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Full text of "Orígen de los Americanos. ... esto es, Esperanza de Israel;"

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AM, B 430 a 



HARVARD UNIVERSITY 




TOZZER LIBRARY 

OF THE 

PEABODY MUSEUM OF 
ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 

GlFT OF 

lAN GRAHAM 



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ORíGEN DE LOS AMERICANOS. 
ESTO ES 

ESPERANZA DE ISRAEL 

REIMPRESIÓN Á PLANA Y RENGLÓN 

11KL VIBRO 

DE MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL 

TEíkOGO Y FILOSOFO HEBREO, 



SOBRf EL ORÍGEISl 



DE LOS AMERICANOS 

PDBLICADO K8 AÜSTERDAK S4tO <1650) 

Can. tinpreámÚHL), ufot notkia MbUogmficu 

de iits principaks jigras qtis s&i*f'£ ¿íj m'igettís ^ 

kist&riay am^msías da Amérkay Asia se han impnso. 

y d reíraCt? y la óh^raJI^r dd attt^r^ 

SANTIAGO PÉREZ JUNQUERA. 



i 



^^^J^'io^ 




m 



MADRID,— iSSK 

LlUaKíliA HE g^ANTlAGO PÉREZ JUNOUERA. 
Salud, 14» 



" Digrtií^edtiy' 



Google 



Am ,3^ 3 o a. 

ESTA REIMPRESIÓN 

ES DE 

2 ejemplares en vitela, á 125 pesetas. 
200 Ídem en papel de hilo, numerados, 

á 6 pesetas. 
4CX) Ídem en papel fuerte, á 4 pesetas. 



602 ejemplares. 



Imprenta y Litograña de la Biblioteca I-niyersal, 
Calle Real , núm. 1. 



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AL SEÑOR 

D. JOSÉ CONTAMINE DE LATOUR. 



Veintisiete años hace que una amistad 
fraternal nos une^ y habitamos bajo un 
mismo techo; tu prudencia ha templado 
muchas veces las impetuosidades de mi 
carácter y me ha hecho más reflexivo y 
razonable: ^á quién ^ pues, sino á tí 
puedo yo dedicar este primer trabajo? 

Acéptalo^ por tanto, como testimonio 
de amistad de tu afectísimo 



5. P. JUNQUERA. 



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PRELIMINAR. 



Extraño ha de parecer seguramente á 
los hombres de ciencia, á los cultivadores 
de la historia y á los críticos, que persona 
indocta, sin título alguno profesional ni 
académico que posponer á su nombre, y 
que como mote ó leyenda á guisa de por- 
ta-estandarte pregone á los futuros sus mé- 
ritos y servicios, se permita dar á luz una 
reimpresión, anteponiéndole el presente 
preliminar; pero su extrañeza cesará segu- 
ramente, y unos y otros disculparán tal 
propósito, cuando aprecien que sólo el 
objeto de serles útil me ha determinado 
á hacerlos, y puedan con tal motivo sabo- 
rear detenidamente un curiosísimo libro 
sobre el origen de los americanos^ que, 
desconocido de los más y apreciado de 
pocos, próximo estaba á desaparecer si no 
se reimprimiera. Por tanto, pues, y en 
atención á que ningún agradecimiento 



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— vra — 

pide quien ningún título tiene para aspi- 
rar á él, espero acojan benignos estos 
renglones, que escritos sin pretensión, ni 
son memorial de aspirante, ni preliminar 
de docto; sólo sí el manifiesto deseo de 
que por su medio se conozca esta pequeña 
obrita de un célebre judío portugués, que 
escribió muchas y muy buenas, según no- 
ticias, y cuya biografía y escritos, extrac- 
tados de quien á este género de estudios 
se dedicó, así como al conocimiento de los 
autores rabinos españoles y portugueses, 
irán, así como su retrato, después de este 
preliminar (*). 

Casi siempre empezaban sus tareas 
nuestros escritores de los pasados 'siglos 
haciendo la señal de la cruz, con el objeto, 
sin duda, de evitar la influencia de los 
malos espíritus sobre los puntos de su 
pluma; y yo á mi vez, si no á manera de 
conjuro, al menos como cristiano viejo, 
con el fin de evitar cualquiera torcida 



(*) En la composición de este libro, hecha fiel- 
mente á plana y renglón, se han respetado hasta los 
defectos ortográficos y tipográficos de la época, para 
que nuestros filólogos no dejen de poder saborear 
cómo se hablaba y escribía nuestro idioma á media- 
dos del siglo XVU por los rabinos emigrados en 
Holanda, si bien en la composición actual se ha 
prescindido del uso de caracteres que la moderna 
Tipografía ya no emplea. 



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— IX — 

interpretación que á mis palabras darse 
pudiera, creóme en el deber de dar á los 
lectores cuenta detallada de las razones, 
causas y motivos que, influyendo en mí 
de una manera poderosa, me han condu- 
cido como de la mano á la realización de 
este pensamiento, que es ajeno por com- 
pleto á mis habituales ocupaciones. 

Entreteníame en los primeros dias del 
presente año en hojear un catálogo de 
libros raros que había recibido por el 
correo, cuando llamó mi atención el título 
siguiente: ^Menasseh^ Ben Israel, Espe- 
ranza de Israel, AvnstcxdBxa, 5410.» El 
nombre de este autor, del que hacía 
años había tenido otra rarísima obra, cu- 
yo título es: Piedra Gloriosa ó la Es- 
tatua de NebuC'hanessar, sin que haya 
visto después más ejemplar que aquél, 
excitó mi curiosidad en tal manera, que 
me dirigí instintivamente á consultar el 
tomo primero de la Biblioteca Rabinica 
del Sr. Rodríguez Castro. Encontré afor- 
tunadamente en la página 550 y siguien- 
tes de la citada Biblioteca la biografía del 
rabino portugués y noticia detallada de 
sus escritos, con la agradable sorpresa al 
propio tiempo de que el libro anunciado 
en el catálogo que á la mano tenía, era 
por su asunto tan raro y curioso como 
desconocido de los bibliófilos. Entusias- 



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— X — 

mado con mi hallazgo, me dediqué por 
espacio de algún tiempo á revolver los 
catálogos y tratados de bibliografía que 
para consulta tengo; pero inútiles mis 
pesquisas por no hallar en ellos ni en las 
noticias de los ilustrados americanistas y 
bibliófilos, á quienes acudí más tarde, dato 
alguno acerca de tan curioso volumen, 
me decidí apresuradamente á pedirle por 
el correo, teniendo la suerte de que á los 
pocos dias y en perfecto estado de con- 
servación llegase á mi poder. 

Dueño ya, por fin, del codiciado volu- 
men, comencé lleno de curiosidad su lec- 
tura, notando desde luego el peregrino 
ingenio del rabino portugués, que apoyado 
en el relato de su compatriota Aharon 
Leví, alias Antonio Montezinos, y citando 
las relaciones é historias de los primeros 
tiempos del descubrimiento y conquista 
de los países de América, Asia y Oceanía, 
había conseguido elaborar una sabia y 
metódica disertación, en que no se sabe 
qué admirar más, si la fé del rabino en 
acumular textos, haciéndolos concurrir 
por medio de sus conocimientos de los 
Thargum (a) á probar que la raza hebrea 
fué la pobladora de aquellas regiones, 
en cuyo interior, no explorado todavía, 
espera la venida del Mesías, la redención 
de las tribus y el dominio universal, ó 



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— XI — 

bien la sólida y vastísima instrucción del 
autor, que aparte de las citas bíblicas que 
abundantemente hace, da muestra evi- 
dente á cada paso de conocer, así las 
principales obras de los sabios rabinos 
de su secta, como de haber leido y con- 
sultado con especial esmero las más 
notables historias y relaciones escritas 
hasta su tiempo, tanto acerca de la po- 
blación, ritos, costumbres y usos de aque- 
llas lejanas tierras, como de la conquista 
y diversos modos con que los europeos, 
tártaros y otros pueblos han ido tomando 
posesión de aquellos para Europa, hasta 
los siglos XV y XVI, desconocidos países. 
Principia el rabino su obra rebatiendo 
las opiniones de Alejo de Vanégas, Arias 
Montano, Jonatás Ben Uziel, R. Joseph 
Coen y Francisco de Ribera, acerca de 
los orígenes de los americanos; aduce 
después la opinión de Montezinos, la que 
supone más probable fundándola en el 
libro cuarto de Esdras y apoyándola con 
la autoridad del padre Maluenda, citando 
el capítulo 1 8 del libro tercero de las 
Antigüedades y corroborando su opinión 
con las relaciones de varios, que hicieron 
viajes á América. En la página 46 da 
cuenta de los diversos tiempos del cauti- 
verio de las diez tribus y de su constancia 
en observar la ley de Moisés, y se ocupa 



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— xn — 

luego, hasta la página 114, de la reduc- 
ción de estas diez tribus á la Tierra Santa, 
deduciendo de esta exposición que las 
Indias Occidentales fueron de muy anti- 
guo habitadas por individuos de las diez 
tribus; que desde Tartaria fueron á Améri- 
ca atravesando el estrecho de Anian, en 
cuyas partes, no exploradas aún, viven 
ocultos; que estos individuos dispersos no 
habitan en un solo punto, sino en diver- 
sos; que los primeros dispersos no volvie- 
ron al segundo templo, aunque sus des- 
cendientes conservan la religión judaica, 
siendo forzosa su reducción á la patria. 

Termina la obra recapitulando breve- 
mente la relación de Montezinos, y apo- 
yándola en la autoridad de diferentes 
autores deduce ser la más probable, esto 
es, que los pobladores primitivos de la 
América fueron parte de las diez tribus, 
á quienes siguieron los tártaros, que les 
hicieron la guerra, por lo que vencidos se 
ocultaron de nuevo en los países más 
escabrosos y difíciles, detras de las 
montañas. 

Y hasta tal extremo me sorprendió su 
lectura, por la manera de tratar el asunto 
y por el método de exposición que en el 
libro encontré, que la idea de reimprimir- 
le se presentó á mi imaginación como 
realizable, sin que pudieran sustraerme á 



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_¿^^;^,^^,^_^^,^,¿^^aígitm^ 



— xm — 

ella las dificultades inherentes á esta clase 
de trabajos: consulté al efecto con per- 
sonas para mí de gran respeto y reco- 
nocida capacidad, y hallándola aceptable 
y práctica, me animaron á que la llevase 
á cabo sin vacilaciones de ninguna especie, 
y heme aquí por esta rara coincidencia 
convertido en reimpresor del presente 
libro, empresa que hace bien poco tiempo 
hubiera tenido por un sueño. 

Expuesta con sinceridad la causa que 
me ha determinado á emprender esta 
ruda tarea, debo advertir del propio modo 
la manera cómo pretendo llevarla á feliz 
término, esquivando en primer lugar las ci- 
tas de los autores contemporáneos, así en 
el curso de la obra como en las pequeñas 
notas que con ella irán-, lo uno, porque 
temo no haber visto ni conocer de nom- 
bre, quizá, los muchos autores que de la 
América se han ocupado en la presente 
centuria; lo otro, porque dando la prefe- 
rencia á los nacionales sobre los extran- 
jeros, ó á éstos sobre aquéllos, tachárseme 
podría de apasionado de los unos ó de 
los otros en particular; y por último, ¿á 
qué negarlo? porque admirador de los auto- 
res antiguos, contemporáneos de la con- 
quista, y observadores, cada cual bajo su 
punto de mira, de los hechos de que fueron 
al parecer testigos ó verídicos narradores, 



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— XIV --- 

tengo la convicción de que los moderaos 
escritores, que de usos y costumbres de 
aquellas regiones se ocupan, nada esencial 
á lo relatado por aquéllos añaden, y, 
más que otro, el carácter de polemistas 
críticos presentan, salvas honrosas excep- 
ciones. 

No dejaré de manifestar asimismo, 
que nada nuevo ni bueno se encontrará 
en estas líneas que me pertenezca, pues 
el catálogo bibliográfico y las peque- 
ñas notas que van con ellas, tomadas 
de autores competentes, á mi manera de 
ver, son tarea bien fácil para quien, á una 
regular biblioteca, añada un poco de buen 
sentido en el manejo de los autores que 
de historia y bibliografía americano-oceá- 
nica se han ocupado. 

Réstame no más, para poner término 
á este ya largo preámbulo, dar conoci- 
miento á los lectores del motivo, fútil al 
parecer, pero de gran fuerza para mí, que 
me ha puesto la pluma en la mano: tal ha 
sido haber visto, no sin g^an sorpresa de 
mi parte, que en la ilustrada Alemania \y 
esto en el último tercio del siglo Xixl se 
ha hecho una moción al Parlamento, que 
es más bien una nueva nota de proscrip- 
ción para la raza de los hijos de Israel, 
de la que, si bien puede decirse que ha 
revegtido desde los tiempos de su disper- 



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— XV — 

sion un carácter poco envidiable, según 
el testimonio de Memmio (b) en una de sus 
cartas á Cicerón, preciso es confesar 
también que, conscientemente ó á pesar 
suyo, la familia hebrea ha ejercido una 
gran influencia civilizadora en los países 
por donde se ha dispersado; así lo testifi- 
can los sabios y eminentes escritores 
cuyas biografías nos refieren los Wolfio, 
Bartolocio y Rodriguez Castro. Protestan- 
do, pues, en nombre de la caridad y fra- 
ternidad cristianas, y por honra de nues- 
tro siglo, de semejante moción, daré fin 
á este preámbulo, no sin antes dirigir á 
los hombres de razón serena y recto 
corazón esta pregunta: 

¿Será destino providencial de los pue- 
blos, que victoriosos completan su unidad, 
que en vez de vivir tranquilos y felices 
mejorando, sus condiciones, hayan, por 
la intolerancia de los diversos elementos 
que los constituyen, de iniciar su disgre- 
gación ó decadencia? 

Santiago Pérez Junquera. 



Madrid 30 de Enero de 1881. 



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NOTICIA BIBLIOGRÁFICA 

DI LOS 

PRINCIPALES AUTORES 

CUYAS OBRAS IMPRESAS SE OCUPAN 

I>£ LA HISTORIA , DESCUBRIMIENTO Y CONQUISTAS 

DE ASIA^ AMERICA Y OCEANÍA. 



Acosta (José de). — De natura novi orbis libri dúo 
etcétera. — Salmanticae, 1589, 8.° 

ídem. — Historia natural y moral de las Indias, etc 
Sevilla, 1590, 4.' 

Acuña (Padre Cristóbal de). — ^Nuevo descubrimien- 
to del gran rio de las Amazonas, etc.-^-Madrid, 
1641,4.° 

Adair (James). — The History of the American In- 
dians, etc. — ^London, 1775,4.® 

Aduarte (Fr. Diego). — ^Historia de la provincia 
del Santo Rosario de Filipinas, Japón y China, 
etcétera. — Zaragoza, 1693. 2 vol. folio. 

Afl)Uer08 (Fr. Pedro). — Descripción historial de 
la provincia y archipiélago de Chiloe en el reyno 
de Chile, etc.— Madrid, 1791, 4." 

Alcedo y Herrera (D. Dionisio). — ^Aviso históri- 
co -político-geográfico.... del Perú, Tierra firme, 
Chile, etc.— Madrid, 1740, 4.® 



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— XVIII — 

Aleado y Herrera (D. Dionisio). — Compendio 
histórico de la provincia , partidos , rios y puerto 
de Guayaquil. — ^Madrid, 174I. en 4.* 
Aleedo (Antonio de). — Diccionario geográfico-his- 
tórico de las Indias Occidentales, etc. — ^Madrid, 
1786-89, 6 vol., 4.* 
Anirleria (P. Mártir). — Opera, seu Legatio Babiló- 
nica , Occeani decas , Poemata . et epigramata. — 
Hispali, 1511, folio. 
Árlensela (Leonardo de). — Conquista de las islas 

Malucas. — ^Madrid, 1609, folio. 
Balbuena (Bernardo de). — ^Bernardo ó victoria de 

Roncesvalles. — Madrid, 1624, 4.* 
Barcia (D. Andrés González). — ^Ensayo cronológi- 
co para la historia general de la Florida, etc. — 
Madrid, 1723, folio. 
ídem. — Historiadores primitivos de Indias« — ^Ma- 
drid, 1749» 3 vol. folio. 
Barco Centenera (D. Martin). — Argentino y 
conquista del Rio de la Plata , con otros acaecimien- 
tos.... del Perú, Tucuman.... y Brasil. — ^Lisboa, 
1602, 4." 
Barton Snüth (B.). New Wiew of the origin of 
the tribus and nations of America. — Philadel- 
phia, 1798. 8.** 
Barros (Joao de). — Decadas da Asia, 1628- 1615* 

4 vol., folio. 
BelleforetS (Francois de). — Description de la qua- 
triene partie du monde contenant les pays Proviñr 
ees..., avec les moeurs... leur superstitions et eos 
turnes. — Paris, 1570, 4.". 



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— XIX — 

Benavídes (P. Fr. Alonso). — ^Memorial qué Fray 
Juan de Santander... presenta á Felipe IV. Tráta- 
se.... y nuevos deseubrimientos. — Madrid, 1630, 
en 4." 

Benzoni (Girolamo). — L'istoria del Mondo Nuovo. 
Venezia, 1565, 8.' 

Berredo (Bernardo Pereiraj. — ^Annaes históricos 
do estado do Maranhao, etc. — ^Lisboa, 1749» folio. 

Botello de Moraes 7 Vasconcelos (Francisco). 
E Nuevo Mundo. — ^Barcelona, 1701, 4.° 

Brerewood (Ed.). — Inquiries touching tho diver- 
sity of languages and Religions, etc. — ^London, 
1635. 8.0 

Bry (Theodore, Jean, et Merian M.). Coliectiones et 
peregrinationum in Indiam Orientalem et Indiam 
Occidentalem, etc. — ^Francofurt adMoenuní, 1590- 
1634, 25 vol. folio. 

Bustamante (D. Calixto Carlos). — ^£1 Lazarillo de 
Ciegos Caminantes desde Buenos-Aires hasta Li- 
ma. — Gijon, 1773. 8.® 

Buzada do Loyba (Dr.). Historia del reyno de 
Japón. — Zaragoza, 1591, 8.° 

Calancha (Antonio de). — Crónica moralizada del 
orden de San Agustin en el Perú, etc. — Barcelona, 
1638, folio. 

Cárdenas (Juan de). — ^Primera parte de los proble- 
mas y secretos maravillosos de las Indias, etc. — 
México, 1591, 8.<^ 

Casani (José). Historia de la Provincia de la Com- 
pañía de Jesús del nuevo reyno de Granada — ^Des- 
cripción y relación exacta de sus gloriosas misio- 



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— XX — 

ncs en el llano Metas y rio Orinoco, etc. — ^Ma- 
drid, 1741, folio. 
Casas (Bartolomé de las).— O Casaus, de la Orden 
de Sto. Domingo, Obispo de Chiapa= Obras = 
IX tratados.r^evilla, 1552, 4.** 
Castellanos (Juan de). — ^Primera parte Je las Ele- 
gías de Varones ilustres de Indias. — ^Madrid, 1589, 
en 4.^ 
Caillin (Antonio), — ^Historia corográfica de la Nue- 
va Andalucía y provincias de Cumana, Guayana y 
vertientes del rio Orinoco, etc. — 1779, folio. 
Centeno (Amaro). — ^Historia de cosas de Oriente... 
contiene una descripción de los Reynos de Asia... 
la Historia de los tártaros y su origen... las cosas 
del reyno de Egipto, etc. — Córdoba, 1595^ 4»® 
Chalesme. Recit fídele en abrege de toutes les 
particularitez qui sont dans l'Amerique... chacun 
doits qavoir aussi qu'elle soule fait un continent,.. 
que la Terre de Amian et la no%velle Albion ne 
sont separées de l'Asie que par le Japón le Detroit 
de Sangao, etc. — ^Poitiers, 1672, 12.® 
Champlain (Samuel). — ^Des Sauvages, ou voyage 
de S. Ch. de Brovage, fait en la France Nouvelle 
Tan de 1603: contenant les moeurs, etc. — ^Paris, 
1604, 1 vol, 8.** 
Cieza de Leen (Pedro de). Primera parte de la 
' Chronica del Peni. Que tracta de la demarcación 
de sus provincias, la descripción de ellas, etc. — 
Sevilla, 1553. 
ClavilTOro (Francisco Saverio). — historia antica di 
México. — Cesená, 1780-81, 4 vol., 4 ,* 



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— XXI — 

Clavifrero (Francisco Saverio). — Storia della Cali- 
fornia. — ^Venezia, 1780, 2 vol., 8.° 

Colín (P. Francisco). — ^Labor evangélica; ministe- 
rios Apostólicos de les obreros de la Compafiia de 
Jesús; fundación y progresos de su Provincia en... 
Filipinas. — Madrid, 1663. folio. 

Combes (P. Francisco). — Historia de las islas de 
Mindanao, Joló y sus adyacentes. Madrid, 1667» 
folio. 

Cortés (Fernando). — Carta de relación embiada á 
su Magestad del emperader nuestro sefior per el 
capitán general de la nueva Spafia llamada , etc. — 
Sevilla, 1522, folio. 

ídem. — Carta tercera de relación embiada por Fer- 
nán de Cortes, capitán e justicia mayor del Yuca- 
tan, etc. — Sevilla, 1523, folio. 

Cubero (Pedro Sebastian). — ^Breve relación de la pe- 
regrinación que ha hecho, etc. . Madrid, 1680,4.* 

Dávila Padilla (Fr. Agustin). — ^Historia de la 
fundación y discurso de la provincia de Santiago 
de México. — Madrid, 1596, folio. 

Dávila (Gil González). — Teatro Eclesiástico de la 
primitiva Iglesia de las Indias Occidentales, etc. — 
Madrid, 1 649-55. — 2 vol., folio. 

Descripción chorografíca del terreno, rios, árboles 
y animales délas... provincias del gran Chaco, 
Gualamba y... naciones bárbaras é infieles que la 
habitan. — Córdoba, 1733, 4.® 

Diaz del Castillo (Bemal). — Historia verdadera 
de la Conquista de Nueva Espafia.— Madrid, 1632, 
folio. 



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— xxn — 

Diei de la Calle (Juan).— Noticias Reales y Sa- 
cras del imperio de las Indias, etc. — ^Madrid, 
1646, en 4.® 

Drack (Franciscas) . — Narrationes duae memorabi- 
les expeditionis F. D. in Indias Occidentales. — 
Noribergae, 1590, 4.® 

Enciso (M. Fernandez). — Suma de Geographia. — 
Sevilla, 1519. íblio. 

Ens (Gaspanis). - Indiae Occidentalis historia... in 
quse... situs, incolarum mores, explicantur. — Co- 
lonias, 1912, 8.® 

Ereilla y Zúñifra (Alonso). — ^La Araucana. — ^Ma- 
drid, 1569, 8.' 

Fernandez (Diego). — Primera y segunda parte de 
la Historia del Perú, que se mando escrevir á D. F. 
vezino de la Ciudad de Palencia: Contiene la pri- 
mera lo sucedido en Nueva Espafia, Perú, etc.... 
La segunda la tiranía y alzamiento de los Contre- 
ras, D. Sebastian Castilla, etc. — Sevilla, 1571, fo- 
lio. 

Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés (Gonzalo). — 
Sumario de la natural y general istoria de las In- 
dias, etc. — ^Toledo, 1526, folio. 

Fernandez (Juan Patricio). — Relación historial de 
las misiones de los indios que llaman Chiquitos, 
etcétera. — ^Madrid, 1726, 4.® 

Field (Thomas W.). — ^An Essay towards an Indian 
Bibliography, bein a Catalogue of Books relating 
to the history Antiquities... Origins of the Ameri- 
can Indians.— New York, 1873, 8.® 

Freiré (Antonio, traducción de Exquemeling). — 



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Piratas de América. — Colonia- Agripina, I681, 4.^ 

García (Gregorio). — Origen de los Indios del Nue- 
vo mundo é Indias Occidentales. — ^Valencia, l6o7t 
en 8.* 

Ck>nzalez de Mendoza (Juan). — ^Historia de las 
cosas más notables, ritos y costumbres del gran 
Reyno de la China, etc. — ^Roma, 1585, 8.® 

Ckitzelli (Domenico). — ^La conquista del Perú e 
Provincia del Cuzco, etc. — ^Venezia, 1535, 4»^ 

Gees (Damián). — Commcntaria rerum gestarum a 
Lusitanis in India circa Gangem 1538. — Lova- 
nü, 1539. 4.* 

Ck>mara (Francisco López de). — Historia general de 
las Indias. — Zaragoza, 1 554, folio. 

Ck>UTea (Antonio de). — ^Jomada do Arzobispo de 
Goa, quando foi as Serras de Malavar, etc. — 
Coimbra, 1606, folio. 

Granados 7 Galvez. — ^Tardes Americanas... bre- 
ve y particular noticia de toda la historia indiana... 
desde la entrada de la Gran nación tulleca a esta 
tierra de Anahuac, a estos tiempos. — México, 
1778, 4.^ 

Chryalva (P. Juan),— Crónica de la Orden de N. P. 
San Agustin, en las provincias de Nueva Espafla, 
etcétera.— México, 1624, folio. 

Grotius (Hugo). Disertatio de Origine Gentium 
americanarum. — París, 1642, 8." 

Chunilla (P. Joseph). — ^El Orinoco ilustrado. — ^Ma- 
drid, 1741,4.* 

Herrera (Antonio). — ^Historia general de los he- 
chos de los castellanos en las islas y Tierra firme 



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— XXIV — 

del Mar Océano. Descripcioii de las Indias Oci- 
dentales. Ocho décadas. — Madrid, 1601-1615, 
4 vol., folio. 

Histoira de ce que s^est passé au royaume du Japón 
les années 1625-26-27.— París, 1633. 8.* 

Jerez (Francisco de). Conquista del Perú.— Sala 
manca. 1547, folio. 

Juan de U Coneepeion (P. Fr.). — Historia gene- 
ral de Philipinas, etc. — ^Manila, 1788-92, 14 vol., 
en 4.* 

Julián (D. Antonio). — La Perla de la América: 
provincia de Santa Marta, reconocida, observada y 
expuesta en discursos históricos. — ^Madrid, 1787i 
en 4." 

Kinirsborouirh S. (Lord.); — Antiquities of Méxi- 
co.— London, 1830-48, 9 vol. folio. 

Laet (Joanes). — ^Novus orbis seu descriptionis In- 
diae Occidentalis, libri XVIII. — ^Lud. Batavi Elze- 
virii, 1633, folio. 

Lafltau (Le P.). — Moeurs des sauvages Americains 
comparées aux moeurs des premiers temps. — Pa- 
rís, 1724, 2 voL, 4.° 

La Paire du Prazt. — ^Histoire de la Louisiane... 
l'histoire , moeurs , coutumes et religión... avec 
leurs origines. —Paris, 1758, 3 vol., 12.* 

Laso de la Vega (Gabriel). — Primera parte de 
Cortés valeroso, y Mejicana. — ^Madrid, 1588, 4.* 

Laso de la Vega (el Inca). — ^La Florida del Inca, 
historia del adelantado Hernando de Soto, Gober- 
nador y Capitán general de la Florida, etc.— Lis- 
bona, 1605, 4.* 



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— XXV — 

Laso de la Veira (el Inca). — Comentarios Reales 
que tratan del Origen de los Incas: Historia del 
Perú: Ensayo cronológico para la Historia de la 
Florida. -Madrid, 1723, folio, 4V0I. 

Lasorde Varea . (Alphonsus). — Universus terra- 
rum oxbis scriptorum Cálamo delineatus de gen- 
tium moribus Idiomate, Religione, legibus, etc. — 
Patavii, 1713, 2 vol., folio. 

León Aftricain (Jean). — ^Historiale description de 
l'Afrique. — ^Lyon, 1556, folio. 

León y Gama (Antonio de). — ^Descripción de las 
dos piedras, que con ocasión dt»l nuevo empedrado 
en la plaza principal de México, se hallaron en... 
1790. Explicase el sistema de los Indios, etc. — 
México, 1792, 4.° 

León Pinelo (Antonio de). — Question moral del 
Chocolate.— Madrid, 1636, 4.* 

Leri (Jean de). — ^Histoire d'un voyage fait en la 
terre de Brasil autrement dite Amerique. — Gene- 
ve, 1580, segunda edición, 8.® 

Lima. — ^Relación poética de la fatal ruina de la gran 
ciudad de los Reyes de Lima, con espantosos tem- 
blores, etc. — ^Lima, 1687, 4.° 

LonfT (Ed.). — ^TheHistory of Jamaica..? with refle- 
xions ot is Situations, etc. — ^London, 1774f 3 v. 4.® 

López Castañeda (Femando). — ^Historia del des- 
cubrimiento de la India por los Portugueses. — ^Am- 
vers, 1554. 8.<^ 

Lorenzana (Francisco Antonio).— Historia de Nue- 
va Espafta, aumentada con otros documentos y no- 
tas.— México, 1770, folio. 



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XXVI 

MafTei (J. P.).— Historiarum indicarum libri XVI. 
ítem ex Indiae epistolarum lib. IV. — Colon Agrip, 
1593, folio. 

Mandavilla (Juan). — ^Libro de las maravillas del 
mundo y del viage de la Tierra Santa... provin- 
cias y ciudades de las Indias... hombres, mons- 
truos, etc. — ^Valencia, 1521, folio. 

Marianus (R. P. F.). — Ohronicse observantis 
strictioris per Christianos orbes non solum sed 
Americam, Perú, Chinas, Japones, Chichemecas. 
Zacachecas , Indos Orientes , etc. — Ingolstadii, 
1625, en 4,^ 

Mariz Carneiro (Antonio). — ^Regimiento de na- 
vegación. — Conquista de Brasil , Angola , S . Tho-. 
me, etc. — ^Lisboa, 1655, 4.* 

Martinez (Fray Domingo), — Compendio histórico 
de la Apostólica provincia de S. Gregorio de Phi- 
lipinas, etc. — Madrid, 1736, folio. 

Meares (J.). — ^Voyages de la Chine á la cote nord- 
Ouest d'Amerique (Californie, Oregon), etc. — ^Pa- 
rís, an 3.« de la Rep.«, 3 vol., 8." 

Medina (Pedro de). — Regimiento de nauegacion, et- 
cétera. — Sevilla, 1545, 4.® 

Méndez Pinto (Fernán). — ^Peregrinaqam de. — ^Lis- 
boa, 1614, folio. 

Mendoza (Fr. Diego de). — Chronica de la Provin- 
cia de S. Antonio de Charcas de N. P. S. Francis- 
co en las Indias Occidentales. — ^Madrid, 1665, folio^ 

Monardes (Nicolás). — Primera, segunda y tercera 
parte de las cosas que se traen de... Indias, que 
sirven en Medicina. — Sevilla, 1574, 4.* 



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XXVII 

MonteneiTO (Juan de). — ^Breve noticia de las mi 
siones.. . del Padre Agustín Cañizares de la Com 
f añía de J... en las misiones de Ctiiquitos, Zamu- 
cos y últimamente en... Mataguayos. — ^Madrid, 
1746, en 4.* 

Muríllo Velarde (P. Pedro).— Historia de la Pro- 
vincia de Philipinas de la Compafiia de Jesús... 
Segunda Parte que comprehende los progresos... 
desde el afio 161 6 al 17 16. — ^Manila, 1749. folio. 

Muñoz (Juan Bautista). — ^Historia del Nuevo Mun- 
do.— Madrid. 1793, 4.* 

Nodal (Bartolomé y Gonzalo García). — Relación 
del viaje que hicieron... al descubrimiento del Es- 
trecho Nuevo de San Vicente y reconocimiento del 
de Magallanes. — Madrid, 1621, 4.^^ 

NoUTOauz voyages aux Indes Occidentales conte- 
nant une relation des differents peuples... leur re- 
ligión... moeurs, etc. — ^Amsterdam, i769, 12.* 

Nuftez Cabeza de Vaca (Alvar). — ^La relación y 
comentarios del gobernador Alvar N. C. de V., de 
lo acaecido en las dos jornadas que hizo á las 
Indias.— -Valladolid, 1555, 4.° 

Nuftez de la Vega (Fr. Francisco). — Cartas pas- 
torales de Fr. F. N. de la V., obispo de Chiap.i y 
Guatemala. — ^México, 1694, tres folletos, 4.® 

OrdOftez de ZeballOS (Pedro).— Viaje del mundo. 
Madrid, 1691, 4.'' 

Oezmeiin (A. O.). — ^Histoire des Aventuriers qui 
se sont sígnales dans les Indes... avec la vie, les 
moeurs... des habitants de, etc. — París, 1688, 
dos vol., 8.° 



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xxvm 

Oirio (Padre Francisco Alexo). — Solución del gran 
problema acerca de la población de las Américas. 
México, 1763, 4.® 

Ortelius (Abraham). — ^Theatrum Orbis Terrarum. 
Antuerpie, 157o, folio. 

Ovalle (Alonso de). — ^Histórica i-elacion del rey no 
de Chile, etc.— Roma, 1646, 4.* 

Oviedo y Baños (D. Joseph). — ^Historia de la 
conquista y población de la provincia de Venezue- 
la, etc. — Madrid, 1723, folio. 

Paw. — ^Recherches philosophiques sur les ameri- 
cains, etc. — ^Berlin, 1774. tres vol., 12.® 

Pellicer de Tovar y Osau (José). — Misión evan- 
gélica al reyno del Congo, etc. — ^Madrid, 1649, 4.^ 

Peralta Barnuevo (Pedro de). — ^Lima fundada ó 
conquista del Perú, poema heroico,, etc. — Lima, 
1732, dos vol., 4.* 

Pérez de Riyas (Andrés). — ^EListoria de los tiiun- 
fos de nuestra santa fe... en la Provincia de Nueva 
España: refiérense las costumbres, ritos, y supers- 
ticiones, etc. — ^Madrid, 1645, folio. 

Persia (Juan de). — Relaciones de Juan de... Divi- 
didas en tres libros donde se tratan las cosas nota- 
bles, de Persia... guerras de persianos, turcos y 
tártaros, etc. — Valladolid, 1604, 4.** 

Piedr ahita (D. Lúeas Fernandez). — Historia gene- 
ral de la Conquista del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, 
etc. — Ambefes, 1 688, folio. 

PinelO (Antonio León).— Epítome de la Biblioteca 
Oriental y Occidental Náutica y Geográfica, etc. 
—Madrid, 1737, 4 vol. folio. 



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XXIX 

PUOD (Guillelmus). — Historia naturalisBrasiliap, et 
cétera. — ^Lugduni Elzev., 1648, folio. 

Pizarro y Orellana (Fernando). — ^Varones insig- 
nes del Nuevo Mundo. — ^Madrid, 1639, folio. 

Premier livre de l'histoire de la navigation aux lu- 
des Orientales par les Hollandois, etc.. les meurs 
des nations. — ^Amsterdam, 1598, folio. 

Ramusio (Giov. Bat.). — ^Navigationi e viaggi racol- 
ti da. — ^Venezia, 1563-65-83, 3 vol. folio. 

RelatiOD de ce que s^est passé en le nouvelle Fran- 
ce en Vanné, 1635, par lo P. Paul lo Jeune. — Pa- 
rís, 1626, 8.** 

Relación de la valerosa defensa de los Naturales 
Bisayas del Pueblo de Palompog en la Isla de Ley- 
te de la provincia de Cathalogan en Philipinas, que 
hicieron contra las armas Mahometanas de llanos 
y Malanaos en Junio del 754. — Manila, 1755, 4-" 

Remesal (Antonio). — ^Historia de la Provincia de 
San Vicente de Chiapa y Guatemala, etc.: escri- 
bense juntamente los principios de las demás pro- 
vincias de esta religión de las Indias Occidentales. 
—^Madrid, 1619, folio. 

Rochefort (César). — ^Histoire naturelle et morale 
des Antilles de TAmerique.— Amsterdam, I658, 
en 4.® 

ídem. — ^Recit de l'etat present des celebres Colo- 
nies de la Virginia de Mane Land, de la Carolina, 
etcétera. — ^Rotterdam, 1681, 4." 

Rodrigues (Manuel). — ^£1 Marafion y las Amazo- 
nas: Historia de los descubrimientos, entradas y re- 
ducción de Naciones, etc. — Madrid, 1684, folio. 



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XXX 

Rodriguei (P. Manuel de la Corap.*). — Compen- 
dio Historial e índice ehronologico Peruano y del 
Nuevo Reyuo de Granada desde el principio de 
los descubrimientos, etc. — Madrid, 1684, folio. 

Salaiar y Olarte. — Historia de la conquista de 
México: Segunda parte. — ^Madrid, 1786, folio, 

San Agustín (Fray Gaspar). — Conquistas de las 
Islas Philipinas, la temporal por las armas de Phe- 
lipe II y la espiritual por los Religiosos del Orden 
dcS. Agustin. — ^Madrid, 1698, folio. 

Sarmiento de gamboa (Pedro). — ^Viage al estre- 
cho de Magallanes en los años 1579 y 80 y noti- 
cia de la expedición que después hizo para poblar- 
le.— Madrid, 1768, 4.*» 

Schmidel (Uldeiicus). — ^Vera historia... navigatio- 
nis quam H. S. ab anno 1534 ad annum 1554, in 
Americam justa Brasiliam et Rio della Plata confe- 
cit. — Noribergae, 1599, 4.** 

Seizas Lovera (D. Francisco). — Descripción geo- 
gráfica y Derrotero de la región Austral Magallá- 
nica. — Madrid, 1690, 4." 

Simón (Fr. Pedro). — Primera parte de las noticias 
historiales de las conquistas de Tierra firme en las 
Indias Occidentales. — Cuenca, 1626, folio. 

Solis (Antonio de). — Conquista de México. — ^Ma- 
drid, 1684, folio. 

Tamayo de Vargas (Tomás).— Restauración de 

la Ciudad del Salvador y Bahía de Todos Santos. 

etc. — Madrid, 1628, 4.^ 

Tellez (Baltasar).— Historia general de Ethiopia a 

alta, ou Preste Joan, etc.— -Coimbra, 1660, folio. 



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XXXI 

Torquemada (Juan de). — Los veintiún libros ritua- 
les y la Monarquía Indiana con el origen, etc. — 
Madrid ó Sevilla. 1613 ó 1615, 3 vol folio. 

San Román (Fr. Antonio de). — ^Historia general 
de la India Oriental, los descubrimientos y con- 
quistas de las Armas Portuguesas en el Brasil y 
en otras partes de África y Asia, etc. — ^Valladolid, 
1603, folio. 

Sansón d'Abbeville (N.). — ^L*Amerique en plu- 
sieurs cartes nouvelles et exactes, en divers traites 
de geographie et d'histoire. — Paris, 1656, 4.® 

Sepúlveda (Joan de). — Opera cum edita tum iné- 
dita.— Matritii, 1780, 4 vol. 4.® 

mioa (D. Jorge Juan y D. Antonio de). — ^Relación 
histórica del Viaje á la América Meridional para 
medir algunos grados del Meridiano terrestre, etc. 
Madrid. 1748. 4 vol., 4.** 

ídem. — ^Noticias secretas de América. - Londres, 
1826, folio. 

Valverde (Antonio Sánchez).- Idea del valor.de 
la Isla Espafiola y utilidades que se pueden sacar 
de ella.— Madrid, 1 785, 4.* 

Valdés (P. Rodrigo de la Compañía de Jesús). — 
Poema heroyco hispano-latino panegírico de la 
fundación y grandezas... de la ciudad de Lima. — 
Madrid, 1687, 4.* 

Var^S Machuca (Bartolomeus). — Descripción de 
las Indias Hidrográfica y Geográfica. — 1599, 4.* 

Venesr>i8 (Miguel). — Noticias de California, etc. — 
Madrid, 1757, 3 vol, 4.** 

VUlai^tierre y Sotomayor (Juan de).— Histo- 



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xxxn 

ría de la Conquista de la Provincia de Itza^ reduo- 
cion y progresos de la de Lacandon y otras nacio- 
nes de Indios Bárbaros, etc. — ^Madrid, 1701, folio. 

VillaseAor y Sánchez (Juan Antonio). — ^Theatro 
Americano: descripción general de los Reynos y 
provincias de Nueva España, etc. —México, 1740- 
48, 2 vol. folio. 

VilUTicencio y Orozco (D. Pedro Nuflez). — 
Academia devota, poético certamen. Vida de San 
Pedro de Verona del Orden de Predicadores, etc. — 
Sampaloc, 1740, 4.** 

Ttinerario del Venerable varón micer Luis Patri- 
cio Romano, en el cual cuenta mucha parte de 
Ethiopia, Egipto, entrambas Arabias, Siria y la In- 
dia. — Sevilla, 1520, folio. 

Zamora (Fr. Alonso). — Historia de la provincia 
de S. Antonio del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, et- 
cétera. — Barcelona, 1 701, folio. 

Zarate (Agustin). — ^Historia del descubrimiento y 
conquista del Perú... y de las cosas naturales que 
en dicha Provincia hay dignas de Memoria. — Se- 
villa. 1557, folio. 



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i 



biografía 

DE 

MENASSEH BEN ISRAEL, 

JUDÍO PORTUGUÉS. 



«Nació en la ciudad de Lisboa, en 
2^1605, donde residía su padre Joseph: 
» desde su tierna edad se dedicó al estu- 
»dio de la Retórica , y después de haber 
:&sido en su juventud castigado tres veces 
»por la Inquisición, se retiró á Amster- 
»dam con su mujer Raquel Soeiro y su 
^familia. En Amsterdaní aprendió Me- 
»násseh la lengua hebrea y fué instruido 
»en el Talmud por Isaac Usiel : para 
»poder vivir con mayor desahogo tuvo 



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XXXIV 
»que dedicarse al comercio, formando 
» compañía con su cuñado Efrain.Sueiro, 
»á quien envió á comerciar al Brasil; y 
vpor último, en 1656 pasó á Inglaterra 
»con los principales mercaderes indios, 
:& encargado de los negocios de su nación, 
ȇ instancias de OH ver Cromwell , quien 
>)poco después expulsó á Menasseh de 
» Inglaterra ignominiosamente, pasando 
»éste á Magdeburg , donde falleció á los 
» cincuenta y tres años.» Hasta aquí las 
noticias de Wolfio en su Biblioteca He- 
brea, 

Las noticias literarias que da Menasseh 
de sí mismo, según el Sr. Rodríguez Cas- 
tro en su Biblioteca Rabinica, son las si- 
guientes : 

«Estuvo instruido en las lenguas he- 
»brea, arábiga, griega, latina, española 
»y portuguesa : de edad de diez y ocho 
>años fué nombrado por predicador de la 
i^ Sinagoga ^ ministerio que ejerció por es- 



L 



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XXXV 

» pació de veinticinco años con los mayo- 
»res aplausos; en el año 1641 le hicieron 
» miembro de la Academia ó Escuela de 
» los Judíos españoles en Amsterdam,y 
»en ella poco después fué condecorado 
»con el carácter de Maestro, estoes, Ha- 
>^bmi^ que es lo mismo que expositor del 
>^ Talmud. Escribió más de trescientas 
» cartas eruditas á diferentes doctos de 
» Europa sobre materias literarias \ com- 
»puso y dijo más de cuatrocientos cin- 
» cuenta sermones, ó predicaciones (como 
>él dice) , en la Sinagoga de dicha ciudad 
»de Amsterdam » en la que estableció á 
»sus expensas una imprenta» y en ella 
» imprimió tres Biblias hebreas, tres Hu- 
»fnasim ó Pentateucos hebreos , y uno es- 
» pañol con notas marginales; varios li- 
»bros de rezo para uso de los judíos , con 
» otros muchos pertenecientes á sus ritos 
»y ceremonias. Escribió un libro intitula- 
ndo De la divinidad de la Ley de Moy- 



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XXXVI 

^sés; unas notas á las Antigüedades Ju- 
Ttdátcas de Flavio Josepho; la continua- 
»c¡on de la obra de éste hasta su tiempo-, 
»la obra del Conciliador; una Biblioteca 
>Rabiña; una Suma de la Teología ju- 
lidáica; un Compendio del libro del Tér- 
>mino de la Vida, que escribió también 
»el mismo más por extenso en lengua la- 
ctina ; el libro Problemas sobre la Crea- 
>>cion; los tres libros de* la Resurrec- 
y>cion de los muertos; el de la Fra- 
y>gilidad humana^ y inclinación del hom- 
-íibre á el pecado; una obra ritual, en 
» lengua portuguesa, con el título The- 
•psouro dos Dininc y y otras diversas 
» obras, que él cita con esta generalidad, 
:^ sin expresarlas.» 

Pero si los lectores quisieren un catá- 
logo más extenso de las obras de este 
autor, que escribió, no sólo en hebreo, 
sino en latin , portugués y español , le en- 
contrarán en la obra que publicó con el 



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xxxvn 

título de Piedra Gloriosa ó de la Estatua 
Nebudiadnesar, 

Nota. El retrato que acompaña del 
Rabino portugués es copia , aunque redu- 
cida de tamaño, del que tiene el ejemplar 
que existe en la Biblioteca Nacional de 
esta corte, que, siguiendo las noticias 
del Sr. Rodríguez Castro en la pág. 562, 
hemos tenido el gusto de ver y hacer co- 
piar por el artista Sr. D. M. Camarón, si 
bien, al reducirle de tamaño, ha sido pre- 
ciso suprimir la leyenda que le sirve de 
orla , poniéndola en la parte inferior. 



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Esto es y 

ESPERANCA 

DE ISRAEL. 

Obra con suma curiosidad conpuesta 

por 

Menasseh Ben Israel 

Theologo, y Philosopho Hebreo. 

Trata del admirable esparzimiento de los diez 
Tribus, y su infalible reducción con los de 
mas , a la patria : con muchos puntos , 
y Historias curiosas , y declara- 
ción de varias Prophecias, 
por el Author reclamen- 
te interpretadas. 

Dirigido a los señores Par nassim delK, K, 
de Talmvd Tora. 

EN AMSTERDAM. 



En la Imprension de 

Semvel Ben Israel Soeiro. 

Año. 5410. 



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1*7 natz?j'5 ví:im ^jnStr Dn:5r i^nS 

•Menasseh Ben Israel 

-<4 ¡os Muy Nobles , Prudentes , j A/¿í^- 

nificos Señores , Deputados y Par- 

nassim (c) deste K. K. (d) ¿If 

Taljviud Tora, (e) 

El Señor lOSSEPH DA COSTA, 

El Señor ISHAK JESVRVN , 

El Señor MICHAEL ESPINOSA, 

El Señor ABRAHAM ENRIQUES FARO 

El Señor GABRIEL DE RIVAS ALTAS, 

El Señor JSHAK BELMOÑTE , 

El Señor ABRAHAM FRANCO Gabay. 

Muy Nobles, Pruaentes, y Magnifi- 
cas Señores^ 

Divulgándose estos años passados 
aquella relación de Aaron Levi, 
alias, Antonio de Montezinos, como 
la novedad , agrada , y el desseo sea 
grande de inquirir la verdad, no sola 
mente por sus Epístolas me solicita- 
ron 



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Dedicatoria. 
ron los nuestros, diesse mi parecer 
sobre ella , mas avn de toda la Europa 
clarissimos señores en erudición, y 
nobleza , a los quales por entonces sa- 
tiffize brevemente. Más como de 

nuevo persona de gran calidad y le- 
tras de Jnglaterra, me obligasse a que 
sobre ello escriviesse mas largo, hize 
en lengua Latina este tratado , con al- 
gún cuydado, por ser en las materias 
que trato, difficultosas , y raras, sobre 
las quales ninguno exactamente ha 
escrito. En ellas muestro candida y 
modestamente nuestra opinión , como 
acostumbro en mis tratados , sin mo- 
ver dudas, ni parecer que en algo ha- 
go oposición a nadie. Por lo qual 
espero que sera generalmente acep- 
to ; y principalmente de - Vs. Ms. a 
quien yo lo dedico y consagro, co- 
mo a Govemadores y Parnassim de- 
sta nuestra Nobilissima Kehila, Juz- 
gando a benigna fortuna, aver escri- 
to obra de tanta calidad y peso, en 
tiempo de personas de tanto Ze- 
lo , y Prudencia. Hele intitula- 

do 



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Dedicatoria. 
do "^-^i^zr^ mpa Esperanca de israel 
deduziendo el nomBre del c. 14. ver. 8- 
de Jeremías, Esperanza de Israel su sal- 
vador: por que el fin a^ue solamente 
se dirige, es mostrar que esta esperan- 
ga en que vivimos, de la venida del 
Messiah , es de vn bien , futuro , arduo, 
mas infalible, por fundarse en la pro- 
messa absoluta del Señor bendito. 

Agora, pues, muy Prudentes , y Mag- 
níficos Señores , suplico a Vs. 
Ms. reciban con benigno semblante 
este pequeño servicio : estimándole 
quando falte la erudición, a lo menos 
jlbr el grandioso assumpto: ponderan- 
do con atención , con quanto artificio 
y industria , en breve tratado , he toca- 
do tantas cosas : por que con esto, yo que- 
dare satisfecho, y animado para mayo- 
res emprezas, suplicando al Señor, 
guarde a Vs. Ms. muy largos años, 
con felicissimos sucessos, para que 
sean siempre amadores de la virtud, y 
de las buenas letras. 

Amsterdam a i^ de Sebat. (g) 
A71. 5410. 



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MENASSEH ben ISRAEL 
AL 

LECTOR. 

Grande ha sido la variedad entre mu- 
chos y diversos escriptores, sobre ¡a ori- 
gen de los Americanos^ ó primeros pobla- 
dores del nuevo orbe, e Indias Occidenta- 
les: por que siendo de fé, que todos quan- 
tos hombres y mugeres en el mundo uvq, y 
ay desde su exordio, traen su origen y pro- 
ceden de aquellos solos dos principios de 
rmestros padres primeros, Ádam y Haua; y 
por el consiguiente después del diluvio, de 
Noah y su>s hijos, pareciendoles , qtie est^ 
nuevo orbe es totalmente diuiso, y separa- 
do del viejo, y al mismo passo, lanse forgoso 
que los Indios se ayan passado alia, de una 
de las otras tres partes del mundo, Europa, 
Asia, y África, empegaron a dudar, que 
gentes fueron estos Indios? y de qm parte 
salieron. Y como la claridad y conocimiento 
destas rosas, depende parte t^e alguní an- 
ticua historia, parte de conjecturas del ha- 



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Al Lector 
hito, lengua y y costumbres, y todo esso se oh- 
sirua diff érente entre varias naciones de la 
America, quedó por esta via mas difficil el 
acierto. Y asbi aun aquellos que con proprias 
experiencias diligentemente inuesUgaron las 
cosas de aquel orbe , no pudieron en esto con- 
formarse. Vnos dixeron, que procedian de 
los Cartaginenses ; otros, de los Fenicios, ó 
Chenahaneos ; otros, de los Indios, o Chi- 
nos ; otros, de los Koroegios ; otros de la Isla 
Atlántica; otros de los Tártaros; y aun o- 
tros de los diez Tribus : y todos dertumen- 
te apoyan la opinión que siguen, no con demos- 
tración alguna , mas con muy ligeras y flacas 
conjecturas, llenas de difficultades, como 
se podra ver en el progresso deste breue Tm- 
iado. Por lo qual auíendo yo examinado con 
suma curiosidad, todo aquello que hasta ago- 
ra se tiene sobre esta materia escrito, no hal- 
lando cosa mas verissimil, ni mas consen- 
tanea a la razón , que la de nuestro Montezi- 
nos, la supongo como mas prouable: mos- 
trando, que los primeros pobladores de la 
America, fueron parte de los diez Tribus; y 
que después los de Tartaria (en que mas 
me afirmo) les siguieron, y hizieron guer- 
ra-. 



^. 



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Al Lector 
ra: Con que de nueuo se boluieron a ocultar 
detrás de las cordilleras ^ por permission di- 
uina. Muestro juntamente, que assi como 
los diez Tribus fueron expulsos de sus ti- 
erras, por diuersas vezes ; assi están por di- 
versas provincias dilatados ; y que estas son 
la America, Tartaria, China, Media, rio Sa- 
bático y Ethiopia. Pruevo que los diez tribus 
no bolvieron al segundo Templo, y que aun 
eonseruan la Ley de Mosseh, y nuestros ritos 
sagrados, Y últimamente infalible con los 
dos lehudá y Binyamin, su reducción a la 
patria, debaxo de una sola cabega el Me- 
ssiah ben David : y como se deue creer, que 
estefelix siglo, está ya cercano, por diuersas 
consideraciones, en las quales toco muchas 
historias dignas de memoria, y de camino 
breuemente varias prophecias, con parti- 
cular atención y proposito. La excelencia 
destd escriptura, y quanto en este trabajo 
me deue mi nación, dexo a la ponderación 
de los píos y doctos, a los quales dirijo, 
mis escriptos. 

Y por que tengo entre manos, la historia 
de nuestros varios y prodigiosos sucessos, 
desde el año en que dexó losepho insigne 

historiíi 



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Al Lecbír 
hutoriador la suya, suplico a iodos los süHos 
y doctos de mí nación derramados por to- 
das las partes dd mundo {a los qnaks en 
breue espero llegue este mi tratado) que te- 
niendo atgufms verdaderas y calificadas re- 
laciones de algún sucesso digno de nmnoria, 
me lo adidertan con tiempo: qiie aun que tengo 
recogido inuchas y varias noticias de libros 
HübreoSf Arábigos ^ Griegos, Latinos ^ y aun 
dfi otras varias lenguas , como no hize la pe- 
regrinación de Platón , me son sunmmente 
mcessarias algunas advertencias^ afin de no 
quedar en algo dfjflciente. Todo lo qual di- 
rijo al sertiicio de mi «éidoft, y gloria dd 
Dio Bendito t cuya Rey no es sempiterno ^ y su 
pulahra if^alihle. 



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AUTHORES 

y Libros Hebreos, que se alegan en la 
presente obra. 

Talmud lerusolomitano. 

Talmud Babilónico. 

Paraphrases Caldaica. 

R. Simhon ben lohay . 

Seder holam. 

Rabot. 

lalkot. 

Tanhuma. 

loseph ben Gurion. 

R. Sehadia Gaon. 

R. Moseh de Egipto. 

R. Abraham Aben Ezra. 

R. Selomoh larhi. 

Eldad Danita. 

R. David Kimhi. 

R. Binyamin Tudelense. 

R. Moseh Gerilndense. 

R. Leui ben guerson. 

R. Abraham bar R. Hiya. 

Don Ishak AbarbaneL 

R. loseph Coen. 

R. Abraham Frísol. 

R. Mordechay laphe. 

R. Mordechay reato. 



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Authores de diversas naciones, que 
se citan en la presente obra. 



D 



Abraham Orielio^ 


Diodoro siculo. 


Agathias, 


Dion, 


Augusíino, 


Dureto. 


Alexo vanegas. 




Alfonso Cemedro, 


. E 


Alonso Augustinian 


Alonso de Erzilla, 


Eselto gerardo. 


Alonso Venero, 


Ensebio cesariense^ 


Arias Montano. 






F 


B 


Famiano strada. 




Francisco de Ribera, 


Baronio. 


Francisco lopes de 


BerosOf 


Gomara, 


Botero, 




Bozio, 


n 



Garcilasso de la Vega 
Costantino lemperur, Inga\ 



Gene- 



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Genebrardo, * IV /T * 

Goropio , ■''^■'• 

Guillielmo póstelo , Manuel sa, 
Guillielmo blawio, Mar cilio fiemo, 
Marino, 

H N 

Henrique Alangren, Nicolaus Trigantto. 
Hugo Grotius. 

I o 

* Origines, 

laques veré, Orosio, 

loan de castillanos, ^^^''^"^ Lusitano, 
loan de Bairos, j^ 

loan Román, 1 

loan de Laet, p^¿^^ ¿^ ^ieza, 

loanHuarte, Pedro Piando , 

loseph de Acosta, p^¿^^ ^-^^^^ 

luán Rugues Lin- p^¿^^ Remandes 

schot, 7 /^ . 

de Qmros , 

Pedro Texeira, 

L Pineda, 

Platón, 

Lesear botus, Plinio, 

Lucano. Pomario, 

Proclo^ 



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Precio, Y 

Porphirio, 

Posevino, Tácito, 

PlutarchOy TolomeOy 

Pico Mirandulccno, Thomas Malvenda. 



s 




X 




Xenophonte, 


Semuel bochar do, 






Solindf 




z 


Strabon, 






Suetonio Tranquilo 


Zarate, 





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RELACIÓN 

De 

Aharon Levi, alias, Antonio de Monte zinos, 

Tj^n 1 8. de Ilul (h) del año 5404. vulgo, 
644 llegó á esta ciudad de.Amster- 
dam Aron levi, y en otro tiempo en Es- 
paña , Antonio de Montezinos , y de- 
claró delante de diversas personas de la 
nación Portugueza la Relación sigui- 
ente. Que avera dos años y medio, que 
saliendo del puerto de Honda, en las 
Indias Occidentales, para hazer su vi- 
age a la govemacion de Papian, o- 
provincia de Quito, alquiló unas mu- 
las aun Indio mestigo, llamado Fran- 
cisco del Castillo, en cuya compañía por 
arriero con otros Indios yva otro In- 
dio, llamado también Francisco, al qual 
los demás Indios, Uamavan Cazique, y 
con este al passar de la montaña, lla- 
mada Cordillera, un dia de mucha a- 
gua y viento, le sucedió, que cayendo 
muchas cargas, los Indios enfadados 
del trabajo del dia, empegaron a decir 
A \ mal 



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2 Esperanza 

mal de su fortuna, diziendo, que esso y 
mucho mas merecían por sus peca- 
dos : a lo que el dicho Indio Francisco, 
animándolos dixo, que tuviessen pa- 
ciencia, que en breve tendrian algún 
dia de descango: a esto respondieron, que 
no era justo le tubiessen, pues que tra- 
taron tan mal a una gente santa y la 
mejor del mundo, y que todos los tra 
bajos y inhumanidades que los Espa- 
ñoles vzavan con ellos, tenian bien me- 
recidas por esta culpa. Llegando pues 
el dia de tomar puesto en la dicha 
montaña, la noche siguiente Monte- 
zinos sacó de una caxa de cuero algún 
bizcocho y dulces , y trayendolos a 
Francisco, dixo, toma esto, aun que 
digas mal de los Españoles : a lo que el 
Indio respondió, no se avia quejado del- 
los con mucha parte de lo que devia, 
por ser gente cruel, tirana, y de todo in- 
humana : pero que en breve se vería bi- 
en vengado dellos, por via de una gen- 
te oculta. Aviendo pues passado esto, 
llegando Montezinos a la ciudad de 
Cartagena en las Indias, fue preso por 

la 



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De ISRAEL 3 

la Inquisición, en la qual encomendán- 
dose un dia a Dios, dixo estas palabras. 
Bendito sea el nombre de Adonay, (i) que 
no me hizo idolatra, bárbaro, negro, ni 
Indio, y al decir Indio, se retrató luego, 
diziendo, estos Indios son Hebreos: 
mas tomando en si, de nuevo bolvio 
a retratarse, diziendo, estoy loco, o fuera 
de juizio? como puede ser que estos 
Indios sean hebreos, lo que también 
le sucedió el segundo y tercero dia, ha- 
ziendo la misma oración, y dando en 
ella, las mismas gracias a Dios, la qual i- 
maginacion, conciderando , que no po- 
dia ser a caso, recordándose juntamen- 
te de lo que* avia passado con el sobre di- 
cho Indio, se resolvió con juramento, 
de averigar la verdad desto, siéndole 
possible, y que sacándole Dios de la pri- 
sión, buscaría luego este Indio, para 
informarse de raiz, deL sentido de las 
palabras que en la passada jomada, le 
avia dicho. Y assi luego que Dios por 
su misericordia le libró de la príssion, 
se fue al dicho puerto de Honda, don- 
de fue sü ventura, que halló al mis- 

A 2 mo 



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4 Esperanza 

mo Indio Francisco, con el qual empe- 
gando a hablar, le truxo a la memoria 
la historia de la montaña , y las palabras 
que en aquella ocasión le avia dicho: y 
el Indio respondió, que no estava olvi- 
dado dellas. Lo qual oydo por Monte- 
zinos le dixo, que el tenia en pensami- 
ento de hazer con el un viage: a lo que 
respondió, que estava pronto para qu- 
ando gustasse, con que Montezinos le dio 
3. patacas (j) para comprar provisión, em- 
pero el las empleó en alpargatas, y si- 
guieron su camino, en el cual yendo 
platicando, se descubrió con el Indio, 
diziendole estas palabras. Yo soy He- 
breo del tribo de Levi, mí Dio es, A- 
donay, y todo lo demás es engaño. 
A cuyas palabras el Indio alterado, 
le preguntó, como se llaman tus pa- 
dres? respondió, que se llamavan Abra- 
ham, Ishac, y lahacob. Replicó el In- 
dio , no tienes otro padre? respondió 
que si ,^ y que se llamaba Luis de Mon 
tezinos. El Indio no satisfecho con e 
sto, le bolvio de nuevo a dezir, por al 
gunas cosas que me as dicho, me as 

causado 



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De ISRAEL 5 

causado contento, y por otra parte, es- 
toy para no darte crédito, por quanto 
no me sabes dezir, quien fueron tus 
padres: mas Montezinos, bolvió a res- 
ponder con juramiento, que le dezia 
la verdad, y gastando algún tiempo en 
demandas y respuestas, ya enfadado 
el Indio, le dixo, no eres hijo de Israel? 
a lo que respondió, que si: el Indio al- 
go alterado dixo entonces, pues dilo^ 
ya, que me tenias confuzo y muerto, 
mas descancemos un poco, y beba- 
mos, que luego hablaremos : con que 
al cabo de un rato, le dixo el Indio, si 
eres hombre de animo, valor, y esfu- 
ergo, que te atrevas a yr comigo, sabrás 
lo que dezeas saber; pero adviertote, que 
as de yr a pie, as de comer mais tosta- 
do, y as de hazer en todo y por todo 
lo que yo te dixere. A cuyas palabras, 
respondió Montezinos , que el estava 
resuelto a seguir todo lo que le horde- 
nasse. 

El dia siguiente, un Lunes, vino a su 
aposento el Indio diziendole, quita to- 
do quanto tienes en las faltriqueras, 

A 3 cálcate 



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6 Esperanza 

caígate estos alpargates, toma este pa- 
lo y sigúeme. Assi lo hizo, y dexando la 
capa y espada y todo lo demás que con- 
sigo Uevava, fueron continuando, lle- 
vando el Indio a cuestas delante de si 
3. Almudes (k) de Mais tostado, dos cu- 
erdas, la una dellas de nudos con un 
gancho de dos garavatos, para subir 
por las peñas, y la otra delgada, para a- 
tar en las Balsas y passajes de rios, y un 
machete y alpargates. En esta forma 
pues caminaron toda aquella semana 
hasta el Sábado, en el qual reposaron, y 
bolvieron a caminar el domingo y lu- 
nes, y Martes a las.S.de la mañana, lle- 
gando a un rio mayor que el Duero, le 
dixo el Indio, aqui as de ver a tus her- 
manos, y haziendo vandera de dos pa- 
ños de algodón que llevaban ceñidos 
al cuerpo, hizo vna señal, de allí un ra- 
to vieron grande humo, y el Indio di- 
xo, ya saben que aqui estamos, y al mo- 
mento en respuesta, hizieron la misma 
señal, levantando otra bandera, y lue- 
go. 3. hombres con una muger se par- 
tieron en una Canoa, y se vinieron don- 
de 



V 



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De ISRAEL 7 

de ellos estavan : la muger salió en tie- 
rra, y los hombres se quedaron en la 
Canoa, y esta después de largos colo- 
quios que tubo con Francisco, que Mon- 
tezinos no pudo entender, relató lo 
que passaba á los 3. hombres que esta- 
van aun en la Canoa, los quales avien- 
do estado hasta entonces, mirándole 
con gran atención, saltaron della fue- 
ra, y le abragaron, y lo mismo hizo la 
muger, y esto echo, vno dellos se bol- 
vio a la Canoa, y los dos con la muger 
quedaron. Llegandosse pues estos dos 
hombres para el Indio Francisco, del se 
arrojo a sus pies, pero ellos le levanta- 
ron con muestras de humanidad y a- 
ficion, y puestos a hablar con el, de alli 
a un rato le dixo Francisco, no te ason- 
bres, ni perturbes, ni imagines que es- 
tos hombres, te an de dezir segunda 
cosa hasta que ayas bien apercebido la 
primera, y luego los dos le metieron 
a Montezinos entre si , y dixeron el ver- 
so del Deut. cap. 6.4. SEMAH ISRA- 
EL .A. EL OHENV.A.EHAD oye Is- 
rael. A.nuestro Dio, .A. vno. y después 

A 4 Infor- 



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8 Esperanza 

In formándose primero en cada cosa del 
interprete Francisco, aprendiendo del 
como se dezia aquello en lengua Espa- 
ñola, y en ella, misma, ellos mismos le 
dixerón lo siguiente , intremetiendo al- 
gún tiempo entre una razón á otra. 

Primera, Mi padre, es Abraham, Is- 
hak lahacob, Israel, y señalando 3. dedos 
nombravan estos quatro : y luego 

acrecentaron, Reuben, y señalaron 4. 
dedos. 

Segunda. Los que quisieren venir 
a vivir con nos otros, les daremos tier- 
ras. 

Tercera. loseph, vive en medio de 
la mar, haziendo señal con dos dedos 
cerrados, y después, abriéndolos, dixe- 
rón, en dos partes. 

Quarta. Luego con brevedad (dizi- 
endo muy de prissa) saldremos unos 
pocos a ver y a pizar, y a este tiempo 
señalaron con los ojos, y patearon con 
los pies. 

Quinta, un dia hablaremos todos, 
haziendo en este tiempo con la boca, 
ba, ba, ba, y saldremos como que nos 

parió 



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De ISRAEL 9 

parió la tierra. 

Sexta. Ira mensagero. 

Séptima. Francisco dirá mas vn po- 
quito , señalando con el dedo , cosa 
poca. 

Octava. Danos lugar para que nos a- 
percebamos, y moviendo la mano a 
una y otra parte, dezian con la boca y con 
la mano, no te detengas mucho. 

Novena. Embia .12. hombres de to- 
dos señalando barbas, que escrivan. 

Acabando estos puntos en los quales 
se empleó aquel dia, al Miércoles y Ju- 
eves bolvieron a repetirle lo mismo^ 
sin ser possible poder sacarles otra co- 
sa : por lo qual enfadado Montezinos 
de que no le respondian a lo que les 
preguntava, ni consedian passar de la 
otra parte , se llego dissimuladamente 
a la Canoa para en ella passarse 
de la otra parte, pero ellos la retira- 
ron con Axn palo, y cayendo en el agua, 
se fue a pique, por no saber nadar: lo que 
visto por ellos, súpitamente se arrojaron 
al río, y le sacaron, y mostrándose aira- 
dos, le dixeron, tu no piensses que por 

A 5 fuerca 



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10 EsPERANCA 

fuerga o locura as de salir con lo que 
intentas : cuyas palabras declaró el In- 
dio, mostrándolas ellos, por señas y pa- 
labras. 

Es de advertir, que la Canoa, nunca 
en estos 3. dias estuvo parada, mas ivan 
quatro hombres y bolvian, otros quatro, 
y siempre le hablavan por una misma 
boca, las nueve cosas que avemos re- 
ferido , siendo todos los hombres que 
en estos dias concurrieron a verle, co- 
sa de 300: poco mas a menos. 

Es esta gente algo tostada del sol, el 
cabello en algunos les llegavá hasta las 
rodillas, otros le trahian mas corto, o- 
tros como se trahe cumunmente en 
general cortado por parejo, buenos tal- 
les, buenas caras, buen pie, y pierna: en 
las cabegas un paño al derredor. 

Declaró mas Montezinos , como sali- 
endo deste lugar, lueves a la tarde, con 
gran cantidad de bastimentos, y rega- 
los que ellos le truxeron, se despidió 
dellos, aviendole en aquellos .3. dias que 
alli estuvo, mostrado, como goza van 
de todas las cosas que los Españoles ti- 



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De ISRAEL II 

enen en las Indias, assi de comer, co- 
mo de vestir, gado, (1) semillas y todo lo 
demás. 

Dicho lueves , después de haber lle- 
gado a parte donde se aloxaron aquel- 
la noche , dixo Montezinos al Indio 
Francisco, aduierdtote que me, dixeron 
mis hermanos, que tu me dirías mas 
un poquito, por lo qiial te pido, me di- 
gas agora algo de lo que tanto de- 
zeo saber. El Indio Francisco respon- 
dió, yo te diré lo que supiere sin que 
me apures y te referiré la verdad como 
la supe por tradición de mis padres , y si 
me apuras que lo temo, según te veo es- 
peculativo, as me de obligar a que te diga 
mentiras : y assi pues yo de tan buena 
gana te digo la verdad, no me apures 
por amor de Dios , y ten cuenta. Tus 
hermanos los hijos de Israel , los truxo 
Dios a esta tierra , haziendo con ellos 
grandes maravillas, muchos asombros, 
cosas que si te las digo, no las as de crer» 
y esto me lo dixeron assi mis padres. 
Venimos los Indios a esta tierra, hezi- 
mos les guerra, tratamoslos peor, de lo 

que 



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12 - Esperanza 

que los Españoles nos tratan Después 
por mandado de nuestros Mohanes (m) 
(hechizeros) entravamos hasta aquel- 
la parte adonde vimos á tus hermanos, 
tropas de soldados a hazerles guerra, y 
de quantos entravan , ninguno saUa bi- 
vo: hizieron glande exercito entraron 
alia dentro, y todos ellos murieron, y 
finalmente la ultima y postrera vez, 
despoblaron toda la tierra , para ir a esta 
guerra , dexando solo mugeres , viejos, 
y niños , y de todos ellos , no quedó uno 
bivo : lo qual visto por los que quedaron, 
dixeron , que sus Mohanes les avian 
engañado , y que por respeto de sus con- 
sejos, avia perecido vná tan gran mul- 
titud de gente : por lo cual era justo que 
ellos pereciessen con los de mas , y ma- 
tando gran cantidad dellos, quedando 
solos vnos pocos , pidieron, les diessen al- 
gún tiempo de vida para dezengañar- 
les , y dezirles en todo la verdad que sa- 
bían , y concediéndoseles , declararon 
lo siguiente. 

El Dios destos hijos de Israel, es el 
verdadero Dios, todo lo que está es* 

crito 



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De ISRAEL 13 

crito en sus piedras , es verdad ^ al cabo 
de los tiempos , ellos serán señores de 
todas las gentes del mundo, vendrá a 
esta tierra gente que os trayga mu- 
chas cosas, y después de estar toda la ti- 
erra abastecida , estos hijos de Israel sal- 
drán de donde están , y se enseñorearan 
de toda la tierra , como era suya de an- 
tes. Algunos de vos otros que quizier- 
des ser venturosos, pegaos a ellos. 

Aviendo el Indio Francisco acabado 
de relatar este pronostico de los Mo- 
hanes , prosiguió diziendo , Mis padres 
fueron Caziques y otros cuatro, entre 
todos cinco, estos sabiendo destos pro- 
nósticos que los Mohanes hablavan 
por boca de Hebreos sabios , que qu- 
anto dezian sucedia, se vinieron a mo- 
rar cerca destas partes , por ver si po- 
drian tener entrada para hablar con 
tus hermanos y andando muchos di- 
as la vinieron a alcangar, por muchos 
ruegos y persuaciones, por que tus her- 
manos nunca quisieron hablar á mis 
padres , ni se consentía que los unos ^ 
hablass^n con los otros : por que el que ' 



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14 ESPERANgA 

entrava de los Indios en aquella tier- 
ra, moría, y de tus hermanos ninguno 
passava á estas partes. Hizose el con- 
cierto por medio desta mug.er la qual 
hazia lo que le mandaban tus herma- 
nos, con estas condiciones. Que cin- 
co hombres hijos de los Casique, o sus 
herederos, vendrían cada 70. lunas, á 
verlos. Que no vendrían mas otros 
hombres, y que el hombre al qual se 
declarase este secreto, tendría de edad 
300. lunas , y nada desto se le podría re- 
velar en poblado , sino en el campo, 
y que cuando se reuelasse, avian de estar 
los Casique juntos. 

