests. 

Section 14. All members shall be required to t)eIonfi to the respective trade 
unions to which they are eligible. 

Section 15. All members eligible shall register and vote in the elections for all 
public offices. 

Section 10. The Party shall give full aid in the acquisition of U. S. citizenship 
to those of its members who, because of unjust and undenuM-ratic laws and prac- 
tices, are deprived of this right. 

article V 

Initiation Fees, Dues, and Assessments 

Section 1. Initiation fees and dues sliall be paid according to rates fixed by the 
National Convention. 

Section 2. The income from dues and initiation fees shall be distributed to the 
various subdivisions of the Party as determined by the National Convention. 

Section 3. Special assessments may be levied by the National Convention or 
by a two-thirds vote of the National Conunittee. All local or district assessments 
are prohibited except by special permission of the National Committee. 

article vt 
Structure 

Section 1. The basic organization of the Party is the Club, which shall be 
organized on a community basis in cities, townships, rural areas, or on a shop 
basis. 

The officers and executive committees of the Clubs shall be elected by the mem- 
bership by a secret ballot once a year. Except for newly organized Clubs, these 
elections shall take place in January of each year. 

The Clubs shall meet at least twice a montli. Standing committees shall be 
established as provided by the By-Laws, and shall function under the direction 
of the Club Executive Committee. 

Section 2. The state organization shall comprise all Clubs in one state and 
shall be organized in such subdivisions as may be found necessary in accord with 
the Constitution. 

The highest body of the state organization is the State Convention, which shall 
convene at least once every two years and be composed of delegates elected by the 
conventions of the subdivisions of the Party or by the Clubs in the state. The 
delegates shall be elected on the basis of numerical strength. Delegates to the 
state conventions shall have been members of the Party in continuous good stand- 
ing for at least one year. 



ORGANIZED COIkOIUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 125 

The State Convention shall elect, by secret ballot and majority vote, a State 
Committee. The State Committee may be composed of regular and alternate 
members. To be eligible to the State Committee, one shall have been a member 
of the Party in continuous good standing for at least two years. The State Com- 
mittee has tlie responsibility to carry out the Convention decisions and direct the 
activities of the state organization between state conventions. 

The State Committee shall elect from among its members a State Board, Chair- 
man, and such other officers as it decides upon. These shall be responsible 
to the State Committee. 

Special State Conventions may be called by either a majority vote of the State 
Committee, or upon written request of Clubs representing one-third of the mem- 
bership of tlie state. 

Section 3. District organizations may be established by the National Com- 
mittee. Where these cover two or more states, the State Committee shall be under 
the Jurisdiction of the District Committees, elected by and representing the Party 
membership of the states composing these districts. The rules for convening the 
District Conventions and the election of leading committees shall be the same as 
those provided for the state organization. 

Section 4. State and District Committees shall have the power to establish all 
necessary subdivisions, such as county and city organizations and committees, 
and tlie rules for election of such committees shall be provided in the By-Laws. 

Section 5. In matters of a state or local nature, the Clubs, County and State 
Committees, have the right to make decisions within the limits of the general 
policies and Constitution of the E'arty and its Convention. 

Section 6. All officers and leading committees of the Party, from the Club 
Executive Committees to the highest committees, shall be elected either directly 
by the membership or through their elected delegates. Committees and officers 
must report regularly on their activities to the body which elected them. 

Section 7. Any Party officer may be removed at any time from his position by 
a majority vote of the body which elected him, or by the committee to which he 
is responsible. 

article VII 

National Organisation 

Section 1. The highest authority of the Party is the National Convention. 
Regular National Conventions shall be held every two years. The National 
Conventions are authorized to make political and organizational decisions bind- 
ing upon the entire Party and its membership, except as provided in Article VII, 
Section 6. 

Special conventions may be called either by a two-thirds vote of the National 
Committee or by a two-thirds vote of all State Committees. 

Section 2. The National Convention shall be composed of delegates elected 
by the State and District Conventions. The delegates shall be elected on the 
basis of the numerical strength of the state or district organizations. The basis 
for representation shall be determined by the National Committee. Delegates 
to the National Convention shall have been members of the Party in continuous 
good standing for at least two years. 

Section 3. Prior to conventions, at least 60 days shall be allowed for dis- 
cussion in all Party Clubs of the main resolutions and problems coming before 
the convention. During this discussion all Party organizations have the right 
to adopt resolutions and propose amendments to the draft resolutions and the 
Constitution for consideration by the convention. 

Section 4. The National Convention shall elect a National Committee by a 
majority vote. To be eligible for election to the National Committee, one must 
have been a member of the Party in continuous good standing for at least four 
years. 

Section 5. The number of members of the National Committee shall be de- 
termined by a majority vote of each National Convention. 

Section 6. The National Committee is the highest authority of the Party be- 
tween National Conventions and is responsible for the enforcement of the Con- 
stitution and the execution of the general policies adopted by the National Con- 
vention. The National Committee represents the Party as a whole and has the 
right to make decisions with full authority on any problem or development facing 
the Party between conventions. The National Committee organizes and super- 
vises its various departments and committee ; guides and directs all the political 
and organizational work of the Party ; elects or removes editors of its press, who 



126 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

work under its leadership and guidance; organizes and directs all undertakings 
of importance to the entire Party; administers the national treasury. The 
National Committee shall submit a certified, audited financial report to each 
National Convention. 

Section 7. Tlie National Committee shall elect a Chairman and such other 
oflacers as it decides upon. The National Committee shall elect a National Board. 
To be eligible for election to the National Board, one nmst have been a member 
of the Party in continuous good standing for at least five years. 

The National Board shall be charged with the responsibility of carrying oat 
the decisions and work of the National Committee between its sessions. The 
number of members of the National Board shall be determined by the National 
Committee by majority vote. The ofiicers and the National Board are responsi- 
ble for all their decisiims and actions to the National Committee. The officers 
and members of the National Board may be removed by a majority vote of the 
National Committee. 

Section 8. The National Committee shall meet at least three times each year. 

ARTICLE VIII 

National Revieio Commission 

Section 1. In order to strengthen, as well as review the integrity and resolute- 
ness of our cadres, to guard against violations of Party principles, to maintain 
and strengthen discipline, to supervise the audits of the financial boolvs and 
records of the National Committee of the Party, the National Convention shall 
elect a National Iteview Commission. This Commission shall consist of tested 
members with exemplary records. The size of this Commission shall be de- 
termined by the National Convention. 

Section 2. The National Ueview Commission may meet jointly with the Na- 
tional Committee, but between conventions shall be subordinate to the National 
Committee and its decisions shall be subject to review by the National Committee 
or its National Board. 

Section 3. To be eligible for election to this Commission one shall have been 
an active member of the Party for at least five years. 

Section 4. Full meetings of the National Iteview Commission shall be held at 
least once every four months, with a resident committee meeting at least semi- 
monthly. 

article IX 

Disciplinary Procedures 

Section 1. Conduct or action detrimental to the working class and the nation, 
as well as to the interests of the Party, violation of decisions of its leading com- 
mittees or of this Constitution, financial irregularities, or other conduct unbe- 
coming a member of the Party, may be punished by censure, removal from posts 
of leadership, or by expulsion from membership. Such conduct or action by any 
committee may be punished by removal of the committee by the State or Na- 
tional Committee, which shall then order new elections for said committee. 

Section 2. Adherence to or participation in the activities of any clique, group, 
circle, faction or party which conspires or acts to subvert, undermine, weaken or 
overthrow any or all institutions of American democracy, whereby the majority 
of the American people can maintain their right to determine their destinies in 
any degree, shall be punished by immediate expulsion. 

Section 3. The practice or advocacy of any form of racial, national or religious 
discrimination shall be grounds for expulsion from membership. 

Section 4. Personal or political relations with enemies of the working class 
and nation are incompatible with membership in the Communist Party. 

Section 5. Charges against individual members or committees may be made by 
any member in writing to the Club of which he is a member, or to the leading 
committee having jurisdiction. Clubs shall act upon charges directed against 
anyone holding membership in that club. All such charges shall be handled 
expeditiously. 

Section 6. All persons concerned In disciplinary cases shall have the fullest 
right to appear, to bring witness and testify. 

