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Full text of "Original Sanskrit texts on the origin and history of the people of India, their religion and institutions"

OF THE 
UNIVERSITY 
Of ILLINOIS 



294.1 
M89o 
1868 



The person c 



charging this matenal ' ^ 

beore the 




L161-0-1096 



ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS. 

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f 



ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS 

ON THE 

ORIGIN AND HISTORY 

OF 

THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, 

THEIR RELIGION AND INSTITUTIONS. 

COLLECTED, TRANSLATED, AND ILLUSTRATED, 

BY 

J. MUIR, D.C.L., LL.D., PH.D., 

CORRESPONDING MEMBER OP THE BOYAL PRUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, AND OP THE AMERICAN 

ORIENTAL SOCIETY, HONOEAIT > MEMBER Or' THE GERMAN ORIENTAL SOCIETY, AND 

FOREIGN MEMBER OP THE LEYP.EN LITKRARY SOCIETY. 

VOLUME SECOND. 

INQTTTRY WHETHER THE HINDUS ARE OF TRANS-HIMALAYAN ORIGIN, AND 
AKIN 10 THE WESTERN .BRANCHES OF THE INDO-EUROPEAN RACE. 

SECOND EDITION, REVISE r- 

tin 




LONDON: 
TRUBNER & CO,, 8 AND 60, PATERNOSTE 

is r . 

(All rights eserved.j 



ITFORT) : 
PRINTED BY STE&IEN AUSTIN AND SON*. 



$& 



PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 1 



MY primary object in this volume, as in its predecessor, 
has been to produce a work which may assist the 13- 
searches of those Hindus who desire to investigate 
critically the origin and history of their nation, and of 
their national literature, religion, and institutions ; and 
may facilitate the operations of those European teachers 
whose business it is to communicate to the Hindus the 
results of modern inquiry on the various subjects here 
examined. 2 The book (as will at once be apparer ! to 
the Oriental scholar) is, for the most part, either a com- 
pilation, or, at the !eastj founded on the labours of 
others ; but while my principal aim has been to furnish 
the reader with a summary of the results of preceding 
inquiries, my plan has, at the same time, rendered it 
necessary for me occasionally to institute fresh researches 
in different directions for the further elucidation of par- 
ticular points which were touched upon in the course 

1 [This Preface is now reprinted with hardly any alteration, excepting 
.such, as has been rendered necessary by the difference in the numbers of 
the pages in which the several topics are treated, and by some additions 
and omissions.] 

2 This peculiarity in the object of the treatise will a- the Euro- 

i'holar for the intioduction of many details which 
.ve been quite superfluous. . 



Vlll PREFACE TO , . 

of my argument. In -this way I may have succeeded 
in contributing a small proportion of original matter to 
the discussion , ol some of the interesting topics which 
ha-ve come under review. 

The" obligations under which I lie to the different 
authors, whose labours have furnished the chief mate- 
rials of che volume, have been, in most instances, so fully 
acknowledged in detail in the following pages, that it 
is not necessary for me to allude to thun here more par- 
ti^ularly. I must, however, refer to the assistance which 
I have derived from the French version of the Eigveda 
by M. Langlois, which, with his index, has directed my 
attention to various important passages in the later 
books, which I was then enabled to .study in the original. 

Though a small portion only f the present volume 
consists of " Sanskrit texts," which in some parts are 
alt aether wanting, and in others but thinly scattered, 
(apparent rari nantes in gurgite vo&to} I have not con- 
sidered it necessary to abandon the old title, but it has 
been slightly modified. , 

Although some idea of the object and contents of the 
volume may be gained from a perusal of the introduc- 
tory statement of its plan (in pp. 13), and from the 
table at the close of this Preface, it may conduce to the 
convenience of those readers who, before entering on a 
perusal of the work, desire to obtain a m'^re precise con- 
ception of the course of the discussion, and of the process 
by .which I have sought to establish my conclusions, if 
I subjoin here a brief concatenated summary of the prin- 
cipal topics in order. 

The general obj3ct cf t'le present Part is to pro\e 



THE FIRST EDITION. IX 

that tlia Hindus were not indigenous in India, but have 
immigrated into that country from Central Asia, where 
their ancestors at one time formed one community with 
the progenitors of the Persians, Greeks, Ron\ans, 0^1- 
mans, etc.* In order to establish this result, I have 
sought to showth^t Sanskrit, the original language of 
the Hindus, .exhibits undeniable marks of close affinity 
to the ancient languages of the other races just men- 
tioned; and that i;he earliest religion, and mythology 
also, of India are connected with those of Persia b?[ 
various points of contact and resemblance. Having ad- 
duced evidence on both these heads, and argued that 
these facts imply a common origin of the nations in 
question, and their subsequent dispersion from one com- 
mon centre towards the- different regions in which they 
ultimately settled ; I endeavour to fortify the conclusions 
to which we are thus conducted by demonstrating that, 
in the earliest ages of their history, the ancestors of the 
Hindus appear to have occupied only the north-western 
corner of Hindustan ; and that, while they were con- 
nected on the one hand by affinities of language and 
religion with* the nations of the west, they were on the 
other hand distinguished, both by language and by insti- 
tutions, from certain other tribes with whom they came 
into collision as they advanced across the north of India, 
and afterwards Jiffused themselves to the south of the 
peninsula : for if we find that the Hindus originally pos- 
sessed only the Panjab, the presumption (derived from 

3 [This proposition has been so far modified in the second edition that 
.1 now only insist on at least one of the elements in the ancestor of the 
Hindus having belonged to the Indo-E iroptan stock.] 



PREFACE TO 



other considerations), that they immigrated from the 
north-west, becomes strengthened ; and if, again, on 
their advance to the south-east, they encountered tribes 
w?.th a different language and religion, already in occu- 
pation" of those tracts, the probability that they did not 
grow t up in India, alongside of these alie:; tribes, acquires 
addi.tienal force. 

In order to obtain a basis for carrying out the philo- 
logical portion of this argument, viz., for comparing the 
priginal language of the Hindus with those of the Per- 
sians, Greeks, and Latins, it became necessary for me to 
prove that the Sanskrit, which is now a learned language 
only, was at one time spoken by tfy3 ancestors of the 
Hindus. This I have attempted to do in the First 
Chapter (pp. 4214), by showing in detail that the 
original Sanskrit idiom has undergone a long series of 
gradual mutations, of which **v now see the ultimate 
result in the modern vernacular dialects of the north of 
India, The method whicK 1 have adopted to exhibit 

/ ? ^ 

this has been to begin (Section i.,' pp. 4 11 J with the 
existing spoken dialects, Urdu, Hindi, Mahratti, etc., 
and to show what the elements are of wjiich they are 
composed, viz., (1) pure Sanskrit, (2) modified Sanskrit, 
(3) Desya or aboriginal- non-Sanskrit words, and (4) 
words derived from Arabic 'and Persian. The fourth 
element is. the latest which they hav> acquired, and 
dates only from the Mahomedan invasion; while the 
sepond and third (in a more or less different form) are 
common to them with the Prakrits, "or older vernacular 
dialects, out of which they grew. 

In the succeeding ^ect ; ons (ii. vii., pp. 11128) an 



THE FIRST EDITION. XI 

account is given of these earlier vernaculars, viz. (1) the 
Prakrits, of which specimens are to be 'found in the 
different Hindu dramas, and which seem to have existed 
as spoken dialects, at least from the commencement of 
the Christian era, until they became merged n the 
modern vernaculars; (2) the Pali, or sacred language 
of the Buddhist books of Ceylon and Burmah,-" which 
appears to represent one of the provincial dialects <of 
northern India existing at the time when Buddhism 
began to be propagated in the sixth century B.C., and 
exhibits to us the popular speech of that region at a 
somewhat earlier stage than the dramatic Prakrits ; (3) 
the dialects (ne t *rly contemporaneous with the Pali) 
which are employed in the rock and pillar inscriptions 
of As'oka; and (4) the singular dialect or jargon em- 
ployed in the Gathas or metrical portions of the Buddhist 
chronicles of northern India. In this portion of the 
work some comparative tables are introduced, which 
exhibit (a) the relations (i.e. the points of resemblance 
and of difference) between the modem vernaculars, 
Hindi, and Mahratti, and the dramatic Prakrits, and 
show how the two former have been formed by a modifi- 
cation of all the various elements of the latter, just as 
they (the older Prakrits) in their turn have sprung up 
(if we except a small non-Sanskritic residuum) from the 
gradual decomposition of the' Sanskrit; (b) the forms 
which are common to the dramatic Prakrits, and the 
Pali, as well as those points in which they vary, #nd 
which demonstrate that the Pali diverges considerably 
less from the Sans k:rit than the Prakrits do, and must 
consequently be more ancicat than -they; and (.c?) the 



XIV ^ PREFACE TO 

were composed can have been no other than the ver- 
nacular speech which was employed by the rishis and 
their contemporaries, as it. is quite inconceivable that in 
ths^early age, when the refinements of grammar were 
unknows, there could have existed any learned language 
distinct from the ordinary dialect of the people. 

Having thus shown cause for believijig 1,hat Sanskrit, 
tne original speech of the early Hindus^or Indo-Arians), 
w.,as at one time a spoken language, and consequently 
|iable, like all other spoken languages, to continual 
mutations in its earliest ages, and having by this means 
paved the way for proving that it is descended from one 
common mother with the ancient languages of the other 
Indo-European races, to which it exhibits the most 
striking family resemblance ; I proceed, in the Second 
Chapter (pp. 215357), to produce the evidence which 
comparative philology furnisher t)f this resemblance, and 
to argue from the affinity of languages a community of 
origin between the different nations by which they were 
spoken. I then go on to bring forward the further 
grounds, supplied by comparative mythology and by 
other considerations, for supposing that tho, ancestors of 
the Hindus 4 belonged to the same great family as the 
Persians, ,Greeks, Eomans; etc., which had its original 
seats in Central Asia, ancl that, on the dispersion, in 
various disections, of the different benches of that 
ancient family, the Indo-Arians immigrated into Hindus- 
tan from the north-west. The following are some of 
the details of this process of proof: dn Section i. (pp. 
217228), a few simple remarks oil comparative philo- 

c '* [Se&no&3, p. ix.] 



THE FIEST EDITION. 9 XV 

logy are premised, in which it is shown how, by a com- 
parison of their roots and structure, languages can be 
distributed into different families, of which the several 
members have a more or less close affinity to each ot^ or, 
while they have little or no resemblance to the" me-aabers 
of any other family. This is illustrated by a compara- 
tive table, in', which 'it is shown that while Sanskrit ,has 
in many of its words a strong similarity to Persian, it 
has scarcely any to Arabic; and by some other par- 
ticulars. Section ii. (pp. 228267) supplies detailed 
evidence of the affinities of Sanskrit with the Zend, 
Greek, and Latin, consisting, first, of comparative' lists 
of words belonging to those languages which correspond 
with each other both in sound and sense ; and secondly, 
of illustrations of the resemblances between those lan- 
guages in their modes of inflection, as well as in the 
formation of words. !Aea, however, the mutual differ- 
ences which these languages also exhibit, mignt be 
urged as disproving the t pference of their derivation 
from a common source," it is shown how, in the course 
of time, different branches of the same original tongue 
have an inevitable tendency to diverge more and more 
from the primitive type, both by modifying their old 
elements, and by assimilating new: and it ^is further 
pointed out that it is precisely those parts of a language 
which are the ~iost primitive and essential in which the 
different Indo-Europeaa tongues coincide, while those 
in which they differ are such as would grow up after 
the nations which, spoke them had been separated, and 
had become exposed* to the action of diverse influences, 
physical, intellectual, and mo*'al. But as, admitting the 



XVI v PREFACE TO 

resemblances between these languages, a Hindu might feel 
disposed to draw the conclusion that Sanskrit is the source 
of all the other kindred tongues, instead of being derived 
together with them from an older language, the common 
parent of them all, to obviate this erroneous inference, 
it is next shown that the whole grammatical character 
of Greek and Latin is that of independent languages; 
that in this respect they differ entirely from the Indian 
Prakrits (which have evidently resulted from the decom- 
position of Sanskrit), and that they even contain various 
ibrms which are older than those of the Sanskrit ; while 
the greater part of their vocabulary is different. The 
same considerations apply, though nqt so strongly, to 
Zend. .In Section iii. (pp. 267 278) the inference is 
drawn that affinity in language implies affinity in race; 5 
and that, therefore, the ancestors qf the Hindus must at 
one time have lived in the so-me country, as a part of 
one and the same community, with the forefathers of 

the Persians, Greeks, and Romans. In such a case as 

c " \ . .< 

is here supposed, those branches of the original nation 

which separated earliest from the others, would in after- 
times exhibit the fewest points of resemblance in lan- 
guage and institutions to the rest, while those wnich 
remained longest together would show in all respects 
the closest mutual affinities. * In Section iv. (pp. 279 
286) it is ^argued that' ther is no ejection 6 arising 
from physiological considerations, i.e. from colour or 

6 

* [In this second edition, this proposition i6 modified. I only affirm 
now that affinity in language affords some presumption of affinity in race.] 

6 [This assertion is in the 2nd edition changed into an inquiry whether 
there if any objection. J ( c ^ 



THE FIEST EDITION. XV11 

bodily structure, to classing the Hindus among the 
Indo-European races. Section v. (pp. 28T---300) ex- 
hibits the grounds which exist for supposing that the 
ancestors of the Indians and Iranians (or Persians) c$ji- 
tinued to form one community after the othep kindred 
tribes had separated from them, and departed to distant 
regions. Th/tee grounds are, first, the closer afi^nity 
which subsists Between Zend, the language of ths 
ancient Persians, and Sanskrit (of which some illustra- 
tions are furnished) ; secondly, the fact that both nation's 
in former times applied to themselves the appellation 1 
of Arya; and, thirdly, the nearer and more numerous 
coincidences which are discoverable between the early 
mythologies of the two peoples, of which some 'details 
are adduced. From th*is more, intimate affinity between 
the Indians and Persians, independent as both are of 
each other in their origin and development (see also 
pp. 312317), a strong confirmation is derived to the 
general conclusion (deduced, mainly from language) of 
the common origin . o a'll the nations called Indo- 
European. In Section vi 1 . (pp. 301306) the theory 
of Mr. Curzon, that India was the original country of 
the *[ndo-European races, from which they issued to 
conquer, occupy, and civilize the countries lying to the 
north-west, is stated, together with some of 'the argu- 
ments by whicj^s he supports' it The remarks of Mr. 
Elphinstne, who leaves it undecided whether the 
Hindus were autochthonous or immigrant, are also 
quoted. In Sectioji vii.' (pp. 306322) I cite the 
opinions of Schlegel.) Lassen, Benfey, Miiller, Weber, 



XVlll v PREFACE TO 

Spiegel, Benan, and Pictet, who concur in the "conclu- 
sion that the cradle of the Indo-European race must 
be sought, 1 not^ in India, but, as Schlegel, Lassen, and 
Pi-S^et argue,' in some central tract, from which the dif- 
ferent branches of this great family could most easily 
have diffused themselves towards the widely-separated 
countries which they eventually occupied; a condition 
which would not be fulfilled by supposing a remote and 
southerly region, such as Hindustan, to be the point 
o'f departure. Some of these writers.. draw the same 
Inference from the relation in which the Indo-Arians 
stood? to the aboriginal tribes whom they encountered 
in India. In opposition to Mr. Curzpn, who represents 
the language and religion of India as the sources from 
which those of all the otker kindred races issued, Pro- 
fessor Spiegel maintains' that the,, Iranian language and 
mythology, though owning a c^thinon origin with, are in 
their 'development perfectly independent of those of, the 

c 

Indians. 'In the same section it is further urged that 
as neither the languages nor^ the mythology of the 
Greeks and Romans are derived from those of the Indo- 
Arians, there is no ground for supposing that the former 
nations emigrated from India at any period whatever. 
Section viii. (pp. 322329) contains the few passages 
I have been able to discover in the Indian authors which 
may be supposed to embody any reference (in no case, 
it must be confessed, other than a very obscure one) to 
tha trans-Himalayan origin of their ancestors. The 
chief of these are the interesting paragraph of the 
Satapatha-brahmana, which contains the legend of the 



THE FIRST EDITION. 



Deluge* in the oldest form in which it occurs in any 
Sanskrit work/ and some texts relating to the' northerly 
region of Uttara Kuru., the Ottorocorras of- Ptolemy. 
In Section ix. (pp. 329 334) I have quoted, accoro^ag 
to the versions of Spiegel and Haug, the first' chapter 
of the Vendidad, which contains the oldest tradition of 
the Persians .relative to Airyana-vaejo, the supposed 
primeval abode of' their forefathers. Section x. (pp. 335-" 
341) discusses the route by which the Aryas immi- 
grated into India. 8 Schlegel and Lassen are of opinion' 
that they must have penetrated into India from the west 
by the route of Kabul and across the Indus. Eoth'and 
Weber also regard jthe Panjab as the earliest seat of the 

Indo-Arians in Hindustan. In Section xi. (pp. 341 



357) I have endeavoured to show by quotations from 
the Yedas, that at the period when the hymns were 
composed, the Indians/ though not unacquainted with 
the central provinces of northern India, were most 

O 

familiar with the countries j^rd'ering on, or beyond, the 
Indus, and the north/western parts of Hindustan gene- 
rally. From this fact, ancf from the testimony o later 
writers to thek intercourse with tribes, apparently Arian 
in descent and language, residing in the Panjab and on 

the other side of the Indus, I, derive a confirmation of 



the view that the Hindus entered India from the north- 
west. &> , 

In the 1 Third Chapter, (pp. 358-^44) I have sought 

* 

7 [This passage has beei^ omitted in the present edition for the reasons 
stated in note 96, p. 323.J V 

8 [A sentence referring to^n opinion of Professor Benfey subsequently 
altered, is here omitted.] 



XX , PREFACE TO 



to adduce further arguments in support of the salne con- 
clusion, (l) r from the distinction drawn by the authors 
of the Yedic hymns between their own kinsmen, the 
Ag^as, and tiie tribes differing from them in complexion, 
customs, -and religion, whom they designate as Dasyus ; 

(2) from the accounts occurring in the Brahmanas and 
posttYedic writings, of the gradual advance of the Aryas 

from the north-west of India to the east and south ; and 

c 

(3) from the well-established fact tha't the south-Indian 
languages are fundamentally different from the Sanskrit, 

L 'and imply a non-Arian origin in the people by whom 
they* were originally spoken. Section i. (pp. 359369) 
contains a selection of passages from the Bigveda, in 
which' the Aryas and the Dasyus are distinguished from 
one another, and reference is made to the enmity exist- 
ing between the two. ' In mast,(br at least some) of 
these passages, it appears, Jiudian enemies and not 
demc-ns must be intended, under the appellation of 
Dasyus, as I infer both fr f om the tenor of the texts 
themselves, and because in later -writings, the Aitareya- 
brahmana, the Institutes of Manu, etc., this word is 
always applied to barbarous tribes. Section ii. (pp. 
369396) supplies a further collection of Yedic texts 
bearing upon the relations of the Aryas and Dasyus, 
and the characteristics of the latter as degraded, dark- 
complexioned, irreligious, neglecters G, sacrifice, etc, 
There are, indeed, other texts, in which thes6 Dasyus 
are regarded as demons, and this creates a difficulty. 
An attempt is made at the close of the section to ex- 
plain, (1) from the original positio^i of the Aryas, as an 



THE FIRST EDITION. ) XXI 

invading tribe in a country covered by forests,- and from 
the savage character of the aborigines, as -well as (2) 
from the lengthened period d,uring which the hymns 
continued to be composed, how the same'' appellations 
and epithets might come to be applied 'to 'difi%rent 
classes of beings, human, ethereal, and demoniacal,' in- 
discriminately^ ' Ijp. pection iii. (pp. 397405) I Quote 
the well-known passage from Manu's Institutes, which 
adverts to the superior sanctity of the country on the 
banks of the Sarasvati (which is in consequence pre 1 - 
sumed to have been for some time the seat of the most 
distinguished Indian sages, and the locality where} the 
Hindu institutions were chiefly developed), and defines 
the limits of the severajl provinces of Brahmanical India, 
as then recognized. I next adduce a highly interesting 
legend from the Satapa*tha-branmana, which narrates 
how the sacred fire (typifying} of course, the sacrificial 
rites of the Brahmans) travelled from the neighbourhood 
of the Sarasvati eastward, ^aef oss the river Sadanira into 
Videha, or north-Be'ha'r. Section iv. (pp. 405421) 
presents a selection of passages from the greajt epic 
poem, the Eamayana, descriptive of the Eakshasas or 
gigantic demons by whom the Brahman settlers in 
southern India were oppressed and their t rites ob- 
structed, and whose monarch Eavana was vanquished 
and slain by t&e Indian hero Eama, with th,e aid of an 
army of monkeys. In. these poetic and hyperbolical 
descriptions, it is supposed (by some that) we can dis- 
cern the indistinct Vmtlines of a great movement of the 
Aryas from the Doab southward across the Yindhya 



XX11 PEEFACE TO 

range, and their conflicts with the aboriginal tribes of 
the Dekhan, the enemies of the Brahmans and their 
institutions. The epithets applied to the Kakshasas in 
th^Ramayana correspond in many respects, it is ob- 
served, with those employed in the Eigveda to charac- 
terize the Dasyus, Kakshasas, and Yatudhanas. Section 
v. (pp. 422423) contains some frirdu .traditions re- 

o 

garding the tribes in the south of tkQ peninsula, which, 
however, are not considered to throTy any light on their 
real origin. Section vi. (pp. 423438) supplies a 
variety of details, derived from Mr. A. D. Campbell's 
Telugu Grammar (including the important note by Mr. 
F. W. Ellis), and Dr. Caldwell's Comparative Grammar 
of the Dravidian languages, by which it is clearly 
shown that the Tamil, Telugu, Malayalim, and Canarese 
tongues (which are spoken lof thirty-one millions of 
people), though, at different periods since the occupation 
of southern India by the Brahmins, they have received 
a large infusion of Sanskrit words, are, nevertheless, 
originally and fundamentally quite distinct from, and 
independent of, that language, and that Tamil com- 
position in particular is regarded by the native authors 
as pure and classical in proportion to its freedom from 
Sanskrit words. In the *vii th , and concluding Section 
(pp. 438444), the results *of the preceding sections 
are summed, up. From the fact (established both by 
philological considerations, and by the testimony of the 
SQtfth-Indian grammarians) that the Dravidian languages 
are essentially distinct from Sanskrit, .it is argued that 
the people by whom the former class of languages were 



THE FIRST EDITION. 

spoken originally (i.e. before the Brahmanical invasion 
of the Dekhan) must have belonged to a raca which had 
no affinity to the Sanskrit-speaking Aryas; and could 
not, therefore, as Manu asserts, have been degrs^ed 
Kshatriyas. I then endeavour to show how the results 
obtained in this Chapter, viz,, (1) that the Aryas, when 
living in the \PanjaJE), came into conflict with an-, alien 
race called Dasyus ; (2) that the Aryas can be shown 
from their own boojis to have at first occupied only the 
north-west of India and then to have advanced gradually 
to the east and south, and last of all to have crossed 
the Yindhya range into the Dekhan ; and (3) that the 
original languages of the south of the peninsula are 
distinct from Sanskrit, how, I say, these results har- 
monize with, or corroborate, thfe theory that the Hindus, 
or Indo-Arians, are Hot" autochthonous, but immigrated 
into Hindustan from tn& north-west. 9 

The Appendix 10 (pp. % 445488), and the "Additions 
and Corrections " contain^ some further illustrations of 
the subjects discussed fa the body of the work, and in a 
few cases supply some modifications of the text, which 
closer research has rendered necessary. 

In the notes towards the close of the Volume, and in 
the Appendices, the Sanskrit passages have been printed 
in tne Italic character. 11 -The system I have followed 
is nearly thafe-^of Sir W. -Jones. The distinctions be- 
tween some similar letters have not always been very 

> 

9 [See note 3, p. ix.] 1 

10 [Portions of the AppeSdix and additions have now been incorporated 
in the earlier part of the volume.] 

11 [In the first edition the Sanskrit wls panted in the Nagari character 
throughout the greater T part of the volume.] 



XXIV v PEEFACE TO 



carefully indicated; but the Sanskrit scholar will have 
no difficulty in determining the words which are in- 
tended. 

Nearly alt the Sanskrit texts in this Yolume have 
been t taken from printed editions. The quotations from 
those parts of the Eigveda which have not yet appeared 
in ( Pcofessor Miiller's edition, havf? feeeh^ copied from 
the MS. copy in my possession, alludod to in the Preface 
to the First Volume. The quotations, from Durgacharya, 
in pp. 166 f. and 173, have been derived from a MS. 
belonging to the East India House. That in p. 204 
was, 'I believe, extracted from a MS. in the Library of 
the Asiatic Society in Calcutta. The4wo passages from 
Bhaskara Acharya, pp. 161 and 178, were obtained from 
Pandit Bapu Deva of the Benares College. 

I owe it to the kindness df Professor Goldstiicker 
that I am able to adduce the extracts from the Nyaya 
mala'vistara, in pp. 53 and 179.,. 

The work of M. Vivien <d f e Saint-Martin,,, entitled : 
"Etude sur la Geographic et les* Populations Primitives 
du ISTordouest de 1'Inde d'apres les Hymnes Vediques" 
(which discusses many of the subjects ha'ndled in r ihe 
present volume), has only now come into my hands, as 
the last sheet, containing part of the Appendix and the 
"Additions and Corrections/' is passing through' the 
press. , n 

The results at which this author has arrived in his 
valuable and ingenious dissertation, in regard to the 
origin of the Aryas, their immigration, into India, and 
the direction of their movements within that country, 



THE FIRST EDITION. 

correspond precisely with those which I myself had 
reached. His views on some points of detail on which 
I had adopted a different opinion, tell even more strongly 
than my own in favour of the general conclusions^in 
which we both coincide. 12 



12 I allude to his .conclusion that the Sarayu referred to in the Veda was 
a river in the ' Papjab 'Jin support of which he refers to Burnouf 's,2hag. 
Pur. folio ed. p. ii. 455} ; and that the country of the Kikatas must, mosf 
probably, have been in -E!os'ala or Audh, and not in Magadha, or South 
Behar. a 

I am happy to learn from M. de Saint-Martin's work that he intends* 
to prosecute further his researches into the ethnography of India. } 

[EDINBURGH, I860.] 



r r 



PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 



j 

IN preparing tllis edition for the press, I am reminded 

> 

how much this volume is indebted to the labours of the 

o 

different authors whose works are quoted in it, viz. 1 ,' 
Burnouf, Lassen, Cowell, Campbell, Ellis, Caldwell, 
Clough, Tumour, Fausboll, Rajendralal Mitra, H: H. 
"Wilson, "Weber, Miiller, Goldstiicker, Roth, Benfey, 
Bopp, Kuhn, A. W. Schlegel, Pictet, Spiegel, Haug, 

Whitney, "Windischmann, Langlpis, Renan, Curzon, and 

i 

Elphinstone. 

To these names I have now to add those of Messrs. 

Beames, Childers, D'AIwis, Aufrecht, Curtius,- Yullers, 

j 

Schleicher, Tick, Crawfurd, Huxley, and G. Rawlinson, 
from whose writings or communications I have derived 
valuable assistance in augmenting my materials, or re- 
vising different portions of the work. My obligations 
to these scholars are acknowledged in the text. , 

The improvements which 'have, been introduced in this 

... 
edition are jjfincipally the" following : the Comparative 

Tables of Words in pp. 1&, ff. ; 76, ff. ; 221, ff. ; 230, ff,; 

and 287, ff . ; as we'i as the statements of Gatha and 

"* N 
Vedic forms in pp. 117, ff., and 205, ff. ; have been 

greatly enlarged. . ^ n 



XXV&. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 

My conclusions regarding the value of affinity in 
language as a proof of affinity in race, and the effects of 
climate upon c'olour, have been so far modified that I no 
longer venture to pronounce positively that the Brah- 
maqical Indians are of pure Indo-European descent ; 

but leave it an open question wnethez* , the blood of 

< .' * *.<... 

"their Arian ancestors may not on their immigration 

into India have been commingled ^with that of darker 
tlibes previously in occupation of the country. 

In the Appendix, Note B, pp. 446, ff., reference is 
made to a recent paper by Prof. Kern, in which he 
allege^ the insufficiency of the proofs "heretofore adduced 
of the posteriority of the Atharvaveda to the Rigveda; 
and more detailed grounds in support of that opinion are 
adduced. Some remarks are a] so made in pp. 454, ff. 
on tfre views recently expressed by the same writer, and 
by Prof. Haug, on the antiquity of the caste- system. 

The Appendix and the Additional Notes contain fur- 
ther illustrations, or corrections, of various statements in 
the text. * + 

The volume has, further, been revised throughout; 
but, with the exception 'of the alterations which have 
been just specified, it remains essentially the same as 
before. 

J. M. 



EDINBURGH, 1871. J 



CONTENTS. 



, 

PAGES. 
vii - XXV. 'PREFj Ctf TO THE FlBST EDITION. 

xxvii. xxviii. PREFACE* TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
xxix xxxii. CONTENTS. 

xxxii. ' ERRATA ET CORRIGENDA. 

1 3. PLAN OF THE PRESENT YOLTTME. , 

4214. CHAPTER I. THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN JNDIA : 

THEIR HISTORY AND RELATIONS. 

4 11. Sect. I. The North-Indian dialects, ancient and modern. 
11 33. Sect. II. The->Prakrit dialects employed in the dramas. 
34 43. Sect. III. On 'the origin and vernacular use of the 

scenic dialects. > 

43 53. Sect. IV. Yie\Vs of the e Indian grammarians on the 
J relation of the Prakrits to Sanskrit, and on the other 

elements in their composition. 
53 103. Sect. Y. The Pali, and its relations to Sanskrit and 

Prakrit. 
104 114. Sect. YI. The dialects of the rock and pillar inscriptions 

of Asoka. 

115128. Sect. VII. The dialect of the Buddhist Gatfias, and its 
relation to the Pali : Summary of the results of this and 
thf^receding section. 

128 144. Sect. VIII. On the original use of Sanskrit as a ver- 
nacular tongue ; on the manner in which the Praknts 
arose out 3>f it, and on the period of their formation : 
views of'PiNfessors Weber, Aufrecht, Lassen, and Benfey. 
144 160. Sect. IX. Seasons for supposing that the Sanskrit was 
originally a spoken language 1 . 



xxx Vs CONTENTS. 

161 214. Sect. X. Various stages of Sanskrit literature, and the 

different forms in which, they exhibit the Sanskrit 

language: the later Yedic commentators: earlier ex- 

pounders : the Mrukta : the Brahmanas : the Vedic 

hymns : imperfect comprehension of them in later times 

( from changes in the language : the hymns composed in 

i the vernacular idiom of their age. 



357. CHAPTER II. AFFINITIES OF. THE INDIANS WITH THE 
PERSIANS, GREEKS AND ROMANS, AND DERIVATION OF ALL 
< c THESE NATIONS FROM CENTRAL ASIA. 

217 228. Sect. I. Introductory remarks on comparative philology : 

affinities of the Sanskrit and Persian with each other. 
228267. Sect. II. Detailed illustrations of the affinities of Sanskrit 

with the Zend, Greek, and LaTcin languages : the last 

three languages not derived,, from Sanskrit. 
267 278. Sect. III. That affinity in language affords some,, pre- 

sumption of affinity in jac^:. modes in which a greater 

or less diversity of -language and institutions would 

arise in different braiiches of the same stock : Central 

Asia the birth-place of the, Aryas. 
279 286. Sect. IV. Whetherthere is any objection, arising from 

physiological considerations," to classing the Indians 

among the Indo-Europ'ean races. 
287 3*00. Sect. Y. Reasons for supposing the Indians and Persians 

in particular to have had a common origin. f 

301 306. Sect. YI. Was India the. primitive country of the Aryas 

and Indo-European races ? 
306 322. Sect. VII. Central Asiq the cradle of the Arians : opinions 

of Schlegel, Las'seri, Benfey, Hiiller, Spiegel, Renan, and 
' Pictet. 
322 329. Sect. VIII. On the national traditions of the Indians re- 

garding their own original country. 
329 334. Sect. IX. "Whether any tradi^Kon regarding the earliest 

abodes of the Arian race is contained in the First Fargard 
f of the 



CONTENTS. 



xxxi 



335 341. Sect. X. What was the route by which the Aryas pene- 

trated into India ? 
341 357. Sect. XI. The immigration of the Indo-Arians from the 

north-west rendered probable by the tenor of the Vedic 

hymns. 

358444. CHAPTER III. THE ASIANS IN INDIA : THEIE ADVANCE 
' TO THE EAST AND SOUTH. , 

359 369. 
369 396. 
397 405. 
405 421. 

422-^423. 
423 438. 
438 444. 



Sect. 'I. Distinction drawn between the Aryas and 

in the Eig\eda. 
Sect. II. Aiditional Vedic texts bearing on the relations 

of the Aryas and Dasytis. 
Sect. III. The Arians on the Sarasvati, and their dif- 

fusion eastward and southward from that point*. 
Sect. IV. Advance of the Arians from the Doab across 

the Vindnya mountains ; and their conflicts with the 

aboriginal tribes of the Dekhan. 
Sect. V. Indian tradition's regarding the tribes in the 

south of the p?ninsula. 
Sect. VI. Languages of th% south of India, and their 

fundamental difference from Sanskrit. , 

Sect. VII. Results deducib^Le from the preceding sections. 



445488. APPENDIX. 

445 Note A. On the phrase " Trayi Vidya." 

446- M66. Note B. Further grounds in support of the position that 
the Atharvaveda is more recent than the Rigveda ; with 
some considerations in answer to the theory of Professors 
Kern and Haug, that the caste-system is more ancient 
than the Rigveda. 

466 467. Note C. Quotation ' from Schlegel's Essai'de 1'origine 
des Hindous. 

467 468. Note D. Quotation from the Rev. G. C. Geldart's paper 
" Langua.gt'^io Test of Race." 

468 469. Note D*. Spiegel on the old Iranian Dialects. 

469 Note E. Quotation from 'Rig^eda, ix. 113. 



XXXI 



ik. 



CONTENTS. 



469 476. Note F. Quotation from Windischmann's Essuy, Ueber 

den Somacultus der ArW. 

476 477.' Note G. Prof. Cowell's note in his edition of Elphin- 
stQne's History of India on that author's views regarding 
Vhe origin of the Hindus. 
477 478. Note H. Quotation from Spiegel on the question of the 

separation of the Iranians and Indians. 

4787-479. Note I. Quotation from Spiegel on the grounds of the 
, ' . separation. , \ t 

479 Note J. Quotation from Ptolemy. 

480 481. Note K. On the earliest abodes of the Arians. 

i 

'482 484. Note L. Quotations from the Mahabharata and Raja- 
taranginl regarding the tribes of the Panjab. 

484 ' Note M. Quotations from Lassen and Wilson. 

485 Note N. Quotation from the S'atapatha Brahmana, xiii. 

8, 1, 5. 

485 488. Note 0. Stevenson and Caldwell on the different elements 

f 

of the Indian population. 

489 493. ADDITIONAL NOTES. << 

494 499. METRICAL TBA^TSLATIONS. tf 
SOl-r-512. INDEX. 



ERRATA ET 



17, line 15, for "daliddae" read " daliddadae." 
76, line 12, for " Saptasalaka" read " Saptasataka." 
94, line 17, for "baliddo" read "baladdo." 
192, 4 lines from the bottom, for " Panigins " read " Paingins." 
259,, last line, for " Mahabbashya " read " Mahabhashya." 
332, note 109, line 2, for "Hyrernia" read "Hyrcania." 

360, note 3, line 5, for "vKi. 226," read "viii. 22, 6." 

361, 7, lines from foot, for "Vrikul" read "Briha'JrS . 
368, line 29, for "xviii. 8, 22," read "xviii. 2, 28." 

370, note 30, line 3, for " Valakhilya'" read Valakhilya." 
385, line 17, and note 63, line 1, for " Arjuni" read "Arjuna." 
note 3, line 5, for "i. 103, 3," read "if 104, 3." 

NOTE. Page 89, note, line 3, Prof. Weber suggests that "kadrano' 
works quoted is no doubt a misprint for " Jcdino." 



the 



ORIGINAL SANSKRIT TEXTS. 



'VOLUME SECOND. 



qrVTHE PRESENT VOLUME. . 

-i * 

IN the first volume of this work I have sought to collect, translate, 
and illustrate (l)*the mythical accounts of the creation of man and 
of the origin of castes which are to be found in the Vedic hymns, ift 
the Brahmanas and their appendages, in the Ramayana, the Hahabha- 
rata and the Puranas; (2) the texts of the Veda, and B*ahmanas, 
which speak of Manu as the progenitor of the Aryan Indians ; (3) the 
passages of the Rig an{J Atharva Vedas which throw light upon the 
mutual relations of the several classes of Indian society at the time when 
those works were composed ; (4) the portions of the Brahmanas, or of 
later "books which relate the struggles for pre-eminence which appear 
to have occurred between th'e Brahmans and Kshattriyas in the early 
ages of Indian history ; (5) tne Qpinioas of Manu and the authors of 
the Mahabharata and Puranas regarding the origin of the alien tribes 
dwelling within, or adjacent to, tbe boundaries of Hindustan ; and 
(Q) the Puranic descriptions of the parts of the earth exterior to 
Bharatavarsha or India : and as a jresult of the whole inquiry I found 
that the sacred books of the Hindus contain no uniform or consistent 
account of the origin of castes ; and that in consequence of this dis- 
crepancy the theory commonly received by that people of the original 
distinctness of the four classes, in virtue of their derivation from dif- 
fjerent portions of the Creator's body, is not established as tTie doctrine 
of Hinduism, even by a literal interpretation of its more popular 
writings. 

It will now be tny endeavour to show by a series of proofs of a 
different description, derived from comparative philology, and from an 
examination of the earlies" Hindu writings, the Vedas, that the people 
of India who belong to he principal pure and mixed classes were not 
originally divided into castes, or indigenous in Jndia, but may, -with 



2 PLAN OF THE PEESENT VOLUME. . 

the greatest probability, be regarded as forming a branch (not, how- 
ever, perhaps, free from the intermixture of foreign elements,) of the 
great Indo-European family, of which the Persians, Greeks, Romans, 
and Germanic tribes were, or are, also members ; and that while other 
branches of this great family (which seems to have had its primeval 
abode in some distant country to the north-west of India) separated 
theniselves from the main stock and migrated to the westward, the 
progenitors of the Hindus travelled towatfis Hindustan, where they 
^perhaps intermarried with some of the trlbeis whith were previously 
in occupation of the country, and where tlieir original religious ideas 
were gradually modified, and the system of castes and other institu- 
n tions and tenets of Brahmanism were slowly developed. 

The process of reasoning by which I hope to establish these conclu- 
sions.is ttie following. First, I propose to show, by an examination of 
the languages and literature of India, that the Sanskrit is not (as the 
Hindus appear to conceive) an immutable form of speech of divine 
origin, but is different now from what it was when their ancestors 
first came into India. This will be made apparent by a comparison 
of the archaic diction of th'e Yedic hymns with the more modern 
language of the Itihasas and Puranas ; ,cnd that this difference is the 
result of gradual development will be proved by a reference to the 
natural laws of speech, and to the analogous process which the tongues 
of other nations have undergone ; by arguments drawn .from the com- 
position of such books as the Nighanttf, and Mrukta, explanatory of 
obsolete words and phrases in the hymns, and from the existence of 
such liturgical commentaries as the Brahmanas, and such speculative 
treatises as the TJpanishads, which presuppose as already antiquated, 
or at least antecedent, the hymns which they quote, and the sense 
of which they explain and develope. The difference in age between 
the various Indian S'astras will be further briefly adverted ' to, and 
established by pointing out the great discrepancy between the religious 
ideas, forms of worship, 1 and state of manners which they severally 
represent ; the Yedic hymns being shown by all these various lines of 
proof to be the earliest of all the Indian books, and the others to follow 
from them by a natural course of growth /md- expansion. "While the 

1 The detailed treatment of this ^portion of the subject is deferred to a later 
volume of this work, theTourth.' 



PLAN OF THE PEESENT VOLUME. 3 

mutability and the actual mutgtions of the Sanskrit language are 
demonstrated by this historical outline of Sanskrit literature, I shall 
show in some introductory sections, how, through the action of the 
same phonetic changes as are found to- have transformed most of the 
ancient languages of Europe into their several modern representatives, 
the older Sanskrit became gradually modified 2 into the* Palk and 
Prakrits, of byegone centuries, till, in combination with other* ele- 
ments, not tracerfljle in \ts classical literature, but forming, Either 

* * f ~ * 

an original part of tfcrf sp\)ken dialect of the Aryan Indians, or* a* 



portion of it borrowed /rm alien sources, it was ultimately broken 
down into the modern vernacular dialects of Northern India. 

Having thus shown the mutations which the Sanskrit has under- i 
gone since its introduction into India, I propose, secondly, to prove, 
by a comparison of that venerable language with the Zend* Pessian, 
Greek, Latin, and other western tongues, that these forms of speech 
are all closely related to*each other, both in respect of roots and forms 
of inflection ; and this in suck a manner as to show them to be sister- 
dialects, derived, by gradual modification, from some more ancient, and 
now extinct, parent-language From these facts, and others derived 
from Zend and Greek mythehpgy 'and literature, I shall proceed to 
argue the probability of a common origin of the different nations, 
generally called the Aryan, Indo-Germanic, or Indo-European nations, 
by which the above-mentioned languages have been spoken ; as well 
as to evince the strong probability that the progenitors of the Hindus 
immigrated from the north or nortli-west into India. 

1 shall then endeavour to fortify the latter of these conclusions by 
referring to the indications which are discoverable of a collision be- 
tween the Indo-Aryans, after their arrival in India, and certain barbar- 
ous tribes, speaking a different language, and belonging to & different 
race, wBo occupied that country before their .immigration, and by 
sketching a history -Of their advance to the south and east. These 
subjects will be illustrated from the data to be found in the Yedic 
hymns, the most ancient monuments of Indian antiquity, as well a 
in the other S'astras of late^r date. 

2 The objections which hsve ~\een raised to this statement of the origin of (he 
Pali, etc., will be considered further on. 



CHAPTER I. 

fc ; * ' i > o ' 

THE LANGUAGES OF NORTHERN INDI4: THEIR HISTORY AND 

RELATIONS. 

, * 

t 

SECT. I. The North-Indian Dialects, Ancient and Modern. 

A STJRTET of the languages of Northern India reveals to us the fol- 
lowing facts. We find, first, a polished and complicated language, 
the Sanskrit, popularly regarded as sacred, arid in reality of very high 
antiquity; which is now, however, understood only by a few learned 
men, and spoken in their schools as the vehicle of discussions on 
grammar, theology, and philosophy, while it is totally unintelligible to 
the mass of the people. We find, secondly, a variety of provincial 
dialects which are employed both 'by the learned and the unlearned, 
viz., Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, Guzarati, etc., all bearing a close re- 
semblance to each other, and all ^composed, in a great measure, of 
the same roots. ' 

The words of which these vernacular dialects are formed may be 
divided into four classes. First, such as are pure Sanskrit, as for 
example Isvara (god), deuata (deity), svarga (heaven), strl (wi>man), 
purusha (man), jana (person) ; secondly, words which, though modified 
from theif original form, are 'easily recognizable as Sanskrit, such as 
log from loka (people), istrl from strl (woman), munh froia muklia 
(mouth), Ihdl from bhratri* (brother), bhatijd froi^bhrdtrtja (brother's 
son), bahin from bhaginl (sister), Myall from vivaha (marriage), bhuln 
/rom bhumi (earth), and innumerable others in Hindi; thirdly, words 
which have no resemblance to any vocables discoverable in Sanskrit 
books, and which we must therefore eith^ suppose to have an origin 
independent of that language, or to have formed part of the colloquial, 



THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 5 



though not of the written, Aryan speech, 1 such as in Hindi, lap 
(father), beta (son), per (a tree), chaukl (a chair), chuk (a, blunder), 
IcMrhl (a window), jhagra (a dispute), baJcherd (the same), -utd (flour), 
chatal (a mat), and a multitude of other instances. Eeurthly, words 
, derived from Arabic, Persian, or some other foreign language, as ddml 
(a man), 'aurat (a woman), hakim (a ruler), Mklm (a physician), 
durust (right), roz day), dariya, (a river), roshanl (light), etc., etc. 

Let us now -see Vha* is* the history of these vernacular dialects. 
It is clear, for various" reasons, that they cannot have existed for ever 
in their present form. * When therefore, and how have they been 
created ? "What do history and the books of Indian grammarians te^ 
us on the subject ? ' 

If we begin with the Arabic and Persian words which tlie North - 
Indian dialects, such as Bengali and Hindi, contain, we shall find it 
to be universally admitted that words of this kind have only been 
introduced into those languages since the time when the Muslilmans 
began to invade India. Nt>w it is ^well known that Mahmud of 
Ghazni made his first inroad into Hindustan between eight and nine 
hundred years ago. Before *that time, and in fact till long after- 
wards, when the MahomedanS h#d penetrated from the north-west 
far into India, and taken possession of that country, there fcould 
have been scarcely any intermixture* of Arabic or Persian words in 

the Indian dialects. 2 



1 This latter alternative supposition was suggested to me by Prof. Aufrecht. The 
same remark had heen previously made by Mr. J. Beames, as will appear from a 
quotat^n which I shall make further on from his "Notes on the Bhojpuri dialect of 
Hindi," in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1868, p. 499. 

2 We learn, indeed, from the works of the ancient astronomer, Varaha Mihira, 
that a few astronomical and astrological terms? of Greek or Arabic origin had been 
borrowed'from the Arabian astronomers, and introduced into Sanskrit books. I 
allude to such words as hora, drikana, lipta* atvtpha, sunapha, apoklima, rihpha, 
which are of Greek ^p'-gin, and mukariya, mukavila, tasdf, tasfi, etc., which are 
derived from the Arabic. (Colebrooke's Misc. Essays, II., 525 if., and "Weber's 
Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 227, "and Indische Studien, II., pp. 254 and 263.) 
The following verse of Varaha Mihira proves clearly how much the Indian astrtf- 
nomers were indebted to the Greeks : 

mlechhah hi yaiiant^ teshu samyak sastram idam sthitam \ 
rishi-vat te 'pi pujyante kim punar daivavid dvijah \ 
' ' For the Yavanas are Mlechhas ; yet among then this science is thoroughly cultivated ; 



6 THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

In the preface to the popular Urdu book, the Bagh o Bahar, we 
have the -following account by the author, Mir Amman, of Dehli 
(who states that his forefathers had served all the kings of Hin- 
dustan, from Humayun downwards), of the origin of the Urdu 
language, which I copy in the Roman character : 

" Haql^at Urdu kl zabdn kl buzurgon ke munh se yun surii hai kih 
Dilll shahr Hinduon Tee nazdlk chaujugl hqi. Unhen ke raja parjd 
qadlrhw rahte the, aur apnl bhdkhd lolte th'e. \Hazur bar as se Musul- 
mdnon kd 'amal hud. Sultan Mahmud G\aznavl dyd. Phir Ghorl 
aur Lodl bddshdh hue. Is dmad o raft ke bd'is kuchh zabdnon ne 
Hindu Musulmdn kl dmezish pal. Akhir Amir Taimur ne. . . . 
[Hindustan ko liyd. Uhke dne aur rahne se lashkar kd bdzdr shahr 
men ddkhil hud. Is waste shahr kd bazar Urdu kahldyd. . . Jab 
Akbar bddshdh takht par baithe, tab char on tar of ke mulkon se sab 
qaum qadrddnl aur faizrasdnl us khdnddn Idsfcil kl sunkar huzur men 
dkarjama'a hue. Lekin har ek kl goydl aur bolljudljudl thl. Ikatthe 
hone se dpas men len den saud^sulf suwdl jawdb karte ek zabdn Urdu 
kl muqarrar hul. . . . Niddn zabdn Urdu kl manjte manjte aisl manjl 
kih kisu shahr kl boil us se takkar nqhln khdtl." 

"I have heard from the lips of my ancestors the following account 
of the Urdu language : The City of Delhi in the opinion of the 
Hindus has existed during the four Yugas. It was inhabited of old 
by their kings with their subjects, who spoke their own bhdkhd 
(dialect). A thousand years ago the rule of the Musulmans began. 
Sultan 'Mahmud, of Grhaznl, came. Then the Ghon and Lodl dynasties 
held sway. In consequence of this intercourse, a certain mixtvxe of 
the languages of the Hindus and Musulmans took place. At length 
Amir Taimur . . . conquered,. Hindustan. In consequence of his 
arrival and' residence, the bazar of the army was introduced into the 
city, and the bazar of the 'city came in consequence to be called 
Urdu. . . . '"When king Akbar ascended the throneT^ll races, learning 

the liberality of that unequalled family and its patronage of merit, 

r 

and even they are revered like Rishis : how much more a Brahman skilled in astrology ! " 
(Colebrooke's Essays, II., 410.) This trifling excepon,4iowever, does not invalidate 
the assertion made in the text, that it was only after the settlement of the Musulmans 
iu India that Arabic and Persian word%came to be used in the dialects of India. 



I 

THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 7 

i 
gathered round his court from $1 the surrounding countries ; but the 

language of all these people was different. Prom their being collected, 
however, trafficking together, and talking with each other, a camp 
(Urdu) language became established.- ... At length, the Urdu 
language, being gradually polished, attained such a degree of refine- 
ment that the speech of no city can vie with it." , 

But it is only in the Urdu dialect, which is used by the Mahomfedans 
and by those Hindus in tn north-western provinces of India who* have 
learnt the Persian language, that Persian and Arabic words are tx-^ 
tensively employed, fftte words derived from those sources which 
exist in the Bengali, Hindi, Mahrattl, Guzarati, and other North- 
Indian dialects, in the form in which they are generally spoken fcy* 
the Hindus, are considerably fewer in number. By far the larger* 
portion of words in those tongues are (as has been already said) either 
(1) pure Sanskrit, or (2) corrupt Sanskrit, or (3) words which can 
neither be traced in Sanskrit books nor yet are derived from. Persian 
or Arabic, and which may therefore be regarded either as indigenous 
(i.e. derived from non- Aryan tribes), or colloquial vocables of Aryan 
origin. 

Several interesting questictoe arise here ; as First, how far back can 
we trace the existing vernacular dialects, Bengali, Hindi, Majiratti, 
Guzarati, etc., in the form in which % the,y are now spoken? Secondly, 
what has been the process of their formation? and, Thirdly, from 
what source have they derived those words which are not discover- 
able in Sanskrit, as it has been preserved to us in written records ? 

The question regarding the antiquity of the existing vernaculars 
is one which I am not prepared to answer with any precision. Pro- 
fessor Lassen (Institutiones Linguae Pracriticse, pp. 59 f.) thinks they 
have existed since, at least, 1000 A.i>. I translate his, remarks on 
the two classes of dialects derived from Sanskrit: "To close this 

* 

disquisition, I therefore remark .that there are two families of cor- 
rupted Sanskrit, one more ancient, and not completely broken down, 
to which belong the Pali and the dramatic dialects ; and a secondof 
more recent origin, and diffused in our own day over the provinces of 
India, which differs more widely from its parent. The former set are 
genuine daughters of the Sanskrit; the latter grand-daughters, al- 



8 THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

though it is to some extent doubtful ivhether these are the daughters 
of the former, .or of their sister dialects. As regards antiquity, the 
former family are proved hy the history of Buddhism, and of the 
Indian drama, to, have come into existence prior to our era ; and it may 
be shown by probable proofs that the latter arose before 1000 A.D. The 
discussion of the latter question is, however, foreign to our purpose." 

Mr. Beames claims for the modern vernacular dialects a high anti- 
quity^ and regards them as springing from aa ancient Aryan language, 
which included elements not discoverable in the classical Sanskrit. 
His observations are as follows : ' < 

r " I would here further observe that the Written Sanskrit has un- 
fortunately attracted the attention of scholars too exclusively. No 
one who lives long in India can escape having the conviction forced 
on him that the written language is quite inadequate to account for 

many forms and facts observable in the modern dialects. These dialects 
* n 

assert fer themselves a high antiquity, and are derived, one cannot 
doubt, from an ancient Aryan speech, which is as imperfectly repre- 
sented in Sanskrit as the speech of the Italian peasantry of their day 
was represented by Cicero or Virgil. The process of selection which 
led the polished Roman to use only state'iy and euphonious words a 
process- which is abundantly exemplified in the pages of modern English 
writers was doubtless at work among the ancient Brahmins ; and the 
fact that the cognate Indo-Germanio languages preserve words not 
found in Sanskrit, but which can be matched from the stores of humble 
and obscure Hindi or Bengali dialects, is another proof of this fact. 

The line taken by Professor Lassen, in his valuable Prakrit Grammar, 

a 

of treating all Prakrit words as necessarily modifications of Sanskrit 
words, is one which he has borrowed whole from Vararuchi and 
Hemachandri, and, however excusable in those ancient commentators, 
seems unworthy of an age of critical research." 

It is not, however, necessary for my purpose that^T should decide, 
even approximately, the question of the antiquity of the modern 
vernaculars. It will be sufficient if I can show that they have been 
derived by a gradual process of change from other provincial dialects 
which preceded them ; and which, in their turn,' have sprung from the 
Sanskrit, at some stage of its development. 



THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 9 

i 
There is no difficulty in conceiving that the Indian, yernacular 

dialects should have undergone great modifications in a long course of 
ages. The mere fact above adverted to, which every one recognizes, 
of their having at a particular assignable date admitted into their 
vocabulary a large influx of Persian and Arabic words, is sufficient to 
render it probable that they may have formerly experienced- .other 
mutations of various kinds. 

The circumstanc, too, '.that the people who inhabit the different 
provinces of northern India* make use of different, but kindred, provln-* 
cial dialects, Bengali, Hin'di, MahrattI, etc., which must, for the most 
part, at a period more orless remote, have sprung from some common 
source, 3 is a proof of the tendency to chftnge which is inherent in a*ll 
spoken language. For as the inhabitants of all these provinces profess, ' 
with some modifications, the same creed, receive the same religious books, 

and are divided into the same or similar castes, and for these and other 

* 

reasons appear to be descended, though, perhaps not exclusively, from 
one common stock, it is highly probable that their common ancestors 
must, at one time, have employed one and the same language : and 
that that language has in process of time' undergone various provincial 
modifications, out of which "the several modern vernaculars have been 
gradually formed. , 

"We shall also see, a little further on, that the differences between 
the North-Indian dialects (the old Maharashtrl, S'auraseni, etc.) which 
preceded the modern vernacular tongues, were few and unimportant; 
whereas the modern vernacular tongues, Bengali, Hindi, Hahratti, and 
Guzarati, differ widely from each other in their forms of inflection 
and conjugation. This greater divergence between the modern than 
we find to have existed between the earlier dialects, evinces clearly the 
tendency to continual alteration, whicn I have remarked as a charac- 
teristic of language in general. 

3 Mr. Beames says (Jour. Roy. As. Ssc. for 1868, p. 498) : "It is, however, clear 
that each dialect of Hindi has had an independent existence for centuries, and I think 
an independent origin." This, however, can of course apply only to forms, not to 
the words which the dialects, whether Hindi or other, have in common ; and which 
in many cases are diversely modified from the Sanskrit original. And although some 
of the grammatical forms may be original or invented, and not modified from those 
of any pre-existing Aryan language, there must be other forms which are merely 
modifications or developments. 



10 THE NORTH-INDIAN DIALECTS, ANCIENT AND MODERN. 

I shall first of all state briefly the, facts by which it is proved that 
the modern vernaculars are not, comparatively speaking, of any high 
antiquity, but have arisen out of earlier provincial dialects : and then 
proceed to establish these facts more in detail. 

First. In extant Buddhist histories, such as the Lalita Yistara 
composed in Sanskrit, numerous verses, styled Gathas, are inter- 
spersad, the language of which differs from pure Sanskrit, by the forms 
of inflection being varied or mutilated. Thj'd popularized Sanskrit, or 
something akin to it, appears to have been at one time the spoken 
language of India ; or, at least, this Gatha dialect exhibits some speci- 
mens of that ancient spoken language, and exemplifies the process by 
,yhich the ancient Sanskrit^ itself at one time a spoken language, 
' became gradually corrupted. 

Second.' It has been discovered that many inscriptions are extant, 
engraven on rocks in different parts of India, bearing date apparently 
between, two and three hundred years anterior to the Christian era, 
in which a language differing both froM Sanskrit and the modern 
vernaculars is used. 

Third. There are extant c in other countries, such as Ceylon and 
Burmah, very ancient Buddhist books Written in a language called 
Pali or Magadhi, which also is different from the modern vernaculars, 
as well as from Sanskrit, while it closely resembles the language of 
the rock inscriptions just alluded to. , 

Fourth. In ancient Indian dramas' such as the Mrichhakati, 
S'akuntala, etc., while kings and Brahmans are made to speak Sanskrit, 
various forms of speech called Prakrit and Apabhransa are employed 
for the inferior castes and for women, which in like manner, differ 
both from Sanskrit and from the existing vernacular tongues. 

The four Aforegoing classes of language have a more or less close 
affinity to each other ; and from the use made of the last three in 
particular, viz., that used in the ropk inscriptions, that found in the 
Pali Buddhistical writings, and those employed in the dramas, it is 
impossible to doubt that either they, or forms of speech closely 
connected with them, were formerly current, during a long course of 
centuries, as the actual vernaculars of the periods when they were 
employed for literary, political, and religious purposes. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. H 

i 

But while we thus discover that Pall and different forms of Prakrit, 
such as have been described, were employed in former times, we can 
find no traces of the modern vernacular dialects, Hindi, Bengali, or 
Mahratti, etc., in their present shape, 'in the ancient, records of that 
same period ; and we must therefore of necessity conclude that these 
modern vernaculars did not at that time exist, but have been 'subse- 
quently developed out of the above-mentioned Prakrit languages or 

* I 

other pre-existent forms <rf speech; in other words, that the ijxrmer 
vernaculars (or Prakrits) nave been gradually altered until they have 
assumed the form of tbfe modern Hindi, Bengali, Hahratti, etc. 

As regards the second Question started in p. 7, the process by which 
the modern vernaculars arose out of the earlier modifications of Sanskrit,* 
viz., the manner in which the grammatical forms of the latter, i.e. the* 
Prakrits, were broken down into those of the former, it is not acces- 
sary that I should ente/ into any detailed investigation, although some 
insight into the process will be afforded by the Comparative Tables 
which will be given further 1 on. It is sufficient to know that by a 
particular operation of the general laws of linguistic change, the more 
recent forms of speech have* naturally grown out of the older. 

I shall now proceed to sup'piy a more detailed account of those forms 
of vernacular speech already alluded to, which appear to have preceded 
the existing varieties, and which ar,e now obsolete. In carrying out 
this design, it will be advisabls to begin with those dialects which 
seem to be the most recently 'formed and employed of the four Indian 
classes of speech which have been before alluded to, viz., first, that 
foun,d in the Buddhist Gathas; secondly, that used in the rock in- 
scriptions; thirdly, the Pali; and fourthly, the dramatic Prakrits. 
The last-named class appearing to be the most recent, I shall first 
subject it to examination, and then proceed to the others. . 



SECT. II. The Prakrif Dialects employed in the Dramas. 

With the view of ascertaining the relation in which the Pral?rit 
languages stand to the modern vernaculars of northern India, I have 
gone cursorily over several of the dramas in which they are employed, 
such as the Mrichhakati, attributed to King S'udraka, and the Vikra- 



12 THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 

morvasl attributed to Kalidasa, (both of which, though their precise 
age be disputed, appear to have been respectively composed, at the latest, 
about sixteen and fourteen hundred years ago, 4 ) together with several 
others. I have, also referred to the examples given in the Prakrit 
Grammar of Yararuchi, which is considered by Lassen to have been com- 
posed, about eighteen hundred years ago, 5 or rather in its commentary. 
An examination of the Prakrits which are found in these several works 
shows^ that the languages of India were then in a -state of transition, 
nd' formed an intermediate link between the Sanskrit and the modern 
vernacular dialects. For whatever opinion we 1 ' may entertain on the 
question whether the dramatic Prakrits werfe identical with any con- 
temporaneous or earlier vernacular dialects, 6 it is difficult to imagine 
'that they had not a considerable resemblance to some of these. Even 
if some of the forms of the dramatic Prakrits were purely literary and 
unknown in any of the spoken languages, they could scarcely have 
failed to, bear some analogy to those of the latter ; as, first, the inventors 
of those forms could hardly have had the ingenuity to devise entirely 
novel modifications of speech, or secondly, if they had, their com- 
positions would have been 'thereby rendered unintelligible. The 
Prakrit forms of inflection and decleEsion approach more to the 
Sanskrit than to the modern vernaculars; but yet exhibit a great 

* Professor Wilson, reasoning from d variety of considerations, considers the 
Mrichhakatl to have been probably composed in the interval between 100 B c. and 
the end of the second century A.D. (Introduction* to the play, pp. 5-9.) The same 
writer thinks that the Vikramorvas'I, which *is regarded as the work of Kalidasa, is 
more recelit than the Mrichhakatl, but does not assign any probable date (Introd. to 
drama, pp. 185, 186). Lassen holds that the Mrichhakatl was composed towards the 
end of the first century A.D., while the Vikramorvas'T and the S'akuntala (which last 
is also assigned to Kalidasa) were composed in the second half of the second century 
A.D. (Ind. Alt. ii. p. 1160). "Weber,, on the other band, in his latest notice of 
the subject in the Introduction to his Malavika and Agnimitra, pp. xxxiii, xj, places 
the age of Kalidasa, the author of Yikramtfrvas'I and S'akuntala, at the close of the 
third century A.D. The Mrichhakatl is held by the same author to be not earlier 
than the second C3ntury A.D. (Ind. Stud. ii. 1'48). 

5 Ind. Alterth., vol. ii. p. 1160. 

S'lt is quite conceivable that the Prakrits employed in the earlier dramas may 
have continued to be the conventional forms in use in later works of the same kind, 
even after the provincial vernaculars to which they were most akin had been modified 
or superseded, just as Latin, Sanskrit and Pali continued to be used for literary 
purposes after they had ceased to be spqken tongues. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



J 



13 



breaking Mown and modification of the former. I will give some 
instances of this which will make my meaning clearer than any 
general statements. I do not think it necessary to distir/guish here 
the different kinds of Prakrit, which w.ill he specified further on. 



SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


ENGLISH. 


Bhavami 


Ilomi 


Hun 


I am. . 


Bhavasi 


Hosi 


Hai 


Thou art. " 


Bhavati 


* Hodi ' 


Hai 


He is. * 


Bhavanti 


'Honti ' 


Ham 


They are.* ' 


Uttishtha 


Utthtfii 1 


Uth 


Rise. 


Priipnomi 


Pavimi ,, 


Pata-hun 


I obtain. 


S'riiiomi 


S'unami 


Sunta-hun 


I hear. 


S'rinu 


Sunu, or Sunahi 


Sun 


Hear (imper.). 


Kathaya 


Kahehi 


Kah 


Tell. 


Dadami 


Demi 


Deta-hun 


I give. 


Dadati 


Dedi 


Deta-hai 


He gives. 


Dattam 


Dinnam 


Diya, Dm 


Given. 


Nrityati 


Nachchai , 


Nachta 


He dances. 


Rakshami 


Rakkhaini 


Bakhta-hun 


I keep. 


Dhava 


Dhovehi 


Dho 


Wash. 


Brumah 


Bollamo 


Bolte 


We speak. 


Patami 


Paremi 


P.arta 


I fall. 


Nishkas'aya 


Nikkalebi 


Nikal 


Expel. . 


Ghritam 


Ghia 


Ghi 


Ghee. 


Mukha 


Muha 


Munh 


Mouth. 


Karyyam 


Kajjam 


Kaj 


Work. 


Karma 


Kamma 


Kam 


Work. 


Karna 


Kanna 


Kan 


Ear. . 


Twam 


Tumam 


Turn 


Thou or you. 


Tubhyam 


Tujh 


Tujh 


To thee. 


Yushmakam 


Tumhanam 


Tumhara 


Of you. 


Asti 


Atthi, or Achchhi 


Achchhe (Beng.) 


He is. 


Santi 


Achchhanti , 


Achchhen (ditto.) 


They are. 



It is manifest that in these instances we see the intermediate 
forms which the words took ia Prakrit before they assumed the shapes 
in which we now find them in Hindi or Bengali, e.g., karma and 
kdryya became in Prakrit respectively kamma and kajja, and finally in 
Hindi kdm and kdj. The Sanskrit form raksJidmi (I keep) re-appears 



14 THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 

in the Prakrit rakkhami, with the compound consonant ksh changed 
into kkh, but with ami the final affix of the first person singular 
unchanged 1 . In the modern vernacular the former change remains, 
hut the word has undergone a farther modification, the peculiar affix of 
the first person' singular ami having disappeared in the Hindi rakhtd, 
which does not differ from the second and third persons. A fuller 
exemplification of the points in which the Prakrits coincide with and 
diverge from the Sanskrit, on the one hand., and approximate to the 
moder'n vernaculars on the other, will ."be ..founjf in the tabular 
statement subjoiiled. ,, 

The books to which reference has been made in this statement are 

c 

the following : Mr. Cowell's Prakrita Prakasa of Yararuchi ; Lassen's 
i 

Jnstitutiones Linguaa Pracriticse ; Delius's Radices Pracriticee ; the 
Mrichhakati, Stenzler's edition ; the S'akuntala, Bohtlingk's edition ; 
the Prabodha Chandrodaya, Brockhaus's edition ; Malavika Agnimitra, 

Tullberg's edition ; and the YikramorvasI, Calcutta edition. 7 

i 

7 Since the first edition of this worjc appeared, two dramas, the Prasannaraghava 
of Jayadeva, and the Balaramayana of Rajab'ekhara, have been printed by Pandit 
Govinda Deva S'astri, in the Jounfal called " Th. Pandit," published at Benares, 
and separate copies of each have been struck off, bearing the dates of 1868 and 1869. 
Professor Weber has also published, in 1866, a Dissertation on the language of the 
Jaina \rork called " Bhagavati," which is a species of Prakrit; and in 1870 the text, 
with a German translation, of the " Saptas'ataka of Hala," as a " contribution to 
the knowledge of Prakrit." 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



15 



TABLE No. I. 

COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF THE SANSKRIT, PRAKRIT, AND 
MODERN INDIAN LANGUAGES.* ' .' 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


' Mrichh. 3. 126 


ghritam 


ghiam 


ghl 


ghi . 


ghee. 


Mrichh. 3 | 
Var. v. 25 f 


dadhi 


dahim, dahin, 


daKt 


dahim 


euros. 

* 


Var. ii. 27 . . 


mukha t 


nyiham 


munh 


mukh 


mouth. 


Var. ii. 27 . . 


badhiya 


vafiira 


bahira 


bahira 


deaf! 


Var. ii. 27 . . 


meghat 


mfJio 


menh 


megh, dhag 


clcua". 


Var. Y. 19 


vadhu 


vahu 


bahu 


bayaho, ball 


wife. 


Mrichh. 164. \ 


. 


i 






(srood . 


168. . . .] 


sadhu 


sahu, sahu 


sahu 


sahu,savakar 


banker. 


Var. iii. 3. 17. 


karya, karma 


kajjaj kammo 


kaj, kam 


kaj, kam 


work. 


Var. iii. 17. ) 
Var. ix. 17. / 


arye 


njje 


. . . 


. . . 


respectable? 


Var. ii. 10. . 


garbhint 


gabbhiu 


gabbhin 


gabhan 


pregnant. 


Var. iii. 2. 50 


yogyam 


joggam 


Jog 


joga 


proper. 


Var. iii. 2. . . 


rajya 


rajja 


raj 




kingdom. 


Var. iii. 27. \ 
Mrichh. 31. ) 


adya 


ajja 


aj 


/ 


to-day. 


Vikr. 78. 79. 


vadyamanaih 


vajjantehim 


bajana 


bajawinem 


t* sound. 


Var. iii. 3. . . 


ardham 


addfom 


adha 


adha 


half. 


Var. iii. 3. 50. 


karnah 


kanno 


kay, 


kan 


ear. 


S'ak. 25. . . . 


kharjuraih 


khajjurehim 


khajur 


khajur 


date tree. 


Mrichh. 104. 


(charmmaka- 
\ rah 


\cha,nmarao 


chamar 


chamhar 


Churaar. 


Var. iv. 1. . . 


(kumbhaka- \ 
( rah } 


kumbftaro t 


ku^har 


kumbhar 


potter. 


Var. iii. 3. . . 


sarvam \ 


sabbam, ) 
sabbam } 


sab 


. . . 


all.* 


Mrichh. 124. 


suvarna 


sovana 


*sontl 


sonem 


gold. 


Var. iii. 27. . 


satyam 


sachcham , 


sach 


sach 


true. 


Var. iii. 4. 1 
Mrichh. 44. / 


chandrah 


chando 


chand 


chand 


moon. 


Vikr. 23. . . . 


chandrena 


chandaena 


. . . 


. . . 


by the moon. 


Var. iii. 28. . 


madhyah 


majjho 


manjhala, \ 
majhola ) 


maj 



middle. 


Var. iii. 12. . 


hastah 


hattho 


hath 


hat 


hand. 


Mrichh. 7. 120 


vriddha 


vuddha 


budha 


. . 


old. 


Vikr. 107. . . 


vriddham 


vuddim 


budhiya 


. . . 


old woman. 


Vikr. 121. 


jyeshtha 


jettha 


jet'ha 


. 


eldest. 


Var. iii. 1. 50 


mushti 


mutthi 


mutthi 


muth * 


fist : handful. 


Var. iii. 1. ol\ 
Mrich.28.142( 


sreshthi 


setthi 


sfth t 


s'ef 


i superior, 
( banker. 


Mrichh. 18.30 


kashthena 


katthena 


kath 


katlil 


wood, a pole 




f 










Mrichh. 18. 21 


sushka \ 


SUKKtlQf 1 

stikkha" \ 


sukha 


sukha, suka 


dry. 


Mrichh. 53. . 


sakshin 


sakkhi 


sakhi 


' 


witness,,, 



8 This table (except as regards the transliteration of the Indian words), is reprinted 
nearly as it stands in the first edition, and without a renewed verification of the 
references in col. 1, the labour of which, I thoiJght, ^would ^hardly have been repaid by 
correction of a few possible inaccuracies. 



16 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


"i"o tpustakam pothao 


pothi 


pothi 


book. 


Var. iii. 29. ) 
Mrichh. 54. } 


pushkarah 


pokkharo 


pokhara 


pokhar 


pond. 


Mrichh. 99. i 
Var. iii. 29. / 


dakshine 


dakkhine 


dakhin 


. . . 


south. 9 


Lassen 363.) 
MrichJi. 97. } 
117. .. .) 


dakshinam 


dahinam 


dahina 


. . . 


/on the right 
\ hand. 


Var. iii. 40. 1 
Mrjchli. 99. } 
Var. iii. 1. . . 


paschimah 
bhatyam 


pachchhimo 
bhattam 


pachchim 
bhat 


r 

bhat 


west. 
( boiled rice, 
(rice in husk. 


Mrichh. 104. 


grant hi 


ganthi 


ganth > 


ganth 


joint. 


Var. i. 12. . . 


pishtam 


pittham 


pltna ( 


pitanem 


to pound. 


Mrichh. 105. 


prishthatah 


pitthido 


pith 


. . . 


at the back. 


' Var. i. 36. . . 


chaitrah 


cha'itto 


chait 




(name of a 


"Mrichh. 120 \ 
Var. iii. 29.,,} 


kshetra 


khetta 


khet 


set 


( month. 

field. 


Mrichh. 94. 95 


mrittika 


mattia 


matfi 


matt 


earth. 


Var. iii. 40. \ 
Mrich.71.150} 


paschat < 


pachhado, \ 
pachha \ 


pachhe 


. . . 


after. 


Var. iii. 2. . . 


nagnah 


naggo 


nanga 


nanga 


naked. 


Var. iii. 40. . 


vatsa 


vachha 10 


bacha 


bacha 


child, etc. 


Var. iv. 9.26\ 
Vikr. 36. . } 


vidyut 


vijju, wjjuli 


bijlt 


vy' 


lightning. 


Var.i.32.iii.31 


vrikshah 


vuchfyo u 


brichh 


vriksha 


tree. 


Mrichh. 73. 79 


rukshah 12 | 


rukkha, \ 
lukkha } 


rukh 


. . . 


tree. 


Var.i.30.iii.30 


rikshah 


richchho 


,r7chh 


. 


a bear. 


Mrichh, 72. i 
Var. v. 35. } 


bhrata 


bhada, bhaa 


bhat 


bhau 


brother. 


Mrichh. 72. . 


ashtamam 


atthan-am, 


athwart. 


athwa 


eighth. 


Mrichh. 71. . 


saptamam 


sattamam 


( satwan 


satica 


seventh. 


Var. iii. 35. \ 
Mrichh. 93. } 


pushpam 


puppham 


puhap 


. . . 


flower. 


Var. i. 8. 


mayura 


moro 


mor 


mor 


peacock. 


Var. i. 7* . . 


lavanam 


lonam 


Ion 


Ion 


salt. 


Mrichh. 11. 94. 
and 113. 138 


\bhagiriim 


bahinim 


bahin 


bahin 


sister. 


Mrichh. 117. 


sukarah 


s'uale 13 


suar 


. 


hog. 


Var.i.28.xi.l7 
Mrichh. 11. 


is riff alt 


siali, sialt 


siyal 


. . . 


she jackall. 


Mrichh. 120. 


vlja 


via 


bla 


by, bl seed. 


Mrichh. 77. 


vanik 


banio^ , 


baniya 


u-arii merchant. 



9 Here it deserves toH>e specially noted that the Sanskrit word undergoes the same 
changes in Prakrit and Hindi according to its two different meanings. 

10 The Persian has the same form, with a b instead of the v. 

1If Vararuchi gives the form vachchho, not vuchchha, which I find in the Mrichh., p. 73. 

12 Ruksha is given in "Wilson's dictionary as one of the Sanskrit words for a tree ; but 
it may have crept in from Prakrit. Compare Bohtlingk an* 1 Roth, s.v . 

13 This word is from the S'akarika, one of the Apabhrans'a dialects. In ordinary Prakrit 
it would perhaps be suaro or s'uaro. f u Vanio Mrichh., 28 and 50. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



17 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTl. ' 


ENGLISH. 


Mrichh. 78. . 


kayasthah 


kaatthao 


kayath 


kayat 


Kayasth. 


Lass.p 172. \ 












218.Mrich. ( 
29.30.151. ( 


(devalayah 
\devafyilam 


deulu, ) 
devalam ) 


dewal 


dewal, fo^k 


temple. 


Var. iv. 2. ; 












Var. iv. 1. . . 


rajakulam 


(raa'ulam, 
\raulam 


rawal (a 
priest. ) 


raul (a V 
palace.) ) 


roya> family. 


Mrichh. 30. \ 
38. 39. . . / 


dyutakarah 


(judiaro,judi- 
\arji, judialo 


juarl 


jugart 


gambler. 


Var. viii. 25. 


sthpnctt ' 


thima 


thdnw 


than 


placet 


Var. iii. 33. . 


snana 


nhana 


nahan 


nahan, nhan 


bathing.' 


Var. iii. 33. 61. 


krishnah 


ktnho 


kanhaiya, 
kanh 1 * 


kanhatya, \ 
kanhoba } 


Krishna. 


Var. iii. 3. . \ 
Mrichh. 13. J 


grama 


gcima 


ffanw 


ganw 


village. , 


Mrichh. 97. \ 
Var. iv. 25. } 


gramyah 


gamelua 16 


ganwala 


. . . 


villager. , 


Mrichh. 69. 96 
Lass. 172. 425 


\balivardah 


ba'illa 


bail 


bail 


oxen. 


Mrichh. 6. . 


daridrataya 


daliddae 


dalidrata 




poverty. 


Mrich.12.44.) 
164. Var. xii. 1 
22. Vikr. 30. ) 


(striyam, 
\striya 


^isthiyam? 1 ) 
itthiae } 


istrJ 


. . . 


woman. 


Mrichh. 18. 23. 
58. . . . 


\syala 


salaafsalo 


sola 


sala 


fbrother-in- 
( law. 


Var. iii. 14. 50. 
& Mrichh. 40 


\stambhah 


khambho 


khamfyha 


khamb 


pillar. 


Var. iii. 29. . 


skandhah 


khanclho 


kandha 


... 


shoulder. 


Mrichh. 43. / 
Mrichh. 50. ( 


vahis, 
vahya 


vcihilit, t \ 
vahira ) 


bahir 


baher 


outside. 


Mrichh. 126. 


(vriddhe, 
(vrihati 


vaddhake, 
vaddhakahim 


\badd 


. . . 


great. 


Mrichh. 13U 


' _ 


(kahabanam, 


Mhaiban, j 




(16 panas of 


Var. iii. 39. ) 


~ \kahavano 


kahan ) 





( cowries. 


Var. iii. 58. . 
Mrich. 73. 134 


\dirghika 


digghia,dlhia 


dighi 


. . . 


oblong pond. 


Var. v. 24. . 


haridra 


(haladda, ) 
\haladdi J 


haldi 


. . . 


turmeric. 


Var. ii. 31. . 


yasas 


jaso 


jas 


jas 


glory. 


Var. iii. 29. \ 
Mrichh. 150.) 


kshemam 


kkhemam 


khem 


khem 


welfare. 


Mrichh. 175.) 
Var. iii. 26. ( 


gardabhah \ 


gaddaho, ] 
gaddaho J 


gadaha 


gadhawa 


ass. 


Var. iii. 28, 56 


sandhya ' 


sanjha 18 


sanjh 


sanjh 


evening. 


Var. iv. 25. . 


etavat 


ettiam 


itna 


, . 


so much. 


Mrichh. 44. | 


rasya, \ 


andhiyara 


andfiar 


darkness. 



15 Kanhpur (city of Kanh, or Krishna) is the proper name of Cawnpore. "When 
Krishna means black, it becomes Kasano in Prakrit, according to Var. iii. 61. The 
Balarumayana has kisana, p. 141, and kanna in p. 244, in the same sense. 

16 See Lassen, p. 425, who s,ays gamelua = quasi gramalayukah. 
1T This word is in the S'akarika dialect. 

18 In this and other instances, the rules and examples given would, of course, account, 
by analogy, for the existence of many other modern veiAacularVords, of which the earlier 

2 



18 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



REFERENCES. SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


Vikr. 49. and/ 
Lass. 249. 19 ( 


upddhyd- 
yasya 


iiajjhdassa, \ 
ojhdo ) 


ojhd 2 


. . . 


/religious 
( teacher. 


Var. iii. 18.\ 
& Vikr. 9. j 


d;haryam \ 


achcheram, ) 
achcharlam } 


acharaj 


; 


wonderful. 


Var. xii. 6. \ 
Vikr., LOS. ./ 


gridhrena 


giddhena 


gidh 


gldh 


vulture. 


Vikr.* 11 2. . . 


mataram 


rnddaram," 21 \ 
mdam 


ma 


57, ma? 22 


mother. 


Var. v. 32. . . 


mdtd 


mad ) 


. 






Vikr. H 2. ( 
Vikr. 116. | 


pitaram 
pituh 


pidaram,* 3 \ 
piaram, 
piduno ) 


pita, bj.p ' 


pi'^a, bap 


father. 


Mrichh. 14. J 
, 95.116.141 } 
Var. iv. 32. | 


griham I 


ghalam, 
aharam, f 
giham, ( 

T 


ghar ' 


ghar 


house. 


/ 


\ 


haraam ) 








Var. ii. 2. . . 


jtvam 


jlam 


ft 


. . . 


life. 


Var. ii. 2. a . . 


sucht 


sut 


sut 


sut 


needle. 


Var. i:,2. iii.50 


mdrgah 


maggo 


. . . 


. . . 


path. 


Var. iii. 48. . 


dtmanah 


dpanof* } 
appano } 


apna 


. . . 


self; own. 


Mrichh.> 12. [ 


atma 


dpa, appd 


dp 


dpan 




78.103.104 


dtmdnam \ 


appdnam, \ 


. 


. . . 




S'ak. 105. . 1 
Prabodhach j 


( 

mahdtmd- 1 


dpdnam ) 
mahdypd- ' 
ndnam, 




> 


/self; great- 
( souled. 


12. 28. 37. 
46. 63. 68. ! 


nam j 


maKdppd- 
nam 








Prab. 63. . .\ 
Var. iii. 1. .j 


sthale 


thale , 


thai 


. . . 


dry land. 


Var. iv. 15. \ 












S'ak. 21. ...) 


as'ru 


amsu, assu 


dnsu 


asum, dsu 


tear. 


Var. iii. 2. v.) 
14. vi. 60. ./ 


agnim 


aggim r 


dg 


"9 


fire. 


Var. iii. 60. i 
Lassen, 284. j 


kriya 


kirid 


kiriyd 


. . . 


ceremony. 


Var. iii, 8. . . 


brahmano 


vamhano 


bdmhan 


bdman 


Brahman. 


Var. iii. 25. . 


garttah 


gaddo 


gadhd 


. 


cavity. 


Var.i.l8.ii.27 


qabhlram 


gahiram 


aahird 


aahird 


deep. 



Prakrit form may not now be discoverable in any extant work. Thus the Hindi and 
Mahratti word banjh, a barren woman, is formed from the Sanskrit bandhya, in the same 
way as sanjh 'jomes from sandhya ; and as in the latter case we find the earlier Prakrit 
form to have been sanjha, so we may suppose the older Prakrit form of banjh to have been 
banj'ha, or vanjha. Aid the same laus't have been the case in numerous other instances. 
[In fact, since the above was written, I have actually found the word vanjha, a barren 
woman, in Clough's Pali Grammar, p. 37. See also vanjhjhlbhuda, Balaram., p. 225.] 
, 19 Campbell's Telugu Grammar, note to Introduction, p. 13. 

20 Ojhu is the designation of a particular tribe of Brahmans. In the Balaramayana, 
85 if., the word has the form uvajjhaa. 

21 In Persian madar. 22 Mahratti of Nagpur. ' 23 In Persian padar, 

24 See Lassen, Inst. Pracr., p. 315. Burnouf (Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 660) observes 
that the form aptano or, dtpano ; whK/h occurs in the rock inscription of Girnar, is the 
intermediate step by which atman was transformed into appa, appano, etc. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



19 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTl, 


ENGLISH. 


Var. iv. 31. . 


malinam 


ma,ilam 


maila 


... 


dirty. 


( 


chaturthl, 


\cha,utthl, ) 


chauthl 


charftha 


fourth. 


Voi- ? Q 




[chotthl } 




i 




Y ar. i. a. . \ 


chaturdast 


{cha'uddahl, ) 
[choddahi } 


chaiidahwln 


chauda 


(fourteenth, 
\fourteen. 


Var. iii. 44. . 


panchadasah 


pannaraho 


pandarahwan 


pandhara 


i fifteen. 


Var ii 4.1 } 












V til . 11 ^t L . 1 

Mrichh. 70. j 


shashthi 


chhatthl 


chhathl 


. . .. 


sixth. 

* 


Var. ii. 14. ( 


dvadasc) 


earxha, 
var*ha, 


igarah, \ 
bar ah, 




{eleven, 
twelve,* 


44. ( 


trayodasa 


teraha u 


terah } 




thirteen. 


Lass.271.318) 
Var. vi. 59. j 


dvayoh \ 


donham, ) 
donnam J 


donon 


. . . 


of two* 


Lassen, 318 ) 
Mrichh. 101 | 
Var. vi. 54. ; 


'dvau, dvabh- 
yam, dvayoh 


9~ 

'dtte, do, do- } 
( him, dosu } 


do 


don 


two. ' 


Lassen, 319.) 

TT Ct* i 


trmi 


tinni 


tin 


tin 


ihree. 


Var. vi. 56. j 












Lassen ,.3 19. . 


shat 


chha 


chha 




six. 


Lassen, 320. 


vimsati 


v7sa,i 


bis 


wls 


twenty. 


Lassen, 320. 


trimsat 


ttsaa 


tts 


tls 


thirty. 


Var. iii. 30. ( 

01 


kshanam 
kshama 


chhanam 
chhamg. 


chhan 
chhama 


' 


moment, 
patience. 


31. | 


makshika 


machhia 


mafcihl 


... 


a fly. 


Var.iii.52.iv.l 


srotas 


sotto 


sota 




stream. 


Var. i. 12. 


nidra 


nidda 


mnd 


nld 


sleep. 


Lassen, 246. \ 
Var. iii. 53. j 


tamram 


tamvaum 


tamba j 


tamb (iron ) 
rust.) j 


copper. 


Var. iv. 33. \ 
Lass. 172. n. j 


duhita, dhida 


dhid 


dhiya, dJii 


. . . 


(maiden, 
\ daughter. 


Var. iv. 25. . 


dhanavan 


dhanalo 


dhanwala 


. . . 


rich- 


Var. i. 10. iii. \ 
12, Mrich. 71 j 


\prastarah, 
(prastarah 


patiharo, 
pattharo > 


plttthar (a ) 
stone.) ) 


patthar 


fa bed : a 
( stone. 


Var. i. 20. iii. 1 


mukta 


motto, 


moti 


motlm 


pearl. 


Var. iii. 3.581 
Mrichh. 93. } 


ratri 


ratti 


rat 


rat 


night. 


Var. ii. 32. . 


yashti 


lattht 


lath? 


latth 


staff, club. 


Var. i. 15. ) 
28. iii. 41. } 

\r 11 n 1 


vrischikah | 


viehchuo, \ 
vinchhuo } 


bichu, bichl 


vinchu 


scorpion. 


Mrichh. r ; 












Var. iii. 17. 19 


suryah 


sujjo, suro 


suraj 


. . . 


the sun. 


Var. i. 29. Lass. 
293. Vikr. 45. 


\pravrish 


paus 


' 


paus 


(the rainy 
\ season. 


Var. iii. 35. \ 
38. Lass. 209J 


vashpah 


vappho, ) 
vappho } 


*bho#h. 


' 


vapour. 


Var. iii. 22. 


nartakah 


nattao 


nat 


nat 


a dancer. 


Var. iii. 24. 


varta 


vatta 


bat 


. 


word. 


Lassen, 250. } 
Var. iii. 21. J 


paryanJca 


pallanka 


palang^ 


palang 


bed. , 


Bal. 132. . 


palyankah 


pallanko 




. . 


do. 


Lassen, 264. ' 
Var. iii. 1.12) 


1 ekastha 


ekattha, 


ikattha 


. . . 


collected. 



25 See Prof. Cowell's note on Var. ii. 44. * 

26 This word palang means in Persian also, a bed, as well as a tiger. 



20 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. : PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTl. 


ENGLISH. 


Var. iii. 12. f 
Mrichh. 18. \ 


mastaka 


matthaka \ 
matthaam ] 


mdthd 


matha 


head. 


Lassen, 272. i 
Var. iii. 40. j 


mcvJsya*' 1 


machchha \ 


machchh, } 
machchhli } 


. . . 


fish. 


Var. x. 10. ) 












Lassen,. 379. V 


kanya 


kanid, hanjd 


. . . 


. , . 


girl. 


App. 53. ) 












- 


aham 


aham, ham, \ 
hagge, hani J 


main, ham 


mlm 


I. 


> ( 


vayam 


amhe, vaam 


ham 


amlJi 


we. 




mama 


maha, majjha 


mujh * 


mftjhd 


mine. 


Vikr. 81. 82 
Var. vi. 25- 


asmdkam 


amhdnam 


hamdrd ' , < 


amhala \ 
amhdna } 


of us, [us, by 
us, Mahr.] 


53. < 




tumam^ \ 


turn ' 


turn 


thou. 


(Cbwell, Int. 


tubhyam 


tujjha 


tujh 


tuj 


to thee. 


( p. XXVlll. 


tava 


tuha, tvjjha\ 
titjjhaha / 


tujh 


tujhd 


thine. 




yuyam 


tumhe, tujjhe 


turn 


tumhl 


you. 


, 


yushmdkam 


tumhdna 


tumhdra 


tumhdla, ) 
tumhdna } 


of you, [you, 
by you,Mah.j 


Mrichh. 38. . 


kasya 


kdha 


kdhe 


. . 


whose ? 


Var. vi. 6. 


kasydh 


kissd 


kis ( 


. . . 


fof what wo- 
[ man? 


Co well, Int.} 
xxvii. . .) 


yah 


jo 


jo 


jo 


who. 


Var. iv. 16. . 


tasmin 


tahfn 


c 


. . 


in this. 


Mrichh.93.96. 


yatra, tatra 


jahin, tahtnl 


jahdn, t ) 


jethem,tethtm 


where, there. 


Var. iv. 25. 


kiyat, ydvat 


kettia, jettia 


kitnd,jitnd 


kitim 


(how much, 
(as much. 


Mrichh. 74. 


kutra 


kahin 


ftahdn 


leathern 


where ? 


Mrichh. 4. 51. 


uttishtha | 


utthehi ' } 
utthehi j 


uthnd 


uthnem 


rise, to rise. 


Var. viii. 15. 61 


grihndti 


genha,i 


gahnd 


ghenein 


to take. 


Mrichh. 4. f 


prichchha 


puchchha , 


. . . 




^ 


27.&pa?,Ct. \ 


prishtd 


puchchhidd 


puchhnd 


pusanem 




Delius, p.41<^ 


prishtvd 


puchchhia 


... 


^ 


>to ask. 


Kratn., in 


prakshydmi 


puchchhissam 






f 


ditto, p. 10. t 


prichhati 


puchchhadi 


. 


. . 


J 


Var. viii. 12. 


mriyate 


mara,i 


marnd 


maranem 


to die. 


Var. viii. 18. \ 












xii.17. Mric. / 
66.103.134. i 


1 smardmi 
< smarasi 


sumardmi \ 
sumaresi > 


sumarand 


... 


to remember. 




[ smritvd 


sumaria j 








pas. Vikr. 14 J 












Mrichh. 21. 24 


samarpayasi 


san'fnppesi 


sompnd 


sompanem 


to entrust. 


Mrichh. 14. f 


i prdpitd 


pdbidd 


\ 






131, Vikr.J 
57. 97. 101 | 




pabtdc, patto 
paviya 


' - \ 


pdvanem 


to obtain. 


Hoi n fi9 


prdpnomi 


pdvimi 


paw (a 






l'( 1. JJ. vl . j 


prdpsyasi 


pdvihi 


pdivahi j 






Var iii 3. . 


prabhavati 


pabhava'i 




. . . 


he prevails. 



2 ' Machcha also is, however, given \ "Wilson's dictionary as a Sanskrit form. 
28 [See also Mrichhaka^i and Yikramorvas'I, etc., passim.'] 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



21 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTl.' 


ENGLISH. 


- 


bhavami 


homi M 


hun 




(I become, or 


Var. vii. 20 










\ am. 


21.viii. 1. 


bhavasi 


hosi 


hai 


J 


(thou be- 


Mrich. 105. < 
.38. 39. 72. 
163. . . 


bhavati | 
bhavanti 


bhodi,hodi~\ 
hojja,hoj!ja'i} 

honti 


hai 
hain 


. , 


( comest, etc. 
|he becomes, 
\ etc., 
(they become, 
\ etc.' 


Prab. p. 44. 


anubJutrpnti 


artfthavanti 


. , 


. . . 


they /eel. 


Mrichh. 141. 


amtbhcwitum 


an&bhavidum 


... 


... 


to resl. 


Mrichh. 21. 24 


\bhaviskt- ( 
} yati \ 


' huvissadi \ 
hwvissadi ) 


hoihi 31 


. . . 


' > 
he will be. 




1 


thossami, 32 \ 










bhavish- i 
yami J 


hofsam, f 
hohami, I 


hunga 


hoin 


I will be. 

^ 


Var. vii. 12. 




hohimi 1 






i 


13. 14. 15. < 




hossamo, ") 






i 


.Lassen,268. 


bhavishya- 
maji 


hohamo, 
hohimo, > 


honge 




'we vjjll be. 






hohissa, 












hohittha J 








: 


bhcivish* \ 


" hojfa, hojja \ 








Var. vii. 20. 


yati 1 


hojfahii, 


hoga 


hotl 


he* will be. 


01 * 


y ( 


hojyafoi } 








i . . 


bhavatu 


hq&a,u t | 
hojjau / 


hujlye, hujiyo 


. . . 


(let him be ; 
{ be (imper.). 


Var. vii. 23.) 
24. . . \ 


abhavat, 
abhut 


huvla, 
hohla 


bhaya, hw,\ 
hata t tha j 


hota 


he was. 


Var. viii. 2. . 


bhutam | 


huam" 1 1 V ' 
(huam ?} 9 


hun 


. . . 


.been. 


Mrichh. 25. . 


jvalaya 


jalehi 


jalana 


. . . 


to bdrn. 


Var. viii. 13 'i 


( 


karomi, \ 








Vikr. 112. [ 


karomi < 


kalemi, 


or& 


karitom 


I do. 


Mrich. 16. 31 ) 


1 


karemi f 








Mrichh. 132. 
Mrichh. 31. \ 
Vikr. 18. . ) 


kritam 
kritah 


kade \ 
kulu, kao 33 J 


kara, kiya 


kela, keld 


done. 




i 


karanto, \ 






% 


Delius, pp. ) 
27-29. . . j 


kurvan < 


kalento, f 
karento, I 


karta 


karit 


doing. 




i 


kubbano 1 








Delius, pp. 1 
27-29. . . j 


nirakritya 


nirakariya < 


koriya \ 
(Bengali.) } 


. . . 


(having un- 
\ done [done]. 


Delius, p. J7) 
Mrichh. 105 J 


dadami 


demi 


deta 


> 


I give. 


Mrichh. 66. 


dadati 


dedl 


' .'* 


. . . 


he gives. 


Var. viii. 62. ) 
Mrich. 95. 37. 


dattam 


dinnam 


diya, dm 


... 


given. 


Mrichh. 127. 


dadati 


dentl 


detl 


. . . 


giving (fern.). 


Mrichh. 32. } 
163. . . . 


margayati \ 


maggadi^ } 
maggedi ) 


mangna 


maganem 


to ask. "* 



19 From havami, etc. ; see Lassen, p. 176. 30 Sot, Mrichh. 38. 102. 

31 Hbihi, provincial for hoga. 3J Burnouf, Lotus, 687. 

33 Delius seems to think kulu may be the Prakrit imperative. 

34 Comp. maggo from margafy, ante, p. 18, Var. ii. 2. iii. 50. 



22 



THE DRAMATIC PEAKRITS. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTl. 


ENGLISH. 


Mrichh. 79. ) 








1 




82. 88. . .) 


margayitum 


maggidwn 


. . . 






Mrichh. 136 ( 
\ 


margacria- 
n&ia 


maggama- \ 
nena } 


. . . 


;-,-v 


to ask. 


Mrichh. 95. .' 


margayatah 


maggantassa 


... 


. . . J 




Mrichh. 12. < 
Mrichh/51. . 


kalpayata 
kalpayitva 


kappedha \ 
kappia } 


. . . 


kapanem 


to cut. 


Var. viii. 23'. ) 
Mrichh. 36. } 
Del. Ib. 16. ) 


Jnatva 


jama 


janiya(Bea.-\ 
gall.) ( , ) 


, ' - 


having known 


Vai viii. 56.) 
Delias, p. 24.) 
Mrichh. 37. . 


s'rinomi 
s'rutva 


s'unami 
s'unia 


s'uniya , 


I'"'" ' 


to hear. 






{ 


(Bengali.)" 


j 




Mri. 104. 105. 


srinu 


sunu, sunahi 


sun , 


... 


hear. 


.Myich.45.70J 


dhav, 
dhavati 


dhovehi, ) 
dhoadi ) 


dhona 


dhunem 


to wash. 


' Mrichh. 46. . 


svapimah 


subemha 


sona 


. . . 


to sleep. 


Prasan. 65., . 


supta 


sutta 


soa 


. . . 


asleep. 


Bal. 178. . . 


svapsyami 


suvissam 


so,unga 




I shall sleep. 


Mrich.59.122) 
Var. viii. 25) 
Mrichh. 97. ) 


sthapay- 
itva 
sthapay- 


thabia,thabia 
thabemi 


thamria 


thdmbanem ) 


to hold, stop. 


Delias, 1&. .) 


ami 






' ' '~ ' 




Mrichh. 57. . 


rakshami 


rakkhami 


rakhsia 


rakhanem 


to keep. 


Var. viii.47. ) 


nrityati, 


nachhac, j 








Mrichh. 70. } 


nrityate, 


nachchladi, V 


nachna 


nachanem 


to dance. 


71. Del. 50. > 


nrityan 


nacKhanto J 


< 






Mrichh. 71 . . 


sikshayantah 


sikkhanta , 


sikhana 


. 


to teach. 


Mrichh. 72. . 


upavishtah 


ubavittha 


baiiha (?) 


. . . 


seated. 


Cowell, App.\ 
A. p. '99. .) 


kathayati 


kahai 


kahna 


kathanem 




S'ak. 45. 34. \ 
Mrich.4.80.) 


kathaya 


kahehfi, ) 
kadhehi ' J 


. . . 


. . . , 




Mrichh. 80. j 


kathayish- \ 
yami ) 


kahissam 


. . . 




tO tGll* 


Mrichh. 36. . 


kathayitum 


kahida 


kaha 


. 




Mrichh.,103. 


kathyate 


Jcahijjadi 


. 


... 




Delias, 86. ,\ 
Vikr. 2. . .) 


asti 


atti, achchi 35 


(achhe (Ben-1 
1 gali.) J 


ahe 


he is. 


Mrichh. 99. . 


stha 


achchh&dha 


5cAAo(Beng.' 




ye are. 


Lassen, 346. \ 
Cowell, 184.) 


santi 


achchanti 


&AA(Beng) 




they are. 


Sutra 24. in ( 




.. .. r 








App. A, . I 




votlai \ \ 






, 


Cowell, 99 . ) 




volai ) i 


bolna 


bolanem 


to speak. 


Mrichh. 105. 


brumah 


bollamo' 3 * 


* 






Delias, 67. .) 
Mrichh. 1 69. f 


"labhante 


) 
lahanti 


lahate, lete 


. . . 


they receive. 



J 5 Mr. Childers thinks the forms achchi, etc., cannot be referred to the Sanskrit root as. 
Asti, he says, hecame atthi in Pali, hut the Pali aehehhati is, he considers, beyond doubt 
the present tense of as, and points to an anomalous form atsati. 

35 This alteration of brumah into bollamo may perhaps be conceived to have proceeded 
by the following steps : barumah, balumah, bollamo. Or it is possible that bol may be 
an indigenous non-Sanskrit form, f*r a vernacular root retained in Prakrit. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



23 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


Mrichh. 115.J 


kshipatu \ 
(phel, to go) / 


pheladu 3T 


phelite(Beng.) 


. . . 


' to throw. 


Mrichh. 139.J 


durtkarish- ) 
yami ) 


phela'iss'am 


. : . 


' '. 


(T shall re- 
( move. 


Mrichh. 112. 


jagrita 


jaggetha 


Jaffna 


jaganem 


to wake. 


Var. vii. 7. . 


gatah 


ga'o 


gaya 


. . . 


gone. 


Var. vii. 1. j 
and ii. 24 . } 


pathati 


padha'i 


padhna 


padhanem 


" 9 

to read. 


Mrichh. 121. \ 
Var. viii. 61. j 


patami > . 


pademi \ 
paqami ) 


padna 


padanem 


to fall. 


Delius, 51. . 


patitah 


pad^do 


pada 


. . , 


fallen'. 


Mrichh. 120.) 
Delius, p. 22. j 


uddayante 3 { 


uddenti } 
tttfda'enti ) 


udna 




to fly. 


Mrichh. 124. j 


paridhasye 


paiiliss'am 


paharna | 


pandhara- } 
nem } 


|to put on 
\ (clothing), 


Mrichh. 71 . . 


pibanti 


pianti 


pma 


pinem 


to drink. 


Delius, 77. . 


jivami 


jJami 


jma ) 




, ,. , 


Mrichh. 170. 


jivantam 


jtantam 


) 


... 


' 














Mrichh. 165. 


nishkasaya 




ninaswa j 
nikalna } 


. . . 


to put out. 


VOT vi 11 4-4. \ 












Vik.'l I.Del.! 
60.Kram.10) 


(varddhate, 
\varddhatam 


( paddhadi \ 
vaddhadu } 


badhna 


wadhanetn 


to increase. 


Vikr. 44. . . 


tvarayasva 


turavc&ehi \ 


turant } 
(quickly.) / 


. . . 


hasten. 


Var. viii. 4. . 


tvarate 


tuvara'i 




. . 


he hastens. 


S'ak.43.168") 






, 






Vikr. 91. . 




> 








Delius, 79. 1 
Hemachan- f 
dra, Cowell. 


(pas'yami ) 
(drisyami 39 } 
darsaya 


dekkharqi 40 
dekhavahi 


dekhna 
dikhana 


dekhanem 
dakhavinem 


to see. 
|to cause to 
( sea 


173. note . J 
Var. viii. 48. 


yudhyate 


jujjhdi 


jxjhnfi, 


junjhanem 


/to fight: be 
\ killed. 


Var. viii. 48. 


budhyate 


bujjhdi 


bujhna 


bujhanem 


(to under- 
\ stand. 


Var. viii. 25. } 
26, Mrich. 73 j 


dhyai 


jha,sanjhaadi 


samajhna (p) 


samajanem 


{to meditate, 
understand. 


Kram. 28. in} 
Delius, p. 10. j 


krudh 


kujjh 


. . . 


. . . 


to be angry. 


Var. viii. 46. 


rushyati 


rusa'i 


risiyana 


... 


to be angry. 


Var. viii. 50. 


mridnati 


mala'i^ 


malna 


. . . 


to grind, rub. 



37 Perhaps derived from prer, to impel. Comp". pellanena and vellanenp, rendered by 
preranena, in' the Bfilar., p. 203. Both roots are given in the lexicons. 

38 Prof. Aufrecht draws my attention to the faot that, in the Vedas, the root signifying 
"to fly" is not di, but dl. See' also the intensive form of the verb in dediyitavai, 
S'atapatha Brahmana, v. 3, 2, 6, quoted by Bohtlingk and Roth, s.v. 

39 This form may at one time have been' in use. 

40 This word occurs on the Lat of Firoz Shah in the forms dekhati and dekhiye, anc?in 
the form dekhami in the inscription at Dhauli. See Burnouf, Lotus de la bonne Loi, 
pp. 666, 669, 671, 676, who supposes dekhati may come from an old form drisyati, he sees. 
Mr. Childers thinks, however, it must come from the Sanskrit future drakshyate. 

41 See also Kramadls'vara, 39, in Delius, p. 11, There the root mrid is said to become 
man in Prakrit. In Persian also the verb malidan means to rifb. 



24 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


Var. viii. 53l'| 


spkuf 


phut tat, ) 
phuddi } 


phutna 


phutanem 


to split. 


Mrich.70. 7.) 
Delius, 59. / 


badbyante 


bajjhanti 


bajhna 


. . . 


fto be bound 
I or caught. 


Var. viii. 27. 


khad 


kha 


khana 


khanem 


to eat. 


Deliusj29. .<, 
MalaviidijS^.j 


parayami 


paremi 


jparite (Ben- 
gali.) 


} . ". . 


to be able 


Prasarina- I 
raghava, 45 \ 


praghunasya 
prahunasya 


}pahunas S a"\ 


pahun \ 
pahuna ) 


... 


a guest. 


Balar^mayana 
263. ' 


\pakshinah 


pakhkhino \ 


pakherU \ 
panchhH / 


* . 


birds. 


Bal. 290. 


kshlra 


khlra 


khir ( 




milk. 


Bal. 231. 235. 


lahshah 


lakkha 


lakh 


' 


(hundred 
(thousand. 






t iii' 








JsLl. 45. 307. 


akshi 


\ uC/lCft'fH 

\akkhi 


ankh 




eye 


. Bal. 246. 


kaksha 


kakkha 






side. 


Bal. 53. 69. 98 


gotra 


gotta 


got 




family, clan. 


Bal. 267. ' 


sutra 


sutta 


sut 




thread. 


Bal. 165.167.) 
297. ) 


putra, putri 


putta, puttl 


put 




son, daughter 


Bal. 221. 


Icarpasa 


kappasa 


kapas 




cotton. 


Bal. 142^ 178. 


karpura 


kappura 


kapur 




camphor. 


Bal. 269. 298. 


dharma 


dhamtna 







virtue 


Bal. 294. 


darpanam 


dappamm 






a mirror. 


Bal. 267. 


nirvana 


nivvana 






extinction. 


Bal. 76. 1 94. 


dugdha 


dudcKia 


dudh 




milk. 


Bal. 266. | 


mugdha 
snigdha 


mudhdha 
sinidhdha 


t 




infatuated, 
affectionate. 


Bal. 236. 


pippala 


plpala ' 


'plpal 




plpal tree. 


Bal. 118. 
Prasannaragh 


mishta 
mishta 


miththa \ 
mittht } 


rnittha 




sweet. 


Bal. 270. 278 


oshtha 


( uththa, ' ) 
(oththa ) 


honth 




lip. 


Bal. 156. 303 


svasurena 


sasurena 


sasur 




father-in-law 




> 








|mother-in- 


Bal. 153. 


s'vasru 


sasue 


sas 




\ law. 


Bal. 15& 


svasrunam 


sasunam 


sas 




Do. gen. pi. 


Bal. 182. 


bhru 


bhu 


bhaun 




eyebrow. 


Bal. 168. 176. 


snusha 


suna, susa 






(daughter-in- 
( law. 


Bal. 34. 179.) 

234. 245.364.J 


sabdah 


saddo 






sound. 


Bal. 245. 251* 


mudgara 


mogara 


(mogra, | 
\mudgar ) 




& mallet. 


Bal. 235. 


dhuma 


dhuSa 


dhuan 




smoke. 


Bal. 238. 


, pnrlrti/oh 


paesu 


pnn>v 




at the feet. 



v The word is translated by alitheh in Pandit Govinda Deva's edition. But I find the 
word praghuna in Wilson's Dictionary in the sense of guest ; and Bohtlingk and Roth 
give both that and another form prahuna. As, however, they do not cite from any very 
ancient author any passage in which the word is found, and as it is of rare occurrence as 
compared with atithi, it may perhaps ^ave been imported into Sanskrit from Prakrit. 
Pahuna, in the sense of "guest," fo, Mr. Childers informs me, a good Pali word. 



THE DEAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



25 



1- 

REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI , 


ENGLISH. 


Bal. 142. 292. 


pakva 


pikka 


pakka 




mature. 


Pras. 48. 


murkha 


murukha 


murakh 




fool. 


Bal.49.93.270 


jhatiti 


jhatti 


jhat 




quickly. 


Bal. 246. 270. 


sirasa 


sirena 


sir 


> 


head. 


Bal. 77. 
Prasan. 36.44. 


katham 
katham 


Ktsa 
kaham 


\kaisa 




how? 


Prasan. 26. 


vyaghrasya 


vaghghassa 


bagh 


* 


a tiger. 


Prasan. 84. \ 
Bal. 76. 238.J 


stana 


tthana, thana 


than 


{ 


female breast, 
udder. 


Bal. 168. 


jihva , f . 


Jtya 


jlbh 




tongue. 


Bal. 276. 


kamsyt , 


kqpisa 


kans 




beU taejal. 


Var. yiii. 6. \ 
Bal. 76. J 


ghurnat 


gfiolanta 


} 




rolling. 


Bal. 238. 
Bal. 246. 

Bal. 143. 


ghurnanti 
ghurnati 

churnitam 


gholanti 
ifliunnadi 

ghullalidam 


gholna (to 
> mix with 
a liquid.) 




roll, move, 
turns round, 
fpounded^ ' 
( crushed. 


Mrichh. 3. 


cihuyctr 


Sdddubia ^ 




| 


having callett, 










\ 


> summoned. 


Mrichh. 50. 


cilivttycimi 


saddubcwi 






I call. 


Mrichh. 54. 


ahvaya 


saddjibchi 






call (imper.). 


Mrichh. 54. j 


ajnapayati b 


saddabedi 






(he com- 


141. \ 


ahvayati } 








\raands, calls. 


Mrichh. 60. { 


akarayish- \ 


sadd^briissatn 






II shall 




yami } 








( summon. 


Mrichh. 150. 


ahuyate 


saddabiadi 







he is called. 


Mrich. 6. 


sprishtva 


chhtyia 4 * 


chhiyia (?) \ 
(to touch) ) 


. . . 


^having 
( touched. 


Mrichh. 25. 


ves'ya 


tjosamq 45 ' 






a harlot. 



[N.B. In this and the following list, it will he seen that I have generally 'given the 
Hindi and Mahratti verbs in the infinitive^ without reference to the mood or tense of 
the corresponding word in Prakrit. T\ie verbs in the Sanskrit column, on the contrary, 
are always exact renderings of the Prakrit ones, in tense, number, person, etc.] 

i 

43 This word is, no doubt, as Mr. Childers suggests, from the Sanskrit s^bdapay (see 
above the alteration of sabda into sadda}. The word sabdapayet occurs in the Eama- 
yana, ii. 57, 9, Schlegel's ed., and in ii. 59, 3, of the Bombay ed., where the commentary 
explains the word by akarayet, "summon." In Gorresio's ed., ii. 59, 6, the verb ahvayet, 
having the same sense, is substituted. Forms like sabdapay are, as Prof. Aufrecht informs 
me, very common in the later Sanskrit. 

44 A various reading is bibia. Mr. Childers thinks chhibia comes from the Sanskrit 
chhup, "to touch." This root is given, he tells roe, in dough's list of Pali verbs in the 
sense of "to touch ; " and the word occurs in the Dhammapada, p. 156, line 1. 

45 This word is, no doubt, derived frqm gosvaminl, the wife of a Gosvamin, or Goshain ; 
and I am told by a well-informed friend that the word has got the sense of harlot from 
the indifferent character of some of these female devotees. 



26 THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 

It is thus clear from an examination of the Indian dramas, 1 " and of the 
examples furnished by the grammarians who treat of the dramatic dialects 
(as illustrated in the preceding comparative table), that the words which 
we find in Prakrit are in great part identical with those of Sanskrit, but 
more or less modified in their forms, and that these modifications are, in 
numerous instances, intermediate between the original Sanskrit words and 
the still mor<? corrupted forms which we discover in the languages descended 
from the Prakrits, I mean, in the modern vernacular (Jialects. 

But, rs^hile the great majority of Prakrit words, cap,' by the application 
of proper methods, be traced back to a Sanskrit source, there are some 
others which refuse to yield to the action of even the most powerful 
testo,, which criticism can employ, and successfully assert their claim to 
an, origin independent of classical Sanskrit, and which we must therefore 
conclude either to belong to the vernacular Aryan speech, or to be of 
non- Aryan derivation. 

Another fact then which is made clear by 'the examination of the 
dramatic poems and the Prakrit grammarians is, that the Prakrit dialects 
contain a certain number of words which are not discoverable in classical 
Sanskrit, but which we also find in the modern vernaculars, such as the 
roots dub, to sink, tharhar (in Hindi thartha/r\ to tremble, dhakk, to cover 
or shut, and the nouns gor, leg, bappa, fatter, etc. 46 The greater portion 
of the wolds of this class, which I have discovered, will be found in the sub- 
joined table. [In the present edition I have added, at the foot of the table, 
a number of new words, some of which', however, I find, may be derived 
from Sanskrit, but few of which are discoverable in the modern vernaculars.] 

46 See the Rev. H. Ballantine's paper " On the relation of the Mahratti to the Sanskrit," 
in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. iii. p. 369-385. Some of the 
words considered by Mr. Ballantine to be Mahratti are, however, Persian or Arabic, such 
as mekh, baghal, manzila ; others, as khane, to eat, are Sanskrit. I add the following 
remarks from Dr. ,,T. "Wilson's "Notes on the Constituent Elements," etc., of the MarathI 
language (prefixed to Molesworth's MarathI .Dictionary, 2nd edition), p. xxii. [The 
Marathi language] "has two distinct Jingual elements, the Scythian (or Turanian) and 
the Sanskrit." . ,. . "The Scythian element . . is obviously the more ancient 
of the two, as far as its present locality is concerned. It is still a good deal in use, 
especially among the lower orders of the people, and in the business of common life. 
It claims almost all the words beginning with the cerebral letters, which, as initials, 
were probably not originally in use in the Sanskrit; almost all the words beginning 
with the letter jh ; and a great majority of the words formed from imitative particles, 
both simple and reduplicated, which are often very expressive, and are not now of an 
arbitrary character, whatever they might '"have been before they got established in the 



THE DEAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



27 



TABLE No. II. 

List of Prakrit words, chiefly from the Mrichhakati and the grammarians, 
which are not found in classical Sanskrit, or are of doubtful origin, 
with their modern vernacular equivalents,, when ascertained. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. ., 


ENGLISH. 


Mrichh. 119.J 


pitrisamban- 
dhi j 


bappa-ke- 
\ake" 


(bap ke } 
(bap karke ) 


bap 


father. 


Mrich.80. 108 


pc.dam ' 


gcdam 


94 


, 


foot',' leg. 


Mrich. 72. 112 


udara 


pcia, potto, 


pet, pota 


pot 


beliy. 


Mrichh. 35. . 


pumsfJiaH 


iihhinalia 


chhinal 


(chhinal, } 
\sindal } 


harlot. 


Mrichh. 40. . 


stambha 


khunta 


khonta 


khunta 


Peg- 


Mrichh. 31. \ 












36. 167. .] 


manmhyah 


ffoho 





goho 


man. , ' 



Mrichh. 123.\ 
&n., 299. J 


rasah 


lakhalia 


. . . 


laker! 


a slight taste. 


Mrichh. 175. 


kukkumh 


hude 






doer. 


Vikr. p. 79. . 


pasya 


no 






UVKI 

looK. 














Mrichh. 100. 


rakshata 


johaha * 


johna 


. . . 


jto watch : 
(look out for. 


Mrichh. 141. 


prakampate 


thartaredi 81 


thartharana 


thartharanem 


t* tremble. 


Var. viii.68.} 
& Kram. in > 
Delius, 11.) 


majjati < 


vuttSi,vuttdi, 
khuppdi 


\ bjidna 


budanem 


Ito sink. 


Mrich.162.317 


majjantam 


dubbantam 


dubita 


dubanem 




Mrichh. 36. ( 
79. 164. . 4 
Prab. 58. ( 


pidhehi 
pidhatta 
pihitam 


dhakjcehi ". 
dhakKedha 
dhakkide 


> ifhakna 


dhankan (a 
lid or cover) 
jhankanem 
(to cover) 


to cover or 
shut. 




usus loquendi of the people by whom they were originally formed." . . . "The 
Sanskrit element is that which predominates in the MarathT, as the inspection of 
the Dictionary at once shows." . . " Colebrooke expresses it as his opinion that 'nine- 
tenths of the Hindi dialect may be tracei back to the Sanskrit ; ' and perhaps a similar 
observation may be justly made as to the proportion of Sanskrit words in tfte MarathI, 
when both primitive and modified forms are taken into the account." 

47 About the affix, kelake or kerake, see Lassen, p. 118. 

48 In Molesworth's MahrattI Dictionary, this word is set down as derived from the 
Sanskrit peta ; but the only sense assigned to this word in "Wilson's Sanskrit Dictionary 
is that of basket. 

j 

49 Stenzler's Mrichhakati, p. 299. > 

50 In Wilson's Sanskrit Dictionary the word jongata is given as a ppun, with the sense 
of "longing for ;" which may possibly^be connected with this word. 

61 Prof. Benfey, in his review of the first edition of this volume, in the " Gott. Gel. 
Ajizeigen" for January 23rd, 1861, p. 132, considers this root to be connected wifti the 
Sanskrit tarala, "trembling," and the participle tarttirana (from the root fur}, which 
occurs in Rig Veda, ix. 95, o, where it has, according to Bohtlingk and Eoth's Lexicon, 
the sense of "rushing forward." 

69 "Wilson and Bohtlingk and Roth give si root dhakk, with the signification to 



28 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTI. 


ENGLISH. 


Mrich. 118. f 
95. . 1 

Mrichh. 122. 
( 


karayishya- \ 
. mi ) 
karaya 
karshami 


ghadaba- 
tis'am 
ghadabehi * s 
vaddhami 


>- ghadna 


ghadanem 
odhanem 


;o fabricate. 

/to draw. 
\(Stenz. 298.) 
to sit 


Kramad. in j, 
Deliusi 1 


piv 
Jchip 


ghott 


ghuntna 


ghotanem 


to drink, gulp 
to throw. 


Var vfii 64 










to be angry. 


Yar vii ; 66 








,. 


to be afraid. 


Var. viw. r 28. \ 






i 


' 




Delius, p. 6. / 
Var. viii. 20. 


ahra 








to smell. 


Var. viii. 67 


nvfii 




l 




to cleanse. 


Var. viii. 69. 


dris 








to see- 


P*asanna- \ 
'raffhava. / 


vilokayan 








seeing. 


11.13.113. ( 


vilokaya 








see. 


115. I 
Var. viij. 70. 


sak 








to be able. 


Mrichh. 21. .j 


sphotayish- 
ynml 


madamada- 
'iss'am 


} 




(I shall 
\ split. " 



" destroy ;' u but the dh is the dental, not the cerebral, letter. I have withdrawn from the 

table the word kaneli, as it is found in Sanskrit' as well as Prakrit sentences in the 

Mrichhakatl. 

63 This may come from the Sanskrit root ghat, " to act." 
6 * Delius, p. 12, thinks that these roots may have been disused in Sanskrit. 
45 Prof. Benfey, in the review above quoted, regards this word as connected with the 

Sanskrit Tootjvar, and the adjective/para, " excited," "in a passion." 

66 See Mr. Cowell's note 5, on p. 73, where he supposes that Delius's reading ghis is 
probably incorrect. In his Index, p. 2G2, however, Mr. Cowell places a mark of interro- 
gation after visa'i. , 

67 While this table is passing through the press, I have been favoured with the follow- 
ing remarks on some of the words by Mr. R. 6. Childers. " Bappa, Bap In Simhalese 
Appd is ' father,' and Bdppd ' uncle.' The latter word is a corruption of bdla-appd, as is 
shown by the corresponding Bdlammd, ' aunt.' Pota, Pet I think this may well be the 
Sanskrit Pela, compare the various meanings of Eoshtha. The Italian for a man's head 
is testa, properly an earthen pot. It is singular that the Simhalese for ' belly ' is Bada, 
which, however, cannot be peta ; it would rather represent bhanda, but I am very doubtful 
about its etymology. Chhinalia Cloiigh, in the Simhalese dictionary, gives under 
Chhinna, the meaning ' harlot.' Could ndli,. be the Sanskrit ndri ? Ua, ' look,' I do 
not know how this word is used, but might it not be simply an interjection ? Dhakkhehi, 
The Sanskrit root 'Staff' is Thak in Pali (thaketi 'he covers,' thakanain^ 'a. covering'). 
But Clough gives ' concealment ' as one of the meanings of dhakka. Ghadabais's'am This 
must be a causative of i ghat': Ghatdpeti, 'he fabricates,' occurs in Pali (see D'Alwis Intr. 
p. 35)". Vaddhami, ' to draw,' Compare Tumour's Mahavamsa, p. 160, line 1 and erratum, 
Kuntam vaddJietha bho, ' pull up the lance,' which seems to have been stuck in the 
ground (see previous page). Vijj, 'to throw,' Could thk be 'vyadh'P The present 
tense in Pali is vijjhati. Vajjai, ' to fear,' Could this be ' vrij ' (Pali vqyati'), in the 
sense of ' to shrink from ' ? Pul, ' to see* This must be the Singhalese bala-navd ' to 
see,' the etymology of which f l have hot succeeded in tracing." 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 



29 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PRAKRIT. 


HINDI. 


MAHRATTli 


ENGLISH. 


Mrichh. 17. 


bhakta 


chhalli 






boiled rice. 


Mrichh. 43. 


(sasya- 
\ lampata 


sassa- 
palakka 




' . 1 


a rioter in 
grain (spoken 
of an ox). 


Mrichb. 10U 
159. j 


(ehintaparah 
\ chintayuktah 


tattilo(or tan- 
tilo], tattila 


} 




anxious. 


Mrichh. 127. 


bale 


vasu 






(o yoking 
( female ! 






Mrichh. 134.J 


yamt\ j 


glla'issam 59 






I sbjill wash. 






Bal. 65f. 74 \ 
240. j 


kanti 


ritlcholi 


. . . 


. . . 


brilliance. 


Bal. 194. 


pankti , 


r\choll 


... 


... 


a row. 


Bal. 86. 


gaja 


doghatta 


. 


. . . 


an elephant. 


Bal. 195. 264. 


sukti 


sfppi 


sip, slpl 


. . . 


a shell. 


Bal. 249. 


trasta 


chamakanta 60 


(chamakna (to 
(glitter, start) 


} . . . 


alarmed. ' 


Bal. 240. 


misrita 


kallabida 


... 





mixed. 


Bal. 264. 


patita 


palotta 






* fallen. 


Bal. 198. 


samuhah 


kadappa 


... 





assemblages. 


Bal. 203. 


sreshtha 


garilla 6l 


. . . 


. . . 


fmost excel- 
[ lent. 


Bal. 243. 


nartaKt 


taraththl 


. . . 


. . . 


[ajdancing 
t girl. 


Bal. 251. 


churnita 


chuspania 


. . . 


. . . 


pounded. 


Bal. 276. 


mis'ram 


vidurillam 


. . . 


. . . 


mingled. 


Bal. 246. 


sparsaih 


jhadappehim 


. ., . 


... 


contacts. 


Bal. 246. 


(dutkaraih 
(dutkurutah 


dukttarehim 
dukkuqti 


\thokaron se 
}'thonkte? 


. . . 


fthey beat 
( with blows ? 


Bal. 259. 


lalata 


nidola 62 .[as 


. . . 


. 


forehead. 


Bal. 198. 


sobhita 


changoththia 


. . . 


. . . 


beautified. 



[N.B. See other non-Sanskrit roots, or roo^s of doubtful origin, used in Prakrit, in 
Vararuchi, yiii. 18,"21, 23, 34, 35, 39, 40.] 

58 Wilson gives challi, with the sense of "rind," "bark." 

59 Here the ksh of the Sanskrit may be changed into g. The Pali form, Mr. Childers 
tells me, is khalayissami, which he thinks may supply a link between the two words in the 
Table. But the Balaramayana, p. 48, has pakkhalana for the Sanskrit prakshalana and 
the Prasannaraghava, p. 124, has chchhalaa for the Sanskrit Tcshalaya. 

60 The word also occurs in p. 243 of the saine drama, in the forms chamakkanta and 
chamakkidq, where it is explained in the commentary by chamakrita, "astonished." 

61 This may possibly be a mistake of the copyist for gariththa (garishthaj, which occurs 
in page 224. 

62 Mr. Childers suggests that nidola is probably only an altered fofm of lalata, as in 
Pali nalata is a more common form than lalata, while metathesis would account for the 
most important remaining variation. n 

43 The Sanskrit lexicons have changa in the sense of beautiful ; but from what the latter 
part of the word is derived, I do not see. 



30 THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 

t> 

It is true that these vernacular words, occurring in the dramas, 
are few in number; that many vocables, very unlike the Sanskrit, 
which seem, on a hasty inspection, to be of a different origin, are 
discovered, on a 'more careful- examination, to be derived from that 
language by successive steps proceeding according to certain recognized 
rules ,of mutation; and that the words, not deducible from the written 
Sanskrit, 'which remain, do not bear so large a proportion to those which 
are of Sanskrit origin, as is the case in the Dlodern Vernaculars. 64 This 
paucity of such words in the dramas is, jfcrha'ps, t'o be accounted for 
by the fact that they are polished compositions containing many poeti- 
cal passages, and were written by Pandits, men familiar with Sanskrit, 
who would be likely, when they could, to avoid vulgar words and 
1 phrases, and to employ vocables of Sanskrit derivation, wherever it 
was founct possible : just as we see the pedantic Pandits of our own 
time are in the habit of doing. 65 And there can be no doubt that in 
the prqvincial dialects, as spoken by the lower classes and by un- 
learned persons in general at the time rvhen the dramas were com- 
posed, many more non-Sanskrif words would be current than we meet 
with in the dramas. In the s"ame way we, find in modern times several 
modifications of language in use among 'different sections of the com- 
munity in the same provinces of Hindustan. The Hindu Pandits, for 
instance, use a dialect which { is full of Sanskrit words ; the villagers 
use fewer Sanskrit and more indigenous words ; the lower Mahomedans 
use a language approaching to that of the Hindu villagers, but with more 
Persian and Arabic words; while educated Mahomedans introduce into 
their discourse a large number of Arabic and Persian words and phrases. 
But the existence of even a small proportion of such non-Sanskrit words 

64 Lassen remarks, p. 286: " The ( roots of the Prakrits must be looked for in 
Sanskrit; and the few words which appear to be of extraneous origin can, for the 
most part, be traced to Sanskrit, if the investigation is pursued on right principles. 
At the same time I would not entirely deny that some yocables may have passed from 
the indigenous languages of India into the Sanskrit as well as the Prakrit ; but such 
words are certainly not numerous." Lassen may not underrate here the number of 
purely indigenous words in the Prakrits, as they are exhibited in the dramas, but his 
remarks are not certainly correct if applied to the modern vernaculars, in which 
words not derived from Sanskrit, and which must have come down to them from the 
vernacular Prakrits, are very numerous. 

65 Compare the case of English, like that of Dr. Samuel Johnson, full of Latin 
and Greek derivatives, wi/,h other^ compositions in which Anglo-Saxon predominates. 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 31 

in the dramas, when taken in conjunction with the corrupted form, 
akin to that of the modern vernaculars, in which we find Sanskrit 
words employed there, appears sufficient to show that the Prakrits, 

such as we see them in the dramas, were, in a moi-e or less modified 



form, the spoken dialects of their day ; and were consequently the 
precursors of the modern vernacular tongues. As we find in ^these 
latter a considerable proportion of words which cannot be traced >back 
to classical Sanskrit, we are led to conclude that these words -must 
have existed in the older 'vernacular dialects, and have been'^raas- 
mitted from them to ,t;hs later. The only alternative is that we 
suppose these non-Sanskrit words to have been invented in modern 
times, a supposition which is destitute of all probability. 66 

The question, already proposed in p. 7, now recurs, Whence came 
these words which are met with in the Prakrit dialects and the still 
larger number discoverable in the modern vernacular tongues, which 
are not found in classical Sanskrit? In answer to this question two 
suppositions have been already made. It has been suggested, p. 7, 
that these words are either (1) collocfuial vocables of Aryan origin 
(a view which is adopted by Mr. Beanaes in the passage quoted in 
p. 8), or (2) that they hav<9 ( been borrowed from the language of 
non- Aryan tribes with which thfe Aryans came into contact. For I 
must here anticipate an assertion which I hope further on to prove 
more in detail, viz., that there are 'in India very manifest traces of 
a variety of races of men differing widely in their origin. 

It appears that the ancestors "of the higher classes of northern 
Hindus, who originally spoke Sanskrit and called themselves ' Aryas, 
must have had their origin in countries to the north or west of India, 
and immigrated into Hindustan at an early period. When they arrived 
there, they found the country already occupied by a race of men called 
in the Veda and Mahabharata, Dasyus, who spoke a different language 
from themselves, and with whom they 'oecame engaged in continual 

66 Even if it were to be admitted that the Pali and the scenic dialects were never 
identical with the spoken vernaculars, this would not neutralize my argument. F,or 
the Prakrits must have heen used on the stage, and must therefore have been under- 
stood. They could not, however, have been intelligible, if they had not approached 
closely to some form of spoken language. And the existence of the Pali, as well as 
of the Prakrits, shows both the general tendency of men to break down and modify 
their languages, and the actual process by which they proceeded in northern India. 