Desta manera prosiguió el Indio con- 
servamos entre nos aquel secreto por 
el gran premio que esperamos tener 
por los grandes servicios que avemos 
hecho a tus hermanos : nos otros no 
podemos hir allá, sino es de 70. á 70 lu- 
nas no aviendo alguna novedad: no la 
ha ávido em mis tiempos, sino esta que 
ellos estavan dezeando, y aguardando. 
Por mi cuenta, no uvo mas de 3. nove- 
dades, la primera, la venida de los Es- 

pafioles 



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De ISRAEL 15 

pañoles a estos reynos , la segunda , la 
venida de navios en la mar del Sur; la 
tergera , tu venida : todas tres las an fes- 
tejado mucho , porque dizen se cum- 
plen prophecias. 

Dixo mas Montezinos , que despu- 
és de aver buelto a Honda, le tru^o Fran- 
cisco 3. hombres Indios, hombres man- 
gebos cuyos nombres le encubrieron, y 
le dixo, bien puedes hablar con estos, 
que son mis compañeros, de que tan- 
tas vezes te he hablado : el otro, que es 
el quinto, es viejo, y no ha podido ve- 
nir. Los tres Indios llegaron a abragarlo 
preguntando, quien eres? a que Mon- 
tezinos respondió , ser vn Hebreo del 
Tribo de Levi, que. A. era su Dio con o- 
tras cosas mas, que oydo por ellos jun- 
tos de nuevo le abragaron , diziendo, 
algún dia nos veras, y no nos conoce- 
ras: todos somos hermanos, merced es 
que Dios nos hizo. Desta tierra no te 
dé cuydado, que todos los Indios te- 
nemos a nuestro fnandado , en aca- 
bando con estos Españoles iremos a sa- 
carvo§ Sir VQS otros del captiverio en 



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i6 Esperanza 

que estays, si quisiere Dios que 

si quererá, que su palabra, 

no puede faltar. 



finís 




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Libro Intitulado 
EsPERANCA De Israel. 

Entre tantas, y tan diversas opinio- 
nes, y todas tan contingentes, 
difficil es el acierto. Oblígame V.S. que 
dé mi parecer, sobre aquella Relación 
de Antonio de Montezinos, y como 
esto depende del saber la origen de los 
Indios del nuevo mundo, y este cono- 
cimiento, no se puede alcansar por ci- 
encia; por que no ay demostración que 
en nuestro entendimiento engendre 
esta noticia , ni por fé divina , ni huma- 
na se comprende, pues la Sagrada Scri- 
ptura, no declara que gentes fueron 
habitar aquellas partes , y antes que las 
descubriese Chrístoval Colon, Ame- 
rico Vespusio, Don Femando Cortes, 
Marques del valle, y Don Francisco Bi- 
zarro, no uvo quien hiziesse mension 
dellas, se sigue ser necessario discurrir 
por opinión. Por lo qual aviendo yo 
hasta agora empleado mi pluma en 
materias tan solidas, y infalibles como 
son todas las de nuestra divina Ley, 
estuve algún tiempo dudoso sobre es- 
B 1 ta 



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i8 Esperanza 

ta empreza, pero al. fin me rezolvi a 
emprenderla , mas por dar gusto a V.S. y 
a los demás amigos de inquirir la verdad, 
que por ganar reputación y glo- 
ria. 

//En este discurso, tocaré brevemen- 
te las varias sentencias que desto ha a- 
vido, mostraré las regiones que pueden 
habitar los diez tribos, y concluiré con 
la infalible reducion dellos a la patria, 
que es aquello que solamente trataré 
con infalibilidad, por fundarse, no en 
opinión , mas en la revelación de los 
santos Prophetas, los quales juzgo que 
no pueden de otra suerte interpretar- 
se , avn que otros lo sienten differente. 
Pero ni tan poco esto vintilaré en for- 
ma de disputa, mas solamente reñrire 
como acostumbro en mis escriptos, 
candidamente nuestra opinión Ju- 
daica. 

III Es pues de saber, que Alexo Va- 
negas (lib. 2. cap. 2.) affirma, que los In- 
dios primeros pobladores de las In- 
dias Occidentales , proceden de los 
Cartaginenses, los quales primeramen- 
te 



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DE ISRAEL 19 

te poblaron la isla Española, y después 
multiplicando, cundieron hasta la Is- 
la de Cuba , y de alli hasta la tierra fir- 
me de America, y de alli hasta nom- 
bre de Dios, Panamá, Nueva España, y 
Piru, Fundasse este author, en que los 
Cartaginenses uzavan de pinturas 
em lugar de letras , y que lo mismo v- 
savan los Indios del Pirú, y nueva Es- 
paña , y en que los Cartaginenses , fue- 
ron los que mas navegaron por el mar 
Occeano. Pero esta opinión tiene po- 
co fundamento : por que los Cartagi- 
nenses eran hombres blancos, con bar- 
bas , y políticos , todo lo qual falta en 
los Indios : pues vemos que en Panamá, 
X. (n) Marta, Isla de Cuba, y las demás 
de Barlovento, andavan antiguamente 
desnudos: y no se dá, que se perdiesse 
de todo vna lengua, y se inventasse o- 
tra : y esta de los Indios no imita en al- 
go la de los Cartaginenses. 
IV. De otra opinión fue Arias Monta- 
no (//¿. 7. phalug. Cap. 9.) el qual dize, 
que la gente que ay en la nueva Espa- 
ña, y Piru, proceden de Ophir hijo de 
B 2 joktan 



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20 ESPERANZA 

loktan, nieto de Heber. Funda su opi- 
nión en el nombre i^siH Ophir que tran- 
spuestas las letras al revés, es lo mis- 
mo que Pirú. Que oms nombre dual, sig- 
nifica las dos regiones distintas, con vn 
estrecho de tierra angosto, pero largo, 
que ay entre ellas, las qualles son nu- 
eva España, y Pirú, que antiguamente 
ambas se llamaron Ophir, y después 
Pirú : y que estas tierras , son el Ophir 
de donde le venían al Rey Selomoh 
(según consta del i. de los Reys, cap. 9 
y 10. y del segundo del Paralip. 8. y.9) 
oro, piedras preciosas y otras cosas, de 
que ellas son abundantes. Pero aun que 
esta sentencia parece mas verisimil, y 
se puede aun corroborar, con el nom- 
bre de vn rio Pirú, que según Gomara 
(i. p. hist. fol. 9.y.62.) está en dos grados 
de la Equinocial, y 220. leguas de Pa- 
namá , y con la provincia lucatan , que 
se puede deduzir, de ]T3p^ loKtan pa- 
dre de Ophir, con todo a mi parecer 
todo esto es de poco fundamento : por- 
que la significación del vocablo Pirú, difi- 
ere mucho de Ophir, y no es de crer, 

que 



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De ISRAEL 21 

que Selemoh, dexada la India oriental 
riquissima, embiasse sus flotas a la occi- 
dental tan remota. Mayormente que en el li. 
. I . de los ^ey.^.9 se dize, que el Rey Selo- 
moh hizo los navios en Hesyon ga- 
ber cerca de la orilla del mar Roxo, y 
lo mismo refiere E^ras en el c,20, del 
segundo del Paralipomenon que hizo 
leosaphat con Ahaziahu : y es cosa ci- 
erta, que el camino ordinario de aquel- 
las regiones para la India, oriental, es 
este. Y no es dificuldad, dezir la Sa- 
grada Scriptura en vna parte, que yvaix 
a Tarsis, y en otra a Ophir, donde pa- 
rece que todo es vna misma cosa : por 
que Tarsis, no es como algunos pi- 
ensan, Cartago, o Tunes en Aphrica: 
por que la flota de Selomoh, y de Hi- 
ram no. partía de lapho, puerto del 
mar Mediterráneo, mas de Heyson gsu 
ber, puerto del mar Bermejo, de don- 
de no se podia navegar a Aphrica sino 
a la India. Ni se deve por ningún mo- 
do admetir la salida que a esto dá don 
Ishak Abarbanel, diziendo, que un 
brago del Nilo entra en el mar Berme- 
B 3 jo 



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22 Esperanza 

jo, y otro passa por Egipto en Alexan- 
dria, y entra en el mar Mediterráneo: 
por que no se ha oydo hasta agora, que 
estos Ríos sean capaces de grandes em- 
barcaciones, y para esto, fuera mejor 
que hiziesse los navios en el puerto de 
la misma Alexandria. Por todo lo cual 
es mas verissimil, que TarsiSy sea el Océa- 
no e inmenso mar, que es el Indico. Y 
por que saliendo del mar Roxo angosto, 
navegavan luego por este ancho, se 
dize, que yvan a Tarsis. Deste mismo 
parecer, es el divino lonatan Ben Vziel, 
y ansi se vera , que en su paraphrases de 
ordinario, por Tarsis, pone Na> que es 
el Océano. Siente lo mismo R. loseph 
Coen en su chronologia , donde da al 
mar Indico, este nombre : y de la mis- 
ma opinión, es Francisco de Ribera en 
el comentario que hizo sobre lonas. Y 
según esto. Ophir, es la que en el tiem- 
po antigo, se Uamava Áurea chersone- 
so, la que loseph {libZ,Antig,CapA^ lla- 
ma térra áurea, y agora llaman. Mala- 
ca : donde le podían a Selomoh traer el 
marfil, por los elephantes que allí ay, 



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De ISRAEL 23 

que en las Indias Occidentales no se hal- 
lan, y consecutivamente por aquellos pu- 
ertos, estar contratando tanto tiempo, que 
en la yda y buelta, gastassen el espacio 
de tres años. 

V -Refutadas pues las precedentes 
opiniones es de saber, que los Españo- 
les que habitan en dichas Indias, sien- 
ten generalmente que los Indios pro 
ceden de los 10 tribos, pero erran ma- 
nifiestamente: por que avn que estos a mi 
ver, fueron los primeros pobladores, 
después, a caso como sucedió a los Es- 
pañoles, vinieron nuevas gentes de la 
India oriental , donde es fácil la nave- 
gación a la tierra de nueva España, pas- 
sando a quel estrecho de mar que ay 
entre la misma India, y el reyno de A- 
nian, que ya es tierra firme, de nueva 
España : y de aquí fueron poblando las 
mas tierras hasta el fin del Pirú. Estos 
pues prevaleciendo en fuergas, les hi- 
zieron guerra, con que les fue neces- 
sario (como dize nuestro Montezinos,) 
retirarse a lo mas interior, y oculto de 
aquellas regiones, por permission di- 



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24 Esperanza 

vina : para que se cumpliesse la Prophe- 
cia de Moseh, haré cessar de los hombres 
su memoria, 

§11 

VI. El fundamento primero desta 
opinión procede del lib.4.de Esdras, el 
qual aun que sea Apochryfo, citamos 
como author antiguo. Dize pues en el 
r. 13. que los dies Tribus, que Salmanas- 
sar llevó captivos en tiempo del Rey 
Oseas , trasladados para la otra parte del 
rio Euphrates , acordaron entre si de pas- 
sarse a otra región remota, donde nunca ha- 
bitó el genero humano, para guardar 
alli mejor su ley. Y assi entrando por unos 
passos estrechos del Euphrates, el Alti- 
ssimo Señor vsó con ellos maravillas, 
deteniendo la corriente del rio hasta que 
passassen, cuya región, se llama Arsa- 
reth: De cuyo texto se puede colegir, 
que parte dellos se fueron a jiueva Es- 
paña y al Pirú, poblando estos dos Rey- 
nos que hasta entonces avian sido in- 
habitables. Genebrardo {lib, /. Chron, 
pag, 150) después de aver referido el 
viage de los dies Tribos , que Esdras 

cuenta 



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De ISRAEL 25 

cuenta, dize que Arsareth, es la Tar- 
taria Mayor, y que de aqui fueron ha- 
zia la Isla de Gronlandia : por que de a 
quella parte está la America descubi- 
erta y sin mar, y de las otras ceñida del 
mar, y hecha quasi Isla: y de Gronlan- 
dia , por el estrecho de Davis , se podian 
passar a tierra del Labrador, que es ya 
tierra de Indias , que dista solamente 
50. leguas , como testifica Frangisco lo- 
pes de Gomara en su historia i.p.fol.7. 

VII Esta transmigración de los di- 
es tribos a las Indias, se confirma me- 
jor con lo que dize el P. Malvenda, {lib. 
'^.de Anti,cap,ii.) que Arsareth es aquel 
Promontorio, Cabo, o cumbre de la 
extremidad de Scythia, o Tartaria, a- 
costado sobre el mar, llamado de Pli- 
nio [lib,6, cap^ij) Tabin, del qual es di- 
vidida la America, por el estrecho de 
Anian, que por aquella parte divide la 
China, o Tartaria de la America, por el 
qual pudieron los dies tribos passar 
con mucha mas facilidad de Arsareth, 
o Tartaria, en el reyno de Anian y Qui- 
vira, y con el tiempo hir poblando el 



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26 Esperanza 

nuevo orbe, y tierra firme; la qual es 
quasi tanta tierra, como la de Asya, 
Europa y África. Donde Alonso Au- 
gustiniano cuenta por la costa del mar 
del Norte, comengando desde la tierra 
del Labrador, 3928. leguas, y por la del 
Sur 3000: y Gomara, 9300. de tierra de 
Indias, por la costa del Norte y Sur : dis- 
tancia bastante para poder estenderse 
en lo que está incógnito, y por descu- 
brir immensidad de gente. 

VIII Tiene este parecer, otro fun- 
damento no pequeño, y es, que en la 
Isla de X. Miguel, vna de los Azores, que 
pertenece al nuevo mundo (según re- 
fiere Genebrardo, lib, i. Cron. Pag, 159) 
hallaron los Españoles un sepulcro de 
baxo de la tierra con estas letras He- 
breas S^yma ]"»i S:;u; Sn do na en las 
quales mudada solamente la o , y en su lu- 
gar poniendo la letra n , puede dezir no 
Sn Dn quan perfecto es Dios, Sehalbin 
es muerto-, conoce a Dios. Pero a mi 
ver, las letras fueron mal copiadas , o es- 
tavan ya gastadas con el tiempo, y en 
este Epitaphio, solamente se señala el 

nombre 



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De ISRAEL 2^ 

nombre del defunto, y de su padre, co- 
mo aun oy es costumbre, y puede de- 
zir SN3nna p Syn; SniünD Méhetabel 
Sualy hijo de Matadhel^ mudada la Q en 
1, y esto es mas verissimil : por que en- 
tre los Hebreos, muchos nombres a- 
caban en esta partícula, El, como Hima- 
nuel, Suriel, Refael, &c. Pero como 
quiera que esto sea, basta para nuestro 
intento mostrar, que en aquellas par- 
tes se hallaron estos Caracteres Hebre- 
os. Y aun que esta Isla queda distante 
del nuevo mundo, pudieron por caso 
fortuito aportar á ella. 

IX Fauorece juntamente esta o- 
pinion, ver tan semejantes las leyes de 
los Israelitas , y las de los Indios : por que 
comparando algunas de los indios con 
las de los Israelitas, hallaremos, se pa- 
recen en muchas cosas, de donde in- 
feriremos fácilmente, que los indios 
las tomaron del tiempo que habita- 
ron entre ellos , o de algunos que queda- 
ron después de ocultos en las montañas 
Los indios pues de lucatan y Acuza- 
mil, se circuncidavan. Los Totones y 

los 



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28 ESPERANgA 

los Mexicanos hazian lo mismo, co- 
mo testifica Román y Gomara en la 
historia general de las Indias. Rompen 
sus vestidos , como los Hebreos , por 
alguna infausta nueva, ó muerte; por lo 
cual refiere Gregorio Garcia en la Mo- 
narchia de los Ingas del Pirú , que sabi- 
endo Guainacapac, que su hijo Atagu- 
alpa, venia huyendo del campo ene- 
migo, rompió los vestidos. De los Me- 
xicanos y Totones se escribe, que gu- 
ardaban eternamente fuego en sus altares, 
según lo que Dios manda en el Levi- 
tico, y lo mismo hazian los Peruanos 
en los* Templos del Sol. Los de la Pro- 
vincia de Nicaragua prohibian la en- 
trada de sus Templos, a las mugeres 
rezien paridas, hasta que se purifica- 
ssen. Los de la Isla Española tenian por 
pecado, tener ayuntamiento con la 
muger parida : y los de la nueva Espa- 
ña , castigavan gravemente el pecado ne- 
fando. Pero lo que mas admira, es el 
lubileo solemne entre los Indios de 
la Nueva España de So.en 50.años que se 
celebrava en México con gran solem- 
nidad 



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De ISRAEL 29 

nidad, como Metrópolis de toda la 
Provincia. El Sábado era también dia 
festivo entre ellos, en el qual eran ob- 
ligados todos de assistir en los Temp- 
los a las cerimonias y sacrificios, que 
hazian a los Dioses. Davan también 
divorcio a las mugeres que hallavan 
comprehendidas en algún acto desho- 
nesto. Los Peruanos casavan con sus 
cuñadas mugeres de sus hermanos de- 
functos, y lo mismo hazian los de Nu- 
eva España y Guatimala. Tenían tam- 
bién los Indios, notica de la criación 
del mundo, y general diluvio. Todo lo 
qual es indicio, de que en algún tiem- 
po, habitaron Israelitas en aquellas co- 
marcas, de quien los Indios aprendi- 
eron todas estas cosas. Con que se cor- 
robora mas esta opinión. 

X. El quarto fundamento desta sen- 
tencia, es ver, que siendo los Indios, ba- 
gos , y desbarbados , en el nuevo mundo 
se an visto pueblos blancos , con barbas, 
que nunca tuvieron comercio con los 
Españoles , de cuya differencia , se infie- 
ere, son otra gente, y provablemente 

Israelitas 



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30 Esperanza 

Israelitas : pues vemos también que nun- 
ca prudieron ser conquistados, ni serán 
perfectamente descubiertos hasta el 
fin de los dias , por permisson divina. 
Consta esto de difTerentes historias. 

El padre fray Pedro Simón Francis- 
cano en su historia, del descubrimien- 
to de la tierra firme, cuenta, Que vn 
Phelipe de Vtré pariente del Empera- 
dor Carlos quinto, descubrió de la par- 
te de la America Septentrional a 5 gra- 
dos, en la Provincia de Omeguas, ve- 
zina de la de Venezuela, que es oy la 
de Caracas, vnas tierras incógnitas, 
guiado de unos Indios circunuezi- 
nos, que le dixeron ser muy pobladas 
y ricas , y que la gente dellas era belico- 
sa y guerrera , con cuya información se 
delibró á explorarlas, y descubriendo- 
las topó primeramente con una ciu- 
dad populosa de grandes edifficios, 
y junto della estavan dos labradores 
cultivando la tierra, los quales quiso co- 
ger para informarse de todo, pero ellos 
se retiraron de prissa para la ciudad, 
mas como el y sus compañeros a ca- 

vallo 



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De ISRAEL 31 

vallo , los apertassen demasiado , se bol 
vieron contra ellos , y tirándoles una lan- 
3a hirieron al Vtré , passandole una arma 
deffensiva de algodón , que usan para las 
flechas. Por lo qual admirados del va- 
lor y atrevimiento destos hombres, 
dexaron la empresa , y se retiraron. Desta 
gente no se supo mas nada , ni los Es- 
pañoles han podido dar con ellos : por 
donde es verisimil, sean Israelitas, que 
Dios tiene encubiertos en aquellas 
partes, hasta el tiempo de la redención 
futura. 

XI Don Alonso de Erzilla lo en- 
tiende assi en su Araucana 2. parte 
canto 27. donde describiendo aquellas 
partes, dize esta octava. 
Ves ¿as manchas de tierra tan cubiertas^ 
Que pueden ser a peuas divisadas y 
Son las que nunca han sido descubiertas^ 
Ni de estrangeros pies jamas pisadas , 
Las quales estaran siempre encubiertas, 
Y de aquellas celages occupadas 
Hasta que Dios permita que parezcan. 
Por que mas sus secretos se engrandezcan, 

Juan 



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32 Esperanza 

§ m. 

XIL luán de Castillanos, vicario de 
Pamplona en el Nuevo Reyno de Gra- 
nada, escribe también en un libro que 
compuso en octavas, que en el tiempo 
que Gongalo Pisarro se levantó con 
el Pirú^ mando, descubrir nuevas tier- 
ras de Indias a la parte del Este, que 
hasta el dia de oy, no se ha descubier- 
to para este paraje, la multitud de in- 
dios naturales , que por alli ay: pero con- 
forme lo que se ha visto, son mas de 
dos mil leguas de longitud, . que es don- 
de empiega el rio Marañen, que co- 
mienza, en los Andes que llaman del 
Cusco , hasta precipitarse en el mar del 
Norte. En el principio pues deste rio, 
entró Pedro de Orsua General de las 
tropas que ivan con el a descubrir essas 
tierras montuosas, y llenas de altissi- 
mos cedros, el qual llevando su gente 
en canoas, pareciendole vasos muy 
pequeños , por el rio ser muy caudalo- 
so, determinó hazer uno3 Berganti- 
nes 



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De ISRAEL 33 

nes que hizo a la orilla de un rio lla- 
mado Guariaga, que se abraga con el 
Marañon, y baxa de la Prouincia de 
Chachapoyas. Aviendo pues embar- 
cado en ellos su gente, un soldado va- 
liente que Uevava consigo el dicho Pe- 
dro de Orsua, llamado Aguirre, le ma- 
tó, y siendo elegido por General de 
los demás soldados, fue navegando el 
rio abaxo, y llegó a una tierra raza, sin 
montaña ninguna, sino prados de una 
parte y otra, donde avia muchas case- 
rias a la misma margen del Marañon, 
tanto a la izquierda , como a la derecha 
pobladas de gente, y aviendo navega- 
do dos dias y dos noches el rio abaxo, 
continuando la dicha población de 
casas altas y blancas, no se atrevieron a 
echar gente en tierra, por la multitud 
que auia de casas, y por oyr martillar, 
cuyo sonido parecia de plateros. Fue 
prosiguiendo su viage, y salió al mar 
del Norte, y se arrimó a aquella costa 
de la Margarita, donde la justicia de a- 
quella Provincia, teniendo noticia de 
lo que avia hecho, lo prendieron y a- 
C l horcaron 



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34 Esperanza 

horcaron. 

XIII Gaspar de Bergara hombre fi- 
dedigno y conocido mió, me contó a- 
ssi mismo , como de la ciudad de Loxa 
se partió a la Provincia de Quito , en el 
Reyno del Pirú, con el general Don 
Diego Vaca de veiga , que iva a descu- 
brir también tierras nuevas. El año de 
1622. entraron en la Provincia de Yar- 
guasongo, que descubrió el General 
Salinas, atravessaron las Cordilleras, 
donde el rio Marañon no .tiene mas 
que un tiro de piedra de una parte á 
otra: llegaron a la Provincia de los Indi- 
os Maynas, y fundaron alli una ciu- 
dad , que se llamó Francisco de Bor- 
ja y Esquiladle. Yvan en esta com- 
pañía cosa de cien Españoles en sus Ca- 
noas , y después de aver domesticado y 
reduzido aquellos Indios Maynas al 
servicio del Rey de España, determinó 
el General, (dexando alguna guarnición 
de soldados en aquella ciudad , que nue- 
vamente poblaron) a que fuessen des- 
cubrir nuevas tierras, por noticias que 
dellas auian dado algunos Indios. Fue- 



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De ISRAEL 35 

eron navegando el rio abaxo cosa de 
500. leguas, donde descubrieron algu- 
nas cliogas de Indios de poca conside- 
ración : por que como ay tantos rios que 
entran en este Marafton, habitan jun- 
to dellos, por estar alli guardados del 
curso deste rio. Llegaron finalmente 
al rio Guariaga, donde Pedro de Or- 
sua hizo los Bergantines, y fue muerto 
el Aguirre, y se informaron de alg^os 
Indios Guariagas, que alli cogieron, 
los quales toman el nombre deste rio, 
que gente avia por el rio abaxo, y que 
noticia tenian della, a que respondieron, 
que de alli a 4. o 5. jornadas por el rio 
abaxo avia una gente blanca, alta de 
cuerpo y bien fornida, con barbas cre- 
cidas ctmo los Españoles, muy vali- 
entes, y que los tales no sabian navegar 
en Canoas, siendo assi que todos los 
Indios de aquellas parages, no andan 
sino en ellas. Lo qual aviendo oydo 
el General, determinó boluerse por 
el mismo camino, por donde avia veni- 
do. 
XrV En Pernabuco ha poco mas 
C 2 de 



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36 Esperanza 

de 40. aftos sucedió también, que ocho 
Tabajares, se determinaron a descu- 
brir la tierra adentro , y ver si de la otra 
parte incógnita, avia tierras pobladas, 
y caminando derechamente al Ponien- 
te, después de quatro meses de cami- 
no, llegaron a vnas cerranias altissimas, 
a cuya cumbre subiendo con gran dif- 
ficultad, baxaron después avn llano 
. regado de un ameno rio , a cuyas mar- 
gines vieron y hablaron con vna gente 
blanca, con barbas, de comercio y po- 
licía: cuyas nuevas a cabo de nueve 
meses, truxeron a Pernambuco, cinco 
de los dichos Tabajares, aviendose mu- 
erto dellos tres en el camino. 

§IV 

XV En nuestros tiempos reynan- 
do Phelipe tercero, el Capitán Pedro 
Hernández de Quiros (como refiere 
en una Epístola el muy noble y docto 
Señor lahacob Rosales,) passó a Roma 
viniendo de las Indias, do estuvo quasi 
toda su vida, y alli mostró el Mapa de 



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De ISRAEL 37 

las nuevas tierras que ¡ntentava des- 
cubrir. Vino después a Madrid , de don- 
de fue remitido al Gobernador de Pa- 
namá, para que le diesse cinco naves 
y con ellas proseguir su intento. Con 
ellas passó el mar del Sur, y descubrió 
algunas islas, llamándolas, Islas de Se- 
lomoh y lerusalem, por ciertos moti- 
vos que para ello tuvo : y costeando por 
algunas, vio que unos Isleños eran ba- 
gos, de que tomó algunos para lengua: 
y otros que habitavan en Islas mayo- 
res y mas fértiles , eran blancos y rubi- 
os, con ropas largas de seda , y mandan- 
do ancorar una nave para echar gen- 
te en tierra, acudió luego una immen- 
sa cantidad de aquella gente , pero 
el navio dio en un esrollo , y se fue a- 
pique, con que le fue fuerga ir adelante 
a buscar tierra firme, la qual hallo de 
40. grados para arriba, y fue costeando 
costa a costa mas de 300 leguas , al ca- 
bo de las quales sintiendo humo , enten- 
dió auria no muy lexos población. Lle- 
gando finalmente a un rio , quiso entrar 
en el para saltar en tierra, pero acudió 
C 3 otra 



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38 Esperanza 

otra multitud de gente blanca , rubia, 
agigantada, y ricamente vestida, con 
túnicas y barbas largas : el navio a la en- 
trada fue también a pique por aver da- 
do contra una peña, con que se hizo 
al mar, y los de tierra le embiaron dos 
xalofos, bagos, como los de la Isla pri- 
mera, con carneros, frutas, y refresco, 
señalándoles que se fuessen, y amena- 
zándoles, si saltassen en tierra. El Ca- 
pitán recogió los xalofos, y los tnixo 
a España, de los quales nunca pudieron 
entender cosa alguna, mas que por se- 
ñas apuntando las barbas, como si ha- 
blassen con aquellas amos sus seño- 
res de barbas largas : y tratando en co- 
sas de religión , con señas para el cielo, 
haziendo lo mismo, apuntavan con un 
dedo, y encorvando todo el cuerpo 
davan a entender, que aquella gente, 
adorava a un solo Dios , y en breve tiem- 
po murieron en España. El Capitán bol- 
vió a Panamá con los dichos dos na. 
vios menos, donde aviendo algunos 
disgustos con el Govemador, escrivió 
a los del Consejo de Indias , y bolvió a 

España 



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De ISRAEL 39 

España con sus navios , donde estuvo 
dos años sin ser despachado, hasta que 
su pariente, llamado Andre Bocarro, 
hizo tanto con los del Consejo, que lo 
fue. El Rey lo hizo Márquez de las ti- 
erras y Islas que descubriesse , y mandó le 
diessen una gruessa armada para hazer 
la empresa : pero llegado a Panamá, 
murió luego, no sin sospecha de vene- 
no. 

XVI La narración siguiente pue- 
de servir assi mismo de comprobación 
para lo que avemos dicho, tocante las 
Indias Occidentales. Vn piloto de na- 
ción flamenco , que se halló aura po- 
cos años con vn navio suyo en la Ame- 
rica, en circa de 7. grados de altura de 
la parte Septentrional, entre el Mara- 
ñon y el Gran Para, tomó puerto en 
un rio muy caudaloso, donde halló al- 
gunos Indios, que hablauan Español, 
con los quales hizo su rescate de man- 
tenimientos , y cierto palo de tintas , y a- 
viendo alli estado cosa de 6. meses , su 
po dellos, que de la parte de los Indi- 
os Carybes, se dilatava aquel rio por 
C 4 Espacio 



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40 Esperanza 

espacio de i8. leguas, hasta donde pe- 
dia llegar su navio , y alli se dividia en 
3. bragos, y navegando por el siniestro 
camino de dos dias, se topava con una 
gente blanca, con barbas, y ropas lar- 
gas , llenas de grandes riquezas , y abun- 
dante en oro , plata , y esmeraldas , que 
habitava en ciudades muradas y popu- 
losas , donde algunos Indios del Oro- 
noque , avian ¡do , y traydo mucho o- 
ro , plata y esmeraldas. El piloto avien- 
do oydo estas informaciones , deliberó 
de embiar allá algunos de sus marine- 
ros, los quales quedaron en el medio 
del camino, por averseles muerto el 
Indio que Uevavan por guia/ Alli hi- 
zieron su rescate con los Indios del pa- 
ys por espacio de dos meses , 60. millas 
por la tierra adentro. La provincia se 
llama Isbia, cuyo puerto es oy de los 
Zelandeses : la gente della nunca tuvo 
comercio ni trafago con Españoles , y 
puédese caminar con seguridad por 
la tierra adentro. Esto nos relató a ca- 
so este piloto flamenco, sin saber que 
en esto dezia negoceo de importancia. 

por 



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De ISRAEL 41 

Por lo qual conjecturando algunos 
de los nuestros que podían ser Israeli- 
tas, se determinaron embiarlo a este 
descubrimiento ; pero el año passado, 
después desto murió en breues dias , con 
que parece , que no permite Dios , que 
jamas tengan effecto estos descubri- 
mientos , hasta el fin de los dias. • 

XVII Sobre todo a lo que doy mas 
crédito , es , la relación de nuestro Mon- 
tezinos , Portugués de nación , ludio 
de religión; nacido en una ciudad de 
Portugal llamada Villaflor, de padres 
conocidos y honrados, de edad de 40. 
años, hombre de bien, y fuera de to- 
da ambición. Navegó a las Indias , y al- 
ia fue preso por la Inquisición, como 
sucede a otros muchos nacidos en 
Portugal , descendientes de los que 
el Rey D. Manuel hizo Christianos 
por fuerga : ó hecho , dize Osorio (de 
Rebus Himanuelis) iniquo y injusto; 
y mas abaxo , fuit quidem hoc ñeque ex 
lege , ñeque ex religione factunt; y por 
esto aun hoy, conservan y observan se- 
cretamente la Ley de sus padres, que 
c 5 por 



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42 Esperanza 

por fuerga, y no por voluntad dexa- 
ron. Libre después de la prisión fue 
con intimo desseo y curiosidad in- 
vestigar este caso, halló essa gente, 
habló con ellos, y desde aquel tiem- 
po no paró hasta llegar aqui a darnos 
vna tan alegre nueva: en cuyo viage 
consumió todo lo que tenia , viviendo 
después en harta necessidad y po- 
breza , por no querer comer en casa 
de ninguno, ni conseguir provecho 
alguno temporal deste trabajo. Yo 
mismo hablé con el , en el discurso 
de seys meses que aqui estuvo, en 
mi presencia y de muchas personas 
de calidad , juro solemnemente , que 
todo lo que dezia era verdad. Des- 
pués se fue a Parnanbuco, donde vi- 
vió dos años, y murió haziendo el 
mismo juramento a la hora de su 
muerte , quando mas el tiempo o- 
bliga, a no incurrir en semejante peca- 
do de perjuro. Pues si todo esto es 
assi, por que no daré yo crédito a vn 
hombre virtuoso, y enemigo de to- 
do interés humano? 

xvín 



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De ISRAEL 43 

XVIII. Y quien sabe , si el pronos- 
tico de los Moanes , que refiere nue- 
stro Montezinos , tendrá brevemente 
cumplimiento , conformándose con 
el de laques Veré, Astrólogo de Pra- 
ga, dirigido a su Alteza la Princesa Pa- 
latina, sobre los Cometas del año 1618. 
donde dize , y siendo este movimiento 
del Cometa para la parte del Sur, de- 
nota, que las ciudades y provincias, 
que mas brevemente han de sentir 
sus effectos, serán las jndias de Castil- 
la, las quales darán vna gran cayda, y 
será de manera , que el tiempo lo dirá, 
y el Rey de España lo sentirá mas de 
lo que agora imagina; no porque los 
gentiles de la tierra se levanten por 
su voluntad mas apertarlos han por 
las espaldas , a que se vengan a rebe- 
lar , y pelear contra sus amigos los Es- 
pañoles. Y demás de le dar el Cometa 
este mal que ha de ser grande, el E- 
clipse del Sol, que se vio en aquellas 
partes el año passado, lo pronosticava. 
Hasta aqui el referido Astrólogo, y 
nuestros sabios dizen , que avn que 

los 



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44 Esperanza 

los Astrólogos no alcancen todo, en 

muchas cosas aciertan. 

§v 

XDC. Vltimamente de los gran- 
des edificios que los Españoles halla- 
ron en algunos lugares, se puede con- 
jecturar, ser obra de los Israelitas, an- 
tes que se ocultassen en las montañas. 
El jnga Garcilasso de la vega , en la pri- 
mera parte de sus comentarios del 
Pirú {lib. 3. cap. 2) cuenta, como en 
Tiahuanacu provincia del collao, entre 
algunos edifficios, se halló uno digno 
de immortal memoria, pegado a la la- 
guna, llamada Chuquiuitu. Es a saber, 
un patio quadrado de 15. bragas a u- 
na parte y a otra, con su cerca de mas 
de dos estados de alto ; a vn lado del 
patio vna sala de quarenta y cinco pies 
de largo , y veinte y dos de ancho : don- 
de lo que mas admira, es ser el patio 
con sus paredes y suelo, sala, techum- 
bre, portadas, umbrales de dos puer- 
tas que la sala tiene , y otra puerta que 
tiene el patio, todo de vna sola piega, 
hecha y labrada en vn peñasco, cuyas 
paredes del patio , y las de la sala eran de 



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De ISRAEL 45 

tres quartas de vara de ancho, dedica- 
da según los naturales Indios al hazedor 
del vniverso. Donde infiero, que pues los 
Indios eran idolatras , y no Tenian el v- 
so de los instrumentos del hierro para 
poder labrar, se puede conjecturar, ser 
alguna Sinagoga hecha por Israelitas. 
Mayormente con lo que dize Acosta li. i, 
hist. C.14. y Cieza i.p. Chr. Piru c.37. que 
los Indios por tradición affirmauan, que es- 
tos edificios fiaeron hechos por gente blan- 
ca , y con barbas , antes de los Ingas. 

XX Esto es lo que breuemente po- 
dimos coligir acerca de la primera ori- 
gen de los Americanos. Y puesto que 
el illustre Hugo grotius, y el Señor I. 
de Laet, tienen diversa opinión, la mas 
provable , es la que tengo referido. Y co- 
mo la America sea según piensan mu- 
chos, cercada del mar Océano, y tiene 
infinitas Islas , según consta de varios 
authores, y particularmente de aquel- 
la relación hecha por Pedro hernandes 
de Quiros traduzida en lengua latina 
por Eselio gerardo, se puede entender, 
habla dellos el prophet^ í^sayas cap. 60. 



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46 Esperanza 

que ami Islas esperaran.y navios de Tarsis 
en el principio para traer tus hijos de lexos^ 
su prata, y su oro con ellos, leremias cap. 
3 1 .<j.oyd la palabra del Señor gentes ^ y de 
nunciad en las Islas de lexos, y dezid, es- 
parzidor de Israel lo apañará &c. David 
pf.97. El Señor reynóagozarsehala tierra^ 
alegrarse han Islas muchas, 

§ VI. 

XX. Después desto, es de advertir 
que los diez Tribos no fueron todos 
captivos en un mismo tiempo : por que 
según observamos en la segunda parte 
de nuestro Conciliador, Pul Rey de A- 
syria, llevó primeramente captivos en 
tiempo del Rey Pecah , los Tribus de 
Reuben y Gad, y la mitad del tribo 
de Menasseh, que habitavan de la o- 
tra parte del lordan, los quales tran- 
sportó a Halah , y Habor, rio de Go- 
zan y ciudades, de Media, como consta 
del I. de las Chron. cap, 5. 26 y losepho 
lib. 9. de sus Antigüedades. Tiglat Pile- 
sser, 8 años después tomó Hiun, Abel, 

Bet 



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De ISRAEL 47 

Bet Maachá, Inoah, Azor, Guilad, 
Galilea, y toda la tierra de Naphtali, y 
los llevó captivos a Asyria (Reyes. 2. ¿:a. 
15.29.) Finalmente Salmanassar Rey 
de Assyria 9. años después, en tiempo 
que reynava Osea hijo de Elá , estuvo 
3. años sobre Samaria , llevó captivo 
el Rey, y el resto de los diez Tribos 
(Reyes 2. cap. 17. 5). De suerte que por 
tres vezes fueron captivos , donde como 
dize el Propheta Esayas en el cap. 8, 25. 
el primer captiverio fue ligero en com- 
paración del ultimo grave y duro, en 
que se acabó el Reyno, y extinguió la 
Monarchia de Israel. Pues assi como 
los Tribos fueron captivos en differen- 
tes tiempos, assi es de creer, que no están 
todos juntos en una misma parte , si- 
no que se dividieron en muchas. Por 
lo qual, assi como por el estrecho de 
Anian dezimos, que se passaron a las 
Indias Occidentales, assi se puede cre- 
er, que de la Tartaria, se fueron a la 
China por aquel liengo de muralla, que 
confina con ella, entre 43. y 48. grados. 
El argumento que tenemos para com- 
probar 



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48 Esperanza 

probar esto, consiste en la authoridad 
de dos lesuitas, que en aquellas partes 
tuvieron su colegio, los quales cierta- 
mente no quisieron adular a los He- 
breos, y assi vale mas el testimonio de- 
llos, quanto mas libre de passion, ó pro- 
prio interés. 

XXII Nicolás Trigaucio, Flamen- 
co de nación , refiere en su libro inti- 
tulado de Christiana expeditione apud si- 
tias suscepta. Que aviendo algunos a- 
ftos, que la compañía tenia su assiento 
y casa en la corte de Pequin, un judio 
de nación y proffession, vino a visitar 
al P. Matheo Ricio, por aver leydo en 
vn libro Chino que los christianos de 
ninguna suerte eran Moros, y que no 
conocían a otro Dios, que al Señor 
del Cielo , y de la tierra : y assi pensan- 
do, que professauan la Ley de Moyse, 
entró en su casa con alegre semblante: 
y que sin duda en la nariz , en los ojos, 
y en todas las demás facciones de la 
cara, representava figura differente en 
todo de la de los Chinos. Y que llevando 
1^ el dicho M- Richio a la Iglesia, don- 
de 



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De ISRAEL 49 

de estava en un altar, una imagen de 
María y su hijo a quien x. luán hinca- 
do de rodillas adorava : por que este 
dia era la fiesta de luán Bautista , y co- 
mo este ludio pensasse, que eran to- 
dos de su misma religión, imaginó que 
aquella imagen era de Ribca, y los 
niños , lacob y Esau, y assi inclinándose, 
la reverenció, diziendo primero, que el 
no solia venerar imagen alguna, mas que 
no podia dexar de honrar aquellos pa- 
dres de su linage y nación : y que co- 
mo a los lados del altar, estuviessen 
las imágenes de los 4. Evangelistas , pre- 
guntó el ludio . si por ventura essos 
quatro eran de los 12 hijos de aquel 
que estava en el altar? Respondióle el 
P. que si , pensando que hablava de los 
12. Apostóles: por que cada qual juz- 
gava del otro lo que no era. Llevándolo 
después de allí a su aposento , comengo 
a preguntarle con mas cuydado, qui- 
en era ? y poco a poco vino a entender, 
que professava la Ley antigua. Mas el 
mismo no sabia el nombre de ludio, y 
se confessava solo , por Israelita , de don- 
D 1 de 



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so Esperanza 

de dize el author, se puede conjectu- 
rar, que el esparzimiento de los diez 
Tribos, penetró hasta los extremos 
del Oriente. Cuenta juntamente que 
abriendo la Biblia Plantiniana, cono- 
ció luego las letras Hebreas, aun que 
no pudo leerlas, y que del supieron co- 
mo en aquella Metrópolis , avia diez 
o doze casas , o familias de Israelitas , y 
una Sinagoga muy hermosa, en que po- 
cos dias antes , avian gastado mas de 
diez mil escudos en repararla , y que de 
5cx),o,6oo. años a esta parte, aguardavan 
en ella con grande veneración los 5. 
libros de Moyse ( el Pentateuco ) em- 
bueltos en sus volumines, (que es el 
ScepherTorá) (o). Affirmava también, que 
en Hamcheu Metrópolis de la Pro- 
vincia de Chequian , avia muchas mas 
familias, con sus Sinagogas, y que este lu- 
dio sabia relatar muchas historias del 
viejo Testamento , como la de Abra- 
ham., la de ludith, la de Mardocheo y 
Ester, mas en el pronunciar se differen- 
ciava no poco : por que a lerusalem 
Uamava Hierusoloim , y al Messias 

Moxiah. 



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De ISRAEL SI 

Moxiah: y dezia, que entre los de su Tri- 
bo, avia algunos no ignorantes de la 
lengua Hebrea, y entre estos un her- 
mano suyo: y que el por aver trabaja- 
do desde niño en las letras Chinas, a- 
via menospreciado aquel estudio, y da- 
va a entender, que por aver abragado 
con cuydado los preceptos destas le- 
tras , era juzgado casi por indigno de la 
compañia de los suyos , y del Sacer- 
dote supremo de la Sinagoga, de lo que 
se le dava muy poco, si alcangasse el 
grado de Doctor. Finalmente dize e- 
stas palabras , Tres años después em- 
bió el dicho P. M. Richio uno de nue- 
stros heprmanos Chino de nación, a a- 
quella Metrópolis, para experimentar 
lo que el ludio avia relatado, el qual 
halló, que todo era puntualmente ver- 
•dad. Hizo también que le trasladassen 
los principios y fines de los libros que 
guardavan en su Sinagoga, los quales co- 
tejamos después con el Pentateuco*, 
y hallamos ser una misma cosa , y unas 
mismas letras, solo que carecian de 
puntos al vso antiguo. El dicho P. escri- 

ui6 



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52 Esperanza 

vio cartas en lengua China por el mis- 
mo mensajero al Presidente de la Si- 
nagoga, en que dezia, que tenia en 
Pequin todos los libros del Testamen- 
to viejo y nuevo, donde se contenían 
los hechos del Messias , por que le afiSr- 
mava, era ya venido. Aqui reparó el 
Archisinagoguo , diziendo, que el Me- 
ssias auia de venir aun. Hasta aqui son 
palabras del author: de las quales ba- 
sta para nuestro intento, la confession 
de que ay Israelitas de los diez Tribos, 
en la China. 

XXin El otro lesuita es, Alphonso 
Cemedro, el qual testifica también, que 
en la Provincia de Horuen , situada ha- 
zla el Poniente de la China, ay una 
multitud immensa de Israelitas , que 
totalmente ignorauan , ser venido el 
Messias , los quales conjectura que son 
de los diez Tribos. Y cierto se puede 
affirmar por muchas cerimonias lu- 
daicas , que los Chinos tienen , como 
he visto en un libro manuscripto, que 
el nobilissimo y amplissimo señor lo- 
achimo Ficheforte tiene en su curio- 



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De ISRAEL 53 

sa libraría. Y quien sabe, si de la China 
passaron a Nueva España , por aquel es- 
trecho que está entre los Reynos de 
Anian, yquiuira, que ya son tierra fir- 
me de Nueva España, y de alli a Pana- 
má , al Pirú , y a las demás Islas que ay 
por aquellas partes incógnitas. 

XXrV Destos (según mi opinión) 
habla el Propheta Esayas cap. 49. 12. 
tratando de la reducción de Israel a la 
patria He aqui estos de lexosvendran^yestos 
del Septentrión , y del Occidente , y estos de 
tierra de D^J"»D Sinenses, Y assi Ptolomeo 
(lib. 7. c. 3. tab I i) a este reyno de los Chi- 
nos, llama. Regio sinarum : y esta es la 
verdadera significación deste nombre, y 
no la interpretación de Aben Ezra, el 
qual le deduze de njD señé , garga , y di- 
ze, que es región de Egipto : en todo lo 
qual ciertamente se engañó. 

§ VIL 

XXV. Fácilmente se puede tam. 

bien conjecturar, que assi como los 

diez tribos, creciendo en numero, fu- 

D 3 eron 



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54 Esperanza 

eron estendiendo sus colonias, cami 
nando poco a poco, hazia las Provin- 
cias dichas, assi eñ la misma Tartaria 
se ensancharon. Consta claramente e- 
sto de Abram Ortelio, en el libro de 
su cosmographia , llamado, Theatro del 
mundo , donde en la Charta de Tartaria 
señala un lugar, llamado. Horda (que 
es lo mismo que, rwy) jerida, descen- 
dida de los Danitas : y mas abaxo haze 
mención de otro lugar, llamado, Horda 
de los Naphtalitas ^ diziendo, que estos 
Naphtalitas del Tribo de Naphtali , ven- 
cieron en el año de 476, oy haze, 11 73 
años, a Peruzas Rey de Persia. 

XXVI. Esta victoria relata Aga- 
thias lib. 4. diziendo, que en tiem- 
po del Emperador Zenon, este Peru- 
zas , dio dos batallas a los Naphtali- 
tas , en las quales últimamente pere- 
ció. Por que de la primera vez, le 
fue forgoso pedir la paz (por aver en- 
trado por lugares angostos e incóg- 
nitos) la qual alcangó, debaxo de con- 
dición, que se obligava, a no moverles 
mas guerra , y que en señal de sub- 

geccion 



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De ISRAEL 55 

geccion , se postraría delante del vence- 
dor : lo que hizo , por consejo de sus 
Magos, para el Oriente, al tiempo que 
el Sol salía, para que assi pareciesse, 
que al vso de la patria , adoraua el Sol, 
y no al enemigo. Pero aviendo jura- 
do, escritas estas condiciones, no mu- 
cho después, sentido desta afrenta, bol- 
viendo a rehazer su exercito , y tornan- 
do con mas audacia que consejo, so- 
bre los Naphtalitas, bolvio á ser ven- 
cido : por que estos levantando en 
alto los pergaminos de las pazes jura- 
das, viendo que con todo insistían, se 
fueron como retirando a unas fuessas 
llenas de aguas ; las quales tenian 
hechas cubiertas con tal dissimulaci- 
on y arte, que no conocieron el da- 
ño , hasta que lo sintieron con perdi- 
da de las vidas : donde Peruzas con 
todo el exercito pereció. Refiere esta 
misma Historia , Pedro Teixera : au- 
thor fidedigno, en sus Relaciones de 
los Reyes de Persia, cap, 32. con al- 
guna diferencia : por que a estos Nap- 
thalitas, llama, Euthalitas: y lo mis- 
D 4 mo 



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56 ESPERANCA 

mo haze Procopio, lib, i. de bello Per- 
sarmn^ y es lo mismo, por Apheresin 
de una letra. Guilhelmo Schikardo 
en su Tarick, o serie de los Reyes de 
Persia, folio 131. relatando esta Histo- 
ria, dize. Estos Naphtalitas que ven- 
cieron a Peruzas, son del Tribo de 
Naphtali. Lo qual se puede compro- 
var com estas razones Primera, que 
en los antigos exemplares de Aga- 
thias , se halla el nombre pleno con to- 
das sus letras Naphtalitas, Segunda que 
en la cara se les echa de ver : por que Pro 
copio I. c. dize, que estos no son feos y 
negros , como los Hunos , entre los qua- 
les habitan , mas blancos : por donde 
se conoce , ser gente que de otra parte alli 
fue transmigrada. Tercera , que no les 
parecen en las costumbres : por que 
los Hunos, jamas están de assiento en 
un lugar, mas mudan de ordinario co- 
mo los Árabes , sitio ; lo que no hazen 
estos Naphtalitas que habitan de assisten- 
cia en una región. Estos (dize Procopio) 
viuen con leyes, y policia, a modo 
de los Romanos, siendo bien governa* 

nados 



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De ISRAEL 57 

dos de su principe. Sepultan assi mismo 
honestamente sus defuntos, y no los 
echan por ahi como hazen los barbaros, 
y las vezinas gentes, entre las quales bi- 
ven. Esto pues es lo que dize Abraham 
Ortelio de la victoria que estos Napta- 
lita tuvieron de Peruzas. Y supuesto que 
Azarya a A-domi, fue hombre doctissi- 
mo, y muy versado en las letras Grie- 
gas y Latinas en esto erró manifiesta- 
mente , diziendo en su celebérrimo 
li. Meor enaim , que estos vencieron vna 
provincia llamada Peruza, aviendo de de- 
zir, a Peruza, rey de Persia , y no provin- 
cia : tanto importa muchas vezes , la va- 
ria lección de libros. 

XXVI Dize mas el referido Ortelio en 
dicha charta , como en la región de Ta- 
bur (de quien Solino haze también me- 
sion en el cap. 49.) habita un pueblo , el- 
qual supuesto que avian perdido los 
libros sagrados viuen unidos debaxo 
de un Rey, el qual vino a Francia el a- 
fio de 1530. y habló con el Rey Fran- 
cisco, y después por mandado de Car- 
los fue quemado en Mantua: por que 
D 5 secre- 



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58 Esperanza 

secretamente persuadía los principes 
de la Christiandad al Judaismo , y parti- 
cularmente al mismo Emperador, lo 
mismo refiere Botero en sus Relacio- 
nes, de la vltima parte de la Tartaria: 
pero a la verdad ambos fueron mal in- 
formados : por que Ribi loseph a Co- 
en, hombre fidedigno en su Chrono- 
logia , relata con mas certitud , que 
el ludio que vino de aquellas partes, 
era hermano de un Rey Israelita, y se 
Uamava David a-Rehubeni, esto es, 
del Tribu de Reuben, el qual atraves- 
sando por las Indias,, viho a Portugal, 
y alli hizo ludio al secretario del Rey, y 
circuncidándose , se llamó Selomoh 
Molcho, y vino a ser en brevissimo tiempo 
tan grande sabio en la Ley, y aun en la 
misma Cabala, (p) que admiró toda Italia 
con su raro ingenio. Este secretario pues, 
y David Reubenita, persuadieron al 
Rey Francisco , y después al Papa , y 
Carlos quinto, a que abragassen el lu- 
daysmo : por lo qual Selomoh Molcho 
íue presso en Mantua , y después que- 
mado vivo, en el año de 1540. por man- 
dado 



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De ISRAEL- 59 

dado del Emperador, aun que le concedían 
la vida, si se bolvia Christiano. El Reube- 
nita fue llevado del Emperador preso 
a España, donde murió de alli á algu- 
nos dias. Abraham Frísol haze también 
mención deste David Reubenita en 
el libró de su Cosmographia, intitula- 
do Orbot olam, donde dize, Hoy haze 
45. años, que un David Reubenita, Prin- 
cipe de los Israelitas, vino á Europa, 
de Tabor Provincia de Tartaria, el qu- 
al testifica, que en aquellas comarcas, 
ay dos Tribos, y otros algo mas adelan- 
te con sus Reyes y Principes , y son en 
tanta multitud , que no se puede redezir- 
se a numero. Y ya, puede ser que esta 
provincia de nin Tabor, corrupto al- 
go el nombre, sea la de "ilin Habor, de 
que se haze mención en el 2. de los 
Reyes, cap. 17. 6. donde se dize, que 
Salmanasar los transporto para Halah y 
Habor &c. por la semejanga que tienen 
estas dos letras n het , y n Tau. 

XXVIII De aquellas tierras, oy ha- 
ze en circa de 500. años , vino también 
a caso un Israelita, llamado Eldad-A- 

dani 



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6o ESPERANgA 

dani, esto es, del Tribu de Dan, de quien 
se halla oy una carta, intitulada ISD 
^J^n ttSk Sepher Eldad A dani, el 
qual siendo diversamente examinado 
por los sabios de aquel tiempo, fue a- 
probado por hombre verdadero. El do- 
ctissimo Rebi David kimhi, que flore- 
ció ha 450. año en su libro de las Rayzes, 
acerca de lá rayz natr faga dize ^n in3*i 

i?. /(?«^ escribió en nombre de R, lehuda A~ 
ben Karis , aver oydo dezir a Eldad Da- 
nita^ guando tenia alguna ocupación^ tengo 
nuu; segiak. Y assi lo que diximos arriba 
se verifipa con los testimonios dichos. 
§• VIII. 
XXIX. Habita también parte 
de los diez tribos en la Ethiopia , y A- 
basia, jmperio del Preste luán, como 
de ello han dado información en Ro- 
ma diversos Abyssinos, que vinieron 
de aquellas partes. Botero en sus Re- 
laciones lo affirma , diziendo , que so- 
bre el Nilo habitan dos gentes pode- 
rosas , y que la vna es Hebrea , debaxo 

del 



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De ISRAEL 6l 

del govierno de un poderoso Rey. 
Rabi Abraham Frísol en el libro citado, 
affirma, aver oydo relatar lo mismo a 
dos hombres doctos que estuvieron 
en aquellos lugares, los quales certi- 
ficaron lo proprio a Hercules Duque 
de Ferrara : y no ay duda , que dellos 
tomaron los Abyssinos , la circuncisi- 
ón , la celebración del Sábado , y 
otras varias costumbres que oy tienen 
Judaicas. Vn cierto Cosmographo 
juntamente, que hizo las addiciones 
a las Tablas de Ptolomeo, en la tabla 
de la Affrica Nueva , dize. Esta parte 
nueva del Affrica fue incógnita á los 
antiguos, los quales no supieron la 
origen del Nilo, que empiega en a- 
quellos montes , llamados de los anti- 
guos. Montes de la Luna, donde ha- 
bita una immensa multitud de Israe- 
litas , que pagan tributo al Preste luán, 
señor de aquellas tierras. 

XXX. Destos parece y no ay duda 
que habla el Propheta Esayas c. i8. dizien- 
do : ó tierra sombría de alas^ quede la otra 
parte de los rios de Ethiopia, Estos, dize, 

que 



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62 Esperanza 

que embiaran sus embaxadores con 
el pueblo a lerusalaim, en vasos de 
junco, que son las Almadias, en que 
de ordinario navegan. Leuad. {áiraxi) 

aquel pueblo sacado de su patria^ y pelado^ 
que está entre nos^ por presente al Dios de 
Cebaoth , al lugar del nombre del Dios de 
Cebaothy al monte de Cion, Sophonias, 
cap. 3. 9. Entonces convertiré a los pueblos 
labia clara para llamar todos ellos en nom- 
bre del Señor, para servirlo en vn culto: de 
la otra parte de los riós de Ethiopia, Atray 
bat Pussay (naciones de Ethíopia) lleua- 
ran a mi presente y conformando con lo 
que dize Esayas ; Ytraeran a todos vue- 
stros hermanos (que son los diez Tribos) 
presente al Señor. 

§. IX. 

XXXI. También no ay duda que 
avn oy habitan en la Media , de la otra 
parte del Euphrates, donde fue su 
transmigración primera , como con- 
sta del 2. de los Reyes, cap. 17.24. y de- 
la Historia de Tobías : por que en estas 

regiones 



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De ISRAEL 63 

regiones se hallan inaccesibles desier- 
tos. Flavio losepho insigne historia- 
dor parece que trata destos, quando 
en el proemio del libro de las Guer- 
ras judaicas , dize , que los ludios 
pensaron entonces , que todos sus 
hermanos que estauan allende del Eu- 
phrates, y aun mas adelante, se avian 
de levantar contra los Romanos. A- 
grippa juntamente en aquella oraci- 
ón que hizo a los de lerusalem, para 
que no se rebelassen contra los Ro- 
manos, dize desta suerte. A quien pen- 
sáis tomar por compañeros en esta 
guerra? todos los que moran en este 
mundo habitable pagan tributo a los 
Romanos , salvo si alguno de vos otros 
estiende sus esperanzas hazia la otra 
parte del Euphrates. El dicho lose- 
pho en el lib. II. de sus Antig. cap. i . tra- 
tando de los que tomaron de Babilo- 
nia a lerusalem , en tiempo de Es- 
dras, dize, todo el pueblo de Israel 
quedó en esta Provincia de Media: 
porque los dos Tribos , habitan sola- 
mente en la Asia y Europa, sugetas 

a los 



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64 ESPERANgA 

a los Romanos , y los diez , allende del 
Euphrates, los quales son en tanto nu- 
mero, que apenas se puede compre- 
hender; y desta primera transmigración 
se ha de creer, que al mismo passo que 
iuan aumentando, se dilataron para 
las provincias dichas. 

§^ 

XXXII Vltimamente es fama, que es- 
tan assi mismo parte de los diez Tri- 
bos detras del rio Sabático , y dello an 
dado celebres y antiguos authores, tes- 
timonio, y primeramente R. lohanan 
autor del Talmud lerusolomitano 
1 50. años después de la destruycion del 
segundo Templo dize en el tratado de 
Sanhedrim (q) cap. 17. que en tres partes 
fueron transmigrados los diez Tribos 
a saber, dentro del rio Sabation, en Da- 
phné de Antiochia, y en otro lugar 
donde baxó una nuve, y los cubrió: y que 
destas mismas tres, bolueran a ser rede- 
midos, explicando en esta forma aquel 
verso de Esayas cap. 49. Para dezir a los 

encarcela 



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De ISRAEL 65 

encarcelados^ salid, estos son los que 
fueron transmigrados dentro del rio 
Sabathion , y alas que en la escuridad, sed 
descubiertos j aquellos que están cu- 
biertos con la nuve : y sobre todos ca- 
minos apacentaran , los que quedaron en 
Daphne de Antiochia. Qual sea esta 
Antiochia , supuesto que de 12 hazen 
mension los Historiadores, es cierto 
tratan de la fabricada en Syria : don- 
de ^JST Daphne y es vn lugar amenissi- 
mo que sirve de arrabal a la ciudad: 
como consta claramente de las tablas 
Geographicas. Donde se echa de ver, 
quan ' mal transladó Lempehir, en- 
la traducción del Itinerario de Bin- 
yamin Tudelense, ad latera Antióchice: 
por que avn que esta voz, ]S"n dophen 
algunas vezes significa , lado , aqui 
f^ST es nombre proprio, como ten- 
go mostrado. De las nuves^ se haze 
mension en el Sceder Holam, llamán- 
dolas, montes de la escuridad^ y lo mis- 
mo en el Talmud Babilónico, tratado 
de Sanhedrin cap. 1 1 . 

XXXIII. R. lonatan Ben vziel, avn 

1^ } mas 



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6^ Esperanza 

mas antigo, que floreció lOO. años 
antes de la destruycion del Tem- 
plo, sobre el Éxodo, cap. 34. 10. donde 
dize el Señor, escuentra todo tu pueblo 
haré maravillas^ que no fueron criadas^ 
&c. refiere estas maravillas á la trans- 
migración del pueblo , pnD ]lp'»SDNl 
]x:rns ]i3\x3i -[vidid in^S luS ip ^imtrNí 

Quitarlos he de alli de los rios de Babilofíia, 
y hazerlos he posar dentro del rio Sabáti- 
co^ y como estos portentos no fueron jamas 
hechos en todos los habitadores de la tierra, 
XXXIV En Beresit Raba, libro de 
grande authoridad , parasa 1 1 . relatan H, 
que preguntando Tornorophos a R. 
Aquiba (el qual fue martirizado por 
Ips; Romanos 52. años después de la 
destruycion del Templo) de donde 
constava ser el seteno dia, que cele- 
bravan por festivo , aquel en que el Se- 
ñor holgó en la criación del mundo? 
provó lo infalible del, con el rio Sabáti- 
co, cuyas piedras estavan en conti- 
nuo movimiento seis dias, y al Sabat 
repozaban. La misma historia se refie- 



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De ISRAEL e^ 

ere en el Tamud Babilónico , trata- 
do de Sanh c./. y Tanhuma Par. Tisa. 
R. Simón, dize también a^ü3\irn ni\ir:; 

mn^n Ssa on^lSD los diez Tribus fueron 
trans7nigrados dentro del rio Sebathion, le- 
hudah y Biniamin , están derramados por 
todas las mas tierras. Y assi en Sir Asi- 
rim Raba, sobre el penúltimo verso del 
cap. I. de los Cantares, también nuestro 
lecho reverdecido y dizen, estos son los 
diez Tribos, que fueron transportados 
dentro del rio Sabático. 

XXXV Por esta via pues quedaron 
los tribos encerrados en aquel lugar: 
por que en los seis días de la semana, 
impide milagrosamente la salida, el mo- 
vimiento del rio , y en el Sábado en que 
reposa, es prohibido a los ludios el ca- 
minar. Con que se ha totalmente 
perdido la noticia destos. Y assi en el 
lalkut entienden los Antigos, que des- 
tos habla Esahias quando en el c. 49. di- 
ze, para dezir a los encarcelados ^ salid. Por 
otra parte R. Aquiba , destos mismos en- 
tiende el verso del Levitico cap. 26. 38 y 

E 2 deperder- 



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68 Esperanza 

deperdertioseis en las gentes , y consecu- 
tivamente, el verso de Esayas 27. Y ven- 
drán los perdidos ^ en tierra de Assiria: y 
por la distancia de las tierras remotas don- 
de viven, otro sabio (en Bamidbar Ra- 
ba Parasah 16.) les aplica el verso de É- 
Sdiyzs^g.heaqui estos de lexos vendrán, &c. 
De suerte que todos estos Authores, . 
hazen mención deste rio. 

XXXVI Es también illustré el testi- 
monio de Flauio losepho, en el sétimo 
libro de las guerras ludaicas cap. 24. 
donde refiere, que passando el Empe- 
rador Tito ente Arcas y Raphanea, 
ciudades del Rey Agripa, vio un río 
muy maravilloso : por que siendo que 
nace y corre abundante , de seys á seys 
dias falta de su manantial, y lugar don- 
de nace, y viene a mostrarse seco, sin 
correr mas , y que luego passado el se- 
teno, como sino uviesse passado mu- 
tación alguna, buelue a nacer muy a- 
bundante como solia : y que guardan- 
do siempre esta infallible orden, fue 
llamado por esto , Sabático , de la fiesta 
sagrada de los ludios, cuyo descanso 



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De ISRAEL 69 

en el seteno imita. Y esta es la verda- 
dera versión de este Texto , que algunos 
corronpen : por que si este rio se llama 
Sabático^ de la celebración del Sábado, 
claro está que en el reposa, y no haze 
movimiento. Plinio dize lo mismo en- 
el lib. 31. c. 2, de su natural historia, sino 
que mal informado lo constitue en lu- 
dea^ saluo si por ludea, entiende don- 
de oy habitan estos ludios , o Israeli- 
tas. 

XXXVn. R. Selomoh larhy, va- 
ron Doctissimo , que floreció oy haze 
500. años, en el comento del Tal- 
mud , haze también mención deste 
rio, diziendo, que las piedras y are- 
na del, están todos los seys dias de la 
semana en perpetuo movimiento 
hasta llegar el Sábado. 

XXXiTin. Discursa sobre esto tam- 
bién R. Mordehay laphé en su exce- 
lentissimo libro lephe Toar, diziendo 
que este nombre ^VuaD Sabation^ se 
deriva de Sabat, en aquella forma 
que los Árabes lo pronuncian, los 
quales tienen por costumbre añadir 
£ 3 en los 



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;0 ESPERANCA 

en los Adjectiuos esta partícula ]V yon: 

y assi de Sabat , hazen Sabathion. 

XXXIX. Affirma juntamente . 

este mismo Author, aver oydo dezir 
de una redoma de vidro, llena de are- 
na de aquel rio , la qual estava en con- 
tinuo movimiento hasta el Sábado. El 
mismo testimonio, podré yo dar de 
oyda , del qual tengo tanta satisfa- 
cion , como si propriamente lo uviesse 
visto : por que lo . ohi a mi padre que 
esté en gloria, y es cosa cierta, que 
los padres no suelen engañar los hijos. 

Contava pues algunas vczes , que en 
la ciudad de Lixboa, vn Moro tenia u- 
na redoma desta arena, y que para 
infamar a los christianos Nuevos, de 
ludios, solia passearse al Viernes, en- 
trante el Sábado , por la calle llama- 
da Rúa Noua, donde tienen líis tien- 
das, y enseñándoles la redoma, dezia, 
cerrad las tiendas ludios , que ya es lle- 
gado el Sábado. De otra redoma se- 
mejante a esta ohi contar al señor H. 
Meyr Rophe \ persona fidedigna , que 
estava pocos años ha puesta a la puer- 
ta 



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De ISRAEL 71 

ta de vna Mezquita en Halepo, y que 
passando el Cady (que es el luez) por 
alli, preguntando, que era aquello? 
la mandó sacar, reprovando a los Mo- 
ros, de que avian fortificado con ello 
el dia de los ludios. 

Esto destas redomas, no me atre- 
viera ciertamente a escrevir, a no lo 
aver primero testificado tan eminen- 
te sabio, como el Author recitado: 
aunque yo lo creo por sin duda , y que 
no solamente hizo el Señor este mi- 
lagro para ally encerrar parte de los 
diez Tribus , mas aun otros muchos, 
como se dize en el 4. de Ezras. 

XL. Este rio siente R. Moseh Ge- 
rundense insigne Cabalista , y grande 
expositor de la Ley, en la Parasa de Aa- 
zinu, que es el rio pu Gozan, de que 
se haze mención en el 2. de los Reyes. 

R. Binyamin de Tudela, hombre pió 
y docto, saliendo de Navarra, después 
de larga peregrinación, bolvio a Espa- 
ña, donde murió el año de 4933. oy 
haze 473 años. Este entre las cosas 
que escriye en su Itinerario, dize. 

E 4 awm 



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72 Esperanza 

inj Sjr WK pao^j nnS dv hd '"|Sna d^d*; 
ünw D1S yiNa Snw^d d-í^jk Dxt; tt?n pu 
D-íToaxt; njraiK tud^j nva "^d onaiNi oxtra 
üi^i WN uaxtri ]Sia"r iD2V)^ ]i 122W SNitzr^a 
1WN -¡Sd idjqS^ nSanxt; n^ win nSun ^SnsJ 
HD nyi pía inj nann nSna oSan inatzr ids 
DU1DT mJHD nnS ^^i dv d'íwv D3nN-|Snai 
^•íKT pía inj amt< í]^pa Tnt< istd ann:i 
latzri DH^Sy TnN n>^j qk ^d ana Siy DítS:; 
D^D^n iT¿Sn DH^ju*! nSn nSdidn t]Di^ ui 
ni3 Y"^^^ nanSoS onSim Dnsripi D^jn^rn 

Deste lu^ar, camino de 2% .dias(se llegd)alos 
montes de Nisebon que sobre el rio Gozan: y 
en Persía^ ay algunos Israelitas destas par- 
tes, los guales dizen, que en las ciudades de 
Nisebor^ ay^. tribos de Israel, a saber j eltri- 
bo de Dan y el Tribo de Zebulun^ el de Asser 
y Naphtali^ primero captiverio que captivo 
Zalmanasar Rey de Assiria: como está es- 
crito, a Halah yHabor, rio degozany ciuda- 
des de Media: y el ámbito de sus tierras, es 
camino de 20 dias. Tienen ciudades y cas- 
tillos en los montes^ de una parte los circunda 
elrioGozan^y no tienen jugo de otras gentes^ 
sino vn principe cuyo nombre es R. losep A. 
mar chela Levita, y entré ellos, sabios, y siem- 

bran 



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De ISRAEL 73 

brany siegan ^ y van a la guerra a tierra de 
Cut 

XLI El sitio y región donde se hal- 
la, ignoro. Oy haze 15. años que en la ciu- 
dad de Lublin, dos polacos después de 
muy larga peregrinación , estamparon 
un libro pequeño en lengua germánica 
mostrando el lugar adonde le avian vis- 
to: mas por orden del Tribunal, en la fe- 
ria de Werslauia, fue mandado quemar 
a presuacion de los lesuitas. R. Abraham 
Frisol (en el cap. 24. del Orhot Olam) 
siente que está en la India: y assi dize, 

DU^a nnJ y^l navSjrn la origen deste rio sa- 
bático^ es en la India superior entre los rios 
del Ganges^ y mas abaxo nSjraS IVIDID inJ 
Dnn ijNHJ'íNn ]u p-íosai ixsnD üipiSpD 
^K^nri iJNsran axtri omn-ín m^Sa narpS 
El rio sabático arriba de Calikout es su o- 
rigen, y divide los Indios de una parte del 
Rey no de los ludios, yalli lo hallaras ciera* 
mente, y en el cap. 24. conjectura que 
pía gozan es lo mismo que 7333 gan- 
ges, por la similitud de los vocablos. 
Eldad Danita en su Epístola descrive 

la3 



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74 ESPERAÑCA 

las calidades deste rio, y dize, que tiene 
• de largo 200. codos, y que a sus mar- 
gines se colocan quatro Tribos, Dan, Na- 
phtali, Gad, y Asser. Sobre todo losepho 
que para mi es de mayor authoridad, 
en el cap. 24 del lib. de las guerras Juda- 
icas , dize , que el Emperador Tito lo vio, 
y es cierto que no mintió en cosa , que 
el mismo Emperador , le pudiera des- 
mentir. Pero supuesto que en la India 
(según consta de las Decadas de loan 
de Bayros, y aun de otros varios au- 
thores) habitan muchos ludios, los ta- 
les a lo que se entiende , son de los dos 
Tribos lehuda y Binyamin. Por lo qu- 
al este rio Sabático, (donde por tra- 
dición están parte dé los diez Tribos 
encerrados,) se puede mas fácilmente 
creer, que está junto al mar Caspio. Y des- 
te parecer fueron diversos escriptores. 

XLII Y no es cierto difficultad la 
que algunos proponen, diziendo, que 
si están en el mundo , como^ no ay ma- 
yor noticia dellos : pues vemos que 
aun las mismas cosas que conoce- 
mos, no sabemos la origen dellas, cómo 

no 



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De ísraél 75 

no se ha alcangado hasta agora perfec- 
tamente, la origen y nacimiento de a- 
quellos quatro ríos tan famosos, Nilo, 
Ganges, Euphrates y Tigris. Muchos 
Reynos no están aun descubiertos , co- 
mo en la Tartaria, en la America, to- 
dos los confines del Norte, Florida, y 
Reyno de Anian. En el Pirú desde Qui- 
to hasta donde desenboca el rio Ma- 
rañon , y todas las incógnitas , que es 
mucho mas tierra , que la descubierta. 

