FROM THE LIBRARY OF
REV. LOUIS FITZGERALD BENSON. D. D.
BEQUEATHED BY HIM TO
THE LIBRARY OF
PRINCETON THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY
Seotlo. /005,
The first book published by Dr. Good was The Origin of
the Reformed Church in Germany, which appeared at Read-
ing in 1887. In it he gives an interesting account of the rise
and spread of the Reformed faith in Germany. He shows
that preparations for the Reformed faith were made by the
work of Bucer at Strassburg, Lambert in Hesse, John a Lasco
at Bremen and Melanchthon in the Palatinate. Its introduc-
tion was marked by the adoption of the Heidelberg Cate-
chism by the Elector Frederick III, of the Palatinate, in 1563.
After that date the Reformed Church spread along the Rhine
into Western Germany, and was then introduced into Anhalt,
Lippe, Hesse and Brandenburg. The story of the Reformed
Church is brought down to the Synod of Dort, in 1619. The
whole record is told in a simple form, without display of much
learning or elaborate citation of authorities, although the
author had studied and used his sources carefully through-
out the book.
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IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
THE
ORIGIN
OF THE
REFORMED CHURCH
IN
GKRMANY.
REV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. D.
READING, PA.:
DANIEL MILLER, PUBLISHER.
1887.
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1887,
BY REV. JAMES I. GOOD, D. D.,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
TO THE MEMORY
OF
MY SAINTED FATHER,
REV. WILLIAM A. GOOD,
WHO LOVED TO
PREACH THE TRUTHS
OF THE
HEIDELBERG CATECHISM,
THIS BOOK
IS DEDICATED.
VI PREFACE.
ever, the county of Hanau should have been continued
westward until it touched Frankford.) It is also to be
remembered that the book was written during the busy
duties of a city pastorate, which prevented the writer
from making closer researches on certain points. This
work is intended to be a guide book to any who travel
in Germany, special pains having been taken to give
the exact location of places interesting in Reformed
history. The author feels under special obligations to
Rev. Prof. Chas. A. Briggs, D. D.,and Rev.Chas. Gillett,
of the Union Seminary, New York, for aid in its invalu-
able library ; also to Rev. Prof. David Demarest, D. D.,
of the New Brunswick Seminary ; to Rev. Prof. J. H. A.
Bomberger, D. D., of Ursinus College, College ville. Pa. ;
Rev. Prof. J. H. Good, D. D., of Heidelberg Seminary,
Tiffin, Ohio, and Rev. Prof. J. H. Dubbs, D. D., of
Lancaster, Pa., for aid given in the preparation of the
work. He has also added an appendix, entitled the
'^Reformed World,^' giving the condition of the Re-
formed Churches throughout the world at the present
time. It is to be hoped that this book will fill a gap in
our Reformed Church history, and will stimulate the
German Reformed people to greater love for their Church
and greater pride in her history.
JAMES I. GOOD.
Philadelphia, Sept. 1, 1887.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY SECTION.
Differences Between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches in the Six-
teenth Century Page 9
CHAPTER I.
SECTION I.— Preparation of Germany for the Reformed Church 24
SEC. II. — Bucer and his Preparation for the Reformed Church at
Strasburg 28
SEC. III. — Hesse and its Preparation for the Reformed Faith 50
SEC. IV. — Lasco and his Preparation for the Reformed Faith 80
SEC. V. — Melancthon and his Preparation for the Reformed Church.. 108
CHAPTER II.
The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palatinate 126
SEC. I.— The Preparation of the Palatinate for the Reformed Church.. 1 26
SEC. II. — The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, Ursinus and
Olevianus 150
SEC. III. — The Heidelberg Catechism and its Composition 170
SEC. IV.— The Defence of the Heidelberg Catechism by Elector Fred-
erick III , 193
SEC. v.— The Later Life of Elector Frederick IIL, 1566— 1576 216
CHAPTER III.
The Origin of the Reformed Church in Western Germany 232
SEC. I. — Elector Lewis and his Persecution of the Reformed in the
Palatinate, 1576—83 232
SEC. II.— The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Wetterau
District 253
SEC. III.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Bremen 271
SEC. IV. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith Along the Lower
Rhine 278
SEC, v.— Re-introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palati-
nate by Prince Casimir, 1583—92 307
SEC. VI.— Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate and his Reign,
1592—1610 315
SEC. VII.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Zweibruecken... 323
VIII CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Central and Eastern Ger-
many 328
SEC. I. — Rise and Fall of Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony 328
SEC. II. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Anhalt and Lippe.. 345
SEC. III.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Hesse 352
SEC. IV. — Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Brandenberg 366
SEC. v.— Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Liegnitz, Schon-
aicher, &c 383
CHAPTER V.
The Close of the Introduction of the Reformed Church into Germany.. 387
SEC. I. -Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate. 1610—20 387
SEC. II.— TheSjnod of Dort ...; 393
SEC. III.— Summary 426
SEC. IV. -Conclusion 437
APPENDIX.
The Reformed World Page 459
Index of Dates 489
Index of Names and Places 491
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Map of Germany in the Seventeenth Century.
Heidelberg Castle in 1620 Frontispiece.
Marburg in 1620 Page 72
Heidelberg in the Sixteenth Century 128
Zacharias Ursinus 150
Caspar Olevianus 156
Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate 192
The Episcopal Palace at Augsburg 208
Neustadt 232
Casimirium at Neustadt 240
Herborn 264
Cassel in 1620 352
Berlin in 1680 368
The Synod of Dort 408
INTRODUCTORY SECTION.
Differences Between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches
in the Sixteenth Century.
The Reformed Church of Germany has a history.
If so, it ought to be told to her English children in their
own tongue. The history of the German Reformed
Church is a history of persecutions and triumphs. She
was a faithful witness to the truth in days of darkness
and danger. She was not the least among the Reformed
Churches of the sixteenth century, but was a leader in
the sacramental host of God's elect.
The most interesting part of Reformed Church his-
tory is its beginning. To see the light first glimmering
through the darkness, to see the struggles to find the truth,
to watch her progress through persecution, and her on-
ward march to victory, is the most fascinating page of
her church -life. We propose to take up the story of
her origin in Germany, and to tell that story simply, but
faithfully.
The Reformed Church of Germany was peculiar in
her origin. The word Reformed originally meant
*' reformed" from the Catholic Church — from her
abuses and sins. But she was not a Church, reformed
2
10 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from Catholicism, but reformed from Lutheranism.
In other lands, as in Switzerland, France, Holland,
Scotland and England, the Reformed Church was
a reforming of the Papal Church. But in Germany Lu-
theranism had already conquered the land to Protest-
antism many years before the Reformed Church entered
that land. With only one exception (the Church at Em-
den in North Germany ; and perhaps the Reformed
Church of Strasburg, where the people came from
Catholicism to the Reformed Church), the whole Re-
formed Church of Germany came out of the Lutheran
Church. It was a reformation of the Lutheran Church,
as the Lutheran Church was a reformation of the Rom-
ish Church. The Reformed Church, then, was a purer
Lutheranism. It was the entrance of a second Protest-
antism into Germany. The first protest was at Spire,
in 1529, when the Lutheran princes protested against
the Catholic decrees of that Diet. And because they
protested there, all Evangelicals are called Protestants.
The Reformed Church was a second protest uttered as
decidedly as the first. Only it was directed against the
relics of papacy that were still common in the Lutheran
Church of that day. The Reformed Church finally
came into official existence at the Diet of Augsburg in
1566, when Elector Frederick III. made his eloquent
defence of his Heidelberg Catechism — the second pro-
test. However friendly the Lutheran and Reformed
A REFORM IN THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 11
Churches may be to-day (why should they not be ?) ; yet
the careful student of history cannot fail to be impressed
with the fact, that the Lutheran Church of the sixteenth
century was more bigoted, more intolerant, more sacra-
mentarian and less liberal than the Lutheran Church of
the nineteenth century. And so, the founding of the Re-
formed Church in Germany was a decided, yes in some
places an indignant, protest against the sacramentarian-
ism and bigotry of the Lutheran Church. Queen Eliz-
abeth of England, in one of her letters to the different
courts of Germany in 1577, speaking of the Reformed
Churches, calls them the "ecclesiae reformatiores" —
* more reformed' ; implying that the Lutherans were re-
formed, but the Reformed were more so. The Re-
formed Church, then, was a reformation of the Lutheran
Church of that age.
This history is not intended to be a history of doc-
trines, but rather a statement of facts. Doctrines are
only referred to, as they are interwoven with the places
or the events of history. To write a history of the doc-
trines, as well as of the events, would far exceed the
limits of this volume. Certain doctrines, or differences
in doctrines will have to be taken for granted. It will
be necessary, therefore, at the very beginning to state
the differences between the Lutherans and the Reformed
of that age, so that we need not waste any time hereafter
by continually defining or describing doctrine.
12 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
1. — Names of the two Churches,
The name "Lutheran" was not originally applied to
the Lutheran Church alone. It was a name given by the
Catholics to all Evangelicals, Reformed as well as Lu-
therans. The Catholics made it a term of reproach ; as
if the Lutherans were the followers of a man^ while they
were the followers of God. So, too, the name "Re-
formed" was at first a general term for all Evangelicals.
It included Lutherans as well as Reformed. But in
course of time these two names came to be applied to
two great tendencies or divisions in the Church. The
name "Lutheran," as the official title of the Lutheran
Church, did not appear until the days of the Formula
of Concord in 1577, more than half a century after Lu-
ther began his reformation. Luther had died and it
then became the fashion to glorify his words and works.
Andrea and Hunnius then looked on him as a special
messenger of God to reveal the doctrines of Christianity.
Luther at first had complained of this use of his name
by his followers. But his adherents clung to the name
and prided themselves on it, forgetting Paul's warning
against the naming of sects after individuals as given in
1 Cor. 1 : 12, 13, " Now this I say that every one of you
saith I am of Paul, and I of Apollos, and I of Cephas,
and I of Christ. Is Christ divided ? Was Paul cruci-
fied for you ? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul ?"
The Reformed Church was not so limited as the
THE NAMES LUTHERAN AND REFORMED. 13
Lutheran, in the number of her names. She had several
names. Her first distinctive name was Sacramentarian
or Zwinglian. This was a name of reproach given by
the Lutherans, because the Reformed seemed to them to
make so much of the sacrament and so little of Christ
in the Lord's supper; (the Reformed did not believe in
the external presence of Christ at the supper.) The
next name given to the Reformed was the name '* Re-
formed.'' This name was at first given to all Evan-
gelicals who aimed to reform the abuses of the Catholic
Church. But it was first used as the official title of the
Reformed branch of Churches in the province of Nassau
in Germany in 1578, then in Anhalt, the Palatinate and
Bremen. It was used by them, either to emphatically
define their position against high Lutheranism, or with
the intention of a more thorough reformation than the
Lutheran Church had made. But still the old use of
the name Reformed continued even as late as 1581,
when in the " Harmony of the Orthodox and Reformed
Confessions'' it is still used in its broad sense ; for that
Harmony of Reformed creeds includes in it the Augs-
burg and Wurtemberg Confessions, which were Lu-
theran.
The third name given to the Reformed was the
name " Calvinist." Westphal and Hesshuss, the Lu-
theran zealots, invented this name, so as to cast reproach
on the Reformed. They wanted to suggest, (as Calvin was
14 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
a Frenchman, not a German,) that the Reformed faith
was a foreign, strange faith to the Germans, and had no
right to enter Germany. But the Reformed of Ger-
many seemed to have preferred the name Reformed to
Calvinist. They did not care to name themselves after
any particular person. They did not want to have the
foreign origin of their faith continually hinted at by the
name Calvinist. There was, however, this difference in
the use of this name ; that while in Eastern Germany,
where they were among hostile Lutherans, the Reformed
seldom used the name Calvinist, in Western Germany
the name is much oftener used, and pride was taken in
its use. Such names as are now sometimes given to the
Reformed, as Reformed-Lutherans or Lutheran-Re-
formed, only reveal the ignorance of those who use
them. There never was a Reformed-Lutheran or a
Lutheran-Reformed Church officially so designated.
The Reformed Church was always distinct from the
Lutheran Church, and it emphasized its distinctness and
separation. It was as much distinct from the Lutheran
as are the Presbyterian or Episcopal Churches of to-day.
2. — Doctrines.
Let us now notice the difference in doctrine between
the Reformed and Lutherans of Germany as they ap-
peared in the sixteenth century. There were three main
differences in doctrine, mode of worship and govern-
DIFFERENCE IN DOCTRINE. 16
merit. Out of these three, two other differences grew a
little later.
The first and most important distinction between
them was in the doctrine of the sacraments. The Lu-
therans were higher on the sacraments than the Re-
formed — higher both on baptism, as well as the Lord^s
supper.* The Lutherans generally held that unbap-
tized infants were unregenerated ; and there was, to say
the least, the greatest doubt whether they were saved.
The Reformed generally held to infant salvation. But
the most important difference was in the Lord's supper.
This feast of peace has, alas, been made the bone of con-
tention. The Lutherans held to Christ's presence in
the elements, while the Reformed held to His presence
at the supper, although not necessarily in the elements.
The Lutherans held to a bodily presence, the Re-
formed to a spiritual presence. The Lutherans believed
that Christ's body and blood were intimately united
with the bread and wine — "in, with and under" the
bread and wine. The Reformed were ready to grant
that Christ was received Svith' the elements, but not
*in' and * under' them. As the Lutherans believed that
Christ's body and blood were mysteriously united with
*The Lutherans held that baptism was a means of regenera-
tion, concurrent with the sacramental act and hence necessary
to salvation. The Reformed held that baptism was a sign and
seal of regeneration ; concurrent, or preceding, or succeeding
regeneration accordijig to God's free pleasure.— Schaff.
16 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the elements, they also believed He was received through
the mouth with the bread and wine. This doctrine was
called oral raauducation. The Reformed denied this
doctrine as savoring of cannibalism ; and held that Christ
was not received through the mouth, but that He was
received spiritually hy faith. And also, since the Lu-
therans believed in this union of Christ's body and
blood with the elements, they believed that all who re-
ceived the communion, whether worthy or unworthy, re-
ceived Christ and were blessed. The Reformed declared
that only those who received it through faith received
Christ ; all others receiving it only to their condem-
nation.
The second difference between them was in their cul-
tus or manner of worship. The Reformed Church serv-
ices were simpler than the Lutheran. The Lutheran
was the high Church, the Reformed the low Church of
Germany. The Lutherans emphasized the ceremonial,
the Reformed the spiritual. In baptism the Lutherans
retained in most places the Catholic rite of exorcism, or
blowing away of the devil at baptism. And when the
Formula of Concord was adopted, exorcism became the
shibboleth of the high Lutherans. The Reformed put
baptismal fonts out of the churches and went so
far in their simplicity as often to use nothing but a
wooden bowl. At the Lord's Supper the Lutherans re-
tained the wafers of the Catholic Church, while the Re-
DIFFERENCE IN CUSTOM. 17
formed used bread, after the Scriptural mode. The Re-
formed used common plates and cups at the communion,
so as to emphasize their simplicity ; sometimes even go-
ing so far as to use only wooden plates and cups at the
sacrament. Altars they would not allow in their
churches. Almost the first act in introducing a Re-
formed church, was to put away the altars of the Lu-
therans. Ursinus' opposition to altars is shown in his
letter to Crato about Morenberg, who had dared to put
away an altar from his church. "God knows," says
Ursinus, "I hope that no damage shall come to him for
the effort, yes, much more that all altars in the world
might be extirpated, since we have now a single altar,
our Intercessor in Heaven, who, as He is our Priest, is
also our altar.* As a result of their lower views on
the sacraments, the Reformed Church service was much
freer, less ritualistic and liturgical than the Lutheran.
The Reformed did not use the Pericopes, or Scripture
lessons for each Sabbath, in their churches. " Zwingli de-
parted from the time-honored use of the Scripture les-
sons, and connectedly explained whole books of the
Bible, while on this as on other points Luther adhered
to the ancient custom. "f
The Reformed Church of Germany followed Zwing-
li^s and Calvin^s example. The Lutheran church was
*Crato, of Kratftheim, page 2')6.
tHageiibach XL, 13.
18 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the church of the pericopes, the Reformed of the whole
Bible. Henry* says, " In the Lutheran church, the
pericopes have been retained, they have vanished from
the Reformed church, and with them all marks of the
ecclesiastical year." The Reformed ministers seem to
have been careless about any special dress for the pul-
pit. " Farel once preached at Rive, wearing no robes
but preaching in ordinary citizen's dress. This was the
general custom of the reformers of the Reformed
Church. "t The Reformed Church never believed in
the special priesthood of the ministry, she believed in the
priesthood of all believers.
The Reformed churches closed organs, stopped
the ringing of church bells, and, in their intense opposi-
tion to papal superstitions, refused funeral services at
the grave, lest they might seem to be prayers for the
dead. Thus it is easy to see that the Reformed Church
service was simpler than the Lutheran and more Script-
ural, also. As D'Aubigne has well observed : Luther
aimed to put away from the churches only what was
contrary to the word of God ; Zwingli aimed to have
nothing in them that was not authorized by the word
of God.
*Life of Calvin I., 418.
tHagenbach II., 203.
DIFFERENCE IN CUSTOM. 19
There were also several minor differences, which
reveal the papal influence still lingering in the Lutheran
Church of that, day, and which also reveal the Scriptural
influence on the Reformed. The Lutherans, in the
Lord's Prayer, retained the form of the Catholic ^ Pater
Noster,' saying * Vater Unser,' * father our/ The Re-
formed repeated it as it is in the Bible, * Unser Vater,'
* our father.'* They also differed in another clause of the
Lord's Prayer. The Lutherans translated the clause
•^ deliver us from evil," following Augustine and the
Latin in doing so. This is like the English version of
the Lord's Prayer. The Reformed, following the Greek,
translated it * deliver us from the evil one,' — the devil.
In the ten commandments, the Lutherans also retained
the Catholic division, while the Reformed gave the
Scriptural division. The Lutherans united the first
two commandments into one ; and then, to make their
number ten, divided the last commandment on coveting
into two commandments. But this division of the last
commandment is contrary to Paul's words against covet-
ousness, where he alludes to it as one command.
This union of the first and second commandment served
to make the command against images less conspicuous.
The result was, that images were left in the Lutheran
churches, while they were put out of the Reformed.
*Dr. Schaff observes, that this is considered by some
farmers in Eastern Pennsylvania as the only ditference between
the Lutherans and the Reformed.
20 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The Catholics had designedly made this division of the
ten commandments, so as to allow the use of images in
their churches. The Lutherans did not retain it for that
reason, but merely as a relic of Romanism. But it had
an unfortunate influence on the Lutheran Church, as it
made her careless in allowing pictures or other papal relics
to remain in their churches. The Lutherans allowed
pictures, statues, crucifixes, &c., in the church. The
Reformed cleansed their churches of all pictures, cruci-
fixes, even crosses. These differences may seem small
ones to us at this distant day. But the laity cling to
customs rather than to doctrines. The introduction of
bread instead of wafers at the Lord's supper, and the
putting away of pictures by the Reformed, led to great
bitterness, and sometimes even to riots, as at Marburg
and Berlin.
A third difference between the Lutheran and the
Reformed Churches lay in their church government.
Luther did not give so much attention to organization
as did the reformers of the Reformed Church. The
Reformed had a splendid set of organizers in Calvin,
Lasco, Lambert and Olevianus. The Lutheran Church
was aristocratic — the government of princes, the Re-
formed Church democratic — the government of the
ministry and people. The Lutheran Churches were
generally governed by superintendents, who were ap-
pointed by the princes of the land. The Reformed
DIFFERENCE IN GOVERNMENT. 21
Churches were governed by the ministry and elders,
chosen by the people. And the Reformed organization
was much more complete. It bad a regular gradation
of church-courts. First came the presbytery in the
congregation, consisting of the pastor and elders of the
Church. Above it, in regular order, were the church-"
courts of Classis, Synod and General Synod. In some
of the states of Germany, this pure presbyterian govern-
ment was, to some extent, modified by a compromise
between the Lutheran and Reformed customs, in the
appointment of a consistory. The consistory was like
the Lutheran form of government, as its members were
appointed by the prince But it was like the Reformed,
as the prince left the entire control of the Church to the
consistory, and separated its jurisdiction from the
administration of civil law. These were the three main
differences between the Lutheran and the Reformed
Churches, in the early days of the reformation. But
gradually, as time passed on, two other differences began
to reveal themselves, until they became distinctive
doctrines of each Church.
The first of them was the doctrine of Predestination.
At first all the reformers were predestinarians. The
Romanists had so emphasized man's good works as nec-
essary to salvation, that the reformers went to the other
extreme, and emphasized God's grace and sovereignty as
the only source of salvation. Melanchthon in the
22 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lutheran Church, finally retired from the high predes-
tinarian position, and carried the Lutheran Church with
him. While on the other hand, Calvin progressed in
it, until he formulated the doctrine for the Reformed
Church. The doctrinal dissensions of the first half
century, at the beginning of the reformation, were about
the Lord's supper ; for the next half century, they were
mainly about predestination. It is, however, to be re-
membered, that the Reformed Church of Germany,
while accepting Calvinism, never officially declared for
the doctrine of reprobation nor for a limited atonement.
It is true, these views were largely held by her ministers
at that time, but they were not expressed by her symbols.
Her creed, the Heidelberg Catechism, adopts election and
universal atonement.
Another diiference between the two Churches be-
came apparent in course of time — the doctrine of
ubiquity. Ubiquity was the logical outcome of Luther-
anism, as predestination was of Calvinism. The doc-
trine of ubiquity is, that the human body of Christ is
everywhere present. This was logically necessary, so as
to explain the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's supper.
As the Lutherans held that Christ's body was present
whenever the Lord's supper was celebrated ; and as the
Lord's supper was celebrated in many places at the same
time, it was logically necessary that Christ's body should
be present in many places at one time. So they held
INDIGENOUS TO GERMANY. 23
that Christ^s humanity was omnipresent like his divinity.
But the Reformed rebelled at this monstrous doctrine of
ubiquity. Indeed it was the publication of this doctrine
of ubiquity, in the Formula of Concord, that drove
many of the princes of Germany over to the Reformed
faith. By thus becoming Reformed, these German
Churches protested against any intermingling of the two
Datures of Christ. Anything that confuses the two
natures of Christ, or breaks down the distinction be-
tween them, or savors of Eutychianism, is not Reformed.
The very existence of the Reformed Church in Germany
is an evidence of her opposition to, and hatred of, this
doctrine.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION I.
Preparation of Germany for the Beformed Church.
The Reformed Church of Germany is partly iu-
digenous, and partly foreign, in its origin. On the one
hand, she was the outgrowth of the spirit and genius of
the German people. The Germans were a liberty-loving
race. They did not bow themselves meekly, either to
the Roman empire or to the Roman Church. So when
the spirit of reformation appeared in the sixteenth
century, the Germans were ripe for casting off the yoke
of Romanism. Now this intense love for freedom, and
this self-reliance on the part of the Germans, led many
of them to prefer the Reformed Church to the Lutheran.
For the Reformed Church was the Church of freedom.
Her government allows freedom of action and fosters
self-government through her elders and synods. And
therefore many of these liberty-loving Germans drifted
over to the Reformed faith.
Again, the Germans were a simple-hearted folk.
There has always been a peculiar simplicity about Ger-
man piety. This love of simplicity naturally led them
toward the Reformed Church, whose religious faith and
manner of worship was more simple than the Lutheran.
PREPARATION FOR REFORMED CHURCH. 25
For these reasons the Reformed faith is indigenous to
German soil — an outgrowth of German character and
life. Strasbnrg, Emden, Palatinate, Bremen, Hesse,
grew into the Reformed Church because of its sym-
plicity. The Augsburg Interim of 1548 had opened
the eyes of German Protestants to the dangers still lurk-
ing in many of their forms of worship, which w^ere
relics of papacy, but retained by the Lutheran Church,
And this made them the more ready for the simpler
ritual of the Reformed Church.
But in other respects, the German Reformed faith
was foreign in its origin. It came to Germany from the
outside. The birth place of the Reformed faith was
Switzerland : and it came into Germany from Switzer-
land, France, and Holland. Those who suggested, and
who also organized the Reformed Church to the Ger-
mans, were mainly foreigners, as Lasco of Poland,
Lambert of France, and others.
The relation between these two causes of the Re-
formed faith, the one external, the other internal, may
be stated thus : that while the German people were
naturally inclined toward the freedom and simplicity of
the Reformed Church, the Reformed faith came to
them at a peculiar juncture of affairs — at a crisis, when
the high Lutherans drove the Melancthonians out of
their ranks. Then, when the princes were tired of the
madness of theologians, and the people weary of hearing
3
26 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
polemics instead of the gospel, in the pulpit, then, just
then, the Reformed faith came in to gather up the dis-
contented German christians into its bosom and give
them rest.
There were four different movements that pre-
pared the way for the introduction of the Reformed
faith. The Reformed Church was officially recognized
by the German government for the first time at the Diet
of Augsburg, in 1566, when Elector Frederick III. of
the Palatinate took his stand as a member of the Re-
formed Church. The conversion of this, the leading
Elector of Germany, arrested the attention of all Ger-
many, and gave prominence and permanence to the Re-
formed faith. The Palatinate, with Heidelberg as its
capital, became the centre of Reformed influence all
over the land. But before the Palatinate became Re-
formed, there were four distinct movements, which pre-
pared the way.
The first city in Germany to feel the influence of
Reformed doctrines was Strasburg, under Bucer and
Capito. Strasburg was finally lost to the Reformed
faith, as it went over to Lutheranism. But the influence
of Bucer the reformer, and John Sturm the teacher, left
a deep impression on Germany.
The next land to tend toward the Reformed faith
was Hesse. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse, by his friend-
ship with Zwiugli and Bucer, by the introduction of
PREPARATION FOR REFORMED CHURCH. 27
synods into his land, sowed the seed, which, however,
did not harvest until nearly a century later, when Land-
grave Maurice finally went over to the Refornaed
Church. But Hesse, with its Marburg Conference of
1529, made a deep impression on Germany, in favor of
the Reformed Church.
The third place, where the Reformed Church gained
a foothold, was at Emden in North Germany. This
was the first purely Reformed Church in Germany,
the Reformed doctrines being introduced as early as
1526, by Aportanus. It was the only German Church
that came directly from Romanism into the Reformed
faith. The influence of the Church at Emden was
made greater by the coming of John A. Lasco, the
Polish reformer. Emden became a refuge for the per-
secuted Reformed of all lands, and her foreign Reformed
Churches opened the eyes of the Germans to the reality
and beauty of the Reformed faith.
The last cause was not a local one, but a mental one
— a tendency of thought, in many parts of Germany.
It was Melancthonianism. The adherents of Melanc-
thon^s liberal views prepared the way for our faith.
Melancthon himself never was Reformed ; but his in-
fluence finally became a tendency in that direction.
We will take up these four difl'erent causes for the
Reformed Church in their order.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION II.
Bncer and his Preparation for the Reformed Church at
Strasburg.
Strasburg was one of the most flourishing and liberal
of the free cities of Germany. Being a free city, the
gospel soon found a free and hearty reception among its
citizens. From the flat plain, in which it lies, its tall
cathedral spire can be seen for many miles around.
Like its church spire, Strasburg became a finger point-
ing heavenward, exerting a wide influence on western and
southern Germany. Matthew Zell introduced the evan-
gelical doctrines into Strasburg. It is a remarkable fact
that the cathedral, now so given to Romish rites, was the
birth place of the gospel for that city. Luther's brave
conduct at the Diet of Worms, not far away, made a
deep impression on all western Germany ; and Luther's
writings, scattered abroad, were read in Strasburg. Zell
in 1521 began preaching the evangelical faith, by ex-
pounding the epistle to the Romans. He first preached
them in the chapel of St Lawrence, one of the side
chapels of the cathedral. But as the chapel became too
small, he began to preach in the great auditorium of the
cathedral. And, as the Romish bishop locked the great
ZELL AND HIS HELPEKS. 29
pulpit of the cathedral against the preaching of such
heresy, the carpenters from the neighboring Kurben-
strasse made a portable wooden pulpit, that it might be
brought into the cathedral, when there . was preaching.
From it he preached, and after each service was over,
it was carried out again. He soon after completed his
breach with Rome by marrying, and his home became
a refuge for the persecuted brethern*, who came to Stras-
burg from other lands and cities. Zell was a ZwingKan
in his belief, but took little part in theological con-
troversies.
But God soon raised up helpers, to aid him in the work
of reforming Strasburg. The one was Capito, who had
been cathedral preacher at Mayence, who came to St.
Thomas as provost. Another helper was Jacob Sturm.
Born at Strasburg, he belonged to a family which, for
more than two centuries, had given Strasburg its ablest
magistrates. After 1522 Sturm stood at the head of
the government of this free city. From 1525 to 1552
as the representative of Strasburg he took part in ninety-
one political and religious negotiations. He was one
of the most influential councillors of Germany. As
early as 1524 he had openly declared for Protestantism
and freedom of conscience, without any interference from
emperor or pope. He was a tower of strength for
Protestantism.
But the leader of the Strasburg reformation was
Martin Bucer. He was born at Schlettstadt, in 1491.
30 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In the celebrated Latin school there, he showed such
precocity, that his friends prophesied ' he would become
a pope if he could/ Under the influence of Udenheim,
he, with his friend Beatus Rhenanus, was introduced to
the teaching of humanism.* Bucer hoped to become a
teacher of these new sciences without becoming a priest ;
but, as no way seemed to open to him, he was compelled
to enter the Church. In 1506 he joined the preaching
order of the Dominicans, who, strange to say, called
themselves ^ reformed.' But his Latin books were taken
away by them, and he was compelled to study the dry
dialectics of Lombard and Aquinas, two teachers of
Catholic theology. Wearied of this, he tried to get
away to Heidelberg, where there was a large monastery
of his order, and where he would have the advantages
of the university ; especially as John Agricola had
already introduced the humanistic studies into the
university. The prior of his convent sympathized with
the ambitious boy ; so he was sent to Heidelberg. Here
he studied the Bible ; and, even at some danger to him-
self, began to teach it to the younger brethren of his
order. Luther's writings made a deep impression on him.
*Hiimaiiism was the progressive culture of its day. It in-
cluded the study of Greek, a new language then to Europe.
The study of Greek led to the reading of the Bible in the origi-
nal, and thus unveiled the errors of Rome. The study of the
new sciences led to a progressive spirit, which would not be re-
strained by tbe shackles of Romanism, but broke with them
and formed Protestantism.
CONVERSION OF BUCER. 31
Luther's visit to Heidelberg in 1518 clinched those im-
pressions. For Luther, accompanied by Staupitz, came
to Heidelberg on a general visitation to his order.
While there, he held, in April, 1518, an open discussion
on forty theses, in the Augustinian convent. The court,
university and citizens attended this discussion, which
set Heidelberg on fire, and spread throughout all southern
Germany. The next day Bucer had a private confer-
ence with Luther. The Augustinians and Dominicans
were rival orders, but Luther was so pleased with Bucer,
that he declared that Bucer was the only brother of the
Dominican order ^' without guile." For trying to
spread Luther's doctrines among his order, Bucer was
persecuted, and finally compelled to flee from Heidel-
berg. He went to Spire, where Ulric von Hutten sent
him to Francis von Sickingen, who protected him from
the wrath of his order. He was finally released from
the authority and persecutions of his order, through the
intervention of Ulric von Hutten, and transferred by
the bishop of Spire to the secular clergy. He then be-
came court chaplain of Elector Frederick II. of the
Palatinate, hoping to be able to influence him to Protest-
antism, as the Elector was leaning that way. But
Bucer, weary of the frivolity of his court, left it and
went in 1522 to Sickingen, who appointed him pastor
at Landstuhl. While there, he married a nun, and, as
he was one of the first priests to marry, he had to bear
32 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
much odium on account of it. He then went to Wpis-
senberg, where he founded an evangelical Church. But
having been excommunicated by the bishop of Spire, he
fled to Strasburg, hoping to find in that free city an
asylum. Here he, at first, lectured on the Pauline
Epistles to a circle of scholars in ZelPs house. He was
very poor, and wrote to Zwingli for help. Ulric von
Hutten was then at Zurich and interceded for him.
Thus Bucer was led into correspondence with the Swiss,
and early expressed a greater preference for their doc-
trines than for Luther's. Zell allowed Bucer to lecture
in the chapel of St. Lawrence, and as the bishop had
stopped his preaching, he loaned him his wooden pulpit,
from which Bucer taught the gospel to an increasing
congregation. The Catholics tried to stop this. One
day, while Bucer was preaching in the cathedral, the
monks in the choir of the church began singing their
service, so as to drown his voice. Bucer's listeners
murmured at the interruption, and one of them, a joiner
by trade, went to the monks in the choir of the church,
and advised them to wait until the end of Bucer's ser-
mon. But as words passed and the monks began to
defend themselves, a riot became imminent. Bucer's
congregation picked up their stools and footstools to
use against the insolent monks, when, just then, the
chief magistrate appeared, and both parties were sum-
moned to appear before the city council the next day.
BUCER IN STRASBURG. 33 '
It happened that about this time German mass was
celebrated in the St. John's Chapel of St. Lawrence
Church, and the Lord's supper administered in two
kinds at St. Thomas Church. Thus, the evangelical
influences became strong to aid him. Bucer's father be-
came a resident of Strasburg. He, too, exerted himself
for his son ; and wrote that, if he taught anything con-
trary to the Scripture, he would be willing to die. All
these influences led the city council to take Bucer under
their protection. This threatened riot brought matters
to a crisis ; for the city council ordered, that nothing
but the pure gospel should be preached in Strasburg.
In ] 524, the priests of St. Aurelian Church refused to
obey the city council and become citizens of Strasburg ;
so Bucer, who had now become a citizen, was unani-
mously elected pastor of that Church. It appears that
many people made pilgrimages to St. Aurelian's to
be cured of the fever at the saint's tomb. Bucer
therefore, preached against all these Komish supersti-
tious, so that his parishioners removed the wonder-work-
ing body of the saint and destroyed the grave.
Bucer, having come in correspondence with the
Swiss, began to be influenced toward their greater sim-
plicity of service and doctrine. Strasburg also began
to feel the influence of the neighboring French Reform-
ed Church. Farel, the Elijah of the Alps, came to
Strasburg, and remained there as pastor of the French
34 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Church for fifteen months. Lefevre, the first of the re-
formers, and Roussel, the court chaplain of Queen
Margaret of Navarre, also stayed at Strasburg. Capito
especially was affected by these French Reformed min-
isters, although all felt their influence.
But the first breach between Bucer and Luther came
in 1525. Gerbel, a jurist of Strasburg, wrote to Luther
against the Strasburg ministers, charging them with
departing from Lutheranism. So Bucer and Capito,
anxious to preserve peace and unity, sent Caselius to
Luther at Wittenberg, to act as mediator. Luther was
not satisfied with their statements about the Lord's sup-
per. " One or the other of the two parties must be of
Satan,'' he said. Caselius returned, and Bucer saw
with deep sorrow, that the bond of unity between
Luther and themselves was broken. The result was
that Bucer inclined more and more away from the
Lutherans, and toward the Swiss. This shows itself
quite clearly in the fourth part of Luther's Postiles,
which Bucer translated from the German into Latin, at
the request of the Italian refugees at Strasburg. In
this translation, Bucer made some changes in the doc-
trine of the Lord's supper, that angered Luther very
much. In 1528 the relations between Bucer and
the Swiss became so close, that Bucer attended a dispu-
tation at Berne. In 1528 Bucer issued his '' Dialogus,"
in which he reproved the coarse language that Luther
BREACH BETWEEN BUCEU AND LUTHER. 35
had used. Luther in return, wrote to his friend Gerbel
in Strasburg, " that he (Gerbel) must live among beasts,
vipers, lions, panthers, and was in greater danger than
Daniel in the den of lions." In 1529 this intimacy of
Strasburg with the Swiss was further aided by the visit
of ^wingli on his way to the conference at Marburg.
Zwingli was very cordially received at Strasburg, and
during his stay of twelve days, preached with great ac-
ceptance. At Marburg, Bucer openly sided with
Zwingli and the Swiss against Luther. Luther, when
he saw Bucer, pointed his finger at him, and said sneer-
ingly, " you are a knave." Nevertheless, Bucer labored
for harmony and a union between Luther and Zwingli
at this conference.
In 1530 came the great Diet of Augsburg. The
boldness of the Protestants at that Diet was quite mark-
ed. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse opened the gates of
the cathedral, and had his chaplain Schnepff preach
the word of salvation in it; and on May fifteenth,
Phillip ordered Cellarius, a Zwinglian and a pastor of
Augsburg, to preach in the cathedral. After this the
Landgrave settled down to St. Ulric Church, and the
Elector of Saxony to St. Catharine's, where the pure
gospel was preached to great crowds. The whole city
seemed to incline to Protestantism, but to Zwing-
lianism rather than to Lutheranism. But when, later,
the Emperor arrived, the business of the Diet began ;
36 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and Melancthon presented the Augsburg Confession to
the Emperor,* Bucer hoped, that that confession would
be so worded that the Strasburg delegates could sign it,
and be protected by it. But that confession was so
worded as to exclude them; though at Landgrave
Phillip's request, it did not condemn the Zwinglians by
name.
As the Strasburg delegates found that they .were
shut out from signing the Augsburg Confession, they
deemed it necessary, (as the Emperor had asked a state-
ment of doctrine from all the evangelical states,) to draw
up a confession of their own and present it. Bucer and
Capito drew up a confession of twenty-three articles,
called the Tetrapolitana, [ 'of four cities' — because it
was signed by the four cities of Strasburg, Constance,
Memmingen and Lindau.) This was the first Reform-
ed Confession of Germany. On the article on the Lord's
supper it differed from the Augsburg Confession in
keeping the relations of Christ's body to the bread in
the background. t There is nothing said of the recep-
tion of the body of Christ through the mouth, or of the
blessing on unbelievers who partake of the Lord's sup-
•*His confession was read before the Emperor in the saloon
of the old Episcopal palace, which was small and held only two
hundred persons. But, as it was not raised high above the
ground, those who stood outside could hear it.
fit says, " Christ offers to his followers His very body and
blood as spiritual food and drink, whereby their souls are nour-
ished unto ererlasting life."
BUCER AT THE AUGSBURG DIET. 37
per. In these respects, it differs from the Lutheran.
Like all Reformed confessions, it gives a prominent
position to the authority of the Scriptures, ordering that
nothing should be taught in the churches, but what was
contained in the word of God or fairly deduced from it.