Section 7. The Club or leading committee having jurisdiction shall have the 
right to decide by majority vote upon any disciplinary measure, including expul- 
sion. Disciplinary measures taken by leading committees are subject to approval 
by the body to which they are responsible. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 127 

AETICLE X 

Appeals 

Section 1. Any member who has been subject to disciplinary action has the 
right to appeal to the next higher body up to the National Convention, whose 
decision shall be final. 

ARTICLE XI 

Amending the Constitution 

Section 1. This Ck)nstitutlon may be amended by a majority vote at any regu- 
lar or special National Convention. 

ARTICLE XII 

By-Laws 

Section 1. By-Laws may be adopted, based on this Constitution, for the pur- 
pose of establishing uniform rules and procedure for the proper functioning of 
the Party organizations. By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote 
of the National Convention or, between conventions, by majority vote of the 
National Committee. 

Section 2. State By-Laws not in conflict with the National Constitution and 
By-Laws may be adopted or changed by majority vote of the State Convention or, 
between conventions, by majority vote of the State Committee. 

ARTICLE XIII 

Section 1. The National Committee shall issue charters to State or district 
organizations defining the territory over which they have jurisdiction and au- 
thority. State or District Committees shall issue charters to the Clubs. 

article XIV 

Section 1. The Communist Party is not responsible for any political document, 
policy, book, article, or any other expression of political opinion except such as 
are issued by authority of this and subsequent national conventions and its regu- 
larly constituted leadership. 



128 ORGANIZED COMlVrUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

VOICE OF THE KREMLIN IN AMERICAN COMMUNIST 

ACTIVITIES 

The reasons for the formation of the Communist Political Associa- 
tion followed the reasons advanced by Stalin for the dissolution of 
the Communist International — the promotion of Soviet-American 
friendship, cooperation against Nazi aggression and the new concept 
that it was possible for communism and capitalism to coexist peace- 
fully. 

William Z. Foster opposed the formation of the Communist Polit- 
ical Association and submitted a lengthy letter to the national com- 
mittee in support of his position. His letter was suppressed and a 
year later, when the Communist Party was reconstituted, Foster stated 
that one of the reasons he agreed to the suppression of his letter was 
that the formation of the Communist Political Association had been 
approved by Moscow and he therefore bowed to the decision. 

The revival of the Communist Party, U. S. A., which was instigated 
by the Duclos letter was just another instance of how the American 
Communists bowed to the voice of the Kremlin and once again adopted 
the Soviet progi*am of revolutionary communism. 

Back in 1929, the selection of Earl Browder as general secretary of 
the new and revitalized Communist Party of the United States of 
America was made by Stalin, who was said to have been of the opinion 
that Browder could be trusted to carry out orders implicitly because 
he lacked independence of both thought and spirit. Following 
Browder's elevation to the top-ranking position in the American 
Communist movement, Jay Lovestone and a number of his cohorts 
were expelled from the party. (Now, Browder has been thrown 
into the discard, also.) 

Driving all the followers of Trotsky from the ranks of the Ameri- 
can Communist Party in 1928, threats of expulsion of all those who did 
not follow the dictates of the Comintern in 1929, the selection of Earl 
Browder to be the general secretary of ttie American section of the 
Communist International, and the expulsion of Lovestone and his 
followers gave Moscow complete domination of the Communists in 
America, a stranglehold that has been maintained ever since. 

Never, since Stalin acted personally and tlirough the Comintern in 
1929, has factionalism reared its ugly head in the ranks of the Amer- 
ican comrades to the extent of becoming an issue and effecting the 
work and devotion of American Communists to the Soviet cause. 

Time and time again, the Communist organization in the United 
States has changed its title, constitution, methods, and propaganda at 
the suggestion of Moscow or to fit the particular program of the Soviet 
Union at a particular period. 



THE RELATIONSHIP OF AMERICAN COMMUNISM 
TO THE SOVIET UNION 

The historical facis on organized communism in America leave no 
room for doubt that the Communist Party in the United States from 
the time of its inception has been a part and parcel of the world Com- 
munist movement directed from Moscow. 

Third (Communist) International 

The Third or Communist International was established in March 
1919. The Second Congress, held July 17 to August 7, 1920, set up 21 
conditions for joinirg the Communist International. The conditions 
were : " 

1. Tlie general propaganda and agitation should bear a really Communist 
character, and should correspond to the programme and decisions of the Third 
International. The entire Darty press should be edited by reliable Communists 
who have proved their loyalty to the cause of the Proletarian revolution. The 
dictatorship of the proletariat should not be spoken of simply as a current hack- 
neyed formula, it should be advocated in such a vray that its necessity should be 
apparent to every rauk-aud-flle working man and woman, to each soldier and 
peasant, and sliould emanate from everyday facts systematically recorded by our 
press day by day. 

All periodicals and other publications, as well as party publications and edi- 
tions, are subject to the control of the presidium of the party, independently of 
whether the party is legal or illegal. The editors should in no way be given an 
opportunity to abuse their autonomy and carry on a policy not fully correspond- 
ing to the policy of the party. 

Wherever the followers of the Third International have access, and whatever 
means of propaganda are at their disposal, whether the columns of newspapers, 
popular meetings, labor unions, or cooperatives — it is indispensable for them not 
only to denounce the bourgeoisie, but also its assistants and agents — reformists 
of every color and shade. 

2. Every organization desiring to join the Communist International shall be 
bound systematically and regularly to remove from all the responsible posts in 
the labor movement (Party organizations, editors, labor unions, parliamentary 
factions, cooperatives, municipalities, etc.), all reformists and followers of the 
"centre," and to have them replaced by Communists, even at the cost of replacing 
at the beginning "experienced" men by rank-and-file workingmen. 

3. The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and America is enter- 
ing the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can have 
no confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a parallel 
illegal apparatus, which at the decisive moment should do its duty by the party, 
and in every way possible assist the revolution. In every country where in 
consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, the Communists are 
unable to carry on their work lawfully, a combination of lawful and unlawful 
work is absolutely necessary. 

4. A persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation is necessary in 
the army, where Communist groups should be formed in every military organi- 
zation. Wherever, owing to repressive legislation, agitation becomes impossible, 
it is necessary to carry on such agitation illegally. But refusal to carry on 
or participate in such work should be considered equal to treason to the revo- 
lutionary cause, and incompatible with affiiliation with the Third International. 

5. A systematic and regular propaganda is necessary in the rural districts. 
The working class can gain no victory unless it possesses the sympathy and 

*' Report of the Special Committee on DnAmerican Activities, Appendix I, p. 121. 

129 



130 ORGANIZED COJVIMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

support of at least part of the rural workers and of the poor peasants, and unless 
other sections of the population are equally utilized. Communist work in the 
rural districts is acquiring a predominant importance during the present period. 
It should be carried on through Communist workingraen of both city and coun- 
try who have connections with the rural districts. To refuse to do this work, 
or to transfer such work to untrustworthy half reformists, is equal to renouncing 
the proletarian revolution. 

6. Every party desirous of affiliating with the Third International should 
renounce not only avowed social patriotism, but also the falsehood and the 
hypocrisy of social pacifism ; it should systematically demonstrate to the workers 
that without a revolutionary overthrow of capitalism no international arbi- 
tration, no talk of disarmament, no democratic reorganization of the League of 
Nations will be capable of saving mankind from new Imperialist wars. 

7. Parties desirous of joining the Communist International must recognize 
the necessity of a complete and absolute rupture with reformism and the 
policy of the "centi'ists," and must advocate this rupture amongst the widest 
circles of the party membership, without which condition a consistent Com- 
munist policy is impossible. The Communist International demands uncon- 
ditionally and peremptorily that such rupture be brought about with the least 
possible delay. The Communist International cannot reconcile itself to the 
fact that such avowed reformists as for instance Turati, Modigliani, Kautsky, 
Hillquit, Longuet, Macdonald, and others should be entitled to consider them- 
selves members of the Third International. This would make the Third Inter- 
national resemble the Second International. 

8. In the Colonial question and that of the oppressed nationalities there is 
necessary an especially distinct and clear line of conduct of the parties of coun- 
tries where the bourgeoisie possesses such colonies or oppresses other nationali- 
ties. Every party desirous of belonging to the Third International should be 
bound to denounce without any reserve all the methods of "its own" imperialists 
in the colonies, supporting not only in words but practically a movement of 
liberation in the colonies. It should demand the expulsion of its own Imperial- 
ists from such colonies, and cultivate among the workingmen of its own countiy 
a truly fraternal attitude towards the working population of the colonies and 
oppressed nationalities, and carry on a systematic agitation in its own army 
against every kind of oppression of the colonial population. 