XLllI Además, de que aun que es- 
ten algunos entre tierras conocidas, y 
cercanas, pueden detras de Cordille- 
ras y montes , estar ocultos , como en 
tiempo de Ferdinando e Isabella se ha- 
llaron las Batuecas del Duque de Al- 
va, no lexos de Salamanca, y junto 
de Placencia, donde estuvieron reco- 
gidos desde el tiempo que los Moros 
tomaron a España, algunos Españoles, 
por espacio de mas de 800 años. Pues 
si en el riñon de España uvo gentes o- 
cultas tanto tiempo, como no po- 
drá suceder lo mismo a estos Israelitas? 
Quanto mas, que el Señor, dize clara- 
mente 



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^6 Esperanza 

mente en el Deuteronomio cap. 32. 
Arrinconarlos he, haré cessar de va- 
ron su memoria. Esto es, echarlos he 
en los rincones y extremos de todas las 
provincias, con que se perderá total- 
mente la memoria dellos. Luego según 
esto cessa la difficultad: por que se vé, que 
el Señor los ocultó desta suerte : y aun 
por eso se llaman en las divinas letras, 
perdidos ^ y encarcelados y como avemos 
mostrado. 

§XI. 

XLVI. Estos observan actualmen- 
te oy nuestra Ley divina, como consta 
del 2. de los Reyes cap. 17. 26, donde se 
relata, que auiendo sido llevados en 
captiverio por Salmanasar, y transpor- 
tados a Samaría y mas tierras de Israel 
los Cutheos, siendo estos Idolatras, 
y ignorando que aquellas tierras, re- 
querían otros ritos, eran grandemen 
te afligidos de los leones, que entrauan 
por sus poblaciones : por cuya causa 
el dicho Rey les embió un Sacerdote 

Israelita 



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De ISRAEL *]>] 

Israelita sabio , que les instruyese en su 
Ley: el qual viendo, que quitarles del 
todo la Idolatría era impossible, les con- 
cedió el uso de aquellas deidades, con 
tanto que reconociesen una primera 
causa sobre todas. Consta lo mismo de 
las historias recitadas : por que los 
nuestros observan la Ley, fuera de la 
patria con mayor zelo, faltando con el 
captiverio la ambición y competencia 
que tenian con la casa de David, que 
fue causa de abusar de su religión anti- 
gua , y retirarse de lerusalem , y de la 
obediencia deuida al Señor, y a su Tem- 
plo. 

§ XII. 

XLV Consta también claramen- 
te , que ninguno de los diez Tribus, 
bolvió al segundo Templo, del libro i. 
de Ezras cap. i. donde dize , y levantá- 
ronse caberas y de los padres a lehuda y 
Binyamin para subir para edificar a casa 
de .A. y en el principio del cap. 2. Y estos 
hijos de la provincia que captivo Nebuc- 

hadnes.ir 



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78 ESPERANCA 

fiadnesar Rey de Babel a Babilonia, Vesse 
luego que solamente algunos de le- 
huda y Binyamin , bolvieron; El 
mismo Ezras , escribe también en 
el primero del Paralipomenon cap. 
5. verso vltímo, que Salmanasar los lle- 
vó captivos a Halah Habor, Harah, y 
rio de Gozan , hasta el dia el este : luego 
en su tiempo aun no avian buelto. 
losepho dize lo proprio en el lib. II. 
cap. 5. de sus Antigüedades. 

XLVI Objectara contra esto ya pu- 
ede ser alguno, que si Media y Persia 
juntan sus limites con Babilonia , co- 
mo no bolvieron a lerusalem, assi co" 
mo bolvieron los otros dos Tribus de la 
misma Babilonia? A lo que respondo, 
que si destos no boluieron sino un 
numero muy pequeño , estando aun 
mas cerca , o por que estavan ya array- 
gados en Babilonia , con casas , y here- 
dades, o por que sabian de los Prophe- 
tas , que aquella no era redención 
perfecta, y que la total, y eterna auia 
de ser en el fin de los dias; como aquel- 
los que estavan mas lexos, y que sabian 

lo 



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De ISRAEL 79 

lo mismo, querrían priuarse de su quie- 
tud , para provar nuevos caminos y 
calamidades ? Quanto mas , que no 
consta, que el Rey Cyro diesse licencia 
mas que a los dos Tribus, leuda y 
Binyamin. Vltra desto, ellos hizieron 
un viage tan prolongado, si damos 
crédito al quarto de Ezras, que ape- 
nas podrían tener noticia desta re- 
dención. Y es de creer (como dizen 
algunos authores) que entre ellos y sus 
vezinos ay guerras ordinarias , con 
que se les impide el passo. 

§. xin. 

XLVII. Según lo que hasta ago- 
ra avemos escrito, los avemos colo- 
cado , en las Indias Occidentales ; en 
la China, en los confines de Tartaria; 
de la otra parte del rio Sabation; y del 
Euphrates en la Media ; y en la Ethi- 
opia confines de los Abissines. De 
todos pues estos lugares parece que 
habla el Propheta Esayas cap. ii 
donde tratando de la venida del Mes- 
sias, dize, y sera en ^l dia el esse, aña- 

dir 



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8o Esperanza 

dirá el Señor segunda ve zapara adquerir 
al resto de su pueblo, que restará de Assiria^ 
y de Egipto y y de Patros y de Ethiopia, y 
Elam , y de Sinhar, y Hamat, y de las is- 
las del Occidente. 

Asyria, y Egipto, son las dos Provinci- 
as donde todos los doze tribos , se jun- 
taran , en el tiempo de la redención, 
futura , de que a delante hablaremos. 

Dlins Patros , no es Pelusta , ni Petra, 
mas Parthia , vicina del mar Caspio, 
donde con el parecer de muchos , de- 
zimos , que está el rio Sabático. Su- 
puesto que otra Patros ay en el reyno 
de Egipto, como bien observa el. Se- 
muel Bochardo , en su Geograp. Sacra. 

tt^lD Cus, Conforme, a la opinión 
común, es Ethiopia, como consta del 
cap. 13. verso 23, de leremias. Y segua 
esto aqui señala Esayas , los tribos que 
constituimos en el reyno de los A- 
bissines. 

üH^y Helam , es Provincia en Persia, 
de la otra parte del rio Euphrates, 
como consta del verso 2. cap. 8, de 
Daniel; donde ay inacessibles desier- 
tos 



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De ISRAEL 8l 

tos, y cerranias donde pueden estar 
ocultos. 

15r:^ sitihary Es provincia cerca Ba- 
bilonia, como se puede ver en el cap. 
10. verso lo. del Génesis, donde se di- 
ze, que Babel era en tierra de sinhar: 
y en Daniel i, verso 2, se narra, que Ne- 
buchadnesar llevó los vasos del sacro 
Templo, a la tierra de Sinhar. 

nan Hamat^ En muchos lugares, 
se haze en las divinas letras, mension 
de Hamat. La paraphrases Chaldea 
dize, ser Antiochia, y lo mismo sien- 
ten diversos expositores. Mas como 
aya diversas Hamat, y al mismo passo 
los geographos, hagan mension de 12, 
Antiochias fabricadas por varios 
principes, difficilmente se puede af- 
lirmar, de qual dellas hable aqui el 
Propheta. Lo que yo conjecturo, es, 
que señala la Antiochia Asyatica, en 
Tartaria: y que aqui se comprenden 
los que están en aquellas partes. La 
versión que llaman de los 70 Jnter- 
pretes, por Hamat y translada, del Orien- 
te', y d^ m\ ver, no vá fuera del pro- 
F I pósito. 



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82 Esperanza 

pósito: por que nan Hatnat, puede 
ser lo mismo que nan hatná^ Sol^ o Ori- 
ente, y según esto aqui se incluen to- 
dos los que están al Oriente de la tier- 
ra Santa, en la Asya mayor, India, y 
China. 

DM "K Hiye a yam. Islas del mar , in- 
terpretan algunos : pero a mi ver, con 
mas propriedad, se deve romancear, 
Islas del Occidente: por que D^ signi- 
fica en toda la sagrada Scríptura, quan- 
do se trata de las 4, partes del mundo, 
la Occidental : como se puede ver en el 
Génesis, cap. 28, 14, y otros varios lu- 
gares. Y assi se incluen todos los Is- 
raelitas que en respecto de tierra santa 
están para el Occidente, entre los qua- 
les, se comprenden los Americanos. 

XLVIII. Sigue pues el Propheta di- 
ziendo \y alsara pendón a las gentes ^ y apa- 
ñara los etnpuxados de Israel^ y los espar- 
zidos de lehuda, congregara de las quatro 
partes de la tierra: donde se debe notar, 
que a los Israelitas llama D^mj (nidahim) 
etnpuxados, y a los de lehuda D>yi)D: 
(nephussim) espar zidos: y la razón del- 

lo 



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lo, es, por que los diez Tribus habitan 
iK^íÍoiamiá&te£muf)9 texaEdqd^il^bUil9it% 
sáix0t9, iQ^a^olaúníaettd qiG^htniíeiteu^rte 
que ^stEOi^ivíuqi £il£faÉqr£Í2^tíen^4^^^' 
páirtcss m^sB nsanotaq dbriGáqudl^rx^On 
n|ÍQ|cks^bpgülQufeík dé geñtíkidqBina^ a^í 
sej^alUdqQe h^áütemitíndla -EqropacSidÉissir 
qóei Qbl«n^te3:ri<Bq aohfabujtEibQsq o^bSB 
áei«atn¿QJDsq£p(b ntock>{sad[ oí3iobixiíf>,ots/[ 

Itis^^^pfíiaará^de^iai qxiátndqpá^ess^ ^ ki 

ifag&gas<wi ia;fAilíeÍK»J^\ -iV^ ^Q.'\^^ ^ ,viwv5 
to(|CLdKQl£bsttigde ebBns^tar^ eat^aq'úe^ 
}fíl^mfi¡¿^^ei^íaiU¡^dn¿a, ímüáüeq denenü^ 
leuda y Eptasü^^ psb^ qoe^e anta ma^ - 
átóbofdisa^^nttóa3la$3 depldiudá yvllos 
AeJílcíFraftiSt 2ci|yQ ejpcáriércBí^BfejfDileib" 
is^^iitp, Biudujdeko^ribo áS> Ephraíniq^tte 
t^d^l déduq(nddciiotxdíiis>ii4^ ^^enm- 
WSS^ (@dn$^ áii^ Gs^kielriéil e)80. r57>) 

fiXirfSijqtiaflfd áiíll|ítéd«áeíoilí,iíí*te^,qqteíJ|!l 
Señor, al modo de lo qué hizo en la 
¿/¡¿•uj jr 2 salida 



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84 Esperanza 

salida de Egipto en el mar Roxo, hará 
en aquel tiempo en el Nilo, por que lo 
decará, y el Euphrates partirá en 7 ar- 
rojos, por donde passaran a píe enxuto 
los 7. captiuerios de Assiria, de Egip- 
to &c. o por ventura siete Tribus que 
están por aquellas partes, y es lo mis- 
mo que dize Esayas en el cap. 27. y será 
en eldia el esse sacudir a el Dio de ¡acorrien- 
te del rio, Euphrates , hasta el rio de Egip- 
to (Nilo) y vos seréis congregados vno a 
vnOf o hijos de Israel, lo que no se cum- 
plió en la redención de Babilonia, por 
que no passaron, ni por el Nilo, ni 
• por otro alguno de Ethiopia. 

L. Y lo que en estos versos dize 
el Propheta Esayas, que Dios volverá 
segunda vez &c. es, por que la reden- 
ción de Babilonia, no se puede llamar 
con este titulo : por que no se congre- 
garon todos los 12. Tribos a la patria, 
mas la futura sera uniuersal a todos, 
como fue en la salida de Egipto, a la 
qual parecerá esta vltima en muchas 

cosas 



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Dé ISkAEL 85 

cosas, como mostramos en la 3. par- 
te de nuestro Conciliador: y assi la re- 
dención, futura se llama segunda, en res- 
pectó de la salida de Egipto : por cuya 
razón dice Jermias, que en aquel tiem- 
po no se dirá mas, uivo el Señor que hi- 
zo subir a hijos de Israel de Egipto, si- 
no que los hizo subir del Septentrión y 
de todos los lugares donde los empu- 
xó. Donde se ve, que no haze caso de la 
salida de Babilonia, por la razón ya dicha. 
LI El mismo Propheta en el cap. 
41. 5. recupila en otra forma, esta ge- 
neral reducción, diziendo. No temas 
que contigo yo i del Oriente traeré tu simien- 
te^ y del Occidente te apañaré ^ diré al Sep- 
tentrión^ dá^y alMeridion, no vedes ^ ttaé 
mis hijos de lexoSy y mis hijas del cabo de 
la tierra, donde la Media, Persia, India, 
y China están al Oriente de la Tierra 
santa : la Tartaria , o Scythia Asyati- 
ca, al Septentrión; la Abasia, al Me- 
ridion ; Europa, al Occidente. Trae 
mis hijos de lexos, es de la Ame- 
rica , o Indias Occidentales : y des- 
ta suerte en estos dos versos, se seña- 
F 3 lan 



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86 Esperanza 

lan, todos los lugares donde los Tri- 
bos están dilatados. En el cap. 49. con- 
secutivamente, con suma felicidad, al- 
lanados y facilitados los caminos , se 
pregona la misma reducción : y en el 
cap. 56. dicho del Señor Dio, el que congre- 
ga los empuxados de Israel, leremias fue 
por el consiguiente insigne albriciador 
desta felicidad. En el cap^ 23 En sus dias 
. del MessicBs (dice) sera salvo lehuda^ y Is- 
,rael morará seguramente ; y no ay duda 
.qcgun el general consentimiento de to- 
.^s los expositores , y aun de Jerónimo, 
^quei\quando se nombra Israel, con le- 
-bv^r». se entiende , por los diez Tri- 

v:^ JUIJiVpiies en el cap. 31. consuela a 
'^atetí) ^A? Uora por sus hijos loseph y 
^Binyan^in captivos, el uno por Salma- 
ifm^ %As§íri§, y el otro por Nebuchad- 
.ftg^i?^a¿g?it^9nia; Veda (dize) o Rabel 
-í^M-f.^f ¿fe^í A^ ^j^^ ^^ lagrimas, que ay 
-jp^r^fnio^ iM'^br:^^ dicho de. A, y tomaran los 
'éijf^ ^.^^iiP^^ y..^^ esta conformidad: 
.d^el^ap*^J^if^y;^^^/<c?r;í¿^r^'/^^//^Wr/i; 
á^^J^d^^ii^f^^PfiVfr^pdelsrael.yediffi' 
nj;í '\ ;r carloshc 



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De ISRAEL 87 

Carlos he como en el principio, Ezekiel a- 
ffirma lo mismo en el cap. 34. 13, y en 
37. 16. debaxo de la figura de los dos 
palos con los nombres de lehuda y E- 
phrim, muestra, el ayuntamiento de 
los 12. Tribus, y que será debaxo de u- 
na sola cabega, que es el Messiah hijo 
de Dauid, diziendo: j un Pastor sera a todos 
ellos. Amos testifica lo mismo en sus 
vltimos versos: y volveré la tornanza de 
mi pueblo Israel^ y edifficaran ciudades 
dessoladas y y estaran y plantaran viñas ^ y 
beueran sus vinos ^ y harán huertos ^ y come- 
rán sus frutas^ y plantar loshe sobre su tier- 
ra^y no serán arrancados mas de sobre su 
tierra^ que di a ellos dixo el Señor tu D, Mi- 
cheas prophetiza lo proprio en el c. 2. 
1 2 apañar apañaré lahacob todo tu^ y esto 
dize, por que del captiuerio de Babilo- 
nia, no fueron apañados todos. Zachari- 
as sigue lo mismo en el cap. 8. 7. y en el 
10. 6. y todos los demás Prophetas. 

§. XIV. 
Lili. El modo desta reducción es 

F 4 con todo 



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88 Esperanza 

con todo oculta a todos, mas lo que se 
puede colegir de los Prophetas, es, que 
en el tiempo de la futura redención, 
los ID. Tribus vendrán a la Tierra San- 
cta acaudillados por un principe y cau- 
dillo, que los sabios antiguos llaman 
en el Talmud, y Paraphrases Chal- 
daica, en algunos lugares, Messias hijo 
de loseph; y en otros, hijo de Eph- 
raim : el qual siendo muerto en la vl- 
tima guerra de Gog y Magog , se des- 
cubrirá el Messias hijo de Dauid , el 
qual (como dize Ezekiel, y Oseas) 
quedara por principe eterno, sobre to- 
dos los 12. Tribus. 

LIV Deste Messiah ben Ephraim, 
hazen mension los Antigos en mu- 
chos lugares, y particularmente en el 
Talmud Babilónico, tratado de Suca 
cap. 5. Dizen que ha de morir en aquel- 
la vltima guerra de Gog y Magog, y 
del entienden aquel texto de Zecha- 
riascap. \2, y miraran ami por el que alan- 
searon^y lloraran por el, como se stiele llo- 
rar por la muerte de vn hijo vnigenito. Di- 
zen assi mismo, que los 4. maestros 

de 



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De ISRAEL S9 

de que habla ese mismo propheta en el 
cap. 2. son el Messiah ben Dauid, el 
Messiah ben loseph, Eliahu prophe- 
ta , y el Sumo sacerdote , que son todas 
las dignidades que an de hostentar su 
grandeza , en aquel siglo felice. 

LV Y es de advertir, que unas ve- 
zes le llaman Messiah ben Ephraim, 
otras, Messiah ben loseph. Ben Eph- 
raim , por que nacerá de aquel tribo , y 
juntamente acaudillara los diez, 
que en razón del primer Rey lerobo- 
han, que fue deste Tribo, se intitulan 
en las divinias letras, con este nombre 
de Ephraim. Ben loseph, no solo en 
razón de su primer origen , mas por que 
loseph fue verdadero Tipus de la casa 
de Israel, en su prisión, y ultima felici- 
dad, y en estar tanto tiempo oculto a 
sus hermanos sin saberse nuevas del, 
como agora están ocultos los diez tri- 
bos , los quales se llaman , presos , y su- 
birán a grandeza , como subió loseph. 

LVI Este pues Messiah ben loseph, 

es el que morirá en aquella guerra de 

Gog y Magog, y después sera resucita- 

F 5 do 



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90 Esperanza 

do para lograr su grandeza , no de Rey, 
mas de vix Rey, como loseph en Egito 
Por que el imperio de la casa de Israel 
como dize Hamos en el cap. 5. cayo 
(en tiempo de Ossea hijo de Ela, vltimo 
rey de los 10. tribos) y no añadirá a ale- 
uantarse virgen de Israel: por que sobre to- 
dos los 12. Tribus juntos, como dize 
lehazkel c. 37, reynará el Messiah hijo 
de Dauid , su legitimo y primero señor, 
y con su muerte se desengañaran los 
diez Tribos, reconociendo la volun- 
tad del Señor, que es, aya solamente 
vna cabega, y principe, como dantes 
era. 

§XV 
LVII Estos Tribos pues se 3a*an re- 
cogiendo de todas las partes del mun- 
do, a dos prouincias, Assyria, y Egipto, 
las mas próximas a la tierra Santa : y 
de alli bolaran a la patria. Destas dos 
provincias, haze mension el propheta 
Esayas en el capitulo 27, diziendo, Y sera 
en aquel dia sera tañido con Sophar 
grande, y vendrán los perdidos, en tier- 
ra de Assiria, y los empuxados , en tier- 



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De israe;. 91 

ra de Egipto, y encorvarsean al Señor 
en monte de la santidad , en lerusalaim, 
como se dixesse , del mismo modo que se 
suele tañer cometas para juntar el exer- 
cito, assi se juntaran los perdidos que 
son los que están por toda la Asia 
dilatados, en la prouincia de Assiria, y 
los empuxados, que están en la Ame- 
rica, por el mar Meditarraneo vendrán 
a Alexandria de Egipto , como también 
los que están en la África, en cuyo 
tiempo se ha de secar el rio Nilo , y par- 
tirse el Euphrates, como tengo dicho. 
Y por que de los que están en la A- 
merica, ha de empegar el apañamiento 
y congregación de los captiverios, di- 
ze Esahias , que a mi Islas esperaran y 
nauios de Tarsis (mar Océano) en el 
principio, para traer tus hijos de lexos, 
su plata y su oro (de que grandemen- 
te abundan) con ellos, por nombre 
de .A. tu Dio &c. Después destas dos 
provinciab, bolaran con velocissima y 
prospera viage , a encorvarse al monte 
del Señor, a lerusalaim, como dize 
Osseas tratando desta misma redenci- 
ón 



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92 ÉSPÉRAÑgA 

on, esmoversean como passara, de E- 
gipto, y como paloma, de Assiria. phra- 
se con que Esahias significa esta velo- 
cidad. Quien estos (dize) como nuve 
huelan , y como palomas , a sus nidos? 
Donde los que llegaren primero, ten- 
drán este particular contento, de ver 
hir llegando por momento otros. Al- 
sa (dize el Propheta) alrededor tus ojos 
y ve, todos ellos fueron congregados 
a ti , vinieron a ti. 

LVIII. Y por que estas dos provin- 
cias, Assiria, y Egipto, an de ser aquel- 
las que benignamente recogerán en 
si el pueblo de Israel, y reconocer, pri- 
mero la verdad, entrando de todas 
las naciones primeramente en el gre- 
mio, sacrificando y orando al Señor, 
diz eeste Propheta en el cap. 19, verso 
vltimo, que lo bendixo el Señor di- 
ciendo, bendito mi pueblo Egipto, y 
obra de mis manos, Assiria, y mi here- 
dad, Israel. Y esta es la real, y verda- 
dera inteligencia destos versos. 
§. XVI. 

LIX. Palabras son todas estas muy 

noble 



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De ISRAEL 93 

noble señor, de los santos Prpphetas 
de todas las cuales consta la restaura- 
ción del pueblo de Israel , y reducción 
a la patria. Saber agora, quando ha de 
ser esta restauración, no fue a ningu- 
no concedido, ni a R. Simhon ben 
lohay, author del Zoar, se le reveló: 
por que este misterio reservó el Dio 
para si, como dize Moseh, Decierto 
esto oculto contigo y y Esahias cap 63. Que 
dia de venganza en mi corazón^ y año en 
que mi redención vino: donde' los anti- 
gos sabios, rrwn ^dnSdH >n^Sa uSH 
^n^S^ kH a mi corazón lo reuelé,, mas 
a los Angeles y no. Fen otro lugar, si al- 
gún hombre te dixere , quando vendrá el 
MessiaSy no lo creas. Por que como 
dize el ángel a Daniel, cerradas y sel- 
ladas las cosas hasta el tiempo del fin. Por 
cuya causa, todos aquellos que pre- 
tendieron investigar este fin, como 
fueron R. Sehadiah, R. Moseh de 
Egipto, R. Moseh gerundense , R. Le- 
vi ben Gérson, R. Selomoh, R. Ab- 
raham Bar. R. Hiya, R. Abraham Za- 
cuto, R. Mordechay Reato, y don Is- 



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94 Esperanza 

hak Abarbanel erraron: por que qui- 
sieron exceder la capacidad humana, 
y revelar aqudlo que el altissimo Se- 
ñor, ocultó; y que aun al mismo 
Daniel, que entre tanta mudanga de 
imperios, descubrió también este se>* 
creto, se lo dixo en forma que eKfilfel 
prio confessó, no le aver'^%ntííid¡aí(j 
Y esto se significa segftff'9ílies<?os^"Sfl 
bios en aquella D4tít'»^^gíÍ^dá^^aé! "éíO 
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■á /»feí5í¿>«9í«^aMHÍ?%gM24Íly smi-k 



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De ISRAEL 95 

encerrados en prisión^ y después de muchos 
dios setan visitados, y en el cap. 49. 13, 
y dixo Ciony dexome A, y. A, me olvidó. O- 
seas en el cap. 3 . Mtichos dias estaran hijos 
de Israel sin rey^ y sin principe &c, y des- 
pués buscaran a, A. y a David su rey, Y 
desta dilación resultan aquellas tan re- 
petidas quexas del real Psalmista en 
los Psalmos 44, 69, 74, yj, 83. y final- 
mente entre otros muchos lugares, 
aquel vehemente sentimiento, con 
palabras tan rigurosas que usa en el 
Psalmo 89. acabándole. Recuérdate 
Señor del repudio de tus siervos^ del sopor- 
tar en mi seno la ignominia de tantos pue- 
blos, que repudiaron tus enemigos. A, que 
repudiaron lospassos de tu vngido, dizien- 
de, si fuera manco, por buena razón 
uviera ya llegado. 

§. XVII. '^ nsivü 

-wtíxj oboJ 13a 

LXI. Pero avn -'2^q nef^n^afleofiiS 
señalar pontttáliftótl^"« «QSffiplí ^ 
nuestra «'fbdfeWflSnf-' ^S^SSÍ» ^ «p! 
está '^j« 8¿td??«'^' '^Wn-^nftl^^'tíi 
'^^ * na« 



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96 Esperanza 

ñas Prophecias ya del todo cumpli- 
das, y que otras que sirven de prepa- 
ración para la misma redención, se van 
en la misma conformidad cumplien- 
do. Consta esto, por que por el dis- 
curso deste prolixo captiverio, nos es- 
tan prophetizadas immensas calami- 
dades debaxo de las cuatro Monar- 
chias. David dize. Señor, guando yo 
hablo para paz y ellos para guerra. Por ti 
somos martirizados cada dia somos conta- 
dos como ovejas al degolladero, Esahias 
en el cap. 53, como carnero al degolladero 
es llevado^ y como ovejas delante sus 
transquiladores, O como se exprimen- 
tó bien esto en los desterros de Jngla- 
terra, Francia, y Espcifia, o como se 
echó de ver, ser el mayor crimen que 
contra si tenian, no las culpas que no 
avian cometido, mas lá hacienda que 
avian adquerido: y como se vio bien, 
ser todo guiado por divina providen- 
cia, quando pareciendo caso, llegauan 
los tiempos señalados de sus destier- 
ros, a cumplirse en aquel dia para el 
pueblo siempre infausto, de 9. del mez 

Ab 



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De ISRAEL 97 

Ad , en que se abrasó el primero y se- 
gundo Templo, y dia en que sin cau- 
sa, lloraron los exploradores 

LXII. Pues que diremos, de aquel 
monstro horrendo de la jnquisicion 
de España? que tiranías no vsa cada 
dia, con los pobres inocentes, viejos, 
mogos, y toda edad y sexo, quitán- 
doles muchas veces la vida, por dimi- 
nutos, y no acertar con el testigo, ó 
maldad increyble, y crueldad inhu- 
mana. Mas veasse, por que? por que- 
rer guardar la Ley de Moseh, dada con 
tantos portentos. Por esto son innu- 
merables personas muertas, en todos 
los lugares donde se dilata su tiránico 
imperio , y dominio : y entre tantos 
se ven cada dia exemplos de grandis- 
sima constancia , para mayor confu- 
sión suya, dexandose abrasar vivos, 
por el santificamiento del nombre 
del Señor bendito. 

LXIII Testigos son de lo que di- 
go, muchos de los que aun oy viuen. 

En el año de 1603. en mi patria 

Lixboa, fue quemado vivo frey Dio- 

G go 



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98 Esperanza 

go da Asungao, fraile religioso, y do- 
ctíssimo , de edad de 24 años, cuya 
sentencia y artículos que en la inqui- 
sición, sostente, contra muchos (que 
por ser de nacimiento christiano , pro- 
curaron reduzirle , ) tengo en mi po- 
der. Assombró aquello el mundo , y 
los Jnquisidores arrependidos de pu- 
blicar las conclusiones que mante- 
nía, mandaron recoger la sentencia, 
pero fue tarde, que estava ya divul- 
gada por todo el mundo. 

LXIV. Que encomios avra jun- 
tamente que igualen a los méritos y 
Martirio de don Lope de Vera y Alar- 
con? Era noble, de casa illustre en Es- 
paña, doctissimo en las letras Hebre- 
as, y Latinas. Abraga nuestra religi- 
ón, y no contento consigo, comu- 
nica este bien a muchos, que el bien 
es tanto mayor, cuanto mas comu- 
nicado. Préndenle en Valladolid año 
1644. y a los 20. suyos, breve edad pa- 
ra tan largo ingenio: pero alli entre 
aquella escuridad de la prisión, em- 
piega a dar luz a muchos. Grande 

era 



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De ISRAEL 99 

era el concurso de los letrados, gran- 
de la aflicion de los padres, pero ni 
los genitores , ni las promessas de las 
vanas glorias, bastaron a moverle un 
punto de su proposito. Circuncidasse 
dentro a si mismo, hazaña milagrosa; 
Uamasse lehuda creyente, y desde a- 
quel punto, no se firma mas de otro 
nombre. Llega el dia felice de su glo- 
ria a 25. de lulho, y como otro Ishak, 
álacre, y con animo alegre e inven- 
sible, se ofrece al fuego, despreciando 
de 25. años, vida, hazienda, y honra, 
por aquella vida immortal , bienes 
estables, y fama sempiterna. 

LXV. Pues si estos que no fue- 
ron de sangre Jsraelita, supieron a 
costa de sus vidas, grangearse gloria, 
y trocar esta por otra mejor vida, no 
menos zelo an tenido los nuestros. 
Muchos exemplos se an visto, y en . 
nuestros dias, no es bien que quede 
en silencio su memoria. Ishak de 
Castro tartas , conocido nuestro , y 
harto inteligente en las letras Griegas 
y Latinas, no se por que furtuna, pas- 
G 2 sando 



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loo Esperanza 

sando daqui a Pemabuco, siendo al- 
lí captivo de los Portuguezes, fue 
lo mismo que cercado de lobos car- 
niceros. Embianle a Lixboa , don- 
de tiránicamente preso, de edad de 
24. años, es quemado vivo, no por 
alguna traición que hiciesse, que a 
ley de soldado, estava obligado a de- 
fender su plassa, como hazen los 
nuestros en aquella provincia, don- 
de por su fidelidad, les encargan los 
mas importantes puestos ; mas qui- 
en tal imaginara? por que dixo, que 
no queria creer, mas que en vn so- 
lo Dios, de Israel, que avia criado 
el cielo, y la tierra. A las mismas 
llamas se entregó en Lima en 23 de 
Enero , año 1639 , Eli Nazareno, 
después de 14 años de prisión, en to- 
dos los quales, ni comió carne, ni 
quiso immundar su boca, aviendo- 
se el mismo circuncidado dentro, y 
dado este nombre. Y este año en Mé- 
xico, Thomas Terbiño, celebró con 
grande constancia su Martirio. 
Pues si el Señor bendito cumplió 



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De ISRAEL 101 

su palabra en el mal, la cumplirá sin 
duda en el bien : y por esto R. Aquiba, 
quando vio salir vn raposo del Tem- 
plo destruydo, al mismo tiempo que 
sus compañeros empegaron a llorar, 
el empegó a reyr, diziendo, que de 
ver aquella prophecia de leremias, 
raposas andarán por el y cumplida, to- 
mava indicación, de que se cumpli- 
rían también los bienes que el Señor 
les avia prometido. Vemos pues, to- 
das las maldiciones del Levitico y 
Deuteronomio , al pie de la letra 
cumplidas , tanto las de nuestro es- 
parzimiento en los fines de la tierra 
que es, Portugal; como la de nuestras 
calamidades, padecidas por la Inqui- 
sición, y en tantos destierros, como 
tengo mostrado en mi libro de Termino 
vitce, siguesse que brevemente se empega- 
ron también a cumplir todas las que pro- 
nostican nuestros bienes : y que assi como 
llegó a eñeto nuestra rohina , llegara la 
de Bosra Roma, del ca. 34, de lescihias. 
§. XVIII. 
LXVI. Otra razón , y para nos- 
otros 



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tó¿ EsPEkANgA 

otros de grande fundamento, es Vef 
nuestra perseverancia entre tantos 
males, y assi juzgamos, que para gran- 
des bienes nos tiene el Señor guarda- 
do. Moseh dize en el fin de las mal- 
diciones. Y también en su ser en tierra de 
sus enemigos^ no los aborreció ni deseché 
para acabarlos, para anular ntifirmamen- 
to con ellos , que yo ,A, su Dio, Esto vemos 
cumplido: por que estando en capti- 
verio, y con el oprobio de ludios, lle- 
gan muchos de los nuestros a hazerse 
grande lugar entre Principes, y a ser 
dellos tratados com summa afficion. 
Y dexando aparte el opulento estado, 
que gozaron en España, Portugal y 
Jnglaterra, y las muchas riquezas que 
adquirieron en estos Reynos, los 
Señores Abarbaneles, darán testimo- 
nio desto, por la entrada, reputación, 
y authoridad que conservaron en los 
palacios reales en España. En casa 
del señor Semuel Abarbanel, y la se- 
ñora Benvenida, dignissima consorte 
suya, se crió en Ñapóles, doña Leo- 
nor de Toledo, hija de Don Pedro de 

Toledo, 



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1)E ÍSRAÉL IÓ3 

Toledo, siendo alli Vjxrey, y quan 
do después casó con el serenissimo Du- 
que Cosmo de Mediéis , y vino a ser 
gran duquesa de Toscana, la venera- 
va siempre como madre. En quan- 
ta estimación vivió entre varios Prin- 
cipes de Italia, Abraham Colorni, con- 
sta de aquella Epístola que le dirigió 
Thomas Garzoni, en la su Piazza 
vniversal del mondo. Vivieron por el 
consiguiente con gran reputación di- 
versas casatas debaxo del imperio de 
la casa Otomana. El señor lahacob 
Aben Jaes fue Governador de^ Teba- 
rycih. Los Benjaeses, Sosinos, Anacau- 
as, y otros señores, an tenido siem- 
pre grande entrada con los grandes. 

En Egipto fueron siempre Xaraf 
baxis, ludios, que es poco menos 
que Governadores de todo aquel 
reyno, y oy lo es, el señor Abraham 
Alhulu. La vltima paz que estableció 
Sultán selim oy haze 75. años con los 
Venecianos, fue por medio del señor 
don Selomoh Rophe , que vino por 
Embaxador a Venecia, con la ma- 
G 4 yor 



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104 ESPERANCA 

yor pompa y acompañamiento que 
jamas se vido. Pues que grandeza 
se puede comparar a la que tuvo el se- 
ñor don loseph Nassi, ha circa de lOO. 
años, quien no sabe, que fue Du- 
que de Naccia, señor de Milo, y de 
las siete islas. Del hace mension Fa- 
miano estrada, en el libro de bello 
Bélgico. En Berberia los señores Ru- 
tes fueron siempre Xeques de Fes, y 
Taradante. En el año 609. en nue- 
stros tiempos, el señor Semuel pala- 
xe, fue embiado por Embaxador del 
rey MuUay sidan, a los señores Esta- 
dos Generales : y falleciendo después 
en la Aya, en el de 616. fue acompa- 
ñado de su Excelencia el principe 
Mauricio, y toda la de mas nobleza. 
En el grande reyno de la Persia, fue 
a pocos años Vesir, el señor Elhazar. 
Vn hermano suyo llamado lahacob 
huja, oy hace 34. años que vino a 
Halepo con 70 gamellos cargados de 
seda, y después fue á lerusalaim a 
hazer Aziara, y alli hizo muchas 
limosnas. Goza quasi la misma digni- 
dad 



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De ISRAEL 105 

dad oy el señor Dauid lan. Y están 
en tanta estimación , que aviendo en- 
el año de 635, embiado el Serenissimo 
y celsissimo principe Friderico Du- 
que de Holsatia &c. el Embaxador 
Hotto Bruchmano, C9n Epistolas 
recomendatorias, para que le intro- 
duxessen al Rey, si le fuesse necessa- 
rio algún fauor, ellos con suma affi- 
cion lo recibieron, y hizieron do- 
natinos, respondiendo al Principe, 
firmándose en la carta doze, con titu- 
lo de HujUy que entre ellos , es lo mis- 
mo, que Señores, Las copias destas 
cartas , me comunicó el muy do- 
cto señor, doctor Binyamin Musa- 
phia. Pero lo que mas admira, es 
ver , que aun en la India , han dilatado 
sus Colonias , donde Dureto en- 
el Thesoro de las lenguas que escri- 
vio en Francés, hoja 302. dize , que 
tienen en el Rey de Cochin grandi- 
simo fautor. loan Hugues Lins- 
chot en el capitulo. 44. del libro que 
escrivio de la India Oriental , dize, 
que tienen sus Synagogas , y que algunos 
G 5 eran 



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loó ESPERANZA 

eran admetidos en el consejo del Rey* 
Tuvo por el consiguiente en Praga» 
Mordochay Maizel , las armas del 
Emperador Mathias , y fue criado por 
el cavallero: y de la misma dignidad, 
gozó después Jahacob Bat seba, en 
tiempo del Emperador Ferdinando: 
y otras muchissimas casas , gozaron de 
inestimables favores : por que a un 
en este captiverio, quien tal imagi- 
nara, crecen en tantas facultades, 
que con ellas se grangean plassa entre 
los mejores , providencia particular 
divina. 

LXVII. Pues que diré de aquellos 
que por las letras vinieron a montar, 
y hazerse reputados. Muchos an si- 
do, Medico de Saladino rey de E- 
gipto, fue el grande R. Mosseh bar 
Maymon. De Sultán Bayasit , Mosseh 
Amon, de la serenissima Reyna Me- 
dicea de Francia, Elias Montalto, 
dignissimo consejero suyo. Lehia Philo- 
sophia, Elias Cretenses en Padova, 
y R. Abraham de Balmas, la grama- 
tica Hebrea. Fue muy estimado en 

Roma 



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t)E ÍSRAÉL 107 

Roma , Elias Gramático , y David de 
Pomis , del Papa Sixto .v. al qual dedicó 
su obra. 

Pico Mirandulano , maestros tu- 
vo Hebreos, confessarxdo ser de estre- 
cha capacidad, contenerse solamente 
en las cosas de su propria familia : y 
avn otros muchos , vemos cada dia 
que con intimo desseo , se informan 
de todas nuestras cosas, y aprenden de 
los nuestros las sciencias Hebreas, de 
que carecen. Luego bien se ve, que 
no nos ha dexado el Señor, ni desam- 
parado, antes si de vnos somos per- 
seguidos , de otros que mejor entien- 
den, somos favorecidos y honrados. 
Y jamas les ha faltado (como pro- 
phetizo Jahacob) al pueblo de Israel, 
vn báculo y arrimo en sus adversida- 
des: por que quando un principe les a- 
gravia , otro los favorece : quando u- 
no les echa de sus tierras, otros les 
combidan con las suyas , con mil pre- 
rogativas , como hizieron diversos 
príncipes de Italia ; el serenissimo 
Rey de Dania; y agora al presente 

su 



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io8 Esperanza 

su Alteza el Duque de Saboya , como 
aquellos que por largas experiencias co- 
nocen, que todas las tierras donde ha- 
bitan Israelitas, florecen luego en 
negoceos, y son grandemente aumen- 
tadas. 

LXVin Finalmente, Moseh dize 
en el vltimo canto, que el Señor ha de 
vengar la sangre de su pueblo derra- 
mado, y por Jeremías, capitulo 2. San- 
tidad Israel a .A. principio de su renuevo y 
todos sus comientes serán culpados , mal 
vendrá a ellos, dicho de ,A. Esto se ha 
bien exprimentado , desde Nebuchad- 
nesar hasta el tiempo presente. Que es- 
tabilidad tuvieron las Monarchias 
dessos grandes monarchas? veasse 
después la infelix muerte de Antio- 
cho, de Pompeo, de Sisibuto, de Pheli- 
pe Rey de Francia, de Alonso hijo de 
don loan segundo, y como a la quar- 
ta generación , recibieron su pena, 
quando el rey don Sebastian, con to- 
da la flor del Reyno, pereció en a- 
quella batalla de África, en aquel mis- 
mo Alcagar donde mandó echar a 

los 



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De ISRAEL 109 

los aflitos Hebreos : y aun a otros 
Reynos castigó Dios con pestilenci- 
as, e imemensas calamidades. Grandes 
perseguidores fueron nuestros, Fer- 
nando y Izabella. Veasse el fin que 
tuvieron , ella muriendo como mu- 
rio, el perseguido de su yerno, y de 
sus mismos vasallos. El- hijo único 
que tuvo, desposado de 17. años, en- 
el primero de sus bodas, malogrado, 
sin quedarle generación : la hija en 
que librava las esperanzas de sucessi- 
on, la que heredó el rey no, y el o- 
dio, pues no quiso casar con el rey 
Himanuel , sin que nos desterrasse , o 
forgasse a su religión, de parto murió 
en Saragoga: y el hijo que deste parto 
nació, en que tenian puesto sus espe- 
rangas los del rey no de Castilla, Aragón, 
y Portugal, de 18. meses, murió, 
conque se extinguió de todo la sucessi- 
on Española , • por linea masculina. 
Llegan a Mantua los Españoles en 
nuestros tiempos , quien ignora , las 
tiranías que con los nuestros vsa- 
ron? Quien no tiene noticia del 

Auto 



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no Esperanza 

Auto hecho en Madrid, el año. 32. 
asistido de los Reyes y Infantes : ve- 
asse el castigo, en Carlos muerto el 
mismo mes, y como esta Monar- 
chia empegó a declinar por la po- 
sta. Pero todo esto mas largamen- 
te se vera, en mi historia, y conti- 
nuación dé Flauio losepho, hasta 
nuestros tiempos , si el Soberano Se- 
ñor, nos diere vida, y tiempo para 
acabarla. Concluyamos agora pues 
este punto, diziendo, que pues 
todo lo que los santos prophetas an 
hasta agora prophetizado, en nues- 
stro fauor y daño , se tiene al literal- 
cumplido , devemos estar con gran- 
dissimo aplauso, esperando por ho- 
ras, el bien futuro, y todo quanto el 
Señor nos tiene prometido : por que 
la palabra de nuestro Dio , se afirmara 
para siempre, 

§. XIX 

LXIX Hazese también provable 
la brevedad de nuestra Redención, por 

Ja 



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De ISRAEL til 

la promessa que el Señor tiene hecha 
de congregar los dos Tribos, lehuda y 
Binyamin, de las quatro partes de la 
tierra, llamándoles D^snSJ esparzidos, don- 
de se sigue que para tener esto cump- 
limiento, se an de esparzir primero en 
todas las 4. partes del mundo, como 
dize Daniel en el cap. 12. 7^ ysJ mSsDT 
tí7lp DXr y como acabarse de esparzir el 
lugar del pueblo santo ^ se contpliran todas 
estas, Y esto se ha agora cumplido, des- 
pués que en la America, se an instrui- 
do Synagógas. 

LXX luntemos a esto otro 
pensamiento, deste mismo Prophe- 
ta, donde en el citado capitulo dize, 
que llegándose el fin, discurrirán 
muchos, y se multiplicara el saber, 
por que entonces se entenderán me- 
jor las prophecias , de las quales diffi- 
cilmente se alcanga la verdadera in- 
teligencia, sino después de cum- 
plidas , o a lo menos quando se va 
con los sucessos alcansando me- 
jor, lo mas oculto dellas, como de- 
spués del imperio de la casa Oto- 
mana 



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112 ESPERANgA 

mana, acertamos mejor la expli- 
cación de las dos piernas de la Estatua 
de Nebuchadnesar derribada por la 
quinta y temporal Monarchia. Y de a- 
qui resulta el nuevo desseo de inqui- 
rir la verdad. Y assi después que el pro- 
pheta Irmiahu en el cap. 30. por orden 
va tratando la restituicion de Israel y 
leuda a la patria \ la guerra de Gog^ y 
Magog, de cuyo trabajo sera salvo la- 
hacob, (de que trata también Daniel 
cap. 12) el ceptro del Messiah ben Da- 
vid ; la destruicion de las gentes , la. re- 
dificacion de ludea, de la sacra ciudad 
de lerusalaim , y del tercero Templo 
de lehazkel, dize vltimamente, JVb se 
tornara el furor de la yra del Señor y hasta 
su hazer^ y hasta su affirmar los pen- 
samientos de su corazón , en el fin de 
los días , entender eys en ella, id est, en 
esta prophecía. Vesse luego que quando 
fueren muchos discurriendo destas cosas 
como oy, es señal que se va el tiempo a- 
cercando. Y por que en este capitulo, 
haze Jrmiahu un compendio de todo 
lo futuro, se dize en el principio del, 

que 



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De ISRAEL 113 

que el Señor mandó a Irmiahu, es- 
criuiesse todas aquellas palabras en li- 
bro , haciendo por esta via mayor la 
prophecia , y exortando a la inteligen- 
cia della, como aquella, que por un es- 
tilo muy claro y breuissimo, dize to- 
do lo que está contenido en todos los 
de mas Prophetas. A la imitación de 
Moseh , cuyas ultimas palabras , de a- 
quel vltimo Cántico suyo del Deut. 
capi. 32. fueron. Cantad gentes a su pueblo 
que sangre de sus siervos vengará &c. y 
las vltimas que habló después de a- 
uer dado la bendición a los Tribos, 
con que dio fin a la vida, fueron, (ibidem, 
c. 33) Bien aventurado de ti Israel^ quien 
como tu y pueblo saluo en .A. escudo d£ tu 
ayuda y y espada de tu lozania^ y desmintir- 
sean tus enemigos a ti y y tu sobre sus alta- 
res pisaras. Donde se colige, que algunos 
pondrán su esperanga en negarse de ene- 
migos : por que assi como según dize lo- 
el capitulo 4, No perdonará el Señor 
la sangre de Israel vertida ; assi serán sal- 
uos con ellos, aquellos que se negaren 
de enemigos, y les obligaren con su- 
H benignidad 



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114 Esperanza 

benignidad, y beneficios. Porque estos 
son los arboles del campo, que se alegra- 
ran en aquel tiempo y bateran las pal- 
mas : promessa que el Señor hizo al 
Patriarcha Abraham, quando le dixo, 
Y bendiziré tus bendizientes , y tus mal 
dizientes^ maldiziré. 

§ XX. 

LXXI De todo lo dicho se infieren 
las conclusiones siguientes. 

I Que las Indias Occidentales, ñie- 
ron antiguamente habitadas de parte 
de los diez Tribus , que desde la Tarta- 
ria passaron por el Estrecho de Anian, 
o de la China, y que aun oy uiven ocultos 
por diuina prouidencia, en las partes 
incógnitas de la dicha America. 

II Que los Tribus no están solamen- 
te en un lugar, mas en diversos: pues 
vemos que los Prophetas predizen su 
restituycion a la patria de varias regio- 
nes, y particularmente Esáyas los co-' 
loca en ocho. 

III Que estos no voluieron en el se- 

gundo 



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^ 



De ISRAEL Il5 

gundo Templo. 

IV Que aun oy se conseruan en su 
religión ludaica. 

V. que es fuerga , se cumplan las 
Prophecias , de su reducción a la pa- 
tria. 

VI Que de todas las partes donde 
están , se vendrán recogiendo a dos Pro- 
vincias, Assiria, y Egipto^ facilitándo- 
les el Señor los caminos , haziendolos 
amenos, y abundantes en todo, como 
dize Esayas en el cap. 49 , y destas 
dos, bolaran a lerusalem, como paxa- 
ras a sus nidos. 

VII Que no tendrán- como de an- 
tes Reyno separado de leuda, mas se 
unirán todos los doze Tribus debaxo 
de un príncipe, que es el Messiah hijo 
de Dauid, y nunca mas serán expul- 
sos de sus tierras. 

CONCLVSION DE LA OBRA. 

LXXII Boluiendo agora pues, nobi- 

lissimo y doctissimo señor a la relación 

de nuestro Montezinos, no hallo en 

H 2 todos 



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ii6 Esperanza 

todos los escriptores cosa mas pro- 
vable , que la suya , ni mas llegada a la 
razón ? por que supuesto que ultra los 
referidos authores, Guillielmo Póste- 
lo , Goropio , apud Hortelio , Bozio de 
signis Eccles. libro 2. capitulo 3. Marino 
in arca Noe ^ el padre Sá in 3. Re^m. 
Pomario , Í7i lexic. y Poseuino , libro 2. 
Bibliotheca. c. 5 , deduzen el nombre de 
Pirü de Ophir; a la verdad, como bien 
observó Pineda /;í lob capitulo 2Z^pag, 500, 
es muy ligera conjectura la affinidad 
destos vocablos. Ademas que los In- 
dios del Pirú , jamas oyeron en su tier- 
ra este apellido , y como nos relata el 
Inga Garcilasso de la Vega, auiendo lle- 
gado los Españoles , a la costa de a- 
quel Reyno, y hallando a caso pescan- 
do un Indio , preguntando le por señas, 
que tierra era aquella? sospechando, que 
le preguntauan por su nombre, respon- 
dió, Beruiyd^ aqui corrupto el nom- 
bre, engañados con la respuesta, pusi- 
eron a aquella región, Pirü, Por lo qu- 
al es mas verisimil que Ophir ^ (como 
tiene losepho libro 8. de Antiguidades 

capitulo 



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De ISRAEL 117 

capitulo 6. I, y el p. Acosta lib. 14 hist, 
Itidi) sea la India Oriental; de donde 
trahia la flota de Selomoh el oro, y 
mas cosas preciosas, como auemos as- 
sentado. 

Lo de la Isla Atlántica de Platón 
en el Timeo , aun que Gomara i . /. hisí. 
índ.fol. 120, y Zarate in prohemio htst. 
Pirü , sienten , que desta Isla tan famosa, 
y decantada de Cricias , se passaron a las 
de Barlouento, qne estauan cerca de- 
Ua , antes que se hundiese , y destas, 
a tierra firme de America ^ y de aqui 
al Pirú, y nueua España, Acosta ¿¿6, i. 
Aisí, Ind. capitulo 22, se rie desto, y ti- 
ene por fábula lo de esta Isla : y Marci- 
lio ficino, in com, sup, Tim, capitulo 4. et 
sup. Criciam, para saluar la authoridad 
de Platón, con el parecer de sus mis- 
mos discipulos, Porphirio, Origines, y 
Proclo, considerando la poca verissi- 
militud desta historia, dize, que todo 
aquello de Cricias, y del siguiente Di- 
alogo de la Isla Atlántica , se ha de en- 
tender por alegoria. Donde se ve , la po- 
ca provabilidad desta sentencia. 

H 3 pues 



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ii8 Esperanza 

Pues que estos sean Chenahaneos, 
huydos del poder de leosua, como 
siente Lescarbotus , consta menos : 
por que no se da , que por tan immen- 
sos mares , y para tierras incógnitas , a- 
yan intentado fuga. Vltra de que estos 
no habitaron cerca del Océano Atlán- 
tico. 

Que sean de Noruvegua, o España, 
en nada les parecen en la lengua, ni 
costumbres. 

Que sean Israelitas, que ayan 
perdido sus ritos y cerimonias , claro 
está ser falso : por que los ludios (Como 
admirablemente prueva el doctor lo- 
an huarte , en el libro Examen de inge- 
neos , capitulo 14,) fueron la gente mas 
dispuesta, de buen rostro, y lindo en- 
tendimiento del mundo : como pues 
estos pueden ser los Indios , que carecen 
de todo esto : feos de cuempo , y de ru- 
do entendimiento? Y como se puede 
dar, que perdiessen de todo su propria 
lengua , y los caracteres Hebraicos ; Y 
sobre todo la religión, que fuera de la 
patria, se guarda con mayor cuydado, 



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De ISRAEL 11$ 

como avernos mostrado. 

Seanos pues licito , introduzir la opi- 
nión de nuestro Montezinos, como 
mas prouable: por que del mismo 
modo que los Brítanos antiguamen- 
te, por los Saxones que les hizieron 
guerra, fueron constringidos a reco- 
gerse a las montañas en Cambria : assi 
aviendo los Israelitas poblado prime- 
ramente la America passando de Tar- 
taria por el estrecho de Annian , co- 
mo auemos dicho, los de la India O- 
riental , o mas provablemente , y en que 
mas me afirmo, los mismos Tártaros 
por el mismo camino, ya dellos cono- 
cido , les siguieron , y hizieron guerra: 
con que les fue necessario retirarse 
detras de las cordilleras: donde por 
permission diuina boluieron de nue- 
uo , siendo por estos descubiertos , a 
ocultarse , y perderse la memoria del- 
los. Y esta es la opinión que tiene mas 
aparencia de verdad , que todas las de 
mas precedentes : por que en los A- 
mericanos no se hallan las artes de los 
Indios , Chinos , o Catayos , mas al con- 
trario 



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120 ESPERANgA 

trario una crassa ignorancia de todas 
las artes y letras : Idolatras , y de tan bar- 
baras costumbres, que en todo se pa- 
recen a los antigos rudos y barbaris- 
simos Tártaros. 

Y quien sabe , si la America fue por la 
parte Septentrional antiguamente con- 
tinente con la Asya. 

Yo a lo menos no tendría por absur- 
do, dezir, que los hijos de Israel pas- 
saron de la gran Tartaria por tierra a 
la America : por que estos dos reynos 
están muy conjuntos, como se pue- 
de uer en el globo terrestre de Pedro 
piando , Henrico Alangren , y Blávio: 
y que el Señor bendito, entre otros 
milagros que hizo con ellos, fue este 
vno dellos, que después abrió aquel 
estrecho que llaman de Annian , para 
que alli quedassen mas separados y 
ocultos de las gentes. Pero quando 
no queramos dar milagro, podiasse 
abrir a caso este estrecho, tragando 
la mar aquel pedago de tierra, como 
ha hecho otras vezes, a infinitas tier- 
ras por diluvios , terremotos , y tem- 
blores 



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De ISRAEL 121 

blores. Xenophonte en sus Equívo- 
cos, haze mension de la inundación 
de las tierras de Egipto, en tiempo de 
Hercules y Prometheo. Beroso, lib. 5. 
y Diodoro libro 6 , del diluvio de Ática, 
donde está Athenas. Plinio lib. 2, cap, 
85. y lib. 13. cap. II. Strabon lib. \.y lib. 
12. y Plutarcho in Alexá de la inun- 
dación de la Isla Pharaonica ; de la 
qual habla también Lucano, lib. ultimo. 
Pues por temblores de tierra, 
quien ignora quantas ciudades se an 
en diversos tiempos destruido y asso- 
lado? Suetonio in Tiber^ cap. 48. es- 
crive , que en tiempo de Tiberio , do- 
ze ciudades se arroynaron en Asya. Lo 
mismo testifica Orosio lib. 7. cap. 4. 
y Dion, lib. 57. puesto que defieren en el 
tiempo. Tácito lib. 14. y Ensebio in Chron 
cuentan, la destruicion de aquella fa- 
mosa y opulenta ciudad de Laudicea. 
Origenes Tomo 28. in loan, y Baronio 
in tomo 2. año 340, nos relatan otros 
varios terremotos, causa de la de- 
solación y royna de infinitos pueblos 
y ciudades. Pero lo que mas admira, 

fue 



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122 ESPERANgA 

fue la prodigiosa historia de nuestros 
tiempos. Refiere fray Alonso Venero 
en su Manual de los tiempos. 

A 26, de lunio (dize) del año 1638. comen- 
go a temblar la tierra en las Islas Terceras^ 
señaladamente en la de san Miguel ^ a don- 
de assiste el Gouemador, De manera, que 
en la concusión grande de los edificios, tem- 
blor del suelo, y el terror que causa este lina- 
ge de calamidad a los mortales, desampa- 
raban las casas, y salian a los campos, no 
teniéndose aun en ellos por seguros. Poco 
después se vio a dos leguas de la misma Is- 
la, dentro de la mar, en mas de 160. bra- 
gas de profundidad, vomitar immensa ma- 
teria de fuego , sacudido el peso infinito de 
las aguas, que tenia sobre si, con la violen- 
cia deste actiuo, y poderoso elemento , llenan- 
do de nuves, humo, confusión , y assomhro, 
todo aquel Orizonte, Uuantando al cielo tan- 
ta multitud de piedras embueUas en ceni- 
za, con pedazos tan grandes desta impura 
materia, que auia algunas iguales a mon- 
tes de immoderada grandeza. Los quales 
lebantaua la violencia del fuego, sobre las 
ondas mismas del mar, y voluiendo a caer 

parte 



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De ISRAEL 123 

parte resuelta en poluo , y parte condensada, 
y ponderosa^ vino a formar un Isleo de le- 
gua y media de largo , y 60. bragas de alto, 
donde auia ciento y cincuenta de profun- 
didad. Penetro el caliente humor ^ que 
el Volcan despedía de si, los senos de las a- 
guas, quemando dentro dtllas , tanta can- 
tidad de peces, que sacudidos después a la 
ribera , podía llenar dos naos grandes de la 
India , que suelen ser de mas de, 2^200. to- 
neladas : 

Esta isla dentro de dos años fue del 
mismo mar tragada. Aquel pues que 
considerare este escesso de naturale- 
za, no tendrá por inconviniente con- 
jecturar , que aquel estrecho fue algún 
tiempo continente. Salvasse con esto 
otra no pequeña duda, y es, que sien- 
do que al mismo passo que después' 
del diluvio universal , volvió a rena- 
cer toda la especie humana , de los hi- 
jos de Noah, sea fuerga reducir la pro- 
pagación de los animales a los que sa- 
lieron de la arca , perguntasse , co- 
mo, o por que manera, se passaron a 
la America tanta suerte de animales 

perfecto* 



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124 Esperanza 

perfectos que se engendran por gene- 
ración, y no de la tierra. Dize A- 
gustino , que algunos passaron a na- 
do; o que alguno por codicia de la ca- 
ga los llevó alia , o que fueron produ- 
zidos de la tierra , al modo de la pri- 
mera criación ; pero todo esto es de 
poco fundamento. Por que no 

se da , que en el mar Océano , se 
nade tan largo, y dilatado trecho: 
y quando para la caga se Uevassen 
algunos, a que fin avian de llevar con- 
sigo , leones , tigres , zorras , y seme- 
jantes bestias , poniéndose en tan evi- 
dente peligro? No es tan poco verisí- 
mil, que Dios criase aquellos anima- 
les perfectos , de la tierra ; por que si 
esto fuera assi, no tenia para que re- 
comendar a Noah , que metiesse en la 
arca, de todos los animales, para avivi- 
guar y conservar la especie. Y assi que 
da mas probable nuestra opinión , de 
que por aquel camino se passaron los 
animales assi mismo a la America: 
visto que no ay razón en contra , ni ar- 
gumento , que deshaga este pensa- 
miento 



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De ISRAEL 125 

miento mió : sino es , que por otra par? 
. te , este nuevo orbe de Indias , está pega- 
do , con el vejo mundo. 

En lo demás que relata nuestro Le- 
uita , o Montezinos , no veo algo de lo 
impossible : por que dezir la Semah , es 
una costumbre observada de los Isra- 
elitas , en todas las partes del mundo, 
y compendio de la confission y religi- 
ón ludaica. La declaración de los Mo- 
hanes^ o hechizeros, acuerda con lo que 
se dize en el 4. de Ezras , acerca de los 
milagros que Dios usó con los Israeli- 
tas, al passar del rio Euphrates. Las con- 
diciones que les propusieron , de que 
se reuelaria aquel secreto, al que tuvi- 
esse 3CX). lunas, que es lo mismo que 
25. años , edad competente , se confor 
ma con lo que dize I. de Laet , que en 
muchas partes de la America Septen 
trional, cuentan los Indios sus edades 
por Lunas. Averse de revelar este se 
creto en el campo , es observación , y 
aun costumbre ludaica , que los anti 
gos notaron en lahacob , quando 
para la huyda de Laban , llamó sus 

mugeres 



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126 Esperanza 

mugeres al campo. De suerte que 
no tiene aquella Relación, cosa alguna 
que impugne la razón. 

Por todo lo qual , doy fin a este 
breue discurso , donde ha sido el in 
tentó solo acertar, no haziendo opo- 
sición a alguno , mas antes candidamen- 
te, relatar qual sea nuestro parecer, y 
de los antigos sabios , sobre las diver- 
sas materias que apuntamos. Yo a 
lo menos espero que benignamente, 
sea recebido este nuestro trabajo, y con 
satisfacion lehido , principalmente de 
tantos nobles y doctos señores , que 
por sus Epistolas me obligaron, a que 
diesse mi parecer sobre aquella Réla- . 
cion. Assi lo he hecho, con la breue- 
dad possible , en números 72. confor- 
me los 72. nombres del Señor. 
Sea nombre de .A. beftdito 
de agora y hasta 
siempre. 



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NOTAS. 



(a) TTiar^m^ paráfrasis ó interpretación libre de 
la Ley, Profetas y escritos santos, hecha en distintos 
tiempos y por divei-sas personas, con arreglo á la tra- 
dición ó doctrina oral que recibieran los doctos, del 
gran Concilio lerosoliraitano, éstos de los Profetas, los 
Profetas de los Ancianos, los Ancianos de Josueh y éste 
de Moisés en el Sinaí. Estas paráfrasis son varias, con 
los nombres de Onkelos, Thargum de lonathany Thar- 
gum lerosolimitano ; el Thargum Onkelos es sobre el 
Pentateucoy y lo mismo el lerosolimitano \ en cuanto al 
de lonathatiy es una paráfrasis de los Profetas mayo- 
res y menores; hay otros Thargum, nombrados de Jo- 
sé y de los cinco volúmenes; pero la de Onkelos es la 
más recomendable por la antigüedad y lenguaje, si- 
guiéndoles en mérito el de lonathan. 

(b) Memmio: Cayo M. Gemelo, de una de las más 
antiguas familias de Roma, fué discípulo del poeta 
Lucrecio: para su educación hizo éste su poema De 
Rerum Natura^ á fin de con él forpiar el corazón del 
joven, y de tal manera consiguió su objeto que el dis- 
cípulo aventajó á su maestro como filósofo. Ligado en 
estrecha amistad con Cicerón, le dirigió tres cartas: 
una defendiendo el suicidio de Lucrecio y criticando 
el de Sócrates ; otra sobre las preocupaciones de los 



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NOTAS 

pueblos, y en ésta ataca el pueblo judío de una ma- 
nera terrible; y la tercera en que, hallando y defen- 
diendo la unidad de Dios, envía á su amigo Cicerón 
el tratado que compuso sobre este asunto. Estas car- 
tas de Memmio, asi como el tratado, no han sido tra- 
ducidas aún al español, y sí sólo al ruso del ejem- 
plar que existe en el Vaticano, y después del ruso al 
francés. 

Si las gestiones hechas por el autor de esta reim- 
presión cerca del Vaticano obtienen un éxito favo- 
rable, y puede con tal motivo poseer copia auténtica del 
Códice original, se dedicará á publicarlas, poniendo el 
texto latino al pié de la traducción, para que los 
amantes de estos estudios puedan conocer estas nota- 
bles cartas: en caso contrario, lo haría, bien á pesar 
suyo, publicando sólo la traducción que tiene ya he- 
cha del francés. 

(c) Parnasin : tiene este nombre la reunión ó Con- 
greso de los Príncipes, Jefes ó Magistrados que rigen 
la Santa Congregación ó Kahal Kadosch de Israel' 
encargado de leer y explanar la Ley. Sabios talmu- 
distas que poseen toda la doctrina consignada en el 
Talmud para la inteligencia de la Ley, 

Estos por lo común son Escribas, Sophrin, que se 
ocupan de las Naschin, ó Excelsos, que son magistra- 
dos, equivalentes á maestros, pontífices ú obispos, 
Episcopoe, y son los supremos inspectores de la 
Iglesia. 

(d) Kahal Kados : Epíteto que dan los rabinos ó 
neo-hebreos á su Iglesia. Congregación Santa que repar- 
te su dia en las tres partes Khephila, oración, Thoral^ 
Ley, y Mlacha, ejercicio; santificando así todo el dia y 
santificando su Iglesia, por lo que lo llaman Kahal 
Kadosch f Iglesia Santa. 

(e) Talmud Tora, libros de la familia, que contie- 
nen la explicación de la Ley de los judíos. Estos libros 
son una especie de colección del derecho hebraico y ex- 
plicación de las obligaciones impuestas á esta nación 
por la escritura, la tradición, la autoridad de sus doc- 



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NOTAS 

tores, la costumbre ó por la superstición. El Talmua 
contiene dos partes: la una llamada Michna, y la 
otra yemara\ y á ésta le llaman comunmente Talmua 
con el nombre de toda la obra. Hay Talmud de yeru- 
salem, y Talmud de Babilonia , por haberse compuesto 
en las escuelas de estas dos ciudades. 

En el Jemara, que es la explicación de los doctores, 
se hallan fábulas y consejas ridiculas, y su estilo es 
frió y desaliñado, al contrario del Mischna, cuyo texto 
tiene mejor estilo y más solidez. 

Tora llaman los judíos al libro que contiene los 
preceptos que les comunicó Moisés: con el mismo 
nombre significaban el tributo de capitación que pa- 
gaban poi* familias. De aquí que la palabra Talmud 
Tora significa encargados de los libros de la Ley y 
del impuesto de capitación. 

(f) Kehila ó Keilah es la ciudad ó pueblo en que 
se reúne la Congregación Santa ó Kahal Kadosch. Por 
lo común le dan los israelitas el título de Nobilísima. 

(g) Sebat^ ó Eschabaih, mes del Calendario Siro- 
Macedónico, que corresponde a Febrero. 

(h) Ilul: término del Calendario: según algunos, 
duodécimo mes de los Siro-Caldeos. 

(i) Adonai: uno de los nombres que daban los he- 
breos á Dios, y quiere decir mi señor; y aunque en el 
idioma hebreo es plural, se tomó, como otros mu- 
chos nombres é idiomas, en singular. 

(j) Almud, medida de cosas sólidas , equivalente 
á nuestro celemín en unas provincias, y en otras á 
media fanega: aquí se toma por celemín. 

(k) Pataca ó Patacón : lo mismo que peso duro, 
veinte reales de vellón: moneda de cobre que vale dos 
cuartos: aquí debe entenderse como moneda del valor 
de un duro. 

(1) Gado: palabra portuguesa que si%m£\C2i ganado. 
La usa el autor como portugués de origen. 

(m) Mohán, Jeque: Sacerdote entre los judíos: 
(aquí se toma por hechicero). 

(n) X, Marta y Santa Marta: sabida la repug- 



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NOTAS 

nancia de los judios á aceptar los titulos de San y 
Santo de los cristianos, lo sustituyen en sus escrito 
con una x, 

(o) S^her TTtcrah: son los volúmenes ó rollo a 
prolongados de pergamino en que están escritos los 
cinco libros de Moisés, que son GénesiSy Exodo^ Levi' 
tico^ Números y DnUeronomio^ ó sea la parte de los 
antiguos Of'Kiices sagrados llamada TTiorah. Estos ro- 
llos eran muy venerados, y para sacarlos del Sagra- 
rio ó depósito donde se guardaban en la Sinagoga te- 
nían ima procesión religiosa, después de la cual el Rab- 
bi ó Doctor leía ó entonaba el capítulo correspon- 
diente, según la santidad del dia y de la lectura. 

(p) Cabala ó Cabbalah: signiñca tradición ó reci- 
bir por tradicion\ esto es, el arte de interpretar la es- 
critura, cuya interpretación se llama Cabala artificial, 
que es de tres maneras: la Geométrica^ que explica las 
palabras por el valor aritmético de las letras; Notari- 
cum^ que consiste en tomar cada letra por dicción en- 
tera; y la tercera, llamada Termira^ que consiste en 
mudar una palabra y las letras de que se compone. 
En este autor debe tomarse la palabra Cabala en el 
sentido de perteneciente á las sectas de los judíos 
Rabinos y Talmudistas, que admiten el Talmud y tra- 
diciones extraordinarias, según el Notaricum di- 
cho. 

(q) Sanhedrim 6 Sinedrin: Consejo supremo de los 
judíos. Este Consejo subsistía en Jerusalen en tiempo 
del Salvador : le había también en otras ciudades de 
Palestina: se componía el de Jerusalen de setenta an- 
cianos, y los de las poblaciones inferiores de veinti- 
trés. En el Sinedrin se decidían los negocios de Esta- 
do y de Religión. 



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índice. 



Frellminar, V 

KotUsia bibliográfica XVll 

Biografía XXXIll 

Dedicatoria del libro de Menasseh » 

Nombres de autores consultados. » 

Relación de Antonio Montezinos 5 

Elperanza de Israel 17 

Notas 127 



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k 



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y en todas las principales de esta Corte. 



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AM. ■ 4M • 

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TOZZER 


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Received 








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MKLY JNUKbb VlMlb lU JNUKIH AMbKK 



WiTH Ten Plates 



BY 

WILLIAM H. BABCOCK 




(PUBLICATION 2138) 



CITY OF WASHINGTON 

PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 

1913 



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6. The Voyages of Madoc and the Zeno Brothers. . . 

7. Are There Norse Relies in North America? 

8. Certain Collateral ítems of Evidence 

9. The Three Sagas and Their Relative Status 

10. The Most Authentic Wineland History 

11. The Story of the First American Mother 

12. Leif and His Voyages 

13. With Thorfinn and Gudrid to the Bay of Fundy. 

14. Their Wineland Voyage Interprcted 

15. The Expedition to Hóp 

16. Concerning the Natives 

17. Review of Dr. Nansen's Conclusions 

18. General Survey 

Notes 

Partial Bibliography 

Index 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES FACE 

1-2. Parts of Map of Pizigani Brothers, 1367 

3. Part of Catalán Map, 1375 

' 4. Part of Map of Battista Beccaria, 1435 

5. Part of Map of Matheus Prunes, 1553 

6. Map of Sigurdr Stefánsson, 1570. 

7-8. The Gokstad Ship 

9. ' Route Map of Thorfinn Karlsefni's Expedition 

10. Map of Mount Hope Bay 



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author has had occasion to recognize gratefully the kindly willing 
of scientific men and of scholars generally to extend a helping h 
He would especially mention the philological assistance of Mr. 
Diesenid and his patient oral translation of the wrítíngs of Dr. Nai 
and others before their appearance in English ; the helpful criti< 
of my manuscript by Prof . Julius E. Olson ; the explanation by 
late Dr. W J McGee of the observed progressive changes of ] 
along our seaboard by glacial recession and resultant contini 
crustal wave action — a theory since corroborated by other author 
— which affords a reasonably trustworthy conception of the Amer 
Atlantic coast line and its conditions about the year looo A. D., 
thus throws new light on the regions and special places intendei 
the ñames in the saga ; the efficient aid of Mr. James Mooney in Gj 
and Indian problems; and the sympathetic interest of Mr. D 
Hutcheson who has furnished a copious supply of data on the sul 
supplemented by some personal field-work near one possible Hó 
the Norsemen. 

I.— THE NEW WORLD PRELUDE 

Concerning the discovery of America before Columbus, t 
are many theories, fancies, and claims; but only two visits caí 
considered historie, namely, those of Leif Ericsson and Thoi 
Karlsefni. The Wineland or Vinland of these explorers has 1 
so greatly misunderstood and has been made the basis of so n 
elabórate and contradictory explanation during the past three 
turies that only the hope of clearing matters a little by patient resé 
would perhaps justify one in adding to its volume. The import; 

Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 59, No. 19 



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rated writings agree in ascribing priority of human life to the 
r hemisphere, though their reasons differ widely. Most anthro- 
3^sts believe that man first walked over to America ; — f rom Eu- 

as Dr. Brinton^ supposed, from Asia as many others have 
led — but in either case the route was at one, if not both, of the 
lorthern corners of the continent. The crossing is indeed occa- 
illy made in winter at the present day on the ice at Bering 
its, as reported to Dr. Dalí,* and in summer by boat almost at 

However, no traces have yet been discovered of such passage 
1 Iceland or any other possible stepping stone on the eastern 
* But even the earliest coming, however remote, must have been 
ir late in the history of our race, an unarmored, ill-equipped oíf- 
ig of the tropics, which had a long way to travel by slow de- 
3. The immigration may have been in a small way and often 
ited. Whoever came first to America, however, or whence they 
í, or when, we have in the present inquiry to deal only with the 
mo and their southern neighbors. When Europeans finally lifted 
Vtlantic curtain, the Eskimo were f ound as f ar south as the upper 
Df Newfoundland ; they clung to the sea-shore almost everywhere. 
ilow these Innuit along the coast, and behind their southeastern 
^ in Labrador, as well as nearly everywhere throughout the 
>erate parts of the continent, there were other uncivilized men 



G. Brinton: The American Race, (1901), p. 32. 

. H. Dalí: The Origin of the Innuit; in The Tribes of the Extreme 
iwest, p. 97. 