While on the authority of the Bible, the Lutherans,
from prudence, were silent in their confession. The
Tetrapolitana also rejects the worship of images, on
which the Augsburg is also silent. Thus the Tetra-
politana was more outspoken against the errors of Rome
than the Augsburg ; and it reveals in itself the germs
of future Calvinism. In 1531 the Strasburg delegates,
agreeing with it in essentials, had to sign the Augsburg
confession, in order to join the Smalcald League of
Princes. But Bucer remained true to the old Tetra-
politana, and on his deathbed reconfessed it as his, in
his last will and testament. This Diet of Augsburg
may be called the Diet of confessions ; for Zwingli also
sent a confession to the Emperor. His confession was
more radical even than the Tetrapolitana, although in
the Lord's supper he acknowledges that the true body
of Christ was present — an advance on his previous state-
ments. The Tetrapolitana afterwards was made the
basis of the Wittenberg Concord. In 1533 a Synod
lasting ten days, under the presidency of Jacob Sturm,
adopted sixteen articles of doctrine and government for
Strasburg. These made the church of Strasburg much
38 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
simpler than that of Wittenberg in its rites, and
contrasted strangely with the semi-catholic customs re-
tained in that Saxon country. Images and many of the
altars were put out of the churches. But in their re-
forms they did not go quite as far as the Reformed did
afterwards ; for private communion, private confession,
organs and an altar in each of the churches, were per-
mitted to remain. These the Reformed afterwards en-
tirely abolished in their churches in Germany.
This completed the conversion of Strasburg to Prot-
estantism, and Bucer now had time to attend to other
matters. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse having conquer-
ed Wurtemberg and restored it to Duke Ulric, Bucer
went there to complete the conversion of that land to
Protestantism. In one part, * ob der steig,' Zwinglianism
prevailed, in * Unter den Steig' Lutheranism prevailed.
Had the conquest occurred before the death of Zwingli,
Wurtemberg would probably have become Reformed.
Or had it taken place before the Diet of Augsburg, it
might have become Reformed. But now Wurtem-
berg, in order to receive the protection of the Augs-
burg confession, which was the only confession legally
acknowledged in Germany, became Lutheran. Bucer
was now free to begin his union efforts to bring the
Lutherans and Reformed together. He was the great
peacemaker of the sixteenth century. Jacob Sturm
always aimed to bring these two faiths together, from
bucer's efforts for unity. 39
political motiv^es, because of dangers of disunion that
threatened Strasburg for being Reformed. So Bucer
began his efforts toward union. First at Constance and
then at a conference with Melancthon at Cassel, they
agreed to a compromise about the Lord's supper. The
result was that in May, 1536, Bucer and Capito went to
Wittenberg to meet Luther and Melancthon, and draw
up a confession on which they could unite. Since the
death of Zwingli, the Swiss were more concessive.
Luther, too, was in a softer mood. So they agreed on a
compromise confession, called the Wittenberg Concord.
Melancthon drew it up. Its phraseology is Lutheran ;
but it allowed a Reformed interpretation of the sacra-
ment. It asserts that the body and blood of Christ are
truly present and offered in the sacrament. The differ-
ence between the reformers seemed then to be, whether
the body and blood of Christ were received by the un-
worthy or not Finally a lucky inspiration seized Lu-
ther and led him to say, "After all, why should we
quarrel about unbelievers. We receive you as brethren
in Christ," and stretched forth his hand in token of peace.
So they came to a compromise on the communion of un-
believers, by a distinction between the unworthy and
godless. The word ^unworthy' was used ; but with the
understanding that the godless did not receive the body
and blood in the bread and wine. In this Wittenberg
Concord, the Lutherans, for the first time, acknowledged
40 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Reformed as brethren, in spite of their differences.
This was a great advance on Luther's position at Mar-
burg, where he refused fellowship with Zwingli.
This Wittenberg Concord proved a great blessing to
Germany ; for it gave theological peace to Germany for
twenty years, until Luther's death. During these
twenty years the Zwinglians developed upward, through
Calvin, to a higher appreciation of the sacraments, while
on the other hand, a large part of the Lutherans develop-
ed downward, through Melancthon, toward Calvin's
position. Thus Germany became theologically, as well
as politically, united against Catholicism, on the basis of
the Wittenberg Concord. Had it remained so united,
there would probably have been no Thirty Years' war,
with its untold horrors.
Bucer, having healed the breach between Lutheranism
and the Reformed Church, as well as it could be healed,
now had time to devote himself more fully to the affairs
of the church at Strasburg. The Latin School, founded
more than a decade of years before, was enlarged into a
Gymnasium.* John Sturm, one of the most learned
men of his day, was called from Paris to Strasburg, to
become its rector. He became one of the most remark-
able men in Germany. Discarding the old scholastic
methods of teaching, he adopted tlie new humanistic
principles, and aimed to unite classic learning with
*This school adjoined the New Kirche.
COMING OF CALVIN. 41
evangelical piety, science with religion. His method of
teaching thoroughly revolutionized the whole of South-
ern Germany. But his especial significance to us is
that he became a tower of strength to the Reformed
Church.
Another impulse toward the Reformed faith was
given by the arrival of Calvin in 1538. Calvin had
visited Strasburg before, in 1534, when fleeing from
Paris. At that time he arrived at Strasburg in a sorry
plight. One of his servants had stolen all his money.
Had not the other servant come to his help, he might
never have reached Strasburg. He then stayed with
Zell, whose wife kept open house for all refugees. Since
then Bucer had met Calvin at Berne, in 1537, when
Calvin so wonderfully healed the strife about the sac-
raments in the Swiss churches. Bucer there learned to
admire Calvin's genius. And when Calvin was driven
out of Geneva, Bucer urged him to come to Strasburg.
He wanted Calvin to aid him in the organization of the
church, and also to preach to the French refugees, of
whom there were 1500 at Strasburg. Calvin accepted
the call and, coming to Strasburg, began to preach to
the French refugees in the choir of the church of the
Dominicans. Afterwards the church of ^St. Nicolas
by the waves,' near the 111 river, was given to him for
worship. His French church, which he served from
1538 to 1540, became a blooming garden of the Lord.
4
42 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
He introduced the pure presbyterial form of govern-
ment into the church, which was a novelty to the
people of Strasburg, and his church became a model
of discipline He preached twice a week, met the eld-
ers and deacons once a week for study and prayer ; until
they became so proficient, that some of them were able
to take his place in preaching. But his ministry was
not limited to his church. He was soon asked to give
lectures in the Academy on divinity. He there lec-
tured on John, Romans, &c., and developed himself as
an exegete or interpreter of Scripture. Luther was the
translator, Calvin the exegete, of the reformation. He
also prepared a new edition of his Institutes, in which
he elaborated more fully his views on predestination
and church discipline. Luther expressed himself pleased
with Calvin's Institutes. For Calvin there joined the
middle party between the Lutherans and the Zwingli-
ans, and labored for peace. He sought to avoid the
positive error of Luther and the negative error of
Zwingli ; in Luther, the feeding of the unworthy, in
Zwingli, the bread and wine as signs.* Thus during his
stay, Strasburg became, next to Wittenberg, the most
important religious centre of Germany. Wittenberg
and Strasburg were 'the two eyes' of Germany. But
*He taught "that the believer was, through faith, fed, only
spiritually but in a real way, by -the body and blood of Christ
at the supper," but that unbelievers received merely bread and
wine.
CALVIN AND MELANCTHON. 43
there was a special provideuce about his coming to Stras-
burg. God meant it so. He came to Germany just in
time to oifset the Catholics in their efforts to win back
the Protestants to the Pope. Conferences for that pur-
pose were held at Frankford, Hagenau and Worms.
Melancthon and Bucer were inclined to be yielding
and concessive — would have been swayed to some ex-
tent by the Catholics, had it not been for the presence
of Calvin and his uncompromising opposition to the pa-
pacy. The second providence in his visit to Germany
was, that Calvin learned to understand the German re-
formers and the German controversies. And Melanc-
thon learned to understand the Calvinists better. It
brought Melancthon and Calvin together. This stay
at Strasburg broadened Calvin's mind and sympathies.
Calvin attended the three conferences between the Prot-
estants and Catholics on union. In 1539 he went to
the conference at Frankford. Here, for the first time,
he saw the leading princes and theologians of Germany ;
and was able to form a just estimate of the position of
Protestantism in Germany. Here he first met Me-
lancthon. Melancthon and Calvin were the two, best
fitted to come to an agreement between the Reformed
and the Lutherans. Calvin set before Melancthon his
articles of faith. To his surprise, Melancthon agreed
to them. But while they were about to agree on the
doctrine of the Lord's supper, they could not agree on
44 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
church customs aud discipline. Meiancthon was pli-
able aud yielding here, Calvin, unyielding. Those cere-
monies of the Lutheran Church, which were relics of
Catholicism, such as singing in Latin, images, exorcism,
&c., Calvin bitterly opposed ; while Meiancthon pleaded
their necessity. Neither did they agree on the doctrine
of predestination. Calviu is said to have rebuked Me-
iancthon for holding to synergism (thus emphasizing
man's will over against God's will). Modern writers,
who try to make the German Reformed Church Me-
lancthonian, must remember that, however Meianc-
thon and Calvin neared each other on the Lord's sup-
per, they were yet wide apart in cultus, discipline and
predestination. In 1540 Calvin married Idelette De
Bure. He greatly enjoyed his married life, and found
his wife a true helpmeet. In 1541 Calvin attended the
third conference at Worms. To this conference, on ac-
count of the abilities he displayed at Frankford and
Hagenau, he went as the deputy of Brunswick-Lune-
burg, as well as of Strasburg. At Worms he again met
Meiancthon, and also Cruciger. One day, as the Dean
of Passau, in private conference, was vanquished by
Calvin, his hearers were so delighted by his learning,
that Meiancthon gave him the title of 'The Theolo-
gian.' From that time a strong tie of affection bound
Calvin and Meiancthon together. Calvin, a year after
the death of Meiancthon, wrote, "O, Phillip Melanc-
CALVIN AND MELANCHTHON. 45
thon, for it is upon thee I call, who now livest with
Christ in God, and art there waiting for us, until we
also be gathered with thee to that blessed rest. A hun-
dred times, worn out with fatigue and overwhelmed
with care, thou didst lay thy head upon my breast and
say, ^ Would to God I might die here on thy breast.'
And I, a thousand times since, have earnestly desired
that it be granted us to be together." A very interest-
ing fact about Calvin's visit to Worms was, that he there
signed the Augsburg Confession. At this conference
the Altered Augsburg Confession was used for the first
time. Calvin signed it, as he says, "willingly and with
his whole heart." Another conference, to unite Protestant-
ism and Romanism, was held at Ratisbon. Calvin dif-
fered from Melanchthon, who was willing to make con-
cessions to the Catholics. Referring to this, he speaks
about their 'being satisfied with a half-Christ.' But the
delegates from the city of Geneva had come to both
Worms and Ratisbon, to urge him to leave Germany
and return to Geneva. Strasburg was unwilling to
give him up. (Indeed so great an influence had he
gained at Strasburg, that in 1551, when Strasburg de-
liberated about sending a delegate to the Council of
Trent, who should intercede for the Strasburg churches
before the Council, the ministers concluded that Calvin
was the most suitable.) Bucer alone urged him to go
to Geneva, although it would be his loss and Stras-
46 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
burg's. Thus Calvin's brief stay gave him an influence
and reputation in South Germany, which prepared the
way for an entrance of his doctrines twenty years later.
Then came the Augsburg Interim of 1548, which was
ordered to be introduced into Strasburg. The Prot-
estants were required to conform to the Catholic rites of
fasting, prayers to the virgin and saints, festival days,
and processions. But Bucer, usually so yielding, was
here firm as a rock. He answered the Elector of Brand-
enburg, who was to introduce the Interim into Strasburg,
'' Man dares do nothing against conscience and the
truth." The Interim was forced on Strasburg ; and as a
result, Bucer, rather than sacrifice his conscience, resign-
ed. His resignation was accepted, especially as some of
the city council were opposed to Bucer's rather strict
church discipline. So in 1549, Bucer, accompanied by
Fagius, went to England. Melancthon, Calvin, Land-
grave Phillip of Hesse, had invited him to labor in their
respective homes. But Bucer preferred England, where
he would be free from the Interim. He there became
professor at Cambridge, and exercised considerable influ-
ence in the preparation of the Book of Common Prayer,
and the forty-two Articles, afterward shortened to the
thirty-nine Articles — the present creed of the Anglican
Church. He died there, and was buried in the leading
church of Cambridge, with great pomp. Queen Mary
subsequently had his bones burnt ; but a monument to
47
his memory was erected by Queen Elizabeth. In 1552
the Interim was lifted from Strasburg, and she returned
to the full enjoyment of her former Protestant faith. In
1553 Jacob Sturm, the councillor of Strasburg, died.
His irenic influence had kept the Lutherans from at-
tacking the Reformed. But, after his death, Marbach,
who had become professor of theology, labored hard to
introduce high Lutheranism. As president of the church
conference, Marbach had great influence. He wanted
to undermine the Tetrapolitana confession, which had
been the confession of Strasburg, in the interest of the
Augsburg confession. There had been a good deal of
freedom allowed in matters of worship. Marbach urged
uniformity, and wanted to introduce the Lutheran hymn
book, instead of Bucer's, which was then in use. He
also aimed to drive the Reformed, especially the French,
out of the city. Peter Martyr, driven out of England
by bloody Mary, arrived, and was required to sign the
Augsburg confession. This was something new. Zanch-
ius had to do the same thing, when he arrived. These
things show that the influence of high Lutheranism was
growing. Marbach brought the pictures back into the
churches. In 1555 Marbach attacked Garnier, the
pastor of the French Church, and compelled him to
leave the city. The younger preachers, supported by
Marbach, then began to denounce the Reformed. Peter
Martyr left, and went to Zurich ; and Zanchius was left
48 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
as the only Reformed professor of theology at Strasburg.
In 1661 Marbach attacked Zanchius for teaching the
doctrine of predestination. This was the first attack by
the Lutherans on the Calvinistic doctrine of predestina-
tion. Zanchius appealed to the Hessian theologians for
an opinion. They supported him in his views of pre-
destination. The first attack upon, and first defense of,
predestination, were made in Germany. But though Ja-
cob Sturm was dead, John Sturm remained. Although a
Frenchman, he was the ^ Cicero of Germany,' the finest
teacher after Melancthon. Under his matchless teach-
ing, many of the nobles of Germany were educated, and
quite a number of them afterward joined his Reformed
church. Being a Frenchman, he early took the French
refugees at Strasburg under his special care. He came
to the help of Zanchius, when attacked, by publishing
Bucer's work on the Lord's supper. Zanchius had also
made himself unpopular with the high Lutherans, by at-
tacking their new doctrine of ubiquity. Finally, in
1563, a compromise was framed.* But even this con-
sensus contained in it germs of new quarrels. Zanch-
ius, wearied with strife, left Strasburg, went to Chiaven-
na, and afterwards to Heidelberg. Sturm remained as
leader of the Reformed. In 1577 Duke Ulric of
Wurtemberg sent a copy of the Formula of Concord to
-•■This expressed the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's supper,
but on predestination held that all who believed were saved.
PERSECUTION OF REFORMED AT STRASBURG. 49
the magistrates, for adoption. They rejected it Pap-
pus urged its adoption, but the university with Dr.
Sturm, backed up the magistrates. Finally, the high
Lutherans drove Sturm from his position as rector of
the University. After forty years of service, John
Sturm, the brightest ornament of the town, resigned in
1581. The Formula of Concord was introduced, and
Strasburg became Lutheran. The French Reformed
were not permitted to worship in the city, but had to go
to Wolfisheim, one half mile away.* They also went to
Bischweiler in the neighboring Palatinate. Finally,
after two hundred years of exile, the Reformed were
again allowed to worship in Strasburg in 1789. Thus
Bucer's work of years was undone. The Reformed
Church did not find a permanent home at Strasburg. It
remained for the neighboring Palatinate to take up the
work for the Reformed Church, that Strasburg dropped.
But Bucer^s work at Strasburg prepared the way for
the introduction of the Reformed faith into Germany.
It accustomed the Germans to the simpler rites of the
Reformed Church. Under the Wittenberg: Concord it
gave them a right to exist under the German law. And
Strasburg became the forerunner of Heidelberg in receiv-
ing the Reformed faith.
*The Fort Prince Bismark occupies tlae site of Wolfisiieim.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION III.
Hesse and its Preparation for the Reformed Faith.
Hesse, situated in the central part of Germany, was
a very important state in the sixteenth century. It hap-
pened to have for its Landgrave, or ruler, Phillip, the
most aggressive of the German princes of his time. He
has been compared to Phillip of Macedon for his sub-
tility, and to Alexander the Great for his courage. Me-
lancthon, for his boldness, called him ^ the Macedonian.'
Though young when the reformation broke out, he yet,
with a keen statesman's eye, foresaw results, to which the
other German princes were blind. At first he persecuted
Protestantism in his dominion ; but afterwards he fought
for it as bravely as he once persecuted it. The reformation
came quietly into his land, but exerted little influence
until the prince himself suddenly went over to Protest-
antism. Hesse was the first land where the prince, and
not the theologians, began converting his subjects to
evangelical truth.
As early as 1517, when Luther and Zwingli began
to preach the gospel, James Limburg, one of the Fran-
ciscan Friars of Marburg, began preaching it. For
preaching it to his brethren, the \vhole monastery rose
LANDGRAVE PHILLIP's REFORMATION. 51
against him, tore him l)y force from the pulpit, and
threw him into a prison, which had an open window
opposite the wall of the city. He preached the gospel
through the open window ; and at night some of the
citizens would secretly come to this solitary loophole to
hear the word of God. These mysterious gatherings
continued for about two weeks. Suddenly the voice
within ceased ; the meetings had been discovered. The
monks had taken him from that prison, and cast him in
a vault of the church, by a crucifix. For three months
he was thus imprisoned. Then one night a mysterious
covered cart was driven through Ziegenberg, a village
one hour south of Marburg, where some weeping citizens
came up to him. Hastily snatching aside the canvas,
they asked him whither he was going. ^' Where God
wills,'^ replied the Friar ; and disappeared, probably to
die in some unknown prison.
But an event occurred in 1524 that converted Phil-
lip to Protestantism. Providence brought Landgrave
Phillip of Hesse and Phillip Melancthon together. As
Phillip was on his way to Heidelberg to attend a shoot-
ing match near Frankford, he met Melancthon, who
was on a holiday visit to his native land, the Palatinate.
The result of this conference was that, in that same year,
Landgrave Phillip ordered that the pure gospel should
be preached in his territories. The Landgrave had a
political as well as a religious motive for doing this.
62 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
His land, in religious affairs, had been under the Elector
of Mayence. By going over to Protestantism and
declaring it the religion of the laud, he freed it from
the power of the Elector of Mayence. So he joined the
Protestants. But in order to have Protestantism fully
introduced into his territories, he needed some master
spirit, some reformer, to help him. At the Diet of
Spire he met the astute councillor of Strasburg, Jacob
Sturm, who recommended to him Lambert of Avignon,
as the man suited to carry out his plans of reforming his
land.
Franz Lambert of Avignon was a remarkable charac-
ter. He was born in 1487 in Southern France, at
Avignon, that second home of the popes. His father had
been private secretary of the Catholic Archbishop. But
he died when Lambert was quite young. His mother
gave him to the Franciscans to be raised by them. When
15 years old, he joined their order as a novice, and a
year later as a monk. Being possessed of a precocious,
fiery, ardent temperament, he was soon, at the age of 20,
elected to be apostolic preacher of his order. This office
led him to travel a great deal from monastery to monas-
tery. And in his preaching he developed peculiar talents
for learning and eloquence. He became a modern John
the Baptist, a second Savonarola, preaching repentance.
Instead of preaching as did most of the monks about the
saints, he preached from God's word ; and that not in
CONVERSION OF LAMBERT. 53
Latin, after the custom of the day, but in French, the
language of the people. No wonder the people heard
him gladly. His preaching was so powerful, that once
in a French village, after he had denounced the wicked-
ness and frivolity of the people, they willingly gathered
up their cards, dice and pictures, and made a bonfire of
them, as the Ephesians had done eighteen centuries before.
But his extraordinary success as a preacher made him
enemies in his order, who were jealous of him. The
wickedness of the monks and the want of discipline in
his own order also disgusted him. Inward peace he did
not find, in spite of severe self-mortification. So he
meditated joining another order of monks, the Carthus-
ians, which was stricter than his own ; the strictest of the
orders of its day. He was, however, prevented from
doing so by the calumnies which his brethren scattered
around about him, warning the Carthusians against him.
It happened that, just about this time, some of Luther's
letters, which were brought to Lyons and the neighbor-
hood by merchants with their wares, and were there
translated, fell into his hands. He read them eagerly.
But they were taken away from him and burned by the
monks. Still they set his heart on fire. He sought an
opportunity to leave his monkish life, and found it in a
missionary tour to Switzerland. Passing through Geneva
and Lausanne, he came to Berne, where he first came in
contact with the reformation. There he was introduced
54 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to the new world of Protestantism. Still wearing his
monk's hood, he preached at Berne in Latin, as he
could not speak German ; and those who understood him,
especially the priests or ministers of that town, were
captivated by his eloquence. The people there were
very much surprised that a French monk should preach
thus ; as the reformation had heretofore been confined
mainly to the Germans. He went to Zurich, where he
met Zwingli, who converted him to an open acknowl-
edgement of Protestantism. At a disputation there he
took issue with Zwingli, and spoke in favor of the doc-
trine of the intercession of the saints. But Zwingli by
Scripture proofs so convinced him of his error that at the
close of the disputation, he said, " I declare that the in-
tercession of the saints is contrary to the Scriptures, I
give up rosaries and intercessors, and will cling to God
and Jesus Christ in all my need." He threw off his
monk's cowl, the first of the French monks to do so.
Zwingli thus early acquired a great influence over him.
This intercourse with Zwingli prepared the way for his
final conversion to the Reformed faith, j^ears afterward,
at Marburg. Lambert then went to Germany, hoping
to meet Martin Luther, whose writings had so impressed
his soul. He took the name of John Serranus, so as to
escape the persecutions of his order, which had powerful
monasteries in Germany. He stopped at Eisenach,
waiting for the summons of the Elector of Saxony to
LAMBERT AT WITTENBERG. 56
come to Wittenberg. Luther delayed getting him a safe
conduct, for he had been so often deceived by runaway
monks. And as Lambert was the first French monk to
espouse the cause of the gospel, he was all the more
suspicious of him. Finally the Elector of Saxony sent
money for Lambert to come to Wittenberg, where he
arrived in 1523.
Luther soon learned to admire him, and formed a
strong attachment for him. As he could not speak
German, Lambert lectured in Latin on various books of
the Bible. But he was anxious for the conversion of
his native land ; and spent much of his time in translat-
ing evangelical books into Italian and French. He
also wrote a work on the cloisters which attracted atten-
tion and which advocated that they should not be closed,
but turned into schools. He also married (the first
Franciscan monk to do so) the daughter of a worthy
baker at Herzberg. But he became very poor. His
lectures yielded him the merest pittance. He did not
want to be a burden on Luther any longer ; so, without
the knowledge of the Elector, and against the advice of
Luther and Melancthon, he accepted a call given him
by the Reformed Church at Metz, in March, 1524.
But when he arrived there, he found that, although the
Syndic of Metz was favorable to him, the Duke of Lor-
raine and nine hundred priests of the city were against
him. The magistrates issued an order against his
56 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
preaching aud threatened him with the punishment of
the inquisition. So, as the evangelicals were intimidated
by these threats, he saw that little work could be done
for the gospel. He then went to Strasburg, leaving be-
hind him Castellanus, who was afterwards martyred for
the faith. At Strasburg he was kindly received. They
made him a citizen, gave him a competence, so that he
could maintain himself by lectures and translations. The
influence of Luther over him lessened, while that of the
Strasburg doctors increased. Its freer theology widen-
ed his views and work. He had a great longing to be
for France, what Luther was for Germany, and Zwingli
was for Switzerland, the reformer of that land. While
waiting for providence to open up a way, by which he
might reform his beloved France, he was invited to
Hesse by the Landgrave Phillip, that he might under-
take the reformation of that land.
The first thing Landgrave Phillip did, was to call a
great synod of his clergy at Homberg, a very suitable
place ; for it was the meeting place of the roads from the
Rhine, Werra and Main districts. Lambert, just as
Luther had done at Wittenberg, posted 158 theses under
23 titles on the church door of St. Mary's church, the
main church of Homberg, inviting all to a disputation.
He called these theses ' paradoxes/ because they opposed
the generally accepted teachings of his day about Cathol-
icism. The Catholics would have torn them down.
THE SYNOD AT ROMBERG. 67
but the Protestants watched over them. An interesting
story is told that a young priest, a Dominican, fall of
self-conceit, finding himself too short to be able to read
them, borrowed a stool ; and getting on it, began to read
them aloud. '^All that is deformed, must be reformed.
The word of God teaches us what ought to be so : and
all reform that is affected otherwise, is vain.'' Having
read this first thesis, the young priest said, *' Hem ! I
shall not attack that." He continued reading the theses,
saying after each one, " I can not attack that proposi-
tion.'' Finally he came to the fourth thesis, which de-
clared the priesthood of believers and inveighed against
the pope. " Certainly," said the priest, " I shall not
attack that one." At this moment some one, either out
of mischief or tired of his endless repetitions, pulled the
stool from under him, and he fell flat on the ground.
This scene very aptly illustrated the fall of Catholicism
at that Synod. On Sabbath, October 21, 1526, at
7 a. m., this first Synod of Hesse began its meeting in
the church.
It seemed as if all Hesse had come to this meeting.
The church was filled with prelates, abbots, priests,
kniofhts and town authorities. Some of them came with
the intention of denouncing the Landgrave for dar-
ing to call such a synod without ecclesiastical authority
from the Elector of Mayence. Some came out of curi-
osity. But most of them came to favor and uphold the
5
58 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Landgrave in his reforms. After an opening address
by Chancellor Feige, Lambert, in Latin, presented these
theses against the abuses of the Church, and proved
them from the Bible. This consumed the morning
session. In the afternoon Adam Kraft, the oldest re-
former of Hesse, translated these theses into German.
Lambert then called for an opponent to dispute, and
defend the papacy. At first there was a profound
silence. Many of the Catholics, who, in the morning,
had threatened and bragged about what they would do,
left at dinner time. Finally Nicolas Ferber, the head
of the Franciscan order at Marburg, entered the lists
against Lambert. Ferber's action was significant. He
was the head of the order of monks that Lambert had
left. It w^as Franciscan against Franciscan. Ferber,
too, was a very prominent prelate, having been named
by the Landgrave Phillip's mother as her executor.
When Phillip was about going over to Protestantism,
she urged Ferber to use all his influence to hold Phillip
to Romanism. Ferber, therefore, stood forth as the
representative of the Roman Catholic power of Hesse.
Ferber declared he had nothing to do with theologians
like Lambert. He spoke for two hours, proving from
papal bulls and decrees of councils that the Landgrave
had no right to call a Synod. But as he invoked the
Church fathers to his assistance, the Landgrave observed
to him, '' Do not put forward the wavering opinions of
DEFEAT OF THE CATHOLICS. 69
men, but the word of God, which alone strengthens and
fortifies our hearts." He finally became so violent that
he used severe language against the Landgrave. This
brought him into hot water. He was given time to
prove his positions out of the Bible, or to retract what
he had said against the Landgrave. Confused, he sat
down, saying, "This is not the place for replying."
Lambert then arose, and, with a torrent of Celtic elo-
quence, answered him. " In vain did Lambert and Feige
urge Ferber to reply. Silence is ever Rome's refuge."
Lambert called forth three times for some one else to
combat his positions, but no one replied ; until finally
John Sperber, of Waldau, near Cassel, said that prayers
to the Virgin should not be given up. He, too, was
answered from the Bible. Ferber left Hesse and filed a
protest against the Synod, at Werliu in Westphalia.
The Franciscan Church at Marburg was left deserted
and desolate.* In the defeat of Ferber, the Catholic
party saw the defeat of its cause. After three days of
discussion, the new church regulations were adopted.
The Synod declared that the Bible was the rule of faith.
It founded itself on the priesthood of all believers, and
held that the Church was a Church of converted peo-
ple. In church customs, Lambert, having been af-
fected by his stay at Strasburg, went farther than Lu-
*By some curious coincidence it afterward became the Re-
formed Church of Marburg, I think.
60 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ther in his reforms. Images, organs and bells were to
be put out of the churches, as had been done in Switzer-
land. One altar was enough for a church (the church
at Haina having had eighteen altars). Latin singing
was to be dispensed with, but responses were retained ;
prayer to the saints was forbidden. The number of fast
days was diminished. And instead of private confession
to the priest, a preparatory service, as in the Reformed
churches, in which a general confession of sin, was insti-
tuted. On the doctrine of the Lord's supper, the Hom-
berg decrees were rather Lutheran.
But the most remarkable deliverance of the Horn-
berg Synod was in its church government. Lambert
laid the first foundation of the Reformed Church, not
indeed in doctrine, but in church government. For he
does not seem to have been fully converted to the Zwing-
lian doctrines until the Marburg Conference, three years
later. But he aimed to introduce, what afterward be-
came Reformed church government. The first Presby-
terian church was founded, not in Scotland, nor even at
Geneva, but in Hesse, by Lambert of Avignon, as he
introduced his church order at this Homberg Synod.
Each church was to choose its own pastor, elders and
deacons. The pastors had the government of the church
vested in their hands, and might exercise doctrine, yes,
even excommunication. Each year, on the third Sun-
DECREES OF THE ROMBERG SYNOD. 61
day after Easter, a General Synod was to be held, com-
posed of the bishops (pastors) and the deputies, in which
the prince and nobles took part ; this Synod to last
three days. This Synod elected three visitors to inves-
tigate the condition of each church. As Ranke says,
*' The features of it are the same as those in which the
French, the Scotch and the A merican Church was after-
wards established ; upon them we may say the develop-
ment of North America rests. They have an immeas-
urable world-historical importance. At the first ex-
periment they appear in a complete form ; a little Ger-
man Synod adopted them."*
Luther objected to certain points in Lambert's church
government. He thought the church organization had
been carried too far, and the times were not yet ripe for
it. And so it turned out. When this Presbyterian
church government was applied to different parts of
Hesse, it was found difficult to carry it out. The times
had not yet come for so radical a change in church gov-
ernment. The people, just freed from Catholicism, had
not yet been educated up to the point of managing the
* Where Lambert received these advanced ideas of church
government, is a question. Some, as Rischl, hold that he re-
ceived the ideas of it from his own order of monks. Others, as
Goebel, that he had been acquainted with the Waldensians and
received them from them. Ebrard suggests that he must have
received thena from the Bohemian brethren. Suffice it to say,
he found them in the Bible. — Fisher's History of Reformation,
page 493.
62 , THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
coDgregation for themselves. It was found hard to get
elders and to apply this government. It became an
ideal, rather than an actual, church government. It was
found necessary to appoint superintendents in each of
the Synods to carry it out. But the power of the su-
perintendent did not come from the prince, as in the
Lutheran Church ; but from the Synod, as in the Re-
formed. Nor did they have absolute power like the
Lutheran superintendents, but were under the control
of the Synod. So its presbyterial form changed rather
into a Synodical one ; a government not by elders, but by
Synods. Still it prepared Hesse for its ultimate recep-
tion of Reformed doctrine and Presbyterian govern-
ment. Lambert himself was not able to introduce the
decrees of the Synod among the churches, as he could
not speak German. But another field of labor opened
up for him.
One of the greatest results of the Hessian reforma-
tion was the founding of the new University at Mar-
burg. This was the first University founded without
Papal sanction. Landgrave Phillip endowed it from
the proceeds of the sale of the monasteries in Hesse. A
library had existed at Marburg before the founding of
the University, and the ^ Brethren of the Common Life'
had organized a school as its forerunner. In this new
University Lambert was appointed Professor of The-
LAMBERT AND HAMILTON. 63
ology. Here he found a congenial sphere. The Uni-
versity was opened with great pomp before a great crowd
of nobles and theologians, on May 30, 1527. In this
crowd was a young nobleman of Scotland, Patrick Ham-
ilton, only 23 years of age, who had been driven out of
his native land by persecution for the gospePs sake. He
was on his way to Wittenberg to study with Luther.
But the plague had broken out at Wittenberg, and the
University had been temporarily moved to Jena. So
Hamilton turned aside to Marburg, hoping to meet there
Tyndal, the translator of the English Bible, whose books
were published at Marburg by the renowned printer
Hans Luft. Whether Hamilton met Tyndal is not
known ; but we know that he met Lambert, a man more
to his taste than Luther, — a man who, like himself, was
opposed to half measures in religion. Lambert was at
once struck with Hamilton's knowledge of the Scrip-
tures. So he urged him to compose theses on the evan-
gelical faith, and defend them publicly. This Hamil-
ton did, in the great hall of the University, in a de-
fence remarkable for its clearness and beauty, in which
he explained the gospel with the philosophical elo-
quence of the Scotch. But Hamilton did not stay long at
Marburg — only six mouths. He sighed for his native
land, and went back there to die, a martyr, for his faith.
In 1527 the first difficulty arose in Hesse about the
Zwinglians. Phillip was the bitter foe of Zwinglian-
64 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ism and ordered the Zwinglians to leave his land. But
gradually the Swiss doctrines began to make some im-
pression on him. In 1528 Ecolampadius and Zwingli
wrote answers to Luther's doctrines. Zwingli dedi-
cated his answer the Phillip, and sent it to him. Phil-
lip began to understand the Swiss better. And when
the Diet of Spire in 1529 declared against the evangeli-
cals and compelled them to enter their famous protest,
the Protestants were compelled to draw closer together
in spite of their doctrinal differences. Pious John
Haner, a preacher of Frankford, suggested at Spire that
both parties of Protestants might be brought closer to-
gether by a conference. This pleased Landgrave Phil-
lip, for he hoped to get the support of the Swiss, so that
they might be a protection against Italy, and also weaken
the predominance of the Catholics in South Germany.
So he proposed a conference and invited to it Zwingli
and Ecolampadius of the Swiss, Bucer and Capito from
Strasburg, Luther and Melancthon from Wittenberg.
When Zwingli received the invitation, Capito urged him
to accept it. He wrote to Zwingli, that if Hesse were
brought to the true faith, then the other princes of Ger-
many would be easily won. Zwingli was glad to come.
But he reminded the Landgrave of the dangers he
would have to pass through in travelling to Marburg.
He would have to pass through some of the Catholic
cantons of Switzerland, and the territories of the Em-
PREPARATION FOR THE CONFERENCE. 65
peror of Austria and of the Elector of Mayence, both
strong Catholic princes. He suggested that the confer-
ence be held at some intermediate place between Zurich
and Wittenberg, as Strasburg. The Landgrave replied
that he did not conceal the dangers of the journey, but
to obviate them in part, he promised an escort from
Strasburg to Hesse (thus protecting Zwingli from the
Elector of Mayence), and for the rest, the protection of
God. Zwingli finally consented, although the city coun-
cil of Zurich considered the dangers so great that they
refused to let him go. If Luther had had one-tenth of
the difficulties to encounter that Zwingli had, he never
would have come to this conference.
Luther and Melancthon received the same invita-
tion, but were unwilling to accept it. Melancthon de-
sired to have a conference with Ecolampadius, but not
with Zwingli ; and strangely suggested that the judges
of the conference should be Catholics, so that theZwing-
lians could not boast themselves that they had obtained
the victory. He requested the Elector of Saxony,
that as the Landgrave Phillip of Hesse already leaned
more toward Zwingli than was good for him, to refuse
to allow Luther and himself to go to this conference.
But the Elector was anxious for the conference, and
said his theologians must go — only he desired that the
conference should be at Nuremberg. So Luther and
Melancthon prepared to go, although they uttered bit-
ter complaints to their friends about it.
66 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Zwingli, without waiting for the Landgrave's safe
conduct, set out on the third of September, without no-
tifying the city council, yes, without even telling his
wife. He was accompanied by the Professor of Greek,
Collins. He arrived safely at Basle, after travelling in-
cognito through the Catholic cantons of Switzerland.
From Basle he and Ecolampadius set out secretly for
Strasburg. They took passage in an armed boat on
the Rhine, disguised as ordinary merchants. This pre-
caution was necessary, as they were passing through
Austrian territory. The boat was manned by reliable
merchants, who were to answer all questions from the
shore, so that the travellers might not be discovered.
In thirteen hours they arrived safely at Strasburg,
where they were gladly received and greatly honored.
Zwingli stayed twelve days at the house of Zell, the ca-
thedral preacher, and preached in Strasburg with great
acceptance. On the 22nd of September, accompanied
by Bucer, Hedio, and a small escort, Zwingli and Eco-
lampadius set out for Marburg. To do this, they made
a wide detour, along by-paths, through forests, over
mountains and villages, by secret but sure paths, so as
to avoid the territories of the Catholic Elector of May-
ence. Much of this journey was through Palatinate ter-
ritory of Zweibrucken. They travelled past Bitsch,
Lichtenberg and Meisenheim. On the borders of
Hesse, on the Hunsruck, they were met by an escort of
REFORMERS ARRIVE AT MARBURG. 67
forty Hessian cavalry. They crossed the Rhine at the
fortified town of St. Goar, with its castle of Rheinfels
overlooking it. Then, by way of Giessen, they pro-
ceeded to Marburg.
Meanwhile Luther and Melancthon, with Jonas
and Cruciger, took their way through Halle, Gotha and
Eisenach to Kreuzberg, where they canae to the borders
of Hesse. Then Luther declared he would go no far-
ther until the Landgrave had sent him a safe conduct.
This want of confidence on Luther's part somewhat of-
fended the Landgrave and helped to alienate him from
Luther. So while Luther waited, they spent the night
at Alsfeld, where the scholars came and, kneeling, sang
hymns before Luther's windows.
Meanwhile the Swiss arrived at Marburg on Mon-
day, September 27th. They took quarters at the house
on the east side of the Bear Spring.* But the Land-
grave sent word that they should come to the castle.
He hoped that, if the leaders became personally ac-
quainted, it would aid the cause of unity. Ecolampa-
dius preached in the court chapel on the next day on
the second Psalm. Zwingli preached on Wednesday on
Providence, Hedio on Thursday. During these days
that intervened until the arrival of Luther, Phillip got
into a very friendly intimacy with the Swiss reformers
and Bucer. The Thursday morning's sermon had hardly
*It is said that Zwingli put up at the hotel to the Bear, fifty-
three Barefoot-Friar street.
be THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
been closed, when the news came that Luther was en-
tering the town by way of Weidenhausen, and would
stay at the Bear Hotel on Barefoot Friar street. Bucer,
Ecolampadius and Hedio at once called on him. The
Landgrave sent word for him to come and stay at the
castle.*
And now for the first time the great reformers of the
sixteenth century looked each other in the face, and
shook hands with each other. Phillip wished that, be-
fore the public conference between the leaders would
take place, the theologians should have private inter-
views. So after early service on Friday, Luther and
Ecolampadius were taken to one room, and Zwingli and
Melancthon to another. Luther and Ecolampadius
conferred chiefly on baptism, and Zwingli and Melanc-
thon on the trinity and the person of Christ. They
were in the heat of their discussions, when dinner was
announced. After dinner, Zwingli and Melancthon
resumed their discussions. On Saturday, October 2nd,
the public conference was begun in the presence of about
sixty persons.f This castle was beautifully situated for
••'A tradition says, that as Luther climbed the steps of the
castle, at each step he called out, "Hoc est," "hoc est." — "This
is my bodj^," so as to hold himself true to his doctrine of the
Lord's supper.
fA tradition has it, that this conference was held in the beau-
tiful large Knights Hall, which is now filled with a choice col-
lection of autographs. But more probably this conference took
place in the east m ing of the castle, where the Landgrave lived.