32 THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 

warfare. These Dasyus appear to have been partly driven away by 
the Aryas to the east and south and north, where they took refuge in 
the forests and mountains, and partly to have been subdued and to 
have become incorporated in the Aryan communities as their slaves or 
dependents. Though these earlier inhabitants of India also had, in 
all probability, immigrated into that country at some period anterior ' 
to th,e intasion of the Aryas, I shall, for the sake of ready distinction, 
style,them the aborigines. These aborigina, 1 tribes.may not have been 
all of one race, and may have arrived in Ijidis at (Jifferent times, but 
their history is very obscure, and can only fae conjeptured. So much 
is clear, that their languages are not all alike. In the south of India 
, we find still existing a set of spoken languages called Tamil, Telugu, 
Canarese, Malayalim, etc., which differ very widely from the verna- 
cular tongues of northern India, viz., the Mahratti, Hindi, Bengali, 
etc. Though the southern languages have now a certain intermixture 
of Sanskrit words, yet it is clear that this intermixture is only of 
comparatively recent date, as those languages differ entirely both in 
structure and in the great bulk of the words of which they are com- 
posed from the Sanskrit, and.all its derivative languages. The dialects 

of northern and central India, on the o^ner hand, viz., the Mahratti, 

< 
Hindi, Bengali, etc., are, as we have already seen, mainly derived 

from 'classical Sanskrit, though they contain a considerable proportion 
of words which are evidently of a different origin. These words of 
non-Sanskrit origin, which we first discover, to a certain extent, in 
the ancient Prakrits, and which descended from them to the northern 
vernaculars, must (1) either have formed a part of the colloquial speech 
of the Aryas, which did not pass into their literary language ; or (2) 
they have been derived from the language spoken by the aborigines, who 
had occupied the south as well, as north of India before the Sanskrit- 
speaking race of the Aryas arrived; or (3) they most probably came 
partly from the one and partly from the other of these sources. Assum- 
ing that they spring in part, at least, from a non- Aryan source, we may 
suppose some such linguistic process 'as the following to have taken 
p'iace. After the northern aborigines had been reduced to dependence 
by the Aryas, and both classes, Aryan and non-Aryan, had coalesced in 
one community (of which the former composed the upper, and the 
latter the lower ranks), the languages of both classes (which had 



THE DRAMATIC PRAKRITS. 33 

previously been different) would begin to become assimilated and 
amalgamated ; the Sanskrit-speaking Aryas would soon adopt many 
words belonging to the speech of the aborigines, while the aboriginal 
race would begin to borrow many words from the Sanskrit, the 
language of their masters. This process, however, would naturally 
lead to a great corruption and alteration of the Sanskrit. Many of 
the compound consonantal sounds in Sanskrit words, such as those 
in stri, rakta, kshatriya, se.em to have been found such as the lower 
orders of people found it difficult to pronounce, and these compound 
sounds became accprdingly, broken up or simplified, or in some way 
modified. Thus strl became istrl, rakta became ratta or rakat, and 
hshatriya became khatriya, khattia, or chhatriya. In this manner both? 
languages would become gradually changed, according to processes 
which are seen in operation in all countries. Caprice, alteration of 
physical circumstances, differences of education, and those varieties in 
the organs of speech which are peculiar to different races, are all found 
to produce progressive modifications in 'language. Various forms of 
Prakrit would spring up by degrees in different provinces, in which 
Sanskrit and aboriginal words and forms would be combined, though 
the more cultivated element, .the Sanskrit, has, in either a pure or 
a modified shape, remained predominant. At the same time the 
Sanskrit language gradually ceased to be spoken in its then existing 
form, and becoming the language of books, and of the learned class 
exclusively, was more and more polished and settled by grammarians ; 
and being exempted from the ordinary causes of alteration, continued 
thenceforward unchanged: just as was the case with the Latin 
language. It seems, at the same time, to be very probable that many 
words of indigenous origin, as well as words which, though of Sanskrit 
origin, had been modified in the Prakrits, were incorporated in the 
Sanskrit ;' and that in this way the modern vocabulary of that language 
includes many words and roots which were unknown to it at an earlier 
period. 67 

67 Dr. Stevenson says, in the Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal As. Society, * 
for January, 1859 : " The Brahmans scattered through all the different provinces of 
Hindusthan no doubt adopted many of the words of the languages of the tribes 
among whom they resided, and introduced them into the sacred tongue." Professor 
Benfey has drawn attention to the introduction into Sanskrit of words which had 
become modified in the Prakrits. See Lassen, In^. Alt. ii. 1149, note 2 ; and 



34 ON THE ORIGIN AND VERNACULAR USE 

SECT. III. On the origin and vernacular use of the Scenic Dialects. 

It has been doubted, however, whether the dramatic dialects were 
ever spoken languages. This view is thrown out as the most likely 
by Prof. H. E". "Wilson in the introduction to his " Select Specimens 
of the Theatre of the Hindus," pp. Ixv, Ixvi. 

'' There is one question of some interest attaching to our construc- 
tion of the Prakrit, which merits a fuller inquiry than has been yet 
givjp. to it, and on which this is not the place to- dilate. Does it 
represent a dialect that was ever spoken, or is it an artificial modifica- 
tion of the Sanskrit language, devised to adapt the latter to peculiar 
-^branches of literature ? The latter seems to be the most likely ; for 
there would be no difficulty in the present day in writing it, although 
it is norlonger spoken, and highly finished specimens are to be found 
in plays which are modern productions. The Vidagdha Madhava, for 
instance, consists more than half of high Prakrit, and it was written 
less tnan three centuries ago.- On the other hand, many of the modi- 
fications are to be found iij the spoken dialects of Hindusthan, and 
the rules of Prakrit grammar account for changes which, without such 
aid, it is difficult to comprehend.. The simplification of the gramma- 
tical construction by the disuse of the dual number, and the reduced 
number of verbal conjugations, looks also like the spontaneous substi- 
tution of practical to thedretic perfection in actual speech, and may 
tempt us to think the Prakrit was once a spoken tongue. The subject 

Benfey, article "Indien" (in Ersch and Gruber's Encycl.), p. 248. A paper on 
" The Dravidian elements in Sanskrit," by Dr. H. Gnndert, has lately appeared in 
the Journal of the German Oriental Society for 1869, pp. 517 ff. The author 
remarks : " It was to be expected a priori that a number of Dravidian words must 
have found their way into Sanskrit. How, further, could the Aryan people have 
spread itself over the whole of India, without adopting very much from the aboriginal 
population which they found there, and which has submitted to them partly in a peace- 
able manner, and partly under compulsion, and yet even to this day only imperfectly ?" 
And in opposition to the Brahmanical grammarians who would derive such words 
from Aryan roots, or declare Dravidian roots to be Sanskrit, the writer appeals to 
the nature of the case, and urges that : " where peoples speaking different languages 
r live in constant mutual intercourse, traffic or fight with one another, suffer and enjoy 
together, they take over much from each other without examination or scrutiny ; and 
this process must have gone on in the earliest times, when their mutual relations 
were still of a naif character. We thus expect d priori that as the Aryans penetrated 
southwards, they would become acquainted with new objects under Dravidian appel- 
lations, and with them adopt Lheir names." 



OF THE DRAMATIC DIALECTS. 35 

i 

is interesting, not only in a philological, but in a historical view ; for 
the sacred dialects of the Bauddhas and the Jainas are nothing else 
than Prakrit, and the period and circumstances of its transfer to Ceylon 
and to Nepal are connected with the rise and progress cf that religion 
which is professed hy the principal nations to the north and east of 
Hindusthan." * 

Mr. Beames expresses himself still more strongly in the same sense : 
"In fact, there, is, "much tfaat requires clearing up in the relation.be- 
tween the Saurasenf, Braj, and the Modern Hindi dialects, and until 
we know more of the colloquial forms of early Prakrit, the mist cannot 
be dispelled. The Prakrit* of the poets is clearly not a dialect that, 
ever was spoken. How far it represents the characteristics of any 
spoken dialect is a question;" (Journal of the Royal Asiatic, Society 
for 1868, p. 498.) 

To support the view which has been already expressed of the rela- 
tion of the modern vernaculars to certain pre-existing Prakrit, f.l. ver- 
nacular dialects, it is not necessary to assume that the dramatic Pra- 
krits are identical with the spoken Prakrits which existed at or 
anterior to the periods when the former were used for poetical pur- 
poses. In fact, it is clear from what Prof. "Wilson says of the com- 
position of dramas within the last few centuries, when the Older 
Prakrits had been superseded by the, existing vernaculars, that the 
Prakrits of the dramas have continued to be employed as the tradi- 
tional dramatic language for females and for the lower classes long after 
these Prakrits have, on any supposition, become obsolete. But it is 
possible that when they were originally so used they may have been 
identical with some contemporaneous vernaculars. It is, however, 
sufficient for my purpose to assume that the dramatic dialects were at 
one period closely akin to some contemporaneous vernaculars. This 
appears to be sufficiently established "by the, lists of words which I have 
given above, and which show that the modern vernaculars have 
naturally sprung out of forms of, speech either identical with or akin 
to the dramatic Prakrits. The same point is also proved by the* 
relation in which, as we shall see, the latter stand to the Pali. 

I shall now introduce a quotation from Professor Lassen, who, in his 
Institutiones Linguae Pracriticae, pp. 39, ff.. adopts the opposite side 
of the question from Brof. "Wilson and Mr. Beames. His remarks 



36 ON THE ORIGIN AND VERNACULAR USE 

will also be found to illustrate the process by which the Prakrits arose 
out of Sanskrit. 

" If the question regarding the origin of these dialects merely refer 
to the source .whence they are derived, it admits of a very easy answer : 
for, as has been already stated, all the scenic dialects are drawn en- 
tirely from the Sanskrit. 68 If, however, the question means by what 
process these dialects have been drawn from the Sanskrit, it will be 
mqre difficult to answer. The difficulty does pot consist in these 
languages containing any forms or words *of whicn the Sanskrit arche- 
types are undiscoverable : for, on the contrary, both forms and words 

....are deduced from that ancient source by Undergoing certain mutations 
which all languages follow as they become altered and corrupted in 
the course of time ; as, for example, has been the case with all the 
Ge'rmanic and Romanic dialects which have sprung from the Gothic 
and the Latin. 

" The difficulty, however, consists in this, that these dramatic 
dialects, sprung from the Sanskrit, and bearing the names of different 
provinces, are different from the provincial languages which have the 
same name and origin; e'.g. the principal Prakrit (which appears to 
have been called Maharashtrl) differs, irom the modern Mahratti, and 
tb.6 S'aurasenI from the Brajbhakha. Hence a doubt has been sug- 
gested whether the dramatic delects were formerly the spoken tongues 
of the people of the several provinces, who at present use a form of 
speech which, though cognate, is yet different; or whether these 
dramatic dialects are anything more than artificial adaptations, either 
of Sanskrit, or of the provincial tongues, to dramatic purposes. The 
latter opinion has appeared to Wilson the most probable, for this 
reason, that the modern dialects of the Mahratta country, of Hathura, 
and Beh'dr, are different from those which were employed on the stage 
under the same names. Jle assigns another reason, viz., that these 
dramatic dialects can be composed even now. But is not the case 
precisely the same with the Sanskrit or the Latin? both of which 

f can in our day be written by men who are skilled in them, though 

they have long ceased to be used in daily life, or to be spoken, except 

by a few scholars. Wilson's first reason is equally inconclusive : for, 

to use what I mav call an argumentum ad hominem, the learned Pro- 

68 See, however, what has beeu said on this subject above, in pp. 26, ff. 



OF THE DRAMATIC DIALECTS. 37 

fessor would scarcely succeed in making himself understood, if he 
were to address his countrymen in the Anglo-Saxon tongue. His 
argument would, indeed, be sound, if it could be proved that in the 
age when the dramatic dialects were first brought upn the stage, the 
Maharashtri, or any other form of contemporaneous speech, was dif- 
ferent from the dialect introduced into the dramas under the same 
name. For it must be recollected that succeeding dramatic poets, 
following the exanlple of > their predecessors, did not change 4he 
dramatic varieties t>f speech, but retained them in their original 
forms; whilst, on, the 9ther hand, the popular dialects continued 
to undergo great alterations, as is the fate of all languages which 
are subjected to the wear and tear of constant use. These scenic*' 
dialects can be taught even now by grammatical tuition, just as the 
Sanskrit can, though neither the one nor the other can be learned, by 
the Indians from a nurse. All change in the scenic dialects was 
guarded against (just as in the case of the Sanskrit) from the -period 
when their forms and laws kad been fixed by grammarians ; and, 
consequently, the argument drawn from Ihe diversity of the dramatic 
and modern provincial dialectg is of no force, unless it can be shown 
that the provincial dialects alsq have remained unchanged, from the 
commencement to the present da^. This, however, can neither be 
shown, nor was it possible. On the other hand, the existing condition 
of the provincial dialects cannot be explained unless we suppose them 
to have had another form, more ancient than the present, and more 
conformable to the Sanskrit. 

" Since, then, it cannot be proved that the provincial dialects were 
originally different from the. scenic, I shall add some arguments by 
which it will be made probable that the latter (the scenic) were 
actually current in the provinces from which they derived th^ir names. 
And, first, I shall make use of the rames themselves as an argument : 
for the names Maharashtri, S'aurasem, would be absurd if they were 
not referred to provincial dialects ; seeing that the names cannot be 
deduced from any orders of men so called, nor from any peculiarities, 
in those dialects. The same may be said of the Magadhl, for though 
I am aware that the word Magadha denotes an order of bards, still 
the Magadhl dialect is employed on the stage by other classes of men, 
and the bards themselves derive their appellation 'from the province 
which gave its name to the dialect. 



38 ON THE ORIGIN AND VERNACULAR USE 

"In the next place, I argue that the nature of dramatic poetry 
renders it scarcely credible that dramas composed in a language dif- 
ferent from that of common life should have been exhibited on the 
stage. This, however, is a different matter from the supposition that 
the dramatic cfialects have subsequently ceased to be spoken, and have 
become obsolete, while yet they maintained their place on the stage. 
The same thing holds good of the employment of Sanskrit itself in 
dramas written in a comparatively modern period. . 

, '"If these considerations be duly weighed, ?t appears to follow that 
the use of different dialects on the stage was the result of a peculiar 
condition of Indian life, at the time when the laws of dramatic art 
"TT'ere first fixed by the Indian poets. 

"To these arguments it must be added that there is so close an 
affinity between the primary dramatic dialect and the Pali, as to leave 
scarcely any doubt of their being originally identical. So much is 
undoubted that the sacred language of the Jains is not different from 
the primary Prakrit. This language would certainly not have been 
adapted by the adherents of <i sect which is strongly opposed to the 
Brahmans and their opinions, if the dramatic dialect had had no other 
foundation than the fertile and subtle genius of the Brahmans. The 
Jains could, however, have no difficulty in appropriating it to their 
own uses, if it was the language of daily life. How it happened 
that the Maharashtrl dialect, in particular came to be selected both 
by the dramatic poets and by the Jains, is a point to be explained 
from the history of the Indian stage, and of the Buddhist religion, 
out of which the sect of the Jains sprang. To attempt this here 
would be out of place. 

" The primary argument, however, is to be drawn from the structure 
of the languages themselves. This structure is the same, as regards 
principles and general rules, in aLLthe provincial languages of Sanskrit 
origin, while it is different (though very similar), if the individual 
forms and the elements of these be regarded. I shall therefore do 
sufficient justice to the plan I have in view, if I examine more 
minutely some of these languages, and show what their grammatical 
character is. In doing so, however, I am prevented by the limits of 
my book from exhibiting their entire grammar, nor would it better 
serve the end I hare in ^iew if I were to do so. I propose, there- 



OF THE DEAMATIC DIALECTS. 39 

fore, to inquire into the scheme of declensions peculiar to these lan- 
guages, which follows the same analogy a*the laws of conjugation. 
I pass over the permutations of sounds, which are too various to be 
treated here ; nor, if I did treat them, would it conduce to my object, 
which is so to describe the structure of the provincial' dialects as to 
' exhibit the differences between them and the dramatic languages. 
For the changes in their elements undergone by the Sanskrit words 
which have been received ,into the modern dialects, follow two ,very 
different laws, 'whyjh, if npt carefully distinguished, might be \is9d 
to demonstrate contrary conclusions. One sort of mutation prevails 
in those words which had, been received into the provincial dialects 
which were anciently formed, or rather corrupted, from the Sanskrit*;* , 
such as the Brajbhakha 'pothi,' a book, which in Prakrit is 'pothab',' 
and in Sanskrit ' pustaka,' and numerous others, which would lead us 
to conclude that the same changes in the elements of words have taken 
place in the modern vernaculars as in the dramatic dialects ; and that 
the forms of words in the former are derived from, and find their 
explanation in, the latter. This I by a.o means deny. But there is 
another kind of words to be found in ,.the modern dialects, which 
come nearer to the original Sanskrit words than do the forms used in 
the dramatic Prakrits. The following' are some examples from the 
Brajbhakha, Panjabl, Mahrattl, and Bengali : 

Brajbhakha. Panjabi. Mahrattl. Bengali. 

Putra, 69 Putrl Prakds Kartd, Pruthuwl Dip, Prithivl. 

Prakrit Putta, Puttl Pakdsa JZattd, Puhavi Dlba, Puhavi. 

Sanskrit Putra, Putrl Prakdsa Kartd, Prithivl Dlpa, Prithivl. 

"To these might be added numerous other instances. And if such 
words alone were regarded, it would not be absurd to conclude that 
the modern dialects retain a greater number of Sanskrit 1 words in 
their genuine form than the Prakrits do., But this would be an un- 
sound conclusion ; for the modern vernaculars, especially when spoken 
by men who are learned in Sanskrit, and as they are seen in books 
written by such persons (from which the manuals, grammars, an d 
lexicons of such dialects which we use, have been derived), are con- 

[ 69 Put, son, is, however, also used in this dialect, as in the phrase, bap put, father 
and son. J.M.] * 



40 ON THE ORIGIN AND VERNACULAR USE 

tinually recurring to their sacred and ancient Source (the Sanskrit), 
not only when they warn words expressive of recondite ideas, and 
required for elegance of diction, but also when the vernacular form 
of the word is mere corrupt than learned men would wish to introduce 
into their writings. Hence it happens that twofold forms of the same 
Sanscrit \^ords are found in the same provincial language, one more 
Sanskrit, the other Prakrit ; for the parent Sanskrit has never ceased 
to exercise an influence on the vernacular ''dialectic of India, just as 
the Latin does on the Romanic tongues ; while"; on the other hand, the 
Sanskrit has exercised no influence on tfce, forme of the dramatic 
dialects from the period when the dramatic poets, and the gramma- 
rians following their guidance, had assigned to these dialects certain 
fixed forms. It has hence resulted that these dramatic dialects have 
undergone no change whatever, and are just the same in dramas 
composed within the last three centuries as in the far more ancient 
Mrichbakatl. For the language of the stage is continually borrow- 
ing Sanskrit words, but alters and inflects them according to rules 
peculiar to itself; the vernacular dialects, on the other hand, con- 
tinue similarly to borrow words from 1;he Sanskrit, but leave them 
unaltered, 70 while those words which threy had long ago adopted had 
been, altered according to natural laws common to them with the 
Prakrits. In this way the occurrence of pure Sanskrit words in the 
vernaculars, such as, e.g. tlkskna, tiraskrita, in the Bengali, is to be 
explained." Pp, 39-45. 

Professor Lassen then proceeds to examine the forms of declension 
employed in some of the modern vernaculars. He then goes on to 
remark as follows : 

[In the modern vernaculars] " we find the structure of the 
Sanskrit dnd Prakit declension quite destroyed, the same inflexions 
applied to the singular and the plural, and a new difference introduced 
in certain declensions between the direct and the oblique cases. This 
proves that the provincial declensions are of a later date than those of 

[ 70 It is also to be observed, that many of the Sanskrit words which have been 
borrowed and modified in the Pali and Prakrit are, in the modern dialects, re- 
placed, as far as the common people are concerned, by words of aboriginal, or, at least, 
colloquial, origin; such as beta, instead ofputra, for son; while words like the latter 
are used chiefly by Brahmans, and other high-caste persons. J.M.] 



OF THE DRAMATIC DIALECTS. 41 

the dialects used in the dramas, which are derived from the Sanskrit 
by certain fixed rules, and involve only a- few innovations. In the 
provincial inflections there remain, indeed, some traces, partly distinct, 
partly somewhat obscured, of Sanskrit and Prakrit djsclension ; but in 
other points there are great innovations which reveal to us a total 
dissolution of the old grammatical structure, and its reconstruction by 
means of new instruments. 

" As this state 06 thing?, is perceptible in the whole grammar of the 
provincial dialects which owe their origin to the Sanskrit, I conclude 
that they are of ]#ter origin than the scenic dialects. Between the 
Sanskrit language and itf^ existing daughters [the modern vernacu- 
lars], there is so great a diversity of grammatical structure as to mak*? 
it certain that the pristine language cannot have sunk by one fall, so 
to speak, into that condition in which we find the provincial 1 dialects. 
It follows of necessity that there must have been an intermediate con- 
dition between the pristine and the modern speech. This intermediate 
condition was no doubt very, various, and approached at first more 
nearly to the Sanskrit, and subsequently to the provincial tongues. 

"If we except the Pali [and, I would add, the Gatha dialect in 
the Buddhist books, J.M.], the earliest form of the Sanskrit after it 
began to degenerate and to alter' its character is that which we find 
in the dramas ; from which dramatic dialect, therefore, we are to 
suppose that the first mutation of the' Sanskrit, which eventually gave 
rise to the modern vernaculars, was not very different. I contend 
that, though not identical, this Earliest corruption of Sanskrit was 
very similar to that which we find in the dramas. If this opinion 
be correct, there is nothing to prevent our believing that the scenic 
dialects were formerly the current speech of the different provinces. 
The names which these scenic dialects have received from the gram- 
mariansj and the conditions of drjynatic poetry, lead us to the same 
conclusion. 

"Here, however, I conceive I must stop, for I could not adduce de- 
tailed arguments to prove this opinion without examining the whole 
field, both of the scenic and the provincial dialects. I think, however, 
that I ought distinctly to add that I should not be disposed to dissent 
from any one who should assert that the scenic dialects were not 
exactly the pure forms of speech whick wers contemporaneously 



42 ON THE VERNACULAR USE OF THE DRAMATIC DIALECTS. 

current in the different provinces, but were a little modified, so as 
better to harmonise with the character of the persons who were to 
employ them. The principal argument for this conclusion is that 
two forms are sometimes found to occur in the dramatic dialects, one 
having a closer resemblance to the provincial language, and another 
which is softer and, so to speak, more feminine. 

"To bring this disquisition to a close: there are two families of 
degenerate Sanskrit extant; the first more ancient, and not much 
coj-ritpted, to which class the Pali and the^ scenic dialects belong; the 
second of more recent origin, and disperse^ at the present day over 
the [northern] provinces of India, which is more diverse from the 
parent language. The members of the former family are daughters 
, of the Sanskrit; those of the latter are its granddaughters, though 
it is in some degree doubtful whether they are daughters of the first 
family or granddaughters descended from sisters. As regards the age 
of these two classes, it is proved by the history of the Buddhist 
religion, and of the Indian stage, that the former arose prior to the 
commencement of the Christian era; while it can be made out with 
considerable probability that the latter (i.e. the modern provincial 
vernaculars) were formed before the year r 1000 of the Christian era." 
Pp. 57-60. 

I subjoin some further remarks on the distinction between the older 
Prakrits and the modern vernaculars, from the Indische Alterthum- 
skunde of the same author, Vol. ii. pp. 1149, 1150. 

" We must draw a distinct line of demarcation between the Indian 
languages of the middle age (under which denomination we may 
fittingly class the Pali, the languages of the dramas, and those em- 
ployed in the oldest inscriptions) and the new Indian, or existing 
vernacular dialects. The former had not, so to speak, crossed the 
Rubicon, nor entirely renounced obedience to the laws of their "mother- 
language. They conform, it' is true, but little to the ancient phonetic 
laws, and are regulated for the most part by such as are of a later 
date ; but their grammatical forms, though corrupted and stunted, are 
inherited immediately from their parent. The modern dialects of 
India, on the other hand, have almost entirely ceased to obey the 
phonetic rules of the Sanskrit. They conform in part to the phonetic 
laws of the Prakrit dialects, but in addition to these the modern 



INDIAN GRAMMARIANS ON THE PRAKRITS. 43 

dialects have peculiar phonetic laws of their own, and their words, 
when not borrowed immediately from the Sanskrit to enlarge their 
vocabulary, often manifest more extreme contractions, and greater 
deviations from the original words, than do the corresponding words 
in the Prakrit. The grammatical forms of the modern delects are, with 
' rare exceptions, newly constructed ; for the case-terminations are 
chiefly indicated by post-positions, the old personal terminations nave, 
for the most part, .entirely disappeared, and the tenses are marked in 
quite a different rfianner tb^n in the Prakrit dialects, the past j;*nses 
being commonly shown by participles, with the three personal pro- 
nouns in the instrumental case. Even the lowest of the dramatic 


Prakrits, the Apabhransa, has not transgressed this line of demarc?y 
tion, and stands much nearer to the Sanskrit than the modern ver- 
naculars do." , 

> 

SECT. IV. Views of the Indian Grammarians on the relation of the 
Prakrits to Sanskrit, and on the other elements in their composition. 

Vararuchi, 71 the oldest extant grammarian who treats of the Prakrit 
forms of speech, and his commentator Bhamaha (in his Manorama), 
distinctly assert their derivation, mediate or immediate, from Sanskrit. 
The former describes in his " Prakrita-prakasa " four dialects o$ this 
description, viz. : 1st, Maharashtri, ,or Prakrit generally so called ; 
2nd, Paisachl ; 3rdly, MagadhI ; and 4thly, S'auraseni. 72 After having 
in the first nine chapters laid down the rules for the formation of the 
Prakrit, properly so called, from Sanskrit, he proceeds to the 9thers ; 
and at the commencement of Chapter X. he lays it down that "the 
root of the Paisachl is the S'auraseni." Paisachl \ prakritih S'aurasenl\ 
On which the commentator Bhamaha remarks that Paisachl is the 
language of the Pisachas. 73 The MagadhI also is delared by Vararuchi 
in Chapter XI. " to be derived from the fame S'auraseni." Ndgadhi \ 
prakritih S'auraseni \ 74 The S'auraseni dialect itself is spoken of at the 

71 See on his age, Lassen, Instit. > Pracr. 4. 5 ; Addenda, p. 65 ; and Indische 
Alterthumskunde, a. p. 1160, where he is declared to have flourished about tte 
middle of the first century A.D. 

71 See Lassen, Instit. Pracr. 7 f. ; and Cowell, Prakrita-prakas'a, p. xvii. 

13 Pisachanam bhasha Paisachl \ asyah Paisaehyah prakritili S'auraseni \ Cowell> 
p. 86, and Lassen, Instit. Pracr. 7. 439. 

74 Cowell, p. 89, and Lassen, pp. 8. 391. 



44 VIEWS OF THE INDIAN GRAMMARIANS 

commencement of Chapter XII. as derived immediately from the 
Sanskrit. S'auraseril\ paTcritih Sanskritam\ 75 At the end of the 
Chapter ori the S'aurasem, it is stated that "in other points" (which have 
not been specifically touched upon) " it is like the Maharashtri dialect." 
S'esham mahdrashtrivat \ 76 From this and from some other quota- 
tions -whiah will be found below, it appears that the ancient Maha- 
rashtri, and the dialect called by way of eminence "the Prakrit," are 
the pame. 77 In another work called the V Shadbfrasha Chandrika," 
by, LUkshmidhara, it is stated that the " Pivikrita dialect had its origin 
in Maharashtra." Prdlcritam Mahdrdshtrodbhavam |, 78 As the S'aura- 
sem is said to be derived from the Sanskrit, t the same must a fortiori 
, be true of the Maharashtri, or principal Prakrit, as the greater part of 
< Yararuchi's work is devoted to showing how it is formed by modifi- 
cations of the Sanskrit. And, in fact, at the close of Vararuchi's 
ninth section on this dialect we have it thus stated in the following 
Sutra, the 18th: "The rest is [to be learned] from the Sanskrit :" 
seshah Samskritdt \\ 79 On which the commentator remarks, "The rest 
means all that has not been already referred to. The remaining rules 
for affixes, compounds, taddhitas, genders, etc., must be learned from 
the Sanskrit." ulctdd anyah seshah \ ]!>r<ityaya-samdsa-taddhita-Unga- 
varnahddi-vidhih seshah samslcritdd hvagantavgah \ The derivation of 
Prakrit from Sanskrit is here implied, and, in fact, as has already 
been intimated, the same thing results from the whole series of rules 
for forming Prakrit words, which are nothing but explanations of the 
manner in which the Sanskrit fornis are modified in Prakrit. The 
same origin is ascribed to Prakrit by Hemachandra, who says, Prakritih 
samskritam \ tatra-bhavaih tatah dgatam va Prdkritam | 80 "It has its 
origin in Sanskrit. Prakrit is that which springs, or comes, from 
Sanskrit." t Of the Prakrits handled by Vararuchi we thus see that 
three derive their names from thr/?e provinces of India, viz., Maha- 
rashtra, Magadha, and the country of the S'urasenas, the region round 

75 Cowell, p. 93, and Lassen, pp. 8 and 49 of Appendix. 
f 76 Cowell, p. 96, and Lassen, pp. 8 and 50 of Appendix. 

77 That the Maharashtri of that period was not the same as the modern Mahratti 
appears (I need scarcely say) from the character of the former, as shown in the 
dramatic works in which the Prakrits are employed. 

7 Lassen, p. 12. 79 Cowell, pp. 85 and 176. 

80 Cowell, p. xvii. ; Lissen, p.26. 



ON THE EELATIONS OF THE PRAKRITS TO SANSKRIT. 45 

Mathura. This, as we have already seen above, p. 37, is considered by 
Lassen as a strong proof that they were spoken dialects. 

Four kinds of Prakrit only, as we have thus seen, are nientioned 
by Vararuchi, the oldest authority on. Prakrit Grammar, viz., Maha- 
rashtri (or the principal Prakrit), S'aurasenI, Magadhi, and Paisachi. 
Though many other dialectic varieties are referred to by later gram- 
marians, it is not necessary for my purpose to give a detailed account 
of any of these. , ,1 

Vararuchi devotes niae chapters, containing in all 424 aphoriams,jto 
the Maharashtri ;. one chapter containing 32 aphorisms to the pecu- 
liarities of the S'aurasenI ;, another chapter containing 17 aphorisms to 
the Magadhi; and a third chapter containing 14 aphorisms to tilei 
Paisachi. 

It is clear from this mode of treatment alone, that the 'points in 
which these four dialects, and especially the Maharashtri and the 
S'aurasenI, agree with each other, must be much more numerous than 
those in which they differ ; and this conclusion is confirmed by a com- 
parison of the specimens of the several dialects which are extant in the 
dramas. Accordingly, Professor Lassen remarks (Instit. Prac. p. 377), 
that "the principal dialect, -.and the S'aurasenI, coincide in most re- 
spects." The technical distinction made between these two dialects 
by the grammarians is, that the one (the S'aurasenI) is the language 
used in prose, while the Maharashtri is appropriated to verse (Lassen, 
p. 384). The same author remarks of the Magadhi, that it does not 
depart much further from the Sanskrit than the principal Prakrit does 
(p. 387) ; and that the Indian grammarians are wrong in deriving the 
Magadhi from the S'aurasenI, as the former is as directly descended 
from the Sanskrit as the latter ; and that the two derivatives coincide 
with each other in most respects (p 1 . 437). The Paisachi (a dialect 
employed by barbarous hill tribes) .Lassen supposes, in like manner, to 
have been derived directly from the Sanskrit, but by a process peculiar 
to itself (p. 447). 

In regard to these Prakrit dialects generally, Lassen remarks (p. 38>) 
as follows : " that the Sanskritic languages of Hindusthan proper were 
formerly less different from each other than they now are, is to be 
inferred from the fact, that at that earlier period they had not departed 
so far from their common fountain." * 



46 VIEWS OF THE INDIAN GRAMMARIANS 

The following passage, quoted by Lassen, Instit. Linguae Pracrit., 
p. 17, from a work called Prakritadlpika, by Chandideva, seems also 
to show that Prakrit was a language in current use, as well as em- 
ployed in the dramas : etad. api lokdnusdrdd natakadau mahdkavi- 
prayoga-darsandt Prdkritam mahdrdshtradeslyam prakrishta-bhdsha- 
nam \ tathd cha Dandl " mahdrdshtrdsraydm bhdshdm prakrishtam 
Prdkritam vidur" iti \ "This Prakrit of the Maharashtra country 
[so called], from its conformity to popular, usage, 'and from its being 
employed by great poets in dramas and* other pOems, is the most 
excellent form of speech. Thus Dandl say,s, ' The Prakrit which 
prevails in Maharashtra is considered the bst.' " Rama Tarkavagisa, 
i Ifi his Prakritakalpataru, declares "the Maharashtrl dialect to be the 
root of the others;" sarvdsu bhdshdsv iha hetubhutdm bhdshdm mahd- 
rdshtra-Vhavdm purastdt \ nirudayishydmi (sic) yathopadesam srl-Rdma- 
iarmd 'ham imdm prayatnat | 81 and affirms that "the S'auraseni is 
derived from it." Virachyate samprati S'auraseni purvaiva Ihdshd 
prakritih kildsydh \ * z The Magadhi is said to be derived from 
these two r Atha, iha Mdgttdhy anusishyate . . . asydh mahdrd- 
shtraka-S'aurasena-bhdshe pravinaih prakritl nirukte \ 83 These lan- 
guages, together with the Ardhamaga/lhl and the Dakshinatya, are 
called bhdshds. The author then 1-efers to the second class, called 
vibhdshas, the dialects called S'akari or Chandalika, S'abari, Abhirika, 
Dravida, and Utkall, which, he says, "though characterized by 
rusticity (apabhransata), are yet not to be ranked in the class of 
apabhransas if they are employed In dramas." S ' akkdrakodra-dram- 
dddi-vacho ' ' pabhrantsatdm yadyapi samsrayanti I sydd ndtakddau yadi 
samprayogo naitdsv apabhraihsatayd tathaishah \ 84 On the other 
hand, the forms of those vibhdshas which are not used in the dramas 
are reckoned by the author among the apabhransa dialects, under 
which name he understands the .provincial languages, such as the 
Bengali, GuzaratI, etc. 85 A third class of languages is called by this 
author the Paisachl. 



81 Prakritakalpatani, quoted by Lassen, p. 20. 

83 Ibid., 2nd S'akha, 1st Stavaka. 

8 3 Ibid., 2nd Stavaka. 

e* Ibid., 3rd Stavaka (Lassen, p. 21). 

85 Lassenf p. 22. r 



ON THE RELATIONS OF THE PRJ&RITS TO SANSKRIT. 47 

> 

The Kavyachandrika, a work on poetry, has the following remarks 
on language : 

Tad eva vdnmayam vidyat samskritam prdkritam tathd \ apabhramsaS 
cha misras cha tasya bhedd chaturvidhdh \ samskritam devatd-vanl ka- 
thitd muni-pungavaih \ tadlhavam tatsamam deslty anekam prdkritam 
viduh \ J 

"In regard to language, let it be understood that there are four 
kinds, viz., Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhransa, and mixed. The Munis 
call Sanskrit the language of the gods; and consider that there #re 
several kinds of Prakrit^ viz. (Tadbhava], that which is derived from, 
and (Tatsama} that whicti corresponds with, Sanskrit, and (Desi} the 
provincial." 86 On this passage the scholiast remarks : 

" Tadbhavah" samskrita-bhavah khaggddi-sabdah \ "tatsamah" sams- 
krita-prdkritayoh samah hindira-hande ityddi-sabdah \ " desi" 'iti i^ahd- 
rashtrlyddi \ " apalhramsas " tv Alhlrddi-vdkyam \ " misrakam " ndta- 
kddikam \ ^ 

"The word tadbhava means 'derived from Sanskrit,' like the word 
khagga, etc., for khadga. Tatsama means the words which are ' alike 
in Sanskrit and Prakrit,' lil^e Mndlra, tiande, etc. 87 Desi means the 
Maharashtrl, etc. Apabhransa is the speech of the Abhiras, etc. 
The mixed dialect is that of the dramas, etc." - B Here it is Jo be 
remarked that though the Maharashtri is generally recognized as the 
principal Prakrit, it is in this passage called De$i t or provincial, by 
the scholiast. To the same effect is the following passage from the 
Kavyadarsa of DandT : 

Tad eva vanmayam Ihuyah samskritam prdkritam tatJid \ apabhramiam 
cha misram chety dhur dptds chaturvidham \ samskritam ndma dawi vug 
anvdkhydtd maharshibhih \ tatsamah tadbhavo deslty anekah prdkritah 
kramah \ mahdrdshtrdfraydm bhdshdm ' prakrishtam prdkritam viduh \ 
sdgarah sukti-ratndndm Setubandhddi-yanmayam (?) I 8'aurasenl cha 
ndtl cha Qaudl chdnyd cha tddrisl \ ydti prdkritam ity eshu vyava- 
hdreshu* 9 samvidhim \ Abhlrddi-girah kdvyeshv " apabhramsah " iti 
sthitih | sdstreshu samskritdd anyad apalhramsatayoditam \ ., 

86 Kavyachandrika, quoted by Lassen, p. 32. 

87 See Prof. Benfey's review of the 1st edit, of this volume in the Gb'tt. Gel. 
Anzeigen for 23rd January, 1861, p. 132. 

88 Scholiast on the same passage, ihid. 

89 Tattaddes'Iya-vyavahar,eshu natakadishu, marginal gloss, quoted by Lassen. 



48 VIEWS OF THE INDIAN GRAMMARIANS 

" "Writers of authority say that there are four kinds of" language : 
Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhransa, and mixed. Great Bishis denominate 
Sanskrit the language of the gods. There are several orders of Prakrit, 
viz., (tadlhava) that which is derived from, and (tatsama) that which 
corresponds with, Sanskrit, and the provincial (dei~). The language 
of Maharashtra is called the principal Prakrit, and it is an ocean of 
pearls and gems, such as the Setubandha, etc. [This line is corrupt; 
and,,the above sense is assigned as a conjecture. The allusion appears 
te berto the ancient Prakrit poem called '(Settfbantfha/ 90 though there 
may also be a reference to the reef of Sgtubandha, a line of rocks 
between India and Ceylon, in the vicinity of the Ceylonese pearl 
' fisheries.] The S'auraseni, the Nati (dramatic ?), the Gaudi, and 
such like dialects, follow the law of the Prakrit according to their 
several provincial usages. The speech of the Abhiras, and other such 
tribes, when occurring in poems, is called Apabhransa. In books on 
grammar, whatever differs from Sanskrit is called Apabhransa." 91 

In his note to the introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar, p. 15, 
Mr. F. W. Ellis remarks as follows on the Shadbhasha Chandrika of 
Lakshmidhara, above referred to (p. 54): "The work here noticed is 
confined to these dialects [the Mah^rash^ri, S'auraseni, Magadhi, 
Paisachi, Chulika-paisachI, and Apabhransa], as they now exist in the 
Natakas [dramas], and treats therefore only of Tatsamam and Tad- 
bhavam terms of Sanskrit origin ; it is expressly stated, however, that 
each possessed its proper Desyam, or native, terms ; and it is probable, 
as many of these dialects prevailed, in countries far distant from each 
other,' that each was connected with Desyam words of various deriva- 
tions, in conjunction with which they produced spoken languages, 
differing considerably from each other. This in fact is declared to be 
the case with respect to Paisaehi in the following passage :" Pisdcha- 
desa-niyatam Pisuchl-dvitayam vidtfh \ Pisdcha-desus tu vriddhair uktdli\ 
Pdndya- Kekaya-Vdhllka- Sahya-Nepdla- Kuntaldh \ Sudhesha-Bhota- 
Gdndhdra-Haiva-Kanojanas tathd \ ete Paisacha-desdh syus taddesyas 
pad-guno lhavet \ [i. e. Two kinds of Paisachi are recognized, which 
depend on the different Pisacha countries. These are declared by 
the ancients to be the following, Pandya, Kekaya, Yahlika, Sahya, 

90 See note, p. x. and note 2, p. 26, in Cowell's Prakrita-prakas'a. 

91 From the Karyadars'a of Dandi, as quoted by Lassen, pp. 32, 33. 



ON THE RELATIONS OF THE PRAKRITS TO SANSKRIT. 49 

Nepala, Kuntala, Sudhesha, Bhota, Gandhara, Haiva, and .Kanojana. 
These are the Paisacha countries ; and the native of each country has 
his own particular qualities.] " The two Paisachi dialects are said to 
prevail in all the countries here mentioned, commencing with Pand- 
yam at the southern extremity of India, and extending to Canoj 
(Canojana) in the north, . . . and it is added, Thes^ are^the 
Paisachi countries, and the Desyam terms of each have their own 

particular quality."'* The Concluding phrase is more vague in the 

' i J 

original than Mr. EHis hafs rendered it ; but as language is the subject 

which the author io treating, it is to be presumed that he here alludes 
to the peculiar character of i the different provinces in respect of their 
varieties of speech. 

It is irrelevant to my present purpose to inquire particularly 
whether the various distinctions adopted by Vararuchi and his suc- 
cessors, of the mediate or immediate derivation of the Prakrits from 
Sanskrit, and their classifications of Prakrit, into that which ig pro- 
perly so called, and Apabhransa, and Paisachi, are merely arbitrary 
and factitious, or are founded on any rational principles. It is enough 
that I find the following facts,, which are itnportant to the conclusions 
I am seeking to establish, admitted by the native authorities I have 
just cited ; viz., first, that the Prakrits are derived from Sanskrit as 
their source ; secondly, that they are comppsed of a threefold element : 
Tatsamam, pure Sanskrit ; Tadbhavam, derived from Sanskrit ; and 
Desi, local. As this third element, Desi, is distinguished both from 
pure Sanskrit and from words derived from Sanskrit but modified, it 
would appear, thirdly, that it denotes words which were regarded as 
having an origin different from Sanskrit. Such, at least, is indubitably 
the sense in which the word Desi is used by Telugu writers. 92 

92 See Campbell's Telugu Grammar (3rd edit., Madras, 1849), p. 37, Vhere it is 
said : " The words of the Teloogoo language .... are classed by Sanskrit gram- 
marians under four distinct heads. 1st De'shyumob, or, as it is more emphatically 
termed, Utsu Des/tyttmoo, the pure language of the land; 2nd Tutsumu.noo, Sanskrit 
words assuming Teloogoo terminations ; ,3rd Tudbhavumoo, Teloogoo corruptions of 
Sanskrit words, formed by the substitution, the elision, or addition of letters ; 4th.-> 
Gramytimoo, provincial terms, or words peculiar to the vulgar. To these we may 
also add Unyu Deshyumoo, or words from other countries, sometimes given as a sub- 
division of the first class, and comprising, according to the definition of ancient 
writers, words adopted from the dialects current in the Canarese, Mahratta, Guzerat, 
and Dravida provinces only, but now also including several of Persian, Hindoostanee, 
and English origin." 

4 



50 VIEWS OF THE INDIAN GRAMMARIANS 

To give an idea of the artificial manner in which the Indian critics 
classify the different Prakrit dialects, and of the different classes of 
people to whom they conceive the dramatic writers ought to assign 
them, I quotQ, a passage from the Sahitya Darpana : 

Purushdndm amchdndrn samskritam samskritdtmandm \ S'auraserii 
prafjoktavyd tddrislndm cha yoshitdm \ dsdm eva tu gathtisu Mdhdr.d- 
shtrlm prayojayet \ atroktd mdgadhl bhdshd rdjantahpura-chdrindm \ 
chefdndm rdjaputrdndm sreshthindm cJidrd^amdgadh^, \ prdchya vidusha- 
kddlndm dhurtdndm sydd -Avantikd \ yodKa-nagarwtidindm ddkshindtyd 
hi dlyatdm \ S'akardndm Sakddlndm sdkdrim samprayojayet \ Vdhlika- 
jbhdshd divydndm dravidl Dravidddishu*' \ Abhlreshu tathd "bhirl 
chdnddll Pukkasddishu \ Abhirl S'dvari cJidpi Mshtha-patropajivishu \ 
tathaivdngdrakdrddau Paisdchl sydt Pi&dcha-vdk \ chetlndm apy arii- 
chftiiam api sydt S'aurasenikd \ bdldndm shandafcdndm cha nlcha- 
grahamchdrindm \ unmattdndm dturdndm saiva sydt samskritam kvachit \ 
aisvaiyena pramattasya ddridryopaskritasya cha \ bhikshu-bandhadhard- 
dindm prdkritam samprayojayet \ samskritam samprayoktavyam lingi- 
nlshuttamdsu cha \ devimantrisutd-vesydsv api kaischit tathoditam \ yad- 
desam nlcha-pdtram tu tad-desam tesya fydshitam \ kdryatas chottamd- 

dlndm kdryo Ihdslid-viparyayah \ Yoshvt-sakhl-bdla-vesyd-kitavdpsarasdm 

ti 
tatKd | vaidagdhydrtham praddtavyam samskritam chdntardntarti \ 

11 Let men of respectable .ranjc and cultivated minds speak Sanskrit; 
and let women of the same description use S'aurasem, except in the 
metrical parts, where they should talk Maharashtri. Persons living 
in kings' palaces should employ Magadhi, and servants, kings' sons, 
and magistrates Ardhamagadhi. The eastern dialect (which the 
scholiast says is Gaudi, or Bengali) should be spoken by buffoons ; and 
the Avanti by crafty persons. Let Dakshinatya (the language of 
Vidarbha, according to the scholiast) be employed by soldiers and 
citizens ; and S'akari by ifVakara's, S'akas, and others. The Vahllka 
dialect is .the one proper for celestial (?) personages, Dravidl for 
Dravidas, etc., Abhni for Abhlras,, Chandali for Pukkasas, etc., the 
Abhiri and S'avarl for those who live by cutting wood and gathering 
leaves, and Paisachi, the speech of Pisachas, for charcoal-burners. 
S'aurasem may be used also for female servants of the more respectable 
sort, for children, eunuchs, and low astrologers; the same, and oc- 
casionally Sanskrit, for madmen and sick persons. Prakrit should be 



ON THE RELATIONS OF THE PRAKRITS TO SANSKRIT. 61 



employed by those who are intoxicated by authority or affected by 

poverty, by mendicants and prisoners, etc. Sanskrit should be as- 
signed to the better sort of female mendicants, and also, as 'some say, 
to queens, ministers' daughters, and harlots. A dialect belonging to 
the country from which each character of low origin comes should 
be assigned to him ; and the language employed by the superior 
personages should vary according to their function. Sanskrit should 
be occasionally assigned to women, female friends, children, harlots, 
gamblers, and celestial" nyjaphs, with the view of [showing theft-] 
cleverness." 93 , 

The rules here given a^>e quite artificial, as it would be absurd to 
suppose that different classes of persons living in the same locality, as ' 
most at least of the dramatis personae would do, could each speak 
different dialects, and that, too, the dialects of other and perhaps 
distant provinces. 

I shall conclude this section by adding the substance of what Pro- 
fessor Lassen says about the Prakrit dialects in the earlier portion of 
his work (pp. 22, 25-29). 

"The word praikrita comes from prakriti (procreatrix'), 'nature,' 
and means 'derived;' the several Prakrit dialects being regarded as 
derivatives of Sanskrit either diVectly or mediately. The original 
language from which any other springs is called its prakriti, or source. 
Thus Hemachandra says, 'Prakrit has its origin in Sanskrit; that 
which is derived, or comes from the latter, is called prdkrita.' ' 94 The 
expressions Sanskrit and Prakrit are opposed to each other in another 
sense, when the former word denotes men of cultivated minds, and the 
latter those who are uncultivated. The term Prakrit is therefore also 
applied to vulgar and provincial forms of speech. 

" The grammarians concur in considering Maharashtri -.as in the 
strictest sense of the word Prakrit, the principal form or type of 
Prakrit. The S'aurasem and the Magadhi approach most nearly to 
the Maharashtri, and both derive their appellations from the names 
of provinces. By these three provincial designations, Maharashtr?) 
S'auraseni, and Magadhi, the Indian grammarians appear to have 

93 Sahitya Darpana in Bibliotheca Indica, No. 53, pp. 172, 173. (See also Lassen, 
Instit. Linguae Pracr., pp. 35, 36.) 

94 Hemachandra, yiii. 1, Lasseu, p. 26 ; quoted aSove, p. 44. 

UNIVERSITY Of 
ILLINOIS LIBRARY 



52 INDIAN GRAMMARIANS ON THE PRAKRITS. 


understood the local varieties of language employed in those three 

several provinces, as well as the dramatic dialects severally so called. 
Yararuchi specifies only one inferior dialect, the Paisachi, and under- 
stands by it the form of speech- employed by the lowest classes of men. 
This, is to be distinguished from the speech of Pisachas (goblins), 
whicji, wiien introduced on the stage, are said to use a gibberish 
totally ungrammatical. The word is to be understood as figuratively 
used' to denote the contempt in which tha, lowest- classes were held. 
H'ema'chandra mentions a variety of this dialect, tho Chulika-paisachi, 
which denotes a form of speech lower than oven the former. In fact 
two varieties of Paisachi appear to be distinguished by the gramma- 
' nans, 95 both of them spoken by barbarous tribes, of which the one 
seems to belong to northern, the other to southern, India. Earn a 
Tarkavagisa also mentions two sorts of Paisachi, signifying by this 
name a rude mixture of language drawn from different idioms. 

"Thj3 term apabhransa is applied by the grammarians to those dialects 
which are the furthest removed from the pure Sanskrit original, and 
have undergone the greatest corruption. Hemachandra specifies two 
kinds, of which one has mout affinity with the principal Prakrit, and 
the other with the S'auraseni. The ojdsr writers assign this dialect 
to th.e people who dwell on the shor'es of the western ocean, especially 
the Abhiras. Rama Tarkavagisa, departing from the view of the 
earlier writers, ascribes the varieties of the local and provincial dialects 
to the apabhransa, as their source. The same author seems also (when 
he uses (iii. 1) the words nagddikramat, ''according to the manner of 
those who speak like Nagas, or serpents, etc."), to assign a mytho- 
logical name to the provincial dialects in the same way as the older 
writers talk of certain barbarous tribes as Pisachas. This designation 
appears to have proceeded froln the writers on rhetoric, who assign 
Sanskrit to the gods : Prakrit is tten left for men; while those whom 
the Brahmans consider to be scarcely deserving of the name of men, 
Chandalas, Abhiras, and such like, are only fit to utter the speech of 
goblins, or serpents. 

" The Prakrit dialects employed in the dramas are rightly asserted 
by the grammarians to be of Sanskrit origin ; for both the grammatical 
forms and the words, with very few exceptions, as well as the entire 
95 r See the 'passage quoted in p. 48. 



PALI, ITS RELATIONS TO SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT. 53 

structure of the Prakrits, and the character of their syntax, are 
derived from the Sanskrit. "When, however, the more recent gram- 
marians assert the same of the Canarese and other South-Indian 
dialects, they are in error, as, although these languages contain words 
formed from Sanskrit according to certain rules, their grammatical 
forms and primary words cannot by any possibility have btien drawn 
from that source." 

I will hereafter show {when I come to refer more particularly 
to the South-Inditto laisgui-ges) that the Indian grammarians (31 t&e 
south claim for the Tejugu, and no doubt for the Tamul, Canarese, 

and Malayalim, also, an origin quite independent of the Sanskrit. 96 

j* 



SECT. Y. The Pali, and its Relations to Sanskrit and Prakrit. 

The above tabular comparison of the Prakrits with the modern, ver- 
naculars, will have abundantly shown, that the latter are derived from 
the former, or from some kindred sources, and that both are derived 
in great part from the Sanskrit, at some period of its history, the one 
mediately, the other more immediately! Although, however, it be 
sufficiently clear, both from the authority of the native grammarians 
and by a comparison of the Sanskrit and the Prakrits, that the latter 
are derived from the former, yet'the later Prakrits do not represent 
the derivative form of speech which stands nearest to the Sanskrit ; 
and we are in a position to point out a dialect which approaches yet 
more closely to the latter than the Prakrits do. I mean the Pali, or 
sacred language of the Buddhists ; a language which is extinct in 
India, but in which numerous canonical books of the Bauddha religion, 
still extant in Burmah and Ceylon, are written. 97 

Though, however, this language has had the singular fate of having 
now disappeared from its native soil, tb become a sacred language in 
foreign countries, it is yet nothing more than one of the ancient 

96 See Dr. Caldwell's Comp. Grammar of the Dravidian languages, pp. 30, 31 ; the 
Introduction to Campbell's Telugu Grammar, 3rd edit., Madras, 1849, pp. xv. ff, ; and 
the Note, in the same work, by Mr. Ellis, to Mr. Campbell's Introduction, pp. 11-22. 

97 If any Brahmanical reader should think of studying these pages, I hope thai 
the connexion of the Pali language with the Buddhist religion will not deprive it 
of all interest in his eyes, much less induce him, with the author of the Nyaya mala 
vistara, I. 3, 4, to regard it, though of pure Sanskrit original, as polluted, like cow's 
milk in a dog's skin (nahi putam syad gokshlram sva-dritau dhritam), by the unholy 
contact of these heretics. 



54 PALI, ITS RELATIONS TO SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT. 

vernacular dialects of Northern India. Magadhi is the appellation 
which the Buddhists of Ceylon themselves give to it. It is, indeed, 
true, as we are informed by Mr. Tumour, that the "Buddhists are 
impressed with the conviction that their sacred and classical language, 
the Magadhi or Pali, is of greater antiquity than the Sanskrit; and 
that it had attained also a higher state of refinement than its rival 
tongue had acquired. In support of this belief they adduce various 
argunents, which in their judgment are v quite conclusive. They 
observe that the very word ' Pali ' signifieo, original, text, regularity ; 
and there is scarcely a Buddhist Pali scholar in Ceylon who, in the 
discussion of this question, will not quote v with an air of triumph, 
<neir favourite verse, sd Magadhi mula-lhdsd nard ydy 'ddikappikd \ 
Irahmdno ch 1 assutdldpd Samluddha cJidpi bhdsare. ' There is a lan- 
guage wHich is the root (of all languages) ; men and Brahmans at the 
commencement of the creation, who had never before heard or uttered 
a human accent, and even the supreme Buddhos spoke it: it is 
Magadhi.' 98 This verse" is a quotation from Kachchayano's Gram- 
mar, the oldest referred to ifi the Pali literature of Ceylon. The 
original is not extant in this island." 100 Mr. Tumour, however, is 
inclined to " entertain an opinion adyerse to the claims of the 
Buddhists on this particular point [the priority of Pali to Sanskrit]. 
The general results of the researches hitherto made by Europeans, 
both historical and philosophical, unquestionably converge," he thinks, 

98 Mahawanso, Introduction, p. xxii ; see also ]^ xxvii. Mr. Childers translates 
thus : " The Mugadhl is the original langu'age in which men of former Kalpas, and 
Brahmas by whom speech has not been heard, and supreme Buddhas speak." The 
" Brahmas " are, he thinks, the inhabitants of the upper Brahma worlds. The idea en- 
tertained by the Buddhists of the superiority of Ihe Pali to Sanskrit may also be learnt 
from the following passage of the commentary on the Grammar called Rupasiddhi, 
describing the result of the composition of Kacbchayano's Grammar: ewam sati tiana- 
desa-lha^a-sdkkatadi-Tchnlita-wachannin analtaram jetwa Tathagatena wnttaya su- 
bhawa niruttiya sukhena Buddha-wachanctm ugganhissanti \ " This being done, men, 
overcoming the confusion and incorrectness of diction, arising from the mixture of 
Sanskrit and other dialects of various countries, will, 'by conformity to the rules 
of grammar propounded by the Tathagata (Buddha), easily acquire the doctrine of 
B/jddho." Mahawanso, Introd., pp. xxvi, xxvii. 

99 Preserved in the grammar called Payogasiddhi. Tumour, p. xxvii. Mr. Childers 
tells me that the verse does not occur in Kachchayana. 

100 This grammar is now in the hands of scholars, and parts of it have been pub- 
ished by Mr. D'Alwis and Dr. Kuhn. Mr. Childers says that it is in the hands of 
every native scholar, and' must have been so in Mr. Tumour's time. 



APPEAKANCE OF BTJDDHA. 55 

"to prove the greater antiquity of the Sanskrit. Even in this island," 
he proceeds, "all works on astronomy, medicine, and (such as they are) 
on chemistry and mathematics, are exclusively written in Sanskrit: 
while the works on Buddhism, the histories subsequent to the advent 
of Gotamo Buddho, and certain philological works alone^ are composed 
in the Pali language " (Mahawanso, Introd. pp. xxii, xxiii). There 
is no question that Mr. Tumour is right, and that the priests of 
Ceylon, who are no t philologists, are wrong. The Pali bears as distinct 
traces of derivation .from ^Sanskrit, in an early stage of its development, 
as any of the other northern dialects. Before, however, adducing the 
proofs of this, I must give some account of the manner in which the 
Pali was introduced into Ceylon. 

The appearance of Buddha as a religious reformer in Northern 
Hindustan seems to have taken place in the earlier part of *he sixth 
century before Christ. He is said to have entered on his mission in 
the year 588, and to have died in 543 B.C. (Tumour, Introd. to 
Mahaw., p. xxix). 101 In strong contrast to the Brahmans, he a!nd his 
followers strove to disseminate their new doctrines in a popular shape 
among all classes of society; and for this purpose employed, where 
necessary, the current vernacular dialects of their age and country, 
though, at the same time, they f may have used both Sanskrit and 
Magadhl in the composition of thejir sacred works (Lassen, Ind. Ait. ii. 
492, f. ; 1147, f ; Burnouf, Lotus de la Bonne Loi, p. 862). 103 Three 
Buddhist synods were held at different periods within 300 years after 

101 The grounds for preferring the Cingalese date of Buddha's death, 543 or 
544 B.C., to that of the Northern Buddhists, are set forth by Lassen, InJ. Alt., 
vol. ii., pp. 51-61. See especially pp. 60, 61. The historical value of the Buddhist 
records is, according to Mr. Tumour (Introd., p. xxviii), assured in the following 
way : " The age in which we now live is the Buddhotpado of Gotamo [the interval 
between the manifestation of one Buddho and the epoch when his religion becomes 
extinct]. His religion was destined to endure 5,000 years; of which 2,380 have 
now passed away (A.D. 1837) since his dec.th, and 2,620 are yet to come. ... By 
this fortunate fiction, a limitation has been prescribed to the mystification in which 
the Buddhistical creed has involved all the historical data contained in its literature 
anterior to the advent of Gotama. . . . The mystification of the Buddhistical data 
ceased a century at least prior to B.C. 588, when Prince Siddhattho attained Buddho- 
hood, in the character of Gotamo Buddho." 

102 Benfey has expressed a different opinion on one point. He says (Indien, p. 194), 
the Buddhist books of Nepal composed in Sanskrit are, " as we shall hereafter show 
to be probable, merely translations from the Buddhist sources, which were originally 
composed in Pali." v 



56 THE BUDDHIST SYNODS ; DIFFUSION OF BUDDHISM. 

Buddha's death, for the collection and arrangement of the sacred works 
which expounded the doctrines and discipline of his religion ; for the 
correction of errors and abuses; and for the purpose of propagating 
the new faith in foreign countries. The revelations of Buddha are 
stated by his followers " to have been orally pronounced in Pali, and 
orally perpetuated for upwards of four centuries, till the close of the 
Buddhistical age of inspiration." They consist of the Pitakattaya 
[in Sanskrit Pitakatraya], or the three pitakas, wjiich now form the 
BudcHustical Scriptures, divided into the/ Vyiaya.* Abhidharma, and 
Sutra pitakas. A schism having arisen afte/ Buddha's death, the first 
Buddhist council was held in 543, when the authenticity of this Pali 
,, collection was established, and commentaries upon it, called Atthaka- 
tha, were promulgated. At the second council, in 443 B.C., the autho- 
rity of the Pitakattaya was again vindicated, and the Atthakatha 
delivered on that occasion completed the history of Buddhism for the 
interval subsequent to the previous council. In the year 309 B.C., the 
third council was held in the reign of King Asoka, who was a zealous 
promoter of Buddhism [Tumour, p. xxix]. Various missions were 
consequently undertaken. 103 a Mahendra, the son of King Asoka, was 
sent on a mission to Ceylon, for the conversion of that island. 

The following account of his proceedings is given by the native 
authorities, as abstracted by Professor Lassen (Ind. Alt. ii. pp. 247- 
253) : Mahendra arrived in 'Ceylon in the year 245 B.C., was hospita- 
bly received by the king of the island, and began by his preaching to 
convert the inhabitants to the religton of 'Buddha. The king himself 
embraced the new doctrine. Relics of Buddha were transported to 
the island from Northern India, and the Bodhi tree, under which 
Buddha had attained the most perfect knowledge, was transplanted 
thither from Behar, and, according to the belief of the Buddhists, con- 
tinues to flourish to the present time. Many miracles attended these 
transactions. The conversion's to Buddhism continued; and many male 
and female devotees were consecrated to the Buddhist priesthood. 
Buddhism, thus introduced, has eve 1 ! 1 since remained the creed of 
Ceylon ; and that island, the head-quarters of Southern Buddhism, and 
the seed-plot from which it was propagated into Burmah and other 
parts of Transgangetic India, is regarded in those countries as a holy 
103 See Lassen, find. Alto ", PP- 79, 86, 229, ff., and 234-240. 



LANGUAGE OF THE BUDDHIST SCRIPTURES. 57 

land. In Ceylon there exists, as has been already mentioned, an ex- 
tensive Buddhistic literature, which fills up an important blank in that 
of the Brahmans. This literature is, as has been stated, in Pali. At 
first, however, the principal sacred records of the Buddhists are said to 
have been handed down by oral tradition. Mr. Turnour (p. xxix) 
gives the following statement on this subject from the native autho- 
rities : The Pitakattaya, together with the Atthakatha, completed to 
the era of the third Couapil, were orally promulgated in Ceyloa by 
Mahendra, the Pitakattaya fin Pali, and the Atthakatha in Cingalese, 
with a further Attbakatha of his own. These works were, it is said, 
propounded orally by his inspired disciples and successors till the close 
of the period of inspiration, which occurred in Ceylon between 104 
and 76 B.C. They were then committed to writing, the text (Pitaka- 
ttaya) in Pali (in which it had before been handed down orally), ( and 
its commentaries in Cingalese. This event is thus celebrated in the 
MahawansOj chap 33, p. 207. Pittaka-ttaya-pdlim cha tassd attha- 
kathaih cha tarn \ mukha-pdthena dnesum pulibe Ihikkhu mahamati \ 
Jidnim disiodna sattdnam tadd bhikkhu ' samdgatd \ chiratthitattham 
dhamrnassa potthakesu likhdpayum \ " The wise Bhikkhus of earlier 
times had handed down orally Jboth the text (Pali) of the three pitakas, 
and their atthakatha. But at that 'period, perceiving the injury which 
would otherwise be sustained by*he people, the Bhikkhus assembled 
and caused them to be written down in books for the more lasting 
stability of the faith." About 500 years later, in the period between 
410 and 432 A.D., Buddhaghosa transferred the Cingalese Atthakatha 
into Pali, as related in the 37th Chapter of the Mahawanso. These 
Pali versions of the Buddhist scriptures and their commentaries are 
those now extant in Ceylon, and they are identically the same with 
the Siamese and Burmese versions. 

Such are the Buddhist traditions .regarding the oral transmission of 
their sacred books, viz., the scriptures themselves in Pali, and the 
commentaries, etc., in Cingalese, and their subsequent consignment to 
writing. It is to be remarked, however, that so much of this narrative^ 
as records the oral transmission of these works, is distinctly rejected by 
Mr. Turnour, who says, p. Ivii., " although there can be no doubt as 
to the belief entertained by Buddhists here, that these scriptures were 
perpetuated orally for 453 years before theyowere Deduced to writing, 



58 INTRODUCTION OF PALI INTO CEYLON. 

being founded on superstitious imposture, originating perh'aps in the 
priesthood denying to all but their own order access to their scriptures, 
yet there' is no reasonable ground for questioning the authority of the 
history thus obtained of the origin, recognition, and revisions of these 
Pali scriptures'." 

Regarding the introduction of Pali into Ceylon, different views have 
been taken. In his " Institutiones LinguaB PracriticaB," Professor 
Lasen remarks as follows (pp. 60, 61) : ( < 

s "'It is clear that the Pali is the sacred language of the Southern 
Buddhists, i.e. of those who departing, foj: the most part, from the 
shores of Kalinga, towards the south, carried with them, first of all, 
'the doctrines of Buddhism into Ceylon, and eventually propagated them 
them in India beyond the Ganges." 

And dgain : 

" While the Pali is connected with the emigration of Buddhism to 
the south, it was itself, without doubt, produced in India. It is by 
no means clear whether the Buddhists, when they travelled southwards, 
made use of the Pali language from the first or not; but indeed, as 
the commencement of the emigration to Ceylon can scarcely be placed 
earlier than from 628-543 before Chris/, the application of the Pali 
dialect as a vehicle for communicating the Buddhist doctrines can 
hardly have taken place earlier thp.n that period. How much more 
recent it may be, I leave to' those who may be endeavouring to trace 
the history of this sect to discover." 

In his later work, however, tbe " Indian Antiquities " (vol. ii., 
pp. 4'88-490), Lassen proposes the following theory on the subject, 
which I translate, with slight abridgements : 

" The Pali language is called by the Buddhists of Ceylon Magadhl, 
and it ought consequently to have had its birthplace in Magadha. 
This, however, cannot have been the case, as, like the majority of the 
dramatic dialects, it does not possess the peculiarities of the Magadhl. 
The Buddhists are also wrong when they declare the Pali to be the 
root of the Sanskrit, and assert that Katyayana restored it to its 
original perfection by purifying it from all intermixture of Sanskrit 
and the provincial dialects. We shall therefore have to seek for the 
birthplace of the Pali elsewhere than in Magadha. We must neces- 
sarily assume it to have bgen once a vernacular dialect, as it is other- 



BIRTHPLACE OF PALI. 59 

i 

wise impossible to perceive why it should have been selected as the 

language of the sacred writings. There is, besides, nothing in its 
character which is opposed to the supposition that it was once & spoken 
tongue. If we compare it with the language of the "Western inscrip- 
tions, we find that, generally speaking, they stand both equally re- 
moved from the Sanskrit; for if the one presents some forms which 
are older, the other again has other forms which are more ancient. 104 
The western inscriptions haye, in addition to other differences, also 
the peculiar phonetic ruie of changing tvd into pta (e.g. dasayilva* 
[Sanskrit darsayitvCL\ into dasayiptu}, which is unknown to the Pali, 
as well as to the dramatic, dialects. These discrepancies render it 
impossible to identify the Pali with the language of the western 
inscriptions. It is besides to be observed, that Buddhism had not its 
principal seat on the western coast, where the dialect in question was 
vernacular." 

Thus, according to Lassen, the Pali is neither identifiable with the 
Magadhi, the language of Eastern Hindustan, nor with the dialects 
of Western India, as made known by the western inscriptions. . 

" In the absence of any other circumstance to indicate the birthplace 
of the Pali (Professor Lassen pj-oceeds), I propose the following con- 
jecture on the subject. I assume tiat Katyayana selected the speech 
of the country in which he was engaged in propagating Buddhism, i.e. 
of Malwa. Of the Prakrits employed in the dramas, the S'aurasem is 
the one most frequently employed, and is the variety used in the 
prose passages. Vararuchi derives It immediately from the Sanskrit, 
and from it the other dramatic dialects. He must therefore have con- 
sidered it as the oldest, though he (as well as his successors), regards 
the dialect called Maharashtrl as the principal. These two dialects 
stand the nearest to the Pali, though it is decidedly older tljan they 

are. I conjecture, therefore, that we .may regard it as the oldest form 

i 

104 Thus the language of the inscriptions preserves the s before t and th, as in asti, 
in sesthe, and in usthana ; and the r in tarvva, where the Pali has tth, tth, and v v. 
The inscriptions, too, preserve the Sanskrit dative, for which the genitive is used in i 
Pali, though the grammarians recognize, the existence of the dative. In Pali the 
ablative in sma, as well as mha, and the locative in smin as well as mhi, are found, 
though they are rarely used in composition. In the inscriptions, on the other hand, 
the locative has the form mhi, while the ablative of words in a is , so that the 
pronominal declination of this case has not yet been tr jnsferret? to the noun. 



60 REMARKS ON LASSEN'S VIEWS. 

which has been preserved of the vernacular language of "Western India 
between the Jumna river and the Vindhya range, a tract which in- 
cludes $[alwa. The S'aurasem would consequently present a later 
form of this language. Prom Ujjayani a knowledge of Katyayana's 
work was probably diffused over the Dekhan ; and the Cingalese 
derived their acquaintance with the dialect of which it treated from 
the country of the Damilas, i.e. the Tamilians, or the Cholas. In that 
country, Dipankara, surnamed Buddhapriya, composed his new ar- 
langement of that work, the oldest Pali 'grammar now extant. 105 As 
the canonical writings in Ceylon were not .translated into this sacred 
dialect till the beginning of the fifth centi^ry A.D., 106 the knowledge of 
Cc it appears to have been only very slowly diffused towards the south. 
The grammar just referred to appears to be more ancient than that 
translation. A more accurate conclusion regarding this portion of the 
history of the languages of India will perhaps result from a complete 
investigation of the writings of the Southern Buddhists." 

These remarks of Lassen afford, perhaps, scarcely sufficient grounds for 
denying that the Pali was introduced into Ceylon from Magadha. The 
peculiarities which are enumerated by Yararuchi as the characteristics 
of the Magadhi, as it existed in his day, such as the substitution of 
s for sh, and s, y for /, sk for k$h, I for r, are, after all, of no great 
consequence, and would perhaps be? regarded by learned persons, even 

IDS The oldest version of the compilation from Kachchayano's Grammar," says, 
Mr. Tumour (Introd. to Mahaw. p. xxv.), "is acknowledged to be the Rupasiddhi. 
I quote three passages .... The first df these extracts [from the conclusion of the 
Rupa'siddhi] .... proves the work to be of very considerable antiquity, from its 
having been composed in the Daksina, while Buddhism prevailed there as the religion 
of the state." This quotation is as follows : wikliyatananda-therawhaya-wara- 
gurunaih Tambapanni-ddhajanam sisso Dlpankarakhyo Damila-ivasumati dipa- 
laddha-ppakaso Baladichchadi-wasOfddwitayam adhiwasan sasanam jotayl yo soyam 
Buddha-piyyawho yafi imam ujukam Rupasiddhim akasi \ which, with the aid of 
Mr. Tumour's version, I translate as 'follows : " The celebrated teacher AnSndo, 
who was a rallying point like a standard to Tambapaimi (Ceylon), had a disciple 
called Dipankaro. The latter, who had obtained renown in the land of Damila, and 
was the superintendent o/ two religious houses, called Baladichcha, etc., illustrated 
r the religion of Buddha. He was the devotee who bore the appellation of Buddhapiyo, 
and composed this perfect Rupasiddhi." , 

106 This statement of Lassen disagrees with the account given by Mr. Tumour, 
on native authority (quoted above, p. 57), that the Pitakattaya had been handed 
down in Pali from the first. See also the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
for 1837, pp. 503, ff. * " 



EXTEACT FROM BTJRNOUF'S LOTUS DE LA BONNE LOI. 61 


in Magadha itself, rather as vulgar provincialisms, than essential 

characteristics of their language. If so, such varieties would naturally 
be discarded by educated men acquainted with Sanskrit, when they 
came to form for themselves a literary language. 

The early Buddhist teachers appear to have been in the habit of 
travelling over the whole of the central parts of Northern India, and 
must have been acquainted with the languages of its different pro- 
vinces. When, therefore, they set themselves to compose works which 
were intended for circulation in all these different regions, they would? 
naturally adopt the most Correct and approved forms of speech which 
were current anywhere within those limits. The case is quite different 
in regard to the dramatic compositions of India, which would preserve '* 
the most salient points of every provincial patois, as works of this 
class derive a considerable part of their attraction from depicting,, or 
even exaggerating local peculiarities. 

I find it also difficult to concur in Lassen's opinion as to the period 
at which the Pali, or Magadhi, was introduced into Ceylon. Mahendra 
and his followers, who were no doubt numerous, must necessarily have 
carried with them the language of their native country ; and not only 
so, but they may have been the, bearers of numerous works written in 
that language. For it is not easy to* receive literally the account gi^en 
by the Ceylonese writers (which, as we have seen, p. 54, Mr. Tumour 
also rejects,) of the time at which their religious works were first 
committed to writing, or to suppose that the foreign propagators of 
Buddhism, who would at first be ign'orant of Cingalese, should, at the 
period of their arrival, have had no records in their own language of 
the new religion which they were introducing, or that these records 
should not have been safely handed down to their successors. 

M. Eugene Burnouf, in the course of a comparison which he is 
instituting* between a paragraph extracted from a Pali work, one 
of the books of the Buddhist canon, the Digha Nikaya, and a parallel 
passage from a Kepalese Sanskrit work, makes the following observa- 
tion on the language in which the former is composed, from which v , 
it will be observed, that he does not controvert the derivation of the 
Pali language from the dialect of Magadha : 

"It is quite possible that these two versions may have been nearly 
contemporaneous in India, and have been ^curreni there from the 



62 QUOTATIONS FROM PROFESSOES 

earliest period of Buddhism, before the events occurred which trans- 
ported them to Ceylon. The Pali version would he popular among 
the inferior castes and the bulk of the people of Magadha and Oude, 
while the Sanskrit version was used by the Brahmans. Still, we 
should not be justified in supposing that we possessed in the Pali text 
the. authentic version of this passage in its true Magadhi form, since 
a comparison of the Indian inscriptions of As"oka, and of the Pali of 
Ceylon, reveals to us certain differences, 'betwee'n the forms of these 
two u dialects. Still, wnile we allow for^the" degree of artificial regu- 
larity which the cultivation of the Pali in Ceylon may have introduced, 
we must hold that the Pali version of this passage approaches very 
closely to the form which it must have had in Magadhi." (Lotus de 
la Bonne Loi. App., p. 862.) 

Professor "Weber (in the course of a detailed notice of the Lotus de 
la Bonne Loi, in his Indische Studien, iii., 176, ff.) remarks as follows 
on tbls passage : "This last explanation [that the Pali was elaborated 
in Ceylon] does not appear to me satisfactory, because a language 
carried by a few persons along with them into a foreign country 
ordinarily retains its ancient character unchanged. It is further very 
questionable whether the cultivation of the Pali commenced in 
Ceylon, and probability speaks rather in favour of the supposition 
that the grammar of the language was fixed in the country which 
was its home." "Weber proceeds to observe, that the Cingalese 
tradition ascribes the origin of their grammar to India ; and thinks 
it may be doubtful whether Pali was used at all in Ceylon before 
the arrival there of Buddhaghosa in 420 A.D. For though a trans- 
lation of the Sutras is said to have been made into the Cingalese 
sixty years earlier (which seems to prove that the Pali was under- 
stood alJ along), yet it is improbable, he conceives, that, if it had 
been earnestly studied before -Buddhaghosa, the translation of the 
work called Atthakatha would have been so long deferred. At any 
rate, he thinks the arrival of this teacher appears to have given a new 
impulse to the study of Pali, as is attested by the composition of the 
Mahavansa in that language, fifty years later. It is clear, however, 
that Weber maintains the essential identity of Pali with the vernacular 
dialect of Magadha, in the sixth century B.C., as he explains the more 
archaic character 'of the 'language of the Pali books, the Atthakatha 



WEBER AND SPIEGEL. 63 

and Tripitaka, as compared with the language of the Indian inscrip- 
tions of Asoka, by supposing that (while the popular dialect had 
undergone great alterations in the 300 years which intervened between 
Buddha's death and the date of the inscriptions) the followers of 
Buddha may have made it a rule to retain, as far as possible, the 
dialect in which Buddha himself spoke, as the language tff all , the 
discourses which actually emanated from him, or were ascribed to 
him, as well as of all the narratives of which he formed the subject. 

I quote two othe*r authorities on the subject of the early intr&duCS- 
tion of Pali into Ceylon. , Ihe first is Professor Spiegel, who remarks 
as follows, in the Preface to the Kammavakya (a short Buddhist work 
edited by him, and translated into Latin) : " It appears -reasonable to 
believe that the Pali was introduced by the Buddhists into Ceylon, and 
carried thence into Transgangetic India. An extensive intercourse 
existed between the continent of India and Ceylon from the earliest 
period, and the mention of this island in the Ramayana is well kjaown. 
Six Brahmanical kings are enumerated in the Hahavansa, who, as 
they lived before the age of Asoka, must no doubt have employed 
another language. That this was the case' is proved by the multitude 
of words which have been transferred from Sanskrit, not from Pali, into 
the Cingalese language, and which 1 appear to have been introduced in 
consequence of that previous intercourse to which reference has been 
made. Thus we find in Cingalese, karna, not Icanna, ear, vaira, not vera, 
enmity, the use of the visarga, which has nearly disappeared from 
Pali, as well as the vowels ri, ri, Iri, Irz." Spiegel proceeds : " "We 
find from the Cingalese books, that the Buddhists arrived in Ceylon, 
bringing with them the Pali language, in the time of Devanampiyatissa, 
the contemporary of Asoka, who reigned from 260-219 B.C. It is 
probable that the Pali was called MSgadhi in consequence of the 
mission of Asoka's son Mahendra to ^introduce Buddhism into Ceylon. 
In fact, a comparison of the Pali with the language of the inscriptions 
which have descended to our own time, leaves no doubt that the two 
forms of speech are most closely connected. Both are but compara-> 
tively little removed from the Sanskrit, since in neither of them is 
elision of letters practised, nor, with few exceptions, are aspirated 
letters commuted into A, as in the Prakrit." 

The other authority I shall quote is Processor "Benfey, who thus 



64 QUOTATIONS FROM PROFESSOR BENFEY. 

writes in his article on India (in Ersch and Gruber's German Ency- 
clopaedia, p, 194) : 

" The 'place exterior to India, where Buddhism became first estab- 
lished as a state religion (about 240 years before Christ) under the 
especial auspices of Asoka, Emperor of India, was Ceylon. It is 
therefore i io be assumed that at that period all which was of importance 
on the subject of Buddhism, was brought to Ceylon in the form in 
whieh it then existed. Besides, so close a,, connexion existed between 
Oeylon and the head-quarters of the Intliao empire, viz., the regions 
lying on the Bay of Bengal (Bengal itself atd^the adjoining provinces), 
that the Ceylonese took at least a passive share in the development of 
' Buddhism. Hence their books appear to me to be auth6rities of the 
greatest consequence. It is further to be observed that these works 
are composed in Pali, which is the sacred language of the Buddhist in 
Ceylon, and in the countries converted to Buddhism by the Ceylonese, 
and which was the predominating popular dialect of central India." 

I quote another passage, to a similar effect, from p. 250 of the same 
work ; and although there, at the close, the author speaks doubtfully 
of the derivation of Pali from the province of Magadha, and of the 
introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon, from the shores of the Bay of 
Bengal, he is not to be understood ks throwing any uncertainty on the 
connexion of Pali or of Buddhism with Northern India in general. 

He characterizes the Pali as "the sacred language of the Buddhist 
writings found in Ceylon and Transgangetic India, . . . which 

is shown both by internal and eiternal indications to have been the 

< 

vernacular dialect of central India, and which was diffused along with 
the Buddhist religion in the countries above named, where it soon 
acquired the same sacredness in the eyes of the Buddhists, which 
Sanskrit .possessed, and still possesses, for the Brahmans. This 
language," he continues, "(though distinct proof cannot yet be adduced 
of the assertion), is one of the very oldest of the Indian vernaculars, 
and was already in popular use at the period of the rise of Buddhism. 
It was probably the dialect of a considerable, I mean the western, 
portion of Bengal. It was from this point, from Banga or Kalinga, 
that, according to the Ceylonese account, Buddhism was introduced 
into Ceylon: and yet again this conjecture becomes uncertain, owing 
to the fact that th*e language of Magadha, which was spoken only a 



MR. D'ALWIS ON THE ORIGIN OF THE PALI. 65 

little to the north of the Bay of Bengal, and which (as Asoka's in- 
scription in Cuttack seems to have been composed in it) appears also 
to have extended towards the south, varies essentially from 'the Pali 
in several particulars." Again, in p. ,246, Benfey speaks of "the 
Pali, as varying in many particulars from the language of Magadha, 
and approximating to the principal Prakrit or Maharashtri, dialect.'' 

But it matters little in what particular province we suppose the 
Pali to have originated, whether in Magadha, or in some country 
further to the westwards: ay the fact remains in any case indubitable 
that, perhaps with some modifications, it represents one of the oldest 
Prakritic dialects of northern India. 

The Buddhist writers assert, as we have already seen, that the Pali" 
is not derived from the Sanskrit; but that, on the contrary, it is the 
primitive language from which all others are descended. ' These 
Buddhist grammarians were no doubt led away by their prejudice in 
'favour of the dialect which they or their predecessors had adopted as 
the depositary of their sacred literature; and by a prejudice against 
the Sanskrit, which was venerated by 'their rivals, the Brahmans. 
Even Mr. Clough says (Pali Grammar, Advertisement, p. iii.), with- 
out determining the question,, '^it has long been a contested point 
whether the Pali or Sanskrit be the? more ancient language of India;" 

and contents himself with the remark that, "it is certain that Pali 

* > 
was the popular dialect of the native country of Buddho, namely, 

Magadha, before the powerful sect, founded by him, was expelled 
from the continent of India, an eveilt prior to the Christian era." 

The following is the conclusion at which Mr. James D'Alwis arrives 
after a long investigation of the subject in his introduction to Kach- 
chayana's Grammar (published at Colombo, in 1863), p. cxxxii : 

" When, therefore, we consider the high state of refinement , to which 
the Pali had in very early times attained as a language, its copious- 
ness, elegance and harmony, combined with its high antiquity, and its 
comparative simplicity, both verbally and grammatically, its relation- 
ship to the oldest language of the Brahmans, from which their present-, 
dialect has been Sanskritized, its claims to be considered the Vyava- 
harika-vak of the Brahmans to which the Rig Veda refers, its con- 
currence with some of the Indo-European languages in some forms 
which differ from the Sanskrit, its identification with the only 



66 PROFESSOR WEBER ON MR. D'ALWIS'S VIEWS. t 

original Prakrita dialect, which was 'similar to the Sanskrit,' the 
absence of any statement in old Brahman writers to the effect that that 
Prakrita dialect was a derivative of the Sanskrit, the great improba- 
bility of a derivative being denominated the [Prakriti] Prakrita, 
the palpable inaccuracy of the definition by which in modern times it 
is called the 'derived, the vulgar, or the ungrammatical,' the absence 
in it of many a peculiarity which distinguishes derivative tongues, 
and* the probability that it had issued from the same ancient seat 
(<Bactria or Punjab) from whence the Sanskrit itself had taken an 
easterly direction, I believe it may be concluded that the Pali and 
the Sanskrit are, at least, two dialects o high antiquity, contempo- 
4 raucously derived from a source of which few, if any, traces can be 
discovered at the present day." 

In a review of Mr. D'Alwis's work in the Journal of the German 
Oriental Society for 1865, vol. xix., pp. 658, ff., Prof, "Weber notices 
thus the remarks of that writer : 

"The long investigation which the author then institutes (pp. 
Ixxiii-cxxxii) regarding the antiquity of the Pali and its relation 
to the Sanskrit conducts . him rightly to the conclusion that both 
dialects were 'contemporaneously' evolved from one source (viz., 
the^Yedic language). He here shovvs himself to be a warm, patriotic 
admirer of the Pali, but allows himself here and there to be carried 
away by this feeling beyond the proper limits into a depreciation of 
the Sanskrit, and specifically to assumptions respecting its purely 
arbitrary formation, which must a'ppear to the European reader highly 
peculiar," etc. "Nevertheless, we owe even to this part of his labour 
the acknowledgment that he has striven to the best of his power to 
arrange and sketch the results and views both of native and European 
scholars, r and that he has in general succeeded well in doing so. It 
can now in fact no longer be denjed that it is better to understand the 
name Prakrita in the sense of 'natural,' 'original,' 'normal,' 'common,' 
'general,' and in the signification perhaps secondarily deduced there- 
t from, of 'common,' 'low,' than in the sense of 'derived' (samsTcritam 
prakritir yasyd] assigned to the word by the grammarians. 107 And yet 

107 In order to make this clause more intelligible, I quote Mr. D'Alwis's interpre- 
tation of the word Prakrita from an earlier page of his introduction, p. xcii, where 
he writes thus : " Prakriti is therefore that which is natural, or the nature itself of a 



PROFESSOR WEBER ON MR. D'ALWIS'S VIEW.S. 67 

the assumption that the Pali, and so the Prakrit, are derived from the 
Sanskrit, deserves the preference over the converse vie.w to which 
D'Alwis appears here and there to be not indisposed, viz., that the Pali, 
as being the most ancient Prakfit which has been handed down to 
us, stands higher in point of originality and independence than the 
Sanskrit. For it is clear that the Sanskrit, both in its phonetic 
system and flexions, stands much closer to the common mother of it 
and the Pali than the latter does, 108 and has consequently a far superior 
right than it to bij regarded as the representative of that parent lan- 
guage. A perplexing circumstance connected with this question, and 
one which leads to many gorts of mistakes, is that we have unfortu- 
nately no proper name for that stage of the language which lies at" 1 
the foundation of both the ' sister dialects,' the Pali (and Prakrit) and 
the Sanskrit, i.e. for the Vedic vulgar speech ; for the names bfyasha 
and vyavahariki are not sufficiently pregnant ; and one is consequently 

thing that which is pre-eminent that which is the natural or quiescent" state of 
anything 'not made.' Hence it is clear that the correct and primary sense of the 
word Prakrita, indeed that which, was originally assigned to it, despite the so-called 
' common acceptation,' was ' original,' ' root,' ' natural.' By the Prakrit was there- 
fore at first meant the original Indian language, as distinguished from the apabhransa, 
'the ungrammatical,' and the Sanskrit, signifying [from sam 'altogether', or 
'together,' and. krita ' done ' = ' altogeth&r,! or * completely made, done, or formed'] 
that ' which has been composed or formed by art, adorned, embellished, purified, 
highly cultivated or polished,' and regularly inflected as a language." See in oppo- 
sition to this view of the sense of the word pro. krita, Hemachandra's interpretation 
of it given above in p. 44, and Lassen's explanation, quoted in p. 51. In a review, of 
Prof_ Weber's Ind. Literaturgeschichte, in the Journal of the German Oriental Society 
for 1853, p. 605, Prof. Roth thus expresses himself on this question: "Prakrit 
(according to the derivation which seems to me the correct one) signifies that which 
has its foundation, in another thing, 'the derived,' or the 'to be derived.' The 
expression is one formed by grammarians, and has a grammatical sense. The 
grammarians say e.g. saihhita pada-prakritis ; the Sanhita texts have for their 
foundation the words, i.e. that form of speaking and writing the tex^s in which 
the end aid beginning of the words which follow one another in a sentence are 
brought into harmony with the general phonetic laws of Sanskrit has for its 
foundation the single words conceived in their original form. The Sanhita text is 
thus prakrita in relation to the word-text, the pada-patha : it is a derived text made 
for a scientific purpose. I would understand the word prakrita in the same sense, 
when it is applied to the dialects." In Bohtlingk and Roth's Sanskrit Lexicon the 
sense "customary," "common," is assigned to the word prakrita when generally used, 
while of the dialect so called it is said : " The ' common ' speech is that spoken by 
the people, which the grammarians derive from Sanskrit." 

los This, however, can afford us no reason to deny that the Pali has actually pre- 
served older forms than the Sanskrit. [Note of Prof. Weber.] 



68 . REMARKS OF BURNOUF AND LASSEN 

at a loss how to designate it. Benfey's excellent remarks at p. 245 
of his article Indien (which unfortunately has not yet been re-written), 
regarding the dying out of the Sanskrit as a vernacular language in 
the sixth century B.C. labour under this disadvantage, that they apply 
the name Sanscrit for a period for which it is in no way applicable." 

The views of Burnouf and Lassen on the relation of the Pali to 
Sanskrit are thus stated in their Essai sur le Pali, pp. 138, ff : 

" The Pali is derived from the Sanskrit, according to certain rules, 
for the most part euphonic, which do not ailow the Derivative language 
to admit certain sounds and combinations <of consonants, common in 
the parent tongue. These modifications ppply equally to the sub- 
stantive portions of the words and to their terminations and inflec- 
tions. It hence results that there is no grammatical form to be found 
in Pali of which the origin may not be discovered in Sanskrit ; 
and that there is no occasion to call in the influence of any foreign 
idiom to explain the modifications to which the Pali has subjected the 
Sanskrit. 

"When the Pali, as a derivative from Sanskrit, is compared with 
other dialects having the sane origin, it is found to approach far more 
closely than any of those others to that common source. It stands, 
so to speak, on the first step of the'-ladder of departure from Sanskrit, 
and is the first of the series of dialects which break up that rich and 
fertile language. But it appears that the Pali, which contained in 
itself the germs of alteration already "greatly developed, was arrested 
in its progress all at once, and fixed in the condition in which we now 
find it, i.e., in a state of almost immediate connexion with the lan- 
guage from which it proceeded. In fact the greater part of the 
words which form the basis of the one, are found without modification 
in the ot,her; those which are modified can all be traced to their 
Sanskrit root; in short, no words of foreign origin are to be found 
in Pali." 

Again : 

c " "We shall not enter into new details regarding the manner in which 
the Pali has been derived from the Sanskrit. The laws which have 
guided the formation of that language are the same which we find at 
work in other idioms in different ages and countries; these laws are 
general, because thty are necessary. "Whether we compare the Ian- 



ON THE RELATION OF PALI TO SANSKRIT. 69 

guages which are derived from Latin with the Latin itself, or the 
later Teutonic dialects with the ancient languages of the, same stock, 
or the modern with the ancient Greek, or the numerous popular 
dialects of India with the Sanskrit, we shall see the same principles 
developed, the same laws applied. The organic inflections of the 
'parent languages are seen to exist in part, but in a state of evident 
alteration. More commonly they will be found to have disappeared, 
and to have been rplaced. the case-terminations by particles, and the 
tenses by auxiliaryverb.s. 'The processes vary in different langaagos, 
but the principle is the same ; it is always analytic, whether the 
reason of this be that a "ynthetic language happens all at once to 
become the speech of barbarians who do not understand its structure, " 
and therefore suppress its inflections, and replace them by other signs ; 
or whether it be that when abandoned to its natural course, and ,as a 
necessity of its cultivation, it tends to decompose and to subdivide the 
representative signs of ideas and relations, just as it unceasingly de- 
composes and subdivides the ideas and the relations themselves. The 
Pali appears to have undergone this last sort of alteration; it is 
Sanskrit, not'such as it would be spoken by a strange population, to 
whom it would be new ; but pure Sanskrit, becoming altered and 
modified in proportion as it beconies popular. In this manner it still 
preserves its declension, instead of replacing it by particles, as the 
modern dialects of India do. One form only, the ablative in to might 
pass for the commencement of the analytic declension ; but it is already 
found in the parent language. A great number of Pali forms might 
be cited to prove that the modifications, which it has made in the 
Sanskrit, are of the same kind as those which the Italian, among 
other tongues, has made in the Latin. Thus the assimilation of con- 
sonants, which in Italian makes letto from lectus, and scrittq for scrip- 
tus, is one of the principles of Pali.", 

The Pali, in the precise form in which we find it in the Ceylonese 
books, could scarcely have been a vernacular language. At least, it 
exhibits a variety of refinements which could hardly have been em^ 
ployed in common speech ; but seem likely to have been confined to 
the language of composition, or introduced after the Pali had ceased to 
be the spoken tongue of the followers of Buddha, and had become 
consecrated to the service of religion and literaturfi : just as the gram- 



70 EUPHONIC LETTERS INSERTED BETWEEN PALI WORDS. 

mar of the Sanskrit itself became regulated by more fixed and rigid 
rules, after it liad been removed from the deteriorating influences of 
vernacular use. Such a peculiarity is the use of interpolated, or the 
retention of otherwise disused, r consonants to obviate the inharmonious 
sounds which would arise from the collision of vowels. No less than 
nine letters, y, v, m, d, n, t, r, 1, and g, are employed for this purpose, 
as is shown in the following examples, viz. : 



1. 


y 


na 


+ 


imassa 


become^ 


nayimassa. 


2. 


v 


ti 


+ 


angikam 


" 


tirangfeam. 


3. 


m 


lahu 


+ 


essati 


u 


lahuwessati. 


4. 


d 


atta 


+ 


attham 


c 


^.tta^attham. 


5. 


n 


ito 


+ 


.ayati 


" 


itowayati. 


6. 


t 


tasma 


+ 


iha 





tasmariha. 


7. 


r 


sabbhi 


+ 


eva 





sabbhireva. 


8. 


1 


cha 


+ 


ahliinna 





cha/abhinna. 


9. 


9 


putha 


+ 


eva 


v 


putha^eva. 109 



This peculiarity of attention to euphony is common to the Pali with 
the Sanskrit ; and though the means they use are for the most part 

109 dough's Pali Grammar, p. 11. On this subject I translate the following re- 
marks made by Dr. Kuhn in a review of the first edition of this volume, in his 
Beitrage zur Vergleichenden Sprachforschung u.s.w. vol. iii. p. 241, f. ; "As regards 
the interpolation of euphonic letters treated of in. p. 82, I cannot entirely agree with 
the author when he claims them for the written -language alone : the greater part of 
them show that they are by no means wuat are called interpolations, but the old 
auslaut" (i.e. concluding consonant) "which the preceding words had in an earlier 
stage of the language. I have briefly treated of them in the first volume of these 
Beitrage, p. 126, and here only repeat that I now regard only the y and the v in 
na-y-imassa, and ti-v-angikam as real euphonic interpolations ; and that I look upon 
the latter as having proceeded from y." I subjoin a translation of the remarks 
referred to by the writer as having been previously made by him in the 1st vol. of the 
Beitrage, p. 126 : "A comparison with the Sanskrit shows that only a few of those 
apparently interpolated consonants are due to an actual interpolation, as the others 
are remains of an earlier condition of the language. The Pali has almost entirely 
rejected the final mutes, and the few cases in which such are found are to be regarded 
as exceptions. When for instance eftid eva is found in place of the ordinary etam eva, 
this is an archaism which Lassen rightly explains by the close juxtaposition of the 
following eva to the preceding etad. In the same way we are to explain tasmat iha 
from the Sanskrit tasmad iha, sabbhir eva from sadbhir eva, chhalabhinna from 
shalabhijnas, which as a technical designation preserved the old form (see Tumour, 
Mahavanso, p. 31, 1, and elsewhere), puthatfeva from prithag eva, prageva from pray 
c eva. Of the remaining instances nayimassa, tivangikam, and itonayati are indeed 
to be regarded as cases of consonantal interpolation, whilst lahum essati and 
attadattham may still remain doubtful. Clough further states, in p. 14, that m is 
sometimes introduced as an augment before both vowels and consonants ; that thus 
chakkhum anichcham (Sanskrit chakshur anityam) stands for chakkhu anichcham, 
avaifi&iro for ava siro ; but in the first case, as in that of lahum essati, perhaps another 



PROF. KUHN ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INSERTED LETTERS. 71 



different, yet in neither case could the refinements employed in writing 
have been practised in the language of ordinary life. The Pali has 
other characteristics (borrowed from the Sanskrit) which could scarcely 
have been very common in the vernacular dialects of Northern India, 
supposed to have been contemporary with it ; such as the use of 
desiderative, and nominal verbs; like jighachchhati, he wisbes to eat; 
pablatayati, he resembles a mountain ; puttiyati, he treats like a son. 110 
Fausbb'U observes in his introduction to the Dhammapada (pi, vi.) 
that the antiquity * of that' work is proved by the character 'of 3ts 
language, which approach 33 closely to the Sanskrit, even in some of 
its oldest forms, and differ? widely from the diction of the prose Sutras, 

explanation is possible, whilst in the second case, the assumption of an interpolation 
appears decidedly wrong, as the final mute of the Sanskrit was probably nasalized. 
Nevertheless, dough's rule appears to be correct, since at least Tumour's text shows 
some other examples of this interpolation. Thus in p. 50, line 14, ewan te-m attano 
naman katwajanapadan bahun, unless perhaps te-m is here mutilated (verstiimmelt] 
from the Sanskrit te Ime ; and in p. 52, line 4, yatra-m-ichchasi tarn annatra 
yakkhehi wijite mama, where, however, certainly the metre declares itself (sprichf) 
not only against the interpolation of m, but also in favour of the elision of the final 
a of yatra." It is to be observed that the same interpolation (if I am right in so 
calling it) of more than one letter (as in yatha-r-iva for yatha-iva}, is to be found 
in the language of the Gathas in ihe Lalita vistara, which will be treated of further 
on. This shows that the process did aot begin in Ceylon. 

The following are instances collected from the Lalita vistara of the euphonic 
insertion of consonants between vowels which may be compared with the cases of a 
similar character which have been adduced in che cext as occurring in Pali. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. GATHA. 


Lalita vistara, 428. 


vartishye 'sya, 


vartishyam asya 


63. 


yatha eva 


yatha+r-'f iva 


195. , 


tvaya iha 


tvam iha 


I K.A ) 


avamanam, akhilah 


avamanu,+r-*-akhila 


lot. < 


sa upagatah 


cha rupagatu 


220. 


sabdanubhavena 


s'abda+r+anubhava 


215. 


s'rutva idam 


s'rutva+m-t idam 


355. 


muchye itah 


muchye i m+itah 


239. 


labha ehi 


labki+m+ehi 


370. 


svake atmani 


svaki+m+atmani 


398. 


tatra asi 


tatra+m+asi 


471. 


tava upaimi 


tava+m+upemu 


430. 


drishtva imam 


drishtva+n+imam 


3. 


sva ushnlsha 


sa+v+ushnisha 



110 Some desiderative verbs and nouns must, however, have been in ordinary use 
in the Prakrits ; as we find in the modern vernaculars some words which have their 
origin in desideratives. Thus the Hind! bhukh, hunger, must come from bubhukkha, 
a Prakrit corruption of bubhuksha. The Hindi piyas, thirst, too, is probably derived 
horn. pipasa, though it may also have been compounded of^V'+as'a, a desire to drink. 



72 VEDIC FOKMS FOUND IN PALI. 

and of the commentary of Buddhoghosa. Thus we find in the 
Dhammapada such forms as these, viz., the nominative of the present 
participle in am, as ganayam, rodam (instead of ganayanto, etc.); the 
third person plural of the present middle in are as sochare, upapajjare ; 
and the dative form of the infinitive, as netave, pahdtave, which is 
usually fojind only in the Vedas, etc. It is clear from this that the 
Pali appears in various phases of greater or less antiquity. 

Professor Aufrecht has favoured me wi,th the following notices of 
ofiVedic forms which occur in Pali: " Besides tte infinitive in tave, 
used after verbs, expressing wish or desire, as well as turn, the Pali 
uses, in agreement with the Prakrit and r Mahratta an indeclinable 
participle in tvana, and contracted, tuna. Katvdna or kdtuna gachchhati 
=Jcritvd gachchhati. ["Having done he goes."] 1U These forms agree 
with andient forms which are mentioned by Panini as Yaidic, namely 
pitvdnam=.pltvd, ishtvinam devdnishtvd devdn, Paniui vii. 1, 48. 
Yaska Nirukta vi. 7, assumes that asme can stand for all cases of vayam. 
The Pali declines amhe=asme in all cases. Norn, amhe, ace. amhe or 
amhdkam (=.asmdkam}, instr. amhebhi or amhehi, gen. amhaJcam. 

" Further, the Pali has preserved the instrumental in ebhis. It says 
buddhebhi or buddhehi = buddhaih ; bhi or, hi in all declensions ; for the 
declension of go, it has in the gen. pJ. gavam or gunnam or gondm, the 
last form being the Vaidic gondm. Neuters in a, t", u, like phala, 
aththi (aslhi), madhu, have either the regular plur. nom. ace. phaldni, 
afthlni, madhuni or phald, atthl, madhu, just as in the Vedas. 

"There is one more modern foria that is found in the Yeda. The 
Pali has assa (asya) or imassa (imasya), so also the Prakrit imassa, etc. 
Now we find in Big Veda, viii. 13, 21, imasya pdki andhasak for asya. 
This is more curious than to find in the Matsyapurana imair vidvdmsaih 
for ebhir vidvadbhih." 

Notwithstanding the introduction of various refinements into' the Pali, 
after it became the sacred language of the Buddhist religion, there can 
be no doubt, as Burnouf considers (Lotus, App. 862), that it substan- 
tially represents to us the language Which was in vernacular use in 
Behar, and in all the central parts of Northern India, at the era when 
Buddhism was first introduced, i.e., in the third, fourth, and fifth 

111 Some further specimens of this form will be given in the Tables which 
follow. ' 



COMPARISON OF PALI AND PRAKRIT DECLENSIONS. 



73 



centuries B.C. Such being the case, we should naturally expect to 
find that it bears a strong resemblance to the Prakrit dialects ; which, 
as we have already seen (in the preceding section) were either 
spoken, or closely resembled dialects which were spoken, in the 
same provinces in the first centuries of the Christian era. That such 
was actually the case, is put beyond a doubt by a comparison >of these 
dialects with the Pali. I shall immediately proceed to prove, by some 
comparative lists of nouns, pronouns, verbs, and particles, first, that, an 
extensive class of Saiskrrt wcrds undergoes precisely the same mcdifi > 
cations in the Pali ,as in the Prakrit; and secondly, that in some 
respects the modification of Sanskrit words and forms of inflection had 
not proceeded so far in Pali as it afterwards did in Prakrit. From ' 
this comparison it will result that the Pali stands nearer to the 
Sanskrit, and represents a more ancient phase of the veriiacular 
speech of Northern India than is exhibited in the Prakrit. 

The following is a comparative scheme of the declension corresjond- 
ing to the Sanskrit one in & t in which it will be seen that the Pali is 
somewhat nearer than the Prakrit to the Sanskrit forms. (Clough, 
p. 19; Cowell, p. xxiv.) 



Singular. 


Plural. 
i 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


PALI. 


PKAKRIT. * 


1. Buddho. 


Buddho. 


1. 'BucMha. 


Buddha. 


2. Buddham. 


Buddham. 


2. Buddhe. 


Buddhe. 








Buddha. 


3. Buddhena. 


Buddhena. 


3. Buddhehi. 


Buddhehi. 






Buddhebhi. 





4. Buddhaya. 


Same as 6th case. 


4. Buddhanam. 


Same as 6th case. 


Buddhassa. 








5. Buddhasma. 


Buddhado. 


5. Buddhehi. 


Buddhahinto. 


Buddha. 


Buddha. 


Buddhehhi. 


Buddhasunto. 


Buddhamha. 


Buddhahi. 


' 





6. Buddhassa. 


Buddhassa. 


fi. Buddhanam. 


Buddhanam. 


7. Buddhasmin. 




7. BudHhesu. 


Buddhesu. 


Buddhe. 


Buddhe. 






Buddhamhi. 


Buddhammi. 







The first personal pronoun in the two languages is as follows: 
(Clough, p. 61 ; Cowell, p. xxviii.). In most cases the Pali is nearest 
to the Sanskrit. 



74 COMPARISON OF PALI AND PRAKRIT CONJUGATIONS. 

Singular. Plural. 

PALI. PRAKRIT. PALI. PRAKRIT. 

1. aham. aham. 1. mayam. vaam. 

amhe. amhe. 

2. mam. mam. 2. amhakam. no. 
mamam. t mamam. amhe. amhe. 

3. maya. me. 3. amhebhi. amhehin. 

mae. amhehi. 

ftmaytn. mama. ^jamMkam. amhanam. 

amham. majjh. 

< mamam. mana. c 

f 5 v maya. matto. 5. qmhehhi. <t amhahinto. 

amheni. amhasunto. 

7. mayi. mayi. 7. arohesu. amhesu. 

mamammi. 

> The second personal pronoun, as it appears in both dialects will 
he given in a following Table. 

TheJPali verb seems to be far more complete than the Pakrit. The 
following are some of its principal tenses, as compared with those of 
the latter : (dough, p. 100, ff. ; Cowell, p. xxix.) 

PALI. PRAKRIT. PALI. PRAKRIT. 

Parasmai-pada, or active mood. Atmane-pada, or middle-mood. 



Singular. 


Singular. 


Singular. 


Singular. 


1. pachami. 


1. pachSmi. 


1. nache. 


(wanting.) 




pachami. 






2. pachasi. 


2. pachasi.. 


2. pachase. 


2. pachase. 


3. pachati. 


3. pachadi. 


3. pachate. 


3. pachade. 




pachai. 




pachae. 


Plural. 


Plural. 


Plural. 


Plural. 


1. pachama. 


1. pachamo. 


1. pachamhe. 


(wanting.) 




pachimo, etc. 






2. pachatha. 


2. pachaha. " 


2. pachavhe. 


ditto. 


p 


paehittha. 






3. pachanti. 


3. pachanti. 


8, pachante. 


ditto. 



The Pali has also, like the Sanskrit, a potential mood, and three 
past tenses, which in the parasmai-pada or active mood, are as follows : 

Singular. Plural. Singular. Plural. 

I. Potential. II. Reduplicated perfect. 

1. pacheyywni. 1. pacheyyama. 1. papacha. 1. papachimha. 

2. pacheyyasi. 2. pacheyyatha. 2. papache. 2. papachittha. 

3. pache. 3. pacheyyum. ' 3. papacha. 3. papachu. 
pacheyya. 

III. Imperfect. IV. Third preterite. 

1. apacha. 1. apachamha. 1. apachim. 1. apachimha. 

2. apacho. 2. apachattha. 2. apacho. 2. apachittha. 

3. apacha. 3. apachu. 3. apachi. 3. apachum. 

apachimsu. 



FEW TRACES OF PAST TENSES IN PKAKRIT. 75 

In Prakrit, on the other hand, few traces appear to remain of any 
past tenses at all. Mr. Cowell says, p. xxix, " The only tenses of the 
active voice which remain seem to be the present, the second 1 future, 
and the imperative." In the 23rd, 24,th, and 25th aphorisms of 
Chapter VII., and in the 17th aphorism of Chapter VIII. of Vararuchi, 
however (Cowell, pp. 162, 163), mention is made of a past lense, of 
which the instances, huvia, hohia, dsi, m 'he was,' kasia, 'he laughed,' 
kahla, ' he did,' are given. Eew instances of the past tense in Prakrit, 
however, seem to occur in the 'dramas ; but it is inconceivable that in> 
the Prakrit dialects which, \rere currently spoken in the long interval 
between the disuse of the Pali and the rise of the modern vernaculars 
(in both of which we find past tenses), there should have been no 
grammatical forms in daily use for expressing past time. It is not, 
however, necessary to pursue this subject further : as the details and 
explanations which I have already furnished, together with the tables 
which follow, are amply sufficient to show the place which the Pali 
and the Prakrit dialects respectively occupied in the history of North- 
Indian speech. 113 

, 

m The form asa, "was," occurs 2n Hala's Saptab'ataka 128, p. 114, of "Weber's 
edition. ' > 

113 The following note in p. 107 of the 1 first edition should have been placed in 
p. 55 of the present edition, as an addition to note 101. 

[Professor Miiller considers the data derrved A-om Buddhist sources on which 
the death of Buddha is placed in 543 B.C., and on which the occurrence of any 
Buddhist synods before the one in As'oka's time, is asserted, to be fictitious and un- 
satisfactory. Though he does not try to bring down Buddha's death below 477 B.C., 
he regards all the Buddhist dates before Chandragupta as merely hypothetical. ' See 
his " Ancient Sanskrit Literature," received while this Section was in the press, 
pp. 260-300.] 



76 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



TABLE No. III. 

Containing a List of words which are identical, or nearly so, in Pali and 

Prakrit. 

[The authorities for the Pali words in these Lists are the Dhammapada, a Pali work 
edited by Fausboll, the Pali Grammar of the Eev. B. Clough (Ceylon, 1824), Burnouf 
and Lassen'f Essai sur le Pali, Spiegel's Kammavakya, and Anecdota Palica, containing 
the Ritsavahini, etc., and Tumour's Mahawanso (Ceylon, 1837). The authorities for the 
Prakrit words are partly given in the previous List, No. I., p. 15, ff. In the present 
edition the lists have been greatly enlarged, and parallel words from the Gatha dialect 
in f the Lalita Vistara (Lv.) are occasionally introduced. Tfye Pali column has had the 
advantage of being revised by Mr. Childers, and the additional Prakrit words are taken 
from the Balaramayana (Br.) the Prasannaraghava fPr,,), and the Saptas"alaka (Ss.) A 
good many Prakrit words, for which no Pali equivalents have been found, are left in the 
, fet ; as they will at least show the mutations which the Sanskrit undergoes in the former 
dialect.] 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dham. 43. 


1 


/ ittri, 








Clough, 15. 
Mrichfi. 44. 


\stri 


) istrt, 
(istriya, \ 


itthl \ 
itthi } 


ittKif itthiya 


a woman. 


Var. xii. 22. 


} 


istrika t 








Clough 39. 1 
Var. iii. 10. / 


drishti 




ditthi 


ditthi 


sight. 


Balarama- ) 
yana, 215. j 


drishta 





dittfia 


dida 


seen. 


Br. 210. \ 
Clough, 39. J 


vrishti 


i 


f vutthi 


vitthi 


rain. 


Br. ',3. 


srishti 




tatthi 


sishtht 


discharge. 








f 


puththi, 


1 


Br. 238,245, } 
248, 267, 
287. Pr. 44. ) 


prishtha 




(pitthi \ 
\pittha > 


puththa, 
ptththa, 
oaththa, 


^the back. 









I 


vatta, vetha 


j 


Br.l7S. Pr.41. 


mishta 






fmiththa, 
[mittKi 


{sweet (fern.) 


Dham. 5. 


sreshtha 




settha 


settha 


best. 


Br. 79, 113, \ 
144. Cl. 37. J 


jyeshtha 




jettha 


jettha, jeththa 


eldest. 


Br. 113, 223, \ 
225. * / 


kanishtha 


. 


tanittha 


kanitta, 
kanittha, 


! youngest. 








( 


kaniththa 




Br. 6,122,225. 


variththa 







variththa 


best. 


Clough, 39. \ 
Var. iii. 10. j 


tushti 




tutthi 


tutthi 


satisfaction. 


Br. 224. 


garishtha 






gariththa 


heaviest. 


Clough, 27. 


mmhti 




mutthi 


mutthi 


the fist. 


*3r. 56, 194, f. 


dushta 




duttha 


duththa 


wicked. 


Br. 270. 


dashta 





dattha 


daththa 


bitten. 


Br. 34. 


nimshta 




nivittha 


niviththa 


Centered, 
( placed. 


B. & Las. 166. 


sishtah 




sittho 


sittho 


instructed. 


Br. 6. 


dishtya^ 




dittha 


diththia 


by good luck. 


Pr. 20. 


pravishta 




pavittha 


paviththa 


entered. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



77 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 86. 


sushtha 




sutthu 


suththu 


well. 


Br. 203, 270. 


nishthura 




nitthura 


niththura 


severe. 


Br. 179, 242, \ 
294. / 


ffoshthJ 






goththl 


assembly. 


Br. 270, 278.\ 
Clough, 2. / 


oshtha 




ottha 


oththa 


lip. 


Br. 259, 270. 


damshtra 




dafha 


dadhd 


tusk, J 


Mrich. 18, 30. 


kashtha 




kattha 


kattha 


wood. 


Dham. 3. 50. 


vriksham 


,, 


rukkham 


(rukkham, 
\ukkham 


jtree. j 


Pr. 84. Br. ) 












155, 219. ' j 


vrittanta 




vuttanta 


vuttanta 


intelligence. 


Pr.ll4f,125.) 
Br. 216. j 


vrittanta 


" 




uttanta 


intelligence. 


Pr. 84, Br. ) 
63, 56. / 


samvritta 




samvatta 


samvutta 


happened. ' 


Pr. 303. 


nivritta 




nivatta 


nivutta 


ceased. 


Pr. 44. 


vrishabha 




usabha 


vusaha 


bull. 


Pr. 91. 


trina 




tina 


tuna 


grass. 


Mrichh.3,126. 


ghrita 




ghata 


ghia 


j 
fnee. 


Pr. 19. 


prakshyami 




pucchissami 


putsissam 


shall ask. 


Var.i.29. Lass. 












293. Vikr. 45. 


pravrish 




pavusa 


pausa 


rainy Season. 


Ss'. ind. 244. 












Br. 157, 163. 
Var. i. 27. 


\vriddha 


1 


vuddha , 
vuddha 


buddha 

viddha 


old. 






( 


buddha , 


vaddha 


) 


Dham. 52. \ 
Var. i. 27. } 


smriti 




sati 


. . . 


recollection. 


Mrich. 94 f. 


mrittika 




vtattika 


mattia 


earth. 


Br. 131. 


ritu 




utu 


ridu 


season. " 


Br. 199. 


kritanta 






kayanta, 


fate. 


Mrich. 14, 95, 


\ 




i i 






116, 141, Var. 
iv.32.Br.178, 


/ griha 




\gaha 
{ghara 


ffhala, ghara 
ffiha, haraa 


[house. 


164 f. 


1 










Pr. 303. 


grihini 




gharanl 


gharinl 


wife. 


Pr. 33, 35, \ 

38, 41. / 


grihinltva 






gharinittana 


(state ot* a 
{ wife. 


Dham. 13. 


grihl 




gihl 


giha (house) 


householder. 


Dham 46. 


artham 




attham 


attham 


meaning. 


Dham. 47. 


sarva 




sabba 


sabba, savva 


all. 


Dham. 1. 
Br. 169, 231,\ 
238. / 


purva 
s'lrsha 




pubba > 
stsa 


pubba, puvva 
slsa 


first, 
head. 


Br. 168, 235, \ 
262, 270. j 


dirgha 




dlgha 


dlha 


long. 


Br. 126, 198,\ 












267, 293. j 


marga 





magga 


magga 


road. 


Br. 7, 36, 70. 


\sarga, 




sagga 


\sagga 


section. 




\nisarga 




nltagga 


nisagga 


nature. 


Dham. 23. 


svarga 




sagga 


sagga 


heaven. 


Br. 10. Cl. 2. 


varga 




vagga 


vagga 


class. 


Br. 199. 


durga 




dugga 


dugga 


inaccessible. 


Br. 293. 


nirgama 




niggama 


niggama 


'going out 
(noun). 



78 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 55, 76,) 
178, 276. 
Pr. 134. ) 


garbha 




gabbha 


(gabbha ) 
\gabhbha } 


womb. 


Pr. 34. 


nirghosha 




nigghosa 


nighghosa 


sound. 


Pr. 33. Br. 69, 

87,t 198. 288. 


\ardha 




addha, addha 


addha 


half. 


Pr.48. Br.267, 


\ 










298. Bur. and 


> dharma 




dhamma 


dhamma 


righteousness 


Lafe. 166. 


) 




t- 


i 




( Br. 9.4. 


k^rma 




kamma 


'kamma 


work. 


Dham. 43. 


(karmakara 
\charmakara 




kammakara 
kammara 
chammakara 


r 

| chammara 


(blacksmith ; 
(leather cutter 


t Br. 64, 72, 94. 


nirmana 




nimifJana 


nimmana 


construction. 


' Br. 7. 


(charmachak- 
\ shuh 






chammacha-\ 
kkhu ) 


leather-eyed. 


Br. 246. 


kurma 




kumma 


kumma 


tortoise. 


Pr. 126l 


avatlrna 




otinna 


avatinna 


descended. 


Br.'200. 


uttlrna 




uttinna 


uttlna 


crossed. 


Pr. 46, 48. 


tarkayami 




takkemi 


takkemi 


I reason. 


Pr 1948 } 












ft * > ^o I 
Br. 2?8, 245. J 


karna 




kanna 


kanna 


ear. 


Br. 200. 


sampurna 




sampunna 


sampunna 


full. 


Br. 298. 


parna 




panna 


panna 


feather. 


Br. 264. 


Tamraparni 


* 


Tambapanni 


Tambavannl 


Ceylon. 


Br. 142, 198. 


\ 










Bur.&Ls. 166. 


\varna 


4 


vanna 


vanna 


colour. 


Br. 291. 


suvarna 




(suvanna, \ 
(sonna } 


suvanna 


gold. 


Br, 


iwlglrna 






udginna 


vomited. 


Br. 240, 243. 


kirna, 




kinna 


kinna 


crowded. 


Br. 147, 20(U 
278. / 


churna 


' ' 


chunna 


chunna 


crushed. 


Br. 267. 


nirvana 




nibbana 


nivvana 


extinction. 


Br. 209, 289, \ 
307. } 


kirtti 


4 


kitti 


kitti 


renown. 


Br. 198, 278. 


marttanda 






mattanda 


the sun. 


Br. 129, 198, \ 
287. ) 


nirvighna 




nibbigga 


nivviggha \ 
nivvighgha > 
nivvigghgha ) 


(without ob- 
( stacles. 


Br. 241. 


nirjhara 




nijjhara 


nijjhara 


a cascade. 


Br. 154. 


nirvahana 




nibbahana 


nivvahana 


effecting. 


Br. 153 ft 


duryafah 






dujjasa 


bad repute. 


Br. 86, 179. 


darpa 




dappa 


dappa 


pride. 


Br. 216. 


upasarpamah 


4 


upasappama 


uvasappamha 


we approach. 


Br. 5, 179. 


kandarpa 






kandappa 


(the god of 
( love. 


Br. 129, 194. 


darpana 


, 


dappana 


dappana 


a mirror. 


Br. 142, 178. 


karpura 




kappura 


kappura 


camphor. 


Br. 221. 


karpasa 


^ 


kappasa 


kappasa 


cotton. 


Br. 218. 


paraspara 






paroppara 


mutual. 


Br. 239. 


kurpara 




kappara 


kuppara 


elbow, knee. 


Br. 236. 


karkara 






kakkara 


limestone. 


Br. 239. 


s'arkara 




sakkhara 


sakkara 


gravel. 


S'ak. 25. 


kharjiira 




khajjuri 


khajjura 


date tree. 


Br. 240. 


kardama 




kaddama ' kaddama 


mud. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



79 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 243. 


paryasta 




pallattha 


pallattha 


throvm down 


Br. 203. 


nirluna 






nilluna 


cut. 


Pr.144. Br.52. 


durlabha 




dullabha 


dullaha 


difficult to 

obtain. 


Pr. 16, 48. \ 
Dham. 56. J 


samarpita 




samappita 


samappida 


entrusted. 


Br. 178. 


muhurta 




muhutta 


muhutta 


momene. 


Br. 136, 215. 


varta 




vatta 


vatta 


intelligence. 


Br. 242, 266, \ 
147. J 


sartha 




sat t ha 


sattha 


a band of 
travellers. 


Br. 198. 


tlrtha 




tittha 


tittha 


place jf phil- 












grimage. 


Br. 234. 


sammarda. 


, ' 




sammadda 


fri H 

mction. 


Br. 265, 267. 


vimarda 






vimadda 




Br. 181, 194. 


parvata 


' 


pabbata 


pamada 


mountain. , 


Br. 179. 


Parvatl 




Pabbatt 


Pabbadt 


ParvatT. 


Br. 113, Pr.\ 
114, 137. | 


arya 




ariya, ayya 


ajja 


'respectable 
person. 


Br. 94. 


samniarjita 




sammajjita 


samajjida 


cleansed. 


Br. 209. 


garjita 




gajjita 


gajjida 


thundered. 


Cl. 19. Br. 73. 


chandra 




ehanda 


ehanda 


moon. 


Br.36,130f, ) 












148, 299. 


granthi 




ganthi 


ganthi 


akntft. 


Clough, 27. 7 












Br. 113, 144, 
223. Mrichh. 
72. Var. v. 35. 


) bhrata, V 
j bhratuh } 




bhata 


\bhada, bhaa, 
{bhaduno 


brother (nom. 
i and gen.). 


Br. 238. 


graha 




gaha 


gaha 


taking. 


Br. 308. 


sighra 




slgha 


siggha 


quickly. 


Br. 149. 


yatra 




i yatra 


jatta 


journey. 


Br. 34, 52. 


chitra 




chitta, chitra 


chitta 


variega'Jed. 


Br. 8, 53, 69,\ 
86, 98, 267. J 
Br. 86. 


gotra 
kshurapra 




gotta 
khurappa 


gotta 
khurappa 


family, clnn. 
\& kind of 
( arrow. 


Pr. 122. 


bhadra 




ibhadda, } 
(bhadra } 


bhadda 


good. 


Br. 145, 198. 


tatkdla 




takkala 


takkala 


that time. 


Br. 86, 98. 


sahasra 




sahassa 


sahassa 


a thousand. 


Pr. 10, 21. 












Br. 121. 


vaktra 




vatta 


vakka 


mouth. 


Pr. 140. 


vakra 




vanka 


vakka 


crooked. 


Pr. 14. 


chakra 




chakka 


chakka 


wheel. 


Br. 20, 120, ) 
198, 245. 
Pr. 16. ) 


chakravartti 




cakkavatti 


(chakkavatti } 
\ehakkavatti J 


emperor. 


Br. 198. 












Dham. 59. 


srotas 




sota 


sota, sotta 


stream. 


Br. 5, 71, 293 
Cl. 52. Bur. & 
Las. 165. 


I patra 
j patra 




patta 


patta 


leaf, vessel. % 


Br. 132. 


samagrl 




samaggl 


samagg 


implements. 


Br. 87, 243. 
B. & Las. 85. 


ratra, ratri 




ratta, ratti 


ratta, ranti 


night. 


Br. 67, 75. 


netra 




netta 


netta 


eye. 


B.&Las. 91. 
Br. 24, 247. 


mitra 




mitta 


mit'i a 


friend. 



80 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES'. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 35, 65; 75. 


matra 




matta 


metta 


measure. 


Br. 270. 


bhrukuff 






bhiudi 


frown. 


Br. 71, 182. 


bhru 




bhu 


bhu 


eyebrow. 


Br. 209. 


mantra 




mania 


mania 


advice. 


Br. 221. 


yantra 




yanta 


yantra 


an engine. 


Br. 20. i- 


abhra 




abbha 


abhbha 


cloud. 


Br. "221, 267. 


sutra 




sutta 


sutta 


thread. 


Pr.21. Br.165, 
167 C 174,297. 


\putra 




putta 


putta 


son. 


Pr. 65. 


jaarat 




jagatatn 


jxgganta 


waking. 


Pr. 4'd. 


praghunasya 




paKuna&a 


'pahunassa 


guest (gen. 


Br. 156, 279. 


as'ru 




assu f 


asu 


a tear, [sing.) 


Br. 26. Cl. 51. 


vyaghrasya 




vyagghatea 


vaghghassa 


tiger (gen. s.) 


Br. 267. 


krodha 




kodhq, 


kodha 


anger. 


Br. 113, 126. 


vikrama 




vikkama 


vikkama 


valour. 


Br. 67,88,113. 


parakrama 




parakkama 


(parakkamma 
(parakkama 


[valour. 


Br. 55, 113. 


vibhrama 




vibbhama 


vibbhama 


flurry. 


B. #Las. 166. 


nigraha 




niggaha 


niggaha 


control. 


Br. 64. 


parisrama 




parissama 


parissama 


toil. 


Br.21,113,276 


mis'ra 




. missa 


missa 


mixed. 


Br. 278. 


vis'rama 




vissama 


vissama 


rest. 


Br. 94. 


grama 




gama 


gama 


village. 


Br.279.Dh.44. 


prana 




pana 


pana 


life. 


Br. 294. 


adri 


, 


addi 


addi 


a mountain. 


Br. 189, 202, j 


samudra 




samudda 


samudda 


the ocean. 


237, 290. } 




' 








Br. 220, 223, \ 
267. / 


nidra 




f 
w'dda 

B 


niddd 


sleep. 


Br.,165. 


daridra 


t 


dalidda 


(daridda, 

(dalidda 


J poor. 


Br. 297. 


Eudra 




Rudda 


Rudda 


Rudra. 


Br. 142. 


mudra 




mudda 


mudda 


a seal. 


Dham 24. \ 












Var. iii. 3. ) 


priyam 




piyam 




dear. 


Br. 48. Pr. ) 




< 








13, 4fl, 119. 
Clough, 26. ) 


agni 




(aggi 
\aggini, gini 


}w 


fire. 


Br. 218. 


budhna 






buddha 


bottom. 


Dham. 25. ) 












Var. iii. 2. } 


nagna 




nagga 


nagga 


naked. 


Br. 82, 126, 130 


bhagna 




bhagga 


bhagga 


broken. 


Br. 137. , 
Br. 293. 


vijnana 
jnana 




vinnana 
nana 


vinnana 
jana < 


[knowledge. 


Br. 227. 


ajna 


, 


ana, anna 


anna 


command. 


Br.168,176. \ 
Ss'. ind. 255. J 


snusha 




sunisa, sunha 


(suna, susa 
\ sonha 


|daughter-in- 
) law. 


Br. 281. 


patriiriam 




patanlnam 


padtnam 


of wives. 


B. & Las. 166 


jnatam 




natam 


natam 


known. 


' Br. 35,80,145. 


karya 




kariya 


kajja 


work. 


Bur. 58, 157.\ 
Pr. 46. / 


rajya 




rajja 


rajja 


kingdom. 


Dh. 44, Cl. 10 


\vidya, 




vijja, 


vijja 


knowledge. 


Br. 86, 202. 


\amdya 




avijja 


avijja 


ignorance. 


Dham. 62. 


madhya 




majjha 


majjha 


middle. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



81 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


QATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dham. 33. 


dtiydnam 




jhanam 


jhanam 


contemplation 


T> r 9ft9 9RJ. 
ttT. 404, ZO-1. 

Pr. 137. 


vidyadhara 






vijjahara 


a sort of deity. 


Mnhav.182. \ 












Br. 50. Lv. ' 


vidyut 


vidyu 


vijju, vijjuta 


vijju, vijjitll 


lightning. 


204. ) 
Br. 136. 
Br.131,269. 


vaidyatva 




vejjatta 


vejjattana 


(profession of 
{ a physician. 


Pr. 32, 55, 
114,134,144 


adya , 


'> 


ajja 


jj* % 


to-day. 


Dham. 58. . 


i 


> * 








Br.125.Pr.32. 


udyana , 


> 


uyyana 


ujjana 


a garden. 


Br. 147, 262. 


niravadya 


1 


niravajja 


niravajja 


blameless. 




vadyat \ 


J 


vajjaniana 


vajjanta 


sounding. > . 


147. 


ndbhidyamana 




ubbhijjamana 


ubbhijjanta 


being split. 




nibadhyamana 




nibajjhamana 


nivajhjhanta 


being stopped 


Br. 58, 169,| 
181, 198. } 


Vindhya 




Vinjha 


Vinjha 


(Vindhya 
( mouhtains. 


Clough, 37. 


bandhya 




vanjha 


vanjha 1U 


(barren 
\ woman. 












,-1 


Br. 226. 


bandhylbh uta 






vanjhjhlbh uda 


1 oec'sme 
( barren. 


Br. 245. 


adhyavasya 






ajhjhavasia 


having striven 


Br. 144. 150. 


Ayodhya 




* 


Aojjha 


Ayodhya. 


Br. 135. 


sandhya 




sanjha 


tanjha 


evening. 


Kara. 3. Var. 
ii. viii. 25, etc. 
Br. 185ff. 


> upadhyaya 


i 
i 


lupajjhaya 
\upajjha 


uvajjhaa 
najjhaa, ojhaa 


) religious 
) teacher. 


Br. 69. 


nidhyciyanfi 


* 




nijjhaanfi 


medittting. 


Br. 121. 


aparadhyati 




aparajjhati 


aparajjha'i 


he offends. 


Br. 20, 105. 


sadhvasa 




T 1 


sajjhasa 


fear. 


Br. 168, 180,\ 
216 f. / 


yuddha 




yujjha 


jujjha 


battle. 


Br. 105. 


yujyate 




yujjati 


juijadi 


it is proper. 


Br. 


pratyusha 




pachchusa 


pachchusa 


morning. 


Br. 71. 


panditya 




pandichcha 


pandichcha 


learning. 


Dham. 3, 24. \ 
Var. iii. 27. } 


pretya 




pechcha 




after death. 


Br.20,100,182 


satya 




sachcha 


sachcha 


true. 


B. & Las. 167. 


kritya 




kichcha 


kichcha 


duty. 


Br. 181, 198, \ 
278, 291. j 


nitya 




nic/tcha 


niche ha 


,continual. 


Br. 98, 147. 


rathya 




YachcWa 


(rachchha, \ 
\rattha } 


road. 


Var.i. 15,28.\ 
iii. 41. ) 


vrischika 




vichchhika 


(vichchua, 
\vinchua 


scorpion. 


Dham. 55, 74. \ 
Br. 6, 22. } 


paschat 





paehchha 


paehchha 


after. 


Br. 287. 


paschima 




pachchima 


pachchhima 


west. 


Br. 6, 53. \ 
Var. iii. 18. ) 


ascharya 




achchhera 


(achchhera 
\achcharia 


| wonderful. 


Br. 242. \ 
Vikr. 9. ( 


as chary a 




achchhariya 


(achcharla 
\achchharia 


wonderful. 



114 See above, p. 17, note 18, 



82 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 87. 


nischita 




nichchhita 


nichchhida 


ascertained. 


Br. 218. 


apsarasah 




achchhara 


achchharaum 


nymphs. 


Br. 202. 


apqarobhih 




achchhnrahi 


achchharahim 


by nymphs. 


Br. 43, 64, ) 
144. Pr. 47, } 
113. L 


asti, astu 




atthi, atthu 


atthi, atthu 


/is ; let there 
{ be. 


Pr. 20, 47. 


nasti 




n' aft hi 


natthi 


is not. 


Br. 122. 


vastuni 




vatthuni 


vatthuni 


thing (loc.). 


Br. 154. 


avastambha 




c 


a\;attJiamha 


stoppage. 











_ 


tA'ff "rvTi 


BR 154, 191. 


vistarena 




vitth&rena. 


v&tharena 


j G.inusion 

( (instr.) . 