R. Markham : Origin and Migrations of the Greenland Eskimo; in 
c Papers for Expedition of 1875, p. 166. See also W. H. Holmes : Some 
lems of the American Race. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 12, no. 2 (191 o), p. 178 
.. Geike : Fragments of Earth Lore, p. 263. 



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G^ofilc 



action and relations may have been until the first known distril 
of races and territory was estabüshed; and whether the tril 
Saghalien and Kamchatka above referred to \vere left behind oi 
forced their way through .the Eskimo and across the sea to 
present seats,' are matters debatable which need not concern us 
These Indians could not have been on the ground for a very 
number of centuries or the population would have been dense 
linguistic stocks more plentiful. In the immense área betwee 
Arctic Ocean, the Rocky Mountains, the Gulf of México, ar 
Atlantic there were barely a half dozen principal linguistic fan 
— the Athapascan, Shoshonean, Algonquian, Siouan, Iroquoiai 
Muskogean. These people, however, had undergone varied e: 
enees ; ' therefore they diíf ered widely here and there : yet they 
enough alike to give us the accepted ideal Indian of our co 
These few vigorous groups have made nearly all of North Am* 
history on the Indian side. 

The long list of languages in North America, so often insiste 
include some that appear to be but of minor flecks and patch 
the western border of our linguistic map, resembling nothing so 
as the debris of waves that had struck without forcé to pass or 
of human fragments in the mountain nooks above the Isthmus. 
all have their own abundant interest, but it does not concer 



*Other substitutes will hardly do. Red Indian, for example, has 
Beothuk specifically. Even American Indian means Passamaquoddy, 1 
Micmac, on Grand Manan. 

' C. H. Hawes : In the Uttermost East, p. 35. Cf. Geo. Kennan : Tei 
in Siberia, p. 171. Also his Siberia and the Exile System vol. 2, p. 40 
Mythology of the Koryak (Jochelson). Amer. Anthrop. (1904), vol. 6, 

^A. F. Chamberlain : Origin of American Aborigines. — Linguistics. 
Anthrop. (1912), vol. 14, p. 55. 

* See map in Bulletin 30, pt. i, Bureau of American Ethnology. 

* See Notes to Chapter 16. 



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ther part of that región was quite so bountifuUy supplied by 
re as Powhatan's domain near the Chesapeake, yet Strachey's * 
iture census, river by river and town by town, has a really 
ilous, though pathetic, look. The best recent estimate* gives 
lore than seventeen thousand Indian inhabitants to all Virginia 
it time, with 8,500 for the Powhatan Confederacy; and there 
)e a thousand of mixed blood there now — Chickahominys, Nanse- 
s, Pamunkeys, Mattaponies and other remnants — hardly noticed 
1. The City of Washington, with its pfesent population of 
cx), was prefig^red by an important Indian town, which in an 
3fency could muster eighty fighting m^n for the defense of the 
shad and herring fisheries to be found anywhere. 
e League of the Five Nations (central New York) could hardly 
vo thousand men into the field ; yet this active little forcé imposed 
: on most of the settlements between Hudson Bay and Georgia 
etween New England and the Mississippi. Along Narragansett 
md slightly beyond, the density of population may have been 
what greater; but King Philip in his most formidable estáte 
never assemble any imposing array. A few Englishmen suíficed 
Drm and ruin the fortified chief towns of the Pequots and 
igansets, the most powerful tribes about them. The upper 
England coast was f ar more scantily peopled, as clearly appears 
the slightly earlier notes of Champlain. 

t have no trustworthy ground for assuming a substantially dif- 
t State of aff airs for the year 1000 A. D. along the Atlantic coast, 
igh at that time there seems to have been a relatively large and 

Strachey : The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, pp. 40 et seq. 
Níooney: The Powhatan Confederacy. Amen Anthrop. (1907), pp. 
52. 



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stocks are clearly beyond our field of visión. Mr. Lloyd ' would 
the Iroquois also at the time we are considering too far away in 
northwest : but according to Dr. McGee's Chesapeake tidewater th< 
they were much nearer.' Still, no one places them on or near the 
board in northern latitudes. The Sioux may have been in forcé a 
the eastem watershed of the Appalachian mountains, where we 
them later, apparently losing ground ; but they probably never ero 
the Delaware. This narrows the field to the Eskimo, the Beothuk 
Algonquian tribes, and possible unknown predecessors, f or the str 
of coast between Baffin-Land and the Chesapeake. 

Below the Gulf of St. Lawrence we find this shore occupied in 
early seventeenth century, and apparently in the fifteenth and 
teenth, by different tribes of the Algonquian family, the Micma< 
Souriquois extending farthest to the northeast as they do now. 
the island of Newf oundland * were the quite distinct and puzz 
Beothuk, doubtfuUy struggling to hold their gjound against 
encroachments of the Eskimo on the north and of the Micmac on 
Southwest. 

There are some indications that these islanders had previo 
occupied parts of Maine and Nova Scotia. They appear with the 
of people in misfortune, clinging to their last refuge and sharing s( 
characteristics of their oppressors on both sides. A fuller un( 
standing of their earlier history might be helpful in the solutior 
divers northeastern problems in ethnology. But there seems te 
nothing to indicate that they ever established themselves far below 



* N. S. Shaler : Nature and Man in America, p. 8i. 

'Lloyd's notes in L. H. Morgan's **The League of the Iroquois," p. i88. 

* W J McGee : The Siouan Indians, I5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., p 
*D. G. Brinton: The American Race (1901), p. 67. Cf. Capt. Cartwi 

and his Journal. Repub. 191 1. First 20 pages. (Ed. by C. W. Townse 
Also Whitbourne. Cormack and others hereinafter cited. 



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s, and seáis. 

• predecessors of the Algonquian tribes we have equally no data ; 

we know when the latter first arrived on the Atlantic shore. 
investigators agree in placing their origin north of the St. 

ence River. They seem to be an ancient people. Very likely 
(Vorked down f rom that valley by way of the lesser rivers — the 
on, Connecticut, Housatonic, Kennebec, Penobscot, and St. John, 
í seems to be nothing to make such a migration before looo 
at all improbable, though it might be incomplete. 
i year lOOO, however, for America, seems very far back in 
lity. Perhaps we hardly realize how much of what we consider 
it was then yet in the future. The Mayas' no doubt were 
ished in some cities of the Usumacinta Valley and Honduras, 
:h hardly anywhere in Yucatán ; the Inca conquests may have 
i, but can hardly have been pressed very far ; the Aztecs perhaps 
lot yet even heard of the Valley of México. Since there is so 
to be learned about the origin of these higher cultures, it is 
wonder that we are in the dark or twilight as to ruder tribes, 

1 have left neither records ñor monuments. It is not probable 
ve have even a pictograph on the Atlantic coast which has en- 
[ for nine hundred years, and if one could be found it would per- 
represent no more than some passing caprice of the Indian mind. 
)m this point of view we can only say that Algonquian tribes 
in possession as far back as we know and that the burden of 
must be on those who suggest any others — a fortiori, the milder 

;n of presenting at least some modicum of evidence tending to 
either predecessors or temporary displacement and supplanting. 

e Eskimo Language, p. 20. 

>rley : The Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology. Amer. Journ. 

ol. (1910), p. 193. 



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features of certain minor northwestern littoral tribes/ and 
peculiarities of the langnage of others, apparently Polynes 
' in the architecture and sculpture of ancient Mayan cities, for exa 
the Chínese or Cambodian-like figures of Copan/ and in the ( 
ordinary similarity of the whole series of the signs of the 2 
in Greece and Babylon, México and Perú." 

The eastern gates also have their indirect evidences of approí 
a variety of forms which are mutually confirmatory and of 
niable cumulative importante, though not yet amounting to full ] 
Thus, in Humboldt's Examen Critique,* we find a f ew instanc 
widely separated periods, of strange men and boats arriving, a 
ently from the west, on the outlying European islands. He 
visited these places, and cióse investigation of these tales at so 
time was impossible ; but he seems to have given them some c 
No doubt they lend a slight degree of support to the sailor stc 
the Zeno narrative, the Phenician legend of Diodorus quoted i 



' Examen Critique, vol. 5 ; in considering the Voyage of Madoc. 

*The Discovery of America, vol. i, pp. 181-185. 

^ O. F. Cook in Amer. Anthrop., 1909, p. 486. 

*Justin Winsor: Narr. and Crit. Hist. of America, vol. i, p. 82, note. 

^H. H. Bancroft: Races of the Pacific States, vol. i, p. 225. Cf. 
Dalí : Tribes of the Extreme Northwest, p. 237. 

* C. Hill-Tout : Oceanic Origin of, etc. Trans. Royal Soc. Can., Sec. 2 
(1898). 

'Thomas and McGee: Pre-historic North America, p. 256 (vol. 19 
Hist. of America). Also Stephens: Central America, Chiapas and Yn 
(see Catherwood's views), and The American Egypt, by Arnold and 
pp. 213 and 269. 

® S. Hagar : Origin American Aborigines. Astronomy, read Dec. 27, n 
symposium of Amer. Ass'n Adv. Sci., Amer. Anthrop. 

*Vol. 2, p. 259. Cf. James Wallace : A Description of the Isles of O 
pp. 33, 34. 



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it of their f requency in later years along a part of our coast. 
1 that frequency be less when both vessels and skippers were 
ut compasses or charts, and in every way poorly equipped to 
or overeóme their dangers ? D'Avezac * relates, in passing, two 

early instances recorded of wrecks on the Canaries and the 
s — a French vessel of about the year 1336 and a Greek craft in 

For that matter, disabled ships have been known to wander 
the Atlantic month after month in recent years, reaching in 
jsion widely separated regions; and, if left to themselves, 

have stranded finally almost anywhere. 

í map of the Atlantic Ocean itself suggests that very early 
ngs were much more than possible; exhibiting as it does a 
like narrowing between South America and África, and an- 
at the far north, where the Faroe Islands, Iceland, and Green- 
nake convenient stepping stones. Moreover, warm, alluring 
s are scattered out before Morocco and the Iberian península 
iely that the farthest is about halfway between Cádiz and Cape 

Even from the tip of Brittany, the southwest of Ireland, or 
asque provinces of northwestern Spain, that córner of New- 
land was not inordinately far. There were also favorable 
currents at some points, the most notable of which swept then, 
V, southward along the outer f ront of the Azores, Madeira, and 
maries ; then in a wide curve moved westward to the Caribbean, 
g there another stream from the lower African coast. The 
is natural crossing routes above indicated were the main 
ays of early accidents like those above mentioned, of ten merely 
lary, but historical in the cases of Leif and Cabral. 

idfall of Leif, p. 4. 

coveries of the Middle Ages, p. 32. Much more recently a small vessel. 
: one Canary Island for another, was blown off and afterward found 
tr crew well over toward South America. Also a fishing crew of the 
undland banks was similarly driven to the Azores. 



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vu^cigc» iiiuic CAicubivc iriaii crussiiig^ inc /\uaniii:, anu mere ni 
have been many such in far earlier times, or islands as remote 
Hawaii and Easter would not have been peopled by them. \^ 
must we suppose that there were no navigators on the Atlantic s 
of America who were able to emulate the dusky adventurers of 
Pacific ? 

We must remember that the Mediterranean civilization had an c 
post at Cádiz from about iioo B. C, directly facing America; ti 
like all Phenician towns, it was probably even then a center of m¡ 
time curiosity and enterprise, and, at any rate, had grown int 
wealthy and far-reaching commercial city when visited five hund 
years later ; and that in the middle of the twelfth century, af ter a 1< 
period of Mahometan rule just ended, it was still important enoi 
to make Edrisi greatly exaggerate on his map the size of its penins 
making this an island, and giving it a ñame when most other isla 
of the sea went nameless. 

We know that Phenicia, Egypt, Greece, and Rome were somet 
aware, or dreamed, of lands beyond the great water ; and that tt 
fascinating suggestions were useful long afterward in helping 
inspire Prince Henry and Toscanelli, Columbus, and Cabot. It wc 
be a pleasure to find their enduring charm rooted in real knowlec 
as it well may have been ; but modern works on Atlantis — for the n 
part valueless — ^add nothing trustworthy to Plato's memorable rej 
of legendary echoes; and we must feel that this story, and oth 
like it, may have arisen from some visión, as unreal as the wl 
surviving phantom city which a Central American padre saw froi 
mountain top so vividly that he made Stephens * believe in it a 
with several picturesque romances by Haggard, Westall, and otl 
for a much later result. Yet this is not the only and inevitable ex] 



* Nature and Man in America, p. 189. 

* In Northern Mists, vol. i, pp. 37» 40» 48, 242, 248. 

^ Central America, Chiapas and Yucatán, p. 195. Also J. L. Stephens : Trs 
in Yucatán, pp. 191 and 202. 



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;rn of St. Michaers/ of the middle Azores, an inscription is said 
lave been found by early explorers, which has been commonly 
Dosed to be Phenician because identified as Hebrew, a closely 
id script and tongue, by a " Moor, the son of a Jew/' who was 
1 the party, but could not, or at least did not transíate it. The tale 
rom Thevet, cosmographer of Henry III, who says that he 
:ed these islands long afterward. Remembering divers American 
lenician inscriptions," called so before Norsemen were put for- 
d as our chief inscribers, one desires at least a better expert 
lion, and a more generally trusted transmitter than Thevet. 
he knowledge of these islands kept on through the centuries in an 
rmittent, glimmering way. The ancient Irish legends of explora- 
have much to say of islands to the southward which, in part, 
t be the Azores, if real, and in particular of islands notable for 
r fine sheep, their singing birds, or their dangerous monsters. 
n the Moors, conquering África and the Iberian peninstda, soon 
e to the front as navigators, and we find again the Isle of Sheep, 
Isle of Birds, and the Isle of the Dragón in Edrisi's Atlantic 
es, distinct from the Cañarles which he had described already. 
thermore, his twelfth century map shows a string of islands 
tching northward from below Gibraltar parallel to the westem 
*e of Europe, sadly out of place for accurate geography, but in 
arrangement fairly paralleled by the fifteenth century map of 
n da Napoli, who gives us the ñames of Corvo and the other 
res. The chain of record seems reasonably complete, and early 
:s, even to that mid- Atlantic island and its companion, Conigi or 
•es, must have been rather numerous. Who can believe that such 
:ors would all pause there with the visión in their souls of other 
ids equally probable, equally delightful out beyond ? 



íumboldt : Examen Critique, vol. 2, p. 240. 



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way home. 

Humboldt * supposed that their farthest point may have been on 
of the Cape Verde group. Other inquirers think it more to th 
northward. The story gives the prince of that island an Arabi 
interpreter and makes him declare through this mouthpiece that hi 
royal father had sailed forty days beyond it without finding land 
after which he promptly shipped his visitors to África. But we d 
not know Edrisi's authority f or what these wanderers related. Givin 
it full face valué, however, there is nothing to indícate that the 
crossed the ocean. 

The same is equally true of the Genoese brothers' Vivaldi wh( 
according to oíd chronicles of their city, " undertook " about 1281 
in the very spirit of Columbus " a new and untried voyage, that t 
India by way of the West." This has been taken to import a voyag 
around the Cape of Gk)od Hope, and possibly may mean nothin 
more, yet the words are memorable. Besides, the fourteenth centur 
maps, long antedating the Portuguese discoveries, give Italian ñame 
almost exclusively to the Azores, which would lie well out of the wa 
of the course supposed. Either these adventurous men or others c 
their country must have ranged widely eastward and northeastwarc 
with cióse quartering of the sea. One is tempted to think that the 
can not have been so very far f rom the Newfoundland banks or th 
Bermudas in some of their outward sweeps; for they found an 
named all the more eastwardly islands that are known, as well as tw 
or more dubious ones with Irish or Arabic ñames over which men sti 
puzzle and wrangle. For the Irish were ever before the Arabs in the: 
explorations — how far we cannot guess, the voyages of the Cell 
having begun far back beyond the twilight of history. Perhaps tli 



^ Edrisi : Geography, Jaubert's transí., vol. 2, p. 27. Their voyage is brief 
related also in Examen Critique, vol. 2. 

^ Examen Critique, vol. 2, p. 237. 

'M. D'Avezac: Discoveries of the Middle Ages, p. 23. Also Hnmboldi 
Examen Critique, vol. 2, p. 234. 



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minan conquest oi ireíana ana iceíana reíaiea oy oeonrcy 
VIonmouth, that most romantic and romancing o£ literary bishops 
^ho in this instance has f ound a believer to some extent in even the 
irán investigator Rev. B. F. De Costa, for the latter says: " The 
edition of Arthur to Iceland may be regarded as historie." ** One 
j be pardoned for regarding this deHverance itself with some aston- 
nent. As to the origin of these medieval extravagances in that 
m, it is pleasant to find one^s independent conjecture anticipated 
confirmed by a suggestion of Sir John Rhys * pubHshed long ago. 
'here is a most interesting sequence of Irish sea-tales better worthy 
lur consideration. First, the Voyage of Bran, even as a composi- 
i, apparently dates well back into early heathen times. Dr. 
imer ' credits parts of it to the seventh century, but they include 
uite irrelevant prophecy, made by a sea-god in person, which 
ranee, though itself archaic in subject matter, is evidently an addi- 
to an original simple story. This nucleus may well be very 
íent indeed. 

►ran the son of Febal, we are told, having been summoned by 
ysterious and lovely feminine being, sailed over the ocean to the 
of Joy, where everyone laughed without ceasing. One of Bran's 
i went ashore, and forthwith took to laughing also. His comrades 
Id get no answer f rom him, so sailed on and let him be. At the 
t island a lovely enchantress threw a ball of magic yarn to Bran ; 
ch hit the mark and held, so that she drew him and all of them 
3re. She kept them with her and her fair companions for a 
r as it seemed, but really it was many years. At last one of the 
V was taken with a great longing for home; so Bran carried 
back to Ireland. But when the man stepped ashore, he fell to 

^. F. Skene : The Four Ancient Books of Wales, vol. i, p. 264. 

Rhys : Introduction to Malory's King Arthur, p. 224. 
. F. DeCosta : Arctic Exploration. Amer. Geogr. Soc. Bull. 1880, p. 163. 

Rhys: The Arthurian Legend, (1890), pp. 10, 11. 
If red Niitt : The Voyage of Bran. 



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considered in a valuable work by Mr. JNutt," but we can get 
nearer than this to the origin of ¡ts germ. 

The Voyage of Maelduin * inherits f rom the Voyage of Bran í 
borrows from many quarters, even one of St. Brandan's shipma 
being among its later acquisitions. Every successive editor and 
larger of the story seems to have felt bound to outdo his predecessí 
Its wonders are manifold : ants as large as colts ; a supernatural 
and its palace ; a horse-monster with blue claws ; a holy anchoret c 
only in his white miraculous hair ; a wicked monastery cook marooi 
in a little private hell on a barren rock for having played the thief < 
served uneatable food to his brethren. All told, this Voyage 
Maelduin is hardly convincing, except as to the possibilities 
Irish fancy unrestrained ; which compares ill with the dramatic g 
epic power, and graphic quality of Icelandic narration. Howe^ 
it passes along the tradition of lovely tropical islands in distant s( 

St. Brandan the Navigator was real, the abbot of a Kerry m 
astery near the end of the sixth century. His experiences are si 
in twelfth century Latin verse and told in early Gaelic prose, 
well as in the fine English translation printed by Wynken de Woi 
successor to Caxton — not contemporary testimony, to be sure, 
probably reliable as to the main fact and general course of 
Atlantic journeying, with more or less of the details. 

Humboldt thought St. Brandan may have gone northward, visit 
the Orkneys; but he seems to be wrong, for the narrative ha 
Southern cast. A writer in the Celtic Review/ Mr. Dominick D; 
at first argued for the Bahamas — making the saint f orestall Colum 
— with an ingenious marshaling of winds and current, and ot 
data not all quite so tenable. But he seems to have been convertec 
Teneriffe and her island sisterhood by Markham's translation 



' Alfred Nutt : The Voyage of Bran. 
* Joyce : The Voyage of Maelduin. 
^The Celtic Review, vol. i. p. 139. 



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a rather difficult order. According to some accounts the Bretón 
víalo went with him, the lost Mernoc being a Bretón too. Af ter- 
d St. Malo had a voyage of his own, at least in literature, along 
lar lines. 
he ship of Brandan, like that of Maelduin, was hide-covered 

a wooden f ramework, the hide being in three layers, one inside, 
outside ; and there were other coincidences as to the embarka- 
and the number of sailor-monks. Furthermore, two of the crew 
t foredoomed in each case. But propriety was now strictly 
rved. No magic yarn-balls caught the saint ; he was not fished 
by any kind of Circe or Calypso. The reasons are not given. 
y once a faint semblance of peril may seem to threaten, in his 

to an island monastery of some easy order^ where angels lighted 
tapers and served meáis for the brethren, exciting only a 
rent astonishment in the pious guest. Very humanely and 
lingly, though, he warns off the tormenting swarms of devils 
ti hapless Judas, bidding them let the poor creature have that one 
it in peace. And about the loveliest fantasy in literature is that 
le divinely singing birds, who were really unlucky angels, doomed 
' to serve God in this delightful way, " because our sins had been 
little. Then all the birds began to sing evensong, so that it was 
leavenly noise to hear." 

he legend was a liberal dealer in matters of myth, borrowing 
lending. Under one of these heads and as proof of Irish-Arab 
rchanges already alluded to, either direct or through others, we 
t rank the island-monster, which punished the building of a fire on 
i mistake, and the roc-like bird that began life again after the 
iner of the phoenix. Only, this was by immersion in a Pool of 
ith, which passed on to later times, prompting, it may be (with 

he Celtic Review, 1909, p. 273. 

. De Roo : History of America before Columbus. 

. Cantwell : Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America. Mag. West. History, 

13, p. 141. 



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A visit to a neighboring región, seemingly continental, is also relai 
whence the explorers carried away " f ruit and gems/' Now Af r 
having both, is not very f ar away. Even more apt and explicit are 
accounts of volcanic phenomenon ; for example : " They saw a 
all one fire and the fire stood on each side of the hill like a wall, 
burning." Such a picture might have been photographed wil 
four or five years among the Canary Islands, and has many tii 
been repeated during the march of centuries. 

No doubt there are many islands having volcanoes, but not am< 
the Bahamas. One might find some difficulty in discovering sh( 
cliffs, active volcanoes, fruit, tropical weather, good pasturs 
and an earthly paradise, all nearly together ; but at any rate it mus 
conceded that no part of the world within reach of the saint, exc 
the " Fortúnate Isles " or their neighbors could probably supply 
combination. 

Espinosa relates traditions of the f ew surviving Guanches, concí 
ing an early evangelist supposed to be an apostle (as in so many oí 
instances) ; thirty people who landed long ago at Icod, " the gathei 
place of the sons of the great one," and the finding, before the Sp 
iards came, of a miraculous image, inscribed with uninterpre 
assemblages of Latin letters ; also a curious quotation from an unic 
tified calendar, which relates the sojourn in tho$e islands of St. Bi 
dan and St. Malo for seven years. The latter, it tells us, performec 
ecclesiastical experiment in resuscitating the dead and damned, th< 
by learning uncomfortable things about " Hell " — and permitted 
patient to die again (and finally) " in the time of the Empe 
Justinian." The statuette (of the Madonna and child) above refei 
to, or a later substitute as some say, is still borne in religious \ 
cessions about the island of Teneriffe ; and withholds obstinately 
message of its cryptic characters. Until these cipher writings s 
have been read to some purpose, they obviously can not help to 
tablish any connection with St. Brandan. Mr. Daly thinks the s 



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Dnfident of their visit to those islands a thousand years earlier. 

3.— THE MYTHICAL ISLANDS OF THE ATLANTIC 
The only place where one can still see St. Brandan is on Pizigani's 
lap^ of 1367, bestowing his benediction, in medieval portraiture, 
ti his " Fortúnate Islands," thus named coUectively in the map-le- 
end, but individually as Ysola Caporizzia, Ysola Canaria, and Ysole 
ouer Sommart. Possibly they were borrowed from Dulcert 1339 
f Genoa, who calis the first-named island Capraria and the last 
rimaria.' The site of the latter is identical in both maps and approx- 
nately occupied by a cluster of rocks in a more modern one. Som- 
lart (somma) is, however, more likely to indicate the peak of Pico; 
tid the plural form Ysole may convey a sense of its less lofty Azorian 
>mpanions. Whatever the explanation of this item, the cartographer 
f the Atlante Mediceo or Gaddiano map (1351) thought best to 
mit it ; as does also the Catalán map of 1375. They substituted, how- 
^er, for Caporizzia, Legname or d'Legname (Markland, forest-land) 
scause of the great woods "de haute futaie" (D'Avezac) ' with 
hich the early visitors found it covered, also the comj>anion island 
ecomes Porto Santo, as now, and Las Desertas have already taken 
leir ñame as Insulse Desertae. Zuan da Napoli, whose map — that is, 
le Venetian one uncertainly attributed to him — is given by Kohl 
pproximately the date 14 — (perhaps of 1440 or later) translates 
.egname into Madera, its Portuguese equivalent, which, with a 
ttle change in spelling, still remains. It seems pretty clear that 
ladeira is the original Markland of Atlantic voyagers ; also that 
and its neighbor, Porto Santo, with or without some lesser com- 



' Kohl's collection of maps in Library of Congress. Also Jomard's Atlas. 
* Nordenskjold's Periplus, pl. 8, also K. Krctschmer : The Discovery of 
merica (Die Entdeckung Amerikas), Atlas. Tafel i, pl. 2. Benincasa 1482 
»d others also show the Madeira group as three islands ; but considcr Las 
esertas one of them, omitting Primaria or Sommart. 

' Marie D'Avezac : Discoveries of the Middle Ages, pp. 7, 8. The best repro- 
iction is in Fischer's Sammlung. There is also a good one in Benzley's The 
awn of Modern Geography and an incomplete facsímile m Nordenskjold's 
eriplus. 



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PARTOF MAPOFTHE PI2IGANI BROTHERS, 1 67 (FROM JOMARD), ATLANTIC ISLANDS, UPPEI 
Showing Brasil west of south of Ireland ; also Brazlr (Man) wlth shlp, dragón, and krah 



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iF MAP OFTHE PIZIQANI BROTHERS 1367 (PROM JOMARD), ATLANTIC ISLANDS, LOWER PART 
>wlng ángel warning against westward travel ; also St. Brandan kneeling by his Isiands 
(This píate partiy overlaps píate 1) 



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"""^^aiH 










PART OF CATALÁN MAP OF 1375 
Showing the Island of Brazii west of the south of Ireland. Man and Corvo (with Flores as II i 
successively below. Brazii Is annular, enclosing water and Islets 



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7 



"i 













ív'-- 



■^nJ 













►F MAP OF BATTISTA BECCARIA (BECHARIUS) 1435, UPPER PART OF THE ATLANTIC ISLANDS 
Showing Brasil, Man, Corvo, and Flores 



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years before. Mayda (Asmayda) is even more persistent, for I fi 
it in the oíd and proper latitude, opposite northern France, on a reí 
map, copyrighted in the United States in 1906. 

As map-makers have generally followed explorers, with only 
little toning down and conjectural improvement, we may saf< 
take every additional island of the map as representing at le; 
one voyage or the report of one. We know how the very dubic 
disclosures of the Zeni and the indubitable discoveries of the fifteer 
century got into geography, though the former have since mell 
away. Also we can see how the medieval cartographers built i 
Ítem by item, a true island-showing for the eastern side of the Atlaní 
so that even the 1351 map already cited/ has not only all the Canari 
but all their ñames, as now in use, with the single exception 
Teneriffe. The islands which have not held their place in maps of t 
best authority are almost all islands out of place and duplicat< 
like the Island of St. Brandan, or bits of some more extended a 
more distant coast line similarly misunderstood. Thus the Sunk 
Land of Bus, named af ter one of Frobisher's ships ^ and long a d 
quiet to the mariner, since it could never be found again, is n( 
generally recognized as a part of Greenland, which appeared v 
expectedly before him when he was somehow off his reckonii 
Several other and better known " mythical islands " are inadequat< 
accounted for by any theory which does not cross the Atlantic. 

In form and direction Antillia and Brazil are quite as constant 
the Canaries, and more so than the Azores, of the early maps ; whi 
may show conviction arising f rom some previous precise narrati^ 
Antillia, at its first appearance, is a large, elongated, rectangul; 
quadrilateral island with four indentations in its eastern side, three 
its western side, each in two or three lobes, also a greater one at 
Southern end^ all carefully delineated as if by survey; and it so 1 
mains, on nearly all the pre-Columbian maps. Sometimes this foi 



*M. D'Avezac: Discoveries of the Middle Ages, p. 42. 
-Or possibly after one of his officers. 



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L dragón '* and that even the much later Olaus Magnus * decorates 
e issue of his history with a pictured saurian having a serpent's 
1, in the act of dragging a sailor from a ship's deck to its lair on 
me rocky Atlantic shore. Evidently huge reptiles of the lizard 
id were associated in, human minds for five or six centuries with 
t perils of westward navigation. This of course may mean no more 
in a play of fancy about memories of crocodile-haunted African 
^ers ; though it may also conceivably record impressions left by f ar 
ístern islands where similar forms were at least equally common. 
Avezac,' reviewing the matter of etymology in 1845, dissented from 
umboldt's hypothesis ; which does not seem to have been taken up 
alously by any advócate, notwithstanding the very great eminence 
its author. Perhaps it has been regarded as ingenious, rather than 
rfectly reliable, for the transformation of Altin into Antillia is not 
equately explained. 

A more plausible conjecture, probably the most nearly convincing 
le thus f ar offered, makes up the ñame in Portuguese from Ante or 
nti (before or opposite) and ilha Island. On some maps the latter 
jvd regularly becomes illa — for example that attributed to Zuan 
L Napoli/ already mentioned. By either spelling, the pronunciation 
full would presumably be Anteillia or Antiilia, readily compressed 
Antillia, af ter the manner of all languages when two similar voweis 
•me together. Obviously this derivation has the advantage of sim- 
icity and the case as to meaning is equally good. Divers early maps 
-as Battista Beccaria (Becharius) 1435, Bianco 1436, Pareto" 1455, 
oselli 1468, Bertrán 1489, and Benincasa, 1482 — show Antillia, 



' Jomard: Atlas, Píate 11', Pizigani Map of 1367. An obscure Latín inscrip- 

)n on it contains, however, the word Atullae or Atillie, identified with 

itillia by Kretschmer and others. 

-J. Winsor: Narr. and Crit. Hist. of America, vol. i, p. 74; Tillinghast's 

onograph. 

^Les lies Fantastiques, p. 27. 

* Kohl's coUection of maps in Library of Congress. 

^K. Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerikas, Atlas, Tafel 4. 



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rendered The Island of the Hand of Satán, a ñame abbreviate< 
Satanta by one much later geographer and even changed to St. A 
by another, both necessarily of but secondary authority in suc 
matter. Benincasa, however, reverts to the earlier ñame Salvagi 
Saluagio of Beccaria, changing it slightly to Saluaga. Presum; 
in both cases the " u '* should have the valué of " v/' as was comí 
usage then and long afterward. 

This Beccaria^ (Becharius), was the first delineator, so far as 
know, of this highly significant Antillian group of large far soi 
western islands. He makes them four in number, including a r 
tively small, but considerable island, north of Salvagio marked 
Mar-Sea Island (or Islands), literally " in sea" — and Reylla (K 
Island or Royal Island), bearing, in área, form, and position, appn 
mately the same relation to Antillia that Jamaica bears to Cuba.^ 
also applies to the whole group the conspicuous legend Newly 
ported Islands — Insulle a Novo Repte., which recalls the note acc 
panying Antillia on Behaim's globe of 1492, prepared while Colum 
was yet at sea on his first voyage, to the effect that a Spanish ve 
visited this island in 1414. Nordenskjold quotes also an anonym 
map of 1424 at Weimar, which Santorem has copied in his atlas, 
without Antillia by reason of incomplete westward extensión ; but 
present Weimar librarian considers this to be certainly the w 
(perhaps about 1481), of Freducci, a map-maker of the latter hal 
that century.* Another map by Freducci made after the eai 

*Studi Bibliografici e Biografici, containing papers of ist and 2d Ita 
Geographical Congresses, with maps appended, píate 8. 

= Roselli 1468 shows all four islands, though the outline of his Roill 
faint. The original map is in the collection of the Hispania Societ 
America, New York. Bertrán, as reported by Kretschmer, gives it a diffe 
ñame. 

* My photographic copy of the original, made in Weimar, shows the uj 
half of Antillia with the ñame in ful!, the lower half of the island being 
off by the parchment border. Salvagio above it is in full outline of u 
form, but with only S legible. 



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ich they Dear to ttiis day and that other contemporanes believed he 
[ reached the Antillia which Toscanelli recommended to him in 
anee as a cbnvenient stopping-place on the way to Asia. All 
igs considered, it appears that Nordenskjold had some solid 
und of justification for classifying all the maps of Periplus which 
tain Antillia, under the heading " Maps relating to the New 
irld " (see note i, p. 176). 

antillia and its consorts cannot be the Azores, which in each 
tance are shown half way out to them or not much less, the 
lotest pair of the latter, Flores and Corvo being similarly situated 
•eality with regard to some points of the American shore. Fur- 
rmore these Portuguese islands are in each instance represented of 
ut the proper size, being indeed evidently well understood except 
o the western inclination of the extended Azorean series. This is 
strange in view of the amount of coming and going among them 
hat time, Beccaria's earliest date being about sixty years after * the 
iblishment of the Norman trading post Petit Dieppe on the Af rican 
st far below, foUowed by frequent voyages thereto while the 
ique and Bretón fisheries were carried on in a lively way in those 
5. The Italians also had been up among them, leaving ñames for all 
islands, and now the Portuguese were taking exploration and 
mization earnestly in hand. But far beyond these Azores there 
; obviously, in their settled belief, something very much greater, 
[y defined as in f ront of Portugal, and the Azores, since it extended 
n the parallel of Lisbon or higher, to about that of Gibraltar or a 
e below. The Antillia of Beccaria and his successors may well be 
ler too far north. Discoverers, knowing nothing of the dip of the 
hermal lines southward on the western side, would be likely to 
ge by climate and productions, thus erring in the latitude ; and it 
íasy to see how an opposite mass of land reported to resemble 
tugal in bulk, and conditions, might be conventionalized by the 
p-makers into greater resemblance. A royal grant of 1486 even 



nordenskjold: Periplus, p. 115. Cf. M. D'Avezac: Discoveries of the 
Idle Ages. 



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Nansen's In Northern Mists condenses from Diodorus átale al i 
mentioned, of a Phenician ship driven by tempests to a región opp 
África, which had both mountains and lowland tracts, and aboii 
in the lavish gifts of nature. This description would fit the ' 
Indian región above mentioned, though hardiy anything above 
the American side. However, it may equally well have been devel 
out of the reported facts of a traditional accidental visit to Mac 
Nordenskjold will not say as much for Brazil (the original 
as for Antillia, yet it has a case that cannot be ignored. The fo 
island of the map rarely, if ever, wanders into southern Wc 
and is nearly always west or south of west of Limerick in the 
maps, at an apparent distance which is absurdly small. But the 
teenth and fifteenth century cartographers had a cautious hat 
minimizing distances, the perfectly well known Corvo, for exar 
being generally shown (with that ñame as Corvi Marini, C 
Marinis, or Corvo Marinis), very much nearer Spain than it si 
be. The Piziganis (1367) show both, also Brazil in the usual 
and place besides the more southerly '* Ysole Brazir " apparently 
to judge by its crescent form and location, though farther out 
usual and doubly puzzling by the approximate repetition of the t 
ñame and the use of the Italian plural where but one island is sh 
This part of the map shows a dentapod kraken dragging a sej 
from a ship, a dragón heart and an ángel warning navigators I 
with a frantic though obscure inscription denouncing the dange 
sailing westward. 

The original circular Brazil, west of southern Ireland, is said s 
times to have been called " great," by the medieval Irish,"" remir 
US of " Great Ireland," which was in the same quarter or near it 
it was believed to be of such promise and importance that nume 
expeditions were sent forth in search of it by the merchants of Bi 
during the period between Botoneras failure in 1480 and Ca 



^ E. J. Payne : The A^e of Discovery. Cambridge Modern Historj', vol. i 
^See note 2, p. 176. 



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ivv. Liiai. way 



There are certain features of this Brazil most naturally explained 
¡mperfect delineations of that outjutting elbow of North America 
lich includes the Gulf of St. Lawrence, although no one seems to 
ve noticed what they indícate. Thus the Catalán atlas of 1375 
ows Brazil not as a solid latjd, but as enclosing a sheet of water in 
lich several isles appear. Nordenskjold * says they are seven in 
imber, and reads them as derived from the legend of the Island of 
e Seven Cities, giving no authority except his own fancy. But this 
azil is too far north for the Spanish story, which most likely had 
do with one of the Azores or Madeira, being perhaps an exaggera- 
)n of some real migration of escape, such as would be nearly certain 
occur at the height of the Moorish conquest. Besides, seven towns 
not require an equal number of islands in a great lake or an inland 
1. The Spaniards themselves felt no incongruity in hunting for 
3se cities, in 1539-40, among the deserts and mesas of New México. 
Again, several maps, for instance Prunes's* 1553 and Mercator's 
95, show Brazil as divided into two islands by a passage or channel. 
>r this also we have a mythological explanation (by Dr. Nansen *) — 
mely the *' river of death.'* But again the conjecture is quite 
supported. Yet again, in several maps, Brazil has a space marked 
it after a quaint early fashion of indicating mountainous regions 
d other natural features, and this bears the inscription Montorius 
Mont orious, apparently meaning at least, that a portion of Brazil 
s mountainous. But the map of Dalorto 1325 or 1330 gives its 
me in full as ínsula de montonis siue de brazile.* (See note 3, p. 

5.) 

If, now, we apply these several distinctive features to the región 
iched by Cabot, we find this outjutting córner of America sur- 
mding the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which contains Prince Edward's 
and and the Magdalen Islands, Brion Island and others. Its east- 

Periplus, p. 164. 

K. Kretschmer : The Discovery of America, Atlas, Tafel 4. map 5. 

In Northern Mists, vol. 2, p. 228. 

Ibid. 



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ec 



o 



O 

ff 















S7<y 


S6-0- 


SS^ 


54-0 i. 


J- 


"l>l 


52-<^ 


51^ 


$0-0- 


49^ 


48 -o- 



••O" 



yT 



No. 5. Karte des Matheus Prunec, 1553. (Biblioteca Comunale zu Siena 

PART OF MAP OF MATHEUS PRUNES, 1553 

From Kretschmer's Atlas of Die Entdeckung Amerlkas 

Showing Brazil divided by channel 



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indentations of this outline presented by many maps may indicat( 
memory of real bays and inlets, though fancy would be ampie for si 
plying them. As to the niountains, there are considerable elevatic 
along these ocean-fronting regions, and they grow distinctly impr 
sive beyond the Bay of Fundy, still within the land-wall of the 
Lawrence Gulf. 

We have, then, in a real región, and in only one, the seve 
peculiar features above stated, each offered also by a group of oíd rm 
— as though every observer had individually contributed what nn 
particularly impressed each of them, and was most vividly reme 
bered : and there is nothing in geography or in the circumstances 
those times to make predecessors of Cabot, crossing as he cross- 
impossible or very improbable. Indeed, that particular part of Am 
ica always held itself out conspicuously, tempting discovery. 1 
coincidences may be nothing more ; but the speculation has probal 
a sounder basis than any other advanced thus far concerning t 
very suggestive " island." 

Some investigators, considering Brazil a reality of the past, hé 
explained it in another way, making it a lesser Atlantis of m( 
gradual submergence, a veritable *' sunken land,'* which went slo\ 
down, leaving no more to show for it now than the lonely, ba 
granite peak of Rockall, best described by Mr. Miller Christie 
The Scottish Geographical Magazine for 1898. He does not, he 
ever, suggest its identity with Brazil. According to a globe wh 
he has found, th^re seems to have been a sand-bank visible (at le 
sometimes) on the spot three or four centuries ago;but nothing co 
have been there in the historical period to warrant belief in the gr 
Brazil; its crags must have been frequently in sight of those w 
sought the latter ; and the situation must always have been too in( 
ment. Porcupine Bank has also been presented in this connecti 
but with even less plausibility, being too near the Irish coast, 
ancient in its visibility, too much out of the right direction fr 



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)pain of the 1367 Pizigani map, a mountain there still bearing the 
í Brazil. A second island in that group was named the same 
íps for like reason, any kind of red dye-wood being known as 
il-wood; and there were other instances of such naming, the 
: holding its ground sturdily even yet in eastern South America, 
evident that from the middle of the fourteenth to the beginning 
e sixteenth century, any región named Brazil would be expected 
íld Brazil- wood or other vegetable dye, such as orchilla, in justifi- 
n of its ñame. So it is not surprising that we should be bidden to 
the derivation of the first Brazil in just such material for dyeing. 
it here the clue fails; for the origin of the word itself is 
to seek. The only tenable explanation thus far given makes 
il a coalescence of two long obsolete Irish Gaelic words, breas 
nce) and ail (noble — besides other meanings), Breas also having 
in ancient use as the proper ñame of many chiefs and eminent 
The Irish local ñame usually prefixes I, or Hy, meaning 
intry," and more particularly " island," from Inis, the Gaelic 
^alent of ínsula, Isola, Ysola, or Ilha. It might not be safe to 
late I. de Brazil as the Island of the Noble Prince or the Noble 
Princely Island ; but the general intention of extolling its merits 
ideniable, and, on the fifteenth century map of Fra Mauro we 
find a Latin legend declaring it to be Berzil the fortúnate island 
e Irish. In all this there is certainly something more than admira- 
Df a salable commodity which might be gathered by the shipload 
Lised for dyeing. Furthermore, nobody would have thought, in 
)eginning, of expecting such dye-woods or equivalent material 
Dximately in the latitude of Ireland. After centuries of associa- 
between the ñame and the article, the case was very different 
note 4, p. 176). 



. D'Avezac : Discoveries of the Middle Ages, p. 35. 



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graphers, who had borrowed an Irish word without knowing 
Irish langnage. We find Brazir and Brazile as their pretty 
guesses at the true ñame of the original island, besides the n 
aberrant forms already mentioned, which were generally applie 
the later and derivative Brazils nearer their own shores. 1 
Brazil-wood has nothing to do with the original naming; but 
island ñame has everything to do, through another and nameí 
island, with the naming of the widely sought and greatly coveted 

From the middle of the fourteenth century, Brazil had usual 
crescent-shaped consort on the maps called Man, Mon, or M 
located f arther to the southwest and about in the latitude of Britt; 
This has been sometimes identified with that similarly located 
most persistent Asmaida, Mayda or Mayde which Humboldt thoi 
to be of Arabic naming and diabolical significance ; and certainly 1 
ing ñames in two languages need be no more surprising in this 
stance than in that of Madeira, or Teneriffe, or Flores. Indeed, I 
with its distinctive form, appears in one oíd map as Joncele; 
Mayda in a later one as Vlandoren, showing that navigators of 
other tongues had taken their turns in reporting. It must furthe 
said for Mayda that even in a mid-eighteenth century map it ret 
the oíd station of Man southwest of Brazil ; but, on the other han 
is not usually of a distinctly crescent form. 

Sometimes, too, Man has been identified with the island nortl 
Antillia, the fuU ñame of which is understood to be La Mar 
Satanaxio ; but this is most likely a case of mere verbal coincide 
helped out by their share in a common evil repute, to which 
Devil Rock, still appearing on some maps in this quarter, may 1 
witness. But the existence of this rock is apparently dispro 
as the United States Hydrographic Office informs me. At 
rate, on the fifteenth century maps of Beccaria, Benincasa, and Bia 



'See Note 5, p. 176. 



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assuredly is that one the most protean, elusive, and bewilder- 
Df the whole " mythical island '* display. It seems more readily 
eivable to suppose they have grown out of two or more glimpses 
md, at widely separated points and by men of different nations 
languages who sometimes used a syllable in common, though with 
rent meanings; and there is nothing in this to preclude those 
es from belonging to a single far extended line, continuous or 
en. A guess at Satanaxio has already been given. Similarly we 
say that if Brazil be the región about the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 
light possibly find Man in the Bermudas, though the indications 
oo faint to warrant more than a diffident suggestion (see note 6, 

7). 

íviewing the general field of these islands that for so long have 

ed their little jests with geography, it seems altogether likely 

before the acknowledged historical discoveries of the Antilles 
North America, there had been crossings and recrossings of the 
ntic at various times approximately along the routes of Columbus 
Cabot; possibly also on one or more intervening lines. The 
le intimations which they gave in the figures and traditions of 
Ilia and Brazil undoubtedly spurred on both of these men ; and 
ably one or more of them had, far earlier, through the related 
.t Ireland and its legends, made certain the discovery of Mark- 

and Wineland by the Icelanders. But we have no surviving 
itives of these previous voyages which may be tested by their data 
atural history, ethnology, and coastline features as we test the 
ge-narrative of Thorfinn Karlsefni. 

4.— THE PROBLEM OF GREAT IRELAND 

e acquit St. Brandan of finding America, but the fact remains 
for probably more than five centuries men believed in a Great 
nd far west of Ireland over sea. 



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masters. But this would equally prove what was then the prev 
tradition. 

We know that the early Irish Church was the lamp of fait 
all the west; that St. Patrick's conquest of the island for ( 
aroused in it a wave of militant Christian emotion, becoming in 
souls an eagerness to spread the gospel, in others a wild hunge 
solitude, where life might be as nearly as possible an unbroken t 
of religious ecstasy; and that these combined motives drove 
shiploads of rehgious mariners out in all directions with most : 
doned recklessness. The Norse rovers were counted the hai 
and boldest men of all the world, but they could find no place \ 
these Irish had not been before them. It was so in the Orkne; 
the Faroes, and in Iceland — and their holy-isle off shore fron 
latter home is still named for them. A well-known passage o 
Landnamabók records their withdrawal, apparently betweer 
years 885 and 1000, leaving Irish books, bells, and croziers b 
them. But that is not their earliest. Dicuil, the monastic Irish 
grapher, mentions meeting, a hundred years before, one o 
brethren who had been to Iceland ; also there are items, of unce 
valué, in various quarters concerning an alleged Irish settleme 
that island a century earlier still. 

In view of what they really achieved, their known fearlessnes 
very special impulsión, why should it be incredible that in one 
more they should outstrip all others, reaching at some point the 1 
land of America, though they might not be able to return, and 
settlement must die out if reinf orcements failed ? If their suppla 
in Iceland, the Norsemen, had not recorded the presence there of 
ecclesiastical Irishmen it is Hkely that we should be debating it to 
though it continued so long. 

In the beginning of the Heimskringla ^ — " one of the great hi 
books of the world," as Dr. Fiske has called it, in a portion recog: 

' Sec Dr. Brinton's early article in Historie Mag., vol. 9, p. 364 (1865), 
tifying with Carolina by reason of Albinos. 

^Laing's translation of Heimskringla, vol. i, p. 216. 



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that the references to it are historie in a way, for it is simply 
5sia. Dr. Storm * also observed this coincidence and added 
^na Graecia as another example; but somehow he remained of 
opinión that Great Ireland was a myth or a mistaken remembrance 
celand. 

in oíd manuscript (codex 770 of the Arne Magnean collection), 
ted by Rafn's Antiquitates Americanae, is fairly explicit as to 
Llity : 

ow there are, as is said, south from Greenland, which is inhabited, deserts, 
habited places and icebergs, then the Skrellings, then Markland, then 
íland the Good. Next, and farther behind, lies Albania, which is White- 
's Land. Thither was sailing formerly from Ireland; there Irishmen and 
inders recognized Ari, the son of Mar and Katla of Reykjaness, of whom 
iing had been heard for a long time and who had been made a chief there 
[le inhabitants. 

his appears to have been prompted by the following brief narrativa 
he Landnamabók of Ari the Wise (a descendant of the vanished 
i) who died in 1148. His Islendingabók says the same, only 
fting the sources of information : 

lieir son was Ari. He was driven out of his course at sea to White-Men*s 
d, which is called by some persons Ireland the Great. It lies Westward 
le sea near Wineland the Good. It is said to be six doegrs sail west of 
and. Ari coiild not depart thence and was baptized there. The first 
unt of this was given by Rafn, who sailed to Limerick and remained for 
^g time at Limerick in Ireland. 

Lri the Wise adds that Thorkell Gellison, his own únele, had heard 
same story from Earl Thorfinn of the Orkneys. 
'here is a parallel episode in the Eyrbyggja Saga (perhaps a 
^ment of the lost saga of Biorn the Broadwickers' champion) 
ch has sometimes been thought a mere elaborated echo of the 

j. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Mémoires Société Royale des 
iquaires du Nord (1888), pp. 307-370;, also separately 1889. 



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that most people believe they went to Great Ireland. Vigfussc 
appears to accept this guarded statement as presenting a fact; 1 
Reeves * does not f eel the identification at all certain ; and doubtl 
it ¡s not. As to intemal evidence, Biorn was on horseback, bann 
were carried before him and his people spoke a lang^age Hke Irii 
so wherever Gudleif went, ¡f there be any truth ¡n the details, it \ 
not to America. We may most saf ely treat this story as adding 
data to the material in hand, but merely borrowing f rom the bet 
authenticated legend of Ari Marsson, in developing an edifyi 
sequel to a well knowtn Icelaudic romance of reckless and lawless lo 
Taking the passages above quoted with the Sigurdr Stefánsí 
map, hereafter more fuUy treated — ^which shows Helluland, Ma 
land and the upper part of Wineland, and bears traditional no 
of the latter's extensión southward to the "wild sea" and te 
" fiord," separating it f rom the " America of the Spaniards " — 
might conjecture Great Ireland to be New Jersey, or the eastern sb 
of Maryland, or Virginia south of the Chesapeake, according to < 
choice among the " fiords." All are in the deep concavity of i 
coast Une between Cape Cod and Cape Hatteras; all consequen 
lie below and behind the southem sea front of New England a 
Long Island. But precisión can not really be insisted on ; for Stef á: 
son must have had very vague ideas of everything below Cape Bret' 
or else his drawing would have been extended in that direction. 1 
notes are perhaps by another hand, but if so represent equally w 
the national tradition. However, Beauvois's conjecture loca 
Great Ireland on the St. Lawrence. Others have located it in 1 
Mississippi Valley, or some part of Ireland ifself . Storm thoughi 
a sort of reflection or adtmibration of Iceland. But all non-Americ 
identifications of this región seem rather far-fetched. 



* Vigfusson and Powell : Origines Islandicae, p. 23. 
'A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the Good. Final Notes. 
3 



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JNow tiiis is tile City oDviousiy iinkea witn tne isiana oí urazu 
le implication of the earliest fourteenth century maps. 
it it is not in Limerick sailors' yams, however possible, ñor in 
llel nomenclature, however significant, ñor in obvious infer- 

popular belief and geographical statements or representations 
ig no assured basis, to establish an important fact of history. 
must feel that Irish monks, blinded to everything beyond their 
rbing purpose, may very well have been here before any Norse- 
; but it seems at present beyond proving. 

ít there is no warrant for treating Great Ireland as assuredly 
il, and reasoning there f rom by analogy against Wineland. The 
lity to prove is a different thing from conclusive disproval; 
ve are so f ar from the latter that the preponderance of probability 

the other way. Great Ireland, White Men's Land, or Albania 
iply an asserted región like the Island of Brazil, believed in for a 
time by many people likely to have some inkling of the truth, but 
h, unlike Brazil, did not find its way into maps drawn by men of 
lern Europe. Great Ireland and Brazil Island may well be near 
ibors, or overlapping ñames for parts of the same coast. But at 
;nt we should hold the matter in abeyance for f urther light. 

5.— THE COLONIZATION OF GREENLAND 

)ward the end of the tenth century various things combined 
ring the Icelanders to America. The insular stepping stones 
'rom Europe had grown more familiar than remote districts of 
own island; the habit of voyaging in every direction but one 
t that exception an anomaly which could not last. Furthermore, 
aggressive missionary spirit of Christianity was rising and 
ling forth, especially from Norway. Iceland thus far had held 
lominally, in a spirit of conservatism, for Odin and his wife 
:he tremendous warlike Thunder ; but King Olaf ^ was urging his 
doctrines, with appeals to commercial advantage and menaces of 

eimskringla. Laing's transí., vol. i, pp. 427, 445. 



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lana to the Christian íaitJi, as well as ttie inciüentai mscove 
America by a newly converted missionary sea-captain, a s< 
Eric, sailing out to the latter country with the message of Chrii 
King Olaf . 

Turning back a very little from thís, the Iceland of the yes 
and thereabout was in the very flood-tide of population and ho 
ness, even afflicted with an excess of strenuous enterprise and U] 
promising self-assertion, which made every neighborhood f 
eager to fight for its sentiments at a word, every man painfuU] 
cerned in distinguishing himself and his steel sword on c 
every member of a family bound to avenge any wrong or slij 
its least appendage or take vengeance indefinitely for some retal 
perfectly warranted by their own code. 

The last word is significant, for the thing itself was rarel 
sight of . The distorted and bloody láw-abiding spirit of the Icel 
has been often commented on as almost unique in history. H 
inherited a common law, and so venerated it that he sent an < 
early in the island history to Norway for more perfect enlig 
ment. This man brought back a slightly modified code. It c 
the popular fancy wonderfully and became a great factor in 
daily lives, though its precepts and the decisions under them f( 
most part were carried in memory only. A singularly artificial s 
of pleading and practice grew up, every one being a stickle 
exactness of procedure and treating legal formulas as of 
magical efficacy — witness the effective but unintended declai 
of truce which the adroit Snorri the Priest, in the Saga o 
Heathslayings, entraps a conceited memorizer into declaiming, t 
the latter knew that his mosfdeadly enemy was beside him. 

Most of the sagas are indeed almost as much the histori 
litigation as of private war. The two things went together. Du 
was f uUy recognized and relied on as one means of settling dispt 
even at first, of acquiring and holding other men's wives and 
erty; while the blood feud seems to have had a semi-legal s 
gradually losing ground in theory but remaining popular, se 



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[nai nc migni uve. 

ic does not come ¡nto view as an aggressor. He had lef t Norway 
his f ather, as the bcst way to escape a feud. In his first Icejand 
i the beginning of tragedy was a landslide or avalanche that 
lome damage to a neighbor's land, whereupon this neighbor 
the blame on two slaves of Eric — ^probably Britons or.Gaels — 
cilled them incontinently. Eric flared up in fury and killed the 
r. This brought about the usual turbulent "lawsuit/' and 
was exiled f rom the district ; making his new home on Oxney 
■island) in the great southwestern Broadfirth. 
it he did not keep out of trouble. A f riend borrowed f rom him 
r of heraldic door-posts, used occasionally, too, as ship's figure- 
3 — or possibly picture-carven sections of those partitions, often 
ngly ornamented, that made up the box-bed enclosures in which 
nodern sepárate sleeping roóms find perhaps their origin. They 

valuable at any rate, and the borrower prized them no less than 
K) refrained from retuming them as desired. In the end red- 
ed Eric went to the f alse f riend's house with a party and took 

away. There was a rally of the aff ronted household ; pursuit, 
d in hand; a small battle in the highway, in which Eric cut 
1 a man or two — thereby winning distinction as a brisk champion, 
o be imposed upon, but also unlimited persecution and disaster. 
i had made good and eminent f riends in that neighborhood, one 
f Thorbiorn, chief of Vifilsdale, son of Vifil, one of Queen Aud's 
in men, of whom she had said that he would be distinguished 
^here, with land or without it. Also, Thorbiorn, through his 
tiful daughter Gudrid, was to be grandfather to the first-born 
t American : so there were notable issues hanging on the door- 
í of contention and on Eric's honest impulsiveness for good or 
However, they overrode him and he was driven to hide in out- 
f islands and inconvenient places, while his enemies hunted 
ently to find and slay him. 

len our fugitive called to mind a ninety-year-old story of an 
lown land over the western sea and determined to seek refuge 



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quite suddenly, into the unknown. 

For three years he was lost to the world,' three years devot 
an exploration so careful and thorough that, according to I 
Danish Greenland (a " fascinating book " as Fiske has rightly < 
it) hardly anything has remained for later search unless ii 
absolutely ice-clad interior, the remote north or the nearly inacce 
east. Nansen also — and there can be no better authority — ranl 
achievements as an explorer among the very greatest. Pa 
through the narrow water gates — hidden altogether from the e) 
Davis late in the sixteenth century — which break at ¡nterval 
Coast of Desolatíon, he foUowed deep and branching fiords 
an interrupted belt of verdure and flowers, of low trees and si 
and plentiful berries, of tumbling cascades and far oíf gli 
glimpses ; and this he called Greenland, choósing it for the heí 
his main settlement. Another área, somewhat like it, about two 
dred and fifty miles up the shore, was penetrated and chosen 
becoming the site of the lesser westem settlement. The subseí 
centuries have disclosed no improvement upon these, and he í 
to have acquainted himself equally with the less valuable or u 
savage regions which he passed by. There is no doubt that he re; 
Davis Strait, very likely passing up beyond Disco, soon aftei 
well known as Bear Island (Biamey). He may well have stoo 
far enough from shore to see the other side. When the wori 



'For their disappearance see note on Ruysch's (1507) map of the 
Lelewers Atlas. Also Voyages of the Cabots and Cortereals by H. P. I 
p. 60; also Major's Works; but Nansen dissents, believing they were < 
Greenland coast. 

' "This happened five hundred years before the rediscovery of Amer 
Columbus and Cabot. I thínk this Norse exploration of Greenland a the 
years ago equals any modern polar exploration both as regards importan 
as regards the way in which it was carried out." Nansen in Scribner's 
Mar. 1912. Article dated Nov. 26, 191 1. 



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oíd that Eric had the worst of it, and can see that he might fee) 
to afford such a settlement, having graver matters in hand. 
laps he was beginning to feel the claims of a continent. Then 
ge fleet, for the time and country, set out under his leadership, 
g eleven vessels by the way, although the major part won through 
safely established themselves in their new home about the year 
The center of this colony was at Eric's home, Brattahlid, near 
of the branches of what is now known as Igalico inlet. Appar- 
' he was the first judge as well as chief personage. Not far 
^, toward the other branch, the Cathedral of Cardar was built 
indred and forty years laten It still stands, though perhaps 
larly fifteenth century restoration, as the ruined " Kakortok 
ch." In all that región Eskimo ñames have supplanted Norse, 
pt a few added by Danés in the last two centuries. Yet from 
nland carne the Lay of Atli and possibly Edda poems ' and Dr. 
sen supposes that a special school of versification had its origin 

o one who foUows the career of Eric, as outlined by the often 
mpathetic saga-men, will grudge him this hardly won triumph. 
characters, if any, are more clearly presented in history ; few are 
iger and more interesting. A sea-king who never marauded ; 
st man, careful of what was confided to him, yet insisting 
iptly on his rights at every cost ; a conservative, who could turn 
Drer off hand with better results than the work of the very best ; 
idly fighter who f ought def ensively only ; a man of hospitality, 
iality, cheerfulness, who never complained except when his 
stian wife turned against him for remaining a pagan. 
e made the Norse Greenland, which stood as his monument for 
ly five hundred years. He gave the ñame by which we know it 

Vigfusson : Prolegomena to the Sturlunga Saga, p. 191. 



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6.— THE VOYAGES OF MADOC AND THE ZENO 
BROTHERS 

A few early westward voyages on the Atlantic oífer at first | 
the hope of throwing light upon Wineland problems, but they 
supply very little information. Nicholas of Lynn, whose wor 
been traced as far as possible by De Costa* and others, has L 
various maps indications of theories derived from his noi 
explorations about the year 1360. He seems to have reache^ 
land, making a quick passage and presumably going f arther ; bi 
til his lost narrative " Inventio Fortunata " shall be found, wh 
tell where he went? 

Madoc of Wales has been put forward intermittently for cen 
with zeal as the first colonizer of America. Welsh Indians, by 
or language, were formerly (as was supposed) discovered 1 
advocates in Florida, México, the Carolina mountains, the 
pueblos, and the Mandan villages on the Missouri. One 
declared that he was greeted in Welsh in the lobby of a Washi 
hotel by an " Asquaw '* chieftain of Virginia " wearing c 
f eathers." "" Stephens's newly republished " Madoc " is a vei 
museum of these futile oddities. There is no room for \ 
recent or archaic, on our Indian linguistic map, and the ^ 
has grown incredulous about it. Welsh people might, ho\ 
have come and lost their language ; and they might blend with ti 
men so as to be indistinguishable in their descendants. We su 
such a result, or extermination, to have occurred in the case < 
Walter Raleigh's colony,* the Norse Greenlanders and the Sí 
expedition, going eastward, which vanished in the Llano Estí 
We know it was so in the case of the Spanish Chilians, overwh 



* B. F. De Costa : Arctic Exploration. Amer. Geogr. Soc. Bull., 1880, 
*Th. Stephens: Madoc (ed. 1893). 

'W. Strachey: The Historie of Travaile into Virginia. (See Pow' 
statement.) 



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1270. A well known English translation of about 1559 by 
iphrey Lloyd was afterward edited and extended by D. Powell 

great pains, and published ¡n 1584. Both of these modem 
ers made interpolations, which there was an honest attempt to 
nguish by notes and markings ; but they leave the reader uncer- 
as to the actual f acts. 

[lus the statement that " Madoc leí t the land and prepared certain 
3 and men and munition and sought adventures by seas, sailing 
, leaving the coast of Ireland so f ar north that he carne to lands 
lown," may be due to some f orgotten brother of a monastery ; 
> Lloyd the translator nearly five centuries afterward, as the next 
ínces undoubtedly are. 

irthermore, when we find Powell quoting f rom Gutyn Owens, an 
r writer, to the effect that Madoc left some of his people in the 

country when he returned to Wales and that he afterward 
d to rejoin them with ten ships, ¡t ¡s baffling to learn f rom 
hens that cióse inquiry f ails to supply any original and that the 
age is not in the manuscript work to which it most often has 

credited. Yet assuming that Powell read it in some lost book 
^wens, and even that it be true, we still are not informed where 
!oc went. 

ephens also winnowed and sifted a number of pre-Columbian 
ions or supposed allusions to Madoc in Welsh poems; giving 
t accurate translations, which offer such unnautical substitutes 
walls " and " fierceness *' f or the sea-words relied upon. There 
lins only a small residuum, vaguely celebrating his taste for 
gation. We may add Lloyd's reference to certain popular 
)les " of Madoc current in the sixteenth century, but a specimen 
Id be more valuable than the translator's easy disparagement. 
ivies, quoted and foUowed by Stephens,* believed that Madoc 

in Wales by the hand of an assassin before the year 11 70, the 

li. Stephens: Madoc (ed. 1893), p. 212; see also p. 210. 



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prince is not conclusively made out ñor easily thinkable. 

It seems more likely that he sailed, at first on a westward o 
as stated, which, if continued far enough, might land him ¡n ] 
Scotia or ón the shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. But Mad 
Wales would have no compass, though the Arabs had ¡t, an< 
Spaniards through them;^ and though the troubabour Guie 
Provins was to mention it only four years later; and Madoc 
no particular aim that we know of, so that, either by accidei 
design, his helm may have shifted widely. Armorica, Madeira 
other possible landf alls have been suggested ; but there is no ev¡< 
for any of them. 

If the story of Madoc is baffling through its meagerness appn 
ing a vacuum, the Zeno Brothers ' * narrative is Hkewise bafflir 
its exuberance and confusión. Nicoló Zeno published the sto 
Venice in 1588, as his best restoration of a map and letters, v 
he had f ound when a boy among f amily documents and torn or o 
wise damaged unthinkingly. His work seems mainly done in 
faith and to celébrate the prowess of the earlier Zeni, wit 
thought of pitting them against Columbus ; but he used divers 
and books to help him out and conjectured at random, and 
wilfuUy decorated a little, as though to make amends for 
despitef ul usage.' Thus " Icaria " in the original — ^possibly í 
or St. Kilda — suggests the myth of Daedalus, which forthwith c 
headlong into the story. Again he must needs help out a fisherr 
yarn of travel among Indians in America by a little recently acqi 
knowledge of Aztec temples and human sacrifices. There was a 
great shif ting of harbors and towns. His most conspicuous inve 



* Th. Stephens : Madoc. p. 195. 

^ R. H. Major : The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers Zeno. 
'F. W. Lucas: The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Zeno ( 
pp. 8, 83, 99. 



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id by its unintended ingenuity of misunderstanding, a habit of 
igious exaggeration and a genius f or transforming words. When 
ead that Zichmi, ruling in Frisland, made war against the King 
lorway, it means, according to Major, that Earl Sinclair of the 
leys had a skirmish with a forgotten claimant to a part of his 
tory. Later, a warm spring on an island of a Greenland fiord, 
le which a monastery once stood, evolves a monastery and monk- 
1 village on an active volcanic mountain with commercially 
table gardening, carried on by the aid of hot water pipes — ^an item 
Dwed, according to Lucas, from sixteenth century Norway or 
ind. You soon can measure the valué of such narrative and make 
allowance for its exaggerations. There is usually some germ of 
1 to be found and the Greenland part of their map has an accuracy 
ítail which appears to mark it as based on personal observation or 
rmation (see Major) that Europe could not supply, although 

this argument in favor of the story has been undermined by 
is and the discovery of some ancient maps. 
seems that an earlier Nicoló Zeno, being cast by chance on the 
t of Frisland about 1390, was saved from the rude inhabitants 
Zichmi, lord of the región, who took the Italian into his service. 
>ló participated in the wars then and afterward carried on by 
íarl, and sent for his brother Antonio, who joined him in Fris- 
, took part in the Shetland Campaign, and wrote letters to their 
iier Cario at home. A certain Faroese fisherman having brought 

after a long absence a tale of strange adventures in unknown 
tries Southwest of Greenland, Zichmi fitted out an expedition to 
them. This expedition, however, found only " Icaria," Iceland, 
Greenland, with some minor islands known and unknown. The 
lers Nicoló and Antonio accompanied Zichmi, perhaps about 



'y. cit, p. 105. 



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beginning in 1385, who had two Eskimo servants. It was many ; 
since Ivar Bardsen, then or afterward steward of the Bií 
accompanied, probably about 1337, an expedition of relief te 
westem settlement, threatened by the Eskimo — and f ound that a 
devoid of human life. A few desertad cattle and nothing 
remained as relies of the earliest of the Greenland myst< 
The preceding decade aífords the curious evidence of an e: 
official receipt for the Greenland contribution of 1327 (in w 
tusks) to the expenses of a crusade.* These facts and the 
voyage to Markland show that the Eastern settlement at least 
alive and in touch with both continents. Through the second 
of the fourteenth century we must suppose that the Eskimo 
drawing nearer and gaining ground, especially after the retuí 
Norway in or before 1364 of the relief expedition of 1355 under 
Knutson.* About 1379 there seems to have been another Es 
attack, costing the colony 18 men. But probably peace reign( 
1400 and as late as 1409, when a young Icelander visiting Creer 
was married at Cardar by the Bishop and even after 1410, ^ 
the last authentic voyage' from Iceland to Creenland occu 
About 1418 the storm broke on them, according to a papal 1 
of 1448, in the form of a fleet of heathen, devastation, capti 
and death. But the destruction was not complete and in 144Í 
colony was getting together again. A dubious entry* of 
mentions annual voyages until then from Bergen to Creen 
Another papal letter/ about ten years afterward, announces 

* H. Egede : A Description of Greenland, pp. 20, 21. 

* W. Thalbitzer : The Eskimo Language, p. 29. 

'H. J. Rink: Danish Greenland, ed. by R. Brown, p. 28. 

* G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages, 1899. 
*H. J. Rink: Danish Greenland, ed. by R. Brown p. 29. 
*W. Thalbitzer: The Eskimo Language, p. 29. 

^J. E. Olson: The Voyages of the Norsemen. Orig. Narr. Early ^ 
Hist., Vol. I. 



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to Heriulfsness that he heard, or thought he heard, the lost 
e driving home their cattle and sheep in the twilight. 
Dbably we shall never know just when the last flicker of civilized 
lied out of Norse Greenland ; but it may well have been some- 
e between the middle and the end of the fifteenth century. 
ness falls, and there is an end; but the uncertainty and the 
ed pathos of this chapter of oíd history makes any item very 
ime, even if distorted (see note 8, p. 177). 
ijor's skill in clearing away the fogs from the adventures of 
-eni among the island clusters and in Greenland has natur- 
►een less available for America. The fisherman who caused the 
arable western expedition died bef ore it started ; but the regions 
I by them Estotiland and Drogeo appear on their map as roughly 
sponding to Newfoundland and Nova Scotia. Kohl* has 
isted East-outland as a derivation of the ñame, with reference 
e eastward protrusion of that great insular mass of land ; but 
seems a difficulty in accounting for the adoption of this English 
Lucas' rather improbably derives Estotiland, by not very 
ient conjecture, from the beginning of an oíd motto. Beauvois ' 
in interesting suggestion that Estotiland is a misreading of 
ciland (Scotland), perhaps not clearly written in the original 
• ; the ñame having been transf erred to America as Great Ireland 
been long before, and as Nova Scotia and Cape Bretón were 
in later times. This seems probable. 

Fischer: The Discoveries of the Northmen in America, p. 51. 

Egede: A Description of Greenland, pp. 14-22. 

Holm : Explorations of the East Coast of Greenland. Meddelelser om 
and, vol. 9. 

te Discovery of Maine, p. 105. 
>yages of the Zeno Brothers, before cited. 

Découverte du Nouveau Monde par les Irlandais, p. 90. 



i 



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this ñame also had a European origin, Italian in source or tr 
mission. On Mercator's map of 1595, we find the words Dr< 
dit Cornu Gdlia (compare Cornouailles of Brittany) applied to C 
Bretón island; which is too far removed from the mainland, 
unmistakable in íts distinctive form. There is no mistaking, eit 
his reference to the Bretón horn protruding from northwes 
France into the Atlantic, which gave its ñame, early in the sixte< 
century, through its seafaring sons, to this other long, elev 
northern cape or ness discovered in the new world. This was alv 
the next land below Newfoundland ; it was also lower in eleval 
perhaps in part very much so, as fuUy half the island certainly is i 
Possibly deroga, derogare, or dirogare, if carelessly treated, m 
evolve a Drogio fitting both meanings, if the Italian word» 
dispense with the moral implication of " derogatory." Mercal 
identification, being but seven years later than the publication oi 
Zeno story, and, therefore, that of a geographer who could have 
sulted the publisher and author on any doubtf ul and important p 
must be taken as more nearly authoritative than anything else w 
we have. Ortelius, about the same time, showed Drogio even far 
from the mainland and with less fidelity to outline, but the intei 
the same. 

This seems a revulsión from the more f requent mapping of ( 
Bretón Island as integral with Nova Scotia, which was less lite: 
true, yet nearer the actual f act ; f or the Gut of Canso has never 
more than a water-thread, and there was nothing to prevent 
continuous southwestern travel indicated by the story, with ha 
appreciable addition of canoe-ferriage. 