It took place in a room right opposite the sleeping apartments
of the Landgrave.
THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG. 69
holding such a conference as this. It is placed on a
hill overlooking the town and the beautiful valley of
the Lahn, while around it are mountains encircling it
with beauty. The town at that time was filled with
visitors ; for the eyes of the world were fixed on this lit-
tle German town. At this conference the four reform-
ers sat at a table. Behind them sat the Landgrave of
Hesse, Duke Ulric of Wurtemberg, the council and
nobles of Hesse, the Professors of theology, Lam-
bert of Avignon among them. Chancellor Feige opened
the conference at 6 A. M. in an address on the necessity
of union among Protestants. Luther, to strengthen
himself, wrote with a piece of chalk on the velvet of the
table before him, ^^Hoc est cor-pus meum^^ ("this is my
body"). He carried on the controversy for the Lu-
therans. Very seldom did Melancthon and Brenz
make any remark. For the Swiss, Zwingli and Eco-
lampadius both took part. After a preliminary confer-
ence on the nature of Christ, original sin, justification,
&c., in which the Lutherans had suspected the Swiss of
heterodoxy, they came to the main discussion on the
Lord's supper. We have not time to enter into this
conference in detail, but only in outline.* Luther
pointed to the words written before him as an irrefuta-
ble argument for the bodily presence of Christ in the
*It is found in full, in D'Aubigne's history of Reformation,
Vol. IV., page eighty-nine ; in Ebrard's history, page eighty-
one ; in Hagenbach's Reformation, and other works.
70 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lord's supper.* When Luther was urged to explain
how Christ's body and blood could be in the elements of
bread and wine, Luther answered that "if God were to
command him to eat crab-apples, he would eat them
without asking." He maintained that just as the sword
was in the scabbard, or beer in a tankard, so Christ's
body was in the bread. Zwingli then quoted a number
of Scripture passages, where the sign is described by the
thing signified. He made a decided impression on the
audience. Lambert sitting among the Marburg Pro-
fessors, was violently agitated. He had been of Lu-
ther's opinion, but now hesitated. A singular misun-
derstanding incensed Luther against Zwingli. Zwingli,
in quoting the sixth chapter of John to support his po-
sition, said to Luther, " That passage breaks your neck,
Doctor." Luther, taking his words literally, replied
that they were in Hesse and not in Switzerland, and
therefore his neck was not in danger. Zwingli hastened
to explain that he had merely used a colloquial and
figurative expression for a lost cause. But it angered
Luther and led to the breaking up of the discussion. The
conference continued Saturday and Sunday. Luther
*It is an interesting fact, that Christ never used that word
est or esti, about which there has been so much controversy.
Jesus spoke the Aramaic language, and its construction would
omit that word. So there was much quarrel about nothing after
all. And yet while the discussion about a word was useless,
the discussion of the doctrine revealed a marked difference be-
tween Luther and Zwingli.
EFFORTS FOR UNION. 71
preached on Sunday morning in the castle chapel on the
gospel for the day, 'forgiveness for sin/
This conference was hastened to a close by the sud-
den appearance of the English plague in Marburg.
Landgrave Phillip was intensely earnest that some union
should be acknowledged between the reformers. He
brought them together to a final conference. Zwingli
was willing for a union. "There is no one on earth
with whom I would more desire to be united than with
you," said Zwingli as he approached Luther. "Ac-
knowledge them as brethren," said Phillip to the Lu-
therans. Every heart was touched. The two great
Churches of the reformation were about uniting. Zwingli
bursting into tears, approached Luther and held out his
hand. But no. Luther refused his proffered hand,
saying to him : ''You have a different spirit from ours."
After continued solicitations the Lutherans only replied
to them : "You do not belong to the communion of the
Christian Church. We cannot acknowledge you as
brethren." The Landgrave then again urged unity on
them. " We must let the Christian world know that,
except on the manner of the presence of the body and
blood in the Eucharist, you are agreed on all the articles
of faith," he said. This was decided. And Luther
drew up the ' Marburg articles of faith.' The Luther-
ans were surprised that the Swiss agreed with them on
so many points. Luther kept the article on the sacra-
72 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ment until last. On this they could not agree ; but
finally they came to a compromise.* These articles
were signed, on October 4th, by Ecolampadius, Zwingli,
Bucer and Hedio for the Reformed, and by Luther, Me-
lancthon, Jonas, Osiander, Benz and Agricola for the Lu-
therans.f Thus the Swiss conceded the presence of Christ's
body and blood in the sacrament, but not his physical
presence in the bread and wine. These fifteen Marburg
Articles were the first Protestant creed of Germany.
They were the first bulwark erected against Catholicism.
Though subsequently changed in the interest of Lu-
theranisra at Schwalbach, they became the basis of the
Augsburg Confession, which was submitted to the Em-
peror the next year.
This conference of Marburg had a marked influence
in many directions. It affected both Luther and Zwingli.
Zwingli did not hold as offensive views as Luther thought.
Zwingli found Luther's doctrine not as gross as he sup-
*They agreed : First, that the Lord's supper must be received
in both kinds; second, that the sacrifice of the mass is inad-
missable ; third, that the sacrament of the allar is the sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ ; although we are not at this time
agreed as to whether the true body and blood of Christ are
physically present in the bread and wine; and recommend
that each party manifest a Christian love to the other to the ex-
tent that the conscience of every man shall permit, and that
both parties entreat God Almighty to confirm us by his Spirit
in the right doctrine.
fOne of the two copies made at that time is now, by a happy
coincidence, in the Knight's room of this castle of Marburg in
the collection of autographs.
INFLUENCE OF THE CONFERENCE. 73
posed. The conference influenced even the Catholics ;
for it revealed that the Reformed and Lutherans were
united on all points, except the Lord's sapper. It had
a marked influence in Germany. It introduced and ex-
plained Zwinglianism to the Germans. They now knew
what Zwinglianism meant. The influence of this con-
ference was felt in Germany even a half a century later,
when the Reformed Church was introduced. It had
prepared the way for its introduction. And its influ-
ence was not only general, but particular, on individu-
als. Lambert says he went into that conference with
his soul like a sheet of white paper, on which he wanted
the finger of God to write the truth. God wrote the
truth of Zwinglianism on his heart. But he died soon
after, April, 1530, at Frankenberg on the Eder, to
which place the University had been removed on ac-
count of the plague.* Zwingli's doctrines began to be
propagated in many parts of Germany. Loflards, rector
of the St. Martins school at Brunswick, and Melander
and Ibach at Frankford accepted them. In Nurem-
berg, Durer, the famous painter, became a Zwinglian.
Augsburg was divided between Luther and Zwingli.
Even in Wittenberg Zwingli had his disciples.
But the most marked influence of this conference
was on the Landgrave Phillip. This conference almost
•*'* His tomb is in the Micliael's chapel, lying over against the
St. Elizabeth Church."
74 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
made Phillip a Zwinglian. He renounced the Lutheran
doctrine of oral manducation, or the receiving Christ's
body and blood through the mouth. His counsellor,
Feige, became a Zwinglian. Phillip tried to form a
political alliance with the Swiss, Wurtemberg and Stras-
burg. He opened a correspondence with Zwingli, which
continued until Zwingli died. Had Zwingli not died
so soon, and his influence been continued on Phillip,
Hesse might have been the first land in Germany to re-
ceive the Reformed faith. Says a writer: "Nothing
kept Phillip from avowing himself a Zwinglian but po-
litical scruples.'' Luther did all in his power to keep
him from doing so.
This conference, in affecting Phillip, affected the
Hessian Church. Although the Marburg Articles were
never officially adopted by the General Synod of Hesse,
yet they brought about a revolution in the Church. The
persecution of Zwinglians ceased, and the Zwinglians,
who had been driven out of the country, were brought
back. Preaching against the Zwinglians was stopped.
Melander, called from Frankford to Cassel, succeeded
in getting the pictures put out of the Cassel churches.
This example was followed in many of the Hessian
churches.
At the Diet of Augsburg, in 1530, Landgrave Phil-
lip was awkwardly placed. He was the only German
prince who favored the adoption of a confession that
Bucer and the Swiss could sign. When Melancthon
Phillip's inclination to the reformed. 75
wrote the Augsburg Confession, which excluded the
the Swiss, at first he did not want to sign it. He
wanted it changed before he signed it. He only signed
after the earnest solicitation of Luther. But through
his influence Zwinglianism was not named in the Con-
fession as a heresy.*
It is strange to note that afterward, in 1540, when
Melancthon changed the Augsburg Confession, he
made the very changes that Phillip had then suggested
at the Diet of Augsburg. Finally, after having entered
his protest, Phillip signed the Confession. Afterward,
at the conference at Frankford, in 1557, he declared he
was not so bound to the Augsburg Confession that he
did not think a better one could be made. The Augs-
burg Confession was not officially adopted by the Hes-
sian Church, yet it affected that Church ; especially after
Hesse joined the Smalcald League, whose creed was the
Augsburg Confession. Still Phillip kept on introduc-
ing what were really Reformed customs; for in 1531
he divided Hesse into six Synods, or as they were then
called. Dioceses. In 1533 an earnest effort was made to
introduce church discipline into the Church. When the
Wittenberg Concord appeared in 1536, Philip was filled
with joy, and was ever most ardently attached to it, be-
*Melancthon revealed his timidity on this confession, by
conceding to the Catholics certain things ; as episcopacy and
certain ceremonies. Phillip wrote, " This is not the time for
weakness, but to stand by the truth till the death."
76 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
cause it brought haraiony between the Lutherans and
the Reformed. After ZwingU's death, Bucer became
Phillip's great councillor and advisor. He called Bu-
cer ''our" theologian. Bucer called himself 'the Land-
grave's chaplain.' But when Bucer left for England,
and the Augsburg Diet of 1555 had made the Augsburg
Confession the only legal Protestant confession in Ger-
many, Landgrave Phillip became a more decided Lu-
theran ; although in his Lutheranism he was always a
follower of Melancthon, — a liberal Lutheran. It is a
noticeable fact, as Heppe says, that the Hessian Church
was never called Lutheran any more than Zwinglian,
except as a nickname by the Catholics. Its name was
'Evangelical,' 'the Reformed' (this word used in its old
broad sense), 'the Church allied to the Augsburg Con-
fession.' Those who entered the Hessian Church were
never required to subscribe the Augsburg Confession,
but only the three ancient creeds of the Church — the
Apostles', Niceue and Athanasian creeds. Luther's
smaller catechism, it is true, was used in the schools, but
in an amended form. The Cassel catechism was pub-
lished in 1534. It followed Bucer's views about the
Lord's supper. Hyperius also wrote a catechism, which
was Refoimed, for the upper classes in the schools. And
although the Hessian Church was then really a Lu-
theran Church, Zwinglians were allowed in it. Its doc-
trines were liberal. Reformed ministers were always
CHURCH GOVERNMENT AND CUSTOMS. 77
found in it. Geldenhauer, Gamier, Victor, and espe-
cially Hyperius, 'the father of Homiletics,' were Re-
formed. The first open charge against any one for be-
ing a Calvinist was made against Hyperius, in 1561,
by the high Lutherans. In doctrine, Hesse was Me-
lancthonian. In church customs it was only half Lu-
theran. Many of the Lutheran rites, as exorcism, &c.,
were put away. But in church government it was de-
cidedly Reformed. Hesse attempted the presbyterial
government. It had, or attempted to have, presbyteries
or boards of elders in each church. It had Synods and
General Synods. But neither in Synods nor General
Synods do elders seem to have appeared. It is true,
this presbyterial form of government was somewhat
modified by having superintendents. But the superin-
tendent was elected by the dioceses and subject to the
clergy. So that the government was presbyterial in the
congregation, and synodical in the upper courts. The
pre-eminence given to elders at this early stage of his-
tory was remarkable. At the Lord's supper they stood
around the table, and saw that no unworthy persons
came to the table. Here and there it was the custom
that the cup at the Lord's supper was handed around
by some prominent member of the church. At the
church of Treis the knight, Hermon Schutzbau, handed
the cup. Thus in the simplicity of its customs, the
Hessian Church was tending toward the Reformed faith.
78 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Another significant sign in that direction was the adop-
tion of predestination by some of the leading theologians
of the Hessian Church. They held to predestination
and the perseverance of the saints, long before these
doctrines became matters of controversy. When in 1561
Zanchius was attacked at Strasburg by the Lutherans
for holding the doctrine of predestination, he appealed
to the theologians of Marburg, and they endorsed his
position.
And yet while the Hessian Church was thus insen-
sibly nearing the Reformed faith, it is remarkable how
strongly she opposed the introduction of the Reformed
faith into Germany by Elector Frederick III. of the
Palatinate. Phillip took quite an active part against
its introduction. This he did partly from political rea-
sons, as he feared it would divide Germany and weaken
it against the Catholics. He even went so far as to go
(in spite of his old age) to Heidelberg to visit Elector
Frederick, and warn him against going over to the Re-
formed faith. But he failed to keep Frederick from
doing so. When the Heidelberg catechism appeared,
his theologians at Marburg gave an unfavorable deliv-
erance against it, upbraiding it with reducing the ele-
ments at the Lord's supper into mere signs.
Thus Hesse was insensibly being prepared for its
ultimate transition to the Reformed faith. The seed,
planted by Lambert of Avignon in introducing the Re-
HESSE BECOMES REFORMED. 79
formed church government, followed up by Zwingli's
appearance at the Marburg Conference, carried on by
Bucer's influence, and insensibly continued by Melanc-
thon, by and by burst forth into full bloom, more than
a half century later. Strange to say, Hesse, which was
almost the first German land to incline toward the Re-
formed faith, was almost the last to receive it. Her
customs remained Lutheran, while her doctrine grad-
ually became Reformed. It remained for Landgrave
Maurice the Learned, with his clear head and quick de-
cision, to put an end to this incongruity between doctrine
and custom, and make Hesse thoroughly Reformed, as
he did in 1604-7.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION lY.
Lasco and his Preparation for the Reformed Faith.
But from a third place there was an influence ex-
erted on Germany, that prepared the way for the Re-
formed Church. East Friesland, in nortliern Germany,
was the only part of that country, where there existed
real religious freedom. It, therefore, became an asylum
for the persecuted of all religions. Anabaptists found a
home there as well as Reformed and Lutherans. Emden,
its capital, became 'a refuge for God's saints.'
Emden was the first real Reformed church in Ger-
many. It was the only part of the German Reformed
Church that did not come out of Lutheranism. It came
direct from Catholicism into the Reformed Church.
The first preacher of Protestantism happened to be a
Zwinglian. Aportanus, formerly a member of the
Brethren of the Common Life (those Protestants be-
fore the Reformation, — the Protestant monkhood in the
Catholic Church), came to Emden in 1 526. He was made
tutor in the family of the Duke, preceptor of the young
Count Edzard, and subsequently pastor of the church
at Emden. At first he was driven out of the church
for preaching evangelical doctrines. But the people
PREPARATION OF FRIESLAND. 81
adhered to him, although the priests persecuted hira.
And he preached the gospel in the open air to the gath-
ering crowds. Aportanus created a great sensation in
Germany, by introducing the simple rites of the Re-
formed Church. At the Lord^s supper he used merely
a common table instead of an altar; and common white
bread instead of wafers. And he did not lay the bread
on the mouths of the communicants, as the Catholics
had done ; but he broke it, and gave it to them in their
hands. This style of service, unheard of before in Ger-
many, created a great stir. This tendency toward the
Scriptural rites of the Reformed faith, was aided by the
coming or Carlstadt, who has been called, by some, the
forerunner of Calvinism in Germany. He came to
Emden about 1529, and for a while exerted a great in-
fluence on the Frisian Church. Thus East Friesland
was the only place in Germany, where the Zwinglian or
Reformed doctrine and mode of worship, was openly per-
mitted at that time. In 1535, the neighboring Bruns-
wick-Luneberg pastors made an effort to introduce the
Lutheran doctrines into Friesland. But they were 'bit-
terly opposed. Then came the Wittenberg Concord in
1536, which brought peace between the Reformed and
Lutherans. Still there were now two parties found in
the Frisian Church. The eastern half of Friesland,
which appertained to Bremen, was more influenced by
Lutheranism ; while the western part, in close contact
82 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
with Reformed Holland, was more iaclined toward the
Reformed faith. The Anabaptists had also found a
refuge in Friesland, and they were bitter against the
Lutherans for their cannibalism, as they called it, at
the Lord's supper, in eating the body of Christ. And
they were bitter against both Reformed and Lutherans,
for their want of church discipline. So Friesland be-
came a battle ground between the Reformed, Lutherans,
Anabaptists and Catholics. This was the condition of
things, when the Countess of Oldenberg, a pious but
weak woman, called John A. Lasco to organize the
Church in Friesland.
This distinguished reformer was one of the most re-
markable characters of the sixteenth century. It is a
significant fact that here and there we find noblemen
like Patrick Hamilton and John A. Lasco, who became
preachers of the gospel, "esteeming the reproach of
Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt, for
they had respect to the recompense of the reward."
John A. Lasco was born at Lask, his ancestral cas-
tle in Poland, in 1499. His uncle, who was the Arch-
bishop of Gnesen, the capital of Poland, was also primate
of the Polish realm. His uncle occupied, therefore, a
position next to the king himself; and if the king died,
he presided over the government until a new king was
chosen. Lasco studied for a while at Cracow, living
there in the splendid palace of his uncle. He went with
LASCO'S TRAVELS. 83
his uucle to Rome to the Lateran council in 1513, and
then studied at the University of Bologna, but returned
to Poland in 1518. He rapidly rose in honor, being
made canon of the Church, and also dean of the Metro-
politan church at Gnesen. Lasco took a second trip
abroad in 1523. He went to Basle, where he met Farel,
the fiery reformer of Switzerland ; then to Paris, then
back to Basle, where he met Erasmus. Erasmus was
captivated by his learning, amiability and purity. He
calls him "a soul without a stain," a very Nathaniel.
Lasco became an ardent adherent of the humanism of
Erasmus, and spent his time in liberal studies. These
began to lead him away from the influence of Rome.
In passing through Zurich on his way to France, he
met Zwingli ; and from him received the first impulse
toward reading the Bible. Thirty years afterward he
bore testimony to Zwingli's influence in this direction.
At Basle he also met Ecolampadius and Bullinger. He
returned home by way of Italy, a humanist or follower
of Erasmus, but a humanist within the Catholic Church.
When he returned in 1526, he found that strange ru-
mors had been circulated about him. He had been liv-
ing with Erasmus, who was looked upon by many as a
half heretic. To purge himself of these suspicions,
Lasco was required to take an oath of purgation.* Lasco
*This document is still preserved in the privy record- office
at Konigsberg.
84 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was appointed administrator of Gnesen. But his uncle
died in 1531. He was thus deprived of his strongest
support in ascending the ladder of ecclesiastical promo-
tion. Still he continued to rise for seven years after the
death of his uncle. He was made archdeacon of War-
saw. This was the last honor Rome placed on his head.
The king offered him the bishopric of Cujavia. But
Lasco declined it. He gave up all his honors. He had
hoped to see the Catholic Church reformed. His hopes
were blighted. So he threw up all his positions and
prepared to leave Poland. He hoped that the time
might come (as it afterward did) when he could preach
the gospel to his own land. Whither he was going, he
knew not. His motto was, '4he righteous have here
no fatherland, therefore they seek an heavenly."
" To me remained no place nor home,
My country is in every clime ;
T can be calm and free from care,
On any shore, since God is there."
For nineteen years he was a pilgrim, wandering up
and down in Europe, establishing the Reformed Church
in Friesland, England and Germany, before he returned
to Poland to preach the gospel. He went to Frank-
ford, where he made the acquaintance of his friend Har-
denberg. He had brilliant offers of political advance-
ment from the Emperor of Germany, and also from
King Ferdinand, but he refused them all. He went to
Louvain, where he became intimate with the Brethren
THE EMDEN CHURCFI. 85
of the Common Life, and was more fully influenced by
the gospel. Finally he completed his break with Rome
by marrying. As a married priest would not be safe
at Louvain, he sought a quiet home and found it in
East Friesland, where he arrived in 1540. In 1543
he was urged by Count Christopher of Oldenberg to ac-
cept the position of superintendent in Friesland. But
he refused this first offer, on account of his ill health
and his ignorance of the Dutch language, and also on
account of his duty to distant Poland. But after re-
peated calls, he finally accepted the position under the
Duchess of Oldenberg. Soon after he entered on his
duties as superintendent, he had a call from Duke
Albert of Prussia to Konigsberg to the University
there. It was a great temptation ; as he would be so
near his beloved Poland and might influence her toward
the gospel. But he finally refused the offer, as he found
that they insisted he should not express his opinions on
the sacraments and church discipline, on which doctrines
those Lutherans were suspicious of him. He soon came
into collision with the Franciscan monks of Friesland.
He ordered the Franciscans to remove the images from
their churches. The Franciscans tried to turn the ta-
bles on him by saying he was a stranger in that land,
and was trying to introduce strange doctrines. Lasco
answered them. The Countess wavered between Lasco
and the Franciscans Then he boldly urged the Count-
86 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ess to stand up for the truth ; and she bowed before the
prayers of this bold man. Lasco, in his reforms, aimed
at nothing short of Zwinglian simplicity of worship.
Pictures and all such unbiblical ceremonies as exorcism,
&c., were put out of the churches. He desired bread
to be used at the communion ; and if the wine gave out,
he said another liquid could be used, provided the
meal was still made a memorial of Christ. He was very
much opposed to the kneeling position at the Lord^s
supper, because it seemed to him like a worship of the
bread and wine. He allowed the communicants while
standing to receive the elements, but afterwards in
London he required them to receive them while sitting.
Lasco was a Zwinglian in doctrine, a Calvinist in church
government. He attempted a splendid organization of
the Church. In the summer of 1544 he had an church
order adopted, which required the ministers of the prin-
cipal church of Emden to appoint four pious men, who
should watch over the morals of the congregation. They
were really elders. He also organized the Coetus in
1544. It was a minister's Monday meeting, for it met
on Monday. It also had a synodical authority. During
the summer all the ministers, 200 in number, met each
week. This Coetus elected a president and secretary
for the whole summer. Its order of business was prayer
by the president, inquiry into the doctrines and morals
of each minister in rotation. Then members of the
THE COETUS OF EMPEN. 87
congregations, who had complaints against, any of the
ministers, brought them before the Coetus. The Coetus
then proceeded to examine candidates for the ministry
by inquiring into their lives, and listening to a brief
conference sermon by them. Then followed a discus-
sion of doctrine, especially on the controversies of the
day. Two ministers were appointed to discuss the topic
appointed, their theses being made known eight days
before ; so that every one came to the Coetus prepared.
This Coetus was a blessing to the land. The French
minister at Emden, Fremaut, said he learned more at
it, than he had done at the university. This model
synod exercised a benign influence on the clergy ; and
on the laity, too, who saw their pastors, as well as them-
selves, subjected to church discipline. This Coetus con-
tinued forty years, until the reign of Duke Edzard, who
was inclined to Lutheranism. He suppressed it in
1583. It was reorganized afterward and (according to
Goebel and Barteis) still exists. In 1543 Lasco, with
Bucer, aided Elector Herman of Cologne to introduce
Protestantism into his county of Wied, on the east side
of the Rhine, opposite Coblentz. Lasco also visited
West Friesland in Holland. In 1544 he published an
epitome of doctrine for the churches of East Friesland.
In it he reveals his predestination, " that the eternal
council of God controls all things, that Christ is the
central point of Christianity ; but God shuts out no one
88 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from his mercy. Christ by his death expiated the sins
of the whole world.'' He was, therefore, a predestina-
rian, but held to the doctrine of the universal atonement
along with it. Lasco also so influenced the Countess,
that she issued school regulations, which reveal one of
the first instances of compulsory school attendance. He
arranged a catechism in 1546 for Sabbath afternoon
preaching. It was written in manuscript and passed
around among the clergy. It divided itself into four
parts, the commandments, faith, prayer, sacraments. It
was unlike Calvin's catechism, which divided itself
into five parts ; placing the scripture between prayer
and the sacraments. Lasco's catechism was a very
lengthy one, and was afterwards shortened by him in
his London and Emden catechisms. Thus, by Lasco's
exertions, Emden and East Friesland became the model
for the Dutch and German Reformed Churches ; as
Geneva had been for the French, English and Scotch
Churches. But the controversies about the sacraments
broke out again just before Luther's death. And the
Lutherans in East Friesland, five or six in number, with
Lemsius of Norden at their . head, banded together
against Lasco At first, they would not attend the
Coetus. They said they were opposed to this presby-
terial order, because it savored of the Reformed Church.
The Countess ordered them to attend. They refused to
obey. They knew that they had influential sympa-
LASCO GOES TO ENGLAND. 89
thizers in some of the courtiers of the Countess, who
were dissatisfied with the strict church discipline of
Lasco. So finally, after waiting for months and seeing
among the pastors neither unity of doctrine nor strictness
of discipline, Lasco resigned his position as superintendent
in 1546, asking to be allowed to remain simply as pastor
of the great church at Emden.*
But while Lasco was retiring from public life, a call
came to him from England. Peter Martyr and also
William Turner, an Englishman, who had been a
refugee at Emden, recommended him to King Edward
VI. of England. This young king was looked upon as
the ^Josiah' of the sixteenth century, who would thor-
oughly reform his land. He called to his help quite a
number of Protestant foreigners, as Bucer, Peter Martyr
and others. Lasco was granted a leave of absence by
the Duchess, in order to go to England. He travelled
through Holland, Brussels and Flanders, in disguise,
(as the imperial officers were on the watch for prominent
Protestants), until he arrived at Calais, the first English
port. He spent the winter at Lambeth with the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, Cranmer, aiding him by his advice
*Lasco, during his stay at Emden, had resided in the Fran-
ciscan cloister, whose solid walls protected him against the se-
vere blasts of that northern climate. But now, seeing his op-
ponents wanted to drive him from his position, he bought, on
the road from Emden to Aurich, close to Loppersum, a plain
simple country house in the farmstead of Abbiugwehr.
90 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
in ecclesiastical affairs. Afterward he went back to Era-
den, his leave of absence having expired. When he ar-
rived at Eraden, he found that the Emperor of Germany
was trying to introduce the offensive Romish rites of the
Augsburg Interim into every part of Germany. The
Countess of Oldeuberg was in great anxiety. The peo-
ple felt their danger. Lasco tried to stem the tide, by
using his influence against the introduction of the In-
terim. He also went to Dantzic and Konigsberg to in- *
fluence the Duke of Prussia against it : as well as to get
near to his beloved Poland ; and from her, secure per-
mission to go to England a second time. He came back
to Emden in August, 1649. He found the Countess
about receiving the Interim. Some of her counsellors
drew up what was called the Emden Interim, consisting
of garbled extracts from the Augsburg Interim and the
Brunswick-Luneburg church regulations. The Emden
ministers refused to assent to this Emden Interim. Only
Lemsius at Norden and the Lutheran pastors received
it. The people at Emden supported their fiiithful
pastors. As a result the church doors were closed against
pastors and people, because they would not receive the
Interim. So the people worshipped in the graveyards,
which were thronged by greater crowds than ever at-
tended church. "Here," says Dalton, "in the midst of
the graves of the departed, the children were baptized,
LASCO LEAVES EMDEN. 91
the affianced couples united in wedlock." The Coetus
also met weekly, when Lasco tried to strengthen the
brethren against the Interim. But the imperial court
determined to get rid of Lasco. So an accusation of
treason was whispered against him, because he had lately
been to England, and also in the neighborhood of Poland.
Lasco then, in October, 1549, bade farewell to Emden
amid the tears of the people. The Countess, though
letting him go, bore witness to his faithfulness. He
went to Bremen, where he received the Lord's supper
from Timan, the intense Lutheran and the future foe of
his friend Hardenberg. In April, 1550, he was at
Hamburg with his friends, where he mingled freely with
Westphal, who afterwards thundered denunciations
against him for being a Calvinist, charging him with
heresy. Finally, after a terrible voyage, in which the
ship put back three times to Hamburg, and his discom-
fort was increased by an attack of his old disease, ague,
he arrived at Lambeth. He was made pastor of the
foreign Reformed congregation in London, which con-
sisted of the French, Dutch, German and Italian refugees,
who had fled from the continent to find an asylum in
England. In 1548 the Dutch and French had begun
private worship in a house; but in 1550 the church of
St. Augustine (at present called the church of Austin
Friars) was given to them. They were organized under
92 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
four pastors, and numbered three or four thousand souls.
This church was permitted, by a patent from the king,
to be free from the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the bishop
of London and was allowed to organize herself. This
gave an 'opportunity to Lasco to develope his talent for
organization. And the result was a finely organized
spiritually-minded church. He put away many of the
semi-papal ceremonies that still lingered among the
Protestants of England, and w^ere favored by Cranmer,
the archbishop of Canterbury. He put away pictures,
candles, altars, bells, organs, and kneeling at the com-
munion, which he considered half idolatry of the sacra-
ment. He introduced the sitting posture at the com-
munion, and had the communicants seated around a
table. But when in other churches, he communed with
them after their own fashion. Cranmer wanted the
ministers to wear the priestly vestments or robes during
service, but Lasco desired no special fashion of clothing
for the ministry.* His sad experience under the Interim
in Germany had sharpened his opposition to all these
so-called adiaphora or semi-papal customs. The early
refugees at London had brought with them their own
liturgies and catechisms from the continent. The French
used Calvin's catechism and the Genevan liturgy, and
sang Marot's Psalms. The Dutch leaned more to the
Emden catechism and the Zurich church order. From
*Bartels, page 35.
93
these Lasco drew up a new one, which was very remark-
able as the first introduction of pure presbyterian church
government. The first Presbyterian church was a Re-
formed church — the Dutch Reformed church of Lon-
don. In it there were three officials — elders, deacons
and doctors. The elders and doctors were elected for
life, and the deacons for a year. Lasco was the first to
notice the two kinds of elders, teaching and ruling eld-
ers. The duty of the doctors was to foster the study
and knowledge of the Scriptures. Instead of the Coetus,
as at Emden, they had a weekly prayer meeting. The
congregation, after a day of prayer, elected its own offi-
cers. It will be noticed that, in this church govern-
ment, Lasco differed from Calvin. Lasco's church or-
der was a development of the church orders, which he
found were used by his congregation. But he improved
on them, and even improved on Calvin's. Calvin^s was
aristocratic Presbyterianism ; Lasco's democratic Pres-
byterianism. Calvin did not aim at a separation of the
Church and State. He wished that each should be in-
dependent of the other in its sphere, but the one should
be a help to the other. And under Calvin the congre-
gation was not the possessor and manager of their own
affairs. They could not freely elect their own officers
without interference from State or consistory. Nor did
Calvin concede the equality of the elders with the min-
isters. But Lasco granted freeduni to the congreg itiun
94 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to choose its own officers, and also equality of the elders
with the ministers. Lasco, in addition to his labors of
church organization, also printed a compend of doctrine
in his London catechism, which was an abridgement of
his Emden catechism. But in Emden it had existed
only in manuscript form ; now in London it was printed.
Lasco was not destined to remain long in London,
not more than four years, before he had to take up his
pilgrim's staff again and leave for other shores. King
Edward VI. died, and bloody Queen Mary ascended
the English throne and reintroduced Catholicism by
force and persecution. Lasco and his congregation had
to flee. But whither should they go ? They looked
toward Denmark, whose king, in disposition, was very
much like the late Edward VI. of England ; and so
Lasco, a second Ulysses, began his wanderings again.
It was determined that, with a part of his congregation,
he should go to Denmark and arrange for an asylum for
the refugees ; and that then the others would follow.
So, on the 17th of September, 1553, a sad sight was
seen at Gravesend, as the travellers, 170 souls, mostly
Dutch, set sail in two Danish ships. A great number
of the men and women of Lasco's congregation went
with them to the shore, and wept at their departure.
Those on shore followed them with their eyes as long
as they could see them ; and when the English fog came
in and hid them from sight, they began singing a psalm,
THEY SAIL FOR DENMARK. 95
which sounded over the waves as their sad final fare-
well. The refugees expected to find a cordial welcome
at Copenhagen. Bucer had once been called to Copen-
hagen, in ] 549, and Sturm had hoped to get Peter Mar-
tyr elected as Professor at Copenhagen. They, there-
fore, supposed that the Danish court, though Lutheran,
would not be opposed to those who were Reformed.
How bitterly were they doomed to disappointment. Af-
ter a terrible voyage, in which a storm separated their
vessels, the vessels came together in the harbor of Elsi-
nore in Denmark. Here, according to Shakespeare, a
ghost appeared to Hamlet. But a worse ghost appeared
to these fleeing Protestant Reformed people ; a real one,
as they landed on those shores of Denmark. The ghost
of high Lutheranism appeared with terrible power and
persecution. While Lasco, with Micronius and Uten-
hoven, sought the king of Denmark at his palace at
Kolding in Jutland, so as to get permission for the refu-
gees to settle in Denmark ; the rest of the emigrants
sailed for Copenhagen. Lasco's first experience at
Kolding was not very propitious. Before he and his
companions were allowed to see the king, they were
compelled to listen to a sermon, on Phil. 3 : 17, by court
preacher Noviomagus. They had expected him to act
as their intercessor before the king. Instead of that, he
became their accuser. In this sermon he called them
fanatics, heretics, sacramentarians, liars of the true pres-
96 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ence, "whose end is damnation/' Noviomagus after-
ward urged the king to send them adrift. The king at
first received them kindly, and after several interviews,
told them that they would be allowed to settle in his
territories, if they would conform to the Lutheran rites
of the Danish Church. But the rites of the Lutheran
Church in Denmark seemed to them a reproduction of
the rites of the Anglican Church in England, which
they disliked. Their robes and altars and bishops were
just what these refugees had, all the time, been protest-
ing against. They replied that they could not conscien-
tiously conform to these customs. They were, therefore,
ordered to leave the land. Lasco then pled that they
might at least be allowed to winter in Denmark, as the
winter was severe. But even this was refused. The
refugees pled that no one would refuse a Turk, yes a
dog, at that season. They pled to be allowed to stay
two months : this being refused, one month, then four-
teen days, so that they could buy clothes and the neces-
saries of life, and then they would depart. But this
was refused. Neander draws a parallel to this from the
history of the early Christian Church. During the
Monophysite controversy of the fifth century, between
Antioch and Alexandria, a number of Egyptian wood-
cutters were compelled to land at Tyre. But so great
was the bitterness between the schools of Syria and
Egypt, that they were forbidden to land, lest they should
PERSECUTIONS BY THE LUTHERANS. 97
pollute the land with heresy. The Lutherans of Den-
mark and North Germany likewise refused to receive
their Reformed brethren, although of the same German
blood and same Protestant faith. To make the condi-
tion of the refugees worse, while they were at Copenha-
gen waiting for news from Lasco, the plague broke out.
This disease was looked upon by the Lutherans as an
affliction of Providence sent on Copenhagen for harbor-
ing such heretics as the Reformed. But looked upon as
a sign of God's Providence, it pointed the other way;
for not one of the refugees, even in their sad condition,
took the plague ! while the citizens of Copenhagen did.
If it were an affliction of God, it was an affliction of
God on those Lutherans for their want of brotherly
courtesy, in refusing a refuge to the Reformed. The
refugees were compelled to leave Copenhagen. Lasco's
two sons were first allowed the privilege of wintering in
Denmark. But afterwards, in the midst of a severe
frost, they were obliged to share the sad fate of the other
refugees. To escape, they, with their tutor, came near
losing their lives in the ice packs, as they fled over the
ice to the refugees. Out into an angry sea, into a terri-
ble winter, those poor refugees were hurried. As they
sailed, a terrible storm greeted them, followed by frost
and snow storms. They entered different harbors to es-
cape from the storms, but all the harbors were closed
against them, because of the plague that had been rag-
98 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ing at Copenhagen, and because of their still greater
plague of Reformed heresy. The three ships were finally
permitted to land safely, by Christmas time, at Rostock,
Wismar and Lubeck. Duke John Albert of Mecklen-
berg invited them to stay at Wismar. But his preach-
ers soon stirred up the people and effected the recall of
permission to stay. The general experience of the refu-
gees was, that the magistrates and the people pitied them
at first, until the ministers stirred them up against them.
Curtius, the superintendent at Lubeck, called them
heretics, and was anxious to have them expelled. At
Hamburg, where they arrived over-land in March,
1554, they fared even worse. Westphal, the minister
at Hamburg, had called them ^ martyrs of the devil ;^ so
the citizens of Hamburg were forbidden, under heavy
penalties, to take any of them into their houses. Like
hunted game, they were driven out into the neighboring
villages. One of the villages received them over night in
a shed. They were, like David, hunted like a partridge
over the hills. But although rejected by the Danes
and North Germans, sympathy came to them from other
quarters. Gustavus, King of Sweden, in spite of their
difference of language and religion, invited them to an
asylum in his land. Finally, by Easter, 1554, the ex-
iles reached Emden, whither Lasco had gone before
them. There they were gladly received, the Lutherans
saying not a word against them. But Lasco did not
LASCO AT EMDEN. ^\)
remain long at Emden. The Countess, though she re-
spected him, yet feared that his decided opposition to
altars, organs and baptismal fonts would make trouble.
The high Lutherans charged that he had changed his
doctrines while he was in England. He published a
catechism in 1554, an abbreviation of the former Emden
catechism. Micronius also published a shorter catechism
for those who expected to come to the Lord's supper.
This Emden catechism raised a storm in Emden, and
hastened Lasco's departure. Melancthon looked on him
with a little suspicion, since he had been in England,
And even his old friend Hardenberg became cool toward
him, because he suspected him of being a renegade from
Lutheranisra. So Lasco left Emden in April, 1555,
and went to Frankford, where he was kindly received.
The scene now shifts from Emden to Frankford on
the Main, that great, wealthy free city of western Ger-
many. Lasco had become a leader in the Netherland
churches, and his presence introduces us to the refugee
Reformed churches that sprang up in different parts of
Germany, and which were an important factor in mak-
ing Germany Reformed. The history of these refugee
congregations at Frankford gives us an interesting
glimpse into the custom of those early Reformed churches.
The refugees from England and Holland began to come
to Frankford in 1554. Their first services were held in
private houses. Then the church of the White Lady
100 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was given them as their place of worship. In the next
.year the Holland congregation of London joined this
French church ; and a month later an English congre-
gation from London, under Whittingham, arrived. At
first the Lutheran city churches were on the most
friendly terms with the refugees. As these foreign con-
gregations grew liturgical, differences between them soon
caused strife. The English church asked the city for
the use of another church. As the cloister of St. Cath-
arine was occupied by only one nun (the rest having
married), they asked the magistrates for the use of it.