Br. 238, 243. 


vistaranti 




rittharcnti 


vittharanti 


they spread. 


Pr. 19. 


mastakani 




matthakarft 


tnatthaa'im 


heads. 


Br. 76, 238. \ 
'Pr. 84. j 


stana 




thana 


thana 


breast. 


Br. 49, 76. 


stanita 




thanita 


thanida 


sounded. 


Dhara. 65. ) 












Br. 158. PIT. > 


hasta 




hattha 


hattha 


hand. 


26, 39, 110. ) 












Clough, 29. \ 
Br. 266. / 


hasti 




hatthi 


hatthi 


elephant. 


Pr. 12.Bt.278. 


sthala 




thala 


thala 


ground. 


Dham. 55. ) 












Br. 71, 56, J 


sthana 




thana 


thana 


place. 


278, 294. ) 












Br. 164. 


susthana 






suttana 


a good place. 


Br. 131. 


sthanastha 




than^ttha 

ft 


thanattha 


/standing in 
( the place. 


Br. 220. 


adhishthana 




aJhitthana 


ahiththana 


support 


Br. 16,4, 178.\ 
220. j 


sthita 




thita 


(thida, thida, 
\tida 


{standing. 


Br. 157. 


prasthita 




patthita 


patthida 


proceeded. 


Br. 238. 


prasthana 




patthana 


ppaththana 


departure. 


Br. 97. 


anushthita 




anutthita 


anuththida 


practised. 


Br. 209, 263. 


adhishthita 


c 


adhitthita 


iahittia 
\adhithida 


> governed. 


Br. 199. 


upasthita 




upatthita 


uvaththida 


arrived. 


Dhara. 27. \ 
Var. iii. 11. / 


asthi 




atthi 


atthi 


a bone. 


Br. 220. 


avastha 




avattha 


avattha 


condition. 


Br. 293. 


sthira 




thira 


thira 


firm. 


Br. 154. 


susthita 




sutthita 


sutthida 


well placed. 


Br. 217, 218. 


(samsthita 
\utthita 




santhita 
utthita 


mnthia 
udida 


placed. 
' risen. 


Br. 198, 268,} 
296. / 


Ago sty a 


r 


- 


Agatthi 


/name of a 
( rishi. 


Br. 52. 


Pulastya 






Pulattha 


a proper name. 


Vnr i 9ft } 












v dr. i. L\), i 
iii. 20. j 


pusfafca 




'potthaka 


potthaa 


book. 


Br. 236. 


prastara 






patthara 


a stone. 


Dham.9.Var.\ 
iii. 27. Br.96.) 


mrityu 




machchu 


(machcha \ 
( (mortal) J 


death. 


Br. 112, 150, ) 










153, 310. Pr.l > vatsa 




vachchha 


vachchha 


a child. 


35. Dham. 50. ) 










Ss. 249(indcxV vatsala 






vachchhala. 


affectionate. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



83 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


OATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. ENGLISH. 


Pr. 35. 


vatsalya 






vachchhattana 


affection. 


Dh.28.Br.195. 


matsya 115 




machchha 


machchha 


a fish. 


Br. 228. 


udgaraih 




uggcirehi 


uggarehijh 


vomitings. 


Br. 182. 


udghatana 




ttgghatana 


ugghattana 


opening. 


Br. 125. \ 
Ss. 236. j 


grlshma 




gimha 


gimha 


'hot season. 


Dham. 41. 


tushnzm 




tunhi 


tunhlm 


silent. 


Br. 48. Bur. ) 






/ ... , l a |1 






& Las. 166. j 


ushma , 


, ( 


\usma, usumci 


umha 


heat. , 


Dham. 59, 61. 


trishna ' , 


, i 


tanha, tasina 


tanha 


thirst. , 


Br. 125, 135. 


(us/tna, 




unha 


unha, unna 


hot. 


Ss*. 233. 


\anushna , 


> 




anunha 


not hot. 


Dham. 16. \ 
Br. 141. / 


krishna 


t 


kanha 


t Icanha, 11 '' \ 
} kisana > 


black. ^ 










( kasana ) 


* 


Br. 67, 125. 


pakshmala 




( pakhuma, 
( pamha 
[ (eyelash). 


> pamhala < 


with long 
eyelashes, or 
filaments. 


Pr. 137. 


vismaya 




vimhaya 


vimhaa 


astonishment. 


Pr. 47, 124. ) 


jyotsna 




junha 


jonha 


light. 


Ss'. 238. | 


jyautsna 






jaunha 


lustrous. 


Br. 231, 245. 


khadga 




khagga 


khagga 


swo;jd. 


Pr. 33, 37, 46. 


jalpa 




jappa 


jappa 


chatter. 


Br. 265, 278. 


kalpa 




kappa 


kappa 


wish. 


Br. 265. 


analpa 




anappa 


anappa 


not little. 


Br. 158, 167. 


valkala 




vakkhala 


vakkala 


bark. 


Var. iii. 29. 
Mri.54.Dh.71 


\pushkara 


5 


pokkhara 


pokkhara 


pond. 


Br. 234. 


pushkala 


' 




pukkala 


(excellent, 
( much: 


Mrich. 18, 21. 


sushka 




sukkha. 


(sukkha, ) 
\sukkha } 


dry. 


Br. 54, 80. 


dushkara 




dukkara 


dukkara 


difficult. 


Br. 202. 


anugraha 




anuggaha 


anuggaha 


kindness. 


Br. 34, 82. 


panigrahana 




i paniggahana 


paniggahana 


(hand -taking, 












( marriage. 


Br. 246. 


hastagraha 




hatthaggaha 


hatthaggaha 


hand -taking. 


Br. 36. 


namagrahana 




namaggahana 


namaggahana 


name-taking. 


Br. 20. ( 


S'ankarapra- 






Sankarappa- 


S'ankaras' 




sada 






sada 


favour. 


Br. 198. I 


prabha- ) 
prasara / 






pabhappasara 


(diffusion of 
\ splendour. 


Br. 10. 


parsvapra- ) 
sara } 






pasappapsara 


(diffusion of, or 
\froin,the side. 


TYhim 9Q 












j./iiain. _i't 

Var.iii.32. U8 J 


as'manmayam 




amhamayam 


. . . 


stony. 


Br. 279. 


nishkaruna 




nikkaruna 


nikkaruna 


merciless. 



115 The form machchha is also given as correct Sanskrit in "Wilson's Dictionary, as weft, 
as by Bbhtlingk and Roth ; but it may have been introduced from Prakrit. 

116 Mr. Childers regards umha as a doubtful Pali form. 

117 See p. 15, note 17, above. Kanha means in Prakrit the God Krishna. 

118 The rule here quoted strictly applies only to the mutation of shma and sma, and 
does not mention sma. 



84 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALT. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 156, 281. 


) 






{vappha, \ 




Var.iii. 35,38. 


> vashpa 




bappa 


vappha, 


moisture. 


Lassen, 209. 


j , 






vaha 




Var. iii. 35. 


) 










Br. 293. 


> pushpa 




puppha 


puppha 


flower. 


Dhanj. 10. ' 


) 










Br. 285. 


nritya 






nalta 


dancing. 


Br.247.Ea.27. 


nritya 




nachcha 


nachcha 


dancing. 


Br. 147. 
< < 


nrityat 




(nacfic)>i;m \ 
\nach(Jiantf> ) 


nachchanta 

e 


(dancing 
( (part.). 


Br. 248. 


nartitum 




nachchitum 


nachehidum 


to dance. 


Br. 242. \ 
Pr. 12, 38. / 


sphurat 




jphurat*: % | 
\phuranta } 


phtiranta 


throbbing. 


Br. 209. 


visphurita 




c 


vipphwia 


quivered. 


1 fir. 235. 


visphtiranti 






vipphuranti 


quiver. 


Br.235.Pr.13. 


tphulinga 




phulinga 


pphulinga 


a spark. 


Br. 242. 


saitisphutita 






sampphudida 


blossomed. 


Br. 204. ' 


sphara 






phara 


quivering. 


Br. 218. 


asphalya 






apphalia 


having touch- 


T$r 909 


(sparsa 




phassa 


phamsa 


touch, [ed. 


MfSn _'.'_. 


\parisparsa 






paripphamsa 


touch. 


Br. 310c 


parisyanda 






paripphanda 


dropping. 


Br. 245. 


utprerita 






uppherida 


sent up. 


Br. 262. 


parisphuranti 






paripphuranti 


they quiver. 


Pr. 10. 


sphatika 




phalika 


phadia 


crystal. 


Br. 195, 268. 


skandha 




khandha 


khandha 


shoulder. 


Var. iii. 14, \ 
50. Mrich.40.j 


stambha 




thaMha 


khambha 


a post. 


Br. 153. \ 






i. 




|mother-in- 


Srf. 2M. ) 


tvasru 


(i 


sassu 


saitte, sasu 


( law. 


Br. 158. 


svasrunam 


, ( 


sassunam 


sasunam 


I of mothers- 
( in-law. 


Br. 156, 163,) 
303. } 


svasura 




sasura 


sasura 


father-in-law 


Br. 142,209,) 
292. j 


pakva 


f 


pakka 


pakka, pikka 


mature. 


Br. 14b, 263. 


jvala 




jala 


jala 


flame. 


Br. 235. 


prajvalanti 




pajjalanti 


pajjalanti 


they burn. 


Pr. 119. 


prajvalaya 




pajjalehi 


pajjalehi 


jburn (causal 
\ imperative}. 


Br. 48. 


jvalali 






jalali 


? 


Br. 213. 215. 


svatnitn 




saminl 


saminl 


mistress. 


Br. 216. 


tvarita 




turita 


turia 


quick. 


Pr. 48. 


tattva 


g 




tatta 


truth. 


Br. 238. 


asva 


r 


assa 


assa 


horse. 


Br. 147. 


svachha 






sachchha 


clear. 


Br. 6. 


dvidha 




(dvidha, \ 
\dvedha j 


dudha 


in two ways. 


f%r. 168. 


jihva 




jivha 


j~iha 


tongue. 


Br. 203. 


nialya 




maty a 


malla 


garland. 


Pr. 48. 


punya 




punna 


punna 


merit. 


Br.200.Pr.45. 


s tiny a 




sunna 


suna, sunna 


empty. 


Bur. & Lass.) 
166. ) 


aranya 




aranna 


aranna 


forest. 


Clough, 36. \ 
Var. x. 10. I 


r 

kanya 




kanna 


kanja 


a girl. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRITS WORDS. 



85 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 247. 


svadikrita 




sadlkata 


saddlkada 


sweetened. 


Br. 230, 244. 


divya 




dibba 


divva 


divine. 


Br. 22, 64, \ 












144, 162. } 


yogya 




yogga 


jogga 


fit. 


Br. 72, 85, \ 
100, 105. j 


sishya 




sissa 


sissa 


disciple. 


Br. 100, 120, ( 
139, 229. \ 


anya, anyatha 
anyatah , . 




anna 
annatha 


I anna, \ 
J annadha \ 
\ an n ado j 


other, other- 
wise, etc. 


Br. 276. 


kamsya ' ( 


* t 


kamsa 


kamsa 


bell metal, 


Br. 132. | 
Rasav. 17. \ 


palyanka 
paryanka , 




pallanka } 
pariyanka J 


pallanka 


bed. 


Br. 155. 


s'alya 




salla 


salla 


dart. 


Br. 68, 76,246. 


tiryak 


1 


tiriyam 


tirichchha 


oblique. 


Pr.65.Dham.\ 
6, 56. J 


supta, gupta 




sutta, gutta 


sutta, gutta 


fasleep, pro-' ' 
( tected. 


Pr. 21, 46,114. 


prapta 




patta 


patta 


obtained. 


Br. 279. 


vidhvamsana 




viddhamsana 


(mdhdham- 
\ sana 


[destruction. 


Br. 198,259. 


vilupta 




vilutta 


vilutta 


disappeared. 


Br. 240. 


vilipta 




vilitta 


vilidda 


smeared. 


Dham. 54. 


tapta 




tatta 


iatta 


burrt. 


Br. 218, 245. 


kshipta 




khitta 


khitta 


thrown. 


Clough, 39. 


tripti 




titti 


titti 


satisfaction. 


Br. 76, 154, 198 


\samutpatti 
(utpanna 




samuppatti 
uppanna 


samuppatti 
uppanna 


birth, 
born. 


Br. 243. 


samutposhita 




samuppdsita 


samupposida 


cherished. 


Br. 217. 


utkshipya 




ukkhippa 


ujjhia 


tiaving thrown 
upwards. 


Br. 228. 


janma 






jamma 


birth. , 


Br. 236. 


pippala 




pipphala 


plpala 


ficus Indica. 


Br. 198. 


sikta 




sitta 


sitta 


sprinkled. 


Br. 227. 


vaktukama 




vattukama 


vattukama 


(wishing to 
( speak. 


Br. 113, 120. 


punarukti 




punarutti 


punarutti 


repetition. 


Dham. 54. 


bhukta 




bhutta 


bhutta 


eaten, 


Var. iii. 1. 


bhakta 




bhatta 


bhatta 


/rice boiled or 
\ i i 












( in husk. 


Br. 195, 227, ( 
264, 298. I 


mukta \ 
mauktika } 




mutta 


(mota, mutta 
\mottia 


pearl. 


Clough, 39. j 


yukti 




yutti 


jutti 


propriety. 


Var. iii. 1. \ 


mukti 




mutti 


mutti 


i-edemption. 


Pr. 35. 91. Br. 


) 










10, 24, 168, 


> mukta 




mutta 


mukka 


freed. 


170, 195, 231. 


J 


* 








Br. 35,98,141. 


yukta 




yutta 


jutta 


fit. 


Br. 67, 204. 


rakta 




ratta 


ratta 


red, blood. 


Br. 75. 


sakta 




satta 


satta 


attached. <, 


Mrichh. 120.} 
Var. iii. 29. } 


kshetra 




khetta 


khetta * 


field. 


Br. 87. 


abhiyoktum 




abhiyunjitum 


abhijujjidum 


to accuse. 


Br. 76, 238, 


\ 










242, 259, 294. 


> akshi 




achchhi, akkhi 


achchhi 


eye. 


Pr. 45. 


i 










Br. 307. 


akshi 






akkhi 


eve. 



86 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES.' 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 238, 244,| 
259. j 


vakshahsthala 






ivachchha- } 
\ tthala ] 


breast. 


Br. 199,134,1 
294.Pr.ll,41j 


lukshtrii 




Lakktii 


lLachhJ, } 
(Lachchhl } 


goddess of 
fortune. 


Br. 113. 


yashti 




yatthi, latthi 


lachchhi 


a club. 


Br. 7,6, 243'. 


vikshobha 




vikkhobha 


vichchhoha 


agitation. 


Br. 49, 93. \ 
Pr. 10, 35. j 


prekshasva 




foekkhassa, \ 
(pekkha } 


pekkha 


look (tbou). 


Br. 68, Pr.21. 


prekshasva 




t 


yechchha 


look (thou). 


~Bf. 22.0. 


prekshya 




pekkfiiya 


gekkhia 


having lookec 


Br. 48, 198, \ 
226. } 


praksJialana 




paklchalana 

c 


pakkhalana 


washing. 


Pr. 35, 124. 


prakshalitam 




pakkhalitam 


pachchaliam 


washed. 


Br. 139. 


avakshipami 




okkhif imi 


avakkhivami 


I distract. 


ifr. 202, 221,) 
250. j 


riksha 




ikka, achchha 


rikkha 


a bear. 


Pr. 19. 


nikshipyante 




nikhipfyanti 


nikhkhipyanti 


are thrown 


Br. 92. ' 


lakshya 






lakkha 


a mark. [out. 


Br. 6-7, 77, 86\ 
Cl.51.Pr. 46j 


kshatriya 




khattiya 


khattia 


a kshatriya. 


Br. 199. 


laksha 




lakkha 


lakkha 


100,000. 


Br. 48,9,7U 
Pr. 84. j 


khana 




khana, chhana 


khana 


(a moment, 
(festival. 


Clough. 38. 


kshama 




khama 


khama 


pardon. 


Bur. & Lass. \ 
166. Br. 112. j 


lakshana 




lakkhana 


lakkhana 


a mark. 


Br. 180. 


kshlna 


' 


kh'iqa 


khtna 


decayed. 


Br. 86, 141, \ 
266. j 


paksha 




pafckha 


pakkha 


side, wing. 


Br. 2,0, 52. \ 
Pr. 19. } 


rakshasa 


o 


rakkhasa 


rakkhasa 


a Eakshasa. 


Br. 52. 


raksha 


f r 


rakkha 


rakkha 


deliverance. 


Pr. 19. 


rakshitva 




rakkhitva 


rakkhia 


(having de- 
i i j 












( livered. 


Pr. 12, 84. 


dakshina 




dakkhina 


dakkhina 


south. 


Br. 249. 


dakshina 


i 


dakkhina 


da/i ina 


right (side). 


Br. 198. 


sakshin 




sakkhl 


sakkhi 


witness. 


Br. 290. 


kshtra 




khira 


khlra 


milk. 


Br. 221. 


kshauma 




khoma 


khoma 


of linen. 


Br. 121. 


akshara 




akkhara 


akkhara 


letter. 


Br. 246, 248. 


kaksha 




kaccha 


kakkha 


side. 


Br. 215. 


chakshushah 




chakkhuno 


chakkhuno 


of the eye. 


Br. 103, 166 f. 


sikshita 




sikkhita 


sikkhida 


learnt. 


Br. 75. 


vikshepa 




vikkhepa 


vikkheva 


perplexity. 


Bur. &Lass. ) 
167. J 


moksha 


t 


mokkha 


mokkha 


deliverance. 


Dham. 46. 


kshema 




khema 


khema 


prosperity. 


Dham. 23. 


antarikshe 




, antalikkhe 




atmosphere. 


Br.7,l79,234\ 
245.Pr.34,90j 


sabda 






sadda 


sadda 


sound. 


Br. 66, 121, ) 












266. Pr. 10, } 


mugdha 




muddha 


muddha 


bewildered. 


35, 41. 












Br. 76, 194. ) 


dugdha 




duddha 


duddha 


milk. 


Pr. 10, 41. J 


r 










Br. 290. 


dugdha 


' duddha 


duda 


milk. 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



87 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. - ENGLISH. 


Pr. 10. Br. ) 


sniadha 




siniddha 


siniddha 


affectionate. 


72, 266. ) 










Pr. 36. 


vidagdha 






vidaddha 


clever. 


Br. 20. 


labdha 




laddha 


laddha * 


obtained. 


Br. 131. 


lubdha 




luddha 


luddha 


covetous. 


Br.' 67, 226, ) 










. 


278, 287. 


paryanta 




par iy ant a 


peranta 


limit. * 


Pr. 134. ) 












Br. 176. 


pranta ,, 




pant a 


peranta 


vicinity. 


Var. i. 8. 


tnayura ' , 


'* 



( mayura, 
\mora 


maura \ 
mora ) 


peacoqk. , 


Var. i. 7. 


lavana 




lavana, lona 


lona, 


salt. 


Mrichh. 120. 


v7ja 


^ 


b'ija 


via 


seed. 


Mrichh. 77. 


vanik 


> 


vanija 


bania, vania 


merchant. 


Mrichh. 78. 


kuyastha 




kayattha 


kaathaa 


kayasth. 


Mrich. 296, ) 
151. Lass. | 


devalaya ) 
devakula ) 




devalaya 


devala 


temple. 


172, 218. ) 










^ 


Var. iv. 1. 


rajakula 




rajakula 


raaiila, raula 


royal rgce. 


Mrichh. 30, \ 

oof i 


dyutakara 




jutakara 


judiara \ 
judiaru 


gambler. 


OO I. ) 






( 


judiala ) | 


\ 


snana 




(nahana } 
\sinana / 


nhana 


bathing. 


Var. iii. 33.) 


vahni 







vanhi 


fire. 


Br. 289. 1 


Vishnu 






Vinhu 


Vishnu. 




slakshna 




sanha .. 


samha 


gentle. 


, I 


tikshna 


. 


tikhina, tinha 


tikkha, timha sharp. 


Mrichh. 6. 


daridrata 


i 


daliddata 


daliddadd 


poverty. 


Var. v. 24. 


haridra 




halidda 


Uialadda, ) 
\haladd~i } 


turmerig. 


Var. iii. 25. 


gartta 






gadda 


hole 


Var. iv. 31. 


malina 




malina 


(malina, \ 
\mdila } 


dirty. 


Var. iii. 30. 


makshika 




makkhika 


machchhia 


a fly. 


Var iv. 33. 


( duhita 
\dhlda 




duhita 
dhlta, 


dhuda 
dhla 


daughter, 
maidejru 




(dhanavat 




dhanava 


dhanala 


wealthy. 


Var. iv. 25. 


sabdavat 
f malavat 






saddala 
malailla 


sounding. 
Shaving a gar- 
\ land. 


Var. iii. 17,19. 


) - 










Clough, 19. 


\surya 




suriya 


stijja, sura 


sun. 


TT " " i n i 


mastaka 119 




matthaka 


matthaa 


head. 


Var. in. 12. I 
Mrichh. 18. j 


samasta 
stuti 




skmatthq 
thuti 


samattha 
thiii 


all. 
praise. 


Br. 195, 264. 


sukti 




sutti, sippi 


sippi 


shell. 


Br. 259, 270, 


lalata 




(lalata, nalata 
( (fern.) 


yalada t nidola 


forehead. 


Br. 66. 


Dravida 




Damila 


Damida, 


|the Dravida' 












( country. 


Br. 242. j 
Lv. 372. \ 


Jcamalirii | 
pushJcarini ) 


padiril 12 


pundarlkint 


puddini 


lotus-pond. 



119 This word has been repeated by mistake. See p. R2. 
1ZO According to another reading, pu$hkarinl t 



88 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 245. 


(pesala \ 
{(vyakta?)} 




vyattd 


vea^fi 


clever. 










C without arrogance, 


Lalitavista. ( 


hdambh~, \ 






1 or without wonder 


355 f., and { 


anascha- 


achchhambhl 


achchhambW 


( [according to the 


n. 2, p. 40. ( 


ryavan va ) 




[-122 


1 commentary.] TJn- 










(^ daunted. [In Pali], 


B. &Las. 99. 


purushah 




puriso 


puriso man. 


B. & Las. 86. 


avakaf'ah 




okaso. 


okaso 


leisure. 


B. &Las. 166. 


manushyah 




manltsso 


'iiianusso 


man. 


L>. 1*53. 


avalambhate 


olambate 


olambatl 


c 


he hangs. 


T 245 (alambayata, 
\ avalambayata? 


\olambayatha 







hang. 


TV 272 i abhasita, 


\obhasita 


obhabita 




illuminated. 


Lv. 270. ( *Kpft5J 

( avasvapitah : 


\osvapita 






put to sleep. 


T ono- (prasvapanam \ 
.Lv. z92. < r \osvctwanani 
j ( avasvapanam rj f - 






(putting to 
\ sleep. 


Lv. 292, 456.f'^^^| p ] onamanta 


onamanto 




bowing down. 


Lv. 380, 338. 


avaruhya 


(oruhitva 
\oruhya 


oruhitva ) 
oruyha } 




jhaving de- 
( scended. 


Pr. 


sambhavayami 




sambhavemi 


sambkavemi 


I conjecture. 


Br. 58. 


(sampadaya-\ 
\ mah ) 




sampadema 


sampademha 


we fulfil. 


Pr. 44. 


aropayasi 




arepesi 


arovesi 


fthou 

\ gtretchest. 


Pr. 34. 


nirupayamah 




" 


niruvemha 


we fix. 


Pr.426. 


ulingayami 


i 


(alingayama, 
\alingema 


\alingemi 


I embrace. 


r> r 991 


(sajjayata, 


, ( 


sajjetha 


sajjeha 


prepare ye. 


DL , ttL* 


(a nay at a 




anetha 


anedha 


bring ye. 


Br. 112. 


dharayasi 




(dharayasi 

\dharesi 


\dharesi 


|thou up- 
\ boldest. 


Lv. 324. 


dharayanti 


dh&renti 


^dharayanti 
{dharcnti 


\dharenti 


they hold.' 


Br. 20, 88. 


mantrayathah 




mantetha 


mantedha 


ye advise. 


Br. 121. 
Lv. 157. 


niyamanti \ 
vineshyati } 


vinenti 


vinenti 


nimenti 


they restrain, 
he, they, lead, 
or will lead. 


Br. 221. 


Kttambhayata 






uttambhelia 


support ye. 


Lv. 352. 


darsayanti 


darsenti 


dassenti 




they show. 


Br. 36. 


s'ithilayami 






sidhilemi 


I slacken. 


Lv. 148. 


nivartayati 


ni-iarteti' 


nivatteti 




he stops. 


Lv.84,157, ( 
180, 204. } 


ayanti 
upayanti 


enti 
upend 


enti 
upenti 




they come, 
(they ap- 
\ proach. 


Lv.14,186,189 


chodayanti 


chodenti 


chodenti 




they impel. 


Lv. 214. 


.,- (sthape. ) 
stiiapai/a { ., ^ , . > 
~ " \8tf>apeht \ 


thapehi 




place thou. 



121 One of the senses assigned in Wilson's Dictionary to vyakta is "wise, learned." 

122 Mr. Childers thinks this word is the equivalent of the Sanskrit astambhin, " not 
paralyzed with fear." "The word " achambha is well known in Hind!, where it means 
"astonishment." 



OF PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



89 



REFERENCES. SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Lv. 223. 


pur ay a 


purehi 


purehi 




fill thou. 


Lv. 90. 


{yashtidha- ) 


ishtikan 






mace-bearers. 




rakan ) 






1 




Lv. 158, 181. 


na api 


napi 


napi 




not even. 


Lv. 231, 288. 


tatha'pi 


tathapi 


tathapi 




nevertheless. 


Lv/421. 


punar api 


punopi 


(puna pi ) 
\puno pi ] 




again* so. 


Pr. 19, 39. 
Pr. 89. Br. 94. 


\kirn api , 





kim pi 


kim pi, kim vi 
kimpi 


> anything. 


Pr. 19, 151. 


kim iti ' , 


, 


kin ti 


kim ti 


what, so , 


Pr. 84. 


kasminn api 




kasmim pi 


kassim pi 


in any. 


Pr. 47. Lv. \ 
227, 304. } 


tvam api 


UuHiyampi ) 
\vayampi j 


tvam pi 


tumam vi 


thou, we, so. 


Pr. ?Lv.387. 


ayam iti 


ahih ti 


aham pi 


imotti 


this, I, so. 


Br. 198. 


mitratva 






mitrattana 


friendship. ' 


Br. 79. 


balatva 






balattana 


childhood. 


Lv. 231, 302. 


vidvadbhih 


vidubhih 


viduhi 




(by learned 
\ inen. 


Br. 87. 


manasa 




\manena } 


tn.anena 


with the mind 


Br. 246, 270. 


sirasa 




sirasa, sirena 


sirena 


with the head 


Lv. 148, 204. 


nabhasi 


nabhe 


(nabhasi, \ 
(nabhe ) 




in the heaven 



NOTE. For the greater part of the words in Table II. pp. 27-29 above, Mr. Childers 
knows no Pali equivalents, nor for the following additional words which I have noted in 
the Balaramayana and Prasannaraghava, viz., kadrano "monkeys" (Br. 238), nilukkana 
" abode," nilukkanta " issued forth" (Bh ^66 f.), vettira " moving " (Br. 203), hala- 
havallava "whispers" (Br. 150), visatta, vissattanta, visattanti " clear," "blown," or 
"blowing (as a flower)," and "they issue forth," (Br. ). I find in the Br. 221, a 
verb dhoeha, rendered in the comm. by vahata, "carry ye," = the Hindi dhona, "to 
carry a load," and in the Lalita Vistara 261, a noun osa, dew, = Hindi os, which has 
the same sense. These two words belong to Table II. p. 27, ff. 



VOL. II. 



90 



COMPARATIVE TABLES 



TABLE No. IV. 

The following Table of ordinals and numerals will show that in some 
eases the Pali and Prakrit words are identical; but that in most 
cases the PdK words are nearer to the Sanskrit than the corresponding 
Prakrit words are, 

In the cases where the Prakrit words are omitted, I have been unable to supply them. 



' (r 
REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


PALI. 


' PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dham. 4. Mrichh. \ 
98. Lassen, 209. / 


prathamah 


pathamo 


(pathumo, \ 
\padhamo J 


first. 


'Dham. 6. Mrichh. 69. 


dvitlyah 


dittiyo 


dudio 


second.. 


Dham. 8. Mrichh. 69. 


tritiyah 


tatiyo 


tdio 


third. 


Dham. 35, Bur. & Las. \ 
90. Var. vi. 58. / 


chatvarah 


ehattaro 


ehattaro 


four. 


Dha.n. 11. Var. i. 9.) 
Mrich. 69. j 


ehaturthah 


chatuttho 


(cha,uttho, } 
\cha,uttho } 


fourth. 


Dham. 14. Mrich. 70. 


panchamah 


panchamo 


panchamo 


fifth. 


Bur. 8f Las. 87. Las.j 


shat 


cha 


ehha 


six. 


320.Dham.l6.Mri.70.\ 


shashthah 


chhattho 


chhattho 


sixth. 


Dham. 18. Mrichh. 71. 


saptamah 


sattamo 


sattamo 


seventh. 


Dham. 21. Mrichh. 72. 


ashtamah 


atthamo 


atthamo 


eighth. 


Dham. 23. Mrich. 100 


navamah 


navamo 


navamo 


ninth. 


Dham. 26. Lass. 320. 


dasamah 


dasamo , 


dasamo 


tenth. 


Dham. 28. Var. ii. 14. 


ekadasan 


ekadasa 


earaha 


eleven. 


Dham. 30. Var. ii. 14. 


dvadasan 


(dvadaia, 
\ barasa 


\varaha 


twelve. 


Dham. 32. Var. ii. 14. 


trayodasan 


terasa, telasa 


teraha 


thirteen. 


Dham. 76. Var. i. 9,| 
and ii. 14. j 


chaturdasan 


1 chatuddasa, 
< chuddasa, 
[ chodda.ia 


> cha,uddaha 


fourteen. 


Dham. 38. Var iii. 44. 


panchadasan 


(pancadasa, } 
\pd,inarasa } 


pannaraho 


fifteen. 


Dham. 39. Lass. 320. 


shodasan 


solasa 


solaha (?) 


sixteen. 


Dham. 42. Lass. 320. 


saptadasan 


sattarasa 


sattaraha (?) 


seventeen. 


Dham. 45. Lass. 320. 


ashtadasan 


atthdrasa 


attharaha 


eighteen. 


Dham. 48. 


unavimsati 


ekunavlsati 


f 


nineteen. 


Dham. 51. Lass. 320. 


vimsati 


visati 


v7sa,i 


twenty. 


Dham. 54, 76. 


ekavimsati 


ekavlsati 


. . . 


twenty-one. 






I dvavlsati, \ 






Dham. 66, 76. 


dvavimsati 


< bavisati, > 


. . . 


twenty-two. 




* 


( dvavlsam ) 






Dham. 59, 76. 


trayovimsati 


tevisati,tevisa 


. . . 


twenty-three. 


Dham. 64. 


chaturvimsati 


chatuvlsati 


... 


twenty-four. 


Dham. 68. 


panchavimsati 


pancfravlsati 


. . . 


twenty-five. 


Dham. 75. 


shadvimsati 


chhnbblsati 





twenty-six. 


Dham. 76. 


chatvarimsat 


chattalisam 


. . . 


forty. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



91 



TABLE No. V. 

Comparative list of particles and pronouns, etc., in Pali and Prakrit, with 
a few corresponding words in the Gdthd dialect. 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 20, 149. 


atha 




atha 


aha 


now. J 


01. 74, Br. 282. 


athava 




athava 


. adhava 


or. 


Br.48,ff. 01.68. 


itah r> , 




ito, ato 


ido 


hence. 


Br. 20. 01.69. 


iha , 


i 


iha, idha 


idha 


here. 


Br. 35,92,121, \ 


j 


> 






9 ) 


139, 157, 169, ( 
178. 01. 69. ( 


atra , 


, 


ettha 


ettha 


here. 


Pr. 43. 












Pr. 35. 


atra 


' 




etta 


here. , 


Pr. 113,Ch68f. 


atra 




atra, attha 


attha 


here. 


Pr. 19. 


atra 






at to 


here. 


Br. 156. Pr. \ 
119. Clough69.j 


yatra 




yatra, yattha 


jattha 


w>here. 


Br. 96, 149, 238. 


tatra 




tatra, tattha 


tattha 


there.' 


Br. 98, 149. Lv. 
153, 191 f. 01. 69. 


\tatra 


tahi 


tahim, taham 


tahim 


there. 


Br. 246. 


tada 






tahim 


theA. 


Br. 180, 213, \ 
145, 148, 200, ( 
210, 235. Lv. ( 
56, 61, 464. ) 


yatha 


1 jihmi, \ 
Ijihma, > 
(jaha ) 


yathS 


(jaha, jaha, \ 
\jahamjadha} 


as. 


Br.150. 


yat _ 


1 


yam 


jadha 


that. 


Br. 181,210,223. 


tatha 


> 


tatha 


taha 


so. 


Br. 148, 278. 


tatha 


, 




tadha 


so. 


Br. 86, 122. 


yatah 




yato 


jado 


wheni*. 


Br. 297. 


yatah 






jatto 


whence. 


Pr. 47- 


tatah 




talo ' 


tado 


thence. 


Br.88,148.Pr.20. 


yadi 




yadi 


jadi 


if. 


Br. 70, 229. ) 
Pr. 17, 47. j 


yadi 






ja'i 


if. 


Br. 189. 


yadi 






jahim 


if. 


Br. 77. 


yathechchham 




[yathicchitam 


jahijjam 


as desired. 


Br. 238. 


yathechchham 




is used.] 


jahichchham 


as desired. 


Br. 34, 97. ) 
Pr. 20, 34. j 


katham 




katham 


kaham 


how? 


Br. 92, 154, \ 
163. 167. ) 


katham 




, 


kadham 


how? 


Br. 77. 


katham 






klsa 


'how? 


Br. 139, 169. \ 
Pr. 112. j 


kva 


(262, 283.) 


^kiiJtitrfy ) 
kuhnm } 


kahim 


where ? 


Pr. 40. 01. 69. 


kva 




(kva, kutra, \ 
\kuttha } 


krtha 


where ? 


Br. 86. 


ktttah 





kuto 


kudo 


whence ? 


Br. 88. 


kim 




kim 


k> 


why ? 


Br. 295. 01. 52. 


katara 




katara 


kndara 


which ? 


Br. 20. 


kati 




kati 


kadi 


how many ? 


Br. 5, 181. 


tat 




tarn 


turn 


that. 


Br. 34. 36, 65, } 
73 f, 113,276, } 
Pr. 19. J 


tat 




tarn 


a 


(that, there- 
( fore. 



92 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Pr. 19, 47. ' 


tarhi 




tadd (tarahi 


ta 


then. 


Br. 35, 79, 182. 


yat 




yam 


jam 


what. 


Cowell, xxviii. ' 


i 










Br. 70. Pr. 44. 
122. Lv. 190, 


tvam 


tuma 


tvam, tuvam 


tumam 


thou. 


196. t ' , 












Pr. 41. 


tvam 




(tarn, tavam,} 


tumam 


thee. 








(tvam, tuvam\ 






Pr. 38. 

t t 


tubhyam 




{tava, tt^/ham, 
tumhpm 


\tu.ka 


to thee. 


Br. 120, 181. ( 
Br. 35, 113. | 


tava ] 
te (tava) J 


ti 


( tava, 
< tuyhaw, 
[ tumham ' 


tuha, tumma 
twyiha, tujjha 
te, de 


> of thee. 


Br. 56, 181, ) 
2*24, 145, 165, } 
170, 177, 153. ) 


tvaya 




(tvaya 
(taya 


tue, tumae, 
tae, tume, te, 
de, tie 


> by thee. 


Pr. P ) 
Pr. 124. ' ) 


tvayi 




tayi 


(tumammi, 
\tumhi, ta'i 


Jin thee. 


Pr. 40'. Lv. 173,) 
396. J 


yuyam 


(yushme, ) 
\yushmi ) 


tumhe 


tumhe, tujhe 


you. 


, 


yushman 




\tumhakam, 
(tumhe 


tujjhe, tumhe 
vo 


jyou (accus.) 




yushmabhih 


, 


Ittimhebhi, ) 
\tumhehi \ 


( tuyhehim, 
< tumhehim, 
( tummehim 


> by you. 


Cowell, xxviii. < 


yushmat 


. 


\tumhebhi, 
(tumhffii 


tumhahinto 
tumhasunto 


jfrom you. 








( 


vo, bhe, tuj- 


) , 




yushmakam 


. 


ttimhakam { 


jhanam, tum- 


> of you. 


. 






{ 


hanam 


) 




yushmasu 


f 


tumhesu 


'tujjhtsu, 
tumhesu 


I in you. 


Br. 283. 
Pr. 41, 138. 


tasyah 




(ttssaya, tissa, 
(tassu, taya 


\tissa, tie, tae 


of her. 


Pr. 134. 


taya 




taya 


tae 


by her. 


Pr. 45, 47. 


ayam 





ayam 


imo 


this (masc.) 


Pr. 26,47, 120, I 












125. Br. 36,55, ) 
66, 72, 100. ) 


asya, 
imasya (vedic) 


imasya 


assa, \ 
imassa } 


imassa, se 


ofthis(masc.) 


Lv. 396. \ 












Pr. 120. Br. \ 
35. Lv. 454. / 


anena 


ena 


anena, imind 


imina 


bythis(masc.) 


Pr. 38. 


an ay a 




imaya 


ima'e 


by this (fern.) 








I asmim, \ 






Br. 65, 67, 70. 


asmin 


t 


J imasmim, \ 


itnassim 


in this (masc) 








( imamhi ) 










( 


esam, esanam, 


\ 




Pr. 13. 


esham 




tmesam, 


> imanam 


of these. 


r 




( 


imesanam 


) 




Pr. 36. 


ebhih 




\ebhi, imebhi,) 
\ehi, imehi j 


imehim 


by these. 


Pr. 134. 


kasyrih 




1 k~>e 


of whom ? (f.) 



123 A comparative state^nenfrof the -first personal pronoun will be found further on in 
the text. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PBAKRIT WORDS. 



93 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. ' 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 35. 


idam 




idam, imam 


inam 


'this (neuter). 


Br. 5. 


etat 




etam, etad 


edam 


this. 


Br. 50. 


ete 




ete , 


ede 


these (masc.) 


Br. 44 f. 


etah 




eta, etayo 


edao 


these (fern.) 


Br. 57. 


te ' 




ne, te 


de 


they. 


Br. 35. 


etavat 




(inst. ettavata, 
("so far" 


\edaha 


so mvch. 






( 


etto and ettako 


) 




Br. 213. 


etavat' ' 


, I 


(adj.) "so 
much" 


> ettia 


so mrjsh. 


Pr. 19. 


iyanti 






ettiaim 


*jfso nfuch (pi. 






, 






( neuter). 


Br. 29, 293. 


yena 


1 


yena 


jena 


(hy which or 
( whom, 


Br. 8. 


yastnin 




yasmim,yamhi 


jassim 


|in which > or 
\ whom. 


Br. 87. 


yesham 




yesam 


janam 


of whom. 


Br. 56. 


tesham 


| 


tesam, tesanam 


\tanam 


o'f them. 






( 


ncsam,nesanam 






Br. 55. 


sadrisa 




sadisa, sadisa 


sadisa 


1 


Br. 35, 113,289. 
Pr. 12, 16, 44. 


\sadrisa 




sarisa 


sarisa 


L 


Br. 65, 76, 80, \ 
292. Pr. 41. / 


sadriksha 




(sadikkha, } 
\sarikkha } 


sarichchha 


j 


Br. 35. 


Idrisa 




tdisa 


Tdisa 




Pr. 43, 46. 


Idrisa 




~irisa 


Irisa 


} like this. 


Pr. 16, 19, 48. 


Idrisa 




edisa, erisa 


erisa 


i 


Br. 53, 57, 164,\ 
218. j 


kidrisa 


, 


kJdisa 


kldisa 


like what. 


Br. 88. Pr. 113. 


kidrisa 


' 


Kirisa 


kirisa, kerisa 


like what ? 


Pr. 91. 


tadrisa 




tadisa, tarisa 


tarisa 


like jhat. 


Pr. 112. 


anyadrisa 




, , 


anndrisa 


like another. 


Br. 299. 


asmadrisam 




amhadisa 


amharisa 


like us. 


Br. 120. \ 
Clough, 70. | 


idanim 




(dani, idani, \ 
(etarahi ) 


enhim 


now. 


Br. 77, 138. Pr. 


(atmanam 


1 


attanam, 


attanam 




25. Dham. 29. 
Karpuramanj an, 


(atmanam 

!-. - 




atumanam 


appanain 


himself. 


in Balar. p. 5. 


atma 




at (a 


appa 




Br. 122. 


mahatmya 






mahappa 


greatness. 



94 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



TABLE No. VI. 

The following Table exhibits a list of Pali words, some of which retain 
unaltered the Sanskrit form, while others are modified, out sometimes less 
than in PrdkriJ. 



REFERENCES.' 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dham. 31, 55, ) 










58. Cl<?ugh,21. > 


raja 




raja (U 


'rSa 


king. 


Var. v. 36. , J 








* 




Dh'am. *12. and) 
Var. i. 17. j 


jihva 




c < 

jivha 


c 
jtha 


tongue. 


Clough, 39. and) 
Var. ii. 32. j 


yashti 




i 
yatthi, latthi 


latthi 


staff. 


Diiam.40. Var.) 
ii. 27. &Mrich./ 


sadhum 




\sadhum \ 
{sahum \ 


sahum 


good. 


Dham. 51. and) 
Var. v. 35, / 


pita 




pita 


pia 


father (nom.) 


Dhami 52. and ) 
Var. v. 34. j 


pitaram 




pitaram 


piaram 


father(accus.) 


Rasa. 15. 


pitra 




pitara 


piduna 


father (instr.) 


Dham. 2.6, 52, ) 
71. &Var.iii 8.| 


brahmanah 




brahmano 


vamhano 


Brahman. 


Dham. 72. & ) 
Var. i. 18. / 


gambhira 


. 


(gambhira 
\gabh1ra 


gahira 


deep. 


Dham. 20, 24.) 
& Var. iv. 5. J 


jivitam 


, 


jlvitam 
c 


jivam, jtam 


life. 


Dham. 27. Br.) 
242, 251. / 


andhakdrena 




aqdhakarena 


andhdarena 


darkness. 


Dham 98 \ 












J_/iiaUl. O. 

Mrichh. 43, 69.) 


bafivardah 




balivaddo 


baliddo, ba,itto 


ox. 


Dham. 34. & \ 
Var. iii. 39. j 


karshapanah 


' ' 


kahapana 


kahavano | 


16 panas of 
cowries. 


Dham. 44. 


samadhim 




samadhim m 




meditation. 


Dham. 46. and / 


yavata 




yavata 


java t ja 


as much. 


Var. iv. 15. \ 


tavata 


| 


tavata 


too, ta 


so much. 


Dham. 72, 68. ) 
Mrichh. 11. } 
Var. iv. 12. ) 


bhadram 




(bhadram, \ 
\bhaddam } 


bhaddam 


good. 


Clough, 40. / 


s'ukari 




sukarl 


suarl 


a sow. 


Br. 234, 267. \ 


sukara 




sukara 


suyara,suara 


a boar. 


Clough, 7. Var.) 
ii. 27. v. 26, ?7 J 


madhu 


' 


madhu 


mahu 


honey. 


Dham. 36. \ 










' 


Prahodha. 58. } 


sukham 


< 


sukham 


suham 


happiness. 


Pr. 38, 40. ) 












Clough, 37. Var./ 


sabha 




sabha 


saha 


an assembly. 


ii. 27. Br. 156. ( 


gatha 




gatha 


gaha 


a verse. 


Clough, 42. and/ 


mata 




mata 


maa 


mother(nom. 


Var. v. 32. \ 


mataram 




mataram 


maam 


mother (ace.) 


Rasa. 22. Clou.) 
45. Var. ii. 27. f 


mukham 




mukham 


muham 


face. 



124 I cannot say whether the Prakrit form of this word is samadhi or samahi, or 
any third form different from either. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



95 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


/ 


loJcah 




loko 


loo 


> world. 


j3Urn. oc J_j!iss. I 
Var. ii. 2. ) 


gajah 




gajo 


goo 


elephant. 




rajatam 




rajatam 


raadam 


silver. 


Ditto, Var. i. 27 


kritam 




katam 


kaam 


done. 


Ditto, Var. iii.] 

58. J 


trailokyam 




telokkam 


telloam 


|the three 
,( worlds. 


Ditto, Var. ii. 2. | 


jwam 
vachanam 




jivam 
vachanam 


jmm 
vaanam 


life. ' 
word. 


Do., Var. ii. 2, 46 


divasafy 




divaso 


divaho, diaho 


day. 


Ditto, Var.i. 41. 


yauvcnam 


'> 


yobbanam 


jovvanam 


youth! 


Mahavanso, p.} 
xxvi. Mrich. 44.) 


samskritam 




sakkatam 


sakkadam 


Sanskrit.' 


Mahavanso,207| 
Var. i. 20. j 


pustakam 


\ 


potthakatn 


potthao 


book. 


Rasa. 40. Pr. \ 
97. Br. 143. J 


bhagim 


I 


bhagim 


'vahim 
bahim,bhdinl 


(sister. ' 


Mahav. 250. \ 
Var iii. 26. J 


gardabhah 




gadrabho 


gaddaho 


ass. 


Rasa. 32. ) 












Var. i. 20. } 


mukta 




mutta 


motta 


pearl.' 


Rasa. 33. Mrich. 


) 




( 


duaraa 


) 


16, 43, 44, 50. 


} dvara 




dvara < 


duvara, 


> door. 


Br. 35, 221. 


1 




( 


duvara 


1 ' 


Br. 130, 284. 


iakKi 




iaffht 


taht 


a tree. 


Br. 70. 


rekha 




rekhfi 


rehd 


a line. 


Br. 113. 


sakhi 




takhl 


aahi 


female friend 


Br. 48, 76, 156,1 
Pr. 36. } 


iikha 


, 


sikha ' 


siha 


crest. 


Br.93, Pr.10,12. 


sikhara 


' 


sikhara 


sihara 


Eumnrit. 


Br. 73, 96, 156.) 
Pr. 38. ) 


sekhara 


1 


tekhara 


tehara 


crest., 


Br. 52. Pr. 35,38. 


s'ikhanda 




sikhanda 


sihanda 


peacock's tail 


Pr. 12, 41. 


lekhd 




lekhtT 


leha 


a writing. 


Pr. 36. 


nakha 




nakha 


naha 


nail. 


Pr. 36, Br. 6, \ 
10, 92. ) 


likhita 




likhita 


lihida 


written. 


Br. 221, 278. 


parikha 




parikha 


pariha 


ditch. 


Br. 287. 


mekhala 




mekhala 


mehald 


girdle. 


Br. 215, 225. 


megha 




megha 


meha 


cloud. 


Br. 50. 


sangha 




sangha 


tamha 


assemblage. 


Dham. 7, 66. \ 












Var. iii. 65. 


laghu 




lahu 


lahu 


light. 


Mrichh. 107. ) 












Br.7U99.Pr.14. 


ratha 




ratha 


raha 


chariot. 


Pr. 36. 


athava 




athara 


ahava 


or. 


Pr. 137, Br. \ 
242, 297. / 


mithuna 




mithuna 


mihuna 


pair. 


Br. 308. 


Mithila 




Mithila 


Mihila 


name of city. 


Br. 298. 


atithi 


* 


atithi 


adihi 


guest. 


Br. 238. 


adhara 




adhara 


ahara 


lower lip. " 


Pr. 39, Br. 158.\ 
Br. 151, 153. j 



vadhu 




vadhu 


vahu, vadhu 


wife. 


Pr. 34, 39,Br.70. 


madhura 




madhura 


mahura 


sweet. 


Br. 244, Cl. 7,51. 


madhu 




madhu 


mahu 


sweet. 


Br. 10. 


vibudha 




vibudha 


vibuha 


wise man. 


Br. 278. 


panchavidha 




panchavidha 


p'anchaviha 


fivefold. 



96 



COMPAKATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES.- 


SANSKRIT. 


OATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 198,221*243. 


vividha 




vividha 


viviha 


various. 


Br. 238. 


vidhura 




vidhura 


vihura 


agitated. 


Br. 199. 


jaladhi 




jaladhi 


jalahi 


sea. 


Br. 86, 203 f. 


J udhira 




rudhira 


ruhira 


blood. 


Br. 250. 


dadhi 




dadhi 


dahi 


curds. 


Br. 228. 


vadhira 




badhira 


bahira 


deaf. 


Br. 2S9. 


mahldhara 




mahldhara 


mahthara 


mountain. 


Br. 167. 


aradhana 




aradhana 


arahana 


worship. 


Br. 72, 292. ( 
ClougV 7, 24. | 


phaZa, 
saphala 




phala, f \ 
aaphafa } 


' Rala, sahala 


{fruit, 
(fruitful. 


Pn 137. 


rabhasa 




c < 


i*tihasa 


speed. 


Pr. 11. 


sobhante 




tobhanti 


sohanti 


they shine. 


Pr. 36. 


abhilashanti 




i , 


aKilasanti 


they desire. 


Br. 123. 


labhate 




labhati^ 


lahdi 


he receives. 


Br. 79, 156, } 


vallabha 




vallabha 


vallaha 


beloved. 


242, 259. j 












Br. 219. 


upalabdham 






ualahium 


{to under- 
\ stand. 


Br. 73., 93^ 297. 


vrishabha 




usabha 


vusaha 


bull. 


Br. 202, 218. 


kshobha 




khobha 


khoha 


shaking. 


Br. 224. 


vibhinna 




vibhinna 


vihinna 


divided. 


Br. 238. 


surabhi 




surabhi 


surahi 


fragrant. 


Br. 276.' 


dundabhi 




dundubhi 


dunduhi 


drum. 


Br. 198. 


nabhi 




nabhi 


nahi 


navel. 


Br. 237. 


saila 


, 


sela 


sella 


mountain. 


Br. 86, 145. 


vairi 




veri 


veri 


enemy. 


Br. 221, 240. 


taila 


, 


tela 


tella 


oil. 


Br. 264. 


ddha 




daha, r daha 


daha 


burning. 


Pr. 104. 


sucht 




sychi 


sut 


needle. 


Br. 243. 


suchita 


( 


suchita 


suida 


indicated. 


Br. 2*7 f. 


chhurika 




chhurika 


chhuria 


knife. 


Br. 150, 155. 


hridaya 




hadaya 


hiaa 


heart. 


Br. 238. 


padayoh 




padesu 


paesu 


at the feet. 


Br. 235. 


dhuma 




dhuma 


dhusa 


smoke. 


Br. 199. 


padatikasya 






pa'ikassa 


footman (gen.) 


Br. 245, 251. 


mudgara 





muggara 


mogara 


mallet. 


Pr. 44. 


kubja 




khujja 


khujja 


bent. 


Br. 125. 


sosha 




sosa 


sosa 


drying up. 


Br, 60. 


ghosha 




ffhosa 


ffhosa 


noise. 


Var. iii. 62. \ 
Lv. 228. } 


mlana, glana 


gilana 


milata, gilana 


mil ana 


{withered, 
{wearied. 


Var. iii. 62. \ 
Lv. 269. , / 


klanta 


kilanfa 


kilanta 


kilanta 


wearied. 


Var. iii, 62. \ 
Lv.51,60f, 188.) 


klesa 


Jeilesa 

i 


kiksa 


kilesa 


trouble. 


Dh. 50. Pr. 41. 

Br. 36, 122, 278. 


\sneha 




sneha, sineha 


sineha 


affection. 


Cl. 39. Pr. 12. \ 
Br. 129, 175f. / 


sri 


siri 


Mr! 


siri 


splendour. 


Dham. 44. 


hrt 


hiri 


hirt 


hirl 


shame. 


Pr.12.Var.iii.62. 


harsha 






harasa, Kbrisa 


joy- 


Pr. 113,114,238. 


} 










Lalitavistara, 65, 


} svapna 


supina 


supina, soppa 


sivina 


sleep. 


235, 239, 399. 


} . 










Pr. 44, 48. 


murkha 






murukha 


fool. 


Pr. 35. 


vismrita 






visumarida 


forgotten. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



97 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 163, 278. 


(smarana 
(smritva 




sumariya 


sumarana 
sumaria 


recollection, 
having recol- 










i 


lected. 


Br. 198. 


utkarsha 




ukkamsa 


ukkarisa 


eminence. 


Br. 246. 


karshanti 




kaddhanti 


karisanti 


they draw. 


Br. 20, 126, 276. 


varsha 




vassa 


varisa 


rain. 


Br. 210. 


varshitum 




vassitum 


varisidum 


to rain. 


Br. 296. 


varshartuh^ 






vasaratto 


rainy season. 


Br. 144. Lv. 198. 


(bharya, * '} 
(nary ah ' , / 


narlya 



(bhariya \ 
\nariya . } 


bharia 


(wife, of a 
( woman. 


Br. 310. 


S'atrughna 






Sattuhana 


proper name. 


Cl. 8. Lv. 56, \ 
92,132,181,188} 


ratna 


ratana 


ratana 




gem. 


Clough, 45, 51.\ 
Lv. 157. / 


padma 


paduma 


paduma 




lotus. 


Mrichh. 30. 


grihana 




ganha 


genha 


take thou. 


Pr. 37, 87. \ 
Br. 236. J 


parihritya 




pariharitva 


pariharia 


(having re- 
( moved^ 


Pr. 134. 


anglkritya 






anglkaria 


(having as- 
( sented. 


Pr. 64. 


militva 






milia 


having met. 


Br. 216. 
Pr. 84. 


samuttirya \ 
utfirya } 


uttaritva 


(samuttaritva 
\uttaritva 


samottiria 
uttaria 


)havin^ 
) crossed. 


Lv. 438. 


parahatya 


parahania 


' 




(having 
( smitten. 


Br. 87. 


chintayitva 


ehintiya 


(cintetva, < ) 
\cintiya ' | 


chintia 


(having 
( reflected. 


Br. 87. 


anusandhaya 


( 


iivamanetva 


anusandhia 
) 


(having 
( ascertained. 


Br. 235. 


avamatya 


{ 


avamaniya 
(cqusal) 


> avamania 


(having 
( despised. 


Br. 7, 261. 


atikratnya 




(atikkamitva\ 
\atikkamma } 


adikkamia 


(having 
( attacked. 


Br. 241. 


utpatya 




uppatetva 


uppadia 


(having 
( rooted up. 


Br. 96. 


uchyate 




(uchchate } 
\vuchchati ) 


uchchadi 


it is said. 


Br. 9. 


varnyate 




vanmyati 


vannladi 


it is related. 


Br. 6. 


paihyate 




patKyati 


padhladi 


it is read. 




uttiryate 




uttartyati 


uttarla'i 


it is crossed. 




vibodhyate 







vivohla'i 


(it is under- 
( stood. 




nimajyate 






nimajjla'i 


it is sunk. 


Br. 113. 


sandhlyate 




tandhlycti 


sandhijja'i 


it is joined 


Br. 120. 


vijnapyate 




vinnapiyati 


vinnavladi 


it is informed. 


Br. 35. 


vistaryate 




vitthdriyati 


vitthardi 


it is extended. 


Pr. 44. 


bhajyate 




( 


bhanjUadi 


it is broken. 


Br. 259. 


nivesyantam 




nivesiyantu 


nivesiantu 


(let them be 
( placed. 


Br. 22, 36, 121. 


(vijnapayami 
\vijridpayati 




vinnapemi 

vinnapeti 


vinnavemi 
vinnavedi 


I inform, 
he informs. 


Br. 263. 


puryamana 




puramana 


purijjamana 


being filled. 


Br. 241, 263. 


dahyamana 




dayhamana 


dahijjanta 


being burned 


Br. 135. 


ramanlya 




(ramanJya, \ 
\ramaniyya } 


ramaiiijja 


pleasant. 



98 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



TABLE No. VII. 

The following Table contains a list of verbs and participles, in which 
it will be observed that the Pali forms generally depart less from the 
Sanskrit than the Prakrit ones do. 



1 1 
REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


B. & Las. 125. \ 
Del/24. Br.lOlj 


srinumah 




~, 


teunamha ) , 
\sunimo } wehear ' 


B. & Las. 125. 


srinoshi 




sunasi, sunosi 


... 


thou hearest. 


Cl. 109. Del. 24. 


srinoti 




sunoti * 


'sunddi 


he hears. 


B. & Las. 125.) 
'Delius, 24. } 


s'rinotu 




(suna^u, J 
(sunotu ) 


sunadu 


let him hear. 


B. & Lass. 121. 
Var. vii. 16, 17. 
Cowell, cxx. 


! sroshyami 
s'roshyati 


srunishyi 
s'unishyati 


!sossami 
' 


sochchham, 
sochchhissam, 


JI, he, will 
hear. 


Delius, 24. 








- 




B. & Lass. 131.) 
Delius, 24. / 


s'rutah 




suto 


sudo 


heard. 




f 


s'rutva, ~] 








Dham. 15, 19. \ 




srutya, 








Rasa. 29. Del. ( 
4. Var. iv. 23. ( 
Lv. 65 f. &c. j 


s'rutva < 


s'unitya, 1 
sunitva, j 
srunitva, 


< sutvana, > 
( sunitva ) 


sttnia, so,un 


having heard. 




I 


t'runitva J 








Rasa.17. Del.24. 


s'rotum 




sotum 


sunidum 


to hear. 


Pr. 14, 28. \ 
Br. 200, 234, } 


sruyate 


srinute , 


' suyati 


(suniadi ) 
\sunlai, } 


he is heard. 


284', 287. ) 


sruyante 


sravanti 


suyanti 


sunijianti 


they are heard 


Br. 122. 


sruyantam 


t < 


suyantu 


sunladu 


|let them be 
( heard. 


Br. 179. 


sruyate 






nisuni 


he is heard. 


Br. 202. 


sruyamana 




suyamana 


sunijjanta 


being heard. 


Br. 163. 

* 


sruyamana 


' 




suvantJ 


(being heard 
\ (fern.) 


Br. 280. 


s'ravayatu 




savetu 


sunavedu 


Jlet him cause 
1 to hear. 


Br. 166. 


s'us'rushana 




sussusa 


sussusana 


obedience. 


B. & Las. 125.) 
Delius, 17. / 


dadami 


(dadami, 
(dadami 


dadami, 
demi, dajjami 


\demi 


I give. 


Dham. 44. Cl.) 
134,135. Del.l7J 


dadati 




(dadati, deti 
\dajjati 


dedi, de'i , 


he gives. 


B. & Las. 127. 


adat 


, 


addsi, ada 


... 


he gave. 


B.& Lass. 121. ) 












Var. vii. 16. 
Del. 17. ) 


dasyami 




dassami 


(daham, 
\da,issam 


>I will give. 


C1.25. Del. 17. 


dadat 




(dadam, da- ) 
\danto, dento } 


dento 


giving. 


Dh. 43. Br. 179. 


dadatah 




dadato 


dentassa 


of one giving. 


Dham. 44. Var.) 
viii. 62. / 


dattam 




dinnam 


dinnam 


given. 


Br. 22,153,218, 


\ ( 


dehi, dadahi 


\ 






277. Lv. 89, 108, 


> defai 


dadaht, 


> dehi 


dehi, dtjja 


give thou. 


215. 270. 


i ( 


dadahi 


i 







OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



99 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 67, 75, ( 


diyatam, 


dlyatu 


(dlyatu, ) 
\diyyatu ) 


dijjadu 


let it he given 


137. 1 


dtyantam 




(dlyanttt, \ 
\diyyantu } 


dijjantu ' 


pet them be 
( given. 


DeHus, 17. 


datva 


(det7, dadia 
\dadiya 


\datva 


(daia, de'ia, 
\dauna 


> having given 


Rasa. 34. 


bhavitum 




(bhavitum, \ 

\ i , i 


bhavidum 


to be. 


Lv. 293. Dh. ) 


n , 




(notum ) 




9 


42. B. & Las. J 


bhava 


bhohl 


bhava, hohi 


hohi, hoi 


be (thou). 


122. Del. 26. ) 





* ' 






i 


B. & Las. 161. 


bhavatu 




hotu, bhavatu 


bhodu, hodu 


let him be. 


Dham. 44, 67. ) 




> ^ 


I 


bhodi, hodi, 




01., 8, 102. 
Var. viii. 3. j 


bhavati 


(bhot^ 
bhavi 


bhavati, \ 
hoti ] 


hoi t pabhava, 
(he over- 


he becomes. 








\ 


comes). 




Dham. 54, 61. \ 
B. & Las. 86. J 


bhavanti 


bhonti 


\bhavanti, \ 
\honti } 


bhonti, honti 


they are. 


Rasa. 22. 


prabhavami 


prabhami 


\pabhavami, 
[pahomi 


pabhavami 
pabhavdmi 


>I overcome. 


Clough, 103. 


bhuyatam 




bhuyatam 


. . . 


let it be (pas- 


B. & Lass. 130. 


bhavan 




',honto,bhavam 
bhavanto 


}. . . 


being. I sive ') 


Dh. 11, 32. Del.) 












26. Var. viii. 2.) 


1 It utah 




bhuto 


bhudo, hua 


been. 


Rasa. 15. Del.26. 


bhutva 


'bhavia, ] 
'bhavitva 1 


hutva 


bhavia 


having been. 


Cl.15.Var.vii.23 


abhavat 


i 


abhavi 


huvia 


he was. 


B.'&Las.l27.Var. 
vii. 24. Lv. 187. 


abhut 


abhushi 


afyosi, aku 


hohla 


he was. 


B. & Lass. 127.( 


abhuvan 


ababhuvan 


ahosum 


... 


they were*. 




asthat 




atthayi ., 


. . . 


he stood. 


B. & Lass. 129. 


sthatum 




thatum 




to stand. 


Dh.60. 01. 25. } 












Del.l9.B. &L. | 
125.Var.vi.63. ) 


tishthanti 




titthanti 

* 


'titthanti, 
chitthanti 


ithey stand. 


Br. 219. Lv.261. 


bhavishyami 


bheshyi 


bhavissami 


bhavissam 


I shall he. 


Br. 149, 179. \ 












Pr. 140, 142. f 
Lv.62,127,238 ) 


bhavishyati 


bheshyati 
bhavi 


bhavissati 
hessati 


bhavissudi } 
havissadi ) 


he shall be. 


Br. 20. 


paribhava 






parihava 


excel thou. 


Pr. 83, 140. ( 


paribhuta 




paribhuta 


parihuda 


excelled. 


Br. 86, 269! i 


prabhuta 
anubhuta 




pahuta' 


pabhuda 
anubhuda 


strong, 
perceived. 


Br. 169. Lv.291. 


uttishtha 


utthi 


uttAaka , 


uththehi 


rise thou. 


Lv. 396, 406. 


utthaya 


utthi, 
utthihitva 


utthaya } 
utthahitva / 




having risen. 


Lv. 355. 
Lv. 298. 


uttishthet 
tthitva 


utthihet 
sthihiya 


utthaheyya 
thatva 




he may rise, 
having stood. 


Dham. 31. Mri.'l 
80. Var. viii. 69.} 


pasyati 




passati, J 
dichchhati 1 


passadi, 
dekhadi, 


> he sees. 








\ 


pulaat, etc. 


j 


Dham. 6. 101. 


prapnoti 




pappoti, ) 


pavidi 


he obtains. 








papunati J 






Rasa. 22. 


prapnuvanti 




papp&nti, ) 
papunanti \ 


i 


they obtain. 



100 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dham. 24, 75. ) 
Del. 62. j 


prapto 'si 




(papto'si, 
\patto 


pnbido, 
patto 


[obtained. 


Rasa. 15, 23,40V 


_ 




(patva, ) 


~ I 


having obtain- 


Delius, 62. ) 


prapya 




\papunitva } 


samapia | 


ed : finished. 


Dh.m.l2.Del.l5 


vijanati 




vijanati 


(janadi, jana- 
\ di, vidnudi 


[knows. 


Dham. 3, 50. \ 
B. & Las. 129. j 


jnatva 




(natva, ) 
\janitva J 


jania 


fhaving 
( known. 


"fir /P^ ! 


jriatum 




janit<!m,natum 


janidum 


to know. 


& , (?) { 


jnayamana 




natyamQna 


janijjanta 


being known 


Dham. 6,11,41.) 
Delius, 29. / 


jagratah 




jagayato 


iaggantassa 


fwaking 
\ (genitive.) 


Dham. 40. Del.) 
o70. Var.xii. 10.) 


gatva 


{gachchh- \ 
itva } 


ganfya 


{agachhia, 
t/adia, gadua 


[having gone. 


Br. 58, 250, 218. 


gatah 




gata 


gado, gaum 


gone. 


Dh. 27,60. Ma.l. 
Del. 79, Br. 245. 


\drishtva 




(disva, dis- 
\vana,passitva 


\datthuna 


having seen. 


Br, 243, 287, / 


drisyante 




dissanti 


dtsanti 


they are seen. 


305. Pr. 13, 35.( 


drisyate 




dissati 


dlsadi 


he is seen. 


Br. 150. 


drisyamana 




dissamana 


dlsamana 


being seen. 


Br. 65. 


darsana 




dassana 


damsana 


sight. 


Br. 6T. 


darsayishyati 




dassayissati 


damsdissadi 


he will show. 


Delius, 79. 


mritva 




maritva 


mariuna 


having died. 


Br. 297. 


uddiya 






uddiuna 


having flown 


Dh. 52. Del. 62. 


hatva 


hanitva 


(hantva, ) 
(hanitva. } 


ahania, etc. 


having killec 


Rasa.22.Del.18. 


pltva 


pitva 


(pilitva, pltva 
\pivitva 


\pibia,pauna 


having drunk 


Dh. 17.Lv. 284. 


hitva 


Jahitva* 


hitva, jahitva 


... 


having left. 


Dham. 32. 


jitva 




jetva, jinitva 


. . . 


jhaving con- 
( quered. 


Dh. 50. Del. 55. 


chhitva 


chAinitva 


chhetva 


parichhidia 


having cut. 


Dham. 8, 9. ) 
Var. viii. 55. / 


viditva 




viditva 


vcttuna 


(having 
( known. 


Rasa. 30. Del.59. 


baddhva 


baddhifva 


bandhitva 


bandhia 


baving bound. 


Dham.58.Del.26 


abhibhuya 




abhibhuyya 




(having over- 
| come. 


Dham. 58. { 


vihaya, 
prahaya 


vijahitva, 
vijahya 


pahaya, ) 
pajahitva } 


. . . 


having left. 


Dham. 24, 67. ) 
Del.67. Br.123./ 


labhate 




I labhate 
\labhati 


lahade, 
lahadi, laha'i 


>he receives. 


Dham. 63. B. &) 




, 








Las. 137. ) 


asmi 




asmi, amhi 


mhi 


1 am. 


Dham.51.Del.86. 


santi 


1 


santi 


(santi, \ 
\achchhanti ) 


they are. 


Dham. 60. Var.) 
viii. 51. ) 


patanti 




patanti 


padanti 


they fall. 


Dham. 71. Cow. 


\ 











App. Sutra 24. 


> bravlmi 




brumi 


bollami (?) 


1 speak. 


p. 99. 


} 










B. & Las. 86. ( 
Delius, 53. ( 


kathayish- ) 
yami j 




kathessami 


(kadhdissam 
\kahissam 


ll will say. 


Br. 113. 


kathayami 




kathemi 


kadhemi 


I say. 


Br. 117. 


ketihayati iva 




katheti 


kahatva 


Jhe says as i: 
\ were. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



101 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Br. 53, 164, ) 
218. Pr. 123. J 


kathaya 




kathehi 


kadhesu, \ 
kahesu, 
kahehi ) 



say thou. 


Pr. 124. 


kathayishyat 




kathessati 


kahissadi ' 


he will say. 


Br. 213. 


kathyatam 






kahtadu 


let it be said. 


Ras. 22. Del. 53 


kathayitum 




kathetum 


kadhedum 


ta say. 


Dh. 36. Del. 77 


jivamah 




jlvama 


jtamajlvama 


we live. 


Clough, 142. | 


prichhanti } 
prichhyate 'J 




puchchhanti 


(puchhanti, 
\puchchhtadi 


Hhey ask ; it 
) is asked. 


Dham. 43. Var.) 
viii. 27. } 


khadati 


, 


(khayati, ) 
(khadati J 


kha'i 


he eata ' 


C1.9.Var.vii.25. 


astt 




asi 


asi 


he was. 


Br. 289. 


asan 


i 


asum 


asi 


they were. 


Dham. 43, 67. 


asti 


> 


atthi 


atti, achchhi 


he is. 


Dham. 15. 


syat 




siya, assa 




he may be. ' 


Dham. 5. 


rakshati 




rakkhati 


rakkhadi 


he keeps. 


Dham. 51, 52, \ 
53. Var.viii.48./ 


budhyate 




bujjhati 


bujjhai 


(he under- 
( stands. 


Dham.40. &Var. 


, krudhyet 




kujjheya 


kujjh (root) 


(let him be 
I angry. 


Dham. 40. 


dadyat 




dajja 


. . . 


let him give. 


Dham. 101. CU 
145. Del. 32. / 


smarati 




(sumarati, \ 
\sarati } 


swmaredi 


he recbllects. 


Pr. 12, 35. Br. I 


varte 






vattami 


I am. 


57, 86, 92. \ 


vartate 




vattati " 


vattadi 


he is. 


Br. 6, 247. 


\vardhamana 
[vardhita 




vaddhaniana 
vaddhita 


vadhdhanta 
badhdhida 


increasing, 
increased. 


Dham. 13. Var.j 
viii. 44. j 


varddhate 


, 


vaddhati 


vaddhdi 


he increases. 


Pr. 133. 


jayatu 




) 

jayatu, jetu 


jedu 


|let him <;on- 
( quer. 


Dh.64. Del. 21. 


jayati 




jinati, jeti 


j'aadi, jinadi 


he conquers. 


C lough, 5, 110. ) 






( 


karomi, 


) 


Dham. 54. 


karomi 


kurumi 


karomi < 


karemi, 


| I do. 


Del. 27, 28. ) 






( 


kalemi 


) 


Dham. 1,7, 63. / 
01.100. Del.28.\ 


karoti, 
krinoti(vedic) 


} 


karoti 


{karedi, karei, 
(kunai 


> he doos. 


Dham. 9. Cl. 110 


kurute 




kurute 





) 


Cl. 110. Br. 195. 


'kurvanti, kri- 
nvanti (yedic) 


\karonti | 


karonti, 
kubbanti 


karenti, 
kunanti 


| they do. 


B. & Las. 182. 


kurtnah 


\karoma \ 
(karomo ) 


karoma 


karemha, 
karamha 


> we do. 


B. & Las. 127. ) 






* 




, 


Clough, 110. [' 


akarshlt 




akasi 


kahla 


he did. 


Var. viii. 17. ) 






i 






Clough, 110. 


akarshuh 




akasum 





they did. 


Delius, 28. 


karishijati 




(karissati, 
\kuhati 


karissadi 
kahii 


|he will do. 


Var. viii. 17. ) 
Dh. 28, 322. J 


karishyasi 




fkahasi ) 
\karissasi ) 


. . . 


thou wilt do. 


Var. vii. 16. 


karishyami 




karissami 


kaham 


I will do. 


Dham. 10, 12, 

OO QQ pi OT 


kurvan, 
kurvatah, 




kubbam, \ 

kubbato, \ 


karanto \ 


doing (differ- 
ent cases and 


'. G7. \jl, -'. 

Delius, 28. 


kurvantam, 
k'irrantah 




kubbanam, \ 
ka ronta I 


karen^o \ 


numbers of) 
(pres. part.) 



COMPARATIVE TABLE 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Dh. 42. fcel. 28. 


kuru 


kurvahi 


karohi, kuru 


karehi, kalehi 


do (imper.) 


Br. 69. 


',kuru, krinu \ 

, f T \ ' ' / 






kuna 


do thou. 




> (vedie) ) 











Pr. 84. 


kurushva iti 






karesutti 


'"do thou," 
thus. 


Brt 200, 168. 


\kuruta, kri- 
[nuta (vedic) 






kunaha, | 
kunadha } 


do ye. 


Br. 20. 


kartum 




'cattum, katum 


kadum 


to do. 


Br! 142, 200. 
C Br. 72, 149 f. 


kartavya 
krita 




\kattabba *" 
[kctfabba 
kata, * 


kadavva, \ 
" kaawa \ 
kida, kira 


to be done, 
done. 


Br. 228. 


kriyate 




{kary/ati, | 
{kayyatl ) 


ktrai 


it is done. 


Br. 7, 224. 


Jtriyatam 




f 


(karladu, ) 
\klraii J 


let it be done 


Br. 221. 


\pratikuruta, 




patikarotha 


padikareha, 


oppose ye. 




(samtkuruta 




, 


samlkareha 


lend ye. 


Br. 86,236.Pr.\ 
47 f. Clough, 3.} 


grihlta 




\gahita, \ 
\gahlta } 


gahia, gahida 


taken. 


Pr. 46. 


grahltum 




ganhituih 


gahldum 


to take. 


Br. 75. 


grahya 




gayha 


gejjha 


to be taken. 


dough, 16. 


akurma 




akaramhase 


... 


we have done. 


Dh. 24. Del. 28. 
Var.xii.lO,iv.23. 


\Tcritva < 


karitya, } 
kariya, > 
'karitva ) 


\katva, 
[karitva 


kadua, kadua 
kauna 


[having done. 


Dham. 28. 


adhyagat (?) 




ajjhaga 


... 


arrived. 


Dham. 39. / 
Del. 90. \ 


pratigrih- V 
nanti ) 




patiganhanti 


padigenhanti 


they receive. 


Dh. 420. (com.) 


kalpayan 





'kappento 


kappento (?) 


cutting. 


DLam. 101. 


saknoti 


f 

sakkitam 


(sakkunati \ 
\sakkoti ) 


. . . 


(he can; 

(possible. 


Rasa. 22. Cow.\ 
171, n. Del. 36.) 


saknomi 





(sakicomi ) 
\sakkunomi ) 


sakkanomi 


I can. 


Clough, 129. \ 
Var. Tiii. 50. ) 


mridnati 




maddati 


maladi 


he treads. 


Bas. 22. Del. 20. 


matum 


* 


nahayitum 


nahadum 


to bathe. 













let him re- 


Dham. 50. \ 
Vikr. 116. / 


aradhayet 




aradhaye 


arahana 


verence : 
reverencing 












(noun). 


Pr. 10, 12. 


rajate 






rehadi 


he shines. 


Br. 22. , 


sandadhasi 





(sandadhasi, \ 
\sandahisi ) 


sandhihisi 


thou applies 


Br. 178. 


pathishyami 




pathissami 


padhissani 


I shall read. 


Br. 35, 52, 157, / 


manye 




tnanne 


manne 


I think. 


179. \ 


manyadhvam 




mannatha 


mannadha 


think ye. 


Br. 178. 


svapsyami 




supinissami 


suvissam 


I shall sleep. 


Br. 122. 


stumah 


, 




thunimo 


we praise. 


Br. 246. 


ghnanti 




hananti 


hananti 


they strike. 


Br. 27. 


pratighnantu 




patihanantu 


padihanantu 


[may they 
( avert. 


r 


vilokayan, 




vilokayam 


pulovanto, 


looking. 


Pr. 1 Iff, 41, 
113, 115. < 


vilokaya, 




foilokaya, 
{vilokehi 


pulovehi, ) 
puloesu, ) 


look(impera). 


Br. 76. 


vUokayamah 




(vilokayama, 
\vilokema 


\puloamha, 


we look. 



OF GATHA, PALI AND PRAKRIT WORDS. 



103 



REFERENCES. 


SANSKRIT. 


GATHA. 


PALI. 


PRAKRIT. 


ENGLISH. 


Pr.llff,41,113,/ 


analokayantl 




analokentJ 


apuloanti 


At looking. 


115. Br. 76. I 


vilokayishye 




mlokayissam 


pulovdissam 


I shall look. 


r 






I 


kaththia, \ 




Br. 113, 179. 
199, 202 216 < 


krishta, 
akrishta 




TcaddMta J 
akaddhita \ 


kattia, ' I 
akaththia, I 


drawn. 








\ 


akaththida ) 





245, 261. 


krishyamana 






kaththijjanta, 


being drawn. 


I 


karshana 




kaddhana 


kadhdhana 


drawing. 


Br. 49. Pr. 17. I 

( 


apasarati'f 1 
apasaraiM 
avataranfi, 


') 


osaranti (ova-} 
otaranti 


osaradi, 
osaranti 
odaranti, 


he departs, 
they depart, 
they descend. 


Br. 10, 50,127. 1 


avatara^ 


> 


otara, avatara 


odara, 


descent. 


( 


avatlrya 


~> 




otchharia ? 


| IltlYinff U.6 

\ scended. 


Br. 174. 


haryase 






Ktrasi 


thou art 
snatched away 


Br. 176. 


klrtyate 






ktradi 


(he is cele- 
( brated. 


Br. 7, 178. 


(pratyaksKi- 
\ krita 




paehchakkhl- 
kata 


pachchakkhl- 
kida 


J manifested. 


Br. 473. 


parityaja 


f 


parichchajassu 
parichchaja 


\parittaasu 


abandon thou. 





125 In pp. 38, 39, 126, 146, of the Prasannaraghava, and in pp. 76 and 162 of the 
Balaramayana, however, we find the forms avagadamhi (avagata 'smi), avasara, avatinna 
(avattrna), avatar di (avatarati), and avndarassa (avatarasya]. 



104 DIALECTS OF THE BOOK AND PILLAR 

4 

SECT. YI. The Dialects of the Rock and Pillar Inscriptions of Asoka. 

Our knowledge of the vernacular languages of India in the centuries 
immediately preceding the Christian era is not, however, exclusively 
derived from the Pali books of Ceylon. Certain inscriptions, dating 
from the second or third century B.C., containing edicts of king 
Priyadarsi or Asoka 126 (whose name has been already mentioned 
above, p. 63, f.), and written in a corrupt Sanskrit, apparently the 
vernacular speech of that period, are still exla*nt engraved on pillars 
c anct rocks in different parts of India. * ' ' 

I borrow the following particulars regSrduig them from the summary 
given by Lassen (Ind. Alt., ii. 215, ff.*. m The inscriptions are en- 
graved partly upon pillars, partly on rocks. The pillars are at Dehli, 
Allahabad, Mathiah, and Radhia. The inscriptions on these four 
pillars are partly uniform, while those of Dehli and Allahabad have 
additions peculiar to themselves. The rock inscriptions are: Istly, 
those at Girnar, in Guzerat, divided into fourteen compartments; 
2ndly, those at Dhauli, in Orissa, which for the most part agree in 
purport with those at Girnar, though the dialect is different; and 
3rdly, those at Kapur di Giri, near Peshawar, which coincide in 
purport, though they often differ n* expression, and in their greater 
or less diffuseness, from the Giniar inscriptions. Besides these, Asoka 
appears to have caused oher similar edicts to be promulgated in the 
same way. Accordingly another inscription has been discovered at 
Bhabra, not far from Jaypur, which contains a fragment of an address 
to the Buddhist synod in Magadha. 

These inscriptions were mostly discovered aboift thirty years ago, 
and the great merit of having first (in 1837 and 1838) deciphered 
and translated by far the larger portion of them belongs to the late 
Mr. James Prinsep. His 'translations were subsequently revised by 
Prof. H. H. Wilson, in an article in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic 

126 Professor "Wilson thinks it extremely uncertain whether Piyadasi can be 
identified with As'oka, and inclines to the conclusion that the date of the inscriptions 
is some period subsequent to 205 B.C. (Journ. Eoyal As. Soc., vol. xii. pp. 243-251 ; 
vol. xvi. p. 357.) Professor Miiller, in his "Ancient Sanskrit Literature," p. 520, 
speaks incidentally, but without any hesitation, of the inscriptions as being those of 
As'oka, and as dating from the third century B.C. See also the other authorities 
cited in the text a little further on. 

127 See also Pm&ep's Indian Antiquities, by E. Thomas, i. 233, ii. 14. 



INSCRIPTIONS OF AS'OKA. 105 

Society for 1849 (vol. xii., part i., pp. 153-251): and a portion of 
them were a third time examined by M. Burnouf in the Appendix 
to his translation of the Lotus de la Bonne Loi, pp. 652-78 1. 12 * Prof. 
"Wilson has concluded his notice of the subject in a further paper on 
the Bhabra inscription, in the Journ. Royal As. Soc., vol. xvi., part 
ii., pp. 357-367. The importance of these inscriptions, as throwing 
light on the languages of India in the third century B c., is also 
expressly recognized Vp Prof. Lassen (Ind. Alterthumsk., vol. io.) 
in passages which wilt be .quoted below ; by "Weber in his review of ' 
the Lotus de la Bon,ne Loi., (Ind. Stud., iii. pp. 166-173), in the 
Preface to his Halavika and Agnimitra, p. xxxii., and in his Indische 
Literaturgeschichte, p. 170; and by Benfey, in his Article Indien, 
in Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopaedia, pp. 194 and 250. 

To give the reader an idea of the nature of these edicts, as well as 
of the language in which they are composed, I shall quote the eleventh, 
which is short and tolerably clear, according to the Girnar version., to- 
gether with the translation (rendered into English) of M. Burnouf 
(Lotus, App., x. p. 736 ; Wilson, p. 212)-: devdnam piyo Piyadasi 
raja evam aha ndsti etdrisam ddnam ydrisam dhamma-ddnam dhamma- 
samstavo vd dhamma-samvibhdgo va, dhamma-sambandho vd \ tata idam 
bhavati ddsa-bhatakamhi samnipati-pati mutari pitari sddhu sususd mita- 
sastuta-ndtikdnam bdhmana-samandnam sddhu ddnafh pdndnam and- 
rambho sddhu etam vatavyam pita va putena va bhdtd va mita-sastuta- 
ndtilcena va dva pativesiyehi idam sddhu idam katavyam \ so tdthd kuru 
i\_ha~] loka.cha sadrddho hoti parata c'ria anantam pumnam bhavati tena 
dhammaddnena \ 

" Piyadasi, king beloved by the gods, speaks thus : There is no 
gift equal to the gift of the law, or to the praise of the law, or to 

128 In an obituary notice (probably contributed by Professor "Wilson) on M. Bur- 
nouf, in the Annual Report of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1853, p. xiii. (published 
in part i. vol. xv. of the Society's Journal), the following remarks are made on this 
dissertation : " Bringing to the inquiry a knowledge of Pali and of Buddhism, the 
superiority of which his predecessors would- be the first to acknowledge, and having 
the advantage of their previous speculations, the value of which M. Burnouf, with 
his never-failing candour, recognizes, we may look upon his researches as conclusive, 
and feel satisfied that they have eliminated from these remains of antiquity all the 
information they are capable of affording." Prof. Weber also in his review of the 
Lotus de la Bonne Loi (iu the Ind. Stud.), speaks in highly laudatory terms of the 
same dissertation. 

VOL. II. 8 



106 DIALECTS OF THE EOCK AND PILLAR 

the distribution of the law, or to union in the law. This gift is thus 
exhibited: Good will to slaves and hired servants, and obedience to 
one's father and mother are good things : liberality to friends, ac- 
quaintances, and relations, Brahmans and Samanas, is a good thing : 
respect for the life of creatures is a good thing; this is what ought 
to r be said by a father, by a son, by a brother, by a friend, by an ac- 
quaintance, by a relation, and even by simple neighbours : this is 
g<K>d; this is to be done. He who acts thus is'bonoured in this world; 
' and for the world to come an infinite 1 merit results from the gift of 
the law." * , 

From the age to which these inscriptio/is appear to belong, we might 
expect that their language, as it is not pure Sanskrit, would coincide 
in a great degree with the Pali, which, as we have already seen, re- 
presents what we may suppose to have been the spoken language of 
some province of northern India about the same period. And such 
proyes on comparison to be to a considerable degree the case. In proof 
of this point I shall first proceed to quote the general observations 
made by Professors Wilsou, Lassen, and others, on the subject of the 
languages in which the inscriptions are composed ; and then supply 
a comparative table, by which some, opinion may be formed of the 
degree in which they coincide wiih, and diverge from, the Pali. 129 

The following are the remarks made by Professor Wilson (Journal 
of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xii., pp. 236, if.) on the language 
of the edicts : 

"The language itself is a kind of Pali, offering, for the greatest 
portion of the words, forms analogous to those which are modelled 
by the rules of the Pali grammar still in use. There are, however, 
many differences, some of which arise from a closer adherence to 
Sanskrit, others from possible local peculiarities, indicating a yet un- 
settled state of the language. ,. It is observed by Mr. Pr'insep, when 
speaking of the Lat inscriptions, ' The language differs from every 
existing written idiom, and is as it were intermediate between the 
Sanskrit and the Pali.' The nouns and particles in general follow 

129 I might have been in a position to treat this subject in a more satisfactory 
manner than I can now hope to do from my own cursory investigations, had I been 
able to consult the Pali Grammar, with appendices on the dialects of Dhauli and 
Girnar, formerly advertised for publication, but never published, by Professor Spiegel. 
(See the cover of his Anecdota Palica, published at Leipzig, in 1846.) 



INSCRIPTIONS OF AS'OKA 107 

the Pali structure ; the verbs are more frequently nearer to the 
Sanskrit forms; but in neither, any more than in grammatical Pali,, 
is there any great dissimilarity from Sanskrit. It is curious that the 
Kapur di Giri inscription departs less from the Sanskrit than the 
others, retaining some compound consonants, as pr in priya, instead 
of piya ; and having the representatives of the three sibilants, of the 
Devanagari alphabet, while the others, as in Pali, have but but one 
sibilant : 13 on the oth^r-hand, the Kapur di Giri inscription omits the 
vowels to a much greater extent-, and rarely distinguishes between She 
long and short vowejs, peculiarities perhaps not unconnected with 
the Semitic character of its alphabet. 

"The exact determination of the differences and agreements of the 
inscriptions with the Pali on the one hand, and Sanskrit on the other, 
would require a laborious analysis of the whole, and would be scarcely 
worth the pains, as the differences from either would, no doubt, prove 
to be comparatively few and unimportant, and we may be conten to 
consider the language as Pali, not yet perfected in its grammatical 
structure, and deviating in no important respect from Sanskrit. 

"Pali is the language of the writings of the Buddhists of Ava, 
Siam and Ceylon; therefore it is concluded it was the language of 
the Buddhists of Upper India, when. the inscriptions were engraved, 
and consequently they are of Buddhist origin. This, however, admits 
of question; for although the Buddhist authorities assert that S'akya 
Sinha and his successors taught in Pali, and that a Pali grammar was 
compiled in his day ; yet, on the other hand, they affirm, that the 
doctrines of Buddha were long taught orally only, and were not 
committed to writing till four centuries after his death, or until B.C. 
153, a date, no doubt, subsequent to that of the inscriptions." 131 . . . 

"It is by no means established, therefore, that Pali was the. sacred 
language of the Buddhists at the period of the inscriptions, and its 

130 "Weber also remarks (Ind. Stud. iii. 180) : "The greater purity of pronunciation 
maintained in the popular dialect of the forth-west in comparison with the east, 
is shown by the inscription of Kapur di Giri, in which, according to Wilson's 
remark (The Rock Inscriptions of Kapur di Giri, etc.), not only the three sibilants of 
the Sanskrit, but also a number of compound consonants, containing an r (such as 
priya, tatra, prati, yatra, putra, savatra, krama, s'usrusha, s'ramana, bramana, bhratu), 
and some others, such as st, str, have been preserved." 

131 See, however, the remarks in the preceding section, p. 57. 



108 DIALECTS OF THE ROCK AND PILLAR 

use constitutes no conclusive proof of their Buddhist origin. 132 It 
seems more likely that it was adopted as being the spoken language 
of that part of India where Piyadasi resided, and was selected for his 
edicts that they might be intelligible to the people." .... 

"We may, therefore, recognize it as an actually existing form of 
speech in some part of India, and might admit the testimony of its 
origin given by the Buddhists themselves, by whom it is always 
identified with the language of Magadha o or Ben&r, the scene of S'akya 
'Sinha's first teaching; but that there are ceveml diiferences between 
it and the Hagadhi, as laid down in *?rpkrit 'grammars, and as it 
occurs in Jain writings. It is, as Messrs*. Burnouf and Lassen remark, 
still nearer to Sanskrit, and may have prevailed more to the north 
than Behar, or in the upper part of the Doab, and in the Punjab, 
being more analogous to the S'auraseni dialect, the language of Mathura 
and Dehli, although not differing from the dialect of Behar to such 
an Qxtent as not to be intelligible to those to whom S'akya and his 
successors addressed themselves. The language of the inscriptions, 
then, although necessarily that of their date, and probably that in 
which the first propagators of Buddhism expounded their doctrines, 
seems to have been rather the spoken .language of the people in Upper 
India, than a form of speech peculiar to a class of religionists, or a 
sacred language, and its use in the edicts of Piyadasi, although not 
incompatible with their Buddhist origin, cannot be accepted as a con- 
clusive proof that they originated from any peculiar form of religious 
beljef." 

Some observations of Prof. Lassen regarding these dialects, and 
their relative antiquity as compared with the Pali, have been already 
quoted in the last section (p. 59). He lemarks in another place (Ind. 
Alt., ii., 221, 222) : " These inscriptions are of the greatest value for 
the history of the Indian languages, because they exhibit to us in an 
authentic shape the most ancient forms assumed by the popular dialects, 
and furnish us with a secure basis for the comparative grammar of the 
great Sanskritic family of languages, which became so variously de- 
veloped." 

i3i Professor "Wilson has since, however, from an examination of the Bhabra 
inscription, arrived at the conviction, that there is in it " enough sufficiently indis- 
putable to establish, the fact that PriyadarsT, whoever he may have been, was a 
follower of Buddha." (Journ. R. A. S., vol. xv., p. 357.) 



INSCRIPTIONS OF AS'OKA. 109 

"In these inscriptions we possess specimens of three vernacular 
dialects, one from the border country to the north-west, a second from 
western, and a third from eastern Hindustan. The inscriptions on 
the pillars of Dehli, Allahabad, etc., differ only in particular forms 
from the Dhauli (Cuttak) inscription, while they possess in the main 
the same character, and may be classed with the MagadhL- of the 
grammarians. As this dialect is used even on the Dehli column, 
which is situated beycnd the bounds of Magadha, Asoka appears -to 
have had a partiality, for (the vernacular language of his principal' 
province ; and from the p^edgminating employment of this particular 
derivative of the Sanskrit, 'we may perhaps explain the fact that, 
among the Cingalese, who received the Buddhist religion from that 
country, their sacred language should have obtained this appellation." 

At p. 486, again, Lassen says: "It is only the rock inscriptions 
which can be admitted as authentic evidence of the local dialects, 
while the columnar inscriptions everywhere exhibit the same dialect, 
which consequently cannot have been spoken in every quarter where 
such pillars have been discovered. This -remark is especially true 
of the Dehli column. When we consider that, between Cabul, 
Guzerat, and Magadha (which latter province was the native country 
of the dialect employed in the pillar inscriptions), a wide region inter- 
venes, inhabited by different branches of the Sanskrit-speaking race, we 
are driven to the conclusion that many other dialects must have been 
current there, of which we find no specimens in any of the inscriptions." 

The following list of words, from toe Dehli and Allahabad columns, 
and the Bhabra stone, borrowed from M. Burnouf s Lotus de la Bonne Loi 
(App. x., pp. 665, 724, and 741), will show the correctness of Lassen's 
remark, that the dialect of the pillar inscriptions resembles the Magadhi 
of Dhauli, as exhibited in the comparative list which I shall, imme- 
diately addUce. Thus on these columns we have dhamme, dune, sache, 
anugahe, kate, piye, kaydne and pdpe, for dhammo, ddnam, sacham, 
anugaho, Jcato, piyo, kaydnam and pdpam ; Idjd, vdlichalesu, vihdlatam, 
chila, Aliya, pulisa and abhihdle, for raja, vdricharesu, vihdratam, chira, 
Ariya, purisa and abhihdro ; Budhasi, dhammasi and sanghasi, for 
Budhamhi, dhammamhi and sanghamhi. 

The list of words, which I shall immediately adduce, borrowed from 
the article of Prof. H. H. Wilson, above alluded to, in^Vol. XII. of the 



110 DIALECTS OF THE INSCRIPTIONS OF AS'OKA. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, and from the Appendix, No. X. , 
to M. Burnouf ' s Lotus de la Bonne Loi, when compared with the Pali 
equivalents which have been added, will suffice to show the points in 
which the languages of the inscriptions agree with the last-named 
dialect, as well as the respects in which they differ from one another. 
I f must, however, frankly state that I do not pretend to have made 
these inscriptions, or the character in which they are written, the 
object of particular study ; and I therefore tdke it for granted that 
1 the words have been correctly deciphered by 1 the eminent scholars 
from whom I quote. <- 

In comparing the dialect of the inscriptions with other kindred forms 
of language, presumed to be of about equal antiquity with them, which 
have come down to us in books, we should recollect that the latter 
may have been retouched from time to time, to render them more in- 
telligible to the readers by whom they were studied in successive 
generations, whereas the inscriptions have descended to us unaltered, 
except by the defacing action which ages have exercised on the rocks 
on which they are engraved. On this subject I quote the following 
judicious observations of Mr. Tumour, in the Journal of the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal, for December, 137, p. 1049 : 
, " When we consider that these inscriptions were recorded upwards 
of two thousand years ago, ami that the several columns on which they 
are engraven have been exposed to atmospheric influences for the whole 
of that period, apparently wholly neglected ; when we consider, also, 
that almost all the inflections of the language in which these inscrip- 
tions are composed, occur in the ultimate and penultimate syllables, 
and that these inflections are chiefly formed by minute vowel symbols, 
or a small anuswdra dot; and when we further find that the Pali 
orthography of that period,' as shown by these inscriptions, was very 
imperfectly defined using single for double, and promiscuously, aspi- 
rated and unaspirated, consonants ; and also without discrimination as 
to the class each belonged, the four descriptions of n, the surprise 
which every reasonable investigator of this subject must feel will be 
occasioned rather by the extent of the agreement than of the disagree- 
ment between our respective readings of these ancient records." 

The following is the comparative list (the Pali column of which owes 
its completeness to Mr. Childers) which I proposed to adduce : 



COMPARATIVE LIST OF WORDS. 



Ill 









s 








d 






'a 










ri 








O 






rt . 










CJ 


. 






^2f 






JC 








'd 


d 


"S fl 






h 






o * 




W 

























on 
























13 


'3 


O rt ^ 




-*f ^ 


g 


^ - 


'"4 




. 


a- 


'^ 


O 
ft 
M 


iijrjpfntLlfii 

MCM'fH'R'HQCrlarF^pa 

O O ^i ^! ^4 O -M a> ^HH-><(3 >>>- 


|| 


.* 

,0 




S 

1 

p 


03 

ss 
li 

&"* 

'^~v' 


injury to 
interval. 






.2 




. 






1 






)S 





3 
'p 


devanam 


"^ 

x ^ 


rajano 
vijitamhi 


rukkha 
paribhogai 

dvadasa 


panchasu 
vassa 


vassesu 


'a, 

'is 

li 


3 

i 




brahmana 


samananaj 


panat-amb) 
antaram ~ 


i 

rH 

O 




^ 




. &> . 






* 








rfs 


KAPUR Dl 


IB 


5siJB"",2 

'^- 't^'K 

a, ? 


li 


/li . 

13 
. T* 3 * 

.if. 

a, a. 




8 53 


s 

"1 
e 


matapitusi 
mitra 


suirusha 


1 


sramaya 


pranarami 
antaram 


M 


























P 




. 




>cs s e 


3 








3 


.^ 


S 


! 


^ 




* 


'** o 1 ^ ^ 


s 




* 




g si 


^^ 


$ SJ 


M 

P 


1 


j^| 


1 " 


1 1 1 1 


si 

1 


a 




IS 
13 


ll 


K 

55 


* >2 




1 


li^ii; 


^ ' 


's "'"' 3 

>s a, a,"e 





3 




1 


is 


3 




IS S 


GIRNAR. 


1 


JO.B 

Tt 

^i^lB 


" 


wchchha 
paribhogaya 
pativedatia 
dvadasa . 


panchasu 
vasa 
vasesu 


matari, pitari 
mita 


ie 


5 3 

IS IS 


jawjffwawaw 


panarambho 
antaram 


H 








* 18 






| 






S 

IB 



" 


SANSKI 


devanam 


||| 


I| 


- " a "S Jl IS * 

,B ^ '-i ^ " " ^ 

^S S IS is s s! S 
s. s v. a e s 
$> a, 6,*9 a, ?> s 


matari, pi 
mitra 


susrusha 


brahmana 


sramanan 


pranaram 
antaram 






^~~^~? 


.^.^ 




.*-^ 


*-^ 




<-~~ 


.^'^^ 




OJ 






t^t^ 










m 


a 
o 


a 


# 


i i 




















o 


t>- 




pq 




a 










c^ 


r^H 




i i 


<M 


O 

g 


^ 


00 f 2 


MS 


to o 







i-Tr-< 


p 


S S 


^ 


-* ^ 





s ^0 pq 


O 


to o 






t^i^ 


CQ 


(^ i-H 


* 


t-- - 


M 
W 




^ ^ QQ 










. 


rH ,-^ 


o -^ 


** 


_t- 


B 


p* 


B 


rf 


a & 







& o 


^ . 


co t-- 


o 


f3 f~* 





O 
N 


O O rH 

02 CC 


o 


o o 


O 




o o 
te fe 

FF 


M 


t^ rH 





O . 



112 



COMPARATIVE LIST OF WOEDS FHOM THE 





OH 


a 


a 


^ 


a 

ft 






^ 


^-^ <a 

fj g 








o , 


ct 












' ^ O o 








rr ~^ m 





fcc 




% ^ , 




(x 


fcb ^ S^ 3 


*~~?' 


B 

CO 

^q 


S 

O *~" 


C o3 < 

03 >-, fl 
fcl fcCr-O 
L^SoT 


, 


o^_^ 


_o a 


1 


-^i 


gj ^H 


i 


O 




C 3 


s 




. S- 


Si g 


,-, 


^ o S 


'SfccS. oocti 


1 


g 


v ~*' 6 


S - 


^ 


ii 


a*"S C 


% 


c 


o ^- $ 


& 1 O c ~' ^ .2 -2 


c '& 


H 


| || d | 


1 11^ 


'% 


Z 
S 


5> -iL 

| ^| ^ 



o 
> 


^'C'S 


lSbwrt5as" 

^^2 > -''j2e J ' > >* 

^ . 2 5 g 'o S"^ -2 . 

PH IK .S p PL,T3 <U 0) h- 1 


to o 
t> tx 

JjU 









\ 

5: 












1 8 


1C 






** 
















< 


<^ 


S IB 


"Sj 


t^ 




^ <S M 






" JJ 


*"* ^ ^ "^ "*^ ^ 




3 ( 


^ , s 


s 

IB 1- 


, 


1 


S Cj (S 


$ 

5S 




c'|J 


1 1 '1 A"! lie 





PH 


IS'IM" S s " 

^ Ig Q ^ ^ 
-S <"S <S -=5 

Hi a, s 


!Sl 11 

-S a, 5s s 

2 5s "*s (<? 

a, a, 1 ^ <*> 


5 
.3 


^ 
~ 


III 


1 




1^2 

c S 


H'lli'llll 


1 i 1 

S 2 ^5 -^* 

60 'S 'S -^ 


S 






















s 


. 


^ f 


I 


9 


. 


. 




s 


'S . . . 


gi 


H 




* IB 












s "*&$ 


&B 5S 


^ 


p 




"^ 












^ ^> 


S 


Vi 


KAPUR 


' ' ^ 

l3 ? S 5= 

1 ' 4 1 1 


fl ' ' 
^ i . . 

5,5, 







1 





^ 

"S 


savesu 
nagares 
orodha-r, 


9 " S "s a 1 * " ' 

O "d ^i r 5i 

g . 5S ... 
C &, 


g, ^ ' 
1 1 * 


DHAT7LI. 


8 
ic | e 

*^j*'O 5S 53 5 

His 1,1 1 


S '** 

'5 '-S , 


1 


' 


dukalam 


apitaye 
dhamnmdhi- \ 
thanoye } 


vadhanam 


bJtlkala 


g 
$ 3 * 

III'! t -| 'i ' i (S 

ssSSs^ 1 ^ "ys 1 ? '*:.5 
1 I"! 3 -1 t y j 


* IB ^ 


< 






5 












^ 


. 


GIKNAR 


?S '** s> 

Si'S 5 s 5J "c 
5i , ^ 5^ i 
>5S ~ t> t* 

TS *x a, s 


IB g 

"5 5* . w 

fin 


"5 

5 
I 


dukaram 
apacham 
dhammadh'l 
stanaya 


thairanam 


bhikaresu 





^ " **s <; i^s 'B it i5 *5 


1 '-S ^S 






rf ' ' 














' ^ 









g 






i 




^ 


s 


S^ 


IB 


SANSKRIT 


divyani 
rufiani 
purve 
sarva 
sarvatra 


putrah, paut 
prapautrah 

dharme, s'Jle 


t 


^ dushkaram 


||,| 


sthaviranam 


bhikshaharit 


55 & 


Illli i. ( ii 


svargam 
etasmai, art) 
chiram 




"- ' ~^ 


-v 


-* 




' 




^-^ 


~- -, -^ " 


~- 

















o 






Tj^ ^O 




03 












o 






O^ Oi 


^ 


W 












c~f 






I-H 1 


>o 





iC O 


<> 




cc 


CO 

co 


co 




OO 


iS Ssfsfc? 


0> 


9 


i i i 


"-" 




"" 




l ~' 




1-1 


r-C i 1 . 1 CN t-l rH i i 


(M i-H 


b 


tT a 


j-T 




c 


c" 


ts 




(ff 


cT e~ fi" o ts a cT 


" a 


W 


o o 


O 




c 













o o o o o o o 


o 




1 6 


* 




^ 


B 


^ 




^ 


^ g gggg 


% p 



EOCK INSCRIPTIO]S 7 S AND PALI. 



113 





a 








M 


^r 


T 






,_^ 






o 










2 


O 






|J 






o 











Vi 


VH 






' 




* S 


<u 

T3 







43 


| 


^ 


-g ^ 






s I 




CD 


4-c 




















09 




<i? O 




















a 


* 


p^ i 


-s 


g 


fc.*fe 


J ^ 


g 


f-( en o 


60 


-6 


'SrS 60 

"^ ^ T3 


O 
T3 


. E3 

-M O 


l-s * 





,a 


I'll 


ll 


.2 


i I SJ 


^ ^ 


^ 


SrStoa Sra" 




^5 


o 13 


P-. Si '-= 


3 


S 


,2,os 


T3 

--^ ~ 


P 


,S.S S 


a> ,o co m 

f-t HH **H *- 


"3- 


.S S z 1 .S .S % HH -> 


O 


1 


10 






IB 


J 


" 


p 

^ 
' 1 2 


S^ 

CO 




a '-S 
S "=> 


^ v 


settham 
parakkam 


rago 
katannuta 
dalhabhat 


nichcha 


etadisani 


<: 

PC 

s S 
I ? S -S<5 

" ^ IB 
IB e-s; 

^ a,-<=> 


fii 

^ ^ 


'I 

H 
5 


* -' 
S'~" 
,!. , - 

iS'l' 5 
a, 18 


is "i 1 1 


ropapitan 


11 |J , ,< 
*2 ** ^^Q-SsS^'* 

S "* NS"^ ^ Q v*"i 


^ ' 


t* 


IB 

ia 






















parakamen 


rago 
katanata 
dadhabhati 


-I 


'^ 


yatra 
pariprutaci 
bhata 








. . . 


1 

S 

<s s 

f***^ 


. 


-g -1 .^- s .l 1 

*?S "'^"^^'^'^Si 




















^ 




C*-. 























~ 


-1 











* 


' ' 'S 








.^-IB 


S 


j - 


-S 1 






*4% 


i ^ 


. *** 






. . 


(^ ^ 


a 


^A ^^ * | "^ ^ ^ 


S 


IB IB 


.2 


| 












2 ^5 . "S is "e "e 's'-S 




a, 




S 












" JJ 


,^ 


e IB i ^S'<'^"ij'4?s 






IB 




















> 


a 








'B 






s 


&?'* > 


-> 


S ^ 







igo 
atamnata 
adhabhat 


IB 

~ 


*-a 
^ 

'1 

IB 


1 


harastam 


4 

1C 

S 

is 


IB 

^S " 
>^' S< 


'1 l| 


'2 


5S ,^a 

1 1 Vf 


^5 


*D a. 


*&'* 


* 


^ 


5^i Si, 1 ^ 


^i 


B 


?i, * 1E 3 


toj ^i ^ 5S S 


^ 


?s ^ JQ "S ^ *G ^ "^ *^<J SS 


>4i 


















^ ^ ' 










IB 






l 






f 






| 




e 
























XI 


*? 






^ 


PA 










*^ tf 




sreshtham 
parukraml 


ragah 
kritajnata 
dridhabhat 


t 

S 


j3 


S IS 

IB .!;,! 

- S s 


grihasthan 


IS 




pujaya 
vriddhi 

atma, aim 



e 

S 1 - ' 

II 1,1 





11 s 1 1 11 1 -I f 

^. a,^ .^ ^ ^ o 's f*.*3" 

B ^.'Bisi'^'^S'^^'^t SS 


kartavyam 




v-v-'cO 






to 








- '^, 


, . 




CO o 






,_, 






!>. 


t^. 




a 


. T-T 




<=> . . 
























^ <M O CO 






42 






| 


g 




W 


co ,-1 




^ fc O5 O 






L 






. 3 


^j 






^ 




00 S 




co 


cd' j^ co oa 

O5 C"- O 





5 




2 2=- 


i co""5 

CM 3 < . 





O5 O !> OO 00 OS C3 CO 


O5 


co '""' 








~ 














'"' 




a *~ 


Z 


s 




IM 




O C ' 


t^ ^ a a ^ 





a ^^ t ~~* *" *~~t f ~ > a a a a 


a 


& ta 


o - 


i 


o 




^ 




00 CO CD 


000. 

P , m , ^ ^3 





>i 'StcSmSSS 


O 


53 > 





^ 


^ 


^ ^ 


^ 






S ^ ~ 





>fe>fc-fe>fe!>fc*fe 
j 


^ 



114 



COMPARATIVE LIST OF WORDS. 



ENGLISH. 


a? 

H CS 
"Q &* p < 

iilii ..tip i- 

gs* *, l-si-jf^*! 

CC ,d rH >^ rH -P r^H 03 ^ S2 'rH 'C a r*~* P^ 
-, O .rH 3 t- -M CS ^ r* 2 O 

o> "S .S 3 3 S * rQ PH <u CB _g . o> 

rH ra r2 73 ,P ,d -=J ,^_ra rS o5 53 rP 


having left. 


C' 

.t 


- *! "^ 

t 1 ^ ? ^ 1 s - . ,g . 
8 s -"S"* 8 **< 5 * s -"S'' 81 


parichchajitva 


XAPUR DI GIRI. 


a, S,^.*? ' ' ___^ 







% 
^ 




DHATJL 


&$$ 

g g . . . . ^^ 

1 S -S ^ 
iJe-5e-....5ss 

H is -a ^ s 





GIRNAR. 


"* ,*0 

'11 '-8 * 1 'o 'S, ' & 

^ * g o e 8 &>-tJ s" 
^ ^ M ^ S < >* s^ 1 " S e 
ic IB S^'g 5ge '^"'SeS'B^ 

e e "B''* 5 i lee:"- ^'j 
a^ a, -*^ e * to t3^ A ^ ^ ^ ^ 75; ?^ 


e 
a. 


SANSKRIT. 


11 t J 't'l-. 
Il3| 1,1'IS 1 I'llf e 
SS^rl.Jt-a ^ I^-S'' 8 ,^ 

1 1.-3 1 .1 ! -s ;!* 


parityajya 


REFERENCES. 


22 g 5 , 

CO W5 
of OS of OS CD < CO t~ 

2S22 S eg CNJ-J^' tCg 
a" a" a" a" a" < s - *- *- t-t- 

O O O O O O " 

^.-S.-S .-3 .-3 1 F 1 If 

_ r . ..... 


, ^ *-^^ 
<^ H^> 

o a ~ 

Or-, 
S 1*^ 







PI 





rH 


01 

a 


> 


-t-> 


.2 


rC 


"3 


o 


PI 


<Vl 


"-U 


"*^ 


ci 


* pt 


ci 


O 
p; 


ft M-l 

c 


fi 


.ft 

'rH 


rH 


o 
'43 




CO 

.2 


<o 
tc 
n 


r 




CO 

PJ 


3 


amina 


rH 
S 


3) 

J 


o" 


rH 

0) 
CO 

o 


CO 


x 


.rH 




CM 


~ >J 


C3 



I ^5 M CV. ~ 

!3 CJ3 W c^ 

^ sC '"' 

r2~.0 ft 



rH g L- 



DIALECT OF THE BUDDHIST GATHAS. 115 

i 

SECT. VII. The Dialect of the Buddhist Gdthds, and its relation to the 
Pali : Summary of the results of this and the preceding Section. 

I now come to the last of the varieties of corrupted Sanskrit to 
which I referred in p. 10, viz., the language which we find in the 
Gathas, or metrical portions occurring in such works as the Lalita 
Vistara, descriptive of the life and discourses of Gotama Bud'dha. , An 
account of the peculiarities of this dialect, as it is convenient to call it, 
has been given by,*Babu Eajendralal Mitra, in No. 6 of the Journal 
As. Soc., Bengal, 18&4. *0f the Lalita Vistara, from which the speci- 
mens given by this 'writer, /knd those which will be adduced by myself, 
are drawn, Professor Miillei' remarks, that though "on account of its 
style and language," it " had been referred by Oriental scholars to a 
much more modern period of Indian literature," it "can now safely 
be ascribed to an ante-Christian era, if, as we are told by Chinese 
scholars, it was translated from Sanskrit into Chinese, as one of the 
canonical books of Buddhism, as early as the year 76 A.D." 135 > 

I proceed to give the substance of Babu Rajendralal's dissertation in 
his own words, omitting only those portions which appear to be of the 
least importance ; making occasional abridgments ; and adding, in some 
places, to the number of the specimens he has given of the Gatha forms. 

"Of the dialects which have proceeded from the Sanskrit, the .Pali 
and the Magadhi have hitherto beeu eupposed to bear the closest 
resemblance to their parent, but the discovery of the Sanskrit Buddhist 
literature of Nepal has brought to our knowledge a new dialect, 
bearing a still closer affinity to the classic language of the East, than 
either of the former. Nepalese chroniclers have named it Gatha 
(ballad), 136 probably, from its having been principally used by the 
scalds and bards 13S * of mediasval India. For nearly a similar reason the 

135 Buddhist Pilgrims, in " Chips, " (1st ed.) vol. i., p. 258. 

136 [The antiquity of certain compositions, caiied Gathas, is proved by the fact 
that the expression mtmigatha, the gathtls or verses of the Muni, or Munis, occurs in 
the ancient inscription of Piyadasi at Bhabra. Burnouf, App. x. to Lotus, pp. 724, 
725, 729; "Wilson, Jour. R. A. S., voL'xvi., pp. 359, 363, 367. Bubu Rajendralal 
also refers to the Mahawanso, p. 252, where gathas are mentioned. J.M.] 

On this Prof. Benfey remarks, Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1861, p. 134: "On the 
other hand, Babu Rajendralal's views on the origin of these Gathas have very much 
to recommend them : they require only a slight modification, the substitution of 
inspired believers, such as most of the older Buddhists were, sprung from the 
lower classes of the people, in the place of professional bards." 



116 BABU RAJENDEALAL MITRA ON THE 

Balenese style the language of their poets, the Kdwi or poetical, and 
the language of the Vedas is called Chhandas (metrical), whence, by a 
well-known euphonic law, we have the Zend of the old Persians. 

" M. Burnouf, the only European scholar who has noticed the 
existence of this dialect, describes it to be ' a barbarous Sanskrit, in 
which the forms of all ages, Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit, appear to be 
confounded.' 137 It differs from the Sanskrit more in its neglect of the 
grammatical rules of the latter than from any .inherent peculiarity 
of it? own. The niceties of the Sanskrit , forms" of declension and 
conjugation find but a very indifferent f attention from the Gatha 
versifier ; he uses or rejects the usual caie-affixes according to the 
exigencies of his metre with as much veneration for the rules of 
Panini as the West Indian Negro has for those of Lindley Jlurray; 
indeed,' the best illustration that can be given of the relation which 
exists between the Sanskrit, the Gatha, and the Pali, would be 
extracts from the literature of the Negroes. 

" The Gatha exists only in a versified form, and is to be met with 
in that class of Buddhist writings called the Mahdvaipulya or the 
' highly developed ' sutras. It occurs generally at the end and often 
in the middle, but never at the commencement of a chapter, and 
contains a poetical abstract of th.e 'subject described in the prose 
portion of the works. The latter is written in pure Sanskrit, and 
comprises a highly amplified version of the subject-matter, and often 
adverts to circumstances unnoticed in the former. 

"The Gatha is written in a variety of metres, from the facile octo- 
syllabic anushtup, to the most complicated sardulavikrldita. Its 
peculiarities are those of a language in a state of transition; it pro- 
fesses to be Sanskrit, and yet does not conform to its rules. In it we 
find the old forms of the Sanskrit grammar gradually losing their ex- 
pressive power, and prepositions and periphrastic expressions 'supplying 
their places, and time-hallowed verbs and conjugation's juxtaposed to 
vulgar slangs and uncouth provincialisms. At one place, orthography 
is sacrificed for the sake of prosody and a word of a single short 
syllable is inflated into one of three syllables, while at another the 
latter yields to the former and a molossus supplies the place of a 
pyrrhic or a tribrach. A spirit of economy pervades the whole, and 
syllables and words are retrenched and modified with an unsparing 
137 L'Histoire du Buddhisme, p. 104. 



LANGUAGE OF THE BUDDHIST GATHAS. H7 

i 

hand. In the Lalita Vistara instances of these peculiarities occur in 
great profusion, and they may be generally referred to (A) exigencies 
of metre, (B) provincialisms, and (C) errors of syntax and prosody. 

" A. Of the changes which may be attributed to the exigencies 
of metre, prolongation, contraction and elision of vowels, elision of 
consonants, and the segregation of compound consonants .and long 
vowels into their simple elements, appear to be the most frequent. 
We shall quote a few instances : , 

1st. "Of the prolongation" of vowels the following may be ^aken 
as examples. 138 7 

" Nd cha for na cha; sy cha for sa cha; praydto for prayatah; 
rodamdna for rudamdna. 

2nd. " Of contractions of vowels, instances occur almost in every 
sloka. They are generally effected by the use of short fo'r long 
vowels, and the substitution of i and u for e, ai, o, and au : for 
example, ydmi for ydme ; dharenti for dhdrayanti ; 139 drumavara for 
drumavardh ; mdya for mdyd ; ghanta for ghantd ; pujam etdm for 
pujdm etdm; yatha for yathd ; tatha for tathd ; sada for sadd. 

3rd. "Elisions of vowels and consonants are also very frequent; 
they are effected principally with a view to economy and euphony. 
Final ses are invariably elided. T,ake for instance : nabhe for nabhctsi ; 
apsardh for apsarasah ; uo saddrchiskandhi for saddrchishi skandhe; ima 
drishta vasthum for imam drishtvd avasthdm ; nischarl for nischachdra ; 
pranidhenti for pranidhydyanti ; mand for manasah; ena for etena. 

4th. "Of the division of long j vowels and compound consonants 
into their short and simple elements, the following are instances of 
constant occurrence : 

" Rdttiye for rdtryah, or rdtrydm ; turiyebhi for turyebhyah; gildno 

139 Quoted from the edition of the Lalita Vistara, in the Bibliotheca Indica. 

[ 139 Othefr instances of the same abbreviation (common also in the Pali and 
Prakrits) are enti for ayanti ; upenti for upayanti ; janenti for janayanti ; janehi 
forjmiaya; mochehi for mochaya ; bodhehi for bodhaya ; purehi for pur ay a ; darsenti 
for darf ayanti, and numerous others. J.M.] 

140 On this Professor Benfey remarks in the Gott. Gel. Anz. for January, 1861, 
p. 134 : " Such forms, as, for instance, apsard for apsaras, appear already in abun- 
dance in the Vedas, and arise, not from the exigencies of the metre, but from the fact 
of terminations in as passing into terminations in a." He then goes on to refer to 
the great importance of this Gatha language ; and expresses the hope of being able 
to exhibit this in a grammar of this form of speech, which he had then already 
prepared, but which has not yet been published. 



1 1 8 BABU RAJENDRALAL MITRA ON THE 

t 

for gldno ; istri for strl ; turiya for turyya ; akildntaka for akldntaka ; 
kilesa for klesa ; Jiiri for hrl ; siri for sri ; siriyd for sriyd ; sirlye for 
iriye ; deviye for devydh ; pujdrdham for pujdrham ; padumdni for 
padmdni ; ddnacharlyd for ddnacharyd ; supina for svapnam. ui 

"This tendfency to segregation of aspirated consonants forms a 
principal characteristic of mediaeval and modern Indian phonology. 
The* Pali and the Prakrit owe their origin entirely to this cause. The 
Hindi and the Marhatti indulge in it to a large extent, and the 
I^eng^li is not exempt from its influence. t , , ' 

"B. The provincialisms of the Gatha include ( neglect of gender, 
number, and case, abbreviations and omissions of declensions, corruption 
6f pronouns, and new forms of conjugation. 

(1.) "Of the neglect of gender, number, and case, the following 
may be taken as examples : visuddhanirmalam for visuddhanirmaldn 
(singular for plural) ; buddhakshetram for buddhakshetrdni (singular for 
plural) ; tisanind for dsandt (instrumental for ablative) ; bodhisuvata 
far lodhisuvatdt (objective for ablative) ; urddha hastd for urddhan 
hastau (plural for dual) ; Icechid ekapdde for kechid ekapddena (locative 
for instrumental) ; trilokam for trilokl (neuter for feminine) ; kdranam 
for kdrandni (singular feminine for plural neuter) ; nakshatrdh for 
nakshatrdni (masculine for neuter) f ; prithu for prithavah ; ime karma 
for \munl karmdni. 

(2.) " Under the head of 'abbreviations and omissions of declension, 
the most remarkable peculiarity appears to be the use of u in the room 
of all Sectional affixes," as ratanw for ratnam; ahu for aham. Z7is 
also merely put for the inherent , as in two of the following cases : 
kshayusamskritu for kshayasamskrita ; nishkrdntu for nishkrdnta ; pari- 
varttu for parivdritah. The next are instances in which the case ter- 
minations are omitted ; laukikfl, for laukikdh ; chitrakarma for chitra- 
karmdnah ; and such instances are of continual occurrence. 

(3.) "The foUpwing are 'the corruptions of pronouns that are fre- 
quently met with in the Lalita Vistara. They apparently lead the 
way to the formation of pronouns in the modern vernaculars : 

[ 141 Other cases are viyuha for vyuha; ratana for ratna ; s'akiyanam for 
s'akyaiiam ; nariya for naryah ; vajiriknya for vajrakaya ; sakkitam for saktam ; 
iukula for sukla; nyasiya for nyasya ; abhujiya for abhujya, ; akampiyo for 
akampyah, etc. J.M.J, 



LANGUAGE OF THE BUDDHIST GATHAS. 119 

i 

" Many a for mama and mattah ; tubhya for tv&ya (sic) tvam, and 
tava ; U2 ayu for eshah ; te for d ; Jcahim for Arw^ra and kena. 

(4.) "The new forms of conjugation observable in the Cratha are 
attributable exclusively to corrupt pronunciation ; they follow no fixed 
rule, and are the result of that natural tendency to abbreviation which 
in the English originates "wont" from "will not," and ( " shant " 
from " shall not." The following are a few examples : 

" Dadami and demi'for dadami ; bhosi for bhavasi ; Ihoti for lhavqti ; 
bhonti for lhavanti] vamishyasi for ramsyase ; druhi for drohat ; 



for. 
l io 



suna for srinu ; munchaml io^amuncha; bheshyi for Ihavishydmi-v-m-ti- 
tah-anti-si-thah-tha ; us parikaiha for parikathaya ; nyasl for nidadhuh\ 
sanuvanti for srinvanti ; sunitvd, srunitvd, sunitya and srutyafoT srutvd; 
sunishyati for sroshydti ; sunya for sravydn ; oruhitva for avdruhya ; 
glapayisu for gldpaydmdsuh ; jahitvd for hitvd ; buddhitvd for luddhvd. 

"It may be remarked that the corruptions above quoted are, in 
many instances, the precursors of forms adopted in other affiliated 
dialects. In Sanskrit the third person singular of the verb to be is 
bhavati, which in the Gatha changes to Ihoti by the conversion of the v 
into o and the elision of the a before and after it (bhonti in the plural, 
and bhosi in the second person singular), and thence we haye hoti, hosi, 
and honti in the Magadhi. S'unitvd for srutvd is the first step to'the 
formation of sunid in Bengali, while sunohi passes into suno with 
nothing but the elision of an inflection. 

"C. In the collocation of words and phrases the Gatha strictly 
follows the rules of Sanskrit syntax, but in the formation of compound 
terms it admits of many licences highly offensive to the canons of 
Panini and Yopadeva. They seem, however, to be the consequence of 
haste and inattention, and are not referrible to any dialectic peculiarity." 

There are, however, some other fbrms discoverable in the Gatha 

> 

142 [I have noted also mi for mahyam and maya ; ti for tvaya (Lv. pp. 256, 358, 
380, 399) ; tasd for tasya (p. 125) ; anabhih for ebhih (p. 304). J.M.] 

li3 [I find the following additional irregular forms of the verb bhu, " to be," viz., 
bhaviti for bhavati, abhushi for abhut, abhushih for abhuh (?), ababhuvan for 
abhuvan, bhavi for bhavishyasi and bhavani, bhaviya and bhaveya (resembling a 
Pali form of the same tense) for bhavet, bhohi for bhava, bhaviya and bhaviah for 
bhutva, anubJiaviya for anubhuya, prabhami and prabhama for prabhavanti and 
prabhavamah. The forms asmah for smah, and asi for asti, or (yiit, also occur. J.M.] 



120 FORMS OF THE GATHA DIALECT. 

dialect, which have been either passed over, or but briefly noticed 
by Babu Rajendralal, and which yet present some points of remarkable 
interest. Thus the plural instrumental in ebhih, which is so general 
in the Vedas, is in constant use in the Gathas also, as in the instances 
sdkiyebhih, satfvebhih, gunebhih, simhdsanebhih, ddraJcebhih, chetakebhih, 
employed, instead of the form, sdkyaih, sattvaih, etc., which is alone 
current in modern Sanskrit. It is from this older form in ebhih that 
the, Pali form of the same case in ebhi, or ehiytis derived, as in the 
word, buddhebhi, or buddhehi (Clough, Pali, Grajn., p. 19). Again, 
we find in the Gathas various other . cases besides those above 
noticed in which the case-terminations or the declension in a are 
substituted, in the case of words ending in consonants, for those proper 
to the latter form of declension. Thus, for jagatah and jagati (the 
gen. add loc. of jagat\ we have jagasya and jage ; for ndmnd (instr. 
of ndman), we have namena; for mahatmanam we have mahdtmam; for 
anantayasasam we have anantayasam; for karmanah (gen. of karman) 
we have Jcarmasya; and for duhitaram, accusative of the word duhitri 
(ending in ri\ we have duhitdm, the accusative of feminine nouns 
ending in a. This change is one to which the Pali inclines (as in 
the form Brahmassa, as one of the genitives of Brahman), and to 
which a still more decided' tendency is observable in the Prakrit. 
(See Coweli's Prakrit Gram. Introd., p. xxiii., xxiv.) On the other 
hand, we find also in the' Gathas instances of the quite different 
change of e into i in the locative, as loki, gehi, udari, for the proper 
form lake, gehe, udare. The particle api (also'] is contracted to pi, as 
in Prakrit; thus we have ahampi for aham api, tubhyampi, for tubh- 
yam api, vayampi for vat/am api, napi for ndpi, tathapi for tathdpi, 
punopi for punar api : so also iti is contracted to ti, as in ahanti for 
aham iti. Again, we have the peculiar forms jihmi, jihma, and jaha 
for yathd ; yathariva for yathaipa m (precisely as in Pali,' Clough's 
Gram., p. 11); slti for smriti ; pathe for patheshu, and ishtikdn for 
yashtidhdrakdn (macebearers). 

Many of the changes in the Gatha verbs are in part the same which 
we find in Pali. Thus, for the correct Sanskrit forms chodayanti, 
tarpayishyanti, nivarttayati and dhdrayantl, we have chodenti, tarpesh- 

144 See the further instances of interpolation of letters already adduced above, 
p. 70, and note. f 



FOEMS OF THE GATHA DIALECT. 121 

> 

yati, nivartteti and dharentl, which, in Pali, would be chodenti, tap- 
pessati, nivatteti, and dharentl. Again, for avalambate we have olambate, 
which would take the same form in Pali. The modifications avaclii 
for avochat, munchi for amuncJiat, gachchhi for agachchhat, dhydyi for 
adhydyat, correspond in some measure to such Pali form's as akdsi for 
akdrshlt, ahdsi for ahdrshlt, addsi for addt, ahosi for abhut, atthdsi 
for asthdt, abadhi for abadhlt, etc. : and snapinsum for sndpaydmasuh or 
asisnapan, is nearly thesame as the Pali form apachmsu, the third person 
plural of the third preterite. The Gatha forms darsishyasi for drttksh-* 
yasi, sunishyati for Jroshyati, kshipishyati for kshepsyati, and spris- 
ishyati for sparksJiyati or isprakshyati, are analogous to the Pali forms 
vedissdmi for vetsydmi, bhunjissdmi for bhokshydmi, and dessissumi for' 
dekshydmi. The Gatha past indeclinable particles also, such as bhavitvd, 
ramitvd, hanitvd, labhitvd, stuvitvd, manitvd, vijihitvd, iunitva, sprisitvd 
for bhutvd, mantvd, hatvd, labdhvd, stutvd, matvti, vi-\-hitvd, srutvd, and 
sprishtvd, are formed on the same principle as the similar Pali ones, 
pavisitvd, jdnitvd, bhunjitvd, for pro, + veshtvd, jndtvd, and Ihuktvd. 
Of the forms karitya and kariyuna for *kritvd, the latter coincides 
in its termination with such Pali forms as sutvdna and disvdna for 
srutvd and dnshtvd. Again, we have the forms kampayanto, vdra- 
yanto, vinishkramanto, vlryavanto (paft^. nom. sing.), for kampayan, etc., 
which coincides with the Pali and Prakrit. The same may be said 
of pekshasi for prekshase ; tdva for tdvat ; smardhi, kurvahi, bhandhi, 
vasdhi, for smara, kuru, bhana and vasa respectively ; deviye and devlye 
for devydh ; tapasmi for tapasi ; talasmin for tale ; arhantebhih for 
arhadbhih ; prabhdya for prabhayd, vdchdya for vdchd. For tyaktvd I 
find the word chhorayitvd, which does not seem to be much used in 
Sanskrit, though "Wilson, in his Dictionary, gives chhorana in the sense 
of "leaving." I quote the following additional anomalous forms, 
viz., pithitd. for pishtd, pithitdni for prathitdni, visnapi foB vyasndpa- 
yan, snapit for sndpayitvd, kshipinsu for kshipantl, bhaviya for lhavet, 
pratishthihitvd for pratishthdya, datti for dadati, deti for daddti, ddsmi 
for ddsyami, dlyatu for diyatdm, darthi for dadatah, daditu for datum, 
dell, dadia and dadiya for dattvd ; kurumi for karomi, karonti for yfcwr- 
va/2^', or karishyanti ; karoma for karishydmah kareya for kuryuh ; 
karitya, kariye, and kariyd for &n'toa ; prakarohi for prakuru ; grihltya, 
grahiya for grihltvd; bhinanmi for Ihinadmi; vademiYor vaddmi; vym- 



122 FORMS OF THE GATHA DIALECT. 

thaya for vyutthdya ; sthihiya for^sthitvd ; utthihitvd for uttJidya ; dru- 
Jiitya for druhya, pardhaniya for pardhatya ; utthihet for. uttishthet ; 
charoti for charati ; minitta for matvd ; saTcltitam and saktitam for 
salctam ; uchchhrepaya for utlcshepaya ; miyati for mriyate ; purima for 
purva ; ?# for vidvdn ; vidubhih for vidvadlhih ; Idbhase for Idbhdya ; 
samslcritaf.tah for samskritat, or samslcritatah jdnaml foTJdndmi; bhdsi 
for bhdshate; vinenti for vineshyati; janeshi OTJanaishl, for janay ishyati; 
adnisuh for adrdkshuh; pasyeta for drisyate; adhyeshtu for adhyetum; 
ohintaya for cTiintayitvd ; vademi for m^dwzi; vandima for vanddmahe; 
atikrametum for atikramitum. (In all thesp c/ises, I should observe, the 
Sanskrit equivalents are given according, to the notes in the printed 
edition of the Lalita Vistara.) Nouns and participles are frequently 
lengthened by the addition of the syllable #, as rodantako, gachhamd- 
nalce, 'bhdshamdniktih, dadantikuh, roditavyakah, dgatiltah, ddsinikuh 
for rudan (or rather rodanto], gachhamdne, bhdshamdndh, dadatyah, 
roditqvyah, dgatdh, ddsih'th. This insertion of is also to be noticed 
in the following verses of the Vajasaneyi sanhita, xxiii. 22, f. ; where 
yfld and asakau, yakah and 'asakau, stand for ya, ya$, and as!M. 