Dr. Fiske is at pains to present parallels to the tale of this casta 
in the narratives of the romancing Ingram, and the more histor 
well as more widely ranging Cabeza de Vaca. We might add S 
of Barbary, who appeared in colonial times on the wilderness bo 
of Virginia, having been carried from New Orleans to the Shaw 



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ager and faint reflection of Spanish observations in México, 
^ucas, however, must be wrong in ascribing the whole story to 

latter source, for the Estotiland and Drogio portions have no 
mish earmarks and are placed too far north. On the other hand, 
hl in the Discovery of Maine is equally inadequate, finding only, 
he thinks, the reflection of the general American knowledge of 
íenland Norsemen; for these could have had no such illusions 
lut their neighbor, Markland, then known for several centuries ; 
I, on the other hand, they may be supposed quite ignorant of semi- 
lized teocallis, temples, and human sacrifices. About all that 
Id be obtained in Greenland for this little Zeno exposition of 
rteenth century America was the existence of a timbered New- 
ndland, its protrusion into the ocean, the f act that it was inhabited, 

great cape below it, the sea between and behind, some notion of 
)wer coast peopled by savages, and some lingering tradition of a 
-mer and more fertile región lower still, and effectively guarded 
ike manner. 

i. faint shadow of corroboration may be found in Cormack's* 
Dunt of the surprising works of industry of the Beothuk in 1828 

what Cartwright * has to tell us more than half a century earlier. 
iré was surely something of the Norse indomitableness about a 
pie who, after centuries of encompassment and continual hostility, 
Id still refuse submission or even amicable relations, choosing 
truction instead, and who inspired a terror that outlived them in 
ir Micmac enemies and successors. When we read of their thirty 
ss and more of deer-fences in use when they were confined to a 
lU área in the northwest of the island ; of their stone causeways, 



Vm. Meade: The Oíd Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia, vol. 
34. 

1. Lescarbot: Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., p. 47. AIso Champlain's 
ages, p. 46. Orig. Narr. Early Amer. Hist. 

V. E. Cormack : Journey in Seareh of the Red Indians in Newfoundland ; 
inb. Philos. Journ., vol. 6, 1829, p. 327. 
'apt. Cartwright and his Journal; republished 191 1; before cited. 



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If Icelanders or Greenlanders reached our Atlantic shore, ti 
will always be a possibility that some trace of their former presí 
may be found. Whether it amounts to probability must depend 
the extent and character of that presence. There is a vast difiere 
between permanent occupancy* by thousands of people, erec 
stone houses and bridges, churches, and monasteries, in a re^ 
like Southern Greenland, where for centuries there were no oi 
inhabitants and the forces of nature tended toward preservation, 
the hasty visits of exploring parties and wood-cutters, or even b 
attempts at colonizing a bit of forest country, subject to invasioi 
savages, fire, and decay. 

Inscriptions deeply graven might last even until now in dry 
protected places. But why should there be inscriptions? L; 
reports in his pref ace to Heimskringla that " f ew if any runic insc 
tions of a date prior to the introduction of Christianity are foun 
Iceland," while Greenland, though then already occupied for 
years, and for centuries afterward, has not yielded one. There is 
even a letter, runic or Latin, or a character of any kind, on the stí 
ing cathedral walls of Gardar or anywhere within its compass, tho 
repeated excavations have exhausted all the ground. Graah ' not 
a tablet-like wall-stone with parallel lines on its inner face, which i 
have been prepared for such use, but the purpose was never car 
out. There are perhaps half a dozen Greenland gravestone insc 
tions of the conventional sort, in one alphabet or the other, begini 
with the twelfth century ; and far up Baffin Bay a miniature monur 
was found about 1824, bearing the ñames of men who had " clej 
land " or performed some other operation there at a date near W 
suntide in the year 1135, as some read it, though others put the ; 
a century or two later, apparently either as a preemption entry 
record of exploring achievement. Nothing more than this in the 



' H. J. Rink: Danish Greenland. 

*W. A. Graah : Narr. of an Expedition to the East Coast of Greenland, j 



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as once directed to the subject. Rafn's voluminous Antiquitates 
mericanae led the way with the Newport " tower " (since clearly 
iown to have been only Governor Arnold's windmill pattemed en 
i older one in his former English home) and other equally random 
ndes. Longfellow.embodied one of these speculations in a spirited 
liad, immortaHzing that squalid Fall River " skeleton in armor/' 
lióse copper breast-tablet and belt only antedated the ornaments 
und by Gosnold * in use on Cape Cod, with no hope at all of such 
►ñor. 

The Dighton rock-pictures, with the central row of tallymarks, 
tve been many times published since the first copying by Dr. Dan- 
rth in 1680. The present rate of obliteration would have wiped 
em quite away before now, if existing conditions had been estab- 
hed then or a little earlier.* Schoolcraft obtained an erudite 
Igonquian reading from his Ojibway experts, although the tally 
arks baíHed them, and these he called ruñes, but afterward with- 
ew the exception. As quoted by Colonel Mallery,* his final verdict 
as : " It is of purely Indian origin, and is executed in the peculiar 
mbolic character of the Keekeewin." These tally-like marks were 
íll visible when I visited the rock in 1910, but might apparently have 
en made by any one who could carve the numeral I or an X. 
On the west shore of Mt. Hope Bay, near that noted elevation, 
a boulder marked on its top, as it now lies, with the outline of a 
at, having the bow enlarged or uplifted, much as a white man's 
>at will appear when the stern sets low in the water. We saw 
veral like instances on Taunton River soon after inspecting and 
icing the one above mentioned. An Indian canoe hardly could be 

J. Brereton: A Briefe Relation of the Discoverie by Gosnold. Bibliog- 
pher, 1902, p. 33. Also in Oíd South Leaflets. 

See Prof. Greenwood's letter of 1730. Amer. Anthrop., 1908, p. 251. 
Fourth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. (1882-1883). 



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Prof . Diman, when an undergraduate, is said to have mentioned it 
the " Bristol Phoenix " about 1846, between the time of its loss and 
rediscovery. Its characters have a more alphabetic look than th< 
of the Dighton rock and may mean either something or nothii 
It must not be forgotten that Indians often depict objects on ro< 
in idleness, just as any of us may carve a bit of wood or sen 
careless figures and characters on a newspaper margin. Such worl 
sometimes done as an exhibition of skill bef ore others ; and charact 
not obviously pictorial may be conventionalized outlines or rand 
grooves and scratches, not necessarily even records of any f act, s 
less symbolic. Of course it is not intended to deny that pictoi 
records, such as the " winter counts," have been maSe and presen 
by Indians, ñor that s)anbolic figures are used in the ritual of th 
priests ; but there can be no doubt that the tendency to find somethi 
esoteric or at least very meaningf ul in every chance bit of native ro 
scratching has been a delusion and a snare. 

The proximity of the boulder to Mount Hope seems to mark t 
queer relie as* almost certainly Wampanoag work ; and the same n 
be said with less confidence of a chain of deeply incised recesses 2 
channels in the landward face of another boulder found by I 
David Hutcheson * just off shore at high tide (bare at low tide) i 
small cove of Portsmouth Bay, Aquidneck, across the fields f rom 
railway station. Several other inscriptions, plainly Indian work, 
figured at the end of the Antiquitates American» as f ormerly exist 
at this point and at Tiverton on the other side of the strait known 
Sakonnet River. They seem to have since disappeared and cali f or 
especial description. 

No doubt the Wampanoags, Narragansets, or their more east 
neighbors of like stock, are responsible for the Dighton Rock c 

* Charles Rau's monograph on cup stones illustrates Algonquian specim 
of similarly connected pattern, the nearest being at Niantic in western C 
necticut. 
4 



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rate ot weanng away by tide-water would ensure obliteration n 
doubt in much less than the nine hundred years between Thorfinn 
time and our own, but that rate depends on present conditions, whic 
did not obtain when the pictog^aphs were out of reach of the tid' 
as they must have been at first and long afterward. This, of cours 
does not establish nine hundred years of life for them. but onl 
that nine hundred years of life may not be impossible. In 170 
though then partly tide-washed, they were still " deeply engraved 
according to Cotton Mather/ 

On Cape Cod, not far away, some forgotten hearthstones have bee 
dug up as Norse witnesses ; likewise a copper píate averred by E. í 
Horsford * to bear " the legend of Kialamess." They have been almo 
restored to oblivion. The same must be said of like unconvincin 
evidences occasionally reported f rom various points around that ba; 

The Charles River Valley near Boston is a región more zealousl 
championed; especially in the Norumbega pamphlete of E. í 
Horsford,* whose tablet on his pretty " Tower of Nonunbeg^ " neí 
Roberts station may be styled a new birth of history as the f ac 
ought to have been. But such matters can hardly be settled i 
that way. We are given positively the dimensions and industri< 
of Wineland as a nation, the ñame and site of its capital city, ti 
exact part taken by the several leading explorers and founder 
and a variety of miscellaneous Information, eminently desirable 
true, and at all events entertaining. In tracing the sources of tí 
various Ítems it is regretted that this leamed and estimable invest 
gator was not more thorough in securing basic knowledge for h 
conclusions. 



*Quoted in E. M. Bacon's "Narragansett Bay". 
^E. N. Horsford: The Landfall of Leif, p. 31. 

'The De f enees of Norumbega, The Landfall of Leif, The Discovery of ti 
Ancient City, The Problem of the Northmen, etc. 



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lonow me nver r Ana wny snouia tne iittie lorx oe sixuatea so 
f rom base ? 

At Watertown (the Norumbega of Horsford) there are indeed 
disordered stones of what may have been an effective rough á 
before the present wooden one was constructed. The shores 2 
exhibit embankments of sand, in which Horsford thought he < 
cerned whárves, quays, and divers other appurtenances of a ce 
mercial waterside. One may safely say that they are man-made 5 
not recent, but beyond this there is no safe road. The dam, accord 
to the investigator, was to facilítate the floating of mausur wood 
coUection and export. Searching farther, he thought he found 1 
vestiges in the Merrimack and other rivers of eastem Massachuse 
whence he inferred a thriving industry and a large Norse populati 
widely spread. It cannot be pretended that he has adequal 
accounted for its disappearance, with the whole inevitable retinue 
domestic animáis. This and like facts might surely have been gi 
a better explanation, easy to find ; for the Indians themselves w 
accustomed to dam and dyke streams, of ten of considerable size, i 
part of their wier-construction, which was an important matter v 
them, since fisheries, especiaUy in spring, were their most relis 
source of abundant food supply along the Atlantic. It is of record t 
the Indians taught somewhat of that art to the early Virgin 
colonists, and their skill and industry in this line excited surpr 
The few survivirig Nanticoke of Delaware, in fact, have told me t 
an oíd dam and a ruined fish-trap of their ancestors yet remain vis: 
on Indian River, and I have been shown a mound (as of the ss 
origin) which would compare favorably for size with those I h 
inspected in Minnesota. The New England dams discovered by Pi 
Horsford were probably also Algonquian and for fishing purpo; 
with no implication of white visitors or early lumbering. It is 
very reniarkable that their remains should be found above Bos 
on the Charles River as well as below Lewes, near Rehoboth E 



'Horsford: The Def enees of Norumbega, pp. 10, 31. 



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y interestmg; , DUt notning ñas oeen esiaoiisnea in inai way ancct- 
the question. Many simple homes have been erected, abandoned, 
forgotten in all the older parts of our country, for Anglo-Saxon 
lerica is no longer new; and such remains do not usually differ 
isively among related peoples. 

rhe very land where this is written (in the hill country above the 
' of Washington) bears such traces of the past in different places 
I of different periods. It would be almost as easy to work out a 
re Southern Leif s-booth and Norumbega above the Potomac wild 
\ and amid plentif ul wild grape-vines, in accord with a " rúñe- 
le " * found at the Great Falls ten or twelve miles up stream, if 
may believe a sensational announcement in a newspaper of Wash- 
toíi city (1867). It was no doubt a wild fiction, but honored by 
erious Danish refutation and a note by Dr. De Costa, correcting 
le errors and substituting others. 

4nally, the Superintendent of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey 
tes that the oldest chart of Boston Harbor accessible to him, 
áe for the British government in the latter part of the eighteenth 
tury, shows in the channel leading to the Back Bay a ruling depth 
two fathoms. The flats of that bay have no depth-figures, but 
•e not necessarily quite bare at low tide, for those of Dorchester 
iilarly shown have a four-foot depth marked on them. He infers 
t there could have been only a " f ew f eet " of depth on the Back 
^ flats except when the tide came in. By " few " we must under- 
id no doubt something like the four feet of Dorchester flats. 
vould have required a light draft " fleet " to make itself comfort- 
i there in General Washington's time. At the date of Champlain's 
age (1660) ■ there was naturally no bay worth considering. He 
ílored the neighborhood and almost certainly anchored in Boston 

íorsford: The Land f all o f Leif (frontispíece). Also Cornelia Hors for d : 

land and Its Riiins. (Appendix by Gudmundson and Erlendson.) 

". Boggild : Runic Inscription at the Great Falls of the Potomac. Historical 

fazine, March 1869. 

^oyages of Champlain. Original Narratives of Early American History, 

7. 



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that the thicket covers, the graves that the rain bedews." IV 
Horsford * hoped she had found the f ormer, and if this indeed w 
only so! 

A seaboard point near Ipswich has some stonework locally 
tributed to Norseman as Dr. Fewkes informs me. 

A more positive claim has been put forward by a New Hampsl 
judge in the latter case, in the Boston Journal, quoted by the Ph 
delphia Times of July 27, 1902, as f oUows : 

A certain field on the narrow marsh and beach on the main road up t< 
[Hampton] contains the rock on which are cut the three crosses designa 
the grave where was buried Thorvald Ericsson 1004. The rock is a 1j 
granite stone lying in the earth, its face near the top of the ground with 
crosses cut thereon and other marks cut by the hand of man with a si 
chisel and not by any owner. That field carne into possession of the auth 
ancestors 250 years ago. 

Even so, there are 650 earlier years to be accounted f or, years 
absolute Indian dominance ; and who so likely as an Indian to us 
stone tool in such graving? The cross, too, has been a favorite syn 
of all primitive religions from time immemorial. But, if wfe must g 
it a Christian significance, how many different kinds of Latin C2 
olics ranged this shore before and af ter the very numerous early f 
teenth century Basque, and Bretón fishermen ! There were the ex 
ditions of Gk)mez, Fagundes, and Verrazano, the Spanish search 
after the lost De Soto, the colonizing De Monts and Champk 
Jesuit priests with their dusky flocks raiding or exploring, advent 
ous noblemen lapsing out of French civilization after the f ashion 
the Barón of Castine ! The list might be increased and the mark 
of a cross would be almost automatic on the part of any of th 
gentry. So the judge's assurance, giving it full face valué, does 
seem to take us very far toward certainty about the interment 
Thorvald son of Eric so many centuries before. 



' Cornelia Horsford : The Graves of the Norsemen, pp. 20, 40. (Bound\ 
Leif s House in Vinland.) 



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Monhegan inscription,* discovered in the fif ties of the nineteenth 
ury, has been " ínterpreted " as giving the age of a certain 
ttain, and one Canadian theorist even identified it as the work of 
inians not long over from Japan, who left similar messages 
lichigan on the way. A " rune-stone " has also been f ound at 
ATorth and a double-edged dagger, " the exact likeness of one in 
Chaillu's Viking Age," in a cellar near Castine. Pemaquid* 
loses pavements and house foundations, and similar vestiges 
/ell as Algonquian inscriptions are scattered up and down the 
t and along the rivers. They may be mysterious enough to be 
mdic, but no positive proof takes any of these relies back of the 
f Bretón visitors or the first French and English attempts at col- 
ation. 

1 the Algonquian myths of Maine and the Brítish provinces, 
ind ' believes that he distinguishes echoes of the Eddas, proving 
se intercourse, but these do not impress every ear. Moreover 
: carne as a missionary royally commissioned to spread the 
istian f aith ; and Thorfinn and Gudrid, with most of their fol- 
irs, were in the first flush of conversión. After her return to 
ind Gudrid was considered nearly as a saint. Besides, these stories 
i a distinctly aboriginal air. One really cannot discern the 
:rast which Leland insists on between their quality and construc- 
and those of the Iroquois and Ojibway wonder tales. Of course 
e are some plots and mythical explanations which g^ow the world 
r out of certain human complications or insistent natural 
nomena. It is not surprising that a Passamaquoddy Indian and 
iarly Norseman should hit on similar impersonations of cold and 

aid to be copied in Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 

14, 1859. 

. H. Cartland: Ten Years at Pemaquid, pp. 94-103. 

\. G. Leland: The Algonquin Legends of New England ; also his The Edda 
mg the Algonquin Indians. Atlan tonthly, Aug. 1889, p. 223. 



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Egede seems a strained parallel and a poor partial coincidí 
Giving the Norwegian game the benefit of all doubt as to substa 
identity with lacrosse, we must not forget how cat's-cradle, that 
artificial sport of ingenuity, occurs from of oíd in Britain 
Polynesia (see Porteras Journal) and how even the most surpri 
expedients and preposterous customs have apparently been i 
vented repeatedly in remote parts of the world. 

One would be inclined to consider more seriously the dot 
headed axe and the gouge, both peculiar to Scandinavia and n( 
eastern America, which were exhibited by Holmes, Decembei 
191 1, before the American Association for the Advancemen 
Science, but it may be best to imítate his caution in drawini 
inferences. Such topics tempt the f ancy and their accumulation 
not quite fail to leave some impress. But they prove nothing. 

Next beyond the State of Maine, and at the entrance to the br 
spread, lovely Passamaquoddy or St. Croix Bay, lies Grand Ma 
theoretically one of the most hopeful, or least hopeless, fields 
research, spreading obliquely north-northeast and south-southwe 
the mouth of the great Bay of Fundy. Thus far, no trace of anyt 
earlier than the American Revolution (and not unmistakably Ind 
seems to have been found on that island, unless it be an an 
greatly reduced by long rust and ocean wear, and attribute( 
some to Champlain, though without any obvious reason. Doub 
many other Frenchmen anchored there in olden times, and 
Mclntosh of the Natural History Museum at St. John, New Br 
wick, assures me that French anchors are often found in vai 
parts of the province. Since nothing that can be identified ren 
of Champlain on or near Grand Manan, it is the less remarkable 
we should find no trace of Thorfinn's party, who landed, if a1 
600 years earlier. Such traces may, however, be hidden there 
the northwestern side of the island presents at least 20 miles of wi 

^The Norsemen in America. Geogr. Journ., vol. 38, p. 574; also In Ñor 
Mists, vol. 2, pp. 38-41. 



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ompanying a paper Dy j. Auen jack." nt Deiievea it to oe inaian ; 
Mr. Mclntosh thinks hot. It seems to be something of a mystery, 
lough no one has ascribed it to the Norsemen. 
)ver the Bay of Fundy, at Yarmouth, Nova Scotia, are two rocks 
h strange markings ; one of these " inscriptions " being sometimes 
islated " Harko's son addressed the men," though this is also cred- 
I to Nature's handiwork. I must agree with the Harko party to 
extent of counter-scepticism conceming the probability of long 
itaking rock-veins and the like for human letters. In that región 
y do sometimes simúlate character outlines and graven symbols 
a curious way, nevertheless almost anyone would distinguish 
truth at a second glance, if not straining for an argtunent. But 
y should sensible Norsemen take so much pains to record such a 
rial incident? More likely it is the work of Micmac Indians, 
someone else equally removed from the Icelanders. Certainly it 
not been accepted by most investigators. There are Micmac rock- 
tures not far away at Fairy Lake. Also there are living Micmac 
>Ye Digby, nearer still. 

lumors of the Norsemen linger about the Nova Scotia seaboard. 
one isle we are quaintly told by a guide-book that Red Eric loved 
nake it his special haunt — notwithstanding the plain testimony of 
saga that he was crippled by an accident in attempting to embark 
h Thorstein, and took this for a warning to explore no f arther, 
remained quíetly in Greenland during the Wineland voyages. 
íre seems to be nolhing tangible connecting any Norsemen with 
spot, which may not have been above water in their time, 
íewfoundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence coast, though really 
►mising on general principies, have yielded, I believe, only some 
ly Basque and English f oundations and relies, no longer claimed as 
rse by anyone. Just below, southwestward at Miramichi on the 



r. Alien Jack : A Sculptured Stone Found in St. George, New Brunswick, 
thsonian Rep., 1881, p. 665. 



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among the Iroquois, f astens it in The Maid at Arms on wandering 
Spaniards of De Soto's time. Yet f urther, we learn that other tribes 
know these tall, hard-shelled warriors in quarters beyónd the reach of 
mailed Europeans. Perhaps the Norse Giants should be set aside for 
the present as f ancy-figures ; it is so natural for primitive ill-def ended 
people to thrill over such nightmares, which may issue out of the 
dark at any moment and do what they will with you, themselves 
unharmed. Something of it, indeed, is in or behind every well 
created ghost-story. 

The deep indentation of Hudson Bay offers perhaps the only 
remaining field — hardly a hopef ul one. The Kensington ruñe stone * 
filis it, having a legend all its own, and is now urged with determina- 
tion by certain Minnesota advocates, geographical and linguistic, 
who certainly claim consideration. This relie was found in the 
interior of Minnesota by a Swedish farmer in a Swedish settlement, 
and it seems to be admitted that the inscription itself has a Swedish 
cast. These facts, added to the remoteness of the location and 
the obstacles in the way, surely raise a presumption against it. 
There is an attempt to overeóme this objection by the statement that 
the stone was under and among the roots of a tree, estimated by 
observers to be forty years oíd, which would carry it well beyond 
the period of the modern Swedes in that locality. But any rapidly- 
growing tree, such as our tulip tree, or most other indigenous 
" poplars,'* will make a greater growth than Mr. Holandas several 
statements cali for in much less time than that. A tulip tree near my 
home which had not yet sprung up f rom the seed, in August, 1897, 
showed in September, 1910, thirty-eight inches of measured circum- 



*M. F. Howley: Vinland Vindicated. Trans. Roj'al Soc. Can., 1898; see 
also E. Beauvois : Les Derniéres Vestiges du Christianisme. 

'W. G. Gosling: Labrador, chap. i, 1910. 

^Alpheus S. Packard: The Labrador Coast, p. 220. 

*H. R. Holand: The Kensington Ruñe Stone. Records of the Past, Jan.- 
Feb. 1910. 



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d, about it or him. And little but darkening of counsel can come 
n such a suggestíon as that the forestland may be northward of 
región of stony desolation. We find no sound reason for suppos- 

that any Norsemen ever were in the neighborhood where the 
le was f ound before the nineteenth century. 
t seems, then, that so f ar as investigation has gbne, there is not a 
^le known record or relie of Wineland, Markland, Helluland, or 

Norse or Icelandic voyage of discovery, extant at this time on 
erican soil, which may be relied on with any confidence. There 

inscriptions, but apparently Indians made them all except the 
ikish work of white men in our own time; there are games, 
litional storics, musical compositions, weapons, utensils, remnants 
ude architecture, and residua of past engineering work, but no 

necessarily connects them with the period of Icelandic explora- 

or with the Norse race. One and all they may perfectly wcll be 
some other origin — Indian, Basque^ Bretón, Norman, Dutch, 
tugúese, French, Spanish, or English. Too many natives were 
:he ground, and too ímany diíFerent European peoples, who were 
Scandinavians, came here between 1497 and 1620 for us to accept 
thing as belonging to or left by a Norse Wineland, without unim- 
:hable proof . 

8.— CERTAIN COI^LATERAL ÍTEMS OF EVIDENCE 

rreenland and Wineland were coupled together f rom the begin- 
r in popular mention. Thus we have seen Ari the Wise, between 
years 1 100 and 1 1 14, referring to the hypothetical natives of the 
ner and the well known natives of the latter in one sentence. 
mt 1400 Ordericus Vitalis referred to " Finland " with Greenland, 
arently meaning Vinland or Wineland, since he does not seem to 
e had the Baltic Finnland in mind. Between these, in 1121, 
Drding to Icelandic annals, Eric Gnupson, then Bishop of Green- 



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llave supposed with Dr. Storm that he was on a missionary errand 
(though Dr. Nansen doubts thís also), and that he died in trying to 
make the latter part of his title represent something real. However, 
nothing is positively known, except his passage from Iceland to 
Greenland in 1112, foUowed by his attempt, nine years later, to reach 
Wineland also. 

Whosoever will is of course at liberty to believe that " Eric Gnup- 
son " was really the " first bishop " of Wineland, or with the poet that : 

Eric of Greenland did the deed ; 

He carried to Wineland both folk and creed; 

Which are there e'en now surviving. 

We see, full fledged, in these verses of the early seventeenth 
century the conception of a settled, organized, self-supporting Wine- 
land, a thriving offshoot, which was to Greenland what we know 
Greenland to have been to Iceland or Iceland to Norway. The 
picture has its f ascinations and seems to dominate many minds even 
yet. Nothing but proof is lacking, or at least some little glimmer of 
evidence in its favor. The real Wineland was a wild land, visited 
once by accident for a few weeks only ; and once more intentionally, 
not long afterward, with three years' exploration and temporary 
abode at two points, by a party of colonists who abandoned the 
attempt and returned to Greenland and Iceland. That is all that we 
find positively recorded until 1347. This distinction, if clearly 
grasped, would have saved some misunderstanding and wasted work. 

We have shown already that circumstances about the year 1000 
f avored and almost ensured the discovery of America from Green- 
land ; also that the house of Eric Raudi would naturally take a leading 
part in the work. There is evidence that this happened ; but as in 
most matters of remote history, the evidence is not absolutely first- 
hand. We must be content with copies of copies. The world, with 
due caution and corrections, rightly accepts and believes many things 



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TT ÍM\,ÍM, íí\, Xíít^íí^ \J%,tXM, \,\yíí f \,X tj\^ VAAV^A V> JfM.%,ÍX Xtf^XM, TTA«Vy AACAVb «XJlVvV S.^\tíA '\^ M. 

Thorfinn or some of their f ollowing and heard the story f rom their 
own Hps. His " Description of the Northern Islands " was probably 
completed in Latin in 1076, undoubtedly not much later. In the 
sixteenth century there were at least six manuscript copies extant,* 
one or more being probably in southern Germany. Two such copies, 
written out in the thirteenth century, are now in Copenhagen and 
Vienna. The book was first pubhshed in print in 1585. Its 
authenticity is undoubted. 

Reporting a conversation with the Danish King, it says: 

Moreover he spoke of an island in that ocean, which is called Wineland, for 
the reason that vines grow wild there, which yield the best of wine. More- 
over, that grain unsown grows there abundantly is not a fabulous fancy, but 
from the accounts of the Danés we know it to be a fact.* 

Then he proceeds to tell of the " insupportable ice," and gloom of 
uninhabitable regions beyond, ending the passage with a moving 
discourseon the perils of the northern seas. Here we seem to have 
some tradition of Helluland with its savage surroundings. 

The ñame Wineland is superfluous to identify the more southern 
and more favored región, in view of the wild grain which is men- 
tioned, and the wild grapes capable of making good wine. The 
valuable monograph of Dr. Jenks * on The Wild Rice Gatherers of 
the Northwest plainly discloses what a staff of life the Zizania still 
is to thousands of Indians. Many of the slow rivers of our Atlantic 
slope abound in it no less than the smaller glacial lakes. As to the 
wild vintage grapes, Lescarbot* who was of those next making their 
acquaintance along this shore, vaunts wine as God's best gift to men, 

^ G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Mémoires Société Royale des 
Antiquaires du Nord, 1888; also sepárate 1889. 

* Translation in Reeves*s "The Finding of Wineland the Good," chap. 6, p. 92. 
^Ninth Ann. Rep. Bureau Amer. Ethnol., p. 1018. 

* Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., p. 97. 



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íact that some ancient Insh sea-stones mention grape islands — 
as well as apple islands and other delectable places — ^and that he 
might have heard of them; and in the etymological, mythical, and 
every way mysterious relation of the unusual verbal form which 
we transíate Wineland the Good (perhaps more adequately the 
Blessed) to the Isles of the Blest, the Fortúnate Isles, the Irish Isles 
of the Undying and the fairy isles and hills of Scandinavia. But 
as Adam of Bremen adds no word, magical or otherwise, to plain 
Wineland — ñor, for that matter, is any word added by the saga — we 
need not linger over the final point. 

But is it not curious that Adam himself gives us no hint of these 
classical, Irish, and north European sources ; that the next European 
visitors, Verrazano and Cartier, Strachey and Brereton, Champlain 
and Lescarbot, are equally reticent in this regard, and equally positive 
about the grapes; that the European writers who foUowed Adam 
of Bremen used his material f reely but abstained f rom this particular 
statement as though to save their credit. Fearing this, he had taken 
pains to protest in advance that it was " not a fabulous fancy '* ; but 
the asseveration evidently was distrusted. 

It may be objected that the sixteenth and seventeenth century 
Europeans had nothing to say about the wild grain, but Cartier's* 
" wild grain like rye " on the southern shore of the Gulf of St. 
Lawrence can be nothing but wild rice plainly distinguished as it is 
by him from the cultivated maize which he met soon afterward as 
an article of diet and called "millet as large as peas," even after 
he had seen it growing at Hochelaga. Neither he ñor any other 
European would consider the wild rice after making the acquaintance 
of this greater cultivated Indian corn, which had nearly eclipsed its 
rival even among the natives. But in its absence the former was 
highly important to all. In our present corn belt, even wheat holds 
its ground beside maize almost whoUy by alternation; but there 



' Nansen : In Northern Mists, vol. i, p. 345, and other passages. 
*The Voyages of Cartier. Orig. Narr. Early Amer. Hist. • 



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brought no grain with them, raised none at home, and rarely 
e had enjoyed the prospect of bread for their tables ; yet who 
both wheat and grapes well enough f rom their trading voyages 
íland, England, and France, and f rom other experiences abroad. 
incredible that Leif or Thorfinn should need any explanation of 
rdinary kinds of grain or of wine. 

lam ñames no Wineland explorers ; perhaps he did not hear of 
ñor care for them. To him they would be only obscure citizens 
rude northern republic ; and his chief informant, King Sweyn, 
not have felt any greater concern in the matter, though it 
d appear that some of his own subjects were thought to have 
id the new región. 

ith Ari Frode (the Wise), next in order, the case was radically 
rent. Ñames and historie items, exactly given, were of prime 
rtance to this every way remarkable man. He had set himself 
11 in detail the story of the beginnings of Iceland, omitting 
ing important which concerned any notable family of any 
iborhood; a great national service never before undertaken 
libere; and he carried it through admirably. It is hardly 
geration to cali him the f ather of conscientious modern history. 
íast he began about i loo the glorious prose literature of Iceland 
succession of investigations and records which the world has 
d invaluable. Born in 1067 ^^^ dying in 1148, he fiUed a long 
with this excellent work. 

was his habit to learn, when he could, f rom the very men who 
taken part in the events related, or, this being impossible, from 
5 who had heard the story in that way, or to use the next best 
ority that was attainable. Thorkel Gellisson, his únele, is thus 
ed by him as having contributed certain Greenland ítems, 
rtá at first hand from one of the companions of Eric the Red. 
T informants were the foster son of Hall of the Side * and the 



Vigfusson : Prolegomena of_Sturlunga Saga, p. 28. 



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of the eastem settlements and certain later additions, cariying the 
story down beyond his time, though his share in it has been double. 
He perhaps also began the long series of historie sagas * as one of the 
authors of the Kristni-Saga and the Konungabók, narrating respec- 
tively the conversión of the island and the deeds of Norwegian kings. 

In each of these four books Wineland is mentioned; always as 
though readers would naturally be famiHar with this item of history 
and geography. Once, being better known, it defines the supposed 
location of Great Ireland ; and again, by a rather loóse analogy, con- 
tributes its SkraeHngs to identify the as yet unseen inhabitants of 
Greenland, who had left some savage debris behind them — ^broken 
boats, discarded tools, and empty hovels. The Landnamabók has 
also a brief reference to " Karlsefni who found Wineland the Good, 
Snorri's father" — every one plainly being supposed to know all 
about these personages. 

The Kristni-Saga says of King Olaf Tryggvason : 

He sent Lcif to Greenland to proclaim the faith there. On his voyage Leif 
found Wineland the Good ; he also found men on a wreck at sea, therefore he 
was called Leif the Lucky. 

The Konungabók passage is similar: 

Leif, a son of Eric the Red, passed the same winter in good repute with King 
Olaf and accepted Christianity. And that summer, when Gizur went to Iceland, 
King Olaf sent Leif to Greenland, to proclaim Christianity there. He sailed 
that summer to Greenland. He found men on a wreck at sea and succoured 
them. Then also he found Wineland the Good and arrived at Greenland in the 
autumn. He took with him thither a priest and other spiritual teachers and 
went to Brattahlid to make his home with his father Eric. People afterward 
called him Leif the Lucky. But his father Eric said that one account should 
balance the other, that Leif had rescued the ship's crew and this that he had 
brought the trickster to Greenland. This was the priest. 

The vellum copy of this book, known as Frisbók, may be, according 
to Mr. Reeves, the oldest extant manuscript mentioning Wineland. 



'Vigfusson and Powell: Origines Islándica. 



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ucu ai sea uic lacii ui n Siup s crcw Wiiu wcic iii {¿icaí pciii ¿mu wjr upvti 

shattered wreckage of a ship ; and on the same voyage he found Wineland 
Good and at the end of the summer arrived in Greenland. 

"his passage ends like that of the Konungabók. 

Uso the very oíd Eyrbyggja Saga, two vellum pages of which 

e from 1300 and one entire copy from about 1350, relates that: 

tiorri and Thorleif Kimbi went to Greenland Thorleif Kimbi lived 

rreenland to cid age. But Snorri went to Wineland the Good with Karls- 
; and when they were fighting with the Skrellings there in Wineland, 
•rbrand Snorrason, a most valiant man, was slain/ 

"his Snorri, the father of Thorbrand, is of course not to be con- 
ed with Snorri the little Winelander, son of Thorfinn Karlsefni 
I Gudrid, Thorbiorn's daughter. 

)r. Nansen calis attention to a narrative in the Longer Saga of 
ig Olaf the Saint in which the latter is made to speak of Leif 
csson without calling him Lucky or mentioning his discovery. 
Resides narratives, there are divers geographical notices, foUowing 
oíd formula with modifications. Reeves and Rafn have quoted 
m in their works above mentioned. All agree as to the relative 
itions of Helluland, Markland, and Wineland along the American 
st. One already quoted from the Antiquitates Americanas (A. M. 
lex 770), omits the ñame Helluland, but makes the meaning 
ficiently clear by the substitution " deserts, unihhabited places and 
3ergs," indicated as " south from Greenland which is inhabited." 
Uways this series of reg^ons is located " south from Greenland." 
ually they are identified as belonging to Europe. In two or three 
tances an extensión of the formula occurs, suggesting the con- 
tion of Wineland to África, with inevitable implication of heat 
I luxuríance. In " The Finding of Wineland the Good " Mr. 
2ves takes some pains to array these instances. Probably they rep- 
ent the usual teaching of the northern schools during severa! 
turies. 

íis most significant quotation is from the Arne Magnean MS. 
[ (8 vo.), a miscellany partly in Latín, partly in Icelandic: 

\. M. Reeves : The Finding of Wineland the Good, p. 18. 



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one island, * * * 

Dr. Storm attributed, not too positively, the unique and perfe( 
warranted hypothesis of an " open sea (the strait of Cabot) flow 
in between Wineland and Markland" to a certain geographicj 
minded Abbot Nicholas ^ of Thingeyri, who died in 1 159. This wo 
imply still greater antiquity for the accepted statement about Af r 
which it accompanies as an after-thought and corollary. Note c 
that the passage preserves a tradition of disappointment hardly 
clearly stated elsewhere. Apparently the carven door-post, or wl: 
ever else the doubtful ñame house-neat-timber may convey, was 
in Markland ; and their next move, according to the saga of Thorl 
Karlsefni, took them that spring into temporarily pleasing quartí 
where they afterward underwent a trying winter and nearly 1 
heart. This timber must be that which the Flateybook saga represe 
him as carrying to Europe and selling at a good price, then learn 
that it was mosur or mauser wood and worth far more — on 
accounts a very doubtful anecdote. We shall have more to say 
this material. 

From 1285 to 1295 there are a series of entries in the Icelar 
Annals concerning a certain new land west of Iceland, apparer 
including " the feather islands." This land and islands were fot 
in the first year above given, and Land-Rolf, the zealous advoc 
of an expedition to thoroughly explore them, died in the later y 
named. During the interval he had been authorized and sent 
by King Eric and had traveled through Iceland, gathering volunte( 
If he had lived a little longer, something more might have come 
it. We must not insist over-precisely on direction, which these ; 
later people used very loosely. That it should be Markland, foi 
again from another point and believed to be a new discovery, n 
seem strange, but to suppose with Reeves that the entries mea: 
part of Greenland — so much nearer and so long and well knowi 



* More emphatically credited with the same in J. Fischer : The Discoverie 
the Northmen in America. 
5 



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laps give Greenland a minor duplícate in ** Grocland," off its west 
3ast yet not so f ar as America ; and the Faroe islands called Frís- 
ind, while retaining their place, gave birth in cartography to a 
ctitious great Frisland f ar away over the ocean. The ñame " f eather 
lands " was applied later in substance to divers bird-crowded 
ilets (for example Funk Island, Cartier's Bird Island) along our 
ortheastem shore. On the whole it is likely that the latter was 
)uched at some point, probably Newfoundland or near it, by these 
lirteenth century discoverers who effected so little. At any rate 
3me such episode was currently related. 

Arngrim Jonsson,* one of the few Icelandic authors who mentioned 
V^ineland in the gray dawn of modern life, had for disciple and 
>adjutor young Sigurdr Stefánsson, a grandson of Bishop Gisli Jons- 
)n of Skalholt, Iceland. Sigurd afterward took cñarge of the dioces- 
al school at that place, unhappily being soon drowned in a neighbor- 
ig river at 25 years of age. His chief memorial is a map of the 
Drthern regions, which has been copied by Torfaeus, Higginson, 
/iess, Vining, and others, but not always quite accurately. Although 

is a late document (probably 1590, though marked 1570) both its 
irtography and notes bear valuable witness to the tradition of his 
Duntry, where national memory has always been most tenacious and 
t its best. This map shows a mountainous or hilly peninsula, marked 
romontorium Winelandium, with.its tip neariy opposite southern 
Ingland, a tapering gulf behind it, and irresistibly suggesting by 
Dsition and appearance a more slender Cape Bretón Island — say 
le long, thin part beyond Bras D* Or. The narrow Gut of Canso, 
hich now barely separates this área from the mainland, was of 
)urse unknown or disregarded, as by some of the European voyagers 
id map-makers of the sixteenth century. But this promontory was 
Dt considered the whole región or country of Wineland, for a note 
ear the inner end of the Gulf behind it — henee also near the región 
bout the head of the Bay of Fundy — states that Wineland is not f ar 



' G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages, be f ore cited. 



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SIGURDR 8TEFANSS0N MAP OF 1570 (1590?) 
(From Studies on the Vineland Voyages, by Gustav Storm) 



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colony anticipating Jamestown. But we must not press inferenc 
too f ar or too confidently. 

Scandinavia * supplies the Hónen inscription of loio to 1050 A. I 
existing in copy only, but held authentic by Prof . Bugge. It includ 
f ragmentary letters which seem to make up " Vinland," with allusioi 
to its remoteness in the seas and to neighboring cold regions. E 
Nansen, however, thinks its " Vinlandia " may be a myth, locat< 
anywhere. 

Taking all these minor evidences together, we find them affirmii 
that there were three distinct regions south of Greenland, namel 
Helluland, Markland, and Wineland, in that succession southwar« 
that Wineland was perhaps cut off f rom Markland by water, but w 
not very distant, at least in its northern part ; that its northern ei 
was a promontory, and its southern face abutted on the sea, thou^ 
it was perhaps connected to África ; that it was prolific and especial 
notable for its spontaneous yield of grain and grapes; that Le 
discovered it by accident and Thorfinn Karlsefni visited it, foug 
there with natives, losing Thorbrand, the son of his friend Snor 
and withdre\v in disappointment ; that Thorfinn's own son Snor 
was born in Wineland, and that he and Leif found valuable wo( 
fit for carving. From the ñames we know that Markland was foref 
ciad and Helluland a región of flat stones and desolation. Perha 
we may fairly add that Wineland was understood to be of gre 
extent, almost marching with Markland at its upper limit and wi 
the later Spanish possessions at its lower. In other words it includ 
perhaps all between the Qiesapeake and the Gulf of St. Lawrenc 
but there is no need to insist emphatically on these boundaries. 

This is the sum of our inf ormation ; but even without any Winelai 
saga we should not be quite in darkness. Now, if there be two 
more versions of the Wineland discovery and exploration, the pi 
sumptipn, other things being equal, strongly favors that one whi 



^H. Hermannsson: The Northmen in America. Islándica No. 2 (Bibli( 
raphy). See also Nansen: In Northern Mists, vol. 2. 



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The three extant sagas of Greenland colonization and Wineland 
jcovery and exploration are very oíd manuscript copies on vellum, 

the original documents being lost — as in other and even more 
portant cases, where we must rely on secondary evidence for all 
it we believe of the past. Two of these sagas occur in compilations 
Hauksbook and the Flateybook already mentioned — such as were 
ten made for monasteries or prominent men, desiring to preserve 
convenient form the literature or records which they valued. Mis- 
ilaneous matter therefore accompanies the sagas : Hauksbook, for 
ampie, having contained the Landnamabook and the Kristni-Saga, 
lich Bishop Bryniolf separated for convenience in recopying, 
)ugh they at last reached the same (Arne Magnean) coUection. A 
w pages were lost in this disintegrating process, but these do not 
ect the Wineland narrative, which has always remained in the 
dy of the book. 

A. M. Reeves in The Finding of Wineland the Good has carefully 
)rked out and authenticated all that is known of the history of the 
ree sagas. Hauksbook, it appears, was copied for and partly by 
luk Erlandsson, a descendant of Snorri, the Winelander, son of 
idrid and Thorfinn ; Hauk being also a well known personage of his 
tie, a lawman in Iceland, as well as a knight and lawman of Norway, 
lere he died in 1334. The work on this compilation is supposed to 
ve begun much earlier and was probably completed at latest in 1332 
[ring his last visit to Iceland. Hauk wrote in person the final 
ssage of the saga, bringing the list of Snorri's descendants down 

his own time and including himself by ñame and title (herra, 
quired in 1305) ; also he copied about half of page 99 and two lines 

page 100, his handwriting being well known and exemplified by 
still extant letter. The remainder of the saga was copied by two 
sistants, known as his first and second Icelandic secretaries, the ink, 
nmanship, and orthography changing as they replace each other 



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finding the usage well settied, he may have hesitated to distU3 
In the eighteenth century " The Saga of Thorfinn Karlsef ni 
Thorbrand Snorrason " was written in for title by Ame Magnu 
the greatest of Icelandic collectors and an authority whose e 
action or utterance is held sig^ificant ; but whether there were 
better warrant for this than convenience and completeness ren 
unknown. It is usually styled The Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni 
must obviously have been copied between 1305 and 1334; bu 
from the same copy as the above mentioned saga of Eric the Rec 
the diíferences between them, although slight, run through i 
part of the story, making everywhere.for rather less archaic 
graphic diction in the former saga and, when there is any diff eren 
matter of substance, for less exact statement — a policy hardly 
carried out by three men in the same way through a whole 
Hauk's cióse supervisión might account for such changes, if we < 
suppose any sufficient motive for making the story everywhere a 
less good as literature and in some places a little less serviceable a¡ 
tory. His career and his choice of material for the compilation di 
favor the hypothesis of carelessness or lack of discrimination. í 
these variations, then, can hardly be due to accident or to editin^ 
must suppose two slightly different antecedent copies — one bei 
little nearer the original than the other — from which the two surv 
sagas were independently made. For convenience of distinctio 
adhere to the two ñames, but believe that the remote original 
Ericas ñame only. 

The Flateybook's title-page recites that it was copied by two pr 
whose ñames are given, for John Haconsson, known in other instí 
as a patrón of such labors, the relevant parts of it being finishe 
supposed, about 1387 or certainly before 1400; though there 
been later additions, which do not concern us. This makeí 
transcription about three-quarters of a century later than that o 
áaga of Thorfinn Karlsefni, roughly statcd. 



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stored to this hypothetical continuity and so published, usuaily as 
le Saga of Eric the Red. This is manif estly conf using, an earlier 
LÍmant of that title being already in possession. It will be better 

desígnate it The Flateybook Wineland Saga. The Flateybook is 
nsidered the handsomest as well as the most copious of all the Ice- 
idic manuscripts. Formerly its Wineland narrative was some- 
tes assumed to have been composed in Greenland, perhaps f rom the 
ture of the two headings of its sections ; but we do not know that 
y sagas were written there and discover nothing like affirmative 
stimony in this instance — which, indeed, seems cióse to a decisive 
gation. For the Flateybook versión robs Eric's house of the claim 

first discovery and charges his daughter Freydis with atrocious 
ibelievable crime. No one in any way connected with Eric or 
cepting his or his son's leadership could be expected to tolérate it. 
^en remote descendants would not enjoy the hearing or reading. 
Some Scandinavían writers (see Reeves's notes) have credited this 
rsion conjecturally to the north of Iceland, others lay stress on the 
idoubted first finding of it as an heirloom in the west on Flat- 
and of Broadfirth, but cannot follow the trail much farther. 
ick of its rather late emergence there is a long period unaccounted 
r, and its place of origen is unknown. 
The Arne-Magnean vellum MS. 557 quarto, containing the third 

these oíd sagas, must have been copied about 1400, according to 
igfusson and other Icelandic authorities. Its transcriber did not 
ve Hauksbook before him,because he copied more archaic terms and 
en some slight verbal errors, not in the saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 
it evidently from the lost original or an intermedíate copy — most 
:ely the latter. Also, as pointed out by Prof . Olson, it does not have 
e ending of the pedigree, which Hauk personally added. 
A. M. Reeves mentions two verbal items, which, on the face of 
em, appear to favor the Flateybook. It gives the ñame Midiokul 
r the first point in Greenland sighted by Eric, adding that it is " now 
lled Blacksark." The Thorfinn saga calis it Blacksark only ; that 

Eric the Red, perhaps by the transcriber^s error, calis it only 



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Likewise of the two Brands. The two parallel sagas say " Bisho 
Brand the eider," which of course could not havc been writte 
before the second Bishop Brand was consecrated — in 1263. Th 
Flateybook says *' Bishop Brand " only, which might have bee 
written at any date after the consecration of the first Bishop of thí 
ñame and before that of the second one, but also may have bee 
written after the latter event, if the Flateybook saga-man happene 
to lose sight of one bishop. Moreover this is in the genealogical ta 
of the story, presumably added from time to time, as we see i 
Hauk's casCy and does not throw any more light on the date of th 
body of the saga than a birth-entry or death-entry in a family Bibl 
throws on the date of the neighboring book of Génesis. 

Hauk Erlendssen might not notice the omission of the eider Bran 
or of a mountain's obsolete ñame — if he knew it — but he was to 
prominent and cordially interested a descendant of Thorfinn an 
Gudrid not to be an authority — ^probably the best one then living- 
on the family traditions of descent and achievement ; so his copyin 
and evident endorsement of the saga of Thorfinn Earlsefni is 
strong argument for its claims, as to all the main points at leas 
though he should probably have given it the original ñame The Sag 
of Eric the Red. 

In particular, how can we suppose him ig^orant whether hi 
ancestress was the granddaughter of Vifil of Vifilsdale and went t 
Greenland as an unmarried girl with her father Thorbiorn; o 
whether she was picked up, a kinless woman, by Leif from a wrec 
at sea, together with an otherwise unknown and quite apochryphs 
first husband, Thori the Eastman ? Either Hauk was thus incredibl 
ignorant, or he wilfuUy falsified the record to glorify his ancestorí 
or the versión preferred by him is the right one. The former tw 
altematives contravene his known standing and character, as well a 
all the early writings (except the Flateybook) touching this subject 
the third has simply nothing but the Flateybook against it. 

This instance is characteristic of the latter's elaborated saga, whid 
must have been produced at so late a day that liberties with famil 



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as autnentic not oniy oy tne aescenaanis oí me expiorers Dut oy irw 
Icelandic neighbors and fellow countrymen. 

Their styles aíFord another criterion; it being well known ti 
hardly any literature is so directly, impressively, and nobly ep 
so Homeric in qitality, as the early Icelandic sagas, but that, as alwa; 
the first flush of power was succeeded after a time by greater ( 
more obvious) self-consciousness and love of adomment, produci 
good work, yet not so good as before and easily distinguishat) 
Even in the English translation we must f eel that the saga of Thorfi 
Karlsef ni belongs to an earlier and nobler period than the Flat< 
book story. 

Scandinavian scholars, more intimately enlightened, bear this < 
with emphasis. Storm insists that the composition of the latter sa 
cannot long have preceded its copying, thus making the date perhí 
1350 to 1380; whereas he suggests 1270 for the other narrative ; a 
the later consideration of Finnur Jonsson, an excellent authori 
quoted by Olson ' with approval, carries this back to 1200 confidenl 

Embedded in that early prose are two epigrammatic fragments 
verse, which no doubt antedate all sagas, following a general law 1 
world over. Storm has shown that their metre indicates the eleveí 
century and Reeves has pointed out a very archaic choice and fo 
of language. There has been diflficulty in exactly determining 1 
meaning, and some variants in certain later copies apparently hs 
none in part, the sounds and forms persisting without it, throu 
reverence for tradition, as often happens everywhere. They cía 
on the face of them to have been composed in Wineland during Ka 
sefni's expedition, and though no great reliance be placed on ti 
we may be sure that they are the most nearly contemporary co 
positions on the subject (except his sailing directions embedded 
the saga) which we are ever likely to see. 

The f ramework of the two versions may be compared instructive 
According to " Eric the Red " and " Thorfinn Karlsef ni," Leif the s 



'A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the Good. Appended Notes. 
* Julius E. Olson : Original Narratives of Early Amer. History, vol. i, no 



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passing thence by a strait to the sea. Here they spent a year, 
at last had to leave on account of the hostility of the natives. 1 
returned to Straumey and spent another year there unmole; 
incidentally exploring- the otTier side of Keelness, apparently 
southeast shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, including a par 
-what is sometimes called the Acadian Bay. Here Thorvald 1 
helmsman, another son of Eric, was killed by an archer of g 
activity, whom they thought abnormal. Quarrels among ti 
selves about the married women caused their return to Greenl 
thence to Iceland. Biarni, one of Thorfinn's noblest compan: 
went down at sea on the way, having given his life in a sinking 
for that of an unworthy foUower. 

The Flateybook saga, it would seem, rewards this Biarni by ma 
him, not Leif, the accidental discoverer of Wineland, he being or 
way from Iceland to Heriulfsness in Greenland, f oUowing his fa 
Heriulf — ^a relationship unknown to Landnamabook. He tou^ 
three lands, evidently meant for those of Karlsefni taken in re\ 
order, the upper part of Wineland being first found. Biarni did 
die, but safely reached the shore in front of his father's house, oi 
first approach to Greenland, an improbable achievement often 
stantially repeated in this saga. Leif blamed Biarni for not landin 
any shore that he discovered, so he borrowed Biarni's ship and s; 
forth to remedy the error. He found the three " lands," this tin 
north-to-south order, and built, " Leif's-booths " on the shore of a 
which seems a composite of the southern Hóp and the northern 
behind Straumey. He returned to Greenland for no reason gi 
picking up Thori the Eastman and his wife Gudrid from a wrec 
the way. 

Next, Leif's brother Thorvald borrowed the ship and the W 
land house and reached the latter without any recorded diffic 
From this abiding place he explored the coast westward a long 
and afterward explored eastward also to Keelness, turned that c 



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hem, but at last withdrew to Greenland f rom that hostility. Thorfinn 
arried Wineland producís to Europe and bought property near his 
ormer home in northern Iceland, where he lived and died; 

Last of all, Freydis led an expedition to Leif 's-booths, quarreled 
vith companions about occup^ncy and other things, and in the end 
'^ery wantonly and treacherously compassed the murder of a whole 
ihip's crew, chopping to death all the women, after capture, with her 
)wn hand. She returned with a false tale, but Leif suspected and 
ortured her foUowers into confession, though he spared her as his 
iister, while predicting evil. 

It will be seen that the Flateybook saga substitutes five voyages 
hat reached Wineland for only two, using as additional leaders nearly 
ill the ñames made prominent in the earlier narratíve. Necessarily 
t has divided up Kárlsefni's experiences and geography and fiUed 
hem out with other matter to make them go around, thus causing 
confusión. For the same reason and to be more exciting, minor items 
md hints have been elaborated, sometimes with misunderstanding, 
md in other instances with shifting of place. For example Thor- 
^ald's death in battle, Christian sentiments and picturesque burial — 
he result of a wanton massacre properly punished — seem to have 
>een worked up from two simple unconnected items in the saga of 
rhorfinn Karlsef ni, put together for dramatic effect ; and the mo- 
nentary frenzy of Freydis before the yelling Indians is interpreted 
is furious malignity and developed into a nightmarish and quite 
mbelievable episode. Perhaps, as Dr. Storm suggests, the reference 
o quarrels over married women may have been another germ 
n this case, though aíFording little material. 

In substituting a voyage from Iceland for a voyage from Norway, 
:he probability of an accidental view of America, as he points out, 
las been destroyed. Greenland is so near Iceland that any one 
nissing its lower tip would discover and put about long before 



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shore; the former by a discouragfing southward drift of ice, tt 
latter by the bodily forcé of storms. Prof . Horsf ord ^ has compile 
and printed an instructive chart, showing- the recorded drift of man 
derelicts and storm-driven vessels to New England under the domii 
anee of the currents f rom the north and the prevailing winds. Bi 
to fall within their power one must sail low enough. 

Leif 's alleged Wineland house, too, is a monument of improba 
bility — ^being found by each one of the later parties, with yeai 
between them, and always incredibly ready for occupancy, eve 
af ter the neighboring savages had gone to war with the temporal 
white intruders and would have liked nothing better than to loot ar 
burn. It is hardly necessary to cite the angry Indians who " pulk 
out the cross " * from the grave of " Champlain's " foUower ar 
" digged up the body " to make their savage sport with it. Wl: 
should they spare an enemy's home ? We need not pick out and dwe 
upon all such untenable items. Mr. Reeves has aíForded ^ eveí 
f acility in The Finding of Wineland for a word by word compariso 
either in the original handwritten Icelandic, or the same in prir 
or the printed English translation. It is disappointing to find D 
Fiske declaring of the additional voyages, " it seems to me like 
that the Flateybook here preserves the details of an older traditic 
too summarily epitomized in the Hauksbook," for surely the law < 
literary development is from the simple to the complex. There a 
some exceptions, perhaps; but the internal evidence is strong 
adverse to the supposition that we have one before us. Dr. Fiske 
notes clearly show that he had not seen the above work of Reev 
and the English translation of Storm's paper until after his own te: 
was prepared ; and he can hardly have given them adequate consider 
tion. The Flateybook Wineland saga bears the familiar marks < 
derivation and development. This does not necessarily mean th 
the composer of it had " Eric the Red " or " Thorfinn Karlsef ni 



^Horsford: The Landfall of Leif, p. 42. 

*M. Lescarbot: Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., p. 105. 



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ehavior of Gudrid herself ¡n the grief and horror of that uncanny 
leath-night. It seems the eider form, but the other must have 
leveloped early. Both put words of prophecy in Thorstein's mouth, 
nost reasonably explained as, at least in part, of later interpolation. 
rhey display a knowledge of Gudrid^s religfious eminence toward the 
lose of her life and the subsequent prosperity of her family. 

The Flateybook Wineland saga is chiefly important as at least 
►artly independent testimony to much that is recorded in the others ; 
md for some items which it adds that seem authentic. If all else 
vcve lost, we might still learn from it of Helluland, Markland, 
Vineland and Keelness, their relative position and their chief char- 
cteristics; the island north of the lower end of the land, which is 
Imost the direction of Grand Manan after rounding the south- 
^restern tip of Nova Scotia ; the behavior of the tide and the great 
hallows left on the ebb, suiting equally Thorfinn's great currents 
nd what may be seen now along the lateral bays and rivers of 
he Great Bay of Fundy the fiord-indented mountainous shore of 
^ew Brunswick and Maine just beyond; the voyages of Leif and 
"horfinn; the birth of Snorri and the death of Thorvald, both 
ti Wineland; the savages who had furs to trade and were im- 
Tovident in dealing, who took flight at the bellowing of a bull and 
f terward attacked the settlers with f ury ; the two days' sail between 
íelluland and Markland and between Markland and Wineland — 
irith divers other matters alike in all versions. As added items we 
lave Thorfinn's stockade, a precaution which he would be likely to 
forrow from his enemies after danger threatened; the piling of 
imber above a cliíF, perhaps as now, where a shute or runway shows 
t the north point of Grand Manan ; the tall and striking figure of 
he hostile chief ; the wooden structure on an island, possibly a shed 
r bin for wild rice gathered by Indian women, who are still the chief 
arnerers of the northwest, and a much-expounded statement that 



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how far is not stated. 

Bishop Howley * presents what may be called the gastronoiti 
view, as opposed to the celestial. Dagmalastad is admittedly brea 
f ast-time, and the eykt measured the interval to the afternoon meí 
Thus regarded, the Icelanders were merely expressing their sati 
f action at being able to eat both meáis by sunlight every day throug 
the winter. Of course they were sailors and practical would-1 
settlers and this view is somewhat tempting at first glance. 

But they really could take observations at need after a fashio 
and were willing to report the same for the people at home ; as 
the celebrated case of that Arctic expedition in 1266, which we 
farther than any one could foUow it until the nineteenth centur 
The sun, they reported, shone about July 25th over the gunwale < 
a seven-oared boat on the face of a man lying across the bottom wi 
his head against the opposite rail. Also at a given time the sun was ; 
high at midnight as when it was in the northwest in settled Gree 
land. The first latitude depends in part on the height of the gunwa 
and the exact position of the man's face; the second on the chos< 
point of the settlement. Probably there was approximately a stan 
ard size and pattern of boat and Cardar would be understood as ti 
home observatory ; so these two made after all a pair of rough ai 
ready indications ; f rom which Raf n deduced a parallel between ti 
75th and 76th degrees. Thalbitzer thinks they probably did not pa 
the 73d, but bases his estímate on matters of the coast-outlii 
rather than calculation. This primitive nautical observation mak 
a good precedent for the Flateybook statement, which also has í 
authentic look, although there is no record of it be f ore 1387 or ther 
about. 

Apparently it relates to the northern dwellihg-place besi< 
Straumfiord, which may well come within the limits allowed by ti 
modern astronomers' calculation, especially if we allow for son 



^ Vinland Vindicated, before cited. 



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kinf olk a century or two before and which they may have known vei 
well, but this after all is hardly certain enough for reliance. 

They were no doubt the first observers of the difference betwe< 
isothermal lines and lines of latitude crossing the Atlantic ocean, 
dislocation which the human mind even yet finds it hard to reali: 
or regard as quite natural. Some point in southern New Englar 
seems called for ; though possibly Yarmouth or Eastport might d 

It would be interesting to know whence these bits of real 
illuminating tradition drifted into the Flateybook versión, but the 
cannot offset the grave charges against it. The pref erence long ar 
generally given this later derivative and corrupted saga has been oí 
of the chief causes of investigation going astray. Two others are 
persistent conception of Wineland as an organized continuing color 
and the innocent acceptance of the present seaboard as that of ti 
year looo. Of course there are still others. 

Dr. Fiske says in a note it " is like summer boarders in the counti 
struggling to tell one another where they have been to drive — pa 
a school-house, down a steep hill, through some woods and by a sa 
mili " ; for " the same general discription will of ten apply well enoug 
to several diíFerent places." This is an apt illustration of the muddk 
and unhelpful presentation of locality in the Flateybook, but do< 
not apply at all to the graphic, precise, and individualized sailir 
directions of the earlier Hauksbook saga, or still better, its companic 
Eric the Red. 

Bishop Bryniolf, with a discoverer's delight, no doubt impressc 
the importance of his ampie and beautiful prize on Torfaeus and tí 
royal recipient, and it was most natural that the historian should pt 
its versión prominently forward in his history (1705), the first of a 
books on Wineland, though printing with it the Saga of Thorfir 
Karlsef ni ; also that the great von Humboldt, knowing no Icelandi 
should accept his verdict and consider mainly in the Examen Critiqt 
those two chapters f rom the Tryggvason saga, though not failing 1 
note the evident effect of long continued oral transmission on a 



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urging the subject eíFectively on public attention, repeated this t 
honored error, adding to it the Newport tower, the Dighton i 
wild Indian-corn and other damaging credulities. Even Vigfusí 
Origines l3landicae, published long after his death, held in the 
the same ground about the Flateybook, contradicting one of its 
notes, and provoking Prof essor Olson's very natural suggestion 
'* some hand less cunning than Vigfusson's " had perhaps bee 
work. Similarly Fiske's Discovery of America adheres general 
the text to the Flateybook, though its notes feel the influenc 
new light recently received. 

Dr. Gustav Storm of Christiania was the first to present effect 
the true state of the case in his pivotal Studies on the Vineland 
ages, an English translation of which will be found in the Mém 
de la Societé Royale des Antiquaires du Nord 1888. Reeves folk 
his lead (1890) in The Finding of Wineland the Good, a work < 
acterized by Dr. Fiske as " the best book we have on the subje 
English or perhaps in any langiiage." Probably it is so, if by " b 
we understand the most accurate and elabórate within its limits, r; 
than the most original. It is the only one giving facsimiles o 
vellum pages of the Wineland sagas and an approximately com 
Hst of the extant later copies, its reproductions in print of the orij 
Icelandic, with line f or line carefuUy stated English translations 
accepted as the most reliable and it adds by footnotes and final ri 
in data and commentary, a very great amount of new and highl 
structive material. But he passes by almost wholly the subje< 
localities which his forerunner had treated with great care and, 
most points, I think, with nearly exact insight. Dieserud ^ ( ic 
in a valuable paper before the American Geographical Society, 
Olson in his condensed and clear preface to the Voyages oí 
Northmen in the Scribner's series " The Original Narratives of I 
American History " have emphatically taken the same ground ; v\ 
is not likely to be lost again. 

^ Juul Dieserud: Norse Discoveries in America. Reprint from Bull. ¿ 
Geogr. Soc. 
6 



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to consider, then, just what this word means and how far what it 
stands f or may be relied on after so long a time had elapsed. Saga, 
we are told, meant story, broadly ; though a more restricted signific- 
ance is given by later usage ; and stories, of course, are of many kinds. 
The Book of Ruth, Freeman's Norman G:)nquest, Mark Twain's 
Innocents Abroad, and Henry James' ghastly The Turn of the Screw, 
are aU undeniably stories. In early Iceland the case was the same. 
The Heimskringla is an honest rendering of history on the great 
scale, very picturesquely given, for a long line of northern kings, 
in accordance with the tests and standards then available ; the Banda- 
manna Saga is an almost dainty bit of comedy, with social and political 
strategy for its fabric and an altogether delightful prodigal father, 
artfuUy helpful at need, for its very most winning figure; the 
Volsunga Saga is perhaps the greatest of myth stories, with Shake- 
spearean dramatic qualities in all its later portion, as Andrew Lang 
has written ; the Saga of Nial the Burned — one of the great works of 
the world — contains as sound and noble characterization as may be 
found anywhere and the most complete of all presentations of the 
practical working of early law; the Grettir Saga is a Robin Hood 
romance, touched with human sympathy and deepened to awful 
tragedy by the haunting of evil eyes, dead and damned, never relent- 
ing, which bring fear where no fear was and forcé him to endure 
the company of assassins rather than face the dark, so preparing his 
inevitable doom ; the Saga of Cormac is a string of his poems or those 
attributed to him, like so many beads, on a fine thread of wayward 
northern love-story and travel ; and the same may be said of Gunnlaug 
the Serpent Tongue, though in a more comforting and cheerful key. 
The list of deviations might be very greatly increased without eíFort. 
In a field so varied every way, there should be room for a ship's 
log and business-like statement of explorers' notes, afterward fiUed 
out with Ítems and episodes derived originally f rom members of the 



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anxious not to vary from the essential truth of what had befalleí 
Unfortunately only a minority of these earlier Icelandic saga 
remain — some thirty-five in all; for the world has lost a gre^ 
treasure. It is natural that we should prize them, even overrat 
them, when we are induced to know them at all ; but we must nc 
regard them quite as we should the modern painstaking work of 
Parkman or a Motley. Their composers were quite without our tesl 
of probability in many things, notably in things supematural. Eve 
the ghost-game was under diíFerent and prodigious rules, which w 
find out of keeping; for a ghost carne usually in the body an 
veritably out of the grave or dripping from the sea, and he coul 
be clutched and broken and killed like a man. With them the grue 
some, i uUy believed in, quite reached its climax. What iron nerve 
the northern people must have had to support existence I 

Moreover, like all unsophisticated non-analytical folk, these nai 
rators were Hable to confuse their own inferences with what actual! 
was, or could be, known ; the best of them is as ready as any Gree 
historian with his word-for-word dialogues of two centuries earliei 
though these were admittedly unrecorded at the time of utterance an 
most unlikely to linger for a week without change in any mind. Th 
truth of the sagas * is not then in all cases that of absolute precisior 
They aimed to present past conditions and occurrences in the mos 
graphic and dramatic fashion, making them live again for the reade 
or hearer. Apparently the Oíd Testament narratives were thei 
model ; their own histories developing and divergfing from it in s< 
far as their customs, ideáis, and belief s diíFered from those of it 
writers, and the work of each saga-man being conditioned by th 
special material before him, as well as by his individual gifts. 

The first sagas were doubtless very simple and oral, having fo 
contemporaries brief stories and spell-songs in verse, occasionall; 

^ Yet see Laing*s preface to Heimskringla, p. i88, coñcerning the local fidelit 
of the Orkneyinga Saga. 



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were done mainly by one writer there would be general unity c 
style and literary effect, but with the original elements yet distingáis! 
able. The great sagas are all of this composite character ; yet wit 
this imposed artistic unity, though it may be harder to dissect Egl 
or Laxdaela than the Eyrbyggja Saga, which almost dissects itsel 

Our Wineland saga, though not the longest, is clearly of the: 
class and kind. It seems that a shorter Saga of Eric the Red ar 
one of Thorfinn Karlsef ni's voyage must have been thus united in i 
including also parts of a lost saga of Leif — other f ragments of th 
latter being represented perhaps by the Thorgunna chapters of th 
Eyrbyggja Saga. The same hand has polished and kneaded it al 
introducing some illustrative adomments like the incantation scen 
chiefly, though not quite exclusively, in the preliminary Greenlan 
section. There seems to have been great care on the part of th 
final saga-man, say of 1200, not to confuse or distort Thorfinn's carefi 
memoranda of coastal geography. 

As the saga comes to us, the contrast in subject matter is obviot 
and great. The phantoms, miracles, magic, and prophecy are a 
in the earlier Greenland part, the sailing directions all in that relatin 
to Wineland. The f ormer must be considered an historical romane 
embodying all that we know of Red Eric, as well as Gudrid's ancestr 
and early Ufe, her loves and bereavements ; the latter is a matter c 
fact statement of her unique adventure in exploration with her huí 
band, adding bits of inf ormation and episodical anecdote. The recor 
making the backbone of this voyage-history might have been origii 
ally in very few words, not vastly exceeding the inscription found c 
one of the Women's Islands in Baflfin's Bay. That such guides t 
future explorers, travelers, traders and colonists were matters of caí 
and conscience to competent early navigators appears very clearl 
f rom Champlain^s seventeenth century account of the way to get in1 
the Penobscot, Ivar Bardsen's f ourteenth century account of the ws 



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The residuum of verse * in it may seem odd company f or coa 
notes and distances, though Thorhairs derision in tliat form hac 
very practical turn at the end of an unsatisf ying winter ; but ven 
often appear in Icelandic sagas. Sometimes they are the known pi 
ductions of the poet-champions celebrated, or imitation of th 
work, both kinds being exemplified by the sagas of Cormac a 
Egil ; sometimes, as in Gretla, they are chiefly f oreign interpolatic 
of no taste ñor skill ; or again they may be real or supposed reí 
of older balladry. In the Saga of the Heath-Slayings — that savaj 
unforgettable epic, which somehow recalls the equally intense a 
primitive oíd Scotch border-ballad with the ref rain " and my gea 
a gone " — the basic tales in verse are not always quoted f rom, I 
cited occasionally by the prior author's ñame. Both plans are larg< 
and about equally adopted in the Eyrbyggja Saga. 

In the Saga of Eric the Red, a not extravagant ingenuity ni 
distinguish the episodes of Thorhall the Huntsman, the Gaelic Rt 
ners, the Battle at Hóp, the Death of Thorvald, the Markla 
Captives, and the Death of Biarni, each easily separable and indiv 
ual, as probably single ballads in their original shape. That of 1 
Gaels Haki and Haekia has been inserted in the wrong place, presu 
ably by the final saga-writer, making them find grapes and gr; 
before finding birds' eggs and having an overlapping joint with t 
context, more instantly obvious than that of the two creation leger 
in Génesis. This anecdote, if veracious, belongs evidently to t 
next autumn at earliest. 

The place-names of the saga haye been transf erred from Iceland, i 
example, Hóp, Straumey, and Kjalarness, just as Oxford of Mai 
land or Plymouth of Massachusetts derived their ñames throu 
English colonists from English towns ; or they are descriptive and 
general application where the same conditions prevail, as Markla 



^ Prof . Diman's critique of De Costa*s "Pre-Columbian Discovery." No 
American Review, 1869, vol. 109, p. 269. 



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wiii uc ic&uiiicu 111 H iciicr ciiapici. me iidiiic is ixul uix me x^cm 

maps, and Mr. Stefánsson of the Library of Congress, a south-I 
lander by birth and long residence, does not know of it there. 

Apparently this is the one invention of the explorers in local nom* 
clature and one of the most significant items of their saga, definí 
aptly the impression of the typical American sea-shore of interm 
able strand and dune, which they could never have encountered 
f ore and would never afterward find elsewhere. It would have b< 
equally unknown to the later saga-man or even to Hauk Erlends 
who copied him in the first third of the fourteenth century sil 
neither of these could be aware of anything distinctively Ameri( 
except from the Wineland sagas and traditions. 

The methods of naming above-mentioned overlap in some degí 
so that it is not always possible to say whether oíd, general assoc 
tions or new observation have had the greater share. One would í 
that these Icelandic visitors were rather more careful than so 
of their successors to avoid such incongruities as the Naples 
interior New York, or as Snow Hill, a county seat beside a sn 
cypress-bordered river in a flat farming región near the sea. 1 
no doubt it is safe to distrust unlikely and uncorroborated expía; 
tions of the saga ñames or events, especially where we are giveí 
choice of two in different versions; for example, the altemati 
about Keelness or the two accounts of the first finding of the grap 
They have the air of afterthoughts, accounting for or illustrat 
some ítem as to which there was no further light, but which 
saga-men, or the composers of material which they incorporal 
were not self-denying enough to merely leave as f ound. 

The personages of the story were born, and for the most p 
reared, under the Northern pre-Christian religión ; so it wo 
not seem strange to find Thor's ñame occurring as frequently as t 
of Jesús still does in México, or as those of St. Patrick or St. Mich 
do in Ireland ; yet it must be admitted that Thord, Thorhall, Th 
biorn, Thorwald, the two Thorsteins, Thorgunna, and several oth< 
occurring in a single saga, not of the longest, may be counted exc 



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roster of troops would disprove the battie of Saratoga. 

II.— THE STORY OF THE FIRST AMERICAN MOTH 

Gudrid is unmistakably the heroine of the saga and filis adm 
a good part of its Greenland section — as winning and nobly gn 
a womanly figure as may readily be found in any literature. 
greatest of feminine explorers, the inspirer of the earliest atten 
colonize America and sharer in all its hardships, and the moth 
the first-born white American, she must not lightly be passe 
Her f ather Thorbiorn held his ground af ter Eric's first departur 
f or some years declined his invitations to Greenland. But Thor 
was somehow losing ground among his people ; and felt this br< 
heme to him unbearably when a disparaging ofFer of marriag 
Gudrid (as he considered it) was urged by an oíd friend, of whc 
expected kinder things. Apparently she felt with him ; f or 
seems to have been no attempt at dissuasion, even when he called 
numerous well-wishers together in a great banquet, made a s 
about his honor and, lavishing gifts on them all, announce 
intention to sell out and emigrate. Perhaps she may have s! 
his adventurous longing for the chances of life in a new fiel( 
found no resisting magnet in any of her numerous Iceland su 
indicated by the saga. 