The city authorities at first refused to grant it, but after-
wards conceded to them the church of All Saints, then
unused. The English congregation was required not to
use the English liturgy, but to conform to the French
mode of worship. So they agreed to omit the litany,
the responses, the surplice, and other ceremonies, " which
in the Reformed churches would seem more than strange,
or which were superstitious and superfluous.^' They
proceeded to elect three pastors. One of them was John
Knox, whom Calvin urged to come to Frankford. Knox
came from Geneva in November, 1554. When Knox
came, he already found two parties in the English
Church. One party favored the use of the English lit-
urgy with all its responses and vestments. The other,
headed by Whittingham, was puritanical and opposed
them. Knox, when he came, said he could not admin-
KNOX AT FRANKFORD. 101
ister communion according to the English liturgy, but
he offered to preach for them. He wrote a temperate
letter to the congregation in the interest of the Puritan
party ; and a committee drew up a shorter form of ser-
vice, modeled after the Genevan liturgy. But this did
not give entire satisfaction, so it was modified by adapt-
ing certain parts of the prayer book. This was trans-
lated into Latin and sent to Calvin, who replied that he
could not but condemn the policy of those, who held to
"the tolerable fooleries of the English liturgy." This
form was used until March, when Cox, one of Cranmer's
helpers in publishing the English liturgy, and tutor of
the late King Edward of England, arrived. The first
day that he attended church service, he, and those with
him, broke out into responses. The elders admonished
them, when they boldly replied, "that they would do as
they had done in England, and they would have the face
of an English church." " The Lord grant it to have
the face of Christ^s church," said Knox afterward, " and,
therefore, I would have had it agreeable in outward
rites and ceremonies, with Christian churches reformed."
The next Sunday one of Cox^s companions got into the
pulpit without the knowledge of the pastors or congre-
gation, and read the litany. Cox and his companions
joining in the responses. It happened that it was
Knox's duly to preach that Sunday afternoon, and he
severely reprimanded them. A meeting of the congre-
102 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
gation was held. At this meeting the friends of the
liturgy held that Cox and his companions ought to vote.
This was improper, as they had not yet been received as
members of that church. But Knox, sure of the truth
of his cause, and anxious to remove prejudice, asked
that they be admitted. This gave the majority against
Knox. And, as so often happens in such cases, they
turned against their opponents ; and Cox discharged
Knox as the reward for his kindness. The friends of
Knox then complained to the city authorities that the
French liturgy, which was without the responses of this
English liturgy, should be restored. But two of Cox's
party, in reply, went to the city authorities and accused
Knox of high treason against the Emperor of Germany.
They showed one of Knox's books entitled " Admoni-
tion to England," in which was a passage addressed to
the inhabitants of Amersham in Buckinghamshire, when
it was reported that Queen Mary was to marry King
Phillip of Spain, the heir of the Emperor of Germany.*
In this book Knox seems to have compared the Emperor
to Nero, as an enemy of Christ, in his persecutions of
Protestants. When the magistrates of the town heard
this accusation, they were perplexed to know what to
do ; for they were satisfied of Knox's innocence, and yet
they feared the Emperor's wrath, if this news should
*This match was opposed in England even by the Catholics,
and Knox had written his protest against it in this book.
LASCO AT FRANKFORD. 103
reach his ears at Augsburg. So they sent to Whitting-
hara, and asked him quietly to request Knox to depart.
On the 25th of March, after a brief pastorate of five
months, Knox delivered a consolatory discourse to
about fifty of the congregation, who had assembled at
his lodgings; and the next day he left for Geneva.
Afterwards the magistrates granted the English congre-
gation the use of the English liturgy ; but, for this, they
had to make concessions, giving up private baptism,
confirmation of children, saint's days, kneeling at the
Lord's supper, linen surplices of ministers, crosses and
other things of like character. Whittingham and the
greater part of the English colony afterward went to
Geneva, and there chose Knox as pastor. This breach
at Frankford was the beginning of dissent in the Eng-
lish church, a miniature prophecy of the future troubles
between the Episcopalians and Puritans in England.
Such had been the state of affairs at Frankford when
Lasco arrived. The dissension in the English church
had spread to a dissension between the German churches
and the foreigners. Already before Lasco's arrival the
guilds or trades in Frankford began to become jealous
of the ingenuity and prosperity of these foreigners.
Westphal of Hamburg wrote a communication to the
magistrates at Frankford, warning them against these
foreign Reformed as heretics. Frankford had been a
city that had sympathized with the low Melancthouian
104 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
or Zwinglian views; so that in August, 1555, Calvin
had dedicated his commentary on the first three gospels
to that city. They generously returned thanks for that
honor and sent a present of fifty gold florins to Calvin.
But just before the coming of the refugees, Beyer, a
strong Lutheran, aroused the city to high Lutheranism.
The Diet of Augsburg, in 1555, had decided that only
Catholicism and Lutheranism had a right to exist in
Germany. This strengthened the high Lutherans. And
when Westphal wrote against the Reformed as heretics,
it roused the city clergy. As early as September,
1555, the Frankford ministers brought complaint to the
city against the refugees, that they taught heresy. And
Lasco, when he arrived, was compelled to sign the Augs-
burg confession ; which he was perfectly willing to do,
as he found nothing in it about the new doctrine of
ubiquity. Lasco, in his anxiety for the welfare of the
Dutch church in Frankford, went from prince to prince
in Germany, interceding for them. He went to Land-
grave Phillip of Hesse and Elector Otto Henry of the
Palatinate. He plead for sympathy for them and for the
unity of the Church. He wanted to be a new reformer,
to unite the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches in
Germany, as Bucer had done before him. He aimed to
unite Lutheranism and Zwinglianism on the basis of
Calvinism. By this middle position of Calvinism he
hoped to gain a place for his refugee churches in Ger-
LASCO AND CALVIN AT FRANKFORD. 105
many. But his efforts were a sad failure. He came
to Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg, Brenz, the leader
of the Lutheran church of Wurtemberg, and, after
Melancthon, the most influential Lutheran in Germany,
had been a Melancthonian ; and Lasco hoped to win
him to unity by a conference held at Stuttgart in May,
1556. But instead of bringing unity, it brought dis-
cord ; for this conference opened Brenz^s eyes to the
dangers of Calvinism, that lurked in the Augsburg Con-
fession. This conference committed him against Me-
lancthon and his party. From that day Brenz became
an intense high Lutheran.* The city ministers of Frank-
ford now began preaching against these Reformed for-
eigners. Calvin, hoping to intercede for them, came to
Frankford in September, 1556. He preached in the
church of the White Lady and baptized there, but visited
none of the Lutheran ministers. Still such was his
influence in Frankford that he addressed an assembly of
ministers in Romer Hall, where the Emperors of Ger-
many were elected and crowned. There this uncrowned
king of theology interceded for the refugees. Calvin
left Frankford in October, and the English and French
refugees were allowed to remain, but they had to sub-
scribe to the Augsburg Confession. Lasco left Frank-
ford to go back to his native Poland, and introduce the
*Thus, while the Lutherans under Flacius were digging a
grave for themselves in ducal Saxony, Wurtemberg took up
high Lutheranism and saved it.
8
106 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
reformation there. On his way homeward he learned
to know Melanethon and Ursinus at Wittenberg ; and
only regretted that his time with them was so short.
John A. Lasco was one of the finest characters among
the reformers. Strong in his convictions, he was yet
liberal in his sympathies. Sacrificing wealth and posi-
tion, this nobleman-preacher wandered, a refugee for
tffe cause of Christ. Perhaps he did more to introduce
the Reformed faith into different lands in Europe than
any other reformer. After the departure of Lasco, these
refugees were allowed to remain at Frankford, through
the influence of Landgrave Phillip of Hesse and Elector
Otto Henry of the Palatinate, who were Melanethon ians
and liberal Lutherans. When the conference of nobles
met at Frankford in 1557, these refugees laid before
them their confession of faith ; and the conference de-
cided to protect them. But the high Lutherans began to
storm against them. The English went back to England
in 1558, after Queen Mary's death, and the accession of
Elizabeth to the throne. In 1562 the refugees were all
ordered away, because they were Reformed. Some went
to the neighboring province of Hanau. Others remain-
ed in the city and attended worship at Bockenheim in
Hesse, just outside of Frankford. A second colony
went to Hanau in 1597. Later, in 1661, those remain-
ing in Frankford were granted permission to build a
church before the gate, where they could hold service and
DRIVEN OUT OF FRANK FORD. 107
celebrate the Lord's supper ; but they had no other privi-
leges. This congregation afterwards united with the
Hanau Reformed churches.* But the most important
link in this history was a colony of sixty families who
went under Dathenus to the Palatinate and settled at
Frankenthal, near Heidelberg, at the junction of the
Rhine and Neckar rivers. This colony introduced the
Reformed faith for the first time into the Palatinate. It
gave those Palatines an idea of the strict church dis-
cipline and simplicity of the worship of the Reformed
faith. Because he had met Lasco at Wittenberg, Ursi-
nus afterward felt an interest in this flourishing colony
of foreigners. It is worthy of note that these Dutch
colonists brought with them Lasco's catechism and called
attention to it in the Palatinate ; and thus prepared the
way for the use of this catechism in the composition of
the Heidelberg catechism.
*Only as late as 1792 3 was the erection of a Reformed church
allowed iu Frankford. And that was not allowed to appear like
a church, only like a chapel or ordinary house.
CHAPTER I.— SECTION V.
Melancthon and his Preparation of Germany for the Re-
formed Church.
Melancthon was one of the leaders of Lutheranisra.
He was also a forerunner of the Reformed faith in Ger-
many. Although he never belonged to the Reformed
Church, still his influence prepared Germany to receive
it. The followers of Melancthon would probably have
remained Lutheran ; but the attacks of the high Lu-
therans drove the Melancthonians out of the Lutheran
Church into the Reformed. In thus preparing the way
for the Reformed faith, the influence of Melancthon was
not a local influence, like those mentioned before. But
it was rather a national influence — affecting all Ger-
many. It was a mental influence — an influence of
thought, rather than of place, preparing the people for
the liberal views and simple worship of the Reformed
Church.
Melancthon was a native of the Palatinate, having
been born at Bretten in 1497. His name Schwartzerd
(black earth) was, according to the custom of the day,
latinized into Melancthon. As a boy he was exceed-
ingly precocious. At Pforzheim, the home of his grand-
MELANCTHON AND LUTHER. 109
mother, he received a liberal education under Reuchlin,
one of the leaders of humanism. He fired Melancthon's
zeal for the new sciences. At thirteen years of age,
Melancthon entered Heidelberg university ; at fourteen,
he was made bachelor of arts ; at sixteen, he published
a Greek grammar ; at seventeen, he was made master of
arts, then a lecturer at the university in Tubingen at
seventeen. After such a career of precocity, he crowned
it at the early age of twenty-one, by entering on his life-
work as a professor at Wittenbei^. Before he went to
Wittenberg, while a decided adherent of the reformation,
he was yet more of a classical scholar than a theologian.
As one says, " without Luther he would have been a
second Erasmus." But his intercourse with Luther
deepened his spiritual nature and made a theologian out
of him. He did not possess the popular gifts of Luther;
but he excelled him in scholarship. Luther gained the
common people to the Reformation, Melancthon attracted
the scholars. Luther was the scholastic, Melancthon the
humanist ; Luther the converted monk, Melancthon
the converted scholar.* He was a man of broader views
than Luther, but lacked his decision ; and was, at times,
timid and vacillating. He was called the ^preceptor or
teacher of Germany.' He has the honor of publishing
the first book on Protestant theology, his Loci Communes
*Dr. Schatf says : " Luther was conclusive and exclusive,
Melancthon exhaustive and liberal."
110 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
or common-places, published in 1521, (fifteen years be-
fore Calvin's Institutes were published.) This book on
theology grew out of his lectures on Romans.* He oc-
cupied the rare position of being the leader of the Prot-
estants in nearly all the negotiations with the Catholics ;
Luther having been debarred from such a position, be-
cause he had been excommunicated from the Church.
So Melancthon became the leader in Protestant diplo-
macy. At Spire he aided in drawing up the famous
protest that gave to Protestants their name. In com-
pany with Luther, he went to Marburg, where he met
Zwingli. But he never seemed to fancy Zwingli. The
views of the Swiss were too radical for him. He was
inclined, sometimes, to impute Zwingli's views to a spe-
•cies of insanity. With Ecolampadius he agreed much
better, and formed a close intimacy. Melancthon ap-
pears to his greatest advantage at the Diet of Augsburg
in 1530. There he stood forth as the great representa-
tive of Protestantism. He drew up the Augsburg Con-
fession, a monument of ability and learning. It was
signed by Saxony, Brunswick-Luneberg, Hesse, Anhalt
and the cities of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. It was
a master piece, written when Melancthon was in the
*This work, says a writer, is not to be compared with Cal-
vin's Institutes, either in its arrangement, solidity of proof,
strength of argument, and completeness of system. It was
rather dialectic than speculative, practical than theoretical. He
emphasized the ethical rather than the mystical in religion.
MELANCTHON AT AUGSBURG. Ill
zenith of his power and influence, almost eclipsing Lu-
ther. It is, however, to be remembered that this Con-
fession was not drawn up to be a creed, but to be a basis
of negotiations with the Catholics. It was not an ec-
clesiastical, but a civil creed. But it afterwards became
a theological creed, because the Emperor treated the
Protestants through it, and they were compelled to ac-
cept it as the creed of their churches. When the Smal-
cald League was formed, it was accepted by the Prot-
estant states of Germany, who organized that league
under it. In this Augsburg Confession the article
about the Lord's supper is strongly Lutheran, and was
aimed against Zwinglianism, although Zwinglianism is
not mentioned in it. But, while it rejected Zwinglian-
ism, it was not aimed against that higher view of the
sacraments called Calvinism ; for Calvinism had not
appeared as yet. Calvinism is only a fuller expression
of Zwinglianism. So that the Calvinists afterward
could claim that they were under the protection of the
Augsburg Confession, because they could subscribe to
its doctrines of the Lord's supper, especially in the later
edition of 1540. After this Diet of Augsburg, Melanc-
thon retired to Wittenberg. His political duties being
over for a time, he betook himself more than ever to
study. And now a change gradually came over him
in his theological position. He began to lower his
views on the Lord's supper and separate himself from
112 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the high Lutheran doctrine. Ecolarnpadius' dialogue/
in which he quoted the church fathers to support the
Reformed views, made a deep impression on him. (This
book Melancthon received while at Augsburg.) Melanc-
thon was also influenced, (according to Bucer's state-
ments), by his correspondence with Ecolampadius.
Bucer's unwearying efforts toward union, made between
1530 and 1536, also affected him. The result of all these
influences was, that in 1534, when he met Bucer at
Cassel to prepare the way for what afterward became
the Witteaberg Concord, Melancthon gave up the
Lutheran doctrine of oral manducation, or the receiving
of Christ's body and blood through the mouth, at the
Lord's supper. Luther, when he sent Melancthon to
Cassel to treat with Bucer about union with the Re-
formed, gave him strict orders not to recede from this
doctrine of oral manducation in his negotiations with
Bucer. But individually he did recede. Still he stated
Luther's views instead of giving his own. He said to
Camerarius, his bosom friend, " Ask me not in reference
to my view ; for I am merely the messenger of some
friend." Outwardly he remained in harmony with the
Lutheran Church ; but when he signed the Wittenberg
Concord in 1536, he acknowledged that Calvin's view of
the Lord's supper could be tolerated. His opposition
to the doctrine of oral manducation finally led him to
his later opposition to the doctrine of ubiquity. He
113
gradually drifted more and more from Luther's position,
and from high Lutheranism. In the second edition of
his 'Loci Communes' or theology, he began to maintain
that the will of man had something to do with conver-
sion.* He thus became synergistic. He held that,
although God alone can save men, yet men have the
power to accept and work along with God's will. He
was not a semi-Pelagian, because he ascribed the be-
ginning and end of conversion to God's grace. But he
was a lower predestinarian than Luther or Calvin. As
a result of this view, he held that conversion was not a
mere mechanical process, but a moral change wrought
by God's Spirit, man's will consenting to it. After
having thus changed his views, he not only altered his
Loci Communes, but he also altered the Augsburg Con-
fession to suit his views. He left out the word 'sola' in
the clause which declared that we are saved by faith
'alone.' He thus implied that we are saved not only
by faith, but that works had a place in the gospel. He
also changed the article about the Lord's supper. He
changed the word 'distribute' to 'exhibit.' He thus
said that Christ's body was exhibited, as Zwingli had
*'• In 1527 he gave up determinism at Leipsic, for the Infralap-
sarian views. In 1532 he gave up Infralapsarianism, and in
1535 he became synergistic, and held that the will of man works
along with the will of God in conversion. In the first edition of
his theology, he called the doctrine of free will a godless doc-
trine. But later he held that man's will consented to, and con-
spired with, the grace of God."
114 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
declared ; rather than distributed, as Luther had taught *
The Elector of Saxony afterwards censured Melancthon
for altering the Augsburg Confession thus. Tradition
has it, that Luther said, "Phillip, Phillip, you do not
right to change so often the Augsburg Confession. It
is not your's, but the Church's book.^'f But, although it
would seem strange for any single individual to alter a
Church creed now, it was not unusual in that day. The
Augsburg Confession had never been adopted officially
by a Church synod. It was merely a basis of negotia-
tions with the Catholics ; and if the Catholics did not
object to the change, the Protestants did not need to.
Luther did not need to complain of Melancthon's
changes ; for Melancthon's alteration was merely a
copy of the Smalcald Articles as composed by Luther
in 1537, which set forth the doctrine of the Lord's sup-
per in a form which allowed room for Melancthon's po-
sition. Amsdorf at that time urged Luther to alter his
phraseology in favor of a higher Lutheran position.
But Luther did not do it. Amsdorf's suggestion was
dropped, to be taken up and urged by the high Luther-
ans after Luther's death, when the high Lutheran views
were expanded in the Formula of Concord.
*The Reformed could now subscribe to the Augsburg Confes-
sion as well as the Lutherans. Zwiiigli could now sign this al-
tered confession, except, perhaps, the word 'truly' in the article
on the Lord's supper. Calvin did sign the confession.
fThis tradition, according to Herzog, is apochryphal.
MELANCTHON AND CAI.VIN. 115
But although these changes were made in the Augs-
burg Confession, they were hardly noticed, or, if noticed,
were supported by the Protestants. This altered Augs-
burg Confession, as it was called, was used by the high
Lutherans for twenty years in conferences, diets and
churches without opposition. Indeed, the old or un-
altered Augsburg Confession had so entirely disappeared
that, when Count Augustus of Nassau, in 1680, wanted
to get a C(^py of it, he had to go to the Catholics for a
copy. The Elector of Mayence loaned him the original
copy given at Augsburg in 1530, which had been placed
in the royal archives at Mayence.* And now occurred
another event that greatly influenced Melancthon^s
views. It was his meeting with Calvin. He met Cal-
vin at the conferences at Frankford and \yorms. Me-
lancthon there had his eyes opened to see the differences
between what Lutherans supposed to be Zwingli's doc-
trine of the Lord's supper and Calvin's. He saw that
Calvin was higher than he thought Zwingli had been.
During the years that had elapsed since Luther met
Zwingli at Marburg, Calvin had developed the views of
the Reformed Church upward, while Melancthon had
been toning dow^n the Lutheranism of the Lord's sup-
per. They, therefore, neared each other. Calvin, too,
*The 'altered' Augsburg was also called the 'enlarged,'
'improved' confession. Only in 1561 did the high Lutherans
begin to call it the 'altered', to suggest that it ditlered from the
original of 1530.
116 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
learned to understand the German controversies, while
Melancthon learned to understand the Swiss theology.
And yet, although these two leaders of the two Churches
approached each other, still they differed. Melancthon
was always tinged with the ''real presence of Christ'^
views of Luther. He held to Christ's real bodily pres-
ence in connection with the emblems, although he did
not associate it as closely with them as did Luther in
the phrase 'in, with and under.' While Calvin was
tinctured with the spiritual presence of Zwingli, and
held the presence of Christ, but that it was a spiritual
presence ; not in the emblems, but in the soul of the
believer. They also differed very decidedly on other
points. They differed on predestination and the power
of the will. Melancthon was synergistic. Calvin was
necessarian. They also differed on the extent of the
atonement. Melancthon held that Christ's atonement
was a universal one for all men ; Calvin's, that it was
limited — that it was for the elect only. They also dif-
fered in their doctrine of the person of Christ. Melanc-
thon agreed to a real communication of the two natures
of Christ, which Calvin did not believe. But they
especially differed in regard to rites and customs of wor-
ship. Calvin very strongly reproached Melancthon
with his laxity toward altars and other semi-papal rites
in the Lutheran Church. He was very greatly sad-
dened by the Lutheran worship he saw at Ratisbon,
MELANCTHON AND LUTHER. 117
with its crosses, altars and robes. Melancthon always
showed a yielding toward the Catholics, which the stern,
stiff Calvin would not tolerate. In this they represent
the position of the two Churches in cultus — the Luther-
ans yielding and sacramentarian, the Reformed decided
and anti-sacramentarian. But notwithstanding these
theological differences, they became very warm personal
friends. This strong personal attachment to Calvin ex-
posed Melancthon to the suspicions of the high Luther-
ans as early as 1544. In that year Melancthon rather
expected that Luther would attack him in his shorter
catechism. At that time, just before his death, Luther,
while he respected Calvin, became terribly exasperated
against the Zurich divines, and began to write very se-
verely against them. Melancthon thus became very
uncomfortable at Wittenberg. He compared himself to
^ Prometheus bound in Caucasus.' Luther seemed to have
softened before he died, in 1546, for he said to Melanc-
thon in the presence of Hardenberg, "Dear Phillip, I
must confess that the matter of the Lord's supper has
been much overdone."
But, with Luther's death, the storm broke over Me-
lancthon's head. As long as Luther lived, his influence
restrained Melancthon's foes from openly attacking him.
But when Luther died, the link between the two tenden-
cies of Lutheranism was broken. And Lutheranism
split into two sections — a high or old Lutheran party,
118 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and a low Lutheran or Melancthonian party. The
Gnesio or high Lutherans were led by Amsdorf, Flacius,
Wigand and Morlin. They were the conservative party.
They considered themselves the guardians of orthodoxy ;
and by orthodoxy, they meant strict Lutheranism. The
Melancthonians or Phillipists were the progressive party.
The first almost worshipped Luther ; the latter held
Melancthon in as high esteem as Luther. This breach
was still further widened by a rivalry that arose between
the two princely houses of Saxony, the Electoral and
Ducal families. Electoral Saxony contained Leipsic,
Wittenberg and Dresden, which were Melancthonian.
Ducal Saxony, situated farther west, consisting of
Saxe-Weimar and Saxe-Gotha, contained the newly
founded university of Jena. It became intensely high
Lutheran, and aimed to rival Wittenberg university.
This rivalry helped to widen the breach between the
two parties in the Lutheran Church. The Interim of
1548 made the separation of the two wings of Lutheran-
ism still wider. This Interim compelled the Protestants
to use certain Catholic ceremonies. Melancthon was,
as usual, concessive to the Catholic Church. Weak of
will himself, he now missed Luther's strong support.
It is true, he took no part in framing the Augsburg
Interim; but he committed himself to the greater part
of it by his adoption of the Leipsic Interim, which was
only a modification of the Augsburg Interim. This
MELANCTHON AND THE INTERIM. 119
Leipsic Interim allowed certain Catholic practices, as
copes, candles, fast days ; confession and extreme unc-
tion were made sacraments. It was a virtual return
to Catholicism under the guise of indifference.
But this act of Melancthon broke his power over the
Lutherans of Germany. His enemies were more con-
sistent Protestants than he, and they gloried in their
orthodoxy. Melancthon's concessions to Rome gave
them an opportunity to attack him on a weak point,
where he could least defend himself. They quickly
saw their opportunity, and took advantage of it to at-
tack him. Flacius came out against him, and charged
him with diluting the article about justification by
faith in the Leipsic Interim. '' An action like this,"
says one, " could have been pardoned in Agricola, but it
could not be allowed to pass uncensured in Melancthon,
^ the teacher of Germany.' " Thus his action at the
Leipsic Interim consolidated his enemies against him,
and was the signal for a revolt against him in different
parts of Germany. The Protestants and the Catholics
finally came to an agreement a few years later, when the
treaty of Passau was made, and the Interim w^as abol-
ished. But though the Interim passed away, its effects
did not pass away. The Lutherans were never united
after that. Though Catholics and Protestants could
come to an agreement, the Lutherans could not agree
120 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
among: themselves. The Interim broke Lutherauism
into two.*
But, although the Lutherans quarreled, Melancthon
remained the leader of Lutheranism. Melancthonianism
remained in the ascendency till he died. In 1555 oc-
curred another of the opportunities, which Melancthon's
timid nature made him miss. When the high Lutherans
treated the Reformed refugees from England, under
Lasco, with such severity and barbarism, as to shock one's
sense of right and mercy ; then was the time for Melanc-
thon, in the name of a common humanity, to protest
against such treatment of the Reformed. He should
have taken advantage of it against his enemies, as they
took advantage of him in the Interim. But Melanc-
thon was timid, arid lost this opportunity of turning the
sympathies of the people against the high Lutherans.
*' The more high Lutheranism advanced, the more tim-
idly Melancthon retreated." In vain did Calvin ap-
peal to him to take up the cause of the oppressed Re-
formed refugees under Lasco. The more carefully he
avoided every statement, the bolder did the other party
become against him ; until finally Melancthon was com-
pelled to defend himself against the attacks of high Lu-
theranism. Funk, the Osiandrian, when compelled to
*The previous controversies of Osiandrianism and Majorism
prepared the way for Melancthonianism as a distinct party.
They called attention to it as a distinct tendency in theology,
which prepared it for Calvinism.
MELANOTHON AT WORMS. 121
retract, had done so, but had left a sting behind him ; by
(charging the professors at Wittenberg, with Melancthon
at their head, with being Calvinists. This was the first
charge brought against Melanctlion of being a Calvin-
ist, and it was only a piece of theological spite. Then
to make his party still weaker, Brenz, the reformer of
Wurtemberg, joined Melancthon's opponents in 1556.
This hurt Melancthon very much, as well as his cause ;
for Brenz, next to Melancthon, was the most influential
man in the Lutheran Church of that day. So Melanc-
thon spoke out finally, at the conference at Worms; and
defended himself and routed his opponents. For the
differences between the Lutherans could not be concealed
from the Catholics, and they had come out in open court
of the Emperor at Ratisbon in 1556. This was verv
unfortunate, for it weakened the Protestant cause. So
it was determined to hold a conference at Worms in
1557, to unite the two opposing parties of Lutherans.
Here at last, Melancthon spoke out against his enemies.
His boldness rallied his followers, and he came off
victorious. The Jesuits at the previous conference at
Worms in 1540, anxious to foster disunion in the Prot-
estant ranks, had called attention to the differences
between the altered and unaltered Augsburg Confession ;
and said that the old was higher Lutheran than the
later one. This was an apple of discord. It is sig-
nificant that the Jesuits began this work of disunion,
9
122 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and that hereafter high Lutherans and Jesuits unite
against the Reformed. This difference appeared publicly ;
as the high Lutherans adhered to the unaltered, the
Melancthonians to the altered Augsburg Confession.
At Worms, in 1557, Melancthon did, what he did not do
for Lasco. He interceded for the persecuted Huguenots
and Waldensees.* This intercession of Melancthon for
the Reformed Huguenots laid him open to the suspicion
of the high Lutherans, that he was growing more favor-
able to the Reformed churches. While at Worms, at
the request of Elector Otto Henry of the Palatinate, he
went to Heidelberg to assist him in arranging the eccle-
siastical affairs of that land. And, while walking in
the beautiful gardens of the castle at Heidelberg, he
heard, through his friend Camerarius, of the death of
his wife at Wittenberg. It was a great blow to him ;
but submissively he lifted up his eyes to heaven and
said, " Farewell, I shall soon follow thee."
But, as this conference at Worms led to disunion
rather than to union, another conference was held at
Frankford in 1558. Here, again, Melancthonianism
*It seems that the Reformed, in asking aid, acknowledged
three differences from the Lutherans: First, the manner in
which the body and blood of Christ were bound with the bread
and wine; second, the communion of unworthy at the Lord's
table ; third, the communication of the qualities of the divine
nature to Christ's glorified body ; so that, while he was in
heaven, he could be with us on earth. On these three points
the Reformed Church was distinct from Melancthon' s Luther-
anism.
MELANCTHON AT NAUMBKRG.^ 123
was victorious. The Duke of Saxony, the leader of
high Lutheranism, protested against the power of Me-
lancthonianism here. So, finally, another conference of
nobles was held at Naumberg in 1561, to prepare a
declaratory statement of the Augsburg Confession that
should be submitted to the Emperor as the united faith
of all his Protestant subjects in Germany. Its aim was
to harmonize all parties of Lutherans, so as to be a unit
against the Catholics. At this conference Duke Christ-
opher of Wurtemberg urged that, as only two of the
princes, who had originally signed the Augsburg Con-
fession in 1530, still lived. Landgrave Phillip of Hesse
and Duke Wolfgang of Anhalt, the nobles should again
sign it, to signifiy their unity before the Emperor. But
which Augsburg Confession should be signed — the orig-
inal or the * altered ?' There was quite a diversity of
opinion. This diversity was finally harmonized by a
compromise. This original unaltered Augsburg Con-
fession was signed ; but in presenting it to the Emperor,
a preface or declaratory statement was drawn up, which
gave a Melancthonian interpretation to the old symbol.
It was a virtual victory for Melancthonianism, the last
victory it gained. All the princes signed it, except
Duke John Frederick of Saxony, and the representatives
of the Duke of Mecklenberg. This Duke of Saxony,
the protector of high Lutheranism, left the city, as a
protest against this victory of Melaucthon. This depart-
124 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ure of the Duke of Saxony filled all with perplexity.
It proved the death-knell of Melancthonianisiii in Ger-
many. This act was fatal to unity. And a reaction
soon set in, which was fatal to Melancthonianism, and
fatal to the decrees of the Naumberg Conference. For
Melancthou had died, and there was no master mind to
rally the princes to its Melancthonianism. Through
all these victories and in the midst of this bitter
opposition, Melancthon's sensitive nature was keenly
hurt. To avoid the bitter opposition of his opponents,
he felt like going to Palestine to end his days in the
cave of Jerome at Bethlehem. His last public act was
an opinion given to the Elector of the Palatinate ; when
the Elector asked him what course to pursue, so as to
quiet the dissensions between Hesshuss and Klebitz, the
one, high Lutheran and the other, Reformed. Melanc-
thon's advice was that at the Lord's supper, only Scripture
phrases should be used. These would give no offense
and would quiet disputes.
Melancthon died April 19, 1560, having thanked
God that he was now at last to be delivered from the
rage and madness of theologians. His mind remained
clear to the last. His consolation was the verse, ^ Christ
is made unto us wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and
redemption,' a verse which afterwards became the basis
of the eighteenth answer of the Heidelberg Catechism.
When Pencer, his son-in-law, asked him whether he
melancthon's death. 125
wanted anything, his answer was (and these were his
beautiful dying words:) "Nothing but heaven." He
was a thorough scholar and a broad-minded theologian.
In his views of doctrine he neared the moderate Cal-
vinists of to-day. But the moderate Calvinism of to-
day is not the strict Calvinism of three centuries ago.
Melancthou never was a Calvinist, and can not, there-
fore, be quoted as one of the Fathers of the Reformed
Churcli. He lived and died a consistent Lutheran. He
always differed from the Calvinists in his views on cul-
tus or church customs. After his death, the breach in
the Lutheran Church widened. His death started the
high Lutherans to make a decided effort to control and
organize the Lutheran Church in Germany. Melanc-
thonianism gradually declined. No great theological
leader came forth from the Melancthonian wing to de-
feud it. And his followers either went over, or were
driven over, to the Reformed Church.
Thus, Melancthon and Melaucthonianism prepared
the way for the Reformed Church in Germany. Like
John the Baptist, it could say : " I am not that prophet."
But the prophet came after it, in the Reformed faith.
But Melancthon and his theology performed an impor-
tant mission by opening up the way through which the
Reformed doctrines could enter Germany.
CHAPTER II.
The Introduction of the Reformed Faith Into
the Palatinate.
SECTION I.
The Preparation of the Palatinate for the Reformed
Church.
The Palatinate, and especially Heidelberg, became
the centre and home of the Reformed Church in Ger-
many. All the previous efforts to introduce the Re-
formed doctrines into Germany were only partially Re-
formed, or were transitory in results. Strasburg lost its
Reformed type and became Lutheran ; Hesse, while
Reformed in church government, remained Lutheran
(though of a mild type). In Friesland, the Reformed
faith lingered under difficulties. The foreign churches
in Germany, especially at Frankford, did not affect
the German people very much. Still all these move-
ments prepared the way for a greater movement, which
culminated in the conversion of the Elector of the Pa-
latinate to the Reformed Church. For it was the de-
fence of the Elector Frederick III., at Augsburg, in
THE PALATINATE. 127
1566, that gave the Reformed faith legal standing in
Germany, and placed it on a permanent basis.*
The Palatinate consisted of two parts, the Upper
and the Lower Palatinate ; the latter being called the
Rhine Palatinate, as it lay along the Rhine, and also
the Wine Palatinate, because of its vineyards. It was
not as large as the Upper Palatinate ; but it was far
more populous and fertile. The Lower Palatinate was
one of the most enlightened and beautiful countries in
Europe in the sixteenth century. The ' Berg Strasse'
or public road from Frankford to Heidelberg was one
of the finest roads on the continent. The Lower Palat-
inate consisted of five principalities — Simmern, Spon-
heim, Beldenz, Zweibrucken and the Palatinate proper.
It has since disappeared from the map, having been
dismembered. It is now included in Baden, Hesse and
other states of Germany. The Upper Palatinate lay on
the western border of Bohemia. It was the larger of
the two provinces, but not so fertile or populous. It
was rich in pasture lands and in mineral wealth, but its
farms were not large enough to raise sufficient grain for
its people. Its principal city was Amberg. The Elec-
*The name Palatinate is from the Latin Palatium, one of the
•seven hills of Rome, where Emperor Augustus lived. From
that the word became the designation of a royal palace in any
part of the Roman empire. It finally was applied to any part
of district of land, marked by such a palace. One of the early
Electors of the Palatinate indulged the hope that his land might
yet become the centre of as great a kingdom as the Roman
empire; and hence he named it after the palace-hill of Rome.
128 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
tor, while visiting, generally resided at the monastery
of Castel, near Amberg. The Upper Palatinate has
since been incorporated in Bavaria. There was also a
small county of Neuberg, lying east of Wurtemberg,
which belonged to the Palatinate princes.*
The Palatinate at first became Lutheran, but it was
Lutheranism of a mild type. It was Melancthonian-
ism. Melancthon was a native of the Palatinate, hav-
ing been born at Bretten, and his influence was supreme
in that land. The Elector of the Palatinate, with Land-
grave Phillip of Hesse, were the leading Melancthonian
princes of Germany. From this mild Lutheranism the
Palatinate gradually drifted, until it entered the Re-
formed Church. Lasco, by his visit to Elector Otto
Henry, made him somewhat acquainted with the Re-
formed faith. The Dutch Reformed who came from
*This Electorate of the Palatinate, consisting of Upper and
Lower Palatinate, was the most prominent Electorate of Ger-
many in the sixteenth century. There were six Electorates in
Germany — three temporal and three spiritual. The temporal
Electorates were Palatinate, Saxony and Brandeuberg; the
spiritual, Cologne, Mayeuce and Treves. To these Electorates
Bohemia may also be added. The rulers of these lands stood at
the head of all the princes of Germany, and were called Electors,
because their votes elected the Emperor for Germany. Of these
temporal Electors, the Elector of the Palatinate was the leading
prince • for he stood nearest the throne while the Emperor lived,
as his aid-de-camp, and he was the vicegerent of the empire in
case of the death of the Emperor. This shows the prominence
of the Palatinate. The conversion, then, of Elector Frederick to
the Reformed faith was a wonderful victory and created a great
iseusation.
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INTRODUCTION OF PROTESTANTISM. 129
Frankford to Frankenthal, near Heidelberg, and made
that place bloom like the rose, exerted a wide influence
by the surrounding Palatinate.' And in addition to
these preparations from without ; within the Palatinate
iiself, there was an internal preparation taking place,
which it is important to note.
The Palatinate became Protestant late, after most of
the other German states had received the reformation.
This slowness to receive Protestantism, may have been
due to the high position of the Elector of the Palatinate,
who, as the first temporal Elector of Germauy, was al-
ways near the imperial throne. And being so near the
Catholic Emperor, he was influenced by Catholicism.
But Heidelberg could not escape the rising tide of edu-
cation and liberal science, which, under the name of
Humanism, was spreading through Germany. Keuch-
lin, the famous Greek teacher, was the first to teach
Greek in Heidelberg. And when Luther visited Heidel-
berg in 1518, he made an address in the Augsburg
cloister that set Heidelberg and South Germany on fire.*
At the Diet of Worms, it was the Elector Lewis, who,
though a Catholic, protected Luther. For the Emperor
was urged by the Catholic party to violate his pledge of
safe conduct to Luther, and put him to death at Worms ;
but he answered that he did not wish to blush as the
■••The Augustine cloister stood in the open place by the
university' building. The Augustiner Gasse, east of the present
university building, is a memento of that cloister.
130 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Emperor Sigismund had done at the Council of Con-
stance in 1415, when he had viokited John Huss' safe
conduct, and put him to death. At that council of Con-
stance, it was the Elector of the Palatinate, who carried
out the Emperor's orders and put Huss to death. Now
at the Diet of Worms, it is the Elector of the same Pal-
atinate who preserves Luther's life, by giving him his
protection. And after the Diet of Worms, at the Diet
of Spire, when the black clouds were gathering thick
around the Protestant princes, it was the Elector of the
Palatinate who held back the Catholic party from severe
measures against them. At the Diets of Augsburg and
Ratisbon, he again was mediator between the Emperor
and the Protestants. His successor. Elector Frederick
II., began his reign as a Catholic. But Protestantism
was entering and leaving his country. The knight
Henry Landschad of Steinach was the first who, in
1522, dared to introduce the reformation into the Palat-
inate at Neckar-Steinach, where he introduced a Zwing-
lian minister. Duke Otto Henry of Pfalz-Neuberg, one
of the Palatinate duchies, who was a nephew of the
Elector, introduced Protestantism into his land. At
last, however, the suppressed feelings of the people
could be no longer restrained. They broke forth in the
church of the Holy Ghost in Heidelberg. On the 20th
of December, 1545, just as the mass was about to begin
in the church, the assembled congregation struck up a
ELECTOR P^REDEUICK II. 131
Pi-otestant hymn — that hymn of victory of the reforma-
tion by Paul Speratus, '' Es ist das Heil uns komnien
her."