Very peculiar is the use of the a privative in ajanehi for md janaya, 
"do not cause." , 

The use of abbreviated, or otherwise irregular, forms, such as labhifor 
lapsyase, or labdhah, gachchi for agachhat, cliali for chalitd, munchi for 
amunchat, avachi for avochat, nivesayi for nivesitdh, chhddayi for chhdda- 
yati, parichari for paryacharah and parichdrinl, varichari for vardcha- 
ranam, tyaj'i for tyaktd, tyaktvd, Und tyahtavtin, smart for smritam and 
smaranam, varshi for varshitvd, vraji for avrajat, sparsi for sprashtum, 
utthi for uttishtha and utthdya, is extremely common, and, as will be 
seen from the equivalents following each word, these forms are very 
variously interpreted by the ^commentator, and supposed to stand for 
verbs in the present, past, and future tense, and in the imperative mood, 
and for participles active and passive, as well as for nouns. The penul- 
timate syllable of verbs is very often lengthened, as in the Vedic let 
form, as in mochaydti, dharshaydti, sahdti, labhdti, drisusi, vrajdsi, for 
mochayati, etc., for which the commentator generally substitutes the 
present tense, but sometimes the past, and sometimes the future. This 
form is even found with the augment in adristisi, rendered by the com- 
mentator pasyati 'or adrdkshlt. 



1 QUOTATION FEOM M. BURNOUF. 123 

> 

I proceed with the quotations from Babu RajendralaTs Essay. 

"Of the origin of the Gatha nothing appears to be known for cer- 
tain. M. Burnouf is inclined to attribute it to ignorance ; Ke says : 
' This fact (the difference of language of the different parts of the 
Vaipulya Sutras) indicates in the clearest manner that there was 
another digest (of the Buddhist literature prepared, beside? those of 
the three convocations), and it agrees with the development of the 
poetical pieces in wMch these impurities occur, in showing that those 
pieces do not proceed' from the same hand to which the simple Sutras 
owe their origin. There ,ie>i nothing in the books characterized by this 
difference of language, wh'i^h throws the smallest light on its origin. 
Are we to look on this as the use of a popular style which may have 
developed itself subsequent to the preaching of S'akya, and which 
would thus be intermediate between the regular Sanskrit and the 
Pali, a dialect entirely derived from, and manifestly posterior to the 
Sanskrit? or should we rather regard it as the crude composition of 
writers to whom the Sanskrit was no longer familiar, and who en- 
deavoured to write in the learned language, which they ill understood, 
with the freedom which is imparted by the habitual use of a popu^r 
but imperfectly determined dialect ? It will be for history to decide 
which of these two solutions is correct ; to my mind the second ap- 
pears to be the more probable one, but direct evidence being wanting, 
we are reduced to the inductions furnished by the very few facts as 
yet known. Now, these facts are not all to be found in the Nepalese 
collection ; it is indispensably necessary, in order ft> understand the 
question in all its bearings, to consult for an instant the Singalese 
collection and the traditions of the Buddhists of the South. What 
we thence learn is, that the sacred texts are there written in Pali ; 
that is to say, in a dialect derived immediately from the learned idiom 
of the Brahmans, and which differs ,very little from the dialect which 
is found on the most ancient Buddhist monuments in India. Is it 
in this dialect that the poetical portions of the great Sutras are 
composed ? By no means ; the style of these portions is an inde- 
scribable melange, in which incorrect Sanskrit bristles with forms of 
which some are entirely Pali, and others popular in the most general 
sense of the term. There is no geographical name to bestow upon 
a language of this kind ; but it is at the same time intelligible how 



124 QUOTATION FROM BABU RAJEXDRALAL'S 

i 

such a jargon may have been produced in places where the Sanskrit 
was not studied systematically, and in the midst of populations which 
had never spoken it, or had known only the dialects derived more or 
less remotely from the primitive source. I incline then to the belief 
that this part of the great Sutras must have been written out of India, 
or, to express myself more precisely, in countries situated on the 
western side of the Indus, or in Cashmir, for example ; countries 
where the learned language of Brahmanis,m and* ^Buddhism would be 
cultivated with less success than in Central indisf: It appears to me 
almost impossible that the jargon of these rpoems could have been 
produced in an epoch when Buddhism nourished in Hindusthan. 
Then, in fact, the priests had no other choice but between these two 
idioms; either the Sanskrit, i.e. the language which prevails in the 
compositions collected at Nepal, or the Pali, that is, the dialect which 
is found on the ancient Buddhist inscriptions of India, and which 
has be^n adopted by the Buddhists of Ceylon.' U5 

"This opinion," continues Babu Rajendralal, " we venture to think, 
is founded on a mistaken Estimate of Sanskrit style. The poetry 
oUthe Gatha has much artistic elegance which at once indicates 
that it is not the composition of men who were ignorant of the first 
principles of grammar. Its authors display a great deal of learning, 
and discuss the subtlest questions of logic and metaphysics with much 
tact and ability ; and it is difficult to conceive that men who were 
perfectly familiar with the most intricate forms of Sanskrit logic, who 
have ( expressed the most abstruse metaphysical ideas in precise and 
often in beautiful language, who composed with ease and elegance in 
Arya, Totaled, and other difficult measures, were unacquainted with the 
rudiments of the language in which they wrote, and even unable to 
conjugate, the verb to be, in all its forms. This difficulty is greatly 

145 L'Histoire du Buddhisme Indien, p. 105. [I have introduced a very few verbal 
alterations into this translation from Burnouf. Lassen, Ind. Ait., ii. p. 9, concurs in 
these views of Burnouf: "The Mahayana Sutras (of 'the Buddhists) are composed 
in a prose made up of a mixture of irregular 'Sanskrit, of Pali, and of forms borrowed 
from the vulgar dialects ; and the narrative is repeated in verse. Such a medley of 
forms could only, as it appears, have arisen in a country where the learned language 
was no longer maintained in its purity ; and, consequently, the writings in question 
were probably composed in the countries bordering on the Indus, and most likely in 
Kashmir, which plays ( an important part in the later history of Buddhism." (See 
also pp. 491, 492, and p. 1153 of the same volume.) J.M.] 



\ ESSAY OX THE GATHA DIALECT. 125 

) 

enhanced, when we bear in mind that the prose portion of the 
Yaipulya Sutras is written in perfectly pure Sanskrit, and has no trace 
whatever of the provincialisms and popular forms so abundant in the 
poetry. If these Sutras be the productions of men beyond the Indus 
imperfectly acquainted with the Sanskrit, how happetts one portion 
of them to be so perfect in every respect, while the other is so impure? 
What could have been the object of writing the same subject twice 
over in the same Tpork, once in pure prose and then in incorrect 
poetry? '>>> > > 

"It might be supposed, what is most likely the case that the 
prose and the poetry are the productions of two different ages ; but the 
question would then arise, how came they to be associated together'? 
What could have induced the authors of the prose portions to insert in 
their works the incorrect productions of Trans-Indus origin ? Nothing 
but a sense of the truthfulness and authenticity of those narratives 
could have led to their adoption. But how is it likely to be supposed 
that the most authentic account of S'akya, within three hundred years 
after his death, was to be had only in countries hundreds of miles away 
from the place of his birth r and the field of his preachings ? The grjat 
Sutras are supposed to have been compiled about the time of the third 
convocation (309 B.C.), when it i(j not 'at all likely that the sages of 
central India would have gone to Cashmere in search of data, wliich 
could be best gathered at their own threshold. 

"The more reasonable conjecture appears to be that the Gatha is 
the production of bards, who werti contemporaries or immediate suc- 
cessors of S'akya, who recounted to the devout congregations of the 
prophet of Magadha the sayings and doings of their great teacher, in 
popular and easy flowing verses, which in course of time came to be 
regarded as the most authentic source o all information connected with 
the founder of Buddhism. The high estimation in which the ballads 
and improvisations of bards are held in India and particularly in the 
Buddhist writings, favours this supposition; and the circumstance 
that the poetical portions are generally introduced in corroboration of 
the narrative of the prose, with the words : Tatredam uckyate, l Thereof 
this may be said,' affords a strong presumptive evidence." 

In a review of Burnouf's "Lotus de la Bonne Loi," Professor Weber 
(in the Indische Studien, iii. pp. 139, 140) remark's as follows on the 



126 PROFESSOR WEBER ON THE GATHA DIALECT. ( 

t 

views expressed by Burnouf in the preceding passage in regard to the 
language of the Gathas : 

"The last reason (viz. that Sanskrit was cultivated with less suc- 
cess in Kashmir than in Central India) is an incorrect one ; since, on 
the contrary, it' is precisely in the north-west of India that the proper 
seat of Indian grammatical learning appears to have existed. As 
regards the fact itself, Burnouf may be right, and the jargon of those 
poetical portions may have actually been at one 'lime the local dialect 
of- Kashmir, which would preserve a f&r more exact resemblance to 
the ancient form of speech, than did the, P.ali and Prakrit dialects 
which were developed in India proper nnder the influence of the 
aborigines, who spoke differently. But as Burnouf urges elsewhere, 
that the more recent a Buddhistic work is, the purer and more 
correct *is its language, it appears to me more natural to assume 
that these poetical portions are fragments of older traditions ; because, 
if they were more recent than the rest of the text, there is no 
good ground on which to account for their deviating from them in 
point of language ; or if there- were a difference, one would expect that 
110 poetical parts would be more correct than the prose. This is in 
fact the view taken in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 
1851, p. 283, where the Lalita Vistara is said to have been 'compiled 
in Sanskrit about the end of the sixth century from ballads in an 
obsolete patois of that language, composed evidently by bards at a much 
earlier period.' " 

In regard to the point on which 'Babu Kajendralal is at issue with 
the views of M. Burnouf, I will not venture to express any opinion. 
The peculiarities of the Gatha dialect are so anomalous that it is very 
difficult to explain them. In any case, it is clear that, if not a spoken 
language, jit was at least a written language in a remote age : and it 
therefore exemplifies to us some,portion of the process by which the 
Sanskrit was broken down and corrupted into the derivative dialects 
which sprang out of it. 

I subjoin the concluding passage of Babu Rajendralal's dissertation, 
in which he states his opinion in regard to the periods at which the 
successive modifications of Sanskrit were spoken in India. 

"The language of the Gatha is believed, by M. Burnouf, to be 
intermediate between the Pali and the pure Sanskrit. Now, as the 



SUMMARY OF PRECEDING SECTIONS. 127 

) 

Pfili was the vernacular language of India from Cuttack to Kapurdagiri 
within three hundred years after the death of Sakya, it would not be 
unreasonable to suppose that the Gatha which preceded it' was the 
dialect of the million at the time of S'akya's advent. If our conjecture 
in this respect be right, it would follow that the Sanskrit passed into 
the Gatha six hundred years before the Christian era ; that three 
hundred years subsequently it changed into the Pali ; and that thence, 
in two hundred yearn .more, proceeded the Prakrit and its sister dialects 
the S'auraseni, the' T)ravi/li, 14 <? and the Panchali, which in their turn 

formed the present yemacuhir dialects of India." 

J 



I have thus (as I originally proposed in Section I.) passed in review 
the various phases through which the vernacular speech of Northern 
India has gone since it began to deviate from the forms of its parent 
Sanskrit. Commencing with the provincial dialects of our own day, 
the Hindi, Mahratti, Bengali, etc., which diverge the most widely 
from the original tongue, I have attempted to ascend, successive^, 
from the more recent to the mure, ancient mediaeval vernaculars, and to 
trace backwards their gradual approach in form and structure to the 
language of the Yedas. In Section I. the modern vernaculars are 
considered. In Sections II. IV. the dialects entitled Prakrit aife 
described ; and it has there been proved that they were either them- 
selves the spoken tongues, or at least closely akin to the spoken tongues, 
of northern India before the modern vernaculars came into existence, 
and shown, by a variety of illustrations, that the former approach much 
more closely to the Sanskrit than the latter. In Section V. an account 
has been given of the Pali ; and it has been demonstrated at length 
that it, in its turn, is more ancient in its grammatical forms than the 
Prakrits are, and departs less widely than they do from the Sanskrit. 
In Section VI. I have supplied some description of the language em- 
ployed in the rock inscriptions of Piyadasi ; by which it is put beyond 
a doubt that different dialects resembling the Pali were in vernacular 

146 [If by the Dravidi is meant the Telugu, or any of its cognate languages, it is 
a mistake to class it with the northern Prakrits. J.M.] > 



128 PROCESS BY WHICH THE PKAKRITS / 

use in northern India in the third century B.C. And finally, in Section 
VII., I have described a form of corrupt Sanskrit occurring in the 
Gathas or narrative poems in which the actions of Buddha were re- 
counted at a period apparently preceding the Christian era. 

It is not necessary that I should be able to point out the exact 
relative antiquity of the Pali, of the language of the inscriptions, and 
of the language of the Gathas. We have seen (p. 59) that the Pali 
has jsome grammatical forms which are older than those of the inscrip- 
tions,; and vice versd. It is sufficient to c say t that all these three 
different dialects exhibit a form of Indian speech, which is of greater 
antiquity than the Prakrits of the dramatic poems; and that they 
illustrate to us some of the earliest stages of the process by which the 
original spoken language of India, i.e. the early Sanskrit, was disinte- 
grated *ind corrupted. 



SECT. VIII. On the original use of Sanskrit as a vernacular tongue ; 
on the manner in which the Prakrits arose out of it, and on the period 
of their formation : views of Professors Weber, Aufrecht, Lassen, and 
Benfey. 

Prom the above review of the spoken dialects of India, commencing 
with the modern vernaculars) and going back to the Prakrits and the 
Pali, we discover, as has been repeatedly stated, that the older these 
dialects are, the more closely do they resemble the Sanskrit, in the 
forms' of the words themselves, as well as in the modes of their declen- 
sion and conjugation. Judging by the great differences which we find 
between the modern Indian languages and the oldest forms of the 
vernacular dialects, and by the gradual changes through which the 
latter have at length passed into he former, we can have no 'difficulty 
in concluding that the very oldest known forms of the Prakrits also 
had, in earlier ages, undergone similar mutations, and had at one time 
been different in some respects from* the languages which have been 
handed down to us : and that the further back these dialects went, 
the fewer and smaller were their deviations from the oldest forms of 
Sanskrit, till they at length merged altogether in that parent language, 
and were, in fact, 'identical with it. And as there is no doubt that 



\ 



AROSE OUT OF THE EARLIER SANSKRIT. 129 



these Prakrit dialects, in the oldest forms in which we can trace them, 
were spoken languages, so we are farther entitled to conclude that the 
Sanskrit itself was at one time, i.e., at the period before the Prakrits 
broke off from it, a vernacularly spoken language. 

Before, however, proceeding to the particular proof of this, I shall 
first of all present some general speculations of Professors ."Weber, 
Lassen, Benfey, and Aufrecht, on the anterior elements out of which 
the Prakrits (under which term I include all the old vernacular lav- 
guages derived from Sanskrit)* were developed, and the process by 
which their formation, was effected. 

The following is Professor "Weber's account of the way in which he 
conceives the Prakrits to have arisen : U7 

"I take this opportunity of once more declaring myself decidedly 
against a commonly received error. It has been concluded (as by Spiegel 
against Ho'th) from the existence (in inscriptions) of Prakrit dialects 
in the centuries immediately preceding our era, that the Sanskrit 
language had died out before these dialects were formed; whereas 
we must, on the contrary, regard the development of both the Sanskrit 
and the Prakrit dialects from one common source, viz. the Indo-Arian 

speech, as entirely contemporaneous For a fuller statement of 

this view I refer to my ' Vajasaneyi,Sanhitae Specimen,' ft., 204-6; 
and, in proof of what I have urged there, I adduce here the fact that 
the principal laws of Prakrit speech, viz. assimilation, hiatus, and a 
fondness for cerebrals and aspirates, are prominent in the Vedas, of 
which the following are examples : *ku^a=krita, R. V., i. 46, 4 ; 
kata=karta (above, p. 30) : geha=griha (above, p. 40) ; guggulu= 
gungulu, Katyay., 5, 4, 17 ; vivittyai=vivishtyai, Taitt. Arany., x. 
58 (Drav.); yavatsah = yavatyah, S'atap. Br. ii. 2, 3, 4 (yavachah 
Cod. Mill., according to the second hand, nd in Sayana) ; krikalasa, 
Yrih. Ar. Ma., i. 3, 22=krikadasu, . Eik., i. 29, 7; purodasa= 
purolasa (comp. dasru=lacryma) ; padbhih=padbhih ; kshullaka= 
kshudraka ; bhallaksha=bhadraksha, Chhandogya, 6, 1 (gloss) ; viki- 
rida=vikiridra (above, p. 31); g*abhasti=grabhasti, or garbhasti ; 
nighantu=nigranthu ; ghas=gras; bhanj=bhranj (orbranj); bhuj = 
bhruj ; bhand^blandus ; bhas^bras. In the latter cases an r has 

dropped out, after it had aspirated the preceding consonants 

147 Indische Studien, ii. p. 87, note. 



130 VIEWS OF PROFESSOR WEBER. / 

i 

Comparative philology exhibits similar phonetic prakritizings within 
the circle of the Indo-Germanic languages as compared the one with 
the othisr." The same writer says in his Yajas. Sanh. Specimen, ii. 
203, ff. : U8 " I incline to the opinion of those who deny that the 
Sanskrit Bhasha, properly so called, was ever the common spoken 
language of the whole Arian people, and assign it to the learned alone. 
Just as our modern high-German, arising out of the ancient dialects 
o the Germans, reduced what was common ta all to universal rules 
t and laws, and by the power of analogy Ojblite^ted all recollection of 
varieties; and just as, on the other hand, these, dialects, while they 
gradually degenerated, often preserved at the same time fuller and 
more ancient forms ; so also the Vedic dialects became partly combined 
in one stream, in which their individual existence was lost, and so 
formed the regular Sanskrit Bhasha, and partly flowed on individually 
in their own original (Prakrita) irregular force, and continued to be 
the idioms of different provinces, in the corruption of which they 
participated. The Sanskrit language and the Prakrit dialects had, 
therefore, a common and simultaneous origin: the* latter did not 
spring out of the former, but rather, being connected by a natural 
bond with the ancient language, have often a more antique fashion 
than the S*anskrit, which, being ghaped and circumscribed by the rules 
of grammarians, has sacrificed the truth of analogy for the sake of 
regularity. The Prakrit 'tongues are nothing else than ancient Vedic 
dialects iu a state of degeneracy ; while the Sanskrit (or Epic) bhasha 
is the sum of the Vedic dialects constructed by the labour and zeal 
of 'grammarians, and polished by the skill of learned men. In this 
way we obtain an explanation of two facts : 1st, That the very same 
exceptions which are conceded by grammarians to the Yedic language 
(chliandas) are often found ia the Prakrit dialects, being in fact nothing 
but original forms; and 2nd, .That in the Yedic writings, forms and 
Avords occur which are more irregular than any Sanskrit word could 
ever be ; for as yet no fixed rules of euphony, orthography, or forma- 
tion existed, rules which were eventually deduced in part from those 
very irregularities. All the irregular forms which prevail in the 
Prakrit tongues are to be found throughout the Yedas. In the latter, 
the faculty which creates language is seen exuberant in its early power, 
u * Reprinted in Indische Studien, ii. pp. 110, 111. 



4 REMARKS OF PROFESSOR AUFRECHT. 131 

while in the former (the Prakrits) it is seen in the degeneracy of full- 
blown licence, luxuriating wantonness, and at last of senile weakness. 
Assimilation, the hiatus, and a fondness for cerebrals and aspirates, 
play an important part in the Yedas, not so much in those portions 
which are peculiar to the Yajur-veda (which, as forming a transition 
from the Yedic to the Epic period, or rather itself initiating the Epic 
peiiod, has also a style of language of a more modern cast, and adapted 
to grammatical rules), a'S'in the f older forms and words of the Rigvedaj 
many of which were difficult* to Understand in the age of the Aitareya 
and S'atapatha Brahmanas (parixavrittayah : comp. Roth, p. li. Nighan- 
tavah). There occur moreover,in the Epic poems many words which, 
however corrupted, have been received into the Sanskrit sometimes with 
no change, sometimes with very little, from the Prakrit languages in 
use among the greater part of the people. Of this the word govinda is 
a clear example, which, according to the ingenious conjecture of Gilde- 
meister, is nothing but gobinda derived from gopendra." , 

Professor Aufrecht has favoured me with the following remarks on 
the preceding passages : " I consider that in his account of the origin 
of the Prakrit dialects, Professor Weber goes much too far in stating 
them to be contemporaneous with, the Yeda dialect. The examples 
which he gives are, I conceive, partlyerroneous, partly collected from 
late books, and consequently unsuited to establish his assertion. I 
incline to the opinion that the language of the Rigveda was at one 
time universally spoken, not through the whole of India, but the 
Punjab, that is in the original seats* of the Arians. The dialects 
sprang from it, on the one hand, because the greater part of the popu- 
lation were non-Arians, and naturally corrupted a language which was 
forced upon them. On the other part, it is likely that the conquerors 
were forced to marry S'udra women (hence "the warning against; such 
marriages in Manu), who introduced the.vulgar tongue into the family. 
In the last instance, I believe that, by a political revolution, the 
original tribes recovered the government, and that then the language 
of the masses began to prevail. I agree with Professor Weber in 
believing that Sanskrit proper, that is, the language of the Epic poems, 
the law books, nay even that of the Brahmanas, was never actually 
spoken, except in schools or by the learned." 

This theory of Professor Weber, even if it were correct, would not 



132 QUOTATIONS FROM PROFESSOR LASSEN'S / 

be inconsistent with the conclusion which I hope ultimately to estab- 
lish, viz., that the language out of which the Prakrits grew had itself 
been subject to mutation prior to their evolution out of it. It would 
only imply that no one such language as Sanskrit existed during the 
Vedic era, 'but was then represented by a number of what (to dis- 
tinguish them from the Prakrits) I may call Sanskritic dialects, which, 
by the continued action of a modifying process all along at work in 
them, were, on the one hand, gradually former into the dialects which 
received the name of Prakrit, while,* on he ether hand, by a reverse 
process of aggregation and construction,, another language of a different 
character, and previously non-existent,, became developed out- of them, 
under the appellation of Sanskrit. 

Weber's theory, however, taken in its full extent, appears to me to 
be "disproved by the fact that, in its forms, the Vedic Sanskrit is 
(excepting some archaisms) nearly identical with the Epic, while it 
is .very different from even the oldest type of Prakrit. It is no 
answer to this that some old Yedic forms, such as the instrumental 
in ebhu, reappear in the Prakrits ; for it need not be *asserted that, at 
the earliest period when the Prakrits began to be formed, the Sanskrit 
did not still retain many of its Vedic forms. 

I will now adduce two quotations of considerable length from 
Lassen's Indian Antiquities, vol. ii., pp. 1147-1149, and 1151-1153, 
on the history of the languages of Northern India, in the course of 
which he replies to the preceding observations of "Weber. 

"The inscription of the Sniha Prince Rudradaman, which dates 
from the year 85 B.C., is written in Sanskrit prose, of an artificial 
character, with long compound words. From this fact we may infer 
that Sanskrit was no longer spoken by the common people, but only 
by thp Brahmans and other persons in the higher classes." 

"It has been already shown (p. 486) that in AsokVs time the 
common people spoke dialects derived from the sacred language, and 
that, at that time, there were at least three such dialects; of which 
one prevailed in Eastern India, the second in Guzerat, and the third 
in Eastern Cabul. The existence of a fourth, of which the seat was 
perhaps in Upper Rajasthan, is attested by the inscription of Megha- 
vahana. It is highly probable that the popular Indian dialects 
existed at a s'till earlier period than this [the age of Asoka was 



INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. 133 

263-226 B.C., and that of Meghavahana 110 A.D. 149 ] ; for the accounts 
of Buddha's sayings and doings appear to have existed in a double 
form, i.e. both in the vernacular tongues and in Sanskrit. I tlo not 
venture to assume that the vernacular tongues originated much earlier. 
It is indeed true that we find in the Yedic hymns some individual 
traces of those corruptions which in Prakrit have become the rule and 
characteristic feature of the language. But we must assume a long 
period to have intervened between these isolated appearances and their 
full-blown development, as exhibited in particular local dialects. I > 
do not, therefore, believe in a, contemporaneous development, side by 
side, of the Sanskrit and the Prakrit tongues out of the one common 
source of the Indo-Arian language ; but I assume that it was not till 
long after the immigration of the Indo-Arians that the Prakrits were 

149 Lassen, App. pp. x. xxiii. I add another passage on the subject of the muta- 
tions of the Sanskrit, and the period at which they may be supposed to have 
arisen, from Lassen's work, p. 592, f., 2nd ed. : "The fact now established, thaj; in 
As'oka's time Sanskrit was no longer the general vernacular language, is of the 
greatest importance for judging of the older literature. As As'oka promulgated his 
ordinances, which were intended for the entire people, not in Sanskrit, but in three 
vernacular dialects differing more or less from one another, it follows that the old 
mother-tongue had already become limited to a smaller circle of the population. But 
such a corruption of language is not tne work of a few years ; the Sanskrit must 
have begun centuries before to be resolved ifito the popular dialects ; we will njt 
here take into account the tradition that the Buddhists from the commencement 
announced their new doctrine in Prakrit. The Epic poems nowhere allude to the 
different classes of auditors being unable to understand each other : nor have I yet 
found any reference to a diversity of speech among the Aryans. The Epic language 
now is manifestly the product of speech still fresh, flexible, and living in the mouth 
of the people ; we can point out the first beginnings of the Epic style and versifiCa- 
tion in the Upanishads and in the hymns of the Veda, and can thus establish the 
high antiquity of this style. Jn the Sanskrit literature subsequent to As'oka's 
time, even in the oldest inscriptions, we find the artificial language of later ages ; 
and the same is the case in the dramas, which beloyg to this later period, in which 
we also meet with vernacular dialects for the lower orders. Although the Epic 
style is still maintained in this later age, it is easily s^en, as in the Puranas, that a 
living stream of speech does not flow here ; just as in the case of Apollonius and 
Callimachus, we perceive that they had not learnt the Homeric dialect from their 
nurses ; the language is a learned, though often very clever, imitation. These 
considerations convince me that the Epic style was completely formed before the 
time of As'oka, and even much earlier, and that we have it before us in its original 
genuineness. Hence I believe also that on the score of language no valid objection 
can be alleged against the position that after the critical separation of later 
elements, we possess in the Epic poems a rich and genuine store of ancient and 
genuine tradition." 



134 QUOTATIONS FROM PROFESSOR LASSEN'S , 

formed in the several provinces of India. I further regard it as im- 
probable that the Prakrits arose out of one particular dialect of the 
Sanskrit ; for no dialects of the Sanskrit have yet been pointed out. 
An account is to be found, it is true, in an ancient record, according 
to which th*e Sanskrit had been preserved in greater purity in the 
northern countries than elsewhere, and Kashmir and Badari, at the 
source of the Ganges, are specified by the commentator as such regions. 
Tjhis, however, is not sufficient to prove that ki the different provinces 
of India there were then fundamental d/fferaa'ces in the sacred lan- 
guage. , 

"No conclusion in regard to the existence of dialectic varieties in 
the Sanskrit can be drawn from the fact that the Prakrit dialects have 
all preserved the form of the instrumental plural in hi (derived from 
IJiis], in words ending in a, while the modern Sanskrit has lost this 
form; for the ancient form in ebhis is nt peculiar to any particular 
Vedic writings. The preservation of this form only proves that the 
Prakrit dialects began to be formed at an early period, when the 
termination in question was in frequent use. The early adoption, 
too, into Sanskrit of words which had become modified according to 
the laws of the Prakrit dialects, testifies, not so much to the early 
creation of popular dialects widely different from each other, as to 
the mere beginnings of such. "We have to regard the causes of the 
varieties in the Indian dialects as twofold. The first is that general 
one, which has operated also in other languages, and which is indeed 
the principal, viz., those peculiarities connected with the abodes and 
the character of the tribes into which a people becomes divided. The 
reason why they have so operated, as they actually have, is in indi- 
vidual instances often difficult, nay, impossible, to assign. In this 
way, five principal modern, languages, the ProvenQal, French, Portu- 
guese, Spanish, and Italian, tyave arisen out of the Latin. Of these 
languages, the second, the fourth, and the fifth are rich in dialects. 
The second cause is (as has been already noticed) a special one, I 
mean the influence exercised on the Prakrit dialects by the languages 
of the aboriginal tribes adopted into the Indian political system, who 
discarded their own form of speech and adopted the Indo-Arian lan- 
guage of the province in which they dwelt. These aboriginal tribes 
contributed, in 'some instances, to introduce peculiar varieties into the 



INDIAN ANTIQUITIES. 135 

Prakrit dialects. When these aborigines were particularly savage and 
uncultivated, it could scarcely fail to happen that they occasioned very 
great corruptions of sound and form in the Indo-Arian language's." 

The second passage is as follows : 

"It is in the period with which we are now occupied (i.e. that 
between Vikramaditya and the later Gupta kings) that the appellations 
Sanskrit for the classical language, and Prakrit for the forms of speech 
springing from it, mu-^t have arisen; because it was now that the 
distinction between tho classical language (which was no longer xsni- 
ployed as a spoken toague except by the Brahmans and highest classes) 
and th& popular dialects became decidedly marked. It has been 
maintained that Sanskrit was never the common popular dialect of 
the Arian Indians, but owed its origin only to the learned; and that 
the Yedic dialects coalesced, on the one hand, in a single language, 
and so created the regular Sanskrit, in which they were lost ; and on 
the other hand, in virtue of their inherent character, became corrupted 
and irregular, and in this corrupt form continued to exist as the 
vernacular dialects of particular provinces.* I must dissent from this 
view on the following grounds : First, it has not yet been proved 
(as I have already, p. 1148, observed) that there were any different 
dialects in the Yedic language. To, prove that there were, it must 
be shown that in contemporaneous Vedic writings there are found 
variations of such an essential character as to justify us in assuming 
a variety of dialects : varieties observable in writings belonging to 
different ages only show that there was a progressive departure from 
an earlier condition of the language. Secondly, it is necessary ftiat 
we be agreed as to what we mean by language. If thereby we mean 
the style of expression, then it may be asserted of many languages 
which have attained a higher degree of perfection by being employed 
in literature or in public assemblies, that they were not popular lan- 
guages. The Athenians and Eomans certainly did not,, in their 
ordinary life, express themselves in the same style in which their 
orators spoke ; and we Germans permit ourselves to make use of many 
turns of expression which we deny ourselves in books. So too we 
may suppose that the Indians of the earliest age did not ordinarily 
speak the same language which their poets employed. If, on the 
other hand, by language we mean grammatical forms, I cannot see 



136 PKOFESSOR BENFEY ON THE EAKLY USE 

why the Indians should not in the earliest ages have made use of the 
same as the contemporary poets employed. This certainly was the 
case also in the succeeding periods. To this it must be added that 
Paniui, the oldest of the three grammarians who are styled saints, 
uses the word bhdshd (speech) to designate the ordinary language in 
contradistinction to the Vedic, and employs as synonymous with 
lhashayam the word lolce, i.e. in the world. The language which 
the Sanskritrspeaking Indians then spoke c.nnot, therefore, have 
.heen different from this Ihdshd, or current forjh of speech. Its fate 
in contrast to that of its daughters has been a peculiar one. Whilst 
among the Greeks the Attic dialect became the general language of 
prose composition, .... and the other dialects became less and less 
prominent, .... and whilst in Germany the new high-German, from 
its u^e in literature and education, has more and more superseded the 
popular dialects, the sacred speech of the .Brahmans, on the contrary, 
continued to lose ground, not so much in local extension, as in its 
employment by the different classes of the population in the same 
countries. It may be assumed that in the time of Asoka the greater 
part of the people in the countries inhabited by Arian Indians spoke 
the local dialects, and that only the Brahmans and the principal 
persons spoke Sanskrit. On this civcumstance the distribution of the 
dialects in the dramas rests. As the kings who were inclined to the 
Buddhist religion permitted only the popular dialects to be used in 
their inscriptions and coins, it becomes probable that they did the 
same thing in their decrees, and for other purposes." 

The following remarks relating to the early extension and vernacular 
employment of Sanskrit, to its subsequent disuse as a spoken language, 
and to its ultimate resuscitation in a somewhat modified form, as a 
refined and sacred dialect, are translated, with occasional abridgment, 
from Prof. Benfey's article on India (above referred to), p.' 245, ff. : 
"The language which we now call Sanskrit was once, as both the 
ancient and modern dialects which have issued from it distinctly show, 
the prevalent popular speech in the greatest part of India. Alongside 
of it there existed in the remotest times several dialects of one or 
more languages, not related to it, of the aborigines of India; which 
languages had at first a wider, and in later times a continually de- 
creasing, extension. The period when Sanskrit began to spread itself 



AND SUBSEQUENT DISUSE OF SANSKRIT AS A VERNACULAR. 137 

over India cannot be decided any more than the era of the immigra- 
tion of the people who spoke it. We can only determine the follow- 
ing points: First, in regard to extension; (1) the Sanskrit once 
prevailed over a considerable tract west of the Indus, as is shown 
both by many geographical names in those regions, by i&e accounts of 
Chinese travellers, and by the languages which are now found existing 
there ; (2) to the north, the Sanskrit or its dialects prevailed as 'far 
as the Himalaya and. the Indian Caucasus; (8) to the east, in the 
time of Asoka, as far, as +he /egion of the Brahmaputra, though, thip 
region was not entirely Spnskritized ; (4) to the south, Sanskrit 
exercised nearly its full sway as far as the southern frontiers of 
Maharashtra: this is proved by the fact that one of the dialectd 
which are most decidedly of Sanskrit origin, namely, the Prakrit 
pre-eminently so named, is also called the language of Maharashtra, 
and is manifestly the pauent of the modern Mahratti; (5) Sanskrit 
penetrated still further to the south, where it formed the language of 
educated people: but this occurred at a time when the Sanskrit- 
speaking race had not sufficient power entirely to expel the indigenous 
language, as they were able to do in Northern India with a very few 
isolated exceptions. 

"Second, as to the time when Sanskrit was the language of the 
people we can determine as follows : ~We find in Asoka's time two 
vernacular dialects, one in Guzerat, and th'e other in Magadha, which, 
as their entire structure shows, could not have existed alongside of, 
i.e. contemporaneously with, the Sanskrit, but must have become 
further developed in those provinces after the Sanskrit had previously 
prevailed there : consequently the Sanskrit must have died out before 
Asoka, who lived in the third century B.C., an4 therefore about three 
centuries after the period to which th<} rise of Buddhism may with 
great probability be assigned. Now it is related to us of the first 
Buddhists, that they composed their books not in Sanskrit, but in the 
vernacular dialects. The sacred language of Buddhism is the Pali, 
which, though varying in many particulars from the language of 
Magadha, and approximating to the principal Prakrit (the Maha- 
rashtri), stands yet in a similar relation to the Sanskrit as the latter, 
and the two dialects of Asoka's inscriptions. It becomes, therefore, 
highly probable that at the period when BuddhisiA arose, i.e. about 

VOL. II. 10 



138 DISUSE OF SANSKRIT AS A VERNACULAR , 

the sixth century B.C., Sanskrit was no longer the speech of the 
people. The entire character of Sanskrit shows that, at the time of 
its acme,- it was fixed by means of something resembling a literature, 
and it is only on this supposition that we can comprehend how it 
appears in regions so far apart as the north and north-west of India 
and the Mahratta country, as a perfectly uniform basis of the dialects 
which sprang out it. But a speech whiqh becomes fixed in such a 
manner does not soon die out. If we assume- about three centuries 
for the time of its gradual extinction, 'the ^erio/1 when Sanskrit was 
the ordinary language of the people is thrown back to about the ninth 
century before Christ. During this and the immediately preceding 
'period there existed, as we have already conjectured, a political union 
which embraced the entire Indian empire ; and as we now know that 
Sanskrit must have been the actual speech of the people in the 
Mahratta country also at this period, we may conceive this political 
union to have extended from the Himalaya to the south of the 
Mahratta country. After this political unity had become severed 
(till the period of its restoration under Chandraguptti), the various 
elements of Indian life became separately developed in the different 
provinces; and this was the case with the Sanskrit, too, which up 
to that time had been common tp all. Out of this variety of local 
developments which the Sanskrit underwent, its different derivative 
languages arose, the earliest ibrms of which bore about the ame 
relation to Sanskrit as the Romanic dialects to Latin. 

"But while the Sanskrit was being thus developed and modified by 
popular use into new vernacular dialects, the literature which had 
been created in Sanskrit while it was yet a living tongue was still 
preserved in the schools 15 of the Brahmans, and along with it the 
Sanskrit itself as the sacred language of culture and science. When 
aroused to new energy by the attack made upon their system by the 
Buddhists, the Brahmans came forward with certain writings composed 
in this sacred language, and declared to be of primeval antiquity : one 
of the earliest of these was the Institutes of Manu ; and then followed 

150 Though we have no distinct external evidence that there were any such 
schools at this early period, we may yet appeal to the whole intellectual development 
of Indian life, in the form which it must have taken even before the rise of Buddhism, 
as evidence of their existence." 



AND EMPLOYMENT OF IT AS A LEARNED LANGUAGE. 139 

the Ramayana. But external grounds, as well as the mention which 
they make of the Tavanas (Greeks), prove these works to have been 
composed ^at a much later period than that to which they ate alleged 
to belong. In like manner the treatment of the language in these 
books, and still more in the Sanskrit literature which J follows, and is 
connected with them, demonstrates that they cannot possibly have 
proceeded from a popular flialect, but, on the contrary, are the pro- 
ducts of a learned, or rather a sacred language, which, having died 
out among the mass, of the people, had been preserved in the circle 
of the educated priesthood as the medium of intercourse with the 
gods, and of communicating the sacred sciences, and was cultivated 
with the liveliest zeal and devotion. Out of this circle again Sanskrit 
passed over to those persons who stood in connexion with the priests 
as members of the same administrative caste, When the Brahmans 
recovered their predominance, Sanskrit became for a time the lan- 
guage of the educated classes, of the court, and the administration 151 
generally t and even the Buddhists could not abstain from employing 
so valuable an instrument of cultivation.. We have only to recollect 
the manner in which the Latin, though long a dead language, re- 
mained in use throughout the middle ages, and even in our own time, 
in order to perceive clearly how the, Sanskrit also, though it had died 
out as a vernacular tongue between the ninth and sixth centuries B.C., 
should yet have held its ground in the highest circles, and continued 
in use there to such an extent that it can even now be employed as 
an instrument for the expression 6f thought on the highest subjects. 
The Sanskrit had, however, here an important advantage over the 
Latin in this respect, that wherever Brahmanism prevailed it was 
regarded as a sacred language, as all the most sacred books of that 
religion were composed in it. In conssquence of this opinion, it was 
considered a religious merit to be ,even acquainted with it; and a 
Sanskrit grammar, or other work which contributed to a knowledge 
of this language, was and is looked upon as a sacred book. In the 
same way a knowledge of Hebrew was long preserved among the 

151 [We have another instance of a language not vernacular in India being used 
as the language of administration, in the Persian, which^ though unintelligible to the 
mass of the people, was used by the Mahomedans, and after them, for many years 
(until about thirty years ago), by the English, as the language^of the law courts and 
the revenue offices. J.M.] 



140 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE EARLIER 

Jews ; and even so late as, perhaps, sixty years ago, no one among 
them could lay claim to the character of a learned man unless he had 
learnt the ' sacred language.' " . . . . 

"At the period when the dramatic literature assumed its fixed form 
(a period which cannot yet be determined, hut which may be con- 
jecturally placed in the sixth or seventh century A.D.), the knowledge 
of Sanskrit must have extended, on the one hand, to all who laid claim 
to 'the character of educated men, for ptherwfee the dramatic poets 
fcouM not have composed in Sanskrit *fhe 'leading parts in plays de- 
signed for representation before the entire public; and on the other 
hand it must have been constantly use<? as the language of public 
documents, of religion, and of learned men, for otherwise it could 
scarcely have been put into the mouth of gods, kings, and priests. 
Whether Sanskrit was at that time the proper court-language, I 
cannot determine ; but I scarcely think it was, as the officers of the 
state, if not Brahmans, do not use it." 

Professor Benfey then proceeds to specify the differences between 
the ancient form of the Sanskrit when it was still a vernacular lan- 
guage, and the later form which it took after its regeneration as a 
sacred and learned form of speech, so ,far as he considered himself in 
a position to do so at a period (1840) when he had before him but a 
small portion of the Vedas, which furnish us with almost the only 
means we can have of judging what the earlier language was. 152 He 
remarks: "The late Sanskrit is distinguished from the Vedic by the 
use of extravagantly long compounds. Even if the specimens of the 
Yedas and the TJpanishads which are known to me had not shown 
that in this respect there is an essential difference in the use of the 
Sanskrit at the two periods to which I refer, it might have been 
concluded with certainty, fnJm the character and length of these 
compounds, that such monstrosities could not have been created at a 

152 Had these observations been written now, Professor Benfey would probably 
have seen no cause to modify his main conclusions, though he would have been in a 
position to express himself with greater confidence and precision. [Note in first 
edition, I860.] In his review of the first edition of this work in the Gb'tt. Gel. 
Anzeigen, already referred to, p. 135, Prof. Benfey writes as follows : "I would, now 
that the differences between the Vedic language and the Sanskrit, which was formed 
by a process of regeneration, are more exactly known, say Vedic or old[-Sanskrit 
instead of Sanskrit]. See Weber's remark above, p. 68. 



AND THE LATER SANSKRIT. 141 

time when the language was in vernacular use. Such compounds 
might occasionally have heen used with effect ; but a living language 
would have energetically rejected such an abuse of these forms as we 
find in the late Sanskrit writings, which renders all easy comprehension 
impossible. On the other hand, the effort to employ such compounds 
was quite suitable to a learned language, and to a learned poetry, 
which was far removed from the real life of the people. In iike 
manner the laws of Sandhi, as practised in its widest extent in later 
Sanskrit, must have t been, equally foreign to the ancient vernacular 
Sanskrit. In late Sanskrit all the words of a sentence are combined 
in one immense whole by the assimilation, or other connexion, of their 
final and initial letters. Th^s. rule does not, in general, prevail in the 
Vedas; and although it is well known that in actual discourse the 
final and initial letters of words exercise a certain modifying influence 
upon each other, every one who has considered the limited extent to 
which a vernacular dialect, and even a literary work composed in such 
a dialect, can obey this law, and who, at the same time, knows to 
what extremes the modern Sanskrit pushes the application of this rule, 
will be convinced that the excessive employment of Sandhi cannot have 
sprung out of any popular use, but must have resulted from carrying 
out to an absurd extent a grammatical canon which is correct in itself. 
"Further, when the later Sanskrit is accurately examined, it is 
found to be affected in a most important degree by the influence of the 
popular dialects derived from the more ancient Sanskrit. The Indians, 
with their genius for grammar, or philology generally, were in general 
well aware of the modifications which the ancient language had re- 
ceived from the dialects which had been developed out of it : they had 
investigated the phonetic laws by which these dialects had been derived 
from their parent, and could, as it we^e, transport the former back to 
the latteB. This facility threw them off their guard ; and' it conse- 
quently becomes possible for us to demdnstrate that the Sanskrit of 
the whole Indian literature subsequent to Manu's Institutes, cannot 
be in all respects the ancient language of the people, with a degree of 
distinctness which none of the Sanskrit authors, convinced as they 
were that they were writing correct ancient Sanskrit, could have 
imagined. I must confine myself here to exhibiting the principal 
elements of this proof. It is divisible into two parts; as we must 



142 WHEN SANSKRIT CEASED TO BE SPOKEN. 

(1) maintain that the new Sanskrit has lost 153 much which the older 
Sanskrit had, and which it could only lose from the circumstance that 
it had died out in the intermediate period, and had now to be revived 
in a form which might be as intelligible as possible. To this head 
belong a number of roots and inflected forms which the grammarians 
recognize t and adduce partly as current, and partly as obsolete, but of 
which the later Sanskrit makes next to no use. The reason of this 
is that these roots, as well as these inflected forma? were either entirely 
lost ia the vernacular dialects which existed at th/2 time when the new 
Sanskrit was created, or had become so disfigured -that their Sanskrit 
form could not have been easily discovered or understood. (2) The 
new Sanskrit contains in it much that the old Sanskrit could not have 
had. To this head belong a number of forms of roots which had 
become modified according to the laws of some one vernacular dialect, 
and which have been employed in the new Sanskrit in this modified 
shape, which the grammarians either hesitated to refer to its proper 
Sanskrit form, or did not comprehend. Every single example of this 
which might be adduced would, however, require detailed development 
and proof, which would demand too much space to be here attempted. 
"I will, therefore, content myself with repeating the main^ results 
of the investigations which have been here merely indicated, and in 
great part yet remain to be carried out. These results are: That 
from the period when the Sanskrit-speaking race immigrated into 
India down to perhaps the ninth century B.C., Sanskrit became diffused 
as the prevailing vernacular dialec*t over the whole of Hindustan, as 
far as the southern borders of the Mahratta country. It penetrated 
no further south as a vernacular tongue, but only as the language of 
education, and apparently at a later period. From the ninth century 
B.C. the Sanskrit began to die out : derivative dialects became de- 

153 The Sanskrit has lost a, great many verbal roots, and has frequently 
modified the original meaning of those still in existence." Aufrecht, Unadisutras, 
pref. p. viii. " In the course of time some branches of literature disappeared, a 
number of words became antiquated, and the-lradition as to their meaning was either 
entirely lost or corrupted. When commentators arose to explain the Unadisutras," 
supposed by Professor Aufrecht (p. ix.) to be considerably older than Panini, 
" they found the greater part of the words contained in them still employed in th'e 
literature of their age, or recorded in older dictionaries. But an unknown residuum 
remained, and to these, whenever tradition failed them, they were bold enough to 
assign quite arbitrary significations." Ibid. pp. vi. xii. 



MR. BEAMES ON THE PRAKRITS AND OLD-ARYAN. H3 

veloped from it ; and in the sixth century B.C. it had become extinct 
as a vernacular language. On the other hand, it maintained its ground 
in the schools of the Brahmans. Ahout the third century B.C., in 
consequence of the regeneration of Brahmanism in Kanouj, it was 
brought back into public life as a sacred language, -and gained a 
gradually increasing importance as the organ of all the higher in- 
tellectual development. About the fifth century A.D , it had become 
diffused in this character over the whole of India. So long as he 
empire of the Hindus.lasted, it' continued to increase in estimation; and 
even long after the Mahometans had settled in India, it was almost the 
sole instrument for the expression of the highest intellectual efforts." 

I conclude this section by quoting from an article by Mr. Beames 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1870, vol. v., new 
series, pp. 149, f., the following remarks on the relation of the 
Prakrits to the " Old- Aryan" language : 

"In assuming that the languages of the first period" (the Prakrits 
and Pali) "are later than Sanskrit, I do not lose sight of the fact 
that historically they were contemporaneous with it. But I call them 
'neo- Aryan,' because the majority of their forms exhibit a decadence 
from some more perfect condition. It is true that, not only in classical, 
but even in Yedic, Sanskrit forms are found which exhibit a perfect 
Prakrit type; but this does not prevent the general run of Prakrit 
from showing unmistakable signs of having degenerated from a purer 
and stronger ancient language, which we cannot call Sanskrit, because 
it is older still than even the language of the Yedas, and which there- 
fore may, when necessary, be called ' Old Aryan.' 

"It is a highly probable theory that the ' Old Aryan,' like all other 
languages, began to be modified in the mouths of the people as early 
as the Yedic period, and that the Brahmans, at a subsequent date, 
in order to prevent the further degeneration of their language, polished, 
elaborated, and stiffened it into the classical Sanskrit. We cannot, 
however, suppose that they brought any new material into the lan- 
guage, but simply that they reduced to rule what was till then vague 
and irregular, that they extended to the whole of the language eu- 
phonic laws which had been till then only of partial application, and 
so forth ; all the while, however, only working upon already existing 
materials. It will, therefore, not militate against the established con- 



144 PROOFS THAT SANSKRIT 

temporaneous existence of learned Sanskrit and popular Prakrit, to 
consider the former as in general the representative of the original Old 
Aryan, and, consequently, as so far older than the Prakrit; because, 
ex hypothesi, in Sanskrit most of what existed in Old Aryan has not 
only been preserved, but worked up and expanded, while in the 
Prakrit, on the contrary, not only has much been absolutely lost, but 
that which remains has been corrupted and debased. Besides, as 
nothing whatever of the Old Aryan has been preserved, or is likely to 
te discovered (although much may be, &nd lias been, guessed at from 
analogy), we are driven, whether we like p't or no, to look to Sanskrit 
for the oldest extant forms ; and we do, undoubtedly, find them there, 
as contrasted with Prakrit and Pali." 154 



SECT. IX. Reasons for supposing that the Sanskrit was originally a 
spoken language. 

It appears from the passages cited from the works of Professors 
Lassen and Benfey, that these distinguished scholars assume that the 
Sanskrit (by which, no doubt, must be understood a language in some 
respects different from the later Sanskrit, and more akin to the Vedic 
dialect) was once a spoken tongue, Regarding this as a fact which 
admits of no question : while Professor Weber is of opinon that the 
only Indo-Arian speech which, existed at the early period to which 
I refer had not yet been developed into Sanskrit, but was still a 
vernacular tongue. 155 As, however, what seems so clear to the Euro- 
pea^ scholar, viz., that Sanskrit in its earlier form was a spoken lan- 
guage, may not be so plain to the Indian reader, it becomes necessary 
for me to adduce the most distinct evidence of the fact which I am 

able to discover. 



164 "With" reference to a question already discussed, see pp. 31, ff., I add, the follow- 
ing sentences from Mr. Beames' j article, p. 150 : " "With regard to the languages 
of the second period, it must be explained that I do not intend to touch on the 
ohscure question of how far non-Aryan elements enter into their composition. 
Much there is which is still doubtful, but Ahis is admitted on all hands, that a very 
large proportion of their constituent parts is of Aryan origin." 

156 Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 1. His words, as translated, are these : 
" In its earliest period the Indo-aryan speech had not yet become Sanskrit, i.e. the 
language of cultivated men, but remained still a vernacular tongue, whilst in its second 
period, the people spoke not Sanskrit but Prakritic dialects, which had been developed 
out of the ancient IndS-aryan vernacular contemporaneously with the Sanskrit." 



WAS ORIGINALLY A VERNACULAR. 145 

First: Even though we assume, as we must do, that there were, 
from the earliest times, other forms of spokea language current in 
India besides the Sanskrit; yet these would he the dialects of the 
Dasyus, or non- Arian tribes ; while the upper classes of the popula- 
tion of the Arian race, the same order of persons who in' after times 
spoke Prakrit, must have been in the habit of speaking Sanskrit (by 
which must be understood the then current form or forms of the Ol5 
Arian speech) a few riges previously; for, in fact, no other Arian 
language then existed' ,in Jndia, which they could have used. .If 
languages with such. a complicated structure as the Pali and the 
Prakrits were employed in common conversation, there is no difficulty 
in supposing that Sanskrit too, which was not much more complex, 
should have been spoken by ordinary persons. We must not, of course 
(as Professor Benfey has well remarked above, p. 140, f.), imagine that 
all the refined rules for the permutation of letters which were used 
in later Sanskrit composition were then employed in daily discourse, 
though some few of them might have been ; for the use of these rules 
is by no means essential to the intelligible or grammatical employment 
of the language ; and at the time to which I refer, they had not been 
developed or systematized. Many, too, of the more complicated in- 
flections of Sanskrit verbs would bfe then little used in conversation ; 
as, in fact, they are now comparatively little used in most literary 
compositions. 156 

156 The remark in this last sentence probably rests on a misapprehension of the 
character of the language vernacularly employed by men in the earlier stages of 
society. But I leave it as it stood, in order to make the following remarks on it^by 
Professor Benfey, in the review above referred to, more easily intelligible. He writes, 
p. 135 : "Here, nevertheless, I should like to see much otherwise understood. Thus 
it is said in p. 154 ' Many, too, of the more complicated inflections of Sanskrit verbs 
would be then [at the time when the Sanskrit existed as a spoken language] little 
used in conversation ;' which, as appears to me, leads to an erroneous understanding. 
It is precisely -the deficiency of so many forms in the regenerated Sanskrit, as, for 
example, the want of a conjunctive generally, of the "moods for the different tenses, 
the unfrequent employment of the aorists as compared with the Vedic Sanskrit, the 
disuse of so many double forms, as e.g. the substitution of the single form of ais for 
ais and ebhis, as the ending of instrumental' cases of nouns in a, the limitation of the 
strong case-forms, which in the Vedas are used very irregularly, the regulation of 
the reduplication and many other differences of this description between the Vedic, 
or ancient, and the regenerated Sanskrit, it is just these points which determine us 
to explain the latter (the modern Sanskrit) principally through the predominance of 
the vernacular dialects : those persons who wrote the regenerated, Sanskrit were too 
much accustomed to these vernaculars to do more in general than to turn the speech 



146 MODIFICATION OF SANSKRIT 

It is true that we cannot point out the exact forms of all the 
Sanskrit words in uset the latest period at which it was so employed 
as a spoken tongue ; especially as the language of conversation always 
differs to some extent from the language of formal composition or of 
books, and the vernacular Sanskrit was no doubt undergoing a per- 
petual alteration till it merged into Prakrit. 

Second : The case which I have supposed here of Sanskrit having 
been once a spoken language, and having at length ceased to be em- 
, ployed in ordinary discourse, while thf, provincial dialects which 
sprang out of it, and gradually diverged, more and more from it and 
from each other, have taken its place as the popular vehicles of con- 
versation, is by no means a singular occurrence, unprecedented in the 
history of language ; on the contrary, the manner in which the Italian, 
French, and Spanish languages (to which Burnouf and Lassen refer in 
a passage cited above, p. 69) have been formed out of Latin, presents 
a very close parallel to the mode in which the various mediaeval Indian 
Prakrit bhashas (which in their turn have given birth to the modern 
Bengali, Hindi, Mahrattl etc.) grew out of Sanskrit. During the 
existence of the Roman empire, Latin, as is quite well known, was 
the spoken language of Italy, and other western portions of Europe. 
It is now in nearly all those countries a dead language, and is only 
known to the learned who study the works of the Latin philosophers, 
historians, and poets; jusf; as* it is only the Pandits of India and other 
scholars who can understand the Sanskrit S'astras. But while Latin 
has itself ceased to be a spoken language for eight hundred or a 
thousand years, various vernacular dialects have (as I have said) 
sprung out of it, such as Italian and the other modern tongues already 
specified; the Latin words which compose the greater part of their 
vocabulary being variously modified, and the ancient Latin inflections 
being either corrupted, or dropped, and replaced by particles and 
auxiliary verbs. Of these derivative dialects, the Italian, which is 

with which they were familiar into Sanskrit according to the reflex rules (Reflex - 
gesetze) which were known to them. li was only a constantly deeper study of the 
old remains of the genuine vernacular Sanskrit and the compositions which were more 
closely connected with it that brought back many of its at first neglected peculiari- 
ties into the regenerated Sanskrit, a point which can be proved by the express 
testimony of Panini himself in reference to the participles of the reduplicated perfect. 
(Compare Pan. iifc 2. 108; and my complete Sanskrit Grammar, p. 413, note 13, 
and shorter Grammar, 361, 369.)" 



PARALLEL TO THAT OF LATIN. 



147 



spoken in Italy, has retained the closest resemblance to its mother- 
language. Many of the changes which Latin words have undergone 
in Italian, resemble very closely the modifications which Sanskrit 
words have undergone in Pali and Prakrit, as has been already re- 
marked in the passage quoted, in p. 69, from Burnouf zAid Lassen's 
Essay on the Pali. 

To exhibit the wonderful similarity (amounting in some cases to 
identity) of the processes by which these two ancient languages, the 
Sanskrit and the Latin^ are, modified in their modern derivatives,* I 
shall place in juxtaposition a /ew of the most remarkable instances of 
it which occur to me. 157 

I. PHONETIC CHANGES. 

(1). "Words in which the e or k is dropped from a compound letter ct, net, or kt, 
while the t is doubled. 



Latin forms, as modified in Italian. 
Latin. Italian. 



Sanskrit forms, modified in Pali and Prakrit. 
Sanskrit. Pali and Prakrit. 



perfectus becomes perfetto. 
dictus detto. 


junctus 158 
fructus 


giunto. 159 
frutto. 


pactum 

tractus 


patto. 
tratto. 


factus 


fatto. 


actus 


atto. 


octo 


otte. 


doctus 


dotto. 



muktas becomes mutto 


yuktas , 


jutto. , 


bhaktas , 


bhatto. 


sikthaka , 


sitthao. 


parityaktas , 


parichchatto. 


bhuktas , 


bhutto. 


saktas , 


satto. 



(2). "Words in which the^> ofpt is dropped, and the t doubled. 



ruptus becomes rotto. 


aptus 


atto. 


inceptus 


incetto. 


septem 


sette. 


captivus 


cattivo. 


assumptus 


assunto. 


subtus 


sotto. 



becomes 



(With many others). 



uptas 
, suptas 
guptas 
luptas 
triptis 
taptas 
saptamas 
napta 
praptas 

parySptas 
kshiptas 
liptas 

diptas 

157 Since the first edition of this volume was published, this subject has been 
handled in a pamphlet of 68 pages published in 1869, entitled Vergleichung des 
Prakrit mit den Romanischen Sprachen, von Friederich Haag. In a review of this 
book in the Lit. Centralblatt for May 14, 1870, p. 594, f. reference is made to its 
being accompanied by Tables, which, however, I do not find in my opy. 
18S The Latin c is sounded k in Sanskrit. 
159 ffiu, in Italian, is sounded ssju in Sanskrit. 



utto. 

sutto. 

gutto. 

lutto. 

titti. 

tatto. 

sattamo. 

nattu. 

patto. 

pajjatto. 

khitto. 

litto. 

ditto. 



148 MODIFICATION OF SANSKRIT 

(3). Words in which the I of a compound letter, pi or kl, is dropped. 160 

Latin forms, as modified in Italian. Sanskrit forms, modified in Pali and Prakrit. 

Latin. Italian. Sanskrit. Pali and Prakrit. 

planctus becomes pianto. viklavas becomes vikkavo. 

planus piano. 

(4). Words in'which the b of the compound letter bj is dropped. 

subjectus becomes soggetto. kubjas becomes khujjo. 161 

objSctus oggetto. 162 abjas ajjo. 

(5). Words in which the letters rejected, or changed, are not the same in the Italian and 
Prakrit, but in which both languages show, the same ,tendency to simplification. 

absorptus becomes assorto. 'utpald'm becomes uppalam. 

absurdus assurdo. skandhas khandho. 

externus esterno. dharmas dhammo. 

mixtus misto. ' dushkaras dukkaro. 

sextus sesto. kshama khama. 

textus testo. mugdhas muddho. 

* saxum sasso. mudgas muggo. 

spmnus sonno. labdhas laddho. 

damnum danno. s'abdas saddo. 

t autumnus autunno. nimnas nimmo. 163 

domina donna. amnayas ammayo. 

pradyumnas pajjummo. 

janman jammo. 

rajna ,, raniia. 

A large portion of the simplifications in Pali and Prakrit arise from 
the rejection of r before or after another consonant, as in the words 
kanna for karna, savva for sarvva, mitta for mitra, putta for putra, etc. 
This elision of r is not usual in Italian. 

II. I give an instance or two to show the manner in which the 
Latin case-terminations have been dropped in Italian. In Latin the 
word annus, a year, is thus declined. 

Singular. Plural. 

Nom. - ... annus. Nom. .... anni. 

Gen anni. r . Gen. .... annorum. 

Dat. and Abl. - - anno. Dat. and Abl. - - annis. 

Accus. .... annum. ' Accus. - - - - annos. 

In Italian, on the contrary, there is only one form in the singular, 

iso j n Prakrit, however, a compound letter, of which I is the final portion, is 
generally dissolved into two syllables, as glana becomes gilana. 

181 Var. II. 34. 162 Pronounced as if written in English, sojjetto, ojjetto. 

163 I can only infer, from the rule in Vararuchi, III. 2, that the n is thrown out 
and the m doubled in this and the two following words, as I have not met them 
anywhere. 



PARALLEL TO THAT OF LATIN. 149 

anno ; and one in the plural, anni ; the case-terminations being sup- 
plied by prepositions with or without the article, as follows : 

Singular. Plural. 

Nom. and Accus. - 1' anno. Norn, and Accus. - gli anni. 

Gen. - - - - dell' anno. Gen. - - - - degli anni. 

Dat. ----- all' anno. Dat. .... agli anni. 

Abl. dall' anno. Abl. .... dagli,anni. 

III. In Italian verbs, the Latin forms of the active voice are pre- 
served in a modified shape, as the following example will show : 

j > % 

Present Tense. Imperfect Tense. 

Latin. Italian. , Latin. . Italian. 

1. vendo. vendo. 1. vendebam. vendeva. 

2. vendis. vendi. ' 2. vendebas. Tendevi. 4 

3. vendit. vende. 3. vendebat. vendeva. 

4. vendimus. vendiamo. 4. vendebamus. vendevamo.' 

5. venditis. vendete. 5. vendebatis. vendevate. 

6. vendunt. vendono. 6. vendebant. vendevano. 

Perfect Tense. Pluperfect Tense. 

1. vendidi. vendei. 1. vendidissem. vendessi. 

2. vendidisti. vendesti. 2. vendidisses. vendessi. 

3. vendidit. vende. 3. vendidisset. vendesse. 

4. vendidimus. vendemmo. , 4. vendidissemus. vendessimo. 

5. vendiditis. vendeste. " ^5. vendidissetis. vendeste. 

6. vendiderunt. venderono. 6. vendidissent. vendessero. * 

But (IY.) in the passive voice the Italian language has entirely lost 
the Latin forms of conjugation. Thus instead of the Latin forms 
ego laudor, "I am praised;" ego Idudabar, "I was praised;" ego 
laudarer, "I should be praised," etc., the Italians employ in all tenses 
(as the Latin had already done in a few), the substantive verb with 
the past participle, and say lo sono lodato, lo era lodato, lo sarei lodata, 
"I am," "I was," "I should be, praised.'.' 

These few instances will suffice to show the Indian reader how the 
Latin words and inflections are modified in Italian. 

It is thus manifest from the history of Italy in ancient and modern 
times that the people of that country once spoke Latin, and now speak 
Italian, a vernacular dialect derived from Latin, and differing from it 
in many respects, as the Indian Prakrits do from Sanskrit, while Latin 
equally with Sanskrit is in most of the countries where it was formerly 
current a dead language, known only from ancient books, or from its 



150 PROOFS THAT SANSKRIT 

use in the public worship of the Roman Catholic Church, or from its 
occasional employment by modern scholars in their writings, or in 
scholastic discussions, in Italy and other countries. But if it be true 
that a language like Latin, with its numerous and varied inflections, 
was once the common speech of the whole Roman people, there can 
Ve no difficulty in supposing that while the modern Hindus (excepting 
a few Pandits) can only speak Bengali, Hindi, Mahratti, etc., and 
while their ancestors spoke different Prakrit 'dialects, which are the 
immediate parents of the modern vernafculara, the Hindus of a still 
earlier period should have spoken Sanskrit, i.'e. the old Arian lan- 
guage, itself, from which there is no,,doubt that the older forms of 
"Prakrit were immediately derived. If even in our own day Pandits 
can talk Sanskrit, why should not the vernacular use of it, in a simple 
and natural style, have, in former ages, been common, not only among 
Brahmans, but also among other persons in all the different classes of 
sooiety? The complex structure of a language, i.e. the multitude of 
its forms of inflection and conjugation, which, to those who are ac- 
customed to a simpler form of speech, may appear to afford grounds 
for doubting that a language of the former description could ever have 
been vernacularly spoken, is, in fact f rather an argument in favour of 
that supposition ; for such complexity of structure appears to be a 
characteristic of language as it exists in the earlier stages of society, 
whilst the dialects formed out of these earlier tongues, on their decay, 
are observed to become simpler in their forms. This is exemplified in 
the case of the Latin and its derivatives. 

Third: The fact that the dramatic authors put Sanskrit into the 
mouth of Brahmans and other persons of the higher ranks, affords an 
argument of considerable force that Sanskrit was once spoken by the 
whole community, and by the upper classes down to a much later period 
(see above, p. 140) : and^even.the common employment of 'the same lan- 
guage by learned Indians in their schools and disputations down to the 
present day, may go some way to prove its more general currency as a 
vernacular at an earlier date. For if Brahmans did not at one time 
employ it in their ordinary discourse, how did they ever get into the 
habit of speaking it with so much ease and fluency ? But if Sanskrit 
was at one time ordinarily spoken by Brahmans, the use of it would 
easily be propagated from one generation of learned men to another. 



WAS ORIGINALLY A VERNACULAR. 151 

Fourth : Manu mentions a I difference of speech in ancient India 
among the Dasyus, or non-Arian tribes, some classes of them speaking 
the language of the Aryas, and others the language of the Mlechhas. 164 
The language of the Aryas to which he alludes must have been derived 
from Sanskrit, or old- Sanskrit itself: whether it was the one or the 
other must depend on the age in which we suppose this particular texi 
of Manu's Institutes to have been composed. This passage, at any 
rate, leaves the impression that, there was a broad distinction betweeA 
the Arian language anl tht> indigenous dialects with which it was 
contrasted ; and that the varieties, if any, recognized as existing in 
the former, were regarded as crpnparatively insignificant. 

Fifth : In some of the oldest Indian grammarians, such as Yaska 
and Panini, we find the obsolete language of the Yedas distinguished 
from the ordinary Sanskrit of the day. The former is alluded to or de- 
signated by the terms anvadhyayam (in the Veda), chhandas (metre), or 
ursha (the speech of the rishis), etc. ; while the contemporary Sanskrit 
is referred to as bhdshd (the spoken language). Thus Yaska, the 
ancient author of the Nirukta, in the introductory part of his work, I. 4, 
speaking of particles (nipdtdh\ says : teshdm ete chatvdrah upamdrthe 
bhavanti iti \ " iva" iti bhdshdyayi cha anvadhyayam cha " Agnir iva" 
" Indrah iva'' iti \ "na" iti \ pratishedhdrthiyo bhdshdydm ubhayam 
anvadhyayam \ " na Indram devam amamyatqj' iti pratishedhdrthzyah 
ityddi \ "Of them these four are particles of comparison. 'Iva' 
has this sense both in the common language (bhdshd} and in the Veda 
(anvadhyayam} : thus Agnir iva, Indra iva, 'like Agni,' 'like Indra.' 
' Na ' has in the bhdshd a negative sense. In the Veda, it has the 
sense both of a negative and also of a comparative particle. Thus 
in the text na Indram devam amamsata, ' they did not regard Indra 
as a god,' it has a negative sense," etc. 'Again, in the next section 
(I. 5), he sa'ys similarly: "niinam" iti vickjkitsdrthlyo bhdshdydm \ 
ubhayam anvadhyayam vichikitsdrthiyah padapuranas cha \ " The 
particle ' niinam ' is used in the bhdshd to signify uncertainty ; in 

164 Manu, x. 45. The verse is quoted and translated in Vol. I. of this work, p. 482 ; 
but I repeat it here for facility of reference. Mukha-bahuru-paj-janam yah loJcejatayo 
vahih | mlechchhavachas charya-vachah sarve te Dasyavah smritah \ "Those tribes 
which are outside of the classes produced from the mouth, arms, thighs, and feet [of 
Brahma, i.e. Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vais'yas, and S'udras], whether they speak the 
language of the Mlechhas or of the Aryas, are called Dasyus." 



152 SANSKKIT ANCIENTLY CALLED BHASHA. - 

the Veda, too, it has that signification 1 , and is also a mere expletive." 
Again, Yaska says, Nir. II. 2 : athdpi Ihdshikebhyo dhdtulhyo naigamdh 
krito bhdshyante " damundh " " kshetrasddhdh " iti \ athdpi naigamebhyo 
bhdshikdh "mhnam" "ghritam" iti \ athdpi prakritayah eva ekeshu 
bhdshyante vikritayah ekeshu \ "savatir" gati-karmd kambojeshv eva 
Ihdshyate \ vikdram asya dryeshu Ihdshante " savah" iti \ "ddtir" 
la/candrthe prdchyeshu ddtram ydlchyeshu \ "Again, there are Yedic 
\naigama) nouns (as damundh and kshetrasadhah} which are derived 
from roots found in the bhdshd; and also formations in the bhdshd, 
such as ushnam, ghritam, which come from Vedic roots. Further, the 
roots only are employed in the speeclvof some ; the derived forms [or 
nouns] in that of others. S'avati, as a verb for ' going,' is used in the 
language of the Kambojas only: its derivative, sava ('a corpse'), is 
in use in the language of the Aryas. The verb ddti is employed in 
the sense of ' cutting ' by the people of the East : while the noun 
ddtram ('a sickle') only is known to those of the North." Here it 
will be observed that pure Sanskrit words are referred to as being used 
in the speech not only 'of the Aryas, but also of the Kambojas, a 
people living to the north-west, who are distinguished from the Aryas. 
In the Sutras of Panini the Ved^c dialect is referred to as follows : 
1, 2, 36, vibhdshd chhandasi \> "in the chhandas (Veda) there is an 
option:" 1, 4, 20, ayasmayddlni chhandasi \ "In the chhandas we 
have the forms ayasmaya [instead of ayomaya~]" etc. ; and so in 
numerous other aphorisms. The word mantra is put for Veda in the 
fpUowing Sutras, 2, 4, 80; 6, 1, 151; 6, 1, 210; 6, 3, 131; 6, 4, 53; 

6, 4, 141. The word nigama is similarly used in 6, 3, 113 ; 6, 4, 9 ; 

7, 2, 64; 7, 4, 74: and the expressions rishau ('in a rishi'), and 
richi ('in a Vedic verse'), are employed in the same way, 4, 4, 96; 
6, 3,. 130; and 6, 3, 133. ' In contradistinction to the Vedic dialect, 
on the other hand, thp current Sanskrit is designated 'lay Panini as 
Ihdshd in the following Sutras, 3, 2, 108 : Ihdshdydm sadavasasruvah \ 
"in the current language the roots sad, vas, and sru, take kvasu;" 
6, 3, 20 : sthe chd bhdshtiydm \ " and in the case of stha in the current 
language." The same use of the word will be found in Sutras, 6, 1, 
181; 7, 2, 88; 8, 2, 98. 165 

165 Compare JVeber's Indische Literaturgeschichte, pp. 56, 139, and 167, with 
note 2, and Ind. Studien, iv. 76. Dr. F. Hall writes, pref. to his edition of the Vasava- 



AGE OF YASKA AND PANINI. 153 

Scholars are not agreed as to the periods when Yaska and Panini 
respectively lived, or even as to which of the two was the more ancient. 
Professor Mu'ller considers Yaska to have lived in the fifth century B.C. 
(" Chips," 1st ed., p. 74, published in 1867), 16 " and, as a passage in his 
History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 163, f. (published in 1859), 
is understood by Professor Goldstiicker (Panini, p. 221, published n 
1861), places him after Panini. Professor Lassen, in his Indian 
Antiquities (vol. i., first edition, p. 739, and pp. 864 and 866 of 
the second edition; and vol. i!., p. 476), thinks that as Yaska shbws* 
himself unacquainted- with the highly artificial terminology of Panini, 
and was named by him, he nyust be older, and that the difference of 
their grammatical methods is so great that an interval of fifty years 
will scarcely suffice to explain it. Professor Goldstiicker (Panini, 
p. 221) agrees with Lassen that Panini is more recent than Yaska, but 
regards the former as having, in all probability, lived before Buddha 
(Panini, p. 227), whose death he seems to concur with Lassen in 
placing in 543 B.C. Lassen, however, does not agree with Goldstiicker 

datta, p. 24, note: " The word bhasha. signifies 'classical Sanskrit,' as contrasted 
either with the archaism of the Veda, or with the various Prakrits." The following 
account of this bhasha by Professor Weber is in consonance with the views which 
have already been quoted from him (ab'one p. 129, ff.). "After the immigration into 
India of the several Indo-aryan tribes, a greater unity had in course of time been 
restored in their different dialects by their association and intermixture in their 
new abodes and their aggregation into larger communities, while on the other 
hand, the grammatical study which was gradually becoming necessary for the 
explanation of the ancient texts, and was growing up in connexion therewith, had 
the effect of fixing the linguistic usage (usus loquendi), so that a generally recog- 
nized language known as the bhasha had arisen, in which the Brahmauas 'and 
Sutras are composed." Ind. Lit. p. 167. 

On the subject of this same term I quote some remarks of Professor Roth from 
his review of Weber's History of Ind. Lit. in the Journal of the German Oriental 
Society for 1853, p. 605 : " Contradistinguished from these Prakrit dialects, stands 
the proper an$ therefore originally nameless speech, bhasha, the later name of which, 
Sanskrita, we must regard as one formed with Veferexce to the Prakrita, and answer- 
ing to it. Too much meaning therefore appears to be introduced into the word, 
when it is explained as the cultivated language, as Weber also does. The use of 
the word elsewhere does not justify the esplanation, which at the same time aims at 
an incorrect contrast. I believe that we shall come nearer to the truth if we merely 
assign to this somewhat arbitrarily chosen collection of roots which are also con- 
tained in Prakrit the value (signification ?) of the already existing speech, to which 
another form of speech is referred." 

166 In the same Essay, printed under the title of the " Last Results of the Sanskrit 
Researches," in Bunseu's Outline of the Phil, of Un. Hist. i. 137 (published in 
1854), Prof. Miiller had placed Yaska in the fourth century B.C. 

VOL. II. 11 



154 TEXTS FROM THE MAHABHASHYA AND THE 

in regarding Panini as anterior to Buddha (Ind. Ant., vol. i., second 
edition, p. 864). Professor "Weber also (Ind. Stud. v. 136, ff.) rejects 
the opinion that Panini was prior to Buddha. 167 If we accept the vi3w 
of Bohtlingk and Lassen that Panini flourished about 330 years B.C. 
(Lassen, vol. i., second edition, p. 864), and that Yaska was more than 
fifty years earlier, the latter may be placed about 400 B.C. If, further, 
we adopt the opinion expressed by Prof. Benfey (see last section, pp. 1 38, 
14.3) that Sanskrit had ceased to be vernacular in the time of Buddha, 
I.e. in the sixth century B.C., the colloquial, use rof that language must 
have died out some centuries before the, age of .Yaska ; and a some- 
what longer period before the time of _ Panini. In this case, these 
authors could not employ the word bhdshd, when referred to Sanskrit, 
in the sense of a universally spoken contemporaneous language; for 
the language then actually in general use must have been a species of 
Pali or some of the earlier forms of Prakrit. But still the spoken 
language of that day had not departed so far from the Sanskrit but 
that its close relation to the latter as its parent, or rather as its 
standard, would be evident to every scholar ; and thus Sanskrit would 
still be called the bhdshd, or language par excellence. We have conse- 
quently, in the continued use of this word, an argument of considerable 
force to show that the Sanskrit had at one time been a spoken tongue. 

Again, in the Mahabhashya (pp. 22 and 63 of Dr. Ballantyne's 
edition) we find the following passage : 

Shuydmso 'pasabddh alplydmsah sabddh \ ekaikasya hi Sabdasya 
bahavo 'pabhram&dh \ tad yatha' " gaur" ity asya sabdasya " gdvl" 
"goni" " gotd" " gopotalika" ity-evam-adayo bahavo 'pabhramsdh \ 

"Incorrect words are the most numerous, and [correct] words are 
the fewest ; for of each word there are many corruptions (apabhramsdJi). 
Thus tb,ere are numerous corruptions of the word goh (cow) ; such as the 
following, viz., gdvl, gonl, r gotd f .gopotalikd, etc." This reference to in- 
correct forms, such as those of the word go, which seem to be Prakrit, 168 
indicates that Sanskrit, even if not still spoken by a considerable class 
of persons, was at least regarded as the standard of all spoken lan- 
guage; and that all deviations from it were looked upon as mere 

167 Compare the same writer's remarks on this question in his review of Mr. 
D' Alwis's Kachchayana in the Journal of the Germ, Or. Society, xix. 653. 

168 In the Mrichhakati, pp. 98, 99, the word gona occurs in the sense of oxen. 



NIRUKTA PARIS'ISHTA ON THE LANGUAGE OF INDIA. 155 

vulgarisms : for there would have been no ground for such a mode of 
comparison between words which were regarded as belonging to differ- 
ent languages; nor would the Prakrit synonyms of go have been 
wrong because of their variety of form. 

Sixth: In the 164th hymn of the 1st book of the JRigveda, the 
following verse (the 45th) occurs : Chatvdri vdk parimitd padtini tdpi 
vidur brdhmandh ye manlshinah \ guhd trlni nihtid nengayanti turlyam 
vdcho manushydh vadaMi\ "There are four measured grades of lan- 
guage t with these iatelligen? Brahmans are acquainted. Tnree' 
hidden in secret indicate nothing. The fourth grade of speech is 
uttered by men." I quote pa^rt of the comment on this verse, which 
is given in the Parisishta, or Supplement to the Nirukta, i. 9 : 

Katamdni tdni chatvdri paddni \ "omkdro vydhritayas cha" ity drsham \ 
" ndmdKhydte cha upasarga-nipdtdi cha" iti vaiydkarandh \ " mantrah 
kalpo Irdhmanam chaturthl vydvakdrikl" iti ydjnikdh \ " richo yaj- 
umshi sdmdni chaturthl vydvaharikl " iti nairuktdh \ " sarpdndm, <odg 
vayastim hhudrasya sarlsripasya chaturthl vydvahdriki" ity eke \ "pa- 
sushu tunaveshu mrigeshu dtmani cha " ity Cttmapravdddh \ athdpi Irdh- 
manam lhavati " sd vai vdk srishtd chaturdhd vyalhavad \ eshv eva 
lokeshu trlni pasushu turlyam \ yd prithivydm sd Agnau sd rathantare \ 
yd antarikshe sd Vdyau sd vdmacEeviie \ yd divi sd dditye sd brihati sd 
stanayitndv atha pasushu \ tato yd vdg atyarichyata turn brdhmaneshv 
adadhuh \ fasmdd Irdhmandh ubhaylm vadanti yd cha devdndm yd cha 
manushydndm " iti \ 

""WTiat are these four grades? The explanation of the rishis is, 
that 'they are the four mystic words, om, bhuh, Ihuvah, and svar.' 
The grammarians 169 say 'they are the four kinds of words, nouns, 
verbs, prepositions, and particles.' The ceremonialists declare them 
to be ' (1st) the mantras; (2nd) the kalpas (liturgical precepts),; (3rd) 
the brahmanas; and (4th) the current language.' 170 The commentators 
(nairuktah) explain them as being '(1st) the rich; (2nd) the yajush; 
(3rd) the saman texts; and (4th) the current language.' Others think 
they denote the speech '(1st) of serpents; (2nd) of birds; (Srtl) of 

169 See the Mahabhashya, pp. 28, 29. 

170 See SSyana's commentary on R.V. i. 164, 45. He there defines thus the 
words vyavaharikl vak: Bhoga-vishaya "gam anaya" ityadi-rupa vyavahariki \ 
" The common language is that which refers to objects of enjoynent, such as gam 
anaya, ' bring the cow.' " These words are of course Sanskrit. 



156 REMARKS ON THE TEXT FROM THE PARIS'ISHTA. 

small reptiles; and (4th) the current language.' The philosophical 
school explains the four grades as having reference to ' cattle, musical 
instruments, wild animals, and soul.' On this point we have also the 
following text in a Brahmana: 'Speech, when created, became divided 
into four parts, of which three abide in these three worlds (earth, the 
atmosphere, and the sky), and the fourth among the beasts. Terrestrial 
speech abides in fire and in the Rathantara texts ; atmospheric speech 
abides in the wind, and in the Vamadevya prayers ; celestial speech 
abides in the sun, in the Brihat metre, an,! in,. thunder. The [fourth 
portion of speech was] in the beasts. The speech which was most 
excellent m was placed in the Brahmans : hence the Brahmans speak 
' two sorts of language ; both that of gods and that of men.' " 

The Parisishta appended to the Nirukta is more modern than 
the time of Yaska, though it is regarded as a part of his work by 
Burga, the commentator, who refers to the Nirukta as consisting of 
14 parts. (See his comment on Nir. L, 20, which is quoted below, 
pp. 166, ff.) But though itself subsequent in date to the Nirukta, 
the preceding passage refers to the opinions of various ancient writers, 
and may, therefore, be held to carry us back to a remoter period. 
Three of the ancient schools which are quoted assert the current 
language (vyavahuriki vak) to b,e the fourth kind of speech alluded 
to in the Vedic text as being spoken by men. By this we are perhaps 
to understand old Sanskrit. It is true that in the Brahmana which 
the author of the Parisishta cites a remark is made (connected with 
what precedes) that the Brahmans speak two languages, that of the 
gods and that of men ; and this might seem to prove that, as in later 
times (see above, p. 47), a distinction was drawn, at the time when 
the Brahmana was composed, between Sanskrit, the language of the 
gods, and Prakrit, the language of men. But the reference may be to 
the Vedic and the ordinary Sanskrit ; or to cultivated and rustic speech, 
or perhaps to some piece of mysticism. 172 And, in any case, as we 
are ignorant of the date of the Brahmana from which the citation is 

"i Benfey, Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1861, p. 134, would render "was the first." 
172 In the Gopatha Brahmana, i. 1, 1, and in the S'atap. Br. xiv. 6, 11, 2, it is 
said, paroksha-priydh iva hi devah pratyaksha-dvishah, " for the gods love, as it 
were, what is mysterious, and hate what is manifest." The first part of this formula 
is of frequent occurrence in the Brahmanas. The commentator on the Taitt. Br. i. 
5, 9, 2, where it occurs, remarks, " Hence also in common life teachers avoid such 
names as Devadatta, and like to be honoured by such appellations as ' upadhyaya, ' 



QUOTATIONS FROM THE RAMAYAXA. 157 

made, no conclusion can be drawn from the passage adverse to the 
vernacular use of Sanskrit in the Vedic age. 

Seventh : In the Ramayana several passages occur in which the 
colloquial use of Sanskrit is mentioned. These are the following 173 : 

Hanuman, the monkey general, is represented as having found his 
way into the palace of Havana, the Rakshasa king, and as reflecting 
how he is to address Sita, who is there confined. He says (Sundara 
Kanda, xxx. 17, Bombay edition) : aham hy atitanus chaiva vdnaras cJia 
viseshatah \ vdcham choddharishydmi mdnushlm iha samskritdm m | 1*8 \ ' 
yadi vdcham praddsydmi dvijdjir iva samskritdm \ Rdvanam manyamdnd 
mdm Slid bhltd bhavishyati [,19 | avasyam eva vahtavyam mdnusham 
vdkyam arthavat \ mayd sdntvayitum sakyd ndnyatheyam aninditd \ 
"For I am very small, and above all a monkey; I shall now utter 
polished (samskritdm] human speech. If I utter polished speech like 
a Brahman, Sita will think I am Havana, and will be frightened. I 
must certainly speak human and significant language; for thus pnly 
can I comfort the blameless lady." 

The reading in Gorresio's edition of the Sundara Kanda, xxix. 16, is 
somewhat different from the above, and is as follows : anendsvdsayish- 
ydmi sokendpahitendriydm \ aham t Tiy aviditas chaiva vdnaras cha visesha- 
tah | 17 | yadi vdcham vadishydmi dvijdtir iva samskritdm \ seyam 
dlakshya rupam cha Jdnakl bhdshitam cha me \ Rdvanam manyamdnct 
mdm punas trdsam gamishyati \ tato jdta-paritrdsd sabdam kurydd 

'Mis'ra,' and so forth," (atah eva lake 'pi J>evadattadi-nama parity ajya, acharyah 
upadhyayah misrah ityadi-namabhih plijyah paritushyanti) . It is well known that, 
according to Indian custom, Pandits are not named by their pupils, but are referred 
to as my Guru, etc. 

In the Iliad, ii., 813, f., mention is made of an eminence called by men Batieia, 
and by the gods the tomb of Myrine ; on which Faesi remarks in his note 
that the former was the common, the latter ths older, but more distinctive and 
significant nape. (Comp. Iliad i. 403; xiv. 291 ; xx. 74.) On Iliad ii. 8*13, Prof. 
Blackie remarks (Homer, vol. iv. 114), "With regard to the double namethe 
human and the divine by which this place was known, I have little doubt that 
Lobeck (Aglao. p. 858), Nitzsch {Od. x. 305), and Gb'ttling (Hes. intro. xxx.) are 
right in saying that by the language of men in such cases is understood the popular 
or vulgar name ; by the language of the gods, the sacerdotal, oracular, or poetical 
designation." 

17J For the references to most of the texts here quoted I am indebted to Weber, 
Zeitschr. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellschaft, for 1854, p. 851, note. 

174 These words are thus explained by the commentator : mymtsKim manmhya- 
s' arlra-sadhyam \ " samskritam" vyakarana-samskaravatlm \ 



158 TEXTS FROM THE RAMAYANA 

manasvirii \ "I shall console her, whose senses are overwhelmed 
with this grief. But I am both unknown, and above all a monkey. 
If I Were to speak in polished language, like a twice-born man, 
Janaki (Sita), perceiving my appearance, and [hearing] my words, 
would think 'that I was Ravana, and would again become terrified ; 
and would scream in consequence of her fright." Considering that 
this would lead to a discovery, he concludes as follows (verses 33 and 
3 of the same section) : Rdmam aklishtakarmaham nimittair anuklrtn- 
aycm | tasmud vakshyamy aham vdkyato manufhyah iva samskritam \ 
naindm udvejayishydmi tad-luddhi-gata-wdnasum-\ "Announcing by 
signs the undaunted Rama, I shall address to her such polished lan- 
guage as a man would. [Thus] I shall not occasion her any alarm, 
as her mind will be fixed on the thoughts of her husband." 

As the reason assigned in these passages for not addressing Sita in 
Sanskrit such as a Brahman would use, is not that she would not 
understand it, but that it would alarm her, and be unsuitable to the 
speaker, we may take them as indicating that Sanskrit, if not spoken 
by women of the upper classes at the time when the Ramayana was 
written (whenever that may have been 173 ), was at least understood by 
them, 176 and was commonly spoken by men of the priestly class, and 
other educated persons. By the Sanskrit proper to an [ordinary] man, 
alfuded to in the second passage, may perhaps be understood not a 
language in which words different from those of Brahmanical Sanskrit 
were used, but the employment of diction correct, but neither formal 
and elaborate, nor familiar and 'vulgar. It would be comparatively 
easy, even for persons who could not speak correct Sanskrit, to under- 
stand it when spoken, at the early period here in question, when the 
contemporary vernacular, if different from Sanskrit, deviated from it so 
very much less than the modern Indian vernaculars do. 

175 Lassen, Ind. Alt., vol. i.,pp. 4$4, ff., does not determine its date. 

176 In the MrichhakatI, however, written probably at a later period (see above, 
p. 12, note 4), a woman's pronunciation, when -reading or repeating Sanskrit is 
spoken of as something laughable (p. 44, Gtenzler's ed.) : mama dava duvehim jjeva 
hassam jaadi ittliiae sakkadam padhantie manussena a kaalim gaantena \ itthia dava 
sakkadam padhantl dinnanavanassa via gitthi adhiam susuaadi, which is thus trans- 
lated by Professor Wilson (Theatre of the Hindus, i. 60) : "Now, tome, there are 
two things at which I cannot choose but laugh, a woman reading Sanskrit, and a 
man einging a song ; the woman snuffles like a young cow, when the rope is first 
passed through her nostrils." 



ON THE EMPLOYMENT OF SANSKRIT. 159 

Again, an expression occurs in the Aranya Kanda, xi. 56, from 
which it seems as if the use of Sanskrit was a characteristic of Brah- 
mans; and no doubt they were the persons who chiefly, spoke it 
(Bombay edition): dhdrayan brdhmanam rupam Ilvalah samskritam 
vadan \ dmantrayati viprdn sa srdddham uddisya, nirghrinah \ m " As- 
suming the form of a Brahman, and speaking Sanskrit, the ruthless 
Rakshasa Ilvala invited the Brahmans to a funeral ceremony/' 

In the Sundara Kanda, Ixxxii. 3 (Gorresio's edition), the discourse 
of Prahasta, one of the Rakstiasas, is characterized as samskritam, fietu- 
sampannam arthavach cha ' I " polished (samskritam}, supported by 
reasons, and judicious in its purport;" and in the Yuddha Kanda, 
(civ. 2) the god Brahma is said to have addressed to Rama a discourse 
which was samskritam madhuram slakshnam arthavad dharma-samhitam] 
" polished, sweet, gentle, profitable, and consonant with virtue." 
But in neither of these two passages does there appear to be any 
reference to the special meaning of the word samskrita. 

In the subjoined lines(Sundara Kanda, xviii. 1 8, f.), the word samskara 
is employed, if not in a technical signification, corresponding to that of 
samskrita, at all events in a manner which enables us (as Weber observes) 
to perceive how that technical sense of the word arose : duhkhena lubudhe 
chaindm Hanuman Marutdtmajah \ samskdrena yathd hlndm vdclia/m ar- 
thdntaram gatdm 178 | tishthanttm analankdrdm dlpyamdndm sva-tejdsd \ 
"Hanuman, Son of the Wind, recognized" Sita with difficulty, stand- 
ing, as she was, unadorned, radiant only with her own brilliancy : 
just as a word is not readily understood, when its sense is changed 
by the want of its correct grammatical form." 

177 The commentator explains the first line thus: "brahmana-rupaih" brahmana- 
sadrisa-veshaih \ " samskritam vadan " brahmana-vad iti seshah \ 

178 The reading of this line is identical in the Bombay edition, xv. 39 ; and the 
commentator there has the following note : Snananulepanadir anga-sumskarah \ 
vacho vyakarana-jnanadi-jah samskarah \ ckvyafi jirthantara-gatatvam desantara- 

gatatvam \ vachastuvivakshitarthadanyartha-bodhakhatvam \ vacho' rthoyatha vya- 
karanady-ubhyasa-duhkhena vyutpattim sampadya budhyate tad-vat Si tarn kashtena 
bubudhe \ " Bathing, anointing, etc., are the decoration (samskara) of the body. 
The decoration (or correctness, samskara) of speech is derived from a knowledge 
of grammar, etc. The phrase arthantaragatatva, when applied to Sita, signifies 
her having gone to a foreign country ; but when applied to speech, it signifies the 
denoting of another meaning than the one intended. As the sense of speech is 
understood after proficiency has been attained with difficulty by the study of grammar, 
so he (Hanuman) recognized Sita by hard effort." Professor Aufrecht has furnished 



160 PRONUNCIATION OF WORDS IN THE VEDA. . 

Eighth : From the researches of Professors Kuhn 179 and Benfey 18 
it appears that many words, which in modern Sanskrit are only of 
one, two, or three, etc., syllables, have, in the Veda, to be read as 
of two, three, or four, etc., syllables, i.e., as of one syllable longer, 
in order to make up -the full length of the lines required by the metre 
employed by the Yedic poets. Thus tvam has to be read as tuam ; 
vy'ushtau-as viushtau; turyam as turiyam; martyuya as mar 'tidy a ; 
varenyam as vareniam ; amutyam as amutiam ; svadhvaram as suadhva- 
ram,: and svastilhih as suastilJiih. NOTZ' as this 'mode of lengthening 
words is common in Prakrit, it would appear that the Prakrit pro- 
nunciation agrees in this respect with that of the old Sanskrit in 
'contradistinction to the more recent. Bui as the Prakrit pronunciation 
must have been borrowed from a previously existing popular pro- 
nunciation, which was at the same time that employed by the Vedic 
poets, we find here another reason for concluding that the old spoken 
language of India and the Sanskrit of the Yedas were at one time 
identical. 181 

me with the following text on the' subject of Sanskrit being at one time spoken. He 
informs me : " The Sarasvatlkanthabharana speaks, in the beginning of the second 
chapter, of the use of the vulgar tongue in poetry, and says in t'loka 16 : Ice 'bhuvann 
adya-rajasya rajye prakrita-bhashinah \ kqle' srl-Sahasankasya ke na samskrita- 
viidinah \ According to the author, Sanskrit was universally spoken in the time of 
Sahasanka, whom we know as the founder of an era. This is an individual view, but 
it is curious as coming from a Hi'ndui who lived, say, 1,050 years after Christ." The 
sense of the verse quoted by Professor Aufrecht is as follows : " During the reign of 
the first king, who spoke Prakrit ? In the time of Sahasanka (Vikramaditya), who 
did not speak Sanskrit ? " 

179 'Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, iii. 80. 

180 Sama-veda, Introduction, p. liii., ff. See also the articles of Dr. Bollensen in 
Orient und Occident, ii. 457, if., and in the Zeitsch. der Deut. Morg. Gesellschaft, 
xxii. 569, ff., and Prof. Miiller's translation of the R.V., vol. i., pref. pp. Ixxviii, if. 

181 I quote some remarks of Benfey, Sama-veda, Introd. p. liii. : " The necessity 
for frequently changing the liquids y and v into the correspondent vowels i and u, had 
been remarked by the Indian wrijters oil prosody, who teach that, wherever the metre 
requires it, iy and uv should be read instead of y and v. In many words the former 
mode of writing appears to have prevailed ; as is rendered probable by the differences 
of reading between the Sama-veda and the r -Rig-veda, the former, for instance, read- 
ing tuyriya, subhuvah, sttdruvam, where the latter reads tugrya, subhvah, sudrvam ; 
and the latter, on the contrary, reading samudriya, where the former reads samudrya. 

. . . . But the necessity of making the change in order to obtain a reading 
conformable to the metre, is of such ordinary occurrence that we are soon led to 
conclude that, at the time when the Vedas were composed, the liquids (y and t>), 
which appear in the Sanhitas as we now have them, had not yet, for the most part, 



VARIOUS STAGES OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 161 

SECT. X. Various stages of Sanskrit literature, and the different forms 
in which they exhibit the Sanskrit language : the later Vedi9 com- 
mentators : earlier expounders : the Nirukta : the Brahmanas : the 
Vedic hymns : imperfect comprehension of them in later times from 
changes in the language : the hymns composed in the vernacular idiom 
of their age. 182 

As I have shown in the preceding section that Sanskrit was once 

a spoken language, it must, in' that its earlier stage, have been exposed 

** '\ '* > 

to the mutations to which all spoken languages are subject from their 

very nature. Sanskrit must, in the course of ages, have become very 
different from what it origindlly was. 183 And, in fact, we find from, 
the records of Indian literature, that the Sanskrit, as it is brought 
before us in the different S'astras, has gone through different phases. 
The most modern is that in which we find it in the Itihasas, Puranas, 
and Smritis. The Itihasas and Puranas are undoubtedly not to be 
ranked with the oldest Sanskrit writings, for they all imply that there 

begun to be pronounced, but that, in their stead, the corresponding vowels f and M 
were employed." On the other hand, y and v must sometimes be read instead of 
iy and uv (p. Ivi.). The fifteen verses of the Purusha Sukta (cited in the first 
volume of this work, pp. 8, f.), which 'are composed in the Anushtup metre, will be 
generally found to have the proper number of feet, if not in other respects to scan 
correctly, if the preceding remarks be attended to. Thus in the first verse, line 
second, the words vritva and atyatishthat must btJ read apart, and not united by 
sandhi. Bhavyam (in the first line of the second verse) must be lengthened to 
bhaviyam ; vyakramat (second line, fourth verse) to viakramat ; sadhya (second line, 
seventh verse) to sadhiya; ujyam (first line,'* eighth verse, though not in second line, 
sixth verse) to ajiam ; gramyascha (second line, eighth verse) to gramiaseha ; 
vyadadhuh and vyakalpayan (first line, eleventh verse) to viadadhuh and viakalpayan; 
and rajanyah (first line, twelfth verse) to rajaniah. 

182 In revising this section (composed originally in 1858) for the press, I have had 
the assistance of Professor Miiller's work on Ancient Sanskrit Literature, which 
has enabled me to make a few additions, and to modify some of my previous state- 
ments. [Note to first edition.] 

183 I fear that the text of Patanjali (Mababhashya, p. 104) may be cited against 
me here : nityas cha sabdah \ nityeshu cha sabdeShu kutasthair avichalibhir varnair 
bhavitavyam anapayopqjana-vikaribhih \ > " Words are eternal ; and in the case of 
eternal words we must have immutable and immovable letters, free from diminution, 
or increase, or alteration." But the words which Bhaskara Acharyya applied to 
astronomy are equally applicable to grammar : atra ganita-skandhe upapattiman 
eva agamah pramanam \ " In this astronomical department scripture is authori- 
tative only when it is supported by demonstration." This is true, also, of all other 
matters, which, like Grammar, come within the sphere of science. 



162 ULTIMATE FIXATION OF SANSKRIT. 

were many older records of Hindu antiquity existing when they 
were compiled, and often quote various ancient verses. 1M The 
Mahabkarata frequently introduces old legends with the following 
formula, which, however, may often mean nothing : atrdpy udd- 
harantlmam *itihasam puratanam \ " Here they adduce this ancient 
narrative." (See vol. i., p. 127.) In all these different classes 
of works, which, in their present form, are comparatively recent 
parts of Indian literature, the Sanskrit language is substantially 

, the same. At the time when even' Jhe pTdest of these works 
were reduced into their present form, r ' we must suppose that the 
Sanskrit had nearly ceased to be a Spoken tongue, and had become 

gradually stereotyped as a polished and learned language, by the 
precepts of those grammarians who preceded Panini, as well as of that 
sch6lar himself and his successors. 1 " 5 As the language which had thus 
been polished, improved, and fixed by precise grammatical rules, ceased 
to be popularly spoken, it was preserved from any future changes. In 
this way the Sanskrit language has remained almost unaltered for 
more than two thousand years, till it has acquired the appearance of 
immutability; while its antiquity, and the perfection of form which 
it eventually acquired, and has so long retained, have caused it to be 
regarded as of divine origin; just as every science which has descended 

1 

fr6m a remote age, or even from a period comparatively recent, is 

1M That they are not all of one age is held by an enlightened Indian Pandit, 
Kvara Chandra Vidyasagar, in the Bengali preface to his Rijupatha, or Sanskrit 
selections, as follows : sokul puran opekhya Vishnupuraner rochona prachln bodh 
hoy | ycibofiyo puran Vedubyaspron>t boliya prosiddhi achhe \ kintu puran sokuler 
rucfiuna porospur etu bibhinn je ek byuktir ruchit buliya bodh hoy na \ Vishnupuran 
Bhagobut o Brohmobaiborttupuraner ekek oms path korile ei tin grunth ek lekhuriir 
mukhhoite vinirgut boliya protlti hooya dushTcor \ Vishnupuran probhritir sohit 
Muhabharuter ruchonar eto bibhinnuta je jini Vishnupuran kimba Bhagobot othuba 
Bruhmobaiborttopuran roclwna kuriyachhen tamhar rochit bodh hoy na \ 

" The composition of the Vishnu-purana appears to have preceded that of all the 
other Puranas. It is comment/ said that all the Puranas were composed by Veda- 
vyasa. But the style of the different Puranas is so various that they cannot be con- 
ceived to be the work of one person. After reading a portion of the Vishnu-purana, 
another of the Bhagavata, and a third of the Brahma vaivartta-purana, it is difficult 
to believe them all to have proceeded from one pen. ... So, too, there is such 
a discrepancy between the style of the Mahabharata and that of the Vishnu-purana, 
and the other works mentioned above, that it cannot be imagined to be the com- 
position of the same person by whom they were written. 

185 See, however,,the distinction made by Lassen between the Epic poems (Itihasas) 
and the Puranas, in the passage cited above, p. 133, note. 



EARLY MUTATIONS OF SANSKRIT. 163 

regarded by the people of India as supernatural. 18 * 5 Prior to this era, 
however, and as long as it had continued to be commonly spoken by the 
lower or upper classes, the Sanskrit had been liable to constant fluctua- 
tions in the forms of its inflections. Accordingly, in the works which are 
more ancient than the Smritis and Itihasas, we find various differences 
of grammatical form, and a style altogether more antique. This is 
to some extent the case in the Brahmanas and Upanishads, "where 'we 
encounter a simplicity of syntax and a tautology of style, together 
with many particles, 'ajid s < jme*modes of construction and forms, w,hich 
are foreign to the later works. 187 The Brahmauas, however, are only 
to be regarded as a middle stage between the Yedic hymns (mantras) 
and the more modern Sanskrit. It is to the hymns of the Bigveda'j 
most of which are separated by an interval of several centuries, even 
from the Brahmanas, that we must resort if we would discover 1 how 
wide are the differences between the Sanskrit in its oldest known 
form and its most modern shape. In these -hymns we find various 
forms of inflection and conjugation which are not to be traced in more 
modern writings, and numerous words which either disappear alto- 
gether in later authors, or are used by them in a different sense. 
These hymns are, in fact, by far the oldest parts of Indian literature. 
That this is the case, is proved- by the whole nature and contents of 
the other portions of that literature which is connected with those 
hymns. The hymns are the essential part 1 of the Veda; all the other 
writings which bear the name of Veda are dependent on the hymns, 
and subservient to their explanation or liturgical use. In the com- 
mentary called the Vedartha-prakasa, on the Taittirlya Sanhita, >p. 9, 
it is said : Yadyapi Mantra-lrdhmandtmako Vedas tathdpi Brdhmanasya 
mantra-vydkhydna-rupatvdd mantrdh eva adau samdmndtdh \ "Al- 

186 The philosophers Ramanuja and Madhv&charyya are called incarnations of 
S'esha and Vayu ("Wilson's Hindu Sects, pp. 24 and 87), and S'ankara Acharya is 
celebrated in the Vrihad Dharma-purana as an incarnation of Vishnu. Colebrooke's 
Essays, i. 103, 104. 

187 Thus, e.g. any one who is familiar with modern Sanskrit will recognize in the 
passage cited from the Kaushitaki-brahmaua in the first volume of this work (p. 328), 
a dissimilarity of style. The separation of the particle abhi from the verb abhavat, 
in the phrase abhi Saudasan abhavat \ " He became superior to the Saudasas," is a 
remnant of the Vedic usage. In modern Sanskrit the preposition would not be thus 
severed from the verb. In the S'atapatha Brahmana, xi. 5, 1, 10, and 12, the 
following ancient forms occur, tat for tasmat, "from that,", vrinasai, "Do thou 
choose," or " thou shalt choose." 



164 AGES OF VEDIC LITERATURE. 

though the Veda consists of Mantra and Brahmana, yet, as the Brah- 
manas have the character of explanations of the Mantras, [it follows 
that] the latter were the first recorded." And in a verse referred to 
by S'ankara Acharya in his commentary on the Brihad Aranyaka 
TJpanishad (Bib. Ind. ii. 855, ff.) it is said : Brahmana-prabhavdh 
mantrdh \ " The mantras are the sources of the Brahmanas." This 
ma~y be made clearer by beginning with the most recent parts of the 
literature connected with the Vedas, and going gradually back to the 
pldept parts. * ; , 

. First: Two of the most recent commentators on the Vedas are 
Sayana Acharya, who lived in the fourteenth century A.D., 188 and wrote 
it detailed commentary called Vedarthaprakasa, on the whole of the 
Bigveda ; and Mahidhara, who compiled a commentary entitled 
Veda'dipa on the Vajasaneyi Sanhita of the Tajur-veda. 

Second : In such works as these we find reference made to earlier 
writers on the Vedas, such as S'aunaka, the author of the Brihaddevata, 
Yaska, the author of the Mrukta, and many others, with quotations 
from their works. 

Professor Miiller 189 divides the Vedic literature, properly so called, 
into four periods, which, in the inverse order of their antiquity, are 
the Sutra period, the Brahmana ( period, the Mantra period, and the 
Chliandas period. The Chhandas period, during which the oldest 
hymns preserved in the Bi'gveda collection were written, he supposes 
to have lasted from 1200 to 1000 B.C. Then followed the Mantra 
period, from 1000 to 800 B.C., in the course of which the more recent 
of the Vedic hymns were composed, and the whole were gathered 
together into one Sanhita (or collection). Next in order was the 
Brahmana period, from 800 to 600 B.C., during which the chief 
theological and liturgical tracts bearing this title were composed and 
collected. 190 And, lastly, we have the Sutra period, extending from 600 

IBS Professor Wilson's Kigveda Sanhita, Vol. I. Introduc. p. xlviii. Miiller, 
" Chips," (1st ed.) p. 24. Eoth, Tntrod. toNirukta, p. liii. refers Mahidhara (if not 
Sayana also) to the sixteenth century. 

189 See his " History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature," pp. 70, 244, 249, 313, 445, 
497, 572. 

190 Professor Haug thinks all these works are older. In the Introduction to his 
Aitareya Brahmana, vol. i. p. 47, he writes : " We do not hesitate therefore to 
assign the composition of the bulk of the Brahmanas to the years 1400-1200 B.C. ; 



JASKA ON THE RISHIS AND LATER TEACHERS. 165 

to 200 B.C., in which the ceremonial precepts of the earlier tradition 
were reduced (by men who, however, were no longer, like their pre- 
decessors, regarded as inspired) into a more tangible, precise, and 
B3 r stematic form than they had previously possessed. The works of 
this period were not all composed in the concise form of Sutras, but 
some were in verse and others in prose. 

Among the latter is the work of Taska, who (as we have seen, 
p. 153) is supposedly Professor Mtiller (" Chips," p. 74) to have 
lived in the fifth century *.c. J Yaska found an earlier work entitled, 
the Nighantus, made, up of classified lists of Vedic, and partly obso- 
lete, words, existing in his day ; to which he alludes in the following 
passage, at the very commencement of his work (i. 1) : samamnuyaJf 
samdmnatah \ sa vydkhdtavyah \ tarn imam samdmndyam " Nighanta- 
vah" ity dchakshate \ "A sacred record (samamnaya) has been com- 
piled, which is to be expounded. This is called the Nighantus." m 

And again (in i. 20) : sdkshdtTcrita-dharmdnah risJiayo labhilvuh \ 
te 'varelhyo 'sdkshdtkrita-dharmalhyah upadesena mantrdn samprdduh j 
upadesdya gldyanto 'vare lilmor-grahandya imam grantham sama- 
mndsishur vedam cha veddngdni cha \ [bilmam bhilmam bhdsanam itivd]. lai 

" The rishis had an intuitive insight into duty. They, by tuition^ 
handed down the mantras to subs-equent preceptors, who were destitute 
of this intuitive perception. These later teachers, declining in the 
power of communicating instruction, for ' facility of comprehension 
through the division of the subject-matter, arranged this book (the 
Nighantus), the Veda, and the Vodangas. \_Bilma means bhilma, 

for the Samhita we require a period of at least 500-600 years, with an interval 
of about 200 years between the end of the proper Brahmana period. Thus we 
obtain for the bulk of the Samhita the space from 1400-2000 ; the oldest hymns and 
sacrificial formulas may be a few hundred years more ancient still, so that we would 
fix the very commencement of Vedic Literature between 2400-2000 B.C." See the 
first volume of this work, 2nd ed., p. 2, if. > , 

191 On this the commentator Durgacharya annotates as follows : sa cha [sama- 
mnayah~\ rishibhir Mantrartha-parijnaiiaya iidaharanabhTitah panchadhyayl s astra- 
sangraha-bhavena ekasminn umnaye jrantfilkritah ity arthah. " The sense is, that 
' This sacred record which had been set forth by rishis as a specimen of the mode 
of explaining the sense of the mantras, has been formed into one collection in five 
chapters.' " 

192 " Das splitterweise Fassen," B. and R. 

193 The words in brackets are regarded by Prof. Roth as spurious (Illust. of 
Nirukta, p. 14, f.). I quote them, however, as they are commerited on by Durga. 



166 DURGA'S COMMENT ON THE PASSAGE 

division, or Ihdsana, illustration.]" This passage proves at once the 
priority of the Nighantus to the Mrukta, and also the still greater 
antiquity of the hymns which form the subject of explanation in 
both. 194 

The following are the remarks of Durgacharya, the commentator, 
on this passage (Nir. i. 20) : 

ISdJcshdfJcrito yair dharmah sdkshdd drishto prativisishtena tapasd ie 
ime " sdkshdtkrita-dharmdnah " | ke punas te iti \*uchyate \ " rishayah" 
yishanti amushmdt Jcarmanah evatn-aTthctfiatti , mantrena samyuktdd 
amund prakdrena evam-lakshana-phala-vipa^rinumo lhavati iti rishayah \ 
11 rishir darsandd" iti vakshyati \ tad etat Jcarmanah phala-vipari- 
ndma-darsanam aupackdrikyd vrittyd uktam " sdkshdtkrita-dharmdnah " 
iti | na hi dharmasya darsanam asti \ atyantdpurvo hi dharmah \ 
aha \ kim teshdm iti \ uchyate \ " te 'varelhyo ' sdkshdtkrita-dharma- 
bhyah upade&ena mantrdn samprdduh " | te ye sdkshdtkrita- 
dharmdnas te 'varebhyo 'vara-kdllnelhyah sakti-hlnelhyah srutar&hi- 
lihyah \ teshdm hi srutvd tatah paschad rishitvam upajdyate na 
yathd purveshdm sdkshdtJtritadharmdndm sravanam antard eva \ 
aha | kim telhyah iti \ te 'varelhyah " upadesena" sishyopddhydyikayd 
t'rittyd mantrdn aranthato 'rthatas cha "samprdduh" samprattavantah \ 
te 'pi cha upadesena eva jagrihuh\ atha te 'py " upademya gldyantah 
avare bilma-arahandya imam grantham samdmndsishur vedam cha vedun- 
gdni cha " iti \ " upadesdya " upadesdrtham \ Icatham ndma upadisya- 
mdnam ete saknuyur grihltum ity evam artham adhikritya gldyantah 
khidyamdndh teshv [?] aarihnatsu tad-anukampayd teshdm dyushah 

194 Professor Roth, in his Introduction to the Nirukta, p. xiii, remarks thus on this 
passage: "Here Yaska ascribes the compilation of the small collections of words 
and names which forms the basis of his explanation, in an undefined way to an 
ancient tradition, not indeed dating from, the earliest period, when faith and doctrine 
flourished without artificial aids, but from the generations next to that era, which 
strove by arrangement and writing tt> preserve the treasures which they had in- 
herited. He further puts the Naighantuka in one class with the Vedas and 
Vedangas. By the composition of the Vedas, which Yaska here places in the second 
period of Indian history, he cannot mean? the production of the hymns transmitted 
by the rishis, which were always esteemed in India as the essential part of the Vedas, 
and were regarded in the same light by Yaska in the passage before us. All, there- 
fore, that could be done by later generations was to arrange these hymns, and com- 
mit them to writing. We find here a recollection of a comparatively late reduction 
into writing of the mental productions of early ages, an event which has not yet 
attracted sufficient notice in its bearing upon the history of Indian literature." 



QUOTED FROM THE NIRUKTA. 167 

sankocham avekshya kdldnurupdm cha yrahana-saktim " lilmagrahandya 
imam grantham " gavddi-devapatny-antafh samdmndtavantah \ Jcim matam 
etena iti \ ucJiyate \ "vedam cha veddngdni cha" itardni iti \-katham 
punah samdmndsishur iti \ aha \ srinu \ vedam tdvad ekam santam ati- 
mahattvdd duradhyeyam aneka-Sdkhd-bhedena samdmndt>'ishuh sukha- 
grahandya vydsena samamnatavantah \ te ekavimsatidhd bdhvrichyam 
ekasatadhd ddhvaryavam sahasradhd sdmavedam navadhd dtharvanam \ 
veddngdny a/pi \ tad yathd \ vydkaranam ashtadhd niruktam chaturda- 
iadhd ityevam-ddi \ evam, samamrtfisishur bhedena grahandrtham \ Jcatham , 
ndma \ bhinndny etdni sdkhdnfardni laghuni sukham grihmyur ete sakti- 
hlndh alpdyusJio mamishydh ity evam-artham samdmndsishuh \ lilma-iab- 
dam Ihdshya-vdJcya-prasaktam nirlraviti \ yad etad bilmam ity uktam etad ' 
Ihilmam veddnfim bhedanam \ bhedo vydsah ity arthah \ " bhdsanam 
iti va" | athavd bhdsanam evam bilma-sabdena uchyate \ veddnga-vijndhena 
bhdsate pralcdsate veddrthah iti \ atah idam uktam bilmam iti \ evam 
bhider bhdsater vd bilma-sabdah \ evam idam rishibhyo niruktasdstram 
dydtam itardni cha angdni iti parisodhitah dgamah \ 

"They to whose minds duty was clearly present, i.e., by whom 
through eminent devotion it was intuitively seen, were the persons 
described by the term sdkshdt-krita-dharmdnas. Again, who were 
they? The rishis, 195 who are called, so because they flow (rishanti); 
because from a particular ceremony accompanied by a mantra of such 
and such import, in a certain way, such and such a reward results. 
And the author will afterwards declare that the word ' rishi ' comes 
from 'seeing' (darsandt}. Here 'those who have an intuitive per- 
ception of duty ' are spoken of in a metaphorical way, as ' seeing ' 
that a reward results from a ceremony ; for duty cannot be seen, being 
something entirely invisible. He proceeds. But what of these rishis ? 
He tells us : ' They handed down the mantras by oral tuition to sub- 
sequent men, who had not the same intuiti^ perception of duty,' i.e. 
those rishis who had an intuitive perception of duty handed down the 
mantras to subsequent men, i.e. to^those who were rishis by audition 
(srutarshis), of a later age, and destitute of power; 'rishis,' whose 

195 About the different kinds and races of rishis, see vol. i. of this work, p. 400, 
note, and Prof. Aufrecht's Catalogue, p. 41, col. 2 ; as well as the 3rd vol. of this 
work, passim ; see the index. 



168 DURGA'S COMMENT ON NIRUKTA, r. 20. 

rishihood arose from what they had heard from others, and not with- 
out hearing, as wets the case with those earlier rishis who had an 
intuitive perception of duty. He proceeds. "What did the earliest 
rishis do to these later ones ? They handed down the mantras hy 
tuition (viz., 'by the function of instructing their pupils) according 
to their text and meaning; 198 and the pupils received them through 
tuition. Then 'these later men, heing grieved, 197 with the view of afford- 
ing instruction, arranged this book and the Vetia, and the Vedangas, 
,in portions, for facility of comprehension/ SFor the purpose of in- 
struction :' 'grieved,' afflicted by the apprehension that their pupils 
would not comprehend what was taught them ; and when they did not 
'understand, being actuated by compassion towards them, and having 
regard to the greater shortness of their lives, and to the diminution 
in their power of comprehension, which was occasioned by the influ- 
ence of the times, they compiled this book [the Nighantu], begin- 
ning with l gau? and ending with ' devapatnyas,' in parts, for facility 
of comprehension by division of the subject-matter. He next tells us 
what is meant by this : the Vedas, and the other Vedangas. But how 
did they compile these works ? He tells us, listen : By separation, they 
arranged the Yeda (which being up to that period one, was difficult to 
study, from its extreme magnitude) ifc a number of different S'akhas, for 
the purpose of easier comprehension. The Bigveda was arranged in 21 
sakhas, the Yajush in lol, the Sama in 1,000, the Atharvana in 9 : 
and similarly the Vedangas ; grammar in 8 books, the Nirukta in 14, 
and so on, in order that they might be apprehended in a divided state ; 
i.e. 'that powerless and shortlived men might easily be able to under- 
stand these several S'akhas, when divided and of limited extent. He 
now explains the word 'lilma.' .... ilma = bhilma, means the 
division of the Vedas, and division stands for separate arrangement. 
Or it means Ihusanam, elucidation ; i.e. the sense of the Vedas becomes 
clear from a knowledge of the vedangas, or supplements to the Veda. 
Thus lilma is from the root Ikid, or the root bhus. In this way this 

196 So Miiller (Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 522) renders granthato arthatascha, denying 
to the word " grantha" the sense of written look. This rendering is approved by 
Prof. Goldstucker (Panini, p. 32), though he holds that "grautha" properly means a 
written book (ibid. p. 27). 

197 It will be seen that in p. 165, I have understood the word glayantah in the 
sense of " declining." 



NIGHANTUS AND NIRUKTA. 169 

Nirukta S'astra, and the other Vedangas have descended from the 
rishis. Thus the scripture has been elucidated." 

The Nighantus, the lists of words which form the subject of the 
preceding remarks, were prefixed by Yaska to his own work, the 
Xirukta, in which, by commenting on them, he endeavours to throw 
light on the obscurities of the Veda. 198 When this work of Yaska 
was written, and even at a much earlier period, it is evident 'that the 
sense of many of the Vedic words had been commonly forgotten. This 
appears from the very ff^ct of suc'h works as the Mghantus and Nirukta* 
being composed at aLL Eor what occasion was there for compiling vo- 
cabularies of Vedic words, if the sense of these words had continued all 

* 

along familiar to the students of the Vedas ? The necessity for works 

like his own is argued by Yaska in the following passage (Nir. i. 15) : 
Athupi idam antarena mantreshv artha-pratyayo na vidyate \ artham 
apratiyato ndtyantafh svara-samskaroddesah \ tad idam vidya-sthanarh 
vyukaranasya kdrtsnyam svdrtha-sadhakam cha \ 

"Now without this work the meaning of the hymns cannot be 
understood ; but he who does not comprehend their meaning cannot 
thoroughly know their accentuation and grammatical forms. There- 
fore, this department of science is the complement of grammar, and 
an instrument for gaining one's o\v*n object." 199 

The same thing is also clear from many passages in his work, in 
which he attempts to explain Vedic word^s by their etymologies 200 

198 "The Naighantuka," says Professor Roth (Introd. to Nirukta, p. lii.), "especially 
the second portion of it, was a collection of difficult and obsolete words, which formed 
a basis for instruction in the mode of expounding the Veda, such as was usu'ally 
given in the schools of the Brahmans. At that period no need was felt of con- 
tinuous commentaries ; and in fact learning had not then become separated into so 
many branches. A memorandum of the terras denoting the ideas of most frequent 
occurrence in the Veda, and of the principal passages which required elucidation ; a 
simple list of the gods and the objects of worship, such as we find in the Naighantuka, 
sufficed as a manual for oral instruction. At 'a lajtir era this manual became the 
subject of formal and written explanation. To this period belongs the Nirukta." 

199 This passage is translated by Roth, Nirukta, Erlauterungen, p. 11. And 
Siiyana says in the Introd. to his Commentary on the Rigveda, vol. i. p. 39, tasmad 
vedarthavabodhaya upai/ttktaiii niruktam] "Hence the Nirukta is serviceable for 
the understanding of the meaning of the Veda." 

200 See Roth's Erlauterungen to Nirukta, p. 219, ff. "Vedic interpretation could 
impose on itself no greater obstruction than to imagine that the Indian commentators 
were infallible, or that they had inherited traditions which were of any value. Even 
a superficial examination shows that their plan of interpretation is the very opposite 

VOL. II. 12 



170 YASKA AND HIS PREDECESSORS. 



(a process, often tentative, which would have heen unnecessary if 
their meanings had been perfectly known), or in which he cites the 
opinions of different classes of interpreters who had preceded him, 
and who had severally propounded different explanations. This 
further show's that in Yaska's time the signification of the hymns had 
formed the subject of investigation by learned men of different schools 
for many ages preceding. The following passage will illustrate this, 
3P well as afford some insight into the subjects and manner of dis- 
cussion at the period when he lived.' LSI th^ frirukta, i. 15, 16, he 
thus (in continuation of the passage las,t cited) .alludes to the opinion 
entertained by one of his predecessors, Kautsa, 201 regarding the value 

of traditional, that it is in reality a grammatical and etymological one, which only 
agrees with the former method in the erroneous system of explaining every verse, 
every line, every word by itself, without inquiring if the results so obtained har- 
monize with those derived from other quarters. If the fact that none of the com- 
mentators are in possession of anything more than a very simple set of conceptions 
regarding, e.g., the functions of a particular god, or even the entire contents of the 
hymns, which they are continually intruding into their interpretations, he regarded 
as a proof of their having inherited a tradition, it will at least he admitted that this 
poverty of ideas is not a thing which we have any reason to covet. In this set of 
conceptions are included those scholastic ideas which were introduced at an early 
period indeed, but not until the hymns had already become the subject of learned 
study, and the religious views and social, circumstances on which they are based 
had lost all living reality. . . . 'What is true of Sayana, or any of the other 
later commentators, applies essentially to Yaska also. He, too, is a learned inter- 
preter, who works with the m'aterials which his predecessors had collected, but he 
possesses an incalculable advantage, in point of time, over those compilers of detailed 
and continuous commentaries, and belongs to a quite different literary period ; viz., 
to that when Sanskrit was still undergoing a process of natural growth." Compare 
Be&fey's remarks on the Vedic scholiasts, in the Introduction to his Samaveda, 
pp. Ixv, f., where he observes : " How high soever may be the antiquity assigned 
to the oldest grammatical and hermeneutical treatises on the Yedas, a long period 
appears to have intervened between these and the composition of the greater 
portion of the hymns, during which very much that was peculiar to the Yedas was 
forgotten. Their interpretations rest essentially (as is shown not ^erely by the 
commentaries which have been alltfded to, but also by Yaska's Nirukta) on ety- 
mology, on conclusions drawn from the context, and the comparison of similar 
passages. The oldest attempts at interpretation seem to be contained in Brahmnnas, 
in collections of passages (nigama), in collections of words (nighantu) and in expla- 
nations (nirukta], of which last, two are mentioned by Sayana (R.V. vol. i. p. 45, 
lines 16 and 18), viz., one by S'akapuni and another by Sthaulashthlvi, in addition 
to that of Yaska." 

201 See Roth, Zur Litteratur und Geschichte des Weda, p. 21, f. where he writes : 
"The rationalistic Kautsa could regard the Yeda as devoid of meaning, and the 
Brahmanas as false interpretations." 



KAUTSA DECLARES THE NIRUKTA USELESS. 171 


of the Vedic interpretation : 

" Yadi mantrdrtJia-pratyaydya anarthakam bhavati" iti Kautsah \ 
"anarthakdh hi mantrdh \ tad etena upekshitavyam \ niyata-vdcho yulctayo 
niyatanupurvyah bhavanti \ athdpi brdhmanena rupa-sampanndh vidhl- 
yante \ ' uru prathasva ' iti prathayati \ ( prohdni ' iti prohati \ athdpi 
anupapanndrthdh bhavanti \ ' oshadhe trdyasva enam ' | ' svadhite ml 
enam himslr' [Taitt. S., i. 2, 1] ity aha himsan \ athdpi pratishid- 
dhdrthdh bhavanti \ 'ekah eva Rudro'vatasthe na dvitlyah' \ l asamkhyd- 
td sahasrdni ye Rudrdh' adti\ bhumydm ' | ' asatrur Jndra jajnishe \ 
' satam sendh ajayat sdlcam Indrah ' | iti \ athdpi jdnantam sampreshyati 
'Agnaye samidhyamdndya anubr&hi ' iti \ athdpy aha ' Aditih sarvam ' 
iti ' Aditir dyaur Aditir antariksham ' iti " | tad uparishthdd vydlchyd- 
sydmah \ (t athdpy avispashthdrthdh bhavanti \ 'amyah' \ 'ytidrismm.' \ 
'jdraydyi' \ 'kdnukd' iti" \ arthavantah sabda-sdmdnydt\ " etad vai 
yajnasya samriddham yad rupa-samriddham yat karma kriyamdnam rig 
yajur vd 'bhivadati" (Aitareya Brahmana, i. 4) iti cha brahmancm \ 
" krllantau putrair naptribhir" iti\ yatho etad "niyatavticho yuktayo 
niyatanupurvyah bhavanti " iti laukikeshv ap'y etad yathd " Indrdgnl" 
" pitdputrdv" iti \ yatho etad "brdhmanena rupa-sampanndh vidhly ante" 
ity uditdnuvddah sa bhavati\ yatko etaj "anupapanndrthdh bhavanti" 
ity dmndyavachandd ahimsd pratiyeta \ 'yatho etad " vipratisJtiddhdrthdJi 
fhavanti" iti\ laukikeshv apy etad yathd i 1 asfipatno 'yam brdhmanah" 
" anamitro 'yam rdjd" iti \ yatho etaj "jdnantam sampreshyati" iti 
jdnantam abhivddayate jdnate madhuparkam prdha iti \ yatho etad 
"Aditih sarvam" iti laukikeshv apy etad yathd " sarvarasdh anuprdptdh 
pdmyam" iti \ yatho etad " avispashthdrthdh bhavanti' 1 iti \ na esha 
sthdnor aparddho yad enam andho na pasyati purushdparddhah sa 
bhavati\ yathd jdnapadlshu vidydtah purusha-visesho bhavati\ pdrovarya- 
vitsu tu khalu veditrishu bhuyo-vidyah prasasto bhavati \ 

I will, in my translation, place the answers of Yaska opposite to 
the objections of Kautsa (though they are separated in the text), and 
thus economize sp'ace, as well as make the discussion clearer. 202 

202 See Dr. Roth's translation of this passage in the first of his Abhandlungen, 
p. 21, and in his Erlauterungen to the Nirukta, pp. 11-13. There are, however, 
some parts of the passage of which I do not clearly understand the bearing. 



172 



YASKA'S REPLIES TO KAUTSA'S OBJECTIONS. 



Kautsa objects. 

1. "If the science of inter- 
pretation is intended to make the 
sense of the mantras clear, it is 
useless, for the mantras have no 
sense. This is to be seen as 
follows." 



2. "The propositions [in the 
hy.mns and texts] have certain 
fixed words, and a certain fixed 
arrangement ; " [and so require 
no interpretation T] 

. " The mantras have the 
ritual forms to which they refer 
fixed and enjoined by the Brah- 
manas [and, therefore, need no 
further explanation] : thus ' Spread 
thyself widely out,' [Yaj. S., i. 
22] and so he spreads; 'Let me 
pour out,' and so he pours." 

4. " They prescribe what is im- 
practicable : thus, ' deliver him, 
plant:' 'Axe, do not injure 
him,' thus he speaks while strik- 
ing." [Taitt. Sanh., i. 2, 1 ; see 
also Yaj. S., iv. 1 ; vi. 15.] 

5. " Their contents are at vari- 
ance with each other: thus, 'There 
exists but one Rudra, and no 
second ; ' and again, ' There are 
innumerable thousands of. Hurras 
over the earth' [Yaj. S., xvi. 54] ; 
and, ' Indra, thou hast been born 
without a foe' [R. V., x. 133, 2] > 
and again, ' Indra vanquished a 
hundred armies at once.'" [R. Y., 
x. 103, 1.] 



Ydska replies. 

1. "The mantras have a sense, 
for their words are the same (as 
those in the ordinary language). A 
Brahmana (the Aitareya, i. 4) says, 
' What is appropriate in its form, 
is successful in the sacrifice ; that 
is to say, when the verse [rich or 
iiaiusK\ which is recited refers to 

*7 / J 

the ceremony which is being per- 
iurrApd.' 2 , 03 ' An example of the 
identity of the Yedic language 
with the ordinary speech is this, 
' krllantau,' 1 etc. ('sporting with 
sons and grandsons')." 

2. " This is the ease in ordinary 
language also, e.g. Indragm, pita- 
putrau ('Indra and Agni,' father 
and son')." 

3. " This is a mere repetition 
of what had been already said 
[and consequently calls for no 
further answer ?]." 



4. " According to the sacred^ 
tradition it must be understood 
that no injury is to be inflicted." 



5. " The same thing occurs in 
ordinary language : thus, ' This 
Brahman is without a rival ; ' 
' The king has no enemies.' " 



203 This version is borrowed from Prof. Hang's translation, p. 11. The words 
quoted in the Nirukta occur in Ait. Br. i. 4, with the exception of "yajur va." 



DURGA'S EXPLANATION OF THE PASSAGE. 173 



6. "A person is enjoined to do 6. "In the same way people 
an act with which he is already are saluted by their names, though 
acquainted : thus, ' Address the they already know them ; and the 
hymn to the fire which is being madhuparka (a dish of curds, ghee 
kindled ' [S'atap. Br., i. 3, 5, 2. and honey) is mentioned to those 
This is said by the adhvaryu who are well acquainted with the 
priest to the hotri. Both.] " 204 custom." 