All that remained to them went in that ship, and certain f i 
joined the company, to their cost in some instances, for ther< 
sickness and death on the way. It was indeed a dreadful voya| 
prolonged storm and unceasing hardship and danger ; but the} 
at last to the lowest settled peninsula of Greenland, Heriolf; 
where they were received for the winter. Remains of a churcl 
other vestiges have been considered to mark the spot; with no 



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" and some had not returned." The infant Greenland colony suffered 
and was stinted. As the winter drew on, Thorkel and his neighbors 
grQw«anxious and depressed. Pagan still, though with a slippery grasp 
. on : the oíd belief , they decided to cali in the aid of a seeress or 
prop^betess having occult powers ; who shows us what Scott's Norna 
might have been in the palmy days of her craf t and in cheerier vigor 
of lif e. It was her custom to visit on invitation various homes, where 
the people gathered in the hope of good words for the future as the 
spirits might give her light. Thorbiorg was her ñame and she was the 
youngest of nine sisters, all with this gift of prophecy, a truly formid- 
able array. Says the saga*: 

When she carne in the evening, with the man who had been sent to meet her, 
she was ciad in a dark-blue coat, fastened with a strap and set with stones 
quite down to the hem. She wore glass beads around her neck, and upon 
her head a black lamb-skin hood, lined with white cat-skin. In her hands 
she carried a staff, upon which there was a knob, which was omamented with 
brass, and set with stones up about the knob. Circling her waist she wore a 
girdle of touch-wood, and attached to it a great skin pouch, in which she kept 

the charms She wore upon her feet shaggy calf-skin shoes, with long, 

tough latchets, upon the ends of which there were large brass buttons. She 
had cat-skin gloves upon her hands, which were white inside and lined with 
fur. When she entered all of the folk felt it to be their duty to offer becoming 
greetings. 

She was provided as usual with a sort of throne on a dais and with 
special food, a leading f eature being the hearts of every animal which 
could be procured in that región. She would not prophesy the first 
night, but slept in the house; and the next day had a circle of 
participants formed before her. Then she called for some woman to 
sing a certain " spell " of subtle power ; but there was none to be 
f ound who knew the song until Gudrid owned that it had been taught 



^E. g. The Saga of Thorgisl. Origines Islandicae, Vigfusson and Powell. 
'A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the Good, p. 33. 



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iic:iu txiKJKji. ana wuuiu aiiawci iLULiiiiig, uul luvcu au^ii <i Licctu vv iti 

this aid, she promised improved conditions f or the colony ; and f o 
Gudrid, abundant prosperity and distinction, ranging beyond her, ii 
Iceland, to her lucky descendants. Then she departed and th 
scandalized Thorbiom returned. 

Not very long afterward the ice broke up along shore with th 
opening spring and Thorbiorn and Gudrid were free to sail t< 
Ericsfirth and Brattahlid, where the redoubtable ruddy Eric me 
them " with both hands " of welcome. They made their home witl 
him until another could be provided on one of the nesses protrudinj 
like that of Heriolf . 

That auttimn Leif appeared among them with his inspiring tal 
of a f ruitful Wineland in the southwest and certain valued product 
to make his words good; also with a priest and teachers to Chris 
tianize the people and some men whom he had rescued f rom a wrecl 
at sea. Seldom have so many welcome sensations been presented a 
once to a people hungry for tidings. Except a minority, includinj 
Eric himself , Thorhall the Huntsman, and Thorstein the Swarthy o 
Lysufirth, all were in the best of mood to receive his religious messag 
f avorably and this work seems fuUy to have claimed him. Hi 
mother was his first convert and made his f ather sufficiently uncom 
f ortable. They acclaimed him " Leif the Lucky " ; and so he i 
commonly called, with great justice^ to this day. 

That winter there was a great buzz and stir. Eric held out in hi 
paganism with a genial scorn for novelties, and when his wife with 
drew her countenance, he determined to withdraw himself bodil} 
and to accompany his son Thorstein, a fine specimen of a man, if no 
over successful, on a voyage of exploration to this tempting ne\ 
country the next spring. Eric was the very leader for the voyage 
having so thoroughly done the work along 300 miles of Greenlan< 
coast and through the most forbidding water gates to the deepl 



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vrx^^xiiaiiu uxo\«v^xxxxxt^u. x ^k ux^jr uiu ixv^i. j.ci.xv« xxx. .l^xav, gi,K,K,vK,\A i 

with a relieved chuckle, which still lingers in his Stevenson 
words : " More cheery were we when we sailed otit of Ericsf 
yet we still Uve; and it might have been worse." Gudrid 
Thorstein the more effective solace of her heart and hand; g 
with him soon afterward to a new home away up at Lysufirl 
little below the present Godthaab. 

An epidemic visited their little community that winter and 
Thorstein with others. When all seemed over, the outwom y< 
bride-widow went at last to lie down, but was awakened aw 
in the blackness by a voice announcing that her dead husband 
arisen in his bed and called for her. The messenger was his nj 
sake and joint owner, Thorstein the Swarthy, overwhelmed foi 
moment by that most hideous of Icelandic imaginings, a beli< 
the evil possession or souUess revival of corpses, making these be 
of loved ones the most malignant monsters. The blackness < 
must have been on her too, and f ar more dreadf uUy, yet he saw 
she would go notwithstanding and bade her cross herself as 
in uncanny peril. She declared her trust in God's protective g 
ness and went in. Then the awakening dead man, as they held 
greeted her lovingly, telling her many things cióse in her ear w 
no other heard. Soon, too, he spoke aloud for all to hear, forete 
great things in her behalf , as had the prophetess, charging thei 
take certain measures with a dead wizard's body for ending 
pestilence and to carry himself and other victims to Ericsfirth 
burial; and in especial enjoined her not to marry a Greenlar 
Now this significant warning, fitting so aptly her later marriag 
an Icelander, who promptly went with her to Wineland, ma] 
considered a mere coincidence or a real cause of their adventu 
eífort or a touch of later art maintaining the harmonies. Perl 
the first suggestion is the least probable, but it does not greatly ma 
Gudrid sailed back with her dead, a grim voyage down the r< 



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success in nis tinaertakings. ne was prosperotis, too, ana ai 
rcinforce the supply of good things very acceptably for the 
thne entertainment at Brattahlid. 

Icelanders were particular as to ancestry, and erudite in ped 
although some of the ancestral nicknames of their records h 
wild-Indian-like sound to our modern ears. Thord Horst 
Thord the Yeller, Fiddle Mord, Biom Chestbutter and an extrav 
curiosity-shop of ñames developcd f rom noscs, breeches, and th< 
seem more at home in the tepees of Rain-in-the-Face and S 
Bull than as indicating eminent white men of a country ^ 
produced great literature. Omitting such uncouthness, Th( 
Karlsefni, besides notable Danish and Norwegian lines of de 
had for f ather, Thord the son of Snorri, who was the son of 1 
and his wife Fridgerd, daughter of Kiarval (Carroll) a "ki 
the Irish " — ^the active and formidable Cearbhall of Ossory co: 
porary with Alfred the Great.* We have already taken nc 
Gudrid's Gaelic descent 

It is a curious reflection that the first recorded white America 
partly Celtic, both paternal and maternal. Perhaps it wou 
stranger were this otherwise. Iceland was Irish and othe 
Celtic to a degree rarely understood. Even the brother of th< 
settler bronght Irish slaves with him, who revolted, leaving 
ñame to the Westmanna (Westmen, Irishmen) islands, wher€ 
found a temporary refuge. Others were brought in afterwa 
every stage, perhaps the most distinguished being Melkorka 
kidnapped daughter of another Irish " King '' Kiartan (pe 
Cartan). She was bought by an Icelandic chief on the site of Be 
Norway, passed for dumb through all the earlier years of her hw 
tion, but died at last, respected, in her home, the ruins of which 
shown centuries afterward as " Melkorka-stead." Her grai 



* Eleanor Hull : Irish Episodes of Icelandic History. Saga Book of the '' 
Club, vol. 3, p. 337. 
'Laxdaela Saga. Proctor's transí., p. 27. 



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larKaoie ana least ^canamavian oí me r-aaaic poems lo iceíanu, 
suggested by a writer in the Encyclopedia Brittanica. Vigfusson ' 
:es the same view of their general origin in the eastem islands, 
; witliout ascribing their introduction to Queen Aud,* and Bugge 
j presented the hypothesis again slightly modified. Her relatives 
1 followers intermarried with most of the g^eat Icelandic f amilies 

I occupied the best lands. The ñames of Icelandic chieftains 
eady given will be readily recognized as Irish. The greatest of 
: sagas, Nial's, contains a glowing tribute to King Brian Boru, as 

II as the most vivid account in existence of his victory at Clontarf . 
e sagas are thickly sown with Irish ñames and allusions; the 
ndnamabook displays them in almost every paragraph of a long 
:cess¡on ; and one is tempted to think that by the opening of the 
venth century a fifth or a quarter of the Icelandic blood in all 
sses must have been Irish. 

rhorfinn and Gudrid were married at Brattahlid af ter the Christ- 
s f estivities f oUowing the autumn or late summer when they first 
t; and they sailed for Wineland the next spring — probably that 
the year 1003. 

Vlthough her influence seems to have been most active in causing 
1 furthering this expedition, she is seldom mentioned in the saga 
til her return to Iceland — once as giving birth to Snorri, again as 
haps lef t at Straumey, while her husband went back with a party 
Hóp for three months ; but a woman's part in such achievements 
lid not often be spectacular ñor strike a saga-man as demanding 
ord. The Flateybook saga adds a picture of Gudrid beside her 
ant's eradle in her palisaded Wineland home, entertaining a 
díous big-eyed visitor, who bore her own ñame and announced 
>roaching danger, but was invisible to all other eyes. The Indiat 
ick foUowed immediately. Reeves's index calis this visitor " Gud- 

G. Vigfusson : Prolegomena of the Sturlunga Saga, p. 193. 

S. Bugge: The Home of the Eddic Poems. Schofield's transí., Introduc- 

i. p. xxiii. 



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as testing her constancy of mind. Whether there were any tr 
this story or not, the attack seems to have been real, and one 
many ordeals through which Gudrid had to bring her little son, 
saw him grow to manhood in Iceland, worthily filling his fs 
place af ter Thorfinn died. 

It will be seen that this little Snorri Thorfinnson, probably be 
or near Passamaquoddy Bay, is no vanishing figure of histor 
pretty Virginia Daré, who carne so much later to the lost cok 
Roanoke, and has left us only the pathetic mystery of her 
His descendants have been numerous in áll succeeding cent 
including bishops, notable scholars, and other eminent men. 

Gudrid's later career has been touched upon. It seems thí 
made a pilgrimage to Rome and also lived for a time the life 
religious recluse, both according to the tenets and customs o 
period. She was widely known also for the aid she gave to chu 
convents, and charities. At every stage of her life we find 
woman of great helpfulness, power of attraction, forcé of char 
and upright, kindly, unsparing eflfort. Let us trust that this p 
is as true to historie fact as to the saga-writer's ideal of a 
f eminine nature. 

12.— LEIF AND HIS VOYAGES 

Tradition gives us likewise the year looo for Leif's * unint< 
exploit, the finding of Wineland. The time is fixed also by the s 
taneous conversión of Iceland in that memorable year of " the el 
of f aith." He stands a " wise and stately " figure of history. 
Dr. Fiske, but his earlier adventures were neither exaltec 
generous. 

Leif sailed from Greenland for Norway, perhaps early in 
by the direct route, skipping Iceland — an unprecedented att 

^ G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Mémoires Société Royí 
Antiquaires du Nord. 1888. 



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111 iiuiiiuci. XI is vjy iJU iiicdus cci idiii iiidi iiiuu sii<iit luivx Lina lu \jv^ i.ti\« 

er decisión " said Thorgunna. " I shall put it to the proof , notwithstand- 

" said Leif. [Then she notified him of their expected child, adding:] 

nd though thou give this no heed, yet will I rear the boy, and send him to 

; in Greenland, when he shall be fit to take his place with other men. And 

)resee that thou wilt get as much profit from this son as is thy due from 

our parting; moreover, I mean to come to Greenland myself before the 

comes." Leif gave her a gold finger-ring, a Greenland wadmal mantle 

a belt of walrus-tusk. This boy came to Greenland, and was called Thor- 

Leif acknowledged his paternity, and some men will have it that this 

)rgils came to Iceland in the summer before the Froda-wonder. However, 

Thorgils was afterwards in Greenland, and there seemed to be something 

altogether natural about him before the end came. Leif and his com- 

ions sailed away from the Hebrides, and arrived in Norway in the autumn. 

K Thorgunna, lately arrived in Iceland, is intimately connected 
h the portents of Frodis-water in the Eyrbyggja Saga — ^prodigies 
1 hauntings charged to her occult power after death, and very 
iply impressing the popular imagination. 

3f this sorry little romance or incidental tragedy little need be 
d. But we get a glimmering view of the harrowed soul of the 
saleen woman, which was conceived of as inflicting prodig^ou? 
lishment even after death. 

iíowever, having successfully left her out of the main current 
his story, " Leif went to the court of King Olaf Tryggvason, who 
lid see that Leif was a man of great accomplishments " and 
)mptly converted him into a zealous Christian (Leif did not, how- 
T, make amends) and at last committed to him the conversión of 
other Greenlanders, at the same time that he sent the missionary 
:ur on that errand to Iceland. 

[n the following very brief passage we have our only account 
his Wineland discovery, except the notices already quoted and 
is most natural that inquirers should direct all side lights on 
íry word of it, eager to extract the fuU meaning. Only we should 
vare of a strained ingenuity, the temptation to perverse original 
*adox, or a too narrow and specialized view : 



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people, telling them how much excellence and how great glory accompa 
the faith. 

Leif was a man with a mission now, and it held him tightly to 
Greenland colony, which he probably never left again. If he b 
any house in Wineland, it must have been during the summer, w 
he was inspecting those " lands " with no thought of remaini 
but in the assurance of more engrossing work elsewhere for 
winter. In the warm months the ship itself or any temporary she 
would have sufficed, and if he had forgotten his duty as a vehicle 
the faith in any futile burst of architecture, be sure the priest, e 
at hand, would have reminded him. Presumably he did not bu 

The natural meaning of " lands " would indicate several points 
observation along the sea front; which seems likely with most 
the summer ahead for gratifying a proper curiosity. Obviously 
must have approached some part of the coast and then followe< 
one way or the other. It may be instructive to see what later m 
gators did on the same shore when similarly situated. Cabot ¡ 
Hudson* with a hundred years and more between them, took 
downward course perhaps as f ar as North Carolina, probably temp 
by southem conditions, which were progressively more genial, ti 
turned about northward and in the end went home. Thorí 
Karlsef ni did the same, but apparently did not reach so low a latitij 
We may reasonably conjecture that Leif turned southward, too. T. 
supposition is fortified by the insistence of early geographers o; 
probable connection between Wineland and África ; by Thorfinn's ( 
dent expectation of warmth and fertility; by the disappointment 
his party when the facts of Straumey fell short of the imagii 
standard ; by the adjective " Good " traditionally applied to 
couritry, perhaps with the significance of blessed or supernally foi 



'Hakluyt: Principal Voyages (1904), vol. 7, pp. 152, 154. Also Nansen : 
Northern Mists; taking John Cabot on toward Cape Cod. 



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looted its wine-making cities ; that later established itself as ruleí 
in the two Sicilies and conquered the Canary Islands for Spair 
the race that had already supplied soldiers and sailors to mo 
countries of Europe. Miklegard (Constantinople) " the great city 
the foremost center of the world's civiHzation for three centuri< 
thereafter, was more familiar to their minds than it is to ours, and i 
a little time their men-at-arms were to be the palace-guards of i 
emperors. Besides these, we must remember the priest and teacher 
who joined him in Norway and who were presumably not Iceland 
but continental European of some kind. Further along in the sag 
we find other outland ingredients, for : 

It was when Leif was with King Olaf Tryggvason, and he made him pr 
claim Christianity to Greenland, that the king gave him two Gaels; the man 
ñame was Haki, and the woman's Haekia. The king advised Leif to ha^ 
recourse to these people, if he should stand in need of fleetness, for they wei 

swifter than deer They were ciad in a garment, which they call< 

" kiafal," which was so fashioned, that it had a hood at the top, was open 
the sides, was sleeveless, and was fastened between the legs with buttons ar 
loops, while elsewhere they were naked. 

This affidavit-like verbal photography and eye for costume mai 
the description as by the hand that drew Thorbiorg, yet it wí 
probably only the hand of a romancer. They were afterward s< 
to find the grapes and wheat for Karlsefni in all their semi-nuc 
picturesqueness. I have elsewhere repeatedly indicated a belief thi 
this story as presented is worse than apocryphal. 

No doubt both Tyrker of the Flatey saga and this Haki have a 
aggressively mythical air. The Wineland products no doubt in 
pressed popular fancy and may have seemed to cali for speci; 
distinction in the matter of their finding ; but whether both or eith< 
of these stories be accurate, or wholly invented, or relate to mattei 
of f act ill understood, they reveal a general knowledge that these ear 



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Norsemen, coming f rom Greenland, were delighted with their pr 
fusión and went no farther. Now I do not know what sort of wi 
may be made f rom cranberries, but the prospect is unpleasing. It 
true enough that beverages with hyphenated ñames are evolved 
divers rural districts and oíd fashioned households from curran 
elderberries, blackberries, wild cherries and the like; and sor 
people have experienced them. Every such ñame, for examp 
gooseberry-wine, testifies to the pre-existence of real wine as 
standard, and to the fact of feeble imitation. Are these the fru: 
from which the stout Danish king declared " the best of wine " con 
be made? Can we imagine these Icelandic broadswordsmen 
armor growing ecstatic over the prospect of berry decoction 
Would it have been possible, even in later and milder days, to ha 
sustained on them the " true vinous enthusiasm " which Dr. Sain1 
bury celebrates and which roared through " the tumultuous chorus 
of Headlong Hall " ? Prof essor Femald observes the phenomeni 
too much through the spectacles of the dry-leaf collector and spe( 
men man^ omitting the greater part of eleventh century Norse hum; 
nature. These men of Greenland and Iceland were after intoxican 
Furthermore, the Ericsfirth región was a berry-country, no less th 
Labrador. Even 250 miles farther up the coast, Davis * f ound re 
currants growing wild near the end of the sixteenth century, ai 
Dr. Rink * attests thé great practical valué to the inhabitants of t 
crowberry-crop in southern Greenland at the end of the nineteen 
century. He says that the cowberries though plentif ul are not eaten. 
it not at all believable that men should sail out of one profusión 
small fruit into another,* like in kind, but inferior and despised 
heme, and trumpet their experience abroad as something wonderfi 



*The Plants of Wineland. Rhodora, Feb. 1910. 

*The Voyages and Works of John Davis, edited by A. H. Markham, i8í 
'H. J. Rink: Danish Greenland, pp. 86, 88. 

* Nansen, in statingthis, seems to have confused crowberries with cowberri 
but his argument is sound. 
7 



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we all know what currant-bushes are, and the other suggested com- 
petitors hardly equal their size. Would the oíd Norsemen have f elt 
any cióse analogy between a f ruit as big as a pea, growing on a small 
shrub and another as large as a pigeon's egg, hanging from a 
conspicuous feature of the woodlands? Their descendants among 
US do not seem to observe such matters differently from other people. 

Among Dr. Storm's notes there is one curious instance of a 
Nova Scotian, who referred to certain grapes as " wine-berries." 
I take this to relate to our common tart squirrel-grape, about the 
size of a Zante-currant and barely edible when quite ripe, though 
chiefly useful for jelly, and presumably capable of yielding a berry- 
wine or other dubious beverage. Dr. Storm's witnesses probably 
establish the occasional occurrence of this little wild grape in Nova 
Scotia a few years ago, if not now ; but no doubt Prof . Femald is 
right in holding that it cannot have been plentiful. Yet, however 
abundant, it would be irrelevant. Not such were the bountiful 
grapes which King Sweyn commended to Adam of Bremen, which 
the sagas celebrated, and which Leif Ericsson first found. 

The larger wild grapes, it appears, are divided into several species 
of varying habitat in New England, nowhere passing the Bay of 
Fundy. Gómez ^ may have found them on the Penobscot about 1525, 
as Champlain heard of them in 1605 on the St. John, where they 
have been made into wine in recent years,* and reported them plentiful 
near Saco. Lescarbot,* who was with him, corroborates this, declar- 
ing that they grew as large as plums at Richmond Island ; but he 
relates a projected experiment of their apothecary to introduce grape 



' S. E. Dawson : The St. Lawrence, its Basin, p. 102. 

'Haliburton: A Search for Lost Colonies. Pop. Sci. Mo., vol. 26, p. 40. 

'M. Lescarbot: Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., pp. 93, loi. I have mis- 
taken one of our small wild plums for such a grape, the tree and vine being 
neighbors. 



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of highest trees and these full of clusters of grapes in their kind, hovi 
draped and shaded soever from the sun and though never pruned ñor mam 
I daré say it that we have eaten there as full and luscious a grape as ir 
villages hetween Paris and Amiens and have drunk often of the rath wine u 
Dr, Bohune and other of our people have made full as good as your Fr 
British wines. Twenty gallons at one time have sometimes been made, wit 
any other help than crushing the grapes in the hand, which letting to settlc 
or six days hath in the drawing forth proved strong and heady. 

This would seem to dispose of Dr. Nansen's suggestion that ] 
and others had neither appliances ñor leisure for wine-making. 

Possibly, like the Norsemen, the Virginians overrated this vint 
It is more to the piirpose to note the effect of these wine-yieh 
wild-grapes on the minds of early explorers and colonizers ; and t 
with so many centuries between them, both apply the same pr 
to the same thing. " Strong and heady '' no doubt had much te 
with the excellence ascribed. r- 

These grapes are especially important to our present researai, 
only because they gave North America its first ñame (untess 
except the more dubious Great Ireland) but because they are 
best clew to one of the " lands " that Leif discovered. Being 
or last where fox grapes were abundant, he must have reac 
Southern New England at least, more likely New Jersey, or even 
regions about the Chesapeake. Remembering Cabot and Huc 



*Leifs crew, like our people of the District of Columbia and neighbc 
States, doubtless did not discriminate, except between the small berry-like 
(which would not be highly valued where better berries were plent 
and the large kind, good for table-fruit and ior wine. We cali the 1¡ 
^*fox grapes." I have picked and eaten them on a low island of the Anac 
near Benning's bridge, and only a few feet from a great bed of wild rii 
spot probably within the limits of Washington City. More commonly 
occur on our hills. A few ycars ago a great number were gathered neai 
Conduit Road for our household use. Civilization clears them away; 3 
have found them, both green and ripe, near the lower reservoir in a d 
thicket on two occasions in August, 191 1. 

'W. Strachey: The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. 120. 



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Of course we must not forget that the range of a plant may change 
with time, a lowering or rising of the average temperature being 
an important factor in determining this. Indeed, in the case of the 
squirrel-grape a withdrawal f rom Nova Scotia seems to have really 
occurred within a hundred years. But the disappearance may be 
due to their sparseness and to human interf erence in clearing ground, 
rather than to a very few feet of crustal uplift or othér change in 
conditions. During the previous 800 years, man would not be a 
factor, for the Indians of the región were not agricultural ñor likely 
to work, except in fishing and hunting, beyond the absolute needs 
of their canoes and camp-fires. The seasons, too, during Ihe last 
300 years appear pretty constant in quality, except where modified a 
little by shearing off the forests. The few weather hints of the 
earlier Norse sagas tell the same story of relative temperature north 
and south, although the upper border of the grape-belt may have 
receded a little. 

One might fancy that the increasing severity in Greenland'^s 
climate, which Ivar Bardsen noted about midway between our time 
and that of Eric the Red (though Dr. Nansen doubts it) , would neces- 
sarily be repeated along our coast f rom Labrador to Cape Ann, by 
reason of the augmented volume and coldness of the southward- 
running Arctic current. But the problem is not so simple, for a mild 
Greenland season has been found to make a chill one in Labrador, 
as Dr. Fiske * has noted, by loosening a greater mass of ice from its 
moorings to float southward. On the whole, we may more safely 
assume approximately the same climate as at present and the same 
área of abundance for fox-grapes in the year 1000 until we have soma 
proof of change. 

The "wild wheat " of the saga will be dealt with more fully in 
a later chapter. If construed as " strand oats," for example by 
Prof. Fernald, it clearly contfadicts the statements about grapes 



' The Discovery of America. 



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dence. Indeed, Cartier's attention in 1535 was attracted to it ( 
sauvage) on the southern shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
already stated he says it is like rye, and plainly disting^ishes be 
it and maize, which he first saw soon afterward. Leif might 
found wild rice at intervals anywhere below the Kennebec. 

The statement that some of the timbers were large enough 
used for building may seem to imply a lightly timbered regioi 
Leif merely took " specimens/* and the word " some " dou 
relates to this little miscellaneous collection and not to the g< 
forestry of Wineland or Markland. The use referred to would 
ably be at Brattahlid, or at least under the direction of Eric,* 1 
ideas on such subjects were massive, as we gather from the hun 
cubic-feet dimensions of his house-wall stones. Growing trees ( 
reasonable bulk and height might readily have been found with 
limits of the present Maritime Provinces ; and Newfoundland 
have been mainly a forest, as were most of the seaboard regions t 

There has been much discussion over the puzzHng " mausur w 
Rafn thought it especially indicated "bird*s-eye maple," foui 
Marthas Vineyard and elsewhere. This is probably our most b 
ful native wood, having a delicate wavy and dotted grain. 
Fernald in his Rhodora article identifies mausur positively 
" canoe birch." In Scandinavia some kind of birch must have 
most often the source of this ornamental carving wood, for b: 
are the most plentiful hardwood trees of northem countries. 
on Grand Manan, where the white birch is everywhere in evic 
the comparatively few maples would more readily yield a 
specimen; and knotty parts are to be found in either. Th; 
veined wood,'' irrespective of species, is the real meaning appears 
the following words of said article : " Similar growths have some 
been found on the maple, horse-chestnut, cherry and aspen, and 



^ H. J. Rink : Danish Greenland. Stated as 6 feet by 4 and "of like thid 



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nty, where wild fox-grapes abounded. The other producís which 
found were proper to that territory, although they may have 
n picked up beyond it. From allusions later in the saga, and 
tements elsewhere, we learn that he named this región Wineland, 

not necessarily with any refereíice to goodness or blessedness 
ept so far as he may have held wine to be good and blest. 
)r. Nansen discredits this achievement of Leif, though accepting 

saga's previous statement that he sailed from Greenland directly 
he Hebrides and Norway, and applauding it as among the greatest 
nautical exploits. But surely this bold navigator would be the 
y man to attempt a repetition of the f eat, sailing the other way ; 
I what could be more natural than his storm-driven landfall on an 
ixpected shore? We do not need to go into mythology or fdlk- 
;s for precedents ; such incidents are there also because they first 
)pened to men in reality ; and they keep on happening. When that 
ich began as fact occurs as fact again, it cannot reasonably be 
)eached by any intervening or parallel play of f ancy. 
-eif's Ítems are meager, but so far as they go they are absolutely 
roborative. Evidently someone visited our coast somewhere 
ween Casco Bay and the Chesapeake, touching also at Newfound- 
d and Labrador. Whether the voyager were Leif, or Biarni, or 
>ther may not be practically important, but Leif is named as 
:overer in the best accredited saga, and we may as well adhere 
lim until a more plausible candidate is found. 

13.— WITH THORFINN AND GUDRID TO THE BAY 

OF FUNDY 
L glance at a map of these regions shows two methods of approach 
nainland America from southern Greenland — the direct route over 
and the slow but nearly safe and sure northwestern journey along 



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sea to no purpose. Very likely it sent Bishop Kric and his comp 
to the bottom, destroying with them all hope of a Christian¡z( 
organizad Wineland. 

Thorfinn Karlsefni, though an enterprising man, probably 
his especial, reputation for success to his very great care in n 
sure. Like all such, he had the wit to profit by the mista] 
others. He was a seasoned navigator who had thus far a^ 
mishap, through knowing how to humor the northern seas, 
over, in Red Eric he had the counsel of the foremost explorer 
world, who must have pondered long on the causes of hi 
Thorstein's failure and the best way to avoid its repetition in 
again. If he had not seen — as already suggested — the main I 
can shore opposite Greenland in the course of his first very the 
three years' explorations, his indomitable wildemess-ranger 
Thorhall the hunter, must surély have been frequently up abo 
straits and would be charged season after season to bring him 
mation. So active a mind as Ericas anchored physically by incr 
years and injuries, could not fail to busy itself especially wi 
geography of the lands beyond that water and their relation te 
which Leif had seen. The coming of driftwood to him from sor 
known quarter would be a continual reminder and incitement. 
stein was dead, Leif was immersed in aggressive Christianity ; 
brilliant daughter-in-law Gudrid, her husband and Leif s bi 
Thorvald, Eric the explorer would naturally see the best hope c 
stituting success for failure. 

Thorfinn's actual route is carefully given. It was from Eri 
to Gudrid's former home near Lysufirth in the smaller settk 
about five degrees farther west and a long distance above the ju 
of the western water with the Atlantic. Next they went to " 
Island," according to the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni, or " th< 
Islands," according to the Saga of Eric the Red, which is ger 
the safer guide where details differ. No doubt Disco was 
" Bear-Island " (Biarney), as Graah," the first official expío 



*Exploration of the East Coast of Greenland, before cited. 



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have no warrant to go so far. A more modérate conjecture points te 
the Greenland islands near the present Godthaab, where Davis waí 
attackcd by Eskimo nearly six centuries afterward. They would mak< 
a gooá taking-off point. It was only necessary to await a strong 
steady \v ind f rotii the north. Having this behind them, like migrator} 
birds of long travel, Karlsefni and bis company sped down " south- 
wardj'' or a little west of southward, on their way. 

One bundred and sixty men and several women besides Gudrid wen 
%vitb bim — perhaps children, too, as did Snorri in returning — foi 
faniilies took all manner of chances in those reckless days. " Al 
kinds of Hve stock " owned by Greenlanders accompanied thes< 
calonists in tbree, or possibly four, large vessels. Clearly the} 
in tended pemianent settlement. 

We must not cali them viking-ships, which never sailed out o 
Iceland or Greenland; though Dr. Fiske* inadvertently styles Eri< 
tbe Red " a viking/* in praising bis explorations, and Colonel Higgin 
son ■ devotes inuch space to an account of Norse marauders, to mak< 
US acquainted with the people who tried at great risk and througl 
much hardship to settle America. The only enlightenment is col 
lateral, and tbe general effect is misleading. 

Sucb utterances grow out of a confusión like that between sea-kin| 
and vikiíig, wbich gives the first syllable of the latter its broad curren 
mispranunciation. Tbree types must be distinguished : the sea-king 
the viking and the settled man of the north who created wha 
prosperity was going and offered the best hope for the future. Th< 
first — for example Olaf the White Queen Aud's husband — mad( 
conquests by bis navy, and differed from other navy-wielders only ii 

' J' T. Smith : The Discovery of America by the Norsemen in the Tentl 
Centiiry. Also the Minn. Hist. Soc. Report, already cited p. 13. (His ma; 
with additions,) 

*Tbe Discovery of America. 

^HigRÍnson and MacDonald: History of the United States. Ed. 1905, pp 
25 ei seq. 



í 



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exploit this wide opportunity. But excitement and yet mor 
prospect of booty were at the bottom of it all. In proportion a 
achievements occurred nearer home, they were regarded with 
disfavor. Especially was this true in that northem island whicl 
colonized by picked men choosing exile rather than submission, \ 
natures also were modified from the beginning by other blo< 
more ripe and gracious culture. The home-raider was hek 
wholly admirable in Norway ; he became in Iceland (see Landn 
'' the most wrongful of men " and " a viking and a scoundrel.'' 
so, Ospak ^ of the northern Ere and his merry men, owned a lie 
ant, one Raven, adequately stigmatized in another great saga as 
named the viking, he was nought but an evil doer." There is no 
promise in the characterization of such folk by the early heroic 1 
ture. The teaching is often by example rather than precept, hy 
matic exhibition rather than denunciation ; but we are expected t« 
that the boiling alive * of professional bullies might be overlook 
not applauded, and that almost the very worst type of man w 
who brutally afflicted his neighbors, and thus acquired their ^ 
and goods. To the Icelander, if there were one kind of robbei 
more intolerable than another, it was the local amphibious vi 
Rather early in the prosperity of the island, it necessarily ma( 
end of him. But that " viking " should be anything but a syn< 
for aquatic hero in these northern lands hardly seems to have 
gested itself to most English-writing historians. The sea-kin^ 
the viking were the greater nuisance and the less of their period 
there was this to be said for the forme r, that he revi ved in 
form the order which he overturned and often was a factor in imp 
ment, whereas the viking was merely destructive, except in his 
home or within the limits of his predatory association. 



*The Eyrbyggja Saga, Morris and Magnusson's transí., pp. 164, 291. 1 
' Eyrbyggja Saga, p. 70. 



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scythes are asway in the field ; Hallgerda's first husband is killed, 
her contrivance, over a quarrel as to whether he or another can t 
handle codfish ; and the whole troop of Flosi the Burner pkDS^ne < 
of the most notable recorded instances of Norse vengeance until ti 
have properly completed the haying. The oíd time Icelander wa 
very practical, if a very belligerent and litigious, hero, with genu 
honesty as he saw it, and a real intention to be law-abiding in the m; 
though abiding a most topsy-turvy kind of law. 

Yet, while not a viking, he might have as good ships or bet 
Such were the " dragons " or " serpents," built for dangerous haza 
and important missions, for withstanding the worst onset of the ( 
ments — at need for hand to hand boarding with svvord and axe ; 
spear, also for the most effective pursuit or escape. 

Of course they were not the only kind. A rather clumsy « 
dilatory craft * was in use more or less for ordinary trading purpo; 
Its modern representative was pointed out to Professor Packa 
by a Norwegian, and taken as an approximate standard in the sai! 
calculations of the former for the time needed in the passage betw 
Newfoundland and Greenland across the dreaded Ginnungag 
But one of the exploring vessels had already borne Thorbiorn ; 
Gudrid with their fortunes to Greenland, when a dismal death, 
life, honor and prosperity, were in the cast of a die, and all that 
owned had gone to the venture ; a second was Thorfinn's own ; a ti: 
belonged to Biarni, a chivalric chieftain of the highest personal pi 
and most exacting followers. Such craft would more likely be of 
dragón or serpent pattern, beautiful open ships " which were proba 
stronger and more seaworthy and certainly much swifter than 



' Heimskringla. Laing's transí., vol. i, p. 441. 
*A. S. Packard: The Labrador Coast, pp. 24, 26. 



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Coogt 





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Ir 

\ 



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un me ccicuiaicu imy^uj^ lapcaii^ x iii» wcia h\jí. w»iic \ji mv wij xoij 

ships, for some of them had thirty oars on each side (instead of its sixte 
and vessels carrying from twenty to twenty-five were not uncommon. . . 
Probably the sail was much like those still carried by large open boats in 1 
country, a single square on a mast forty feet long. 

Thus equipped, Thorfinn could go quite literally on the wings 
the wind. Henceforward, at least as far as the Bay of Fundy, 
h^^ the benefit of their log and sailing directions. Leif has giy 
US no such aid, but there was no such motive in his case. He I 
stumbled on his great good fortune, and probably acted mainly fr 
impulse in skirting the shore awhile, and touching here and there 
specimens, before hurrying home to evangelize Greenland. Thorfii 
however, aimed at permanency, and it was most important to n 
closely the route which must be retraced in sending tidings a 
establishing communication with the parent colony, and which 
reinforcements must foUow. It is plain sailing in the saga as 
reality, with merely some uncertainty as to the exact intervals of ti 
and distance intended. In that the swiftness of the wind-dri> 
ships of course must be considered. 

The saga tells us : 

Thence they sailed away beyond the Bear Isles with northerly winds. T 
were out two doegr; then they discovered land, and rowed thither in bo; 
and explored the country, and found there many flat stones [hellur], so lai 
that two men could well spurn soles upon them [i. e., lie at full length u) 
them solé to solé] ; there were many Arctic foxes there. They gave a na 
to the country and called it Helluland. 

Thence they sailed two " doegr," and bore away from the south toward 
south-east and they found a wooded country and on it many animáis ; an ish 
lay there off the land toward the south-east; they killed a bear on this, í 
called it afterwards Biarney [Bear Isle] ; but the country Markland [Fon 
land]. When two "doegr" had elapsed, they descried land, and they sai 
off this land ; there was a cape [ness] to which they came. They beat into 
wind along this coast, having the land upon the starboard [right] side. T 



* Heimskringla, Laing's Introduction, vol. i, p. i6o. 
*Higginson and MacDonald: History of the United States Ed. 1905, 
30 et seq. 



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lllUlgV.ll\^U3 piV/VlU\.LO. X Ilt y^íl^ilKXl lAai A ALA V \^ ¿/A V/\^\^V^J.O, L/Vg AAAAAAAAg 

with a repetition which is enough of itself to show the break made 
by the foreign matter : 

Karlsefni and his followers held on their way, until they carne where the 
coast was fiord-cut (or indented with bays). They stood into a hay with theii 
ships. There was an island out at the mouth of the bay, about which there 
were strong currents, wherefore they called it Straumey [stream island] 
There were so niany eider ducks [" birds," Thorfinn Karlsefni] * on the islanc 
that it was scarcely possible to walk for the eggs. They sailed through th< 
firth, and called it Straumfiord [stream firth] and carried their cargoes ashor< 

from the ships, and established themselves there There were mountainí 

there and the country round about was fair to look upon. They did noughl 
but explore the country. There was tall grass there. They remained then 
during the winter, and they had a hard winter, for which they had not pre- 
pared, and they grew short of food, and the fishing fell off. Then they weni 
out to the island, in the hope that something might be forthcoming in the wa] 
of fishing or flotsam. There was little food left, however, although their live 
stock fared well there [*. e., on the island]. Then they invoked God, that h< 
might send them food, but they did not get response so soon as they needed 
Thorhall disappeared. They searched for him three half days and on th< 
fourth day Karlsefni and Biarni found him on a projecting crag [note, of th( 
island]. He was lying there and looking up at the sky, with his eyes, nostril 
and mouth wide-stretched, and was scratching himself, and muttering some 
thing. They asked him why he had gone thither; he replied that it did no 
concern any one; he told them not to be surprised at this; adding that he hac 
lived sufficiently long to render it unnecessary for them to take counsel fo 
him. They asked him then to go home with them and he did so. Soon afte: 
this a whale appeared there, and they went to it, and flensed it, and no on< 
could tell what manner of whale it was. Karlsefni had much knowledge o 
whales, but he did not know this one. When the cooks had prepared it, the] 
ate of it, and were all made ill by it. Then Thorhall, approaching them, says 
"Did not the Red-beard prove more helpful than your Christ? This is m; 



^ Olson substitutes " fiord-cut," as more exact, for Reeves' "indented witl 
bays." 

*A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the Good, pp. 42-43. 

* Compare Bird Island of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where Packard in 186 
found the whole top white with nesting birds. In 1860 about 50,000 pairs o 
gannets nested there, 5,000 in 1874 ; 50 in 1882, and their nests had been rifle 
when found. Funk Island oíT Newfoundland on the Atlantic side was ais 
often called Bird Island for like reasons. 



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auie lo explore Dom. i nornaii preparea lor nis voyage out oeíow tne isiana, 
having only nine men in his party, for all of the remainder of his company 
went with Karlsefni. 

Of this picturesque dissentient and minority-leader we hear earlier 
in the saga : 

Thorhall was called the Huntsman ; he had long lived with Eric, engaging in 
fishing and hunting expeditions during the summer, and had many things under 
his charge. Thorhall was a man of great stature, swart and giant-like; he 
was rather stricken with years, overbearing in manner, taciturn, and usually a 
man of few words, underhanded in his dealings, and yet given to offensive 
language, and always ready to stir up evil ; he had given little heed to the true 
faith after its introduction into Greenland. Thorhall was not very popular, 
but Eric had long been accustomed to seek his advice. He was in the same ship 
with Thorvald and his companions because he had extensive knowledge of the 
uninhabited regions. ^ 

Continuing' the narrative : • *' 

And one day when Thorhall was carrying water aboard the ship, and was 
drinking, he recited this ditty : ^ 

" When I came, these brave men told me, 
Here the best of drink Td get, 
Now with water-pail behold me, — 

Wine and I ¿re strangers yet. 
Stooping at the spring, Tve tested 

All the wine this land aíTords ; 

Of its vaunted channs divested, 

Poor indeed are its rewarcjs." 

Then they put to sea and Karlsefni accompanies them out off the island. 
Before they hoisted sail, Thorhall recited this ditty: 
" Comrades, let us now be faring 
Homeward to our own again ! 
Let US try the sea-steed's daring, 
* Give the chafing courser rein. 

Those whó will may bidé in quiet, 
Let them praise their chosen land, 
Fasting on a whale-steak diet, 
In their home of Wonder-strand." 



'A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the Good. 



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bay behind Straumey, before they moved out to that island in th 
winter : for we are told later that " Snorri, Karlsefni's son wa 
born the first autumn and was three winters oíd when they (finally 
went away." He may have been about six months oíd when the part 
divided, and " Karlsefni cruised southward off the coast with Snon 
and Biami and their people." 

No doübt there was hope of establishing their home permanentl 
in some spot which would better fulfill the expectations aroused b 
Leif . The absence lasted however, only a year ; making an episod 
presenting so many special problems that it must be treated separateb 

Returning from this southern sojourn : 

They now arrived again at Streamfirth where they found great abundanc 
of all those things of which they stood in need. Some men say, that Biari 
and Gudrid remained behind there with a htmdred men, and went no furthei 
while Karlsefni and Snorri proceeded to the southward with forty men, tarn 
ing at Hóp barely two months and returning again the same summer. Kar 
sefni then set out with one ship, in search of Thorhall and Huntsman, but Ü 
greater part of the company remained behind. They sailed to the northwar 
around Keelness, and then bore to the westward, having land to the larboar 
[left]. There were wooded wildernesses there; and when they had journeye 
a considerable distance, a river flowed down from the east toward the wes 
They sailed into the mouth of the river, and lay to by the southern bank. 

It happened one morning, that Karlsefni and his companions discovered in a 
open space in the woods above them, a speck, which seemed to shine towar 
them, and they shouted at it: it stirred, and it was a Uniped^ [onefooter 
who skipped down to the bank of the river by which they were lying. Thoi 
vald, a son of Eric the Red, was sitting at the helm, and the Uniped shot a 
arrow into his inwards. Thorvald drew out the arrow and exclaimed : " Thei 
is fat around my paunch ; we have hit upon a f ruitful country, and yet we ai 



'Nansen: In Northern Mists; contains a picture of a harmless-looking on 
copied from the well-known Hereford map. The fancy may have come froi 
the south ; but Norsemen were ready to see Unipeds even in Scandinavia c 
slight provocation — much more on an inner shore of a land of mystery an 
dread. 



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their men any longer. They concluded that the mountains of Hóp, and 1 
^which they had now found, formed one chain, and this appeared to t 
because they were about an equal distance removed f rom Straumfiord ¡n e 
direction. They intended to explore all the mountains, those which we 
Hóp and those which they discoveréd. They sailed back and passed the 
'winter at Straumfiord. 

Then the men began to grow quarrelsome, of which the women wer< 
cause; and those who were without wives, endeavored to seize upon the \ 
of those who were married, whence the greatest trouble aróse. 

When they sailed away f rom Wineland, they had a southerly wind, ar 
carne upon Markland, where they found five Skrellings, of whom one 
bearded, two were women, and two were children. Karlsefni and his p< 
took the boys, but the others escaped, and these Skrellings sank down inti 
earth. They bore the lads away with them, and taught them to speak, 
they were baptized. They said, that their mother's ñame was Vaetilldi, 
their father's Uvaegi. They said, that kings governed the land of the S 
lings, one of whom was called Avalldamon, and the other Valldidida. 
stated, that there were no houses there, and that the people lived in ( 
or holes. 

Then follows the information before mentioned about a pos 
Ireland the Great ; also the statement of their return to Greenl; 
where they passed the winter, going on to Iceland the next ses 

The little epic pendant of Biarni's death, the experience of Gu 
with her mother-in-law, and the genealogy of " Herra Hauk 
Lawman " end the saga. 

Dr. Nansen has noticed the insertion of The Gaelic Run 
episode in the wrong place, but apparently misses the signific 
of the words about entering a bay which precede and follow it. 
dently there was but one bay, repeáted by the interpolator to kee 
the story or in mere carelessness. These were intending set 
guided by Eric's advice and plan of penetrating deep inlets and eí 
lishing themselves in fertile, ampie, grassy borders. Passamaqu( 
Bay, just beyond Grand Manan, would be the first to tempt them 
would say. 



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minor items, except for identification or incidental entertainme 
Again, wherever the explorers follow the coast for any great distar 
its notable characteristics are carefully given ; so, when these do 
appear, we may be su re they sailed out of clear sight of land. 

We may find something artificial in the periodicity of the " t 
doegr" interval, once repeated in the Saga of Thorfinn Karlse 
twice in the more precise companion Saga of Eric the Red; ¡ 
undoubtedly such conventional divisions are a stock property of 
sea-exploring tales. Thus there are three periods in the outw 
voyage of Edrisi's * Magrurin, first about eleven days, then twel 
and then twelve again. But in tracing a coast for suitable settlem 
sites, a periodical inspection might be planned from the outset for 
earlier part of the work by way of saving time, and to keep 
record brief, as it should be if in runic characters. This plan wo 
answer very well until they should reach habitable country, wh 
would require to be examined more minutely ; and, in point of f j 
we hear no more of the " doegr " after the landing at Keeln< 
It will not do to say that every statement of regularly divided hun 
undertaking is untrue because regular divisions occur also in stoi 
mainly fanciful. Thorfinn comes before us as a wary, systematic, í 
successful personage, and the method here indicated seems quite 
character. The parallel with myths and folk-tales has little val 
except where the events narrated and divided are clearly fortuito 

Newfoundland cannot be Helluland (as some used to think) 
several reasons ; in particular, it is not severe, bare, and stony enou 
and has far too few Arctic foxes. Prof. Packard,* who 1 
scientifically studied these regions, declares for the eastern face 
Labrador, perhaps " nekr Cape Harrison or along the coast to 
northward." Sir Clements Markham,* another and very compet 



' Edrisi : Géographie. Jaubert's transí., vol. 2, p. 27. 

*The Labrador Coast, p. 11. 

'Remarks on Dr. Nansen's papen London Geogr. Journ., Dec. 191 1. 



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TÍ^E AVALOI 

ínsula 
¡arne 



^ÓRTMWEST HOBN OF CAf 
\ «IBRETON I5LAND ^ 

iMKjalarness- ÍVy 
^afterward calledCor 
;/ du GalliaU 

^ HE WOÑDERSTRANOa 

Firíderstrandir) ^ 

/ V. 



MAP 

)lÍHopcBay) ILLUSTRAtlNG 

' TH0RP1NN KARLSEFNIS EXPEDITION 

ABOUT A D- I003 TO 1006 

•^ Thorfinns route from Brattahlíd to Straumey. 
— *=-Thorf inns route around Nova Scotia and Cape 

Bretón Island to mouth of western f low¡n¿r¡ver. 
-¿iT-7horfinns route to Hop (as conjectured) 



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" two " for seven. But this is purely hypothetical, involves a re 
prodigious time-allowance and would cali for too much later rep 
tion of verbal error s, as well as too great length for the entire jourr 

It may be well to see what has been actually recorded in m 
recent times. A writer on long distance lake-racing in " Yachtin 
for June, 1910, page 407, cites the " Vencidor " as making 331 m 
in 34 hours, with wind astern or nearly so, a third of the dista 
being " through rockstrewn channels, where reefs and islands furr 
continually shifting currents and high shores give baffling slants 
wind/' This is nearly at the rate of ten miles an hour, and perh 
we may fairly suppose twelve or more for the two-thirds of q 
water. Again, on the Atlantic between Nassau and Havana, 
leam ; * " The ' America ' logged a distance of 400 miles in 40 hoi 
260 of which was made in the first twenty-four hours.** This seí 
a reasonably fair comparison, the voyage being in about the sa 
direction as Thorfinn's and for only a little less distance, though 
much more southem latitudes. No doubt the difference between 
distance made in the first day and that in the second is to be explaii 
by some changé either in the course or the wind. We are giver 
understand that there was neither in the Norsemen's case. 

Now this schooner-yacht " America " was beaten by " the 
sloop * Maria,' " which " walked away f rom her " * in sea-sailing beí 
the wind, and we are assured by the same work that this feat wo 
probably have been repeated as often as undertaken and at any tii 
Further, we find that the proportions of the " Maria," 1 10 feet by 
feet 8 inches, and 6 feet greatest draft, were substantially th 



^Labrador, the Country and the People, by W. T. Grenfell and others, c 
taining Wallace's historical monograph. 

'Studies on the Vineland Voyages, already cited. 

'G. Bleekman and P. Newton, The Blue Ribbon of the Sea, p. 60. 

*Jbid., p.34. 



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possible, but it would seem that the interval stated might well bi 
them to the forested front of Newfoundland near Bonavista I 
aJlowing for loss of speed in change of course. The experiment mi 
be made by some of our enterprising yachtsmen and would 
watched with interest. 

Newfoundland has some claims to be called Markland still, acá 
ing to Bishop Howley's ^ description, even most of its northern ] 
being f airly well wooded. We have no reason to infer any other as] 
then, excepting that the f orest would be more general and more hej 
Whitboume' early in the seventeenth century averred that " 
country can show pine and birch trees of such height and greatne 
and Blome,' about the same time, testified to the ** abundance 
stately trees fit for timber/* The vegetation of Markland has perh 
hardly changed at all, and the abundance of wild game mentic 
by the saga has always characterized the island. 

Thorfinn could not be expected to know it as such, having q 
skipped the Strait of Belle Isle in the loop around the benc 
coast from upper or middle Labrador to middle or lower Newfot 
land ; but if they had followed this closely, it might have made 1 
difference, for both Cortereal and Davis (according to Walh 
took that passage for a mere cul-de-sac, like Hamilton's Inlet far 
north. 

The island called Biarney to the southeast of Markland ma) 
the large Avalon peninsula, even now almost cut off by water, 
ít were not quite wholly cut off then, it might well appear so, b( 
incompletely investigated. We must not charge any early voya^ 
with modern knowledge of geography. Besides instances at 



^ Vinland Vindicated, already cited. 

"A Discovery of Newfoundland, p. lo. 

^R. Blome: Isles and Territories. p. i (325). 



^ 



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ground dwelHngs' remind one of the Eskimo legends concer 
"inlanders," presumably northern Indians, Nascopie or Ti 
The " beard " of the escaping man was possibly a mask or í 
misunderstood garment, though the practice of plucking out 1 
proves that a beard might grow on Amerinds, and other < 
bearded individuáis are reported along our coast. It is tnie thal 
Labrador Eskimo were contending for foothoM on the upper > 
foundland coast early in the sixteenth century, and may have 1 
thus engaged in the eleventh, but their presence in wooded reg 
seems unlikely. We can make little of these Marklanders, per! 
because the Icelanders tell us so little that is trustworthy about ti 
and the English and French so little, trustworthy or not, about 
Beothuk.* When we first really see the latter, they are an inte 
tribe hiding f rom the encompassing peoples, " altogether in the n 
and west part" says Whitbourne. Cartwright^ {^77^) says 
summers often passed without one being seen; and they kept 
over-prudent habit till the end, which was probably a good deal 1 
than the last known death (of a captive in 1829). One corpse 
found aboveground in 1886; but it can hardly have lasted fifty y< 
Cormack,* who reached their home on Red Indian Lake in i 
thought the remnant of them hidden, not dead. Their arts, stat 
and prowess may indicate some infusión of Norse blood. 

In this identification of Newfoundland with Markland, Pack 
Nansen, and Storm and other authorities all agree; and there 

*M. F. Howley: The Ecclesiastical History of Newfoundland. 

' Cartier's Voyages : Orig. Narr. Amer. Hist. ; also J. Winsor : Fiom Ca 
to Frontenac. 

'H. J. Rink: Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, p. 74. 

*W. Thalbitzer: The Eskimo Language, p. 20. 

*H. J. Rink: Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, pp. 262, 298. 

•Alan MacDougall: The Beothuk Indians. Trans. Royal Inst. of Caí 
1890-1891, p. 8. 

^Capt. Cartwright's Journal, republished 191 1, first 20 pages. 

* Cormack: Journey in Search of the Red Indians in New found 
Edinb. Philos. Journ., vol. 6, 1828-1829, p. 327. 



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complained that they had neglected this better course to Wineland¡ 
and insisted on going back to try it; and this theory of his, with 
other expressions like sailing " around Keelness/' imply some notion 
of the great Gulf beyond the long promontor>''s tip. The Saga oi 
Thorfinn Karlsefni does not specify the time consumed before making 
the new landfall and is not so clear in its indication of crossing the 
intervening water. Furthermore, it mentions sailing south along the 
land; but we must not be too Hteral about directions. We find 
Champlain saying south, when he clearly means southeast, and repeat- 
edly parting company with the map in such details, though he had a 
compass to guide him and was unusually careful. With Thorfinn i1 
was guess-work and sun-piloting or star-piloting ; and they have many 
fogs in those regions. The two parallel versions agree substantially, 
here as elsewhere, and help out each other's details; but that oi 
Eric the Red is, I think, a little the clearer. 

Whether they used up 48 hours or not in the passage, they had te 
" beat back '* a rather long way into the wind, or we should hardly 
have heard of the disadvantage ; so they must have been well or 
toward the tip of Keelness before turning to tack eastward through 
the strait, with, of course, the land on their right. This shore was 
that on which they are said to have found the keel of a ship, washed 
down presumably by the Labrador current, perhaps a relie of Eric's 
broken fleet. Those investigators who have tried to pick out a par- 
ticular point as Keelness are clearly wrong ; for Stefánsson's equiva- 
lent " promontorium Winelandium " is a great though upwardl} 
tapering body of land, and the suffix " ness " is to be understood, as ir 
Snaefelsness and generally in Iceland, to include the whole jutting 
área of western Cape Bretón Island. We have indeed a similar use oj 
" Neck " along Chesapeake Bay, for it means in common parlance no^ 
the connecting isthmus ñor any spot or tooth of land, but always th< 



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v^üui; tnuugn iney muiupiy ouuying^ isianub. iviercaior, 150/ 
to the other extreme, however, by setting ít well out from shor 
the significant inscription " Drogio dit Cornu du Gallia." Thuí 
geographers knew Cape Breton's insularity and some did not 
a century's opportunity to ascertain. 

A different explanation of the ñame Keelness is offered 1 
Flateybook Saga, namely, that it has the f orm of a ship's keel ; ai 
records an observed resemblance as oíd as the fourteenth ce 
A great part of the island is hollow now. When the lowlying 
eastern side was under water, the resemblance of the remainin^ 
on the western side to a keel would be more obvious. But sincc 
was a Kjalarness in Iceland, probably well known to some of 
explorers, we may safely assume a simple transfer of the ñame, 
saga laid stress on this northern horn of Wineland, for no nav 
who might foUow could miss finding a feature so conspicuous. 

The course of the ships is explained by it at every turn, as t 
it were a main pivot of proceedings in that quarter. It is ( 
starboard in the saga as the ships go south along the coast ; < 
larboard as Thorfinn long afterward reverses the course to pass 
it into the Gulf after the missing Thorhall ; he anchors on its w 
side in a westward flowing river (the Margarie or the Mabou 
passes northward along it in leaving that región. Each point is 
with precisión almost as if dictating items for a map. The 01 
narrator evidently intended that there should be no misundersta 
of this great península ; but every one is at the mercy of ma 
and the centuries. 

There is a further argument for Cape Bretón Island as Ke 
in the corresponding position of the tip of the former and ti 
Stefánsson's Promontorium Winelandium as compared with th 
tude of Britain and Ireland. Also, the Stef ánsson map has a 
of elevations running up into it, quite inconsistent with Cape 



*For example Lake, Griffingand Stevenson. Atlas of Kent and Queei 
Coiinties, Maryland, p. 30 and elsewhere. 



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and occasional inlets to break the monotony oí desolation and loneli 
ness. Few things ¡n nature are more impressive, but it is not a cheer 
ing impression. We may fancy Gudrid and her companions lookiní 
over the landward gunwale at that unchanging panorama, with woodi 
and hills of little variety for a background, and wondering if the] 
would never have done. Surely we can give no other meaning te 
" This was a bleak coast with low and sandy shores. They calleí 
them wonderstrands because they were so Icwig." The plural ma] 
indícate slight breaks in the outline here and there. 

These people had swift ships. Beaches of ordinary length mus 
also have been familiar to all of them. They would not feel i 
mbnotonous sail of but four or five hours. They would not marve 
at a stretch of fifty miles ; but if they had to foUow down from Cap< 
Henlopen to Cape Charles, or along any equal stretch of strand, the] 
might well record the wearying novelty as a " wonder." It wouk 
rank equal with the great treeless wastes of Helluland or the immens( 
forest área below, or that great " ness *' which gukrded the entrance t( 
the inner Gulf. I think the Wonderstrands must have stretched fo 
at least a hundred miles. 

On grounds to be explained, it seems more than probable tha 
the main Wineland home of these settlers was at the mouth of th< 
Bay of Fundy. Between the tip of Cape Bretón and that point, w^ 
have the outer coast-line of Nova Scotia, said to be somewhat ove 
three hundred and fifty miles. Obviously then, the outer coast-lin 
of Nova Scotia was their Wonderstrands. The palpable fact tha 
Nova Scotia does not now supply these wonderstrands except perhap 
on a lesser, though relatively considerable scale along the front o 
Richmond County over which boats are sometimes drawn, to th 
interior Bras d'Or, seems to have compelled Dr. Storm to piece ou 
this part of his theory with minor beaches that the Icelanders woul 



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übsuiiic Liic crruiieuus iransier lo tnis poini oí an ooservaiion n 
elsewhere, unless there be some adequate explanation. And the 
such explanation. The coast Une now consists generally of low c 
or banks, not comparable to the lofty precipices of Grand Manan, 
let US suppose that this is not constant in height, but that, for g 
reason, it has been rising continually. Reckoning back, it woul 
correspondingly lower at any given time, supposing no counterac 
cause intervened to reverse or check it or vary the rate of emerge 

Our starting point is about a present average of 25 feet, per] 
rather more — as indeed my own slight and local observations w 
make me suppose. But the above has been given me as a re 
approximation by a journalist formerly resident in that provi 
and is pretty well confirmed by a Boston yachtsman and an inl 
gent fisherman of Grand Manan, both personally familiar with 
shore. Of course it is barely provisional, exactness not being h( 
for. 

It does not seem to have occurred to anyone concerned in i 
researches that a definite and steady change may have been going 
Rev. Mr. Slafter ofFers the nearest approach, that I recall, to su 
view, in the suggestion that islands have shifted and new land 
formed, making identification impracticable — ^but that is obvio 
far from presenting a conscicusness of explainable, progres 
change. Now conceive the Nova Scotian seaboard-Jowered by 
25 feet or more of its present height, that is, brought down to wz 
level and dipped a little under — with slight narrowing of the pe 
sula, in its mainland part, and partial obliteration of the eastern 
of the now hollow insular terminal part called Cape Bretón Islar 
and you will have something not whoUy unlike the long strand 
New Jersey or the peninsula east of the Chesapeake, only with 
hill country much nearer. It was the first introduction of the 
prised northern visitors to the characteristic American coast line. 

The probable reason for such a change is simple enough. 
withdrawal northward of the great glacial ice-cap, from half a i 



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rises ; below it is the resulting depression or trough of the earth wave, 
gradually lessening in downward movement. Apparently the earth 
crust behaves like a blanket undulated. Professor Brown of 
Brown's University writes that five hundred feet of uplift in all are 
reported from Labrador, and nearly seven hundred f rom parts of the 
Hudson Bay región. Prof . Shaler * has elaborately explained this de- 
pression and re-elevation. Mr. Davis's marsh investigations add 
another proof of the movement by demonstrating the complementary 
recent sinking below. The recent work on Labrador, the Country and 
the People, by W. T. Grenfell and others contains on page ii8 a 
map giving the figures of uplift since the glacial era at various points 
of the Newfoundland and Labrador front, making 575 feet at St. 
Johns the máximum. Pages 127-135, etc., of this section, by R. A. 
Daly, add further discussion of this phenomenon and the general 
testimony of residents of the coast to its continuance. 

Even these results would have seemed inadequate while men held 
by the prodigious periods of the astronomical glacial theories. But 
the observations of Shaler at Niágara, and of other investigators, 
all the way from the northwest to the Atlantic ocean, have built up a 

*A. S. Packard: The Labrador Coast. 

' C. A. Davis : Salt Marsh Formation. Economic Geology, vol. 5, no. 7 Í1910) . 

^N. S. Shaler: Nature and Man in America, p. 96 and context ; also his 
Aspects of the Earth, pp. 2, 3, 6, 7, "As when a glacial sheet is imposed on a 
continent — as it was in the immediate past in North America — a wide área of 
the ice-laden land sank beneath the sea ; to recover its level when the depres- 
sing burden was removed." Cf. A. R. Wallace: The Geographical Distribu- 
tion of Animáis, vol. i, p. 152 — "the weight of ice piled up in the north would 
cause the land surface to sink there, perhaps unequally, owing to the varying 
nature of the interior crust of the earth ; and since the weight has been re- 
moved land would rise again still somewhat irregularly, and thus the phenomena 
of raised beaches of arctic shells in températe latitudes are explained." 



i: 



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hough there are some dissentients. 

Of course the lifting forces or the resistance may have varied in 
>tress from time to time, for reasons not readily to be fathomed, 
)r some other crustal movements may have interposed, or there may 
lave been counteracting influences yet unknown. Also there may 
lave been local eddy-like exceptions of downward crumpling or earth- 
[uake depression/ as perhaps on the shore of the Bay of Acadia, 
lot affecting the Atlantic coast. This depression seems to have 
;nded long ago, and may perhaps be paired with the convulsión that 
;ank so much land, leaving tree stumps at the bottom of lakes and 
n marshes near New Madrid, Missouri, early in the nineteenth 
:entury. 

Perhaps there has not been sufficient search for direct evidence 
n situ oí uplift along the Nova Scotian coast such as we have so 
itrikingly from Labrador and the upper part of the Maine sea- 
Tont Locally there is some scientific opinión or feeling that this 
>robably has not occurred. Indeed a positive descent' of the shore 
it certain points, notably Louisbourg, used to be inferred from the 
lubmergence of the oíd French works. But later investigation " 
las shown that the f acts do not cali for such an inference, the military 
irchitects having planted their embankments in the water; and no 
:hange either way in elevation can be said to be directly proved. 
rhere has not been time for any conspicuous eíFect, and the shifting 
rf water currents and of sand, or other local conditions may 
ipparently reduce it. 

Nova Scotian direct evidence not counting either way, we must 
iccept for guide the action of natural laws shown to have taken 
íffect on the relatively more southem, as well as the more northern. 



^J. W. Dawson: Acadian Geology, p. 3; also supplement, pp. 13-21. 
*Gessner: in Journ. Geol. Soc. London, vol. 18, p. 36. 
' H. S. Poole : Subsidence of the Atlantic Coast Line of Nova Scotia. Trans. 
^ova Scotian Inst. o f Science, vol. 11, p. 262 and Mclntosh, p. 264. 



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river valleys become broadened estuaries, bordered by marshes, low 
islands and broad sand banks, as in the región of the Chesapeake and 
Delaware. 

Dr. Nansen, discarding the explanation of the saga and apparently 
forgetting the natural transformation of a coast-Hne in a formerly 
glaciated región, supposes that the Wonderstrands were originally 
named for the wonders which they exhibited. He does not suggest 
what these may have been beyond a hesitating note concerning won- 
derfully beautiful islands of myth and fancy. But there is surely only 
a faint verbal link between the wonder of supreme beauty and the 
wonder of impressive desolation. Also it is most incredible that the 
saga should have omitted all mention of prodigies which conferred 
one of its most important local ñames. And what marvels could 
they own, surpassing the almost appalling interminable succession of 
strands and dunes, constituting now as then the dominant typical 
American coast-line ? 

Whatever else may be doubted there is no denying that some Ice- 
lander, before 1334 — when Hauk died, who copied for us the passage 
in question, had become acquainted with the American Atlantic coast 
as we see it now with slight breaks in its upper part from the tip of 
Florida to the tip of Cape Cod. Did Hauk come here or the saga- 
man ? There is no record of any visits before that time except those 
of the saga and even the Flateybook versión avers that " of all men 
Karlsefni has given the most exact accounts of all these voyages." 
Leif must already have seen that strange coast and prepared him for 
it. There is no great reason to doubt that Thorfinn saw it also. 

The Wonderstrands (if Nova Scotia) were not remarkable for high 
tides and strong currents. On the contrary, these were (and are) 
rather feeble. Cabot found but 2^ to 4 feet of rise and fall, and 
Harrisse/ reporting him, says : " This diminutiveness is peculiar to 



^H. Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, p. 8. 



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not less. 

The same applies to the series of more than picturesque, 
broad, fiord-like indentions, mountain-sentineled, with lofty : 
out before them or in them, and contours for the most part nece 
unchanging ¡n a thousand years, which characterize the upp< 
coast of Maine, beginning with Passamaquoddy Bay. For 
Manan, lying across the front of the admirable inner expanse, ^ 
as Denys says, f rom afar at sea, and necessarily the next land : 
explorers as they crossed the Bay of Fundy (heading a little \ 
north after rounding the nose of Nova Scotia, and avoiding the 
of the Admifalty chart) was indeed the herald of a new or 
things. It is no wonder that even these Icelanders, accustor 
mountains and sea-currents, were deeply impressed by the c 

Osgood's book on the Maritime Provinces wakens to sometí- 
an outburst about " Grand Manan," which " lies in the mouth 
Bay of Fundy, whose giant tides sweep imperiously by its si 
This, however, would not now apply quite perfectly to the si 
harbor-indented, inhabited southeastern side, with its outlying 
of low islands, though the official chart shows violent tide rips, a 
Fewkes testifies to " currents of great power." It is the " back 
island," as they cali it, the wilderness side (whence you ma 
down on Campobello near Eastport and plainly distinguish m 
the westem mainland mountains), which enjoys the roughest 
of the racing tide. No one who watches the guUs sway backwa 
forward in great fleets in the rush of water and the long eddy 
north point by the fog whistle, or keeps company a bit with the 
gatherers on the slippery rocks, or looks down from the so 
cHífs on the foam about their bases, or considers the wave- 



' The f ollowing figures are given by Verplanck Colvin in his Calculai 
"Plutarch's Account of Ancient Voyages to the New World," p. 3 : H 
Labrador 7 feet; Anticosti, 5 feet; St. Johns, N. F., 6 feet; Trinity 
F., 3i feet; Kennebec, 9 feet; Portland, 9.9 feet; Boston, 11 fee 
London, 3 feet; New York, 5 feet. 



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mation at hand, after much endeavor, this Identification seems to me 
most Hkely. The Flateybook's account is badly blurred in the tell- 
ing, and too confusingly blends the characteristics of Hóp and 
Straumfiord (without mentioning the former) to be very helpful ; but 
even in it we have the outlying island, which must have especially 
impressed all the party; and the description of the wide shallows 
left by the ebbing tide belongs peculiarly to the lateral branches and 
upper arms of the Bay of Fundy. It could not well be otherwise, 
with sixty-feet daily change of level at Monkton, and thirty-two feet 
even at the reversing falls of St. John. The Bay of Fundy is simply 
unique in these respects on our coast and Straumey and Straumfiord 
can belong nowhere else (see note lo, p. 178). 

Nearly all the statements of the trustworthy and little defaced 
narrative of the two parallel sagas are exactly borne out by present 
facts. They came to " a fiord-cut shore " of mountain valléys filled 
with water, forming bays, and these in due succession are there still. 
They sailed into one of these bays or fiords, a statement twice made, 
curiously marking as already stated where a later hand has interpo- 
lated the apocryphal episode of the Gaelic runners Haki and Haekia. 
" They sailed through the firth " to reach this bay, which was included 
under the same ñame, f or we read later that " in the spring they went 
into Straumfiord and obtained provisions from both regions." Of 
course the same passage has to be made still, and of course the strait 
and bay are connected ; though their unión was no doubt more obvious 
then, a good part of the narrow Campobello island and Lubec headland 
being under water. These, with Eastport island and other neigh- 
boring territory would appear as minor islets in a somewhat largar 



' J. W. Fewkes: A Zoólogical Reconnoissance in Granel Manan. American 
Naturalist, May, 1890, p. 424. 



ui xLFic, uirub cggs ciccuruiiig lu uiai ui iiiuniiiii xvciiibciiii, w 
is a little the better in this instance, are a case in point. They \ 
probably guUs' eggs, cormorants' eggs, and those of the eider-d 
black duck, and other water fowl. The numerous guUs still lay s 
eggs in the most nearly inaccessible niches of the cliffs near S( 
Head. Above it there is a fine level table land, which may well 1 
been fuUy occupied by nesting sea-fowl in the times before 
advent of men (and boys), aided in destruction, as I am told, 1 
great recent multiplication of hungry foxes. It is not surprising 
most of the egg-laying is now done on the outlying islets, where 
secution is less constant. 

Denys/ about 1645, after defining Passamaquoddy Bay as " a < 
of great circuit," says " Opposite the last cove and some distance 
at sea, occur some islands, the largest of which is called the islán 
Menane. It can be seen from afar as one comes from the sea . 
On all these islands .... there is a great number of all kind 
birds which go there in the spring to produce their young." 

It was the proper locality for such finds. Champlain tells u 
filling a cask with cormorant eggs on Hope Island, and of an alr 
unbelieváble number of birds, including ducks of three diífe 
kinds, on the Tusket Islands, all about the mouth of Fundy Bay. i 
a little later, when the eggs had become young birds, he colle 
many of the latter on the Wolves, only a short distance up Fu 
Bay from Grand Manan. It is not certain that he landed on the la 
though he sailed near it three times at least and anchored ( 
in Seal Cove, a harbor of its more accessible side, with almo 
shipwreck. 

Dr. Nansen doubts the plentiful nesting of birds, thinks the 
Norwegian reminiscence, and in particular exeludes gulls and a 
But a local omithologist of North Head, Grand Manan, who is as 
informed on the subject as anybody in the world, gives me by k 



' N. Denys : Description of the Coast of North America. Ganong's trs 

pp. lio, III. 



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both alike, to a certain point, in the simpler matters of existence. 
There may be a special illustration of this in the established and 
ancient habit of the Passamaquoddy Indians, to cross and recross 
the strait annually in their canoes, having their home astride of it, 
so to speak, and obtaining supplies from both shores. They no longer 
maintain a permanent village on the island, having withdrawn for 
superstitious reasons (it is said) but the habit of annual or more fre- 
quent migrations across Grand Manan Channel for sport and f ood is 
hardly yet abandoned. The Norsemen did likewise and for like 
reasons, the resources being enumerated in the saga. It is perhaps 
a case where the usual procedure had been reversed, the Indian 
following the white man, for that región seems to have been empty 
of inhabitants on their arrival and during the three years (once inter- 
rupted) of their occupancy, as Strachey declares the lower course of 
the Susquehanna to have been, or as some parts of Kentucky perhaps 
were, or lower Greenland at the time of Eric's settlement; indeed, 
until after 1300, according to Dr. Rink* and Dr. Storm. It is a 
common phenomenon in the case of a sparse native populatíon, not 
deeply anchored. 

The Indians of the región at the time of our first knowledge con- 
cerning them were the Micmac or Souriquois of Nova Scotia, extend- 
ing west of the head of the Bay of Fundy into Northern New Bruns- 
wick, the Malicete or Milicete of the western side of the bay and the 
Passamaquoddy, often referred to on Grand Manan as the American 
Indians. The.Maguaquadevic Indians about St. George and the neigh- 
boring lakes are the border tribe of Malicete on the Passamaquoddy 
side. There is said to be a portrait of one in the lUustrated London 
News of Sept. 5, 1863. They were notable for at least one dolmen- 



' H. A. Rink : Tales and Traditions of the Eskimo, p. 74. 