9. Every party desirous of belonging to the Communist International should 
be bound to carry on systematic and persistent Communist work in the labor 
unions, cooperatives and other labor organizations of the masses. It is necessary 
to form Communist groups within the organizations, which by persistent and 
lasting work should win over labor unions to Communism. These groups should 
constantly denounce the treachery of the social patriots and of the fluctuations 
of the "centre." These Communist groups should be completely subordinated 
to the party in general. 

10. Any party belonging to the Communist International is bound to carry 
on a stubborn strugs:le against the Amsterdam "International" of the yellow 
labor unions. It should propagate insistently amongst the organized workers 
the necessity of a rupture with the yellow Amsterdam International. It should 
support by all means in its power the International Unification of Red Labor 
Unions, adhering to the Communist International, which is now beginning. 

11. Parties desirous of joiaing the Third International shall be bound to 
Inspect the personnel of their parliamentary factions, to remove all unreliable 
elements therefrom, to control such factions, not only verbally but in reality, 
to subordinate them to the Central Committee of the party, and to demand from 
each proletarian Communist that he devote his entire activity to the interests 
of real revolutionary propaganda. 

12. All parties belonging to the Communist International should be formed 
on the basis of the principle of democratic centralization. At the present time of 
acute civil war the Communist Party will be able fully to do its duty only when 
it is organized in a sufficiently thorough way when it possesses an iron discipline, 
and when its party centre enjoys the confidence of the members of the party, 
who are to endow this centre with complete power, authority and ample rights. 

13. The Communist parties of those countries where the Communist activity 
Is legal, should make a clearance of their members from time to time, as well 
as those of the party organizations, in order systematically to free the party 
from the petty bourgeois elements which penetrate into it. 

14. Each party desirous of affiliating with the Communist International should 
be obliged to render every possible assistance to the Soviet Eepublics in their; 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 131 

struggle against all counter-revolutionary forces. The Communist parties should 
carry on a precise and definite propaganda to induce the workers to refuse to 
transport any kind of military equipment Intended for fighting against the 
Soviet Republics, and should also by legal or illegal means carry on a propa- 
ganda amongst the troops sent against the workers' republics, etc. 

15. All those parties which up to the present moment have stood upon the 
old social and democratic programmes should, within the shortest time possible, 
draw up a new Communist programme in conformity with the special conditions 
of their country, and in accordance with the resolutions of the Communist In- 
ternational. As a rule, the programme of each party belonging to the Com- 
munist International should be confirmed by the next congress of the Communist 
International or its Executive Committee. In the event of the failure of the 
programme of any party being confirmed by the Executive Committee of the 
Commuiust International, the said party shall be entitled to appeal to the 
Congress of the Communist International. 

16. All the resolutions of the congresses of the Communist International, as 
well as the resolutions of the Executive Committee are binding for aU parties 
joining the Communist International. The Communist International, operating 
under the conditions of most acute civil warfare, should be centralized in a 
better manner than the Second International. At the same time, the Communist 
International and the Executive Committee are naturally bound in every form 
of their activity to consider the variety of conditions under which the different 
parties have to work and struggle, and generally binding resolutions should be 
passed only on such questions upon which such resolutions are possible. 

17. In connection with the above, all parties desiring to join the Communist 
International should alter their name. Each party desirous of joining the 
Communist International should bear the following name: Communist Party 
of such and such a country, section of the Third Communist International. 
The question of renaming of a party is not only a formal one, but is a political 
question of great importance. The Communist International has declared a 
decisive war against the entire bourgeois world, and all the yellow Social Demo- 
cratic parties. It is indispensable that every rank-and-file worker should be 
able clearly to distinguish between the Communist parties and the old oflScial 
"Social Democratic" or "Socialist" parties, which have betrayed the cause of 
the working class. 

18. All the leading organs of the press of every party are bound to publish 
all the most important documents of the Executive Committee of the Com- 
munist International. 

19. All those parties which have joined the Communist International, as well 
as those which have expressed a desire to do so, are obliged in as short a space 
of time as possible, and in no case later than four months after the Second 
Congress of the Communist International, to convene an Extraordinary Con- 
gress in order to discuss these conditions. In addition to this, the Central 
Committees of these parties should take care to acquaint all the local organiza- 
tions with the regulations of the Second Congress. 

20. All those parties which at the present time are willing to join the Third 
International, but have so far not changed their tactics in any radical manner, 
should prior to their joining the Third International, take care that not less 
than two-thirds of their connnittee members and of all their central institutions 
should be composed of comrades who have made an open and definite declara- 
tion prior to the convening of the Second Congress, as to their desire that the 
party should affiliate with the Third International. Exclusions are permitted 
only with the confirmation of the Executive Committee of the Third Interna- 
tional. The Executive Committee of the Communist International has the right 
to make an exception also for the representatives of the "centre" as mentioned 
in paragraph 7. 

21. Those members of the party who reject the conditions and the theses of 
the Third International, are liable to be excluded from the party. This applies 
principally to the delegates at the Special Congresses of the party. 

Subsequently, Louis C. Fraina, later to be known as Louis Corey, 
as international secretary of the Communist Party of America, made 
application for admission to the Communist International. In this 
application, Fraina reviewed the history of the Socialist Party of 



132 ORGANIZED COMMUKISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

America, the formation of tJie Communist Party of America, and 
closed his petition with the following : 

The Communist Party realizes the immensity of its taslr ; it realizes that the 
final struggle of the Communist Proletariat will be waged in the United States, 
our conquest of power alone assuring the world Soviet Republic. Realizing all 
of this the Communist Party prepares for the struggle. Long live the Com- 
munist International. Long live the world Revolution. 

Eelationship of American Communist Parties to Communist 

Inteknational 

While the constitution of the first Communist Party of America 
provided that the members must declare their adherence to the prin- 
ciples and tactics of the party and the Communist International, the 
constitution of the United Communist Party specifically provided that 
the United Communist Party of America was the American section 
of the Communist International. 

The constitution of the Communist Party of America, adopted in 
May 1D21; the constitution of the Workers (Communist) Party, 
adopted in 1925 ; and the constitution of the Communist Party U. S. A., 
adopted in 1929, all provided that these parties were the American sec- 
tion of the Communist International. A new constitution of the Com- 
munist Party U. S. A., adopted in 1938, provided that the party was an 
affiliate of the Communist International. 

With the passage of the Voorhees Act in 1940, the Communist Party 
merely called a special convention and adopted a resolution withdraw- 
ing from the Communist International. Earl Browder, general secre- 
tary of the Communist Party at that time, explained that this legalis- 
tic disaffiliation was in no way intended to alter the real relationship 
of the Communist Party USA with the Communist International 
and the world Communist movement in any particular. 



ALLEGED DISSOLUTION OF THE COMMUNIST 
INTERNATIONAL 

The Second World War, in which the Soviet Union engaged in a 
life-and-death struggle with Nazi Germany, brought to a temporary 
halt the Communist plan to Sovietize the world. Sorely in need of 
financial and military assistance from non-Communist countries, the 
Soviet Union found the Communist International a hindrance under 
the circumstances. In order that the Soviet Union might live, the 
Communist International had to die, or at least pass through all the 
phases of a respectable demise. 

The New York Times of May 23, 1943, carried the text of a resolu- 
tion of the presidium of the executive committee of the Communist 
International, released the previous day, regarding the dissolution of 
the Communist International. The resolution follows: 

The historic role of the Communist International, which was founded in 1919 
as a result of a political union of the great majority of the old pi'ewar working 
class parties, consisted in upholding the principles of the working class move- 
ment, in helping to promote consolidation In a numher of countries of the van- 
guard of the foremost workers in the real working class parties, and In helping 
them mobilize workers for the defense of their economic and political interests, 
and for the struggle against Fascism and the war which the latter was prepar- 
ing, and for the support of the Soviet Union as the chief bulwark against Fascism. 

The Communist International from the first exposed the real meaning of the 
Anti-Comintern Pact as a weapon for the preparation of war by the Hitlerites. 
Long before the war it ceaselessly and tirelessly exposed the vicious subversive 
work of the Hitlerites, who masked it by their screams about so-called interfer- 
ence of the Communist International in the internal affairs of these states. 