So the Elector ordered that the mass should liere-
after be read in German instead of Latin ; that the Lord's
supper be administered in two kinds; and that the
priests be allowed to marry. And on Christmas day,
1545, the Lord's supper was administered in both kinds
in the castle chapel, the members of the court partaking
of it, except the Elector himself, who, for political rea-
sons, did not do so. On January 3, 1546, the first
Protestant service, with the administration of the com-
munion in both kinds, was held in the church of the
Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. But afterw-ard, when the
Interim was placed on his land, the Elector receded
somewhat from his friendly position to Protestantism.
However, after the Interim was lifted by the peace of
Augsburg, which made Protestantism a legal religion
in Germany, he again became friendly to Protestantism.
He opened, on the 11th of November, 1555, the Au-
gustinian convent as the Sapienz college for the study of
the liberal arts or humanism. This Sapienz college
afterwards became the institution for the education of
ministers. To this school he called the ablest professors,
among them the famous Olympia Morata, a marvel of
scholarship and learning. She could speak Latin and
Greek as fluently as her mother tongue. Driven out of
132 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Italy because she became a Protestant, she came to Hei-
delberg with her husband, Grunder, where he taught
medicine, while she lectured to the students. She died
in 1555, leaving a beatiful testimony when dying, ^' I
distinctly behold a place filled with ineffiible light." A
monument to her memory was placed in St. Peter's
church.* The following year the Elector died. But
just before he died, he professed the Protestant faith by
receiving, together with his wife, the Protestant com-
munion.
Otto Henry, the new Elector, was a great favorite
among the people. He was a decided adherent of Prot-
estantism, having already introduced it into his little
duchy of Neuberg, over which he ruled before he be-
came Elector. He was a wise prince, and was called
the Magnanimous. He was ardently devoted to educa-
tion. He endowed the university, saying he would do
so, if it took his last penny. He founded five profes-
sorships of the liberal arts. And he was as active in
religious affairs as he was in education. He thoroughly
introduced Lutheranism into the Palatinate. But his
Lutheranism was of the mild Melancthonian type. His
reformation was very much after the type of Wurtem-
berg. There Lutheranism had been tinctured by the
simplicity of Zwinglian customs Otto Henry ordered
*4n interesting novel, entitled Olympia Morata, has been
written about her by one of the Professors of Heidelberg uni-
versity, under the pseudonyme of Geo. Taylor.
ELECTOR OTTO HENRY. 133
statues and pictures to be put out of the churches, ex-
ce})t one crucifix in the church of the Holy Ghost at
Heidelberg. He put away all side altars, but allowed
the main altar to remain in each church. Exorcism was
abolished. The Lord's supper was celebrated in a sim-
ple style. The minister was not allowed, during conse-
cration, to turn his back to the people, as the priests
did ; but he had to keep his face toward the people.
This modification of worship was made after the model
of the Wurtemberg Church-order, which had been
affected by the Zwinglianism of neighboring Switzer-
land. Otto Henry's little principality of Neuberg was
on the borders of Wurtemberg, and he simply brought
its rites into the Palatinate. Lasco, too, first in 1548
and again in 1554, seems to have given Otto Henry
advice about the introduction of the reformation into
his land. Thus Otto Henry was insensibly influenced
in the direction of the Reformed Church. Brenz's cat-
echism, which was mildly Lutheran, was used by him.
Melancthon came to visit and aid him, when he was at
the conference of Worms in 1557. Otto Henry organ-
ized a consistory consisting of Diller his court preacher,
Ehem and Erastus. Afterward Hesshuss was added,
because he was the superintendent. Thus, while Otto
Henry was organizing the churches of his land, he was,
unknown to himself, preparing his land for the intro-
duction of the Reformed faith. He did this by intro-
]34 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
duciDg a simple mode of worship, more like the Re-
formed than the high Lutheran. He also aided by
calling to his land so many foreign teachers, some of
them Reformed. He appointed Boquin, who was Re-
formed, as professor in the university. But the most
ardent adherent of Zwingli at Heidelberg was Erastus,
who was the physician to the Elector. He labored
incessantly to have Zwinglians appointed to the chairs
of the university, and as he had the ear of the Elector,
his influence had great weight. Otto Henry called
Marbach from Strasburg to be superintendent of his
churches. And as he would not accept, he then, upon
Melancthon's suggestion, appointed Hesshuss to that
office. He did not know what a firebrand he was cast-
ing into his own camp by this appointment of Hesshuss.
When Hesshuss arrived, he found that the prevailing
type of Lutheranism at Heidelberg was Melancthonian.
This was not to his high Lutheran taste ; so he began
to introduce high Lutheran customs, as the wearing of
white robes by the ministers, and the decorating of the
altars. He also introduced high Lutheran ministers into
positions in the Palatinate Of course there was fric-
tion, and controversy, and trouble. In the midst of all
these efforts of Hesshuss to introduce high Lutheranism,
Otto Henry died, and the conflict between the high
Lutherans and the Melancthonians was carried over to
the next reign. Elector Otto Henry died greatly
ELEC:T()R FREDERICK III. 135
laaiented by his devoted people. He had an idea that
his house was an unluclvy one, and so did not marry
again, because he wanted it to die with him. He thought
because his ancestor Elector Lewis III. of the Palatinate
had led John Huss to his funeral pyre, that a curse was
hanging over his family. So he deemed it better for
his land that his unlucky family should die out, and
that the Palatinate should fall to another branch of the
family. After his death the Palatinate fell to the Sim-
mern branch of the ftimily, who had ruled a little part
of it at the northern end of Lower Palatinate. And
Frederick, duke of Simmern, became Elector Frederick
III. of the Palatinate.
Frederick III., called the Pious, was one of the
most religious princes that ever lived. He was a wise
ruler of his land, a devoted adherent to his Church.
He himself was the best exponent, as well as patron, of
the truths of his Heidelberg Catechism. Becker calls
him ' the Josiah' of the Palatinate people. He was
worthy of the honor of being the founder of the Re-
formed Church in Germanv.
He was born February 14, 1515, at Simmern. His
father, Duke John II. of Pfalz-Simmern, was an ardent
supporter of the Catholic faith, and zealously trained
up his children in that religion. Frederick was raised
at the courts of strict Catholic rulers, the Cardinal of
Lorraine, the Bishop of Liege, and also of the Emperor
136 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Charles V. of Germany, who had persecuted the
Protestants with fire and sword. Frederick came in
contact with Harden berg at Louvain, and from him
received the first impressions toward evangelical truth.
The scandals of the priests at Metz and Liege were not
unknown to him, and lessened the influence of the Rom-
ish Church over him. But he owed his conversion to
Protestantism to his wife, a Protestant princess of Bran-
den berg- Baireuth, whom he married in 1537. She
brought him Luther's teachings, and made him promise
to read his Bible and to consider religious questions.
However, as long as his father lived, he did not openly
declare for Protestantism. The death of his son, Her-
man Lewis, by drowning at Bourges in France, made a
deep impression on his heart and still further developed
his religious impressions. Elector Otto Henry saw in
Frederick his successor to the throne of the Palatinate ;
and that he might be prepared for that position, he ap-
pointed Frederick his governor in the Upper Palatinate.
From this position, after the death of Elector Otto
Henry, he came to Heidelberg to reign as Elector.
When he arrived at Heidelberg, he found that matters
had come to a crisis. There were three religious par-
ties there — the high Lutheran party, led by Hesshuss,
supported by Councillor Erasmus of Yenningen and
Chancellor Minkwitz ; the Melancthonians, consisting
of Otto Henry's court preacher Diller, the Count of Er-
REASONS FOR FREDERICK'S CONVERSION. 137
bach, and Chancellor Probus ; the Zwinglians were
Erastus, Councillor Ehera, and Klebitz ; while still a
fourth party was beginning to appear called Calvinists,
and headed by Boquin. Matters could not remain long
in this condition with such a variety of conflicting ele-
ments. There must be a fusion of some of the parties,
which indeed did take place. The Zwinglians, Calvin-
ists and Melancthonians were driven together by the
mad fanaticism of Hesshuss, the high Lutheran zealot.
Three things led Elector Frederick III. into the
Reformed Church. The first was the bigotry and per-
secution of the high Lutherans. He had become dis-
gusted by them at the previous conferences of the princes
for union, and he had been disheartened by the egotism
and fanaticism of Hesshuss. He was driven out of the
Lutheran Church by the Lutherans themselves. The
second reason was the reaction that came after the Naum-
berg Conference. At that Conference the German prin-
ces signed the Unaltered Augsburg Confession, but al-
lowed the interpretation of it in a Melancthonian sense.
After that Conference, the princes, one by one, rapidly
retired from their allegiance to its decrees and left Fred-
erick, who had become the leader of the Melancthonian
party, standing almost alone. After such a desertion,
what could he do but go over to the Reformed Church ?
The third reason was, that just then, in the nick of
time, foreign teachers, either Zwinglians or Calvinists,
10
138 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. '
came into his land to offer this new faith to the dis-
heartened Elector. Thus Frederick glided into the Re-
formed Church. These were the general influences, that
led him thus. But there were also particular steps in
his course. No man comes to great decisions in his life
without degrees of preparation. It will be interesting
to notice the particular steps by which Frederick and
the Palatinate were led to Calvinism.
Already before Frederick's accession to the throne,
in Otto Henry's reign, an event had occurred that fore-
shadowed the coming troubles. Otto Henry was the
patron of the fine arts. He it was, who built the mag-
nificent Otto Henry's building in the castle at Heidel-
berg, which has outlasted three destructions, and is a
marvel of beauty even in ruins. Otto Henry, in 1558,
just before his death, wanted to erect a monument to the
memory of his wife and of himself in the church of the
Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. This monument he wanted
to have made, like his building in the castle, after the
style of the Renaissance, which was a revival of Greek
and Roman art. But the artist's design for this monu-
ment mingled Pagan with Grecian ideas, very much as
they are mingled in the Otto Henry's building at the
castle, where Samson is offset by Hercules, &c. And
the nudeness of the figures, as well as the paganism,
suggested by this monument, gave offense. In the art-
ist's designs, seven virgins, nude to the hips, with flam-
BREACH BETWEEN THE PARTIES. 139
ing torches, stood in the plinth beneath the statue of the
Elector. Opposite them was a procession of angels,
who were represented by unclothed youths. The idea
was a beautiful one. The maidens, with their torches,
represented affliction ; and the angels, with palm
branches, represented victory over affliction and com-
fort from above. But Klebitz, one of the preachers of
the Holy Ghost church, who was a believer in Zwing-
lian simplicity ; and, like the Swiss, opposed to statues
and pictures in churches, opposed the introduction of
such a monument into the church, especially as there
were nude figures on it. Hesshuss, with his Lutheran
disregard for images and pictures (which were allowed
in Lutheran churches), sided with the Elector. Hess-
huss hoped, by aiding the Elector, to gain more influ-
ence over him. But, to his surprise, the cautious Otto
Henry, rather than give offense, did not carry out his
plan. Instead of an elaborate monument, he ordered
only a simple bust to be placed in the church.
One thing led to another. One event followed an-
other, to widen the breach between the high Lutherans
and the other parties. This conflict between Klebitz
and Hesshuss was only the beginning of the end. A
pious teacher of Edenkoben, Bernard Hexamer by
name, through the study of the mystics, was led to lay
great stress on the inner life and experience of the be-
liever. He said "God's words are worthless, unless
140 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the inner word of God, through the Spirit, entered man's
heart/' And, as Hexamer did not play the part of a
sycophant to this Protestant pope, Hesshuss, he was or-
dered to come to Heidelberg to be examined about his
orthodoxy. There Hesshuss charged him with being
"a Schwenkfelder." And, in his examination, Hesshuss
so distorted Zwinglianism, that Klebitz protested against
his words. Hexamer was deposed and left the country.
But this event widened the breach between the Luther-
ans and Zwinglians. The next event that still further
separated them, was the attempted introduction of new
hymn books and of new ceremonies. Hesshuss wanted
the Bonn hymn-book, which had been prepared by Me-
laucthon and Bucer, to be dispensed with ; and Luther's
hymn-book to be introduced instead. He also wanted
Brenz's catechism, which had been prepared by Brenz
in his earlier days, when he was Melancthonian, to be
put away, and Luther's catechism to be introduced.
Without even asking the consistory, he declared that
the Bonn hymn book and the Brenz catechism were dis-
pensed with. This act brought him into collision with
the consistory With the introduction of Luther's hymn-
book and catechism, he also tried to introduce high
Lutheran ceremonies. These were hitherto unknown
in the Palatinate, which, like Wurtemberg, had always
been low Lutheran in its ceremonies. At the commun-
ion, instead of the German hymn that was usually sung,
ANOTHER BREACH BETWEEN THEM. 141
a choir of boys sang a Latin litany. At the consecra-
tion of the elements in the Lord's supper, Hesshuss
turned his back on the people, as if acting as their inter-
cessor ; instead of facing the people in the prayer. As
he went around with the elements, two scholars in sur-
plices held a silk cloth beneath them, lest any of the
bread and wine should fall on the floor. And if not
enough of the elements had been consecrated, the con-
gregation had to wait until he had consecrated more by
a new act of consecration. Against these relics of pa-
pacy, still common among the high Lutherans, Klebitz
naturally protested. And the quarrel became so bitter,
that the Elector, Otto Henry, though sick with his last
illness, was compelled to interfere. He ordered that no
new ceremonies should be introduced during the winter.
And now another event occurred that brought the
contest into the university as well as in the church and
court. A young theologian of the Netherlands, Sylvius
of Leuwaarden in West Friesland, had a call from a
church in Groningen. Before he entered on his field
of labor, he wanted to take the doctor's degree. For
that purpose he came to Heidelberg. Hesshuss, the de-
kan of the faculty, had the audacity, in the very month
that Otto Henry died, to give this young man theses
which were on the rejection of Zwinglianism. He aimed
to revive the controversy, even though the Elector had
forbidden it, and was now dying. Sylvius being a
142 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Netherlander, naturally upheld the Reformed view of
the sacraments. Hesshuss then raged against him as a
godless Calvinist and a semi-papist. And as Erastus
(reminding him that the union of a Calvinist and Pa-
pist in one man must be an impossibility) laughingly
asked him, how a man could be at the same time a Lap-
lander and a negro : Hesshuss got into a rage and gave
vent to such prelatic insolence that the whole university
rose against him and wanted to expel him from the
university senate. The piide and insolence of Hesshuss
was shown at a sitting of the consistory in the castle,
when he dared to seat himself in the throne of the ab-
sent Elector ; for which act of assumption he received
the nickname of Toleman Geckhusen or Tilemen Cox-
comb. Just at this critical moment Elector Otto Henry
died. Thus Hesshuss, by his tyranny and insolence,
alienated the consistory, the court and the university
from him. The steps are interesting ; first a monument,
then a schoolmaster, then a scholar. These were the
successive causes.
The new Elector, Frederick III., when he entered
on his reign, tried to act independently in religious ques-
tions. But any man who acted independently of him,
Hesshuss called his enemy. Frederick was finally com-
pelled to take sides. But in the meantime he was com-
pelled to leave Heidelberg to go to Augsburg, and be
invested with the electoral hat and dignity. During his
KLEBITZ THESES. 143
absence he left the Count of Erbach, a Melancthonian,
as temporary governor. The university, in spite of
Hesshuss' opposition, granted a degree of doctor in
March, 1559, to Sylvius; and ordered Hesshuss to be
put out of the university senate. Hesshuss became an-
gry and left town. He went to Wesel, his birth-place,
to help the Lutherans against the Reformed refugees,
who had arrived at Wesel. It was the most unfortu-
nate thing Hesshuss could do — to thus go away in a
huff. He had better stayed at home. For Klebitz
took advantage of his absence to commit the university
to the Reformed faith. Klebitz determined to bring
matters to a crisis. He determined to commit the Pa-
latinate to the Reformed faith, even if it cost him his
position. Having seen the past tactics of the high Lu-
therans, he made up his mind that nothing short of a
bold open confession of Calvinism would stop the tide
of high Lutheranism. He determined to ask the uni-
versity to grant him the master's degree. He proposed
for disputation seven theses, which held the doctrines
of Calvinism. If the university pronounced favorably
to his theses, it would then commit the university to
Calvinism. The university granted him his degree on
April 15 ; and the university was thus committed as fa-
vorable to Calvinism. Then Hesshuss came back from
Wesel and took in the situation. He stormed against
Klebitz as an Arian and a devil, ■' who hoped to steal
144 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the kernel out of the Lord's supper." From the pulpit
Hesshuss called Klebitz "a wolf in sheep's clothing, a
mixer of poison and a robber of souls." Klebitz did
not debate with him, but sent him his theses, with Bi-
ble proofs, for examination. Hesshuss sent them to the
high Lutheran theologians at Jena, Morlin and Stossel,
for examination. He wanted the university at Jena to
pronounce against them. Then began at Heidelberg a
terrible pulpit war. Finally, Count Erbach called the
preachers together and besought them, with tears in his
eyes, to become peaceful. "God's cause was not fur-
thered, but disgraced by such proceedings." For this
act, Hesshuss called the Count a Calvinist and threat-
ened to excommunicate him, because he stopped the
cause of truth. Erbach then sent to Augsburg to learn
the will of the Elector about this matter. In the mean-
time one Sunday, at communion, as two noblemen
stepped forward to receive the communion, Hesshuss,
considering that it belonged to him to reach them the
cup, ordered Klebitz to give it up to him. This Kle-
bitz refused to do. Then Hesshuss ordered the other
preacher, in the presence of the congregation, to take
the cup from Klebitz's hands. This Klebitz would not
allow. Thus the supper of peace became an apple of
discord, and the congregation were treated to the sad
sight of its shepherds quarreling at the altar.* Hess-
*Herzog pronounces this tale an exaggeration.
HESSHUSS IS DISMISSED. 145
huss then, from the pulpit, excommunicated Klebitz.
While this ban of excommunication was hanging over
him, Klebitz's child died ; and, as he was excommuni-
cated, Hesshuss refused his child an honorable burial.
In the midst of all the excitement caused by this
strife, the Elector returned. He gathered the ministers
together and, with tears in his eyes, besought them to
cease their quarrels. He lifted the excommunication of
Hesshuss from Klebitz, and restored Klebitz to his
former place. He also received the Lord's supper ; and
it is noticeable that he did not receive it from Hesshuss,
but from the hands of Diller and Klebitz. Then Hess-
huss turned against the Elector. And finally the Elec-
tor, to quiet matters, had to dismiss both Hesshuss and
Klebitz, the leaders of the two parties. But it is no-
ticeable that Klebitz received a favorable recommenda-
tion from the Elector ; while Hesshuss did not, thus
showing with whom the Elector sympathized.* After
Hesshuss' departure, the office of superintendent was
abolished. Frederick, in order to support his position,
sent to Melancthon for his opinion. Melancthon sug-
gested that for the sake of peace, the leaders in the strife
be sent away. He suggested as a formula to suit all
parties, that the words of Scripture be used as given in
1 Cor. 10, 16 : "The cup of blessing which we bless, is
*Hesshuss was deposed seven times in his life, and at last
died an exile.
146 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
it not the coQimunion of the blood of Christ ; the bread
which we break, is it not the communion of the body of
Christ ?" But this advice of Melancthon was not satis-
factory to the high Lutherans. Still it had great weight
among the people of the Palatinate, and inclined them
to side with the Elector. And when he went over to
the Reformed Church, they followed him. So this ad-
vice of Melancthon aided in preparing the way for the
Reformed faith.
The Lutheran princes and theologians viewed Fred-
erick's course with alarm. When the Duke William
of Saxe- Weimar was to be married to the daughter of
Frederick III., the theologians determined to make use
of the wedding to bring Frederick back to the Lutheran
faith. The two dukes, John Frederick of Saxe-Gotha,
the standard bearer of high Lutheran ism, and his
brother William, brought their court preachers, Morlin
and Stossel, with them to the wedding. They hoped
they might thus prevent the Elector from separating
himself from the Lutheran faith. In connection with
this wedding, a religious conference, lasting five days,
was held in June, 1560. Boquin and Erastus were the
defenders of Frederick III. against Morlin and Stossel.
Boquin's twenty-four theses were Calvinistic, being
largely identical with Klebitz' theses, which Hesshuss
had previously sent to Morlin and Stossel. On the third
day of the disputation the Duke of Saxony brought
FREDERICK REFORMS HIS LAND. 147
twenty-four counter theses. These were disputed for
two days more. Both sides claimed the victory. But
an unfortunate impression was made on the audience,
when Stossel refused to dispute with Erastus, because
he was not a theologian, but a doctor of medicine.
Erastus answered, ^' But I am a Christian." Still,
although both parties claimed the victory, the victory
really lay with the Palatines. For Stossel, after this,
weakened in his Lutheranism, went over to Melancthon-
iauism, finally became a Crypto Calvinist, and died for
that faith.
This conference settled Frederick's mind in favor of
Calvinism. But he did not go over to the Reformed
faith until after the Naumberg Conference in 1561,
when he was satisfied that there was no peace in the
Lutheran Church. With his wise foresight he saw that
,the departure of the Duke of Saxony from the city of
Naumberg, as a protest against liberal Lutheranism,
was a prophecy of the fall of Melancthonianism. Still,
in going over to Calvinism, Frederick claimed that he
did not leave his Lutheran faith behind. He said he
had subscribed the Augsburg Confession, and still
claimed to be true to it. But everywhere the customs
of worship were changed. The simplicity of Reformed
worship was introduced. All the feasts in honor of the
virgin were discontinued. Altars, baptismal fonts, waf-
ers, Latin singing in the service, and pictures, were put
out of the churches of the Palatinate. Organs were
148 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
silenced for a hundred years. Instead of altars, caoie
communion tables ; instead of wafers, came bread ; in-
stead of fonts, came bowls.* Frederick's simplicity of
taste and of court life prepared him for the simplicity
ot the Reformed faith. Altars were put away. The Re-
formed Church never had an altar. It had only a com-
munion table. Its very existence seems to have been a
protest against altars, which were Papal or Lutheran. f
Frederick seems to have been especially bitter against
baptismal fonts as fostering Papacy. '^ Even so there
is an opportunity with the baptismal fonts, which also
have heretofore been misused for all idolatry and magic
in Papacy.^J
Frederick also reformed the schools. The Sapienz
College was changed into a theological seminary for the
education of ministers. A new consistory was formed,
* About altars and baptismal fonts Frederick wrote to his '
son-in-law, Duke John Frederick, "I would rather suffer, yes,
desire from my heart, that all altars, not only in the Lower Pa-
latinate, but everywhere that I can command, should be done
away with, without injury to weak consciences, then would I
be much farther separated from the Pope and his crime. It is
not enjoined or commanded to all Christians in the word of God,
even to baptize in stony coffins (fonts) ; but with water is one to
be baptized, it may be standing or flowing. And truly none of
the apostles and disciples of Christ baptized in a coffin of stone."
fFrederick, in his letter of October 3, 1565, says, "There are
still remaining here and there many idolatries : altars, cruci-
fixes, baptismal fonts and other idolatrous things ;" and the ap-
pended command requires that "all feasting in the church
should be put away, so that it may not be used any more for
idolatry."— Wolter's Heidelberg Catechism, 138, note.
JSudhoflf, Olevianus and Urainus, 140, note.
Frederick's strict laws. 149
consisting of Olevianus, Boquin, Tossanus, Erastus,
Marius, Haekel, with Zuleger as president. Frederick
also gave close attention to the moral and business wel-
fare of his land. His police orders are called "a Christ-
ian police regulation" in their title. On Sundays and
prayer days every one was ordered to go to church, ex-
cept in case of sickness. The city was divided into
quarters ; and the minister, assisted by one elder, attended
to each district. The new comers were thus found and
examined in their faith. During the church service all
walking in parks, lanes or to taverns, was forbidden.
Profanity, debauchery, tippling and soothsaying were for-
bidden. The mocking of persons going to church was
fined with thirty kreutzers. Yearly each family was to
be visited, so as to be prepared for the holy communion.
Such morality always produces prosperity. The
Palatinate bloomed as it had never done before. The
suppression of the convents brought in a large revenue,
while Frederick's court expenses were small. The
money from the sale of the convents was applied to
schools, churches and charities. The waste places of
the laud were settled. The coming of the persecuted
refugees from Holland and France brought prosperity
with them. Industry flourished. But the crowning
act of Frederick III. was the publication of the Hei-
delberg Catechism. Before, however, describing its
composition, it will be necessary to describe the two
men who wrote it — Olevianus and Ursinus.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION II.
The Authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, Ursinus and ,
Olevianus. i
ZACHARIAH URSINUS. i
I
Zachariah Ursinus was !
born July 18th, 1534, at I
Breslau, the chief city of '
Silesia. His father had ■
been the teacher of Sigis-
mund Pucher, a man of
influence in that city. He
was also dekan or assistant
preacher of the Magdalene \
Church, and later professor of theology in the St. Eliza- j
beth School of Breslau. The name of the family had '
been Bar (bear) ; but, according to the custom of the age,
the name had been latinized into Ursinus. When 16
years of age, Ursinus set out for Wittenberg to attend |
the University. Here he became the devoted scholar of
Melancthon. He came to Wittenberg after Luther's
death, when Melancthon's milder theology had taken [
the place of Luther's sharper polemics.* After a course |
(
— • ■ — — — , — I
*For a description of Ursinus' school days at Wittenberg, see !
Crato of Kraflftheim, I., page 99. i
HIS EDUCATION. 151
in mathematics, philosophy and theology (supported by
his uncle), he set out to travel and complete his educa-
tion. He followed Melancthon to Worms, and then
went with him to Heidelberg. Then he traveled through
Strasburg to Switzerland, where he became acquainted
with the leading men of the Reformed Church. He trav-
eled through Basle and Lausanne to Geneva ; ^vhere Cal-
vin, seeing his abilities, presented him with a set of his
works. From Switzerland he went through Lyons and
Orleans to Paris, that he might study French and Hebrew.
He then returned to Zurich, where he was especially inti-
mate with the rector of ^ the school of the church of our
Lady,' the Hebraist, John Friese. He also met Peter
Martyr, who had come thither from England and Stras-
burg, and who was destined to exert so great an influ-
ence on his after-life. Returning to Wittenberg through
Tubingen, Ulm and Nuremberg, before he had time to
settle down to study, he was called by the city council
of Breslau, his native city, to come home and teach in
the St. Elizabeth's School as the fourth professor. There
it fell to his lot to give a sketch of doctrine ; for which
purpose Melancthon's 'Common Places' were used as a
text book. He used the later edition of this work,
which expressed Melancthon's milder views of theology.
The city of Breslau had been a Melancthonian strong-
hold, but some high Lutherans had come in. They be-
gan to declaim against Ursinus, charging him with de-
152 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
parture from the true Lutheran faith. Ursinus' per-
sonal acquaintance with some of the leading Reformed
theologians also exposed him to their suspicion. To
justify himself against the charge that he was not teach-
ing pure Lutheranism, he published his first book,
*' Theses on the doctrine of the sacraments." Melanc-
thon was very much pleased with the book and compli-
mented Ursinus highly. But the high Lutherans at-
tacked the book and its author. Morenberger, a mem-
ber of the council and a Melancthonian, wrote to Wit-
tenberg to Melancthon for advice. Adam Cureus, the
church inspector, went to Wittenberg, visited Pencer
and asked him to intercede with his father-in-law Me-
lancthon, that he might try and stop the conflict at Bres-
lau. Ursinus remained at Breslau two years ; and then,
in 1560, he resigned his position on account of the op-
position of the high Lutherans. He, however, promised
the city council, who, against the wish of the ministers,
desired him to remain, that he would return again when
they wished it. When he was about leaving, his uncle.
Roth, asked him whither he was going. He answered :
" Not unwillingly do I leave my fatherland, when it
will not suffer the confession of truth, which I cannot
surrender with a good conscience. If my best father,
Phillip (Melancthon), still lived (Melancthon had just
died, seven days before), I would go nowhere but to
him. Now that he is dead, I will go nowhere but to
URSINUS GOES TO ZURICH. 153
the Zurich theologians. Tliey are pious, learned, great
men, with whom I have already resolved to spend my
life. God will provide the rest/' These words show
his relation to Melancthon and to the Zurich theologi-
ans. Manifestly among the dead, none stood nearer to
liim than Melancthon ; and among the living, none
nearer than the Zurich theologians. When he left
Breslau, his dear friend and bosom companion, Crato of
Krafftheim, city physician of Breslau, filled his purse,
and was afterwards Ursinus' constant correspondent.
Ursinus left Breslau with the intention of beginning
again his theological studies. When he arrived at Wit-
tenberg, his friends desired him to stay there, where,
perhaps, he might have risen to be the successor of Me-
lancthon. He was one of Melancthon's favorite pupils ;
and Melancthon's party, after his death, greatly needed
a theological leader. But affairs at the University of
Wittenberg had all been disarranged by Melancthon's
death ; and Ursinus clearly foresaw the future conflicts
with the high Lutheranism and its probable victory at
Wittenberg. So he refused their invitation to stay at
Wittenberg, and hastened to Zurich. When he came to
Zurich, he became the close follower of Peter Martyr,
who, from that day, took Melancthon's place in Ursi-
nus' heart. From the school of Melancthon he now
went over to the school of Martyr. Peter Martyr was
11
154 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
a strong predestinarian,* and he greatly influenced Ur-
sinus in that direction. Ursinus, in order to come to a
decision about the doctrine of predestination, read the
Bible through from beginning to end ; and after he
found this doctrine established in God's word, he held
it unwaveringly the rest of his life.f Ursinus had left
his Melancthonianism so far behind him, that when
Martyr wrote an answer to Brenz, Ursinus greatly re-
joiced at Martyr's answer to that Lutheran leader of
Wurtemberg, Now it happened that while Ursinus was
staying at Zurich, Peter Martyr received an urgent call
from Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate to come
to Heidelberg as Professor of theology in the Univer-
sity. But Peter Martyr felt unwilling to do so. He
had just declined a call to come back to England, and
felt he could not, in good grace, accept a call to Heidel-
berg. He also foresaw the conflicts which would come
in attempting to introduce the Reformed faith into the
Palatinate ; and as he was an old man, he preferred to
spend the rest of his days in peace and quietness. So
he declined the call ; but recommended Frederick to
call Ursinus in his stead. At the earnest solicitation of
Erastus, Elector Frederick III. then invited Ursinus to
come to Hei(ielberg. Ursinus foresaw the conflicts that
were before him there ; and being of a very retiring,
*Sudhoflf, Olevianus and Ursinas, 329, note.
fGoebel, I., 387; Letters of 1573 ; Goebel, I., 389.
HIS CALL TO HEIDELBERG. 155
shy and sensitive disposition, he dreaded going. He
once gave utterance to the words : **0, that I could re-
main hid in a corner ; I would give anything for a shel-
ter in some quiet village." In answer to this call, he
went to Heidelberg in the autumn of 1561. He taught
for a year in the Sapienz college ; and there his clearness
of teaching having won for him many scholars, he was
also made professor of theology in the University in the
place of Olevianus, who was appointed court preacher
of the Elector. At first Ursinus preached occasionally.
But he soon gave it up, as his vocation was that of a
scholar and teacher, rather than that of a pastor and
preacher.
156 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY,
CASPAR OLEVIANUS.
Caspar Olevianus was
born at Olewig, a suburb
of Treves, the city 'of the
holy coat of Christ/ He
first saw the light on Au-
gust 10, 1536.* He re-
ceived his name from the
place of his birth ; but
this name, according to
the custom of the time, was changed and latinized into
Olevianus. His father was, as master of the guild of
bakers, a member of the city council, and also treasurer
of the city. His mother, Anna Sinzig, was the daughter
of the master of the butchers' guild. It was his grand-
father who mainly educated Caspar ; as he was his pet
grand-son. To his mother, who seems to have been a
woman of deep religious feeling, he owed much of his ten-
dency toward spiritual things. He was baptized in the
church of St. Lawrence. He attended school at St. Law-
rence church ; also at St Simeon's, and at the Cathedral
school ; and then entered the college of St. Germain at
Treves. Here, at the early age of thirteen, his religious
*In the so-called Wittlicher House in the moat near the mar-
ket. The Elector of Treves afterward bought it (not, however,
because of any love for Olevianus), and changed it into a court
of justice.
157
nature was deeply stirred by the Lenten sermons of a
pious aged monk. The religious impulse given him by
this old priest affected his whole after-life, and ultimately
led him to the gospel. This priest seemed to have been
an 'evangelical/ for he bade him look at the sacrifice of
Christ as the only ground of his salvation. Many years
after, Olevianus bore testimony to the impression this
priest made on him. In 1550, at fourteen years of age,
he was sent to France to complete his education as a
lawyer. He studied languages at Paris, and afterward
studied law at Orleans and Bonrges. He soon joined
those secret churches of France called the ^churches of
the cross' : although it was dangerous to join them at
that time.
Thus Olevianus seemed to follow in the footsteps of
Calvin from place to place — from Paris to Orleans and
Bourges, and to Geneva afterward. He thus followed
in Calvin's path locally, as well as spiritually. Calvin
had studied at Bourges in 1528, and there met Wolmar,
who called Calvin into the ministry by asking him
what he proposed to do in life. Wolmar urged Calvin
to begin preaching. Others also asked this distinguished
young student to preach. So Calvin began preaching
at Bourges, and* in the neighboring towns, as Berry and
Liguieres. Where Calvin had been called into the min-
istry, now Olevianus also received a call of God to
preach the gospel, only it came in a different way. Cal-
158 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
vin's came through a friend, and Olevianus' through a
danger. Sometimes a passing incident will bring men's
lives to a crisis and change their whole after-career,
Such an event happened to Olevianus at Bourges, in
1556. The German students at this University were
naturally brought much into contact with each other.
Olevianus contracted a close friendship with the lead-
ing German students, and especially with Prince Her-
man Lewis, second son of Count Frederick of Simmern,
afterward Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. One
day while Olevianus and the prince were walking along
the banks of the Auron river,* they met some German
students of noble birth. These asked them to go across
the river in a boat, although some of the young princes
were somewhat intoxicated. Olevianus tried hard to
dissuade Prince Herman from going with them. But
the prince, with his court master, Nicolas Judex, went
with them in the boat. They had hardly gotten into
the middle of the river, before these half-drunken stu-
dents began rocking the boat from side to side, which
tilted them over and threw them all into the water, to
find a watery grave. Olevianus saw all this from the
shore, where he was standing. He threw himself into
the water to rescue his friend, the prince ; but in the
muddy bottom of the river he only got himself into the
*Goebel and Seisen call it the Eure ; Sudhoff, the Auron.
Bouiges lies at the junction of the Eure and the Auron.
HIS CALL TO THE MINLSTRY. 159
greatest danger. Thus hanging between life and death,
he called on God to save him. And he vowed that, if
God would save him from death, he would devote him-
self to preaching the gospel to his fatherland. Just in
the nick of time a servant in the service of Prince Her-
man came running to the rescue. He caught hold of
the sinking Olevianus, thinking he was the prince. And
so Olevianus was saved, instead of the prince. This as-
sociation with the death of this prince afterward proved
a very fortunate thing for Olevianus ; for the prince's
father, Frederick, always had a warm side for Olevi-
anus after that ; and ultimately Olevianus became his
court-preacher at Heidelberg.
Thus Olevianus, by this accident, was led to devote
his life to the ministry. It is true, he continued the
study of law at Bourges ; but his heart was given to
the study of God's Word. He received the degree of
doctor of laws at Bourges in 1557, and returned to his
native city Treves in 1558. Louder and louder came
the call to him to enter the gospel ministry. So, to pre-
pare himself for it, he went to Geneva to study with
Calvin. While at Geneva, he l)ecame fully acquainted
with the Reformed Church, — was educated in her bo-
som. But although thus educated in the French Re-
formed Church, he felt he was called to preach the gos-
pel to the Germans rather than to the French ; and his
heart yearned for his native city of Treves. To tit him-
160 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
self for this work among the Germans, he went to Zu-
rich in German Switzerland, to sit at the feet of Peter
Martyr. But he soon after returned to Calvin at Ge-
neva, to complete his studies. On his journey to Ge-
neva he met that fiery reformer, William Farel. This
glowing herald of the gospel, as he had called Calvin at
Geneva to labor there, now urged Olevianus to cut short
his studies and to return to Treves, to preach there. Ole-
vianus refused a call by the Reformed church of Metz,
so that he might proclaim the gospel in the city of his
birth. He knew that there were those in Treves who
were favorable to the gospel. Through the influence of
the reformation at Cologne, and also in the neighboring
Palatinate, many had become evangelical at Treves. So
he urged Calvin to write to Otto Seel and Peter Sierk,
members of the city council of Treves, who were known
to be favorable to the gospel. True to his vow at Bour-
ges, he now returned to Treves, to preach the gospel.
Through the influence of his friends he obtained the po-
sition of a Latin teacher in the High School or Bursa,
an endowed school, which had then become almost ex-
tinct. His position as teacher gave the opportunity he
desired, to infuse the gospel of Jesus into the minds of
his scholars. It was his duty to lecture to the scholars
on the dialectics of Melaiicthon. These were filled with
Scripture references, and thus made the scholars' minds
familiar with the Bible. But as these 'dialectics' were
HE PREACH fi:S AT TREVES. 161
in Latin, he thought they would make more progress in
Scriptural truth, if he taught them in German. He be-
gan lecturing in German on the catechism. And his
German lectures drew many of the citizens, as well as
the scholars, to hear him. These admirers of his, finally
desired him, though a layman,* to hold divine service.
So he issued a public call to evangelical preaching, and
was made a preacher of the Word. He was unordained,
yet he preached without ordination, as did many, in the
days of the reformation. He nailed a call to worship
on the Steip or city hall of Treves, inviting the citizens
to an evangelical service on St. Lawrence day, August
10th, between the hours of eight and ten at the Bursa.f
So a great crowd of people, instead of going to mass that
morning, repaired to the High School, to hear Olevi-
anus. Among them were the leading men of the place,
as the leading burgomaster, John Stuyss ; and Otto Seel
and Peter Sierk, city councillors. Oleviauus preached
on justification by faith, and also against the worship of
saints, masses, and against processions, for which the city
of Treves has always been very famous. But the city
clerk was present at this service, and he did not fail to
notify the Catholic clergy of what was going on. The
following day Olevianus was ordered to appear before
the city council. The council had in it many members
•■•Sudhoflf, Olevianus and Ursinus, page 47.
fThe city liall on which he nailed the notice is the present
Rothes Haus in the market.