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their kindred the Passamaquoddy appear to have worked on up 
Atlantic. All these people were of the ancient Algonquian stem 
the two branches had been long separated when fate thus drew t 
again together; for even yet the languages* of the Malicete 
Passamaquoddy borderers differ considerably and the Micmac v 
very different pattern of canoe (uptumed at both ends) from thj 
the "American Indians," although occasionally visiting, from 
Digby, the same island of Grand Manan. 

We do not know when this first meeting took place ; but, as be 
emphasized, the Norse date (say 1003) is very early. If we sup 
that the movement down the St. Lawrence valley had not yet rea 
the site of Monckton ñor the upper waters of the St. John and tha 
movement up the Atlantic coast had not yet passed the Kenn< 
we shall have the requisite Indian vacuum. There is nothing to 
guest that any Eskimo ever crossed the Maritime Provinces in t 
days or skirted their eastem border, no reason to suppose that 
Beothuk extended so far down the coast, and we cannot assume 
other native occupants for this comer of the Bay of Fundy si 

Any one who will mount Battery Hill above Eastport and 
about him will understand " there were mountains around " ; 
country is " fine " still and the hay crop both on the mainland 
Grand Manan — for we were there in the height of that seasor 
really remarkable. They must have found excellent grazing. E: 
lent hunting, too, for the resources are not yet exhausted. We ' 
told of a moose which had recently visited the bay shore near I 
port and were offered in that city the skins of seáis shot by Inc 
very recently on or near Grand Manan. A whale had entered w 
a few days the cove of that ñame, beside which we were lodged 01 
island, just as another came into the hands of Thorfinn's peopl 
their temporary discpmfiture. They would be likely to establish ti 



* Jack: Stone Found in New Brunswick. Smithsonian Rep. for 1881, b 
cited. 
^Trans. Royal Soc. Canadá, 1904, p. 20. 

9 



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every respect, had a most discouraging and even ghastly winter. 
Their best man, Champlain/ appositely declares : 

It would be very diñicult to ascertain the character of this región without 
spending a winter in it; for on arriving here in summer everything is very 
agreeable, in consequence of the woods, ñne country and the many varieties of 
good fish which are found there. There are six months of winter in this 
country. 

The summer advantages could never have been greater than when 
the Norsemen came. When winter struck them and the game had 
withdrawn to a distante and the snow impeded their landward travel, 
it was not unnatural that they should shift to the great island, where 
fish and amphibious animáis were closer at hand, also from which 
the land animáis could not well escape. Moose were found on it 
in the boyhood of an elderly resident, who talked with me, and there 
are still some deer, though partly at least of late reintroduction. 
It ought to have been easy to arrange a drive of animáis toward 
some córner of the cliffs and supply themselves with meat; and 
when it was not possible to fish outside there were (and are) trout 
in the brooks, also eels, on which the Indians afterward depended, 
in a string of ponds, the most northerly and best known of which is 
in the wilderness between the oíd Indian site (now a hamlet of 
fishers and dulse gatherers) and the prosperous village of North 
Head. There could be no lack of good fresh water. 

The migration to^the island seems a wise move, and perhaps did 
more than anything el se to carry them through without the deaths and 
disabling maladies of Champlain's companions. Their stock also 
lived, and throve, probably on birch-twigs, dried fish (for Norwegian 
cattle are said to make the best.of such winter fare) and the half dry 
grasses and other vegetable survivals of the springy inland hollows 
and southeastern marshes. The sea never freezes there and the tide 
would always wash up or lay bare something that might be of service. 

^ Voyages of Champlain. Original Narratives of Early American History. 



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against opinión, the chief trouble being that Leif had given ti 
standard which was true for a more southern part of the coas 
very misleading and disappointing when they applied it to nort 
ern Maine and the neighboring comer of New Brunswick. 

These occurrences bring out saliently the fact that they fon 
" unsown wheat " ñor grapevines at Straumfiord or on Stra 
They do not profess to have done so. There is not the least 
indicating either plant, or its grain or fruit, except the interp 
story of Haki and Haekia who ran " to the south," we do not 
how far (but they were " fleeter than deer "), and brought back 
specimens only. If there be any truth in this episode, and if it b< 
to the narrative not of Leif but of Thorfinn, we must place it wi 
explorations of that first summer or early autumn. Their bunch 
probably have been obtained from the Penobscot in the thre< 
days allowed them. Champlain found a few large grapes and g 
vines on the lower Maine coast. but none anywhere above Poi 
ñor inland in Nova Scotia. According to Lescarbot/ the apotli 
of their expedition desired to transplant Cape Cod grape vines 
lovely AnnapoHs valley of the latter province, which had none, ti 
one would expect them to spring up there spontaneously, if any^ 
in all that province. 

The general result of inquiries among Maine people is that 
grapes of proper size and quality for table use or wine-makii 
not ripen in that State, owing to the shortness of the summe 
the severity of the frosts, so as to benefit anybody appreciably e 
the botanists. But if some far ranging runners brought ever 
or three back to Thorfinn from the southward these might co 
his resolution to seek in that direction a country where such t 
abounded. When he had compromised with Thorhall and seer 
" prepare for his voyage below the island " — no doubt in one c 
southeastern harbors or among the outlying islets — ^Thorfinn 
have wished that he had kept on at first, like Leif, into wa 



*Lescarbot: Nova Francia. Erondelle*s transí., pp. loi, 102. 



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valué. 1 wo or tíiree thousand people of the island Uve by ñshmj 
in more than decent comfort, while on the nearby mainland there ha 
been built up at Lubec the chief American center of one branch of thi: 
industry. 

Considering" the many coincidences of the present and past fact 
wíth the ítems of the saga and the absence of any real objection, i 
seems that Grand Manan and Passamaquoddy Bay with the strait be 
tween them may be accepted provisionally as Straumey and Straum 
fiord. But even ¡f we err as to the exact places named in the saga, i 
seems practically certain that these were not far from the sweepin^ 
tides of Fundy. The Icelanders could not come into this región with 
out observing them, and how could they pass by, giving such title; 
to lesser examples of the same kind ? The verbal distinction betweei 
stream and current, sometimes suggested, must in this conection b< 
regarded as overstrained. Besides, the official chart in its " rips ' 
and " eddies " oíf ers an abundance of " stream," and Dr. Fewke 
characterizes them clearly in his zoological paper already cited. 

It may be well to consider as an alternative, Long Island on th( 
opposite side of the mouth of the Bay of Fundy, and the narrov 
passage, now St. Mary's Bay, between it and the mainland of Nov; 
Scotia, where Champlain found a violent and dangerous current. Bu 
the island seems too cióse to the mainland for the language of th( 
saga, since the passage could be easily and promptly made at an] 
season ; and it is hardly a suñiciently distinguishable " región." 

15.— THE EXPEDITION TO HÓP 
After the departure of Thorhall the Hunter, and Thorfinn'i 
decisión " to proceed southward along the land and to the eastward,' 
the saga says : * 

* A. M. Reeves : The Finding of Wineland the Good. Translation of sag 
continued. See footnotes. 



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them. 

Now one moming early, when they looked about them, they saw nii 
canoes, and staves were brandished f rom the boats, with a noise like fl; 
they were revolved in the same direction ¡n which the sun moves. T\ 
Karlsefni " What may this betoken ? " Snorri's son Thorbrand, answe 
" It may be this is a signal of peace, wherefore let us take a white shi 
display it." And thus they did. Thereupon the strangers rowed towar 
and went upon the land, marvelling at those whom they saw befoi 
.... [For description see p. 143 herein] and then rowed away, anc 
southward around the point. 

Karlsefni and his followers had built their huts above the lake, som( 
ings were near the mainland, and some near the lake. Now they r< 
there that winter. No snow whatever came there, and all of their lii 
lived by grazing. And when spring opened, they discovered, early on( 
ing, a great number of skin-canoes rowing from the south past the < 
numerous, that it looked as if coals had been scattered broadcast oui 
the bay ; and on every boat staves were waved. Thereupon Karlsefni 
people displayed their shields, and when they came together, they b 
barter with each other. Especially did the strangers wish to buy re 
for which they offered in exchange peltries and quite grey skins. TI 
desired to buy swords and spears, büt Karlsefni and Snorri forbade t 
exchange for perfect unsullied skins, the Skrellings would take red 
span in length, which they would bind around their heads.^ So the: 
went on for a time, until Karlsefni and his people began to grow s 
cloth, when they divided it into such narrow pieces, that it was nc 
than a fingeres breadth wide, but the Skrellings still continued to give 
much as before, or more. 

It so happened that a bull, which belonged to Karlsefni and his peo 
out from the woods, bellowing loudly. This so terrified the Skrellin 
they sped out to their canoes, and then rowed away to the southwar 
the coast For three weeks nothing more was seen of them. At the en( 
time, however, a great multitude of Skrelling boats was discovered appi 
from the south, as if a stream were pouring down, and all their stav 
waved in a direction contrary to the course of the sun, and the Skrellin 
all uttering loud cries. Thereupon Karlsefni and his men took red shi< 



*W. H. Dalí: The Tribes of the Extreme Northwest, p. 238. Exact 
in early trading. See also as to red headwear in southern New Englan< 
quotation from Champlain. 



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me-seems, ye might slaughter them like cattle ? Had I but a weapon, methinks, 
I would fight better than any one of you." They gave no heed to her words. 
Freydis sought to join them, but lagged behind, for she was not hale; she 
followed them, however, into the forest, while the Skrellings pursued her; 
she found a dead man in front of hef; this was Thorbrand, Snorri's son, 
his skull cleft by a flat stone; his naked sword lay beside him; she took it 
up, and prepared to defend herself with it. The Skrellings then approached 
her, whereupon she stripped down her shift, and slapped her breast with the 
naked sword. At this the Skrellings were terrified and ran down to their 
boats, and rowed away. Karlsefni and his companions, however, joined her 
and praised her valor. Two of Karlsefni's men had fallen, and four of the 
Skrellings. Karlsefni's party had been overpowered by dint of superior num- 
bers. They now retumed to their dwellings, and bound up their wounds, and 
weighed carefully what throng of men that could have been, which had seemed 
from the land; it now seemed to them, that there could have been but the 
one party, that which carne from the boats, and that the other troop must 
have been an ocular delusion. The Skrellings, moreover, found a dead man, 
and an axe lay beside him. One of their number picked up the axe, and 
struck at a tree with it, and one after another [they tested it], and it seemed 
to them to be a treasure, and to cut well ; then one of their people hewed at 
a stone and broke the axe; it seemed to him of no use since it would not 
withstand stone, so he cast it down. 

It now seemed clear to Karlsefni and his people that although the country 
thereabouts was attractive, their life would be one of constant dread and 
turmoil by reason of [the hostility of] those who dwelt there before, so they 
forthwith prepared to leave, and determined to return to their own country. 
They sailed to the northward off the coast, and found five Skrellings, ciad in 
skin-doublets, lying asleep near the sea. There were vessels beside them, 
containing animal marrow, mixed with blood. Karlsefni and his company 
concluded that they must have been banished from their own land. They 
put them to death. They afterwards found a cape, upon which there was a 
great number of animáis, and this cape looked as if it were one cake of dung, 
by reason of the animáis which lay there during the winter. They now 
arrived again at Straumfiord 

It will be instructive to consider this return journey first and in 
reverse order. The nearest point down the coast from Straumey 
recorded by the saga is of course the headland covered by the animáis. 
No doubt they were seáis, for no land animáis would congrégate iii 



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L 



The three Skrellings were found before finding the seal as the 
carne northward, so they must have been farther south. " I 
asleep near the sea " gives the idea of a smooth beach, and v 
belong rather to southern or middle Maine or some lower j 
though not inevitably. Their " food '' was perhaps rather a r 
for Strachey tells us : " Nottowene groweth as our bents ( 
meadows, the seed of which is not unlike to rye though some 
smaller ; these they use for a dainty bread buttered with deer st 
This may be the earliest record of buttered rice cakes. 

Their costume is more to the present purpose, buckskin ja 
being Indian attire wherever not discarded for coolness. Cham 
observed in this matter an interesting distinction between the re 
above and below Cape Ann — the former being chilled by the ñor 
current, the latter warmed by the Gulf Stream, so that the wate 
the two shores of the projecting land are still recognized by resi 
as of different temperatures. Writing of Nauset and other 
southern points visited in 1605,* he says; " All these people froi 
Island Cape (Cape Ann) wear neither robes ñor furs except 
rarely, moreover their robes are made of grasses and hemp, sea 
covering the body and coming down only to their thighs." Ordin 
he reports, they wore only " a small piece of leather, so likewis 
women, with whom it comes down a little lower behind than the 
all the rest of the body being naked." The next year at Cha 
Harbor in this región " some five or six hundred savages " car 
see him, " all naked except '' that " small piece of doe or sea! 
The women are also naked. They wear their hair carefully co 
and twisted. Their bodies are well proportioned, both men 
women, and their skin olive-colored." He has already told o 
robes worn in July at Saco near the least chilly córner of Main( 



^ W. Strachey: The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. 118. 
*Voyages of Champlain. Original Narratives of Early American Hi 
p. n^ 



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part with little shell beads/' But full dress is never a daily hábil 
at all hours ñor a measure of climatic requirements ; and a jackel 
open in front plus a bead-trimmed turban, with ncthing- more above 
the waist, can hardly be called overwarm in the way of a visiting 
costume. 

The precise border-line between the regions of habitual clothin^ 
and approximate nudíty (for everyday wear) may have shifted a litth 
during the six centuries between the dates of Thorfinn and Qiamplair 
by reason of the descent and dwindling of Cape Cod and possible con- 
sequent changes in the course and interaction of oceanic cui:rents 
But there does not seem to have been much difference during nearl} 
four centuries that have followed; and probably there was littl( 
before. Whether the New Hampshire and lower Maine coast wen 
a little warmer or a little chillier in 1003 than in 1605 or 191 1, it ii 
altogether likely that the buckskin-shirted victims died above Cap( 
Ann, though perhaps below the Kennebec. At a later period thii 
would be the place to find Almachouqui Algonquians ; and perhapi 
this is the best guess we can make about them ; but it remains a guesi 
only. 

On the earlier downward passage to Hóp, Thorfinn would seen 
to have briefly followed the coast, say as far as Mount Desert, an( 
then struck across the Gulf of Maine, thus sailing chiefly on a mor( 
eastern course than if he had followed the shore all the way. Thi 
crossing might be to or around Cape Cod, or, less probably, to lowe 
Maine. Birds in migration during two seasons,* and other signs no 
to be missed by the watchfulness of a very well-skilled early naviga 
tor, would have set him on that more direct water-road. Even the brie 
tracing of the nearer shore would not necessarily be carried int( 
practice, for he had nothing to gain by it, aiming so far away. 

^ See account by Columbus of his first voyage for the aid thus given th 
Genoese in finding the Azores. 



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almost exactly one which we have conjectured for the earlier na vi 
gator, though a change of angle would have taken him to Bosta 
instead, or even to Portsmouth. 

There is another consideration which perhaps has never befor 
been presented. The natives who fought with them at Hóp did nc 
attack them at Straumfiord after their retum. There is no indicatio 
that they were followed at all. Doubtless they could not be, if the 
sailed out of sight at the start, afterward passing only from on 
headland to another. But if the voy age had been for a hundred mile 
only, the savages would have found them out and tried to tak 
revenge — a matter of imperative duty and personal enjoyment fo 
most wild Indians. 

There is another clue. The saga, as already quoted, relates 
subsequent expedition of Thorfinn with one ship, around Cape Bretoi 
Island to a river flowing from east to west, where Thorvald, the helms 
man was slain by a " one footer " or " Uniped." We are told " The; 
concluded that the mountains of Hóp and those which they had no\ 
found formed one chain (or were the same)," and this appeared t( 
be so, because they were about an equal distance removed fron 
Straumfiord in either direction. They intended to explore all th< 
mountains, those which were at Hóp, and those which they discovered 
They sailed back and passed the third winter at Straumfiord." Thi 
intention to " explore all the mountains " is not in the Saga o 
Thorfinn Karlsefni, but in the parallel Saga of Eric the Red (A. M 
557) > ^s given by Mr. Reeves's notes, and the estimate of equal dis 
tance is in the former only. It sounds authentic, but merely as a sailor* 
guess. 

It must mean sailing distance, for they were not given to guessin^ 
at overland air-lines, which they would never foUow ; but measure( 
by " doegr " of water travel. Without knowing which river is meant 

* Voyages of Champlain, Orig. Narr. of Early Amer. Hist., p. 8i. 



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a long way from the Atlantic shore, with, also in part, the upper 
arms of the Bay of Fundy between. If we carry the mountains in 
question up to the lower ridge of the western horn of Cape Bretón, 
we pack nearly all the sites of the saga impossibly near to each other, 
we dispense with the distinctive violent currents of Straumey and 
the pleasing conditions of Hóp and we make the interval so slight 
that the party might have walked easily across or sent messengers, 
and could not possibly have felt themselves astray in a remote and 
dangerous región as they did. Also the Uniped or his friends would 
have followed them ; but nobody menaced them on Straumey ñor in 
their mainland home on the shore of the bay beyond Straumfiord, so 
far as we know. It must not be overlooked, however, that the state- 
ment of distantes from Straumfiord occurs in one versión only and 
may be a conjectural explanation by some saga-man of several cen- 
turies later. 

Of course there must have been something unique about this one- 
footer, who fled so fast after shooting so deadly. Perhaps he was a 
wandering Eskimo with a kayak hidden in that " creek " where he 
vanished. If he sprang into that odd little craft and shot out of sight 
with the tapering rear end of the boat reaching back from his waist, 
and if this were their first clear view of him after woodland glimpses, 
the picture might have impressed them in that way, making them 
hurry out of a land of sorcery and death. 

Lescarbot/ after describing a kayak as " all covered with leather " 
except " one hole in the midst where the man putteth himself on his 
knees/' adds very appositely : " I believe that the fables of the sirens 
and mermaids come from the dunces esteeming that they were fishes, 
both men and women." In other words, he recognized that the rear 
part of the kayak might well be taken for a single member, a tail. 
If an Eskimo thus ensconced may be taken for a merman, why not 
for a " one-footer? *' At least, I am not aware of any other explana- 
tion which is equally reasonable. 

^ Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., p. 231. 



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matters of detail. Why should not these Norsemen speak ; 
loosely in praising, as well as other people? Many brooks, 
all, are really crowded with some kinds of fish in the spawning 
along the coast. Yellow perch were formerly dipped out o: 
in quantities east of the Chesapeake; herring are often si 
by the hook or scooped up with .the dip-net when they thro 
water at the Little Falls of the Potomac, and alewives are í 
run in multitudes up Narragansett Bay. The special metí 
catching flounders (which hug the bottom) in pits between t 
said by Munro's History of Bristol ^ to be still in practice ther 
to the game, I was told of several recent instantes of deer 
- seen near Mount Hope, and the región must once have been a hi 
paradise. There are years when, by all accounts, hardly an) 
falls in this neighborhood, and Thorfinn may have happened < 
of these. 

The winter-grazing of stock has been claimed in one of the sa^ 
an especially bountiful field — the prize of a murderous controv 
in Iceland itself. More precisely, a recent writer* bears w 

The Faroe Islands, surrounded by rocky barriers and dangerous whi 
are like those dragon-guarded islands of fable upon which, when the c 
enchantment was passed, the invader found pleasant gardens and balr 
.... The air of the islands is mild the year round, so that even in winte 
and sheep are herded without shelter, and snow so seldom lies upon t 
that the grazing is practically uninterrupted. 

From this to the " absolutely no snow " of the saga is nc 
interval. Perhaps in all such cases we should suspect a 
involuntary " diminution of the record." 

This winter grazing, as a ranchman of the far northwest ii 
me, is practised even in Alberta, where the weather varies 
suddenly from Arctic severity to a very trying heat and mo 

^ W. H. Munro : History of Bristol, R. I., p. 22, 
*E. M. Bacon: Henry Hudson, p. 112. 



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may suppose that marsh-grazíng was much more plentiful. 

There is a plain intention in this part of the saga to contrast the 
conditions of their northern and southem Wineland homes in the 
months that try all resources. Champlain * does the same as between 
the same localities. Besides his statement that no one would foresee 
the severity of the St. Croix winter from the summer of that región 
(compare with the saga) he says that the winter life of the few 
Indians there " seems a very miserable one/' He tells of really 
murderous hardships endured by his own companions. But at 
Nauset he was told that the snow fell only to the depth of a foot or 
less, and he adds ; " I conclude that this región is of modérate tempera- 
ture and the winter not severe." Now the Nauset Indians were cióse 
neighbors and allies of those about Massachusetts and Narragansett 
Bays and their conditions must have been nearly identical. 

As to the delightfulness of the Narragansett country we have 
Verrazano's panegyric of nearly a hundred years before, which de- 
clares that it will produce anything ; also the commendation of many 
later writers and the plain testimony of the land and water themselves. 

Thorfinn and his party met their first grape-vines and wild grain 
at Hóp, so far as we know, for we can hardly count the plants which 
Haki and Haekia may have reached in their dubious southern excur- 
cion. The impression was great and immediate. We are told " They 
found self-sown wheat fields on all the land there wherever there 
were hollows and wherever there was hilly ground there were vines." 
Not grain ñor grapes at that season, for it was spring, and no inter- 
polator has been at work here. The statement would have fitted many 
places in southern New England, so far as the vines are concerned, 
and one place about as well as another. As already explained, it would 
not fit any more northern coast región. 

Three grains have been called "wheat" in America, which are 
not really so. Prof. Femald's * Elymus arenarius (lyme grass, strand 



' Voyages of Champlain : Orig. Narr. of Early Amer. Hist., pp. 25-96. 
" Fernald : The Plants of Vinland. Rhodora, Feb. 1910. 



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Maize, or our Indian corn, originated — according to Dr. h 
berger's very careful and valuable investigations ' — in the uplai 
central México; whence it has been carried north and south a 
'way, everywhere calling for the care of man. Dr. Rafn suppose 
it might have been found wild in Rhode Island, but that ¡s out < 
question. León, México, would be the nearest possible poin 
grain accidentally dropped by us may spring up, and if it be ea 
the season, may produce grain, but that, if it falls again, will di< 
ing the winter. This is true f rom Maryland northward, at the 
for Zea mays is an upland tropical exotic and helpless among us 
untended. 

It may have reached and passed the Bay of Fundy, for Lescí 
speaks of agriculture as formerly practised by the Micmac. ] 
doubtless receding when found by Champlain * at Saco in i6o 
on the Kennebec the Indians had told him of its cultivation alón 
part of the coast a little earlier. There is the same story 1 
of Hochelaga* (Montreal), where Cartier found it plentifu 
1535, yet whence it was driven, before the next European visit 
its Hurón planters. The predatory habits of idler savages ce 
for more than the rigor of the climate in fixing boundaries. Yet 
is no doubt that it needs a hot and rather long summer to 
thrive and yield well. 

One would hardly expect it to be called " wheat," but men 
ñame by analogy, not by supposed identity; as in the famili; 
stances of the tulip-tree " poplar,'* our robin, which is a migí 
thrush, the ruffed grouse, which is a partridge in some States 
pheasant in others, and the " bobwhite," which is called a quail 



' J. W. Harshberger : Maize, A Botánica! and Económica! Study. Uní 
of Pennsylvania Publications, 1893. 

' Nova Francia : Erondelle's trans!. 

'Voyages of Champlain, Orig. Narr. of Early Amer. Hist., p. 60. 

* He had previously seen the grain, as food, near the mouth of the St 
rence and called it "millet as large as peas." A little earlier he had n 
wild rice on the Southern Shore of the Gulf, noting that it was "like ry 



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three of beans in the ashes and decayed wood, the hills being four or five 
feet apart, weeding with hoes, hilling and the final processes of pulling and 
preparation, with a word also for green roasting ears. 

Champlain more briefly describes the same process in New England, 
specifying some additional tools. 

So " corn '' may be " wheat '* ; but the real crux is in the word 
" unsown," evidently meaning" wild, spontaneous. Dr. Fiske thought 
the Norsemen, seeing the small amount of work required, considered 
it practically so ; but the above abstract of procedure ought to dispose 
of this rather curious fancy, which would not have occurred to him if 
he had raised corn on a wooded hillside experimentally in the Indian 
way. Besides, though a wheat-field resembles a natural field or 
patch of low-growing wild grain, a cornfield is obViously artificial. 
Dr. Fiske says that it was naturally noticed by Thorfinn's people, 
being one of the first objects to attract the attention of Qiamplain. 
But Champlain's first observation is : " They till and cultivate 

the soil. I landed to observe their tillage We saw their 

Indian corn, which they raise in gardens," and again, " before reach- 
ing their cabins we entered a field planted with Indian corn." When- 
ever he mentions this plant or its grain, it is unequivocally as an 
attendant on human homes and the product of human labor. 

No doubt the Norsemen would have done likewise, if " Indian 
corn " were the " wheat " which they found ; but there is not a word 
in the sagas to indicate any sign or product of agriculture past or 
present — even of the " pulse " which Verrazano found the Narragan- 
sett natives cultivating, whatever he may have meant. ^ 

This interesting omissíon of the saga would have a negative valué 
in determining the general location of Hóp, if we knew that corn 
was then raised in any particular región which Thorfinn might have 
reached. But the chances are that it had not yet entered New England 
from beyond the Hudson. It was there in the early seventeenth 



* W. Strachey : The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. ii6. Cf. Lescarbot : 
Nova Francia. Erondelle's transí., p. 98. "A loaf of bread made with the wheat 
called mahiz or mais and in these our parts Turkey or Saracen wheat." 



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ing grounds. Many thousands of Indians depend in some degree 
it for subsistence. The tending and gathering of it runs cióse 
agriculture, so elabórate a system has developed — very fully set fo 
in the memoir of Dr. Jenks/ 

In ¡ts later stages it does not greatly resemble wheat, but wl 
young there is a decided resemblance to the ordinary unbotanic e 
though its tint is softer and more luxuriant, making its great 1 
fields a conspicuous feature of our spring landscapes. There 
plenty of it in Texas, and thence all the way north as far as the 1 
sandy typically American coast line extends ; also farther noi 
where proper surface conditions obtain, even to a high latitu 
It is equally at home, equally abundant, in Maryland and Manitc 
In " The Backwoods of Canadá '' Mrs. Traill reports " When s 
from a distance they (the wild rice beds) appear Hke low green isla 
an the lakes." But they do not need continually even partial subn 
gence, being only a little more nearly aquatic than cultivated r 
which must have the water let in now and then. I have tram 
often about and upon the wild rice roots, after the birds that fat 
almost absurdly on this grain, which is " like rye " as to height ; 
some other characteristics in f uU plant-growth as Cartier says. 

Climate and other conditions exelude perhaps all the territory nc 
of Cape Ann, but hardly any place below it, near the coast. We ve 
look next to the requirements of Hóp's topography as set forth in 
saga. 

The general meaning of the word is a loch or small bay. ''. 
map of Iceland * shows the particular Hóp which Thorfinn most lit 
had in mind and thus illustrates the description. It is a lake 
very far from his home, connected by a strait to the broad bay Hu 

'A. E. Jenks: The Wild Rice Gatherers of the Upper Lakes. Ninete< 
Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., part 2, p. 1013 et seq. 

^W. G. Collingwood and J. Stefánsson: A Pilgrimage to the Saga-St< 
of Iceland. But this does not show the sea connection made plain by la 
niaps. 



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noticed. It will be seen that there are many requirements. ^ 
simply cannot find an)^hing to fit them even plausibly south or w 
of Narragansett Bay. Is there anything" Hke Hóp between it 2 
Cape Ann? Or rather was there any such Hóp there in 1004? 

Prof essor Horsford thought he found an eligible Hóp in the B¡ 
Bay of Boston Harbor ; also the delightful anchorage of Ver raza 
where a fleet might be safe when storms do blow. But in Verrazar 
time there was no such bay ; f ar less in Thorfinn's. 

As previously stated, the Superintendent of the U. S. Coast 2 
Geodetic Survey informs me that the oldest chart to which he 1 
access gives two fathoms for the ruling depth of the channel leadi 
into the Back Bay and shows its flats without depth marks. "^ 
they may not have been wholly bare at low water, for they show 
the chart like those of Dorchester, which are marked for four f( 
This chart was drawn for the British government in the latter p 
of the eighteenth century. Obviously a fleet would have been sor 
put to it for room in 1800; how then in 1523, allowing for the si 
sidence of the coast ? In Thorfinn's time if not in Verrazano's, th 
can have been no more than a river winding through meadows 
the way down to the harbor. This vanishing of the Back Bay H 
makes any comment on the lack of elevations and crags beside 1 
river seem rather superfluous. 

Dr. Rafn* was so absurdly wrong as to so many things— 
spite of the real service he rendered — that they will reflect in so; 
minds injuriously on one point, as to which he may happen to be rig 
That is, the identification of Mount Hope Bay, Rhode Island, w 
Thorfinn's Hóp. It is a beautiful sheet, the depth of which in so: 
parts is a guaranty against its entire absence then. 

Taunton River flows into it at the upper end or side. From 1 
lower end or opposite side two channels extend to the sea. One 

^ Antiquitates Americanae. 



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MountMopc 
Bay 






Bristol 




MOUNT HOPE BAY 



10 



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some measures which have been taken recently, and there are e 
indications. The Dighton Rock inscription in Taunton River ¡s \ 
overflowed in ordinary tides ; it was partly overflowed in high 
about 1700 when Cotton Mather wrote. We must suppose that 
entirely free of the tide and in no apparent danger when the fi 
were carven. Other inscribed rocks give like testimony. Mr. E 
marsh experiments elsewhere cited are quite conclusive. Dr. ]\ 
tells me that the depression at Atlantic City is found to be prc 
f rom. two to f our f eet per century. It seems to be about that f or ( 
City, Maryland, a point which I have watched for more than tv 
five years. A proven descent has occurred at New York a 
Boston Harbor during the past seventy years. Of course we c 
be quite sure that this existed in older times, for reasons already : 
but continuity of movement seems more probable than cessation, 
there is no apparent reason for the latter. As we know of a suf 
cause for the continuous lowering of the southern New En 
coast, and that it has really descended during several centurit 
may at least be pretty sure that it was higher in the year 1004 t 
is now ; but by how many f eet who can say ? 

Of course the action of tides and river-currents, in scourir 
and in depositing, must al so be kept in mind. For example, ti 
parts of Mount Hope Bay near that hill are deep, the remainde 
seems to have been silted up by Taunton River and other tribti 
the soundings running below twenty feet. The shallows hav( 
dredged through to make a clear channel. To get the soundií 
the year 1004, we must suppose all this accumulation remove 
the oíd elevation restored. Whether the net results would 1( 
Mount Hope Bay approaching its present size may be questione 
there would be at least a small bay, unless the depression has ame 
to seventy feet, which seems unlikely. A very much less d 
would, however, make a bar in a curved line across the main el 
where a vessel struck in 1912; would cióse the strait now 



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is probably not fatal. Verrazano seems to describe a transitiona 
condition of Narragansett Bay, when its mouth did not freely le 
in so great a volume of water as now before the sweep of the storms 
Curiously he does not alinde to Mount Hope Bay ; but he does nc 
alinde to Monnt Hope either ; so perhaps his trips by land and waté 
were rather to the westward, or those who doubt his interesting stór 
may be right though in most of its items there is a notable Veri 
similitude. Certainly the hill was there, small but domittáting th 
low landscape. 

The ñame Mount Hope is somewhat mysterious, but probably 
corruption of Montaup ; which Mr. Mooney does not consider ider 
tical with Montauk, Manotuck or Montanutt, defined by TrumbulFs 
dictionary as meaning in substance a place of outlook. Montauk i 
at least applied to several hills, and its meaning would seem to f 
the present one well enough. But the words may not be related. 

Now Munro's History of the town of Bristol, before referred t< 
a work rather notable for care in collecting local data f rom deeds an 
records, declares in a note that Haup and Montaup were applie 
by Indians to this región when the white settlers came. He offei 
the solution that the Norsemen left the ñame Hóp, which the Indiar 
turned to Haup and the English to Hope as we now write it. H 
thinks two or three Norsemen may have remained and married amon¡ 
the Indians, thus anchoring the ñame; an improbable suppositior 
considering the hostility of these natives, and one for which we hav 
no basis whatever. The true explanation of the origin of the wor 
must be left to our Indian linguists, who, however, are more cor 
versant with surviving languages. No argument can be safel 
founded on it in the present state of our knowledge. 



^J. H. Trumbull: Indian Ñames of Places in and on the Borders ( 
Connecticut. 



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hand, sites along this coast lack noticeable hills. Just what 
should be attached to each of these conflicting consideratíons i 
to say, but thus far no other Hóp has been suggested which 
more plausible than Mount Hope Bay, Rhode Island. 

i6._CONCERNING THE NATIVES 

In The Discovery of America, Dr. Fiske * has laid stress 
ígnorance of eleventh century Europeans as to people so uns 
ticated that they would not understand the qualities of a steel 
ment or the relative valué of red rags and costly furs and whc 
be thrown into panic by the bellowing of a bull. Possibly the 
ment is pressed overmuch, for the civilized peoples of antiquit 
and transmitted, some knowledge of interior África and other oi 
rudimentary regions ; but, however qualified, it adds a little cumi 
testimony to the genuine character of the saga. Also, these Skr 
have been found interesting by many writers and overhauled in 
way, to see what they can tell us, for one thing, about the local 
Hóp. 

In particular, controversy has busied itself with the question 
they Indian or Eskimo ? The case for the latter rests mainly 
ñame Skrelling or Skrseling, which is known to have been app 
them centuries aftervvard, the " skin-boats," the slings, and c 
physical characteristics. Its weakness lies chiefly in the a 
of clothing at Hóp, of dogs and sleds, of winter traveling, of d 
tively Eskimo appliances such as the kayak and harpoon, and < 
indication of skill in carving ; also in the fact that everything s 
the Skrellings would apply to some Indians, who might hav( 
there. 

We have touched lightly before on the question of boun( 
yet may still add a word. We know the Eskimo only as an 
littoral people, ill content with a milder habitat and not th 



' Vol. I, pp. 180-185. 



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iii^iii xxuixi x^axa <ta si^iiic su.ppud^. x ti^j^ xiaw v^xwii vici.oaa>^va «x« vav.x>.xx 

with Athapascan or Algonquian tribes, sometimes, though rard 
have taken the aggressive ; and occasionally a particular district h 
been altemately occupied or overrun by one or the other contestai 
But in the main it must be said that the Eskimo have been conté 
to hold their ground along shores not desired by other people, ai 
are to be considered as doing so from choice, not because driv 
thither and held there by enemies. Woods and warmth have nev 
tempted them in historie times. While the ice-cap border was movii 
northward, we may suppose a slow sliifting of their southern limit 
the same direction. After the ice-cap was quite gone from the mai 
land, they dwelt still on those northern shores which gave them t 
life that they know. Sometimes they moved southward along the 
shores a little way, regaining regions of their former occupancy as 
the coast-line only. 

Packard ' says " When the French first frequented the coast, 
Avas in possession of the Equimaux as far up as the end of Anticos 
Apparently they had not been long in possession." They seem al 
to have been contending for a foothold on Newfoundland, but 
Avas never more than precarious. There are also a few slight ai 
doubtful indications that parties of them landed on the northe 
shore of New Brunswick. It is their utmost southward point, ev( 
of reconnoissance or exploration, so far as we know ; and if Profess 
Packard's* inference be right, they would have been more reme 
before the movement of which he tells us. Undoubtedly they m; 
have come southward before ; but they would not wish to come h 



* H. J. Rink : On the Descent of the Eskimo. Arctic Papers for the Exi 
dition of 1875, pp. 271-273. Journ. Anthr. Inst., 1872. 

^W. Thalbitzer: The Eskimo 'Language, p. 21. 
' Packard : The Coast of Labrador, p. 260. 

* W. Thalbitzer : The Eskimo Language, p. 20. 



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successive conquests and revolutions in the Valley of Mexic 
corresponding waves of mankind northeastward by way of Tai 
till at last they drove out of New England the Skrellings whc 
Norsemen found there. This may be paired off with the Artl 
conquest of Iceland, as a bit of theoretical ballooning. 

Dr. Fiske * no doubt presents the kernel of the matter in remi 
all that we do not assert the identity of Fuegians and Austi 
by calling them savages. The meaning of the word (weak 
seems to have been about that among the Norsemen.'' We find 
applying it not only to their Hóp visitors, but to the men in " dou¡ 
found at a distant point, and to the bearded Marklander and hií 
panions, with no thought of ethnological distinctions, but in 
facile disparagement. What else could be their view of the 
people who had no ships ñor woven fabrics. no jewels ñor arm 
live stock ñor grain, ñor steel weapons, ñor good tools, ñor mone 
proper European clothing ; dusky people too, not pleasing in no 
eyes? Such were contemptibly insignificant ; it was hardly 
while to distinguish differences among them. 

Dr. Nansen may be right in thinking that the ñame (lik 
of Finn for Laplanders and, as he points out, two other ir 
peoples) came to have an impHcation of mythical beings or of r 
but the fact is irrelevant.* 

The natives who visited them at Hóp were their very first 
mens, and the Norsemen fitted the word to them in the spirit 
applies derogatory nicknames like injun, nigger, dago, and s\ 
to people despised by the utterer. It was then ready for any 
of like status, and might even be applied conjecturally, by a 

^ Schoolcraf t : Indian Tribes of the United States. Drake's edition, 
p. 84. 
*J. Fiske: The Discovery of America, pp. 181-185. 
*Fr. Nansen: Eskimo Life. 
*In Northern Mists, vol. 2, pp 11-20. 



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ments such that it máy be perceived f rom these that that manner c 
the people had been there who have ¡nhabited Wineland and whor 
the Greenlanders cali SkrelHngs. And this when he set about th 
colonization of the country was 14 or 15 winters before the intrc 
duction of Christianity here in Iceland, according to which a certai 
man who himself accompanied Eric the Red thither, informed Thoi 
kell Gellison." 

Broken boats, tools, and dwellings defined as savages (SkrelHngs 
the former occupants, who had probably withdrawn to the nortl: 
ward* or kept at home there, refraining from southward journe} 
and therefore they were presumably like the other SkrelHngs airead 
encountered in Wineland. In other words, the Winelanders were nc 
called SkrelHngs because there were Eskimo already known, but th 
Eskimo, long before they were seen, were called SkrelHngs by coi 
jecture, because the word had come to Iceland traditionally froi 
American adventurc^s then a century oíd. Of course the two kinc 
of Skrelling (savage) might be utterly dissimilar, according to ot 
modern standards. 

Perhaps it was in the twelfth century,' perhaps not till the thirteent 
century, that Norse hunters in upper Greenland met small " Skrel 
ings," who used stone knives and whalebone arrowheads — Eskini 
undoubtedly — as related by a manuscript discovered in Scotland i 
the nineteenth century.* The greater Greenland landowners ha 
hunting lodges, as we may cali them, at the north, and kept ships t 
sail there ; so such contact must happen at last. 

In the year 1266 an expedition was sent to find out about then 
as before mentioned, and seems to have gone very far north, indee 



^Fr. Nansen: Eskimo Life, Chap. 5. 

* G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages. 

^W. Thalbitzer: Eskimo Language, p. 22. 



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tioned, says that " The Speculum Regale was written in Oíd Norse 
Norway in the middle of the thirteenth century/' that it discusses 
a dry, matter-of-fact way divers Greenland matters, like insulari 
the aurora borealis, glaciers, climate, the fauna, exports ajid ¡mpoi 
and the means of human subsistence, but has not a word for 
Eskimo. Surely the writer knew nothing definite about the 
although some border settler might have been able to tell him. 

It was the year 1337 at the earliest when Ivar Bardsen went w 
a relief expedition to the western settlement, a little too late. I 
narrative, written later in Norway, shows that the Greenland coloni 
can have had no considerable contact with the natives before 
fourteenth century. The Icelanders can have had no ¡dea of them 
the time Hauk's book was copied, still less a hundred years earl 
when the saga was written. Neither Thorfinn, ñor the unkno 
saga-man, ñor the Lawman Hauk, who gives us the earliest surviv: 
manuscript, can reasonably be charged with using Skrelling in 
special sense of Eskimo. If the Hóp natives are to be held Eskimo 
must be on other evidence. 

The Saga of Eric the Red (A. M. 557) says : " They were sn 
men and ill looking, and the hair of their heads was ugly. They 1: 
great eyes and were broad of cheek." The Saga of Thorfinn Karlse 
substitutes " swarthy " for " small." The Flateybook Wineland Sí 
States that the native chief was tall and of good figure. 

Stature and comeliness make an uncertain reliance. The Eski 
are not all squat people. Those of southern Greenland are s 
to be taller than those in the north. The Long Labrador Trail 
Dillon Wallace tells us: 

In our oíd school geographies we used to see thern pictured as stockily b 
little fellows. In real lif e they compare well in stature with the white man of 
températe zone. With a few exceptions, the Eskimo of Ungava average o 
five feet eight inches in height with some six footers. 



'Op.cit.,p. 23. 

* Studies on the Vineland Voyages, pp. 307, 370. 



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X lie x^aiviiiiv/ xiuriii xjviiiig t^iiaiL \,\J i.iic i\^wd x un,\^ii «xic; xamjr wv,ii-l/uiii. pv.vr^'i^ 

averaging among the men about five f eet two or three inches in height. Th 
Yukon Eskimo and those living southward f rom the ríver to the Kuskokwii 
are, as a rule, shorter and more squarely built . . . and all of the people in th 
district about Capes Vancouver and Romanzo f, and thence to the Yukoi 
mouth, ... all are very short. 

Of the Norton Sound Eskimo, Dalí * writes that he has often seei 
both men and women six feet high and that some of the men ar 
still taller. Also that the men have great strength, one being able t 
take a hundred pound bag of flour in each hand and another by hi 
teeth and walk off thus burdened. 

As to the eyes in particular, he reports that they are " small, blacl 
and almost even with the face," also that the " women are sometime 
quite pretty." Lieutenant Holm * admits that Eskimo have not larg( 
eyes, but asserts the same of Indians, disqualifying both; yet th( 
Skrellings were natives of some kind. Captain Robinson,' as quotec 
at second hand by Patterson in his valuable little work, describec 
Mary March, a Beothuk prisoner, as having black eyes, " larger anc 
more intelHgent than those of the Eskimo." The two tyi>es wen 
neighbors and naturally chosen for comparison by one who knew then 
both. 

Wide divergences are noted in complexión, in physiognomy, ir 
hairiness of the face, in the proportions of the body and limbs 
between the Eskimo of different districts. Thus we have a puzzling 
absence of uniformity in a race which is considered unusuall> 



* The Hudson Bay Eskimo. Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1889- 
1890, p. 179. 

*The Eskimo About Bering Strait. Eighteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer 
Ethnol., 1896-1897, pp. 26, 28. 
^W. H. Dalí: Alaska, pp. 137-140. 

* A. M. Reeves : The Finding of Wineland the Good. Notes. 
*Rev. Geo. Patterson: The Beothicks of Newfoundland, p. 146. 



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been called giants even by other Indians. The Zuñi are us 
short ; the Nez Percés often tall. At the east it was the same. 
Iroquois and some Algonquian tribes towered over their neigh 
Strachey ^ describes the Susquehannock as " a giant-like peo 
the Wicomico as " of little stature and very rude " ; but they 
dwelt on rivers emptying into the same generous Chesapeake 
and their conditions were identical. The few Micmac whom I 
seen appeared under médium height. The Nanticoke do not gr 
pass that standard. 
As to the other ítems, compare this description by Verrazano : ' 

The complexión of these people is black, not much different from that c 
Ethiopians. Their hair is black and thick and not very long; it is wori 
back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person they are of 
proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own ; broad across the b 
strong in the arms, and well formed in other parts of the body. The 
exception to their good looks is that they have broad faces ; but not all, i 
saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and fixed expression. 
are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot. 

Here in cióse juxtaposition we have the breadth of face, v 
Brereton ' and Gk)snold also observed on Cape Cod ; the swarthii 
the large eyes, ** middle stature," and such peculiarities of ha 
might well displease a Norseman or a Celt ; but who will take ' 
early CaroHnians for Eskimo? On the other hand, he describe 
Narraganset Indians as tall and 

of very f air complexión ; some of them incline more to a white, otherj 
tawney color ; their faces are sharp ; their hair long and black and sharp, 
expression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. 

But again he f ound the Maine Indians " rude and barbarous ' 
"very different." They " made the most brutal signs of disd 

Similarly a southwestern Federal judge, lately deceased — a 
of strong intellect and keen perception, with no theories to sustí 



^W. Strachey: The Historie of Travaile into Virginia, p. 41. 
'Translation in Oíd South Leaflets. 

*J. Brereton: A Bri^fe Relation of the Discoverie of the North P; 
Virginia by Gosnold. The Bibliographer, 1902, p. 33. Oíd South Leaflets, 



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it we tum to trained and eminent ethnologists, we tind no stronger 
advócate of Indian unity than Dr. Brinton, author of The American 
Race ; but who can read his summary of the characteristics of South 
American tribes, for example, without feeling that his witnesses turn 
against him? Some of these people, it appears, are nearly white, 
others nearly black, with a cavalier defiance of latitude and isothermal 
lines in both cases. Here is a bestial-featured tribe, there a noble 
one ; here a tall people, there a horde of dwarf s ; and on the borders 
of humane, ancient, widely extended civilization — or something very 
near it — a mere débris of human derelicts and incapables. Dr. 
Brinton proves that too much has been made of the homogeneity of 
the American Indians. 

As already suggested, the truth seems to be that American Indians, 
when first encountered, comprised more than a few survivals of earlier 
rudimentary peoples often partly assimilated, as well as some intru- 
sive elements, occasionally higher in type and culture and of uncertain 
origin. Furthermore they had developed heterogeneously in diverse 
conditions. They still differ among themselves — considering the 
two American continents together — in many ways. Yet if we were 
called on to ñame their most salient and generally characteristic 
features we should all probably select their cheek-bones, color, hair, 
^nd eyes. It is significant that these were noted particularly by the 
observant Norsemen. That the cheeks are usually prominent rather 
than broad, the eyes conspicuously keen rather than conspicuously 
large, and that swarthy is hardly the best word for the peculiar tint 
of their complexión, are matters of detail, easily variable. Subse- 
quent transmitters would be likely to make a few careless or poetic 
changes, if the original narrators did not; also the visitors were 
judged by the standard height of the European North, for these Ice- 
landic observers had perhaps never seen a man who was not of the 
white race. If the word " short " were used, as in one saga, we have 
only to suppose that Indians of the Wicomico pattern stood before 
them; Micmac visitors might cali forth the statement. In all this. 



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gesiea an intimare reiauonsnip lo our own inaians. inus \ 
two independent observers of different nations instructively s< 
as Indian the same features as the saga and even using ii 
doubtful adjective. 

The general impression left by their conduct is surely th( 
Love of bright colors ; improvidence in barg^ining ; * impuls 
in curiosity, suspicion, alarm, and vindictive retaliation ; readi 
discard a tool which they could not understand ; sudden panic. 
what must have seemed to them an outburst of insanity— 
surely unsophisticated Indian in psychology, though they 
happen to be displayed by Eskimo. The last item is an imp 
typical example, for all accounts agree that such visitatic 
peculiarly daunting to the red-man, being looked upon as di 
diabolical possession, in the ancient way. From Cooper dov 
have been a stock expedient of Indian romance-writers. His * 
slayer " presents vividly the consideration accorded by the Iro( 
most merciless of all fierce peoples — ^to even a mild form of de 

On their part the Icelanders behaved better than man 
colonists ; dealing fairly, after their light, though getting the 
side of the bargain with these simple folk, and not using their w 
except in defense, until after they had lost one of their best m 
wanton attack, as it would seem to them, and had been fo 
abandon their pleasant homes and their hopeful venture. Kar 
quick-tempered bull was the chief culprit, bringing trouble a 
to all human beings concerned. He stands out as one of t 
quadrupeds which have meddled with history. 

From this episode, common to all these Wineland sagas, 
been inferred, not quite convincingly, that these natives hac 
seen a bison. Henee Laing (preface to Heimskringla) believ 



* C. H. Hawes : In the Uttermost East, p. 135. 
'G. Kennan: Tent Life ¡n Siberia, p. 171. 

'W. H. Dalí: Tribes of the Extreme Northwest, p. 238. ("Apiece o 
cloth for a dressed deerskin".) 



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A straggling bison * was killed about 1790 or 1800 near Lewisburg o 
the Susquehanna, and there are indications of their former presenc 
about as far east at other points. They were plentiful in parts of tli 
Pennsylvania mountSiins, yet it is unlikely that they ever crossed tV 
Hudson. 

Moreover, the bison herds carne late into the Appalachian regioi 
and left early. Shaler's * excavations near a Kentucky saltlick showe( 
lowest, a considerable depth of mammoth bones; then, those of 
muskox when the glacier f ront was but little way northward ; finall 
the bison, with every appearance of recentness. Few of their remaii 
are found in even the later mounds of the Mississippi drainag 
From all indications and with the aid of the best ethnologists, ShaL 
inferred that the culture of these agricultural people and builders ( 
the great defensive earthworks was in full flower about the year loc 
(Leif*s date) and that the bison at that time had not crossed ti 
Mississippi, coming eastward, but were all probably still near ti 
Rocky Mountains. He suspects them of tempting the mound builde: 
afterward out of their incipient civilization and into burning the woo( 
to make buffalo pastures. But the menace of these wild herds to ti 
hundred acre cornfields, also the attacks of bordes of savag( 
traveling with or after them, would perhaps have still more to c 
with the final breaking up. 

How far an acquaintance with bison would prepare the He 
natives to receive with equanimity the charge of the settlers' bt 
is a metaphysical question I can not answer. Perhaps they suppos< 
his challenge to be incited by their entertainers, especially if ti 
Norsemen laughed at them, as we may guess they unwisely di 
Thus viewed, Indians might see insult, treachery, and deadly dang< 



^ W. T. Hornaday: The Extermination of the American Bison. Ann. Re 
U. S. Nat. Mus., 1887. 

^ Alien: History of the American Bison. U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey 
Colorado (1875), p. 443. 

^ Nature and Man in America, pp. 181-186. 



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east, being shown to Gosnold^ on Cape Cod in 1620, besides 
earlier entries. The few survivors of the Roanoke massacre, ac 
ing to Powhatan (see Strachey), were employed as slaves in be 
it out for a chief . Some of it may have been mined in the mounl 
but the chief source of supply regularly worked seems to have 
the shores of the upper lakes, as the chief source of gold supph 
probably central México. But the transfer of such article 
materials, whether by barter or through migration, must depen 
intervening peoples, and the conditions of one century are not n 
sarily those of another even among uncivilized men. 

The earthwork builders of Ohio might, if they chose, absort 
hold most of the southeastern flow of copper until they were d 
f rom their strongholds ; whether they were Sioux, Cherokee, Mai 
Appalachian, or of the remoter southwest; whether a tempe 
league of the Algonquians and the Iroquois overéame them, or 
fell under the attackof hunting Dakota ; and whether they went ^ 
ward beyond the Mississippi, or into the mountains as Cheroke 
were scattered among many tribes — all debatable hypotheses v 
have been advanced, but need not be rediscussed here; and w 
not know when the working began of the meager suppHes after 
obtained, as we are told, in Virginia and*New Jersey. In this 
of the case, copper would not probably reach New England f ron 
quarter by Thorfinn's time. Whatever the reason, the seat 
tribes about Hóp do not then seem to have possessed it. But 
does not at all imply any lack of such adornments at that place a 
centuries laten 

As already noticed, these people apparently wore no garn 
worth mentioning, very likely only Nauset grass aprons or a di 
utive form of breech-clout. They can not then have been Esl 



' Brereton's Briefe Relation, before cited. Oíd South Leaflets ; and The 
ographer, i902,-p.''33. 



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wcic iiUL uii^^uiiiiiiuii m iiidiiy xiiuiciu viiKigca <ia peta kji aav.i iíiv.*-o, yjk 

to aid in hunting or serve for food. But these people came to Hóp 
always by water, apparently f rom some rather distant point south- 
ward, and on such excursions the dogs would most likely be left 
behind. Besides lack of rcMDm in the boats, they might interfere with 
the plans of a war party or even disturb trading. Moreover, early 
travelers often do not mention them, and presumably they were rare 
in some tribes. The Indians had no such imperative need for them 
as the Eskimo, and might be much later in acquiring them along the 
Atlantic coast We have no real reason to suppose their presence 
among the New England Algonquians in the year looo, but it would 
be a marvel if they were not then drawing the Eskimo of Labrador, 
and indeed of all quarters, over the snow. 

There is no hint, either, in the saga of the faithful and spirited 
bone-carving and other sculpture and artistry, which made Prof. 
Boyd Dawkins in Cave Hunting conjecturally identify the Innuit with 
the paleolithic European cave-dwellers. Both had the seeing eye 
and the cunning hand, also a sense of the picturesque, along with 
patient industry in embodiment. Our northeastern Indian picture 
makers were infantile and freakish in comparison. The Norsemen 
would neither have heeded ñor mentioned such " Skrelling *' efforts. 

It may be repeated as important that we hear of no kayak, ñor 
of any of the accouterments which ordinarily pertained to the kayaker. 
Why should Thorfinn be less impressed by this unique Eskimo craft 
than were Antonio Zeno, Baffin,* and Lescarbot? We have seen 
reason to suppose that one Eskimo and his kayak quite appalled 
Thorfinn's party in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Surely the reappear- 
ance of the phenomenon, multiplied, would not have been disregarded 
— whether in confirmation or explanation. By " boats " we must 



^Hakluyt's Principal Voyages (1904), vol. 7, pp. 225, 413. 

*Fr. .Nansen: Eskimo Life, p. 8. 

'^C R. Markham: Voyages of Baffin, p. 14. (Catonle's Relation). See also 
Olaus Magnus : A Compendious History, p. 20 (transí, pub. by Streater) ; as 
to Greenland boats "not so much above, as beneath the surface." 



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witnout it. 

If we consider the Skrellings (" weaklings ") of Hóp to be Ir 
the above items offer no difficulty. They went naked or neai 
because the weather was mild, as at Nauset, except in the de| 
winter. They did not use a harpoon and float, ñor carve s] 
animal figures in bone, because the former did not belong 
customs ñor the latter to the tendencies and capabilities of theii 
Probably they had never seen anything so Arctic and un-Ind 
a dog-sled or a kayak. But what can be said for an old-time E 
in Labrador without any of these things ? Yet Professor Pernal 
example, seems to think that the Hóp Skrellings were Eskim 
that Wineland was in Labrador. 

The brandishing of staves (paddles ?) in the direction of the 
course to show amity, or reversely by way of defiance, cannot be 
indicative of either people. Norse folklore would predispos 
observers to illusion on such points — witness the direful Moc 
Wierd which traveled in the latter fashion about the hall of F 
water before the eyes of living men and women doomed to gl 
hauntings or to death. The normal circuit would bear the coi 
and conciliatory meaning. Of course Thorfinn and Snorri interi 
these movements by the facial expression, the tones, and other ii 
tions of the mood of the approaching men. Finding them 
understood, the latter would emphasize and repeat the gesture, 
if it were at first accidental, or would naturally reverse it to c 
a contrary message. But after all the signs may also have 
customary with them exactly as seen, for these might suggest 
selves by the contrast of natural and unnatural in any mind. 
tell US nothing. 

The native boats came three times, with dramatically pres 
climax. First " nine skin canoes '* drawn by mere curiosity ; sec( 



^Fr. Nansen: Eskimo Life, p. 46. 

' Eyrbyggja Saga. Morris's and Magnusson's translation. 
II 



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They had seen at least f ragments of skin-covered boats in Greenland 
as we know from Ari and Thorkel Gellison/ and may have beei 
predisposed to assume identity of covering- in two articles not unlik< 
at a distance, or even very near, as Dr. Storm has suggested. / 
dark-tinted birch-bark-covered canoe, such as I have seen on th< 
shore of Lake Superior, might well be taken for one covered witl 
equally dark and smooth porpoise hide or cured sealskin or the pre 
pared and hairless skin of any marine animal, especially by a man wh( 
expected the latter and was uncritical in distinguishing. Moreover th( 
saga-man would remember the hide-covered boats of Ireland and othe 
European countries, but would never think of tree-bark as a probabl 
covering material. He might even suppose that he was makin^ 
a strictly necessary correction by such a change. Indeed both cover 
ings are really skins, animal or vegetable. The ñame " woodskin ' 
is still commonly applied to the buUet-tree bark boats in use on the Es 
sequibo River. Mr. Kirke's Twenty-five Years in British Guiana 
presents a neat parallel (by reversal) to an error of observation sucl 
as Dr. Storm suggests in this case. It appears that a " woodskin/' be 
ing suddenly lifted from the water, was taken for an alligator or som< 
other animal, hide and all, creating a brief panic, which even th< 
Indian boatman shared. So, vegetable skin has been and may b< 
mistaken for animal ; then why not animal for vegetable ? — ^and whai 
is there in the bark of the " black birch," more than in that of th< 
rubber tree, to secure immunity from mistake ? It may be that man} 
people, considering the matter, have the pretty delicate bark of th( 
white paper birch in mind ; but that would not answer. Indeed, nc 
bark is so good as some woven fabrics, and the Passamaquoddy al 
least have now generally accepted the latter as canoe-covering ; foi 
the Indian is not so hopelessly unadaptable as he is painted. 



^ G. Storm : Studies on the Vineland Voyages. 
2 Page 466. 



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boat hugging the occupant's body. It is not to be doubted, eit 
that the ancient conservative Eskimo had the kayak in Thorfi 
time. 

But some say that Indians never used skin-boats. It appears 
they did when there was a reason. The Dakota* women ero: 
prairie rivers in coracles, or " bull-boats *' of bufíalo-hide ; the Omz 
also made skin-covered boats and used them ; the same assertio 
made of the Nascopie,* and Dr. Brinton* presents a more stri 
relevant instance in the statement that the Beothuk of Newfoundl 
had both " bark-canoes and skin-canoes." They were not confine 
inland navigation, either, till the last. Whitbourne (1622) s; 
" Which canoes are the boats that they used to go to sea in," and 
Rev. George Patterson,* who quotes him, remarks : " Their sean 
ship was evinced by their visiting Funk Island 40 miles f rom the n» 
est point of land " — ^a trip which they seem to have made twi( 
year after eggs and young birds. Cartwright ' also lays stress on 
seafaring skill. Unless Dr. Brinton be in error, we have only to í 
pose a sufBcient southward extensión of the Beothuk at the oper 
of the eleventh century, and nothing remains of the skin-boat ai 
ment in favor of the Eskimo. Ñor were these Beothuk half-^ 
between the races, as Lieutenant Holm, by analogy with the Al 
seems to fancy ; for their appliances, works, ways, and language 
far as yet rescued by ethnologists, reveal a surprising individua! 
distinctly of the Indian type, though a few things may have t 



* W. H. Dalí : Alaska and its resources, p. 138. 

* W J McGee : The Siouan Indians. Fifteenth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethi 
p. 172. 

'F. S. Dellenbaugh: The North Americans of Yesterday, p. 284. 

* R. C Haliburtop : A Search for Lost Colonies. Pop. Sci. Mo., vol. 27, j 

* Brinton : The American Race, pp. 40, 67. 

•Rev. Geo. Patterson : The Beothiks or Red Indians of Newfoundland, p. 
'Journal republished 191 1. 



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shaped f rom a tree-trunk and heavy but durable. Something light( 
was needed for the northern portages in the región torn by ti: 
glaciers, and there only the canoe-birch ofíered itself, with the eli 
as a poor substitute when the former was not plentiful ; also, goir 
ñorthward, the size of tree trunks lessened until at last a canoe coul 
not be hollowed and carved but must be put together as a frame an 
covering. 

The word " canoe " on the Chesapeake still means primarily 
vessel made f rom one or more tree-trunks. They are of ten large, of te 
swift and graceful under sail, besides being the most unsinkable era 
afloat ; and '* canoe-regattas " in this sense have been held annual 
off Talbot County for many years. 

This was almost as exclusively the case in southern New Englan 
where canoe-birch trees of good size were rare, if existent, and the: 
was little or no need for portages. Verrazano was visited at Narr; 
gansett Bay by Indians in dugouts only, and describes then 
Champlain tells us just how they were manufactured farther nort 
Thus far, following the general trend of these arguments, I ha^s 
compared one kind of frame-boat with another, but it is most like! 
that the boats which were paddled into Hóp had no need of any f ran 
or any covering, although their dark and water-polished sides migl 
resemble smooth bark or smooth hide. Their material of coun 
would be really more akin to the fireplace brands or dark woodc 
"coals," with which in the distance they are compared by the sag 
But in truth our Norsemen would trouble themselves little about ti: 
details of such matters. The furs for sale and the unusual weapor 
were far more interesting. 

Naturally, emphasis has been laid on the latter ; which were neo 
bringing destruction on the colony, and which surprise us ye 

Slings have long been considered by many a non-Indian weápor 



* A. R. Wallace : Narrative of Travels on the Amazon, p. 358. 



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J_r t^ b Jl b t*LJU/\,ai. iS kAXCAb OV^XXJV» VJL L*1V« XXV^X bXXV>CfcOkV«X XA JLXXVXXC«.XXk9 V^X bXXl 

fifteenth century were sHngers too. The map attributed to Sebí 
Cabot and now in the National Library at Paris is provided with 
in Spanish and Latin, which Harrisse * attributes to Grajales, an 
Spanish editor. Note 8 is in both languages, and includes a 1 
weapons used by the inhabitants of the Isle of St. John. Harr 
English translation is : " This land was discovered by John Ca 
Venetian and Sebastian his son the year of the redemption o 
world 1494 on the 24th of July at the fifth hour of daybreak, ^ 
land they called the first land seen and a large island opposite the 
St. John, because it was discovered on the solemn festival o 
John. The inhabitants ' of that country are dressed in the ski 
animáis. They use in war bows, arrows, darts, lances, wooden 
and slings," Note 17 declares that the map was delineated in 15 

Hakluyt appears to have known of an extract from a map \ 
was " hung up in the privy gallery at Whitehall." His copy in '. 
repeats the words sagittis, hastis spiculis, clavis ligneris et f-u 

A Germán work in Latin, brought to light by Dr. Major, c 
nineteen inscriptions from a map which the author had see 
Oxford in 1556, containing the same entry. Its seventeenth 
avers that " Sebastian Cabot, Captain and Pilot, of his Sacred, 
Majesty put upon me the finishing hand in a plañe figure in the 
1549." The map at Paris * was obtained from a Bavarian clergy 
and its earlier history seems unknown. But it seems reasonabl}' 
established that a map was made about the middle of the sixt( 
century by or under the direction of Sebastian Cabot which attril 
slings to the Indians of St. John Island on the American coa 



^ Hakluyt's Principal Voyages, vol. 7, p. 400. Also Markham's Voyage 
Works of John Davis. 

*Trans. Royal Soc. Ganada, 1898, p. 105. 

^Quoted also in Packard: The Coast of Labrador, and in several 
works before cited. 

*G. E. Weare: Cabot*s Discovery of North America, vol. i, p. 261. 



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Most likely Avalon Península,' shown as an island by some of th 
older maps, was Cabot's Isle of St. John. Its slingers would hav 
been Beothuk, then, or perhaps invading Micmac — whom Fiske ma 
have had in mind when stating in The Discovery of America tha 
slings would be as proper to Micmac as to Eskimo. 

At the present time slings* are not found in use at any neare 
point than the Pueblos of the upper Rio Grande; but they hol 
their ground very well in many parts of South America, alwayí 
with México and intervening regions — the main home and head 
quarters of their race.' Sling-using begins at the bottom of the maf 
with the almost Antarctic and altogether wretched Yahgans o 
Tierra del Fuego ; and Bandelier has lately found it as active as eve 
in the village fights beside Lake Titicaca, the eradle of the mos 
humane culture and the widest and best ordered governmental organ: 
zation in the New World before the white man came. He writes : 
" A number are badly wounded now and then and some of them ar 
killed, for the Indian is a dangerous expert with the sling." Agai 
we read of " his sling, for which the women provide round pebbles i 
their skirts." 

At the opening of the sixteenth century, the sling-territory extende 
very much farther northward. Maya cities employed this weapor 
Aztec armies had their slingers no less than those of the Incas. Di 
Friederici,' gleaning from early Spanish, French, and English narra 

* J. Winsor: From Cartier to Frontenac. Narr. Crit. Hist. Amcr. 

*W. S. Wallace's Historical Introduction to Labrador," by W. T. Grenfe 
and others. 

'M. F. Howley: The Ecclesiastical History o£ Newfoundland, p. 53. 

*Where they are chiefly in use by children, as Mr. Spinden of ti 
Am. Museum relates. 

^Brinton: The American Race, p. 331. 

*A. F. Bandelier: The Islands of Titicaca and Koati, pp. 88, 115. 

^A. Petermann's Geographische Mitteilungen, 191 1, Heft 2 (pl. 13). 



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no means makes ¡ts presence there improbable six hundred yea 
earlier. 

The great noisy body which was cast on the ground behind t 
Norsemen is something quite unique in historie Indian warfai 
Higginson* suggested that it might be a harpoon with a bladd 
float. Schoolcraft' more plaiisibly identified it with a traditior 
but long obsolete form of giant club wielded by several men and said 
have beén in use during the severe wars of the Ojibwa, fiercest ai 
most powerful of Algonquian tribes, as they moved westward to t 
upper lakes. It was prepared by shrinking a deer's hide around 
large and heavy stone and on the end of a pole, to which it was boun 
Of course the crashing effect would be great. But it does not ful 
correspond to the Skrellings' monstrous and unheard of creation. 

The Skrellings raised up on poles a great ball-shaped body, almost the si 
of a sheep's belly and nearly black ín color, and this they hurled from t 
poles upon the land above Karlsefni's foUowers and it made a frightful no 
where it fell. Whereat a great fear fell upon Karlsefni and all his men, for 
seemed to them that the troop of the Skrellings was rushing toward them f re 
every side. 

The nearest analogue would be a hand-grenade ; but Thorfinn cou 
not know of such a thing. Before the arrival of the next white me 
it was utterly forgotten. Whether truly reported in the saga or n< 
it stands an unsolved mystery, having a very ancient look. 

Dr. Fiske accepted Schoolcraft's Ojibwa explanation as concl 
sive. Nevertheless, Mr. James Mooney, who has spent much tir 
among divers Indian tribes, tells me that he cannot make it agr 

*For instances of former use in what is now Spanish- America cons 
Herbert Spencer's Descriptive Sociology, part 2, the works of Brinton, Mar 
ham, H. H. Bancroft, and others already cited. 

*T. W. Higginson and W. MacDonald : History of the United States. Editi 
1905, p. 39. 

'H. R. Schoolcraft: American Indians, vol. i, p. 73. 



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adequately answer, there is a rush of a group of Indians carrying 
great poles, with something huge, black, and uncanny poised above 
them, and this is cast, amid such a pandemónium of sound as wild 
Indians best can raise, over the heads of the defenders, beyond them 
on the ground, where there is a tremendous additional uproar, rein- 
forced by the echoes from the wood border. At once the Norsemen 
feel, hear (and so see) enemies, on every side; panic takes them and 
they rush for a more defensible position, the women streaming out of 
the string of cabins to join the race, and Thorbrand, son of Snorri, 
Karlsefni's friend, being stricken down just ahead of Freydis 
within the wood-border by one of the missiles that come showering 
after them. She snatches his sword and tums, wild with fear and 
defiant anger, just as the Norsemen, rallying, turn also on the wooded 
Fall River Bluffs behind her, and come back ashamed of their fear. 
Then the Indians, not always good at pressing home a victory won, 
(or they might have annihilated Braddock's forcé notwithstanding 
the rear-guard stand of the colonial rangers), yield in their turn and 
paddle away. 

This is all consistent and most probable, granting the original 
panic, but something more than " a giant club " is required to explain 
it. Thus far a satisfactory explanation is not forthcoming. Possibly 
the solid " demon's head '' suggested a hollow one, capable of being 
detachable from its support and cast by several poles together a good 
way up the hillside. If not some such clever invention of the moment, 
it must be a Norse reminiscence incorporated by the saga-man, as 
Dr. Nansen ^ has acutely suggested. 



' Fr. Nansen : In Northern Mists, vol. 2 , p. 8. 



Dig^ffl^^^^gtí 



torth the great contrast between the florid and preposterous ext 
agances of the Celtic sea stories and the sanity o£ the exploring 
of Thorfínn Karlsefni's story, and of all that concems him, ind 
Leif s story also, wherein can be found only a bare hint of the OC" 
such as people even of our own time never quite wholly and con 
sively disbelieve. He may have made it even more nearly cer 
if possible than before that the Celtic and Scandinavian sea t 
meeting in Ireland and Iceland, had a modérate reciprocal influe: 
but if the Icelanders were indebted mainly to Ireland for the n 
and story of Wineland, it seems entirely probable that their borrov 
would have included in great measure the distinctive extravaga: 
of Bran, Maelduin, St. Brandan, and their kind. It almost passes 
bounds of possibility that the saga-man who wove the spectral mar 
and picturesque magic of his own people into the Greenland part o^ 
narrative should have ignored all the prodigies and impressive ins 
unrealities of the Irish writings and traditions if really familiar > 
them and drawing f rom that source in the exploring part of his s 
— and have confined himself almost entirely to matter-of-fact it( 
which fit with such astonishing accuracy the probable American sh 
line of his time and the absolute certainties of American vegetable 
animal life. The voyage record seems to be an accurate rep 
detailed though brief, as sensible and as credible in all essential 
any modern ofBcial document. 

Dr. Nansen asserts that the Norsemen " steered straight across 
Atlantic itself and discovered North America '' ; * that the " c 
craft of the Norwegian Vikings, with their square sails, fared n< 
and west over the whole ocean, f rom Novaya Zemlya and Spitsber 
to Greenland, Baffin's Bay, Newfoundland and North America 

^Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists. Arctic Exploration in Early Tii 
translated by Arthur G. Chater; New York, 191 1, vol. 2, pp. 58-62. 
*Ibid., p. 234. 
» Ibid., p. 248. 



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icuiu aiup uiivcii uy 511 cdd ui wcüuici tu i^^cidiiu 111 x^¿f/, iiti v^ 

reporting an intervening visit to Markland. But, after all, how ( 
he be sure that these seamen told the truth ? Why are they more tri 
worthy than Gudleif, whose visit to Biom in some land of the yi 
has been mentioned already, except that he gives us tests of accur; 
which fail, and their meager story supplies no tests? Moreover, 
we quite sure of the accuracy of the first annalist and possible inl 
vening narrators ? The statement is a bare sentence or two in leng 
credible enough in view of what we know from the saga and valúa 
as cumulative corroboration. But it will not do for the historie c 
nerstone of any evidence; ñor does it make Markland a whit m 
historie that Helluland or Wineland. The main features of the 
ploring part of the saga tale are connected in a chain and of the sa 
degree of reliability. They must stand or f all together. 

If the ñame Wineland be objectionable, we might give up 
poetry of it without disaster. As above indicated, Dr. Nansen se€ 
to agree exactly and fully with our versión of the itinerary of th 
early explorers, at least as far as the Atlantic coast below Cape Bré 
island and their temporary settlement in a more southerly Indi 
populated región, called Hóp, in the saga. Beyond that he st 
marizes his conclusions under the following twenty-two points wh 
it seems proper here to consider in succession, with some comme 
from my own observations. Dr. Nansen says : ^ 

If we now look back upon all the problems it has been sought to solv* 
this chapter, the impression may be a somewhat hcterogeneous and nega 
one ; the majority will doubtless be struck at the outset by the multiplicity of 
paths, and by the intercrossing due to this multiplicity. But if we forcé 
way through the network of by-paths and follow up the essential leading li 
it appears to me that there is established a firm and powerful series of con 
sions, which it will not be easy to shake. The most important steps in 
seríes are : 

(i) The oldest authoríty,* Adam of Bremen's work, in which Winelan 
mentioned, is untrustworthy, and with the exception of the ñame and of 



^ In Northern Mists, vol. 2, pp. 58 et seq. 