7. " Again it is said : 'Aditiis 7. "This will be explained 
everything;' 'Aditi is the sky; further on [see Nir., iv. 23]. 
Aditi is the atmosphere/ " [R. V., The same thing is said in common 
i. 89, 10]. ' * language: thus, 'All fluids (or 

" flavours) reside in water.'" 205 

8. "The signification of 4he 8. "It is not the fault of the 
mantras is indistinct, as in the post, that the blind man does not 
case of such words as amyak see it. It is the man's fault. Just * 
[R. V., i. 19, 3], yddrismin as in respect of local usages men 
[R. V., v. 44, 9>~\, jarayayi [R. V., are distinguished by superior 
vi. 12, 4], kdnukti." [R. V., viii. knowledge; so too, among those 
66, 4]. 206 learned men who are skilled in 

tradition, he who knows most is 
worthy of approbation." 

Durga, the commentator, does not enter on a detailed explanation 
of this passage. He merely refers as follows to its general scope : 

Athdpi idam antarena pada-vilhdgo na vidyate \ sdstrdramlha-prayo- 
janddhikdre varttamdne atha idam' antarena mantreshv arthdvadhdranam 
ndsti iiy ukte yadi mantretyddind dn'arthakya-hetubhir lahubhir dna- 
rthakye upapddite nirukta-sdstrasya Kautsena, mantrdndm arthavattam 
sthdpayitvd para-paksha-hetavah pratyuktdh \ teshu sthitam arthavatvam 
mantrdndm \ teshdm arihanirvachandyg, idam dralhyamdnam arthavad 
ity tvpapannam arthavattvam nirukta-sdstrasya \ tad etat sarvam q,pi 
chodaka-sdstrakdra-vydjenaprasaktdnuprasaktamuktamprajndydhvivrid- 
dhaye sishyasya \ katharn ndma asdv avivriddha-prajnah sabddrtha-nydya- 
sankateshu hetu-samaydnabhynah paraih pratiladhyamdno ''pi paddrthdn 
vdkydrthdms t cha asammohena nirbruydd iti. 

"The student being supposed to have atf occasion and a right to 

304 See Miiller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 472, note 1. 

205 Compare Raghuvans'a, x. 16, rasantaJ-any ekarasam yatha divyam payo 'snute\ 
" AB rain water, which has but one flavour, [when it has fallen] imbibes other 
flavours," etc. 

206 See my article on the interpretation of the Veda in the Journal of the Roy. As. 
Society, vol. ii. new series, p. 329, 334, 337 ; and Bohtlingk and Both, s. vv. 
myaksh, yadris'a, (3) jar, and kdnuka; as well as Roth's dissertation on the Atharva- 
veda, p. 21. 



174 REFERENCES IN THE NIRUKTA 

enter on the study of this S'astra, and the proposition having been laid 
down that, without the Mrukta, the sense of the mantras cannot he 
understood, Kautsa, in the words, "if the science," etc., adduces many 
reasons for declaring the mantras to have no meaning, and on these 
he grounds 'an assertion that the Mrukta is useless. Yaska in reply 
states the reasons on the other side in support of the mantras having 
a meaning, which point he accordingly establishes. And as this work 
(^the Nirukta), which is being commenced, is useful for the explanation 
of 'their meaning, its utility is demonstrated.! Thus, under the guise 
of an objector 207 [who is answered by}, the author of the treatise, an 
opportunity is taken of stating the arguments on both sides, with the 
view of increasing the student's intelligence. For how is that student, 
of immature understanding, ignorant too of reasons and conclusions, 
when he encounters difficulties connected with the proper explication 
of words, and is even hindered by other persons, to explain without 
perplexity the meaning of words and sentences?" 

It would seem from this that Durgacharya looked upon Kautsa as 
being merely a man of straw, into whose mouth objections against the 
significance of the Vedas were put by Yaska, in order that he might 
himself refute them. It does not, however, appear why Kautsa, 
whose name appears in the old genealogical lists of teachers in one 
of the Brahmanas (Miiller, Ancient Sansk. Lit., pp. 181, 442), should 
be viewed in the light of a fictitious " Devadatta," any more than any 

other of the numerous earlier writers referred to in the Nirukta. 



There seems to be no other reason than this, that Durga did not, 
perhaps, wish his contemporaries to believe that there had been in 
early times any old grammarian who either rejected the authority of 
the Vedas, or differed from the customary methods of treating and in- 
terpreting them. 

In Mrukta ii. 16, Y&ska refers to the opinions of various former 
schools regarding the meaning of the word Vritra : 

Tat ko Vrittrah \ " meghah" Hi nairuktdh \ " Tvdshtro 'surah " ity 
aitihdsikdh \ apdm cha jyotishaS cha misrllhava-Jcarmano varsha-karma 
jdyate \ tatra upamdrthena yuddha-varndh bhavanti \ ahi-vat tu Tthalu 

407 I am indebted to the late Dr. Ballantyne and Professor Cowell for a correction 
of the sense I formerly assigned to the word chodalta. 



TO YASKA'S PREDECESSORS. 175 

mantra-varndh brdhmana-vddds cha \ vivriddhyd iarirasya srotdmsi 
nivdraydnchakdra \ tasmin hate prasasyandire dpah \ 

"Who was Yritra? 'A cloud,' says the Nairuktas (etymologists) : 
' an Asura, son of Tvashtri,' say the Aitihasikas (story-tellers). The 
fall of rain arises from the mingling of the waters and of' light. This 
is figuratively depicted as a conflict. The hymns and Brahmanas de- 
scrihe Yritra as a serpent. By the expansion of his body, he 1 ' blocked 
up the streams. Whea. he was destroyed, the waters flowed forth." 

In Mr. iii. 8, he aUude-s to* the views of older writers regarding, 
the Yedic word panchajana : "Panchajandh mama hotramjmhadhvam" \ 
(R.Y., x. 53, 4). " Gandharvdh pitaro devdh asurdh rakshtimsi" ity eke \ 
"chatvdro varndh nishddah panchamah" ity Aupamanyavah \ " 'Ye five* 
classes of beings, frequent my sacrifice.' These five classes of beings 
are the 'Gandharvas, Pitris, Devas, Asuras, and, Rakshases,' say some: 
They are ' the four castes with the Nishadas for a fifth,' says Aupa- 
manyava." 

In Mr. viii. 21, f., Yaska thus speculates on the feelings which had 
led some of his predecessors to regard the introductory and concluding 
portions of the ritual of sacrifice, styled praydja and anuydja, as ad- 
dressed to other deities than Agni : 

"Atha him-devatdh prayujdnuyajdh \ dgneydh" ity eke \ . . "Agneydh 
vai praydjdh dgneydh anuydjdh" iti cha Irdhmanam \ " chhando-devatdh" 
ity aparam \ " chhanddmsi vai praydjds chtianddmsy anuydjdh" iti cha 
brdhmanam \ " ritu-devatdh" ity aparam \ " ritavo vai praydjdh ritavo 
'nuyajah" iti cha Irdhmanam \ " pasu-devatdh " ity aparam \ " pasavo 
vai praydjdh pasavo 'nuydjdh" iti cha Irdhmanam \ "prdna-devatuh" 
ity aparam I " prdndh vai praydjdh prdndh vai anuydjdh " iti cha 
Irdhmanam \ " dtma-devatdh" ity aparam \ " dtmd vai praydjdh atmd 
vai anuydjdh " iti cha Irdhmanam \ dgneydh iti tu sthitih \ bhakti- 
mdtram itdrat \ Tcimartham punar iti \ t uchyate | yasyai devatdyai havir 
grihltam sydt tdm manasd dhydyed vashatlcarishyann iti ha vijndyate \ 

"Now, who is the god to whom the praydjas and the anuydjas 
(introductory and concluding sacrificial acts) are addressed? 'Agni,' 
say some. For a Brahmana says, ' the praydjas and anuydjas belong 
to Agni.' Another opinion is that they have chhandas (metre) for 
their deity. For a Brahmana says, ' the praydjas and anuydjas are 
metres.' A third view is that they have the seasons for their deities. 



176 YASKA' S PREDECESSORS. 

For a Brahmana says, ' the praydjas and anuydjas are seasons.' A fourth 
view is that they have sacrificial victims for their deities. For a 
Brahmana says, ' the praydjas and anuydjas are victims?' A fifth view 
is that they have the vital airs for their deities. For a Brahmana says, 
'&6praySJM and anuyajas are the vital airs.' A sixth view is that 
they have soul for their deity. For a Brahmana says, 'the pray djas and 
anuydjas' are soul.' I maintain the opinion that the hymns have 
Agni for their deity. The other views arise from mere devotion [to 
particular gods]. But why are these various views put forward ? 
Because it is well known to be a precept that the person who is 
about to offer an oblation should meditate on the particular deity 
for whom it is intended." 

In Nlrukta xii. 1, he states the different views which had been put 
forward regarding the gods called Asvins : Asvair asvindvity Aurna- 
vabhah \ tat Mv a&vinau \ " dydvd-prithivydv " ity eke \ " ahordtrdv" 
ity eke \ " surya-chandramasdv " ity eke \ " rdjdndu punyakritdv " ity 
aitihdsikdh \ "'The Asvins are so called from their horses (divais},' 
says Aurnavabha. But who are the Asvins? 'Heaven and earth,' 
say some; 'day and night,' say others: while others again say, 'the 
sun and moon.' 'They were virtuous kings,' say the Aitihasikas." 208 

In Nirukta xii. 19, he states t the various expositions given of a 
passage regarding Vishnu : Yad idam kincha tad vichakrame Vishnuh \ 
tridhd nidhatte padam tredhdbhdvdya pritkivydm antarikshe divi iti 

208 See Roth's Erlaut. pp. 220-221,' for some remarks on these old interpreters 
of the Veda. " Older expounders of the Vedas in general are," he says, "llled by 
Yaska simply Nairuktas ; and when he notices any difference in the conception of the 
Vedic gods, those interpreters who take the euhemeristic view are called Aitihasikas. 
In addition to the exposition of the Veda in the stricter sense, there existed also 
liturgical interpretations of numerous passages, such as we find in the Brahmanas 
and other kindred treatises, in which it was attempted to hring the letter of the 
received text into harmony with the existing ceremonial. Such liturgical interpre- 
tations are called by Yaska those of the Yajnikas, or ' persons skilled in sacrificial 
rites.' Akin to theirs appears to have been the mode of interpretation adopted by 
the Naidanas. . . . Under this head we must probably understand that method 
of explanation which, differing from the grammatical etymologies, referred the 
origin of the words and conceptions to occasions which were in a certain sense 
historical. The Brahmanas and Upanishads abound in such historical or mytho- 
logical etymologies, which are to be found in all ages and among all nations ; 
etymologies which their own inventors do not regard as serious, but which, from 
their connexion with other ideas, obtain a certain importance in the religious system." 



RULE FOR INTERPRETING THE HYMNS. 177 

S'dkapunih \ samdrohane vishmipade gayasirasi ity Aurnavdbhah \ 
"Vishnu strode over all this universe : thrice he plants his foot. This 
he does in order to his threefold existence, ' on earth, in the atmo- 
sphere, and in the sky,' says SSkapuni : 'At his rising, in the zenith, 
and at his setting,' says Aurnavabha." 

In Nir. xii. 41, we have another reference to the Brahmanas: 
Agnind Agnim ayajanta devdh \ ' ' Agnih pasur dslt \ tarn 'alabhanta 
tena ayajanta" iti chx brdhmanam\ "The gods sacrificed Agni (fire), 
with fire. ' Agni was, the, victim ; him they immolated, with .hiiq 
they sacrificed ;' so says a Brahmana." 

We thus see that in various passages of his work Yaska refers also to 
the Brahmanas ; they must therefore have been older than his time. ' 

The following is a list of the writers whom Yaska quotes as having 
preceded him in the interpretation of the Vedas : Agrayana, Audum- 
barayana, Aurnavabha, Katthakya, Kautsa, Kraushtuki, Gargya, 
Giilava, Charmasiras, Taitiki, Varshyayani, S'atabalaksha the Maud- 
galya, Sakatayana, S'akapuni, S'akalya, and Sthaulashthivi. 209 

The subjoined passage from the twelfth section of the first Parisishta 
or supplement to the Kirukta (considered by Professor Eoth, Nir. ii. 
p. 208, to be the work of some author subsequent to Yaska), relating 
to the antiquity of the Mantrap and the qualifications necessary for 
expounding them, is of considerable interest : ' 

Ayam mantrdrtha-chintdbhyuho dbJiyudlio 'pi srutito 'pi tarkatah \ na 
tu prithalctvena mantruh nirvaktavyah prakaranasah eva nirvaldavyah \ 
na Tiy eshu pratyaksham asty anrishef* atapaso vd \ " pdrovarya-vitsu tu 
klialu veditrishu Ihuyo-vidyah prasasyo bhavati" ity uktam purastat \ 
manusJiydh vai rishishu utkrdmatsu devdn abruvan " ko nah rishir bha- 
vtshyati," iti \ tebhyah etam tarkam rishim prayachhan mantrartha- 
chintdbhyuJiam abhyudham \ tasmdd yad eva kincJia anuchdno 'bhyuhaty 
drsham tad^bhavati \ 

" This reflective deduction of the sense of the hymns is effected by 
the help of sacred tradition and reasoning. The texts are not to be 
interpreted as isolated, but according to their context. For a person 
who is not a rishi or a devotee has no intuitive insight 210 into their 

209 Roth, Erliiuter., pp. 221, 222. 

210 See the passage above quoted (p. 165) from Nirukta i. 20 ; and the third 
volume of this work, pp. 125, &., 183. 



178 BHASKARA ON SCRIPTURE AND SCIENCE. 

meaning. We have said before that ' among those men who are 
versed in tradition, he who is most learned deserves especial com- 
mendation.' "When the rishis were ascending [from the earth], men 
inquired of the gods, ' Who shall be our rishi ? ' The gods gave them 
for a rishi this science of reasoning, this art of deducing by reflec- 
tion the sense of the hymns. Therefore, whatever meaning any 
learned man deduces by reasoning, that possesses authority equal to 
a yshi's." f 

< Here there is to be remarked a recognition of. the necessity of reason 
as a co-factor, in the ascertainment of reljgious truth, or the definition 
of ceremonial practice. With this may be compared the whole ten- 
'dency of the Sankhya doctrine, which is virtually, if not avowedly, 
founded on reasoning; and the assertion of Bhaskara (see above, 
p. l6l, note 182), that in the mathematical sciences, scripture, if un- 
supported by demonstration, is of no authority. 

The same confidence in the inherent force of the human intellect is 
exhibited by Bhaskara in another place, in these memorable words : 
Yadd punar mahatd Icdlena mahad antaram bhavishyati tadd matimanto 
Brahmaguptddlndm samdna-dharminah eva utpatsyante | ye tad-upa- 
labdky-anusdrwlm gatim ururikritya sdstrdni vydkarishyanti \ atah eva 
ganita-skandho mahamatimadbhir ( dhritah sann anddy-anante 'pi Icdle 
Ichuatvam na ydti\ "When, again, after a long period, there shall 
be a great distance [observable in the position of the stars], then in- 
telligent men of like character with Brahmagupta and other mathe- 
maticians will arise, who, admitting a movement in consonance with 
obse'rvation, will compose treatises accordingly. Hence the science of 
astronomy, being maintained by men of great ability, shall never fail 
in time, though it has no beginning nor end." See Colebrooke's Misc. 
Essays, ii. 381. 

In the first volume of this work some passages have been already 
adduced from Yaska regarding the origin of particular Vedic hymns 
of which he explains verses. One of these texts relates to the Rishi Vis- 
vamitra, and another to the Rishi Devapi. See vol. i., pp. 269, and 338. 

Third : I now proceed to the Brahmanas, to which we have been 
led back through the ascending series of more recent works, as the 
oldest expository writings on the Yedic hymns. They are conse- 
quently later than the hymns, the most ancient portion of Indian 



BRAHMAN AS, SUTRAS, AND SMRITIS. 179 

literature. But while the other explanatory and prescriptive books 
connected with the Vedas, such as the grammatical and ceremonial 
Sutras, etc., are not regarded as having any independent divine 
authority, the Brahmanas, on the contrary, are considered as a part of 
the Veda itself. This will appear from the following passages from 
Sayana's commentary on the Rigveda : Mantra-brdhmandtmakam 
tavad adushtaih lakshanam \ atah eva Apastambo yajna-paribhdshdydm 
eva aha " mantra-brdhmanayor veda-ndmadheyam" iti\ 2U "The defini- 
tion of the Veda, as zonsi.\ting of Mantra and Brahmana, is unobjec- 
tionable. Hence Apastamha says, in the Yajna paribhasha, ' Veda is 
the name applied to Mantra and Brahmana.' ' Again: Mantra-brdh- 
mana-rupau dvdv eva veda-bhdgdv ity dnglkdrdd mantra-lakshanasya 
purvam abhihitatvdd avasishto veda-bhugo brdhmanam ity etal lakshanam 
bhavishyati \ 2l2 " It being admitted that there are two parts of the 
Veda, viz., Mantra and Brahmana, as the Mantra has been already 
defined, the definition of Brahmana will be, that it is the remaining 
portion of the Veda." 

In regard to the Sutras and Smritis, the author of the Nyayamala- 
vistara says, i. 3, 24 : 

Baiidhayanapastamlasvaldyana-lcatyayanadi-ndmdnkitah kalpa-sutrd- 
digranthdh nigama-nirukta-shadbngq-granthdh Manv-adi-smritayas cha 
apaiirmheyah dharma-buddhi-janaJcatvdd veda-vat \ na cha mula-pramdna- 
sapelcshatvena veda-vaishamyam iti sankaniyam \ utpanndyah buddheh 
svatah prumunydnglkdrena nirapekshatvdt \ ma cvam \ uktdnumdnasya 
kdlatyaydpadishtatvdt \ Baudhdyana-sutram Apastamba-sutram ity evam 
purusha-ndmnd te granthdh uchyante \ na cha Kdthakddi-samdkhyd-vat 
pravachana-nimittatvam yuktam tad-grantha-nirmdna-kdle taddmntanaih 
kaischid upalabdhatvdt \ tach cha avichhinna-paramparyena anuvarttate \ 
tatah Kdliddsddi-grantha-vat paurusheycih \ tathdpi veda-mulatvdt pra- 
mdnam \ \ . . . maivam \ kalpasya vedatvam na adydpi siddham \ kintu 
prayatnena sddhamyam \ na cha tat sddhayitum sakyam paurusheyat- 
vasya samdkhyayd tat-kartur upalambhena cha sddhitatvdt \ 

" Some persons have asserted that the Kalpa-sutras and other works 
designated by the names of Baudhayana, Apastamba, Asvalayana, 
Katyayana, etc., and the Nigama, Nirukta, and six Vedangas, together 

211 Rigveda, Miiller's edition, vol. i. p. 4. 

212 Rigveda, Miiller's edition, vol. i. p. 22. 



180 QUOTATION FEOM PROFESSOR ROTH 

with the Smritis of Manu and others, are superhuman, because they 
impart to men a comprehension of duty, like the Yedas ; and that they 
are not to be suspected of dissimilarity to the Vedas, from the fact of 
their appealing to the authority of the original text ; for the know- 
ledge of duty which they impart is independent, because it is admitted 
to be self-evidencing. But this view is incorrect ; for the inference 
in question proceeds upon an erroneous generalization. 213 These works 
are, called by the names of men; as, 'the Sutras bf Baudhayana,' 'the 
Sutrs.s of Apastamba,' etc. ; and these designations cannot properly be 
derived from the fact that these works were studied by those whose 
names they bear, as is actually the case in regard to the Kathaka and 
other parts of the Veda ; for it was known to some of their contem- 
poraries at the time of the composition of these Sutras and Smritis, 
etc., 'that they were then being composed : and this knowledge has 
come down by unbroken tradition. Hence, like the works of Kalidasa 
and others, the books in question are of human origin. Nevertheless, 
from being founded on the Veda, they are authoritative." . 
And again : " It is not yet proved that the Kalpa-sutras are part of 
the Veda ; and it would require great labour to prove it ; and, in fact, 
it is impossible to prove it. For the ( human origin of this book is 
established by its name, and by, its' being observed to have had an 
author." 2U 

The Brahmanas, however, as I have said, notwithstanding their 
antiquity, and the authority which is ascribed to them as a con- 
stituent part of the Veda, are far from being so old as the hymns. 
On the subject of these works Professor Roth makes some remarks in 
his Introduction to the Nirukta, p. xxiv. ff. ; which I translate with 
some abridgments. 215 

" The difference in con tents' between the Brahmanas and the Kalpa- 
books, if judged according to detached passages, might appear to be 
very small and indeterminate, though even at first sight it is unde- 
niable that the two classes of writings are easily distinguishable as 
regards their position and estimation in the whole body of religious 

213 See the third volume of this work, pp. 84, note 89, 179, f., 290, and 312. 

214 On the difference in authority between the Brahmanas and the Sutras, etc., 
see Miiller's "Ancient Sanskrit Literature," pp. 75-107. 

216 I refer for further information to Prof. Miiller's section on the Brahmanas in his 
" Ancient Sanskrit Literature," particularly to pp. 342, ff., 389, 428, 429, 431-435. 



ON THE CHARACTEK OF THE BRAHMAN AS. 181 

literature. In fact, the difference between them is most essential. 
Though both treat of divine worship in its widest extent, yet in the 
Brahmana it is the subject of description in quite a different sense 
from, what it is in the Kalpa-sastra. The object of the latter is to 
represent the whole course of the sacred rites which have a place in 
any particular department of worship, e.g. it defines exactly which of 
.the priests present at a ceremony has to perform a part at each point 
of the sacred rite. This is a very essential matter in Indian sacri- 
fices. ... It is further prescribed in these works what hymno and 
invocations are to be uttered, and how. As a rule, however, the 
strophes are indicated only by the initial words, and pre-suppose other 
collections in which they must have been put together according to 
the order of their employment in worship. . . . Finally, these works 
prescribe the time, the place, the forms, of the rites of worship, 'with 
all the preceding and following practices. In short, the Kalpa-books 
are complete systems of ritual prescription, which have no other object 
than to designate the entire course of the sacred ceremonial with all 
that accuracy which is demanded for acts done in the presence of the 
gods, and to their honour. 

" The aim of a Brahmana is something very different. As its name 
indicates, its subject is the 'brahaaa,^ the sacred element in the rite, not 
the rite itself. Something holy, the conception of the divine, 'lies 
veiled beneath the ceremony. It has now obtained a sensible form, 
which must, however, remain a mystery for those to whom that con- 
ception is unknown. He only who"'knows the divinity, its manifesta- 
tion and its relation to men, can explain the signification of the 
symbol. Such an explanation the Brahmana aims at giving ; it pro- 
poses to unfold the essence of theological wisdom, which is hidden 
under the mode of worship inherited from ancient times. From this 
cause arises the mysterious, concise, often dark, style of the language 
which we find in these books. They are, indeed, the oldest prose 
which is preserved to us in Indian literature. 

"An example of these symbolical explanations is subjoined, from 
the beginning of the Aitareya-brahmana : At the commencement of 
certain sacrifices, clarified butter is offered to Agni and Vishnu in 
eleven platters. This is done by preference to these two deities, the 
Brahmana explains, because they embrace the whole pantheon, Agni 



182 PROFESSOR ROTH ON THE CHARACTER 

as the lowest of the gods (the fire of the hearth and altar), and Vishnu 
as the highest (the sun in the zenith) ; and thus sacrifice is offered to 
all the gods in the persons of these two. Eleven platters are presented, 
though there are only two gods ; eight of the platters are claimed by 
Agni, because the gayatri, the metre sacred to him, has eight syllables; 
three platters belong to Vishnu, because he traverses the heavens in 
three strides (the three stations of his rising, his culmination, and his 
setting). 

, " Such explanations may as frequently be tte mere inventions of 
a religious philosophy (encountered by u,s here in its oldest form), 
which delights in bold parallels, and a pretentious exegesis, as actual 
recollections of the beginnings of the liturgy, in which, among a 
people like the Indians, we may reasonably expect to find delicate and 
thoughtful references. These books will always continue to be to us 
the most valuable sources for tracing the beginnings of thought on 
divine things ; and, at the same time, sources from which we may 
draw the most varied information regarding the conceptions on which 
the entire system of worship, as well as the social and hierarchical 
order, of India, are founded. In proof of this, I will only refer to 
the lights which may be derived from the seventh and eighth books of 
the Aitareya-brahmana on the position of the castes, and on the regal 
and 'sacerdotal dignities. The Brahmanas are the dogmatical books of 
the Brahmans ; not a scientifically marshalled system of tenets, but 
a collection of dogmas, as they result from religious practice. They 
were not written as a complete exposition of the principles of belief; 
but they are necessary towards such an exposition, because they were 
meant to explain and establish the whole customary ceremonial of 
worship. 

" It is impossible not to perceive that the Brahmanas are based upon 
a pre-existing, widely-ramified, and highly-developed system 6f worship. 
The further the practice of sacred institutions has advanced, the less 
distinctly are those who practise them conscious of their meaning. 
Gradually, around the central portion of the ceremony, which in its 
origin was perfectly transparent and intelligible, there grows up a 
mass of subordinate observances, which in proportion as they are 
developed in detail, become more loosely connected with the funda- 
mental thought. The form, becoming more independent, loses its 



AND AGE OF THE BRAHMANAS. 183 

symbolical purport. The Indian worship had already reached such 
a stage, when the religious reflection exhibited in the Brahmanas 
began to work upon it. Here, as in all the other religious systems of 
, antiquity, the observation is verified that it is not religious dogmas, 
and reflection upon these, that give birth to forms of 'worship, but 
that it is religious worship, which (itself the product of religious 
feeling, inspired by, and become subservient to, a conception of the 
divine) becomes, in its turn, the parent of a more developed and 
firmly defined theology, S'lch ' was the relation of the Brahmanas to 
the current worship. , The Brahmana does not appeal to the dicta of 
the sacred hymns as its own first and most immediate source, but 
rather rests upon the customary ceremonial, and upon the earlier' 
conceptions of that ceremonial. The Aitareya-brahmana, for instance, 
from which I borrow details, appeals not only to authorities (to whom 
written compositions are never ascribed), such as the Rishi S'rauta 
(vii. 1 ) ; Saujata, son of Aralha (vii. 22) ; Rama, son of Mrigu (vii. 34) ; 

fj 

Maitreya, son of Kusharu (viii. 38), etc., or to preceding sacrificial cere- 
monials of the same kind ; but further, the. whole form of its represen- 
tation is based upon the tradition of earlier custom. Its customary 
formula for this, which is continually recurring at the head of a new 
passage, is tadd "hus, 'it is furthor said,' or atho khalv dhus, 'it is more- 
over said;' and frequent reference is made to difference of opinions; 
' so do or say the one set of persons, an'd the others otherwise.' But 
I have never met with a citation of an older writing. 

"Taking all this into consideration, we may conclude that the 
Brahmanas belong to a stage in the religious development of India 
when the Brahmanical faith was full-blown. Those religious con- 
ceptions and sacred usages, which, even in the hymns of the Rigveda, 
*we can see advancing from a simple and .unconnected form to compact 
and multiform shapes, have now spread themselves over the entire 
life of the people, and in the hands of the priests have become a 
power predominant over everything else." 

It thus appears that the Brahmanas, though they have come to be 
regarded as parts of the Veda, are yet in time far posterior to the 
hymns, from which, further, they differ entirely in character, and to a 
great extent in language, but which they constantly presuppose, and 
to which they allude in every page. Thus in the Brahmanas we have 



184 HYMNS QUOTED IN THE BRAHMANAS. 



such expressions continually recurring as, "Thus did the rishi say." 2ie 
"Hence this has been declared by the rishi." 217 "Rishis of the Rigveda 
have uttered this hymn of fifteen verses." 2IS And in Sayana's Intro- 
duction to the Rigveda it is stated as follows (Comment, on R.V., , 
vol. i. p. 2) :-L-Tathd cha sarva-veda-gatdni brdhmandni svdbhihite 'rthe 
visvdsa-dddhydya "tad etad richd 'bhyanuktam" iti richam eva ^ldd- 
haranti[ "And so the Brahmanas connected with all the Vedas, in 
order to strengthen belief in their assertions, refer to the Rigveda, 
saying, ' This is declared by the Rich.' " , 

The S'atapatha-brahmana, in a passage at p. 102 of Weber's edition 
(corresponding with the Brihadaranyaka-upanishad, p. 213), refers as 
ibllows to a hymn of Vamadeva in the' fourth mandala of the Rig- 
veda : Tad ha etat pasyann rishir Vdmadevah pratipede " aham Manur 
alhdvaih suryas cha" iti\ "Wherefore the rishi Vamadeva in vision 
obtained this text, ' I was Manu and the sun.' " Again, the Taittiriya 
Sanhita, and the Kaushltaki, Satyayana, and Tandaka Brahmanas refer 
to Vasishtha, in passages already quoted in the first volume of this 
work, p. 328. Now, as .Vasishtha was a Vedic rishi, the author 
of numerous hymns, these Brahmanas must have been later than 
those hymns. 

To illustrate the manner in which the hymns are quoted in the 
Bralimanas, I will only cite further a portion of the passage from 
the Aitareya-brahniana, vii. 13-18, relating the story of S'unassepa, 
which was first given in original in the Appendix to Professor Miiller's 
Ancient Sanskrit Literature, pp. 681, 582, and afterwards appeared in 
Prof-. Haug's edition of that Brahmana : Atha ha S'unassepah ikshdn- 
chakre " amdmisham iva vai md visasishyanti \ hanta aham .devatdh 
upadhdvami" iti \ sa Prajdpatim eva prathamam devatdndm upasasdra 
"kasya nunam katamasya amrjtdndm" ity etayd richd \ tarn Prajdpatir* 
urdcha " Agnir vai devdndfft nedishthah \ tain eva ttpadhdva" iti \ so 
\gnim upasasdra " Agner vayam prathamasya amritdndm" ity etayd 
richd | [When he saw the preparations made for his immolation], 
"S'unassepa reflected, 'They are about to slay me, as if I were not 
a man. I shall resort to the gods.' He accordingly addressed him- 

216 Iti Jta sma aha rishih \ 

217 S'atap.-br. xiii., 5, 4, 5 : Tasmad etad rishina abhyanuJctam \ 

218 Weber's Hist, of Ind. Lit., p. 118. Boht. and Both's Diet., sub voce Rishi, 
Tad etad bahvrichah panchadasarcham prahuh \ 



THE BRAHMAN AS LATER THAN THE HYMNS. 185 

self to Prajapati, the first of the gods, with this 'rich' (Rigveda, i. 24, 
1), 'Of whom now, of which of all the immortals,' etc. Prajapati 
said to him, ' Agni is the nearest of the gods, resort to him.' He 
addressed himself to Agni with this 'rich' (Rigveda i. 24, 2), 'Of 
Agni, the first of the immortals,' etc." In the same way he is repre- 
sented as addressing to various deities in succession the verses com- 
posing the remainder of. the 24th, and the whole of the 25th, 26th. 
and 27th hymns of the first ,book of the Rigveda, ending with tke 
last verse of the 27th swkta'; " Salutation to the great! Salutation* to J 
the little !" addressed to the Yisve-devah. 219 

That the Brahmanas were separated from the hymns by a consider- 
able interval of time is manifest from the various considerations 
which are urged in the passage just quoted (pp. 180, ff.) from Professor 
Roth ; who informs us, for instance, that the Brahmanas, besides 
alluding to texts in the hymns, appeal on the subject of the ritual to 
various preceding unwritten authorities ; and states his opinion, 'that 
the "Brahmanas belong to a stage in the religious development of 
India, when the Brahmanical faith was fulf-blown ;" and that "those 
religious conceptions and sacred usages, which, even in the hymns of 
the Rigveda, can be seen advancing from a simple and unconnected 
form to compact and manifold shapes,' have now [in the Brahmana^s] 
extended themselves over the entire life qf the people." This process 
was no doubt one which required several centuries for its accom- 
plishment. 

And Professor Miiller says (Anc. Sansk. Lit. pp. 432, 434), " There 
is throughout the Brahmanas such a complete misunderstanding of the 
original intention of the Yedic hymns, that we can hardly understand 
how such an estrangement could have taken place, unless there had 
been at some time or other a sudden and violent break in the chain of 
tradition." And again : " Every page of th-3 Brahmanas contains tfc 
clearest proof that the spirit of the ancient Yedic poetry, and the pur- 
port of the original Yedic sacrifices were both beyond the comprehen- 

219 Namo maJiadbhyo namo arbhakebhyah\ See Muller's Anc. Sansk. Lit. pp. 
413, ff. ; Prof. Roth's article in Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 461 ; Prof. Wilson's article 
in Jour. R. A. S. vol. xiii.,p. 100, and translation of the Rigveda, i. pp. 59-71 ; 
Prof. Haug's translation of the Ait. Br. pp. 460, ff. ; Dr. Streiter's Diss. de Sunahsepo ; 
and the first volume of this work, pp. 355, ff. 

VOL. II. 13 



186 THE HYMNS BECOME DIFFICULT TO UNDERSTAND. 

sion of the authors of the Brahmanas We thus perceive the 

wide chasm between the Brahmana period and that period by which 
it is preceded." The Brahmana period, we have already seen (p. 164 
above), is placed by him in the 200 years following the second Yedic 
period, that of the Mantras. 

As ti,me still passed on, and a further development of language and 
institutions took place, the Vedic hymns became less and less intel- 
ligible ; and owing to the growth of formal arid scrupulous ceremonial 
prescriptions, the application of the sabred -texts to public worship 
became more and more difficult. As a natural consequence, the 
literature connected with the explanation of the Mantras, their pro- 
nunciation and their ritual uses, continued to augment. Then the 
different grammatical Pratisakhya aphorisms, the S'rauta and Grihya 
ritual Sutras, the Nighantus and Nirukta were composed. These 
works, as we have already seen, were the growth of several successive 
ages subsequent to the date of the oldest Brahmanas. 220 

220 On this subject Professor Roth remarks (Introd. to Nirukta, p. lii.) as follows : 
" In Greece a similar state of things prevailed. There, with the exception of 
Hesiod (who never rose to the same degree of consideration), Homer was the only 
source of the highest knowledge, and preeminently the book of the schools ; the book 
which gave the first occasion to grammatical, and almost every other sort of science 
to, develope itself. In India the Veda occupies the place of Homer. It was to the 
Veda that the Brahmanical people looked as the sole repository of intellectual 
culture. As a sacred book it was the more naturally a subject of research to the 
learned man, as he was at the same time a priest, and it became the first problem 
to be solved by grammar, a science ( , which was far more commonly studied, and 
at an earlier period attained a far higher stage, in India than in Greece. At the 
safue time, the Veda, both as regards its language and its subject-matter, stood far 
further removed from the Indian of the two centuries immediately preceding Buddha 
(700 and 600 B.C.) in which the sacerdotal system reached its climax than Homer 
did from the Greek of the Periclean era. At that period, or even earlier, were 
formed the collection of Homeric r words which had become obsolete, the y\caff<rai ; 
while in India, the 'nighaytavas' (a word which I conceive to be identical in meaning 
^jth y\wff<rai) had been compiled to illustrate the Veda. In both cases the collec- 
tions had the same origin ; but in the short interval from Pericles to the end of the 
Alexandrian era, the Greeks had done more for the explanation of Homer than the 
Indians could accomplish for the comprehension of the Veda, in the long series of 
ages down to the times of Sayana and MahTdhara, in the sixteenth century A.D. 
The task of the Indians was, in truth, by far the more difficult ; and besides, Indian 
scholarship lay under an incapacity of unfettered movement. It was necessary for 
orthodoxy to deny the facts of history, and to discover only the circumstances of the 
present in the monuments of antiquity; for the present was both unable and 
unwilling to rest on any other foundation than the traditions of an earlier age, 



VEDIC SAXHITAS, THE THREEFOLD SCIENCE. 187 



Fourth : When at length we ascend above the oldest of the Brah- 
manas, and arrive at the still more ancient collections (" Sanhitas," as 
they are called in Sanskrit) of the Vedic hymns themselves, "we shall 
find even here distinct proofs of a difference of age not only between 
the several collections viewed as aggregates, but also between different 
component parts of the same compilations. Of the four Vedic Sanhitas, 
the Rik, Yajush, Saman, and Atharvan, the Rigveda is by far the 
most complete and important ^collection. Before, however, proceeding 
to give some account -f iiis contents, I must premise a few wbrdy 
about the other Sanhitas. , 

(i.) Although the Vedas were sometimes considered to be only three 
in number, and the Atharvan was not always denominated a Veda, yet 
many of the hymns or incantations of which it is made up appear to 
be of great antiquity, 221 

That the title of the Atharvan to be reckoned as one of the Vedas is 
not so incontestable as that of the three others, will appear from the 
following considerations. The knowledge of the Indian Scriptures is 
frequently designated as the triple science trayi vidya" a phrase which 
is thus explained in Messrs. Bb'htlingk and Roth's Lexicon: "The three- 
fold science was originally the knowledge of the sacred word in its triple 
form of hymn, sacrificial formula, and spng : out of this sense subsequently 
arose another, viz., the knowledge of the three Vedas, which represent 
that threefold form." In illustration of this the writers proceed to 
quote or refer to the following and other texts from the S'atapatha and 
Aitareya Brahmanas, etc. S'atap. Br. iv. 6, 7, 1 : Trayi vai vidya 
richo yajumsJii samani iyam eva\ "The Rich-, Yajush-, and Saman-, 
verses are the threefold science." S'atap. Br. vi. 3, 1, 10 ; x. 4, 2, 21 ; 

surrounded as these were with a halo of glory, and only half understood. The 
priesthood supplied the required authentic explanation, without which the reader 
of those ancient books would never have found in them that which he so easily 
discovered with that assistance. The spirit of the nation, which had been so fh- 
juriously treated, became accustomed to the yoke, and henceforward walked onwards 
in the track which had been marked out for it ; men's feeling for history became 
irrecoverably lost, and they consoled themselves with the harmless enjoyment, which 
was still allowed them, of solving grammatical questions. "We can therefore, at 
least, boast, by way of compensation, on behalf of the Indians, that they have far 
outstripped the Greeks in the department of grammar." 

221 See, on the subject of this Veda, Miiller's Anc. Sans. Lit., pp. 38, 446, ff., 
"Weber's Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 10., and Mr. Whitney's papers in the Journal of the 
American Oriental Society, iii. 305, ff., and iv. 254, ff. 2zl * See Appendix, note A. 



188 ATHARVAVEDA NOT MENTIONED IN SOME 

xi. 5, 4, 18 ; Ait. Br. v. 32 : Tebhyo 'bhitaptebhyo trayo veddh ajayanta 
rigvedah eva Agner ajdyata yajurvedo Vdyoh sdmavedah dditydt \ tan 
veddn abhyatapat \ tebhyo 'bhitaptebhyas trmi mkrdny ajayanta bhiir 
ity eva rigveddd ajdyata bhuvah iti yajurveddt svar iti sdmaveddt \ . . . 
Sa Prajdpatir yajnam atanuta \ tarn dharat tena ayajata \ sa richd eva 
hotram akarod yajushd ddhvaryavam sdmnd udgitham \ yad etat trayyai 
vidydyai sukram tena brahmatvam akarot \ " From these (lights), when 
heated, the three Vedas arose, the Bigveda frohi Agni, the Yajurveda 
'from Vayu, and the Samaveda from Aditya -(the sun). He infused 
warmth into these Vedas. From them, when so 'heated, three essences 
arose. 'Bhur,' from the Bigveda, 'Bhuvah' from the Yajurveda, 

'Svar,' from the Samaveda This Prajapati prepared sacrifice. 

He took it and worshipped with it. With the Bich he performed the 
function of the hotri priest, with the Yajush that of the adhvaryu, 
with the Saman that of the udgatri, and with the essence of this triple 
science he executed the brahman's function." In the same way three 
Yedas only are mentioned in the following passage from the Chhandogya 
TJpanishad 222 (iv. 17, 1), etc.: Prajdpatir lokdn abhyatapat \ teshdm 
tapyamdndndm rasdn prdbrihad Agnim prithivydh Vdyum antarikshud 
Adityam divah \ Sa etas tisro devatdh abhyatapat \ tdsdm tapyamdndndm 
rasdrt prdbrihad Agner richo vdyor r yajumshi Sdma Aditydt \ sa etdm 
traylm vidydm abhyatapat \ r tasyds tapyamdndydh rasdn prdbrihad 
bhur ity rigbhyo bhuvar iti yajurbhyah svar iti sdmabhyah \ " Prajapati 
infused warmth into the worlds ; and from them, so heated, he drew 
forth their essences, Agni from the earth, Yayu from the atmosphere, 
and Aditya from the sky. He infused warmth into these three deities ; 
and from them, so heated, he drew forth their essences : Eik-texta from 
Agni, Yajush- texts from Yayu, and Sama- texts from Aditya. He in- 
fused warmth into this triple" science ; and from it, so heated, he drew 
fqfth its essences, the particle Bhiir from the Rik-texts, Bhuvah from 
the Yajush-texts, and Svar from the Sama-texts." 

In the following verse (i. 23), Manu repeats the account given in 
the Brahmanas and the Chhandogya Upanishad : Agni-vdyu-ravibhyas 

222 See Biblioth. Ind. vol. iii. (1850) p. 288. This passage is also quoted in the 
third volume of this work, p. 5. See also the passage from the S'atap. Br. xi. 5, 8, 
l,ff., quoted in pp. 14, f. of the same volume, where, in like manner, only three 
Vedas are mentioned. 



ANCIENT TEXTS, BUT MENTIONED IN OTHERS. 189 

tu trayam brahma sandtanam \ dudoha yajna-siddhy-artham rig-yajuh- 
tima-lakshanam \ " From Agni, Vayu, and the Sun (Ravi), he drew 
forth (milked) for the accomplishment of sacrifice the eterrral triple 
Veda, distinguished as Rik, Yajush, and Sam an." 

The Atharvaveda may, however, be referred to under fhe appellation 
of " chhandas," in the following passages, according to the indication of 
the St. Petersburg Lexicon, where the second sense of the word chhandas 
is thus defined : "A sAcred hymn, and according to the first three texts 
about to be quoted, espacially that sort which is neither Rich, Saman, 
'nor Yajush : hence, perhaps, .originally, an incantation." The texts re- 
ferred to are A. Y. xi. 7, 24 : Richah sdmdni chhanddmsi purdnam 
yajushd saha \ uchhishtdj jajnire \ " The Rich-, Saman-, and Chhandas-,* 
verses, and the Purana with the Yajush, sprang from the Uchhishta 
(remnant of the sacrifice)." R.Y. x. 90, 9 : Tasmdd yajndt sarvah'utah 
richah sdmdni jajnire \ chanddmsi jajnire tasmdd yajus tasmdd ajdyata \ 
" Prom that universal sacrifice sprang the Rich-, Saman-, and Chhan- 
das-, verses : from it sprang the Yajush." The third text is from the 
Harivamsa v. 9491 : Richo yajumshi sdmami chhanddmsy Atharvandni 
cha | chatvdro sakhildh veddh sarahasydh savistardh \ " (May) the 
Rich-, Yajush-, and Saman-, verses, and the texts of the Atharvan, the 
four Yedas with their Khilas (later ( appendages), their esoterif doc- 
trines, and their details (preserve me)." 

In the Atharvaveda itself, x. 7, 20, it is thus alluded to as one of 
the Yedas under the title of the Atharvans and Angirases : Yasmdd 
richo apdtakshan yajur yasmdd apdkashan \ sdmdni yasyo lomdni Athar- 
vdngiraso mukham \ Skambham tarn bruhi katamah svid eva sah \ "^Tell 
us who is that Skambha from whom they cut off the Rich-verses, from 
whom they scraped off the Yajush- verses, of whom the Saman- 
verses are the hairs, and of whom the Atharvans and Angirases form 

the mouth. 1 " 233 

i 
The Atharvan is similarly mentioned in the S'atapatha-brahmana, 

xiii. 4, 3, 7, Tan upadisati " Atharvdno vedah so " l yam n iti. . . . 
|8| " Angiraso vedah so 'yam" iti \ "He teaches them thus, 'The 
Atharvans are a veda ; it is this.' . . . (8) The Angirases are a veda; 
it is this." 224 Madhusudana Sarasvati, author of the Prasthana-bheda, 

223 In verse 14 of the same hymn, however, the other three Vedas only are named. 

224 See Muller's Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 38. 



190 ATHARVAVEDA LATER THAN THE RIGVEDA. 

while lie calls it a Veda, notices at the same time its difference in 
character from the other three : Sa cha (vedah] prayoga-trayena yajna- 
nirvdhdttham rig-yajuh-sdma-lhedena bhinnah | . . . . Atharva-vedas 
tu yajndnupayuktah sdnti -paushtikdbhichdrddi- Icarma-pratipdds.kat- 
vena atyanta-vilakshanah eva \ "The Veda is divided into Rik, Yajush, 
and Saman, for the purpose of carrying out the sacrifice under its three 
different forms. . . . The Atharvaveda, on the contrary, is totally 
different. It is not suitable for the sacrifice, b*ut only teaches how to 
appease, to bless, to curse, etc." (Millie^, Sensk. Lit. p. 445). In 
regard to this Veda, Mr. Whitney remarks: "The Atharva is, like 
the Rik, a historical and not a liturgical collection." It was, he 
thinks, originally composed of only eighteen books. A sixth of the 
matter of which these books consist is not metrical. "Of the re- 
mainder, or metrical portion, about one-sixth is also found among the 
hymns of the Rik, and mostly in the tenth ttook of the latter ; the rest 
is peculiar to the Atharva. . . . The greater portion of them are 
plainly shown, both by their language and internal character, to be of 
much later date than the general contents of the other historic Veda, 
and even than its tenth book, with which they yet stand nearly con- 
nected in import and origin. The condition of the text also in those 
passages found likewise in the Rik, points as distinctly to a more 
recent period as that of their collection. This, however, would not 
necessarily imply that the main body of the Atharva hymns were not 
already in existence when the compilation of the Rik took place. 
Their character would be ground enough for their rejection and exclu- 
sion from the canon, until other and less scrupulous hands were found 
to undertake their separate gathering into an independent collection. 
The nineteenth book is ... made up of matter of a like nature which 
had either been left out when they were compiled, or had been since 
produced." (Journal of the American Oriental Society, iv: 253, 255.) 
The priority of the Bigveda to the Atharva may also be argued from 
the fact that the rishis of the hymns in the Rigveda are referred to 
in the Atharvaveda as men of an earlier period ; in proof of which I 
may refer to the passages quoted in the first volume of this work, 
p. 330. It is true that the same thing is noticeable to some degree 
in the Rigveda itself, in some later hymns of which the rishis of 
earlier hymns are referred to by name. In the Atharvaveda, how- 



CHARACTER ^OF THE SAMAVEDA. 191 

ever, the names so specified are chiefly those of the more recent rishis, 
while many of the personages referred to in the Rigveda appear to 
belong to a more primitive age. (See Roth's Litt. und Geech. des 
Weda, p. 13.) In the former Veda, too, the Indian institutions appear 
in a somewhat more developed state than in the Rigvtda. There is 
one point at least in which this development seems to be visible, viz. 
in the caste system, see the first volume of this work, pp. 280-2*89. The 
following extract from Weber's History of Indian Literature, p. 10, 
will exhibit his opinior to of the general difference which exists between, 
the Rigveda and the Athar;vaveda : "The origin of the Atharva- 
sanhita falls within the period when Brahmanism had become dominant. 
.... Many of the hymns which it contains are to be found also in* 
the Rik-sanhita, but there they are recent interpolations originating in 
the period when its compilation took place ; while in the Atharva col- 
lection they are the just Jtad proper expression of the present. The 
spirit of the two collections is entirely different. In the Rik there 
breathes a lively natural feeling, a warm love for nature ; while in the 
Atharva, on the contrary, there predominates an anxious apprehension 
of evil spirits and their magical powers. In the Rik we see the people 
in the exercise of perfect freedom and voluntary activity ; while in the 
Atharva we observe them bound in the fetters of the hierarchy and of 
superstition." 284 " * 

(ii.) The Samaveda is a collection of separate texts to be chanted 
at particular parts of the sacrifice ; 223 which, with the exception of a 
few, are all to be found in different parts of the Eigveda, espe- 
cially the 8th and 9th mandalas. In the Rigveda we find the entire 
hymns : in the first part of the Samaveda we find only isolated verses 
of those hymns, dislocated from their natural connexion; though in 
the second part the extracts are connected, and of greater length. 
It is not, however, quite clear whether the Sanaa collection or the Rik 
collection may have been first made. Weber remarks (Hist, of Ind. 
Lit., pp. 9, 62), that the texts of the Samaveda frequently exhibit more 
ancient grammatical forms than those of the Rigveda, and suggests 
that as the former contains no extracts from any of the later hymns 
of the latter, it may have been compiled before these later pieces had 

224 * See Appendix, Note B. *" See Muller, pp. 472-3. 



192 THE VAJASANEYI AND TAITTIRIYA 

been composed ; but adds that this point has not been yet investigated. 226 
Whitney also leaves the question undecided (Journ. Am. Or. Society, 
iv. 253, 254). 

Miiller, on the other hand, says (Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 457) : "The 
other two Sachitas were more likely the production of the Brahmana 
period. These two Vedas, the Yajurveda and the Samaveda, were, 
in c truth, what they are called in the Kaushltakl-brahmana, the at- 
tendants of the Rigveda." 227 He supposes that the hymns found in the 

< r 

three Yedas were not " collected at three , times by three independent 
collectors. If so, their differences would have been greater than they 
are." Their actual differences are rather those of S'akhas or branches, 
he thinks, than of independent Sanhitas or collections. 

(iii.) Both the Sanhitas of the Yajurveda are collections of sacri- 
ficial formulas in prose, as well as of verses which are partly extracted 

2:8 In bis Ind. Stud. i. 63, f. the same author writes as follows : " As regards 
the relation of the Samaveda to the Rigveda, we must clearly represent to ourselves 
the manner in which in general these hymns arose, how they were then carried to a 
distance by the tribes when they migrated further, and were then regarded as sacred ; 
whilst in the country where they "were produced, they either, as living in the imme- 
diate popular consciousness, underwent alterations, or made way for new hymns, and 
were thus displaced and fell into oblivion. It is only a foreign country which sur- 
rounds what was produced at home with a i>acred enchantment. The emigrants 
remain at the old stage, preserving what. is ancient with painful exactness ; whilst at 
home life opens out for itself new paths. New emigrants follow the first from their 
home, join those already settle! in' the new seats ; and now the old and the new 
songs and rites are blended together, and exactly, but uncritically, learned by 
travelling scholars from different masters, and then inculcated (on this point several 
stories of the Brihad Aranyaka are especially instructive), so that a varied inter- 
mixture arises. Others again, more learned, endeavour to introduce arrangement ) 
to bring together things which are related, to separate what is diverse ; and thus 
a theological intolerance is generated, without which the fixation of a text or a canon 
is impossible. We should not overlook the influence of courts in this process, e.g. 
of Janaka, King of Videha, who had found in Yajnavalkya his Homer. Neither 
the Puranas nor the Charanavyuha afford us the means of arriving at an approxim- 
ately clear insight into the mutual relations of the different schools, which could only 
be attained by a comparison of the different teachers named in the Brahmanas and 
Sutras with one another, as well as with the text of Panini and the Ganapatha and 
Scholium thereto belonging. . . . Farther, the relation between the Rigveda 
and the Samaveda presents a certain analogy to that between the white and the 
black Yajush ; and as we frequently see the teachers who represent the latter abused in 
the Brahmana of the former, it cannot surprise us if the Panigins and Kaushltakins 
[teachers connected with the Rigveda] are similarly treated in the Samaveda 
Brahmana." 

227 Tat-paricharanav itarau vedau \ vi. 11. 



SANHITAS OF THE YAJUEVEDA. 193 

from the Eigveda. There is, however, this difference between the 
white (or Vajasaneyi) and black (or Taittiriya) Yajurveda Sanhitas, that 
the latter has partly the character of a Brahmana, although there is also 
a separate Taittirlya Brahmana. Many parts of the Yajurveda exhibit 
a more advanced development of religious institutions aad observances 
than the Rigveda. Professor Weber, the editor of this Veda, 228 con- 
siders (Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 10), that it "belongs to a period when, the 
Brahrnanical element had already become predominant, though it was 
still exposed to strenuous. opposition; and when, at all events, the 
Brahmanical hierarchy and the system of castes had been completely 
formed." The same writer 'tells us (pp. 106, 107), that "the 30th 
book of the Yajasaneyi-sanhita of the Yajurveda, in enumerating' 
the different classes of men who are to be consecrated at the Purusha- 
medha, or Human sacrifice, refers to the names of most of the In'dian 
mixed castes, so that wenay thence conclude that a complete con- 
solidation of the Brahmanical system had taken place." The Yaja- 
saneyi-sanhita is divided into forty Adhyayas or sections, of which 
Weber thinks (Hist, of Ind. Lit. pp. 10$, 104), that those from the 
19th to the 25th may be later than the first eighteen ; while there is, 
he remarks, no doubt that the last fifteen adhyayas are later, and 
perhaps much later, than the rest, of the collection. This is proved by 
this portion of the Sanhita being called a Khila, or supplement, toth 
in the anukramanl or index, which is a'scribed to Katyayana, and also 
in Mahidhara's Commentary on the Veda. 229 A further proof of the 
posteriority in date of the last parts of the Vajasaneyi-sanhita is, Weber 

228 In his Hist, of Ind. Lit. p. 140, "Weber tells us that " in the Anukramanl of 
Katyayana to the Vajasaneyi-sanhita of the Yajurveda, the authors (rishis) assigned 
to the particular verses (rich) usually coincide with the authors assigned to the same 
verses in the Anukramanl of the Eigveda ; but^ that there are many exceptions to 
this remark. In particular (as happens also in the Eig-anukramani) the name of 
the author appears often to be borrowed from some word occurring in the verse. 
And in the case (a very frequent one) of a verse being repeated in another part of 
the Yaj.-san., it is often assigned to an author different from the one to whom it 
had previously been ascribed. Many of. the rishis here referred to do not occur 
among those of the Eigveda, and belong to a later stage than the latter ; and among 
these rishis peculiar to the Vajasaneyi-sanhita there are several who are named in 
the S'atapatha-brahmana as teachers." 

239 The words of Mahldhara at the commencement of the 26th adhyaya are as 
follows: Idawm khilany uchyante \ "The Khilas are now to be explained." See 
also Miiller's Sansk. Lit., p. 358. 



194 THE RIGVEDA SANHITA. 

observes, derived from the fact that they are not found in the Sanhita of 
the Black Yajurveda, but only in its Brahmana or in its Aranyaka parts, 
which by their very character are in date subsequent to the Sanhita 
(p. 104). Weber is further of opinion (pp. 44, 105 and 106), that the 
names (Isana nd Mahadeva) assigned to the god Kudra in adhyaya 39, 
in addition to those by which he is designated in adhyaya 16 (where 
he is regarded as the divinity of fire, though addressed by many of the 
epithets which were subsequently applied to the god S'iva), indicate 
?, mere advanced stage in the worship of 'the rdeity in question at the 
time when adhyaya 39 was composed, than at the period when 
adhyaya 16 was written. Professor Mu'ller thinks that " there is 
nothing to prove that the hymn book of the Vajasaneyins [the Vaja- 
saneyi-sanhita] existed previous to their Brahmana" [the S'atapatha]. 
Sansk. Lit. p. 360. 

(iv.) We come now to the Bigveda-sanhita, which contains the 
most, extensive collection of the most ancient Vedic hymns in their 
complete form. It is divided into ten mandalas, and contains in all 
1017 hymns (Mu'ller, p. 497). " The Vedas," says Mr. Whitney (Journ. 
Am. Or. Soc., iii. 295), " contain the songs in which the first ances- 
tors of the Hindu people, at the ve^y dawn of their existence as 
a separate nation, while they were still only on the threshold of the 
great country which they were, afterwards to fill with their civilization, 
praised the gods, extolled heroic deeds, and sang of other matters 
which kindled their poetical fervour. 230 . . . The mass, as it lies before 
us, is almost exclusively of a religious character ; this may have had 
its ground partly in the end for which the collections were afterwards 
made, but it is probably in a far higher degree due to the character of 
the people itself, which thus shows itself to have been at the beginning 
what it continued to be throughput its whole history, an essentially 
religious one. . . . Hymn/? of a very different character are not en- 
tirely wanting, and this might be taken as an indication that, had 
they been more numerous, more would have been preserved to us." 231 

230 See also, for an account of the contents of the hymns, Professor "Wilson's 
Introduction to his translation of the Rigveda, p. xxiv. ff. ; and for numerous 
specimens, the other volumes of this work, passim. 

231 See my art. " Miscellaneous Hymns from the Rig and Atharva Vedas," in the 
Journal of the Royal As. Soc,, vol. ii. (new series) pp. 26, ff. and the fifth volume 



THE RISHJS, AUTHORS OF THE HYMNS. 195 

These hymns are said, hy later Indian writers, to have been " seen " 
by the ancient rishis or bards. Thus the Nirukta says (ii. 11) : Rishir 
darsandt\ " stomdn dadarsa" ity Aupamanyavah \ tad yad endms 
<l tapasyamdndn Brahma svayamlhv abhy-dnarshat te rishayo 'bhavan \ 
tad rishlndm rishitvam" iti vijndyate\ "'A rishi is s*o called from 
seeing. He saw the hymns : ' This is Aupamanyava's explanation. 
They became rishis, because Brahma, the self- existent, manifested 
himself to them when they were sunk in devotion. From this, as^s 
generally understood, they acquired their character of rishis." There, 
is, however, no doubt that ,the rishis were themselves the authors 
of these ancient songs, which they addressed to the gods when 
they were solicitous to obtain any blessing; or composed on other 
occasions. The scope of these hymns or mantras is well summed up 
in the following passage from the Anukramam (index) to the Rigveda, 
quoted by Colebrooke (Misc. Essays, i. p. 26) : Arthepsavah rishayo 
devatds chhandobhir abhyadhdvan\ "The rishis, desiring [various] 
objects, hastened to the gods with metrical prayers." It is also said 
iu the Nirukta, vii. 1 : Yat-kdmah rishir yasydni devatdydm arthapa- 
tyam ichhan stutim prayunlcte tad-devatah sa mantro lhavati \ " The 
hymn has for its deity the particular god to whom the rishi, seeking 
to obtain any particular object which he longs for, addresses his 
praises.'' The compositions of one of the rishis, Paruchhepa, 232 are 
distinguished by the repetition of some of the preceding words at the 
close of the lines. This peculiarity is thus noticed in the Mrukta, x. 
42 : Abhydse bhuyditisam artham many ante yathd, "aho darsamya, aho 
darsariiya" Tat Paruchhepasya sllam : ParuchJie'pah risJiih. " Scfme 
consider that greater force is added to a sentiment by repetition, as in 
the expression, '0 beautiful, beautiful.' This was Paruchhepa's 
turn of mind. He was a rishi.'' Hero Yaska, the author of the 
Nirukta, spfeaks of a particular mode of composition as peculiar to 
Paruchhepa, one of the Vedic rishis. But if the form of the com- 
positibn was the result of the rishi's own particular genius (silam}, 
he must have done more than "see" the hymn; he must himself 

of this work, pp. 421, ff. Professor Aufrecht remarks (Ind. Studien, iv. 8), that 
" possibly only a small portion of the Vedic poems may have heen preserved to us in 
the Rik-sanhita." 

233 See the third volume of this work, p. 212. 



196 DIFFERENCE IN AGE OF THE 

have determined its particular form. The hymn could not therefore 
have existed eternally, 233 expressed in its present words. Yaska, 
therefore, appears to be inconsistent with himself, when he states this 
doctrine in other passages, as x. 10, 46, where he says, risher drish- 
turthasya pritir akhyana-sarnyuUd : " Here the rishi, after he had 
beheld the contents [of a hymn], expresses his pleasure in narration." 
It, indeed, we are to understand by the word artha, " contents," that 
the matter of the hymn only, without the wot'ds, was revealed, there 

^wiU be no inconsistency. See, in additioncto $ie passages quoted here, 
those adduced in the third volume of this work, pp. 211, f. 

For many ages the successive generations of these ancient rishis 

1 continued to make new contributions to the stock of hymns, while they 
carefully preserved those which had been handed down to them by 
their forefathers. 234 The fact of this successive composition of the 

233 See the third volume of this work, pp. 71, ff., 91, f., and 208. 

23 * ( " The Indian Aryas were disposed to piety, both by their natural character and 
by the institutions of Manu. They were sustained in these sentiments by the chiefs 
of certain families in which their religious traditions had been more especially pre- 
served. In those primitive ages the political system was precisely the same as that 
which Homer depicts ; kings the veritable shepherds of their people ; cultivators 
or herdsmen united around their chiefs, and prepared, whenever necessity arose, to 
transform themselves into warriors ; numerous^ flocks and a profusion of rural wealth ; 
towns which were only large villages. < Some of these villages served as retreats to 
renowned sages, who, while their dependents were tending their fields and flocks, 
were themselves engaged in the* cultivation of sacred science, in the company of their 
sons, or their pupils, and fulfilled the functions of a Calchas or a Tiresias to some 
Indian Agamemnon or (Edipus in their neighbourhood. Invited by the chiefs to 
perform sacrifice, they arrived with their sacred retinue ; they ascended the moun- 
tain^ where an inclosure of lattice-work had been constructed; for temples were then 
unknown. There, beneath the vault of heaven, they recited their hereditary songs, 
or a newly-composed hymn ; they invoked the grand agents in nature to grant success 
to the labours of the field, increase to the flocks, and a succession of brave and 
virtuous descendants. They implored, they threatened their gods ; and when the 
sacred rites had been scrupulously performed, they retired loaded with gifts, carrying 
away cows, horses, ami cars filled with provisions, gold, and precious stuffs. We see 
thus by what fortune these hymns have been preserved, forming as they did, a patri- 
mony to certain families, a species of productive capital, which it was their interest 
to turn to the very best account. Composed on certain recognized and venerable 
themes, and sometimes retouched and renovated by the imagination of a new bard, 
they grew old, as they were transmitted from age to age, bearing on them, sometimes, 
the date of their composition, which was indicated by the name of the inspired author, 
or of some generous prince." Langlois, French translation of Rigveda, vol. i., 
pref. pp. i, xi. See also Mr. "Whitney's remarks in the Journal of the Am. Or. 
Soc., iv. 249. 



HYMNS OP THE RIGVEDA. 197 

hymns is evident from the ancient index (anulcramam) to the Rigveda, 
as continually quoted in the commentary of Sayana, which shows that 
these compositions are ascribed to different generations of the same 
families, as their " seers." For example, some of the hymns of the 
3rd mandala are assigned to Gathin, the father of Visvairfitra, others to 
Visvamitra himself, others to Rishabha, his son, others again to Kata, 
his descendant, and others to Utkila, of the race of Kata. 'Here we 
have the " seers " of hymns extending over five generations or mo^e. 
The same fact, viz. th'aV a tong interval elapsed between the compo- 
sition of the different hymns, is manifest from various passages in 
these compositions themselves. 235 Thus the second verse of the first 
hymn of the 1st mandala of the Rigveda is to the following effect : 
Agnih purvebhir rishibhir Idyo nutanair uta \ sa devdn d iha vakshati \ 
" Let Agni, who is to be worshipped by the former rishis, and by the 
recent ones, bring hither the gods." 236 There are many other verses 
alluding to a difference of antiquity in the hymns and their authors. 
Such are the following (R.V. i. 48, 14): Ye chid hi tvdm rishayah 
purve utaye juhilre \ " The former rishis who invoked thee for suc- 
cour," etc. (R.V. i. 62, 13) Sanayate Ootamah Indra navyam atakshad 
brahma hari-yojanuya \ "Nodhas, a Gotama, has fabricated this new 
prayer to thee, Indra, who art ftom of old, that thou mayest yoke thy 
coursers," etc. 237 (R.V. iii. 32, 13) Yah stomelhir vavridhe purvyeffhir 
yo madhyamebhir uta toutanebhih \ " "Who [Indra] has grown through 

praises, ancient, middle, and modern." 238 (R.V. vi. 44, 13) Yah 



233 This subject is more fully treated in the third volume of this work, pp. 217, ff. 

236 The comment of Yaska on this passage (Nirukta vii. 16) is as follows : A'gnir 
yah pur v air rishibhir Ilitavyo vanditavyah asmabhis navataraih sa devan iha avahatv 
iti | " Let Agni, who is to be Avorshipped, reverenced, by the former rishis, and by 
us the more modern ones, bring the gods hither." Sayana annotates thus on the 
passage: Ayam Agnih " purvebhih" puratatfair Bhrigv-angirah-prabhritibhir 
"tdyah" stutyo "nutanair uta" idariintanair asmabhir api stutyah \ "This 
Agni, who is to be worshipped, i.e. celebrated, by tht? former, i.e. the ancient rishis, 
Bhrigu, Angiras, and the rest, and by the recent, i.e. the present [rishis], ourselves 
also," etc. 

237 Navyam " nutanam " brahma " \tat sukta-rupam stotraih " no " asmad- 
artham " atakshad" akarot \ Sayana. "Fabricated, i.e. made for us this new 
brahma, i.e. praise in the form of this sukta." The same verb taksh is also applied 
to the composition of hymns in R.V. i. 109, 1 ; ii. 19, 8 ; and vi. 32, 1. 

23* Puratanaih \ madhye bhavaih \ asmubhih kriyamanair adhunatanaih stotraih \ 
" Praises ancient, intermediate, and formed by us at present." This verse is referred 
to by Muller, p. 482. 



198 DIFFERENCE IN AGE OF THE 

purvydbhir uta nutandbhir girlhir vavridhe grinatdm rishindm \ " He 
[India] who has grown by the ancient and modern hymns of the rishis 
who praised him." (R.V. vii. 22, 9) Ye cha purve rishayo ye cha 
nutndh Indra brahmdni janayanta vvprdh \ " Indra, the wise rishis, 
both ancient 'and modern, have generated prayers." (E..V. x. 23, 6) 
Stomam te Indra Vimaddh ajljanan apurvyam purutamam suddnave \ 
"'The Vfmadas have generated, 239 Indra, for thee, the beneficent, a 
copious hymn, before unheard." " 

t In the Vajasaneyi-sanhita of the Yajurveja* (xviii. 52), we meet 
with the following text : Imau tu pakshdv ajarau patatrinau ydbhydm 
rakshdmsi apahamsi Agne \ tdbhydm patema, sukritdm u lokam yatra 
' rishayo jagmuh prathamajdh purdnuh \ "But these undecaying feathered 
pinions, with which, Agni, thou slayest the Eakshases, with them 
let us ascend to the world of the righteous, whither the earliest-born 
ancient rishis have gone." 240 The writer of this verse was himself a 
rishi, and it is clear, according to his statement, that long before his 
time other rishis had gone to the regions of the blessed. 

And in the Rigveda we find reference made in numerous hymns 
to earlier rishis (who themselves are yet declared by later writers to 
have been authors of hymns included in the same Yeda) having been 
delivered by the gods in ancient times. Thus Atri, the author of 
several Vedic hymns (37, 38, 39, 40, 43, 85, and 86, of the 5th man- 
dala), Eanva, the authoV of hymns 37-43 of* the 1st mandala, and 
Vasishtha, the author of the greater part of the 7th mandala, are 
spoken of in several other hymns, e.g. in mandala i. 112, 7, 9, 16; 
i. 117, 3, 8 ; i. 118, 7, as if they belonged to an earlier age. 

The descendants of the most celebrated rishis would, no doubt, 
form complete collections of the hymns which had been composed by 
their respective ancestors. After being thus handed down, with little 
alteration, in the families of the original'authors for several centuries, 
during which many of them were continually applied to the purposes 

239 The verb ajljanan, "generated," a,s applied to hymns, also occurs in R.V. 
viii. 77. 4, and viii. 84, 5. See also Samaveda, ii. 108, 109, and 1059, with Benfey's 
translation and note, p. 245. 

240 On the last words the commentator on v. 58 annotates: " Prathamajah " 
purvotpannah \ "puranah" pura'pi navah ajaramarah rishayo yatra lake jagmuh \ 
" The world whither the rishis, first-born, i.e. earliest-produced, ancient, i.e. in 
former times, also, young, imperishable, and immortal, have gone." 



HYMNS OF THE EIGVEDA. 199 

of religious worship, these hymns, which had been gathering an ac- 
cumulated sanctity throughout all this period, were at length collected 
in one great body of sacred literature, styled the Sanhita of the Rig- 
veda a work which in the Puranas is assigned to Vedavyasa, and one 
of his pupils. 241 

As the process of hymn composition continued thus to go on for 
many centuries, it was likely that the collection, when firfally com- 
pleted, would contain 'many comparatively new' hymns, written just 
before the canon was <jloseel. Even after this latter event took plac<j 
we find that some hymns were composed which must have had some 
pretensions to a sacred character, as, though not admitted into the 
canon of the Kigveda,.they are found copied as Khilas or later addi-' 
tions, at the end of some of the sections in the manuscripts of that 
work ; and some passages from them are, as Professor Miiller informs 
me, inserted in the other three Vedas, and are enjoined by Asvalayana 
to be employed on particular occasions, in the ceremonial of sacrifice. 
"Whether or not these Khilas are the oldest extant compositions after 
those included in the Yedic collections (and their style shows them not 
to be all so), they must at least, from the position which they have 
gained of the Vedic apocrypha, be regarded as a link connecting the 
Yedic hymns with the later parts/of Indian literature. 

The hymns in the Rik-sanhita which bear the most modern char*ac- 
ter, and which from their age stand chronologically nearest to the 
Khilas just alluded to, are (according to Professor Miiller, p. 484) 
those in which reference is made to a complicated ceremonial, to a 
great variety of priests with different functions and appellations, o*r in 
which the liberality of royal patrons to the sacerdotal class is the 
theme of celebration. One composition, of which the modern character 
is acknowledged by most critics, 242 is the'so-called Purusha Sukta, the 
90th hymn'of the 10th mandala (quoted in pp. 6-11 of the first volume 

241 " I suppose that at different and unknown epochs, on the invitation of some 
prince, learned and pious persons must have been charged to collect the hymns com- 
posed for the use of the several sacerdotal' families, and to arrange them in a certain 
order consistent with the maintenance of the texts. When we observe the spirit 
which has directed these collectors, we can comprehend how there should be so many 
repetitions both in the ideas and the words. The ancient bards had borrowed from 
each other many thoughts which the compilers of different eras have scrupulously 
reproduced." Langlois, French translation of Rigveda, vol. i., pref. p. xiii. 

242 Prof. Haug is an exception. See the first volume of this work, p. 11. 



200 THE VARIOUS STAGES OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 

of this work), which Mr. Colebrooke M3 characterizes in the following 
terms : 

"That remarkable hymn is in language, metre, and style, very 
different from the rest of the prayers with which it is associated. It 
has a decidedly more modern tone ; and must have been composed after 
the Sanskrit language had been refined, and its grammar and rhythm 
perfected. The internal evidence which it furnishes, serves to demon- 
strate the important fact that the compilation' of the Yedas, in their 
present arrangement, took place after tb?e Sanskrit tongue had ad- 
vanced from the rustic a"nd irregular dialect in which the multitude 
of hymns and prayers of the Yedas was composed, to the polished and 
sonorous language in which the mythological poems, sacred and pro- 
fane (puranas and cdvyas), have been written." (See also the remarks 
made on this hymn by Prof. Muller, Anc. Sansk. Lit. p. 571.) The. 
last-named author thinks it is a mistake to regard any hymn as modern, 
merely from the presence in it of philosophical ideas. But I must 
refer to his own work, pp. 556, ff., for a statement of his views on this 
point. 

The sketch which I have now given of Sanskrit literature shows 
that we can trace it back, by a series of almost continuous links up to 
the period of its rise. 244 If the Vedlc hymns cannot be connected im- 
mediately with the literature which follows next after them, they are 
at least separated from it by no very distant interval ; and they are 
evidently the natural product of the same fertile Indian mind which 
afterwards gave birth to the Brahmanas, the Upanishads, the Darsanas, 
and the different epic and mythological poems. 

In the Rigveda we possess, as has been already remarked, a collec- 
tion of hymns which were composed during many successive genera- 
tions, but its most ancient 'portions constitute the earliest of all the 
extant remains of Indian^ authorship, and not only display to us the 
Sanskrit language in the oldest phase in which we can ever see it 

243 Misc. Ess., i. 309, note. , 

241 It may, perhaps, be thought that this subject has been treated at a length dis- 
proportioned to the purpose which I have immediately in view, viz., to trace the 
mutations of the Sanskrit language. But a full exhibition of the character and 
antiquity of the Vedic hymns, and of the relation in which they stand to the other 
parts of Indian literature, will be found to form a necessary basis for various other 
discussions which will appear in the sequel of this work, and I have deemed the 
present a convenient opportunity for its introduction. 



DIFFERENCE OF VEDIC AND OTHER INDIAN MYTHOLOGY. 201 

exhibited, but also afford us some of the most authentic materials 
which we can ever obtain for our researches into the earliest history, 
religious and political, of the Indian people, and into their pre'-histori- 
cal relations with the other branches of the Indo-European family. 

Fifth : If any further proof be wanted of the greater antiquity of 
the Vedic hymns, as compared with the other books esteemed more or 
less sacred by the Hindus, as, for instance, the epic poems and the 
Puranas, it may be found in the great difference between the myths- 
logical systems which are discoverable in these two classes of wo*rks 
respectively. As I return to this subject in another volume of this 
work (the fourth), I may content myself with a very summary notice 
of it at present. The following extracts from Professor H. H. Wilson's 
introduction to the first volume of his translation of the Kigveda, 
pp. xxiv, xxvii, will give some idea of the difference to which I 
allude : 

" The next question is, who are the gods to whom the praises.and 
prayers [in the Kigveda] are addressed? And here we find also 
a striking difference between the mythology of the Kigveda and that 
of the heroic poems and Puranas. The divinities worshipped are not 
unknown to later systems, but ,they there perform very subordinate 
parts, whilst those deities who are *the, great gods the Dii majorts of 
the subsequent period, are eittter wholly unnamed in the Veda, or are 
noticed in an inferior and different capacity. The names of S'IVA, of 
MAHADEVA, of DTJEGA, of KALI, of KAMA, of KEISHSTA, never occur, as far 
as we are yet aware; we have a KUDEA, who, in after times, is identified 
with S'IVA, but who, even in the Puranas, is of very doubtful origin 
and identification, whilst in the Yeda he is described as the father of 
the winds, and is evidently a form of either AGNI or IKDEA; the 
epithet KAPAEDDIN, 245 which is applied to him, appears, indeed, to have 
some relation to a characteristic attribute of {JVTVA, the wearing of his 
hair in a peculiar braid ; but the term has probably in the Veda a 

245 [This epithet occurs in the following; passage, verse i. of Sukta 114, Mandala 
1st: Imah Rudraya tavase kapardine kshayadvlraya prabharamahe matih \ yatlia 
s'am asad dvipade chatmhpade visvam pushtam grame asminn anaturam \ i.e. " We 
offer these praises to the strong Rudra, with the braided hair, the destroyer of heroes, 
in order that health may be enjoyed by bipeds and quadrupeds, and that all beings 
in this village may be well nourished, and exempt from disease." The same epithet 
Jcapardin is also applied to Pushan in R.V. vi. 55, 2, and ix. 67, 1 1. See the fifth 
volume of this work, pp. 177 and 462. J.M ] 

VOL. II. 14 



202 AGNI CALLED RUDRA, BHAVA, S'ARVA, ETC. 

different signification one now forgotten, although it may have 
suggested in aftertime the appearance of SivA in such a head-dress, 
as identified with AGNI ; for instance, KAPARDDLN may intimate his 
head being surrounded by radiating flame, or the word may be an in- 
terpolation ; at any rate, no other epithet applicable to S'IYA occurs, 
and there is not the slightest allusion to the form in which, for the last 
ten centuries at least, he seems to have been almost exclusively wor- 
shipped in India that of the Linga or Phallus ; neither is there the 
"slightest hint of another important feature ef later Hinduism, the 
Trimurtti, or Tri-une combination of BRAHMA, VISHXTT, and S'IVA, as 
typified by the mystical syllable Oin. although, according to high 
authority on the religions of antiquity, the Trimurtti was the first 
element in the faith of the Hindus, and the second was the Lingam. 
Creuzer, 'Religions de 1'Antiquite,' book i. chap. i. p. 140." 

Even so late as the time when the S'atapatha-brahmana was com- 
posed, the names afterwards appropriated to Mahadeva were applied to 
Agni, as appears from the following passage, i. 7, 3, 8, p. 70 : Agnir 
vat devah \ tasya etdni ndmani " S'arvah " iti yathd Pruchyuh achakshate 
" JBhavah" iti yathd BahiJcuh " PaSunam patih " " Rudrah " " Agnir " 
iti | tdny asya asuntdny eva itardni nqmdni \ " Agnir " ity eva sdntata- 
man\ "Agni is a god. These ,sre v his names, viz., ' S'arva,' as the 
eastern people call him; 'Bhava,' as the Bahikas ; 'Pasunam pati,' 
'the lord of animals'; 'Budra;' and 'Agni.' These others are his 
ill-omened names. Agni is his mildest appellation." (See Weber's 
Indische Studien, i. 189, ii. 19-22, 37, 302 ; the S'atapatha-brahmana, 
vi. 1, 3, 10-17, ix. 1, 1, 1, 2, quoted in pp. 283, ff. and 289, f., of the 
fourth volume of this work; and Jour. Am. Or. Soc. iii. 319. ) 216 

216 I add here some passages not adduced in my fourth volume. The Taittiriya 
Sanhita, i. 5, 1, 1, has the following "akhyayika" (little story) : Devasurah sam- 
yattah asan \ te devah vijayam upayanto 'gnau vamam vasu sannyadadhata " idam 
u no bhavishyati yadi nojeshyanti " iti [ tad Agnir nyakamayata \ tena apakramat \ 
tad devah vijitya avarunitsamanah anvayan \ tad asya sahasa aditsanta \ so 'rodlt \ 
yad arodlt tad Rttdrasya rudratvam \ " The Gods and Asuras contended. The 
Gods, on the eve of gaining a victory, deposited their desirable property with Agni, 
in order that, as they said, they might retain it in case their enemies should van- 
quish them. Agni coveted this property, and absconded with it. Then the gods, 
having conquered their enemies, desired to recover their property, followed Agni, 
and sought to take it from him by force. He wept. From the fact that ' he wept ' 
(arodTt, from the root md], he derives his name and character of ' Rudra.' " In the 
same Sanhita, book v., p. 466 of India Office MS., we find the words : Eudro vai esha 



THE VEDIC VISHNU. 203 

Again, in p. xxxiv. of his Introduction, Professor "Wilson says, in 
regard to Vishnu; " There is no separate hymn to Vishnu, but he is 
mentioned as Trivikrama, or he who took three steps or paces, which 
Colebrooke thought might have formed the groundwork of the 
Pauranik legend of the dwarf Avatar. It may have b3en suggestive 
of the fiction ; but no allusion to the notion of Avatars occurs in the 
Veda, and there can be little doubt that the three steps here referred 
to are the three periods'of the sun's course his rise, culmination, and 
setting." 247 The passage hre alluded to by Professor Wilson is as 
follows: Bigveda i. 22, 16-21 : (16) Ato devdh avantu no yato VuTinw 
vichakrame \ prithivydh sapta dhdmabhih UB \ (17) Idam Vi&hrmr mcha- 
Jcrame tredJid nidadhe padam \ samulham asya pdmsure \ (18) Trlni padd 
vichakrame Vishnur gopdh addlhyah \ ato dharmdni dhdrayan \ (19) 
Fishnoh Icarmdni pasyata yato vratdni paspase \ Indrasya yujyah sakhd \ 
(20) Tad Vishnoh par amam padam sadd paiyanti surayah \ divlva chak- 
shur dtatam \ (21) Tad viprdso vipanyavo jdgrivdmsah samindhate \ Vish- 
nor yat paramam padam \ 

" (16) May the gods preserve us from that (place) whence Vishnu 
strode across the seven regions of the earth [or, according to the 
Samaveda, over the surface of the earth]. (17) Vishnu traversed 
this (universe) : in three places be planted his foot, and [the world] 
was enveloped in his dust. ("18) Vishnu, the preserver, the unm- 
jurable, stepped three steps, upholding thereby fixed ordinances. (19) 
Behold the deeds of Vishnu, through which this intimate friend of 
Indra has perceived the established laws. (20) The wise ever con- 
template that supreme station of Vishnu, placed like an eye in the 
sky. (21) The wise, ever vigilant and offering praise, kindle that 
which is the supreme station of Vishnu." (See "Wilson's translation, 
pp. 53, 54 ; Benfey's translation of the Samaveda, pp. 223 and 287 ; 
his Glossary,- p. 191, under the word sapta, and his translation of the 

yad Agnih \ " This Agni is Eudra." And in v. 5, 7, 3 : Eudro vai esha ijad Agnih \ 
sa yatha vyaghrah kruddhas tishthaty eva vai esha\ tar hi sachitam etair upati- 
shthate namaskarair eva tarn samayati \ " This Agni is Rudra. He stands enraged 
like a tiger. Then he approaches him when kindled, and quiets him with these 
prostrations." 

24T " It is expressly so stated by Durgacharya, in his commentary on the Nirukta. 
See Burnouf, Introduction to the third volume of the Bhagavata Purana, p. xxii." 

248 Instead of sapta dhamabhis, the Samaveda, ii. 1024, reads adhi sanavi, "over 
the surface." 



204 VEDIC CONCEPTION OF VISHNU. 

R.Y. in Orient und Occident, p. 30 : see, also, the fourth volume of 
this work, pp. 54, ff.) 219 

The remarks of Yaska on this passage have been already quoted 
above (p. 176). The following is the note of the commentator, 
Durgacharya, on Yaska's explanation of the above passage of the 
Rjgveda (see above, note 247, p. 203) : Vishnur ddityah \ katJiam iti \ 
yatahdha "tredha nidadhe padam" nidhatte padam nidhdnam padaih\^~\ \ 
Kva tatra tdvat \ " prithivydm antarikshe dwi" iti S'dTcapunih\ pdr- 
*ihi'V~o 'gnir bhiltvd " jyrithivydm" yat kibchid* asti tad vilcramate tad 
adhitishthati " antarikshe " vaidyutdtmand " divi" surydtmand\ yad 
^uktam "tarn u alcrinvan tredhd Ihuve ham" (E..Y. x. 88, 10) j 
" Samdrohane udayagirdv udyan padam ekam nidhatte vishnupade ma- 
dhyandine antarikshe gayasirasy astangirdv " ity Aurnavdlhah dchdryo 
manyate \ 

11 Vishnu is the Sun. How? Because he says, 'thrice he planted 
his foot.' "Where did he do so ? ' On the earth, in the firmament, 
and in the heaven,' says S'akapuni. Becoming terrestrial fire, he 
paces or resides a little upon the earth, in the shape of lightning in the 
firmament, and in the form of the sun in heaven. As it is said, ' they 
made him to exist in a threefold form,! (R.Y. x. 88, 10). Aurnavabha 
Acharya thinks the meaning is, ,' Hfe plants one step on the ' Samaro- 
hana' (point of ascension), when rising over the eastern mountain, 
(another) at noon on the Yishnupada, the meridian sky, (a third) on 
Gayasiras, when setting beneath the western hill.' " 

Any one who has the slightest acquaintance with the later Hindu 
mythology will perceive at once how different these Yedic repre- 
sentations are from the Puranic accounts of S'iva and Yishnu. 250 
Such changes as these, in the conception of the gods, must have been 
the work of time. Here, 'therefore, we have another proof of the 
antiquity of the Yedic hymns as compared with the othe'r portions of 
Indian literature. 

249 Under the word dharman, Bohtlin&k and Roth quote Viilakhilya iv. 3, where 
it is said, Yasmai Vishnus trini pada vichakrame upa mitrasya dharmabhih\ 
" For whom (for Indra) Vishnu strode three paces in the quality of a friend, or 
according to the custom of a friend." The explanation of the last words of the line 
are from B. and E. 

230 The modifications which have taken place in the conceptions of these two deities 
are fully exhibited in the fourth volume of this work, to which I refer for further 
particulars. 



VEDIC AND LATER GRAMMATICAL FORMS. 205 

Sixth : Another proof of the greater antiquity of the Vedic hymns 
as compared with the later S'astras may be found in the fact that the 
former represent to us a considerable difference in the religious in- 
stitutions of the Indian people at the time when they were composed 
as compared with the usages of later periods. For information on 
this subject I may refer to the first volume of this work, passim. , 

Seventh : How different the Sanskrit of the Vedic age was in many 
of its forms from those. which the later Sanskrit assumed, and still re- 
tains, may be seen from tile subjoined specimens taken from the Eigvefia : * 

Eigveda, i. 2, 1, with modern Sanskrit interpretation underneath : 
VEDIC ( Vdyav dydhi darsata iihe somdh aran- "] Come, Vfiyu, these ' 
I EXT. I kritdh\ tesham pdhi srudhi havam \ \ somas are prepared. 251 

MOD ( V a y av dydhi darsanlya ime somdh alan- I Drink of tnem 5 iear 

7 ., .71,7- !/ 7 our invocation." 

bANs. ( kritah \ tesham pioa srinu havam \ J 

Here it will be observed that four Vedic words, darsata, arankriidh, 
pdhi, srudhi, differ from the modern Sanskrit forms. 

Eigveda, i. 3, 7 : 

VEDIC ( Omdsas charshanldhrito visve devdsah "| 

TEXT. I agata \ ddsvdmso dasushah tutam \ " Visve devas, preservers of 
/ Omdh [rakshakdh] charshanidhrito >> men, bestowers [of reward], 



MOD. 



come to the libation of him 



\ visvedevdh dgachchhata \ ddtdro da- , 

SANS. I who gives you [oblations]. 

\ tuh sutam \ 

Here the Vedic forms omdsah, devdsah, and dgata, stand, for omdh, 
devtih, and dgachchhata. 

Eigveda, vii. 33, 5 : 

VEDIC ( Vasishtltasya stuvatah Indro asrod iirum ~] " Indra heard Vasishtha 
TEXT. \ tritsubhyo akrinod u lokam \ when he ^ered praise, and 

-T . .. > opened up a wide space to 

MOD. irasishthasya stuvatah Indro asrinod t ^ e fnksus " (Seevol i 
SANS. I urum tritsubhyo akarod u lokam \ J p. 320.) 

Here we have the Vedic forms asrot and akrinot, for the modern 
asrinot and akarot. 

251 Prof. Aufrecht suggests that the word alankrita has not the sense of " pre- 
pared " in later Sanskrit ; that the construction tesham piba would be improper 
there ; and that charshanidhrit would not be understood in modern times. 



206 PANINI ON VEDIC FORMS. 

This fact of the frequent diversity between the Vedic and ordinary 
Sanskrit is recognized in every page of his work by the great gramma- 
rian Parjini. I will quote one of the Sutras, in which he refers to some 
instances of this, together with the illustrations given in the Yarttika 
(vii. 2, 64) '.Sabhutha dtatantha jagribhma vavartha iti nigame \ \ 
itg etdnivede nipdtyante \ bhu\ " hotd prathamo babhutha" \ "babhu- 
vitha" itiloke \ tanu \ "yena antariksham uru dtatantha" \ " dtenitha'' 
itiloke | graha \ "jagribhma te dahhinam Inclra hastam" \ "jagrihi- 
wa* iti loke \ vrin \ "vavartha tvamhijyopishd^ \ " vavaritha" iti loke\ 
" The exceptional forms babhutha, dtatantha, jagribhma and vavartha 
are employed in the Yeda instead of the ordinary forms, babhuvitha, 
dtenitha, jagrihima, and vavaritha ; as in the texts, ' thou wast the 
first priest,' 'whereby thou didst stretch out the wide firmament,' 'we 
have seized, Indra, thy right hand/ 'thou didst envelope with 
light.' " 

In, Sutra vi. 4, 102, other instances are alluded to of grammatical 
forms which are peculiar to the Yeda, viz., the imperatives srudhi for 
srinu, 'hear'; Jcridhi for kuru, 'do' ; vridhi for vrinu, ' cover '\purdhi 
for prinlhi, 'fill.' 

In the Yivarana of Nagesa Bhatta <?n the Mahabhashya, the follow- 
ing reference is made to certain fprms which are employed in the Yeda 
only : Evam cha veda-mdtrdntargata-" karnebhir-devdso-gribhndmi"-ity- 
ddy - atirikta - paratd laukika-sabdasya tais tad-vyavahdrddarsandt \ 
" The term 'secular' (laulcika) refers to words different from such as 
Itarnebhih (for karnaih\ devdsah (for devdh], and gribhndmi (for 
grihndmi), which are to be found in the Yeda alone, for we never 
see them employed by secular people." 

Neuter plurals in I and d are also of frequent occurrence in the 
Yedic hymns, as trl and purnd for trlni and purndni. So too the 
final i in nouns ending in n, is often left out in the locative, as in 
ajman, adhvan, karman, charman, janman, dhanvan, Sarman, vyoman, 
for ajmani, adhvani, etc. So also d is substituted for au in the nom. 
and accus. dual, as in yd surathd for yau surathau, etc. 

In nouns in i the instrumental singular is often formed by f , instead of 
yd, as saktl for saktyd, and the locative by a instead of au, as ndbhd for 
ndbhau. Nouns in u frequently form the instrumental case in vd 
instead of und, as kratvd, madhvd, sarvd, for kratund, etc. ; the dative 



SPECIMENS OF FORMS PECULIAR TO THE HYMNS. 207 

in ve, instead of ave, as kratve, sisve, for Tcratave, etc. ; the genitive 
in vah for oh or unah, as pasvah for pasoh, madhvah and vasvah for 
madhunah, etc.; and the locative in avi instead of au, as anavi,.tra8ada- 
syavi, dasyavi, druhyavi, sdnavi, for anau, etc. "Words in I make in 
the nominative singular Ih instead of z, as adurmangallh, krishmh, 
gdndharvih, kalytinih, for adurmangall, etc. In adjectives the form 
yas is frequently substituted for lyas, as in ahanyas, navy as;' rabhyas, 
vasyas, saliyas, for ahamyas, etc. The second personal pronoun some- 

" 9 * 

times takes in the insfr. sing, the form tvd instead of tvayd, aryi in 
the loc. tve for tvayi. According to Yaska (Nir. vi. 7), the plural form 
asme of the first personal pronoun can be used in all the seven cases. 
The dem. pronoun idam makes in the instr. sing. m. and n. end, f. ayd,' 
for anena and anayd, and along with him we find also kad. The two 
words, nakt's, "never," "no one," and mdkis, "let not," and "le"t no 
one," are peculiar to the hymns, as are also the adverbs Ituha, 
"where?" kathd, "how?" "whence?" and the preposition sadha 
for saha, "with," in the words sadhastha, sadhamd, sadhamdda, and 
tadha&tuti. The form tman for dtman, "self," is found almost ex- 
clusively in the hymns. Na in the hymns has frequently the sense 
of "as," as well as of "not" (see Nir. i. 4, quoted above, p. 151). 

To the conjugational forms specified above as found in the Vedic 
hymns, but not in later Sanskrit, may be added the following, viz., 
smasi, imasi, grinlmasi, lharamasi, vaddmasf, usmasi, ndsaydmasi, etc., 
for smah or smas, etc. The pas^ participle in tvd takes also the forms 
tvl, and tvdya, as in hatvl, pltvl; Jcritvl, Icritvd'ya; gatvi, gatvdya; drish- 
tvdya, etc. In the infinitive, besides the form in turn, we frequently 
meet with the forms tave, tavai, toh (or tos), and adhyai, as etave, 
etavai, etoh; kartave, bartavai, kartoh; gantave, gantavai, gamadhyai ; 
dhdtave and dhiy adhyai; lhartave, apabJmrtavai, bharadhyai (R.V. vi. 
66, 3); harttavai, jlvitavai, prinadhyai, paritamsay adhyai; and an in- 
finitive form dyai, "to come," is found in R.V. ii. 18, 3. So also 
jlvase 253 and chakshase are used in the sense of the infinitive, as are also 
Arise and vishkalhe (R.V. viii. 89, 12), and vidmane (R.V. i. 164, 6). 

252 As we have seen above, p. 91, kuhim and kuhafh are employed in Pali, and 
kahim in the Gatha dialect, and in Prakrit, for " where ? " 

253 This word is also used in the same way in the Mahiibharata, i. 732, as quoted 
in B. and R's. Lexicon, s.v. 



208 GRAMMATICAL FORMS PECULIAR TO THE HYMNS. 

So too the hymns have some moods called by grammarians let, which, 
according to Prof. "Wilson (Grammar, 2nd ed., p. 463), have all the signi- 
fications, of the potential and imperative, as well as of the conditional 
and impersonal. Such are the forms, patdti, "may it fall," avahasi, 
" mayest thou bring, " jlvdti, vardhdn, yajdti, pacJidti, vanati, bravdma; 
asat, "it must be," bhuvat, sunavat, dr.isat, srinavat, sravat, ninddt, 
ninitsdt, ' \jajdtai, prinaithe. In some verbs, the syllable na is added 
to the second person plural imperative, as pipartana, vivalctana, tiretana, 
$idightana, etc. The pass. fut. participle v^tavyfl, appears in some verbs 
in the form tva, as in kartva,jantva, and sotva (R.V. x. 160, 2). 

The following are some of the variations exhibited in the conjugation 
'of different verbs of common occurrence ; av makes aviddhi instead of 
ava in the imperative; lcri, "to make," takes in the present Jcarski, 
kardsi, and Icrinoshi, for Icaroshi; akar, aJcarah, and akrinoh for aJcaroh; 
dkran and akrinvan for akurvan ; akrinuta and akrinotana for akuruta ; 
kridhi, kara, krinu and krinuhi for kuru, etc.; gam, "to go," takes the 
forms gamati, ganti, jaganti, in place ofgaohhati; gameyam, andjagam- 
yum, for gachcheyam; dgamyat for agachhet; agatha for dgachhatha; agan 
and gan for agachhat; aganma for agachhama; agman and gman for 
agaclihan ; tigahi and dgantu for agacliha and agachhatu ; ganta and gan- 
tana for gachhata. In the reduplicated perfect the root tyaj becomes 
tilydja, instead of tatyuja ; in the aorist tan makes atdn for atdnlt. 
Dris makes adrdk for adrd'itshlt, and has driseyam where later Sanskrit 
has pasyeyam ; adrisran for apasyar^ ; dadrisre for dadn'sire, etc. 
The root tar frequently becomes tlr when prepositions are prefixed, as 
in d-tirat, pratira, vitiranti. Duh makes aduhra, instead of aduhata, 
"they milked." Dhd, "to hold," makes dhita, instead of Jiita (though 
an instance of the same archaic form in the Harivamsa 7799 is cited 
by B. and E,., as is also dhitvd in the S'atap. Br.). Dah, " to burn," 
makes in the aorist adhdk and dhdk, instead of adhdkshlt: Da. "to 

r 

give," makes ddti and ddtu for daddti and daddtu, and daddhi for dehi. 
The root Ihu has in the imperative bhutu for bhavatu; and bhri, to 
"nourish," or "carry," makes in the reduplicated perfect jabhdra, 
instead of babhdra. Much, " to free," makes mumugdhi and mumoktu, 
instead of muncha and munchatu. Yam, "to hold," "to give," 
makes yamati, yamsi, yandhi, yanta, for yachhati, yachhasi, yachha, 
yachhata. Frit takes the forms avart + d 5= dvart, etc., instead 



GEAMMATICAL FOEMS PECULIAR TO THE HYMNS. 209 

of dvarttata (R.V. vii. 59, 4), dvavarttati for the intensive (R.V. 
viii. 77, 4). Vid makes vidre (R.V. vii. 56, 2) for viduh (?), 
and vividdhi for viddhi (?). S'ru, "to hear," makes in, the im- 
perative (besides srudhi, the form given above) srinuhi, srinudhi, for 
srinu; and srinota and srota (R.V. v. 87, 8) forsrinuta. Spardh, "to 
vie," makes paspridhre for paspridhire. Su, " to invoke," makes 
juhure for juhvire. In R.V. x. 125, 4, a form sraddhivam ""deserving 
belief," is found, which appears to be peculiar to the R.V, (In the 
Atharvaveda iv. 30, 4 > sraddheyam is substituted for it.) In ftvture, 
participles the R.V. frequently substitutes enya for ariiya, as in Idenya, 
Tclrtenya, drisenya, yudhenya, varenya, for Idaniya, etc. Other forms 
peculiar to the Veda are gribfidyati (as well as gribhndti\ dabhdyati,' 
mathdyati, mushdyati, stabhdyati, for grihndti, etc. ; and so also are 
such forms derived from the perfect tense, as jaJcshlydt from ghas, 
papatydt, paplydt, mamanydt ; and the curtailed forms of the first 
person of the imperative, as nirayd (R.V., iv. 18, 2), prachard (viii. 
47, 6), and pralravd (x. 39, 5), for niraydni, etc. 

Other Vedic peculiarities are (a] the manner in which adjectives are 
employed, like the verbs with which they are connected, to govern 
an accusative, as in the cases yarn yajnam paribhur asi, "the sacrifice 
which thou encompassest " (R.V*, i. 1, 4): vllu chid drujatnubhih, 
" who break down even what is firm" (i. 6, 5) ; id somam somapdtafnd \ 
"they are great drinkers of soma" (i. 2\, 1}; ckakrir yo visvd \ "who 
made all things " (iii. 16, 4) ; babhrir vajram papih somam dadir gdh \ 
"who holds the thunderbolt, drinks- soma, and gives cows " (vi. 23, 4); 
dadih reknas tanve dadir vasu, " giving property, giving wealth to* the 
poor" (viii. 46, 15 ; ii. 14, 1 ; vi. 72, 3) : (5) compounds formed with 
present participles, as abharad-vasu, ridhad-ri, dhdrayat-kavi, Jcshayad- 
vira, sravayat-salchd : and (c] the separation of prepositions from verbs, 
which so frequently occurs, as in the cases upa tvd emasi\ "we 
approach thee " (i. 1,7); gamad vdjebhir a sa nah \ "let him come to 
us with riches" (i. 5, 3) ; a tvd msantu dsavah somdsah \ "may the 
quickly-flowing soma-juices enter thee" (i. 5, 7); a tvd vahantu, "let 
them bring thee " (i. 16, 3) ; ni cha dhimahi, " we put down " (i. 17, 6). 

It must not, however, be supposed, from these differences in form 
which we discover to exist between the Vedic and the later Sanskrit, 
that the two languages are not essentially alike. A great portion of 



210 MANY VEDIC WORDS AFTERWARDS BECAME OBSOLETE. 

the substance, and much of the form of the language, was the same at 
both periods : a part of the Yedic roots and nouns only have in later 
times fallen into disuse ; and the peculiar Vedic varieties of form are 
merely the ancient modes of inflection which were in common currency 
at the time \\hen the 'hymns were composed, and which gradually 
became obsolete in the course of ages. 254 Some of them, however, 
continued 1 for a long time in popular use, as we find in the case of the 
form of the instr. pi. ebhis for ais, which we meet with unchanged in 
the firathas of the Lalita-vistara (see the instances given above, in 
p. 120), and somewhat modified in the Pali forms el hi and ehi. 

A. further proof of the antiquity of the Yedic hymns is to be found 
'in the fact, already alluded to, p. 169, f.,'that many words in use in the 
Yeda afterwards became obsolete, as they do not occur in the later 
Sanskrit literature. The meaning of these words is often extremely 
difficult to ascertain, as no tradition of their signification seems to have 
been preserved, and even the oldest interpreters, as Yaska, are obliged 
to have recourse to etymology in order to arrive at their sense. (See 
on this subject my article " On the Interpretation of the Yeda," in the 
Journal of the Eoyal As. Soc., vol. ii., new series, pp. 303, fi 7 .) 

As the hymns of the Yeda were the compositions of the ancient 

254 The following is Professor Whitney's account of the differences between the 
Vedic and the modern Sanskrit : 

" The language of the Vedas r is an older dialect, varying very considerably, both 
in its grammatical and lexical character, from the classical Sanskrit. Its grammati- 
cal peculiarities run through all departments : euphonic rules, word-formation and 

composition, declension, conjugation, syntax [These peculiarities] are 

partly such as characterize an older language, consisting in a greater originality of 
forms, and the like, and partly such as characterize a language which is still in the 
bloom and vigour of life, its freedom untrammelled by other rules than those of 
common usage, and which has not, like the Sanskrit, passed into oblivion as a 
native spoken dialect, become merely a conventional medium of communication 
among the learned, being forced, as, it were, into a mould of regularity by long and 
exhausting grammatical treatment. . . . The dissimilarity existing between the 
two, in respect of the stock of words of which each is made up, is, to say the least, 
not less marked. Not single words alone, but whole classes of derivations and roots, 
with the families that are formed from them, which the Veda exhibits in frequent 
and familiar use, are wholly wanting, or have left but faint traces, in the classical 
dialect ; and this to such an extent as seems to demand, if the two be actually related 
to one another directly as mother and daughter, a longer interval between them than 
we should be inclined to assume, from the character and degree of the grammatical, 
and more especially the phonetic, differences." Journ. of the Amer. Orient. Soc. iii. 
296, 297. 



RISHIS SOMETIMES CLAIM TO HAVE BEEN INSPIRED. 211 

Indian rishis or bards, who, as we have seen above (p. 197, f.), frequently 
speak of having "made," "fashioned," or "generated" 255 them, they 
could not possibly have been composed in any other language than that 
which these rishis and their contemporaries were in the habit of using 
for every-day conversation. * 

There are, no doubt, in the hymns some apparent traces of an idea 
that the authors were inspired; 256 as in the following texts*:' R.Y., i. 
37, 4: devattam Irahfaa gdyata, \ "Sing the god-given prayer." In 
R..Y. x. 71, 3, it is said of* the goddess Yach: Yajnena Vdchah pada f 
vlyam ay an tarn anvavindann rishishu pravishfdm \ " By sacrifice they 
followed the track of Yach : they found her residing in the rishis." 

In R.Y. x. 125, 5, again, Vach 257 is made to say : Yam Icdmaye tarn 
tarn ugram krinomi tarn brahmanam tarn rishim tarn sumedhdm \ "Every 
man whom I love, I make him terrible; [I make] him a priest'; [I 
make] him a rishi; [I make] him intelligent." 258 

In a Yalakhilya (or apocryphal hymn), which, with others, is to be 
found inserted between the 48th and 49th hymns of the 8th mandala 
of the Eigveda, the following verse occurs, xi. 6 : 

Indrd- Varund yad rishilhyo manishdm vdcho matim srutam adattam agre \ 
ydni sthdndny asrijanta dhlrdlt, yajnarh tanvdnds tapasd 'Ihyapasyam \ 

For the complete text of this verse* I was first indebted to Professor 
Mu'ller, who supplied also the following version O f it: "Indra and 
Yaruna, I have seen through devotion that which, after it was heard 

255 See numerous passages to this effect adduced in the third volume of this work, 
p. 232, S. 

256 This subject is treated more at length in the third volume of this work, p. 245,ff. 
In his illustrations of the Nirukta, p. 85, Roth observes in regard to the fifth hymn 
of the fourth book of the R.V. : " The author of the hymn, Vamadeva, him- 
self professes to make known a mysterious and recondite wisdom, which had been 
revealed to Ijim by Agni (verses 3 and 6)." The third verse is as follows: Sama 
dvibarhah mahi tigmabhrishtih sahasraretah vrishobhas tuvishman \ Padam na gor 
apagulham vividvan Agnir mahyam predu vochad mariisham \ \ " Agni, the trans- 
cently strong, the fierce-flaming, the prolific, the showerer of benefits, the powerful, 
who knows the venerable hymn, mysterious as the track of a [missing] cow, hath 
declared to me its knowledge." 

257 See, however, note 27, p. 258, of the third volume of this work. 

258 Yach thus appears partly, though not entirely, in the character of a Muse. 
Compare what Homer says of Demodocus, Odyssey viii. 63, 64 : 

Tbv iTfpi Movff' 4<j>i\r)fff, StSov S' a.ya.06v Tf Ka.K.6v Tf, 
'o<t>6a\fj.<i>i> fj-tv &/j.ep<Tf, SiSov S' ijSft 



212 HYMNS IN THE CONTEMPORARY VERNACULAR TONGUE. 

in the beginning, you gave to the poets wisdom, understanding of 
speech ; and I have seen the (sacred) places which the sages created in 
performing the sacrifice." 259 

Though, however, some traces of an idea that the rishis were in- 
spired hy the gods, by Yach, or Indra and Agni, or Indra and Yaruna 
(but not, in any of the passages which I have here quoted, by Brahma, 
who in later times was regarded as the source of inspiration : see above, 
p. 195), may thus be detected in the Rjgveda, "there is no doubt, on 
the <5ther hand, that these ancient bards p'ften or generally speak of 
the hymns as the creation of their own minds ; and there is no reason 
to suppose that they were anything else. But as even an inspired 
composition, to be generally intelligible, must \e delivered in the 
language current among the people to whom it is first promulgated, 
there is no pretence for supposing that the Sanskrit of the Yedas was 
not the vernacular language of the age in which they were first recited. 

At that early period there was no language current among the Aryas 
but the Yedic Sanskrit. A learned language, different from the spoken 
tongue, was a thing then unknown ; and the refinements of grammar 
had no existence. This accords with the purport of the following 
curious passage of an ancient Brahmana, 260 referred to by Sayana in 
the introduction to his commentaryoon the Rigveda, p. 35 : Vydkaranam 
api prakriti-pratyayady-upade&na ptlda-svarupa-tad-avtha-nischaydya 
upayujyate \ Tathd cha Aindra-vdyava-graha-lrdhmane samdmndyate \ 
" Vug vai par add avydkritd 'bhavqt | te devdh Indram abruvann 'imam 
no Vdchaih vydkuru' iti\ so 'bravld ' varaih vrinai \ maJiyam clia eva 
eshalFdyave cha saha grihytitai' iti \ tasmdd Aindravdyavah saha pra- 
grihyate 261 | tarn Indro madhyato 'vakramya vydkarot \ tasmad iyam 
vydkritd vug udyate" iti \ " Agnim lie purohitam" ityddi-vdk purvas- 
min kale parachl samudrddi-dJivani-vad ekdtmikd sail avyalcritd prakritih 
pratyayah padam vdkyain, ityddi-vilhdga-kdri-grantha-rahitd dslt \ 

259 In the third volume of this work, p. 263, the verse is translated thus : " Indra 
and Varuna, I have seen through austere -fervour that which ye formerly gave to 
the rishis, wisdom, understanding of speech, sacred lore, and all the places which 
the sages created, when performing sacrifice." 

260 This passage is found in the Taitt. S. vi. 4, 7, 3, fh the very same words, 
with the addition after " udyate" of the following : tasmat sakrid Indraya madhyato 
grihyate dvir Vayave dvau hi sa varav avrinlta \ 

261 p ra " omitted in Taitt. S. 



HOW THE VEDIC LANGUAGE FELL INTO DISUSE. 213 

taddnim devaih prdrthitah Indrah ekasminn eva pdtre Pdyok svasya 
cha soma-rasasya grahana-rupena varena tushtas tdm akhanddm Vdcham 
madhye vichhidya prakriti-pratyayddi-bhtigam sarvatra akarot \ tasmdd 
iyam vug iddnlm api Ptininyddi-maharshibhir vydkritd sarvaih pathyate 
ity arthah \ " Grammar, also, by indicating the crude* forms and the 
affixes, is useful for determining the character of words, and their signi- 
fication. And accordingly it is thus related in the Aindra-Yayava-graha- 
brahmana (a section, sc/ called, either of the Taittiriya Sanhita, or of some 
Brahmana) : ' Yach (Speech) spoke confusedly, and without articulation. 
The gods said to Indra, Make this Yach to become articulate to us. 
Indra replied, Let me choose a boon ; let the soma be given to me and 
Yayu together. Hence the so*ma of Indra and Yayu is taken together.' 
Indra then, dividing Speech in sunder in the middle, rendered her 
articulate. Hence she is spoken articulately.' The sense of 'this 
quotation, says Sayana, is this : Speech, such as in the verse Agnim 
lie purohitam, etc. (the first verse of the Rigveda), was originally 
confused, i.e. unvaried like the roar of the sea, etc., and undis- 
tinguished, i.e. without articulation to denote crude forms, inflections, 
words, and sentences, etc. Then Tndra, being solicited by the gods, 
and gratified by the permission to take the soma-juice in the same 
vessel with Yayu, divided in the middle Speech, which had pre- 
viously been without division, .and introduced everywhere the Gis- 
tinction of crude forms, inflections, etc.* Ifl consequence, this Speech, 
being now distinguished in its parts by Panini and other great sages, 
is pronounced by all men." 

It may be asked, however, If the Yedic Sanskrit was once the spoken 
language of India, how did it ever cease to be spoken? To this I reply 
as follows : 

By the time when the collections of the Yedic hymns were formed, 
the Sanskrit, the vernacular speech of the rishis and their descendants, 
had undergone a considerable alteration, which had gradually resulted, 
as we have already seen (compare pp. Q6, 68, if.), both from the general 
laws of change to which all language is subject (as exemplified in 
various other ancient tongues), and also from the action of local causes, 
such as the intercourse of the Aryas, or Sanskrit-speaking race, with 
the Dasyus, or Mlechhas, who spoke a quite different tongue. In this 
way, words which had formerly been commonly employed in Sanskrit 



214 WHY THE VEDIC HYMNS ARE DIFFICULT TO UNDERSTAND. 

became obsolete, or acquired new meanings, while other new words, 
borrowed from the dialects of the Mlechhas, were introduced into 
currency ; and forms of inflection which were once current got gradu- 
ally into disuse, and made way for other novel forms. Thus a twofold 
alteration was- produced in the ancient Indian language (the Sanskrit 
of the Yedas). First, the Pali and the Prakrit, or vernacular dialects, 
were formed out of it in the manner which has already been described 
(pp. 33, 68, f., 134, 146); and secondly, a learned language, based 
UpoB the Sanskrit of the Vedas, but variously modified (see pp. 138, f.), 
and polished, was gradually constructed by grammarians, which being 
removed from the corrupting influences of popular use, has thence- 
'forward continued unchanged (p. 162). l 

"When the process of change had been going on for many generations, 
the Vedic hymns became exceedingly difficult to understand. The 
obstacles to comprehension, arising from these intermediate changes of 
language, were greatly augmented by the obscure and elliptical style 
in which the hymns were originally composed, which rendered it hard 
for the men of subsequent ages to understand the brief allusions to 
ancient ideas, practices, and events with which they abound. 

These considerations will sufficiently account for the difficulty which 
was experienced in the comprehension of the Yedic hymns in later 
age's, without there being the least necessity for our supposing that 
they were composed in a' language at all different from that which 
was ordinarily current in India, among the common people of the 
Aryan race, at the time of their composition. 



215 



, CHAPTER II. 

i 

. . 

AFFINITIES OF THE INDIANS WITH THE PERSIANS, GREEKS, 
AND ROMANS, AND DERIVATION OF ALL THESE NATIONS 
FROM CENTRAL ASIA. 

FROM the preceding review it is clear that the Sanskrit language has 
been undergoing a continual change, from the very earliest times up 
to which we can follow its course. But if this he the case, it would 
be contrary to all analogy to suppose that that language had remained 
unaltered in those yet earlier ages before the Vedas were composed. 
It must, therefore, now become my object to inquire, whether we can 
discover any means of following it back to its origin. "We are not, 
it must be confessed, in a position to do this in any other way than 
that of reasoning and inference ; for 1 , in the absence of any Sanskrit 
writings anterior to the Vedas, we possess no direct means of tracing 
the history of the Sanskrit language and its mutations any further 
back than the date of the composition of those hymns. There is, 
however, another way in which we can arrive at some conception of 
that history. From facts which are established and evident, we must 
reason to the un apparent causes which they presuppose, and out of 
which they have arisen. 1 

Learned ,men have remarked, that there is a great resemblance be- 
tween the Sanskrit and other languages, some of which, like it, are 
now no longer spoken, but were formerly the current and popular 
speech of ancient nations, and are "preserved in written records which 

1 'fls 'eyd) (Ttiju/3aA.\o|Ucu, Tolffi 'ffj.<j>aveffi TO jdj yivaxTKAfieva rfK/naip6/j.fvos, " As I 
conjecture, inferring things unknown from things that are manifest," says Herodotus, 
ii. 33. Compare Euripides, fragment 5 of the Phoanix, Ta<pavfi reKp-^pioiffiv eucSrus 
a\ia-iteTai, "A prohahle conclusion regarding things unapparent is reached by 
proofs." 



216 AFFINITY BETWEEN SANSKRIT, ZEND, GEEEK, AND LATIN. 

have descended to us from a remote antiquity. These are 1st, the 
Zend and other varieties of the ancient Persic; 2nd, the Greek; and 
3rd, the Latin. 2 The Zend language is preserved in the Zend Avesta, 
a collection of writings connected with the ancient religion of Persia. 
The poems of' Homer, which form the oldest relic of the extensive 
literfture of ancient Greece, are supposed to have been written about 
2//00 years ago. And there are many Latin books which are 2,000 
years old. From the great similarity which 1 exists between these 
Janguages and the Sanskrit, of which proofs^ and instances will be 
presently adduced, learned men have inferred : 1st, That these forms 
of speech have all one common origin, i.e., that Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, 
'and Latin are ail, as it were, sisters, 3 * the daughters (some perhaps 
older and some younger, but still all daughters) of one mother who 
died' in giving them birth, or, to speak without a figure, that they are 
derivatives from, and the surviving representatives of, one older lan- 
guage, which now no longer exists; 4 and 2ndly, That the races of 
men who spoke these several languages are also all descended from one 
stock, and that their ancestors at a very early period all lived together 
in some country (situated out of Hindustan), speaking one language ; 
but afterwards separated, to travel away from their primeval abodes, 
at different times and in different ^directions ; the forefathers of the 

2 It is not necessary for my purpose to insist much on the affinities of the 
Sanskrit to any other languages' hesides those I have named. 

3 Facies non omnibus una, nee di versa tamen, qualem decet esse sororum. 

* From a comparison of the various ,forms which words of identical signification 
have assumed in the different derivative tongues, and of the laws which in each 
case must have governed the mutations which they have undergone, it becomes 
possible to ascertain, in many cases with certainty, or with high probability, the form 
which the words had at first in the mother-language, the original Indo-European 
speech. In the work of the late August Schleicher, entitled " Compendium der 
vergleichenden Grammatik der Inflogermanischen Sprachen" (i.e. "Compendium of 
the Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages") 3rd ed., 1871, the letters 
of the mother -language which Qontinue unaltered in the derivative tongues, and those 
which have been replaced by others, are specified, and the original forms of inflection 
and conjugation, as well as of numerous words, are stated. And in August Pick's 
" Vergleichendes Wb'rterbuch der Indogermanischen Sprachen," (i.e. " Comparative 
Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages "), 2nd ed., 1870, the words of the original 
language are given according to the author's conception of their form. These 
writers, however, though generally, are not always, at one as to the original forms. 
Thus Schleicher thinks the word for " five " was kankan, whilst Fick makes it pankan. 
The former takes svastars to have been at first the word for " sister," whilst the 
latter makes it svasar. 



DIFFERENT FAMILIES OF LANGUAGES. 217 

Hindus southward or south-eastward to India ; the ancestors of the 
Persians to the south; and those of the Greeks and Eomans to the 
west. 5 The languages of those branches of this great Indo-European 
stock which remained longest together in their earliest home, viz., the 
Persians and the Indians, continued to bear the closest resemblance to 
each other; while the tongues of those offshoots which separated 
earliest from the parent stock exhibit in later times the leaat amount 
of resemblance, the divergencies of dialect becoming wider and wider 
in proportion to the* length* of time which had elapsed since, tke ( 
separation. 6 

SECT. I. Introductory Remarks on Comparative Philology : affinities of 
the Sanskrit and Persian with each other. 

I shall proceed to establish these assertions as to the resemblance of 
the Sanskrit to the Zend, Greek and Latin ; after first premising a few 
simple remarks on comparative philology in general. . 

A comparison of the various languages which are spoken in different 
countries of Europe and Asia, has brought to light the fact that they 
belong to different families or classes ; and that the different members 
of the same family, while they exhibit a more or less close resemblance 
to each other, have either no resemblance, or a very remote one, to 
those belonging to any of the other families. It will be sufficient for 
the purpose of illustration, if I refer to the two great families of speech, 
universally recognized as distinct, the Semitic and the Indo-European. 

5 For an account of the Greeks and Romans, I refer the Indian student to any of 
the ordinary historical manuals. 

6 "A comparison of the grammatical structure of the Sanskrit, especially in its oldest 
form as represented in the Veda, with the Celtic, Greek, Latin, German, Letto- Slavon- 
ian, and Persian, etc., teaches us that all these languages have a common basis, or in 
other words that they are derived from one common original speech ; #nd the grada- 
tion of sounds 'and forms points to the Sanskrit as the language which in general still 
preserves the most original form, and has departed least from the original tongue, 
This existence of one common original language necessarily leads us to conclude 
that at the period when it was still a living and spoken tongue, the people also 
which employed it formed one nation ; and it results that the individual nations as 
well as their languages were formed by a gradual separation from the Indo-European 
people, and its language. And, moreover, the greater or less similarity of the 
several languages among each other, and particularly in reference to the Sanskrit, 
enables us to conclude whether the separation from the original stock took place 
in each case at an earlier or a later period," "Weber, Indian Sketches, p. 7. 

VOL. II. 15 



218 INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES DIFFERENT FROM SEMITIC. 

The languages which helong to the Semitic branch are the Arabic, 
Hebrew, Syriac, etc. Now all who have studied these languages are 
well aware that they closely resemble each other in respect of their 
roots and general character; while they have scarcely any affinity at 
all in any respect with the languages of the Indo-European stock, in 
which are included Sanskrit, Zend, the later forms of pure Persian, 
Greek, Latin, and the Teutonic and Sclavonic languages. Any person 
who knows both Arabic and Sanskrit is perfectly aware that they have 
little resemblance to each other either in .verbal roots, or nouns, and 
none in the forms of conjugation and declension. 7 

Now, here we discover the very remarkable fact that two languages, 
< < 

7 The question of the difference between the Semitic and Indo-European languages, 
in point of structure, with their partial correspondence in respect of roots, is ably 
treated by Renan, " Histpire des Langues Semitiques," 2nd ed. p. 434, ff. He 
observes that the criterion of the distinctness of families in languages is to be found 
in the impossibility of deriving one from another. Thus, he says, it is quite intel- 
ligible how, notwithstanding their differences, all the Indo-European tongues may 
be related to the same type, and have sprung from the same primitive idiom ; while 
it is impossible to explain how, by any series of corruptions, the Zend or the Sanskrit 
could have become Hebrew, or how the Hebrew could have become changed to 
Sanskrit or Chinese (p. 434). It is generally recognized that there is a wide dis- 
tinction between the grammatical system of the Semitic languages and that of the 
Indo-European tongues, and that the one system could not be derived from the other 
by any procedure known to comparative philology. If we except the principles 
common to all, or to most, languages (which are nothing else than an expression of 
the laws of the human mind) , ( there is scarcely any grammatical mechanism of im- 
portance which is common to the two families (p. 444). But in the classification of 
languages, grammatical are much more important than lexicographical considerations 
[i.e. the inflections of a language are Of much more consequence than the words 
of which it is composed]. Many languages could be quoted which have enriched or 
renewed their vocabulary, but very few which have corrected their grammar. Gram- 
mar is, therefore, the essential form of language, that which constitutes its indi- 
viduality (pp. 447, 448). On the other hand, M. Renan admits that the Semitic and 
Indo-European languages have a considerable number of roots which are common to 
both, independently of such as fuey have borrowed from each other within the 
historical period. But he doubts whether this circumstance is sufficient to prove 
the primitive unity of the two families, and scarcely ventures to hope that a demon- 
strative result will ever be attained on this point. The greater part of the roots 
common to the two families owe their, similarity, he considers, to natural causes, as 
they belong to the class of biliteral and monosyllabic onomatopoeias, which reappear 
in the triliteral radicals actually existing, and in which original sensations appear 
to have left their traces. Is it at all strange, he asks, that in order to express 
outward action, the primitive man, still sympathizing so closely with nature, and 
scarcely separated from her, should have sought to imitate her, and that the same 
objects should have been universally imitated by the same sounds ? (pp. 449, 450.) 
M. Renan illustrates these remarks by a number of instances, but admits that, 



PERSIAN LANGUAGE PARTLY INDO-EUROPEAN AND SEMITIC. 219 

both very perfect and polished in their forms and structure, and both 
of which are spoken by learned men, of the Hindu and Mahomedan 
religions respectively, living together, side by side, in the same cities 
of India, are totally different from each other in almost every respect 
in which one elaborate and complicated language can bt distinguished 
from another language of the same character. And what is the ex- 
planation of this, at first sight, so startling phenomenon ? * It is, of 
course, that Arabic is (as its name implies) the language of the Arabs, 
a Semitic tribe; and 'was introduced into India by the Mahomedan 
invaders of that country, who, though not Arabians by descent, have 
yet, as their designation imports, been converted to the faith of the 
Arabian conqueror Mahomed, *and have learned the language in which' 
their sacred volume, the Koran, is written : while Sanskrit, on the 
other hand, is the language of the Brahmans, who are descended, more 
or less purely, from a race which has no affinity (unless it be a pri- 
mordial one) with the Semitic, viz., the Arian. It is not, therefore, 
wonderful that the Sanskrit and Arabic languages, which, though they 
meet in India, have been introduced into that country from quarters 
so perfectly distinct, should be totally different from each other. 

But the Musulmans of India are not only acquainted with the Arabic 
tongue, but with the Persian also,,, which is the living dialect of Persia, 
one of the countries which lie intermediate between Arabia and India. 
The Persian language, which the Persians now speak, and which the 
learned Musulmans of India write, is a composite form of speech, i.e. 
one chiefly made up of a mixture of Arabic with the ancient Persic, 
which was originally devoid of Arabic words. Now in that portion 
of the modern Persian language which has not been borrowed from 
Arabic, but inherited from the ancient Persic, we find many words 

among the roots which appear to be common to the Semitic and the Indo-European 
languages, tntfre are a certain number in which the ^reason of the onomatopoeia is 
more difficult to seize (p. 452). He concludes that in the present state of philo- 
logical science, a sound method of theorizing requires us to regard the Semitic and 
Indo-European families of language as distinct (p. 457) ; while at the same time he 
remarks that nothing which he has adduced invalidates the hypothesis of a primor- 
dial affinity between the races by whom the Semitic and the Indo-European languages 
respectively were spoken (p. 451). For details I must refer to his work itself. 
Much has been written on the same subject by other scholars, which it is unnecessary 
to specify. I refer only to Dr. Nb'ldeke's paper in Benfey's Orient, und Occident, 
vol. ii., p. 375, ff. 



220 TABLE OF SANSKRIT, PERSIAN, AND ARABIC WORDS. 



which are manifestly of the same origin as the Sanskrit nouns or verbs 
of the same signification. 

The following list of words may suffice to prove the assertion just 
made, that the Persian language has, in its purely Persic element, an 
affinity with Sanskrit, while Arabic has no such affinity : 

TABLE No. IX. 
Comparative Table of Sanskrit, Persian, arid Arabic Words. 



pitar 
matar 
duhitar 
jamatar 



PERSIAN. 


A54BIC. * 


ENGLISH. 


padar 8 


abu 


father. 


madar 


a mm 


mother. 


dukhtar 


bint 


daughter. 


damad 


hafid 


son-in-law. 


jawan 


shabb 


young man. 


nar 


zhakar 


male. 


garm 


harr 


heat. 


asp 


faras 


horse. 


ab 


ma 


water. 


nam 


ism 


name. 


khushk 


yabis 


dry. 


pa 


qadam 


foot. 


bahu, bazu 


sd'id 


arm. 


nau 


jad'id 


new. 


yak 


ahad 


one. 


do 


it/man 


two. 


chahar 


afba'a 


four. 


panj 


^khams 


fire. 


shash ' 


satt* 


six. 


haft 


saba'a 


seven. 


hasht ' 


thamaniyat 


eight. 


nuh 


tasa'a 


nine. 


dah 


'ashar 


ten. 


bist " 


'ashrun 


twenty. 


sad, sad 


mayat 


hundred. 


hazar 


alaf 


thousand. 



nara 
ffharma 
asva 
ap 

naman 
'Jushka 
pada 
bahu 
nava 
eka 
dvi 

ehatur 

.panchan 

c shat 

saptan 

ashtan 

navan 

das'an 

viintati 

satam 

1 sahasra 

I subjoin many additional instances of affinity between Persian and 
Sanskrit words, adding the equivalents in the Zend, one of the earliest 

forms of the Iranian language", but omitting all reference to the Arabic. 10 

( 

8 See p. 18, note 23. <. 

9 In this case the Arabic word does resemble the Sanskrit. 

10 In the preparation of these lists I have had the advantage of drawing from the 
Etymological Persian and Latin Lexicon of Dr. J. A. Vullers, including the supple- 
ment containing the Persian roots illustrated by reference to the older Persic 
dialects, the Sanskrit, etc. ; the Persian Grammar of the same author (1st edition, 
1840, 2nd edition, 1870) ; and Dr. Justi's Zend Dictionary. Dr. Vullers's Grammar, 
in which the Persian is compared with the ancient Persic dialects and with 
Sanskrit, might, if translated from Latin into English, form a useful handbook for 
Indian students desirous of learning the history and affinities of the Persian language. 



TABLE OF SANSKRIT, ZEND, AND PERSIAN WORDS. 



221 



I. VERBS AND PARTICIPLES. 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


dar 


. 


dartdan 


to tear. 


kar 


kar 


kardan 


to do. 


krinu (imperat. 


\ 


kun 


do thou. 


vedic) 


}' ' ' 




'1 


da 


da 


dddan 


to give. 


grabh (vedic) 11 


garew, garefsh 


giriftan 


to take. 


bhar 


bar 


burdan 


to bear. ' 




( 


bastan, bandad 


) 


bandh 


band 


(3rd pers. sing. 


> to bind. * 




. 


pres.) 


. 


ap 


p*3f 


yaftan 


to obtain. 


s'ru (s'rinoti) 


s'ru 


shanudan 


to hear. 


stha 


s'td 


istadan 


to stand. 


jiv 


jijishtjiv t 


zistan 


to live. 


mar 


mar 


murdan 


to die. 


svap 


gap, qafs 


Khuftan 


to sleep. 


svapna 


qafna 


khivab 


sleep. 


char 


char 


charldan 


to wander, graze*. 


dhav 


. 


davldan 


to run. 


pach 


pach 


pukhtan 


to cook. 


duh 


. . . 


(dokhtan } 
\dosh1dan j 


to milk. 

* 


jna 


Ml 


danistan 


to know. 


jariati 


. . . 


EmT\ danad 


he knows. 


janami 


. . . 


nii\ danam 


I know. 


trij 


... 


sirishtan 


to create. 


srishti 


. . < 


sirisht 


creation, nature. 


han 


jan 


(zadan (zanad 3rd 
( pers. sing.) 


|to strike. 


tras 


tares 


farsidan 


to fear. 


trasa 


tarsti 


tars 


fear, trembling. * 


mih 


miz 


mekhtan 


to make water. 


jaj, janj 


. 


janfftdan 


to fight. 


tapas 


tafnu 


tap, tab 


heat, fever. 


ruh 


rud 


i^ustan, roytdan 


to grow. 


prachh ) 
(prifhhatt) } 


pares 


pursldan 


to ask. 

f 


ve, vabh 12 




baftan 


to weave. 


khan 


. . . 


kandan 


to dig. 


karsh 


karesh, Tcash 


kashldan 


to draw. 


krt 


. 


kharidan 


to buy. 


dham 


dam 


damldan 


j to blow (as wind 
( or breath). 


jan 


zan 


zadan 


be born, beget. 


jata 


zata 


zadah 


born. 


tan (tanott) 


tan 


tanJdan, tanudan 


to extend. 


such 


such 


sokjitan 


to shine, burn. 


varsh, var, vari\ 
(water) / 


var 


barldan 


to rain. 


ni+dha 


ni+da 


nihadan 


to place. 



11 The later form grah is one of the early instances of the same process by which 
in Prakrit h was substituted for kh, gh, th, dh, ph, and bh. 

12 The existence of this root may be inferred from the presence of a derivative from 
it in the word urnavabhi, " spider." 



222 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


gam 




chamfdan 


to go, walk. 


jam 


. . 


zaimdan 


to eat. 


chi 


i . 


chldan 


to collect. 


pra+sthd 


fra+sta 


feristadan 


to send, go forward. 


nam k 


nam 


namldan 


to bend, be disposed 


pat 


pat 


uftadan, Jltadan 


to fall. [to. 


dhi (vedic) 


di' 


dldan 


to perceive, see. 


. bhu , 


bu 


budan 


to be. 


bhavami 


. 


\mT\ buvam 


I am. 


bhavati 


. . . 