162 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
who were favorable to Oleviauus and the gospel ; and
they finally compromised with the Catholics b}' allow-
ing Olevianus to preach anywhere, except in the Bursa,
as it was an endowed school, and its funds would thus
be perverted. They allowed him to teach there, but or-
dered him to use Latin, and not German, in his teach-
ing. Olevianus, in his defence, declared that he would
die for the gospel, if it were necessary, as there was
nothing that his fatherland needed so much as the Word
of God. His answer reveals the true martyr spirit and
shows his consecration. The evangelical citizens, with
burgomaster Stuyss at their head, then presented a re-
quest to the council that they be allowed to worship ac-
cording to the Augsburg confession, which liberty was
granted by the Augsburg Diet of 1555. The Catholics
answered that Treves was not under the Emperor, and
hence not bound by that Diet ; but that it was under its
own Elector, and he forbade it. Had Treves been a
free city like Strasburg, and not been under the control
of the Elector of Treves, it would have had a right to
allow Protestant worship. But that Augsburg Diet de-
clared that 'Mike prince, like people;" as the prince
was a bigoted Catholic, the people ought to be so, too.
Still, the Protestants hoped to be able to maintain their
worship. The Catholics then answered that Olevianus
was not an adherent of the Augsburg confession, but a
Calvinist. Olevianus, to prove that he was an adherent
PROTESTANTISM AT TREVES. 163
of the Augsburg confession, and that he had the right
to preach, signed that coufesrsion no le^s than three times
at Treves, even under oath. So Olevianus began preach-
ing the gospel at the St. Jacob's church in the Fleisch-
gasse. This St. Jacob's church was not under the con-
trol of the clergy, but of the city, whose council allowed
him to preach there. This church soon became too
small, as nearly one-half of the town declared themselves
favorable to Protestantism. Whole guilds, as of the
weavers, smiths and tailors, supported Olevianus. The
most decided guild against him were the superstitious
sailors, who sailed the boats on the Moselle. Among
those who declared themselves won by his preaching
were, to his great joy, his two brothers — the one a gold-
smith, and the other a physician.
As the crowd was becoming very great, and the dan-
ger was also becoming great, the evangelicals sent to the
Count of the neighboring Zweibriickeu, whose territo-
ries adjoined theirs, for help and protection. They
asked the Count to loan them a preacher. The Count
was so glad to hear that Treves was receiving Protest-
antism, that he sent them his leading minister, the su-
perintendent Flinsbach, to aid Olevianus in his work at
Treves. Flinsbach, after he arrived at Treves, wrote
to the Count that not only was the altar of the church
full of people, standing ; but even the windows and every
place w^here the people could hear. In the meantime.
164 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
however, word had been sent from Treves to the Elector
of Treves at Augsburg, acquainting him with the spread
of Protestantism in his own city. When he returned,
he came back with soldiers, so as to quell this uprising
by force. But although he came with 170 cavalry, the
courage of the Protestants rose with their danger. Flins-
bach, being under the protection of the Count of Zwei-
briicken, sent a notice to the Elector that these Evan-
gelicals were under the protection of the Augsburg con-
fession, which had been made legal in 1555. And not
only was it the Evangelicals who opposed the Elector,
but a large party of the Catholics opposed him ; because
when he came with troops, they felt that he was men-
acing the liberties of their city. The Elector, finding
that he could not enter the city, took up his position at
Pfalzel, three-quarters of a mile from Treves. From
this point he began to harass the citizens. He laid waste
the fields and the gardens of the citizens, and even tried
to cut off the water supply of the city. The citizens,
who ventured out of the city into the fields, were plun-
dered ; and the market people, who brought produce,
were kept from entering the city. The result of this
petty siege was, that it soon became uncomfortable for
those who were in the city. So a part of the Catholic
party in the city went over to the Elector. On October
8th the Elector sent word, that if the Evangelicals would
send him 20,000 dollars and leave the city, he would
PROTESTANTS DRIVEN OUT. 165
withdraw his troops. This was adding insult to injury,
to ask money of them in addition to the persecutions
they had received. They claimed that they were pro-
tected by the peace of Augsburg, which allowed to ad-
herents of the Augsburg confession their worship. But
the Catholic element in the city began to ferment. Two
trades, the sailors and coopers, favored the Catholics.
These spent days and nights at the taverns, spreading
reports unfavorable to the Protestants. But the Protest-
ants were not idle. They sent ambassadors to the neigh-
boring Protestant princes, as Zweibriicken, Hesse and
the Palatinate, asking their intercession with the Elector
and their aid. Still, as time passed on, the Elector suc-
ceeded in influencing more and more of the Catholic
party in the city over to his side, so that at last he was
strong enough to enter the city and quarter his soldiers
on the Protestant citizens. Burgomaster John Stuyss
was placed under arrest, and Olevianus and Flinsbach
were summoned before the council to answer for their
conduct. In the meantime ambassadors from Zwei-
brucken, Hesse and the Palatinate arrived to intercede
for these Protestants, that they might have the right to
worship in Treves, because they were Lutherans. But
the Elector raised the point, that they were not Luther-
ans, but Calvinists, as Olevianus had been educated un-
der Calvin. So Olevianus and twelve others were put
under arrest ; but were finally allowed to leave the city.
166 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
after the payment of a fine of 3,000 florins. These per-
secuted Protestants went to Strasburg, and to the neigh-
boring Palatinate, as at Beldenz, Trarbach and Duse-
mond.
Thus Protestantism came to a sad end at Treves.
Had Treves been a free city, like its neighbor Stras-
burg, Protestantism would have gained the city. But
Treves was the seat of a spiritual elector, and the Elec-
tor of Treves crushed out the reformation. Had Ole-
vianus appeared in Treves twenty years earlier, when
the former Elector of Treves with the Elector of May-
ence was on the point of following Elector Herman of
Cologne into the Protestant camp, great results would
have been accomplished. And had these spiritual Elec-
tors of Cologne, Treves and Mayence followed the tem-
poral Electors of Saxony, Palatinate and Brandenberg
into Protestantism ; the next Emperor of Germany, whom
they would have elected, would have been a Protestant,
or else a Catholic favorable to Protestantism. But that
opportunity was lost when Herman of Cologne was not
supported by the Lutheran princes and so lost his Elec-
torate. After this persecution of 1560, Treves became
a stronger Catholic city than ever. The Protestants
were driven out, and the Jesuits came in, to reclaim it
from its heresy. Its deliverance from heresy is still
commemorated, we understand, by the observance of the
Olevianus procession on Whitmonday, whose object is
EFFECT IN TREVES. 167
to thank God for the deliverance of the city from
heresy preached by Olevianus, and to confirm it in the
Catholic faith. For almost 250 years no Protestant
service was allowed in Treves. But in 1817 a Protest-
ant church was opened, the first sermon being preached
by Rev. Dr. Kupper, then general superintendent of the
Rhine provinces. His congregation numbered 1,500
souls in 1855. By a curious coincidence this Protestant
congregation worships in the basilica of Constantine,
where, in the fourth century, before Catholicism had yet
come to Treves, the pure, simple faith of Christ had
been preached. The Protestants then merely re-intro-
duced the simple faith of Constantine to Treves.
Treves, by this persecution, lost its best citizens and
artisans. She has never recovered her former pros-
perity. While her persecution only spread the flames
of the gospel to other places. Most of the refugees went
to Strasburg and the Palatinate, but one of them, Heid-
feld, went to Wesel in 1559, where he aided in intro-
ducing the Reformed faith. Flinsbach, being in the
employ of the Count of Zweibrucken, was sent home
safely by the Elector of Treves. He had labored will-
ingly with Olevianus, although he was a Lutheran and
Olevianus a Calvinist ; for he was a Melancthonian.
Flinsbach finally came to a sad end eleven years later.
As he was returning from a church visitation in the
county of Sponheim, he was compelled to stop over
168 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
night at the house of a Catholic priest. This priest rec-
ognized the hated Protestant who had so helped the
heretics at Treves, and poisoned him. He was hardly
able to get home to Zweibrucken, when he died and
was buried in the Alexander church. Far otherwise
was it with Olevianus. He remained ten weeks in prison,
charged with setting the city on fire with false doc-
trines, and also charged with desiring the murder of the
bishop. The neighboring princes, however, interceded
for him. Count Wolfgang of Zweibrucken was very
anxious to gain him for his land. But Elector Fred-
erick III. of the Palatinate, who felt under personal ob-
ligations to Olevianus for trying to save the life of his
son from drowning at Bourges, finally secured Olevi-
anus' release, and called him to be professor at the Sa-
pienz College at Heidelberg. From this, Olevianus was
made professor of theology in the university. As pro-
fessor of theology he taught Calvinism. He made an
extract of Calvin's theology, and it was so favorably re-
ceived, especially by Farel, that it was printed. He
aimed to bring the students and the Palatinate church
over to full Calvinism. But a larger field, just suited
to his tastes, soon opened to him. He was appointed
a member of the consistory and court-preacher in 1561,
and also preacher in St. Peter's church and in the church
of the Holy Ghost at Heidelberg. He was a man of
great executive ability, an eloquent preacher and a fervid
THE TWO AUTHORS.
169
writer. Olevianus was a strict Calvinist, and so was
Ursinus ; only Ursinus was better acquainted with the
various phases of Lutheran doctrines in Germany.
These were the two men selected by Elector Fred-
erick III. to compose his catechism. In many respects
they complement each other. The one a scholar and
professor, the other a preacher and administrator; the
one the head, the other the heart, of the catechism.
Olevianus and Ursinus were mated to each other as Da-
vid and Jonathan, Peter and John, Luther and Me-
lancthon, and Zwingli and Ecolampadius, the one com-
plementing the other. The compositions of both are
stronger than the writings of either. Both were young
men when appointed to this responsible position of com-
posing a catechism. Ursinus was 28, and Olevianus 26
years of age. But it is noticeable that the great theolog-
ical writings of the reformers appeared when they were
young men. Genius was precocious in the days of the
reformation. Thus, Calvin wrote his Institutes at the
early age of 26, and Melancthon his ' Loci Communes'
at 24. Says a writer, of Olevianus and Ursinus : "Be-
cause of their youth and ripeness of intellect, the Hei-
delberg catechism united the warmth of first love with
the light of profound depth of thought, the free inspira-
tion of youth with the riper experience of mature age."
12
CHAPTER II.— SECTION III.
The Heidelberg Catechism and its Composition.
A number of very interesting topics come up in con-
nection with the composition of the Heidelberg Cate-
chism. We will consider them under five heads : A,
the aim of its composition ; B, the previous materials
used ; C, the share each author had in its composition ;
D, the doctrinal position of the catechism ; E, the edi-
tions and translations of the catechism.
A. — The Aim of its Composition.
Several reasons have been given why Frederick
wanted to have a new catechism. One reason suggested
was, that Frederick hoped by this catechism to unite
the Lutherans and the Reformed. This has not been
suggested by any of the higher authorities on the cate-
chism, but by an unknown author, whom Niceron quotes.
It is very easy to see that this was not the reason.
Frederick III., before he undertook its composition, had
very decidedly broken away from Lutheran ism by his
reforms at Heidelberg. Although still under the pro-
tection of the Altered Augsburg Confession, he had
changed Lutheran customs most decidedly, although he
AIM OF ITS COMPOSITION.
171
had not so openly attacked her doctrines as yet. He
had evidently given up all hope of reconciliation with
the high Lutherans. We shall also see farther on,* that
the doctrinal position of the catechism was not such as
to make it a middle ground between Lutheranisra and
Calvinism. The catechism is Calvinistic, although
moderate in its statements of Calvinism. It does not oc-
cupy any such middle ground as Melaucthonianism. It
failed to satisfy the low Lutherans, how could it have
been expected to satisfy the high Lutherans? No, the
object was not to bring about a reconciliation between
the Lutherans and the Reformed. The reasons for its
composition, as suggested by Henry Alting, a high au-
thority, were : first, the strife caused by the use of dif-
ferent catechisms in use in the Palatinate. This was
the immediate cause. Brenz's catechism, the work of
his earlier years, when he was Melancthonian, had been
introduced into the Palatinate by Otto Henry. Lu-
ther's catechism had been introduced by Hesshuss, and
was used by the high Lutherans. And between these
two catechisms there was such a difference, that there
was strife among the ministers and bewilderment among
the people. Then, too, the foreign Dutch and French
refugee churches had brought with them Lasco's or Cal-
vin's catechism. The use of all these opposing cate-
chisms gave rise to quarrels. Frederick decided that
*Part D in this Section.
172 THE RKFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the easiest way out of the difficulty was to publish a
new catechism.
A second reason, suggested by A 1 ting, was, that the
Elector wished to secure an agreement of the Palatinate
churches on doctrine, especially on the doctrine of the
person of Christ and the sacraments. He wanted a
creed that would clearly state these doctrines over against
the new doctrine of ubiquity, to which he was bitterly
opposed. These two reasons are proved to be true by
the Elector's introduction to the catechism, where he says
he sought to give unity and purity to the churches of the
Palatinate. It is, however, to be remembered that while
this was the general aim of the Elector, the catechism
partook of the complexion of the times — the drift of its
age. And as the influences at Heidelberg at that time
were Calvinistic, or tending toward Calvinism, it be-
came Calvinistic, especially under such strong Calvin-
ists as Olevianus, supported by Ursinus, who was little
less decided than Olevianus in his Calvinism.
B. — Previous Materials Used in its Composition.
The next question that arises is, what previous cate-
chisms did its authors use as aids to its composition ?
The Reformed Church by this time had produced quite
a number of catechisms. Among the Lutherans, Lu-
ther's and Brenz's catechisms were the most common ;
among the Swiss, Bullinger's and Calvin's ; among the
PREVIOUS MATERIALS USED. 173
Dutch, Lasco's and Micronius'. These four Reformed
catechisms, Bullinger's aud Calvin's, Lasco's and Mi-
cronius', seem to have been used to a greater or less ex-
tent in the composition of the Heidelberg. Olevianus
publicly confessed the debt he owed to the Swiss, wliom
he thanks in a letter to Bui linger. But there were also
traces of Calvin's catechism in the Heidelberg.*
But while these catechisms were used in the prepara-
tion of the Heidelberg, yet it is to be remembered that
it is an advance on all other catechisms before it. The
previous Reformed catechisms were divided topically.
Calvin's was divided into five parts — faith or the creed,
the law or the ten commandments, prayer, the Bible,
and the sacraments. Lasco's and Bullinger's were simi-
larly divided into topics. But the Heidelberg was an
improvement on these artificial divisions. For it welded
all these parts into an organic whole. The reader passes
from one point in it to another without any violent
change. Thus we learn first of sin, then of redemption,
and then of the Christian life. And yet these natural
^'•Especially in answers 25, 27, 28, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 5i, 54,
67, and also in the answers on the ten commandments, and
Lord's prayer and church discipline. (Sudhoff, Olevianus and
Ursinus, page 92.) The catechism of Micronius is referred to in
answers 20, 21, 26, 29, 33, 34, 36, 45, 49, 55, 56, 8', 82, 101 and 102.
Lasco's catechism is referred to in the close of 1, 63, 54, 66, 69,
70, 74, 108 and 124; (see Bartel's Liie of Lasco, page 54.) For a
fuller discussion of the use of previous materials, the reader is
referred to the works quoted here, and to larger works on the
catechism, as Van Alpen's, Sudhotl's, Dalton's and Kocher's.
174 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and logical divisions included, in them, all the artificial
divisions of the other catechisms. The Heidelberg cate-
chism is the first to show this organic method.
Another peculiarity of the Heidelberg Catechism,
which was an advance on previous catechisms, was the
number of proof texts quoted in it. It was the first
catechism to fasten and found itself so closely on the
Word of God. The early catechisms of Luther had al-
most no proof texts quoted in them.
The most prominent catechisms of the Protestant
Church have been Luther's, the Heidelberg, and the
Westminster. By comparing the Heidelberg with Lu-
ther's, which preceded it ; as well as with the Westmin-
ster, which followed it, we can notice the peculiarities of
our catechism. In Luther's catechism the central prin-
ciple, the guiding thought, is the sacraments ; in the
Westminster it is election ; in the Heidelberg it is grace
or redemption. The Westminster is the theological
catechism ; the Heidelberg the soteriological, and Lu-
ther's the ecclesiological catechism.
If we compare the Heidelberg with Luther's, we
find that Luther'6 is much shorter. It has only 40
questions to 129 questions in the Heidelberg. The
greatest difference is in the doctrine of the sacraments,
although they differ on other minor points. They dif-
fer in the arrangement of the ten commandments. In
Luther's catechism, the ten commandments are placed at
COMPARISON OF CATECHISMS. 175
the beginning of the catechism ; in the Heidelberg they
are placed near the end. The Heidelberg does not stop
with merely the ten commandments ; but, in addition,
gives the fuller New Testament version of the com-
mandments in Christ's law of love. The Heidelberg
follows the Biblical division of the ten commandments,
instead of the Catholic division, which Luther's follows.
In the creed, the Heidelberg catechism translates the
clause, 'a holy Catholic, Christian Church/ while Lu-
ther's drops the word ^Catholic' altogether. They also
differ on the Lord's prayer. The Heidelberg divides
the Lord's prayer into six parts ; Luther's into seven.
Luther's says ' Father our' after the ' Pater noster' of
Catholics ; while the Heidelberg uses ^Our Father,' as it
is used in the Bible. The Heidelberg uses 'from the
devil' in the clause 'deliver us from evil,' which Lu-
ther's uses. The Heidelberg is very severe against the
use of pictures in churches, while the Lutheran cate-
chism does not refer to them at all.
Comparing the Heidelberg with the Westminster,
we find it differs from the Westminster by its use of the
first person, all the wa}' through the catechism. This
makes it not so much a statement of doctrine, as of per-
sonal experience. It is a personal catechism rather than
a dogmatic one. ''For the Heidelberg catechism was
published in the Pentecostal season of the reformation."
It has an unction not revealed by other catechisms. " Tin-
176 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Heidelberg is more experimental, the Westminster more
scholastic ; the Heidelberg is more emotional, the West-
minster more intellectual ; the Heidelberg is more de-
votional, the Westminster more doctrinal.'^ One great
peculiarity of the Heidelberg catechism is, that it so
closely follows personal experience. Its three-fold di-
vision exactly corresponds with the religious experience
of every believer. Its second answer divides it into
three parts — first, conviction of sin ; second, conversion
to Christ ; third, the Christian life of thankfulness. In
doing this it is scriptural, for it follows Paul's arrange-
ment of doctrine as given by him in his theological In-
stitutes, his Epistle to the Romans. The first part of
the catechism corresponds to Romans 1 : 18 to 3 : 20 ;
the second part to Romans 3 : 20 to 11 : 36, and the third
part to Romans 12:1 to the end of the Epistle.
C. — The Share each Author had in its Publication.
It would be a very interesting study to decide what
part of the catechism Ursinus wrote, and what part
Olevianus composed. But this would be a very diffi-
cult task ; as both seem to have welded their w^ork so
closely together that no differences can be discovered.
Different commentators on the catechism have v^aried in
the parts, which they assign to the one or the other au-
thor. Each of the authors seems to have made a pre-
liminary preparation. Ursinus prepared two Latin
SHARE OF EACH AUTHOR. 177
catechisms — a larger one for mature minds, and a smaller
one for children and beginners. Olevianus prepared a
preliminary work on Grace, which was a favorite theme
of his. Both of these works were used toward the com-
position of the catechism. But it is very difficult to ob-
serve where the labors of one author ended, and of the
other began. Perhaps the outlines were suggested by
Ursinus, and the adaptation by Olevianus. The depth
of thought and theological exactness came from Ursi-
nus ; while the simple, popular style of expression came
from Olevianus. The Latin was from Ursinus, the
fine fluent German, from Olevianus. The doctrinal part
was probably influenced more by Ursinus, the prac-
tical part, by Olevianus. Sudhoff imputes the first an-
swer to Ursinus ; while the answers 83 to 85 on the
power of the keys and church discipline are imputed to
Olevianus ; as the substance of each of those answers is
found in his previous writings. But, doubtless, each an-
swer was considered and re-considered by each author
in succession ; until no part of the catechism is by either
one, but each part is by both.* It is a remarkable fact
*Ancl yet this unity is all the more remarkable when we re-
member the dlft'erences between the two men. As Rev. Dr.
Nevin, in his introduction to the catechism, remarks : " The
catechism is the joint production of both, and it was this, not in
the way of any mechanical putting: together of their ditt'erent
compositions ; but in the way of an organic fusion, which refers
the whole work to both authors, and makes it impossible to
know^ or say what in it belongs to one and w hat to the other.
This curious fact becomes still more curious when regard is had
178 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that the united work of the two is better than any work
composed by either of them alone. The one seems to
complement and supplement the other. Nor should we
forget the influence of the Elector Frederick himself
in the composition of the catechism. Although he was
not the author of it, he was its patron. Counsellor Rit-
mayer says ; "Although the Elector availed himself of
the services of the Palatinate doctors, Ursinus and Ole-
vianus, in the preparation of the catechism, yet they
did not venture to insert anything which the Elector
had not approved."
D, — The Doctrinal Position of the Catechism.
The doctrinal position of the catechism is Calvin-
ism, but Calvinism moderately stated. That Ursinus
and Olevianus were Calvinists, there can be no doubt.
to the difference of temperament which we know to have ex-
isted between the two men. Ursinus standing before us, as one
born to occupy the lecturer's chair, didactic, dialectic, theoretic,
and we may say, respectably dry. In Olevianus, on the other
hand, we have the man of action and eloquence, the practical
reformer, and the ardent, popular preacher. They seem not
such men, as, one would expect, would get along harmoniously
together in a work of this sort. And yet their joint labors
were in truth perfectly harmonious ; so that it is hardly too
much to say that we may find the spirit of Ursinus married to
the spirit of Olevianus in the whole composition of the catechism
from beginning to end. With all this must be considered, in
the second place, that the whole work was planned and executed
within the course of less than a year. It was the will of the
prince that his favorite measure for the reformation of the Pa-
latinate should as quickly as possible be carried into effect, and
the men who were charged with the pieparation went to work
accordingly with a haste that seemed hardly compatible with
the solemnity and greatness of the undertaking."
ITS DOCTRINAL POSITION. 179
Their other works reveal them as more Calvinistic than
the catechism expresses.* Either they did not think it
expedient to express the hard points of Calvinism for
fear of offending the Lutherans ; or else, as the Heidel-
berg catechism was intended to be a popular treatise on
theology, they purposely avoided the deep philosophical
statements of Calvinism. But the catechism has a
thoroughly Calvinistic basis throughout. Its doctrinal
position may be stated as moderately Calvinistic. Heppe,
one of the church historians of Germany, holds that the
catechism was Melancthonian or low Lutheran ; Sud-
hoif, another writer, that the 'catechism was intensely
Calvinistic ; Ebrard, that it expresses the sublapsarian
school of Calvinism, afterwards adopted in France. But
if the catechism were Melancthonian, it would never
have been adopted by the Synod of Dort, that strict
Calvinistic synod. And again, if it had been intensely
Calvinistic, it never would have found favor among the
Melancthonians of Germany, who afterwards came into
the Reformed and adopted the catechism. The best
view is, that it is Calvinistic ; but on its positive side,
the negative side of reprobation not being mentioned.
Comparing the Heidelberg catechism with Melanctho-
nianism, we find it differs from it on many points. It
radically opposes Melancthon^s synergism. For it is
intensely Calvinistic in its doctrine of total depravity.
*See Sudboff, life of Olevianus and Ursiuus.
180 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
On the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints it is
against Melancthon's position, and is Calvinistic. It
disagrees with Melancthon on the doctrine of the Lord's
supper, in its reception by the impenitent. Melancthon
held, that the impenitent ate of Christ's body and blood
at the supper. But the Heidelberg distinctly states that
they ate to their condemnation. This opposition to the
communion of the impenitent caused a great stir in Ger-
many ; for it opposed the Lutheran ideas so radically.
The catechism is, therefore, not Melancthonian ; for it
differs from it on too many important points. On the
other hand, it distinctly shows the influence of Calvin-
ism in every part. It agrees with Calvinism in total
depravity of man. It agrees with it by teaching pre-
destination. In answers 1, 35, 53 and 54 it teaches the
positive side of predestination.* But it passes by the
negative side of predestination and does not mention
reprobation. Being an experimental and practical cate-
chism, it leaves the deeper questions of theology to pri-
vate opinion and theological speculation. The only
doctrine on which it sides against the Calvinism of its
age, is the doctrine of the universality of the atonement,
which is referred to in the 37th answer. On the doc-
trine of Christ's descent into hell, it follows Calvin very
closely, by giving a figurative explanation of that doc-
trine. In defining this clause it deviates from the plain
*Sudho£f, 121.
ITS CALVINISM. 181
facts stated all through the creed ; and, strange to say,
becomes figurative. It, however, emphasizes an im-
portant truth in this 44th answer ; although, perhaps,
it is not placed exactly in its right location in the cate-
chism. On the whole, it sides more against Melanc-
thon than for him, and sides far more for Calvin
than against him. To show its harmony with Calvin-
ism, its authors had a German edition of Calvin's cate-
chism printed in Heidelberg at the same time that the
Heidelberg catechism appeared, and even issued them
together in the same book. Its authors evidently
wanted it to be Calvinistic In regard to the Lord's
supper, it holds the Calvinistic doctrine and sets itself
decidedly against the Lutheran doctrine of a corporal
presence in the Lord's supper, as in answers 60, 65 to
69, 71, 75 to 79, 81 and 82. Answers 47, 48 and 50,
which were evidently written under the influence of
Calvin, were severe against the Lutheran doctrine of
ubiquity. A memorial is still extant which shows that
the Elector approved of this attack on the doctrine of
ubiquity. There was no Osiandrianism or pantheistic
confusion of the natures of Christ in the Reformed
Church of that day. Indeed, Osiandrianism was the
bitterest foe of Calvinism ; for Funk, Osiander's son-
in-law, could not find a bitterer accusation against the
theologians of Wittenberg than to say they were Cal-
vinists. The central principle or ruling thought of the
182 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
catechism is grace, salvation by grace. The catechism
is Christological ; because it gathers itself around Christ.
It makes Christ the centre ; and then makes the centre
of the doctrine of Christ to be the atonement. The cate-
chism is full of "the satisfaction of Christ." All parts of
the catechism point to Christ as the one oifering for sin.
Its centre is Christ, and his centre is his atonement*
His name is Jesus and he died,
For guilty sinners crucified ;
Content to die that he might win
Their ransom from the death of sin ;
No sinner worse tlian I can be,
Therefore I know he died for me.
I read God's holy word and find
Great truths that far transcend my mind.
And little do I know beside
Of thoughts, so high, so deep, so wide ;
This is my best theology,
I know my Savior died for me.
— Bethttne.
Many of the questions of the catechism are considered
master-pieces of theological expression, as well as of
popular definition. Answer 21 on faith, 27 and 28 on
providence, 31 and 32 on the Christian name, 49 on the
ascension of Christ, 60 on justification by faith, together
with the exposition of the Lord's supper. Ten Com-
mandments and Lord's prayer are very beautiful. The
first answer on Christian Comfort is the most beautiful
of all, for it is the summary of the catechism and of the
Bible. Rev. Dr. Ebrard, the foremost Reformed theo-
*Sudhoff, 112 and 113.
ITS PRAISES BY EMINENT MEN. 183
logian of Germany to-day, says of the Heidelberg cate-
chism : " For wonderful union of dogmatic precision
and genial heartiness of lucid perspicuity and mysterious
depth, the Heidelberg stands alone. It is at once a sys-
tem of theology, and a book of devotion. Every child
can understand it at the first reading, and yet the cate-
chist finds in it the richest material for profound inves-
tigation."* Max Goebel, one of the best historians of
the Reformed Church, says: "The Heidelberg cate-
chism may be properly regarded as the flower and fruit
of the entire German and French reformation. It has
Lutheran fervor, Melancthonian clearness, Zwinglian
simplicity and Calvinistic fire blended into one ; and
therefore, notwithstanding many defects and angles, it
has been, together with the Augsburg Confession of
1640, and remains to this day, the only common con-
fession and doctrinal standard of the entire German Re-
formed Church from the Palatinate to the Netherlands,
and to Brandenburg and Prussia."t Dr. Schaff says :
" It combines Calvin's strength and depth without his
severity, Melancthon's cordiality and warmth without
his indecision, Zwingli's simplicity and clearness without
his cool sobriety and aversion to the mystics." The
Anglican delegate to the Synod of Dort said of the
Heidelberg catechism, after he and his co-delegates had
*Das Dogma vom Abendmahl, Vol. II., 604.
tGeschichte des Christlichen Lebens, I., 392.
18-1: THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
returned home : ^'Our Reformed brethren on the con-
tinent have a little book, whose single leaves are not to
be bought with tons of gold." The poetess Anna Maria
von Schurman, when a child four years old, recited the
catechism to her nurse at Cologne. As she came to the
first answer ("that I am not my own, but belong to my
faithful Savior Jesus Christ,'') she was seized with great
and secret joy and inward love for God, and received a
deep impression for her whole after-life. As Dr. Schaff
in September, 1862, visited the battle fields and hospitals
of Maryland, he found among others, a dying Southern
soldier from North Carolina, of German origin and a
member of the Reformed Church. He reminded him
of the first answer of the Heidelberg catechism. The
soldier listened with thankful emotion, and weeping said
he could now die happy. Rev. Dr. Plitt, professor of
theology at Bonn (formerly pastor of the church of the
Holy Ghost at Heidelberg), tells that in his pastoral ex-
perience, he often met men and women whose eyes
brightened when reminded on their dying beds of the
first answer of the Heidelberg catechism. Most of them
knew it by heart, as they recalled it from the days of
their childhood. Some said they did not fully under-
stand its questions when they were children, and that
committing it to memory had been a hard task, but now
they thanked God they had learned it and they prayed
EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS. 185
it for their comfort and strength.* Dr. Julius Stahl, an
eminent jurist and the ablest apologist of modern Lu-
theranism in the Prussian universities, derived his own
conversion and the revival of the Lutheran Church in
his native Bavaria chiefly from the late venerable Re-
formed pastor and professor, Dr. J. Ch. G. L. Krafft at
Erlangen, who died in 1845. Dr. Stahl said, before the
General Synod at Berlin in 1846, "that the man who
built up the Church in my fatherland, the most apostolic
man I ever met in my life, pastor Krafft, was a strict ad-
herent of the Heidelberg catechism. Whether he carried
the Heidelberg catechism in his pocket, I know not, but
this I know, that he caused, throughout the whole land,
a spring time, whose fruits will ripen for eternity."
E. — Editions and Translations of the Catechism.
There were three editions published in 1563, before
the catechism was fully completed in its present form.
Germany, after the controversies of twenty years between
high Lutherans and Melancthonians, was ripe for such
a book. The demand for it was great, not only in the
Palatinate, but also outside of it, in all parts of Germany
and in other lands. The first edition was soon ex-
hausted, and another and still another edition was run
off before the end of the year 1563. The catechism was
first issued in German, but afterwards translated into Lat-
*-Studien unci Kritiken, 1863.
13
186 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
in by Lago and Pithopeus, a Hollander. Thus the Dutch
who afterwards clung so loyally to the catechism, had a
part in its publication. The Latin translation was made
that it might be used in the Latin schools and colleges
of the Palatinate. The catechism bears on its title page
the Palatinate escutcheon, which is a triple coat of arms,
in the lower part of which is a globe, with a cross on top
of it. This title page was followed by an excellent and
elaborate preface by Elector Frederick, thus giving his
official sanction to the book. The book was printed by
John Mayer of Heidelberg
The first edition had several peculiarities. The ques-
tions and answers were separated, but were not numbered.
Nor was the division of the catechism into Lord's days
made until in the fourth edition. While the catechism
was printed in German, yet the proof texts were printed
in Latin type on the margin of the page. It is also notice-
able that in the proof texts only the chapters of the Bible
are referred to and not the verses. For the division of
the chapters into verses made by Stephens in 1551, had
not as yet come into popular use. The eightieth ques-
tion of the catechism is entirely wanting in this first
edition. There is only one copy of this edition extant.
It belongs to Rev. Dr. Treviranus of St. Martin's church,
Bremen. It originally belonged to Professor Herman
Wilken, professor of Greek literature at Heidelberg,
who was driven out of the Palatinate by the Elector
THE SECOND EDITION. 187
Lewis. It has aa appendix of tweaty-five pages con-
taining various prayers. A fac-simile copy of it has
been published by Rev. Albert Wolters,and was printed
by Marcus at Bonn in 1864.* The first edition was
soon exhausted, and the second edition was printed. Its
most important difference from the first was the addition
of the eightieth question, which treats of the Lord's
supper and the Popish mass. This answer reads in the
second edition : "The Lord's supper testifies to us that
we have a full pardon of all sin by the only sacrifice of
Jesus Christ, which He himself has once accomplished
on the cross. But the mass teaches that the living and
dead have not the pardon of sin through the suffering of
Christ, unless Christ is also daily offered for them by
the priests. So that the mass at bottom is a denial of
the one sacrifice and suffering of Christ." Frederick
aimed to state clearly the differences between the Lord's
supper and the mass, because some of the districts, over
which he was joint ruler, were Catholic. He wanted to
have Protestantism introduced into them, and so had the
errors of the mass clearly stated. There are two copies
of this second edition extant, one belonging to Rev. Dr.
Wolters of Bonn, and the other in the university library
of Utrecht.
The third edition was published at the close of 1563.
The great difference between the second and third
*As this book is cheap, we would recommend its sale. It
puts one in possession of an interesting relic.
188 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
editions was in the eightieth answer. It was enlarged
to its present form ; and was much more severe against
the mass. The answer describes the mass as "an ac-
cursed idolatry." This severe statement, seemingly out
of harmony with the otherwise irenic character of the
catechism, was probably made by the Elector as a
protest against the council of Trent. The language of
the catechism seems severe. But it must be remembered
that strong language was the characteristic of that time.
Compared with the decrees of the council of Trent
against Protestantism, its language is very moderate, for
"nobody can curse like the pope." Nor is this phrase
'accursed idolatry^ any more severe than Luther's lan-
guage in the Smalcald articles, where he calls the mass
"an idolatry." Frederick's predecessor, Otto Henry, in
his church order of 1555, called it the same thing. The
Heidelberg catechism is then the great answer of Protes-
tantism to the council of Trent. Frederick took up its
decrees and replied to them in the Heidelberg catechism.
This eightieth answer has been criticised by many for its
severity. But it has ever been a bulwark for the pu-
rity of the Reformed faith over against any half-catholic
forms that still lingered in the Protestant Church or were
attempted to be introduced into her by any Puseyite in-
novations. Protestantism must never forget its duty —
to protest against popery outside or inside of itself. But
Frederick did not put this answer into the catechism re-
THE THIRD EDITION. 189
gardless of his theologians' feelings. He consulted with
them just as they had consulted with him about the rest
of the catechism. And finally he added the clause in
his own name. We must also remember that Frederick,
after the ideas of his day, believed that princes were a
sort of evangelical bishops. It was their duty to defend
the truth and to attack heresy. And so he attacked the
errors of Rome in the decrees of Trent. But he was
not farsighted enough to foresee the possible consequences
to his land. He believed in the motto of his day, "Like
prince, like people.'' He did not foresee the time when
his own land might be under the control of a Catholic
prince, and this answer of the catechism might cause
trouble. But so it came about, and this eightieth ques-
tion led to persecution in his land. The Elector Charles
Phillip, who was a Catholic, afterward prohibited the
catechism in the Palatinate, because it denounced the
mass as an idolatry. He also persecuted the Reformed,
It was only after the united remonstrance of Holland,
Prussia and England, that he withdrew his opposition
and persecution. There are two copies of this third
edition extant. One is in the possession of Dr. Bahr of
Carlsruhe, the other in the hands of Rev. Dr. Wolters of
Bonn. Bound with this last copy is a German copy of
Calvin's catechism. This third edition is the one used
for the Tercentenary edition of our Church (the sole copy
of the first edition not having been known at that time).
190 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY
Rev. Dr. Schaif in 1864, the year after our Tercenten-
ary celebration, came across the copy of the first edition
in the hands of Dr. Treviranus at Bremen. The edi-
tion now in use in the German and Dutch Reformed
Churches of America was made by Rev. Dr. Laidlie,
originally of Scotland, but a minister at Flushing, Long
Island, and was adopted in 1771 by the synod of the
Dutch Church. Other editions of the catechism have
been published by Schaff, Harbaugh, and Fisher, and
abbreviations of it by Van Home, Good, Whitmer, and
others.
The Heidelberg catechism had many translations
and found a wide circulation. The only book to be
compared with it in confessional authority among the
Reformed Churches is the second Helvetic confession,
which, however, did not come into as popular use.
With the exception of the Bible, Pilgrim's Progress,
Thomas d Kempis' Imitation of Christ and Luther's
catechism, the Heidelberg catechism has had a wider
circulation than any book published. It was pub-
lished in many editions in Germany. And it was trans-
lated into many languages outside of Germany. "It
has the pentecostal gift of tongues in a rare degree." It
was translated into Latin for use in the schools ; into
Greek by Robert Stephens for the use of the Patriarch
of Constantinople ; into Hebrew by Tremellius for use
among the Jews ; into Dutch, Spanish, French, Italian,
ITS TRANSLATIONS. 191
Bohemian, Polish, Hungarian, Arabic, Malay ; and
into Singelese for use among the Dutch missionaries in
Ceylon. An excellent translation has lately been made
into Japanese by Rev. Ambrose D. Gring. It was intro-
duced in Switzerland into the canton of St. Gall ; and
the catechism of Zurich, which was the Swiss catechism,
underwent, in 1609, a remarkable revision, that it might
conform to the Heidelberg. It was published in 1595
in English, by order of the Church of Scotland. In
Scotland it superseded Calvin's catechism ; and was in
turn superseded by Craig's catechism, which was in
turn driven out by the Westminster. It became the
catechism of the Reformed Church, as Luther's was of
the Lutheran Church. A very interesting fact about
its use has developed within the last few years. In
1627 a Flemish merchant, named Abendroth, trans-
lated it into Spanish. Just at that time there was a
great tendency among the Spanish toward the gospel ;
so that thousands and thousands were burned at stake
or tortured by the Inquisition. This man went fear-
lessly to Spain to scatter his Spanish Heidelberg cate-
chisms. He was soon arrested and burned in the mar-
ket place in Toledo, Spain. But to-day pastor Flied-
ner uses this same catechism for his German mission
work in Spain. This catechism was introduced into
America in 1609 by the Dutch, and is (except the Epis-
copalian, which was introduced in 1607) the oldest cate-
192 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
chism in America. The Puritans did not arrive till
later, and the Presbyterians and Lutherans later still.
Such is the Heidelberg catechism, the sweetest, most
precious catechism ever written ; avoiding hard points
of theology, it clings to Christ. Its irenic character
makes it a suitable symbol, about which all the Protest-
ant denominations of Christendom could unite.
Elector Frederick III of the Palatinate.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION IV.
The Defence of the Heidelberg Catechism by Elector
Frederick III.