* The Ringerike runic stone is not given here, as its mention of Winel 
is uncertain. 



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bot's. They are here still. They make strongly for verisiir 
and to the saga's credit. 

(2) The oldest Icelandic authorities that mention the ñame of "V: 
or in the " Landnáma/' " Vindland hit Góí$a," say nothing about its di 
or about the wine there; on the other hand, Ari Frode mcntions the * 
ings" (who must originally ha ve been regarded as a fairy people). TI 
of Leif Ericson is mentioned, unconnected with Wineland or its dií 

Full statements could not be expected in each relie of an i 
fragmentary literature. Ari's lost Islendingabók probably se 
the full account. Entries a Httle later present the above ite 
gether. Mere evidence by omission is rarely cogent. It canno 
onably override the positive evidence referred to and the % 
prevailing tradition. If it could, it would merely change the 
of the discoverer, for it is admitted that some one sailed f rom N 
and found America by the direct passage. If not Leif, who si 
named ? And is there more evidence that an anonymous Noi 
did it rather than that Leif did it ? 

(3) It is not till well on in the thirteenth century that Leif s surn 
Heppni, his discovery of Wineland ("Vínland" or "Vindland"), í 
Christianizing of Greenland are mentioned (in the " Kristni-saga " and * 
skringla"), but still there is nothing about wine. 

This fact may be unfortunate, but what does it disprovei 
father Eric was never 'called " Lucky " so far as we know, 
created Norse Greenland. It does not seem important that a 
epithet should always be found with his ñame in the few sur 
pre-thirteenth-century manuscripts. 

(4) It is not till the cióse o f the thirteenth century that any infoi 
occurs as to what and where Wineland was, with statements as to the w 
wheat there, and a description of voyages thither (in the Saga of Eric th< 
But still the accounts omit to inform us who gave the ñame and why. 

In other words, the location of Wineland was not mentioi 
far as we know, till Hauk Erlendsson made the earliest copy 



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That is true. The natural course of development is for a later 
versión to elabórate hints and weave stories about ñames, filling in any 
floating legendary data which may come to hand. This is especially 
true in a decadent artificial periód, even at its beginning. The Flatey- 
book narrative is not unique in its method and qualities, but is a very 
bad example. 

(6) The first of the two sagas, and the one which is regarded as more to bt 
relied on, contains scarcely a single feature that is not wholly or in parí 
mythical or borrowed from elsewhere ; both sagas have an air of romance. 

This is far from the case, for Helluland, Markland, Kiallamess, an 
all admitted by Nansen to exist. Straumey, Straumfiord, the moun- 
tains, Hóp, the seal headland are veritable. The courses around the 
great ness into and out of the Gulf are accurately and caref ully given 
Biamey is true to fact. The Wonderstrands are the typical Americar 
coast line found on no other Atlantic shore of which any Icelandei 
short of the fifteenth century would be likely even to hear. Thí 
Indians, products, climate, and breeding places are authentic. Thí 
Uniped was probably an Eskimo in his kayak. The Greenland parí 
of the tale has many embroideries of fancy. There are divers bailad* 
turned to prose attached to the exploring narrative ; but they do nol 
invalidate or obscure it. The saga-man might have chosen ac 
libitum magical cats and dog-footed monsters, the roc-phoenix anc 
the island of unending laughter, holy white-furred hermits and angeh 
who waited on the table, Judas and his hounding devils, the sea- 
monster that took the saint a-traveling on its back, the isle of women 
the pool of youth, and the river of death. His Celtic sources (as 
supposed) would have done this. Why did he stick to the facts in- 
stead? Surely because he was not following Celtic models, but 
relating facts. 

(7) Even among the Greeks of antiquity we find myths of fortúnate isles fal 
in the western ocean, with the two characteristic features of Wineland, th< 
wine and the wheat. 



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Madeira; the fourteenth century map-makers knew them 
doubtingly as The Fortúnate Isles of St. Brandan. Their obv 
attributes corroborated the ideal. We are not justified in saying ( 
clusively that this was or was not the end of the process. Bt 
anyone crossed the Atlantic in warm latitudes, as Cabra! did by i 
dent and Columbus by intention, they would find like beai 
repeated. Before " mythical islands '' can justly be used to dispi 
anything we must be sure they were mythical. Even then it w( 
not be necessary to assume that men, in reporting things that re 
are, had borrowed from fanciful stories. 

(8) The most significant features in the description of these Fortúnate ] 
or Isles of the Blest, in late classical times and in Isidore are the self-grow 
wild-growing vine (on the heights) and the wild-growing (uncultivated, 
sown or unsown) corn or wheat or even cornfields (Isidore). Ih addition t 
were lofty trees (Pliny) and mild winters. Thus a complete correspond 
with the saga's description of Wineland. 

Great trees are common in many parts of the world, so are i 
winters in southerly regions on the same longitudinal line. 
Isidore says nothing to strongly suggest wild growing grain see 
low places by men entering an estuary with grape-vines on the ] 
above it. Neither does Pliny ñor any other authority cited. 
combination is distinctly American on the Atlantic slope not 
from the sea and within the limits of the large fox grape thougl 
doubt it might occur elsewhere. Thorfinn gives this for Hóp. 

Nansen, however, has certainly shown (if messis be taken to ne 
sarily mean grain) a fair anticipation of Adam's celebrated st 
ment, but the coincidence may well grow out of parallel facts. TI 
is no real evidence of derivation by him from Isidore of Sevill 
from Pliny ; but there may well have been grape- festooned island 
the eastern Atlantic on which some form of wild grain or grain 
wild might be found. It is not pretended that fox-grape3 and 
wild rice are the only wild grapes fit for wine and the only self-S( 
grain in the world. 



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along the shore above southem Maine and only locally there. We 
find also a like error as to wild rice, which ought not to be expected 
in any quantity on or near bold shores like those along the Atlantic 
above the Kennebec. 

It may be that Norsemen could not raise wheat or make w¡n< 
at home, but they were acquainted with both from their service in 
more southern countries and their hostile expeditions, even as earl> 
as the fifth century (see Nansen's In Northern Mists), into the mid- 
dle of the Mediterranean. Some of their men would be sure to have 
a general knowledge of wine-making. The very fact that these things 
were not to be had at home, but grew wild in the new world wouW 
make them prized and held as characteristic of the new found lands 
That the " wheat " was not real wheat, but only a wholesome and 
abundant substitute, would make no diflFerence; though the wine 
would take first place. The country where such things were to b€ 
had for the gathering could be nothing but " Wineland the Good/' 
with no need for aid from fairy attributes, though the peculiar form 
of the ñame perhaps might be influenced by the Fortúnate Islands^ 
namely the Canaries or Madeira (d'Legname — that is, Markland) 
Porto Santo and perhaps Pico and companions, with their undeniable 
beauty and the half classical half northem-pagan myths, which per- 
sistently clung to them. 

(lo) In Ireland long before the eleventh century there were many myths and 
legends of happy lands f ar out in the ocean to the west ; and in the description 
of these wine and the vine form conspicuous features. 

As a matter of fact the vine is not very conspicuous in Irish voyage 
legend. Still Irishmen often reached countries which had the vine 

^ See Chapter i6 herein, also article in the Smithsonian Report for 1897 on 
the Rising of Land Around Hudson Bay, by Robert Bell, of the Geológica] 
Survey of Canadá. 



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We also meet apple islands, for example, the Hesperides ? From 
lemory, I think the latter fruit more common in Irish and other 
orthern legend. Nevertheless the saga and the oíd Icelandic writ- 
igs omit to place apples in America ; and in fact none were there. 
Vhy were not the apples borrowed from Ireland, if the grapes were? 

(12) From the Landnamabook it may be naturally concluded that in the 
leventh century the Icelanders had heard of Wineland, together with Hvítra- 
lanna-land, in Ireland. 

Each country may have heard it from the other, both items being 
ommon property by that time. Perhaps the ñame Great Ireland or 
Vhitemen's Land may have a presumption in favor of Irish origin. 
There can be none for the Irish origin of Wineland. It is likely that 
reland first heard it from Iceland soon after Thorfinn's return to 
he formen 

(13) Thorkel Gellisson, from whom this information is derived, probably 
Iso fumished Ari Frode with his statement in the Islendingabook about Wine- 
md ; this is therefore probably the same Irish land. 

He is given as one transmitter of the Ari Marsson story, deriving 
t from the Earl of the Orkneys. He supplied the Greenland infor- 
nation of Ari Frode, having visited that country ; perhaps also some 
ibout Wineland. But how can this disprove the existence of the 
atter? 

(14) The Irish happy lands peopled by the síd correspond to the Norwegian 
luldrelands out in the sea to the west, and the Icelandic elf-lands. 

There is a general correspondence in f airy lore and the like every- 
vhere. But we know that there were real far western islands, as 
vell as dubious and fanciful ones, and that everything between Eu- 
ope and Asia was held to be an island until after Vespucius. 

(15) Since the huldre- and síd-people and the elves are originally the dead, 
nd since the Isles of the Blest, or the Fortúnate Isles, of antiquity were the 
labitations of the happy dead, these islands also correspond to the Irish síd- 
»eople's happy lands, and to the Norwegian huldrelands and the Icelandic elf- 
ands. 



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ñame of " Insulae Fortunatae," which in itself could not very well take any oí 
Norse form. And as, in additíon, the huldrelands wcre imagined as speci 
good and fertile, and the underground, huldre- and sid-people, or elves, 
called the " good people," and are everywhere in different countries associí 
with the idea of "good," this gives a natural explanation of both the N( 
ñames. 

Brazil Island, sometimes called the Fortúnate Island of the Iri 
and St. Brandan's Fortúnate Islands, one of which still bears 
f ourteenth century ñame of Porto Santo, would influence the ideal 
doubt, but we cannot wipe Porto Santo oflF the map and Brazil pr 
ably was as real. 

(17) The ñame "Vínland hit Gó5a" has a foreign effect in Norse nom 
clature ; it must be a hybrid of Norse and foreign nomenclature, through " \ 
land" being combined with "Landit Gó'Sa," which probably originated i: 
translation of " Insulae Fortunatae." 

The combination and translation may have happened. It is 
more surprising that Insute Fortunatae should be transferred in t 
way than that Markland should be shifted from one of them 
Newfoundland. Either ñame of the saga may commemorate sucl 
transf er ; and either may be a very natural coincidence. A ñame 
mythical association may well be applied, and often has been appli 
to a real región. Moreover, the saga is not accountable for t 
phrase, ñor does Adam of Bremen use it. What men reported 
the eleventh century should not bear the burden, however light, 
adjectives or fancies of the twelfth or thirteenth. 

(18) The probability of the ñame of Skraelings for the inhabitants 
Wineland having originally meant brownies, or trolls, that is, small huldrefc 
elves, or pygmies, entirely agrees with the view that Wineland was origins 
the fairy country, the Fortúnate Isles in the west of the ocean. 

If so, the word was doubtless applied to the natives in the sai 
spirit that Icelandic men in fight sometimes abusively addressed th( 
opponents as " trolls " for example, see The Saga on the Heath-Sla 



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::>Kr3eiings originaiiy meant íairy toik and to wíiat penod does 
" originally '* refer? Our first introduction to them is through Thor- 
finn, who trafficked with them as human beings and f ought and killed 
them. 

( 19) The statement of the Icelandic geography, that, in the opinon of some, 
Wineland the Good was connected with África, and the fact that the Norwegian 
work, " Historia Norvegiae," calis Wineland (with Markland and Helluland) 
the Aírican Islands, are direct evidcnce that the Norse Wineland was the 
Insulae Fortunatae, which together with the Gorgades and the Hesperides were 
precisely the African Islands. 

Not of identity, but of supposed neighborhood in extensión ; also 
of a warm climate and luxuriance. This I have said elsewhere. It 
does not touch the saga, but only the theories of Abbot Nicholas or 
some one else, and perhaps the general tradition. It was natural that 
they should think so, if Leif reached the Chesapeake. Since Edrisi 
in the twelfth century clearly distinguished between the Canaries and 
the other islands which lay farther at sea, since the classical geog- 
raphers before him well knew the former, and since the early medie- 
val maps kept and emphasized Edrisi's distinction, there seems no 
great probability of any real confusión of identity. 

(20) Even though the Saga of Eric the Red and the " Grónlendinga-páttr " 
contain nothing which we can regard as certain information as to the discovery 
of America by the Greenlanders, we yet find there and elsewhere many features 
which show that they must have reached the coast of America, the most 
decisive among them being the chance mention of the voyagers from Markland, 
in 1347. To this may be added Hertzberg's demonstration of the adoption of the 
Icelandic game of "knattleikr" by the Indians. The ñame of the mythical 
land may then have been transferred to the country that was di seo ver ed. 

Fortunately the fact that the Icelanders reached the coast of 
America does not rest wholly on the veracity of the sailors on the 
small Greenland ship, or on any annal. America was reached by 
Thorfinn, and more or less explored as far as southem New England. 
Leif had previously reached the same región and probably passed a 
long way below it. Our reasons for believing so are fuUy stated 
elsewhere. 
12 



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about countries out in the ocean and voyages to them, which, whether they b 
connected with one another or not, show the common tendency of humanit; 
to adopt ideas and tales of this kind. 

We meet such stories everywhere and no doubt many of them ar< 
based on real adventures often wildly distorted. The Zeno tale is ii 
point. It developed into something portentous and inexplicable 
and is still in dispute ; but most likely they made voyages and encount 
ered adventures, y/hich were a kernel of truth f or their repeatedl; 
distorted story. But one ought not to cali it a myth, although i 
contains a short myth as an episode ; ñor can any light be extracten 
from it in that way. The voyage stories of different countries hav 
not yet rendered much aid in the Wineland investigation ; but it i 
greatly to be desired that the veil should be lifted from the origin o 
the ñames Antillia, Brazil, and others which men cali mythical t 
cover uncertain knowledge. 

Some of the above conclusions by Dr. Nansen make in favo 
of the position taken in the present book ; others can hardly be sai< 
to weigh either way. Only a minority of the remainder have seeme^ 
to need moderately extended treatment, partly because Dr. Nanseí 
is in so many respects in accord with what I had already written an( 
as to others he could be best convinced by showing him the places 
flora, fauna, and conditions. It was inevitable that he should mak< 
some errors in dealing with foreign and unfamiliar things and ver 
plainly he had never though,t of the progressive changes in coas 
outline during 900 years, ñor the difference in nature and distributioi 
between the large wild grapes out of which the early colonists mad< 
good wine and the small wild grapes which are tart and more lik< 
berries. When Dr. Storm so naturally went astray it is not surprisinj 
that Dr. Nansen should do likewise. There are doubtful inference 
and conjectures even in von Humboldt. Like many others Di 
Nansen has failed to distinguish adequately between the mountainou 
northern home of Thorfinn's party on the bay connected with Straum 



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from the mass of Irish and antique myths and northern fairy 
such a log-book-like narrative as that of Thorfinn Karlsefni, 
without fail such a great number of ítems accurately dis 
of the Atlantic coastline of North America with practic; 
introduction of European elements except possibly one or tw 
and gestures from Norse experience. And if we find the nai 
accurate in so very many ítems, why cannot we belíeve the v< 
in the reasonable statement that they gave the ñame of Wínels 
country whích surprísed them by íts luxuriance of grapevine 
and íts abundance of large fine grapes good for wíne makíngí 
wild graín ín plenty was also there, with plentíful fish and 
shore-bírds and their eggs, great trees for house-building an 
buílding, wood of finely veined and dotted grain for ornamenta 
tall grass excellent for hay and grazíng, and, in the more s< 
parts, a climate so mild as to remind them of the Canaríes and 
tañía, why should not they cali it " good," even if that word ha 
to especíally imply sometbing supernally fortúnate and blesse 
the case of Teneriffe, Porto Santo, and Madeira ? 

Such an ínstance as the sea currents of Straumey and Strau 
found nowhere on our coast except in and near Grand Ma 
such notable volume and power and nowhere corroborated by s 
coincidences of fact and statement, ought surely to show Dr. ! 
(who expresses no doubt of them) that this saga-narrative car 
mainly the product of oíd legendary lore and the same ís 
equally true of the emphatícally and almost exclusively Ai 
Wonderstrands. 

i8.— GENERAL SURVEY 

We find, then, that there ís no trustworthy record of anj! 
settlement in America existing contínuously for more than on 
ñor of any Norse voyages to America, excepting those of L 
Thorfinn and the visit of a small vessel more than three hund 
forty years afterward. We may suspect what we will of th 



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except the general impression of warmth and natural bounty which 
his report made at home. 

We find also that Thorfinn successfuUy carríed his colonists to 
Labrador, Newfoundland, and Cape Bretón, thence along the Atlantic 
coast of Nova Scotia to the great Bay of Fundy, near which they 
made their first home, probably on the Passamaquoddy shore and 
Grand Manan/ Afterward they removed to a much more southern 
spot, and remained there for a year, then retumed to the Fundy 
región, making an incidental exploration of Nova Scotia and the 
southeastern shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and at last regaining 
Greenland and Iceland after three years' American experience. Hóp, 
their most southern point, was either on the eastern coast of New 
England below Maine or in the basin of Narragansett Bay, with a 
slight preponderance of probability for the latter. 

Besides these voyages, two attempts were made, Thorstein's in 
I002 and Bishop Eric Gnupson's in 1121. The former failed, the 
latter vanished ; and nothing ever came of their endeavors. 

The three " lands " explored by Karlsefni kept their ñames until 
more modern ones were substituted. Helluland soon came to mean all 
the desoíate country above the forest, whether with flat stones or with- 
out them, and was a favorite field for later fictitious sagas. 

Markland probably stood always for Greenland's nearest supply 
of growing timber, that is for Newfoundland, perhaps with some 
vague extensión to neighboring shores. The traditional view of 
the errand of the little ship of 1347 as a timber-gatherer may ha ve 
originated in a knowledge of prevailing custom or in some unrecorded 
statement of its crew. If it had not been torn from its anchorage 
and driven to Iceland we should never have heard of it, any more 
than of the many others which we may conjecture to have made the 
trip successfuUy, escaping or outliving the storms. 

*Dr. Nansen believes in a visit or visits to these points and an encounter 
with Indians, not Eskimo, somewhere on the Atlantic coast below Cape Bretón ; 
but he is uncertain as to the particular explorers and thinks the ñame Wine- 
land wholly mythical, though calling Markland "historie." 



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of the new country among the northem pe(^le. 

Of course " discovery " in its fuUest sense calis not only for fin 
but for adequate disclosure. But what is adequate in this connect 
Must we demónstrate a full understanding of the matter by the i 
prosperous nations around the Mediterranean, or some effe< 
influence on exploration and colonization in later centuries ? 
a matter of definition only, but these requirements would be per 
a little immoderate. 

In Scandinavia the results were so effectually announced 
they remained sensational topics of conversation in a royal c 
nearly seventy years afterward — a court and kingdom very indir< 
concerned. The same information was published by Adam of Bre 
about the same time in Germany, so amply that manuscript copi< 
his book were to be found at widely separated points of cei 
Europe for half a millenium after\v¿ard. It is incredible that non 
them reached Italy, and equally so that the story of the three y( 
Wineland adventure should not have been freely told there by Gu 
during her eleventh century pilgrimage to Rome, and repeated f 
time to time by the many Icelandic pilgrims and soldiers of for 
whom we read of in other sagas. Furthermore * the tithes for 
support of Crusaders were paid by Greenland f rom time to time < 
ing the thirteenth and f ourteenth centuries at least, though in a < 
tory way ; and men who were sometimes sent to coUect them must 1 
wonderfully lacked curiosity if they made no inquiry concen 
Markland, if only to find out whether it might prove another resot 
What they learned would surely find its way back, in general out 
if no more, to the central authority. On all grounds, we must bel 
that the Vatican was aware of these new westem lands, but prob 
with little more interest than attached to the reports of upper Gr 
land. That such knowledge should have been possessed and alio 



' B. F. De Costa : The Pre-Columbian Discovery of America, p. 322 et . 
also most of the other works be f ore cited concerning Greenland. 



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passed from Limerick to this same Bristol; Fischer* has treated 
the same subject rather more conspicuously ; and, as we have seen, 
the fourteenth and fifteenth century maps afford very curious cor- 
roborative indications along several converging Unes. Moreover, 
John Cabot in his first voyage turned northward for a time (Payne ' 
thinks to Iceland) from his first westward course, a proceeding that 
cost him some trouble, according to Sebastian, and which would 
hardly recommend itself to one who had never heard of discoveries 
made from that quarter. Also he promptly gave the land * which he 
found substantially the ñame currently in use then, or not very long 
before, by Icelanders, for some western región of uncertain identity 
which, on the whole, is most likely to be this same Newfoundland. 
Finally, soon after his retum that summer, as reported by an Italian 
envoy who was his friend and whose letter is still extant, he and his 
mercantile backers reported that they thought brazil-wood grew 
there, this being the characteristic product which was popularly 
believed to have given the great Isle of Brazil its ñame. Everything 
goes to prove that he had the former Irish and Icelandic voyages and 
legends in mind, and that these and like influences would soon have 
impelled him or some other to success along this line, even if there 
had been no Spanish discovery of the Antilles. 

Apart from this effect in Britain, Adam of Bremen's account of 
Wineland and its products was circulating in print from HoUand 
before the seventeenth century, and Ortelius also was presenting 
Wineland by ñame as a Norse discovery identical with Estotiland, in 
theorizing about the origin of the American Indians ; while in 
Iceland itself there was a continuous succession of sagas and other 
works touching the subject, oral, written and printed, original and 

* The Explorations of the Northmen, etc., p. 105. Cf. E. J. Payne : History 
of America. 

* As above, p. 233. ' 

^E. J. Payne: History of America, p. 217. 



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primarily for the benefit of Latin peoples and with no aid froni 
northern sources, which he and they agreed in holding lightly. V\ 
in "Frisland" or Iceland or during his dubious voyage yet fai 
westward, he may well have heard of Wineland ; but íf so- he has g 
no sígn ; and he surely would have used it against his adversarles 
he recognized an available argument. There simply was nothin 
the tradition which savored of Ind or Cathay ; and he was as f a 
could be from the ambition to discover a new continent. Its exist 
appeared so dreadful a negation of all his hopes that he would 
admit it, even when suspicion must have been haunting him ; 
compelled his foUowers by cniel and extravagant threats to joi 
an affidavit that they had reached Asia instead. 

It has also been lightly said * that the Norse journeyings up 
down our coast compare with the voyages of Columbus as the s 
of children with the achievements of men. But is this true? 
chief motive of Leif was to carfy the gospel of Christ to his Gr 
land home, at the same time rejoining those of his blood from whot 
had been long parted ; this he eff ected perf ectly and promptly, 
dentally presenting the data which he had coUected, as the resu 
an accidental discovery and ha'sty explorations on the way. 
chief motive of Thorfinn was exactly that which we admire in 
first, hardy, English-speaking settlers, the finding of new homes 
their families and incidentally upbuilding a new country. He f í 
in this, because the odds were too heavily against him, not from 
lack of competent planning or sturdy endeavor ; and he brought 1 
from Wineland a notable accession to human knowledge, beí 
adding another heroic figure to the picture gallery of human ef 
The chief motive of Columbus was to find a shorter route to J 
with consequent profit and glory to his sovereign and himself, ai 
wider opportunity for converting the heathen. He failed utterl 



' J. Fiske : The Discovery of America. 



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that his work should go on after him. But neither Columbus ñor 
Leif made any radical change in the course of the world's history. 

If he had remained in Spain, and so found nothing in 1492, Cabral, 
rounding out too far from África in his East Indian voyage, would 
quite as certainly have struck the South American coast in 1500. By 
then, too, or not long afterward/ success would surely have come as 
well to the plucky and persistent merchants of Bristol and their 
captains, who had twice essayed before 1480 to reach that Brazil 
which probably included Markland and had repeated ' such attempts 
annually or oftener for some seventeen years, until the successful 
one landed them with Cabot on the American mainland before either 
Vespucius or Columbus. Possibly mankind might have prospered 
even better if sixteenth century access to the new world had been by 
this upper gate alone. No doubt many records would be preserved 
which went up in flames before Spanish bigotry; and it is hardly 
imaginable that the native semi-civilization could have fared worse. 
At any rate, towafd the end of the fifteenth century the speedy 
discovery of America was quite inevitable. 

The situation has never been paralleled. Europe, so long facing 
eastward, had turned about the other way and was all alive on its 
Atlantic front. Besides the swarm of Basque, Bretón, and Norman 
fishermen, continually urging their industry farther afield, there were 
three lines of approach, making a gigantic race of most absorbing 
interest, across the great sea. At the north, English seekers after 
the half-forgotten memories of our race which had turned to myth ; 
in the middle, a man who sought a certainly known goal by an 
impossible route; below him, the Portuguese navigators, who well 



*J. Winsor: Narr. and Crit. Hist. of America. 

^ Letter of Soncino given in original Italian and translation by G. E. Weare. 
before cited. 



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ims oKrirot wnoily stiffice. The wave touched Wineland but soon 
receded; even falling back several centuries later from Greenland 
also, after a wonderfully tenacious occupancy, while the rest of the 
world hardly perceived the loss. But a discoverer is not in fault 
for the lack of wit of his generation. He should not be deprived of 
his honors by any oyerstraining of language. Leif Ericsson, or 
Thorfinn Karlsefni, if we follow Dr. Nansen ¡n doubting Leif, 
remains the first authentically recorded discoverer of America. 
Gudrid, his wife, holds her place as the first white American mother, 
and their son, Snorri, is sufficiently well attested as the first-born white 
American. 



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3 (p. 22). Perhaps montonis originally was montanis (mountains, Italian) ; 

as we know that Pareto's Roillo had been Reylla — ^besides other Hke 
instances of accidental change. I. de Montonis — ^the Isle of Sheep; 
which is conspicuous in the sea-tales of St. Brandan and the Magrurin 
of Lisbon. . 

4 (p. 24). Westropp, in his very recent work on Brasil and the Legendary 

Islands of the North Atlantic, published by the Royal Irish Academy, 
1912, p. 255, mentions a mythical King Breas and a missionary Bresal 
of about the year 480 and suggests that Brasil may have been named 
after the latter; also Hardiman's The History of Galway, p. 2, quotes 
from one of the i6th century Four Masters, who compiled much older 
material, a mention of Breasail (apparently a pagan Gaelic hero or 
deity), having a very ancient look, but there seems a lack of data to fiU 
the wide gap between the fifth and fourteenth centuries. The Italian 
and Catalán maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries generally 
present the ñame as I. de Brazil, sometimes Y de Brazil, with divers 
variations in orthography, such as Berzil, Brazi, Bracir and Buxelle, 
beside those given below. 

5 (p. 25). The word Bracile (obviously Brazil) occurs in a treaty or com- 

pact of peace and trade, dated 1193, between the "Bononienses and 
Farrarienses," copied into volume 2 of Antiquitates Itálicas Medii 
Aevi by L. A. Muratori, beginning at page 891. In a list of specific 
commodities embodied in this compact, and including Índigo, incensé, 
wax, and certain hides or furs, we find also (p. 894) " drapis de 
batilicio, de lume zucarina, de grana de Brasile" On page 898 Mur- 
atori mentions that a deed of the year 1198 uses the same words "grana 
de Brasile." The use of the word "grain" on two occasions in dif- 
ferent kinds of documents at an interval of five years cannot be an 
accidental error. There is nothing to hint at any confusión with woods 
or dyes. The ñame suggests "bíé Turquoise" for maize and other 
like ñames of a later time. We must suppose that Brazil was believed to 
be a country capable of supplying a distinctive grain and that the grain 
in question had acquired a settled ñame of commerce at this early date. 
The Memorias Históricas sobre la Marina Commercio y Artes de 
la Antiqua Ciudad de Barcelona, by Antonio de Capmany y de Mont- 
palu in Vol. 2, presents a series of copies of orders or regulations 

176 



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ivir. vv csiiüpp, auuiür üi r>rasii, cic. uui, as ne says, ii ñas no nec 
relation to dye-woods. It may obviously mean anv commodity ass( 
with " Brasil." 

6 (p. 26). Several oíd maps show the main island of the Bermudas 

gerated, and of approximately crescent form, for example, that 
de Witte, 1660, and another in the U. S. National Museum, un 
and undated, but bearing 1668 as its latest discovery entry and bel 
• apparently to the early eighteenth century. 

7 (p- 38). In point of fact this same feat of blending all the Faroes 

with change of place had been performed long before, as appeari 
an eleventh century map in the British Museum reproduced bj 
torem, presenting Ysferi (apparently meaning Island of Fari) 
large island west or northwest of Ireland. Of course Y was a ce 
equivalent of I (ínsula) and the ñame was currently changed si 
for example, to Frisland by Christopher (or Ferdinand) Colum 
well as Nicoló Zeno. 

8 (p. 40.) Mr. V. Stefansson has recently reported certain Eskimo of 

racial characteristics on Coronation Gulf near the middle < 
top of the continent, with the suggestion that they may possi 
descendants of these Greenlanders. But there are several othei 
of accounting for the phenomenon, though perhap§ none is pe 
satisfactory, and until we have further light on the subject the 
plan is to treat it as irrelevant. 

9 (p. 109). A more recent interpretation (the Athenaeum, London, S 

ber, 1912), derives two of the Skrelling words from Eskimo. 
Athenaeum says : " M. Henri Cordier in the current number 
Journal des Savants calis attention to a proof of the discov 
America in the eleventh century which has hitherto passed unn 
In the Saga of Eric the Red it is said that when Thorfinn Ka 
returned from * Markland ' or Newfoundland, in 1005, he took b 
Greenland with him two children from the northern land of the 
ings, and four words of their language are preserved in the 
These words were thought by the Greenlanders to be the ñames 
children's parents or chiefs; but M. Cordier shows that they < 
traced to Esquimaux phrases of the present day, two of them m 
something like *Wait a moment' and *the Northern Islands' 1 
tively/' But Dr. Nansen's derivation of these words from the 
has a more persuasive air. Since the Icelanders apparently len 



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"OX— •>-• ^'J •• ^«W *•••>-, ' 



very rapid stream .... From this stream it is that Stromoe is 
called." 



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179 



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13 



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Payne, E. J. : The age of discovery. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. i. 

The history of the new world called America. Oxford, 1892. 

Pierce's Report to U. S. Government on Iceland (1868). 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Proctor's translation of Laxdaela Saga. 

Rafn, Carl Christian : Antiquitates Americanae. Copenhagen, 1837 
[Abstracts of the historical evidence for the disr.overy of Ame 

the Scandinavians in the tenth century. Extracted from abo> 

Journ. Roy. Geogr. Soc. of London, Vol. 8, 1838.] 
Rau, C. : Observations on cup shaped and other lapidarian sculptures. 

tributions to North American Ethnology. U. S. Geol. and 

Stirvey, Vol. 5. 
Ravenstein, E. G. : Martin Behaim. His life and works. 1908. 
Reeves, a. M. : The finding of Wineland the Good. The history 

Icelandic discovery of America Vol. LXXII, 205 pp., L 

1895. 
Revue Celtique. (Various volumes.) 
Rhys, Sir J. : The birth, life and acts of King Arthur Text b 

ory. Introduction by Rhys. 

Studies ¡n the Arthurian Legend Oxford, 1890. 

RiGGS, S. C: The Dakota, etc. Edited by J. O. Dorsey (Contrit 

Geogr. and Geol. Survey). 
RiNK, H. J. : Danish Greenland, its people and its products. Edi 
Di*. Robert Brown, London, 1877. 

On the descent of the Eskimo. Arctic papers for the exp 

of 1875. Journ. Anthr. Inst., 1872. 

Tales and traditions of the Eskimo with a sketch of their 



religión, language and other peculiarities. Translated from the '. 

by the author. Edited by Robert Brown. Edinburgh and Londor 
RoBiNsoN, CoNWAY I An account of discoveries, etc. 
RoBiNSON, E. C. : In an unknown land. 
RoDouco, NicoLo: Di una carta náutica di Giacomo Bertrán, Maiorchii 

Congresso Geographico Itálico 3. Florence, 1898, p. 546. 
RossELLi, P. : Map of 1468. 

Sagas concerning the Norse visits to America in facsimile Icelandic ty 
English translation with relevant auxiliary data and notes, in R 
The Finding of Wineland the Good. 

In general translated in Origines Islandicae, the series of 

and jMagnusson, the publications of the Viking Gub, and the s( 
works of Dasent, Proctor, and others. Comparatively few a 
untranslated. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Skene, W. F. : The four ancient books of Wales Edinburgh, 1868. 

Slafter, E. F. : The disco very of America by the Northmen. 

Smith, J. T. : The discovery of America by the Norsemen in the Tentl 
Century, comprising translations of all the most important origina 
narratives of the event; together with critical examination of theii 
authenticity, to which is added an examination of the comparativ( 
merits of the Northmen and Columbus. Boston, 1839, London, 1842 
(Map al so copied in Minn. Hist. Soc. Report.) 

SouLSBY. B. H. : Translation of Fischer's The discoveries of the Northmen ii 
America, etc. 

SouTHEY, RoBERT : The history of Brazil. Vol. I. Appended notes. 

Spencer^ Herbert: Descriptive sociology. 

Spinden, H. J. : A study of Maya art and its subject matter and histórica 
development, 191 3. 

Stearns, W. H.: Labrador. 

Stefansson, Jon: Iceland, its history and inhabitants. Smithsonian Repor 
for 1906. Published, 1907. 

Stefansson, V.: The Icelandic colony in Greenland. (Amer. Anthr.) 

Stephens, J. L. : Incidents of travel in Central America, Chiapas, an 
Yucatán. With illustrations by F. Catherwood. London, 1854. 

Incidents of travel in Yucatán. New York, 1843- 1847. 

Stephens, Thomas: Madoc: An essay on the discovery of America h 

Madoc ap Owen in the Twelfth Century. London and New Yorl 

1893. 
Stevenson, E. L. : Portulan charts, 191 1. Hispanic Society of America. 
Stokes, Whiíley: The voyage of Maelduin (Revue Celtique, Vol. 9). 

The voyage of Snedgus (Revue Celtique, Vol. 9). 

The voyage of the Hui Corra (Revue Celtique, Vol. 14). 

Storm, Gustav: Studies on the Vineland voyages. English translation i 

Mémoires de la Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, 1888. Coper 

hagen, also sepárate. 64 pp. 1889. 
Strabo: Hamilton's translation. 
Strachey, W. : The histoire of travaile into Virginia Britannia, .... Lor 

don, 1849. 
Studi Bibuografici e biografici (first and second Italian Geographical Cor 

gresses). 



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cut, with interpretations of some of them. Hartford, 1881. 
TucKER, E. W. : Five months in Labrador and Newfoundland. 
TuRNER, L. M. : The Hudson Bay Eskimo. Eleventh Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. 

EthnoL, 1889-1890. 

Verrazano's voyage. Translation in Oíd South Leaflets. 
ViGFÚssoN, G.: Prolegomena to the Sturlunga Saga. Oxford, 1878. 
ViGFÚssoN and Powell: Origines Islandicae. 
ViNiNG, E. P. : An inglorious Columbus. 

Wallace, a. R. : Narrative of travels on the Amazon. 

The Geographical EHstribution of Animáis, Vol. i. 

Islán d Life. 

Wallace, Dillon : The long Labrador trail. 

The lure of the Labrador wild. 

Wallace, W. ^. : Historical introduction in "Labrador, the Country and 

People," by W. T. Grenfell and others. 
Wallace, James: A description of the Islas of Orkney, 1693. (John Small, 

editor, 1886). 
Watt, W. J. : Across the Vatna Jokull. 
Weare, G. E. : Cabot*s discovery of North America, Vol. i. 
Weise, a. J. : The discoveries of America to the year 1525. 
Westropp, T. J. : Brazil and the legendary islands of the North Atlantic. 

(Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Vol. 30, Sec. C, No. 8.) 
Whitbourne, Sir Richard:- A discourse and discovery of Newfoundland. 

.... London, 1622. 
Willard, Emma: History of the United States. 
WiLLSON, Beckles: Nova Scotia, The province that has been passed over. 

(Includes a few pages on the Norse visits and Yarmouth inscriptions.) 
Winsor, Justin : Christopher Columbus and how he received and imparted the 

spirit of discovery. 1891. 

From Cartier to Frontenac. 

— « Christopher Columbus. 

Narrative and critical history of America, Vol. i. 

Wright, G. F. : The great ice age. 

The Greenland ice fields. 



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i66, 171, 1 

África in relation to America 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 18, 20, 21, 60, 61, 63, 94, 

139, 167, 170, 1 

Age of discovery, The (Payne) 

Albania, ñamé for asserted región 

Alberta, winter grazing in 1 

Aleut, Holm on i 

Alexander the Great at the Azores 

Algonquian myths, Leland on 

Algonquian family 5, 6, 7, 121, 128, 129, 140, 145, ] 

Alien, J. A., history of American bison i 

Almachouqui Algonquians .^ ] 

Al-Tin, origin of " Antillia " 

" America of the Spaniards " 29, 63, ] 

American characteristic coast (Wonderstrands) 69, 80, 102, 112, 113, 

116, 135, ] 
American Indians. See Indians, Eskimo, and Skrellings. 

American race (Bririton) 2, ] 

Amerinds {See Indians and Skrellings) 

Amund, Bishop of Skalholt 39, 

Angela in bird-form 

Anticosti, Eskimo at ] 

Antillia, Island of 17, 18, 19, 20, 

Antilles, The 20, 21, 

Antiquitates Americanae, cited 28, 44, 60, 74, ] 

Appalachian región, bison in ] 

Aquidneck Island, carven rock at 45, : 

Arabic ñames 

Araucanians, Spanish Chilians absorbed by 

Arctic Foxes mentioned in Saga loi, ] 

Ari. {See Frode & Marsson.) 

Ari the Wise 28, 58, 59, 142, 152, 161, i 

Ame Magnean Codex 770. 

Arne Magnean Codex 194 

Ame iMagnean Codex 557 (Eric the Red) 

Arne Magnean collection 2^, 

Arnold, Bishop of Greenland 

Arnold, Governor, windmill of 

Arthurian Legend of Iceland 12, ; 

191 



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Aztecs 6, I 

Back Bay, Boston, Hóp at .' 48, 49, i 

Bacon, E. M., cited 45, 46, i 

Baffin Bay, miniature monument at 

Baffin Land, Thorfinn at 5, 

Bahamas, asserted early visits to 14, 

Ballads in Saga 

Bancroft H. H., cited 7, i 

Bandelier, A. R, on use of sling i 

Bardsen, Ivar, relief expedition ¡n 1337 39, 78, 94» i 

Barón of Castine, mentioned 

Basque fishermen, voyages of 9, 49, 52, i 

Bear Island, Grecnland 33, 

Beauvoís, E., cited 29, 

Beccaria's (Becharius) map ( 1435) considered 19, 20, 

Behaím globe (1492), inscription as to Antillia 

Belle Isle Strait 108, ni, i 

Benincasa Map (1482) considered 19, 

Beothuk (Beothik) Indians in Newfoundland 5, 6, 42, 109, 121, 144, 

153, 154. I 

Bering Strait 2, i 

Bermudas, possible early visits to 12, 

Bertrán, G., map considered 

Bianco Map (1436) considered 19, 20, 25, 

Biarni, death of i 

discovery by 

Biamey Island 33, 108, no, i 

Biggar, H. R, cited 

Biorn, lost Saga of 28, 29, i 

Biornsland 

Bird Islands 61, 62, I02, 119, 120, i 

Bison, American, former distribution of 147, 148, i 

Blacksark, Greenland 

Bleekman and Newton cited i 

Blome, R., cited i 

Blood feud in Iceland 

Blowguns I 

Boats, Eskimo and Indian 139, 150, i 

Boats, Norse 100, loi, 108, 112, i 

Boggild, R, cited 



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xjia^xi-wuuu ;¿4, i/. 

Brazir, Ysole 2 

Brereton's voyages 57, I4i 

Bretón fishermen 49, 50, 17. 

Brinton, D. G., cited 2, 6, 27, 146, 15: 

Brion Island 2: 

Bristol, England 21, 172, 17. 

Bristol, R. 1 131, 137, 13} 

Brittany 8, 10, 25, 42, 11 

Broadfirth, Iceland 3; 

Brown, Professor, on coast uplift 11. 

Brjmiolf, Bishop 64, 7. 

Bugge, S., cited 63, & 

Bus, sunken land of i; 

Buxelle (or Brazil) Island 2i 

Cabeza de Vaca 4 

Cabot, John 9, 21, 22, 23, 26, 109, 116, 155, 156, 172, 17. 

Cabot, Sebastian 155, 156, 17: 

Cabot Strait 23, 110, 17 

Cabot turned southward from course , 7 

Cabral, landfall of 9, 20, 163, 17. 

Caddo Indians I4i 

Cádiz, Phenician town : . . .8, 9, i( 

Cambrensis, Giraldus 3; 

Campobello, Bay of Fundy ii7, 11* 

Canaria, Ysola i( 

Canary Islands 8, 9, 10, 15, 16, 17, 21, 57, 163, 164, 16; 

Canoes, Indian and Eskimo I2i, 150, 151, 152, 153, 15. 

Canso, Strait of 41, 6 

Cantwell, E., cited i 

Cape Ann 127, 128, 135, 13 

Cape Bretón Island 23, 29, 42, 62, 110, 112, 113, 129, 130, 156, 170, 17 

Cape Charles 11 

Cape Cod 29, 44, 46, 89, no, ni, 116, 123, 128, 145, 14 

Cape Harrison 10 

Cape Hatteras 2 

Cape Henlopen 11 

Cape of Good Hope i 



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Cartland, J. H., cited 

Cartwright, Capt 

Carving, Innuit 

Casco Bay, 

Castine, " ruñe stone " at 

Catalán Map ( 1375) 

Cave hunting (Dawkins) 

Celts 

Celtic Review, cited 

Chamberlain, A. R, cited 

Chambers, Robt. W., cited 

Champlain's voyages 5, 42, 48, 49, 51, 57» 7i, 7^, 92, 

124, 125, 126, 127, 

Champlain's Cape Ann costume line 

Charles River 

Chart of derelicts (Horsford) 

Chatham Harbor 

Chesapeake Bay 4, 5, 29, 63, 108, 110, 116, i; 

Chesapeake Peninsula 

Chickahominy Indians 

Chile 

Chincoteague ponies 

Chinese and Cambodian resemblances in sculpture 

Christie, M., cited 

Climatic changes along American Coast 

Coast of Desolation 

Coast uplift and depression 

Cobequid hills, Nova Scotia , 

Cocoa palm, O. F. Cook on distribution of 

Collingwood, W. G., cited 

Columbus, Christopher i, 9, 11, 14, 19, 20, 26, 49, 

Colvin, V., cited 

Compass, early lack of 

Conigi Island 

Connecticut, Indian ñames in , 

Connecticut River 

Conquest of Iceland (Apochryphal) by Arthur 

Cook, O. R, cited , 

Cooper, James Fenimore, cited 



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VxULía aiiu iJci^iiLHjiiii^ iMaiius caiicu rviiiuics 

Cuba compared with Antillia as to position, etc 

Cup stones, Indian 

Currents, ocean 9, 117, 118, 124, 1:2 

Dakota Indians i¿ 

Dalí, W. H., cited 2, i: 

Dalorto map, 1325 

Daly, Dominick, cited 

Daly, R. A., on coast uplift 

Dams, Indian 

Danforth, Dr., cited 

Danish Greenland (Rink) 33, 39, 43, 

Dagmalastad (breakfast time) 

D'Avezac, iM., cited 8, 11, 16, 

Davies, cited 

Davis, C. A., cited ii 

Davis, John, cited 33f 108, 1 = 

Davis Strait 

Dawkins, Boyd, cited 

Da wson, S. E., cited 

De Ayllon, colony of 

De Costa. B. R, cited 12, 34, 48, ; 

Debes, L. J., cited 

Delaware coast 

Delaware, Indians of 

Dellenbaugh, F. S., cited 

" Demon's head," of Indians 11 

De Mont's colonists 

Denys, N., cited i 

Depression, glacial of upper American coast 113, 114, i: 

Depression of shore of Acadian Bay 

Depression, post glacial, of American coast below Maine ; 

De Soto in Carolina 

Derelicts, movements of 

De Roo, P., cited 

Devil Rock : . . 

Dicuil, Irish geographer 

Dieserud, Juul i, 54, 

Digby, Nova Scotia i 



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uragon on maps ií 

Drogio or Drogeo 4c 

Du Challu's "Viking Age" cited 

Duelling in Iceland 

Du Guast, River 

Dulcert map, 1339 

Earthly paradise, legend of u 

Easter Island 

Eastern settlement, Greenland 

East-outland 

Eastport, Maine 74, 117, 118, 

Eddic Poems, Home of the (Bugge) ; 

Edrisi's geography 10, 11, 18, 38, 106, 167, 

Egede, Hans, cited 39, 4c 

Egg-islands 61, 62, 102, 119, 120, 

Egypt, ships of 

Elevation, post glacial, of upper Atlantic coast 113, 114, 115, 116, 

Elymus arenarias (strand oats) 94, 95, 132, 

English settlement relies 5, 46, 47, se 

Eric the Redi 26, 31, 32, 33, 34, 44, 52, 55, 56, 58, 59, 67, 69, 81, 97, 

105, lio, 120, 

Eric Gnupson, Bishop 54, 55, 

Fric, King 

Ericsfirth or Gardar 8í 

Ericsson, Leif. (5*^^ Leif.) 

Ernulphus 

Erondelle translation of Nova Francia, cited.. .40, 56, 71, 92, 123, 130, 133, 

Escociland as perhaps the original form of the ñame Estotiland 4c 

Eskimo....2, 3, 5, 6, 34, 39, 51, 109, 121, 130, 139, 140, 142, 145, 147, 149, 

150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 160, 

Eskimo Legends 53, 

Espinosa, Father 14, 15 

Essequibo River 

Estotiland 40, 41, 62, 

European Islands, western visitors to 

Examen Critique (Humboldt) cited 7, S 

Explosive body used by Indians 157, 

Eyktarstad of the sun. 

Eyrbyggia Saga 28, 59 



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05, 71, 75» I02, 103, 107 

Finland, referred to as Vinland 

Finn, applied to three races 

Fiord-cut shore 

Fiord separating Wineland from " America of the Spaniards " 6^ 

Flscher, J., cited 40 

Fishing devices, Indian 

Fish mentioned in Saga 

Fiske, John, cited....;, 27, 33, 41, 71, 74, 75, 94, 95, 139, 141, 148, 156 

Flateybook 28, 56, 61, 64, 65, 67, iii, 116, 118 

Flateybook Wineland Saga, The 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 74, 116, 143 

Flom, Mr., cited , 

Flores, (Azores) 11, 2 

Forest Land 16, 17, 2 

Fortúnate Islands 14, 15, 16, 57, 162, 163, 165. 

Fortúnate Islands of St. Brandan 16, 17, 163 

Fountain of youth 

Foxes, Arctic loi 

Fox* grapes 164 

Freducci maps considered. . . : 

Freydis, Eríc's daughter 6 

Fri^derici, Dr., cited 

Frisbók, mentioned 

Frisland 38, 62, 

Frobisher*s voyages 17 

Frode, Ari 28, 58, 59, 142, 152, 161 

Frodis Water 

Fuegians, stature of 

Fundy, Bay of 6, 23, 51, 52, 62, 72, 92, 112, 117, 118, 119, 120, 124, 126 

130, 133, 154 

Funk Island 62, 102, 120 

Furdurstrandir (The Wonderstrands) 80, 102, 104, 113, 116 

Gaddiano map 

Gaelic runners 

Gallia, cornu du 41 

Games, Indian 

Gardar, Greenland 34, 39, 4 

Geoffrey of Monmouth, Arthurian conquest relatad by 

Geographical formula 



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I62, 163, 164, 165, Ií)«, I 

Grajales, cited i 

Grand Manan Channel 69, 73, 74. "2, i 

Grand Manan, Norsemen at 51, 72, 74, 105, 113, 117, 119, 121, 122, 126, 

130, 169, I 

Graves of Thorbrand and Thorvald 49, 

Crape problem examined 90-94, 124, 130, 163, 164, 165, i 

Grapes, wild 56, 57, 123, 130, 132, 133, 134, 135, 160, 161, 1 

Grazing, fine 121, 131, i 

Great Falls of the Potomac 

Great Ireland 21, 26, 27, 29, 30, 59, 105, 165, i 

Great Sweden 27, 

Greek craft's landfall 

Greek myths of western islands 7, 9» 1 

Greenland 8, 17, 52, 55, 58, 62, 69, 70, 81, 160, 161, i 

Qiristianity in 59, 161, i 

discovery oí ] 

Eskimo of 143, 150, ] 

extinction of Norsemen in i 39, 

Norse colony in 30-35, 64, 82- 

population of 

Grenfell, W. T., cited 107, ] 

Grettir 

Grocland 

Guanches 

Guast, du, River 

Gudleif s voyage 29, 54, ] 

Gudrid 28, 32, 35, 50, 59, 60, 66, 69, 72, 81, 105, ] 

Gudrid's visit to Rome 

Guiot de Provins 

Gulf of /Maine 114, 128, 131, ] 

Gulf of México 

Gulf Stream ] 

Gunnbiorn's islets 

Gwynedd, Owen 



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Jriarko's son 

Harpoons, Eskimo 139, 151, 

Harrisse, H., cited 116, 

Harshberger, J. W., cited 133, 

Hauk, Erlendsson 64, (fj^ 116, 143, 

Hauksbook Saga 56, ó/j 

Haup, the ñame 

Hawaii, peopling of 

Hawes, C H., cited 

Heimskringla 27, 43, 100, loi, 147, 

Helluland 29, 54, 56, 60, (iZ, 69, 72, loi; 106, 107, 112, 160, 162, 

Henry Hudson (Bacon) 

Henry, Prince 

Heriolf 

Heriolfsness 40, 69, 

Hermannsson, H., bibliography by 

Hertzberg, cited 51, 

Higginson, T. W., cited 45, loi, 

Hill-tout, C, cited 

Hochelaga 43, 57, 

Holand, H. R., cited 

Holm, G., cited 44, 144, 

Holmes, W. H., cited 2 

Honduras, Mayas in 6 

Honen inscription 63, 

Hóp. ...69, 74, 118, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 135, 136, 139, 141, 148, 149, 151, 

155, 160, 162, 163, 169, 

Hopedale 

Hope Island 

Hopeton inscription 

Hornaday (The Extermination of the American Bison) 

Horsford, Cornelia, cited 

Horsford, E. N., cited 8, 46, 47, 48, 55, 71, 

Housatonic River 

Howley, M. R, cited 53, T>iy 

Hudson, Henry, voyage of 71, 

Hudson Bay 5, 53, 54, 

Hudson River 6, 118, 134, 

Huitramannaland 54, 

Hull, Eleanor, cited 

14 



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xcciaiiuic cuiu vjri ccmaiiu iiuusc-Mic» 40, ' 

Icelandic Annals 54, 6i, i6o, i 

Icelandic-Celtic intermarriages 85, 

Icelandic literature 2, 31, 46, 59, 62, 76-81, 82, 85, 86, 162, i 

Icelandic Secretarles (Hauk's) 

Icelandic voyages 54, 58, 61, 64, 66, 70, 73, 112, 117, 124, 128, i 

Icod, Canary Islands 

Igallico inlet 

Inca conquests 6, i 

Incantation by Thorbiorg and Gudrid 

Indian Corn 57, 133, 134, 135, 148, i 

Indian River 

Indian royalties 92, i 

Tndians, American. {See also Skrellings) 2, i 

Algonquian 5, 6, 7, 121, 128, 129, 140, 145, i 

Asiatic origin of 2, 3, i 

at Wineland 70, 71, i 

boats 151, I 

Beothuk 5, 6, 42, 109, 121, 144, 153, 154, i 

census of 

Chickahominy 

costumes 109, 125, 127, 128, 141, 149, 151, i 

distribution of 

fisheries w 

games 

giants 

inscriptions by 45, 49, 50, 54, i 

Iroquois 3, 4, 5, 50, 53, 145, i 

languages of 

Maguaquadevic » i 

maize culture by 57, i 

Malicete 120, i 

Mattapony 

Micmac 5, i 

Mound builders i, 

Muskhogean 3, 

Nansemond 



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±'ownatan 4, I4Í 

Shoshonean 3, 5, i 

Siouan 3t , 

Souriqui 5, I2( 

' stature of 144, I4i 

Susquehanna 145, 14Í 

Tinné la 

unity of 14 

Wampanoag 4j 

weapons of 154, 156, 15Í 

Welsh (alleged) 3, 

wild rice cultivated by 56, 7: 

Indian village site at Grand Manan 12: 

Ingram's journey 41 

Innuit (American Eskimo) 2, 3, 5, 6, 34, 39, 51, 109, 121, 130-156, 160, ló; 

Inscription concerning Antillia n 

Inscription, Cryptic 15, i< 

Inscriptions, Norse, real or asserted 43-48, 50, 52, 60, 63, i6( 

Insulle a Novo Repte i< 

Ipswich, " Norse " stone work at 4< 

Ireland 9, 12, 21, 23, 26-29, I59, i6i 

Irish ancestors of Snorri 8^ 

Irish-Arab legends 14, i i 

Irish Church 27, 3( 

Irish legends of discovery 10, 12, 13, 27, 57, 159, 165, 17Í 

Irish ñames 1: 

Irish-Norse interchange of legends : 8, 159, 162, i6j 

Irish settiement at Iceland 2; 

Iroquois Indians 3, 4, 5, SO, 53, HS, U: 

Isidore of Seville 57, 16; 

Island-group of Antillia i< 

Island of Man or Mam 2: 

Island of St. Brandan i; 

Island of the Dragón 10, lí 

Island of the Hand of Satán 19, 2: 

Island of the Seven Cities 2: 

Islandic MS. of Wineland Sagas 6Í 

Isle of Birds i< 

Isle of Joy lí 



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jvfxxoasjki, x^i ii{$i iiii » i ...*•. •••.... 

Jonsson, Gisli i 

Jonsson, Finnur i 

Kakortok church, Greenland 

Kamchatka, migration to America from 3, i 

Karlsefni, Thorfinn. (See Thorfinn Karlsefni). 

Kayaks 130, 139, 150, 151, 153, i 

Keelness 46, 69, 72, 110, iii, 112, 160, i 

Keiman, George, cited i 

Kennebec River 6, 121, 128, i 

Kensington " rune-stone " 53, 

Kilhwch and Olwen, story of 

King Philip 

Kirke, Mr., cited .• i 

Kjallamess (Kiallarness, Keelness) 46, 69, 72, 110, 11 1, 112, 160, i 

Knutson, Paul, expedítion of 

Kohl, J, G., cited 16, 18, 40, 

Konungabók 

Koryak tribe in Kamchatka i 

Kretschmer, K., cited 16, 

Kristni Saga 59, 64, i 

Labrador 3, 29, 53, 100, 106, 107, 108, 114, 116, 117,' 133, 141, 150, 151, i 

current 94, 110, i 

La Cosa, Juan de 19, 

Lacrosse, game of 50, ii 

Laing, S., cited 27, 100, loi, i 

Lake Superior canees i 

Landfalls, accidental, instances of 8, 9, 28, 29, i 

Landing of Sea Tribes 

Landnamabók 27, 28, 59, 64, 69, 81, 161, 11 

Land-Rolf .' i 

Languages in North America 4, 7, 11, 25, ; 

Laplanders 141, ii 

Las Casas 

Las Desertas 

Law of Iceland 

Laxdaela Saga J 

Legendary islands 12-30, 163, 166, i( 

Legname, L de 9, 16, 22, 25, 163, i( 



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Leif s-booths 48, 69, 70, 

Leif s Crossing from Greenland to Europe 

Leif s lowest point as defined by Wine Grapes 93, 64, 

Leland, C. G., cited 

Lescarbot, cited 42, 56, 57, 7 1, 92, 123, 130, 133, 134, 

Lewes, Delaware 

Lewisburg, Pa 

Limerick 17, 21, 30. 

Littie Falls of the Potomac 

Littoral tribes 

Living Island 

Lloyd's notes, cited ^ 5 

Longfellow, H. W., cited 

Long Island, New York 

Long Island, Nova Scotia 

Longer Saga of King Olaf the Saint 

Louisbourg 

Lubec, Maine 118, 

Lucas, F. W., cited 37, 38, 39, 40 

Lyme grass 

Lyschander, Danish poet, cited 

Lysufirth 

Mabou River 

MacDougall, Alan 

McGee, W J, cited i, 5, 

Mclntosh, iMr., cited 51» 52, 

Madeira 9, 16, 21, 22, 25, 163, 164, 

Madeira, referred to in connection with legend of Diodorus 

Madoc, voyages of ". •*. . 14, 35 

Madonna, image of 15 

Maelduin, voyage of 13, 14, 

Magdalen Islands 22, 

Magna Graecia 

Magnusson, Arne, supplies title to saga 

Magnusson, Morris and, cited 

Maguaquadevic 

Magrurin expedition 11, 

Maine 6, 50, 72, 114, 116, 117, 123, 127, 145, 

Maize 57, I33, 134, I35, 148, 



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Bertrán — considered 

Bianco ( 1436) — considered 

Catalán (1375) — considered 

Coastal elevation — considered i 

da Napoli, Zuan, considered iii 16, 

derelicts (Horsford) — considered 8, 

Fourteenth Century — considered 

Gaddiano (Atlante Mediceo 1351)— considered 

Juan de la Cosa— considered 

medieval times — considered n, 14» 

Mercator (1595) — considered 22, 41, i 

Ortelius — considered 41, i 

Pareto (1455) — considered 

Pizigani Brothers (1367)— considered 16, 18, 21, 

Pomponius Mela — considered 

Prunes ( 1553) — considered 

relating to the New World (Nordenskjold) — considered 

Rosselli — considered 

Ruysch — considered 

Sebastian Cabot — considered i 

Sigurdr Stefánsson — considered 29, 38, 

Stefánsson ( 1590) 29, 38, 62, 110, iii, I 

Weimar (mismarked 1424) — considered 

Wytfliet ( 1597) — considered i 

Zuan da Napoli — considered 

March, Mary, Beothuk prisoner i, 

Margarie River i 

María, the sloop r 

Maritime Provinces 117, 121, i 

Markham, Sir Qements 14, i 

Markland 29, 39, 54, 60, 61, 63^ 69, 72, 108, 109, 141, 160, 162, 166, 167, 

170, 171, 172, I 

Markland (the ñame) — d'Legname or Madeira 16, 17, ; 

Marsson, Ari 8, 29, v 

Maryland 29, iii, 112, 113, 131, 133, i 

Massachusetts .'47, i 

Massachusetts Bay i, 

Mather, Cotton, cited 46, i, 

Mattapony Indians 

Mausur wood 47, 61, ( 



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xvxciiaiic yiyi'd.iiiaij i ly 

Merman, Eskimo 130 

Mernoc, search for 14 

Merrimack River 47 

México 4, 6, 7, 133, 149, 156 

Valley of 7* 141 

Micmac Indians 5, 6, 42, 52, 120, 121, 133, 145, 146, 156 

Midiokul, Greenland 66 

Miller, Mr., cited 45 

Minnesota, " ruñe stone " in 53 

Miramichi 52 

Missile on pole 157, 158 

Mississippi Valley, Great Ireland in 29 

Mongoloid tribes 7 

Monhegan Island inscription 50 

Monsters of the sea 10, 15, 18, 21, 24 

Montauk, meaning of 138 

Montaup, meaning of 138 

Montorious, Brazil Isle 22 

Mont's de, colonists 49, 122 

Moon of Weird 151 

Mooney, James, cited i, 138, 157 

Moorish Conquest 22 

Morgan, L. H., cited 5 

Morris and Magnusson, cited 99 

Moulton's History of New York 94 

Mound-builders 5, 148, 149 

Mound near Indian River, Del 47 

Mount Desert Island 128 

Mount Hope 138 

Bay 44, 45, 131, 136, 137, 138, 139 

Munro, W. H., cited 131, 138 

Muskhogean family 3, 5 

Mythical islands 12-30, 166, 168 

Nain, Labrador 107 

Nansemond 4 

Nansen, Fr., cited 8, 9, 21, 22, 33, 50, 55, 60, 89, 96, 105, 109, 116, 119, 

141, 150, 158, 159, 160, 162, 167, 168, 170, 171 

Nansen's recognition of Norse discoveries in America 159, 160 

Nanticoke Indians 47, 145 

Nantucket Island 128, 131 



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JNew lirunswick O, 51, 52, 72, 120, 123, 14 

New Hampshire 12 

New Jersey 29, 112, 113, 149, 16 

"New Lands" 6i, 6 

New Madrid 11 

New México 2 

Newport " tower," origin of 4 

New York, depression of land at 4i I3 

Nez Perces Indians 14 

Niágara, geological observations at 11 

Nicholas of Lynne 3 

Nicholas of Thingeyri 61, 16 

Nordenskjold, A. E., cited 19, 20, 21, 2 

Normans 9, 20, 127, 166, 17 

Norse Conquests in Wine countries 9 

Norse-Irish legends 8, 159, 162, 169, 17 

Norse ships 100, loi, 108, 112, 15 

Norse voyages 1, 43, 54, 75, 87-96, 112, 117, 124, 128, 129, 139, 142, 159, 16 

Norsemen 2, 10, 27, 30, 50, 51, 52, 54, 59, 98, 99, 100, 109, 117, 118, 120, 

122, 131, 138, 141, 142, 147, 151, 15 

North America, peopling of 3, 4, 8, 26, 17 

North Head, Grand Manan 12 

Norton Sound 14 

Norumbega, city of 42, 46-4 

Nova Francia 56, 71, 130, I33, I3 

Nova Scotia 6, 37, 41, 52, 63, 72, 94, 112, 113, 116, 117, 123, 17 

Nova Scotian wine berries 5 

Nutt, Alfred, cited 12, i 

Ocean City, /Md 13 

Ocean currents 

Ojibway Indians 15 

Ojibway interpretation of Dighton Rock inscription 4 

Ojibway myths 5 

Olaf sends Leif to Greenland S 

Olaf Tryggvason 30, 31, 56, s 

Olaus Magnus 18, 6 

Olson, Dr. J. E., cited i, 66, 68, 75, 102, 14 

Omaha Indian boats 15 

Ordericus Vitalis 5 

Orkney Islands 13, 27, 16 

Ortelius map considered. 41, 17 

Osage Indians 14 

Osgood on Maritime Provinces 11 



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Pemaquid, oíd ruins at 

Pennsylvania, bison in 

Penobscot River 

People of the Polar North (Rasmussen) 

Peopling of North America 2 

Periplus (Nordenskjold) 

Perú, sculptures in 

Petit Dieppe 

Phan.tom City 

Phenician voyages 

Philip, King 

Pico Island 

Pictographs 7, 

Pizigani map 

Place ñames (transferred from Iceland) 

Plants of Wineland, The (Fernald) 

Plutarch's account of ancient voyages 

Pol3mesian languages in America 

voyages 

Pomponius Mela 

Ponce de León 

Pool of Youth 

Poole, H. S., cited 

Porcupine Bank 

Porter's journal cited 

Porto Santo 

Portsmouth Bay, Aquidneck 

Portsmouth, New Hampshire 

Portuguese discoveries 

Powell, D., cited 

Powhatan Indians 

Pre-Columbian voyages 

Primaria Island 

Prince Edward*s Island 

Provins, Guiot de , 

Prunes's map, considered 

Putnam, Professor, cited 

Rafn, C. C, cited 28, 29, 44, 60, y^y 

Raleigh's Colony 



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xviciiiuuiiu v^oumy, iNova ocuua xx^ 

Ringerike rune-stone 6o, i6c 

Rink, H. J., cited 33, 39, 43, 44, 91, 95, 109, 120, 14c 

Roanoke massacre I4Í 

Robinson, Captain 14^ 

Roe, The II 

Rockall, peak of 2¿ 

Roo, P. de, cited u 

Rosselli ( Pedro, Petrus), map, considered ic 

Rouen 7a 

Routes of crossing Atlantic 8, c 

Runic inscfiptions (certain or apochryphal) 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 50, 5^ 

Ruñe stone 48, 50, 5^ 

Ruysch map considered 3¿ 

Sable Island ^ 15Í 

Saga, Bear Island to Straumey loi, 10; 

experiences on and near Straumey 102, 10^ 

expedition to Gulf of St. Lawrerice 104, lO' 

expedition to Hóp I24-I2( 

of Eric the Red 56, 64, 65, 68, 74, no, ni, 119, 129, 143, 161, 162, i6( 

of Eric the Red analyzed 78-81 

Flateybook Wineland 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 74, 116, 143, i6í 

of the Heath-slayings , 31, i6í 

of Olaf Tryggvason 66, 74, 14^ 

of Thorfinn Karlsefni 56, 64, 65, 66, 68, 74, 110, ni, 119, 129, 

143, 157, 161, 162, i6( 

of Thorgisl 8: 

Thorhall the Hunter 10; 

Thorhairs verses and departure 10^ 

withdrawal from Wineland, and Markland episode 101 

Sagas 2, 21, 56, 59, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 85, 12c 

(general review) 76-7Í 

Saghalien people 3, I4> 

Saint Andrews 52 

Saint Anna i( 

Saint Brandan 13-16, I5< 

Saint Croix, New Brunswick 122, 13: 



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íiaint L^wrence Kiver O, 23, 121 

Saint Malo 14, 15 

Saint Mary's Bay 124 

Saint Michaers Island 10 

Saint Patríck ; 27 

Saintsbury, George, mentioned 91 

Sakonnet River or Strait 45, 136, 137 

Salvagio (Saluaga) Island 19, 21 

Santorem, Atlas of 19 

Sargasso Sea 11 

Satanaxio (Satanta), Island 19, 25, 26 

Saxons 9 

Schoolcraft, H. R., cited 44, 141, 157 

Sculpture, Chinese and Cambodian 7 

Sea-fishing 124 

Sea of Darkness 18, 174 

Sea-shores 4, 69, 80, 102, 113-116, 135, 137, 159, 160, 163, 164, 168 

Seal Cove 119 

Seáis 125, 126, 162 

Selim of Barbary 42 

Settlements 5, 50, 58, 138, 169 

Shaler, Nathaniel S., cited 5, 9, 1 14, 148 

Shell-heaps 50 

Shipbuilding, ancient 9 

Ships of the Norsemen 100, loi, 108, 112, 159 

Shoals 117, 136, 137 

Shoshonean family 3, 5, 6 

Sinclair, Earl 38 

Siouan family 3, 5 

Skeleton in armor 44 

Skene, W. R, cited 12 

Skin boats, Indian and Eskimo i39» I50-I57 

Skrellings or Skraelings 28, 54, 59, 87, 109, 127, 139, 141, 142, 143, 144, 

145, 149, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 158, 161, 166 

Slafter, Rev. Mr., cited 113 

Slaves in Iceland 32 

Sleds, Eskimo I39» 151 

Slings, use of 139, I54-I57 

Smith, J. T., cited 54 

Snaefelsness no 



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Spain 9, 

Spaniards of Canaries 

Spanish, Chilian 

explorers 53, ^ 

searchers for De Soto 

Speculum regale i 

Speed of ships 107, 108, ] 

Spencer, Herbert, cited ] 

Spoils of Annwn 

Standish, iMiles, mentioned ] 

Stefánsson map (1590) 29, 38, 62, 110, iii, ] 

Stephens, J. L., cited 

Stephens, Th., cited 35, 36, 

Storm, Dr. G., cited 28, 39, 55, 61, 62, 68, 70, 71, 75, 87, 92, 107, 109, 

112, 120, 130, 143, 152, 168, 1 

Storm-driven mariners 8, 21, 69, 89, 163, ] 

Stone giants 

Strachey, W., cited 4, 35, 57, 5», 93, 120, 127, 133, 145, ] 

Strait of Cabot 23, iio> i 

Strand oats 94, 95, 132, i 

Straumey 69, 87, 112, 123, 124 130, 139, 162, 1 

Straumfiord 69, 73, 74, 112, 117-119, 123, 124, 129, 130, 139, 162, 1 

Streams, ocean 117, 118, 1 

Sturlunga Saga (Vigfusson's preface to) 

Sunken land of Bus 

Susquehanna Indians 145, i 

Swe3m, King 

Talbot County, Md 1 

Taliessin 

Tampico 1 

Taunton River 44, 46, 136, i 

Teneriffe 14, 15, 25, i 

Terciera .24, 

Thalbitzer, V., cited 6, 39, 73, 109, 140, i 

Thevet cosmographer 

Thomas, C, cited 

Thorbiorg 

Thorbiorn Vifilsson 32, 60, 67, 



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Thorhall the Hunter 102, 103, 104, 110, iii, 122, 123, 12 

Thori the Eastman (íT, ^ 

Thorkell Gellison 28, 30, 58, 152, i( 

Thorkel of Heriulfsness * i 

Thorlac Runolf sson » = 

Thorstein Ericsson 52, 69, ^2, 83, 84, i; 

Thorstein the Swarthy 83, i 

Thorvald Ericsson 28, 35, 49, 69, 70, 72, 12 

Thor-worship 102, 12 

Tidal measurements along American coast 116, 117, 118, 124, i^ 

Tierra del Fuego 1 = 

Tinné Indians ic 

Titicaca, Lake if 

Tiverton inscription ¿ 

Todd's Point ii 

Tools common to Scandinavia and N. E. America \ 

Torfaeus 74, i; 

Toscanelli 9, 2 

Tower of Norumbega ¿ 

Traill, Catherine Parr, cited i;: 

Trumbull, J. H., cited i;; 

Turner on Eskimo stature i^ 

Tusket Islands 119, v^ 

Upernavik i^ 

Umiaks 1 = 

Uniped 28, 105, 129, 130, 131, i( 

Ungava i^ 

Uplift of coast I ] 

Usumacinta Valley 

Utopia Lake = 

Vaca, Cabeza de a 

Vencidor, The ic 

Venezuela i = 

Verrazano 49, 57. 128, 132, 136, 138, i^ 

Vespucius 165, i; 



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Viniand hit Uo«a lOO 

Vinlandia 63 

Virginia 4, 29, 47, 5», 74, ii3, 132, I49 

Vivaldi brothers, voyages of 11 

Vlandoren 25 

Volcanoes IS 

VoysLge of Bran 12 

Voyage of Maelduin i5 

Voyage of St. Brandan 13, 14, lí 

Voyages of the Northmen 1, 43, 54, 58, 61, 64, 66, 70, 73, 75, 87-96, 

112, 117, 124, 128, 129, 139, 142, 159, 161, 169, 17: 

Wallace, A. R 11. 

Wallace, D 14 

Wallace, James, cited 8, 17; 

Wallace, W. S idi 

Walrus tusks, tribute in 3 

Wampanoags of Rhode Island 4 

Washington City 4, 48, 9 

Watertown, Mass '. 4 

Weare, G. E., cited 15 

Weimar Map i 

Weirs 4 

Welsh Indians (alleged) 3 

Welsh navigation 3 

West Indies 2 

Westall I 

Whalers 

Whales 12 

Whitbourne, Richard 108, 109, 15 

White Men's Land 27, 30, 16 

Whitesark 6; 

Wicomico Indians, The 145, 14 

" Wild rice " in America 48, 56-58, 127, 135, 136, 13Í 

" Wild sea " border of Wineland 6 

" Wild wheat " 94, 9 

Wineland or Vinland 1, 4, 26, 29, 30, 35, 43, 46, 52-70, 72, 74, 83, 87, 

89, 101-104, 110-112, 123, 131, 132, 133, 142, 147 159-17 

Wineland Voyages 67, 131, 159, 160, 162, 167, 16 

Wine-making without appliances 9 

Winsor, Justin, cited 7, 10 

Wonderstrands, the 69, 80, 102, 104, 112, 11 

Wynken de Worde i 



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DEMCO 38-2 


97 







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