INTERNATIONAL WORK HANDICAPPED 

But long before the war it became more and more clear that, with increasing 
complications in internal and international relations of various countries, any 
sort of international center would encounter insuperable obstacles in solving 
the problems facing the movement in each separate country. 

Deep differences of the historic paths of development of various countries, 
differences in their character and even contradictions in their social orders, 
differences in the level and the tempo of their economic and political develop- 
ment, differences finally in the degree of consciousness and organization of 
workers, conditioned different problems affecting the working class of the various 
countries. 

The whole development of events in the last quarter of a century and the 
experience accumulated by the Communist International convincingly showed 
that the organizational form of uniting workers, chosen by the First Congress 
of the Communist International, answered conditions of the first stages of the 
working-class movement, but it has been outgrown by the growth of this move- 
ment and by the complications of its problems in separate countries and has 
even become a drag on the further strengthening of the national working class 
parties. 

NATIONS IN TWO GROUPS 

The World War that the Hitlerites have let loose has still further sharpened 
the differences in the situation of the separate countries and has placed a deep 
dividing line between those countries that fell under the Hitlerite tyranny and 
those freedom-loving peoples who have united in a powerful anti-Hitlerite 
coalition. 

133 



134 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

In countries of the Hitlerite bloc the fnndnmental task of the working class, 
toilers and all honest people consists in giving all help for the defeat of this 
bloc by sabotage of the Hitlerite military machine from within and by helping 
to overthrow the governments guilty of war. 

In countries of the anti-Hitlerite coalition the sacred duty of the widest masses 
of the people, and in the first place of foremost workers, consists in aiding by 
every means the military efforts of the governments of these countries aimed at 
the speediest defeat of the Hitlerite bloc and the assurance of the friendship of 
nations based on their equality. 

At the same time the fact must not be lost sight of that the separate countries 
that are members of the anti-Hitlerite coalition have their own particular prob- 
lems. For example, in countries occupied by the Hitlerites that have lost their 
state of independence the basic task of the foremost workers and of the wide 
masses of people consists in promoting the armed struggle developing into a 
national war of liberation against Hitlerite Germany. 

NATIONAI. ORGANIZATIONS FAVORED 

At the same time the war of liberation of freedora-loving peoples against 
the Hitlerite tyranny, which has brought into movement the mapst-s of people, 
uniting them without difference of party or religion in the ranks of the powerful 
anti-Hitlerite coalition, has demonstrated with still greater clearness that the 
general national uprising and mobilization of people for the speediest victory 
over the enemy can he best of all and most fruitfully carried out by the vanguard 
of the working-class movement of each separate country, working within the 
framework of its own country. 

Already the Seventh Congress of the Communist International mooting in 
1935, taking into account the change that had taken place iioth in the international 
situation and in working-class movements that demande<l great tlexibility and 
Independence of its sections in deciding the problems confronting them, empha- 
sized the necessity for the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
in deciding all questions of the working-class movement arising from concrete 
conditions and peculiarities of each country, to make a rule of avoiding inter- 
ference in the internal organizational affairs of the Communist parties. 

These same considerations guided the Communist International in considering 
the resolution of the Communist party of tlie United States of America of 
November 1940, on its withdrawal from the ranks of the Communist International. 

ORGANIZATION HEHD FLEXIBIJ: 

Guided by the judgment of the founders of Marxism and Leninism, Com- 
munists have never been supporters of the conservation of organizational forms 
that have outlived themselves. They have always subordinated forms of organ- 
ization of the working-class movement, and methods of working of such organ- 
ization, to the fundamental political interest of the working-class movement as 
a whole, to peculiarities of the concrete historical situation and to problems 
Immediately resulting from this situation. 

They remember the example of the great Marx, who united foremost workers 
in the ranks of the Working Men's International Association, and when the 
First International had fulfilled its historical task of laying the foundations for 
the development of working-class parties in the countries of Europe and America, 
and, as a result of the matured situation creating mass national working-class 
parties, dissolved first the International, inasmuch as this form of organization 
already no longer corresponded to the demands confronting it. 

In consideration of the above and taking into account the growth and the 
political maturity of CommunLst parties and their leading cadres in separate 
countries, and also having in view the fact that during the present war some 
sections have raised the question of the dissolution of the Communist Inter- 
national as the directing centre of the international working-class movement, the 
Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International in the 
circumstances of the World War, not being able to convene a Congress of the 
Communist International, puts forward the following proposal for ratification 
by the sections of the Communist International : 

The Communist International, as the directing center of the international 
working-class movement, is to be dissolved, thus freeing the sections of the Com- 
munist International from their obligations arising from the statutes and resolu- 
tions of the Congresses of the Communist International. 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 135 

The Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International 
calls on all suiiporters of the Communist International to concentrate their 
energies on the wholehearted support of and active participation in the war 
of liberation of the peoples and the states of the anti-Hitlerite coalition for the 
speediest defeat of the deadly enemy of the working class and toilers — German 
Fascism and its associates and vassals. 

Among those signing the resolution of dissolution were : ^' 

Clement Gottwald, former deputy in the Czechoslovakian Parlia- 
ment and a chairman of the Communist Party Control Committee in 
that country ; 

George Dimitrov, Bulgarian Secretary General of the Comintern; 

Andrei A. Zhdanov, member of the Russian Politburo and head 
of the Leningrad Communist Party City Committee ; 

Otto Kuusinen, Finnish Premier of the Karelio-Finnish Soviet 
Socialist Republic; 

Dimitri Z. Manuilsky, a former Secretary of the Comintern; 

Andre Marty, French exile and former Communist member of the 
Chamber of Deputies; 

Wilhelm Pieck, an exiled former member of the German Reichstag; 

Dolorez Ibarruri, former Communist Deputy on the Spanish Cortez, 
where she gained the title of "La Passionaria" for her impassioned 
speeches ; 

Mathias Rakosi, a people's commissar during the brief Bolshevist 
regime in Hungary in 1919, and exiled from that country after being 
convicted in 192G of an attempt to restore the Soviet regime there. 

The action of the Comintern resulted in the presentation of the fol- 
lowing resolution to the Plenary Session of the National Committee 
of the Communist Party, U. S. A., by the political committee on 
June 13, 1943 : 

1. The Communist Party of the United States through its National Committee 
declares its full approval and agreement with the proposal of May 15, 1943, by 
the Presiding Committee of the Communist International for tlie dissolution of 
the International. The CPUSA discontinued its international aflSIiation in 
November 1940, and is therefore not called upon to participate in the decision. 
The proposal is, however, of the greatest political importance, since it pro- 
foundly influences all political relationships, promotes the unification of the 
anti-Hitler coalition, disarms the Axis of its most potent weapon of disruption — 
the anti-Communist bogey — and opens the way within each nation toward more 
complete national unity in the prosecution of the war to victory. It also clears 
the way for the continuance of democratic unity in the postwar period, and thus 
adds to the momentum of the war effort. It facilitates the emergency of more 
effective forms of international unity of labor, which begins with the immediate 
task of completing the Anglo-Soviet-Ameriran trade union unity corresponding 
to the coalition of peoples and nations. 

2. Within the United States this new stage of world relationships places new 
and urgent emphasis on many tasks of the day. High among these is the com- 
mon duty of Communists and all other responsible groups and leaders within 
the democratic camp to abolish the remnants of the "bogey of communism" which 
continue to be a weapon against national unity and the war effort. To this end 
it is necessary to secure the full acceptance of the Marxist workers' party within 
the national framework of American democratic institutions, thus safeguarding 
in harmony with the war effort the general right of free political association. 
The CPUSA pledges its full effort to this task and welcomes all cooperative 
efforts to this end from any and all sections of the democratic, patriotic, anti- 
Axis camp of the American people. 

3. The Communist Party of the United States will continue to fight with all its 
strength, as it has in the past period, for the complete unity of the United 



» New York Herald Tribune, May 23, 1943. 



136 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

Nations, for international labor unity, and for national unity within our country, 
to win the unconditional surrender of the Hitler reKiuie and its allies, Japan 
and Italy, and an ordered and peaceful world when victory is achieved. 