When this Heidelberg catechism had been completed
by Ursinus and Olevianus, and approved by himself,
Frederick called together a synod of the theological
faculty, the superintendents, and the principal pastors
of the Palatinate, at his castle in Heidelberg, in Decem-
ber, 1562, for the purpose of examining and approving
the catechism.* The date of the Elector's preface to the
catechism was January 19, 1563. But it probably did
not appear until in February of that year. The first
copies of it were sent by the Elector to different princes.
By the 25th of April the Emperor of Germany acknow-
leged the receipt of a copy of it. It was assiduously
introduced everywhere in the Palatinate, thus driving
out Brenz's and Luther's catechisms. Ursinus, as prin-
cipal of the Sapienz college, gave a course of lectures on
the catechism in Latin, which he repeated annually till
1577. He did so, that the minds of his theological
*Guder says it was adopted by a council of superintendents
at Kaiserlautern : Studien and Kritikeu, 1867, 15 and 82.
194 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
students might be imbued with its teachings. After
his death, several of his pupils published their notes of
his lectures. But as there were discrepancies between
them, David Pareus, who had been Ursinus' favorite
scholar, published an authentic and carefully prepared
edition of Ursinus' lectures in 1591 at Heidelberg.*
But the Elector was not satisfied with reforming the
doctrines of his Church. He also aimed to reform the
customs of his land, both in church and state. He
issued, July 12, 1563, a marriage law. In the same
year he issued the Palatinate liturgy, and in 1564 a set
of regulations for his consistory. Of these, the most
important to us, is the Palatinate liturgy.f The basis
of this Palatinate liturgy were Calvin's and Lasco's lit-
urgies. It contains directions for the worship in the
churches, and also gives a number of forms for religious
services. It orders that the preaching and the service
should be founded on the word of God. It contains
directions and forms for baptism, directions for catechi-
zation, directions and forms for preparatory service and
the Lord's supper, directions for alms, prayers before
and after sermon, prayer after preaching on the cate-
chism, directions for week-day services, universal prayer,
*Rev. Dr. G. W. Williard in 1851 made an excellent English
translation of them.
fFor a reprint of the edition of the Palatinate Liturgy of 1567,
see "Die Evangelischen Kirchenordnungen des 16ten Jahrbun-
derts," by Richter.
THE PALATINATE LITURGY. 195
morning and evening prayers, directions for the celebra-
tion of feast days and for marriage, visitation of the sick
and dying, and directions for visiting prisoners, and for
funerals.* In regard to the catechism, as most of the
people of the Palatinate had been brought up in the
Catholic faith without religious instruction, it orders that
selections from the catechism should be read in all vil-
lages before preaching, so that the summary of the cat-
echism might be read through in nine Sundays. It also
orders that in towns where afternoon service is held,
there should be catechetical preaching. This was the
origin of catechetical preaching, which began in the Palat-
inate. The Genevan church knew nothing of preaching
to older persons, but required the use of the catechism
only for children. This catechetical preaching continued
in the Palatinate until the beginning of the present cen-
tury. Ullman says he heard catechetical preaching in
the church of the Holy Ghost by the departed Abegg,
which left impressions on him which he never forgot.
In this catechetical preaching the Heidelberg catechism
was gone over once in a year. The Lord's supper is
ordered to be celebrated in towns once a month, in vil-
lages once in two months, and in both on Easter, Whit-
sunday and Christmas. Very noticeable is the order
*In later editions published by Elector Charles, 1684, the di-
rections are most of them placed first, then follows the Heidel-
berg catechism, and then the various forms. But the earlier
editions had the directions scattered through the forms.
196 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
for church discipline, with which the rubric for the
LorcVs supper closes.
Preparatory service, instead of confession, as in the
Lutheran and Catholic Churches, was held on Saturday
before communion. Young people were received into
the church at each communion, but not by confirmation,
which was unknown until later, although there was an
earlier form called ^firmung.^ This liturgy orders that,
of the church year, only the festivals which emphasize
the facts of Christ's life should be celebrated, Christmas
and the day following. New Year, Easter and the day fol-
lowing. Ascension day, Whitsunday and the day following.
The rest of the church year is carefully dropped. There
is no mention of Advent, Epiphany, Trinity Sunday, and
other sacred days. They wanted to avoid as much as
possible the multitudinous feast days of the Catholic
Church. The Liturgy orders the singing of Psalms, but
in German, not in Latin, as the Catholics had done.
The ministers were ordered to wear suitable clothing
during the discharge of their duties ; but there is no
order to wear gowns.* In the towns, Wednesday and
Friday were selected as days for prayer. In villages
there was only one service during the week. It also
ordered that all Romish or superstitious ceremonies
should be put away at funerals. This liturgy was
*" Furthermore ministers shall use genteel clothing and plain
apparel in the discharge of their duties, as on other occasions."
Translation of the liturgy in the Mercersburg Review, 1851.
THE PALATINATE LITURGY. 197
thoroughly Calvinistic in tone. It contained no high
churchism or sacramentarianisra, as we understand it in
this day. There was no absolution of sin, only a con-
fession of sin. There was no reference to Scripture les-
sons for each Sabbath of the church year ; indeed, no
reference to the church year at all, except that it ordered
the feast days, which commemorated the great facts of
Christ's life and death, to be observed. All other names
for Sabbath, and all other feast days, were dispensed
with. There were no pericopes or Scripture lessons for
each Sabbath. They do not seem to have had them in
the Palatinate. No litany is given. The Reformed
everywhere opposed the chanting of the litany as formal.
The word altar is never used, but carefully avoided, be-
cause they were so opposed to the sacramentarianism of
the Lutheran altar. And there is room left for free
prayer at the services ; as there are no forms given for
certain parts of the service. The true idea of this Pa-
latinate liturgy was, that it was a directory of worship
(like the recently adopted Order of Worship of the Ger-
man Reformed Church of America), not a liturgy.*
The liturgy was closely related to the catechism. It
contained the catechism in it. But in style it was some-
*Liturgies may be said to be of three kinds, sacramentarian,
responsive and non-responsive liturgies. The Palatinate lit-
urgy is not sacramentarian, for it has no altar nor priest in it.
It is not responsive in the sense that liturgies of to-day are re-
sponsive ; that is, there is no elaborate antiphonal answering of
minister and people, nor antiphonal singing. Indeed, it could
198 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. '
what heavier, more didactic than the catechism, and
lacked its glow and warmth.
There was also a consistorial order published in
1564. It placed all the church affairs under the con-
trol of the consistory. The Church and state were to be
separate arms of government. The Sapienz college,
where ministers were trained, was placed under the con-
trol of the consistory. This consistory was to supply
not have been thus elaborately responsive ; for the people at
that time did not have a liturgy in their hands from which to
respond. The minister had the only copy in the church. Books
were scarce, and many of the people could not read. These
things made responsive worship (as we have it in some churches
to-day) out of the question. The only response mentioned in
the early Palatinate liturgy is the word 'yes' at the preparatory
service. And this was used, because, as so many of the people
had just come from Romanism, the Church wanted to convince
herself that the communicants stood in personal faith of the
truths of the gospel, before they were admitted to the sacra-
ment. With this brief exception, the liturgy is non-responsive.
The Reformed Church always had this idea of liturgies. They
were non-responsive, and merely directories of worship. And
as the Church grew in experience and piety, they were grad-
ually dispensed with in many of the churches in their daily
Sabbath services, although used on sacramental occasions.
There is no elaborate responsive service in them. The liturgy
was afterwards cast aside, and we believe is not used at present
in the Reformed churches of Germany in the Sabbath services,
except, perhaps, in Hesse. The great aim of the service was
not the liturgy, as in the Episcopal and Lutheran churches ; but
the liturgy w^as used as merely a help to the service, and sec-
ondarj^ to it. This liturgy was intended to teach the ministry
and people (many of whom had just come out of Catholicism)
how to hold Protestant worship. It was to be a guide to the
people, until they had learned to worship God aright. It was
also intended to unify the worship of the churches throughout
the Palatinate.
OPPOSITION TO CALVINISM. 199
the churches with ministers, to watch over them, and
also to attend to the discipline and excommunication of
the members in the churches. The church order re-
quired that a synod should be held yearly, in which the
consistory was represented by two members. This
church order produced an excellent state of religious
life in the Palatinate. The Reformed people have to
thank Frederick for this thorough organization of the
consistory, which afterwards stood as a bulwark against
the Roman Catholic reaction under Louis XIV. of
France.
But the most critical time in the history of the Re-
formed Church in Germany was approaching. She was
in danger of being strangled in the cradle at her birth.
The Lutheran theologians and princes gradually united
against Frederick and threatened him with the loss of
his electorate. For the publication of the catechism had
raised a gieat storm. Frederick did not desire that the
Heidelberg catechism should be a departure from the
Augsburg Confession (explained in a Melancthonian
sense), which he had signed at Naumberg. But the
high Lutherans said it was a departure from the true
faith of the Augsburg Confession. Even the Melanc-
thonians, as at Wittenberg and Marburg, came out
against the Heidelberg catechism as a new departure
from Lutheranism. They declared that the catechism
was not even Melancthonian. The Melancthonian
200 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
princes took alarm at the change from wafers to bread,
the abolition of pictures, and its definition of the Lord^s
supper. The first opponents to the catechism were not
Catholics, but Lutherans. Hesshuss issued his "True
Warning'^ against the Heidelberg catechism. Flacius,
the high Lutheran leader of North Germany, refuted
the catechism. The Wurtemberg divines under Brenz
and Andrea passed a censure on it, in which 18 questions
in particular were severely criticized. Ursinus drew up
an apology for it against Flacius' attack. He also
issued a tract in reply to the Wurtemberg theologians.
The princes also took up the matter as well as the
theologians. The aged Landgrave Philipp of Hesse
went to the trouble of visiting Frederick at Heidelberg
to urge him, for political as well as doctrinal reasons, to
give up his catechism. He attacked Frederick for using
bread instead of wafers, which was contrary to Luther-
anism. Frederick reminded him that the Bible speaks
of bread at the Lord's supper ; and also that at Stras-
burg baked cakes, not wafers, had always been used,
and yet Strasburg had always been protected by the
Augsburg Confession ; why should not he be protected
by it too ? The Landgrave found he was answered by a
man mighty in the Scriptures. After an ineffectual
visit, he left Heidelberg. Then three other neighbor-
ing princes, Prince Christopher of Wurtemberg, Mar-
grave Charles of Baden, and Count Wolfgang of Neu-
CONFERENCE AT MAULBRON. 201
berg and Zweibriicken, a triumvirate of Lutherans,
united to urge Frederick to give up his cateohisra ; be-
cause, they said, it was not in harmony with the Augs-
burg Confession. Frederick answered that he had not
fallen away from the Melancthonian decrees of the
Frankford Conference. He also aimed a direct shot,
that went home to Duke Christopher. He reminded
Christopher that he ought not to complain about him.
For Brenz, Christopher's theologian, had given expres-
sidn, years before, in a commentary on John, to the same
ideas that Frederick had expressed in his catechism.
(Brenz had done this in his earlier life, when he was
a Melancthonian). Christopher could not answer a word
to this. And Frederick thus showed that it was not he,
who had departed from the Lutheranism of earlier
years, but it was Brenz and Christopher, by their intro-
duction of the doctrine of ubiquity.
But, although Duke Christopher was thus worsted,
he still labored very hard to bring Frederick back to
Lutheranism. A conference was arranged between the
Lutheran theologians of Wurtemberg and the Reformed
professors of Heidelberg ; to be held at Maulbron in
Wurtemberg. This conference was intended to bring
both parties into union again. The conference began
at Maulbron, April 10, 1564, and lasted for six days.
It was a very important conference; for it defined the
position of the Reformed over against the Lutherans.
14
202 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frederick went to that conference, accompanied by his
chancellors Ehem and Erastus, by Diller, Boquin, Ole-
vianus, Ursinus, Dathenus and Xilander. Duke Christ-
opher brought with him his chancellor Gerhart, and
Brenz, Andrea, Schnepf, Biedenbach and Luke Osian-
der. The leaders in the disputation were Andrea for
the Lutherans, and Ursinus and Olevianus for the Re-
formed. But the first preliminaries prophesied disunion
rather than union. The Reformed wanted to begin the
conference by a discussion of the Lord's supper; but
the Lutherans insisted that ubiquity should be made
the starting point, as they said it was the basis of the
Lord's supper. The Lutherans gained their point, and
for five days ubiquity was discussed. Very soon the
Lutherans began making polemical thrusts at the Re-
formed, and even at the Elector ; and had to be called to
order, to take back what they had said against the Elec-
tor. During the discussion, Christopher's theologians
relied more and more on the authority of Luther; while
Frederick departed more and more from him, saying :
" Luther is no apostle. He also can err." It finally
became evident that if the conference continued in this
way, it would never come to an end, or only end in
bitterness. So the conference, after discussing the
Lord's supper for another day, without coming to any
united conclusion, broke up.
This conference had a wide influence. It defined
the position of the Reformed on the doctrine of the per-
RESULTS OF MAULBRON. 203
son of Christ. It stands in history as a protest by the
Reformed against ubiquity, or any Eutychianism, or
Osiandrianisra, or any theanthropic life theories. The
Reformed theologians, in their hatred of the doctrine of
ubiquity, defined their position very strongly against
any fusion of the natures of Christ.* Both sides
claimed the victory at this conference, but it was a vir-
tual victory for the Reformed. For by this discussion
they threw a bombshell into the Lutheran camp. This
conference began to divide the Lutherans, and set Sax-
ony and Hesse against Wurtemberg and Jena. For
the acts of this conference w^re sent by Duke Christo-
pher, to the universities of Wittenberg and Marburg in
Hesse, for adoption. But, instead of being adopted by
them, they only opened the eyes of these Melancthonian
universities to the dangers from high Lutheran ubiquity;
and they declared against the Wurtemberg theologians.
The ultimate result of them, years after, was Crypto
Calvinism in Saxony and the conversion of Hesse to the
Reformed faith. This Maulbron conference only sep-
arated the two denominations, instead of uniting them.
The differences between the Reformed and Lutherans
soon produced a terrible pamphlet war between the
theologians of Wurtemberg and those of the Palatinate.
It was a battle of books, a paper war. In all these
controversies, Ursinus was compelled to act as leader,
*Sudho£f, 260.
204 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
which was very unpleasant to his timid, peaceful na-
ture. Of the part he took in this Maulbron conference,
he says in a letter written to Bullinger years later : " I
have received a wound from this conflict which I do
not expect to have healed in this life.^^ After this he
always tried to retire from controversy ; although his
clear, logical mind was frequently called upon to write
defences for the Reformed.
Frederick was not only attacked by Duke Christo-
pher, but also by the other princes. A storm of danger
was gathering, which threatened to burst over him and
deprive him of his country. For being Reformed, he
was ostracised by all the Lutheran princes of Germany,
except Landgrave Philip of Hesse. Duke Christopher
of Wurtemberg was the principal agent in working up
the case against him. (It is strange that Christopher
should be so ungrateful as to do this, for he owed the
conversion of his land to a Reformed reformer, Martin
Bucer.) It was evident that Frederick would be brought
before the Diet at Augsburg in 1566, to answer for his
Reformed heresy. The high Lutherans charged that
Frederick had violated the peace of Augsburg of 1555,
which made the Augsburg Confession of the Lutherans,
the only Protestant creed allowed in Germany. They
charged that Frederick had published a catechism out
of harmony with the Augsburg Confession, and had
therefore violated the Augsburg peace and exposed him-
AUGSBURG CONFESSION AND CALVINISM. 205
self to the ban of the empire. It is to be remembered
that that Augsburg Confession forbade Zwinglianism ;
but did not say a word about Calvinism, which came
up later. The legal question now arose whether Cal-
vinism (which was nearer Melancthonianism, on the sac-
raments) would be permitted to exist in Germany under
the protection of the Augsburg Confession, or not. The
high Lutherans said it could not. Frederick, in reply
to them, said he had signed the Augsburg Confession
and still adhered to it. He claimed that the Augsburg
Confession was drawn up to exclude Zwinglianism ; but
not to exclude Calvinism, which had not yet appeared
when that Confession was written. He claimed that
his catechism was not a violation of the Augsburg Con-
fession, but a farther development of the Wittenberg
Concord. He reminded them that, by the Wittenberg
Concord, the Reformed people of Strasburg had been
given equal rights under the Augsburg Confession. He
explained the Augsburg Confession just as the Stras-
burg people had done ; if they had not been excluded,
why should he be? Frederick claimed that he w^as
not farther away from the Augsburg Confession than
were many other princes of Germany, as Elector Au-
gustus of Saxony, Landgrave Phillip of Hesse, and the
King of Denmark. Frederick declared in the contro-
versy, that he had never asked what Calvin or Zwingli
taught, as he had not been baptized in the name of any
man, but of God.
206 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Matters were becoming quite serious. The Emperor
as well as the princes and theologians had taken sides
against Frederick ; and had sent word to him that he
must give up his catechism, re-introduce the Augsburg
Confession, and keep the peace. The Catholic princes
joined with the Lutheran nobles against Frederick.
Some of Frederick's Catholic neighbors, as the Bishop
of Worms, and his superior, the Elector of Mayence,
brought charges against Frederick, for introducing
Protestantism into their lands, which were adjacent to
Frederick's territory. The Bishop of Spire and the
representatives of the monasteries that Frederick had
suppressed in the Palatinate, also united their complaints
against Frederick. Thus we see that from all sides
very great and grave dangers were gathering around
Frederick. Indeed they became so threatening that his
brother, Count Richard of Simmern, tried to dissuade
him from going to the Augsburg Diet in 1566. But
Frederick's answer revealed his trust in God. He says :
" I believe that God, who has brought me to a knowl-
edge of the gospel, still reigns ; and if it should cost my
blood, I would regard martyrdom as an honor, for
which I could not sufficiently thank him in time or
eternity.*' Here shone forth in him the true martyr-
spirit. It was the general expectation of the people of
the Palatinate that Frederick would be deposed from
his throne for his Calvinism, as Elector John Frederick
AUGSBURG DIET. 207
of Saxony, who was held a captive in the Emperor's
camp for six years, had been from his Electorate. In-
deed, while Frederick was at Augsburg, the rumor
spread through Heidelberg that he had been condemned
and executed. The new Reformed Church of Germany
was in danger of being strangled in her cradle.
The Augsburg Diet opened with great pomp and
splendor. Frederick, appreciating the gravity of the
situation, had sent Councillor Ehem to Augsburg as
early as February ; although he himself did not follow
until April. Indeed Frederick had, the previous win-
ter, visited Elector Augustus of Saxony ; and his visit
bore fruit, as we shall see, in this Diet. Before Fred-
erick arrived, all the Evangelical states, on March 31,
declared they would deny any relations with Frederick,
so long as he did not delare himself clearly and satis-
factorily a Lutheran. (Phillip of Hesse, however, was
not at this Diet, or Frederick might have had one
friend to speak for him.) When Frederick arrived, a
few days later, he found himself ostracised by both
Catholic and Lutheran princes. He, however, heard
that the Evangelical princes were about sending to the
Em})eror a paper defining their ecclesiastical position.
So he hastened to the Elector of Saxony to tell him that
he, too, desired to sign it with them. The Saxon Elec-
tor made this known ; and a conference of the Lutheran
priuces was held, which decided that, if Frederick would
208 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
come back, clearly and fully, to the Augsburg Confes-
sion, he would be allowed to sign the paper. It, how-
ever, became evident that the previous stand of the
princes against him was weakening. The princes were
beginning to feel the personal influence of Frederick,
now that he was among them. And they also heard
the earnest Evangelical preaching of his eloquent court-
preacher (probably Diller,) whom he had brought with
him to Augsburg. But it was Elector Augustus of
Saxony, who now stepped forward as mediator between
the Lutherans and Frederick. He was the only prince
there who was friendly to Frederick, and his influence
saved Frederick at this Diet.
There were two or three reasons why the Elector of
Saxony favored Frederick. One was a political one.
Heretofore Saxony had held the foremost position
among tlie Lutheran princes. But at this Diet it looked
as if Duke Christopher of Wurtemberg had taken it
upon himself to be the leader. And so a jealousy arose
in the heart of the Elector of Saxony, which led him to
oppose the machinations of the Duke of Wurtemberg
against Frederick. Another reason why the Elector
favored Frederick, was a theological one. The Saxon
Elector at that time was a Melancthonian. His court
was largely under the control of Peucer, the son-in-law
of Melancthon, who was afterwards imprisoned for
being a Crypto Calvinist. So Elector Augustus favored
SYMPATHY OF AUGUSTUS. 209
Frederick, because he had belonged to the same party
of Lutherans, the Melancthonians. He declared that if
the princes assailed Frederick for his Calvinism, they
ought also to attack the Duke of Wurtemberg for his
doctrine of ubiquity. Frederick said to Augustus that
he was surprised that the princes should ask him to
come back to the Augsburg Confession ; for he had
never been away from it. He had signed the Augsburg
Confession at Naumberg, and now held to it, as he had
ever done. He also called the Saxon Elector's attention
to the fact that the Lutherans were not united among
themselves as to what was Lutheranism. The Witten-
berg theologians who were Melancthonian, had pro-
nounced against the ubiquity of Wurtemberg, as revealed
by the Maulbron conference. Augustus thus sympa-
thized with Frederick in his efforts against ubiquity. A
third reason may have been a suspicion. It may have
dawned on the Elector of Saxony that, if the chance
were given to the high Lutherans to depose Frederick,
his fellow Elector, they might soon cut off his head,
too, for being a Melancthonian. His Saxon Electorate
had once been taken away from John Frederick before ;
it might be taken away from him again. The Evan-
gelical princes (all except the Duke of Wurtemberg)
now took the position that Frederick ought not to be
condemned.
But before the princes had come to a full agreement
about Frederick, they received word that the Emperor
210 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
had summoned Frederick to answer for himself for his
Calvinism. The Emperor was Maximilian, who was
thoroughly acquainted with the religious problems of
Germany. Before his election to the throne, he had
been considered such a moderate Catholic, that some had"
hoped he might turn Protestant, after he became Em-
peror. He disappointed this hope, but always ruled
the Protestant princes with a liberal spirit. He, how-
ever, insisted that the Protestants should not go any
farther from Catholicism than the Augsburg Confession.
He was, therefore, very much opposed to Frederick's
new catechism and to his Calvinism. So, when the
charges were brought by the Catholic and Lutheran
princes against Frederick, he listened to them. On the
fourteenth of May he laid the decree before the rest of
the nobles, requiring Frederick to give up his Calvin-
ism, to restore some of the Catholic chapters and clois-
ters he had confiscated, to hold and to keep the Augs-
burg peace of 1555, and to be a Lutheran. Frederick
was sent out during the approval of the decree. He
was then called in to answer for himself. He came,
followed by his son John Casimir, the latter carrying
his Bible.*
And now came the climax of Frederick's defence of
his beloved catechism. The scene was a grand one, as
*Herzog says this story of carrying the Bible is probably
not true, as there is no mention of it in Frederick's letters. Her-
zog's History, 302.
DEFENSE OF FREDERICK. 211
before the Emperor and all his princes, Frederick stood
alone. He listened to the reading of the decree against
him ; and then made a defence, marvellous in its conse-
cration and eloquence. It revealed the noble soul of
his Christian character. At the beginning of his ad-
dress, he acknowledged himself willing to be obedient
to the Emperor in all things, except when the salvation
of his soul came into question. He confessed he knew
very little about what men called Calvinism. He had
read none of Calvin's writings, (except his Commentary
on Jeremiah, which Calvin had dedicated to him.) He
had signed the Augsburg Confession at Naumberg, and
continued in that faith. As to his catechism, it was
founded on the Scriptures. If he was mistaken in it,
he would be glad to have them prove it to him, as he
was willing to be convinced. He then reminded the
Emj>eror that as his father Ferdinand at his coronation
at Frankford in 1562 was not willing to punish him
for leaving the celebration of the mass, he should show
the same spirit of religious toleration. " Should, how-
ever," he said, " contrary to my expectation, my de-
fence and the Christian and reasonable conditions which
I have proposed, not be regarded of any account, I shall
comfort myself in this, that my Lord and Savior Jesus
Christ has promised to me and to all who believe, that
whatsoever we lose on earth for his sake, we shall
receive a hundred fold in the life to come." Such was
212 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frederick's manly defence. So spoke the " Luther" of
the Reformed Church at this Diet of Augsburg. Like
Luther at Worms, he was threatened with many dan-
gers. Like Luther, he said : " So help me God, I can
not do otherwise." When he closed his eloquent ad-
dress, a silence as of death reigned over the assembly.
All felt that a Christian hero, whose strong tower of
defence was in the word of God, had spoken. Very
few princes of that age, or of any age, could have made
an address at once so spiritual and so eloquent. All,
even his enemies, could not help admiring the earnest-
ness and manly bravery of his declaration. The only
murmur against it was by the Catholic Bishop of Augs-
burgy'^who said something about the eightieth answer of
the Heidelberg catechism. The Elector of Saxony was
so much moved that he touched Frederick on the
shoulder, saying : " Fritz, you are better than all of
us."* The Margrave of Baden remarked to some of
the princes at the breaking up of the session : " Why
trouble ye this man ? He is more pious than all of us."
It is an interesting fact that Hesshuss, whom Frederick
had deposed for opposing his Calvinism, was at Augs-
burg at that time, in the employ of Count Wolfgang of
Zweibriicken, and had to see the victory of Frederick.
The Emperor was very much disconcerted by Fred-
erick's steadfastness. From the influence of Frederick's
*Herzog says this is mythical.
RESULT OF AUGSBURG DIET. 213
address he saw that the Evangelical states would not
vote for Frederick's expulsion. The Protestant princes
then tried to get Frederick to give up his Calvinism
and catechism. But he remained firm. In the pres-
ence of Prince Casimir, he thanked them for their
declaration that they would not condemn any one who
agreed with the Augsburg Confession. He also brought
before their minds the thought that, if he were deposed
from his electorate, what came to him to-day, would
come to them to-morrow, as had come to their brethren
in France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands through
persecution. The Diet finally decided that although
Frederick varied somewhat from the Augsburg Con-
fession, yet they believed there was a possibility of com-
ing to an understanding with him ; and on no account
should he be deposed as a violator of the peace of 1555.
The result of this Augsburg Diet was a victory for
Calvinism ; although it was achieved under the protec-
tion of the Augsburg Confession. It secured for Cal-
vinism an existence in Germany. It gave Calvinism a
legal standing under the Augsburg Confession. Had
Frederick lost his case, the Reformed Church would
have been crushed in its infancy. More than that, a
precedent would have been begun, by which the Catho-
lics could depose Lutheran princes, if they charged them
with not being sufficiently Lutheran. They had al-
ready deposed Catholic princes for becoming Protestant,
214 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
as in the case of the Elector of Cologne. But they had
never sat in judgment on any, for not being sufficiently
Lutheran. They had never dared take that authority on
themselves. Had this power been granted to the Catho-
lics, it would not have been long before other Protestant
princes would have been deposed for a like cause. The
German princes waked up to this fear at that Augsburg
Diet, and refused to allow the Diet to act in such a case.
Frederick arrived safely at Heidelberg on Friday
before Whitsunday, and was gladly welcomed by the
people, many of whom looked on him as one risen from
the dead ; for they never expected to see him come back
from that Diet alive. At the preparatory service, after
the sermon was over, he warmly grasped Olevianus'
hand, and urged him to still greater zeal and steadfast-
ness in the truth. On the next day he partook of the
communion in company with his son Casimir and the
whole congregation.
After the Augsburg Diet was over, the Emperor re-
mained for a time irreconcilable to Frederick for his
Calvinism. But the close union, which appeared again
in the Electoral college of the government, prevented
him from taking any severe measures against Frederick.
So a conference was ordered to be held at Erfurt in Sep-
tember, 1566, when Elector Frederick was to be brought
into harmony with the other Lutheran princes. This
conference turned out to be a small one and of verv lit-
EMPEROR AND ELECTOR. 215
tie importance. None of the princes were present in
person, and only a few sent deputies. The opposition
to Frederick III. seemed to have burned itself out at
Augsburg, and a reaction took place afterward in his
favor. The opposition of the Emperor finally changed
into the closest of friendships. He afterward visited
the Elector at Heidelberg while on his way to Spire.
At his departure the Elector presented him with a
Spanish Bible, in which was written : '^In this book is
contained the treasure of treasures, especially the heav-
enly wisdom, which kings, emperors and princes should
know, if they would rule well." The Emperor prona-
ised to read it diligently.
Thus Frederick was declared an adherent of the
Augsburg Confession. And yet in the same year he re-
ceived the Second Helvetic Confession from Bullinger,
which pledged the Palatinate to Calvinism, thus uniting
himself with the Swiss churches.
CHAPTER II.— SECTION V.
The Later Life of Elector Frederick III, 1566—1576.
Frederick, by his defence at Augsburg, had .closed
his controversies with the Lutheran princes. He had
gained for the Reformed Church the right to exist in
Germany. But still he was not allowed to live in peace.
A new controversy arose. Hitherto the danger to the
Reformed faith lay outside of the Palatinate ; now it
suddenly rises within the Palatinate itself. It was not
a controversy between the Lutherans and the Reformed ;
but, among the Reformed themselves. It was the rise
of Erastianism. The Reformed Church had in it two
tendencies of church government. The one had origi-
nated from Zwingli, which placed church discipline un-
der the control of the state ; the other started from Cal-
vin, and placed church discipline entirely under the con-
trol of the church. It is possible that had Zwingli
lived longer, he would have developed the latter form^
too ; but he did not live long enough to perfect many
of his views. So what Zwingli did not perfect, Calvin
completed. These differences between the Reformed, on
church government, now began to show themselves in
the Palatinate. Erastus became the leader of the Zwing-
CAUSE OF ERASTIANISM. 217
lian, Olevianus, the head of the Calvinistic party. The
controversy originated from a very slight cause. A young
Englishman, named Withers, came to Heidelberg to
take the doctor's degree. He selected, as the subject of
his theses, the topics that had been prominently dis-
cussed in England between the Puritans and Episcopa-
lians "on the use of gowns by the clergy and other rit-
ualistic ceremonies of the English Church." But Bo-
quin and Zanchius returned his theses to him. As their
land was very friendly to England, they did not wish
the university to formulate any deliverance that might
give offence to the English. They ordered him to take
new subjects, such as church discipline and excommuni-
cation. So Withers offered this topic for discussion.
And in doing this, he even went so far in his statements,
as to make excommunication apply to princes, as well
as to common people — an unheard-of doctrine at that
time.* The disputation took place June 10, 1568, in
the aula of the university under the presidency of Bo-
quin. All proceeded pleasantly till toward the end of
the discussion, when Neuser, one of the preachers of
Heidelberg, then arose and complained that too little
time had been allowed to those who opposed such ex-
treme views of excommunication. So the subject was
continued until the next day, and then to the third.
*For Wither's theses, see Williard, Heidelberg Catechism,
page 453.
15
218 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The controversy revealed a difference between the strict
Calvinists and the Moderates. The whole city became
involved in it. Neuser preached on it in St. Peter's
church the following Sabbath ; and Oleviauus, pastor
of the same church, answered him from the same pul-
pit. The strife increased, until the Elector was com-
pelled to use discipline to stop it. The Calvinistic party
claimed that the eighty-fifth answer of the Heidelberg
catechism supported their views. Then Erastus began
to give vent to his pent-up antipathy to Olevianus,
which had begun years before, even when the catechism
was adopted by the synod of 1562. He now became
very severe in his letters. He called Olevianus 'pope/
and Zanchius 'a, down right fool ' He tried to get the
Zurich theologians to influence their friends at Heidel-
berg in his favor. The Zurich church sympathized
with Erastus ; for it held that it was the duty of the
state to punish. The Zurich church discipline was in
the hands of the police. It held, that the Christian
magistrate governed the church in the name of the state,
and that it was the duty of the state to punish all of-
fenders by bringing them before the city courts of justice
and putting them in prison. Erastus, like them, held
that excommunication should be left to the Christian
magistrates as long as they did not neglect their duty.
Bullinger tried to influence Frederick III. ; and also to
control Ursinus, because he had been very much under
CALVINISM AND ERASTIANISM.
219
the control of the Swiss, and also because he had come
out from the Melancthonian party of Germany, which
had not been strict in discipline. ButUrsinus remained
true to the doctrine as laid down in the Heidelberg
catechism, and was a strict Calvinist here. While Bul-
linger upheld Erastus, Beza supported Olevianus. At
Heidelberg the Erastians were Neuser, Prof. Xi lander,
Melancthon, nephew of the great Phillip Melancthon,
and Prince Casimir, who conceived such an antipathy to
Olevianus through this, that it was said he would not
allow Olevianus to marry him. This rumor was, how-
ever, contradicted, because it was said his bride (a strict
Lutheran) insisted on being married by a Lutheran
preacher. The Calvinistic party consisted mainly of
foreigners, as Boquin, Zanchius, Olevianus, and others.
The Elector was at first undecided which party to favor.
He finally decided with Olevianus, in favor of strict
church discipline. He, perhaps, was influenced to this
by the example of the French Reformed church at Hei-
delberg, which exhibited the benefits of strict discipline.
Under such elders as Boquin, Tremellius and Zanchius,
it revealed such a high type of piety and Christian ac-
tivity, that the Elector desired its example of piety
should be followed by the German churches. He or-
dered that a board of censors or elders should be formed
in every congregation. To them he gave the power of
discipline and excommunication, which Erastus said be-
220 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
longed to the state. It is, however, to be noticed that
these elders were not elected by the members of the con-
gregation, but appointed by the consistory. Thus it
was not pure presbyterianism, for Erastus^ opposition
had had the effect of modifying the church government.
Still, it was a form of presbyterianism ; for it placed
power in the hands of the presbytery or board of elders.
The Erastians declared that this strict church discipline
was unscriptural and tyrannical. They held that a pres-
bytery, armed with the power of church discipline,
might become as tyrannical and powerful as the Catho-
lic hierarchy and introduce persecution just as the Catho-
lic inquisition had done. But the full development of
Erastianism (checked at Heidelberg) appeared in Eng-
land and Scotland more than a century later. Indeed,
Erastus' views were not fully known until after his
death, when his widow published them, and Beza re-
plied to them. It is to be remembered that the word
Erastianism was more used outside of Germany than in
it. Erastianism afterwards nieant more than Erastus
meant. Erastus aimed to subject merely excommunica-
tion to the state authority ; while the Erastians would
subject the Church, in all its departments, to the state.
In England and Scotland Erastianism was applied to
those, who opposed the self-government of the Church,
and who wanted to subordinate the Church absolutely to
the control of the state. There was a distinct party in
THE elector's DECISION. 221
the Westminster Assembly, led by Selden, Lightfoot,
Coleman and Whitlock (some of the brightest scholars
of that body), who were Erastians.
As the Elector sided with Olevianus, and ordered
the introduction of the Calvinistic church government
and the employment of discipline, Heidelberg became a
second Geneva in morality. In a funeral sermon Tos-
sanus says of the result of Olevianus' church discipline :
" Every one must acknowledge that there exists in Hei-
delberg, and in the entire Palatinate, order, quietness
and a Christian-like state of affairs, very different from
what has been for several years past." By a strange
coincidence of history, Erastus himself was the first vic-
tim of this church discipline, which he opposed. He
was afterward excommunicated on the charge of Arian-
ism, the instigator of the charge against him being an
Italian, Antonio Pigasetta.* Erastus remained excom-
municated for five years, and was then restored.
From this controversy on church discipline we now
come to a sadder one. While the controversy about
church government was embittering the people of the
*An interesting novel, somewhat tinctured by the present
freethinking tendencies of Heidelberg University, but never-
theless useful in giving an insight into the manners and spirit
of the times of Erastus, was written by Geo. Taylor (Prof. Haus-
rath of Heidelberg), entitled Clytia, and published by Gotts-
berger of New York. Was Pigasetta a Jesuit in disguise,
placed there to stir up trouble in the Protestant camp, as Pro-
fessor Hausrath suggests ?
222 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Palatinate against each other, another and a greater con-
troversy concerning doctrine was ripening. It was the
introduction of Arianism into the Palatinate. Arianism
denied the eternal existence of the Son of God, and
hence denied the divinity of Christ. It entered the Pa-
latinate from Italy. Some of the Erastians became
Arians. Indeed, it is possible that some of them so
bitterly opposed Olevianus, because they feared church
discipline in their own cases. Looseness of doctrine
and laxity of discipline are apt to go together. But
Erastus, though charged with it, was not an Arian. He
was only in bad company, — with those who were found
to be Arians ; and hence came under suspicion. The
leaders in this new movement toward free thought in
theology were Adam Neuser, the eloquent preacher of
the St. Peter's church at Heidelberg, and Sylvanus,
pastor at Ladenberg. Both believed themselves wrongly
treated by Olevianus. And from opposing him in
church government, they went on to opposing him in
doctrine. Two other ministers, Sutor of Feidenheim
and Vehe of Kaiserlautern, declared for this new doc-
trine. Neuser made use of his pulpit to spread his lax
doctrines. As Olevianus was preacher in the same
church, a conflict was inevitable. The Elector tried to
make peace by transferring Neuser to the church of the
Holy Ghost as the early Sabbath preacher. But the
trouble, which had been brewing, came to a head sud-
RISE OF ARIANISM. 223
denly. In 1570 Maximilian held a Diet at Spire,
near Heidelberg. It seems that at that Diet the prince
of Transylvania, where such lax doctrines as Arianism
and Socinianism were rife, had sent ambassadors to treat
with the Emperor for an alliance against the Turks.
Neuser, Sylvauus and Vehe became intimate with these
ambassadors. They sent letters to the ambassadors,
asking for positions in Transylvania. Sylvanus wrote
to the physician Blaudrata, the leader of Socinianism
(who was the superintendent of the Reformed Church of
Transylvania), asking for a position there. Neuser also
wrote a letter to the Sultan, in which he gives up the
doctrine of the trinity and goes over to the monotheism
of Islamism. In their letters they described themselves
as belonging to a wide-spread party in Germany, who
had given up the doctrine of the trinity. An unfore-
seen event led to the discovery of their correspondence
and their heresy. It happened that, when these Tran-
sylvanian ambassadors urged the Emperor to enter into
a political alliance with them against the Turks, he re-
fused to do so. He said he could not enter into any
alliance with any nation that did not believe in the di-
vinity of Christ, and in the doctrine of the trinity. The
Transylvanian ambassadors then replied that the Em-
peror had a wide-spread party in his own realm, who
did not believe those doctrines. The Emperor at once
denied it. In proof of it they then offered the letters
224 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
they had received from Neuser and Sylvanus, and called
his attention to the statements in them, that there was a
large party of Unitarians in Germany. The Emperor
was surprised at this discovery, and sent the letters to
the Elector of the Palatinate. The Elector at once ar-
rested Neuser, Sylvanus, Suter and Vehe. But Neuser
managed to escape from his arrest and to flee to Turkey ;
where he became a Turkish Pasha, went over to Mo-
hammedanism, and died a most awful death, like Herod
the king, after a life of shameful wickedness. Fred-
erick saw the danger and power of the heresy. He de-
termined that something must be done to stop it, and to
redeem his land from the disgrace it had suffered before
the eyes of the world. For a long time he faltered be-
fore taking extreme measures. There was a* division of
opinion. The civil judges of Heidelberg said Sylvanus
ought to be punished, but not with death. The min-
isters declared that Sylvanus ought to suffer death. As
the offence was a religious one as well as civil one,
Frederick did not know what to do. He sent to other
lands for advice. The Lutheran professors of Witten-
berg and the Reformed theologians of Switzerland said
the same thing — that Sylvanus ought to be put to death.