[mt] buvad ^ 


he is. 


abhuvam 


... 


budan , 


I was. 


fbhut 


. 


bud t 


he was. 


abhuvan 




budand' 


they were. 


asmi 


ahmi 


am, hast am 


I am. 


asti 


asti 


hast, ast 


he is. 


santi 


henti 


and , 


they are. 


stu 


stu 


situdan 


to praise. 


iudh 


sud 


shustan 


to cleanse, wash. 


mard 


mared 


malldan 13 


to grind, rub, etc. 


nard 




nalidan 


to sound, lament. 


dhar 


dar 


{dashtan (imperat 
dar) 


}to hold. 


karsh 


karesh 


{ kar) 


[to cultivate. 


tap 


tap 


ttapidan, t of tan 
\ (imperat. tab) 


to be hot, 
to heat. 


vah 


vaz 


wazldan 


to carry, blow (as 


bhraj 


. 


birishtan 


to roast, [wind). 


kshar 


khshar 


sharldan 


to flow. 


chhid 


s'kend, schind 


shikastan 


to cut, break. 


svan 


qan 


khwandan 


to sound, call, read. 


sak (saktum, 
infin.) 


s'ach (to give, 
learn) 


*aMtatt(imperat. 
saz) 


|to be able, make. 


kush (to tear, j 
tear out) j 


. . .' 


kushtan 


to kill. 


t 


II. NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, PRONOUNS, PARTICLES, ETC. 


bhratar 


bratar 


biradar 


brother. 


svasar 


qanhar 


khwahar 


sister. 


pittra 


puthra 


pisar, pusar 


son. 


svasura 


qasura 


khusr 


father-in-law. 


s'vairu 


. . . 


( kjitisru, or ) 
\ kkusrah } 


mother-in-law. 


vidhava 


< 


bewah 


widow. ' 


jani, gnu 


feni, ghena 


zan 


woman, wife. 


martya 


mareta 


mard 


mortal, man. 


tfatsa 


, , 


bachah 15 


child. 


jtva,j7vita 


jlti,jlsti 


"zi, zist, zindagl 


life. 



13 See p. 23 above, note 41, and the line to which it refers. 

14 It is possible that in some of the instances of similarity here adduced, the 
Persian word may have been borrowed at a comparatively recent period from the 
Sanskrit, or vice versa ; but this cannot well be the case when an ancient Zend 
equivalent also is forthcoming. 15 See page 16, note 10. 



ZEND, AND PERSIAN WORDS. 



223 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


tanu 


tanu, tanus 


tan 


body. 


majja 


mazga 


magjvt, 


brain. 


siras 


s'ara 


sar 


head. 


asthi 


as'ti, as'ta 


astah, ustukhan 


bone. 


parshni 


pashna 


pashnah 


heel. 


chakshu 


ehashman 


chashm 


eye.' 


asm 


asru 


ara 


tear. 


dant 


dantan 


danddn 


tooth. 


jihva 


hizva 


zaban 


tongue. '* 


dos 




dosh 


shoulder. 


aratni 


> 


aranj 


elbow. 


hasta 16 


zatta . 


dast 


hand. 


mushti 


muSti t 


musht 


fist, handful. 


angwhtha 


angusta 


angusht 


thumb, finger. 


nakha 


... 


nakhun 


nail. 


rom 


. 


roman 


hair. 


stana 


fstana 


pastan 


female breast. 


yakrit 




jigar 


liver. 


janu 


zhnu 


zanu 


knee. 


pad 


padha 


pa 


foot. 


kesa 




ges, geso . 


hair, ringlet. 


prishlha 


parsti 


pusht 


back. 


ushtra 


ustra 


ushtar, shutr 


camel. 


kapi 


. . . 


kabt, kapi 


ape. 


go 


goo 


gao 


ox, or cow. 


sukara 


hu 


khuk 


boar. 


khara 


khara 


khar 


ass, or wild ass. 


asvatara 




astar 


mule. 


mesha 


maeaha 


mesh 


sheep, ram. 


musha 


. . 


mush 


mouse. 


parna 


parena ' 


par 


feather, wing. 


parnin 


perenin 


parindah 


winged, a bird. 


chanchu 


. 


chang 


beak of a bird. 


kapota 


, . 


kabvtar 


pigeon. 


gridhra 


. 


gid 


a vulture. 


s'rigala 


. . . 


shaghal 


jackal. 


kurankara 


. 


fculang 


crane. 


makshika 


makshi 


magas 


fly. 


krimi 


kerema 


kirm 


worm. 


kasyapa \ 
kachhapa } 


kasyapa 


kashaf 


tortoise. 


karka 




kark, Marchang 


crab. 


gutha 


. 


guh 


excrement. 


matsya 


masya 


ma hi 


fish. 


kshlra 


kshlra 


shir 


milk. 


hiranya 


zaranya 


zar 


gold. 


ay as 


ayanh 


ahan 


iron. 


charman 


, , , 


charm 


skin. 


ahara 


. . 


ahjar 


food. 


nirahara, ) 
anahara } 


. . . 


nahar 


fasting. 


krishi (krishta) 


karsti 


kisht 


( cultivation, 
\ ploughed field. 


vrihi 


. berejya 17 


birinj 


rice. 



16 Could the original form of this word have been dhasta ? 
11 See Vullers's Persian Grammar, 2nd edition, pp. 50, 56. 
berejya is said to be the name of a deity who protects crops. 



In Justi's Lexicon 



224 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


godhuma 





gandum 


wheat. 


yava 


yava 


jau 


barley. 


dhanya 


dana 


danah 


grain. 


jangala 


, . 


jangal 


thicket. 


kshupa 


... 


chob 


a bush, wood. 


daru 


dauru 


darod 


wood. 


fakha 


. . . 


shakh, shakhchah 


branch. 


ara 





arah 


saw. 


yuga ' 


. 


jugh 


yoke. 


jala 


. . . 


jal ( 


net. 


bhara 


. . . 


bar 


weight. 


,yara 


. 


bar , 


time. 


ekavara 


. . . 


yakbar 


once. 


dvara 


dvara 


dar 


door. 


pattjara 


. . . 


( pinjarah, ) 
\ panjftrah ) 


cage. 


daman 




dam 


net, bond. 


chakra 


chakhra 


charkh 


wheel. 


deva 


daeva 


dev 


god, demon. 


'dsman 


as man 


asman 


stone, heaven. 


jagat 


i 


jahan 


the world. 


bhumi 


bumi 


bum 


ground, earth. 


jma, gma 


zem 


zarnin 


earth. 


i1>ar, surya 


hvare 


khur 


heaven, sun. 


mitra, mihira 19 


mithra 


mihr 


( name of a god, sun, 
( friend, friendship. 


vasishtha 


anhu vahista 


behisht 


best, paradise. 


mas 


maonh 


mah 


moon, month. 


star (vedic) 


stare 


sitarah 


star. 


abhra 


awra 


abr 


cloud. 


megha 


maegha 


m'egh 


cloud. 


kshapa 


kshap ( 


'shab 


night. 


gharma 


garema 


ffarma 


heat, summer. 


hima 


zima , 


tarn 


winter, cold. 


vat a 


vat a 


bad 


wind. 


chhaya 


. , 


sayah 


shade. 


chhatra 


- i 


chatar 


umbrella. 


ranga 


. , . 


rang 


colour. 


, gandha 


gainti 


gand 


smell, bad smell. 


karpura 


, . . 


kafur 


camphor. 


soma 


haoma 


horn 


soma plant. 


atharvan 


atharvan 


a fur ban 


{priest, fire-priest, 
saint. 


namas 
manas 


nemanh , 
mananh 


namaz 
mansh 


adoration, prayers, 
mind, disposition. 


guna 


gaona 


gunah 


quality, colour. 


drugdha 


draogJia 


darogh 


injury, lie. 


trishna 


tarshna 


tishnagl 


thirst. 


trishita, trishnaj 


. . . 


tishnah 


thirsty. 


soka 


. . . 


' sog 


grief. 


bhi, bhtma 


. . 


bim 


fear, terrible. 


kama 


. 


kam 


wish, desire. 


rahas 


. , . 


rat 


secret. 


karya 


kara 


kar 


work. 



18 Mihira is mentioned by Bb'htlingk and Roth as occurring in the Mahabharata 
iii. 191, as a name of the sun. Mitra occurs in the same sense in the same line. 



ZEND, AND PERSIAN WORDS. 



225 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


bhithaj 


bhaeshata 


Ibachashk, \ 
\bijishk ] 


physician. 


kulala 


a 


kulal 


potter. 


ishtika (?) 


istya 


khisht 


brick. 


yatu 


yatu 


jadu 


sorcerer, sorcery. 


gola 


. . . 


golah 


a ball. 


tara 


. . . 


tar 


( wire, chord, 
\ musical note. 


jya 


. . . 


zih, zeh 


a bowstring. 


tlra 


. i 


tlr 


arrow. 


vistara 


r 


bistar 


bed. 


paryanka, \ 
palyanka ] 


, i 
* ' ' 


palang 


bed. 


rathya, 


raithya 


rah 


road. 


kumbha 


. 


khumb 


jar. 


sthuna 





situn 


pillar. 


ithana 


stana 


astan 


place, threshold. 


daha 


dagha 


da<jh 


( burning, a mark 
( from burning. 


arama 


raman 


aram 


( rest, pleasure, 
( garden. 


kunja 


a ( 


kunj 


corner, arbour. 


drapsa 


drafsha 


dirafsh 


( drop, spark, ban- 
i ner, lightning. 


tokman 


taokhman 


tukhm 


i, a blade of graii*, 
j seed. 


sangama 


hanjamana 


anjuman 


an assemblage. 


pratapa 


. . , 


parto 


lustre. 


sakuna 


. . . 


shagun 


bird, omen. 


chaturanga 


. . . 


shatrang 


chess. 


dura 


dura , 


dur 


far. 


nedishtha 


nazda 


nizd 


near. 


mahat 


maz, mazant 


thih 


great. ( 


mahattara 




mihtar 


greater, chief. 


guru, garlyas 
tanu 


' ' 


girajl 
tanuk 


heayy. 
slender. 


sama 




hamah 


all. 


sam 


. 


l!am 


together. 


sarva 


haurva 


har 


all. 


nema 


naema 


ritm 


half. 


sukra (bright) 


sukhra 


surkh 


red. 


s'ubha 


. . 


kjmb 


fair. 


savya 


havya 


chap 


left. 


rajishtha (vedic) 


razista 


rast 


straight. 


sveta 


spaeta 


saped, safed 


white. 


syama, s'yava 


syava 


siyah 


black, brown. 


purna 


perZna 


pur > 


full. 


tigma,(tkshna, \ 








tejas, tij (to 


tighra, tizhin 


tej 


sharp, sharpness. 


sharpen) 









dlrgha 


daregha 


' daraz 


long. 


rama 


rama 


ram 


( pleasant, pleasant- 
{ ness, happy. 


nashta 


. . . 


nashat 


destroyed. 


sthavara 


stawra 


ustuwar 


firm 


matt a 


. . . 


mast 


intoxicated. 



19 See p. 19, note 26. 



226 



EESEMBLANCE OF SANSKRIT TO GEEEK AND LATIN. 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


PERSIAN. 


ENGLISH. 


durnaman 




dttshnam 


bad name, abuse. 


durmanas 


. . . 


(dujmanish, \ 
\dushman } 


hostile, disturbed 
in mind. 


leva, kutra, j 
kuha (vedic) J 


kuthra 


ku[ja~\ 


wheref 


na ' 


na 


nah 


not. 


tvam 


turn 


tu 


thou. 


yushmat 


. . . 


shuma 


you. 


( 


ga, \ 






sva 


hava, 


Mud 


you, own, self. 


{ 


hva, 


1 




katama 




kadtim 


who? 


tara 


tara 


tar ' 


( sign of comp. 
1 degree. 


antar 


antare 


andar 


within. 


upari 


upairi 


bar 


above. 


paschat, pascha 


paskat, pascha 


pas* 


after. 


iddriim 


. . . 


Idun 


now. 


vimsati 


vls'aiti 


blst 


twenty. 


-panchasat 




panjah 


fifty. ' 


shashti 


khshasti 


shast 


sixty. 


saptati 


haptaiti 


haftad 


seventy. 


aslti 


astaiti 


hashtad 


eighty. 


navati 


navaiti 


navad 


ninety. 


sata 


sata 


fad 


a hundred. 


sahasra 


hazanra 


hazar 


a thousand. 


durvara 


. . . 


dushwar 20 


( difficult to stop, 
( difiicult. 



NOTE. On the other hand, I may specify the instance of afat (Ar.) and apad 
(Sans.), in which a word of similar sound 'has the same sense of "calamity" iu 
Arabic and Sanskrit. ' 

Now the old language of Bactria or Persia, from which the words 
in the above list, still forming part of the modern Persian, must be 
derived, was a language closely connected with the Sanskrit. That 
lariguage, in one of its branches, and at a certain stage of its progress, 
was the Zend, which we find employed in the Zendavesta, or sacred 
volume of the Zoroastrians, or Parsis, a work which still exists, and is 
studied with increasing succbss by European scholars. 

In the same way, if wp compare Sanskrit with the language of the 
ancient Greeks (who lived to the north-west of Persia, on the eastern 
and western shores of the ^Egean Sea), and with that of the Romans, 
who inhabited Italy, we shall find a close resemblance, and frequently 
an almost perfect identity in very many words, both as regards the 
roots and the inflection. 

20 fpjir i s a Persian suffix, perhaps unconnected with the Sanskrit vara; but 
there is no doubt of the identity of the Persian particle dusk and the Sanskrit dm. 



RESEMBLANCES BETWEEN LANGUAGES ARE TWOFOLD. 227 



The resemblances between languages may be twofold. First, as 
regards the roots of the words. For instance, in Sanskrit we have the 
word ndman, "name," and we find the same word ndm in the same 
sense both in Persian and Hindi. The second resemblance is in the 
mode of inflection. Here we do not find any resemblance in regard to 
the w,ay in which this word ndman is declined between the Sanskrit 
and the Persian and Hindi languages. The Sanskrit has ttfree num- 
bers, singular, dual, an'd pluraj, and seven cases (besides the vocative) 
in each number, whereas thd Persian and Hindi have only two nam-. 
hers, singular and plural, and the cases are formed in quite a different 
way from those of the Sanskrit. To prove this it will be sufficient to 
give the different cases of the singular number of this word in each of 
the languages. 

HINDI. 

nam 

namko 

nam se, nam karke 

namko 

nam se 

namka 

nam men 

nam 

If now we compare the Latin .word for "name" with the Sanskrit, 
we shall find not only that the root is.the same, but also that the mode 
of inflection is very similar : thus, 



SANSKRIT. 


PERSIAN. 


NOM. 


nama 


nam 


Acc. 


nama 


namra 


INST. 


namna 


1 


DAT. 


namne 


j wanting, and 


ABL. 


namnas 


^supplied by 


GEN. 


namnas 


prepositions. 


Loc. 


namni 


J 


Voc. 


nama 


nam 





Singular. 


Plural. 


NOM. 
Acc. 


8AK8KRIT. 

nama (from crude 
form nainun) 
nama 


LATIN. 

nomen 
noraen 


'NOM. 
Acc. 
INST. 


SANSKRIT. 

namani 
namani 
namabhis 


LATIN. 

nomiua 
nomina 
nominibus 


INST. 
DAT. 
ABL. 


namna 
namne 
namnas 


nomine 
nomini 
nomine 


DAT. 
ABL. 
GEN. 


namabhyas 
namabhyas 
namnam 


nominibus 
nominibus 
nominum 


GEN. 


namnas 


nominis 


Loc. 


namasu 


nominibus 


Loc. 


namni 


nomine 


Voc.' 


namani 


nomina 


Voc. 


nama- 


nomen 









The Latin language has no dual. 

We see here that while the same rooi expressing the word " name " 
is common to all these languages, the Persian and Hindi have lost the 
ancient forms of inflection, while the Sanskrit and Latin have pre- 
served them. There thus exists a double resemblance, viz. ; first of 
roots, and second of inflections, between the Latin and the Sanskrit, 
and the same remark is equally true of the Greek and the Zend. 



228 AFFINITIES OF SANSKRIT WITH ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN. 

Now, when we find that a multitude of roots coincide in any two 
languages, of which the one does not derive them from the other, we 
may be sure (even though the one may have no complex system of 
inflections, while the other has), that those two languages have a 
common origin, especially if we can show that the one which is defi- 
cient in inflections has gradually lost them by a particular process of 
alteration which can still be traced. But if any two languages re- 
semble one another both in roots and inflections, the proof of their 
, affinity is then greatly strengthened. 

SECT. II. Detailed illustrations of the affinities of Sanskrit with the 
Zend, Greek, and Latin languages. 

I proceed now to furnish, first, some specimens of words which as 
roots correspond to each other in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin ; 
and I shall afterwards exhibit the mutual resemblances of these four 
languages in point of inflection also. 

The following is a list of words (derived from the publications of 
Bopp, Benfey, Aufrecht, Curtius, Fick, Justi, and others) which cor- 
respond both in sound and sense in Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin. 

In many of these words the resemblance is so close that no doubt 
can be entertained of their affinity, that they are all the representatives 
(more or less changed) of some one particular word in the original 
language from which they have all been derived. In other cases 
where the resemblance is not so apparent, the affinity can nevertheless 
be satisfactorily proved by observation of the fact that one or more of 
the letters of words having the same signification in the different 
languages always or generally vary from one another in a uniform 
manner in the different languages. It will be necessary to illustrate 
this point in detail. l 

I should first remark that the original forms of the cognate words in 
question, as they existed in their assumed mother-language, cannot in 
all cases be determined with certainty, but in most instances they can 
be fixed with an approach to precision. Thus, from a comparison of 
the Sanskrit ahi with the Greek ekhis, and the Latin anauis, we may 
gather with probability that the original form was aahi, or anahi. 
Similarly the Sanskrit duhitar and the Greek thuaater seem to come 
from dughatar or dhuahatar ; asva and equus from akva ; svan and kuon 



VARIATIONS IN THE FORMS OF COGNATE WORDS. 



229 



from kvan; jdnu and gonu from gdnu; jna, gignosko and nosco (cognosco] 
from ynd, etc. Some of the consonants found in Sanskrit do not 
appear to have existed in the original Indo-European tongue, such as 
cha, chha, ja, jha, which are considered to have been developed out of 
k and g. From a comparison of the different cognate words, it results 
that certain consonants of the original language remain uniform in all 
the derivative tongues, whilst others vary in one or more of the latter. 
This is shown in the following table, abridged from that given in 
Schleicher's Compendium der.vergl. Grammatik (3rd ed.}, p. 328. , 



INDO- 
EUROPEAN. 


OANSKRIT 

(or old Indian). 


^lEND 

(or old Bactrian). 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


k 


k (kh), ch 


k (h), ch 


t (*), g (y) 


c, qy 




s, p 


4, p 


P W, t M 




g 


g. J 




g (7), b (b) 


g g v > v. 






z, z 







gh 


gh,h 


g, gh> z, z 


kh (x) 


g, gT, V, h, f. 


t 


t, th 


t (th, t) 


t (T) 


t 


d 


d 


d (dh) 


d(8) 


d,l. 


dh 


dh 


d (dh) 


th(fl) 


d, f, b. . 


P 


p, ph 


p.(f) 


P W 


? 


b i 


b 


b 17 


b ()8) 


b. 


bh 


bh 


b (w) 


ph((f) 


b, f. 


n 


n 


n 


n (iA 


n. 


m 


m 


m 


m (n) 


m. 


r 


( r, 1, (r, r, & 1 
\ as vowels) 


}r , 


r W, 1 W 


r, 1. 


y 


y 


y 


{(&V$'- 


}i> L 


8 


s, sh 


( s, sh, s', h, nh, 
\ n'h, qh 


j s W, h C) 


s, r. 


T 


v 


v, (w), p, b 


u (v) F 


v, u. 


sk 


chh 








sv 




qh' ' ' 


. . . 


. . . 



In Sanskrit the dental letters (t, th, d, dh, s) sometimes become 
linguals (or cerebrals f } d, etc.), and the nasals n and m become n, 
n, and n, in consequence of certain phonetic laws. In Greek ky, khy, 
ty, thy = ss ; dy, gy = (ds). 

These laws and variations are exemplified in such words as the fol- 
lowing : 

(a) where k remains common to Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin as in 
aksha, axon(=akson); axis(=aksis) or dakshina, dexios (=deksios), 
dexter (=dekster); or kshura = xuron (=kshuron). 
(J) where k in Greek and c ( = k) in Latin are represented by (^T) in 

. 21 Schleicher places a mark of interrogation (F) after the b, and in the Zend column 
omits the b and puts only a mark of interrogation. 



230 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF SANSKRIT, 



Sanskrit as in deka, decem = dasan ; ekaton, centum = satam ; 
ku5n, canis = svan; derk = dars. According to Bopp, (Comp. 
Gram., 2nd ed.) sec. 2Ia, the Sanskrit s is almost always the 
corruption of an original k. Schleicher (p. 165) says it was 
originally' a k, and ought perhaps properly to be pronounced as 
the German ch, which is in sound not unlike the Persian and 
Arabic khe ( ). 

(c) G in Greek and Latin is in Sanskrit frequently represented by j, 
.as in ago, ago = ajami ; in gignosko, nosco = janami ; gennao, 
gigno = jajanmi ; agros, ager = ajra.' 

(d ) Kh (p) in Greek is represented by gh, and h in Sanskrit, and by 
h and g in Latin, as in elakhus = iaghus, ekhis = ahi and anguis, 
kheima = hima and hiems. 

(e) Th (d} in Greek is represented by dh in Sanskrit, and by f or d in 
Latin, as in tithemi == dadhami ; methu = madhu ; thumos = 
dhuma, fumus. 

(/) Ph. (<) in Greek is represented in Sanskrit by bh, and in Latin by 
f and b, as in phuo == bhavami and fui ; ophrus = bhru ; phero = 
bharami and fero ; phratria = bhratar, frater. 

( g ) G in Sanskrit is sometimes represented by b in Greek and Latin, 

as in go = bus, bos. 
Numerous other illustrations will be found in the tables which follow. 



TABLE No. X. 
I. NOUNS AND ADJECTIVES. 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


pitar 


pntar pater 


pater 


father. 


matar 


matar ' meter 


mater 


mother. 


tata 


. . . : tetta 


tata 


father. 


nana 


. 


i\anna 




mother, aunt. 


bhratar 


bratar 


phratria (a clan) 


frater 


brother. 


svasar 


qanhar 




soror 


sister. 


duhitar 


dughdhar 


thugater 




daughter. 


naptur, napat 


napa 


anepsiot 


nepos 


grandson, cousin 


naptrl 


napti 


* 


neptis 


fraud-daughter. 


devar, dtvara 




daer < 




usband's brother. 


snusha 




nuos 


nurus 


daughter-in-law. 


jamatar 


zamatar 


gambros 


gener 


son-in-law. 


svasura 


qas'ura 


hekuros 


socer 


father-in-law. 


svas'ru 


. 


hekura 


socrus 


mother-in-law. 


pitrivya 


' patros 


patruus 


father's brother. 


sunu 


hunu huios 


. 


son. 


vidhava 


. . . . . . 


vidtta 


widow. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN. 



231 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


nara 


nara 


aner 


. . 


man. 


jani, gna 


jeni 


gurie 


. . . 


woman. 


vtra 


. 


herds ? 


vir 


hero, man. 


vlrata 


. . 


. 


virtus 


valour. 


s'ura 


sura 


. . . 


kurios 


strong, hero, lord. 


rajan 


. . . 


. . . 


rex 


kieg. 


rajm 






regina 


queen. 


jaras 


zaurva 


geras 


. . . 


old age. 


jaran 


zaorura 


geron 




old maa.' 


yuvan 


yavan 




juvenis 


young man. 


pati 


paiti 


posis 


potis, potens 


lord,husband, able . 




* 







(mistress, honour- 


patnt 


ft 


pctnia 


' 


( able. 


atman 





atmos, aiitmen 


. 


(breath, soul, 










\ vapour. 


an (to breathe) 




anemos 


animus 


wind, mind. 


krip (to make) 


kerefs (nora.) 





corpus 


body. 


hridaya 


zaredhaya 


kardia 


cor 


heart. 


- 


sara 


kara 


cerebrum 


head, brain. 


kapala 




kephale 


caput 


head. 


akshi 


ashi 


ops, ukvs, okkus 


oculus 


eye. 


nas, nasa, nasika 


naonha 




nasus, nares 


nose. 


bhru 


brvat 


ophrus 


. . . 


eyebrow. 


as, asya 


aonh 


. 


OS 


face. 


dat, dantam (ace.) 


dantan 


odonta (ace.) 


dentem (ace.) 


tooth. 


hanu 


, 


genus 


gena 


jaw, chin, cheek. 


nakha 


. . . 


tonux, onukhos \ 
{ (gen.) 1 


unguis 


nail. 


jambha 


. . . 


gomphos 





tooth. 


gir 


. 


gerus 


. 


speech. 


bahu 


bazu 


pekhus* 


. . . 


arm. 


asthi 


asti 


osteon 


us 


bone. 


kravya, kravis 




Areas 


caro 


raw flesh, flesh.i 


pad, pada 


padha 


puspodos (gen.) 


joes pedis (gen.) 


foot. 


padati 


. 


pezos 


pedeS (peditis) 


footman. 


pada 


. . . 


pedon 




field. 


jTmu 


zhnu 


gunu 


genu 


knee. 


udara 


udara 


. . . 


uterus 


belly. 


jathara 




gaster 


. . 


belly. 


antra 




enteron 


venter P 


entrails, belly. ' 


yakrit 


. , 


hepar 


jecur 


liver. 


nubhi 




omphalos 


umbilicus 


navel. 


s'rdni 


sraoni 


klonis 


cliinis 


hip, end of spine. 


kukshi 




kokhone 


cox 


belly, hipbone,etc. 


pi than 


. 


splen 


li\n 


spleen. 


kesa, kesa, i 
kesnra, kesara } 


, . . 


. . . 


ccesarjes 


hair of the head. 


udhas 


. i 


uthar [gen.) 


uber 


udder. 


sakrit 




skor (skatos, 


stercus 


dung. 


ayus 


. 


aion , 


cevum 


life. 


toka, takman 


. 


tekos, teknon 




child. 


pasu 


pasu 


poit? 


peeu 


cattle. 


ff 


gao 


bus 


bos 


ox. 


sthura 


staora 


tauros 


taurus 


bull, etc. 


asva 


as'pa 


hippos 


equus 


horse. 


avi 


. . . 


018 


ovis 


sheep. 


aja 


. . . 


aiz 


. . . 


goat. 



232 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


gvan 


spa, s'uni 


kuon 


canis 


dog. 


svanam (ace.) 


s'panem 


kuna 


canem 


dog (nom.) 


'ukara, sukara 


hu 


sus, hits 


sus 


hog. 


vrika 


vehrka 


lukos 


lupus 


wolf. 


riksha 


. . 


arkos 


ursus 


bear. 


lopaSaka ( 


. . . 


alopex 




jackall, fox. 


mush, musha 


. . . 


mus 


mus 


mouse. 


vi 


vi 


oionos 


avis 


bird. 


vartika > 


. . . 


ortux 


. . . 


quail. 


hamsa 




khen 


anser 


goose. 


kuhuka, kokila 


. . . 


kokkux 


cuculua 


cuckoo. 


karava 


. . 


corax l 


corvus 


crow. 


< uluka 




. 


f nlula. 


owl. 


tittiri 


. 


tetrix 


' . . 


partridge. 


vika 




. 


pica, 


(Indian cuckoo, 


1 








( magpie. 


udra, urdra 


. . . 


fiudros, enudru. 




otter, water ser- 


ahi 


azhi 


ekhis 


anguis 


serpent. [pent. 


karka 




karkinos 


cancer 


crab. 9 


sarabha 


. 


karabos 


. 


locust, beetle. 


puluka 


. . 


psulla, psullos 


pulex 


insect, flea. 


makshika 


makshi 


muia 


musca 


fly. 


Varuna 


. . 


Uranos 


. 


Varuna, Heaven. 


Dyaus 


. 


Zeus 


. 


The Sky, Zeus. 


divyd' 


. 


dios 


dwus 


celestial, divine. 


Dyaus pitar 


. . . 


Zeus pater 


(Diespiter 
(Jupiter 


) Dyaus the father, 
/ etc. 


deva 


daeva 


theos ? 


dens 


(god [in Zend, 
( demon]. 


divasa, diva 


, 


. . . 


dies 


day, by day. 


naktam, nakid 


. . . 


nukta "(ace.) , 


noctem (ace.) 


night. 


ushas 


usha 


eos, auos , 


aurora 


dawn. 


agtn 


, 


. V 


ignis 


fire. 


mas, inasa 


maonh 


men, mene 


mensis 


moon, month. 


star (vedic), tar a 


stare 


aster, astron 


astrum 


star. 


aru 


i 


keraunos 


. . 


thunderbolt. 


nabhas 





nephos 


nubes 


sky, cloud. 


abhra 


awra 


ombro\>, aphros 


imber 


cloud, rain, foam. 


uda, udaka 


, . . 


hudor 


unda 


water, wave. 


ap; apas (nom.pl.) 


op 


. . 


aqua 


water. 


sankha 




konkhos 


concha 


shell, cockle. 


hima 


zima 


khion, kheimon 


hiems 


winter, snow. 


chhaya 


, , , 


skia 


. 


shadow. 


go, gma 


. 


ge, gaia 


. . 


the earth. 


kshma 


zem 


khamai 


. . . 


(earth, on the 
( ground. 


kshoni 


... ' 


kthon 


. 


the earth. 


kakud, kakudmat 




. . 


cacumen 


peak, mountain. 


ajra (vedic) 


. 


agros 


ager 


field. 


dru, druma 


dru 


dru,' drutnos 


. 


tree, wood. 


daru 


dauru 


doru 


. . 


wood, spear. 


madhu 


madhu 


methu 




honey, wine. 


yava 


yava 


zea 


i 


barley, etc. 


andhas 


. . . 


anthos 


. . . 


plant, flower. 


ayas 


. . . 




aes 


iron, copper. 


rajata 


erezata 


arguros 


argentum 


silver. 


apas 


. . . 


. . . 


opus - 


work. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN WORDS. 



233 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


apnas 


. . 


aphenos 


opes 


wealth. 


pur, puri 


. 


pulis 


. . 


city. 


dama 


demand 


domes 


domus 


house. 


vesa (okas ?) 


. . . 


Foikos 


vicus 


house, village. 


dvar 


... 


thura 


fores 


door. 


rai 


. . 




res 


'thing, possession. 


svapna (svap, to 
sleep) 


\gafna 


hupnos 


sopor, somnus 


sleep. 


asman 


asman 


akmon 


. . . 


|stone, "anvil, 
( thunderbolt. 


s'arkara, karkara 


9 


* i * 


calx 


limestone. . 


nau 


. . .' 


t nam 


navis 


ship. , , 


aritra 


* 


fretmos 


. . . 


oar. 


aritar 


. . 


eretes 




rower. 


aksha 


. 


axon 


axis 


axle. 


kshura 


. . 


xuron 




razor. B 


parasu 





pe*lekus 


. . 


axe. 


a si 


. . [dom) 


9 t 


ensis 


sword. 


Qatu (vedic) 


khratu (wis- 


kratos 


. . 


strength. 


vanas, van, (to \ 
love) / 


van 


. . . 


venus, venustas 


beauty, Venus. 


pathin 


pathan 


patos 


. . . 


road. 


agas 




agos 




sin, guilt. 


dhuma 


, , , 


thumos 


fumus 


smoke, spirit. 


budhna 


buna 


puthmen 


fundus 


bottom. 


chakra 


chakhra 


kuklos 


circus 


wheel, circle, etc. 


dhupa 




tuphos 




incense, smoke. 


kalama 


, , , 


kalamos 


calamus 


reed. 


sthuna, sthula \ 
(ttick) ) 


stuna 


stulos 


. . . 


pillar. 


kumbha 


. . , 


kumde, kumbos 


. 


vessel, jar. 


svara 


. . . 


surinx ' 


susurrus 


Tsound, pipe, 
( whisper. * 


marmara 




(mormuro (to N 
( murmur) } 


murmur 


murmur. 


khaUna, khalina 


. 


khallnos 


. 


bridle, etc. 


attihas 


azanh 


(ankfid (to , | 
\ strangle) J 


ango (to affict) 


8traits ' [sion. 


urja, urjas 


. . 


orge 




sap, power, jjas- 


ojas 


. 


auge 


. 


brilliance. 


makha 


f 


makhe (battle), 
makhaira 


Jmactare (to 
i *n\ 


[sacrifice. 




1 


(sword, knife) 


kill) 


1 


sana 


hana 


henos 


$enex 


old. 


manda 


. . 


. . . 


mundus 


ornament, world. 


kona 


. . 


gonia 


. . . 


corner. 


rasa 




drosos 


ros* 


liquid, dew. 


kupa 




kupe, gupe 


. . . 


hole, well. 


stupa 


. 


tumbos . 


tumulus 


mound. 


phulla 




phullon 


folium 


flower, leaf. 


arjana 


. . . 


ergon 


. . . 


earning, work. 


puru, pulu ) 
(vedic) f 




pulus 


plus 


much, more. 


uru, prithu 


. 


eurus, platus 


. . . 


broad. 


guru 




barus 


gravis 


heavy. 


garlyas 




. 


gravius 


heavier. 


garishtha 




. . . 


gravissimus 


heaviest. 



16 



234 



COMPARATIVE TABLES OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


varishtha 


B 


aristos ? 


. 


best. 


laghu 




elakhus 


levis 


light, small. 


laghishtha 


. . . 


elakhistos 


levissimus 


lightest. 


mahan 




megas 


magnus 


great. 


mahJyan 




meizon 


major 


greater. 


manhishtha \ 
(vedic) / 


. . . 


megistos 


maximus 


(greatest, vener- 
\ able. 


bahu 




pakhus 




great, thick. 


asu 




okus 


odor 


swift, swifter. 


mridu 




bradus 




soft, slow. 


tana 




, , 


, tenuis 


slender. 


^udhira 
gharma 




eruthros 
thermos 


rftber 
formus 


blood, red. 
heat, hot. 


iushka 


hisku, huska 


. 


siccus 


dry. 


purna 




pleos 


plenus 


full. 


c dirgha 


. 


dolikhos 




long. 


barbara, varbara 




barbaros 


barbarus 


barbarous. 


sama 


hama 


homos 


similis 


like. 


sthira 




stereos 


. 


firm. 


bala "(strong, j 
strength) j 


. . . 


. . . 


(validus (valeo, \ 
\io be strong) j 


^^ 
strong. 


dakshina 


dashina 


dexios 


dexter 


right (side). 


nava 


nava 


neos 


novus 


new. 


sami t 


. . 


hemi 


semi 


half. 


madhya 


maidhya 


mesos 


medius 


middle. 


ekatara 


. 


hekateros 




one of two. 


satya 


. . . 


eteos 


. . 


true. 


svadu 




hedus 


svavis 


sweet. 


ama 




omos 


, . . 


raw. 


ttttara 




husteros 


. . . 


subsequent. . 


plvan, plna 


. . . 


pion 


. . . 


fat. 


dhrishta 




thrasuf 


. . . 


bold, rash. 


arara 


. , . 


ardo 


. . . 


moist, to moisten. 


prisni 


. i 


pexknos 


. 


speckled. [M. 


kalya, kalyana 




kalos 




agreeable, beauti- 


palita 


. . 


polios 


pallidus 


hoary, pale. 


mala (dirt), ) 
malina } 




melas ' 


malus 


dirty, black, bad. 


kata 




kelainos 


(ealigo (dark- \ 

\ \ t 


black. 








( ness) J 




tumula, tuinala 


. . . 


. . . 


(tumultus \ 
\ (tumult) / 


noisy. 



II. PREPOSITIONS, PARTICLES, AND PRONOUNS. 



mm 


ham r 


sun 


con 


part 


pairi 


peri 


per 


upari 


upairi 


huper 


super 


upa 


. 


hup 


sub 


prati 


paiti 


pros, prbti 


. . 


pra 


fra 


pro 


pro 


antar 


antare 


entos 


inter, 


apa 


apa 


apo 


ab 


api 


on 


epi 


. 


abhi 


aibi, aiwi 


amphi 


. . 


sama, samaya 


. . . 


hama 




param,para para 


pera 






with. 

round. 

above. 

near, under. 

towards. 

before. 

within. 

away. 

towards, on. 

towards, round. 

together. 

other side, beyond. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN WORDS. 



235 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISHi 


para 




para 




East. 


pur as, pur a 


paro 


paros 


. 


efore. 


tar (to cross), ) 
tiras ] 


taro 


terma (limit) 


trans 


across. 


su 


hu 


eu 




well. 


dus 


dush 


dus 


, 


ill. 


sumanas 


humananh 


eumenes 




kindly-minded. 


durmanas 


dusmananh 


dusmenes 




evil-minded. 


nunam 


nu 


nun 


nunc 


now! 


a, an 


a, an f 


a, an 


in 


privative particle. 


na 


na 


M| 


ne (fasf, non 


negative. 


nanu 


, 




nonne 


is not ? , 


kas, kis 


ko, chis * 


tis 


quis 


who? 


nakis, makis 


ma+chis 


utis 
metis 


nemo 
nequis 


Ino one, let no 
j one. 


kirn, kad 


kat 


ti t 


quid 


what ? 


kataras 


kataro 


poteros 


uter 


which of two ? 


itaras 




heteros 


alter 


other. 


* 


uba 


ampho 


ambo 


both. 


anya 


anya 


enioi 




other, someV 


kva, kwha, kutra 


{kva, katha, ) 
kuthra } 


pu, ku (Ionic) 


quo 


where ? 


kutah 


. . . 


pothen 


. 


whence. 


kati 


chaiti, chvant 


(pSsoi, 
( kosoi (Ionic) 


quot, quotus, 
quantus 


mow many"? 


tati 


. . . 


tosoi 


tot 


so many. 


kada 


kadha 


(pote, } 
\ kote (Ionic) j 


quando 


when ? 


tada 


tadha 


tote 


... 


then 


yada 


yada 


hote 


... 


when 


tatas 


. . . 


tothdn 


. 


thence. 


yatas 


. 


hothen ' * 


. 


whence. 


ittham, ) 
ittha (vedic) j 


uiti, avatha 


* " ' > 


item, ita 


thus 


paschat, pascha. 


pas' kat, pas'ne 


opisthen 


post 


after. 


makshu 


. . 




mox 


quickly. [fore. 


anti 




anti , 


ante 


opposite, near, be- 


ati 




eti 


. 


beyond, further. 


mithas 




meta 


. 


mutual, with, 


cha 


cha 


kai 


que 


and. 



III. NUMERALS. 


dvi 


dva 


duo 


duo 


traycts 
tisras (fern.) 


thrayo 
tisharo (fern.) 


\treis 


tre/ 


chatvaras 


chathwaro 


tessares 


quatuor 


panchan 


panchan 


pente 


quinque 


shat 


khshvas 


hex 


sex 


saptan 


haptan 


hepta 


septem 


ashtan 


astan 


okto 


octo 


navan 


navan 


hennea 


novem 


das'an 


das'an 


deka 


decem 


vimsati 


vls'aiti 


eikosi 


viginti 


satam 


satem 


hekaton 


centum 


prathamas 


fratemo 


protos 


primus 



two. 
three. 

four. 

five. 

six. 

seven. 

eight. 

nine. 

ten. 

twenty. 

hundred. 

first. 



236 



COMPARATIVE TABLES OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIK. 


ENGLISH. 


dvitlyas 


{daibityo, ) 
bityo } 


deuteros 


tecundus 


second. 


tritlyas 


thrityo 


tritos 


tertius 


third. 


chaturthas, } 
turyas } 


tuiryo 


tetartos 


quartm 


fourth. 


panchathas (ve- 
dic), panchamas 


Y^ikhdho 


pemptos 


quintus 


fifth. 


shashthas 


khstvo 


hektos 


sextus 


sixth. 


saptamas ' , 


haptatho 


hebdomos 


septimus 


seventh. 


ashtamas 


astfmo 


ogdoos 


octavus 


eighth. 


navxmas 


{naomo, "i 
(naumo } 


hennatos 


t nonus 


ninth. 


daiamas 


das'ftno 


dekatos 


decimw 


tenth. 


dvis 


bizhvat, bis 


dis 


fo 


twice. 


tris 


(thrizhvat, ) 
thris } 


tris 


ter 


thrice. 


'dvidha 




dikha 


. 


in two ways. 


tridha 


, , . 


trikha 


. . 


in three ways. 


chaturdha 


. . 


tetrakha 


. 


in four ways. 


panckadha 




pentakha 


. . . 


in five ways. 


parut 




perusi 


. . . 


last year. 


parutna 


. . 


perusinos 




of last year. 


hyas 




khis 


heri 


yesterday. 


hyastana 


. . . 





hesternus 


of yesterday. 


IV. VERBS AND PARTICIPLES. 


dar 


dar 


dero 


. 


to tear, flay. 


da, dadami 


dadhami 


didomi 


do ' 


to give. 


datar 


datar 


doter 


dator 


giver (masc.) 


datrl 




doteira , 


datrix 


giver (fern.) 


dana 


data, dathra 


doron 


donum 


gift. 


dhSt dadhami 




tithemi 


, 


to place. 


stha, tishthami 


sta, histami 


histemi 


sto 


to stand, place. 


asthiim 


. 


eston 


. . . 


I stood. 


sthaman 


. . . 




stamen 


strength, thread. 


misrayami, \ 
mikshami } 


. . . 


mignurfi 


misceo 


to mix. 


star^ strinomi 


star 


(stormimi, \ 
\stronnumi ) 


sterna 


to spread. 


stariman 


starema 


stroma 


stramen 


bed, litter, carpet. 


bhar 


bar 


phero 


fero 


to bear. 


bhara 


. 


phoros, phortion 


. . . 


load. 


bhu 


bu 


phuo 


fui 


to be, I was. 


lih, lehmi 




llikho 


lingo 


to lick. 


tan, tanomi 


thanj 


tamio, teino 


tendo 


to stretch. 


tat (in (i 


f 




tctendi 


I stretched. 


jan,jajanmi 


zan 


gennao 


gigno 


to beget. 


janitor 


zathar 


genetor 


gtn itor 


father. 


janitre 




gene&ira 


genetrix 


mother. 


jata 


zata 


. . . 


gnatus 


born, son. 


janus 


gaona 


genos 


genus 


birth, kind. 


praju, prajati 


. . 


. . . 


progenies 


progeny. 


jna,janami 


za 


gignosco 


gnosco 


to know. 


jnata 




gnotos 


(ff}notus 


known. 


ajnata 


. 


agnotos 


ifjnotus 


unknown. 


naman (jiiamait) 


naman 


onoma 


((g}nomen, \ 
{cognomen ) 


name, surname. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN WORDS. 



237 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


tudami 


... 


... 


tundo 


to wound, to beat. 


tutoda 


t . . 


... 


tutudi 


I have beaten. 


sev, sap 2 * 


. . . 


sebomai 


. . 


to reverence. 


lubhyati 


. . . 


{liptomai (to ) 
long for) } 


lubet 


|he desires (S.) 
(it pleases. (L.) 


tup 


. . . 


tupto 


. . . 


A;o hurt, beat. 


ad 


ad 


edo 


edo 


to eat. 


adana, anna 


. . . 


(edanos 
\edetw 


. . . 


\ eatable, food. 


vah, vahami 


vaz, vazqmi 


oeheomai 


veho 


to carry. 


avaJcshit 






vexit 


he carried. , 


skand 


. . , 


t ' 


scando 


to go, ascend. 


lip, limpami 





leipho 


. 


to anoint. 


sarp 


. 


hirpo 


terpo 


to creep. 


sarpa 


. . . 


herpeton 


serpens 


serpent. 


vdstu \ 
vas (to dwell) j 


. . . 


Fastu 


. . . 


habitation, city. 


vas 


vanh 


hennumi 


vestio 


to clothe. 


tfbstra 


vastra 


hesthes 


vestis 


clothing, garment. 


va 


va 


ad, aemi 


. . . 


to blow. ' 


vata 


vata 


... 


ventus 


wind. 


pat, patami 


, 


petomai 


peto 


to fall, fly, seek. 


apaptam 


. . . 


epipton 


. . . 


I fell. 


apaptat 


. 


epipte 


. 


he fell. . 


patatri 


. 


peteinos 


. 


winged. 


sad 


sad 


... 


cado 


to fall. 


sad, sidami 


had 


hezomai 


sedeo 


to sink, sit. 


sodas 


. . . 


hedos 


sedes 


seat. 


chhid, chhinadmi 


. 


schizo 


seindo 


to cut. 


chhindanti 


. . 


. 


seindunt 


they cut. 


bhid, bhmadmi 








Jindo 


to cleave. 


bhindanti 


. . . 


... 


Jindunt 


they cleave. 


tarp 


. . . 


terpo 


. . . 


fto be satisfied^ 
( please. 


dam 


. . . 


damao,damnemi 


domo 


to subdue. 


arindama 


. . . 


ippodamos 



. . . 


/subduer, of foes 
1 (S), horses (G.). 


labh 


. . 


lambano 


... 


to take. 


lapsye 


. . 


Upsomai 


. . 


I will take. 


ary 


anj 


... 


ungo 


to anoint. 


ariktum 


. , 


... 


unctum 


to anoint. 


plu 


. . . 


pled 


Jluo, pluo 


|to swim, sail, 
( flow, rain. 


man, manye \ 
mna, manami } 


. . . 


mnaomai 


*memini 


I think, remember. 


manas ' 


mananh 


menos 


mens 


mind, spirit. 


hu, juhomi 


. . . 


khed 


t 


to pour out. 


huta 


. . . 


khutos 


... 


poured out, offered 


dat! 


das 


dakno f 


... 


to bite. 


dashta 


... 


dektos i 




bitten. 


kar, karomi 


kar 


kraitto 


creo 


to do, fulfil, create. 


as, ase 


ah 


hemai 




to sit. 


dste 


. . . 


hestai 


, 


he sits. 


vam 


vam 


emeo 


vomo 


to vomit. 



22 See Benfey's Glossary to S.V. ; and asapanta in R.V. vii. 83, 8 ; and Curtius, 
pp. 474 and 519. 



238 



COMPARATIVE TABLE OF SANSKRIT, 



SANSKKIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


pard 


. . . 


perdomai 


pedo 


fventris crepitum 
( edere. 


svid 


. 


hidroo 


sudo 


to sweat. 


sveda 




hidros 


sudor 


sweat. 


ard 


< 


. . . 


ardeo 


/to afflict, be on 
\ fire. 


svan 


t-. 




sono 


to sound. 


stan 


. . . 


steno 


tono 


(groan, sound, 
{ thunder. 


stanayitnu 


. 


. , 


tonitru 


thunder. 


lu 




luo 


luo 


to cut, loose, pay. 


varb 


. 




1 verto 


to be, turn. 


vartt&te 


. 




vbrtit . 


he is, turns. 


mih 


mis 


omikheo 


iliingo 


to make water. 


emi (from i) 


, . . 


eimi 


eo 


I go. 


mar 


mar 


, . . 


morior 


to die. 


cnrityu 


merethyu 





1 mors 


death. 


mrita 


[ava~\ mereta 




mortuus 


dead. 


martya 


mareta 


brotos 


mortalis 


mortal. 


amrita 


amahrka 


ambrotos 


immortalis 


immortal. 


amritam 




ambrosia 


ambrosia 


food of the gods. 


dars 


, 


derkomai 




to see. 


vid, vedmi 


vid 


Feido 


video 


to know, see. 


veda 


... 


Foida 


. 


I know. 


vidma ' 


. 


Fidmen 


vidimus 


we know, see. 


vettha 


. 


oistha 





thou knowest. 


chi, chiketi 


. . 


. 


scio 


to perceive, know. 


pa, punami 




. . . 


(puto, purus } 
{ (pure) / 


to cleanse. 


tap 


tafs 




tepeo 


to be hot. 


prachh, \ 
prichhami j 


pares 


. . . 


precor 


to ask, pray. 


spas t 


spas 


skeptontai 


specie 


to see, observe. 


tras 


tares 


treo 


terreo 


to fear, frighten. 


nas 




(nekus (a dead 
I body) 


necare, nex \ 
(death) j 


to perish, kill. 


spars 


. . 


. . . 


spargo 


to touch, scatter. 


masj, majjumi 




r> 


mergo 


to sink. 


lag 


. . . 


lego 


leao 


Ho touch, lay, 
} gather. 


prich (parch] 




pleko 


plecto 


to touch, twine. 


prikta 




plektos 


plexus 


touched, twined. 


arh 


aref 


ark ho 




to be worthy, rule. 


loch, lok 




leusso 




to look. 


aloka 




leukos (white) 


lux 


light. 


ruch 


ruch 


leukos (white) 


luceo, lux (light] 


to shine. 


vaeh, vaclimi 


vach 




voco 


to speak, call. 


vach 


vach 


ops 


vox 


voice. 


taksh 


tash 


tikto, teukho 


texo 


to fabricate, beget. 


takshan 




tektort' 


textor 


carpenter, weaver. 


budh 




punthanomai 


puto 


to think, ascertain. 


vap^ 


vap 


huphaino 




to weave. 



23 Compare the words toka, takman, teknon, in the list of nouns. 

24 Prof. Aufrecht finds in the word urnavabhi the trace of an old root vabh, " to 
weave," which is still closer to the Greek form. See Bohtlingk and Roth's Dic- 
tionary, sub voce urnavabhi. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN VERBS. 



239 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


vrish, varsha 


var 


herse, erse 





rain, dew. 


bhanj, bhanajmi 


, . . 


Fagnumi 


frango 


to break. 


bhuj 




. 


frttor? 


to enjoy. 


bhukta 


. 


. . 


fructus 


enjoyed, fruit. 


krip, kalp 


, , 




carpo 


to cut, pluck. 


bhaj, bhaksh 


, , , 


phago 





to obtain, eat. 


kup 


. . . 




y 
cupio 


fto be excited, 
(angry, desirous. 


sru, s'rinomi 


sru 


kluo 


duo 


to hear. 


jw 25 ' 


jw 


biod 


vivo 


to live. 


van 26 


van * 




venero 


to love, worship. 


kalian 


* 


(kteind,? 1 \ 
\ktinnumi } 




to kill. , * 


kshi 


. . . 


w 

\eu-kti-menos \ 
\peri-kti-ones } 




( to dwell, well- 
< built, dwellers 
( around. 


ffuh, gudh ) 
gudha (hidden) j 


. . . 


keutho 


. . . 


to hide. 


7 . " 

Kir 


. . 


krino 


cerno 


I scatter, separate. 


pa, pibami 


pa 


pino 


bibo, potare 


I drink. , 


papau 




pepoka 


... 


I have drunk. 


patum (to drink) 


. 


potos 


potus 


drunk. 


gar, jagarmi 




eger, egeiro 


. 


I wake, rouse. 


ajlgar 




egregora 


. . . 


Jhe awoke, I am 
( awake. 


pish, pinashmi 






pin so 


I pound. 


pishta 


, . 


. . . 


pistus 


pounded. 


kamp(to tremble) 




kampto ? 


. 


to bend. 


(nfjdhana 




thanatos 


... 


death. 


bhanami 


. 


phoned 


. . . 


I speak. 


siv, slvyami 


. . . 


(ka}suo 


suo 


I sew, patch. 


syuta 


. . . 




sutus 


sewn. 


nah 







necto 


I bind. , 


drami 


. . . 


((apd) dranai, \ 
\didrasko ' } 


, . . 


I run. 


adramam 


. t 


edramon 


. 


I went, ran. 


apadran 





apedran 




they ran. 


dti 


dis 


deiknumi* 


dico 


I show, tell. 


adiksham 


. . . 


edeixa 


dixi 


I showed, told. 


adikshata 




edeixate 


dixistis 


ye showed. 


ma, maini, mime 


ma 


metreo 


metior 


I measure. 


matra 




metron 


metrum 


a measure. 


trap 2a 


. . . 


trepo 28 





(I am ashamed, 
( I turn. 


trup, truph, } 
trump , j 


. . . 


thrupto 


. . . 


to hurt, break. 


yat 




zeto 


. . . 


to strive, seek. 


mard 






mordeo 


to rub, crush, bite. 



25 The original root is supposed to have" been gtv, afterwards enlarged to gvlv, 
whence the Greek bios, bioo, etc., and the Latin vivo were derived by dropping the 
initial g. See Curtius, p. 418. 

26 See vanas and venus above, p. 233. 

27 Compare takshan and teJtton, in which also the Sanskrit ksh is equivalent to 
the Greek kt, p. 238 above. 

28 These two roots differ in sense ; and perhaps have no affinity. 



240 



COMPAEATIVE TABLE OF SANSKKIT, 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN.' 


ENGLISH. 


mamarda 


. . . 


. . . 


momordi 


(I rubbed, crushed, 
I bit. 


medh 




medomai 




(to understand, 
\ .I . * 










( think on. 


nij 


. . . 


nizo 




to cleanse. 


ap 


ap 


hapto 


(ad)ipiciscor 


to obtain, touch. 


apta 


\ 
. . 


. . , 


aptus 


fit. 


bandh 


band 


. . 


. 


bind (root). 


yuj, yunajn\i 
yuktas 


yw 

yukhto 


zeugnumi 
zeuktos 


jungo 
junctus 


to yoke, join, 
joined. 


yuga 


. . . 


zugon 


jugam , 


yoke. 


lup,> lumpami 


. . . 


. . 


>nmpo 


to cut, break. 


typtast 


. . . 


. 


ruptus 


dissolved, broken. 


sack 


. . . 


hepomai 


stquor 


to follow. 


bhraj 


. . . 


phlego 


fulgeo 


to shine, burn. 


bhrijj 


. . . 


phrugo 


frigo 


to roast. 


tfhav 


. . . 


theo 


, . . , 


to run. 


pack 


pach 


pepto 


coquo 


to cook. 


pakva 


. . 


pepon, peptos 


eoctus 


cooked. 


lamb, ramb 


. . . 


. 


labor 


to fall. 


yaj 


yaz 


hazomai 


. 


to venerate. 


yajya 


. . . 


haffios 


. . 


venerable, holy. 


sru, sravami 


. . . 


reo 


. . . 


to flow. 


mu, snaumi 


. . 


neo, nao 


. 


to flow, swim. 


stambh 


. . . 


stembo 


... 


to prop, shake. 


stambh 


. . . 


etaphon 


, . . 


|to be stupefied, 
\ confounded. 


stambha 


. . . 


thambos 


. . . 


jstupefaction, 
(astonishment. 


tra, trai 


. . . 


tereo 


traho 


|to deliver, keep, 
( draw. 


mi, miridmi, } 
minomi } 


. . . 


minutho 


minus 


|to destroy, 
(diminish. 


lap ' 


... 


lakeo 


loqui 


to speak. 


sraddha 


. . . 


. . ' . 


credo 


to believe. 


si, s'ete 


si,saiti,saete 


keitai 


. . 


he lies. 


sank 


. . . 


. . . 


cunctor 


to doubt, delay. 


anch, anka 


anku 


ankulos ' 


uncus 


fto bend, crooked, 
\ hook. 


pis' , 


. . 


poikillo 


pingo 


to paint. 


gunj 


. 


gonguzo 


. . 


to murmur. 


aj 


az 


ago 


ago 


to lead, drive. 


mrij, (marj) 


marez 


omorgnumi 


. . . 


to wipe. 


vrij, (varj) 


. . . 


eirgo 


. 


to exclude. 


sthag 


. 


steffo 


tego 


to cover. 


sprih, (sparh} 




sperkhomai 


. . , 


to haste, desire. 


hary 


. . . 


khairo 


. . 


to rejoice. 






( 


naneiscor \ 




nai 


nas 


. . . 


(nactus, ob- | 


to obtain. 






1 


tained) 




ghar, gharami, \ 
jigharmi j 


. . . 


khrio 


. . . 


anoint. 


tij 


tij 


stizo 


(dt)stinguo 


f to be sharp, pierce, 
[ distinguish. 


tigma 


. . 


stigme 


, , , 


sharp, point. 


trish, (tarsK) 


taresh 


tersomai 


torreo 


(to thirst, be dry, 
I roast. 


da, dyami 


. . . 


deo, didemi 


. . . 


to bind. 



ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN VERBS. 



241 



SANSKRIT. 


ZEND. 


GREEK. 


LATIN. 


ENGLISH. 


daman 





desmos 


. 


bond. 


di 


. . . 


diemai, diomai 


. . . 


to fly, haste, chase. 


skhad, skhand 




skedannumi 


. . . 


|to shed, spill, 
( scatter. 


par, piparmi 


par 


perao 




to cross. 


par, piparmi 


par 


pimplemi 


(im}pleo 


to/aii. 


pu 


pu 


putho 


puteo 


to be putrid. 


bhS. 


. . . 


phaino 


. . . 


to appear. 


bhas 


. . . 


phaos 


. . 


light . 


bKT, bibhemi 


. . . 


phebomai 


. . . 


to fear. 


idh 





aitho % 


... 


to burn. [ful. 


smar 
sphalami, \ 
sphulami } 


mared 




spltfillo 


memor 
fallo 


to recollect, mmcf- 

to hesitate, deceive 


vaksh 


vaksh 


auxo 


augeo 


to increase. 


ga, jig ami 


go. 


baino 


. . . 


to go. 


ogam 


. . . 


eben 


. . . 


I went. 


raksh 


... 


alexo 


. . 


to protect. 


kvan 


. . . 


kanazo 


eano 


to sound, sing. 


much) munehami 


. . . 


apo (musso) 


mungo 


Jto remove, frees 
\ wipe. 


stiffk 


. . . 


steikho 


... 


to ascend, walk. 


hm 




kekhlada 




fto rejoice, be 










\ wanton. 


sphar, sphur 


. . 


aspairo, spairo 





to quiver. 


mri, mrinami 


. . 


marnamai 




to kiU, fight. 


rinomi 


ar 


ornumi 


oriri 


to go, rise, excite. 


arta 


. . . 


orto 


orttis (risen) 


he rose. 


s'inf 


. . . 


sizo 


. . . 


to hiss. 


sphurj, sphurj 


. 


spharagee 


... 


to thunder, crack. 


krit 


karet 


kyrtomeos 

% 


. . . 


("to cut, cutting (as 
{ language). 


nid 


. . . 


oneidizo 


. . . 


to reproach. 


, 






(radere, 


to scratch, 


rCKt 


* * * 


* * * 


[rodere 


split, gnaw. 


manyu 


. . 


mainomai 


. . . 


anger, to rage. 


s'am, s'ram 


. . 


kamno 


. . 


to be tired. 


day 


da 


daio 


. . . 


to divide. 


bharv 


. . . 


pherbo 


. . . 


to eat. 



When the Zend word has been omitted in the proper column of the 
preceding list, I have not found it readily accessible. It will be 
gathered from the list that in many cases where the Greek language 
furnishes words equivalent both in sound and sense to certain Sanskrit 
words, the Latin, as preserved to us, Jias no words of corresponding 
form ; and that, vice versa, the Latin has often forms corresponding 
to the Sanskrit, where the Greek has none. In all the instances I 
have adduced, the affinity is, of course, not equally certain. Doubtful 
cases I have generally indicated by a mark of interrogation. 



242 



COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, ZEND, GREEK, 



I now proceed, secondly, to exhibit the resemblances which exist 
between Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin, in respect of their modes of 
declension and conjugation, as well as generally in the formation of 
words from nominal and verbal roots. 

I shall fir^t of all adduce as an instance of this similarity, the first 
and second personal pronouns. 

PERSONAL PRONOUN.S. 

SINGULAR. 





Sanskrit. 


Zend. Greeh^ 


Latin. 


NOM. 


aham 


azem ego 


ego 


Ace. 


mam 


mam, ma me 


me 


INST. 


maya 






DAT. 


fmahyam, 


maibyo j gmoi moi 


mihi 




(me 


me, moi ) 




ABL. 


mat 






GEN. 


mama, me 


mana,me,moi emou, mou 


mei 


Loc. 


mayi 


. . . emoi, moi 


me 






PLURAL. 




NOM. 


(vayam, 
(asme (Vedic) 


jvaem hemeis 


nos 


Ace. 


asman, nas 


ahma, n6 hemas 


nos 


INST. 


asmabhis 


ehma . . . 




DAT. 


jasmabhyam, 


ahmaibya, bemin 


nobis 




(or nas 


ahmai, 110 j 




ABL. 


asmat 


<i 




GEN. 


asmakam, or nas 


ahmakgni t hemon 


nostrum 


Loc. 


asmasu 


. . . ' hemin 


nobis 






SINGULAR. 




NOM. 


twam 


turn su 


tu 


Ace. 


twam 


fthwam, ' \ 
\thwa, te j s< 


te 


I-VST. 


twaya 


thwa . . . 





DAT. 


tubhyam, or te 


taibyo, toi, te soi 


tibi 


ABL. 


twat 


thwat . . . 


. . . 


GEN. 


tava, te 


{tdl a te } SOU 


tui . . 


Loc. 


twayi 


thoi> soi 


te 






c PLURAL. 




NOM. 


jyuyam, 
(yushme (Vedic) 


yuzhem j humeig 
yus , j 


vos 


Ace. 


yushman, vas 


vao, vo humas 


vos 


INST. 


yusbmabhis 


khshma, vao . . . 




DAT. 


jyushmabyam, 


yusmaibya, \ fa { 


vobis 




(vas 


vo ) 




ABL. 


yushmat 


yushmat . . . 


. . . 


GEN. 


yushmakam 


(yushmakem,) , 
vo, vao j 


vestrum 


Loc. 


yushmasu 


. . . humin 


vobis 



us. 
by us. 

to us. 

from us. 
of us. 
in us. 



thou. 
thee. 

by thee. 
to thee. 
from thee. 

of thee. 
in thee. 



you. 

you. 

by you. 

to you. 
from you. 
of you. 
in you. 



AND LATIN PRONOUNS AND NOUNS. 



243 



The following are examples of the similarity as regards the declen- 
sion of nouns between the four languages in question. 



NOUNS MASCULINE, ending in a. 
Vrika, "a wolf." 





Sanskrit. 


end. 


Greek. 


NOM. 


vrikas 


vShrko 


lukos 


Ace. 


vrikam 


vibrkerft 


lukon 


INST. 


vrikena 


v^brka, Sre'hrka 


luko 


DAT. 


vrikaya 


ve"hrkai 


luko 


ABL. 


vrikat 


v^hrkat 


luko 


GEN. 


vrikasya 


vehrkahe 


lukou 


Loc. 


vrike 


vghrke 


luko 


Voc. 


vrika 


vehrkS 


luke 



Latin. 

lupus. 

lupum. 

lupo. 

lupo. 

lupo. 

lupi. 

lupo. 

lupe. 



NOM. ) 

Ace. > vrikau 

Voc. ) 

GEN. \ ., . 

Loc. } v r ika y s 

INST. \ 

DAT. & > vrikabhyam 

ABL. ) 



DUAL. 

vShrka luko 

v^hrkayao lukoin 

v^krkaeibya lukoin. 



No dual. 



NOM.&) , 

Voc. j vrikds> 

Ace. vrikan 

INST. 

DAT. 

ABL. 

GEN. 



Loc. 



vrikais 
vrikebhyas 
vrikebhyas 
vrikan am 
vrikeshu 



PLURAL." 


vehrkaofThd 


lukoi 


v^hrkan 


lukous 


vShrkais 


Jukois 


vehrkaeibyd 


( lukois 
\ lukois 


vgkrkanam 


lukSn 


vehrkaeshva 


lukois 



lupi. 

lupos. 

lupis. 

lupis. 

lupis. 

luporum. 

lupis. 



NOUN FEMININE. 







Jibva, " 


tongue." 




SINGULAK. 


NOM. 


jihva 


bizva 


* glossa 


lingua. 


Ace. 


jihvam 


hizvam 


glossan 


linguam. 


INST. 
DAT. 


jihvaya 
libvayai 


bizvaya 
hizvayai 


glosse 
glosse 


lingua, 
linguae. 


ABL. 


jihvayah 


hizvayat 


glosse 


lingua. 


GEN. 
Loc. 
Voc. 


jibvayah 
jibvayam 
jihve 


bizvayao 
hizvaya 
hizve, bizva 


glosses 
glosse 
glossa 


linguae, 
lingua. 
lingua. 



244 COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, ZEND, 

NOUN MASCULINE, ending in ft. 

SINGULAR. 

Pitri, "father," and in the Zend column bhratri, "brother." 29 



Sanskrit. 


Zend. Greek. 


Latin. 


NOM. 
Ace. 


pita 
pitaraL 


brata pater 
bratarem patSra 


pater, 
patrem 


INST. 


pitra 


brathra patgri, patri 


patre. 


DAT. 


pitre 


brathre pateri, patri 


patri. 


ABL. 


pitus 


brathrat pateri, patri 


patre. 


GEN. 


pitus 


brathro patros " 


patris. 


Loc. 


pitari 


brathri ? 'patgri, patri 


patre. 


c VOC. 


pitah 


bratarS patgr . 


pater. 






PLURAL. 




NOM. 


pitaras 


brathro pate're's 


patres. 


Ace. 


pitrin 


brathrS pateras 


patres. 


INST. 


pitribhis 


bratarebis patrasi 


patribus. 


DAT. 


pitribhyas 


bratargbyo patrasi 


patribus. 


ABL. 


pitribhyas 


bratargbyo patrasi 


patribus. 


GEN. 


pitrmam 


brathram pateron, patron 


patrium. 


Loc. 


pitrishu 


bratareshva ? patrasi 


patribus. 




ANOTHER 


FORM OF NOUN MASCULINE, ending in ri. 






SINGULAR. 




NOM. 


data 


data doter 


dator. 


Ace. 


dataram 


dataram dStera 


datorem. 


INST. 


datra 


dathra doteri 


datore. 


DAT. 


datre 


dathre doteri 


datori. 


ABL. 


datus 


dathrat doteri 


datore. 


GEN. 


datus. 


dathro doteros 


datoris. 


Loc. 


datari 


dathri ' doteri 


datore. 






PLURAL. 




NOM. 


dataras 


dataro doteres 


datores. 


Ace. 


datrin 


dataro doteras 


datores. 


INST. 


datribhis 


datarebis ' dotersi 


datoribua. 


DAT. 


datribhyas 


1 d't bh ' / dotersi 


datoribus. 


ABL. 


datribhyas 


j \ dotersi 


datoribus. 


GEN. 


datrlnam 


dathraiun doteron 


datorum. 


Loc. 


datrishu 


, . . dotersi 


datoribus. 






PRESENT PARTICIPLE ACTIVE. 








Bharat, "supporting." 


. 






SINGULAR. 




NOM. 


bharan 


baras? pheron 


ferens. 


Ace. 


bharantam 


bargntem pherontS 


ferentem. 


INST. 


bharata 


barata ' c pheronti 


ferente. 


DAT. 


bharate 


barente pheronti 


ferenti. 


ABL. 


bharatas 


barantat pheronti 


ferente. 


GEN. 


bharatas 


bar^nto pherontos 


ferentis 


Loc. 


bharati 


bar^nti ? pheronti 


ferente. 


Voc. 


bharan 


. . . pheron 


ferens. 



29 The paradigms of nouns, etc., given in Justi's Handbuch are often incom- 



GREEK, AND LATIN NOUNS, ETC. 



245 



NOM. 
Ace. 
INST. 
DAT. 
ABL. 
GEN. 
LOG. 
Voc. 



NOM. 

Ace. 

INST. 

DAT. 

ABL. 

GEN. 

Loc. 

Voc. 



NOM. 
Ace. 
INST. 
DAT. 
ABL. 
GEN. 
Loc. 





NEUTER 


NOUNS. 




Dana, 


" a gift." Data, 


" an ordinance " 


(Zend). 


SINGULAR. 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


Greek. 


Latin. 


danam 


datSm 


doron 


donum. 


danam 


dutem 


doron 


doi/tim. 


danena 


data 


doro 


dono. 


danaya 


datai 


doro 


dono. 


danat 


datat 


doro 


dono. 


danasya 


fttUri 


doron 


doni. 


dane 


date 


doro 


dono 


dana 


data 


doron 


donum. 



NEUTER NOUN ending with a consonant. 



nama 

nama 

namna 

namne 

namnas 

namnas 

narani 

numan 



namam 

namani 

namabhis 

namabhyas 

namabhyas 

namnam 

namasu 



Naman, " a name." 


SINGULAR. 


nama 


onoma 


nomen. 


namS 


onoma 


nomen. 


namana 


onomati 


nomine. 


namaine 


onomati 


nomini. 


namanat 


onomati 


nomine. 


namand 


onomatos 


nominis. 


namaini 


onomati 


nomine. 


nama 


onoma. 


nomen. 


PLUKAL. 






nameni t 


onomata 


nomina. 


naman, nameni 


onomata 


nomina. 


namenis 


onomasi 


nominibus. 


namabyo | 


onomasi 
onomasi 


nominibus. 
nominib'is. 


namanam 


onomaton 


nominum. 


namahra 


onomasi 


nominibus. 



The forms of conjugating verbs in Sanskrit and Greek have a re- 
markable resemblance, particularly in those Greek verbs in mi, in 
which reduplication of the consonant of the root takes place in the 
present and imperfect tenses. Greek as well as Sanskrit has the 
augment in e.= a in the imperfect and aorist, and the reduplication of 
the consonant in the perfect. The most stiiking instance of resem- 
blance is, perhaps, the root da or do, ' to give ' ; which I subjoin, 
together with several other examples; 'adding occasionally the Latin 
forms, and the Zend also, where they are easily accessible. 

plete, in consequence of all the forms of particular words not being found in the Zend 
Avesta, and the fact that there is no native grammar of Zend extant. Compare the 
Tables in Schleicher's Compendium, pp. 576, ff. 



246 



COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, 

THE VERB to give. 
Present Tense. 





Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


Greek. 


Latin. 






( dadami 


dadahmi 


didomi 


do. 




SING. 


| dadasi 


dadhahi 


didos 


das. 






( dadati 


dadhaiti 


didosi 


dat. 






( daovas 




. 






DUAL 


< datthas 




didoton 






1 


,.( dattas 




didoton 








" / dadmas 


dadgmabi 


didomen 


damns. 




JLURAL 


< dattha 


. 


"didote , 


datis. 




6 


(dadati 


dadenti ? 


didousi, 


dant. 




Imperfect. 




I adadam 




edidon 


dabam. 




SING. 


] adadas 




edidos 


dabas. 






( adadat 




edido 


dabat. 






( adadva 




. 


. . 




DUAL 


| adattam 




edidoton 


. 






( adattam 




edidoten 








( adadma 




edidomen 


dabamus. 




PLURAL 


j adatta 


B 


edidote 


dabatis. 






( adadus 





edidosan 


dabant 




Third Preterite. 




( adam 





edon 


p 




SENG. 


< adas 




edos 








( adat 


. 


edo 








I adava 


. 


... 






DUAL 


J adatam 




edoton 








( adatam 


B ( 


edoten 


f 




c 


{ adama 




edomen 


, 




PLURAL 


< adata 




edote 


m 






(adus 





edosan 


. 




EedupHcated Preterite. 






Sanskrit. 


Greek. 


Latin. 






[ 


dadau 


dedoka 


dedi. 






SING. { 


daditha 


dedokas 


dedisti. 






I 


dadau 


dedoke 


dedit. 






( 


dadiva 


, , 








DUAL < 


dadatbus 


dedokaton 








I 


dadatus- 


dedokaten 








( 


dadima 


dedokamen 


dedimus. 






PLURAL < 


dada 


dedokate 


dedistis. 






( 


dadus 


dedokasi 


dederunt. 




The 


subjunctive 


and precative 


moods of the 


Sanskrit also 


answer 


nearly 


to the optatives of the present and aorist in Greek : thus, 


Subjunctive. 




Sanskrit. 


Greek. 


Sanskrit. Greek. 


SING. 


( dadyam 
< dadvas 
( dadyat 


didoien. 
didoies. 
didoie. 


(dadyama didoiemen. 
PLUR. < dadyata didoiete. 
( dadyus didoiesan. 



GREEK, AND LATIN VERBAL FORMS. 



247 



Precative. 



SING. 



Sanskrit. 
deyasam 
deyas 
deyat 



Greek. 
doien. 
doles, 
dole, etc. 



There is also a resemblance in the Greek future doso, "I will give," 
and the future particle doson, to the Sanskrit dasyumi and ddsydn ; 
and a perfect identity in the Latin gerund, datum, with the .Sanskrit 
infinitive datum. The affinity between the Sanskrit form datri, " a 

fi 

giver," or "one who will give,," (which makes daturas in the pluraj.)', 
and the Latin future particle faturus, is also striking. 

THE VERB to place. 



SING. 



DUAL 



PLUR. 



Present 


Tense. 


Imperfect. 


Sanskrit. 


Greek. 




Snnskrit. 


Greek. 


( dadhami 


tithemi. 




( adadham 


etithen. 


< dadhasi 


tithes. 


SING. 


< adadhas 


etithes. 


( dadhati 


tithesi. 




( adadhat 


etithe. 


( dadhvas 


. . 




( adadhva 




| dhatthas 


titheton. 


DUAL 


< adhattam 


etitheton. 


( dhattas 


titheton. 




( adhattam 


etitheten. 


/ dadhmas 


tithemen. 




t adadhma 


etithemen. 


] dhattha 


tithete. 


PLUR. 


< adhatta 


etithete. 


( dadhati 


titheisi. 




( adadhus 


etithesan. 



Third* Preterite. 



SING. 



DUAL 



PLURAL 



Sanskrit. 
(adham 
< adhus 
( adhat 

!adhava 
adhatam 
adhatam 
j adhama 
] adhata 
( adhus 



Greek. 
ethen. 
ethes. 
ethe. 

etheton. 

etheten. 

ethemen. 

ethete. 

ethesan. 



THE VERB to spread. 
Present Tense. 



SING. 



DUAL 



PLURAL 



Sanskrit. 

strmomi 

striuoshi 

strinoti 

strinuvas 

strinuthas 

strinutas 

strinumas 

strinutha 

strinvanti 



Greek. 
stronnumi 
stronnus 
stronnusi 

stronnuton 

stronnuton 

stronnumen 

stronnute 

strSnnusi 



Latin. 
sterno. 
sternis. 
sternit. 



sternimus 
sternitis. 
sternunt. 



248 COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, GREEK, AND LATIN VERBS. 





Imperfect. 






Sanskrit. Greek. 


Latin. 


( 


astrinavam estronnun 


sternebam. 


SING. I 


astrinos estronnus 


sternebas. 


\ 


astrinot estronnu 


sternebat. 


( 


astrinuva . . . 


. . . 


Due, 


astrinutam estronnuton 


. . 


I 


astrinutam estronnuten 


. 




astrinuma estronnumen 


sternebamus. 




astrinuta estronnute 


sternebatis. 




astrinvan estronnusa,n 


sternebant. 




THE VERB to breep* 






Present Tense. 




( 


sarpami herp5 


serpo. 


SING. { 


sarpasi herpeis 


serpis. 


( 


sarpati herpei 


serpit. 


( 


sarpavas . . 


. 


DUAL. 


sarpathas herpeton 


. . 


( 


sarpatas herpeton 


. . 




sarpamas herpomen 


serpimus. 


PLURAL < 


sarpatha herpete 


serpitis. 


I 


sarpanti herpousi 


serpunt. 




Imperfect. 




( 


asarpam heirpon 


serpebam. 


SING. { 


asarpas heirpes 


serpebas. 


I 


asarpat heirpe 


serpebat. 


( 


asarpava . . 


. 


DUAL. { 


asarpatam . heirpeton 


. . 


( 


asarpatam heirpeten 


. 


( 


asarpama heirpomen 


serpebamus. 


PLURAL { 


asarpata heirpete 


serpebatis. 


( 


asarpan heirpon 


serpebant. 




e 




Subjunctive, optative, and future 


(Latin). 


( 


sarpeyam herpoimi 


serpem. 


SING. 


sarpes herpois 


serpes. 


( 


sarpet herpoi 


serpet. 


( 


sarpema herpoimen 


serpemxis. 


PLURAL < 


sarpeta herpoite 


serpetis. 


( 


sarpeyus herpoien 


serpent. 




Perfect. 






sasarpa , heirpa 


serpsi. 




Participles. 






SINGULAR. 




NOM. 


sarpan herpon 


serpens. 


Ace. 


sarpantam herponta 


serpentem. 


DAT. 


sarpate herponti 


serpenti. 



COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN VERBS. 249 





PLURAL. 




Sanskrit. 


Greek. 


Latin. 


NOM. sarpantas herpontes 
DAT. sarpadbhyas herpousi 


serpentes. 
serpentibus. 


THE VERB to be. 
Present. 


J 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. Greek. 


Latin. . ' 


!asmi 
asi 
, asti 


abmi eimi, emmi sum. 
ahi eis, essi es. 
( as'ti esti est. 


/ svas " 
DUAL. < sthas 
( stag 


> . . 

* . . eston 
. . eston 





( srnas 
PLUR. < stha 
(santi 


mahi esmen 
^ta este 
h^nti eisi 


sumus. 

estis. 
sunt. 




Imperative. 




SINO. astu 
PLUS., santu 


.. . esto 
. . estosan 


esto. 
sunto. 




Imperfect. 




/ asam 
SING. ] asls 
( asTt 


. . en 
. . es, estha 
. . en 


eram. 
eras, 
erat. 


( asva 
DUAL. < astam 
( astam 


. . eton 
. ? eten 





/ asma 
PLUK. < astha 
( asan 


. . enaen 
. . ete 
. . esan 


eramus. 

eratis. 
erant. 


THE VERB /0 stand. 




Present. 




I tishtbami 
SING. < tisbtbasi 
( tisbthati 
l tisbthamas 
PLUR. | tishthatha 
( tishthanti 


. . histemi 
bistahi histes 
histaiti histesi 
. . histamen 
. . Wstate 
hist^Sti bistusi 


sto. 

stas. 
stat. 
stamus. 
statis. 

stant. 


THE 


^ 

VERB to show or say. 






Preterite. 




Sanskrit. 


Greek. 


Latin. 


I adiksham. 
SING. < adikshas 
( adiksbat 


edeixa 
edeixas 
edeixe 


dixi. 

dixistis. 
dixit. 


( adikshama 
PLUB. < adikshata 
( adiksban 


edeixamen 
edeixate 
edeixan 


diximus. 
dixistis. 
dixenint. 



17 



250 COMPARISON OF SANSKRIT, GREEK, 

The following are additional examples of similarity of form in the 
past tenses, combined in most cases with identity of sense. 

Sanskrit, Greek. Latin. English. 

avakshit . . vexit he carried, 

akshiosi [I threw] . . scrips! I wrote, 

apapta-n. epipton . . I fell, 

apatam epeson . . I fell, 

astham esten . . I stood. 

The subjoined instances exhibit the similarity in the formation of 
the 1 reduplicated perfect between the Sanskrit and the Greek. 

C C u 



Root. 


Perfect. 


English. 


Present. 


Perfect. 


English. 


lip 


lilepa 


I anointed 


leipo 


leloipa 


I left. 


s'ak 


s'as'aka 


I was ahle 


derko 


dedorka 


I saw. 


tup 
tuph 


tutSpa \ 
tutopha ) 


I injured 


tupto 


tetupha 


I struck. 


tap' 


tatapa 


I heated 


thapto 


tetapha 


I buried. 



(from tapho.) 

I add some examples of conformity between the Sanskrit infinitive 
and tLe Latin supine. 



Sanskrit. 


Latin. 


English. Sanskrit. 


Latin. 


English. 


sthatum 
anktum 


stutum 
unctum 


to stand, 
to anoint. 


janitum 
etum 


genitum 
itum 


to beget, 
to go. 


Tamitum 


vomitum 


to vomit. 


svanitum 


sonitum 


to sound. 


jnatum 
yoktum 
ppshtum 


notum 
j unctum 
pistum 


to know, 
to join, 
to pound. 1 


startum 
sarptum 


stratum 
serptum 


to spread, 
to creep. 



The form of the Sanskrit desideratives, though not the signification, 
is found in Greek and Latin: thus we have gigrioscb (Greek), and nosco 
(Latin), answering to jijfidsdmi,' "I desire to know;" and again, 
mimnesko and \_re~\miniscor, answering to mimnasdmi, "I desire to 
remember." 

Again, Greek words like paipallo, daidallo, paiphasso, pimpTemi, 
pimpremi, etc., though withqut the meaning, have the form of Sanskrit 
intensives, like bobhu, lambhram. 

In regard to the participles, also, there is a remarkable coincidence 
between the Sanskrit and the Greek. Some of the participles of the 
active voice have been already given. The following are some other 
specimens. 

PERFECT PARTICIPLE ACTIVE. 

Greek. Sanskrit. 

Mase. Fern. Neuter. Masc. Fern. Neuter. 

tetuphos tetuphuia tetuphos. | tetupivan tutupushi tutupivat. 



AND LATIN VERBAL AND NOMINAL FORMS. 251 

PASSIVE AND MIDDLE PARTICIPLES. 

Greek. Sanskrit. 

PRESENT, diyamanas didomenos | FUTURE, dasyamanas dosomenos. 

Sanskrit (neuter and masculine) bases in man correspond to the 
Latin in men : thus we have sthdman = stamen ; stanman = stramen. 
Nominal forms in tra, also, are common to Sanskrit, Greek, aryl Latin : 
thus the Sanskrit aritram, netram, srotram, watram, gdtramj . valctram, 
khanitram, vaditram, varutram} correspond in form to the Greek niptton, 
plectron, leJctron, pheretfron, ^jtttron, arotron, and the Latin mulctrum, 
spectrum, aratrum. 

The nominal form in nas is common to Greek and Sanskrit : thus, , 
the hupnos (sleep) of the one answers to the svapnas of the other. 

Passive past participles in to, are common to Sanskrit with the o'ther 
languages : thus, 

Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. Latin. 

jnatas . . . gn5tos (g)notus. ' 

ajnatas . . . agnotos ignotus. 

dattas. dato dotos datus. 

yuktas yukhto zeuktos junctus. 

labdhas . . .. leptos . . . 

Compare also bhagnas in Sanskrit, with stugnos, terpnos, in Greek. 
Abstract or other substantives in to-, tat, tes, fas, are also found ia 
them all : thus, 

Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. Latin. 

nava-ta ameretat neo-tes novi-tas. 

sama-ta uparatat homo-tes facili-tas. 

laghu-ta isharestat platu-tes levi-tas. 

Forms in Us occur both in Sanskrit and Greek ; but the latter has 
mostly sis for the tis of the former : thus, 

Sanskrit. Greek, . 

ma-tis me-tis, 

uk-tis pha-tis. 

trip-tis terp-sis. 

yuk-tis zeuk-sis (=zeuxis).. 

p 

Instances of adjectives similarly formed : 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

malinas pedinos marlnus. 

kullnas skoteinos fennus. 

divyas hallos egregius. 

pitryas patrios patrius. 

yas'asyas thaumasios censorius. 



252 

Forms in las and ras : 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

cbapalas eikelos tremulus. 

taralas trapelos stridulus. 

madhuras pboberos . . . 

Bi^hhras psukhros gnarus. 

bbldras lampros purus. 

Feminine nouns are also similarly formed, as follows : 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

indram theaina J matrona. 

varunam lukaina * patrona. 

c rudram despoina , ... 

Abstract nouns are also formed in Greek, as in Sanskrit, by changing 
the vowel of the root : thus, from the roots Ihid, krudh, and lubh, are 
formed the nouns bheda, krodha, and lobha ; and so in Greek we have 
troinos, phobos, trokJtos, nomos, loipos, from tremo, phebomai, trekho, nemo, 
and leipo. 

We have examples of nouns in Latin and Greek resembling Sanskrit 
nouns in ya, such as these : 

Sanskrit. Latin. Greek. 

madhuryam mendacium tbeopropion. 

naipunyam principium monomachion. 

Simple radicals, or radicals slightly modified, are used in all three 
languages at the end of compound ncuns and adjectives : 

f Sanskrit. G>'ceb. Latin. 

dharma-vid pSdo-trips artifex. 

netra-mush pros-phux index, 

brahma-dvisb. bou-plex princeps. 

The use of eu and dus in Greek corresponds to that of su and dus in 

Sanskrit : thus, 

Sanskrit. Greek. 

sukaras eupboros. 

sulabbas eutrophos. 

dustaras dustropos. 

dussabas^ dusphoros. 

The following are instances of the employment of a, an, i, or in 
privative, in the three languages : 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

ajnata agnq<"os ignotus. 

an-isbtbas an-osios ineffabilis. 

The subjoined adjectives are formed in a manner nearly alike in 
Sanskrit and Latin from adverbs of time : 



Sanskrit. Latin. 

byastanas besternus. 

Bvastanas crastinus. 



Sanskrit. Latin. 

sayantanaa vespertinus. 

sanatanas sempiternus. 



AND LATIN FORMS, AND COMPOUND WORDS. 



253 



The use of various sorts of compound words is common to Sanskrit 
with Greek and Latin. Thus we have, 



Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

triratram trinuction trinoctium 

svapnakaras hupnophoros somnifer 

sadabhramas aeiplanos . . . 

arindamas ippodamos . . . 

devadattas theodotos . . . 

mahamatis megalometis magnanimua 

bhuridhanas polukbrusos . . 

bahumurttis polumorpbos , multiformis 

chatushpad tetrapous quadrupea 

sarupas summtJrphos ' t conformis 

Forms in ana, nouns and adjectives : 

Sanskrit. Greek. 

darpanam drepanon. 

vahanam organon. 

s'obhanas hikanos. 

Forms in oka or ilia : 



English. 

a period of three nights, 
bringing sleep, 
always pandering, 
foe-, steed-subduing, 
god-given 
high-souled. , * 
very rich, 
multiform, 
four-footed, 
of the same form. 



Sanskrit. 
nayakas 
dharmikas 



Greek. 
polemikos 
rhetorikos 



Latin. 
medicus. 
bellicus. 



Forms in ant : 



Sanskrit. 
dhanavan 
dhanavantam 



Greek. 
doloeis. 
doloenta. 



Sanskrit nouns ending in as, corresponding to Greek and Latin 
nouns of the third declension : 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

ayas pseudos foedus. 

yas'as medos scelus 

apas kedos opus. 

In Greek and Latin the comparative and superlative degrees are 
formed very much as in Sanskrit. The Greek has, however, two 
forms like Sanskrit ; the Latin only one. 

Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. 

bhadra husko kleinos 

bhadra-tara husko-tara kleino-teros 
bhadra-tama s'pentote'ma kleino-tatos 
svadus . . . hedus 

svadlyan . . . hedlon 

svadishthas . . . hedistos 

In Greek and Latin, as in Sanskfit, verbs are compounded with 

prepositions. 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

apa-gachhati ap-erkhetai abs-cedo. 

san-gachhati sun-erkhetai con-venit. 

upa-dadhati hupo-tithesi sup-ponit. 

pari-bhramyati peri-erkhetai circu-it. 

pra-sarpati pro-bainei pro-cedit. 



Latin. 
longus 
long-ior 
longis-simus 
suav^s 
suavior 
suavissimus 


English. 
> different meanings 

sweet, 
sweeter, 
sweetest. 



254 AFFINITY OF SANSKRIT, GREEK, AND LATIN, NOT 

In Latin, as in Sanskrit, verbs are compounded with nouns or 

adjectives. 

Sanskrit. Latin. 

,pariklrikaroti significat. 

krishmkaroti magnificat. 

In Greek aiid Latin adjectives agree in gender and number with 
the noun, just as in Sanskrit : thus, 

1 'Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. English. 

NOM. SIN.' svadiis svapn&s hedus hupnos suavr, somnus sweet sleep. 

AGO. SIN. svadiim svapnam hedum hupnoix suavem somnum sweet sleep. 

<NoM. PLU. svadavas svapnas hedues hupnoi suaves somni sweet sleeps. 

NOM. SIN. navo data neos doter > novus dator new giver. 

Ace. SIN. navam dataram neon dotera novum datorem new giver. 

We must, therefore, conclude from the illustrations which have 
been given above, of the resemblances existing both in roots and in- 
flections, between the Sanskrit, the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin 
(viewed in contrast with the almost total want of similarity between 
the Sanskrit and other tongues, e.g. the Arabic), that there is a close 
affinity between the various members of the former group of languages ; 
and that in fact they are all descended from one common stock. 

It may, however, be objected that the affinity which I have been 
seeking to establish between tbe Sanskrit, the Greek, and the Latin, is 
disproved by the fact that (while a portion of the words in these 
languages are identical with or akin to each other) the great majority 
of 'their words are diiferent. If these languages had in reality had a 
common origin, their vocabularies must, it may be urged, have been 
entirely or nearly homogeneous, i.e. must, with few exceptions, have 
consisted of the same identical words, just as is the case with the 
Bengali, the Hindi, and the Mahratti, which are confessedly kindred 
dialects. To this I reply, First, that even such a small proportion of 
common words, combined with great similarity in point of structure 
and inflection, is sufficient to demonstrate the common derivation of any 
two languages from one priginal stem, provided it can be shown (as it 
assuredly can in the case under consideration) that neither the words nor 
the inflections have been borrowed by the one language from the other. 
For how could tbe common possession by these two supposed languages of 
even a comparatively small stock of words be otherwise accounted for ? 
This community of words could not be accidental ; for had there been 
anything of accident in the case, we should, beyond a doubt, have 
discovered the same casual resemblances between other languages 



DISPROVED BY MOST OF THEIR WORDS BEING DIFFERENT. 255 

between Sanskrit and Arabic for instance, or between Greek and 
Arabic as we discover between Sanskrit and Greek ; whereas in point 
of fact we discover scarcely any such resemblances. The difference 
between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, in regard to the large majority of 
the words of which their vocabularies are composed, admits of an easy 
explanation. The speech of different branches of every great race of 
men has (as I have already in part shown in p. 32, f.) an inevitable 
tendency, arising froni! a great; variety of causes, to diverge inore and 
more from the original type. This tendency is visible even in Tjidia 
itself, among men of the dame branch of the Arian family. The 
vocabulary of the Yedas is, to some extent, different from that of the 
later Sanskrit writings. Many words which are common in the former' 
have been entirely disused in later times, while new words, unknown 
in the Vedas, have been introduced. If the Nighantus be compared 
with the Amara-kosha (which may be supposed to contain the words 
in most general use in later Sanskrit), many nouns will be found in 
the former which are wanting in the latter, as well as in all other more 
recent vocabularies. I may instance such words as tuvi, ' much ; ' 
napdt, ' offspring ; ' gma and jmd, ( earth ; ' ketas, ' knowledge ; ' 
akenipa, ' wise ; ' takman, ' offspring ; ' etc., which occur in the 
Nighantus, but will be sought for in vain in the Amara-kosha. 30 In 
fact, many of the words in the Nighantus owe their insertion in <that 
vocabulary entirely to the fact that they had become obsolete in later 
times. Again, any one who is familiar with the different modern 
vernaculars of India must be aware' how much they differ from each 
other, not only in their grammatical forms, but also, frequently, in,, the 
words themselves which are employed by preference in each to denote 
any particular objects. Now, as we have already seen (pp. 7, 42), all 
these dialects must at one time have issued from one and the same 
parent form of speech. But if such a divergence as this has actually 
taken place in dialects spoken by the different branches of one people, 

80 The following are additional words peculiar to the hymns of the Veda : Akshna- 
yavan, atharyu, anarvis, ananuda, aptur, aprayu, ambhrina, alatrina, asaschat, 
askridhoyu, asridh, asiisukshani, ivat, rijishin, evayavan, kanuka, kiyedhas, kunaru, 
kundrinachl, jatubharman, jenya, nabhanya, nichumpuna, nishshidh, nishshidhvan, 
opasa, paritakmya, blrita, mehana, renukakata, surudh, sakshani, salaluka, sundhyu, 
sumajjani, smaddishti, svatra, etc. See my article " On the Interpretation of the 
Veda," in the Journal of the R.A.S., vol. ii., new series, pp. 325, ff. 



256 CAUSE OF DIVERGENCES BETWEEN COGNATE LANGUAGES. 

living in the same country, under nearly the same influences of soil 
and climate, and professing the same religion ; must not a much wider 
divergence have of necessity arisen between the languages of tribes 
separated for thousands of years, and living in regions far apart from 
each other, under different physical conditions, and subject to the 
modifying action of different social, political, and religious institutions? 

Such divergences between the languages of any two or more nations 
which have sprung from one common stock hate, as I have already 
intimated, an inevitable tendency, at least in the earlier stages of 
society, to become wider and more markect; so that two dialects de- 
rived from the same original form of speech, though they at first 
'differed but little from each other, will thus almost necessarily become 
more and more dissimilar from each other the longer they have been 
sepaiated from the parent root. 

Peculiar circumstances, such as constant intercourse, and the posses- 
sion of a common religion and a common literature, may, indeed, for a 
period" of greater or less duration, avert such a gradual divergence in 
language between two separate nations. This state of things is at 
present actually exemplified in the case of England and America. But 
these two nations have only become separated from each other for a 
comparatively short period ; and it would be difficult to predict how 
long their identity of language may continue. So powerful, however, 
are the causes which operate in this case to maintain an absolute com- 
munity of speech, that (notwithstanding the adoption in America of 
some new words, and a considerable number of phrases unknown in 
England) the two nations will, in all likelihood, continue to employ 
the same dialect for many ages to come. This result will, however, 
more probably arise from the English language undergoing a parallel 
alteration in both countries, than from its continuing entirely un- 
changed in either. 

But we must be careful not to underrate the extent of the funda- 
mental affinity in roots and words t between the Sanskrit, the Greek, the 
Latin, and the other western languages of the same family. Even a 
cursory examination of such works as Professor Benfey's "Greek- 
Radical-Lexicon," 31 Curtius's "Outlines of Greek Etymology," 32 or 

31 Griechisches "Wurzellexicon : 2 rols. Berlin, 1839 and 1842. 

32 Grundzuge der Griechischen Etymologie, second edition, 1866. 



PRIMITIVE WORDS COMMON TO SANSKRIT, GREEK AND LATIN. 257 

Pick's "Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Germanic Languages, 33 is 
sufficient to show that these coincidences are more numerous than 
might at first sight have been supposed, and that it is only an in- 
sufficient study of the variations undergone by different words in the 
several languages under review which prevents our perceiving that a 
considerable, though probably undeterminable, proportion of their 
vocabulary is essentially common to them all. 

But, Secondly, there is a further circumstance by which the original 
affinity between Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, and their ancient deriva- 
tion from one parent stock, ai'e proved ; which is this, that it is pre- 
cisely those words and elements which are the most primitive, the most 
fundamental, and the most essential parts of each language which they 
have in common. I mean, First, those words which express the 
natural relations of father, mother, etc., and kindred generally ; 
Secondly, the pronouns ; Thirdly, the prepositions and particles ; 
Fourthly, the words expressing number; and Fifthly, the forms of 
inflection. Thus, the words which Sanskrit has in common with 
Latin, Greek, and the other members of the Indo-European stock, are 
those which would be in use in the earliest stages of society, when 
men were simple and uniform in their habits and ideas, when they had 
few wants, few arts, little knowledge, no sciences, no philosophy, and 
no complicated institutions. But after the different tribes of the Indo- 
European stock had departed in different directions from their primeval 
abodes, and had settled in distant countries, they became in the course 
of time more and more different from each other in their religions, in 
their manners and customs, and in all their modes of life. The climates 
under which they lived were different ; some settling within the torrid 
zone, while others migrated into temperate or even frigid latitudes. 
The aspects of nature, too, were very dissimilar in these different 
regions, some-of them being level and fertile, others mountainous and 
unproductive ; some situated on the shores of the ocean, and others at 
a distance inland. The natural productions of these different tracts, 
too, were various, as well as the animals by whom they were tenanted. 
Some of these countries, for instance, produced rice and the sugar-cane, 
and were frequented by the elephant, the camel, the lion, and the 

33 Vergleichendes Wbrterbuch der Indogermanischen Sprachen, second edition, 
1870. 



258 ALTERATIONS IN LANGUAGE, HOW INTRODUCED. 

tiger ; while in others these plants and animals were not indigenous. 
In consequence of all these local influences, the temperaments and 
habits of the men of different nations became exceedingly diversified. 
In level and fertile countries, with hot climates, men became less active 
and energetit, owing to the relaxing effects of the heat, and the 
diminished necessity for labour ; while the frames of those who settled 
in colder 11 countries were both braced by the greater severity of the 
climate, and by the necessity of labour for extracting a subsistence 
tfrooi the less genial soil. Men settled on, the shores of the sea 
naturally became addicted to maritime 1 pursuits, from which those 
living inland were debarred. In this way different arts arose, different 
sciences were cultivated, and different social and political institutions 
were established. In some countries the active energies of the people 
were fostered by the existence of free forms of government : in others 
the feeling of independence, perhaps originally feeble, was altogether 
crushed by despotism ; while, on the other hand, the thoughtful ten- 
dencies which were native to the race found their full scope in 
scientific pursuits, or in philosophical and religious contemplation. 
With these great and manifold changes in all the conditions of life, 
corresponding alterations in language, intended to express new objects 
and new ideas, would be necessarily introduced, which became more 
and more extensive and decided as centuries rolled on. 34 The different 
stages of this process which I have been describing are more or less 
distinctly exemplified in the different languages which have been 
specified as connected by affinity with the Sanskrit. Of these lan- 
guages the Zend (or language of the Zend Avesta) is that which had 
been separated from the Sanskrit for the shortest space of time, and 
subjected to the action of the smallest modifying influences, at the 
period when it took the form in which the most ancient of the extant 
Zoroastrian writings are composed ; and accordingly, it has a far closer 
resemblance to the Sanskrit than either the Greek or the Latin. This 
has been made clear by the evidence which has been already adduced. 
The Greek and Latin languages, on the other hand, had been separated 

34 The divergences, apparent or real, between the Arian languages, are due " to 
alterations, to losses occasioned by the lapse of time, and also to the incessant efforts 
(so to speak) of the language to replace the lost forms, and to follow step by step 
the gradual developments of the several nationalities." Pictet, " Origines Indo- 
Europeennes, ou les Aryas Primitifs," p. 5. See Appendix, Note C. 



ZEXD, GREEK, AND LATIN, NOT DERIVED FROM SANSKRIT. 259 

from the Sanskrit for a much longer interval of time, and affected by 
novel influences of far greater potency, when they became embodied in 
the oldest compositions which have descended to us; and they ac- 
cordingly differ from the Sanskrit, in most respects, much more widely 
than the Zend does. * 

I conclude, therefore, from the foregoing considerations, that the 
differences which exist between the Sanskrit, the Greek, and tne Latin 
languages, as we find them in, their later stages, afford no reason for 
doubting that they had, at an earlier period, a much more intimate,, 
connexion, and were, in fact, originally identical. 

Another objection may, however, perhaps be raised by some person 
looking at the subject from an Indian point of view. It is quite true, 
he may urge, that an affinity exists between the Sanskrit, the Zend, 
the Greek, and the Latin ; but this quite tallies with what our S'astras 
record (Manu x. 43, 44 ; Yishnu-purana, iv. 3, p. 375, quarto edition 
of Wilson's translation, or vol. iii. pp. 294, f. of Dr. Hall's edition), 35 
that the Tavanas (Greeks), Pahlavas (Persians), and Kambojas, were 
originally Kshatriya tribes, who became degraded by their separation 
from Brahmans and Brahmanical institutions ; and it is also quite 
clear from the proofs which you have adduced of affinity between these 
languages and our sacred tongue, that the former are mere Prakrit or 
Apabhramsa dialects derived from Sanskrit. Your hypothesis of these 
languages, as well as the Sanskrit, being derived from some earlier 
form of speech now no longer extant, is quite gratuitous ; for, what 
the heretical Bauddhas falsely say of their Apabhramsa, which they 
call Pali, is literally true of Sanskrit, the language of the gods, that 
it is that primeval and eternal form of speech 36 from which all 
others are derived. 

To this I reply, that even if Zend, Greek, and Latin could be shown, 
on the ground of their affinity with Sanskrit, to be derived from it, it 
would still be quite impossible for the objector to prove on the same 
ground that Sanskrit was the parent of all the languages which are 
spoken by all the tribes which have inhabited India or the adjacent 
countries. Arabic, as has been shown, is quite distinct from Sanskrit, 
and has scarcely any perceivable affinity with it of any kind. And 

35 See first volume of this work, second edition, pp. 481, ff, and 486-488. 

36 See Makabbashya, as quoted above, p. 161, note 183. 



260 LATIN AND GEEEK FORMS NOT 

the same is the case with the languages current in the south of India, 
the Tamil, the Telugu, the Canarese, and the Malayalim (the tongues 
spoken by the inhabitants of Dravida, Telinga, Karnata, etc.). For 
Manu himself (as we have already seen, p. 1 5 1 , n. 1 64) makes a distinction 
between the languages employed by the people of India ; which shows 
that forms of speech of a non-Arian, i.e. non-Sanskrit, character were 
spoken by part of the population. So that the point which the ob- 
jector is, perhaps, really seeking to establish', viz., that the Arian- 
,Tnd4ans are the original progenitors of all the surrounding nations, 37 and 
their language, Sanskrit, the parent of all' other languages, could never 
be proved. It cannot be admitted, however, as I have already re- 
marked, that Greek and Latin are derivatives from Sanskrit. There is 
no proof of this theory, and all probability is against it. The whole 
grammatical character of Greek and Latin is that of independent 
languages ; and any one who will compare their structure and com- 
position with that of the Indian Prakrits, which every one allows to 
be derived from Sanskrit, will at once perceive the difference of the 
two cases. 

First. The grammatical forms of the Prakrits (as we have already 
seen, p. 69), have evidently resulted from a disintegration or simplifi- 
cation of the older Sanskrit forms. Thus (as we have already seen by 
th6 comparative tables, introduced above, pp. 76, if.), the Sanskrit 
words mukta, gupta, sutra, mdrga, artha, freshtha, drishti, pushpa, 
dalcshina, madhya, satya, tushnlm, laghu, sddhu, salhd, are in Prakrit 
softened down into mutta, gutta, sutta, magga, attha, settha, ditthi, 
puppJia, dakkhina, ddhina, majjha, sachcha, tunhlm, lahu, sdhu, and 
saM. The further back we trace the Prakrit forms, the more nearly 
do they resemble the Sanskrit, till the two are found to be almost 
identical ; while the more modern the grammatical forms are which 
the Prakrits have taken, the more widely do they diverge from their 
Sanskrit prototypes. The case is quite different with the Latin and 
Greek. A few instances may f no doubt, be discovered where the 
modes in which the Latin or Greek forms vary from the Sanskrit cor- 

37 Compare the Mahabharata i. 3533, -which says, Yados tu Yadavah jatas 
Turvasor Yavanah smritah \ Druhyoh sutas tu Vaibhojah Anos tu Mleehha-jatayah. 
" The Yadavas sprang from Yadu. The Yavanas are said to be Turvasu's offspring ; 
the Vaibhojas are descended from Druhyu, and the Mlechha tribes from Anu." 
These four progenitors, and Puru, were sons of of the Kshatriya monarch Yayati. 



MODIFICATIONS OF THOSE IN SANSKRIT. 261 

respond in some degree to those changes of softening or simplification 38 
which the Sanskrit forms have undergone in Prakrit. Thus the 
Greek dolikhos, "long," varies from the Sanskrit dlrgha somewhat in 
the same manner as the Prakrit sirl and hirl vary from the Sanskrit 
srl and An; and the Greek hupnos, "sleep," appears t simplify the 
Sanskrit svapna by much the same process as that by which the Prakrit 
reduces the Sanskrit sthana, " place," to thdna. But the few instances 
of this sort which can* be adduced are quite insufficient to prove that 
even in these cases the Greek or the Latin words are borrowed fvo'm, 
the Sanskrit. 39 They may'with quite equal probability have been 
derived from an earlier language from which the Sanskrit is also 
drawn. There is no appearance of Greek and Latin words having ' 
resulted from any modification of the Sanskrit : for, while many of 
their forms have a close resemblance to the Sanskrit forms, they ard, at 
the same time, for the most part equally original with those of that 

language ; and many of them are so different from the Sanskrit, and 



38 There are very few of the Prakrit forms which are not simplifications of the 
Sanskrit. Even in such a case as that of the word itthl, or isthiya, " woman" (from 
strT), the change is in one sense a simplification, as one or more consonants are thrown 
out, and the vowel i is prefixed to facilitate pronunciation. But the great majority of 
Sanskrit words eommencing with a double consonant are modified in Prakrit, not by 
prefixing a vowel, but either by rejecting one of the members of the compound con- 
sonant, or by interposing a vowel between them. Thus the Sanskrit stha becomes 
in Prakrit tha, sthala becomes thala, sJcandha becomes kandha, spris becomes phams, 
kshama becomes Jchama, snana becomes nhdna, sneha becomes saneha, mlana becomes 
milana. 

39 It may, however, be further objected 'that my argument is incomplete, as all 
Prakrit or derivative dialects do not modify the original language in the same man- 
ner. Thus French and Spanish, it may be said, do not corrupt the Latin in ihe 
same way as Italian does. Now, as it has been stated above (p. 147) that the Indian 
Prakrits corrupted Sanskrit very much in the same way as the Italian corrupted 
Latin, so (the objector may urge) Zend, and Greek, and Latin, may have modified 
Sanskrit in a somewhat different way, as French and Spanish modified Latin. To 
this I reply that in the case of all these derivatives r of Latin, viz. Italian, French, 
and Spanish, it can be shown (1.) that the people who spoke these languages were 
either entirely or in part descended from the Romans ; or that, at least, they received 
their language from the Romans who coi^fuered and colonized their respective 
countries ; but it cannot be shown either that the Greeks or Romans were descended 
from the Indians, or in any way received their languages from Hindustan. (2.) In 
the case of the French and Spanish languages, as well as in that of the Italian, the 
exact process and the very steps can be pointed out by which they changed the 
forms of the Latin words ; but it cannot be historically shown, in regard to the 
Greek or Latin, that their words are in any way corruptions of Sanskrit originals. 



262 SOME GREEK AND LATIN FORMS 

so peculiar, that they could not be deduced from it according to any 
laws of mutation recognized by philologists. The Greek and Latin 
forms can, therefore, only be derived from another and anterior source, 
from which the Sanskrit forms also, as well as they, have flowed. It 
is, further, the opinion of distinguished comparative philologists, that 
Latin and Greek have preserved some forms of inflection, which are 
more afioient than those preserved in Sanskrit ; and represent more 
exactly the original forms of the supposed parent language. For 
instance, the Latin has preserved the nominative of the present par- 
ticiple ending in ens, such asferens (carrying), while Sanskrit has only 
the form in at, bharat for example, which seems to have been origin- 
ally bharans or bharant.* The same is the case with various roots, 
nominal and verbal, in which the Sanskrit appears to have lost the 
original form of the word, while it has been preserved in Greek or 
Latin, or both. Thus the word for "a star," which seems to have been 
originally star, a form which has been preserved in the Eigveda and 
in the Greek aster and astron, and in the Latin astrum, as well as in the 
Zend stare, and the Persian sitarah, has been lost in the later Sanskrit, 
where it becomes tara. Again, on the supposition that the h, j, and 
chh of Sanskrit are corrupted from the k or gh, g, and sk of the earlier 
language, the following Sanskrit words appear to have departed further 
frem the original forms than- the corresponding words in Greek and 
Latin, viz., S. hridaya=. Gr. kardia, Lat. cor ; S. lianu = Gr. genus; 
S. m%h = Gr. omiltheo ; S. bdhu = Gr. pekhm ; S. jdnumi Gr. ginosko, 
Lat. gnosco; S. jajanmi = Gr. gennao, Lat. gigno; S. ajra = Gr. agros, 
Lat. ager ; S. rajata = Gr. arguros, Lat. argentum ; S. jambha = Gr. 
gomphos ; S. jaras = Gr. geras ; S. jdnu = Gr. gonu ; S. chhdyd = Gr. 
skia ; S. chhid (chhinadmi} = Gr. skhizo, Lat. scindo ; and S. ashtau = 
G. oJcto. 

Second: But the fact that the Greek and Latin languages are in 
their origin independent of the Sanskrit may be further shown by the 
following considerations : 41 

40 Bopp, Comp. Grammar, para. 129. Ad. Regnier, Traite de la formation des 
mots dans la langue Grecque, note 1, pp. 68, 69. 

41 I am indebted for the substance of the paragraphs marked with an asterisk (*) 
to the kindness of Professor Goldstiicker, who is dissatisfied with some views pro- 
pounded in the passage immediately preceding, as he rejects the theory which has 
hitherto been in favour with philologists that the fullest forms are necessarily the 



MORE ORIGINAL THAN TUOSE OF SANSKRIT. 263 

* (1.) On a careful examination of the roots contained in the 
Dhatupathas, or lists of radicals in the classical or modern Sanskrit, it 
will be found that many of these verbal roots are compounded, or 
resolvable into simpler forms. But as those roots, notwithstanding 
their composite character, are treated by the Indian grammarians as 
ultimate radicals, it is clear that those grammarians have forgotten the 
simpler forms from which the others have been derived. Of this remark 
the following roots are exemplifications, viz. : vyanj, vyay, vlj 'vyadh, 
pyush or vyush, prush, veksh and ujhh, which, though evidently com- 
pounded of vi+anj, vi-\-ay, m'^-i, vi-\-adh, pi or v i-\-ush, pra-\-ush, va 
for ava+iksh, ut-\-ha (jahati\ are yet treated by the Indian gram- 
marians as if they were simple roots. 

* (2.) The Sanskrit has not only undergone alterations such as the 
above, but the modern language has actually lost some fuller forms -of 
roots, which are still discoverable in the Yedic hymns. As an instance 
of this may be mentioned the root grabh, (see above, p. 221,) "to 
seize," which in the modern Sanskrit has become prakritized into grah. 
Other instances are the Vedic dhurv, and dhvri, as compared with the 
modern Jivri ; and the Vedic sundh, as compared with the modern 
6udh. The following Yedic roots are not to be found in modern 
Sanskrit at all, viz. : 42 kan, inkh, ubj, sav, ven, sach, myach, tsar, dhraj, 
mand, ves, vafoh, turv, bharv, etc., etc.* * 

* (3.) But it is not only a fact that the modern Sanskrit has lost 
some of the oldest verbal roots ; the same appears to be the case with 
the more ancient Yedic Sanskrit alsfi, from which some primitive 
radicals had already disappeared. This is indicated by the circum- 
stance that there exist certain Sanskrit nouns, which must have been 
derived from radicals which in their verbal form are not discoverable 
even in the Yedas. Thus from the existence of the word vlrudh, 
"a shrub," and nyagrodha (a particular tree), we may infer that there 
once existed a root rudh, " to grw," which in this sense (for the 

oldest. [In this second edition the paragr^pfts are reprinted, by Professor Gold- 
stiicker's permission, with a slight addition to this note, and an enlargement of note 
44, p. 264.] Compare for the roots given in paragraph * (1.) Professor Benfey's 
" Complete Sanskrit Grammar," pp. 73, ff. 

42 On the hypothesis that the fuller form is the more ancient, I may also cite the 
Vedic forms s'cham (as compared with the modern chain) and schand (as compared 
with the modern chand], as given in Professor Benfey's " Complete Grammar," p. 73. 



264 ORIGINALITY OF GREEK AND LATIN FORMS. 

modern Sanskrit has still rudh in the sense of "to stop,") now survives 
only in its weakened form ruh. In like manner it appears from the 
nouns dhanus, "a how," pra-dhana, "battle," and ni-\-dhana, " death," 
that the root Jian, "to kill," must once have existed in the stronger 
form dhan=z Greek than. 

* (4.) Some of the verbal roots which have been lost by both the 
moderfi and the Vedic Sanskrit, and which cannot be traced there even 
through their preservation in derivatives, ma'y yet be recovered from 
oblivion by the aid of the Greek or Latin v Thus the Sanskrit hu, 
"to sacrifice," must have originally existed in the stronger form dhu, 
as we may infer from the Greek thuo ; and in the same way the 
earliest form of the Sanskrit guh, "to hide," was probably gudh, as the 
Greek keutho would lead us to suppose. So too from the Greek forms 
nWio, "to spin," and leikho, "to lick," we may argue that the original 
Sanskrit forms of nah and lih must have been nadh and ligJi.^ Several 
forms of substantives and other words also can be shown, in which the 

is See Pictet's " Origiiies Indo-Europeennes," p. 145. 

44 So the root duh, "to milk," must have once been dugh, as is proved not only by 
its passive participle dugdha, but also by the Zend substantive dughdhar and the 
Greek thugater, "daughter," a word which most philologists think originally 
signified "milker." Professor Goldsttickei is of opinion "that in all the Sanskrit 
dhatus the sound h is weakened from a sonant aspirate, or, though more rarely, from 
si 1 surd aspirate, or, though likewise rarely, from a sibilant. Thus he thinks that 
yah, vrih, sprih, for instance, were originally gadh, vridh, spridh ; vah, originally 
vadh (compare udha and vadhu) ; trih, ' injure,' triph ; suh, ' delight,' sukh ; 
mah, 'measure,' mas; tnih mlsh; hul sal or s'val, etc. Dah, he thinks, was 
dadh, as is shown by the substantive antardadhana, lit., that which burns or causes 
heat (when) in the middle (of a liquor) ; and since, in his opinion, ah (whence ahan) 
is the more original form of dah, he believes that this view of dadh is supported by 
the Greek alO (originally a.0, whence 'Mi]vrf}, which points to a Sanskrit adh. That 
from dah, nidagha and similar forms are derived, is no disproof of an original dadh ; 
for when dah settled down as a new dhatu, its final h would naturally be treated as a 
guttural. Thus, though han was undoubtedly dhan, from the later han we have 
ghnat, jaghana, jeghnly, ghafa, etc. And not only sounds, but even meanings undergo 
the influence of a confused recollection s>f what once was a more original form. 
Thus Art represents an older dhri, bhri, and ghri, ' sprinkle, moisten ; ' yet dhdrd 
refers in some of its meanings not* >? dhri, but through the influence of hri to 
ghri." 

In the same way we sometimes see the aspirated consonant of the root changed 
into h, as in the case of the participle hita (vi-hita, ni-hita, &c.) from the root dha, 
" to hold." This weakening process, commenced in Sanskrit, has been continued and 
carried much further in Prakrit, where the aspirated consonants of Sanskrit are 
softened into h, as where the root kath, " to say," becomes kah. See Vararuchi, ii., 



GREEK AND LATIN NOT DERIVED FROM SANSKRIT. 265 

Greek forms are stronger than the Sanskrit. Thus, instead of the 
Sanskrit hima, "winter," aht, "a serpent," hyas, "yesterday," we 
find in Greek the stronger forms kheimon, elchis or ophis, Jchth8s t or 
ekhthes. 

From the facts detailed in the preceding paragraph's, which prove 
that compound roots have been taken by the Indian grammarians for 
simple ones, and that old forms have been modified or' .lost in the 
modern, or even in the Vedis, Sanskrit, it is clear that that language 
(especially in its modern form) cannot be always regarded as a'fix^d 
standard, according to which the originality of the Latin and Greek 
forms could be estimated. And the supposition that any of the Greek 
or Latin words 45 are borrowed from Sanskrit by a prakritizing process 
is satisfactorily disproved by the fact that various instances have been 
adduced of the very opposite nature, where the Greek and Latin forms, 
instead of being like the Prakrit ones, weaker or simpler than the 
Sanskrit, are stronger or more complex. For, whether or not the 
existence of these stronger or more complex forms in Greek and Latin 
proves that the Sanskrit once had similar forms, which have now dis- 
appeared, it is at least sufficient to neutralize the argument, drawn 
from the presence of certain other stronger or more complex forms in 
Sanskrit than we encounter in the corresponding words in Greek and 
Latin, that those languages are derived from Sanskrit : for, by parity 
of reason, the presence of some forms (which we have actually seen to 
exist) in Greek and Latin stronger or more complex than those dis- 
coverable in corresponding cases in Sanskrit, would prove that these 
weaker Sanskrit forms were mere corruptions of the Greek and Latin 
words. 

27 ; and pp. 94, if, above. See also Benfey's Complete Sanskrit Grammar, p. 20, 
where it is said: "7t appears never to be original in Sanskrit, but to have arisen from 
the weak aspirates gh, dh, bh. This derivation can be illustrated by many examples 
from the Vedas, or from the kindred languages. Compare the Vedic dughana from 
duh ; sandegha from dih ; sadha for saha ; grabh for grah." 

45 I except, of course, such words as have evidently passed from Sanskrit into 
Greek at a period comparatively modern ; such as Ka.pira.ffos from karpasa, and others 
of the same kind. But, on the other hand, a good many Greek words can be shown 
to have been received into the Sanskrit astronomical literature within the last two 
thousand years, such as hora, kendra, lipta, drikana, anapha, sunapha, apoklima, 
panaphara, jamitra, meshurana, and rihpha, derived from the Greek &pa, Ktvrpov, 
\eirrd, 8e/cai/os, avoufyfi) ffvva<p^, arroKAijUa, firavatyopd, Sta/ierpos, /J.fffovpdvi]fj,a t and 
^. Colebrooke, Misc. Ess. ii. 526, ff. ; Weber. Ind. Stud. ii. 254. 

VOL. ii. 18 



266 ZEND, GREEK, AND LATIN, NOT DERIVED FROM SANSKRIT. 

Third : The Indian Prakrits have derived by far their largest stock 
of words from the Sanskrit ; the few which they contain that are not 
Sanskrit having been derived from the languages of the indigenous 
tribes who inhabited Northern India before the arrival of the Aryas. 
On the other hand, only a certain proportion, as we have seen, of the 
words which compose the vocabulary of the Greek and Latin lan- 
guages, are, "common to them with the Sanskrit : the greater part of 
the .words are, if not different, at least difficult to identify as the 
same." Now, had Latin and Greek been derived from the modern, or 
even from the Yedic Sanskrit, the number of words indisputably 
common to all three languages must have been very much greater. 
It is true that more may be said in favour of the hypothesis that the 
Zend has been derived from Sanskrit ; but there are sufficient reasons 
for believing that Zend is a sister and not a daughter of Sanskrit ; and, 
consequently, that both have a common mother of a more primeval 
date. 

I therefore conclude, that Greek and Latin, as well as Zend, are not 
derived from Sanskrit, but have, together with it, grown out of some 
older parent language, 46 which was superseded by its daughters, and, 
became extinct, because it ceased to be employed as a spoken tongue, 
and because (as being the language of a very early stage of society) 
it has not been preserved in any literary records. To render this 
supposition conceivable, I may remark that the same fate extinction 
might have befallen the Sanskrit itself, and the Latin, when they, 
in like manner, gave birth to the various dialects which have super- 
seded them as living and popular forms of speech, had it not been that 

46 "An indubitable result of the researches which have recently been pursued 
into the Arian tongues is, that, notwithstanding the various alterations which they 
have undergone, they all bear the clear impress of one common type, and are con- 
sequently descended from one real, living, primeval language, which was complete 
in itself, and which was employed by a whole nation as its common organ of com- 
munication. This is not a mere hypothesis devised to explain the relations by which 
those languages are connected with each other : it is a conclusion which forces itself 
irresistibly on our belief, and which possesses all the validity of the best established 
fact. "When we perceive so large a number of languages, of a character so marked, 
converging in all the details of their structure towards a common centre in which 
every particular fact finds its cause, it becomes impossible to admit that that centre 
has never had any other than a purely imaginary existence, and that that marvellous 
agreement arises solely from an instinctive impulse peculiar to a certain race of men." 
A. Pictet, Origines Indo-Europeennes, p. 43. 



CONNEXION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND RACE. 267 

they flourished at periods of much more advanced civilization than the 
assumed primeval language to which I have referred, and have been 
perpetuated by means of the numerous writings, secular and sacred, 
of which they are the vehicles. 

The primitive language to which I have just alludec? is thus charac- 
terized by M. Pictet, in the work above referred to, pp. 1, 2 : "While 
thus augmenting in numbers and in prosperity, that prolific race was 
labouring to create for itself, as a powerful means of development, a 
language admirable rjy its richness, its force, its harmony, and the 
perfection of its forms; a' language in which were spontaneously 
reflected all its impressions, not merely its mild affections and its 
simple admiration, but also its nascent aspirations toward a higher 
world ; a language abounding in images and in intuitive ideas, bearing 
within it, in germ, all the future affluence both of the most sublime 
poetry and of the most profound reflection. At first one and homo-* 
geneous, that language, already perfected to a very high degree, % served 
as a common instrument of expression to this primitive people, as long 
as it continued within the limits of its native country." 

SECT. III. That affinity in language affords some presumption of affinity 
in race : modes in which a greater or less diversity of language and 
institutions ivould arise in different branches of the same sfoclt: 
central Asia the birth-place of the Aryas. 

The facts and considerations adduced in the preceding section have, 
I think, proved beyond a doubt that the Sanskrit language has a 
common origin with the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin ; and that all 
these tongues have sprung, like branches from one stem, out of the 
same parent language, now extinct. This conclusion -being established, 
it follows as a necessary corollary either, first, that the Indians, the 
Persians, the Greeks, and the Romans also, that is, the nations who 

9 

spoke the languages derived from that one common source, were them- 
selves also descended, whether entirely or partially, from one and the 
same stock ; i.e. that they had for their common ancestors the ancient 
people who spoke the extinct language to which I have referred, 47 

47 "The radical affinity of all the Arian languages necessarily leads us," as we 
have seen, "to regard them as having sprung from one single primitive language. . . 
Now as a language presupposes always a people to speak it, it further follows 
that all the Arian nations have issued from one single source, though they may have 
hecome occasionally blended at a later period with some foreign elements. Hence we 



268 HOW AFFINITY IN LANGUAGE IS TO BE EXPLAINED. 

although at some period after their separation their forefathers may 
have become intermingled with other and alien races; or secondly, 
that the ancestors of the four nations above mentioned must have 
been brought into close contact with each other before that original 
parent language had been broken up into different forms of speech ; 
or, thirdly, that their forefathers must have derived their respective 
languages from the descendants of those who originally spoke them. 
Unless, therefore, we resort to the third alternative, it must, with 
the 'reservation made in the preceding senterce, be taken for an 
established fact either that the ancestors 1 of the Indians at one time 
existed together with the ancestors of the Persians, the Greeks, and 
the Romans, in one country, as one nation, or that at least the 
forefathers of these several nations must have lived long in contact 
with each other at an early stage of their history. It is true that we 
have no historical record of this primeval period; but we are in- 
evitably led to assume the existence of an anterior state of things such 
as I have asserted, by the fact, that no other supposition will account 
for the philological phenomena which we encounter in later history. 
From the effects, we are entitled to reason back to the existence of a 
cause adequate to their production. We have to explain the fact, that 
there have been found in different regions of the world, lying far apart 
from each other, various nations speaking languages which evince an 
unmistakable affinity to one another ; and there is no other mode of 
explaining this circumstance but by supposing that the progenitors of 
these nations, or, at least, the progenitors of those tribes which com- 
municated to them their several languages, have radiated in different 
directions from one central country which was their common birth- 
place, or their common abode, and where they all employed one com- 
mon form of speech. 

If we pursue our inquiries further, we shall find that certain data 
exist, by means of which we can discover with some probability what 
was the order of time in which the ancestors of these several nations 
separated themselves from the original stock, or departed from their 

may with certainty infer the existence, at a pre-historic period, of an Arian people, 
free, originally, from all foreign intermixture, sufficiently numerous to have supplied 
those swarms of men which issued from its bosom, and sufficiently endowed by nature 
to have created for itself the most beautiful perhaps of all languages. This people, 
though unknown to tradition, is in a certain degree revealed to us by philological 
science." Pictet, pp. 5, 6. 



EMIGRATION OP TRIBES FROM A COMMON CENTRE. 269 

common dwelling-place, and travelled towards those new countries 
which they continued to occupy in later times. 

Let us suppose a numerous and powerful nation occupying an isolated 
position in the centre of a vast region as yet thinly peopled. Let us 
next imagine what would be the probable course of affairs in such a 
society, and then compare this hypothetical picture with the traces 
remaining to us in history of the actual events. "We haVe first then 
to contemplate this original race, or association of two or more razees, 
gifted with vigorous powers^ both of mind and body, 48 as still residing 
in their primitive abode. When, in the natural order of events, this 
active and gifted population began to multiply, the countries which 
they at first occupied, either as shepherds or agriculturists, would soon 
be found too narrow for the supply of their growing necessities. 49 
If fresh lands fit for pasture or for cultivation existed unoccupied in 
the vicinity of their original territory, they would insensibly extend 
their borders as occasion required. If there was no territory jiear at 
hand which would yield them a subsistence, the more energetic and 
adventurous members of the community would be driven by the 
pressure of necessity to inquire whether ampler possessions might not 
be found at a distance; and they would depart in larger or smaller 
detachments in quest of new abodes., This process of migration, when 
once commenced, would go on without intermission. The first* ad- 
venturers would be speedily followed by other successive bands, till at 
length new nations were formed at a greater or less distance from the 
original country. 

The earliest emigrants, who thus departed to distant regions, passing 
often through countries differing in climate and productions from their 

18 M. E. Renan, however, thinks that the Arian race was not originally superior 
in intelligence to the Semitic, Hamitic, and other races, but the contrary. Histoire 
des langues Semitiques, p. 487. 

49 " But a constant and rapid increase of the population could not but speedily 
bring about gradual migrations, which would be directed towards regions more and 
more distant. From that time forward i'Je separation of the nation into distinct 
tribes, the greater infrequency of communication and changes in their modes of life, 
occasioned a certain number of dialects to spring forth out of this common language, 
and to develope themselves, without, however, as yet, becoming detached from their 
primitive source ; and at the same time the original character of the race, becoming 
modified according to circumstances, gave birth to a variety of secondary national 
characteristics, destined, at a later period, to expand, to exhibit their own peculiar 
life, and to play their part in the great drama of humanity," Pictet, p. 2. 



270 ARIAN EMIGRATION TOWARDS GREECE, ITALY, PERSIA, &c. 

primeval abodes, encountering novel and strange objects, and inured to 
new pursuits, would gradually lose many of their ancient customs; 
and in exchange would acquire new habits, and along with them also, 
new modes of speech. Those portions of the original population, on 
the contrary, which continued to live together in their ancient country, 
or had gradually extended themselves together over adjacent regions, 
would preserve more nearly their original customs, religion, and lan- 
guage. But at length a period might arrive when the same causes 
which had occasioned the separation of the earlier emigrants, or some 
other causes of a different nature, would lead to a disruption in the 
remaining part of the nation also. It would become divided into 
different sections; which would separate from one another and es- 
tablish themselves in different, but probably adjacent, countries, and 
would never exhibit so wide a divergence from each other in respect 
of their religion, their institutions, and their general character, as 
those earlier emigrants who had settled in regions at a greater distance. 

The first case which I have above hypothetically put is that of the 
Greeks and Romans, 50 who appear to have broken off at an early period 
from the great Arian nation and departed to the westward, in quest of 
new habitations. The distance of the countries, viz., Greece, Italy, 
and the surrounding provinces, wh,ere they ultimately settled, from the 
cradle of the Arian race, and their wide divergence in religion and 
language from the eastern branches of the same stock, concur to prove 
that they separated themselves from the latter at a very remote era. 
On the other hand, the vicinity of the region occupied by the Greeks 
to that inhabited by the Romans, would lead us to suppose that the 
ancestors of these two nations migrated from the east at about the 
same period, though the differences which we discover between the 
language and religion of the one people as compared with those of 
the other, compel us to, assume a subsequent separation of the two, 
and an independent development of each. 

The second case which I have^ above supposed, of two branches of 
the original Arian stock continuing to live together for a considerable 
time after the other branches had become separated, is that of the 
Perso-Arians and the Indo-Arians. Both from the closer vicinity to 

60 For the sake of simplifying the view I give of the question, I purposely omit 
all mention of the German and other branches of this great family, and of the 
periods at which they migrated westward. 