Earl Browder, general secretary of the Communist Party, U. S. A., 
issued a statement on May 26, 1943, regarding the dissolution of the 
Communist International. This statement, published in the Worker 
of June 6, 1943, was in the form of a reply to an editorial appearing 
in the New York Times on May 24. Browder said : 

The record shows that few Americans are di-sturbed by the existence and 
activity of the Communist Party, which is unconditionally aiding the war effort, 
but that they are disturbed by the fable of a "const)! racy to overthrow our gov- 
ernment by force and violence." That fable is tlie "specter of Communism" 
Vi'hich ha.s been the powerful secret weapon of the A.tis * * *. May I express 
the hope that there are responsible grouj)8 and ieadf-rs in American public life 
witli courage and intelligence enough to accept the offer of the Communist Party 
of cooperative effort to lay the "specter of Commutiism." This is the task not 
only of the Communists. It is a common task of this people's war of national 
liberation. 

On June 10, 1943, Moscow announced that the Communist Inter- 
national was formally dissolved as of that day, after a meeting of the 
presiding committee noted that the leading Communist Parties 
throughout the world had approved the proi)og.al for dissolution made 
on May 15. It was noted tnat not one of the existing sections of the 
Communist International roised any objection to the proposal of the 
presidium of the executive committee. Communist Parties from the 
following countries approved the dissolution : 

Argentina 

Australia 

Austria 

Belgium 

Bulgaria 

Canada 

Ciitalonia 

Chile 

China 

Colombia 

Enrique Castro Delgrado, a leader of the Spanish Communist 
Party, fled to Russia in the spring of 1939 after the defeat of the 
Spanish Republic. In Moscow he represented the Spanish Commu- 
nist Party in the Comintern. He left Moscow in 1945 for Mexico. 

Delgrado, known in Spain as Louis Garcia,. in his book "I Have Lost 
Faith in Moscow," (1950) says, that the nominal disbanding of the 
nerve center of the world Communist movement was abruptly an- 
nounced in the newspapers after a closed session of the organization's 
small secretariat, and that instead of being dissolved, the Communist 
International only altered some of its operating procedures : 

That the Comintern boss, George Dimitrov, moved his office to the 
third floor of the central committee of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union ; 

That the other secretaries set up their offices in different places; 

That those who edited the secret broadcasts served under Friederich 
instead of Togliatti ; 

That Friederich transmitted the scripts to Togliatti who in turn 
transmitted them to Dimitrov ; 

That the chiefs of the foreign delegations continued to confer 
daily with Dimitrov ; 



Cuba 


Poland 


Czechoslovakia 


linmania 


Finland 


Soviet Union 


France 


Spain 


Germany 


Swetlen 


Great Britain 


Switzerland 


Hungary 


Syria 


Ireland 


Union of South Africa 


Italy 


Uruguay 


Mexico 


Yugoslavia 



ORGANIZED COMMUNIbM IN THE UNITED STATES 137 

That the leading figures in the various Communist Parties continued 
their activities; 

That the foreign reporters of the Communist press continued to 
file regular reports with the information and propaganda section of 
the "dissolved" Comintern ; 

That the secret section of the "dissolved" Comintern remained on 
the main floor of the old Comintern and continued to receive reports 
from the foreign Communist Parties, sending one copy to Dimitrov 
and another copy to Zhdanov j 

That the secret section continued to send Dimitrov's instructions to 
the various Communist Parties abroad and to organize trips to and 
from Moscow; 

That the Comintern's agents abroad, such as Cadovila in Latin 
America and Browder in North America continued to go on with 
their work — precisely as before the Comintern was "dissolved." 

Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk attached to the office of the Soviet 
military attache in the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa, in a statement made 
on October 10, 1945, to the Canadian Royal Commission investigating 
the Communist spy system in Canada, said : 

The announcement of the dissohition of the Comintern was probahly the 
greatest farce of the Coniniunists in recent years. Only the name was liqui- 
dated, with the object of reassuring public opinion in the democratic countries. 
Actually the Comintern exists and continues its work. 



47716'— 54 10 



RESURRECTION OF THE COMINTERN 
(COMINFORM) 

In October 1947, Moscow revived the Comintern with 9 member 
nations, only 2 of which — Italy and France — were outside of the so- 
called Iron Curtain. The revival constituted, in effect, a declaration 
of economic and political war against the United States. 

Moscow's major problem of foreign policy began in March 1947, 
when the United States announced a doctrine of "containment" of 
the Soviet Union by military and economic aid to Greece and Turkey. 
The following June, the Marshall plan for European reconstruction 
was announced. On July 3, in Paris, 16 nations proceeded on Europe's 
part in the Marshall plan without their eastern neighbors. Thus, the 
East- West split was formally acknowledged. 

Shortly after the Marshall plan was announced, Jacques Duclos, 
French Communist, made a visit to Warsaw and conferred with gov- 
ernment officials and leaders of other countries who "happened" to be 
in Warsaw. In October, the reason for the appearance of Communist 
Party leaders in Warsaw was made known. The Soviet newspaper, 
Pravda, announced on October 5 that an informational conference of 
the Communist Parties of Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, 
Rumania, Hungary, Poland, the Soviet Union, France, and Italy, had 
been held the latter part of September in Poland, and then and there 
established an Information Bureau consisting of representatives of 
the Central Committees of the above-mentioned Communist Parties. 

The following resolution was adopted : " 

Essential changes have taken place in the international situation as a result 
of the Second World War and the postwar period. 

These chani^es are characterized by the new disposition of the main political 
forces operating on the world stage, by changing relations between victor states 
in the Second World War and by their regrouping. 

While the war was going on, allied states in the war against Germany and 
Japan joined together and formed one camp. However, in the Allied camp, 
even during wartime, there existed different war aims and also of tasks of the 
postwar organization of peace. 

The Soviet Union and democratic countries considered as the main aims of the 
war the setting up and strengthening of democratic structures in Europe, the 
liquidation of fascism and the prevention of the possibility of a new aggression 
on the part of Germany, the creation of prolonged cooperation (among) the 
peoples of Europe on all sides. 

The United States, and in agreement with them England, set for themselves 
another aim — to get rid of competitors at markets (Germany r.nd Japan) and 
establish their dominating position. This difference in war aims and tasks of 
the postwar organization became deeper in the postwar period. 

TWO OPPOSITE POLITICAL LINES FOkMED 

On the one side is the policy of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and 
democratic countries directed toward undermining imperialism and strengthen- 
ing democracy, on the other side is the policy of the United States and England 
directed toward strengthening imperialism and strangling democracy. 



*' Dally Worker, Oct. 7. 1947, pp. 7 and 9. 
138 



ORGANIZED CO]\'IMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 139 

Since tlie U. S. S. R. and connfries of the new demoorapy became a hindrance in 
carrying out imperialistic plans for the strnggle for world d<iminatiou and tlie 
smashing of democratic movements, there was proclaimed a campaign against the 
U. S. S. R. and countries of the new democracy, reinforced also by threats of a 
new war on the part of most zealous imperialistic politicians in the United States 
and England. 

In such way, two camps formed, the imperialistic and antidemocratic camp 
which has as a main aim the establishment of world domination of American 
Imperialism and democratic camp which has as a main aim the undermining of 
imperialism and the strengthening of democracy and the liquidation of the rem- 
nants of fascism. 

The struggle of the two opposite camps — of imperialist and anti-imperialist — 
is going on in a situation of further sharpening of the general crisis of capitalism, 
of the weakening of the forces of capitalism and the strengthening of the forces 
of socialism and democracy. This way, the imperialistic camp and its leading 
force, the United States, is displaying especially aggressive activity. 

This activity is developing simultaneously along all lines — in the direction of 
military and strategic measures, or economic expansion and the ideological 
struggle. 

The Truman-Marshall plan is only a constituent part, the European section, of 
the general plan of world expansionist policy carried on by the United States 
in all parts of the world. The plan of economical and political enslavement of 
Europe by American capitalism is supplemented by plans for the economical and 
political enslavement of China, Indonesia, and South America. 

The aggressors of yesterday — the capitalistic magnates of Germany and 
Japan — are being prepared by the United States for a new role — to become the 
instrument of the imperialistic policy of the United States in Europe and Asia. 

The arsenal of tactical measures utilized by the imperialistic camp has very 
many forms. Here are coml)ined the direct threat by force, blackmail and ex- 
tortion, all measures of political and economic pressure, or bribery, of utilization 
of internal contradictions and controversy for the reinforcement of their posi- 
tions — and all this which is covered by the liberal-pacifist mask designed for 
deceit and fooling of people who are not experienced in politics. 