CONCLUSIONS DERIVABLE FROM AFFINITY IN LANGUAGE. 271 

each other of the countries in which the Persians and the Indians 
eventually settled, i.e., north-eastern Persia and north-western India, 
and from the nearer affinity which we perceive between the language 
and the mythology of these two races than we find to exist between 
the language and mythology of either and those of the Greeks or the 
Romans, we are led to conclude that the ancestors of the Indians and 
Persians remained united in one community (either in th^ir primeval 
seats or in some region further to the south) to a much 1'ater period 

than the other branches of the Arian race. , ' 


[I introduce here some further remarks on the subject treated in this 

and the following section from a paper which I wrote some time ago, 
and which owed its origin to the various objections alleged against t'ue 
validity of the proof derived from language of the affinity between the 
Indians and the nations of the west : 

" This common origin of these languages, and the remoteness of the 
localities in which they have been spoken, imply, I think, as their 
almost necessary condition, the affinity of the tribes by which these 
dialects were spoken at the period of their earliest divergence from one 
another, the original occupation by those tribes of a common country, 
their gradual separation, and their emigration from their common abode 
in the direction of those regions which we find to be ultimately occupied 
(I will not yet say by their descendants for that is the point ifl dis- 
pute but) by the nations who at a later period spoke those several 
languages. It is true that even this assumption may be disputed, and 
it may be urged that the original mother-country from which the 
different tribes carrying with them the cognate 'dialects issued forth, 
may have been the common dwelling-place of a variety of tribes uncon- 
nected by descent, though they either (1) agreed to make use of the 
same language, the weaker or more barbarous clans discarding alto- 
gether their own forms of speech, or (2) gradually fused into one 
common tongue a multitude of dialects previously quite distinct. But 
this hypothesis, under either of thf.se modifications, appears to be im- 
probable, as nations do not readily abandon their ancestral tongues 
except under the pressure of strong necessity. But even if we should 
admit that the population of Central Asia, from which the . different 
branches of the so-called Indo-European race are presumed to have 
issued, was not originally a homogeneous one, but composite, made up 



272 COULD THE MIGRANTS HAVE LONG 

of a mixture of distinct tribes, still these tribes must, during the period 
when their common language was in process of formation, have lived 
together in intimate union, and by the intermarriage of the different 
sections 51 have become eventually blended into one community. The 
formation and universal adoption of one common language is scarcely 
conceivable on any other conditions. When, therefore, this community 
was at length broken ,up, and its different fractions began to depart 
from their original home in different directions in search of new abodes, 

b 

,an event which we must imagine to have occurred after the lapse of 
several generations from their (supposed) first coalition, these different 
sections must, as a result of this long cohabitation, and the consequent 
commingling of blood, have been all composed in a great measure of 
the same elements. We may perhaps, however, be allowed to set 
aside 'this objection, which has been last dealt with, and assume that 
the tribes which, several thousand years ago, radiated from the supposed 
common home in Central Asia, were originally homogeneous, or of one 
and the same stock. If this assumption is admitted, it will hardly 
be denied that, for a short time at least, these several tribes, as, one by 
one, they diverged in different directions from the postulated centre, 
may have maintained the purity of their blood. But it will be urged 
that this would not long continue to be the case. It will be said : 
' Supposing that all the assumptions which you have made up to this 
point are conceded, what proof can be adduced to show that those 
tribes which, as you allege, carried with them one or more dialects 
which were ultimately developed into the Sanskrit, Old Persian, Greek 
and Latin languages, into India, Persia, Greece, and Italy respectively, 
were really the descendants of those tribes which you imagine to have 
started from your assumed centre at an unknown period ? Admitting, 
for the sake of argument, that certain sections of your Indo-European 
race branched off in different directions in search of new aUodes, they 
then disappear. There is no longer the slightest probability that we shall 
ever be able to recover at any point of the long line of their alleged 
journeyings the smallest traces of their progress onward to their assumed 
destinations. 52 The supposed streams of population no longer begin to 
flow onward, than, like the waters of the fabled fountain of Arethusa, 

61 Unless we suppose that at the early period in question they were divided into 
separate castes, which, however, is an improbable supposition. 
2 See, however, Pictet, vol. i. pp. 54-88 ; and p. 536, quoted further on. 



RETAINED THEIR PURITY OF BLOOD ? 273 

they sink underground, and none of those nationalities which emerge 
into the light of day long afterwards, and at distant points of the globe, 
can possibly be identified by you as pure continuations of those same 
original streams. You have no test of sufficient potency to justify you 
in pronouncing that the elements of which the two sets o$ bodies viz., 
those which started from the centre, and those which reached the 
several points of the circumference were composed were *iil all re- 
spects homogeneous. You can, tell nothing of the routes and stages by 
which these migratory Bribes advanced; you are quite unable to wdi-, 
cate the varios casus, the tot discrimina rerum, through which they 
passed, the many adventures they must have undergone, the encounters 
they may have had with other races, whose influence on their speech 
and on their entire destinies may have been most important. The tribes 
which you allege to have migrated from Central Asia may have settled 
at any habitable points between that region and the countries in which 
you imagine that you have discovered their descendants. They may 
at this intermediate point have communicated their ancestral language 
to people of a different race with whom they there came into contact, 
and it may have been either the descendants of these alien races, or a 
people of mixed blood, by whom the languages in question were carried 
onward into the countries where they were found to prevail at the 
dawn of history. On either hypothesis the ultimate colonists of north- 
ern India, Persia, Greece, or Italy, were not the genuine descendants 
of the tribes which started, perhaps several thousand years before, from 
your supposed centre. And it may be further urged that these argu- 
ments are corroborated by the fact that notwithstanding the striking 
affinities that undoubtedly exist between certain parts of the Sanskrit, 
Greek, and Latin languages, the number of words which are common 
to these languages is very small in comparison with those in which they 
differ from one another j and this fact, it may be further argued, can 
best be explained by the supposition that these languages have been 
gradually formed by the accretion of, new words imported into them 
by men of alien race, who from time to time became intermingled with 
the tribes by which the languages were previously employed. Some 
such intermixture of population, it may be concluded, is necessary to 
explain the great mutual divergence which eventually came to charac- 
terize these four languages.' 



274 WHETHER THE SETTLERS IN IXDIA, PERSIA, &c. 

" I shall take up these several arguments in succession. 

" Supposing that the affinities alleged to exist between the languages 
spoken at the dawn of history in India, Persia, Greece, and Italy, are 
admitted to be real, we have to discover the most natural explanation 
of this phenomenon. The kindred forms of speech must, as we have 
seen, have had a common origin, and must have been conveyed to the 
localities in which they were found, either (1) by the remote descen- 
dants of the races, derived from a commn stock, by which, at first they 
c we*3 severally spoken, or (2) by tribes which,, had been in long and 
intimate contact with those races at some period of their history. 53 

" The question to be answered is therefore this : Whether is it most 
probable that the colonists who conveyed to India, Persia, Greece, and 
Italy the forms of speech which were thenceforward prevalent in those 
countries had (1) inherited the languages which they brought with 
them by direct descent from their remotest forefathers ; or that (2) at 
some intermediate period of their national history, their ancestors had 
adopted, in whole or in part, the language of some alien race ? These 
questions, I allow, can receive no positive answer. A probable so- 
lution is all that can be offered. It is freely admitted that we are 
utterly unable to define the date, or the course, or the duration, of the 
migrations which have been assumed, or to conjecture the various 
events by which they may have been attended. But if there be no 
historical proof, or other indication, to the contrary, the presumption, 
I think, is always in favour of he conclusion that a people has re- 
tained the language of its ancestors. Languages which, on the grounds 
already stated, may be maintained to have had a long and continuous 
existence, must, in the absence of any written literature, have been 
orally handed down by some people or other. But no probable reason 
can be alleged for supposing that the descendants of those who first 
spoke them have become extinct. Even conceding that at some stage or 
other of its history any particular form of speech has been communi- 
cated by the race which inherited it to people of another stock, it is 
not thereby rendered necessary or even likely that it should have 

63 It is also possible that the tribes which brought the language to the country in 
which it was first found to exist may have transferred the language to another race, 
and have themselves entirely disappeared ; but this hypothesis appears to be so 
unlikely that it may be left out of consideration. 



SPOKE THE LANGUAGE OF THEIR EARLIEST FOREFATHERS. 275 

been dropped by those who had inherited it. Arguing, therefore, on 
grounds of probability, the utmost which we can be fairly required to 
admit in regard to any language is, that at some period or other of its 
history, it may have begun to be spoken by an alien tribe which had 
received it from another tribe to which it had descended by inheritance, 
while at the same time it continued to be . spoken by the latter also. 64 
"We are therefore, I think, justified in concluding that some portion 
at least of the people by whom these languages were severally em- 
ployed in the earliest historical periods were the lineal representatives 
of those tribes which emigrated from Central Asia at the unknown 
period already referred to, or, at any rate, were in part of that stock. 
But there are other reasons for adopting this conclusion. It is no' 
doubt true, and has been already admitted, that people of one stock may 
receive their language from people of an alien race. But in such a 
case the nation adopting the language would generally, if not invariably, 
be inferior in moral and intellectual power to that whose language it 
borrowed. The reverse is scarcely credible. When, therefore, we find 
a race of high mental endowments speaking a particular tongue, we are 
justified in supposing (so long as we have no historical proof to the 
contrary) that it is using the speech of its forefathers. But both the 
earliest known or Vedic Indians, ( and the earliest known Greeks, 
were superior in intellect, whilst they were at least equal in martial 
prowess, to the nations with which they were brought into contact, and 
were no doubt descended from peoples possessed of the same charac- 
teristics, who are therefore unlikely to have had their languages im- 
posed upon them by conquerors of any other race, or to have volun- 
tarily adopted the speech of any other people. I will adduce another 
ground though not of a linguistic character, but derived from the 
later history of the Indians and Greeks for believing that these two 
nations have* sprung from the same stock, I mean the remarkable re- 
semblance between the intellectual capacity and endowments of both, 
as shown in the eminence attained ard the originality evinced by each 
in literature, science, and speculation. As this similarity is generally 
recognized, I need not adduce any evidence of the fact. 

64 Now I do not find that either the Sanskrit, or the Persian, or the Greek, or the 
Latin, was originally employed by different tribes living in different regions of the 
globe ; but on the contrary that all these languages were at first spoken by one com- 
pact nation. 



276 WHAT CONCLUSIONS ARE IMPLIED IX AFFINITY OF SPEECH. 

"As regards the objection which I have supposed to be made that 
alongside of the remarkable proofs of affinity between the Sanskrit, 
Greek, and Latin, there exist differences in vocabulary so much more 
extensive as to be explicable only on the supposition that the tribes 
which inherited these languages from their ancestors must have under- 
gone from time to time a large intermixture of foreign blood, as it 
would otherwise be impossible to account for the wide divergence which 
ultimately prevailed between those different forms of speech, I repeat 
seepp. 257, f.) that the phenomenon in question js susceptible of another 
explanation. The increasing change in the different dialects of the 
mother-language, after the tribes by which they were spoken had 
' radiated in different directions from their central home, may be ac- 
counted for (even on the supposition of their remaining free from any 
material intermixture of blood), by the necessary conditions of a 
nascent civilization as well as by the vicissitudes necessarily attendant 
on their migrations. At that early stage when these tribes had made 
little progress in arts and culture, and had no literature to fix their 
spoken dialect, constant alterations would naturally occur, old words 
would be modified or disused, whilst new ones, suggested by the 
different circumstances, physical, social, and political, through which 
they passed, would be introduced. Such a gradual process of alteration 
is af necessary result of the laws which regulate the development of 
thought and language in the early periods of society, and does not 
therefore require the hypothesis of any intermingling of foreign 
elements of population to render it intelligible. At the same time, it 
need not be denied that many words now found in Sanskrit, Greek, 
and Latin may have been borrowed from people of other races. 

" But supposing it to be held that the above conclusions regarding 
language as a test of race are too uncertain and conjectural to be of 
any value, there can be ng doubt that this much at least i's established 
by the mutual affinities of the Sanskrit, Persian, Greek, and Latin, 
that the ancestors of the earliest known Indians, Persians, Greeks, and 
Eomans, had immediately or remotely derived their respective lan- 
guages from races which had at one time been in the closest contact 
with each other as constituent parts of the same community, governed 
by the same institutions, and adherents of the same religion and wor- 
ship (see the abstract of the Rev. G. C. Geldart's paper, " Language no 



FEOM WHOM DID THE HINDUS DERIVE THEIR LANGUAGE ? 277 

Test of Race," in the Transactions of the British Association for 1858, 
p. 150, f. of the Transactions of the Sections). 55 

" Let us see what conclusion this proposition involves in regard to the 
origin of the Hindus, a question the consideration of which first led me 
to the study of the problems discussed in this paper. Tho Hindus of the 
Vedic period are either directly descended from the people who first 
spoke Sanskrit in its oldest form, or they are not. If they are not, 
then they must have derived ijieir language (now esteemed sacred and 
divine) from some alien race which communicated it to their Jfrre- 
fathers. But as the traditions contained in their own sacred books 
say nothing of this, they cannot, on this hypothesis, be regarded as 
giving a trustworthy or suificient account of the origin and history 
of the race. If, on the other hand, the early Indians derived the 
Sanskrit language by direct descent from those who first spoke it, their 
progenitors must at some period have lived in close contact either with 
the ancestors of the Persians, Greeks, and Romans, or with some other 
tribes with which at some time or other the forefathers of the Persians, 
Greeks, and Romans, had been socially and politically connected. In 
either case the ancestors of the Hindus must have formed part of an 
ancient community, which also embraced the forefathers of other tribes 
which eventually separated themselves from that community; and could 
not well have had the distinct and peculiar origin assigned to them in 
their legendary books. "Where, then, did the separation referred to 
take place ? In, or out of, India ? To this I reply that, looking to 
the geographical positions ultimately occupied by the different nations 
which spoke the various languages cognate to Sanskrit, the probability 
is, that the separation to which I have referred took place at some 
central point intermediate between the countries in which these peoples 
severally dwelt, viz., at a point, consequently, to the west or north- west 
of the Indus,. Whether the populations composing the several nations in 
question were themselves the descendants of the tribes which originally 
separated from the assumed parent s f tock, or whether one or more of 
them derived their languages from those descendants, we must in every 
case assume it as more likely that the migrations which terminated in 
the ultimate formation of the Indian, Persian, Greek, and Roman 
nationalities had proceeded from an intermediate point than from one 
in the extreme east. 

55 See Appendix D. 



278 ORIGIN AND AFFINITIES OF THE INDIANS. 

" Supposing it now to be considered as established or probable that 
a tribe of Indo-European descent had at an early period immigrated 
into India from the north-west, but that insuperable physiological 
difficulties are opposed to the supposition that their descendants could 
ever, from thai mere influence of climate, have gradually acquired their 
present dusky complexion, we must resort to the hypothesis, to be here- 
after referred to, that those original immigrants, or their descendants, 
intermarried with the darker tribes whom they 1 found settled in the 
country ; and that the offspring of these intermarriages were born with 
swarthier complexions than their Indo-European ancestors. If this be 
the true explanation of the fact, it must be admitted that the Brah- 
manical or Sanskrit-speaking Indians are not of pure Indo-European 
blood, though they are in part of Indo-European extraction. In any 
case they have inherited the high mental endowments which are 
characteristic of that race."] 

Thfc propositions which I have already proved, or shall now attempt 
to prove, are the following : 

First: That the Indo-Arians, that is, the higher classes of the 
northern Indians, or the Brahmans, Kshattriyas and Yaisyas, are 
descended either exclusively or partially from the same Arian race as 
the Persians, the Greeks, and the 'Romans. 

Second : That the primeval abode of this original Arian race was 
in some country of central Asia, situated out of, and to the north-west 
of, India. 

Third : That different branches gradually separated themselves from 
this parent stock, and migrated to new countries, west, south, or east 
of their early home. 

Fourth : That the ancestors of the Indians and Persians appear to 
have lived together as one nation to a later period th<an the other 
branches of the Arian rack, but at length separated, the Indo-Arians 
migrating into India, while the Perso-Arians occupied the territory of 
Bactria, and the adjacent provinces. 

I shall not consider it necessary, in the discussion of the subject, to 
handle each of these propositions in the succession here indicated ; but 
shall rather take up the different topics in the order in which the 
process of proof which I shall follow may render most convenient. 



CLOSE CONNEXION OF THE INDIANS AND PERSIANS. 279 

SECT. IV. Whether there is any objection arising from physiological 
considerations, to classing the Indians among the Indo-European 
races. 

In proving, as I have already done, that the Greek and Latin 
languages have a common origin with the Sanskrit, I have adduced 
the principal portion of the proof which I had to bring forwa/cl of the 
common origin of the nations by which those several languages have 
been spoken. And yet language is not the only respect in which, all 
affinity exists between the Indians, Iranians, Greeks, and Romans. 
Their mythologies also present some points of contact. As regards 
the Indians and Iranians, this will be shown in a following section. 
For an indication of the proofs that exist that the mythologies of the 
Greeks and Indians, how much soever they subsequently diverged 
from each other, must have issued from one common source, I may 
refer to the fifth volume of this work, pp. 2, ff., 33, f., and 76, where 
the identity of the words Dyaus and Zeus, and of Yaruna and Uranos, 
is referred to. The mythology of the Greeks has also been considered 
to present some other points of contact with that of India, as when the 
Erinnys of the Greeks has been identified with the Saranyu of the 
Vedas, the Centaurs with the Gandharvas, Minos with Manu, Bibhu 
with Orpheus, Hermes with Sarameya, the Phlegyes with the Bhrigus, 
etc. ; 66 but it would carry me too far if I were to attempt to offer any 
account of the views which have been propounded on this subject. I 
will now therefore direct my attention mainly to exhibiting at greater 
length the grounds which exist for supposing that the Persians and 
the Indians are descended from the same common ancestors ; and that, 
after remaining united together, as the constituent parts of one nation, 
for some time subsequent to the migration to the westward of the other 
branches of the same stock, they, too, were at last broken up, by the 
force of circumstances, into two distinct nations, which settled in two 
separate, though adjacent, regions. I will subsequently pass in review 
the additional reasons which can be adduced for supposing that the 
Indians immigrated into India from the north-west. 

56 See Kuhn's Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gottertranks, Berlin, 1859; and 
Muller's Paper on Comparative Mythology, in the Oxford Essays for 1856, and in 
" Chips," vol. ii. p. 181. 



280 WHETHER PHYSIOLOGY NEGATIVES THE 

Before, however, proceeding to carry out the intention here indicated, 
it will be expedient briefly to inquire whether, on physiological grounds, 
there is any reason for denying that the Indians are descended from 
the same stock as the nations of Europe. 57 " In their physical charac- 
teristics the Brahmanical and other high caste Indians belong, as well 
as the other nations who have just been mentioned, to the so-called 
Caucasian, type. It might, indeed, at first sight, be supposed that the 
dark-complexioned Hindus could not possibly 'be of the same race as 
the. fair-coloured natives of England or Germany. But a closer ex- 
amination of the different nations to wliom, on philological grounds, 
we are led to assign a common origin, will show that they vary in 
complexion very much according to the climatic influences of the 
regions in which they ultimately settled, and in which they have been 
resident for a long series of ages. If we look to the south-eastern 
and north-western extremities only of the vast tract over which the 
Indo-European races have spread, we shall, no doubt, find that there 
is a 'complete contrast in point of colour between the occupants of 
those widely separated countries. But the same wide contrast does 
not exist between the inhabitants of those tracts (included within the 
same limits) which are adjacent to each other. The Indians do not 
differ very much in complexion from the Persians, nor the Persians 
from the Greeks, nor the Greeks from the Italians, nor the Italians 
from the Germans or the Anglo-Saxons. These different nations alter 
in complexion by almost imperceptible shades varying nearly accord- 
ing as their respective countries range successively from south-east 
to north-west. While the Indians may be denominated black, the 
Persians are olive-coloured, the Greeks have a still fairer complexion 
with a ruddy tinge, and the Italians approach yet more nearly in hue 
to the Teutonic tribes. It is therefore to the varying action of dif- 
ferent climatic influences that we have to ascribe the diversity of 
colour which characterizes these several nations. The scorching rays 
of an Indian sun, the high temperature of an Indian climate, and the 
peculiar diet afforded by an Indian soil, acting on the Indo-Arians 

57 [I reprint here, nearly as it originally stood, but now marked by inverted 
commas, the answer which I gave to this question in the first edition of this work ; 
and shall add a reference to the difficulties raised on physiological grounds against 
the views there stated.] 



AEYAN ORIGIN OF THE HINDUS. 281 

during the long period of 3,000 years or more since they first settled 
in Hindustan, appear amply sufficient to account for the various 
peculiarities of complexion, of feature, and of corporeal structure 
which now distinguish that section of the Indo-European family from 
the kindred branches to the west. In fact, the action cf these causes 
is sufficiently conspicuous in India itself. The people of Bengal, who 
are of the same race as the inhabitants of the north-western ,pi?ovinces, 
have, owing to the greater moisture of their climate, and the want of 
that bracing temperature which the latter enjoy for three or four 
months of every year, gradu&lly become darker in complexion and less 
robust in their structure. Again, it is notorious to every one who has 
lived in northern India, that a Brahman from the temperate province 
of Kashmir is far fairer than a Brahman of Mathura or Benares ; in 
fact he has quite the look of a foreigner. It has also been observed 
that an Indo-Briton, or person partly of European and partly of 
Indian descent, becomes fairer from living in the colder climate of 
Europe : but immediately recovers his ancient complexion on being ex- 
posed again to the heat of the tropics. It does not appear necessary to 
enter further into the discussion of this subject, as the preceding obser- 
vations will suffice to remove any doubts as to the common origin of the 
Indians and the nations of Europe, which may have arisen from their 
differences of complexion. 58 I will only add that, if the considerations 
here urged have any foundation, the Indo-Arians must have been much 
fairer in complexion at the period of their first arrival in India, and 

68 A full discussion of this subject may be found in Lassen's Indische Alterthum- 
skunde, 2nd ed., i. 478-487. [His conclusion as summed up in p. 487 is as follows : 
" The Arian Indians belong to the Caucasian race in virtue of their language and 
their physical type : their darker complexion does not amount to such a degree of 
blackness as not to be derivable from the effects of climatic influences. The Caucas- 
ian race easily assumes dark shades through intermixture and the continued action 
of a hot climate : the Portuguese in India, descendants of native women, have 
become quite as black as negroes ; and the northern and western Asiatics who have 
lived for several generations in India are now, even without intermarriage with 
native wives, of as decided an olive-yellow cftmplexion as the native Indians could 
be." It will be seen that Lassen here refers to the intermarriage of the Arians with 
other [and no doubt duskier] races as one of the possible causes of their darker 
colour]. See also A. "W. von Schlegel, Essais, pp. 466, ff., and Miiller's "Last 
Results of the Sanskrit Researches," in Bunsen's Outlines of the Phil, of Univ. Hist., 
vol. iii., p. 129, reprinted in his "Chips," vol. i., pp. 63, f. Compare his "Last 
Results of the Turanian Researches," in Bunsen as above, pp. 349, fi. 

VOL. n, 19 



282 WHETHEB LANGUAGE IS A TEST OF RACE : 

while they still continued to occupy the north-westerly regions of the 
Panjab, than they hecame at a later period, when they had been longer 
exposed to the fierceness of the Indian sun, and when they had 
penetrated further to the south-east. And we accordingly find that 
this supposition tallies with some expressions in the Vedic hymns, 
the oldest of which, no doubt, date from a very early period. Thus, in 
a text "of the Eigveda, iii. 34, 9, we find an allusion made to the 
colour of the Arian immigrants : Hafvl Dasflun pro, aryam varnam 
avit: 'He destroyed the Dasyus, and protected the Arian colour:' 
and in Eigveda, ii. 12, 4, the same word is applied to designate the 
Dasyu tribes : Yo ddsam varnam adharam guha kah \ ( He who swept 
away the base Dasa colour.' Though the word varna, 'colour,' 
which is here employed, came afterwards to be current as the de- 
signation of caste, there is some reason to suppose that it may have 
been originally used to discriminate the fair-coloured Aryas from the 
dark-complexioned aborigines. But such a term of contrast, if em- 
ployed now, would not perhaps possess half the force which it may 
have had at a time when we may suppose the distinction of colour 
between the Aryas and the savage tribes whom they encountered, to 
have been far more palpable than it is in modern times." 

The above views are, however, disputed on physiological grounds 
by" different writers, such as the late Mr. John Crawfurd, Professor 
Huxley, and other authors referred to by the latter. Thus, in his 
paper on "Language as a Test of the Eaces of Man," 59 Mr. Crawfurd 
writes as follows: "In phonetic character, in grammatical structure, 
and in some cases even in words, there exists a near resemblance be- 
tween certain languages of Northern, but not of Southern India, and 
most, but by no means between all the ancient and modern languages 
of Europe. From this fact some ethnologists have jumped to the 
conclusion that the Oriental and Western people, between whose lan- 
guages this afiinity exists, must necessarily be of the same blood, or 
in other terms, of one and the s^rne race of man. In India, however, 
there neither now exists, nor does history tell us that there ever did 
exist, a race of fair complexion resembling Europeans : neither does 
there exist in Europe, nor is there even a tradition of there ever 

59 In the Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London (published in 1865), 
vol. iii., p. 2. 



OPINIONS OF CRAWFURD AND HTTXLEY. 283 

having existed, a race of black men like Hindus. Hence, as the fact 
has been well ascertained, that neither time, climate, nor locality will 
produce any material alteration of race, and assuredly not such a one 
as would turn a black skin into a white one, or the reverse, we must 
come to the inevitable conclusion that the theory which makes race 
and language synonymous is, in this instance at least, nothing better 
than an ethnological figment." And in another paper on the* "Early 
Migrations of Man," *in the s^ame vol., pp. 346, ff., the same writer 
combats the opinion which " makes the peopling of India and Europe 
with their present inhabitants to depend on an emigration from a certain 
table-land of northern Asia." Mr. Crawfurd proceeds to quote a 
passage from Professor Max Miiller's " History of Ancient Sanskrit' 
Literature," p. 12, ff., in which this view is maintained; and then 
remarks: "The entire theory developed in the passages now quoted 
is founded on philology, and sets aside all the well-established qualities, 
physical and intellectual, which from the dawn of authentic history 
have distinguished the many races of man, which it includes in a 
single category." And further on Mr. Crawfurd urges: "All this is- 
broadly asserted in the face of the notorious fact that history affords 
no example of a people becoming white from black, or black from 
white, or black or white from brown. No black race of man is ever 
known to have inhabited Europe, or white man to have inhabited 
India, or black or white to have inhabited the parent land of the 
supposititious original stock." In an article in the Portnightly 
Review, No. 3, for 15th June, 1865, pp. 257, ff., Professor Huxley dis- 
cusses the methods and results of ethnology ; and inquires whether the 
problems presented by that science are to be determined by means of 
zoology, or philology, or history, or by any one of several other 
methods to which he refers. After stating the claims that have been 
put forward on behalf of philology, and quoting from an essay by the 
late August Schleicher, 60 who held that the natural classification of 
languages is also the natural classification of mankind, Prof. Huxley 
remarks, p. 260: " Without the least desire to depreciate the value of 
philology as an adjuvant to ethnology, I must venture to doubt, with 
Rudolphi, Desmoulins, Crawfurd, and others, its title to the leading 
position claimed for it by the writers whom I have just quoted. On 
60 Ueber die Bedentung der Sprache fur die Naturgeschichte der Menschen, 1858. 



284 DE. HUXLEY DENIES CLIMATAL CHANGES OF COLOUK, 

the contrary, it seems to me obvious that, though, in the absence of 
any evidence to the contrary, unity of languages may afford a certain 
presumption in favour of the unity of stock of the peoples speaking 
those languages, it cannot be held to prove that unity of stock, unless 
philologers arfe prepared to demonstrate that no nation can lose its 
language and acquire that of a distinct nation, without a change of 
blood corresponding with the change of language." And in p. 262 
he writes : " Thus we come, at last, to.-the purely zoological method, 

I 

from which it is not unnatural to expect mor,e than from any other, 
seeing that, after all, the problems of ' ethnology are simply those 
which are presented to the zoologist by every widely distributed 
animal he studies." In a subsequent part of the same paper (p. 
273, f.) the writer referring to the opinion that "the operation of 
the 'existing diversities of climate and other conditions on people so 
migrating, is sufficient to account for all the diversities of mankind " 
observes that he "can find no sufficient ground for accepting" it, and 
that he doubts "if it would ever have obtained its general currency 
except for the circumstance that fair Europeans are very readily 
tanned and embrowned by the sun." To this he adds: "But I am 
not aware that there is a particle of proof that the cutaneous change 
thus effected can become hereditary, any more than the enlarged livers 
which plague our countrymen in India can be transmitted; while 
there is very strong evidence to the contrary. Not only, in fact, are 
there such cases as those of the English families in Barbadoes, who 
have remained for six generations unaltered in complexion, but which 
are open to the objection that they may have received infusions of 
fresh European blood; but there is the broad fact, that not a single 
indigenous negro exists either in the great alluvial plains of tropical 
South America, or in the exposed islands of the Polynesian Archi- 
pelago, or among the populations of equatorial Borneo or Sumatra. 
No satisfactory explanation of these obvious difficulties has been 
offered by the advocates of the, direct influence of conditions. And 
as for the more important modifications observed in the structure of 
the brain, and in the form of the skull, no one has ever pretended to 
show in what way they can be affected directly by climate." 

In a lecture 61 printed in the periodical paper called "Nature," of 

61 " On the Forefathers of the English People." 



BUT RECOGNIZES ARYAN IMMIGRATION INTO INDIA. 285 

17th March, 1870, Prof. Huxley gives expression to similar views 
in opposition to the opinion that climate has any effect upon com- 
plexion. He -writes: "There is no reason to think that climatal 
conditions have had anything whatever to do with this singular dis- 
tribution of the fair and the dark types. Not only do th*e dark Celtic- 
speakers of the Scotch Highlands lie five or six degrees farther north 
than the fair Black-foresters of Germany ; hut, to the north 'of all the 
fair inhabitants of Europe, in Lapland, there lives a race of people 
very different in theirt characters from the dark stock of Britain, 
but still having black hair, "black eyes, and swarthy yellowish com- 
plexions." t 

In the first quoted of these papers Dr. Huxley makes no reference 
to the particular question of the origin of the Sanskrit-speaking 
Indians; but in the lecture published in "Nature" we find the 'fol- 
lowing passage, in which he refers to the immigration of Arians into 
India, and to their absorption in the main into the pre-existing Copu- 
lation, from which it may be concluded that he regards the upper 
classes of the existing North Indian Hindus as partially of Arian blood, 
and ascribes their dusky complexion to the intermarriage of their 
ancestors with the darker tribes which were previously in occupation 
of the country: "Hence, there can be no reasonable doubt that the 
fair element of the Gel tic- speaking population of these [i.e. the British] 
islands 1,900 years ago was simply the western fringe of that vast 
stock which can be traced to Central Asia, and the existence of which 
on the confines of China in ancient times is testified by Chinese annal- 
ists. Throughout the central parts of the immense area which . it 
covers, the people of this stock speak Aryan languages belonging, 
that is, to the same family as the old Persian or Zend, and the Sanskrit. 
And they remain still largely represented among the Affghans and the 
Siahposh on the frontiers of Persia on the one, hand, and of Hindostan 
on the other. But the old Sanskrit literature proves that the Aryan 
population of India came in from the, north- west, at least 3,000 years 
ago. And in the Vedas these people portray themselves in characters 
which might have fitted the Gauls, the Germans, or the Goths. Un- 
fortunately there is no evidence whether they were fair-haired or not. 
India was already peopled by a dark-complexioned people more like 
the Australians than any one else, and speaking a group of languages 



286 QUOTATION FROM NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW. 

called Drawidian. They were fenced in on the north by the barrier 
of the Himalayas ; but the Aryans poured from the plains of Central 
Asia over the Himalayas, into the great river basins of the Indus and 
the Ganges, where they have been, in the main, absorbed into the 
pre-existing j/opulation, leaving as evidence" of their immigration an 
extensive modification of the physical characters of the population, 
a language, and a literature." 

I add some remarks on this subject from the pen of an eminent philo- 
loger and orientalist in the North American Review, No. 217, for Oct., 
1867, pp. 552, f. After asserting, in opposition to M. Oppert, "that the 
boundaries of Indo-European language have been apprpximately de- 
termined by the spread and migrations of a race," he adds, " Of course 
every sound and cautious linguistic scholar is mindful that language is 
no absolute proof of descent, but only its probable indication, and that 
he is not to expect to discover, in modern tongues, clear and legible 
proofs of the mixture which the peoples that speak them have under- 
gone. Such a thing as a pure and unmixed race, doubtless, is not to 
be met with in the whole joint continent of Europe and Asia, whose 
restless tribes have been jostling and displacing one another for ages 
past. And especially in the case of a great stock like the Indo-Euro- 
pean, which has spread so widely from a single point over countries 
which were not before uninhabited, there must have been absorptions 
of strange peoples, as well as extrusions and exterminations ; one frag- 
ment after another must have been worked into the mass of the ad- 
vancing race ; and as the result of such gradual^.dilution, the ethnic 
character of some parts of the latter may, very probably, have been 
changed to a notable degree. These are the general probabilities of 
the case : how far we shall ever get beyond such an indefinite state- 
ment of them is at present very uncertain," etc. 

The conclusion to be drawn from all these arguments and considera- 
tions appears to be that the original Sanskrit-speaking Indians were 
derived from the same stock as the Iranians, the Greeks, and the 
Eomans, although possibly before their arrival in the Punjab, and 
most probably at a later period, they and their descendants have not 
remained free from an intermixture of alien blood. 



CLOSER AFFINITY OF ZEND AND SANSKRIT. 



287 



SECT. V. Seasons for supposing the Indians and Persians in particular 
to have a common origin. 

I will now proceed to indicate the various grounds which exist for 
concluding that the Indians and the Persians, or Iranians, wereTiot 
only descended from the same original stock, but that they continued 
to form one community even after the other kindred tribes had sepa- 
rated from them and migrated to distant regions. f , 

The first proof is the* closer affinity which, as we have already seen, 
subsists between the Zend, the language of the ancient Persians, 62 ai-fd 
the Sanskrit. From the examples of resemblance both in roots and 
inflections which have been adduced in Section II., it is manifest that, 
upon the whole, the Zend is more nearly related to the Sanskrit, than 
either the Greek or the Latin are. It is true that in the lists of 
parallel words which have been there brought forward, the parallel 
Zend words have been often omitted, while the Greek and Latin words 
have been adduced : but this does not arise from the Zend forms 
having had no existence, but either from their not having bee'h dis- 
covered in any of the extant Zend texts, or from their not being readily 
accessible to me. But the Zend words which have been brought for- 
ward will be generally found to stand in a relation of closer resem- 
blance to the Sanskrit than either the corresponding Greek or Latin 
words do. I subjoin some further comparative lists of Zend and 
Sanskrit vocables to which the Greek and Latin either offer no equiva- 
lents in form, or equivalents which generally bear a much more dis- 
tant resemblance to the Sanskrit than* the Zend words present. These 
lists, which contain a few repetitions, are the following : 



Sanskrit. 



I. NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, 


ETC. 




Zend. 


English. 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


yaeibyo 
yedhi, yezi 


to whom, 
if. 


kas, ka, kim 


ko, ka, kat 64 


(who (mas. 
(fern, neut.) 


mithwan 


a pair. 


kva 


kva 


where ? 


gairibyo 


to hills. 


gharma 


'gaiSma 65 


warm. 


aokhta 
rftri 

an tare" 


spoken, 
woman, 
within. 


vritrahan, 
vritraghna 


ve're'thrajan, 
ve're'thraghnya 


( slayer of 
< enemies, 
( victorious. 


datarem 


giver (ace.) 


mantra 


mathra 


(hymn, sacred 


gaus 


cow. 






\ text. 






pada 


padha 


foot. 



mithuna 

giribhyas 

ukta 

strl 

antar 

dataram 

gaus 



62 For an account of the various old Iranian dialects, see Spiegel in Kuhn and 
Schleicher's Beitrage zur verg. Sprachf., iL 6, ff., and App., note D.* 
6J In Greek, ei ; in Latin, si. M In Latin, quis, qua, quod. 

65 In Greek, thermos. 



288 



COMPARATIVE TABLES OF SANSKRIT AND 



Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


padanam 


padhananm 


feet (gen. pi.). 


pes'as 


paes'anh 


form. 


ap 


ap 


water. 


ahan 


azan 


day. 


subhadra 


hufedhri 


[very good, of 
\ good lineage. 


s'arad 
asta, kshaya 


s'aredha autumn, year, 
asta, khshaya house. 


turya* 


tuirya 


fourth. 


angushtha 


ailgusta 


thumb, finger. 


tritaya 


thrishva 


three, a third. 


vana 


vana 


forest, tree. 


chatushthaya 


chafhrushu 


four, a fourth. 


kas'yapa 


kas'yapa 


tortoise. 


atharvanam 


athravanem 


priest (ace.). 


tamas 


temanh 


darkness. 


asmai 


ahmai 


to him. 


bhumi 


bumi 


earth. 


svar ' 


hvarg 


heaven, sun. 


mesha 


maesha 


sheep. 


sva 


hva 


own. 


varaha' 


?araza 


boar. 


jihva 


hizva 


tongue. 


ukstfan 


ukhshan 


bull. 


sah'asja 


hazanra 


thousand. 


kshlra 


(t khshira 


milk. 


mahantam 


mazaontem 


[great (ace. 
\ masc.). 


ishu 
dhanvan 


ishu 
thanvana 


arrow, 
bow. 


yuyam 


yuzhem 


you. 


bhaga 


baga 


lot, fortune. 


van 


vairi 


water, sea. 


bhakta 


bakhta 


allotted, fate. 


tanu 


tanu 


body. 


sakhi 


hakhi 


friend. 


s'ayanam 


s'ayane'm 


sleeping (ace.). 


ojas 


aojanh 


vigour. 


sapta sin- 
dhavas 


jhaptahifidu 


[country of the 
\ seven rivers. 


kshattra 


khshathra 


j royalty, king- 
( dom. 


arya 


airya 


respectable. 


vas'a 


va^anh 


power. 


soma 
anya 


homa 
anya 


moon-plant, 
other. 


krishti 


karsti 


{ploughing, 
cultivation. 


vis'va , 


vis'pa 


all. 


prae'na 


frashna 


question. 


sarva 


haurva 


all. 


pars'hni 


pashna 


heel. 


upama 


upama 


highest. 


dasta 


za^ta 


hand. 


ugra 


ughra 


vehement. 


mushti 


musti 


fist. 


taruna 


tauruna 


tender. 


griva 


griva 


neck. 


savya 


havya 


left (side). 


pams'u 


pums'nu 


dust. 


rajishtha 


razista 


most straight. 


pars'u 


pgres'u 


rib. 


dura 


dura 


far. 


matsya 


mas'ya 


fish. 


nedishta 


nazdista 


near. 


parna 


parena 


feather, wing. 


s'rila 


s'rlra 


beautiful. 


parnin 


p^renin 


bird. 


prathama 


fratema 


first. 


charman 


chareman 


hide. 


agra 


aghra 


first. 


at'ru 


as'ru 


tear. 


purva 


paurva 


former. 


ams'a 


as'a 


part. 


s'yava 


b'yava 


black. 


vakshatha 


vakhshatha 


increase. 


kris'a 
sakrit 


kereb'a 
hakeret 


lean, 
once. 


yakshma 


yas'ka 


( consumption, 
( sickness. 


avis' 


avish 


manifest. 


adhvan 


adhwan 


road. 


yama 


yema 


twin. 


artha 


ar^tha 


object, profit. 


andha 


andao 


blind. 


anartha 


anaretha 


useless, wrong. 


antima 

esha 


antgrna 
aesha 


furthest, last, 
this. 


vyartha 


vyar^tha 


{vain, desecra- 
tion. 


atra 


athra 


here. 


amrita 


ameretat 


immortality. 


adhara 


adhara 


lower. 


dhanya 


dana 


grain. 


arvan 


aurvant 


horse. 


vis* 


vis' 


people, tribe. 


spas' 


spas' 


spy, guardian. 


tayu 


tayu 


thief. 


drishti 


darsti 


view. 


garbha 


garewa 


foetus. 


stuti 


ftuiti 


praise. 


putra 


puthra 


son. 


stotar 


s'taotar 


praiser. 


anta 


anta 


end. 


S th una 


s'tuna 


pillar. 


kshudha 


shudha 


hunger. 


ratha 


ratha 


chariot. 


gin, 


gairi, 


'I 
/ mountain. 


gatha 


gatha 


verse, poem. 


parvata 


paurvata 




pitu 


pitu 


food. 


visha 


vis, visha 


poison. 


rai 


rai 


wealth, glitter. 


kanya 


kanya 


damsel. 


hiranya 


zaranya 


gold. 









ZEND NOUNS, ADJECTIVES, AND VEEBS. 



289 



IL VERBAL ROOTS AND FORMS. 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


ra J 


raz 


to shine. 


is 


it 


to be powerful. 


jush 


zush 


to love. 


bandh 


band 


to bind. 


rud 


rud 


to weep. 


badhnami 


bandami 


I bind. 


ruh 66 


rud 


to grow. 


dadars'a 


dadargsa 


I saw. 


rudh 


rud 


to stop. 


vahami 


vazami 


I carry. 


idh 


id 


to kindle. 


vahati 


vazaiti 


he carries. 


s'uch 


s'uch 


to glow. 


vahanti 


vazenti 


they carry. 68 


dharsh 
much 


daresh 
much 


to dare, 
io loose. 


vahantah 


vazefito 


|c#rying (nom. 
I Pi-)- 


IDUll ^ 


, 


(to bewildor, 


bharati 


baraiti 


he carries. 




nru?ii 


(be bewildered. 


bharanti 


barenti 


they carry? 


van 
van 


van 
van 


tfl love., 
to smite*. 


pracharati 


fracharaiti 


{he goes for- 
ward. 


ga 


ga 


to sing. 


vicharanti 


vicharenti 


they roam. 


chi 


chi 


to gather. 


bhavati 


bavaiti 


he is. 


chi+vi 
dru 


chi+vi 
dru 


to distinguish, 
to run. 


bhavanti 


(bavaiiti, 
\bavainti 


>they axe. 


ram 

gar (girati) 


ram 

gar 


to rest, 
to swallow. 


bhavishyan- 
tam 


|bushyantem 


about to be. 


gar (grinati) 


gar 


to praise. 


dadati 


dadhaiti 


he gives. 


gar (jagarti) 


gar 


to awake. 


dadami 


dadhami 


I give. 


s'iksh 


s'akhsh 


to learn. 


dadmasi 


dademahi 


we give. 


nl 


ni 


to lead. 


tapayati 


tapayeiti 


he warms. 


var 
gam 


var 
gam 


to cover, 
to go. 


atapayati 


atapayeiti 


(he kindles or 
( lights. 


nam 


nam 


to bend. 


prades'ayeyai 


a fradaes'aem 


may I enjoin. 


khan 


kan 


to dig. 






!(acc. fern. perf. 


druh 


druj 


to injure, lie. 


jagmushim 


jaghmushim 


part, of gam, 


Sarf 


Sas' 


to bind. 






"to go") 


vish 


vish 


to hate, offend. 


stauti 


s'taoiti 


he praises. 


dhan 


dvan 


to sound. 


staumi 


^taomi 


I praise. 


ish 


ish 


to wish. 


studhi 


(avi) s'tuidhi 


praise then. 


kam 


kam 


to desire. 


astaut 


s*taot 


he praised. 


su 


hu 


to bring forth. 


hanti 


iainti 


he kills. 


smar 


mar 


to remember. 


hantu 


jafftu 


let him kill. 


stha+ut 


s'ta+us' 


to rise. 


HJ 


yaz 


to sacrifice. 


kart 


karSt 


to cut. 


yajate 


yazaite 


he sacrifices. 


da 


da 


to cut, divide. 


yajamahe 


yazamaide 


we sacrifice. 


jar 


zar 


to grow old. 


yajante 


yazente 


they sacrifice. 


Ji 


ji 


to conquer. 


prmami 


afrlnami 


I love, vow. 


MiT 


hT 


Jto fear, 


prlmmasi 


^frlnamahi 


we love. 


tllu 


Ul 


\ frighten. 


veda 


"vaeda 


I know. 


karsh 


karesh, kash 


to draw. 


veda 


vaeda, vaedha he knows. 


bhaj 


bazj hakhsh 


(to divide, 
I bestow. 


vettha 
vidyat 


vois'ta 
vidyat 


thou knowest. 
he may know. 


pa 
patar 


pa 
patar 


to protect, 
protector. 


vidvan 


fvidvao, 
(vidhvao 


[knowing, wise. 


tra 


thra 


to deliver. 


vindanti 


viudenti 


they find. 


tratar 


thratar 


deliverer. 


avSmi 


avami 


I protect. 


ush 
dah 


ush 
daz 


> to burn. 


kshayasi 
vashti 


khshayehi 
vasti 


thou rulest. 
he desires. 



66 Probably softened from an original form rudh. 

67 Probably from an original form mugh. 

68 In Justi's Dictionary s.v. vae, I find a form vazadhyai, which would answer 
exactly to a vedic Sanskrit form vahadhyai, supposing the verb vah to form the 
infinitive in that way, which, however, is not the case. 



290 CLOSER AFFINITY OF ZEND AND SANSKRIT. 



Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


Sanskrit. 


Zend. 


English. 


asmi 


ahmi 


I am. 


santah 


hefito 


being (nom. 


asi 


ahi 


thou art. 


krinomi (vedic) kerenaomi 


I do. [pi.) 


asti 


asti 


he is. 


krinoshi 


kerenuishi 


thou dost. 


santi 


henti 


they are. 


krinoti 


kerenaoiti 


he does. 


astu 69 


as'tu 


let him be. 


krinvanti 


kerenvainti 


they do. 


santu 


h^fitu 


let them be. 


krinavani 


kerenavani 


may I do. 


santam 


hefitem 


(being (ace. 
I sing.). 


krinuhi 
akrinot 


kerenuidhi 
kerenaot 


do thou. 
he did. 



With , the preceding lists should be compared the comparative tables 
of Sanskrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin, as^well as of Sanskrit and Persian 
wo f rds given above in pp. 220, ff., and 23Q, ff., 'vhich will contribute to 
supply their deficiencies. Many Persian words will be found in the latter 
tables (p. 220, ff.), which in form closely resemble the Sanskrit terms, 
having the same signification, while on the other hand there are in nu- 
merous instances no Greek or Latin terms which closely correspond to 
the same Sanskrit words both in sound and in sense. Now, if even the 
modern Persian language, notwithstanding the many modifications 
it har undergone from diverse influences throughout a long course of 
centuries, can still supply so large a number of words which so closely 
resemble the Sanskrit terms, we may safely conclude that the Zend, 
one of the forms of the early Persian (which was the ancient medium, 
or akin to the ancient medium, 70 through which the modern Persian 
derived all the Arian words which it possesses), must itself have con- 
tained a far larger number of words bearing a very much closer re- 
semblance to the Sanskrit, even although many of these may not be 
discoverable in any extant Zend texts. 

These views receive confirmation from the following remarks of 
Professor Miiller in his "Last Results of the Persian Researches," 
pp. Ill, 112: 

"It is clear from his (M. E. Burnouf's 'works) and from Bopp's 
valuable remarks in his Comparative Grammar, that Zend in its gram- 
mar and dictionary is nearer to Sanskrit than any other Indo-European 
language. Many Zend words can be re-translated into Sanskrit simply 

69 Greek esto. 

70 I learn from Prof. Kern of Leyden's recent dissertation on the antiquity of 
castes (Indische Theorieen over de Standenverdeeling, Amsterdam, 1871), that he 
has "already on another occasion shown that the Neo-Persian does not descend 
directly from the old-Persian of the Achamenidas, but is a dialect occupying a place 
intermediate between the "West and East Iranian languages." No further reference 
is given to the place where this essay is to be found. 



INDIANS AND PERSIANS CALL THEMSELVES ARTAS. 291 

by changing the Zend into their corresponding forms in Sanskrit. . . . 
Where Sanskrit differs in words or grammatical peculiarities from the 
northern members of the Arian family, it frequently coincides with 
Zend. The numerals are the same in all these languages up to 100. 
The name for thousand, however (sahasra) is peculiar to Sanskrit, and 
does not occur in any of the Indo-European dialects except in Zend, 
where it becomes hazanra These facts are full of 'historical 

c % 

meaning and with regard to Zend and Sanskrit, they prove that these 
two languages continued together long after they were separated from 
the common Indo-European stock." 

The second argument in support of the proposition I have under- 
taken to prove is, that both of the nations in question, viz., the Indians 
and the Persians, apply to themselves, in their earliest written records, 
the same name of Aryas. 

The Yedas are, as I have already shown, the oldest of all the Indian 
books. They are, therefore, not only the most authentic source ^f in- 
formation in regard to the earliest language of the Indians, but there 
is every probability that they would preserve more distinct and exact 
traces of their primeval history than we find in the other S'astras, 
which were composed at a later period, when the most genuine tra- 
ditions of the origin of the race had been obscured and corrupted. 
From the Vedic hymns accordingly it does, in fact, appear more dis- 
tinctly than from any other of the Indian writings, that the progenitors 
of the Hindus were originally called Aryas. "We find this name ap- 
plied to the forefathers of the higher classes among the Indians (in 
contradistinction to the Dasyus, who appear to have been a people of 
a different race, and to have been settled in India before the Aryas), 
in such passages of the Vedas as the following: Eigveda i. 51, 8, 
"Distinguish between the Aryas and those who are Dasyus ; chastizing 
those who observe no sacred rites, subject hem to the sacrifices " 
E. V. i. 103, 3, "Indra, thunderer, who kno west [both], hurl thy 
shaft against the Dasyu, and augment the might and glory of the 
Arya." 71 

By means of this word Arya, then, we are able to connect the early 
Hindus with the early Persians. For, first, it appears that in ancient 
times the Medes also (who were eventually included in one empire 

71 The original passages, with many other similar ones, -will be cited further on. 



292 MEDES CALLED ARIANS ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. 

with the Persians) 72 bore the name of Arians. This is clear from the 
following passage of the ancient Greek historian Herodotus, who narrated 
the wars of the Greeks and Persians. In the seventh book of his history, 
sect. 62, we have the following statement : 'E/caXeovro Be TraXat TT/OO? 
Trdvrwv "Apioi" cnrLKO^evr}^ Be MrjBeiijs TTJ? KoX^tSo? e 'AQrjvecov 
e? TOVS 'Apiovs TOUTOVS, fiereftaXov /cat ovroi TO ovvofta' avrol Be 
irepl cr(f>c0v wBe Xeyoucrt MfjSoi. " They (the Medes) were formerly 
colled Arians by all. But when the Colchian Medea arrived among 
these Arians from Athens, they also changed tHeir name. The Medians 
say these things of themselves." A nation or tribe bearing the name 
of Arians is mentioned by Herodotus in sect. 66 of the same book. 
"Aptoi Be To^oiai ftev e(7Keva<Tfj(,evoi, rjcrav MrjBiKolcn, ra Be d\\a Kara 
Trep Bdfcrpior *Apiwv Be ^p%e Sio-dfjLVrjf. " The Arii were armed with 
Median bows, but in other respects like the Bactrians. The Arii were 
commanded by Sisamnes." These last mentioned Arians appear to have 
dwelt in the neighbourhood of Herat. (See Bahr's Herod, iii. 93, and 
vii. 62.) A tribe bearing a similar name is mentioned by the same 
author as paying 300 talents tribute along with the Parthians, Choras- 
mians, and Sogdians : Hdp6oi Be KOI Xopaoyuot KOI 26<yBoi re /cat 
"Apeioi rptaKoaia rd\avra (iii. 93). The same people are men- 
tioned by* Arrian (iii. 8, 4) as forming part of the army of Darius : 
2aTi/3apdin<)<; Be 6 *Apeiwv crarpdTrrjs 'Apeiovs fyye- The Arizanti 
are specified, Herod, i. 101, as one of the seven Median tribes. In 
Herodotus we further find several proper names which are compounded 
with the word Arius ; thus, vii. 67, the commander of the . Kaspians 
is called Ariomardus. In the 78th chapter of the same book, another 
person of the same name, and son of Darius, is mentioned. In other 

72 On the mutual relations of the Medes and Persians the following remarks are 
made by Mr. Rawlinson, in his Herodotus, vol. i. p. 401 : " That the Medes were 
a branch of the great Arian family, closely allied both in language and religion 
to the Persians, another Arian tribe, seems now to be generally admitted. The 
statement of Herodotus with regard to the original Median appellation, combined 
with the native traditions of the Persians which brought their ancestors from Aria, 
would, perhaps, alone suffice to establish this ethnic affinity. Other proofs, however, 
are not wanting. The Medes are invariably called Arians by the Armenian writers ; 
and Darius Hystaspes, in the inscription upon his tomb, declared himself to be ' a 
Persian, the son of a Persian, an Arian, of Arian descent.' Thus it appears that 
the ethnic appellative of Arian appertains to the two nations equally ; and there is 
every reason to believe that their language and religion were almost identical." 



PROFESSOR SPIEGEL ON THE INDO-GERMANIC RACE. 293 

passages of the same writer and other ancient authors (viz. Xenophon, 
Polybius, Arrian, and Quintus Curtius), such names as Ariabignes, Aria- 
ramnes, Ariaces, Ariaius, Arimazes and Ariarathes (= Aryaratha), are 
assigned to Persians. The word "Apiov, which occurs in the ancient 
Greek dramatist ^schylus, Choephoroi, verse 423 (e/rp^a KO^/JLOV 
"Aptov, etc., "I have chaunted a Persian dirge"), is interpreted by 
the scholiast on the passage as equivalent to Hepa-iKov, " Persian." 

But, further, it is not only in the Greek authors that we*find the 
name of Arians applied to the Medes or Persians ; in the most anci$n*t 
books of the Zoroastrian religion also, which are composed in the Zend 
language, the same word, as a designation of the early Persians, is of 
frequent occurrence. I give, in a somewhat abridged form, Professor 
Spiegel's abstract of the evidence which exists of the common origin of 
the Indians and Persians, as the most recent and complete of which I am 
aware. (See his translation of the Avesta, vol. i. Introduction, pp. 4, ff.) 
One part of this, evidence is their common name of Arya. 

"Ethnography, supported by her two handmaids, physiology and 
philology, has in recent times demonstrated that a single race (the 
Indo-Germanic) has spread its branches over the whole space from 
India to the most westerly point of Europe. The most highly gifted 
and civilized nations, both of the ancient and modern world, ate all 
derived from this stock ; viz., the Indians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, 
Germans, Slavonians, and perhaps also the Celts. All these nations 
are branches of one single original family, whose abodes have not yet 
been certainly determined, and perhaps will never be ascertained in a 
way to preclude all dispute ; but it is probable that, in the earliest 
times, all these races dwelt together as one people, on the elevated 
table-land of central Asia. The emigration of this people from their 
original seats, and their separation into different branches, are events 
which lie anterior to all history. Paint indications of the degree of 
culture possessed by these tribes before their separation may be derived 
from the terms for particular conceptions which have remained com- 
mon to them all ; and the amount of their knowledge is not to be 
estimated too low. If the state had not been organized by them, 
the family, at least, had been already regulated, as is proved by the 
community of the words designating relationships. We find names 
common to them for the different kinds of cattle, and for different 



294 PROFESSOR SPIEGEL OX THE LATER 

implements of husbandry. Their conceptions of the gods, on the con- 
trary, seem to have continued to be of the most general character. 73 

"But in addition to this possession by the whole Indo-Germanic 
race of particular words, there exists a closer relationship between 
single members of this family. This closer relationship is to be ex- 
plained by the fact, that some of these races continued to live together 
even after the others had separated from them. Thus, for example, 
the Greeks and Romans have much that is common to both in their 
languages and in their ideas, which cannot be explained by their 
original relationship. But in no instanc is this affinity more striking 
or intimate than between the Indians and the Persians. These two 
branches must have lived long together after quitting their common 
cradle, as is clearly proved by linguistic and mythological considera- 
tions. The three dialects of ancient Persian with which we are ac- 
quainted, viz., that of the Cuneiform Inscriptions, that of the second 
part of the Yasna, and the language of the remaining^portions of the 
Avesta, have all such a close affinity to the oldest Indian language, 
the Sanskrit, as exhibited in the Yedas, that they might almost be all 
called dialects of one and the same language. Other grounds, par- 
ticularly of a mythological character, speak no less strongly in proof 
of the two tribes (Indians and Persians) having adhered long to each 
other. It is of especial importance that they both call themselves by 
the same name. Arya, signifying 'honourable,' in ordinary speech, 
and derived from arya, which means ' lord ' in the Vedas, is the most 
usual and the most ancient name' of the Indian people. (R.V. i. 51, 8, 
and Samaveda, i. 1, 1, 5, 3.) Among the Indians the term Mlechha, 
which denotes an impure barbarian, is the opposite of Arya. The 
same is the case among the Persians. According to the Persian laws 
of euphony, arya had to be changed to airya, a name which the Per- 
sians long applied to themselves, and out of which the more modern 

Q 

73 See Kuhn's Dissertation in "Weber's Ind. Stud. i. 321, ff. The elaborate work of 
M. Adolphe Pictet, above quoted (pp. 258, 266, IF.), has for its object to discover, by a 
comparison of the primitive words common to all the Arian nations, what was their 
original and common country, and what the condition of the parent nation as 
regarded its civilization and its intellectual and religious culture before the separation 
of the several branches. The first volume, relating to the ethnography, geography, 
and natural history of the country, appeared in 1859; and the second, treating of the 
material civilization, the social condition, and the intellectual, moral, and religious 
life of the Aryas, was published in 1863. 



SEPARATION OF THE INDIANS AND PERSIANS. 295 

Iran has arisen; a name, too, with which Herodotus had become 
acquainted. To this word airya, another word, anairya, non-iranic, 
is opposed. 

"It is, however, established that this original Arian race, from 
which, at a later period, the Indians and Persians separated themselves, 
cannot have lived as one community either in India or in Persia. We 
must regard it as demonstrated that the Indians who spoke, Sanskrit 
were not autochthonous in Hindustan. The oldest seats* of the 
Indians of which we find any mention made are to be placed in t]tt 
Panjab. In the First Fargaril of the Vendidad, verse 73, a country 
called Hapta Hendu, or India, is mentioned, which, in the Cuneiform 
Inscriptions, is called Hidus. It was not understood for a long time 
what was signified by Hapta Hendu, Seven-Indias, but the Vedas 
have explained this name. In the Vedic hymns we find the name 
Sapta-Sindhavas, the seven rivers, still employed to designate the 
country of the Indians. 74 From the Panjab, the Indians, as their later 
books testify, advanced further towards the east ; first, as far as the 
Sarasvati ; after which, they spread themselves over the whole of 
northern India; and only at a late period into the south of the 
peninsula. The Persian legends conduct us with the same distinct- 
ness to a primeval country in the north." 

We shall shortly have to return to this question, and inquire what 
were the primeval seats of the Arians. In the mean time, I revert to 
the affinities of the Persians and Indians. 

The third proof of this which I haVe to adduce is, the coincidences 
which are discoverable in the ancient mythologies of the two nations. 
On this subject, Professor Spiegel proceeds, pp. 6, ff. : "We have 
already said that the different branches of the Arian family had but 
few words in common connected with theology. The most widely 
diffused term is the general designation of God as ' the shining,' 
formed from the ancient root, 'div' or 'dyu' ' to shine.' From this is 
derived the Sanskrit 'deva,' the Latin 'deus,' the Lithuanian 'dievas,' the 
German 'zio' and 'tyr,' the Greek Zev$, and also Jupiter from 'Diespiter.' 
The old Persian 'daeva' belongs to the same root, but has (on what 
grounds we shall presently discover) a somewhat different signification. 

More intimate mythological affinities are only to be found between 


74 Spiegel, Avesta, vol. i. p. 66, note 3. 



296 PKOOFS OF THE LATER SEPARATION 

particular branches of the Indo-Gennanic family, as between the 
Greeks and Komans, and especially between the Indians and 
Persians. A number of personages found in the Veda correspond in 
name with others in the Avesta, and must originally have been com- 
pletely identical, though in the course of events, it has naturally 
occurred that this similarity has become more or less effaced. One 
personage whose identity was the first to attract attention, is the 
Tama o~f the Indians [the son of Vivasvat], tlie Tima of the PersiSns 
who is the son of Vivahhvant]. In the Yedas and TJpanishads we 
already meet with Yama as the king; of the dead. He inhabits a 
particular world, where he has assembled the immortals around him. 
Among the ancient Indians his world is not a place of terrors, but its 
expanses are full of light, and the abodes of happiness, pleasure, and 
rapture. 75 In Iran, Yima is a fortunate monarch, under whose rule 
there was neither death nor sickness. After he has for some time con- 
tinued to diffuse happiness and immortality, he is obliged to withdraw 
with' his attendants to a more contracted space, on account of the 
calamities which threaten the world. Here lies, according to my view, 
the point of connexion between the two legends. The Indian regards 
Yama simply as the king of the dead, or, at least, of the blessed : the 
Persian limits the number of the blessed to a determinate number, 
wjio are selected to live with Yima. 

" A second renowned personage in the Persian heroic poetry, who 
also occurs in the Yedas, is Thraetaono, the descendant of Athwya, 
the Fredun, or Feridun of a later period, with whom the Trita of the 
Yeda is connected. Trita is the son of Aptya, and, according to the 
Yedic accounts, he fights with a serpent, and smites a three-headed 
dragon with seven tails, and liberates the cattle. Quite similarly, 
Thraetaono destroys a pestilent serpent with three heads, three girdles, 
six tails, and a thousand powers. 

"A third personage, who can be pointed out in both the Indian 
and Persian mythology, is Sama Keresaspa, the man of heroic temper, 
and the same as the Krisasva of the Indians, who, it is true, has not 
yet been discovered in the Yeda, but who was known to the Indian 

75 See R.V. ix. 113, 7-11, quoted by Roth in the Journal of the German Oriental 
Society, IT. 426, ff. The original passage will te given in the App. note E. 



OF THE PERSIANS AND INDIANS. 297 

grammarian Panini, and is frequently named in the Puranas as a war- 
like rishi. (Ramay. i. 23, 12, Schleg. ; i. 31, 10, Gorres.) 

"To these three personages may now be added a fourth, Kava Us, 
or the Kavya Usanas of the Vedas. This is the person called Kaus at 
a later period in the Persian legends. Unfortunately,, the stories of 
Kava Us are so few and so brief, that I can scarcely venture to indi- 
cate their connexion more in detail. (See Weber Vaja.-S, Spec. II. 
68, note.) ' , 

"In addition to this identity of personages, we find also thatttie 
Indians and Persians have 'some important ceremonies in common. 
"We shall here only mention two, though a closer examination of the 
Persian liturgy will no doubt bring others to light. The first is the ' 
Soma or Homa offering. (See also vol. ii. of Spiegel's Avesta, p. 69.) 
In both the Indian and the Persian religions, soma, or haoma, which, is 
identical with it, is the name of a plant, the juice of which is pressed 
out and drunk, with certain religious forms ; and in both religions 
Soma is also a god. 76 Soma and Haoma have also a great number of 
epithets common to them, which clearly show how short a period had 
elapsed since the Persian and Indian adherents of this worship had 
become separated from each other." 

The Indians and Persians have also at least one of their deities in 
common, viz., Mitra. ' 

"In the Veda, (says Dr. F. "Windischmann, Mithra, pp. 54, 56, 
and 63) Mitra occurs as the son of Aditi (boundless space), and 
hence parallel with the sun, and stands almost always inseparably 
associated with Varuna. He appears to belong to a race of gods who 
are already disappearing, and has resigned a portion of his functions 
to Indra. In the Veda Mitra is the light, while Varuna is to be 
understood of the sky, especially the nocturnal sky. The connexion 
of Mitra and 'Varuna in the Veda is analogous to that of Mithra and 
Vayu in the Zend texts. Mithra is thus an ancient national god of 
the Arians; and the character under, which he is represented in the 
Zend Avesta has many points of resemblance to the Vedic Mitra, 
though it has also essential differences of Zoroastrian origin. Arya- 
man, who is to be understood of the sun, appears, in R.V. i. 36, 4, 

76 "See "Windischmann, Ueber den Somacultus der Arier : and App. note F. 
VOL. it. 20 



298 KITE OF INITIATION IN INDIA AND PERSIA. 

and elsewhere, along with Mitra and Yaruna. His name signifie 
companion or friend, and he also occurs in the Zend texts." " 

I proceed with my quotation from Professor Spiegel's Introduction, 
i. 8 : Secondly, " The reception of neophytes into the sacred society 
is performed p.mong both peoples, the Persians and the Indians, by 
investing them with a girdle or thread. In the case of a Brahman 
the investiture is to be performed in the eighth year after his birth 
or conception, in the case of a Kshatriya in tne eleventh, and of a 
Yaioya in the twelfth. But the period of investiture for a Brahman 
has not finally expired till his sixteenth year, for a Kshatriya till his 
twenty-second, or for a Yaisya till his twenty-fourth. 78 After the 
investiture, the teacher is to instruct the pupil in reading the Yedas, 
and in the rites of purification. (Manu, ii. 69 ; Yajnavalkya, i. 15.) 
Up 'to his seventh year the Parsee is incapable of doing any evil ; and 
if he does anything wrong, the blame of it falls on his parents. In 
India he is invested with the Kosti or sacred girdle in his seventh 

77 Professor Spiegel, in his note to the 22nd Fargard, vol. i. p. 266, says of the 
last-named god, " It is to be lamented that the god who is here designated by the 
name of Airyama occurs but seldom, and is but briefly noticed in the Avesta ; for he 
is unquestionably the ancient Indo-Germanic deity, who is mentioned in the Vedas 
under the name of Aryaman ;" but subsequently, on maturer consideration, retracted 
this opinion. In Kuhn and Schleicher's Beitrage zur Vergl. Sprachf. i. 131, IF., he 
says : " I have in mynote on Vend. xxii. 23 (p. 266), regarded the Airyama of the 
last chapter as the Vedic Aryaman. This comparison is only in part correct. It is 
true that, letter for letter, Airyama is the Sanskrit Aryaman, and therefore the pho- 
netic affinity cannot be doubted. It does not, however, follow that the signification 
must therefore be the same. If, as is supposed by many, the Iranians had issued 
from the bosom of the Indian people, if the entire culture of the Indians, as exhibited 
in the Vedas, had been the basis of theirs, this assumption would be less questionable. 
But according to my view such is not the case, but the separation of the two nations 
took place before (though, perhaps, not long before) the Vedic period. The question 
thus arises whether supposing both nations to have already had the word Aryaman 
we are to assume that the conception of the god Aryaman had been already formed. 
The word occurs in several places in the second part of the Yas'na, where, however, 
the context does not justify us in explaining it as a proper name." Spiegel then 
goes on to state his opinion that in the last chapter of the Vendidad Airyama is not 
to be understood of a god, but merely as denoting a particular prayer in which that 
word occurs, and which Ahura Mazda discovers to be more efficacious in healing 
sickness than another sacred text to which he had first had recourse. 

78 As'valayana Grihya-Sutra, i. 20: Ashtame varshe brahmanam upanayed 
garbhashtame va \ ekadase kshatriyam dvddase vaisyam \ a shodasad brahmanasya 
anatJtah kalah a dvavimsat kshatriyasya a chaturviihsad vaisyasya atah urddhvam 
patita-savitrikah bhavanti \ 



SEPARATION OF THE PERSIANS AND INDIANS. 299 

year; among the Parsees who live in Kirman, the ceremony is post- 
poned till the tenth year. From the seventh to the tenth year, half 
the blame of the offences which the child commits falls upon his 
parents. With his tenth year the boy, according to the view of the 
Ravaets, enters formally into the community of the-Parse*es; according 
to other books, the fifteenth year appears to be that in which he is 
admitted into religious fellowship. '. 

"All these traces of a common development which we have just 
pointed out between the Indians and the Persians have their origin, 
of course, in a pre-historical 'period, when both nations lived together 
undivided. Traces can also be discovered which lead to the conclusion 
that the separation of these two races was occasioned, in part at least, 
by religious causes. 79 Even if it have been accidental that Ahura, the 
highest god of the Persians, was, under the designation of Asura, 80 
reckoned among evil spirits by the later Indians, it can scarcely have 
happened by chance that the Devas of the Indians have, undtr the 
name of Daevas, been transformed into evil spirits and allies of Angra 
Mainyus ; that Indra, the highest god of the earliest Hinduism, is, in 
like mannner, banished to hell ; and that S'arva occurs as an evil 
spirit, while the Indians have considered this name worthy to be a 
designation of S'iva, one of the three highest deities of the later 
form of their religion. 81 The conjecture is therefore not unnatural 

79 In his second volume, however, Professor Spiegel adds, on this subject, the 
following reservation : " In the first volu.ne I have alluded to a religious aliena- 
tion ; but too much importance is not to be ascribed to this view, and no adven- 
turous hypotheses should be built upon it. Even without the assumption of a 
religious alienation, it is quite conceivable how gods, who were held in honour by 

the one people, should be degraded to the infernal regions by the other 

That which gives probability to the assumption of an actual alienation between the 
Indians and the Iranians on account of their religious conceptions, is the fact that 
the number of these opposing conceptions is not inconsiderable," pp. cix. ex. On 
the same subject Dr. Justi writes in the introduction* to his Handbook of the Zend 
Language, p. v : " The nature -religion derived from the primeval days of the Arian 
race vanished before the new doctrine (of Z,aratushtra), and its deities shared the 
fate of so many heathen divinities, which Christianity thrust down into hell." 

80 "Derived from asu =prajna, 'wisdom,' in the Nighantus. The word asura 
has also a good sense in Vedic Sanskrit ; it means sarvesltam pranadah. Comp. 
Sayana on R.V. xxxv. 7, 10." Compare my article " On the Interpretation of the 
Veda " in the Journal R.A.S. for 1866, p. 376, ff., and Bohtlingk and Roth's Lexicon,. 
s.v. Asura. 

81 See, however, the fifth volume of this work, p. 121, where it is stated, on the 



300 CONCLUSION FROM PRECEDING DATA. 

that religious differences may have been one of the grounds of separa- 
tion. Still, even after their separation, the Indians and Persians did 
not remain without some knowledge of each other's progress. They 
were not too far separated to render this possible ; and the Vendidad 
(i. 74) still ghows an acquaintance with India under the name of 
Hapta-Hendu, i.e. Sapta Sindhavah, the land of the seven rivers, 
which was a designation of the Yedic India." 

On the same subject Professor Miiller remarks : " Still more striking 
is tfae similarity between Persia and India in ^eligion and mythology. 
Gods unknown to any Indo-European nation are worshipped under the 
same names in Sanskrit and Zend ; and the change of some of the 
most sacred expressions in Sanskrit into names of evil spirits in Zend 
only serves to strengthen the conviction that we have here the usual 
traces of a schism which separated a community that had once been 
united." (Last Results of Persian Eesearches, p. 112; "Chips," 
i. 83.} 

From the three-fold argument above stated, drawn (1st) from the 
striking similarity between the Sanskrit and Zend, (2nd) from the 
common name of Arya, applied to themselves by both the Indians 
and tne Iranians, and (3rd) from the coincidences between the religion 
and mythology of these two nations, I conceive that a powerful con- 
firmation is derived to the conclusion which I have been endeavouring 
to establish, namely, the common origin of all the nations to which 
the name of Indo-European has been applied. If even from philo- 
logical considerations alone we are entitled to assume the descent of 
the Indians, Iranians, Greeks, and Romans, from the same common 
ancestors, our general conclusion is greatly strengthened when we can 
(in the case of two of these nations) add to the arguments founded 
on language, the further evidence derivable from community of name, 
and, to a certain extent, f pf tradition and of mythology. 

authority of Professor Spiegel, that t\e materials afforded by the Zend books are not 
sufficient to afford a basis for any positive conclusions in reference to the god Andra, 
and his relation to the Vedic Indra. See also the note in the same page. 



WHAT WAS THE PRIMITIVE HOME OF THE ARYAS? 301 

SECT. VI. Was India the primitive country of the Aryas and Indo- 
European races? 

As we have been led by the preceding investigation to conclude (1) 
that the Sanskrit, the Zend, the Greek, and the Latin languages must 
all have had a common origin ; (2) that the races also who employed 
these several languages were all branches, more or less pure, of one 
great family; and (3) that consequently the ancestors of tbesfe differ- 
ent branches must at one time have lived together as one nation i$ one 
country : we have now.to determine, if possible, what that country was. 
First, then, was India the common cradle of the Indo-Grermanic races, 
and did the other branches of that great family all migrate westward 
from Hindustan, while the Indo-Arians remained in their primeval 
abodes? or, secondly, are we to assume some other country as the point 
from which the several sections of the race issued forth in different 
directions to the various countries which they eventually occupied ? 

Mr. A. Curzon maintains 82 the first of these two theories, viz,, that 
India was the original country of the Arian family, from which its 
different branches emigrated to the north-west, and in other directions. 

The opinion that the Arians are a people of an origin foreign to the 
soil of India, which they are presumed to have invaded and conquered, 
imposing their religion and institutions on the so-called aborigines, is 
rejected by him as one founded on very insufficient data, and as resting 
on no well-established historical grounds. He thinks that it is a course 
opposed to the evidence of facts based on the results of comparative 
philology to maintain that the barbarous aboriginal tribes of India, 
destitute of written records, traditional religious system, or well-defined 
institutions, can be more ancient than the Arian Hindus, the possessors 
of an early civilization. These rude tribes may, in his opinion, have 
sprung from some of the barbaric hordes, who, under the name of 
S'akas, Hunas; etc., are mentioned by Sanskrit writers as having in- 
vaded India, and who, after their defeat, may have taken refuge in the 
hills and forests of Hindustan. , 

Reviewing the different possible suppositions as to the way in which 

the Arians may have entered India, Mr. Curzon infers (1) that they 

could not have entered from the west, because it is clear that the 

people who lived in that direction were descended from these very 

b2 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xvi. pp. 172-200. 



302 INDIA THE ORIGINAL COUNTRY OF 

Ariaiis of India ; such descent being proved by the fact that the oldest 
forms of their language have been derived from the Sanskrit (to which 
they stand in a relation analogous to that in which the Pali and 
Prakrit stand), and by the circumstance that a portion of their 
mythology is borrowed from that of the Indo- Arians. Nor (2) could 
the Arians, in his opinion, have entered India from the north or north- 
west, because we have no proof from history or philology that there 
existed any civilized nation with a language and religion resembling 
theits which could have issued from either of those quarters at that 
early period and have created the Indo-Arian civilization. It was 
equally impossible (3) that the Arians could have arrived in India 
' from the east, as the only people who occupied the countries lying in 
that direction (the Chinese) are quite different in respect of language, 
religion, and customs from the Indians, and have no genealogical rela- 
tions with them. In like manner (4) the Indians could not have 
issued, from the table-land of Thibet in the north-east, as, independently 
of the great physical barrier of the Himalaya, the same ethnical diffi- 
culty applies to this hypothesis as to that of their Chinese origin . 
And (5) the Indians cannot be of Semitic or Egyptian descent, because 
the Sanskrit contains no words of Semitic origin, and differs totally in 
structure from the Semitic dialects, with which, on the contrary, the 
language of Egypt appears, rather, to exhibit an affinity. And (6) " no 
monuments, no records, no tradition of the Arians having ever origi- 
nally occupied, as Arians, any other seat than the plains to the south- 
west of the Himalayan chain, bounded by the two seas defined by Manu 
(memorials such as exist in the histories of other nations who are known 
to have migrated from their primitive abodes), can be found in India." 
Mr. Curzon (7) regards as illogical the inference, that because the 
Arians spread at an early period to the south of India, as they did also 
to the west and north-west, they must have originally issued from some 
unknown region to invade and conquer India itself. In the same way, 
he urges, it might be argued that the Romans invaded Italy from some 
unascertained quarter (instead of springing from one region of Italy), 
because they extended their dominion to the south, as well as in other 
directions. In explanation of their movements, he quotes the passage 
of Manu, ii. 17, ff. (which will be hereafter given at length), and 
assumes, in accordance with the indications which it affords, that the 



THE ARIANS, ACCORDING TO MR. CURZON. 303 

earliest seat of Indian civilization was in Brahmavartta ; and that the 
Arians, as they increased in numbers and advanced in social progress, 
gradually moved forward to the central region called Madhyadesa, and 
eventually to Aryavartta, the tract between the Himalaya and the 
Vindhya, extending from the eastern to the western sea*. Mr. Curzon 
admits the existence of a non-Arian people and nationality, viz., the 
Tamulian in the south, which he conceives may have heen ia 6ourse of 
formation contemporaneously with the rise of the Arian community 
in the north ; though he thinks that there is nothing to indicate that 
the Tamulians, or the hill tribes, or any other indigenous race, were 
ever in possession of Aryavartta (the country north of the Vindhya) 
before its occupation by the Arians. * 

His conclusion (founded on the assumption that all the languages of 
the Arian family have been framed from a Sanskrit basis, and are only 
modified and corrupted forms of what was once the original tongue of 
the Arian race of India) is therefore the following, viz., thatgeither 
(1) the nations whose speech is derived from Sanskrit have sprung 
from .the gradual dispersion of the ancient Arian race of India, such 
dispersion being occasioned by political or religious causes, issuing in 
the expulsion from India of the defeated parties, and their settlement 
in different unoccupied countries chiefly to the westward ; or (2) that 
the Arians invaded the countries to the west and north-west of India, 
and conquered the various tribes inferior to themselves, who were 
there in possession, imposing upon them their own institutions and 
language. Of these two alternative suppositions, he conceives the 
latter to have the greater probability in its favour. As regards the 
time when the Arian advance in a westerly direction took place, 
he thinks that " it was subsequently to their extension over this 
territory [the Dekhan] and its occupation, which may be regarded 
as the third tra in their history, when the Arians had attained an 
advanced state of civilization, when the Vedas had been composed, and 
a national system of religion established ; when the Brahmanical hier- 
archy had been formed, the Arian tongue cultivated, and codes of 
law compiled ; when tribes had separated under particular princes, and 
founded different governments in various parts of the country ; when 
religious schisms had begun to arise, anti-Brahmanical sects had in- 
creased, political dissensions and civil war had spread their effects 



304 MR. ELPHINSTONE LEAVES IT UNDECIDED WHETHER 

that the migrations in a westerly and north-westerly direction which 
terminated in the extension of the Arian tongue over the geographical 
zone," [including Ariana, Persia, Armenia, Phrygia, Greece, Italy, 
Germany, etc. etc.], which he had "pointed out, took place." 

I have stated the opinion of Mr. Curzon on this question, together 
with his arguments, in considerable detail, as it represents the view to 
which tite -Indian reader will, no doubt, incline as the most reasonable 
(see above, p. 259) ; and it is therefore only fair that all that can 
be urged in its behalf should be fully stated. 

Before discussing Mr.^ Curzon's hypothesis, I shall adduce the state- 
ment given by Mr. Elphinstone (History of India, vol. i., p. 95, ff., 1st 
edition) on the same subject. It will be seen that after reviewing the 
arguments on both sides, this distinguished author leaves it undecided 
whelher the Hindus sprang from a country external to Hindustan, or 
were autochthonous. 

"0$ looking back to the information collected from the Code [of 
Manu] we observe the three twice-born classes forming the whole 
community embraced by the law, and the Sudras in a servile and 
degraded condition. Yet it appears that there are cities governed by 
Sudra kings, in which Brahmins are advised not to reside (chap, 
iv. 61), and that there are 'whole territories inhabited by Sudras, 
overwhelmed with atheists, and deprived of Brahmins' (chap. viii. 22). 
The three twice-born classes are directed invariably to dwell in the 
country between the Himawat and the Yindya Mountains, from the 
eastern to the western ocean. But though the three chief classes are 
confined to this tract, a Sudra distressed for subsistence may dwell 
where he chooses (chap. ii. 21-24). It seems impossible not to con- 
clude from all this that the twice-born men were a conquering people; 
that the servile class were the subdued aborigines; and that the in- 
dependent Sudra towns were in such of the small territories, into 
which Hindostan was divided, as still retained their independence, 
while the whole of the tract beyond the Vindya Mountains remained 
as yet untouched by the invaders, and unpenetrated by their religion. 
A doubt, however, soon suggests itself whether the conquerors were 
a foreign people, or a local tribe, like the Dorians in Greece; or 
whether, indeed, they were not merely a portion of one of the native 
states (a religious sect, for instance) which had outstripped their 



THE HIXT1US WERE AUTOCHTHONOUS OR IMMIGRANTS. 305 

fellow -citizens in knowledge, and appropriated all the advantages of 
the society to themselves. 

" The different appearance of the higher classes from the Sudras, 
which is so observable to this day, might incline us to think them 
foreigners ; but without entirely denying this argument (es far at least 
as relates to the Brahmins and Cshetriyas), we must advert to some 
considerations which greatly weaken its force. , * 

"The class most unlike theBrahmins are the Chandalas, who are 
nevertheless originally the offspring of a Brahmin mother, and who 
might have been expected fo have preserved their resemblance to 
their parent stock, as, from the very lowness of their caste, they are 
prevented mixing with any race but their own. 83 Difference of habits 
and employments is, of itself, sufficient to create as great a dis- 
similarity as exists between the Brahmin and the Sudra; and the 
hereditary separation of professions in India would contribute to keep 
up and to increase such a distinction. I 

" It is opposed to their foreign origin, that neither in the Code [of 
Hanu^. nor, I believe, in the Vedas, nor in any book that is certainly 
older than the Code, is there any allusion to a prior residence, or to 
a knowledge of more than the name of any country out of India. 
Even mythology goes no further than the Himalaya chain, in which 
is fixed the habitation of the gods. 

"The common origin of the Sanskrit language with those of the 
West leaves no doubt that there was once a connexion between the 
nations by whom they are used ; but it proves nothing regarding the 
place where such a connexion subsisted, nor about the time, whic.h 
might have been in so early a stage of their society as to prevent its 
throwing any light on the history of the individual nations. To say 
that it spread from a central point is a gratuitous assumption, and even 
contrary to arralogy ; for emigration and civilization have not spread 
in a circle, but from east to west. "Where, also, could the central 
point be, from which a language could spread over India, Greece, and 
Italy, and yet leave Chaldea, Syria, and Arabia untouched ? 

83 [See the first volume of this .work, 2nd edition, p. 481, and Manu x. 12, there 
quoted. It is clear, however, that we are not to take these accounts of the formation 
of the different castes, written at a time when the Brahmanical system was fully 
developed, and in the interest of its defenders, as furnishing the true history of their 
origin. See Lassen, Ind. Ant., 1st ed., i. 407, and 2nd ed., pp. 485, f. J. M.] 



306 CENTRAL INDIA THE CRADLE OF THE ARIANS, 

"The question, therefore, is still open. There is no reason what- 
ever for thinking that the Hindus ever inhabited any country but their 
present one; and as little for denying that they may have done so 
before the earliest trace of their records or traditions." M 

Mr. Elphinstone then proceeds to explain how he thinks castes may 
have originated. 



SECT. VII. Central Asia the cradle of the Ariap.s : opinions of Schlegel, 
Lassen, Benfey, Muller, Spiegel, 'Renan, and Pictet. 

These views of Mr. Curzon, of which I have given a summary in 
the preceding section, are opposed to the general consent of European 
scholars. A. W. von Schlegel, Lassen, Benfey, Miiller, "Weber, Roth, 
Spiegel, Renan, and Pictet, however differing on other points, all 
concur in this, that the cradle of the Indians, as well as of the other 
branches of the Indo-Germanic race, is to be sought for in some 
country external to India. 

I shall proceed to give some extracts from the writings of these 
eminent authors ; and shall finish with a summary of the arguments 
which seem to carry most weight in favour of the conclusion which 
they have adopted. 

The first authority whom I shall cite is A. "W. von Schlegel, who, 
in an essay "On the Origin of the Hindus," 85 systematically discusses 
the question under consideration in all its bearing. He treats of the 
migratory movements of ancient nations, of the traditions of the 
Hindus regarding their own origin, of the diversities of races, of the 
physiological character of the Hindus and of the indigenous Indian 
tribes, of the bearing of comparative philology on the history of 
nations, on the relations of the Arian languages to each other, and 
finally deduces the result/3 to which he is led by the convergence of 
all these various lines of investigation. As I have already treated 
at length of some of these subjects, I shall only cite two passages, 
the first of which furnishes a reply to Mr. Curzon's argument against 

84 See Appendix, note G. 

85 De V Origine des Hindous, published originally in the second volume of the 
Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, London, 1834 ; and reprinted in his 
Essais Litteraires et Historiques, Bonn, 1842. 



ACCOKDING TO A. W. VON SCHLEGEL. 307 


the immigration of the Hindus from any foreign region, drawn from 

the absence of any national tradition to that effect. It is as follows: 
"In inquiring into the birth-place of any people, and into the route 
by which, and the period at which, they have travelled to their present 
abodes, we are naturally tempted, first of all, to interrogate the popular 
tradition on these points : but if we do so, it may easily happen that 
either no answer at all, or a false one, will be obtained. Ai) illiterate 
people, ignorant of writing, which has adopted a stationary life, after 
a long and arduous migration, might, after a few centuries, easily lose 
all recollection of its change of habitation: or, if certain vestiges of 
such a change were preserved, it might be impossible for a people so 
circumstanced to indicate with precision the point of departure; as 
for this purpose a general knowledge of the shape of continents and 
of seas would be necessary. It has often happened that tribes in a 
barbarous state have emigrated, either impelled by necessity, or to 
avoid some powerful neighbour. The utmost that such tribes |could 
do might be to direct their journey with tolerable exactness according 
to the^four cardinal points : shaping their course so as to avoid any 
unexpected difficulties which might arise, they would suffer themselves 
to be guided by chance ; and their only measure of distance would be 
the fatigue and the duration of their march." (Essais, p. 444.) 

The following is the passage in which Schlegel sums up the results 
of his researches : 

" If we admit (and it is my conviction that the more deeply the 
subject is investigated the more indubitable will the conclusion appear) 
that the derivation of the [Indo-European] languages from one common 
parent justifies the inference that the nations who spoke them also 
issued from one common stock ; that their ancestors, at a certain epoch, 
belonged to one sole nation, which became divided and subdivided as 
its expansion proceeded ; the question naturally arises, what was the 
primeval seat of that parent nation ? It is nowise probable that the 
migrations which have peopled so la,rge a part of the globe should 
have commenced at its southern extremity, and have been constantly 
directed from that point towards the north-west. On the contrary, 
every thing concurs to persuade us that the colonies set out from a 
central region in divergent directions. According to this supposition, 
the distances which the colonists would have to traverse up to the 



308 INDIA NOT THE BIRTH-PLACE OF THE 

time of their definitive establishment, become less immense ; the 
vicissitudes of climate to which they were exposed, become less abrupt, 
and many of the emigrant tribes would thus make an advantageous 
exchange, as regards fertility of soil and the temperature of the air. 
And where isi this central country to be sought for, if not in the 
interior of the great continent, in the neighbourhood, and to the east 
of the Caspian Sea? It may perhaps be objected that the country 
in question is now occupied by people of a different race : but to how 
map.y countries has it not happened to undergo,., a total change of their 
inhabitants? The prolific parent-country of so many swarms of ex- 
patriated colonists might, from that very circumstance, be converted 
into a desert. . . . It is probable that, since the commencement 
of history, the nature of this country has changed, and that in former 
times it was more favourable than now to agriculture and to popu- 
lation. According to my hypothesis, then, the ancestors of the 
Persians and Hindus must have emigrated from their early seats 
towards the south-west and the south-east ; and the forefathers of the 
European nations towards the west and the north. ... I conceive 
that the tribes which migrated towards Europe followed two great 
routes; the one along the northern shores of the Black Sea; while 
the other traversed Asia Minor, and crossed the ^Egean Sea, or the 
Hellespont, Thrace, Illyria, and the Adriatic. It was indubitably 
by this latter route that Greece and Italy received their colonists." 
(Essais, p. 514-517.) 

Professor Lassen also decides against the hypothesis that India was 
thg birth-place of the Indo-European races. He says : ^ 

" It is, as we have seen, a result of modern investigation that the 
ancient language of the Indians is so intimately related to those of the 
other Indo-Germanic nations as to establish the original unity both of 
these languages and nations. "We are therefore driven -to the conclu- 
sion either 1st, that the Indians migrated to India from some other 
primeval seat ; or, 2nd, that alj. the kindred Indo-Germanic nations 
had their origin in India. The following considerations determine us 
to decide in favour of the former of these alternatives. 

"It would, first, be an improbable supposition that the nations 
which are now so widely extended should have been derived from the 
86 Indian Antiquities, first edition, p. 512, ff. ; second edition, p. 613. 



IXDO-EUROPEAN RACES, ACCORDING TO LASSEN. 309 

remotest member of the entire series. Their common cradle must be 
sought, if not in the very centre, at all events in such a situation as to 
render a diffusion towards the different regions of the world practicable. 
This condition is not well fulfilled by supposing India to be the 
point of departure. Secondly, none of the phenomena of speech, cus- 
toms, or ideas observable among the other cognate nations indicate 
an Indian origin. Of the countries which were anciently, occupied 

I 

by the great Indo-Grermanic family, India was the most peculiar, 
and differed the most widely from the others ; and it would be very 
unaccountable that no trace bf these Indian peculiarities should have 
been preserved by any Celtic race in later times, if they had all 
originally dwelt in India. Among the names of plants and animals 
which are common to all these nations there is none which is peculiar 
to India. 87 The most widely diffused word for any species of tfbrn 
(yava) denotes not rice, but barley. Thirdly, for a decision of this 
question, the manner in which India is geographically distributed 
among the different nations by which it is occupied is of great im- 
portan^e. The diffusion of the Arians towards the south points to the 
conclusion that they came from the north-west, from the country to 
the north of the Yindhya, probably from the region bordering on the 
Jumna, and the eastern part of the Punjab. Their extension to the 
east, between the Himalaya and the Vindhya, also indicates the same 
countries as their earlier seats. We find, moreover, evident traces of 
the Arians, in their advance from the north-west, having severed 
asunder the earlier population of Hindustan, and driven one portion 
of it towards the northern, and another portion towards the southern, 
hills. Further, we cannot assume that the Arians themselves were the 
earlier inhabitants who were pushed aside ; for the inhabitants of the 
Dekhan, like those of the Vindhya range, appear always as the weaker 
and retiring party, who were driven back by the Arians. "We cannot 
ascribe to the non-Arian tribes the power of having forced themselves 
forward through the midst of an earlier Arian population to the seats 
which they eventually occupied in the centre of the country; but, 
on the contrary, everything speaks in favour of their having been 

87 [This circumstance, however, might be accounted for, as "Weber remarks 
(Modern Investigations on Ancient India, p. 10), by the names being forgotten, from 
the plants and animals being unknown in western countries. See further on. J.M.] 



310 ARIAN INDIANS NOT AUTOCHTHONOUS IN 

originally settled in those tracts where we find them at a later period, 
and of their having once occupied a more extensive territory. These 
non-Arians were in fact feebler races, like the Australian negroes of the 
Archipelago and the red men of America. The Arians, on the other 
hand, were a more perfectly organized, enterprising, and creative 
people, and were consequently the more recent; just as the earth 
has at 'a , later period produced the more perfect classes of plants and 
animals. Finally, the same thing is shown by the political relation 
oi*the two branches of the population. The Arians take up for 
themselves, i.e. for the three highest castes, a position of the most 
complete contrast to the aboriginal tribes, first of all by the name of 
' ' Arya, and next by their prerogatives ; for the name of 'dvija,' 'twice- 
born,' with the higher rank connected with it, is the exclusive de- 
signation of the three upper classes. The Arians in this way mark 
themselves out as the superior and conquering race. In confirmation 
of thifi we can also adduce an outward mark, that of complexion. The 
word for caste in Sanskrit (varna) originally signified ' colour.' The 
castes therefore were distinguished by their complexion. Bu ., as is 
well known, the Brahmans have a fairer colour than the Sudras and 
Chandalas ; and the Kshatriyas and Yaisyas, who were also Arians, 
must have participated in the same fair complexion. "We are thus led 
to* the conclusion, which would be deducible even from the affinity of 
language, that the Arian Indians originally distinguished themselves as 
white men from the dark aborigines ; and this accords with the as- 
sumption that they came from a more northern country." 

, That the Arians were not autochthonous in India, but came from 
some country to the north, is also the opinion of Professor Max Miiller. 
"At the first dawn of traditional history we see these Arian tribes 
migrating across the snow of the Himalaya southward toward the 
'Seven Elvers' (the Indus, the five rivers of the Punjab, and the 
Sarasvati), and ever since India has been called their home. That 
before this time they had been Jiving in more northern regions, within 
the same precincts with the ancestors of the Greeks, the Italians, 
Slavonians, Germans, and Celts, is a fact as firmly established as that 
the Normans of William the Conqueror were the Northmen of Scandi- 
navia. The evidence of language is irrefragable, and it is the only 
evidence worth listening to with regard to ante-historical periods." . . . 



INDIA, ACCORDING TO PROFESSORS MULLER AND BENFEY. 311 

"While most of the members of the Arian family followed this glorious 
path" [i.e. to the north-west], "the southern tribes were slowly 
migrating to the mountains which gird the north of India. After 
crossing the narrow passes of the Hindu-tush or the Himalaya, they 
conquered or drove before them, as it seems without miwsh effort, the 
original inhabitants of the Trans- Himalayan countries. They took for 
their guides the principal rivers of Northern India, and were led by 
them to new homes in their .beautiful and fertile valleys." (Last 
Results of Sanskrit Researches, in Bunsen's Out. of Phil, of Un. Hist., 
vol. i., pp. 129 and 131 ; Anc. JJansk. Lit., pp. 12, 13, 15; Chips, i. 63, 65.) 

Again, in the Last Results of the Turanian Researches (Bunsen, as 
above, p. 340), the same able writer remarks: "It is now generally ' 
admitted that this holy-land of the Brahmans, even within its earliest 
and narrowest limits, between the Sarasvatl and Drishadvati, was not 
the birth-place of the sons of Manu. The Arian s were strangers in the 
land of the Indus and .the Ganges, but no one can now determine the 
exact spot whence they came, and where they had been previously 
settled. . 9 Traditions current among the Brahmans as to the northern 
regions, considered the seats of the blessed, may be construed into some- 
thing like a recollection of their northern immigration holy places 
along the rivers of northern India, where even in later times Brahmans 
went to learn the purest Sanskrit, may mark the stations of their on- 
ward course the principal capitals of their ancient kingdoms may 
prove the slow but steady progress toward the mouths of the principal 
rivers of India but with the sources of those rivers, the homes of the 
Arian strangers vanish from our sight, even after we have reached the 
highest points of view accessible on Indian ground." 

Professor Benfey expresses an equally confident opinion that India 
was not the original country of the Hindus. His reasons are as follows. 
After giving some account of the various tribes, by whom southern and 
central India are occupied, he proceeds: "We thus find the whole of 
the Dekhan covered with the remains of a nation of which it is highly 
probable that the several parts were connected by affinity. But we 
know with certainty that the Sanskrit-speaking people did not esta- 
blish themselves in the Dekhan till a later period, and as colonists, who 
apparently began their occupation by making themselves masters of the 
coasts. . . . Now it is hardly probable that those barbarous tribes 



312 PROFESSOR SPIEGEL'S ANSWER TO MR. CURZON. 

could have pushed themselves forward into the midst of the Arian 
Indians at a period when the latter had attained to the height of their 
social and political development ; and yet it is at this very period that 
we already find mention made of several of these barbarous races. "We 
are therefore, compelled to recognize the latter as being the earlier 
inhabitants of the Dekhan, who were reduced to subjection by the 
arms ofthe Sanskrit-speaking race, and either incorporated into their 
community as a servile caste, or driven back into the recesses of the 
mountains." Indien, 88 p. 9. In p. 12, the_ v same author proceeds : 
"From the foregoing sections it appeals that the Sanskrit-speaking 
people, who called themselves Aryas and Vises, can be shown to have 
immigrated from foreign regions into their new abodes. It can be 
positively demonstrated that they once formed one' nation, spoke one 
speech, and possessed the same civilization, with the races who are 
allied to them by language, viz., the Aryas properly so called (i.e. the 
Iranians), the Greeks, Latins, etc. It is scarcely to be doubted that 
the theatre of this early union was one of the countries of Asia ; but 
the time is so far antecedent to the dawn of history, and so many com- 
motions, migrations, and so forth, must have swept over the region 
which they formerly occupied, that every trace which the Sanskrit- 
speaking race might have left of their residence there has been 
oVliterated." 

The following remarks of Professor Spiegel (Introduction to A vesta, 
vol. ii., pp. cvi. ff.) will serve as an answer to Mr. Curzon's allegation 
that the language and mythology of the Persians are derived from 
those of India: "Though it is universally admitted that a primeval 
country is to be assumed, where the Arians lived in pre-historical 
times as one people, and from which they gradually migrated; and 
although it is allowed that the Indians and Iranians must have dwelt 
together for a length of time in this, or in some other adjacent country, 
even after the separation of the other branches ; still it is by no means 
clear what should be regarded^ as that primeval country. Agreeably 
to Mr. Curzon's assumption, India was the fatherland of the Indo- 
Germanic races. From that country the individual branches of that 
stock migrated westwards, and last of all the Iranians, who continued 
to dwell in the immediate vicinity of their original country, which 
88 In Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopaedia (German). 



WHERE DID THE INDIANS AND IRANIANS SEPARATE? 313 

henceforward remained in the sole possession of a single race, the Indians. 
According to this assumption, the relation of Iran to India admits of 
a very simple adjustment; India is the cradle, the Indian language 
(i.e. the Vedic Sanskrit) is the mother-tongue of all the Indo-Germanic 
nations. If, accordingly, an important affinity is discernible both in 
language and in ideas between the Indians and Iranians, the reason 
of it is simply this, that the Iranians emigrated last from I,ndia, and 
thus carried with them the largest share of Indian characteristics. 
On this view the older .monuments of Iranian literature would stand 
in the same relation to the Ve'dic literature that the Pali and Prakrit 
stand to the later Sanskrit. Lassen 89 had, however, previously de- 
clared himself against this assumption that India was the cradle of ' ' 
the Indo-Germanic races ; and his arguments have not been invalidated 
by Mr. Curzon. And as regards the relation of the old Iranian dialfect 
to the Sanskrit of the Vedas, I boldly assert that we cannot possibly 
suppose the former to stand in any such relation of dependence to 
the latter as the Pali or the Prakrit stands in to the later Sanskrit; 
and ng jyne who impartially examines the question will do otherwise 
than support my view. 

"We may therefore at once set aside the supposition that India 
was the cradle of the Indo-Germanic race. We prefer to assume 
with Lassen that their original abode is to be sought in the extreme 
east of the Iranian country, in the tract where the Oxus and Jaxartes 
take their rise. 

"But the second question, in regard to language, is not thus 
determined. For it might still be imagined possible that not only 
the Indians, but also the Iranians along with them, had migrated to 
the countries on the Indus; and that the Iranians, perhaps owing 
to religious differences, had retraced their steps to the westward. 
The great affinity between the Sanskrit and the ancient Bactrian 
languages, and the resemblances between the mythologies of the 
Yedas on the one hand, and the Avesta on the other, would then 
admit of the same explanation, viz., that the Iranians had spent the 
Vedic period, or at least a great part of it, in conjunction with the 
Indians; and hence the close affinity between their ideas. This is 

89 Ind. Ant. i. 1st ed., p. 512 ; 2nd ed., p. 613. See above, p. 308, ff. 

VOL. II. 21 



314 OPINIONS OF MULLER AND RAWLINSOK 

in fact the view of a scholar who is very familiar with this branch of 
study, Professor Max Miiller. 90 

90 "Last Results of the Persian Researches," p. 113, reprinted in "Chips," i. 86. 
" If regarded from a Vaidik point of view, . . . the gods of the Zoroastrians come 
out once more ?s mere reflexions of the primitive and authentic gods of the Vedas. 
It can now be proved, even by geographical evidence, that the Zoroastrians had been 
settled in India before they immigrated into Persia. I say the Zoroastrians, for we 
have no fevidence to bear us out in making the same assertion of the nations of 
Media and Persia in general. That the Zoroastrians ' and their ancestors started 
ft cm India during the Vaidik period can be proved as distinctly as that the inhabit- 
ants of Massilia started from Greece. The geographical traditions in the First Far- 
gard of the Vendidad do not interfere with this opinion. If ancient and genuine, 
they would embody a remembrance preserved by the Zoroastrians, but forgotten by 
the Vaidik poets a remembrance of times previous to their first common descent 
into the country of the Seven Rivers. If of later origin, and this is more likely, 
they may represent a geographical conception of the Zoroastrians after they had 
become acquainted with a larger sphere of countries and nations, subsequent to their 
emigration from the land of the Seven Rivers." [In the reprint in " Chips," the 
following note is added : " The purely mythological character of this geographical 
chaptev has been proved by M. Michel Breal, Journal Asiatique, 1862."] The same 
opinion is repeated by Professor Miiller in his Lectures on the Science of Language, 
i. 235 (1st edit.) : " The Zoroastrians were a colony from northern India. They 
had been together for a time with the people whose sacred songs have been*~reserved 
to us in the Veda. A schism took place and the Zoroastrians migrated westward to 
Arachosia and Persia. . . . They gave to the new cities, and to the rivers 
along which they settled, the names of cities and rivers familiar to them, and re- 
minding them of the localities which they had left. Now as a Persian h points to a 
Sanskrit *, Haroyu would be in Sanskrit Saroyu. One of the sacred rivers of India, 
a river mentioned in the Veda, .... has the name of Sarayu, the modern 
Sardju." On this point Mr. Rawlinson coincides with Professor Miiller. In the 
Third Essay appended to the first volume of his Herodotus, p. 403, he thus writes : 
" The great migration of the Arian race westward from beyond the Indus, simul- 
taneous probably with the movement of a kindred people, the progenitors of the 
modern Hindoos, eastward and southward to the Ganges, and the Vindhya mountain- 
range, is an event of which the most sceptical criticism need not doubt, remote 
though it be, and obscurely seen through the long vista of intervening centuries." 
From a later part of the same volume, however, Essay xi. p. 669, it clearly appears 
that Mr. Rawlinson does not regard the country east of the Indus as the earliest 
abode of the Arians, and that this migration of the Arians westward was, in his 
opinion, one which followed their original migration from the west to the east : 
" The Eastern or Arian migration, whereby an Indo-European race became settled 
upon the Indus, is involved in complete obscurity. We have indeed nothing but 
the evidence of comparative philology on which distinctly to ground the belief, that 
there was a time when the ancestors of the Pelasgian, Lydo-Phrygian, Lycian, 
Thracian, Sarmatian, Teutonic, and Arian races dwelt together, the common pos- 
sessors of a single language. The evidence thus furnished is, however, conclusive, 
and compels us to derive the various and scattered nations above enumerated from a 
single ethnic stock, and to assign them at some time or other a single locality. In 



CONTRARY OPINION OF PROFESSOR SPIEGEL. 815 

"I cannot agree with this view, as I am quite unable to discover 
that there is any historical reminiscence by which it can be estab- 
lished. 91 The facts which I have above collected regarding Zoroaster 
and his religion certainly do not point to the conclusion that he was 
a Bactrian, much less that the religion of the Bactrians came from 
India; on the contrary, these accounts seem to lead us to believe that 
their religion came first from Media. . . . But if there be no 
historical recollection, what else is there to favour the opinion yn 
question? Surely it lannot be the similarity of structure between 
the languages of India ana Persia! "We esteem the Sanskrit so 
highly, not because it was the original speech of the Indo-Germanic 
race, but because it stands the nearest to that original language. Now 
it cannot surprise us that another language of the same family, as the 
ancient Bactrian is, should have remained on a nearly similar level. 
It is not in the least at variance with this view that the last-named 
language is far younger than the Vedic Sanskrit, for it is well known 
that external circumstances- frequently occasion the speedy corruption 
of on Janguage, while another can long preserve its ancient level. 
And so in this case, both languages issued in a nearly similar form 
from one common parent form of speech, and were then developed 

independently of each other. And as the phenomena of the two 



the silence of authentic history, Armenia may be regarded as the most probable 
centre from which they spread ; and the Arian race may be supposed to have 
wandered eastward about the same time that the two other kindred streams began to 
flow, the one northward across the Caucasus, the other westward over Asia Minor 
and into Europe. The early history of the Arians is for many ages an absolute blank, 
but at a period certainly anterior to the fifteenth century before our era they wt*re 
settled in the tract watered by the upper Indus, and becoming straitened for room, 
began to send out colonies eastward and westward. On the one side their move- 
ments may be traced in the hymns of the Rigveda, where they are seen advancing 
step by step along the rivers of the Punjab, engaged in constant wars with the 
primitive Turanian inhabitants, whom they gradually drove before them into the 
various mountain ranges, where their descendants s'iall exist, speaking Turanian 
dialects.* On the other, their progress is as distinctly marked in the most early 
portions of the Zendavesta, the sacred book of the western or Medo-Persic Arians. 
Leaving their Vedic brethren to possess themselves of the broad plains of Hindoostan, 
and to become the ancestors of the modern Hindoos, the Zendic or Medo-Persic 
Arians crossed the high chain of the Hindoo-Koosh, and occupied the region watered 
by the upper streams of the Oxus." 91 See, however, App. Note H. 

* " See Miiller's Essay on the Bengali Language in the Report of the British Asso- 
ciation for 1848, p. 329, and Bunsen's Philosophy of Univ. Hist., vol. i. pp. 340-364." 



316 INDEPENDENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE PEESO-AEIANS. 

languages do not necessitate the assumption that the ancient Bactrian 
language has passed through the Vedic Sanskrit, so neither is this 
view forced upon us by the contents of the Avesta. Keference has, 
indeed, been made to the points of contact between the legends, and 
even between the manners and customs exhibited in the Yeda and the 
Avesta. But the few particulars which recur in the Yedas cannot be 
set against the far larger number of which there is no trace there. 
Similar common legends have been discovered in the Greek mythology, 
and yet it has never been imagined by any one,, that the ancient Greeks 
must have believed in the Yedas. "We' are, therefore, warranted in 
supposing that in the old Bactrian language and literature we possess 
the monuments of a people, who certainly lived together with the 
Indians longer than any of the other kindred races, and have there- 
fore a certain number of religious and other conceptions common to 
them with the former. But these common elements are so insignificant 
wheif- compared with those which are of peculiarly Iranian growth, 
that we are justified in regarding the language and literature as in- 
dependent Iranian productions. How, and by what causes tho.separa- 
tion of the Iranians from the Indians was occasioned, is a point which, 
owing to our want of information on that early period, can no longer 
be certainly determined. . . . Among the grounds of it I have 
(in the first volume, p. 9) referred to a religious alienation between 
the two nations, but too great importance should not be assigned 
to this view. Even without assuming any such alienation, it is con- 
ceivable that gods who were honoured by the one people, might be 
degraded to hell by the other. 92 . . . That which gives probability 
to the idea of an actual alienation between the Indians and Iranians 
on religious grounds, is the number of such opposing conceptions. 

" "We must accordingly maintain that the Indians and Iranians have 
each gone through their own proper development apart from the others. 
Any points of coincidence between the two must thus be referred to 
the early pre-Yedic period, not,to the era of the special development of 
either of the two peoples. None of the common features which I have 
referred to in vol. i. (see above, p. 293, ff.) are of such a character 
as to make it at all necessary for us to suppose the country bordering 
on the Indus to have been the scene of their origination. An origin 
92 See Appendix, note I. 



QUOTATIONS FROM WEBER AND PICTET. 317 

in that locality might, with most probability, be ascribed to the legend 
of Vritrahan, as Indra is designated, as the slayer of Vritra, who 
withholds the clouds and the necessary rain. The word recurs again 
in the old-Bactrian verethraya, ' victorious : ' (the deity, Verethragna, 
I regard as being certainly of far later origin). From th? circumstance 
that no special sense is assigned to the word in the ancient Bactrian 
language, I do not conclude, as is commonly done, that in the Avesta 
it has lost its special 'meaning; but, on the contrary, I assume that 
the Indian limitation o the word to Indra did not take place till ailer 
the separation of the two peoples, and that the word had originally a 
more general meaning." (p. ex.) 

The following is the opinion of Professor Weber on the same general ' 
question. In his tract, entitled "Modern Investigations on Ancient 
India," p. 10, after sketching the physical and intellectual condition 
of the early Aryas, as deducible from the words common to all the 
Indo-European languages, he proceeds thus : f 

"In the picture just now drawn, positive signs are, after all, almost 
entirely, wanting, by which we could recognize the country in which 
our forefathers dwelt and had their common home. That it was 
situated in Asia is an old historical axiom : the want of all animals 
specifically Asiatic in our enumeration above seems to tell against this, 
but can be explained simply by the fact of these animals not existing 
in Europe, which occasioned their names to be forgotten, or at least 
caused them to be applied to other similar animals ; it seems, however, 
on the whole, that the climate of that country was rather temperate 
than tropical, most probably mild, and not so much unlike that of 
Europe; from which we are led to seek for it in the highlands of 
central Asia, which latter has been regarded from time immemorial as 
the cradle of the human race." 

My next quotation is from the work of M. Pictet, "Les Origines 
Indo-Europeennes," in which he endeavours, by an examination of 
all the accessible data, geographical, and ethnographical, as well as 
by a survey and comparison of all the terms common to the Arian 
languages, which refer to climate, to topography, and to natural history, 
to determine what that country was, which the common ancestors of 
the Indo-European nations originally inhabited. 93 

93 M. Pictet's second volume, which appeared in 1863, treats (as already stated, 



318 M. PICTET ON THE FIRST HOME OF 

I shall not attempt to follow the course of M. Pictet's multifarious 
investigations and reasonings, or to pass any judgment on his particular 
deductions; but shall content myself with extracting his account of 
the general results to which he has been conducted. 

"By consulting successively national appellations, traditions, geo- 
graphy, philology, and ethnography, we have arrived at the following 
conclusion^ : The Arian people, as they called themselves in opposition 
to the barbarian, must have occupied a c region, of which Bactria may 
be regarded as the centre. This is the conclusion to which we are at 
once led by merely comparing the directions followed by the swarms 
of men who issued from this centre, and which all radiated from it as 
1 a point of departure. The geographical configuration of this portion 
of Asia completely confirms this first induction ; for the only possible 
outlets through which the population could issue occur at the very 
points where the principal currents of emigration have actually flowed, 
if we )nay judge by the ultimate positions of the Arian people, and 
the scattered traditions which they have preserved of their origin." . . 

"We may presume (1) from the order and direction of the*??iigra- 
tions which determined the ultimate positions of the Arian races; 
(2) from the traces of their ancient names, left by the several nations 
along the routes which they must have followed ; and (3) from the 
mofe special affinities which connect together the different groups of 
Arian languages ; that the primitive Ariana, at the period of its greatest 
extension, must have embraced nearly the whole of the region situated 
between the Hindu-kush, Belurtagh, the Oxus, and the Caspian Sea ; 
and, perhaps, extended a good way into Sogdiana, towards the sources 
of the Oxus and the Jaxartes. I do not mean that Ariana then formed 
one strongly constituted state. It is much more probable that it was 
at that time partitioned among distinct tribes, united solely by the 
general bond of race, by similarity of manners and language, by a 
common stock of beliefs and traditions, and by a sentiment of natural 
brotherhood. This is to be inferred, both from the topographical cha- 
racter of the country and from the successive emigrations which must 
have followed each other at considerable intervals. I have attempted 

p. 294, note,) of the state of material civilization, the social condition, the intel- 
lectual, moral, and religious life of this primitive people, before it was broken up 
into different nations. 



THE ARIANS, AND THEIR MIGRATIONS. 319 

in chapter iii. to fix, by approximation, the relative positions of the 
different branches of the race before their dispersion." 

[I introduce here, from p. 51 of M. Pictet's work, the substance of 
the passage referred to, so far as it relates to the Iranians, Indians, 
Greeks, and Latins: 

"Assuming Bactria to have been the centre of the region peopled by 
the primitive Aryas, the Iranians must have possessed its north-east 
corner, bordering on Sogdiana', towards Belurtagh, and have at fipt 
spread towards the eart, as far as the high mountain valleys, from 
which they afterwards descended to colonize Iran. Alongside of them, 
to the south-east, probably in the fertile regions of Badakhghan, dwelt 
the Indo-Arians, occupying the slopes of the Hindu-kush, which they 
had afterwards to cross, or to round, in order to arrive in Cabul, and 
penetrate thence into northern India. To the south-west, towards the 
sources of the Artamis and the Bactrus, we should place the Pelasgo- 
Arians (the Greeks and Latins), who must have advanced thence n the 
direction of Herat, and continued their migration by Khorasan and 
MazeauSran to Asia Minor and the Hellespont."] 

"Though nothing more than a hypothesis, the preceding distribution 
appears to account better than any other for the entire facts of the case. 
But it can be shown, in a more precise manner, that the Aryas myst 
have been originally divided into two groups, the one eastern and the 
other western, from which, on the one side, the Aryas of Persia and 
India issued, and on the other the European nations. The principal 
arguments in support of this statement cannot, however, be unfolded 

till I come to the sequel of my work In regard to the period 

when the Arian emigrations took place, I may say, by anticipation, 
that, in all probability, the earliest of them cannot be placed at less 
than three thousand years before the Christian era, and that, perhaps, 
they go back to a still remoter period." (Pictet, Les Aryas Primitifs, 
pp. 536, ff.) 

In the second volume of his work, p. 734, M. Pictet adheres to the 
same conclusion as to time. He says there : "As the result of all that 
precedes, I believe I do not exaggerate in placing about three thousand 
years before our era the epoch of the first movements towards dispersion of 
the ancient Aryas, whose different migrations must have taken centuries 



320 SUMMARY OF ARGUMENTS IN FAVOUR OF THE 

to accomplish down to the period of the definitive establishment of their 
descendants in the immense tracts which they occupied." 

I shall now attempt briefly to sum up the arguments in favour of the 
conclusion, that the Indo-Arians were not autochthonous, but im- 
migrated inkvHindustan from Central Asia. 

Mr. Curzon entertains, as we have seen, a different opinion, which 
he grounds on the assumption that the languages, as well as the mytho- 
logies, both of the Persians, and also of the Greeks and Latins, are derived 
from India. "We have already seen (p. 259, Jf.) how untenable the 
notion is that the Greek and Latin languages could have been derived 
from Sanskrit ; and the points of coincidence between the Greek, the 
Italian, arid the Indian mythologies are too few and too remote to 
justify the idea of their derivation from the Indo-Arians, at any period 
nearly so recent as the hypothesis would require. I am not prepared 
to pronounce it altogether inconceivable that the Greek and Latin 
races ..^ould have emigrated from India within any period short of 
1500 years B.C., without distinct traces of this migration being dis- 
coverable in their own literature, or in that of other nations^ for, as 
we have already seen (p. 307), the traces of such movements may soon 
disappear from the traditions of an illiterate people. But if the languages 
and religions of Greece and Italy be not derived from those of India, 
tl\ere is no ground for this hypothesis. And any emigration from 
India at an earlier period than that indicated appears to be improbable. 
Fifteen hundred years before the Christian era, India, if (as it no doubt 
was) already occupied by the Indo-Arians, must, at all events, have 
been very thinly peopled. The Aryas had not, at that period, extended 
themselves beyond the north-west quarter of India. 94 Large tracts 
both to the east and west of the Ganges, and to the north of the 
Yindhya range, must then have been still uncultivated. "While such 
facilities remained for the occupation of new territory for the purposes 
of agriculture or pasturage, in their own immediate neighbourhood, it 
does not appear what sufficient motive could have existed to impel any 
branch of the small Arian population to desert the fertile plains and 
the warm temperature of India (to which, by the hypothesis, they 
must have been long accustomed) for the rugged mountains and the 

yi This will be made evident by the details which I shall shortly adduce relative 
to their diffusion in Hindustan. 



CENTRAL-ASIAN ORIGIN OF THE INDO-ARIANS. 321 

barren and less genial regions which lay to the north-west and west of 
the Indus. 

As regards the derivation of the Iranian language and mythology 
from the Indian (which may be asserted with more show of probability 
than in the case of the Greeks and Latins), I may place the authority 
and the arguments, just quoted, of Professor Spiegel in opposition to 
those of Mr. Curzon. 

' I have so far examined Mr.,Curzon's theory generally, and without 
reference to the particular period when he supposes the movement of^ihe 
Arians to the westward to lave taken place. But when we advert to 
the late era at which he supposes it to have occurred, as stated above, 
p. 303, f., in his own words, his theory acquires a still higher degree . 
of improbability. If the Arians, or rather (in that case) the already 
Brahmanized Indians, had invaded and conquered the countries lying to 
the west of the Indus at a period subsequent to their occupation of the 
Dekhan and to the full development of their civilization and their j\eculiar 
institutions, it is scarcely conceivable that no trace of this sweeping 
invasion should have remained, either in their own literature or in 
that of any of the western nations, and that no specifically Brahrnanical 
influences should have been discoverable in the religious or political 
systems of Persia, Greece, Rome, or Germany ; for the period at which 
such a supposed extension of the Brahmanical Indians took place could 
not have been an "ante-Hellenic" era (p. 187); nor, consequently, is 
it imaginable that all record of it should have disappeared in a pre- 
sumed "age of darkness" (p. 186). The "ante-Hellenic" period 
terminated nearly 1000 years B.C., and the Brahmanical institutions 
could not have been fully developed very long before that time. 

Mr. Elphinstone, as we have seen, does not decide in favour of either 
theory, but leaves it in doubt whether the Hindus were an autoch- 
thonous or an immigrant nation. As a justification of his doubt, he 
refers to the circumstance that all other kndwn migrations of ancient 
date have proceeded from east to 'west, and have not radiated from a 
common centre. But this reasoning cannot claim to offer more than a 
limited presumption, and cannot be set against the stronger probabilities 
which, in this case, are suggested by the subsequent history of the dif- 
ferent Arian nations in favour of a radiation from one common centre. 

The mutual affinities of the Arian tongues imply, as we have seen, 



322 NO DISTINCT REFERENCE IN THE VEDA TO 

the anterior existence of one parent language, from which they all 
issued, and conduct us by probable inference to the conclusion that the 
several nations who spoke those separate dialects were all descended, 
though not, perhaps, without intermixture with other races, from the 
same common ( ancestors, who employed the parent-language in ques- 
tion, and formed one Arian nation inhabiting the same country. As 
the question where this country was situated cannot be decided by 
history, we are thrown back upon speculation ; and we are therefore led 
to 'inquire what that region was which by its position was most likely 
to have formed the point of departure frdm which nations situated in 
the opposite quarters ultimately occupied by the Indians, the Iranians, 
the Greeks, the Romans, the Germans, and the Slavonians, must have 
issued in order to reach their several abodes by the most easy and 
natural routes. The point of departure which best satisfies this con- 
dition is, in the opinion of the eminent writers whom I have cited, 
some r<2gion of Central Asia, lying to the north-west of India. We 
may, therefore, place the cradle of the Arians in or near Bactria. 



SECT. VIII. On the National Traditions of the Indians regarding their 
own Original Country. 

\ shall now inquire whether there are any data to be found among 
the traditions of the Indians or the Persians, from which we can derive 
any confirmation of the conclusion to which we have been led by other 
considerations. I must, however, begin with a candid admission that, 
so far as I know, none of the Sanskrit books, not even the most ancient, 
contain any distinct reference or allusion to the foreign origin of the 
Indians. This does not, perhaps, afford any just ground of surprise. 
The Vedic hymns themselves do not carry us back to the first ages of 
the nation, but contain allusions to personages and events of a still 
earlier date. The past history of their race is very liable to be for- 
gotten by an unlettered people, as is remarked by Schlegel, in the 
passage quoted above, p. 307 ; and any traditions which may at one 
time have existed of the early Arian migrations might very easily 
have been overgrown and effaced by the luxuriant harvest of legendary 
inventions for which India has been remarkable from the earliest ages. 
This process of obscuration is distinctly traceable in other parts of 



THE IMMIGRATION OF THE INDIANS FROM WITHOUT. 323 

Indian history, and it has been frequently remarked how greatly the 
myths and even the allusions of the Vedas have been amplified and 
distorted by more recent mythologists. I shall, however, proceed to 
quote such passages as may appear in any way to imply the tradition 
of a foreign origin. 

First. In the Bigveda, 95 an expression occurs from which we might 
infer that the Indians still retained some recollection of their having 
at one time occupied a colder country. Reference is made to winter 
in the following texts:, R.V. i. 64, 14: Tokam pushyema tanay&m 
iatam himdh \ "May we cherish sons and descendants a hundred 
winters! " v. 54, 15 : Idam su me Ma/ruto Jiaryata vacho yasya tarema 
tarasd satam himdh | " Be pleased, Maruts, with this hymn of mine, 
by the force of which may we pass through a hundred winters ! " 
vi. 4, 8 : Hadema satahimtih suvzrdh \ " May we rejoice, living a 
hundred winters, with vigorous offspring ! " The same words are re- 
peated in vi. 10, 7; vi. 12, 6; vi. 13, 6; vi. 17, 15. In vi. 4fy 8, it 
is said to Agni : Pdhi amhasah sameddhdrdm satam himdh stotribhyo ye 
cha dadqii \ " Preserve him who kindles thee from calamity for a 
hundred winters, and [preserve also] those who give (gifts) to thy 
worshippers." And in ii. 1, 11, we find the words: Tvam lid sata- 
himd'si dahhase \ " Thou (Agni) art IJa, bestowing a hundred winters 
on the wise man." And in ix. 74, 8, we find the words, Eahshivate 
satahimdya, " To Kakshlvat, who has lived a hundred winters." The 
phrase, Pasyema saradah satam jlvema saradah satam, " May we see 
may we live a hundred autumns," also occurs in B..Y. vii. 66, 16. 
See also R.V. x. 18, 4. This may, perhaps, be a more recent form of 
the expression, dating from a period when the recollection of the colder 
regions from which they had migrated was becoming forgotten by the 
Aryas. 96 

95 "Wilson, Intfod. to Rigveda, vol. i. p. xlii. 

96 I omit here the quotation from the S'atapatha Brahmana, i. 8, 1, 1, f. con- 
taining the oldest form of the legend of the Deluge extant in the Indian records, as 
well as the version of the same story given' in the Mahabharata, Vanaparva, vv. 
12746, if., together with all the passages from the hymns relating to the descent of 
the Arian Indians from Manu, which were given in the first edition of this volume, 
pp. 324-331, because all these texts, and many others besides, have now been quoted 
in the second edition of the first Tolume of this work, pp. 161-238; and because> 
further, it is doubtful whether the correct reading in the passage of the S'atapatha 
Brahmana i. 8, 1, 6, is atidudrava "he passed over," or adhidudrava, which would 



324 MENTION OF THE UTTARA KURUS IN THE 

Second. In the allusions made to the TJttara (or northern) Kurus in 
the Indian books, there may be some reminiscence of an early con- 
nexion with the countries to the north of the Himalaya. The follow- 
ing passage from the Aitareya-brahmana, viii. 14 (quoted by Weber, 
Indische Studien, i. 218), contains the oldest reference to this people 
of which I am aware : Tasmdd etasydm udlchyam disi ye Ice cha parena 
Himavantam janapaddh " Uitarakuravah Uttaramadrdh" iti vairajydya 
te 'bhishichyante \ "viral" ity etdn abhishiktdn dchakshate \ "Wherefore 
iri^his northern region, all the people who dwell beyond the Himavat, 
[called] the Uttara Kurus and the Uttark Madras, are consecrated to 
glorious rule (vairdjya). Those who are consecrated are called viral." 

The following quotation from another part of the Aitareya-brahmana, 
viii. 23, will, however, show that even at the early period when that 
work was composed, the country of the Uttara Kurus had come to be 
regarded as belonging to the domain of mythology : Etam ha vaiAindram 
mahdhkishekam Fdsishthah Sdtyahavyo 'tyardtaye Jdnantapaye provdcha\ 
tasmdd u Atyardtir Jdnantapir ardjd san vidyayd samantam sarvatah 
prithivlm jayan parlydya \ sa ha uvdcha Vdsishthah Sdtyahavyah "ajai- 
thlr vai samantam sarvatah prithivlm \ mahan md gamaya " Hi \ Sa ha 
uvdcha Atyardtir Jdnantapir " yadd brdhmana Uttarakurun jayeyam 
atha tvam u ha eva prithivyai rdjd sydh sendpatir eva te 'ham sydm " 
iti t \ Sa ha uvdcha Tdsishthah Sdtyahavyah "devahhetram vai tad na vat 
tad martyo jetum arhati \ adruksho vai me d 'tah idam dade " iti \ tato 
ha Atyardtim Jdnantapim dttavlryam nihsukram amitratapano S'ush- 
minah S'aivyo jaghdna \ tasmdd evamvidushe brdhmandya evamchakrushe 
na kshatriyo druhyed na id rdshtrdd avapadyeyad na id vdmaprdno jahat\ 
"Satyahavya of the race of Vasishtha declared this great inauguration, 
similar to Indra's, to Atyarati, son of Janantapa ; and in consequence 
Atyarati, who was not a king, by [that] knowledge traversed the 
whole earth round, reducing it to subjection. Satyahavya said to him, 
' Thou hast subdued the 'whole earth round : exalt me now to great- 
ness.' Atyarati replied, 'When, Brahman, I conquer the Uttara 
Kurus, then thou shalt be king of the earth, and I will be only thy 
general.' Satyahavya rejoined, 'That is the land of the gods; no 

not so distinctly convey the same sense ; and would leave it doubtful whether the 
writer intended to represent Manu as having crossed the Himalaya from the north- 
ward. 



AITAREYA BRAHMANA, RAMAYANA, AND MAHABHARATA. 325 

mortal may conquer it : thou hast acted injuriously towards me ; I take 
back, therefore, that [which I have bestowed].' In consequence of 
this the foe-destroying S'ushmina, the son of S'ivi, slew Atyarati, son 
of Janantapa, who had [thus] become bereft of his rigour, and 
destitute of strength. "Wherefore let no Kshatriya treat injuriously a 
Brahman who possesses this knowledge and has performed this rite, 
lest he lose his kingdom and his life." (See Colebrooke's Misc. Ess., 
i. 43.) 

The northern Kurus are also mentioned in the Ramayana. 97 In-lbe 
" description of the northern region," iv. 44, 82, ff. we have the following 
account: Tan gachhata 'hari-kreshtTiu.il visdldn Uttardn Kurun \ ddnaslldn 
maJidlhtigdn nityatushtan gatajvardn \ na tatra iltam ushnam vd na Jard ' 
ndmayas tathd \ na solco na lhayam vapi na varsham na'pi IJidslcarah \ 
" Go, most excellent of monkeys, to those illustrious Uttara Kurus, 
who are liberal, prosperous, perpetually happy, and undecaying. In 
their country there is neither cold nor heat, nor decrepitude, nor Disease, 
nor grief, nor fear, nor rain, nor sun." A great deal more follows in 
the same hyperbolical strain, and then it is added (verse 117) : JTurums 
tan samatikramya uttare payasdm nidJiih \ tatra somagirir ndma hiran- 
maya-samo mahdn \ and in verses 121, 122: na kathanchana gantavyam 
kurundm uttarena cha \ anyesJidm api bhutdndm na tatra kramate gatih \ 
sa hi somagirir ndma devdndm api durgamah \ " Beyond the Kuru?\ to 
the north lies the ocean ; and there the vast Soma-mountain is situated, 
resembling a mass of gold." "You must not travel to the north of 
the Kurus. That region is untrodden by the steps of other living 
beings also. For that Soma-mountain is difficult of access even to the 
gods themselves." 98 

In the same way, when Arjuna, in the course of his conquests, as 
described in the Digvijaya Parva of the Mahabharata, comes to the 

97 See also the first volume of this work, second edition, p. 493, f. 

98 These quotations are from Gorresio's edition. The Bombay edition, sec. 43 of 
the same book, vv. 38, and 57, f., is less diffuse. It says, v. 38 : Uttarah Kuravas 
tatra kritapunya-pratisrayah \ " There are situated' the Uttara Kurus, the abodes 
of those who have performed works of merit :" and in v. 57 : Na Ttathanchana gan- 
tavyam Eurunam uttarena vah \ anyesham api bhutanaTn nanuJcramati vai gatih \ 
58 | sa hi somagirir ndma devanam api durgamah. " You must not on any account 
go to the northward of the Kurus : nor may any other creatures proceed further. 
For that Soma-mountain is difficult of access even to the gods." 



326 QUOTATIONS FROM LASSEN'S WRITINGS 

country of the TJttara Kurus in Harivarsha, he is thus addressed by 
the guards at the gate of the city (Sabha Parva, verses 1045, ff.) : 
Pdrtha nedafh tvayd sakyam puram jetum kathanchana | . . . idam 
puram yah pravised dhruvam na sa bhaved narah \ . . , na chdtra 
kinchij jetavyqm Arjundtra pradrisyate \ Uttardh Kuravo hy ete ndtra 
yuddham pravartate \ pravishto 'pi hi Kaunteyn neha drakshyasi kin- 
chana \ na hi mdnusha-dehena iakyam atrdbhivlkshitum \ " This city, 
king, cannot in any way be subdued by. thee. '. . . He who enters 
tht 5 * city must be more than mortal. . . . There is nothing to be 
beheld here, Arjuna, which thou majest conquer. Here are the 
TJttara Kurus, whom no one attempts to combat. And even if thou 
shouldst enter, thou couldst behold nothing; for here no one with a 
mortal body can see." 