A special place in the tactical arsenal of imperialists is occupied by the 
utilization of the treacherous policy of right-wing Socialists of the type of (Leon) 
Blum (former French Premier and Socialist Party leader) in France, (Prime 
Minister Clement) Attlee and (Foreign Secretary Ernest) Bevin in England, 
(Dr. Kurt) Schumacher (head of the Social Democratic Party) in Germany, 
(President Dr. Karl) Renner (Socialist), and Scherf (Vice Chancellor Adolf 
•Schaerf, Socialist) in Austria, (Right-Wing Socialist Giuseppe) Saragat in Italy, 
etc., who try to hide the real bandit essence of imperialistic policy under the 
mask of democracy and Socialist phraseology and who, in reality, in all respects 
are loyal assistants of imperialists introducing disintegration into the ranks of 
the working class and poisoning its conscience. 

It is not accidental that the foreign policy of English imperialism has found 
In the person of Bevin its most consistent and zealous executor. In these con- 
ditions, the anti-imperialistic, democratic camp must rally together and work 
out a coordinated platform of actions to work out its tactics against the main 
forces of the imperialistic camp, against American imperialism, against its 
English and French allies, against right-wing Socialists— first of all those in 
England and France. 

In order to turn into failure the plan of imperi-alistic aggression, the efforts 
of all democratic, anti-imperialistic forces in Europe is necessary. Right-wing 
Socialists are traitors in this cause. 

With the exception of those countries of the new democracy where the bloc 
of Communists and Socialists with other democratic progressive parties forms 
the foundation of resistance of these countries to imperialistic plans, Socialists 
in the majority of other countries, and first of all French Socialists and English 
Laborites — (French Premier Paul) Ramadier, Blum, Attlee and Bevin— by 
their slavishness and ofliciousness are facilitating the task of American capital, 
are provoking it to extortions and are pushing their countries along the road of 
vassal dependency on the United States. 

Hence, it follows that a special task falls upon Communist Parties. They 
must take into their hands the banner of defense of national independence and 
sovereignty of their countries. 



140 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

If the Communist Parties strongly stand on their positions, if they do not 
permit tliemselves to be frightened or blackmailed, if they stand bravely on 
guard for the democracy, national sovereignty, freedom and independence of 
their countries, if they succeed in their struggle against the attempts of eco- 
nomic and political enslavement of their countries and head all forces which 
are ready to defend the cause of honor and national independence, then no 
plans for the enslavement of the countries of Europe and Asia can be realized. 

At present this is one of the main tasks of Communist Parties. 

It is necessary to remember that between the desire of imperialists to develop 
a new war and the possibility of organizing such a war there is a great gap. 

The peoples of the world do not want war. The forces which stand for 
peace are so considerable and great that if they are firm and solid in the cause 
and defense of peace, if they will display firmness and solidarity, then the plans 
of the aggressors will suffer complete collapse. 

It must not be forgotten that the noise of imperialistic agents over the war 
danger is designed to frighten weak-nerved and unstable ones and obtain by 
means of blackmail concessi(ms to the aggressor. 

The main danger to the working class at the present consists in underestima- 
tion of its forces and in overestimation of the forces of the imperialistic 
camp. 

As the Munich policy in the past unbound the hands of Hitlerite aggression, 
so concessions to the new course of the United States and the imperialistic 
camp may make its inspirers still more insolent and aggressive. 

This is why the Communist Parties must head the resistance to plans of 
Imperialistic expansion and aggression along all lines — state, political, economic, 
and ideologic — they must rally together, uniting their efforts on the basis 
of a common, anti-imperialistic and democratic platform and must gather around 
themselves all democratic and patriotic forces of the people. 

The "21 conditions for admission to the Communist International," 
the purging of the followers of Trotsky in 1928 and Lovestone in 
1929, the consolidation of the several Communist Parties in the United 
States on orders from Moscow, the dissolution of the Communist Inter- 
national in 1943, the formation of the Communist Political Associa- 
tion in 1944, the revival of the Communist Party of the United States 
in 1945, the resurrection of the Communist International as the Comin- 
form in 1947, and the continued subservience of American Communist 
leadership to the whims and views of the revi'^ ed Comintern, now 
called the Cominform, all serve as proof that the Communist Party 
in America is dominated by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, 
the real leader of the world Communist conspiracy. 



SPLINTER GROUPS 

As heretofore stated, the history of the Communist movement in the 
United States is replete with constant bickerings, recriminations, de- 
nunciations, charges, and countercharges. 

From the very beginning, the leaders within the left-wing group of 
the Socialist Party disagreed, with the result that two Oommunist 
Parties were created the same day, the Communist Party of America 
and the Communist Labor Party. The Communist Party of America 
had its group of dissenters who withdrew and with the Communist 
Labor Party formed the United Communist Party. However, dis- 
senting groups did not always stay within the organization or merge 
with other groups. Some broke ojS completely and formed other 
organizations. 

Pboletarian Party of America 

One of the first groups thus created was the Proletarian Party of 
America, formed in 1920. John Keracher had been a member of the 
national organizing committee that issued the call for a convention 
to create a Communist Party in the United States. Later, Keracher 
became one of the outstanding leaders of the Proletarian Party. 

Like most splinter groups, the Proletarian Party claims to be the 
real Marxist party and that all other so-called Communists are im- 
posters. The organization is still active, but its field is limited to but 
lew States, including Illinois and Michigan. 

Communist League or America (Opposition) 

The expulsion of Trotsky by the Russian Communists in the fall of 
1927 had its effect on the Communist movement in the United States. 
Campaigns against Trotskyism were ordered from Moscow in all the 
Communist Parties of the world, with the implied threat of reprisals 
against any individual or group failing to take a position against 
expulsion. 

The Communist Party of the United States was not immune from 
the purge virus. The first to fall were James P. Cannon and some of 
his followers, including Martin Abern and Max Shachtman, who 
were expelled on October 28, 1928, on charges of having organized a 
Trotskyite opposition. 

On May Iv, 1929, a call was issued for the first national conference 
of the left-wing opposition in the United States. The conference met 
jn Chicago and formed the Communist League of America, left-wing 
opposition of the Communist Party. 

The history of this group of Trotskyites has been a stormy one. In 
December 1934, the Communist League of America merged with the 
American Workers' Party. In March 19B6j the American Workers' 
Party merged with the Socialist Party, and m June 1938 the Socialist 
Party began a series of wholesale expulsions of the Trotskyites. On 

141 



142 ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE UNITED STATES 

New Year's Day, 1959, Cannon and his followers formed the Socialist 
Workers' Party, and in December 1941, with 17 of his followers, 
Cannon was convicted in Minneapolis on charges of conspiracy to 
create insubordination in the Armed Forces of the Government — the 
first convictions under the Smith Act. 

Socialist Wokkers' Parit 

The Socialist Workers' Party is still active today, but is not a large 
organzation and very limited in its activities. 

The program of the Socialist Workers' Party rests on the principles 
of Marxism as expounded by Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Trotsky, and 
on the basic documents of the Third Communist International from 
its founding through its first four world congresses. At this point 
the Socialist Workers' Party breaks with the Communist Interna- 
tional for the alleged reason that the latter, under the leadership of 
Stalin, has become "reactionary" and "bureaucratic" and has lost is 
"revolutionary" character. 

While Cannon was probably the most dominant figure within the 
Socialist group within the United States, he was unable to maintain 
unity. B. J. Field left to form his own group, as did Hugo Oehler, 
Stamm, and Marlen. 

Communist League of Struggle 

Albert Weisbord was expelled from the Communist Party. Al- 
though he was an ardent admirer of Trotsky, he had visions of being 
a great leader in the radical movement. He could not stand to be 
bossed by Cannon; so he formed his own organization, the Communist 
League of Struggle. In December 1934 this league adopted a "thesis." 
This 54-page document contained still another version of the many 
factional fights within the American Communist movement. The 
Communist League of Struggle referred to the Communist Party 
of the United States as "a bureaucratic centrist organization," to the 
Lovestone group as "right centrist," and to the Cannon group as "fake 
left centrist." 

The American Workers Party 

In December 1933, the conference for progressive labor action held 
a meeting in Pittsburgh and announced the formation of a new po- 
litical party. A provisional committee was elected and charged 
with the task of organizing the American Workers Party. An out- 
standing leader in this new party was A. J. Muste, onetime preacher, 
while another very able personality was J. B. Slutsky, later to be 
known as J. B. S. Hardman. 

A unity convention was held in December 1934 when the members 
of the Communist League of America were taken into the American 
Workers Party. In March 1936, the American Workers Party merged 
with the Socialist Party and thus disappeared from the scene. 

United Toilers 

During the period of existence of the Workers Party, a group within 
that party felt that the program was no more than a remote approach 
to the Communist program. They left the Workers Party and formed 



ORGANIZED COMMUNISM IN THE "UNITED STATES 143 

the United Toilers. The official oro;an was the Workers Challenge, 
edited by Harry Wicks. Like most splinter groups, the United Toilers 
withered away. 

Communist Party, U. S. A. (Opposition) 

Factional fights in the Communist Party of Russia and in the Com- 
munist International carried over into the Communist Party in 
America. The expulsion of Trotsky by the Russian Communist Party 
was followed by the wholesale expulsion of the followers of Trotsky 
from the American Party. The factional fight between Stalin and 
Bukharin also affected the Communist Party in the United States. 

Jay Lovestone, who was suspected of sympathy with Bukharin, was 
ordered to Moscow for work in the Comintern. 

On May 12, 1929, the Comintern reported an "Address" it had de- 
cided to send to the American Communist Party. Lovestone and 
others were asked to give their endorsement to this "Address," which 
was nothing more nor less than a condemnation of the Lovestone 
group. When Lovestone refused, he was removed from all positions in 
the American Communist Party and the Communist International 
and was ordered to remain in Moscow. Several weeks later, Lovestone, 
without the knowledge or permission of the Comintern, left Moscow 
and returned to the United States. For this breach of discipline, he 
was expelled by the Communist Party of the United States. 

Lovestone, with some of his followers, formed the Communist Party 
U. S. A. (majority group) ; later changed to the Communist Party 
U. S. A. (opposition) ; still later changed to the Independent Com- 
munist Labor League of America, and finally to the Independent 
Labor League of America. In January 1941, the Independent Labor 
League of America, through its general secretary, Jay Love- 
stone, issued a declaration of dissolution and expressed the belief that 
radicalism in the United States was "in a hopeless blind alley from 
which there is no escape along the old lines." 

WHAT DOES THE FUTURE HOLD? 

Will the death of Stalin bring about any change in the leadership 
of organized communism in the United States ? Can Stalin's successor 
retain that inflexible control over the American comrades ? Only time 
can tell. If there is a change from the Stalin-type of leadership in 
the Soviet Union, a similar change in the leadership of the American 
Communist Party will be further proof of the connecting link between 
communism in America and communism in the Soviet Union. 

Judging the future by the past, one thing becomes very apparent. 
If the new leadership in the Soviet Union adopts a policy contrary 
to the oft-expressed policy of Stalin, the Communist leadership in 
America will follow suit or be cast aside as were Cannon, Lovestone, 
and Browder. 