On this passage (part of which is a mere repetition of the Ait. Brah. 
viii. 23) Professor Lassen remarks (in the Zeitschrift fur die Kunde 
des Morgenlandes, ii. 62): "At the furthest accessible extremity of 
the earth appears Harivarsha, with the northern Kurus. The region 
of Hari or Vishnu belongs to the system of mythical geography ; but 
the case is different with the TJttara Kurus. Here there is a real 
basis of geographical fact ; of which fable has only taken advantage, 
without creating it. The TJttara Kurus were formerly quite inde- 
pendent of the mythical system of 'dvipas,' though they were included 
in it at an early date." Again the same writer says at p. 65 : " That 
the conception of the TJttara Kurus is based upon an actual country, 
and not on mere invention, is proved (1) by the way in which they 
are mentioned in the Yedas " [the Aitareya-brahmana, as just quoted 
p. 324] ; " (2) by the existence of TJttara Kuru in historical times 
as a real country; and (3) by the way in which the legend makes 
mention of that region as the home of primitive customs. To begin 
with the last point, the Mahabharata speaks as follows of the 
freer mode of life whidh women led in the early world, Book I., 
verses 4719-22 : Andvritdh kila pur a striyah dsan vardnane \ kdma- 
chdra-vihdrinyah svatantjrus chdruhdsini \ tdsdm vyuchcharamdntindm 
kaumdrdt subhage patln \ nddharmo 'bhud vardrohe sa hi dharmah purd 
'bhavat \ tarn chaiva dharmam paurdnam tiryagyoni-gatdh prdjdh \ 
adydpy anuvidhlyante kdma-krodha-vivarjitdh \ pramdna-drishto dharmo 
'yam pujyate cJia, maharshibhih \ TTttare&hu cha rambhoru Kurushv adydpi 



ON THE UTTARA KURUS. 327 

pujyate \ ' Women were formerly unconfined, and roved about at their 
pleasure, independent. Though in their youthful innocence, they went 
astray from their husbands, they were guilty of no offence ; for such 
was the rule in early times. This ancient custom is even now the 
law for creatures born as brutes, which are free from lust and anger. 
This custom is supported by authority, and is observed by great rishis, 
and it is still practised among the northern Kurus.' " 

" The idea which is* here conveyed is that of the continuance in one 
part of the world of that original blessedness which prevailed in.tne 
golden age. To afford a oonception of the happy condition of the 
southern Kurus it is said in another place " (Mahabh., i. 4346 : 
Uttaraih Kurubhih sdrdham dakshinah Kuravas tathd \ vispardhamanah 
vyaharams tathd devarshi-charanaih |) " 'The southern Kurus vied in 
happiness with the northern Kurus, and with the divine rishis and 
bards.' " 

Professor Lassen goes on to say: "Ptolemy (vi. 16) 100 is al>so ac- 
quainted with TJttara Kuru. He speaks of a mountain, a people, and 
a city called Ottorokorra. Most of the other ancient authors who 
elsewhere mention this name have it from him. It is a part of the 
country which he calls Serica ; according to him the city lies twelve 
degrees west from the metropolis of Sera, and the mountain extends 
from thence far to the eastward. As Ptolemy has misplaced the 
whole of eastern Asia beyond the Ganges, the relative position which 
he assigns will guide us better than the absolute one, which removes 
Ottorokorra so far to the east that a correction is inevitable. 

" According to my opinion the Ottorokorra of Ptolemy must be 
sought for to the east of Kashghar." 

Lassen also thinks that Megasthenes had the TJttara Kurus in view 

99 [I am myself responsible for the translation of these lines. The practice of 
promiscuous intercourse was, according to the legend, abolished hy S'vetaketu, son 
of the rishi Uddalaka, who was incensed at seeing his' mother led away by a strange 
Brahman. His father told him there was no reason to be angry, as : anavritah hi 
sarvesham varnanam anganah bhuvi \ yatha ,gavah sthitas tata sve sve varne tatha 
prajah \ " The women of all castes on earth are uiconfined : just as cattle are 
situated, so are human beings, too, within their respective castes." S'vetaketu, how- 
ever, could not endure this custom, and established the rule that henceforward wives 
should remain faithful to their husbands, and husbands to their wives. Mahabharata, 
i. verses 4724-33. J.M.] 

100 The original passage will be given in appendix, note J. 



328 MAHABH., A.V., AND S'ANKHAYANA BRAHMANA QUOTED. 

when he referred to the Hyperboreans, who were fabled by Indian 
writers to live a thousand years. 101 In his Indian Antiquities (Ind, 
Alterthumskunde, 2nd ed., i. 612, f. and note) the same writer con- 
cludes that the descriptions given in such passages as those above cited 
relative to the Uttara Kurus are to be taken as pictures of an ideal 
paradise, and not as founded on any recollections of the northern origin 
of the Kurus. Still it is probable, he thinks, that some such remi- 
niscences originally existed, and still survived in the Vedic era, though 
there is no trace of their existence in later times. 

The sanctity of Kashmir is thus celebrated in the Yana Parva of the 
Mahabharata, verses 10,545-46 : Kdsmira-mandalam chaitat sarva- 
punyam arindama \ maharshibhis chddhymhitam patyedam Ihrdtrilhih 
saha | yatrauttardndm sarveshdm rishlndm Ndhushasya cha \ Agnes 
chaivdtra samvddah Kdsyapasya cha Bhdrata] "And this is the 
region of Kasmira, all-holy, and inhabited by great rishis : behold it, 
along ^vith thy brothers. It was here that the conversation of all the 
northern rishis with Nahusha, as well as that of Agni and Kasyapa, 
occurred." 

Fourth. In the Atharva-veda, v. 4, 1, the salutary plant "kushtha" 
is spoken of as growing on the other side of the Himalaya : TJdan 
jdto Himavatah prdchydm nzyase Janam, " Produced to the north of the 
Hynavat, thou art carried to the people in the east." This reference 
may perhaps be held to imply that the contemporaries of the author of 
this mantra had some acquaintance with the country on the other side 
of the great chain. 

Fifth. In a passage of the S'ankhayana or Kaushitakl-brahmana 
vii. 6 (cited by Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 153, note, and alluded to by 
Miiller, " Last Results of the Turanian Researches," p. 340), it is re- 
ported that the north was resorted to at an early period for the purpose 
of studying language, as it was best known in that region : Pathyd 
Svastir udlchlm disam prdjdndt \ Vag vai Pathyd Svastih \ tasmdd 
udlchyum disi prajndtatard vug udyate \ udanche u eva yanti vdcham 
sikshitum \ yo vd tatah dpachhati tasya vd susrushante "iti sma aha" \ 
eshd hi vticho dik prajndtd \ " Pathya Svasti (a goddess) knew the 

101 Zeitschrift, as above, ii. 67, and Schwanbeck, Megastbenis Indica, pp. 77, 117, 
Ilepl 8e TUV X(^'6Tw*' 'Tirep^opeW TO, avra \cysiv 'Si/J.uviSri KO,I 



FIRST FARGARD OF THE VENDIDAD. 329 

northern region. Now Pathya Svasti is Vach [the goddess of speech]. 
Hence in the northern region speech is better known and better spoken : 
and it is to the north that men go to learn speech : men listen to the 
instructions of any one who comes from that quarter, saying, ' he says 
[so and so] ': for that is renowned as the region of speech." On 
this the commentator Vinayaka Bhatta remarks ("Weber, as above) : 
" Prajndtatard vdg udy.ate," Msmlre Sarasvati klrtyate \ Badwikd&ame 
veda-ghoshah sruyate \ " vticham sikshitum " Sarasvatl-prasdddrtham 
" udanche eva yanti" \ ' yo vd prasddam labdhvd " tatah dgachhati"\ 
"smdha" prasiddham aha sma sarvaloJcah\ "'Language is better 
understood and spoken :' for Sarasvati is spoken of [as having her 
abode] in Kashmir, and in the hermitage of Badarika [Badarinath in 
the Himalaya, apparently], the sound of the Vedas is heard. ' Men 
go to the north to learn language ' : to obtain the favour of Sarasvati ; 
and 'he who comes thence,' having obtained her favour, ' is listened 
to with attention,' as every one knows, and repeats." ^ 

There may lie in this passage some faint reminiscence of an early 
with the north. 



SECT. IX. Whether any tradition regarding the earliest abodes of the 
Arian race is contained in the First Fargard of the Vendidad. 

I shall now proceed to quote at some length the First Fargard of the 
Vendidad, descriptive of the creation of various countries by Ahura- 
mazda, which is held by some scholars to contain a reference to the 
earliest regions known to, and successively occupied by, the Iranians, 
though this is denied by others. Being unacquainted with Zend, I 
shall borrow the abstract which I give of this section from the versions 
of Professor Spiegel 102 and Dr. Haug. 103 

1-4. " Abura-mazda spake to the holy 'Zarathustra : 'I formed 
into an agreeable region that which before was nowhere habitable. 
Had I not done this, all living things would have departed to Airyana- 
vaejo.' 104 

102 Avesta : Die Heiligen Schriften der Parsen (Avesta : The Sacred Writings of 
the ParsTs), vol. i., pp. 61, ff. 

103 Das Erste Kapitel des Vendidad (The First Chapter of the Vendidad), pp. 18, ff. 

104 The purport of this is, Dr. Haug remarks, that Airyana-vaejo was originally 
VOL. n. 22 



330 ENUMERATION OF COUNTRIES 

5-9. ' I, Ahura-mazda created as the first, best region, Airyana- 
vaejo, in a state of excellence. Then Angra-mainyus, the destroyer, 
formed in opposition to it, a great serpent, and winter [or snow], the 
creation of the daevas. There are there ten months of winter, and two 
of summer.' 

13, 14. 'I, Ahura-mazda, created as the second, best region, Gau, 
in which iSughdha is situated.' 

, [Here, and in most of the following cases, I omit the counter- 
creations of Angra-mainyus.] 

17, 18. 'I, etc., created as the third, best region, Mouru, the 
mighty, the holy.' 

21, 22. 'I, etc., created as the fourth, best region, the fortunate 
Bakhdhi, with the lofty banner.' 

25, 26. 'I, etc., created as the fifth, best region Nisai,' [situated 
between Mouru and Bakhdhi.] 

g 

29,^30. 'I, etc., created as the sixth, best region, Haroyu, abound- 
ing in houses [or water].' 

33-36. 'I, etc., created as the seventh, best region, "NfaeVereta 
where Dujak is situated. In opposition to it, Angra-mainyus, the 
destroyer, created the Pairika Khnathaiti, who clung to Keresaspa.' 

37, 38. ' I, etc., created as the eighth, best region, Urva, full of 
pastures.' 

41, 42. ' I, etc., created as the ninth, best region, Khnenta, in 
which Vehrkana lies.' 

45, 46. 'I, etc., created as the tenth, best region, the fortunate 
Haraqaiti.' 

49, 50. ' I, etc., created as the eleventh, best region, Haetumat, 
the rich and shining.' 

59, 60. 'I, etc., created as the twelfth, best region, Kagha, with 
three fortresses [or races].' 

63, 44. ' I, etc., created as the thirteenth, best region, Chakhra, 
the strong.' 

67, 68. ' I, etc., created as the fourteenth, best region, Yarena, 
with four corners ; to which was born Thraetaono, who slew the ser- 
pent Dahaka.' 

the only cultivated country, and that all other countries were waste. As it was to be 
feared that the inhabitants of the waste would overrun Airyana-vaejo, other countries 
also were made habitable by Ahura-mazda. 



IN THE FIRST FARGARD OF THE VENDIDAD. 331 

72, 73. ' I, etc., created as the fifteenth, best country, Hapta- 
hendu [from the eastern to the western Hendu 105 ]. In opposition, 
Angra-mainyus created untimely evils, and pernicious heat [or fever].' 

76, 77. ' I, etc., created as the sixteenth, and best^ the people who 
live without a ruler on the sea-shore.' 

81. 'There are besides, other countries, fortunate, renowned, lofty, 
prosperous and splerdid.' " 

I shall now adduce the most important comments of different authors 
on this curious passage. '' 

Haug observes (p. 9) that " the winter of ten months' duration as- 
signed to Airyana-vaejo, points to a position far to the north, at a 
great distance beyond the Jaxartes ; but the situation cannot, in the 
absence of any precise accounts, be more specifically fixed. Only so 
much is undeniable, that the Iranians came from the distant north. 
The same thing results from the Second Fargard of the Vgndidad, 
where the years of Tima are enumerated by winters, and the evils of 
winter are depicted in lively colours." The same writer further 
remarks (pp. 23, 24) : " By Airyana-vaejo we are to understand the 
original country of the Arians, and paradise of the Iranians. Its 
ruler was King Yima, the renowned Jemshed of Iranian legends, who 
is hence called sruto AiryTine-vaejahi, ' famous in Airyana-va,ejo.' 
(Fargard ii.) In this region Ahura-mazda and Zarathustra adore the 
water of the celestial spring (Ardvl sura anahitu, Yasht, 5, 17, 104); 
and here, too, Zarathustra supplicates Drvaspa and Ashi. Thus, 
Airyana-vaejo had become an entirely mythical region, the abode of 
gods and heroes, free from sickness, death, frost and heat, as is said 
of Yima's realm. We can, however, discover a historical substratum 
in the chapter before us. In Airyana-vaejo the winter lasts for ten 
months; but, winter being a calamity inflicted by Angra-mainyus, was 
not compatible with the idea of a paradise, the abode of joy and 
blessedness. This long duration of winter is, however, perfectly 
characteristic of regions lying far to the north, and is a primitive 
reminiscence of the real cradle of the Iranians. In the legend of 
Airyana-vaejo an actual historical recollection of this earliest home 
has thus become blended with the conception of a primeval abode of 

105 Spiegel omits the words within brackets. 



332 IDENTIFICATION OF THESE COUNTRIES. 

mankind in paradise, such as is represented in so many popular tra- 
ditions." 

" Airyana-vaejo," says Spiegel, "is to be placed in the furthest east 
of the Iranian plateau, in the region where the Oxus and Jaxartes 
take their rise." 

The second country is Sogdiana ; the third, Merv (the ancient Mar- 
giana) ; the' fourth, Balkh (the ancient Bactria) ; ' the fifth, Nisa (the 
anciqit Nissea) ; 106 the sixth, Herat (the ancient Aria) ; the seventh is 
Kabul, 107 according to Spiegel, and Sejestan according to Burnouf, 
Lassen, and Haug; the eighth is Kabul, according to Haug and 
Lassen; 108 the ninth is Gurgan, according to Spiegel, 109 and Kandahar, 
according to Haug; the tenth is the Arachosia of the ancients; the 
eleventh is the valley of the Hilmend river; the twelfth is Rei in 
Media ; the thirteenth and fourteenth are variously placed ; the 
fifteenth is the country of the seven rivers (Sapta-sindhavas), or the 
Panjab ; and the sixteenth may, Haug thinks, be sought on the shores 
of the Caspian Sea. 110 

In regard to the age of the section under review, Dr. Haug remarks 
(p. 6) : " The original document itself [as distinguished from certain 
additions which appear to have been interpolated in it] is certainly of 
high antiquity, and is undoubtedly one of the oldest of the pieces 
which compose the existing Vendidad. But in the form in which it 
lies before us (even after striking out the late interpolations) it is 
decidedly subsequent to Zarathustra; and later than the so-called 
' Gathas,' in which, for the most part, the genuine sayings and doctrines 

106 Spiegel says that in the writings on the geography of this section, the position 
of this country has been much disputed. Comm. p. 24. (The first volume of this 
commentary appeared in 1865, thirteen years after the publication of the first volume 
of the translation of the Avesta.) 

1(7 According to his commentary, p. 28, Spiegel thinks that the correctness of this 
identification cannot be decidedly guaranteed, but that it has much in its favour. 

108 According to Spiegel, this locality is difficult to determine. Comm. p. 31. 

109 In his Comm., p. 32, Spiegel says lhat the name Vehrkana appears to coincide 
with the ancient Hyreania. La'ssen concurs in this. Ind. Ant., i. 635, note (2nd ed.). 

110 In a paper " On the Geographical Arrangement of the Arian Countries men- 
tioned in the First Fargard of the Vendidad," published in the Transactions of the 
Berlin Academy for 1856, pp. 621-647, Dr. Kiepert contests the conclusions of Dr. 
Haug and others in regard to the position of some of the countries. Dr. Haug 
defends his own views in a paper in the Journ. of the Germ. Or. Society, vol. xi., 
pp. 526-533. 



DOES THE LIST DESCRIBE A MIGRATION ? 333 

of Zarathustra have been handed down. The chief reason for this 
conclusion is, that the passage under review exhibits the Persian 
doctrine in a far more developed shape than the songs of Zarathustra." 
And again in p. 7, " Though there is thus no doubt that this Fargard 
only dates from the period after Zarathustra, we do not thereby mean 
to say that it is of modern origin ; on the contrary, its whole contents 
show that it must be very ancient. We can scarcely derive from it 
any fixed historical data. From the names of the countries, however, 
we can gather not only that the geographical knowledge of its author 
was very limited, but alsq that the region actually occupied by the 
Arians was much more contracted than we afterwards find it." 

In his first volume Professor Spiegel remarks on the same Fargard as. 
follows, p. 59: "The great importance of this first chapter for the pre- 
historical age of the Indo-Germanic race in general, and of the Persian 
race in particular, has been fully allowed by investigators of the mytho- 
logy and history of the ancient world. Heeren, Rhode, Lassen, an^ others, 

a 

have recognized in these accounts of the Yendidad a half-historical, half- 
mythical fragment, which reveals to us the state of geographical know- 
ledge among the followers of the A vesta at the time when it was com- 
posed. Perhaps, we may also, with Rhode, discover in it the history 
of the gradual diffusion of the Iranian race, regarding the first- 
mentioned country as their primeval abode, and those which follow 
as the regions which were peopled at a later date. The order in 
which the countries are arranged appears to tell in favour of this 
hypothesis." 

In his second volume, p. cix, Professor Spiegel retracts his qualified 
adhesion to the view of Rhode. He says: "I cannot coincide in" the 
attempt to discover in the first chapter of the Vendidad an account of 
the gradual migration of the Iranians. It has been said that that list 
of countries is a continuous history of their attempts at colonization, 
beginning with their northern home, and ending with Hapta-Hendu or 

India. But the list nowhere speaks of any such migration 

Hence, I see in this chapter nothing 'but a specification of the countries 
known to the Iranians at a particular time. This period, however, 
cannot be a very recent one, as the name Hapta-Hendu is connected 
with the Vedic period. This name, however, may have been preserved 
in Persia after it had disappeared in India, and we cannot conclude 



334 OPINIONS OF PICTET AND OTHERS ON THE LIST. 

from it that this Fargard was composed contemporaneously with the 
Vedas." lu 

M. Pictet, on the other hand, makes the following observations : 
"These names [of countries] enable us to follow step by step the 
extension of the Iranians over the vast domain which they have ever 
since occupied. The thing which interests us the most in this 
enumeration is the point of departure, and the general direction of 
the movement. The first perfect abod,e which Ormuzd created is 
callee} ' Airyana-vaejo.' ... As Ritter and Lassen remark, the 
ten months of winter and only two of summer can only apply to the 
highest valleys of Belurtagh and Mustagh at the north-east corner of 
the Iranian table-land. But it is difficult to conceive that an 
'excellent' abode could ever have existed there, unless we assume 
a very improbable alteration of climate. We are as little able to 
imagine how a country so savage and so poor could have been the 
cradle of a race so prolific as the Aryas. I believe, then, that we 
must separate, in this tradition, the mythical element from the his- 
torical data. Airyana-vaejo, the primeval paradise, was probably 
nothing more than a very confused* reminiscence of the country origin- 
ally inhabited by the Aryas. At their dispersion, the Perso-Arian 
branch, driven back perhaps by the gradual increase of the Arian 
population, may have directed their steps towards the east as far as the 
high valleys of Belurtagh and Mustagh, where their further progress 
would be arrested. At a later period, when the emigration of the 
other Arian tribes had left the field clear, they descended from these 
unprofitable regions towards the more favoured countries of which 
they had preserved some recollection, as we learn from the myth in 
Vendidad." Origines Indo-Europeennes, pp. 36, 37. 

Professor Miiller's views, as well as those of M. Breal, on the First 
Fargard of the Vendidad will be found above, in note 90, p. 314. m 

111 In his Commentary on the Avesta, vol. i. (1865), p. 1, the same author writes : 
"This view (that tbis Fargard describes the migration of the Iranians) was first 
shaken by Kiepert in his dissertation on " The Geographical Arrangement of the 
Names of Arian Countries in tht First Fargard of the Vendidad " (Proceedings of the 
Berlin Academy of Science, Dec., 1856, p. 621, ff.), with which I in general agree, 
as does also M. Breal, De la Geographic de I'Avesta (Journ. Asiatique, 1862). On 
the other hand, Haug and Bunsen maintain the view that this chapter describes the 
migrations of the Indo-Germans, and in particular of the Arians, up to the time of 
their immigration into Iran and India (compare Bunsen's JEgyptens Stelle in der 
"Welt-geschichte, vol. ii., p. 104, if.). m See Appendix, note K. 



BY WHAT ROUTE DID THE ARYAS ENTER INDIA? 335 

SECT. X. What was the route ly which the Art/as penetrated into 

India ? 

We have already seen (pp. 306, ff.) that according to the most 
numerous authorities, Bactria, or its neighbourhood, was the country 
which the different branches of the Indo-European race occupied in 
common before their separation. By what route, then, did they enter 
into India? 113 

A. "W. von Schlegel thinks that the Indo-Arians must have pene- 
trated into that country from the west. After describing the difficulties 
of the sea routes leading to India from the south, and of the land route 
over the Himalaya from the north, he goes on to say: "The western 

113 In the first edition of this volume, p. 345, I wrote as follows : " Professor 
Benfey, who, apparently, differs to some extent from other scholars in designating 
that primeval country as Tartary, is of opinion that the Indian and Persian branches 
of this family may, after their separation from the others, have dwelt together, more 
to the south, in Little Thihet, the country near the sources of the Indus ^ and I 
then proceed to quote from his Indien, pp. 14, ff., a passage in which he argues that 
most probahly the Indians "crossed over from their ancient seats beyond, and in the 
northern -valleys of, the Himalaya, into the southern plains, rather as peaceable 
colonists than as martial conquerors. The passes over which the road lies are, it is 
true, difficult, but by no means insuperable, and are available for traffic and every 
sort of intercourse, though difficult fox warlike operations. By these routes the first 
Aryas who settled in India, partly following the various branches of the Ganges, 
might have found their way, through Kemaon, Garhwal, or Sirmur, to the plains 
situated to the the south of the Himalaya. Here they founded Indraprastha, and 
thence spread themselves around, subduing the feeble Mlechhas, and gradually con- 
quering all the parts of India which were not too difficult of access." 

In his review of the first volume of this work, in the Gb'tt. Gel. Anzeigen for 1861, 
p. 136, Prof. Benfey writes: "The author has also given a place to the opinion ex- 
pressed by me in 1840 in regard to the road by which the Sanskrit-speaking race 
immigrated into India. This was written at a time when I had scarcely any means 
of becoming acquainted with the Vedas ; and since then I have had no opportunity for 
expressing my views anew upon this question. But already in 1844, when I first 
read through the Rigveda in London, and still more in 1846, after Roth's dissertation 
' On the Literature, etc. of the Veda,' had appeared, I, too, became firmly con- 
vinced that it was not the region of the Saras vatl which was to be assumed as the 
earliest abode of the immigrants into India (on which my opinion regarding their 
route had been founded), but the country of the Upper Indus, and that, consequently, 
their route must have been over the Hindukush and *he Indus." Professor Benfey 
then goes on to state his conviction that his earliest view was the only one to which 
the materials at his command before the Vedas were accessible could properly lead. 
And he refers to the fact that Prof. "Weber's opinion had at first coincided with his 
own (the passage will be quoted in a note further on, p. 339), and had only at a later 
period been altered in conformity with the materials now accessible. 



336 BY WHAT KOUTE DID THE 

side of India appears to be more open, as from Kashmir to the Delta 
of the Indus the boundaries are not otherwise marked than by that 
river itself. But in its upper course the Indus is not navigable, owing 
to its rapidity and its cataracts: and in addition its right bank is 
flanked by mountains. Towards the sea it spreads out into, or is 
surrounded by, marshes: more in the interior, and even above the 
confluence of the five rivers, it is bounded by sandy deserts. From 
that point to the place where it enters the plains near Attock, a tract 
intervenes where the passage may be more easily effected. Accord- 
ingly it is on this side that India has always been entered by foreign 
conquerors, by Semiramis, if her Indian expedition is authentic, . . 
oby Alexander the Great, Seleucus, and the Greek kings of Bactria, 
by the Indo-Scythians, or nomad races, who invaded certain provinces 
during the century preceding our era ; by Mahmud of Ghazni, by the 
Afghans, the Moguls, and the Persians under Nadir Shah. Thus all 
probabilities are united in favour of the supposition that the ancestors 
of the Hindus came from the same side; a supposition which we find 
to be confirmed by arguments of another kind. The Panjab would 
consequently be the first country occupied by the colonists. Tradition 
does not, however, celebrate this as a classic region. On the contrary, 
in a passage of the Mahabharata, published and commented on by 
Lassen, its inhabitants are described as less pure and correct in their 
customs than the real Aryas, as perhaps they had been corrupted by 
the vicinity of barbarians. This leads us to believe that it was only 
after the colonists had spread themselves over the plains of the Ganges, 
that their form of worship, and the social order dependent upon 
it, could have assumed a permanent form." Essais litteraires et 
historiques, pp. 455-457. 

The same view is taken by Lassen (Indian Antiquities, 1st ed., i. 
511 ; 2nded., p. 612): 

"The Indians, like most other nations of the ancient world, believe 
themselves to be autochthonous : their sacred legends represent India 
itself as the scene of creation, as the abode of the patriarchs, and the 
theatre of their deeds; and they have no recollection of having sprung 
from any country out of India, or of having ever lived beyond the 
bounds of their own Bharatavarsha. (See, however, above, p. 323, ff.) 

" It is true that we might be tempted to discover in the superior 



INDO-ARIANS ENTER INDIA. 337 

sacredness which they ascribe to the north a reference, unintelligible 
to themselves, to a closer connexion which they had formerly had with 
the northern countries ; for the abodes of most of the gods are placed 
towards the north in and beyond the Himalaya, and the holy and 
wonderful mountain Meru is situated in the remotest regions in the 
same direction. A more exact examination will, however, lead to the 
conviction that the conception to which we have referred has been 
developed in India itself, and is to be derived from the peculiar cha- 
racter of the northern mountain-range. The daily prospect of the 
snowy summits of the Himalaya glittering far and wide over the 
plains, and in the strictest sense insurmountable, and the knowledge 
which they had of the entirely different character of the table-land 
beyond, with its extensive and tranquil domains, its clear and cloudless 
sky and peculiar natural productions, would necessarily designate ,the 
north as the abode of the gods and the theatre of wonders ; while its 
holiness is explicable from the irresistible impression produced upon 
the mind by surrounding nature. Uttara Kuru, the Elysium ^in the 
remotest north, may be most properly regarded as an ideal picture 

4 

created by the imagination, of a life of tranquil felicity, and not as 
a recollection of any early residence of the Kurus in the north. Such 
at least is true of the representation which we have of this 'country 
in the epic poems. It is, however, probable that originally, and as 
late as the Vedic era, a recollection of this sort attached itself to that 
country, though in later times no trace of it has been preserved." 

After stating the reasons (already detailed above, pp. 308, ff.) which 
lead to the conclusion that the Indians could not have been autochthonous, 
Lassen proceeds as follows (1st ed., p. 515, 2nd. ed., p. 616): "There 
is only one route by which we can imagine the Arian Indians to have 
immigrated into India ; they must have come through the Panjab, and 
they must have reached the Panjab through western Kabulistan. The 
roads leading from the country on the Oxus itito eastern Kabulistan and 
the valley of the Panjkora, or into the upper valley of the Indus down 
upon Gilgit, and from thence either down the course of the Indus, or 
from Gilgit over the lofty plateau of Deotsu down on Kashmir, are 
now known to us as the roughest and most difficult that exist, and 
do not appear to have been ever much or frequently used as lines 
of communication. We can only imagine the small tribes of the 



338 BY WHAT ROUTE DID THE 

Daradas to have come by the second route from the northern side 
of the Hindukush into their elevated valleys ; but we cannot suppose 
the mass of the Arians to 'have reached India by this road. All the 
important expeditions of nations or armies which are known to us 
have proceeded through the western passes of the Hindukush, and if 
we suppose the Arian Indians to have come into India from Bactria, 
this is the only route by which we can assume them to have 
arrived." ' It is true that the Hindus attach tfo idea of sanctity to 
thte>Panjab; on the contrary, "the Sarasvati is the western boundary 
of the pure land, governed by Brahmanieal law. There are, indeed, 
Indians dwelling further to the west, but they do not observe the 
Brahmanieal ordinances in all their integrity. But this mode of re- 
garding the western tribes can only have arisen after the Indian 
institutions had been developed, and a marked difference had become 
observable between the people living east of the Sarasvati, and those 
on the western border. The people of the Panjab always appear as 
descended from the same stock, and in spite of the aversion in question, 
the epic legends recount to us frequent relations between the kings of 
the pure portion of India and the tribes to the westward. There is no 
break in the chain of Indian races towards the west." (p. 616, 2nded.) 

M. Biirnouf briefly indicates his opinion on the question with which 
we are now occupied, by speaking of " the movement which from the 
earliest ages had carried the Arian race from the Indus to the Ganges, 
and from the Ganges into the Dekhan," etc., Preface to Bhag. Pur., 
vol. iii., p. xxix. 

I am not aware whether Professor Roth has ever expressed an 
opinion as to the precise route by which the Arians entered India; 
but in his work on the Lit. and Hist, of the Veda (1846), p. 136, he 
writes as follows: "It is more than probable that the bulk of the 
tribes which we may designate as the Vedic people dwelt nearer to 
the Indus than the Jumna, and that the battle which is described in 
the hymn before us was one of those conflicts in which the northern 
tribes pressed upon the southern, on their way towards the regions 
which they were eventually to occupy. The Indus is well known and 
frequently celebrated in the hymns of the Rigveda, while at this 
moment I know of only one passage in which the Ganges is mentioned, 
and that only in a way which assigns to it an inferior rank." 



INDO-AEIANS ENTER INDIA ? 339 

The same writer in his article on "Brahma and the Brahmans," in 
the Journal of the German Oriental Society for 1847, p. 81, again 
expresses himself thus: "When the Vedic people, expelled by some 
shock and that at a period more recent than the majority of the 
hymns of the Veda relinquished their seats in the Panjab and on the 
Indus, advanced further and further to the south, drove the aborigines 
into the hills, and occupied the broad tracts lying between the Ganges, 
the Jumna, and the Viiidhya range, the time had arrived when the 
division of power, the relations of king and priest, could become tranc- 
formed in the most rapid and comprehensive manner." 

Professor Weber also speaks of the Arians as at one time dwelling 
beyond the Indus. In his Hist, of Ind. Lit. (1852), pp. 2 and 3, he 
writes : "In the oldest parts of the Eigveda the Indian people appear 
to us as settled on the north-western borders of India, in the Panjab, 
and even beyond the Panjab, on the borders of the Kubha river, the 
Kophen in Kabul. 114 The gradual diffusion of this people from .this 
point towards the east, beyond the Sarasvati and over Hindustan as 
far as the Ganges, can be traced almost step by step in the later por- 
tions of the Vedic writings." See also Ind. Stud. ii. 20. 

In his " Eecent Investigations on Ancient India," the same writer 
similarly remarks : " The oldest hymns of the Veda show us the Arian 
people still dwelling beyond, or, at least, only on the north-western 
frontiers of India ; viz., in the tract between the Cabul river and the 
Indus, as well as in the Panjab. Their advance from this point, and 
extension over India can be traced step by step in their literature. 
Their road lay to the north of the great desert of Marwar, from the 
S'atadru (the modern Sutlej) to the Sarasvati, a river (esteemed at a 
later period as of the highest sanctity) which loses itself in the sands 
of the desert. This must have been a point where they made a halt 

114 In his IndiscLe Studien, vol. i. p. 165 (published 1849-50), Weber speaks of 
the " Arian Indians being driven by a deluge from their home (see above, p. 335, note), 
and coming from the north, not from the west (as Lassen, i. 515, will have it) into 
India ; first of all to Kashmir and the Panjab ; as it is only in this way that we can 
explain the northern Kurus and the northern Madras, with whom the conception of 
the golden age became afterwards associated." As, however, in the passages quoted 
in the text, which were written at a later date, Weber supposes the Ariaus to have 
dwelt on the Kabul river, they must, in order to arrive there, have either arrived by 
the route which Lassen assigns, or have afterwards spread themselves to the west- 
ward. 



340 ARRIVAL OF THE INDO-ARIANS FROM NORTH-WEST 

of long continuance, as may be concluded from the great sacredness 
ascribed in later times to this region. At that period it formed the 
boundary line between the Brahmanical organization which was being 
now formed in Hindustan, and those Arian races of the west which 
retained the free manner of life inherited from their forefathers." 
Indian Sketches, pp. 13, 14. 

M. Langlois, in the Preface to his French translation of the R.V., 
speaks to the same effect, pp. ix, x: "The 'hymns of the Rigveda 
toere composed for tribes which had come from the banks of the Indus, 
and were living in the plains watered by the Ganges. This people 
seems to have belonged to that great branch of the human race known 
under the name of the Aryas. They brought with them a mild and 
simple civilization, patriarchal manners, a polished language. 
These Aryas, as they established themselves in India, drove back 
before them the ancient populations, which then proceeded to occupy 
the forests and mountains, and which, on account of their savage cus- 
toms and murderous depredations, became, for the Aryas, the types of 
those evil spirits which they have depicted in their books. At the 
head of the first colony there must have been a prince of the Arian 
nation called Manu, whom the traditions represent as the father of 
mankind." 

In another place, in a note to R.V. i. 33, 3 (p. 264, vol. i. of his 
work, note 2), the same author writes still more explicitly as regards 
the point under consideration : " It is my opinion that the Indian 
colony conducted by Manu, which established itself in Aryavartta, 
came from the countries which lie to the west of the Indus, and of 
which the general name was Aria, Ariana, Hiran." 

Professor Muller does not, as far as I am aware, anywhere determine 
the route by which the Arians arrived in India, more precisely than 
is done in the following passages (already quoted in pp. 310, f.) : "At 
the first dawn of traditional history we see these Arian tribes migrating 
across the snow of the Himalaya, southward towards the ' seven rivers ' 
(the Indus, the five rivers of the Panjab, and the Sarasvati), and ever 
since India has been called their home." Last Results of the Sanskrit 
Researches, p. 129 ("Chips," i. 63); and Anc. Sanskrit Lit., p. 12. 
And again, at p. 131 ("Chips," i. p. 65); Anc. Sanskrit Lit., p. 15, 
he writes: "After crossing the narrow passes of the Hindukush or 



CONFIRMED BY THE VEDIC HYMNS. 341 

the Himalaya, they [the southern Arians] conquered, or drove before 
them .... the aboriginal inhabitants of the Trans-Himalayan 
countries." Some remarks on the same subject have been already 
quoted (see above, p. 311) from his "Last Results of the Turanian 
Researches," p. 340. 

Whatever other and minor differences of view may exist between 
the several authorities -whom I have last cited, they are aH of one 
accord at least in regard to this one point, that India is not th<? 
original country of the Hindus> 



SECT. XI. The immigration of the Indo- Arians from the north-west 
rendered probable by the tenor of the Vedic hymns. 

The immigration of the Arians, the progenitors of the Brahmanical 
Indians, into India from the north-west, is further rendered probable 
by the fact that the writers of the Vedic hymns appear to be most 
familiar with the countries lying in that direction, i.e., with the north- 
western parts of India itself, as well as with the countries bordering 
on, or beyond the Indus, and with the rivers which flow through those 
regions ; while the countries and rivers in the central and eastern 
parts of India are more rarely mentioned ; and no allusion whatever is 
made to the regions of the south. On this subject I borrow the fol- 
lowing remarks from Professor Roth's work on the Lit. and Hist, of 
the Veda, p. 136 : " The Sindhu (Indus) is well known and frequently 
celebrated in the hymns of the Rigveda, while at present I know of 
only one hymn in which the Ganges is mentioned, and that only in a 
subordinate capacity. This passage occurs in one of the hymns ascribed 
to Sindhukshit, son of Priyamedha (x. 75, 5), which is addressed to 
the Sindhu, c th'e most copious of streams,' (apasdm apastama). The 
other rivers are solicited to regard graciously the praises of the poet, 
which are dedicated to the Sindhu. 115 The passage is, after Yaska 
(Nirukta, ix. 26), to be explained thus : ' Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati, 
Sutudri, with the Parushm, receive graciously my hymn. Marudvri- 
dha, hear with the Asiknl, the Vitasta ; Arjiluya, hear with the 

115 The entire hymn is quoted and translated in the fifth volume of this work, 
p. 343, f. 



342 RIVERS NAMED IN THE HYMNS OF THE RIGVEDA. 

Sushoma. ' " 116 (Imam me Gauge Yamune Sarasvati S'utudri stomarh 
sachata Parushni a \ Asiknya Marudvridhe Vitastaya Arjlkiye srinuhi 
d Sushomaya |) 

Another passage in which, the Indus is mentioned is the following, 
R.V. i. 126, 1 : Amanddn stomdn pralJiare manishd Sindhav adhi 
Icshiyato Hhdvyasya \ Yo me sahasram amimita savan aturto raj'd sravah 
ictihamanah \ " With my intellect I produce ardent encomiums upon 
Svanaya, the son of Bhavya, who dwells on the Sindhu ; the in- 
vincible prince, who, desirous of renown, has offered through me a 
thousand oblations." In the 7th verse of the same hymn we find a 
reference which indicates familiarity with the country of the Gandharis 
and its sheep: Sana 'ham asmi romasa Gandhdrindm ivdvikd \ "I 
am all hairy, like a ewe of the Gandharis." Gandhara is placed by 
Lassen (in the map of Ancient India in vol. ii. of his Indian Anti- 
quities) "to the west of the Indus, and to the south of the Cophen or 
Kabul river, the same position to which the Gandaritis of the ancients 
is referred. 117 In a note to his Transl. of the Vishnu Purana, vol. ii., 
p. 174 (Dr. Hall's ed.), Prof. "Wilson writes of the Gandharas : "These 
are, also, a people of the north-west, found both on the west of the Indus 
and in the Punjab." The word Sindhu also occurs in the following pas- 
sages of the Eigveda, viz., i. 94, 16; i. 122, 6; ii. 15, 6; iv. 30, 12; 
v. 53, 9 ; vii. 33, 3; viii. 20, 25 ; x. 64, 9. It is, however, difficult to 
say whether the Indus be always meant. The last of these passages 

116 Part of Yaska's note (Nirukta, ix. 26) is as follows: Imam me Gange Yamune 
Sarasvati S'utudri Parushni stomam a sevadham Asiknya cha saha Marudvridhe 
Vitastaya cha Arj'ilciye asrinuhi Sushomaya cha iti samastarthah | . . . . 
Iravatim Parushni ity ahuh .... Asikm asukla asita | . . . Marud- 
vridhah sarvah nadyah \ Marutah enah vardhayanti | . . . Arjtklyam Vipad 
ity ahuh \ (See vol. L, pp. 339 and 417, note 210.) " The entire sense is, ' Receive 
this hymn, Ganga, Yamuna, Sarasvati, S'utudri, ParushnJ, and Marudvridha 
along with the Asikm, and Arjlkiya along with th e Vitasta and Sushoma.' . . . 
Parushni is a name of the Iravati. . . . Asikm means ' black.' . . . All 
rivers [may be called] Marudvridha, because they are swollen by the Maruts . . . 
Arjlklya is a name of the Yipas'." See Roth's remarks on these rivers, in his Lit. 
and Hist, of the Veda, pp. 136-140 ; and a passage which will be quoted from Lassen 
in the text further on. 

117 The Gandarii are mentioned by Herodotus, vii. 66, along with the Parthians, 
Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Dadikae, as forming part of the army of Xerxes. See 
the Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. 103, ff. ; the Journ. Royal Asiatic Society, v. 17; 
and Rawlinson's Herodotus, iv. 216, f. 



RIVERS NAMED IN THE HYMNS OF THE RIGVEDA. 343 

(which occurs in a hymn to the Visve devas) is as follows, R.V. x. 
64, 9 : Sarasvatl Sarayuh Sindhur urmibhir maho mahir avasa "yantu 
valc&Jiamh \ devlr apo matarah sudayitnvo ghritavat payo madhumat no 
archata \ "Let the Sarasvatl, the Sarayu, the Sindhu, with their 
waves; let the great [rivers] come swiftly, strengthening us with 
their succour. Divine waters, mothers, flowing, impart (?) to us your 
waters with butter and, honey." . 

The verse which has been cited above from the Rigveda, x. 75,^5, 
in the extract from Professor Eoth's work, is followed by another, 1 ' 8 
in which the names of several other rivers are mentioned, viz., the 
Trishtama, the Susartu, the Rasa, 119 the S'veti, the Kubha, the Gomati, 
the Krumu, and the Mehatnu. In Roth and Bohtlingk's Lexicon, 
the Kubha, Gomati, and Krumu are set down as being affluents of the 
Indus. 120 That they were really so is rendered probable by their being 
mentioned in conjunction with that river. In the case of the Kubha, 
the probability is strengthened by its name, which has a clase re- 
semblance to that of the Kophen, or Kabul river, which falls into the 
Indu*, aiittle above Attock (see the passage from Weber's Ind. Liter., 
above p. 339). This river is mentioned again in R.V. v. 53, 9 : Ma 
vo Rasa 'nitabha KubTia Krumur ma vah Sindhur ni rlramat \ md vah 

118 R.V. x. 75, 6 : Trishtamaya prathamam yatave sajuh Susartva Rasaya S'vetya 
tya | tvaih Sindho Kubhaya Gomatim Erumum Mehatnva saratham yabhir tyctse] 
" Unite first in thy course with the Trishtama, the Susartu, the Rasa and the S'veti ; 
thou, Sindhu, [meetest] the Gomati with the Kubha, the Krumu with the Mehatnu, 
and with them art borne onward (as) on the same car." 

119 The Rasa is considered by Dr. Aufrecht, in his explanation of R.V. x. 108, to 
denote there and elsewhere the " milky way." See Journal of the German Oriental 
Society, vol. xiii. p. 498. Yaska merely explains it as meaning a river : Rasa nadl \ 
Nir. xi. 25. In his translation of Samaveda, ii. 247 ( = R.V. ix. 41, 6), Benfey 
translates rasa by " ocean." In his Glossary he explains it of " a particular river 
which separates the world of Indra from that of the Panis (?) ;" referring to R.V., 
x. 108. In R.V. ;. 112, 12, he explains it of the river Rasa. In his translation of 
this verse in Orient und Occident, iii. 150, he makes it a river of the lower world 
(unterwelt}. In Bohtlingk and Roth's Lexicon the Rasa is stated to be the name of 
a river, in R.V., i. 112, 12; v. 53, 9; x. 75, 6; and to mean "a mythical stream 
which flows round the earth and sky " in ix. 41, 6 ; x. 10,8, 1> f- > i- 121, 4 ; v. 41, 15. 

120 In his Elucidations (Erlauterungen) of the Nirukta, p. 43, note, Professor Roth 
remarks : " The Kophen is the Kubha of the Veda, mentioned in R.V. v. 53, 9, and 
x. 75, 7. If we identify the Krumu and Gomati of this last text, with the Kurum 
and Gomal which flow into the Indus from the west (as Lassen proposes in a letter), 
we may regard the rivers whose names precede [the Trishtama, Rasa, S'veti, and 
Anitabha] as being affluents of the Indus further to the north than the Kophen." 



344 RIVERS NAMED IN THE HYMNS OF THE RIGVEDA. 

parishthat Sarayuh purlshim asme it sumnam astu vah \ " Let not, 
Maruts, the Rasa, the Anitabha, the Kubha, the Krumu or the Sindhu 
arrest you: let not the watery Sarayu stop you: let the joy you 
impart come to us." Another of the rivers named in the verse pre- 
viously cited (R.V. x. 75, 7), and declared by Roth to be an affluent 
of the Indus, is the Gomati. It is not necessary that we should 
identify this river with the Gomati (Goomtee), which rises to the 
nerth-west of Oude and flows past Lukhnow, though, being men- 
tioned along with the Sarayu (if, indeed, this be the modern 
Surjoo), it may be the same. A river of the same name is men- 
tioned again in R.V. viii. 24, 30 : Esho apasrito Valo Gomatlm 
anu tiskthati \ " This Vala dwells afar on the [banks of 
the] Gomati. " m It is quite possible that the names of the rivers in 
Oude may have been borrowed from some streams further west. 122 
Another river, the Suvastu, which may be an affluent of the Indus, 
is mentioned in R.V., viii. 19, 37 : Suvdstvdh adhi tugvani \ These 
words are quoted in Nirukta, iv. 15, and explained thus: Suvdstur 
nadl | tugma tlrtham lhavati \ " Suvastu is a river ; tugfua means 
a ferry." On this passage Roth observes, Erlauterungen, p. 43 : 
' ' The bard Sobhari is recounting the presents which he received from 
Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa, on the banks of the Suvastu. In the 
Mahabharata, vi. 333, m the Suvastu is connected with the Gauri. 
Now, according to Arrian, Indica, 4, II, 124 the Soastos and Garoias 

121 Compare R.V. v. 61, 19. 

122 There is a stream called Gomati in Kemaon, -which must be distinct from the 
river in Oude, as the latter rises in the plains. 

123 In the list of rivers in the description of Jambukhanda. The -words are : 
Vastuih Suvastuih Gaurlm cha Kampanam sa-Hiranvafim \ " The Vastu, the 
Suvastu, the Gauri, the Kampana, and the Hiranvati." 

121 Kcc<J>V Sf fv rieu/ceAaj^Ti8, a.fj.0. 61 &jtav Md\avr6i> re ical "Soaffrov KO.I Tapfroiav, 
J/c5i5o? 4s T!>V Iv56v. " The Kophen unites with the Indus in Penketeetis, bringing 
with it the Malantus, the Soastus, and the Garrceas." Professor Wilson (Ariana 
Ant. pp. 183, 190, 194) thinks these two last names really denote one and the same 
river. "Now there can be no doubt that by the Kophen is to be understood the 
Kabul River ; for Arrian sys, that having received the Malamantus, Suastus, and 
Garoeus, it mixes with the Indus, in the country of Peukelaotis ; and the latter part 
of Alexander's operations west of the Indus, shortly before he crosses that river, are 
carried on in the same distiict along the Indus and the Cophen." "Wilson, Ariana 
Ant., p. 183. "The united stream [of the Punjkora and Sewat] is called either the 
Punjkora or Sewat River ; and this may explain why Arrian, in his Indica, speaks 
erroneously of a Suastus as well as a Garceus, whilst in Ptolemy we have no other 



RIVERS MENTIONED IN THE HYMNS. 345 

flow into the Kophen. From comparing these two passages, it results 
with tolerable certainty that the Suvastu is the same as the modern 
Suwad, a stream which flows into the Kabul river from the north, 
after first joining the Panjkora." 

Returning now to R.V. x. 75, 6, and taking first the most westerly 
streams (next to the Indus) there specified, we come (1) to the Vitasta 
or Behat, (2) the Asikni or Chenab (Akesines), (3) the Parushni, 
Iravati, or Eavee, (4) the Arjlklya, Vipas, or Beeas, and (5) the 
S'utudri, or Sutlej. Yaska, as we have seen, identifies the ParueJlnl 
with the Iravati, and the Jfrjiklya with the Vipas'; Professor Roth 
considers the Asikni to be the same as the Chenab or Akesines; and 
there is no doubt that the Vitasta is the Hydaspes, and that the S'utdrl 
is the Sutlej. We have, consequently, in this passage an enumeration 
of the rivers of the Panjab. The Asikni is again mentioned in R.V. 
viii. 20, 25; the Parushni in R.V. vii. 18, 8, 9, and viii. 63, 15 ; the 
S'utudri in iii. 33, 1 ; and the Vipas in iii. 33, 1, 3, and iv. 30, 11. 

The other rivers named in the passage so often referred to, R.V. x. 
75, 5, 6, .are the Sarasvati, the Ganga, and the Yamuna. The follow- 
ing are some of the most remarkable passages in which the Sarasvati 
is celebrated. In iii. 23, 4, it is thus mentioned along with the 
DrishadvatI (with which Manu, ii. 17, also associates it) and the 
Apaya : Ni tvd dadhe vare d prithivydh Ildydspade sudinatve ahndyi I 
Drishadvatydm mdnushe Apaydydm Sarasvatydm revad Ague didihi\ 

river than the Suastus described." Ibid. p. 190. "Alexander crossed, according to 
Arrian's narrative, four rivers before he reached the Indus; and these, the Kophen, 
Khoes, Euaspla, and Garceus, we have still in the Punjshir, Alishung, Khonar, and 
Punjkora. . . . Thus even Arrian is a better authority as an historian than as a 
geographer, for he describes in the latter character the Kophen as bringing with it 
to the Indus, the Malamantus, Suastus, and Garceus ; two of which he does not 
name at all in his narrative, and of which the third is probably the same as the 
second." Ibid. p. 194. Lassen, on the other hand, holds that Ptolemy is in error. 
"It must surprise us," he remarks (Ind. Ant., iii. 129), "that, of the rivers of 
Eastern Kabul, Ptolemy mentions only the Suastos, and passes over the Garoias [the 
ancient name was Gauri, the present is Panjkora] in silence, though this river must 
have been known to him from the accounts of the waiters of the Macedonian age, 
who, however, are wrong in making the Suastos to unite not with it, but with the 
Kophen. This is the more surprising, as Ptolemy is acquainted with the region 
called Goryaia after that river. . . . Ptolemy is thus misled into making the 
Suastos rise too far to the north." See also Lassen's Ind. Ant. ii. 668-9. In any 
case, the existence of a river in the Kabul country, called Suastus at the date of 
Alexander's expedition, is undoubted. 

VOL. n. 23 



346 RIVERS NAMED IN THE HYMNS. 

"On an auspicious day I place thee on the most sacred spot of Ila 
[the earth]. Shine, opulent Agni, in the assembly of men on the 
banks of the Drishadvati, the Apaya, the Sarasvati." In R.V. vi. 
61, 2, the same river is thus magnified: lyam Sushmebhir bisa-khd 
ivdrujat sdnu girlndm tavishebhir urmibhih \ pdrdvata-ghnim avase 
mvriktibhih Sarasvatlm d visdsema dhltibhih \ "By her force, and her 
impetuous waves she has broken down the sides of the mountains, 
like a man digging lotus fibres. For succour let us, with praises and 
hyvnns, invoke Sarasvati who sweeps away her banks." 125 In verse 13 
of the same hymn the same epithet dpdsam apastamd, "most copious 
of streams," which is applied to the Sindhu in R.V. x. 75, 7 (see 
above, p. 341), is also assigned to the Sarasvati. 

Hymns 95 and 96 of the seventh book of the Eigveda are devoted 
to ' the praises of the Sarasvati and her male correlative the Sarasvat. 
The first and part of the second verse of the former hymn are as 
follow^: Pra Jcshodasd dhdyasd sasre eshd Sarasvati dharunam dyasi 
puh | pro, bdbadhdnd rathy eva ydti viSvdh apo mahind sindhur anydh \ ekd 
achetat Sarasvati nadlndm suchir yati giribhyah d samudrut.\ " o This 
Sarasvati has flowed on with a protecting current, a support, an iron 
barrier. This stream rushes on like a charioteer, in her majesty 
outrunning all other rivers. 126 Sarasvati is known as the one river, 
flowing on pure from the mountains to the sea." 127 

The Jumna is mentioned in two other passages of the Kigveda 
besides x. 75, 5. In v. 52, 17, reference is made to property in cows 

125 In reference to this verse, Yaska observes, ii. 23 : Tatra " Sarasvati" ity etasya 
nadi-vat devata-vachcha nigamah bhavanti | . . . Atha etad nadi-vat \ " There 
are texts which speak of Sarasvati both as a river and as a goddess. . . . In the 
following she is referred to as a river." He then quotes the verse before us ; and 
explains (ii. 24) paravata-ghim by paravara-ghatimm " destroying the further and 
the near bank." See also the commentary on the Taitt. Br. vol. ii. p. 842 (Bibl. 
Indica). This interpretation is condemned in B. and R.'s Lexicon, *. v., where the 
sense is said to be, either (a) " striking the distant (demon)," or (b} " striking from, 
or at, a distance." 

126 See the translation of this verse 'In Benfey's Glossary to the Samaveda, p. 157, 
under the word rat hi. 

w Langlois, vol. iii., p. 241, note 13, thinks that Sarasvati in this hymn stands, 
not for a river, but for "the goddess of sacrifice," with her libations. " These liba- 
tions form a river, which flows from the mountains, where the sacrifice is performed, 
and where the soma plant is collected. This river flows into the samudra (sea), 
which is the vessel destined to receive the libations." 



QUOTATION FROM LASSEN ABOUT THESE RIVERS. 347 

and horses on the banks of the Yamuna; 128 and in vii. 18, 19, it is 
said that the "Yamuna protected [or gladdened] Indra." 129 I have 
found a reference to the Ganga in one other passage besides x. 75, 
5, viz., in vi. 45, 3 1, 130 where the adjective gungya, "belonging to 
the Ganga," occurs. But the Bigveda contains no hymn devoted to 
the celebration of the Ganga, such as we find appropriated to the 
Sindhu and Sarasvati., , 

The Sarayu is also referred to in three passages in the R.V. iv. 30, 
18, v. 53, 9, and x. 64, 9. The first of these texts runs thus: *TJta 
tyd sadyah Arya Sarayor Indra paratah \ Arnachitraratha avadhlh \ 
" Thou hast straightway slain these two Aryas, Arna and Chitraratha, 
on the other side of the Sarayu." The second and third have been 
already quoted in pp. 343, f. The Sarayu named in these passages, 
particularly the last two, may be different from the river of the same 
name which now flows along the north-eastern frontier of Oude, as it 
is mentioned in connexion with rivers all of which appear to bt? in the 
Panjab. But it is not absolutely necessary to suppose this, 131 as we shall 
pref^ntl/ see that one of the Vedic rishis was acquainted with Kikata 
or Behar. In the Eigveda we have no mention made of the rivers of 
the south, whiph have in later ages become so renowned in Hindustan 
for their sanctity, the Narmada, the Godaveri, and the Kaven. 



[On the subject treated in the preceding pages, the second 
edition of Lassen's Indian Antiquities contains, at p. 643, vol. i., 
some new matter which I translate : " The names of the rivers 
mentioned in the hymns of the R.V. furnish us with the means 
of arriving at exact conclusions regarding the abodes of the Arian 
Indians at the time when they were composed. The Ganga and 
the Yamuna are only mentioned once in the tenth book. In an 
earlier book the Drishadvatl too is only once named : much oftener 

123 R.V. v. 52, 17 : Yamunayam adhi sru^am ud radho gavyaih mrije ni radho 
ajvyam mrije | , 

129 R.V. vii. 18, 19: Avad Indram Yamuna ityudi \ 

130 See Roth, Litt. und Gesch. des "Weda, p. 136 ; and above p. 341. The words 
are : Uruh kaksho na Gangyah \ Roth, sub voce kaksha, says, the sense of the 
word kaksha is uncertain. Langlois does not translate it. Wilson misapprehends 
Sayana's explanation. 

131 See, however, the opinion of Lassen, as quoted below. 



348 QUOTATION FROM LASSEN ABOUT 

the Sarasvati; but most frequently of all the Sindhu (Indus) with 
its affluents, some of which are designated by their older names, 
viz., Asikni for the Chandrabhaga, Marudvridha for the same stream 
after its confluence with the Yitasta, TJrunjira for the Iravati, and 
Parushm for the Yipasa. (The principal passage is R.Y. x. 75.) The 
three western affluents of the Indus, which are now called Gomal, 
Kurrum, and Kabul, are named in these hymns, Gomati, Krumu, and 
Kv.bha respectively : the last word has, as is well known, been turned 
by the Greeks into Kophen. The Anitabha, Rasa, and S'veti must 
also be regarded as affluents of the same river (R.Y., v. 53, 9 ; x. 75, 
6). . . . Before I proceed further, I think it fit to remark that it 
is not the fault of the learned geographer [M. Yivien de St. Martin], 
to whom we owe a valuable dissertation on the Vedic geography, but 
of the French translator [of the R.Y., the late H. Langlois], if the 
former has been misled to assume the existence of three rivers which 
have no reality. Sushoma and Arjikiya signify vessels which are used 
in the preparation of the Soma." 2 The assumption that there is a 
river called Trishtama is founded on an ignorance of the knguAge. 
In the verse in question (R.Y., x. 75, 6) 'trishta,' 'harshly sounding,' 
is to be referred to the Sindhu, whilst 'amaya' is th^ instrumental 
singular feminine from the pronoun ' ama.' 133 

rt The following additional rivers are named in the R.Y., the Ansu- 
mati, the Hariyupiya, and the Yavyavati, but only once (vi. 27, 5, 6 ; 
viii. 85, 13, ff.), and in such a way that their situation cannot be 
fixed. Finally, the Sarayu is thrice named. In one place (iv. 
36, 17) it is said that by the help of Indra Turvasu and Yadu 
crossed this stream. 134 In the second passage (x. 64, 9) it is named 
in connexion with the Sarasvati and Sindhu; and in the third 
(v. 53, 9), again, in connexion with these two, and as well as with 
several affluents of the Indus and the Yamuna. These data do 

132 In proof of this Lassen refers to Eoth, on the Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, 
p. 137. See also Eoth's Ilhist. of frirukta, p. 131, and Bohtlingk and Roth's 
Lexicon, s.v. arjikiya : also Benfey's Glossary to S.V., s.v. s"aranyavat. 

133 Trishtama is given as the name of a river in Bohtlingk and Roth's Lexicon ; 
and this interpretation is not withdrawn in the "additions and improvements," in 
vol. v. 

134 The Sarayu is not named in v. 17, but in v. 18, where Indra is said to have 
slain two Aryas, Arna and Chitraratha, on the other side of this river. See p. 347. 



THE RIVERS MENTIONED IN THE HYMNS. 349 

not suffice to show what river is meant. Perhaps it is an affluent of 
the Sarasvat! ; this river is in any case to be distinguished from the 
well-known affluent of the Ganga. From this survey it is clear that 
at the time of the composition of the Rigveda the Arian Indians dwelt 
chiefly in eastern Kabulistan and in the Panjab as far as the Sarasvatl. 

"If we hold the Anitabha, the Rasa, and the S'veti, as from the 
connexion we must, for the modern Abu Sin, Burrindu, and Sudum, 
the Arian Indians were at that time already in possessiod of a tract 
on the upper Indus. The conjecture that by the Rasa is meanly the 
Suvastu, and by the SVeti tie Koas of the ancients, cannot be justified. 
"Whether we are to assign to the Arian Indians a tract in western 
Kabulistan also, depends on the ascertainment of the modern names, 
of the three rivers mentioned in the R.V., which have not yet been 
identified. It was only in the period when the tenth book of. this 
collection of hymns was composed that the Arian people had travelled 
further east and reached the Ganga. 

"The Atharvaveda represents to us an important advance in the 
diffusion of the Arian Indians. The Bahllkas and Gandharas appear 
in Ihe light of peoples living at a distance ; so, too, the countries of 
Magadha and Anga. It may be hence concluded that at that period 
the Arians hftd not spread further than to north-western Bengal, on 
the south bank of the Ganges. 135 Regarding the diffusion of the 
Brahmanical religion, the S'atapatha Brahmana has preserved a re- 
markable legend, of which the essential import is as follows," etc. 
Lassen then quotes the passage (i. 4, 1, 10, ff.), which will be cited 
further on.] 

We have already seen (p. 328) that the Himalaya mountains are 
mentioned in the Atharvaveda. In a fine hymn, the 121st of the 
10th mandala of the R.V., also, we have the following verse, x. 121, 
4 : Yasya ima Himavanto mahitvd yasya samudram rasaya saha dhuh \ 
"He whose greatness these snowy mountains, and the sea with the 
aerial river declare," 136 etc. But no allusion to the Vindhya range, 

135 The author here refers to Roth on the Lit. and* Hist, of the Veda, pp. 37, ff., 
where some verses of A.V., v. 22, are quoted, translated, and illustrated. See p. 351. 

136 See Muller's translation in Bunsen's Gott in der Geschichte, part ii., p. 107. 
The Himalaya, or snowy range, is also mentioned, A.V. xii. 1, 11 : Girayas te par- 
vatah himavanto aranyam te prithivi syonam astu \ " May thy mountains be 
snowy, earth, and thy wilderness beautiful." 



350 KlKATAS MENTIONED IN THE EIGVEDA. 

which runs across the central parts of India, is to be found in the 
Bigveda. 

The following text from the R..V. shows that the author of the 
hymn (said to he Visvamitra) knew something of the countries to the 
eastward as far as Klkata or Behar, R.V. iii. 53, 14 : Kim te krinvanti 
Sikateshu gdvo na dsiram duhre na tapanti gharmam \ a no bhara 
Pramagandasya vedo naichdsdkham MagJiavan randhaya nah \ "What 
are thy c<5ws doing among the Kikatgs? They yield no milk for 
oblations ; and they heat no fire. Bring us the wealth of Pramaganda 
[or the usurer] ; and subdue to us, Ma&havat (Indra), the degraded 
man (naichasakha)." Yaska explains Kikata as "a country inhabited 
by people who were not Aryas, " Nirukta vi. 32 : Klkato nama deso 
'ndryanivdsah \ 137 The word Klkata is given in the vocabulary called 
Trikandasesha, as equivalent to Magadha. In Bohtlingk and Roth's 
Dictionary, the following lines are quoted from the Bhagavata Parana, 
i. 3, 24 : Tatah kalau sampravritte sammohaya sura-dvishdm \ Buddho 
ndmdnjana-sutah Klkateshu bhavishyati \ "Then, when the Kali age 
has begun, a person named Buddha, son of Anjana, will be born 
among the Kikatas, in order to delude the enemies of the gods (the 
Asuras)." The commentator on the Bhag. Pur. explains the Kikatas 
by madhye Gayd-pradese \ "in the country of Gaya," Again, Bhag. 
Pur., vii. 10, 18, it is said: Tatra yatra cha mad-bhaktdh prasdntdh 
samadarsinah \ sddhavah samuddchdrds te puyante 'pi Klkatdh \ "In 
every place where those who are devoted to me, who are calm, who 
regard all things as alike, who are holy and virtuous, are found, the 

( 137 Sayana gives an alternative explanation of klfcata, borrowed from a hint in 
Yaska : Tadva " kriyabhir yaga-dana-homa-lakshanabhih Mm phctlishyati " ity 
asraddadhanah pratyuta " pibata khadata ayatn eva lofco na parah" iti vadanto 
nastikah klkatah \ " Or the Kikatas are atheists, who, being destitute of faith, say, 
' what fruit Will result from sacrifices, alms, or oblations ? rather eat and drink, for 
there is no other world but this.'" In Sayana's introduction,. to the Eigveda 
(Miiller's edit. vol. i. p. 7), an aphorism of the Mlmansa, with a comment, is quoted, 
in which an objector demurs to the eternity of the Veda, because objects and persons 
who existed in time are mentioned in it. In the objector's statement, Naichasakha 
is spoken of as a city, and Pramaganda as a king : " Kim te krinvanti Ktkateshv " 
iti mantre klkato nama janapadah amriatah \ tatha Naichasakham ridma nagaram 
Pramagando nama raja ity ete 'rthah anityah amnatah \ " In the verse, ' what do 
thy cows among the Kikatas, etc.,' a country named Kikata is recorded, together 
with a city called Naichas'akha and a king called Pramaganda ; all which are nou- 
eternal objects." 



TRIBES MENTIONED IN THE ATHARVAVEDA. 351 

men [of that country] are purified, even if they be Kikatas." Professor 
"Weber, in his Ind. Stud. i. 186, states his opinion that the Kikatas 
were not (as Yaska tell us) a non-Arian tribe, but a people who, like 
the Vratyas, were of Arian origin, though they did not observe Arian 
rites; and they may, he thinks, have been Buddhists, or the fore- 
runners of Buddhism. 

From these passages there seems to be no doubt that the Kikatas 
were a people who live'd in Magadha or Behar. 

The following verses from one of the mantras of the Atharvave,*Ta, 
v. 22, quoted and explained *bj Professor Roth in his Lit. and Hist, of 
the Veda, pp. 37-42, may tend to show what were the limits of the 
country occupied by the Aryas at the date of its composition. These 
limits coincide in one direction with those indicated in the preceding 
passage from the Eigveda, in which the Kikatas are mentioned. 
This mantra contains an invocation to Takman, apparently a per- 
sonified cutaneous disease, who is supplicated to withdraw to certain 
other tribes, whose names are specified, and whom we may there- 
fore with probability conclude to have been regarded as without the 
Arian pale, though not necessarily non-Arians. A.V., v. 22, verses 
5, 7, 8, 12, 14 : 5 | Oko asya Mujavanto oko asya Mahdvrishdh] ydvaj 
jdtas takmams tavdn asi Bahlikeshu nyocharah \ 1 \ Takman Mujavato 
gachha-Bahlikanvd parastaram\ S'udrdm ichha prapharyam tarn Takman 
vi iva dhunuhi \ 8 | Mahdvrishdn Mujavato bandhu addhi paretya \ prai- 
tdni takmane brumo anyakshetrdni vd imd \ 12 | Takman bhrdtrd bald- 
sena svasrd ltdsikayd saha \ pdmnd bhratrivyena saha gachhdmum aranam 
janam \ 14 | Gandhdribhyo Mujavadbhyo Angebhyo Magadhelhyah \ 
praishyaih jtmam iva sevadhim takmdnam pari dadmasi \ 5. "His 
(Takman' s) abode are the Mujavats, his abode the Mahavrishas. AB 
soon as thou ^,rt born, Takman, thou sojournest among the Bahlikas. 
7. Go, Takman, to the Mujavats, or far away to the Bahlikas. Choose 
the female Sudra for food; and shake her. 8. Passing (us) by, 
friend, devour the Mahavrishas and the Mujavats. We point out to 
Takman these or those alien regions. ' 12. T^akman, along with thy 
brother Balasa, and with thy sister Kasika (cough), and with thy 
nephew Paman, depart to that foreign people. 14. We transfer 
Takman as a servant, and as a treasure, to the Gandharis, the 
Mujavats, the Angas, and the Magadhas." 



352 MUJAVATS, BAHLIKAS, AND OTHER TRIBES. 

The Mujavats are again mentioned in the Vajasaneyi-sanhita, 3, 61, 
as follows : Etat te Rudra avasam tena paro Mujavato ailhi \ avatata- 
dhanvd pinakavasdh krittivasah ahimsan nah iivo atlhi | 138 "This, 
Rudra, is thy food; with it depart beyond the Mujavats. "With thy 
bow unbent, and concealed from view, and clad in a skin, pass beyond, 
uninjuring us and propitious." 

The Mujavats being mentioned along with the Bahlikas, a Bactrian 
race, and with the Gandharis (see above,,- p. 342) may, as Roth thinks, 
be a hill tribe in the north-west of India ; and the Mahavrishas may 
belong to the same region. 1 ' 9 v> 

The Angas and Magadhas mentioned in verse 13 are, on the contrary, 
tribes living in south Behar, and the country bordering on it to the 
west. We have thus in that verse two nations situated to the north- 
west, and two to the south-east, whom we may suppose, from the 
maledictions pronounced on them, to have been hostile, or alien tribes, 

ISB Mujavat is explained by the commentator on the V.S., as the name of a moun- 
tain, the place of Rudra's abode : Mujavan nama kaschit parvato Budrasya vasa- 
sthanam \ This is apparently a later idea. Compare the Mahabharata, Sauptika- 
parva, 785, Evam uktva sa sakrodho jagama vimanah Bhavah \ girer fitunjcfoatah 
padam tapas taptum mahatapah] "Bhava (S'iva) having so said, went away angry and 
disturbed, to the quarter of the hill Munjavat, to perform austerity, the great 
devotee ;" and the As'vamedhika parva, 180 : Girer Himavatah -prishthe Munjavan 
nama parvatah \ tapyate yatra bhagavams tapo nityam Umapatih \ " On the heights 
of fee Himavat mountain there is a hill called Munjavat, where the divine lord of 
Uma (S'iva) performs continual austerity." The commentator on the S'atapatha- 
brahmana says it is the " Northern Mountain," udichyah parvatah \ The S'atapa- 
tha-brahmana (ii. 6, 2, 17,) thus comments on the text of the Vaj. S., after quoting 
it : Avasena vai adhvanam yanti \ tad enam savasam eva anvavarjati yatra yatra 
asya charanam tad anu \ atra ha vai asya paro Mujavadbhyas charanam \ tasmad 
aha tl paro Mujavato 'tthi" iti " avatata-dhanva pinakavasah" ity " ahimsan nah 
sivo 'tihi" ity \ eva etad aha "krittivasah" iti \ nishvapayaty eva enam etat \ 
svapann u hi na kanchana hinasti \ tasmad aha " krittivasah " iti \ " Men go on 
their way with provision. He therefore sends him (Rudra) off with provision, 
wherever he has to go. Here his journey is beyond the Mujavats ; hence he says 
' pass beyond the Mujavats ;' ' with bow unbent and concealed,' ''uninjuring us and 
propitious, pass beyond.' He adds ' clad in a skin.' This lulls him to sleep ; for 
while sleeping he injures nobody. Wherefore he says ' clad in a skin.' " A deriva- 
tive of the word Mujavat occurs also' in the R.V. x. 34, 1 : Somasya iva Mavjava- 
tasya bhakshah \ " Like a dra'ught of the soma produced on Mujavat, or among the 
Mujavats." Yaska, Mr. 9, 8, explains the word thus : Ifaujavato Mujavati jatah \ 
Mujavan parvatah. " < Maujavatah ' means produced on Mujavat : Mujavat is a 
mountain." 

139 On the Bahikas and Bahlikas, see Lassen, Zeitsch. 1840, p. 194 ; and for 1839, 
p. 52, ff. 



INTERCOURSE OF THE ARIANS WITH THE GANDHARAS. 353 

who lived on the borders of Brahmanical India, and to have been 
beyond its boundaries at the time this incantation was composed. 
(Roth, Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, p. 42.) 

It does not, however, follow that the tribes who, in the Atharva- 
veda, are spoken of as if they were hostile, or alien, were really of a 
' non-Arian origin. (See above, p. 351.) 

Thus, the Arians appear in later times to have been in communica- 
tion with the Gandharas. In the S'atapatha-brahmana allusion is 
made to a royal sage called Svarjit, son of Nagnajit, the GandbAra, 
who had expressed an opinion on the nature of breath or life ; and 
although his view was not regarded as authoritative, still the very fact 
of its being quoted, and its author mentioned as a Rajanya, proves his 
Arian origin. This is the passage, S'at.-Br. viii. 1, 4, 10 : Atha ha 
sma aha Svarjid Ndgnajitah \ Nagnachid vd Gdndhdrah \ . . . Yat sa 
tad uvacha Rdjanyabandhur iva tv eva tad uvacha \ "Further Svarjit, 
son of Nagnajit, said. Now Nagnajit was a Gandhara. . . \ This 
which he said, he spake as a mere Rajanya." Nagnajit, the Gandhara, 
is also mentioned in the Ait.-Br., vii. 34, as one of the persons who 
received instruction regarding a particular rite from Parvata and 
Narada. 140 He is also mentioned" 1 in the following passage of the 
Mahabh., i. 2439-41 : Prahrdda-sishyo Nagnajit Subalas chdbhavat 
tatah | tasya prajd dharma-hantrl jajne deva-prakopandt \ Gandhaya- 
rdja-putro 'bhuch Chhakunih Saubalas tathd \ Duryodhanasya janani 
jajndte 'rtha-visdradau \ "Nagnajit, the disciple of Prahrada, and 
Subala, were then born. Owing to the wrath of the gods, the offspring 
born to him became the enemies of righteousness. Two children were 
born to the king of Gandhara (Subala), S'akuni Saubala, and the 
mother of Duryodhana, who were both intelligent." Duryodhana was 
a Kuru prince, and one of the heroes of the Mahabharata. 

These passages are amply sufficient to prove that the Gandharas were 
a people with whom the Arians of India were in the habit of holding 
intercourse, and contracting affinities, and from this intercourse we 
may reasonably infer a community of origin -.and language. On this 
subject Lassen remarks (Zeitsch. fiir die Kunde des Morgenl., iii. 206): 
"Though in individual passages of the Mahabharata, hatred and con- 

uo Roth, Lit. and Hist, of the Veda, pp. 41, 42. 
141 See Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 218-220. 



354 CHARACTER OF TRIBES BEYOND THE SARASVATI. 

tempt are expressed in reference to the tribes living on the Indus and 
its five great tributaries, yet there is no trace of these tribes being 
ever regarded as of non-Indian origin. That there was no essential 
difference in their language is proved, as regards a later period, by 
the testimony of Panini, which I have already cited." The previous 
passage here referred to is from the same article, p. 194, where it is 
said: "The word Bahika is used not only in the Mahabharata, but 
also in Panini, ua as a general designation for the tribes of the Panjab. 
Thfi use of this appellation is thus fully certified ; and if the grammar- 
ian found it necessary to give special rulfcs for forming the names of 
the villages in the Bahika country, we may hence conclude that the 
Bahikas spoke Sanskrit, though they applied particular afiixes differ- 
ently from the other Indians." 

The same writer elsewhere 143 remarks: "The Indians distinguish, 
not expressly, but by implication, the nations dwelling between the 
SarasVati, and the Hindu-kush, into two classes : first, those to the east- 
ward of the Indus, and some of those immediately to the westward of 
that river, as the Gandharas (see p. 342, above), are in their estimation 
still Indians ; . . . but with the exception of the Kashmiras, and some 
less known races, these Indians are not of the genuine sort: the 
greater freedom of their customs is regarded as a lawless condition." 
And Weber similarly remarks: 144 "The north-western tribes retained 
their ancient customs, which the other tribes who migrated to the 
east had at one time shared. The former kept themselves free from 
the influences of the hierarchy and of caste, which arose among- the 
latter as a consequence of their residence among people of alien origin 
(the aborigines). But the later orthodox feelings of the more eastern 

142 The aphorisms here referred to are iii. 3, 78, and iv. 2, 117, 118. The two 
latter, with the comments, are as follows: 117 | VaKtka-gramebhyascha\ VaKika- 
grama-vachibhyo vridha-sanjnakebhyash " than " "nith " ity etau pratyayau bhava- 
tah | S'akalikT, \ S'akalika \ 118 | Vibhasha Usinareshu \ Usinareshu ye Vahika- 
gramas tad-vaehibhyo vridhebhyash "(han" "nith" ity etau pratyayau va bhava- 
tah | Saudarsaniki \ Saudarsanika \ pakshe chhah \ Saudarsaniya | "117. The 
affixes than and nith are employed in Trtords taking vriddhi, which denote villages of 
theVahikas; as S'akalikI, S'atfalika. 118. Or the affixes than and nith are optionally 
employed in words taking vriddhi, which denote Vahika villages in the country of 
the Us'Inaras ; as Saudarsaniki^ Saudarsanika ; or sometimes with the chhas affix, 
Saudarsaniya. 

143 Zeitschrift, ii. 58. See also Asiat. Res. xv. 108 ; and App. note L. 
l " Ind. Stud. i. 220. 



ARIAN ORIGIN OF THE NORTH-WESTERN TRIBES. 355 

Arians obliterated the recollection of their own earlier freedom ; and 
caused them to detest the kindred tribes to the westward as renegades, 
instead of looking on themselves as men who had abandoned their own 
original institutions." 

There are other races also, who, although in the later Sanskrit 
literature they are spoken of as being now aliens from the Brahmanical 
communion, are yet declared to have once belonged to the Kshatriya 
caste ; and to have lost their .position in it from neglect of sacred 
rites. 143 (See above, p. 259, and note 35). In addition to this t/a- 
dition, however, we have yet' further proof of the Arian origin of some 
at least of these tribes. Thus, it appears from the following passage 
of the Nirukta (already quoted above, p. 152), that the Kambojas 
spoke an Arian language, Nirukta, ii. 2: "Among some (tribes) 
the original forms are used, among others the derivatives. S'avati 
for the ' act of going ' is used only among the Kambojas, while 
its derivative sava is used among the Aryas. Dati is employed 
by the eastern people in the sense of ' cutting,' while the word 
ddtram, ' sickle,' (only) is used by the men of the north." If, 
therefore, the testimony of Yaska in regard to the language used by 
Kambojas is to be trusted, it is clear that they spoke a Sanskrit dialect. 
It is implied in the remarks he has made, that a close affinity existed 
between the languages of the Aryas and Kambojas ; that the substance 
of both was the same, though in some respects it was variously modified 
and applied. For it is only where such a general identity exists, that 
the differences existing between any two dialects can excite any at- 
tention. Had the two languages had but little in common, no such 
comparison of minor variations could have suggested itself to the 
grammarians. Now the country of the Kambojas was situated to the 
north-west of India, on the other side of the Indus. It is clear, there- 
fore, that Sanskrit was spoken at some distance to the west of that river. 

Professor Roth is even of opinion that this passage proves Sanskrit 
grammar to have been studied among the Kambojas. In his Lit. and- 
Hist, of the Veda, p. 67, he observes : "'The multitude of grammarians 
whose opinions are cited in the Pratisakhyas, proves how widely gram- 

145 This tradition is, however, erroneously extended to some of the eastern and 
southern tribes, the Pundras, Odras and Dravidas, who, as we shall afterwards see, 
could not have been of Arian origin. 



356 KAMBOJAS, ARY^.S, PRACHYAS, UDICHYAS, SURASHTRAS. 

matical studies were pursued ; and Taska (Nirukta ii. 2 : see above, and 
p. 152), confirms this in a remarkable passage, according to which verbal 
forms were variously employed by the grammarians of four different 
provinces. These four tribes were the Kambojas and Aryas, together 
with the Prachyas and Udichyas (or eastern and northern peoples). It 
is thus irrefragably proved that the Kambojas were originally not only 
an Indian people, but also a people possessed of Indian culture ; and 
consequently that in Yaska's time this culture extended as far as the 
Kjndukush. At a later period, as the well-known passage in Manu's 
Institutes (x. 43) shows, the Kambojaw were reckoned among the 
barbarians, because their customs differed from those of the Indians. 
.... The same change of relation has thus, in a smaller degree, 
taken place between the Kambojas and the Indians, as occurred, in a 
remote antiquity, between the latter and the ancient Persians." U6 

Now, as I have intimated, the fact that Sanskrit was spoken by the 
tribea to the west of the Indus may be held to prove that that tract of 
country was inhabited by races of Arian origin, and of common descent 
with the Indians ; 147 and affords an additional argument in support of the 
position that the Indo-Arians immigrated into India from that direction. 

It may, however, perhaps, be objected that the passage in question 

146 In his later work, the edition of the Nirukta, Roth suspects, for certain 
reasons, that so much of the passage before us as refers to the Kambojas may be 
interpolated. He adds, however, that "it is in so far valuable, as it shows that the 
ancient Indians imagined the Kambojas also to be students of Sanskrit Grammar." 
Erla'ut., pp. 17, 18. In the Journal of the German Oriental Society, vii. 373-377, 
Professor Miiller makes some remarks on the same passage. He alludes to the fact 
that a similar passage occurs in the Mahabhashya; and observes that "though 
this circumstance appears partly to confirm Roth's conjecture regarding the spurious- 
ness of portions of the passage, it may also be possible that the Mahabhashya has 
borrowed it from the Nirukta, or that both the Nirukta and the Mahubhashya may 
have taken it from the common source of ancient grammatical tradition." In any 
case, this reference to a distant race like the Kambojas, looks as if it must have 
been borrowed from some ancient source. The passage of the Mahabhashya is as 
follows, p. 62 of Dr. Ballantyne's edition: S'avatir gati-karma Kambojeshv eva 
bhashito bhavati \ vikare eva enam Aryah bhcishante "s'avah" iti \ " Hammatih " 
Surashtreshu "raihhatih" Prachya-madhyameshu "gamim" eva tv Aryah prayun- 
jate | " Datir" lavanarthe iPrachyeshu datram Udlchyeshu \ " S'avati, as a verb of 
going, is employed only by the Kambojas ; the Aryas use only its derivative, s*ava. 
The Surashtras use hammati, the central and eastern tribes ramhati, but the Aryas 
only garni in the sense of ' going.' Dati occurs among the eastern tribes as the 
verb for ' cutting ; ' datra, a ' sickle,' alone is used by the people of the north." 

147 See Appendix, note M. See Rawlinson's Herodotus, i. p. 670, 671 ; and Strabo, 
there quoted. 



CONCLUSIONS DEDUCIBLE FROM THE PRECEDING FACTS. 357 

(N"ir. ii. 2), not only proves that Sanskrit was spoken by the Kambojas, 
to the north-west, but by the men of the east also. Now, as we may 
presume that Yaska lived on the banks of the Sarasvati or of the Yamuna, 
or of the Ganga, the people whom he designates Prachyas, or " men of 
the east," must have been the Kikatas, or the Magadhas, or the Angas, 
or the Yangas. But since it is evident from this passage that these 
tribes also spoke Sanskrit, it might in like manner be argued .from this 
circumstance that the Aryas must have penetrated into India from tine 
eastward. To this I reply, that we can prove from other passages, 
such as that in the S'atapatha-brahmana, i. 4, i. 10-18 (which will be 
quoted further on), that the Arian civilization travelled from the west 
to the east ; and that therefore we may reasonably suppose that these 
Prachya tribes did not originally live in the eastern country, but 
formed part of the population which had migrated from the west, or 
that at least they did not begin to speak Sanskrit till they had learnt 
it from the Arians coming from the west. And besides, this passage 
which I have quoted from Yaska does not stand alone ; it is only 
auxiliary to the other arguments which have been already adduced 
to show that the Indo-Arians came from the north-west. 

This fact, that tribes speaking dialects of Sanskrit lived to the 
north-west of India, might, it is true, be also explained on Mr. 
Curzou's hypothesis, that these tribes had emigrated from India. But 
this hypothesis is opposed, as we have already seen, pp. 312, f., 320, f., 
to the other circumstances of the case. 

The argument, then, which I derive from the facts just detailed, 
when briefly stated, is this : "We find the north-west of India to bo 
occupied by various tribes, who spoke the same language as the Arian 
Indians. On the other hand, we find (as will be shown at length in 
the next chapter) that different parts (the eastern and southern as 
well as the north-western) of Hindustan itself, were inhabited by a 
variety of tribes speaking languages fundamentally distinct from those 
of the Arian race. 3?rom this I draw the conclusion that the Arian 
Indians must have come from without, from the same side which we 
find to be occupied from the earliest period by tribes speaking the same 
language ; and have driven before them to the east and south the non- 
Arian races, to whom, on penetrating into India, they found them- 
selves opposed. This subject, however, will be handled at length in 
the following chapter. 



358 



CHAPTEE III. 

1HE ARIANS IN INDIA: THEIR ADVANCE TO THE EAST AND 

SOUTH. 

IN the preceding chapter I have endeavoured, by a variety of argu- 
ments derived from, comparative philology, and from general history, 
as -well as from the most ancient written records of the Indians and 
the Iranians, to prove First, that the dominant race which we find 
established in Hindustan at the dawn of history was not autoch- 
thonous, but immigrated into that country from Central Asia; and 
Secondly, that the route by which this people penetrated was from the 
north-west through Kabul, and across the Indus. I shaK, for the 
future, assume that both of these two propositions have been sub- 
stantiated; and shall proceed to trace the history of the Indo-Arian 
tribes after they had entered the Panjab, and had commenced their 
advance to the south and east. We have already gathered (see 
above, pp. 341, ff.), from an examination of the oldest Indian records, 
the hymns of the Eigveda, that the country on both sides of the Indus 
was the earliest seat of the Indo-Arians in India. We shall now see 
(#8 has also been already intimated, pp. 291) that in these same hymns 
the ancient bards designated the men of their own tribes by the name 
of Aryas, and distinguished them expressly from another class of people 
called Dasyus, who, we have reason to suppose, were a race of distinct 
origin from the Aryas, and perhaps different from them in colour (see 
above, p. 282), as they certainly were in language, in religion, and in 
customs, who had been in occupation of India before it was entered by 
the Indo-Arians from th#north-west. I shall afterwards adduce various 
passages from the Brahmanas and post-Vedic writings, illustrative of 
the progress of the Indo-Arians as they advanced to the east and south, 
driving the indigenous tribes before them into the hills and forests, 
and taking possession of the territory which the latter had previously 



I 

HYMNS DISTINGUISH BETWEEN ARYAS AND DASYUS. 359 

occupied. I shall subsequently furnish some illustrations of the funda- 
mental differences which exist between the Sanskrit and the languages 
of the south of India differences which indicate that the tribes 
among which the latter dialects were originally vernacular must in all 
probability have been of a different race from the Indo-Arians. And, 
finally, I shall refer to the mode in which these various classes of 
facts support the conclusion to which we have been already led, that 
the Indo-Arians were not autochthonous in India, but immigrated 
into that country from the north-west. * 



SECT. I. Distinction drawn between the Aryas and Dasyus in 
the Rigveda. 

I proceed, then, first, to show that the authors of the Yedic hymns 
made a distinction between the members of their own community 
and certain tribes whom they designated as Dasyus. This will Appear 
from the following texts. R.Y. 51, 8, 9 : Vijdmhi Aryan ye cha 
dasyavo larhmishmate randhaya sdsad avratdn \ sdkl bhava yajamdnasya 
choditd visvd it td te sadhamddeshu chdkana\ "Distinguish between 
the Aryas and those who are Dasyus : chastizing those who observe 
no sacred rites [or who are lawless], subject them to the sacrificer. 
Be a strong supporter of him who sacrifices. I desire all thse 
(benefits) at thy festivals." 1 x. 86, 19 : Ay am emi vichdlcasad vichinvan 
ddsam dryam \ "Here I come," (says Indra) "perceiving and distin- 
guishing the Dasa and the Arya." i. 103, 3 ; Sa jdtulharmd srad- 
dadhdnah ojah puro vilhindann acharad vi ddsih \ vidvdn vajrin dasyave 
hetim asya dryam saho vardhaya dyumnam Indra \ " Armed with the 
lightning, 2 and trusting in his strength, he (Indra) moved about shat- 
tering the cities of the Dasyus. Indra, thunderer, considering, hurl 
thy shaft against the Dasyu, and increase the might and glory of 
the Arya." i. 117. 21 : Tavam vrikena Asvind vapantd isham duhdnd 
manushdya dasrd \ abhi dasyum lakurena dhamantd uru jyotis chak- 

1 This text, as well as R.V. i. 103, 3, given below, is quoted by Professor Miiller, 
" Languages of the Seat of War," first edition, p. 28, note. 

2 Professor Benfey (Orient und Occident, iii. 132) renders jatubharma, "a born 
warrior." Prof. Aufrecht considers it to mean "carrying off the victory, or palm," 
deriving jatu fromji, to conquer, which he thinks had another form ja, from which 
comes jayu, "victorious." 



360 ARYAS AND DASYUS. 

rathur drydya \ " beautiful Asvins, sowing barley with the plough, 
drawing forth (lit. milking) food for man, and sweeping [or blowing] 
away the Dasyu with the thunderbolt, ye have created a great light 
for the Arya." 3 i. 130, 8 : Indrah samatsu yajamdnam aryam, prdvad 
visveshu satamutir djishu svarmllheshu djishu \ manave 6dsad avratdn 
tvacham krishndm arandhayat \ "Indra, who in a hundred ways pro- 
tects in all battles, in heaven-conferring battles, has preserved in the 
fray the sacrificing Arya. Chastizing the neglectors of religious rites, 
heWbjected the black skin to Manu" (or the Arian man). 4 iii. 34, 8, 
9 : Sasdna yah prithivim dydm utemdmlnaram madanti anu dhirandsah\ 
sasdna atydn uta suryam sasdna Indrah sasdna purubhojasam gam \ 
hiranyam uta bhogam sasdna hatvl dasyun pra aryam varnam dvat \ 
" The wise gladden Indra, who bestowed the earth and this firmament. 
Indra gave horses, he gave the sun, he gave the much-nourishing cow ; 
and he gave golden wealth. Slaying the Dasyu, he protected the Aryan 
colour,," iv. 26, 1, 2 : Aham Manur abhavam suryas cha aham Kak- 
shlvdn rishir asmi viprah \ aham Kutsam Arjuneyam ni rinje aham kavir 
Usandh pasyata mdm \ 2 | aham bhumim adaddm drydya ahani vrishtim 
ddsushe martydya \ aham apo anayam vdvasdndh mama devdso anu 
htum ay an \ "I," says Indra, " was Manu, and I the sun ; I am the 

s Sayana interprets the " great light," either of the glory acquired by the Asvins : 
Svak7yam tejo mahatmyam chakrathuh \ or of the sun : Visflrnam suryakhyam 
jyotih | " For it is the living man who beholds the sun :" Jlvan hi suryam pasyati \ 
Koth thinks this verse may refer to some forgotten legend, and that v rika may have 
the ordinary sense of " wolf." He compares R.V. viii. 226 : Dasasyanta manave 
purvyam divi yavam vrikena karshathah \ " Desiring to be bountiful to the man, ye 
have of old in the sky ploughed barley with the wolf." He is also of opinion that 
dhamanta has in the verse before us its proper sense of "blowing," and refers in proof 
to the words of R.V. ix. 1, 8, dhamanti bakuram dritim \ Bakura perhaps signifies, 
he thinks, a " crooked wind instrument, which the As'vins used to terrify their 
enemies ; and bakura " (in R.V. ix. 1, 8) " might denote a skin shaped like a 
bakura." Illustr. of Nirukta, p. 92. In his Lexicon, Roth adheres to the opinion 
that bakura is probably a martial wind-instrument, and that bakuro dritih is a bag- 
pipe. The two following passages also similarly speak of light : R.V. ix. 92, 5 : 
Jyotir yad ahne akrinod u lokam pravad manum dasyave kar abhlkam \ " When 
he (Soma) gave light to tb? day an'd afforded space, he delivered Manu [or the 
Arian man], and arrested the Dasyu." R.V. x. 43, 4 : ... vidat svar manave 
jyotir aryam \ " He (Indra) gave to Manu blessedness (and) a glorious light." 

4 This passage is translated in a review of the first volume of this work, con- 
tained in the " Times " of 12th April, 1858. The " black skin," is there interpreted 
of the dark colour of the Dasyus. The next passage is also partly quoted in the 
same article. 



ARYAS AND DASYUS. 361 

wise rishi Kakshivat. I subdue Kutsa, the son of Arjuni. I am the 
sage Usanas : behold me. 2.1 gave the earth to the Arya, and rain to 
the sacrifice! 1 . I have led the longing waters. The gods have fol- 
lowed my will." 5 iv. 30, 18: The Sanskrit text of the following is 
given above, p. 347 : " Thou, Indra, hast speedily slain those two 
' Aryas, Arna and Chitraratha, on the opposite bank of the Sarayu " 
(river), vi. 25, 2, 3 : Abhir visvdh alhiyujo visuchlr drydya viso ava- 
tdrlr ddslh\ Indra jdmayah utaye ajdmayo arvdchlndso vanustio yuyujre\ 
tvam eshdm vithurd iavdmsi jahi vrishnydni krinuhi pardchah \ "By 
these (succours) subdue to tAe Arya all the hostile Dasa people every- 
where. Indra, whether it be kinsmen or strangers who have approached 
and injuriously assailed us, do thou enfeeble and destroy their power and 
vigour, and put them to flight." vi. 33, 3 : Tvam tan Indra ubhaydn 
amitrdn ddsd vritrdni arya cha iura \ vadhlr ity ddi. " Do thou, 
heroic Indra, destroy both these our foes, (our) Dasa and our Arya 
enemies, etc. vi. 60, 6 : Hato vritrdni dryd hato ddsdni 8atpat\\ hato 
visvdh apa dvuhah \ "Do ye, lords of the heroic, slay our Arya 
enemies, slay our Dasa enemies, destroy all those who hate us." E.V. 
vii. 5, 6 : Tvam dasyun ohaso Ague djah uru jyotir janayann drydya \ 
" Thou, Agni, drovest the Dasyus from the house, creating a wide light 
for the Arya." vii. 83, 1 : Ddsd cha vritrd hatam drydni cha sudd- 
sam Indrd-Farund 'vasd \atam \ "Slay both the Dasa enemies and 
the Arya ; protect Sudas (or the liberal man) with your succour, 



5 Sayana connects the word arya as an epithet with Manu understood. Professor 
Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 195, note, thinks that Manu means in this passage the moon. 
(In pp. 194, 5, he has a dissertation on the word Manu.) The speaker in thesfe 
verses appear to he Indra. (See Bothl. and Roth's Dictionary, sub voce, Us'anas.) 
The AnukramanT, as quoted by Sayana, says, Adyabhis tisribhir Indram iva atma- 
nam rishis tmhtava. Indro va atmanam \ " In the first three verses the rishi cele- 
brates himself as if under the character of Indra; or Indra celebrates himself." 
Kuhn (Herabkunft 1 des Feuers, p. 143) conjectures that Vamadeva may perhaps have 
been an ancient epithet of Indra. In R.V. x. 48, 1, Indra says, similarly : Ahaih 
dcisushe vibhajami bhojanam \ "I distribute food to the sacrificer," etc. The 
pantheistic author of the Vrihad Aranyaka Upnnishad, thinks that the Rishi Vama- 
deva is speaking of himself in these words (BibliothecJ Indica, pp. 215, 216) : Tad 
yo yo devanam pratyabudhyata sa eva tad abhavat tatha risKlnam tatha manush- 
yanrim \ tad ha etat pasyann rishir Vamadevah pratipede " aham Manur abhavam 
suryas cha" iti \ ""Whosoever of gods, rishis, or men, understood That, he became 
That. Perceiving this, the Rishi Vamadeva obtained this text, ' I was Manu, I the 
sun, etc." "Us'anas is connected with Indra in R.V. vi. 20, 11. 

VOL. it. 24 



362 VEDIC HYMNS DISTINGUISH 

Indra and Varuna." x. 38, 3 : Yo no ddsah dryo vd purushtuta 
adevah Indra yudhaye chiketati \ asmdbhis te sushahdh santu satravah 
tvayd vayam tan vanuydma sangame \ " 0, much lauded Indra, what- 
ever ungodly person, Dasa or Arya, designs to fight against us, let 
these enemies be easily subdued by us. May we destroy them in the 
conflict." x. 49, 3 : Aham S'ushnasya inaihitd vadhar yamam na yo 
rare dry am ndma dasyave \ "I, the slayer of S'ushna, have restrained 
the bolt, I who have not abandoned the Aryan name to the Dasyu." 
x. '65, 1 1 : Brahma gam aham janayanta oshadhlr vanaspatln prithivlm 
parvatdn apah \ suryam divi rohayantah stMdnavah dryd vratd visrijanto 
adhi kshami \ " These bountiful ones " (the gods named in the pre- 
ceding verse) "have generated prayer, the cow, the horse, plants, 
trees, the earth, the mountains, the waters; causing the sun to 
ascend the sky, and spreading Aryan rites over the earth." 6 x. 83, 1 : 
Sdhydma ddsam dry am tvayd yujd vayam sahaskritena sahasd sahasvatd] 
"May, we," (0 Manyu) " associated with thee, the mighty one, over- 
come both Dasa and Arya through (thy) effectual energy." x. 102, 3: 
Antar yachha jighdmsato vajram Indra abhiddsatah \ ddsasya vd magha- 
vann dryasya vd sanutar yavaya vadham \ " Restrain, Indra, the bolt 
of the murderous assailant : remove far away the weapon of our enemy, 
be he Dasa or Arya." x. 138, 3 : Vi suryo madhye amuchad ratham 
vidad ddsdya pratimdnam dry ah \ " The sun has launched his car in 
mid-heaven : the Arya has paid back a recompense to the Dasyu." 
viii. 24, 27 : Yah rikshdd amhaso muchad yo vd arydt saptasindhushu \ 
vadhar ddsasya tuvinrimna nlnamah \ " Who delivered [us] from the 
destroyer, from calamity ; who, powerful [god], didst avert the 
bolt of the Dasa from the Arya in [the land of] the seven streams." 

The above-cited texts seem to show that the Eigveda recognizes a 
distinction between the tribe to which the authors of the hymns 
belonged, and a hostile people who observed different rites, and were 
regarded with contempt and hatred by the superior race. This appears 
from the constant antithetic juxtaposition of the two names Arya and 
Dasyu, in most of these texts ; and from the specification in others of 

6 Compare R.V. vii. 99, 4 : Urum yajnaya chakrathur u lokam janayanta 
suryam ushasam agnim \ Dasasya chid vrishasiprasya mayah jaghnathur nara 
pritanajyeshu : " Te (Indra and Vishnu) have provided abundant room for the 
sacrifice, creating the sun, the dawn, and fire. Ye, heroes, have destroyed the 
powers of the bull-nosed Dasa." 



BETWEEN ARYAS AND DASYUS. 363 

enemies, both Arya and Dasyu. If human enemies are designated 
in the latter texts by the word Arya, we may reasonably suppose the 
same class of foes to be commonly or often denoted by the word Dasyu. 
It is not, of course, to be expected that we should find the Indian com- 
mentators confirming this view of the matter more than partially ; as 
they had never dreamt of the modern critical view of the origin of 
the Aryas and their relation to the barbarous aboriginal tribes! Yaska 
(Nirukta, vi. 26) explains the*term Arya by the words " son of a [pr, 
of the] lord." 7 The word Dasyu is interpreted by him etymologically, 
thus: "Dasyu comes from the root das, to destroy; in him moisture 
is consumed, and he destroys (religious) ceremonies." 8 

Sayana interprets the word Arya, by "wise performers of rites;." 9 ' 
wise worshippers;" 10 " wise; 11 "one to whom all should resort;" 12 
"the most excellent race [colour] consisting of the three highest 
castes;" 13 "practising ceremonies;" 14 "most excellent through per- 
formance of ceremonies;" 15 and in two places, i. 117, 21, andiv. 26, 
2, he regards it as an epithet of Manu. The same commentator in- 
terprets the word Dasyu of the "robber Vritra;" 16 "enemies who 
destroy the observers of Vedic rites;" 17 "the Asuras, Pisachas, etc., 
who destroy ; " 18 " the vexing Asuras ; " 19 "all the people who destroy 
religious rites;" 20 " Vala and the other Asuras who destroy religious 
rites;" 21 "enemies devoid of religious ceremonies." 22 Prom these cfuo- 
tations it will be seen that Sayana mostly understands the Dasyus of 
superhuman beings, demons, or Titans, rather than of human enemies. 

7 Nir. vi. 26 : Aryah Isvara-putrah \ See Benfey's remarks on this definition in 
Gott. Gel. Anz., for 1861, pp. 141, f. 

8 Nir. vii. 23 : Dasyur dasyateh kshayarthad upadasyanty asmin rasah upada- 
sayati Tcarmani \ 

9 Vidusho ' nushthatrln \ on R.V. i. 51, 8. 

10 Vidvamsah stotarah \ on i. 103, 3. n Vidushe \ on i. 117, 21. 

12 Aranlyam sqrvair gantavyam \ on i. 130, 8. 

13 Uttamam varnaih traivarnikam \ on iii. 34, 9. 

14 Karma-yuktani \ on vi. 22, 10. 

15 Karmanushthatritvena sreshthdni \ on vj. 33, 3. 

16 Choram vritram \ on i. 33, 4. 

17 Anushtliatrlnam upakshapayitarah satravah \ on i. 51, 8; and i. 103, 3. 

18 Upakshaya-karinam asuram pisachadikani \ on i. 117, 21. 

19 Badhakan asuran \ on iii. 34, 9. 

20 Karmanam upakshapayitrlr visvah sarvah prajah \ on vi. 25, 2. 

21 Upakshapayitnn karma-virodhino Vala-prabhritm asuran \ on vi. 33, 3. 

22 Karmahinah satravah \ on vi. 60, 6. 



364 DASYUS AS DESCRIBED IN THE AITAREYA- 

In his note on i. 100, 8, he speaks of them as "destroying enemies 
living on the earth;'" 3 and in another place he explains the Dasa 
varna, as heing either "the Sudras and other inferior tribes, or the 
vile destroying Asura." 24 

There is no doubt that in many passages of the R.V., to which I 
shall presently refer, the words Dasyu and Dasa are applied to demons 
of different orders, or goblins (Asuras, Rakshasas, etc.) ; but it is 
tolerably evident from the nature of thb case, that in all, or at least 
some of the texts which have been hitherto adduced, we are to under- 
stand the barbarous aboriginal tribes of India as intended by these 
terms. This is yet more clearly established by the sense in which 
the word Dasyu is used (i.e. for men and not for demons) in the 
Aitareya-brahmana, in Manu, and in the Mahabharata. Thus the 
author of the Aitareya-brahmana, after making Visvamitra say to his 
fifty disobedient sons, vii. 18: Tan anuvydjaJtdra " antdn vah prajd 
bhakshishta " iti \ te ete Andhrdh Pundrah Kabarah Pulinddh Mutibdh 
ity udantydh lahavo bhavanti \ Vaisvdmitrdh dasyundm Ihuyishthdh \ 
"Let your progeny possess the extremities [of the land?," adds, 
"These are the Andhras, Pundras, S'abaras, Pulindas, Mutibas, and 
other numerous frontier tribes. Most of the Dasyus are descended 
from Yisvamitra." 25 And in the authoritative definition already 
quoted 26 (see also vol. i., p. 482), Manu tells us : " Those tribes in the 
world which are without the pale of the castes sprung from the 
mouth, arms, thighs, and feet [of Brahma], whether they speak the 
language of the Mlechhas, or of the Aryas, are all called Dasyus." 

. The Mahabharata thus speaks of the same people, ii. 26, 1025 : 
Pauravam yudhi nirjitya Dasyunparvata-vtisinali\ gandn Utsavasanketdn 
ajayat sapta Pdndavah \ "Having vanquished the Paurava in battle, 
the Pandava conquered the Utsavasanketas, seven tribes of Dasyus 
inhabiting the mountains." And again, Ibid. ver. 1031-2: Daraddn 
saha Kdmbojair ajayat Pdkasdsanih \ pruguttardih disam ye cha vasanty 
dsritya Dasyavah I nivasanti vayie ye cha tan sarvdn ajayat prabhuh \ 
Lohdn Paramakdmbojdn 'Rishikdn uttardn api\ "Pakasasani conquered 

23 Prithivyam bhumau vartamanan dasyun upakshapayitrin s'atrun \ on i. 100. 8. 

24 Dasam varnam sudradikam yadva dasam vpakshapayitaram adharaih nikrish- 
tam asttram. 

25 See the first volume of this work (2nd ed.), pp. 355, ff. 

26 See ahove p. 151. 



BRAHMANA, MANU, AND THE MAHABHARATA. 365 

the Daradas, with the Kambojas, and the Dasyus who dwell in the 
north-east region, as well as all the inhabitants of the forest, with the 
Lohas, the Parama-Kambojas (furthest Kambojas), and the northern 
Rishikas." And once more : Kdmlojdndm sahasrais cha S'akdndm 
cha visdmpate \ S'abardndm Kirdtdndm Varvardndm tathaiva cha, \ 
agamyarupdm prithivim mdmaa-sonita-kardamdm \ Kritavdms tatra 
S'aineyah Icshapayams tdvakam balam \ Dasyundm sa-sirastrdnaih siro- 
bhir lunamurdhajaih \ dlrghakurchair mahl klrnd vivarhair andajair 
iva | " S'aineya (Krishna's charioteer) made the beautiful eartU a 
mass of mud with the flesH and blood of thousands of Kambojas, 
S'akas, S'avaras, Kiratas, Varvaras, destroying thy host. The earth 
was covered with the helmets and shaven and bearded heads of the 
Dasyus, as with birds bereft of their wings." 27 Here it is evident 
that the word Dasyu, in the latter part of the sentence, is a generic 
term denoting the whole of the tribes who had been previously 
mentioned, the Kambojas, S'akas, etc. 

Another passage occurs in the S'anti Parva of the Mahabh., sect. 65, 
verses 2429, ff., where the tribes there enumerated are said to live 
after the fashion of the Dasyus ; and where the duties to be observed 
by the Dasyus are described. The Dasyus therefore cannot have 
been regarded by the author of the Mahabharata as demons. 

If any further illustration of this point be required, it may be foi^nd 
in the following story (from the Mahabharata, S'anti P., sect. 168, 
verses 6293, ff.) about the sage Gautama living among the Dasyus : 
Bhuhma uvdcha \ hanta te vartayishye 'ham itihdsam purdtanam \ udlch- 
ydm disi yad vrittam Mlechheshu mamijddhipa \ brdhmano madhyadeslyah 
kaschid vai brahma-varjitam \ grdmam vriddhi-yutam vlkshya prfivisad 
bhaiksha-kdihkshayd \ tatra Dasyur dhanayutah sarva-varna-visesha- 
vit I Irahmanyah satyasandhas cha ddne cha nirato 'bhavat \ tasya kshayam 
updgamya tato phikshdih aydchata | . . . . | Gautamah sannikarshena 
Dasyubhih samatdm iydt \ tathd tu vasatas tasya Dasyu-grdme sukham 
tadd | .... kim idam kurushe mohdd vipras tvam hi kulodvahah \ 
madhyadesa-parijndto Dasyu-bhdvam gatah kutham \ Bhishma is the 
speaker: "I will tell thee an ancient story about what happened in 
the northern region among the Mlechhas. A certain Brahman of the 
central country, perceiving a particular village, which was destitute 
M Mahabh. Drona Parva. Sect. 119, ver. 4747, ff. 



366 MEANING OF DASYU IN THE HYMNS. 

of Brahmans [or the Yeda], to be in a prosperous condition, entered it 
to solicit alms. There lived there a wealthy Dasyu, who was acquainted 
with the distinctions of all the castes, religious, truthful, and liberal. 

Approaching his house, the Brahman asked alms," and a house 

"From proximity with the Dasyus, Gautama [the Brahman in question] 
became like them. While he was thus dwelling happily in a village 
of Dasyus," another Brahman arrived, who demanded of him : "What 
is this that thou art foolishly doing ? ,Thou art a Brahman of good 
famvly, well known in the central region: how is it that thou hast 
sunk into the condition of a Dasyu?" 

From the evidence aiforded by these passages of Manu and the 
Mahabharata, it is probable that the word Dasyu, when occurring in 
the Veda, is sometimes at least to be understood of men, and, con- 
sequently, of the wild aboriginal tribes, whom the Arian Indians en- 
countered on their occupation of Hindustan. It is true that, by the 
later authorities whom I have quoted, the Dasyus are regarded as 
degraded Arians, 28 (though Manu says that some of them spoke Mlechha 
dialects), and that tribes unquestionably Arian, as the Kambojas (see 
above, p. 355, f.), are included among them. But though it is true 
that some of the Arian tribes who had not adopted Brahmanical in- 
stitutions were so designated in after-times, the term Dasyu could not 
well have been so applied in the earlier Vedic era. At that time the 
Brahmanical institutions had not arrived at maturity ; the distinction 
between those who observed them strictly and those who observed them 
laxly could scarcely have arisen ; and the tribes who are stigmatized 
by the Yedic poets as persons of a different religion must therefore, 
probably, have been such as had never before been brought into contact 
with the Arians, and were, in fact, of an origin totally distinct. 

It thus appears, that by the Dasyus who are mentioned in the Rig- 
veda we must, in some passages, though not in all, understand the 
barbarous aboriginal tribes with whom the Aryas, on their settlement 
in the north-west of India, were brought into contact and conflict. 
Before we proceed further, however, it will be interesting to review 
some of the other principal texts of the R.Y. in which the Aryas and 
Dasyus are mentioned. I should be glad if, while doing so, I could 
hope to arrive in each case at a definite result in regard to the ap- 

28 See Lassen, Zeitschrift, li. 49, ff. 



i 

OPINIONS OF PROFESSORS BENFEY AND ROTH. 367 

plication made of the words Dasyu and Dasa, and to determine pre- 
cisely the relations which subsisted between the tribes sometimes 
understood under that designation and the Aryas. But the sense of 
the texts is often so obscure, that I cannot always expect to fix 
their interpretation, or, consequently, to deduce from them any certain 
conclusions. As, however, I have collected and arranged a con- 
siderable number of passages bearing on this subject, I think it best 
to present them to the readea, with such illustrations as 'I am able 
to supply, in the hope that a fuller elucidation may sooner or Uter 
be supplied by the mature researches of some more competent scholar. 
[Since the above remarks were written, Professors Benfey and Eoth 
have expressed their opinions on this subject. The former scholar writes . 
as follows, in his review of the first edition of this work above referred 
to, Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1861, pp. 137, ff. : " On a point which occupies 
a prominent place in this work I will permit myself one further ob- 
servation. It is well known that in the Vedas the word ' dasyU,' and 
in place of it also 'dasa,' frequently appears as the antithesis of 'arya.' 
. . . It admits of no doubt that the Sanskrit-speaking races designate 
themselves by the word arya; it is therefore a natural supposition that by 
the words 'dasyu' and 'dasa' they denote those who had been subjected 
by them. This assumption is confirmed by several passages. On the 
other hand, however, there are not a few in which the same expressions 
'dasyu' and 'dasa' are applied to the demons with whom the gods are in 
conflict, and whose defeat is a condition of the earth receiving the 

heavenly blessing which is bestowed hy the gods The question 

arises whether one of these is the proper signification, which is 
only secondarily applied to the other, or whether any third sense 
common to both lies at the root of them. The answer is already 
indicated by the alternating employment of 'dasyu' with 'dasa' (which 
has the sense of slave) in the same antithesis (with 'arya') an employ- 
ment which we may with the highest probability conjecture to rest 
upon an identity, or, at least, an inward connexion. This indication 
receives a tolerably decisive confirmation from the fact that according 
to an abundance of analogies 'dasyu' and 'dasa' are found to be akin to 
each other from a phonetic point of view." .... After stating at 
some length his grounds for this opinion, Prof. Benfey proceeds : " The 
essential similarity of 'dasa' and 'das' is thus beyond doubt. But 



I 
368 BENFEY AND ROTH ON DASTU AND DASA. 

' dasa ' has decidedly the sense of ' slave,' and if this was the original 
meaning of both the forms, it is equally certain that both ' dasa ' and 
' dasyu,' in contrast with the ' arya,' at first designated the aboriginal 
population subjected by the latter at the time of their diffusion; and 
this relation which subsisted on earth, which no doubt was not rarely 
interrupted by revolts of the subject people, was transferred by the 
Arians to the domain of the gods, whose harmful demons were re- 
presented a's the rebellious slaves of the deities. 

''.The view that in this contrasted relation 'dasa' has really the sense 
of 'slave,' 'servant,' is supported by thvee essentially similar half 
verses of the Atharvaveda (overlooked by the author in his collection), 
,in which ' Sudra,' the well-known name for the servile caste in India, 
stands in the same contrast to ' arya,' as ' dasyu ' and ' dasa ' elsewhere 
do. The first is iv. 20, 4 : Tayd 'ham sarvam pasydmi yas cha S'udrah 
utdryah \ ' By this (plant) I see every one, whether ' Sudra or Arya.' 
The second text is iv. 20, 8 : Tendham sarvam pasydmi uta Sudram 
utdryam \ ' By it (a kind of goblin) I see every one, whether Sudra 
or Arya.' The third is xix. 62, 1," which Prof. Benfey does not quote, 
but which runs thus : Priyam ma krinu deveshu priyUm rdj'asu ma 
krinu \ priyam sarvasya pasyatah uta sudre utdrye \ "Make me dear 
to the gods ; make me dear to kings, dear to every one who beholds 
me, whether to S'udra or Arya." 

Professor Roth, in his Lexicon, s.v. dasyu, defines that word as de- 
noting (1) "a class of superhuman beings, who are maliciously disposed 
both to gods and men, and are overcome by Indra and Agni in particu- 
lar." Many of the demons subdued by Indra, designated by particular 
names, as S'ambara, S'ushna, Chumuri, etc., bear the general appella- 
tion of Dasyu. They are not only spirits of darkness like the Rakshases, 
but extended over the widest spheres. In A.V., xviii. 8, 22, they 
are demons in the form of deceased men ( Ye dasyavah pitrishu pravish- 
tdh jndtimukhds charanti']. They are, he remarks, frequently contrasted 
(a) generally with men (manu, dyu, nar\ and are called amdnusha in 
R. V., x. 22, 8 (in supporj: of which he refers to R. V., viii. 87, 6 ; 
ix. 92, 5; Val., 2, 8; R.V., vi. 14, 3, and v. 7, 10); and (b) more 
specifically with pious orthodox men (drya), and it is but seldom, if 
at all (he considers), that the explanation of dasyu as referring to the 
non-Arians, the barbarians, is advisable (in proof of which he cites 



t 

FURTHER TEXTS ON THE ARYAS AND DASYUS. 369 

R.V., i. 117, 21; vii. 5, 6; ii. 11, 18, f. ; iii. 34, 9; i. 103, 3; x. 49, 
3; i. 51, 8). The last passage, however, he. thinks, is best explained 
of the barbarians. The word is (2) he goes on to say an oppro- 
brious designation of hostile, wicked, or barbarous men, perhaps in the 
following passages of the Veda, v. 70, 3, turydma dasyun tanubhih; 
"let us overcome the Dasyus in our own persons:" x. 83, 6, hanava 
dasyun uta bodhi dpeh \ "let us slay the Dasyus, and do thou recollect 
thy friend." In Ait. Br., vii. 18, they are barbarous tribes: Vaisva- 
mitruh dasyundm Ihuyishthdh \ "Most of the Dasyus are descended from 
ViSvamitra."] ' 

SECT. II. Additional Vedic texts bearing on the relations of the Aryas 

and Dasyus. 

First: In the following passages, or some of them, reference may 
be made to the earth or territory being bestowed on the Aryas, i. 100, 
18 : Dasyun S'imyumi cha puruhutah evair hatva prithivydm sarvd 
nivarhlt \ sanat Jcshetram sakhibhih svitnyebhih sanat suryam sanad apah 
suvairah j, " (Indra), the much-invoked, having, according to his wont, 
smitten to [or on] the earth the Dasyus and S'imyus [or destroyers], 
crushed them with his thunderbolt. The thunderer, along with his 
shining friends, bestowed territory, bestowed the sun, bestowed the 
waters." 29 ii. 20, 7 : Sa vritrahd Indrah krishnayonl h purandaro daxlr 
air ay ad vi \ ajanayad manave Jcshdm apai cha ityddi\ "Indra, the 

29 Several points are obscure in this passage. Is the word S'imyu the name of a 
tribe (as Professor "Wilson renders it), or does it merely mean a destroyer ? In R.V. 
vii. 18, 5, we have the words sardhantam iimyum, which Professor Roth (Lit. and 
Hist, of the Veda, p. 94) renders by " defiant wrong-doer." Sayana on that passage 
explains simyum by bodhamanam \ "understanding" (participle). In the text 
before us he explains the word S'amayitrJn tadhakarino rakshasadm \ " Subduers, 
i.e. slayers, Rakshasas, etc." ; and again on the same passage: S'imyun \ S'amu 
upasame \ samayati sarvaih tiraskaroti iti rakshasadih simyuh \ " The verb s'am 
designates one wHo contemns every one else. S'imyu therefore = Rakshasa, etc." 
Then, who are the " shining friends " of Indra, in the second clause ? The Maruts ? 
or the fair-complexioned Aryas ? In verse 2 of this hymn, we find the words 
sakhibhih svebhih, " his friends," which Sayana interprets of the Maruts. He ex- 
plains verse 18 thus: svitnyebhih svetavarnair alankarena dlptangair sakhibhir 
mitrabhutair marudbhih saha kshetram satrunam svabhutam bhumim sanat sama- 
bhakshlt \ " Along with his white-coloured (i.e. whose limbs were shining with orna- 
ments) friends, the Maruts, he divided the territory belonging to his enemies." On 
the other hand, we have, in verse 6 of this hymn, the worshippers themselves spoken 
of as, according to Sayana's gloss, the persons with whom the sun was shared. The 



370 ARYAS AND DASTUS. 

slayer of Vritra, and destroyer of cities, scattered the servile (hosts) 
of black descent. He produced the earth and waters for Manu." 30 The 
passages iii. 34, 9, and iv. 26, 2, which have been already quoted 
above (p. 360, f.), should be again referred to here. vi. 18, 3 : Tvam 
ha nu tyad adamayo dasyumr ekah krishtlr avanor arydya \ "Thou 
(Indra) hast then subdued the Dasyus: thou hast alone subdued 
peoples to the Arya." 31 vi. 61, 3: T7ta Jcshitibhyo avanlr avindah \ 
"And thou (Sarasvati) hast obtained lands for men." 32 vii. 19, 3: 
Paurukutsim Trasadasyum dvah kshetrasdtd vritrahatyeshu purum \ 
" Thou hast preserved the man Trasadasyu, son of Purukutsa, in fights 

r words there are : Asmakebhir nribhih smyam sanat] which Sayana renders, Asmadl- 
yair nribhih purushaih suryam suryaprakasam sanat sambhaktam karotu s'atru- 

purushais tu drishti-nirodhakham andhakaram samyojayatu \ "Let him divide the 
light of the sun with our men, and involve our enemies in darkness which shall 
obstruct their view." The same words are rendered by Rosen : Nostratibus viris 
solem concedat, " Let him bestow the sun on our countrymen," where the words in 
the instrumental case have the sense of the dative assigned to them. If they bear 
that sense in verse 6, they may equally have it in the 18th also. The meaning 
would then be, " He bestowed the land, the sun, the waters, on his fair friends." 
But this use of the instr. would not suit verse 10, Sa gramebhih sanita sa' rathe^hih \ 
whether we understand gramebhih of villages, or hosts. On the words, " his fair 
friends," Professor "Wilson remarks, Rigveda i. p. 260, note: " These, according to 
the scholiast, are the winds, or Maruts ; but why they should have a share of the 
enemy's country (satrunam bhumim) seems doubtful. Allusion is more probably 
intended to earthly friends or worshippers of Indra, who were white (s'witnya) in 
comparison with the darker tribes of the conquered country." The worshipper's 
friendship with Indra is mentioned in many passages of the R.V., as, i. 101, 1 ; iv. 
16, 10; vi. 18, 5 ; vi. 21, 5 and 8 ; vi. 45, 7. Rosen renders this passage: Expug- 
navit terrain sociis suis nitentibus, " He conquered the earth with his struggling 
companions ;" thus giving another sense to svitnyebhih. In two other hymns, vii. 
99, 3, and x. 65, 11 (quoted above, p. 362), we find mention made of the sun in 
a somewhat similar manner as in the verse under review. In his translation of the 
Rigveda in Orient und Occident, ii. 518, f., Prof. Benfey gives the following sense 
to the verse before us : " The much-invoked smites the robbers and devisers of mis- 
chief ; in tempest he shatters them to the ground with his bolt ; with his shining 
comrades the thunderer acquired ground, sun, and floods." 

30 Sayana explains the words krishnayonlh, etc., thus: krishnayoriir nikrishtajafir, 
dastr upakshapayatrlr asurlh senah, " the destructive armies of the Asuras, of 
degraded rank." The Valakhilya ii. 8, has the following words : yebhir ni dasyum 
manusho nighoshayah \ " Th.6 horses with which (Indra) thou didst scare (?) the 
Dasyu away from the man." 

31 Sayaua explains krishtth, "people," by putradasadm, "children, slaves," etc. 

32 Sayana explains avan'ih, by Asurair apahritah bhumlh, " lands taken away by 
the Asuras." Roth (Diet.) assigns also to the word the sense of " streams ;" which 
it might seem to be the function of Sarasvati to give rather than lands. 



CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DASYUS. 371 

with foes for the acquisition of land." vii. 1 00, 4 : Vichalcrame prtthimm 
esha etdih kshetrdya Vishnur manave dasasyan \ " This Vishnu traversed 
this earth, to give it for a domain to Manu (or the [Aryan] man)." 
It is possible that in these passages, or in some of them, allusion may 
be made to the occupation of the plains of India, and the subjugation 
of the aboriginal tribes by the Aryas, on their immigration from the 
north-west ; but it must be confessed that the explanation is uncertain. 
In R.V., x. 65, 11, quoted above (p. 362), there seems to be a reference 
to the spread of Aryan institutions. 

Second: In two of the passages already quoted (i. 51, 8, 9; i. 130, 
8), the epithets avrata and apavrata, " devoid of," or " opposed to, 
religious rites," or "lawless," will have been noticed as applied to the 
Dasyus. I proceed to cite some further passages in which the character 
and condition of the Dasyus (whoever they may be) are specified. 

They are (1) described as a degraded race, i. 101, 5: Indro yo 
dasyun adhardn avdtirat marutvantam sakhyaya havdmahe | m "We 
invoke to be our friend, Indra, attended by the Maruts, who subdued 
the base Dasyus " [or, " subdued and humbled the Dasyus "]. 33 ii. 11, 
18: Bhishva sfivah sura yena Vritram avdlhinad Ddnum Aurnavdlham \ 
apdvrinor jyotir dry dy a ni savyatah sddi dasyur Indra \ "Maintain, 
hero, that strength by which thou hast broken down Vritra, Danu, 
Aurnavabha. Thou hast revealed light to the Arya, and the Dasyu 
has been set on thy left hand." 34 The text of the following, K.V., 
ii. 12, 4, has been already given in p. 282 : " He who swept away the 
low Dasa colour." 35 iv. 28, 4: Visvasmdt slm adhamdn Indra dasyun 
viso ddslr akrinor aprasastdh\ "Indra, thou hast made these Dasyus 
lower than all, and the servile people without renown." 

They are described (2) as having either no religious worship, or rites 
different from those of the Aryas. i. 33, 4, 5 : Ayajvdnah Sanalcdh pretim 
lyuh | pard chit&rshd vivrijus te Indra ayajvdno yajvalhih spardhamdndh\ 

33 Sayana explains this of making the Asuras vile and slaying them : Asuran 
adharan niJcrishtan kritva. 

34 Sayana explains the word Dasyu in this ver%p of the mythical personage 
Vritra. The words ni + sadi, making together nishadi, present a curious coincidence 
with the word Nishada. 

35 Roth (Diet.) gives the sense of "removing, putting away," to guha kah. 
Sayana explains it of "hiding in a cavern." The word varna, colour, race, which is 
applied to the Aryas, iii. 34, 9, is here made use of in speaking of the Dasyus. 
Sayana explains the latter, either of the S'udra ca^e, or of the Asuras. 



372 DASYUS HOW DESCRIBED 

" The unsacrificing Sanakas perished. Contending with the sacrificers, 
the non-sacrificers fled, Indra, with averted faces." 36 i. 131, 4: 
S'dsas tarn Indra martyam ayajyum ityddi\ "Thou, Indra, hast 
chastised the mortal who sacrifices not." 37 i. 132, 4: Sunvadbhyo 
randhaya kanchid avratam hnndyantarn chid avratam \ " Subject to 
those who offer libations the irreligious man, the irreligious man though 
wrathful." iv. 16, 9: Ni mdydvdn abrahmd dasyur aria \ "The 
deceitful, p'rayerless Dasyu has perished?" R.V., v. 7, 10: Ad Ague 
aprinato 'trth sasahydd dasyun ishah sasahydd nrin \ " Agni, may 
the Atri then overcome the illiberal ' Dasyus : may Isha over- 
come the men." R.V., vi. 14, 3 : Turvanto dasyum ayavo vrataih 
sllcshanto avratam \ "Men subduing the Dasyu, with rites (or laws) 
overwhelming the irreligious (or lawless)." v. 42, 9 : Apavratan 
prasave vdvridhdnan brahma-dvishah surydd yavayasva \ "Remove 
far from the sun the irreligious, the haters of prayer, who increase in 
progeny." viii. 59, 10: Tvam nah Indra ritayus tvdnido ni trimpasi\ 
madhye vasishva tuvinrimna urvor ni ddsam sisnatho hathaih \ 11 | 

36 Sayana describes the Sanakas as followers of Vritra : EtannamakZJi Vr^tra- 
nucharah. I cannot say who may be meant by the Sanakas here. They may have 
been heretical Aryas and not Dasyus. A Sanaka was a mindborn son of Brahma. 
Wilson, Vish. Pur., first edition, p. 38, note 13. Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 385, note, 
quotes a text of the Mahabh. xii. 13,078, where he is mentioned as a sage. Benfey 
renders sanakah "old." 

37 In i. 100, 15, the word marttah, "men," is opposed to devah, "gods." The 
word martya, " mortal," is usually applied to men. But from the following passage 
of the S'atapatha-brahmana it appears that the Asuras also are regarded as mortal, 
and that the gods too were formerly so. ii. 2, 2, 8, ff. : Devascha vat Asurascha 
ubhaye prajapatyah paspridhire \ Te ubhaye eva anatmana asuh, martya hy asuh \ 
artatma hi martyah \ Teshu ubhayeshu martyeshu Agnir eva amrita asa \ Tarn ha 
sma ubhaye amritam upajlvanti .... Tato devas tanfyamsa iva pari&isisMre \ Te 
arehantah sramyantas eheruh \ ITta Aswan sapatnan martyan abhibhavema iti te 
etad amritam agnyadheyam dadrisuh \ Te ha uchuh\ hanta idam amritam antarat- 
mann adadhamahai \ Te idam amritam antaratmann adhaya amrita bhutva astaryya 
bhutva staryan sapatnan martyan abhibhavishyama iti. "The gods and Asuras, 
both the offspring of Prajapati, strove together. They were both soul-less, for they 
were mortal ; for he who is soul-less is mortal. While they were both mortal, 
Agni alone was immortal ; and they boih derived life from him, the immortal. . . . 
Then the gods were left as i ne inferior. They continued to practise devotion and 
austerity, and (while seeking to) overcome their foes, the mortal Asuras, they beheld 
this immortal consecrated fire. They then said, ' Come, let us place this immortal 
(fire) in our inmost soul. Having done so, and having [thus] become immortal and 
invincible, we shall overcome our mortal and conquerable enemies.' " The gods 
accordingly placed the sacred fire in their hearts, and by this means overcame the 
Asuras. 



IN THE HYMNS OF THE RIGVEDA. 373 

Anyavratam amdnusham ayajvdnam adevayum \ ava svah sakhd dudhuvita 
parvatah sughndya dasyum parvatah \ " Thou, Indra, lovest our re- 
ligious rites ; thou tramplest down those that revile thee ; thou, 
vigorous hero, guard thyself in thy vital parts (lit. thighs) ; thou hast 
smitten the Dasa with thy blows. 11. Let his own friend Parvata, 
let Parvata strike down to swift destruction the Dasyu who observes 
different rites, who is inhuman, who does not sacrifice, nor regard the 
gods." 33 iv. 41, 2: Sahvdfhso dasyum avratam \ "Subduing $he 
irreligious Dasyu." 39 x. 22, 7, 8 : A nah Indra prikshase asmdkam 
brahma udyatam \ tat tvd ydchdmahe avah S'ushnam yad hann amanusham \ 
8 | Akarmd Dasyur abhi no amantur anyavrato amdnushah \ tvam tasya 
amitrdhan vadhar Ddsyasya dambhaya \ "Our prayer, Indra, is* 
lifted up to thee for sustenance. "We implore of thee that succour 
whereby thou didst smite the inhuman S'ushna. The Dasyu, Irre- 
ligious, foolish, observing other rites, and inhuman, is against us : do 
thou, slayer of our foes, subdue the weapon of this Dasa." 

Another epithet which is frequently applied to the adversaries of 
the % Vedvc bards, or of their deities (whether those adversaries may 
have been Aryas, Dasyus, or demons), is "anindra," "without Indra," 
" despisers of Indra." It occurs in the following texts, R.V., i. 133, 
1 : Ubhe pundmi rodaSl ritena druho dahdmi sam mahlr anindrdh \ "By * 
sacrifice I purify both worlds, I consume the great female- gobiins 
which regard not Indra." R.Y., iv. 23, 7: Druham jighdmsan dhva- 
rasam anindrdm tetikte tigmd tujase anlkd \ " Seeking to slay the 
injurious female-sprite who regards not Indra, he (Indra) makes his 
sharp weapons sharper for her destruction." B.V., v. 2, 3 : Hiranya- 
dantam suchwarnam drat kshetrdd apasyam ayudha mimdnam \ daddno 
asmai amritam viprikkat kim mdm amndt^uh krinavann anukthdh \ 
"From an adjacent spot, while offering to him the imperishable, 

38 I am indebted to Prof. Aufrecht for aid in the translation of this passage. The 
epithets of the Dasyu in the last verse seem well applicable to a mortal ; but some of 
them recur in x. 22, 8. In verse 7 of the same hymn a mortal enemy is referred to : 
Na sim adevah apad isham dirghayo martyah : " lo^ig-lived god, let not a godless 
mortal obtain prosperity." In his comment on E.V. v. 20, 2, Sayana explains the 
word anyavrata thus : Vaidihad vibhaktam vratam karma yasya tasya Asurasya, 
" the Asura whose rites are different from those of the Veda." See Goldstiicker, Diet. 
s.v. " anyavrata." 

39 Benfey in a note to his translation of Samaveda, ii. 243 (p. 251), understands 
Dasyum avratam of Vritra, or the Evil Spirit in general. 



t 
374 DASYUS NOT WORSHIPPERS OF INDRA. 

unmingled [fuel or butter ?], I beheld [Agni] the golden-toothed, the 
bright-coloured, fashioning his weapons : what can those who regard 
not Indra, and recite no hymns, do to me?" K.V., vii. 18, 6: Ardhatn 
vlrasya sritapdm anindram para sardhantam nanude abhi kshdm \ 
"Indra hurled to the ground the half of the struggling