INDEX 



Individuals 

Page 

Abern, Martin 141 

Allison, Helen 121 

Arater, I 121 

Attlee, Clement 139 

Ballam, John J 10, 78 

Bart, Phil 121 

Batt, Dennis E 10, 29 

Bedacht, Max 42 

Berry, A. W 121 

Eevin, Ernest 139 

Bilan, Alexander 42 

Biniba, Anthony 78 

Bittelman, Alexander 29, 121 

Blair, Fred 121 

Bloor, Ella Reeve 79, 121 

Blum, Leon 139 

Brodsky, Carl 9 

Brodsky, Joseph 9 

Browder. Earl 2, 79, 114, 119, 120, 128, 132, 136, 137, 143 

Bukharin 143 

Burke, Alice 121 

Burlak, Ann 114, 121 

Cacchione, Peter 114, 121 

Cadovila 137 

Cannon, James 3, 10, 69, 141-142, 143 

Carney, Jack 42 

Carpenter, David 121 

Childs, Morris 121 

Cohen, Maximilian 9, 10, 29 

Cohen, Nat 121 

Corey, Louis {see also Louis C. Fraina) 131 

Corsor, Benjamin 9 

Darcy, Sam 114 

Davis, Benjamin J,, Jr 114,121 

Davis, David 121 

Debs 122 

Delgrado, Enrique Castro (alias Louis Garcia) 1H6 

Dennis, Eugene 114, 121 

Dimitrov, George 135-137 

Dodd. Bella 121 

Donchiu, Sam 1-1 

Dougher, Joe 121 

Douglass, Frederick 122 

Duclos, Jacques 119, 120, 138 

Dunne, William F 78 

Elbaum, D 29 

Engels 5, 99, 108, 142 

Epstein, Shachno 78 

Ferguson, Isaac E 10, 13 

Field, B. J 142 

Ford, James 121 

Foster, William Z 78,70,120,121.128 

Fraina, Louis C. (see also Louis Corey) 4, 10,29, 131 

145 



146 INDEX 

Page 

Fiederi ch 136 

Ganby, Nat 121 

Garcia, Louis (alias for Enrique Castro Delgrado) 136 

Gates. John 121 

Gaulden, Rose 121 

Gitlow, Benjamin 3, 4, 9, 10, 25, 70, 77 

Gold, Ben 114, 121 

Goodman, Milton 9 

Gottwald, Clement 135 

Gouzenko, Isjor 137 

Green, Gilbert (Gil) 114,121 

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley 121 

Hall, Gus 121 

Hall, Robert 121 

Hammer, Dr. Julius 9 

Hardman, J. B. S 142 

Hillman, Sidney 79 

Hlllquit, Morris 9, 130 

Hilzik, Harry 9 

Himmelfarb, L 9 

Hitler 135,136 

Honsborough, Roy 121 

Hoover, J. Edgar 1 

Horowitz, Fanny 9 

Hourwich, Nicholas I 9, 10, 29 

Hudson. Roy 114, 121 

Huff. Henry 121 

Jbarruri, Dolorez (alias La Passionaria) 135 

Jackson 99, 108, 115 

Jaures, Jean 16 

Jefferson 99, 108, 115, 122 

Johnson, Arnold 121 

Johnson, O. C 10 

Jones, Claudia 121 

Kane, George 121 

Katterfield, Louis E 10, 42. 78 

Kautsky 130 

Keracher, John 10, 141 

Kopnagel, S 10 

Kovac, N 121 

Krumbein, Charles 121 

Kuusinen. Otto 135 

Lannon, Albert 121 

"La Passionaria" (alias for Dolorez Jbarruri) 135 

Larkin, James 9, 10 

Lawrence, Josh 121 

Lehman, George 9 

Lenin 69, 99, 108, 142 

Liebknecht, Karl 5 

Lifshitz. Dora 121 

Lina, Mickie 121 

Lincoln 99, 108, 115, 122 

Lindgren. Edward I 9, 42, 78 

Lloyd, William Bross 10 

Longuet 130 

Lovestone, Jay 9, 10, 29, 69, 78, 128, 140, 142, 143 

Luxemburg, Rosa 5 

MacAlpine, Eadmonn 10, 25 

Macdonald 130 

Mackie, Martin 121 

Manuilsky, Dimitri Z 135 

Marlen 142 

Marty, Andre 135 

Marx 5, 7, 8, 16, 44, 54, 99, 108, 134, 142 

McKie, \yilliam - 121 



INDEX 147 

Page 

Mehring, Franz 5 

Mindel, J 121 

Modigliani 130 

Morris, George 121 

Muste, A. J 142 

Myers, Frederick N 121 

Nelson, Steve 121 

Norman, William 121 

Oehler, Hugo 142 

Paine 99, 108, 115, 122 

Patterson, William 121 

Pearl, Jeanette D 9 

Pepper, John (alias for Joseph Pogany) 70 

Pieck, Wilhelm 1P,5 

Pogany, Joseph (alias John Pepper) 70 

Potash, Irving 121 

Rakosi, Mathais 135 

Eamadier, Paul 139 

Eavitch, Mrs. L 9 

Reed, John 4,9,10,25 

Reinstein, Boris 70 

Renner, Karl 139 

Roberts, R 121 

Roosevelt, President 119 

Ross, Carl 121 

Ruhle, Otto „ 5 

Russell, Ted 121 

Ruthenberg. Charles E 10, 69, 78, 122 

Saragat, Giuseppe 139 

Schneiderman, William 121 

Schiimacher, Kurt 139 

Shachtman, Max 141 

Schaerf, Adolf (Scherf) 139 

Sharp, Clarence 121 

Shaw, Ralph 121 

Simon, Hal 121 

Slinger, Dan 121 

Slutsky, J. B 142 

Smith, H 121 

Sparks, N 121 

Stachel, Jack 121 

Stalin 99, 108, 120, 128, 143 

Stamm 142 

Stilson, I 10 

Stokes, Rose Pastor 10, 78 

Stoklitzky, Alexander I 10,29 

Sylvis 122 

Thompson, Robert 121 

Togliatti 13G 

Toohey, Pat 114 

Trachtenberg, Alexander 121 

Trotsky 69, 128, 140-143 

Turati 130 

Vaughn, George C 9 

Wagenknecht, Alfred D 10,42,121 

Walecki 70 

Washingion 115 

Weinstock, Louis 121 

Weisbord, Albert 142 

Weiss, Max 121 

W-ellman, Saul 121 

Whitney, Anita „ 121 

Wicks, H. M 29 

Wicks, Harry 143 

Wilkerson, Dosey 121 



148 INDEX 

Pag« 

Williamson, John 114, 121 

Wilson, President Woodrow 32 

Winetsky, Harry 78 

Winston, Henry 121 

Winter, Carl 121 

Wolfe, Bertram D 9, 10, 78 

Wortis, Rose 121 

Zhdanov, Andrei A 135, 137 

Organizations 

Amalgamated Textile Workers Union 79 

American Defense Society 44 

American Federation of Labor 19, 20, 32, 36, 46, 79 

American Labor Alliance 69, 71 

American Labor Union 32 

American Protective League 44 

American Workers Party 141,142 

Amsterdam "International" 180 

Arebiter Bildungs Verein 71 

Perne Congress 9 

Retriebs Rat 58 

British Labor Party 24 

Cadets 5, 17 

Canadian Royal Commission 137 

Cominform 138,140 

Comintern 77, 79-81, 89-91, 128, 135-138, 140, 143 

Communist International 11, 

24, 25, 30, 32, 35, 37, 38, 42, 47, 50, 53, 55, 58, 59, 61, 62, 69-71, 77, 
80, 89, 90, 93, 98, 99. 104, 108, 128-136, 140, 142, 143. 

Communist International Manifesto 42 

Communist International, Third Congress 69 

Communist International, Fourth Congress 79 

Communist International, Sixth Congress 89 

Communist Interrational, Seventh Congress 134 

Communist International, International Congress of the 50 

Communist International, Sixth Plenum of the Executive Committee 89 

Communist International, Eighth Plenum 89 

Communist Labor Party, 1919 42,44,45,47,141 

Communist Labor Party of Germany (Spartacus) 9 

Communist League of America 142 

Communist League of America (Opposition) 141 

Communist Party (General) 2,3,129,131,142 

Communist Party of America, 1919 10, 

11, 13, 26, 27, 29, 32, 33, 35-88, 40-42, 47, 51, 69, 141 

Communist Party of America, 1919, constitution 37 

Communist Party of America, 1919, convention 25, 29 

Communist Party of America, 1919, manifesto 29 

Communist Party of America, 1919, program 35 

Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, 

1921 51-62, 67, 79, 131, 132, 141 

Communist Party of America, section of the Communist International, 

constitution and program, 1921 51, 62 

Communist Party of America (underground organization) 62, 69, 70, 77, 79 

Communist Party of the United States of America, section of the Commu- 
nist International, 1929 89-91, 98, 132, 143 

Communist Party of the United States of America, section of the Commu- 
nist International, 1929, constitution 90 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1938 99-102, 104, 106, 132 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1938, constitution 99 

Communist Party, U. S. A., 1940 108-111, 114, 119, 134-136 

Communist Party, U. S. A., 1940, constitution 108 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1945 120, 

122, 123, 126-128, 140, 141 

Communist Party of the United States of America, 1945, constitution 122 

Communist Party, U. S. A. (majority group) 143 



INDEX 149 

Pagi 

Communist Party, U. S. A. (opposition) 141,143 

Communist Party of Bulgaria 188 

Communist Party of Cavclioslovakia 135, 138 

Communist Party of France 119, 120, 138 

Communist Party of Hungary 138 

Communist Party of Italy 138 

Communist Party of Poland 138 

Communist Party of Rumania 138 

Communist Party of Russia 9,143 

Communist Party of the Soviet Union 136,138,140 

Communist Party of Yugoslavia 138 

Communist Political Association, 1044 114,115,119,120,128,140 

Communist Political Associiition, 1944, constitution 115 

Communist I'ropnganda I^eague 3 

Council of National Defense 43 

Department of Justice 43,69 

Departmejit of Labor 69 

Federal Bureau of Investigation 2 

Finnish Socialist Federation 71 

First International 16, 30, 134 

Fourth International 53 

French Socialist Party 4 

German Social-Democracy 4 

Hungarian Workers' Federation 71 

Independent rommunist Labcir League of America 143 

Independent Labor League of America 143 

Industrial Workers of the World 19, 36, 45, 57. 58 

International Communist Party 12,26 

International Federation of Trade Unions 59 

International Solidarity Fund 100,109 

International Unification of Red Labor Unions 130 

Italian Workers Federation 71 

Jewish Socialist Federation 71 

Jewish Workers Federation 71 

Knights of Liberty 44 

Labor Party 6. 7, 20, 32, 35 

League of Nations 7,15,29,35,61,130 

Leningrad Communist Party City Committee 135 

Michigan State Socialist Party 10 

Minnesota, Left-Wing State Convention of . 11 

Municipal Ownership Leagvies 35 

National Press Club 2 

National Security League 43 

Non-Partisan League 35 

People's Council 35 

Proletarian Party 10 

Proletarian Party of America 141 

Red Labor Union International 59, 79 

Russian Socialist Federation 10 

Second International 16, 24, 53, 62, 130, 131 

Social-Democratic Party 18 

Social Democratic Party in Germany 16 

Socialist Congress at Basle, 1912 30 

Socialist International 12, 26, 30 

Socialist International Congress 15 

Socialist Labor Party 31, 32, 41, 70 

Socialist Party of America 2-4, 6, 

7, 9-11, 18, 19, 25, 32, 35, 41-43, 131, 132, 141, 142 

Socialist Party of America, September 1919, convention 3 

Socialist Party Left-Wing Section, conference 10 

Socialist Party Left-Wing Section, National Council 10, 13, 25 

Socialist Party Left-Wing Section, convention, manifesto, 1919 4 

Socialist Party Left-Wing Section, convention, program, 1919 9 

Socialist Party of Massachusetts 25 

Socialist Party of Michigan 11, 25 



150 . INDEX 

Fan 
Socialist Party of the United States 53 

Socialist Party, New York State Executive Committee 10 

Socialist Propaganda League 3 

Socialist Trade and Labor Alliance 57 

Socialist Workers Party 142 

Spanish Communist Party i:J6 

Spartacus Group 5 

Supreme Court 43 

Third (Communist) International. (See Communist International.) 

Trade Union Educational League 78, 79 

United Communist Party of America, 1920 47, 51, 132, 141 

United Communist Party of America, constitution, 1920 47 

United Nations 122, 135, 136 

United States Constitution 99, 108, 115, 122 

United Toilers 142 

Voorhis Act, 1940 108, 132 

W. I. I. U 36 

War Labor Board 43 

Western Federation of Miners 32 

Workers Council of the U. S. A 71 

Workers (Communist) Party of America, 1925 80, 81, 89, 132 

Workers (Communist) Party of America, 1925, constitution 80 

Workers Educational Association 71 

Workers I'arty of America, 1921 69-73, 77, 79 

Workers Party of America, convention and constitution, 1921 72 

Workers Party of America, 1923 79, 80 

Working Men's International Association 134 

Young Workers League 85, 88, 93, 96, 97 

Publications 

Cahiers du Communisme 119 

The Class Struggle 3 

Communist, The 29, 51, 69, 114 

Communist International 98 

Daily Peoples World 98 

Daily Worker 80, 89, 90, 98, 119, 120, 138 

For a Lasting Peace — For a Peoples Democracy ! 98 

International Press Correspondence 98 

Labor Herald 79 

Masses and Mainstream 98 

The New International 3 

New Times 98 

New York Communist 9 

New York Herald Tribune 135 

New York Times 133, 136 

Novy Mir 10, 25 

Political Affairs 98 

Pravda 138 

The Revolutionary Age 3, 13 

Soviet Russia Today 98 

Toiler 70 

The Voice of Labor 25 

War and the Working Class 98 

Worker 136 

Workers Challenge 143 

World News and Views 98 

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