This was the temper of the age — death for heresy. So
Sylvanus was finally beheaded in the market place of
Heidelberg, close to the church of the Holy Ghost, on
December 23, 1572. Vehe and Suter were deposed and
banished.
EXECUTION OF SYLVAN US. 225
Frederick and his councillors have been severely
criticised for this beheading of Sylvanus. In the light
of our age, it was cruel. But we must remember that
the sixteenth century was not the nineteenth. We must
judge him by the temper of his age. It was the spirit
of that age to punish heresy thus. Catholics, Episcopa-
lians and Lutherans did it. Frederick was only fol-
lowing the example of Calvin in doing it, and thus
making Heidelberg a second Geneva. We must remem-
ber, too, that Frederick was urged to extreme measures
by the mockery of the ultra Lutherans about the matter.
Those Lutherans rejoiced at the heresy in the Palatinate.
Had they not said that the Zwinglians were Arian devils
and Mohammedans ? Now it was proven, as Sylvanus
went over to Arianism, and Neuser to Mohammedanism.
Osiander said that "as Neuser went to hell, he would
find the first step of it to be Calvinism.'' Frederick felt
he was humiliated in the eyes of the world. He wanted
to redeem his reputation ; and was willing to take ex-
treme measures to prove his orthodoxy and disprove the
mocking charges of the high Lutherans. It is also to
be remembered that the offense of SyK^anus was not
merely a religious one, but also a civil one. Two
preachers had desired to join the Turkish Sultan. Such
an act was treason, and was offense enough in that age
to be punished with death. The Turks were the most
feared of enemies. With Jesuits at home and Turks
226 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
abroad, as danger thus pressed on them near and far, it
is no wondej that such dangers were exaggerated and
such sad scenes as the beheading of Sylvan us took place.
In 1668 Ursinus retired from the professorship of
the University to take charge of the Sapienz College,
and Zanchius took his professor's chair in the Univer-
sity. But, with his feeble health, the care of the Sapienz
College was too much for him. He calls it "his tread-
mill." In 1570 his friend and patron, Crato, was pres-
ent at the Diet at Spire, but Ursinus^ duties were so
great that he could not get away to see him. Finally,
wearied with his work, he was about resigning and
accepting a call that came to him from Berne. The
Elector requested him to stay, and he stayed. He wrote,
he expected to die in his tread -mill. His labors pro-
duced sleeplessness and hypochondria. So an assistant
was given him. An important event in Frederick's
reign was the publication of a Latin translation of the
Bible by Tremellius and Junius in 1574. The Elector
also showed his sympathy with foreign Reformed
Churches in various ways. He sent troops to help the
persecuted Reformed in France. In 1572 he was great-
ly grieved by the news of the massacre of St. Bartholo-
mew. He also aided the Hollanders by sending troops
to their help. Count Egmond, who had been put to
death by the Spaniards at Brussels, was a brother to his
second wife, the Princess of Nuenar. His youngest son,
THE UPPER PALATINATE. 227
Christopher, the darling of his people, went into Dutch
military service and was killed at the battle of the Mock-
er haide.
We must not forget to notice Frederick's zeal for his
own land, as well as for other Reformed lands. He
tried to introduce the Reformed faith into all parts of
his realm. The Upper Palatinate was strongly Luth-
eran. Frederick made several attempts to introduce the
Keformed faith into it. He first attempted it in 1563.
But his oldest son, Lewis, who was the governor of the
Upper Palatinate, was an intense Lutheran ; and he sup-
ported the people against his father, much to his father's
sorrow. Frederick went to Amberg in 1566, taking
with him Oleviauus, whom he had heard dispute with
such power at Maulbron. Frederick urged that polem-
ics be stopped, that the high Lutheran rites be put
away, and Reformed worship established, and a Re-
formed school opened at Amberg. But it was all in vain.
He tried it a second time, after the rise of Arianism in
the Palatinate, the Lutheran superintendent of the Upper
Palatinate having been deposed for Arianism. Fred-
erick took advantage of this to try and introduce the
Reformed faith there. He sent to Amberg a new com-
mission, among whom were Count Lewis of Witt-
genstein and Tossanus. But they could do nothing.
For the people locked the church at Amberg against
them and surrounded it with an armed guard. The
Elector was very much inclined to remove his son Lewis
228 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from his position as governor of the Upper Palatinate,
because he so much opposed his father's wishes. Fred-
erick finally proposed to go himself and introduce the
Reformed faith there. But his death prevented him
from carrying out his purpose. The Upper Palatinate
remained Lutheran, and the Lower Palatinate remained
Reformed. The Upper Palatinate passed into the
hands of Bavaria during the Thirty Years' War. The
Duke of Bavaria called in the Jesuits to re-convert it to
Romanism. Lutheranism soon passed away and Ca-
tholicism came in. High ritualistic customs, like cru-
cifixes, exorcism, Latin singing, &c., are a poor bul-
wark against Catholicism. Half-Catholic themselves,
these were an easy bridge by which men could return to
the bosom of the Romish Church. The result was, that
what was once the Upper Palatinate, is now inhabited
by the most bitter of Catholics.
But Elector Frederick's end was rapidly approach-
ing. His continued devotion to God is shown by the
fact that some months before he died, when his son
Casimir came back from the French war, the first place
he took him to, was the castle chapel, to return thanks
to God, sa}'ing: "Is any happy, let him sing psalms."*
*This chapel is now the bandhaus of the castle, just west of
the present chapel of Frederick IV. The old chapel ran east
and west, and not north and south, like the present bandhaus.
A side chapel to this old chapel was added, and was built over
where the great tun is now located. The front of the old chapel
was torn out and a new one erected.
DEATH OF FREDERICK. 229
The last days of Frederick were embittered by the con-
duct of his oldest son Lewis, who refused to come and
see him before he died. Lewis probably feared to come
to his father's bedside, lest he might be required to
promise that he would not expel the Reformed from
the Palatinate after his father's death. Frederick felt
this danger to his beloved Reformed Church, if he died.
And so, like Jacob of old, with forebodings, and yet
with a prophetic vision, he said about his two year old
grand-son (named after him) : " Lewis will not do it,
Fritz will do it." These words were afterward fulfilled,
as his son Lewis drove the Reformed out of the Palat-
inate; but his grand-son Frederick re-introduced the
Reformed faith again. Before he died, Frederick III.
said : " I have done the best I could for the Church,
but have not been able to accomplish much. God the
Almighty will not sufter it to be left an orphan. My
tears and prayers which have ascended to God for my
successors and the Church, will not remain without
fruit." When the news of the Emperor Maximilian's
death, fourteen days before his own death, came to
Frederick, he said : '^ Lord, now lettest thou thy serv-
ant depart in peace. If I could only speak to the new
Emperor, and see my son Lewis before my end, and
talk with him about the Christian republic." On the
26th of October his disease, dropsy, completed its work,
and he fell asleep in Jesus. His court-preacher Tos-
230 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
saniis read to him the 31st Psalm and 17th chapter of
John. He then prayed aloud, and filled with joy and
peace, he breathed out his soul to God.
Frederick was one of the greatest princes the Palat-
inate ever had. Indeed, he was one of the noblest and
purest princes of Germany. He well deserved the name
of * pious.' He had great executive ability, was very
economical in his court expenses, saving from them
twenty thousand dollars a year that he might spend it
for schools and churches. He erected no fine architec-
tural buildings, except that he completed the Otto Hen-
ry's building at the castle, which had been left uncom-
pleted by Otto Henry's untimely death. As he built
no forts, he was taken to task about it. He answered :
" A mighty fortress is our God." During his reign of
seventeen years he had no wars of his own. His land
flourished, for he was a just and wise ruler, and kind to
his subjects. But over and above all his graces, his
piety shone. He was one of the most pious princes of
that age of pious princes. He was to the Palatinate
what Frederick the Wise had been to Saxony, and
Kings Alfred and Edward VI. were to England. His
Church was his great love. The Reformed Church will
ever cherish his memory. He left a will, in which was
found his confession of faith, which was afterwards
appended by publishers to the Confession of the Palat-
inate. Before the gate of the town of Simmern, where
ME^IO RIALS TO HIS MEMORY. 231
he introduced Protestantism before he became Elector
of the Palatinate, there has long existed, as a monument
to his memory, a beautiful orphans' asylum. But his
name will ever be embalmed in his Heidelberg cate-
chism, and loved and honored by those who love and
honor it.
CHAPTER III.
The Origin of the Reformed Church in West-
ern Germany.
SECTION I.
Elector Lewis and his Persecution of the Reformed in the
Palatinate, 1576—83.
After the death of Elector Frederick III., his son,
Elector Lewis, re-introduced Lutheranism into the Pa-
latinate. Lewis was as strong a Lutheran as his father
had been a Calvinist. He inherited much of the relig-
ious disposition that had characterized his father, only
it was turned into a different direction. His early train-
ing had been Lutheran ; for his father did not go over
to the Reformed faith, until after Lewis had grown to
manhood. Trained up in Lutheran courts, he became
an intense Lutheran. And circumstances favored his
growth in Lutheranism. After his father had become
Elector of the Palatinate, he was made governor of the
Upper Palatinate at Amberg. There he found the
people intensely Lutheran, and he came into fullest
sympathy with them. His wife, a daughter of the
FIRST EFFORTS OF LEWIS. 233
Landgrave of Hesse, was a strong Lutheran. Thus he
was surrounded on all sides by Lutheran influences.
He entered on his office as Elector with the intention of
purging the Palatinate of its Calvinism. He would
convert the Palatinate back to Lutheranism aojain. He
found, however, this diiference ; that when Frederick
went over to the Reformed faith, the great mass of the
people in the Lower Palatinate sympathized and went
with him. But when Lewis undertook to re-convert it,
he found the great mass of the people satisfied with their
Calvinism and reluctant to go back to Lutheranism.
Lewis did not wait long before he began to show his
Lutheran zeal. While his father was lying on his
death-bed, Lewis would not come to see him. His
religious fanaticism overcame his filial love He was
afraid to come, for fear his father would make him
promise to leave the Reformed religion, undisturbed.
But, fourteen days after his father's death, he came to
Heidelberg. His first act was to refuse to allow any
Reformed minister to conduct his father's funeral. Al-
though the court-preachers of Heidelberg knew his
father so well, and were best fitted to speak of his fath-
er's virtues ; yet Lewis would not permit it. He said
he did not want his father's funeral to be polluted by
a Calvinist. Lewis also seemed to have had some per-
sonal feeling against the court-preachers of his father,
Olevianus and Tossanus ; for both of them had taken
16
234 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
part in trying to convert the Upper Palatinate, where
he had lived, to the Reformed faith. Lewis sympathized
with the Lutherans there ; and to revenge himself on
these ministers, he would not allow them to speak at
his father's funeral. He ordered Paul Schecksius, his
own Lutheran court-preacher, whom he brought with
him from Amberg, to preach the funeral sermon. Tos-
sanus, however, at the request of the Electress, preached
a funeral discourse on Isaiah 51 : 1, 2, on the day after
the funeral, in the Holy Ghost church. This special
service was attended by the court, but Lewis was not
there, because he would not officially sanction the Re-
formed faith or listen to a Reformed preacher. This
act caused a breach in the Electoral family. If Lewis
would not go to a Reformed service, then Casiniir de-
termined he would not attend a Lutheran service. This
act of Lewis was only the precursor of other high-handed
proceedings against the Reformed. The consistory,
then composed of Reformed, was forbidden to fill any
vacancies, lest they might import any Reformed preach-
ers into the land. Booksellers were forbidden to print
or sell Reformed books. Lewis was especially severe
in his wrath against Olevianus ; because Olevianus had
done so much toward converting his father to Calvin-
ism, and because Olevianus had tried to convert the
Upper Palatinate from Lutheranism. Olevianus was
})ut out of the consistory, forbidden to preach, placed
REINTRODUCTION OF LUTHERANISM. 235
under house-arrest, and forbidden to hold meetings in
his house, or to talk witli the people or corresi)ond with
the learned. Thus Lewis treated the man who had
been his father's favorite. Lewis did not treat Olevi-
anus very much better than did the Elector of Treves, a
Catholic, who had imprisoned him at Treves for the
same cause (because he was a Calvinist). Two months
after he had arrived at Heidelberg, Lewis left Heidel-
berg to go to Amberg, that he might receive the Elec-
toral hat. When he arrived at Amberg, he summarily
dismissed the Reformed ministers stationed there by his
father, and re-introduced all the old usages of high Lu-
theranism. Pictures were brought back into the
churches. The altars, which Frederick had torn out of
the church, were re-instated. Wafers were re-introduced.
The Reformed people at Heidelberg felt that a change
was coming. So they tried to avert its severity, by
sending a petition to Lewis at Amberg, asking that the
people of Heidelberg be given freedom to worship ac-
cording to the Reformed faith ; and offering to give to
the Lutherans the church of the Holy Ghost, the largest
church at Heidelberg, if the Reformed would be allowed
to retain the St. Peter's and Franciscan churches.
Prince Casimir, whom Lewis had left as his representa-
tive at Heidelberg during his absence, endorsed this pe-
tition. But the Elector returned it with a rebuke, and
refused it. While the Elector was absent, Casimir had
236 THE JIEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Reformed church-service in the castle chapel, under Tos-
sanus ; for which Tossanus was afterward rebuked by
Lewis. At the March communion the Reformed min-
isters urged the people to come to the communion, as it
might be the last time the Lord's supper would be ad-
ministered after the Reformed custom. Their expecta-
tions came true. For on the fourth of April the Elec-
tor came back to Heidelberg ; and then began a whole-
sale re-introduction of Lutheranism. One of his first ef-
forts was to dispossess the Reformed, of the Holy Ghost
and St. Peter's churches. The only church left to the
Reformed was the Franciscan church, which was far too
small ; and it was soon taken away. The Reformed min-
isters were dismissed. Tossanus had to leave the city.
On the twenty-first of April, Lewis and his court atten-
ded service at St. Peter's church, where the court-preacher
formally announced the introduction of the true faith —
Lutheranism On the same day the Reformed members
of the court, Count Lewis of Wittgenstein, and also
Ehem, were dismissed. Count Lewis of Wittgenstein
became very severe against Lewis. He compared him
to Julian the Apostate, and prophesied his early fate.
Count Lewis left Heidelberg, but afterward requested
that Olevianus might go with him to Berleberg, which
was granted. The Franciscan church was taken from
the Reformed, and the French Reformed congregation
were put out of the aula of the university where they
REINTRODUCTION OF I.UTHERANISM. 237
had worshipped. The Electress and Prince Casirair
were so aggrieved by Lewis' persecution, that they left
the palace. All the old rites of Lutheranism, which
Frederick had so strongly opposed, were now re-intro-
duced, after eighteen years of banishment. The priests
sang the liturgies at the altar. The wafer took the place
of broken bread ; the altar was adorned with candles, and
many pictures were introduced in the niches and on the
walls. Lewis also filled the consistory with Lutherans.
Paul Schecksius, Kirchner and Schopper were the cler-
ical members of it. The Lutheran office of superinten-
dent, which his father had abolished after his experience
with Hesshuss, was re-established. And Peter Patiens
was appointed to that place at the head of the consistory.
Marbach ^vas called from Strasburg in 1577 to help
Lutheranize the Palatinate. A new Lutheran church
order, based on Otto Henry's, was now published. The
Reformed ministers were everywhere dismissed, and Lu-
therans put in their places. It is safe to say that six
hundred ministers lost their positions, and many of them
were brought to want by their summary dismissal.
Funds were raised for their help in Switzerland, but the
funds were small, compared with their need. The Re-
formed teachers were in some places driven out, with
their families, into the street, and chased as criminals.
And as Lutheran ministers could not be gotten fast
enough to fill the vacancies, the Elector preferred leav-
238 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
iDg their places vacant, rather than have the Reformed
preachers preach their heresy any longer. Under his
severe Lutheranism, the schools in the Palatinate began
to decline. But the university was spared a little longer.
Finally Boquin, Zanchius and Tremellius, the theolog-
ical professors, were ordered to leave town. The whole
university then, in spite of theological differences, ap-
pealed to the Elector for these professors, reminding him
that they had done nothing contrary to the Augsburg
Confession. But all their appeals were in vain. Bo-
quin and Zanchius became so poor, that money had to be
raised to send them away. Such was Boquin's reward,
after eighteen years of faithful service at Heidelberg.
Ursinus, after the closing of the Sapienz College, re-
ceived his dismissal. The people of the Rhenish Palat-
inate, however, in spite of the loss of these leaders, re-
mained true to their faith.
Prince Casimir, disgusted with his brother's bigotry,
left Heidelberg and retired to the estates left him by
his father at Bockenheim, Kaiserlautern and Neustadt.
This little land became an asylum for the persecuted
Reformed of the Palatinate. The Electress left Hei-
delberg soon after, because Lewis would not allow her
to retain her Reformed court-preacher. The little town
of Neustadt became to the Reformed, what Amberg had
been to the Lutherans of the Palatinate under Freder-
ick. The prominent Reformed teachers of Heidelberg
RISE OF NEUSTADT. 239
came to Neustadt, after their dismissal from the Palat-
inate. Ursinus, when dismissed, thought of going to
Worms to his friend Eccolius. But the hatred of the
Lutherans at Worms deterred him. He expected a call
from Berne. His native town of Breslau gave him a
call. But his mild, sensative nature led him to refuse
to get into any further controversies in his native city.
So, when Casimir urged him to come to Neustadt, he
finally went there. Olevianus had already gone to
Berleberg to Count Lewis of Wittgenstein. (Since the
Erastian controversy at Heidelberg, Casimir, who dif-
fered with Olevianus about discipline, was not so favor-
able to him as he was to Ursinus.)
Prince Casimir then determined to found a school
at Neustadt, which should be a nursery for the Re-
formed faith, and a bulwark against the Lutherans of
Heidelberg. At a synod, held at Neustadt, March,
1578, the Reformed ministers endorsed the plan of a
school, w^th great joy. There had been a nunnery be-
fore the gate of Neustadt, called the White Hermitage.
This building Casimir took for a school, which was
called after him, the Casirairium.* Ursinus, Zanchius
and Tossanus were made the theological teachers. The
Casimirium, by the second year, became so prosperous,
that it not only rivaled, but eclipsed Heidelberg univer-
■•■•The building is still standing at Neustadt, and is now used
as a school.
240 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
sity. For the most renowned professors at Heidelberg
had come to Neustadt. What was loss to Heidelberg,
was gain to Neustadt. Ursinus lectured on Isaiah, and
wTote his notes on the catechism. The little town of
Neustadt became a centre of influence and place of
honor throughout all Europe. Students from England,
France and Poland came to it to study ; while English
embassadors, and French and Polish agents, alike came
to concert diplomatic measures about Calvinism.
Meanwhile a very important event was taking place
in Germany, which prepared that country for a fuller
reception of the Reformed faith. It was the composi-
tion and adoption of the Formula of Concord. Although
the Formula of Concord does not really belong to Re-
formed church history ; yet it had such an influence in
preparing large parts of Germany for the Reformed
faith, that a brief description of it is necessary.
The Lutherans had by this time become tired of
their strifes, and desired a- union. Andrea, the Chan-
cellor of Tubingen and leader of the Wurtemberg Lu-
theran Church, was the leader of this movement. High
Lutheranism had by this time pretty well routed out
low Lutheranism and Melancthonianism. After Me-
lancthon's death, no great theological leader appeared
in their party. Many of the princes were still Melanc-
thonians, but the theologians were high Lutheran and
had gone over to the doctrine of ubiquity. The time
FORMULA OF CONCORD. 241
was ripe for a new Lutheran confession. The Crypto-
Calvinists had been driven out of Saxony ; and South
Germany in Wurtemberg now joined hand in hand with
North Germany in Saxony, in the interest of high Lu-
theran ism. A preliminary confession was prepared in
1576, called the Torgau book, which was sent around
among the princes and theologians for suggestions. It
was found that even among the high Lutherans there
was a difference on the doctrine of ubiquity. Andrea
held to absolute ubiquity or omnipresence of Christ's
body ; Chemnitz, a more moderate Lutheran and a pru-
dent admirer of Melancthon, believed in a relative ubi-
quity or multipresence of Christ\s body.* The leading
Lutheran theologians of Germany came together at the
monastery of Bergen near Magdeburg, and then pre-
pared the new Lutheran creed, called the Formula of
Concord, on the 28th of May, 1577. It was the highest
of the Lutheran symbols, and everywhere opposed the
Melancthonian doctrines. It opposed synergism by
saying, that, since the fall of man, not a spec of spiritual
power remained in man. He was as helpless as a stone.
And yet, on this point it escaped Calvinism, by saying
that, while man has no power to save himself, he yet
has power to refuse salvation. On predestination it
escaped Calvinism, by saying that salvation is the object
*" The expression 'ubiquity' is not used in any Lutheran
church symbol." — Herzog.
242 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of divine predestination, but damnation is the result of
divine foreknowledge. It rejected Calvin's doctrine of
the Lord's supper, as well as his predestination. And
it added, to the old Lutheran doctrine of the real bodily
presence of Christ at the supper, the additional doctrine
of Christ's ubiquity. It also condemned Calvinism by
name, in this respect going farther than the Augsburg
Confession. ^'The Formula of Concord was more doc-
trinal than popular, more scholastic than fervid. It
was the ripe dogmatic product of Lutheranism, as the
Westminster Confession was of high Calvinism." It,
however, lacked the popularity of Luther's catechism
and of the Augsburg Confession ; and one misses in it
the unction and devotion found in the Heidelbero; cate-
chism.
An organized effort was then made to introduce the
Formula of Concord into all the states of Germany.
The Elector of Saxony, who was the god-father of it,
sent a commission through all Saxony ; and in all the
cities the preachers and teachers were gathered, the For-
mula of Concord was read before them, and they were
asked to adopt it. Deputations were sent through all
the lands of Germany to the princely families, urging
the adoption of the Formula of Concord. This effort
•went on; until by 1580, three Electors, twenty-one
Dukes, twenty-two Counts, thirty-five free cities, in all
eighty-six states of the Empire, had adopted it. Nine
OPPOSITION TO THE FORMULA. 243
thousand preachers and teachers and twelve thousand
churches had adopted it. It was introduced into Sax-
ony, Brandenberg, Luneburg, Mecklenberg, Wurtem-
berg, Baden, Hamburg and Lubeck. Its success at
first was so great that a general synod of all Germany
was talked of, to adopt it and to make it the creed of
all Germany. But it soon became evident that that
would not be wise. For a reaction set in against it.
The Formula of Concord became, as Hospinian calls it,
' an apple of discord.' While most of the princes signed
it, quite a number refused to sign it. Some good Luth-
eran princes refused to have anything to do with it, as
they clung to the old Lutheranism of the Augsburg
Confession. Count Richard of Simmern in the Palat-
inate, a strict Lutheran, refused to have anything to do
with it. The sister of the King of Denmark, the Elec-
tress of Saxony, sent to the King of Denmark two beau-
tifully bound copies of the Formula of Concord, and
asked him to examine it and adopt it. Frederick, the
king, in a restless night which he spent at the castle at
Antworskon, took both books and threw them into the
chamber fire, so that no specimen of this destructive
book should be found in his dominion.* In Holsteiu,
the Formula of Concord was forbidden, under pain of
death. The states of Hesse, An halt, Nassau, Pomera-
*The King of Denmark, although he was a foreign king, yet
had a share in the German politics, as he was the Duke of
Schleswig Holstein.
244 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Ilia, Saxe-LuDeberg, Zweibriicken, and the free cities of
Bremen, Nuremberg and Strasburg, repudiated it. But,
while they rejected it for being too high Lutheran,
Hamburg and Lubeck declared it was not high Luth-
eran enough for them. Even the Duke of Brunswick,
the friend of Chemnitz, one of its authors, finally refused
to sign it. Andrea went from court to court to have it
signed. Some of the princes refused point blank to
sign it. Others objected to the clause in it that con-
demned the Calvinists. The Formula of Concord made
the last great break in the unity of Germany.
And now at length Calvinism prepared its reply to
Lutheranism. Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, from
his little town of Neustadt, began this movement. He
aimed at nothing less than a union of all the Reformed
states of Europe, including France, England, Holland,
&c., against this excommunication, which the Formula
of Concord gave to all Calvinists. Fortunately the
Queen of England seconded his designs. She had, at
the conference at Naumberg in 1561, greeted the Ger-
mans as * brethren in the faith/ She had already sent
her ambassador. Sir Phillip Sydney, to Germany, to
suggest the union of all Protestant nations. He visited
Elector Lewis of the Palatinate, Landgrave Phillip of
Hesse, and Prince Casimir. The queen saw the danger
of disunion, caused by the Formula of Concord. She
was very much aggrieved by the Formula of Concord,
CONFERENCE AT FRANKFORD. 245
because of that clause in it, that condemned all Calvin-
ists. Proud queen that she was, she was not accus-
tomed to being condemned. And she seemed to con-
sider that clause as referring especially to herself. Casi-
mir entered heartily into the plans of Queen Elizabeth
of England. During the summer of 1577 his agents
went through all the Reformed countries to work up
this union of the Reformed lands against the Formula of
Concord. A convention of the Reformed was appointed
at Frankford. This convention, the like of which had
never before assembled, met September 27, 1577. It
was the first meeting of the Reformed alliance, which
was afterward consummated in the nineteenth century ;
or rather, it was an Evangelical alliance, formed, how-
ever, only of Reformed denominations. From the
French Reformed Church appeared Lewis Capellus and
Jacob Coetius. The Queen of England was represented
by Daniel Roger and Flubert Languet ; the King of
Navarre, by Francis De La Personne ; the Priuce of
Conde, by Vicomte d'Argentine. From Poland and
Hungary appeared Thuetius and Pratorius ; from Hol-
land, John Junius ; from the Palatinate, Zanchius. The
Bohemian and Swiss Ciiurches were not represented by
delegates ; but they sent letters, stating that they would
be satisfied with whatever the conference would decide
upon. Zuleger, the c(nincillor of Casimir, opened the
conference and announced its objects, which were three
246 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
— first, how the new doctrine of ubiquity could be
checked ; second, if it were best to draw up a new con-
fession, on which the Reformed Churches could unite ;
third, if such were found necessary, how it was to be
done, how spread abroad among the Churches, and how
signed by them. The conference decided that a com-
mon confession of faith to offset the Formula of Con-
cord was desirable. Ursinus and Zanchius were ap-
pointed to draw up such a creed. This was to be done
in conjunction with a theologian appointed by the
Queen of England. The first draft of it was to be
sent to Gualthier at Zurich, and Beza at Geneva. Prince
Casimir agreed to attend to the printing of not more
than one hundred copies, which were to be sent to the
different Reformed Churches.
The deputies were to call a second conference in the
summer of 1578, to revise this confession and to declare
it the common creed of the Church. Ursinus, old,
timid and sick, however declined to attempt writing
such a confession. Zanchius attemped it alone, after
having gained the consent of the Swiss to this course.
His work was received with approbation at Geneva.
But in the meantime the sentiment in regard to a new
confession changed. A desire grew up in the Reformed
Churches to have a harmony of all the existing Reform-
ed confessions, rather than to have a new confession pre-
pared. Salnar prepared this harmony of the confessions
CONFERENCE AT FRANKFORD. 247
in 1581. TIlis liarmony contains the first and second
Helvetic Confessions, the Basle, Bohemian, Gallic, An-
glican, Belgic, Augsburg, Saxon, Wurtemburg and
Suevian. The second Helvetic is given the first place,
because it was the most generally received of all the
Reformed confessions at that time. This was the first
union document or consensus of the Reformed faith that
was published. So the times outgrew Zanchius' con-
fession, and it was not adopted. The Swiss, too, saw
no reason why the second Helvetic Confession, already
acknowledged by most of the Reformed Churches, should
not be the confession on which they might all unite.
Zanchius then made the confession he prepared, his
own and his family's in 1586 ; that he might leave be-
hind him a picture of his faith. He dedicated it to
Count Ulric of Martinengo of Venice.
This conference at Frankford also took action on its
other object, namely, the hindering of the spread of the
Formula of Concord. It appointed a deputation to go
from court to court in Germany and show to the Luth-
eran princes the dangers of division between the Re-
formed and the Lutherans, caused by the damnatory
clause in the Formula of Concord. This embassy was
headed by Belus and the eminent Dutch lawyer, Knib-
bius. The conference also ordered Hubert Languet,
who had been for many years employed among the
statesmen of Germany, and who knew the situation in
248 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Germany, to draw up a letter of admonition to be pre-
sented by this delegation to the German princes. He
wrote an exceedingly able and judicious document. In
it all harsh words are avoided, the differences between
the Reformed and the Lutherans thrown in the back-
ground and the advantages of unity dwelt upon. The
paper reminded the Lutherans, of Papal and Jesuit in-
trigues in France, Spain and Holland, and of the danger
that would come from division between the Reformed
and Lutherans ; and also, that the safety of Germany
lay in unity. This embassy travelled from court to
court in Germany, presenting its case to the princes.
But the Lutheran party-spirit was blind. Evasive an-
swers were given the delegation. There was, as Hos-
pinian says, "nothing given it but beautiful phrases and
rich banquets." And yet this embassy was not without
its effect. Denmark, then the ruler of Holstein, was
stirred up by the Queen of England against the Formu-
la of Concord. Hesse and Anhalt more decidedly than
ever refused to sign it.
This embassy very decidedly affected Elector Lewis
oi the Palatinate. Before it came, he had been an in-
tense Lutheran ; but now he became moderate. Lewis
halted for a long time before signing the Formula of
Concord. The Landgrave of Hesse urged him not to
sign it, while the Electors of Saxony and Brandenberg
urged him to sign it. He was opposed to the clause in
LEWIS AND THE FORMULA. 249
it that condemned the Calvinists. At length, after it
had been slightly revised, he signed it, but he found the
revision so slight, that he never entered heartily into its
introduction into his land. The people of the Palatinate
were bitterly opposed to it. Lewis, after urging the
professors at Heidelberg to sign it, finding they would
not do it, allowed them to retain their places ; provided
they would outwardly be Lutheran, occasionally attend
Lutheran church and allow their children to be brought
up in the Lutheran faith. But he could not stop the
reaction against the Formula of Concord in his land.
Prominent men, like Fauth, vice chancellor, went over
to Calvinism. The high Lutherans urged him to have
a house to house visitation, so as to get all to assent to
the Formula of Concord. But Lewis refused such an
inquisition. He refused to be led by his ministers to such
extreme measures. He became more lenient toward the
Reformed as time advanced. His wife died, and in her
he lost his strongest Lutheran support. Later he final-
ly told the Margrave of Baden, that if he had not signed
the Formula of Concord, he would not do so now.
This Formula of Concord had a most disastrous
effect on Germany. Its intense, bigoted, high Lutheran-
ism split Germany into two parts. Its evil results
showed themselves down to the end of the Thirty
Years' War in 1648. The immediate effect of it was dis-
astrous. Elector Gebhard Truchsess of Cologne had
17
250 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
changed his faith and become Protestant. He hoped to
carry the Electorate of Cologne with him. He might
have been able to do so, had he been supported by the
German princes. But the Formula of Concord made
the Lutheran princes either lukewarm or opposed to
him, because he inclined to the Reformed faith. The
Elector of Saxony refused to send any troops to his
assistance. The result was that a large part of the
Rhine region was lost to Protestantism ; for the Catho-
lics came in with their troops and overcame this weak
effort of Gebhard. And the fourth Electorate of Ger-
many, which would have given the Protestants a major-
ity in the Electoral college, was lost to Protestantism.
It is a wonder that the German princes, having seen
their mistake forty years before, when they allowed
Elector Herman of Cologne to be defeated, should re-
peat that mistake in the case of his successor, Gebhard.
And this was only the beginning of the weakness of
Protestantism, due to the division between the Reformed
and Lutherans, caused largely by the Formula of Con-
cord.
The last event of importance to us that occurred dur-
ing the life of Lewis, was the death of Ursinus at Neu-
stadt. Ursinus lived quietly at Neustadt as an unwear-
ied student. Over the door of his room was the motto :
" Friend, whoever you may be, when you come to me,
make the matter short, or leave soon, or assist me at
DEATH OF URSINUS. 251
my work." His health gradually failed. His old disease
of melancholy returned to him. He died March 6,
1583, trusting in God. The first answer of his Heidel-
berg Catechism is the key to his peaceful, religious ex-
perience. Christ was his comfort in life and death.
He would not take a hundred thousand worlds for the
assurance of faith, that was his. He was buried in the
choir of the church at Neustadt. The tomb bore the
inscription, '^ A great theologian, a victor over the errors
concerning the person of Christ and the Lord's supper,
gifted with mighty words and a mighty pen, a keen-
sighted philosopher, a wise man, a mighty teacher of
the youth." He was a modern Thomas d Kempis, a
man of books and prayer with God. He left but one
son ; but there were to him many spiritual sons, who
followed him as the leaders of the Reformed Church in
the succeeding generation. His theological tendency is
shown in his scholars, some of whom became the leaders
of the high Calvinistic party, as Gomarus and Lybrand.
His works were afterward published by Parens, printed
by Harnish, in three folio volumes. But his spirit is
immortal ; for he still lives in the Heidelberg Catechism,
and in the hearts of those to whom the Heidelberg Cat-
echism is dear.
The Elector Lewis died not long after Ursinus. On
the 12th of October, 1583, after a reign of seven years,
Lewis passed away, and with him passed away the rule
252 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of Lutheranism in the Palatinate. He left behind him
a son, Frederick, (afterward Frederick IV. of the Pa-
latinate,) then only nine years old. Lewis' father had
prophesied, " Lewis will not do it ; Fritz will do it.''
This was now about to come true. For this boy grew
up to become the leader of the Calvinism in the Palati-
nate, which his grandfather had introduced, and his
father had persecuted.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION II.
i
The Introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Wetterau ]
District, !
There was a district of Germany called the Wetterau
Counties. It lay around Frankford, east of the Rhine,
and as far north as Cologne. It was composed of a
number of small counties, each ruled by an independent
count. These Wetterau lands were Sayn, Wittgenstein,
Nassau, Wied, Solms and Hanau.* Being so near to
Hesse, they had always been influenced more by the
mild Hessian type of Lutheran ism than by the higher
Lutheranism of Saxony. They were, therefore, the
better prepared to go over to the Reformed faith. The
bigotry of the high Lutherans, as well as the influence
of the neighboring Reformed Palatinate, led them to go
into the Reformed Church.
Wittgenstein.
Of these counties, the first one to be aifected by the
Reformed doctrines, was the most northern one, Witt-
genstein. Its prince was Count Lewis VI. He seems
*See map.
254 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to have been at Orleans at the same time as Count
Herman Lewis of the Palatinate, who was drowned be-
fore Olevianus' eyes at Bourges. He there began his
acquaintance with the Palatinate princes, which after-
w^ard resulted in his becoming an official in that court.
He studied at the university of Padua in Italy, with
Count Phillip of Nassau. His first wife was a daugh-
ter of the Count of Solms. His daughter married Count
John of Nassau. We thus see how the intermarriage
of these princes led them, one after the other, into the
Reformed Church. As early as 1564, Count Lewis had
heard of the Heidelberg Catechism, and was influenced
by it to some extent ; for he wrote to Crell, a famous
Hessian minister, about its ninety-seventh answer,
which opposes pictures in the churches. He said he
could see no harm in the use of pictures in churches.
This correspondence was the first sign that he was in-
quiring the way toward the Reformed faith. This was
greatly strengthened by a visit that he paid to Switzer-
land, in company with his brother-in-law of Solms.
There he met Bullinger, who exerted a great influence
on him, and especially influenced him toward putting
away altars, pictures, &c., from his churches. His call
to Heidelberg, to a court position in the Palatinate,
completed his conversion. He became, in 1574, court-
master of the Palatinate; and here, in the midst of Re-
formed influences, he became thoroughly Reformed.
OLEVIANUS IN BERLEBERQ. 255
Here he met the prominent Reformed theologians of
Germany, and in fact became a theologian himself. For
he was not only a prince, but a rare combination of a
prince and theologian, too. Elector Frederick III. very
highly honored him, and sent him on important politi-
cal and religious embassies. After the death of Elector
Frederick III., and the accession of Elector Lewis to
the throne of the Palatinate, he became very uncom-
fortable at Heidelberg. When Lewis ordered the in-
troduction of the Lutheran faith into the Palatinate, he
was dismissed. He retired to his county seat, Berleberg.
He was, however, very deeply attached to Olevianus,
and very indignant at Olevianus' arrest by Lewis. He
urged Olevianus, who had a call to Dort, to come to
Berleberg and educate his sons. He showed Olevianus,
how such a position would give him an opportunity to
introduce the Reformed faith into those counties east of
the Rhine — that although the Reformed Church was
driven out of the Palatinate, it would rise up again in
the Wetterau districts. So, although the salary was
small and the position low, Olevianus refused the call
to Dort and went to Berleberg. Olevianus at once com-
pleted the conversion of Wittgenstein to the Reformed
faith. In 1578 the custom of breaking bread at com-
munion was introduced, and in 1582 the altars in the
churches were changed into communion tables ; and the
Heidelberg Catechism and the singing of psalms intm-
256 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
duced. Private confession and absolution, Latin sing-
ing of the Scripture lessons, the bowing at the name of
Jesus, the feasts of the saints, pictures, crosses, cruci-
fixes, all were put away.* The great aim of Count
Lewis was to form a General Synod of all the Wetterau
districts, which he was permitted to see in 1586.
Nassau.
But the influence of Olevianus was not confined
merely to the little county of Wittgenstein. These coun-
ties were so intimately connected, that, what affected
one, affected all. Nassau was the next land to receive
the Reformed faith. Its ruler at that time was Count
John, the elder, of Dillenberg. He was a brother of
William, Prince of Orange, governor of the Netherlands,
known in history as William the Silent. Prince Wil-
liam had renounced all claim to his estates east of the
Rhine, so that Nassau fell to Count John. Count John
was a pious ruler, — had been educated at Wittenberg
under Melancthon and at Strasburg under Sturm.
Through intercourse with his brother in Holland, he had
become friendly to the Reformed faith. As early as
1572 he received Reformed refugees from Holland into
his laud at Siegen. And when his friend and neighbor.
Count Lewis of Wittgenstein, became Reformed, he at
once felt the influence of the Reformed faith. It was,
•»Goebel, I., 389.
NASSAU BECOMES REFORMED. 257
however, the publication of the Formula of Concord,
with its narrow Lutheranisra and its denunciation of the
Reformed, that led him into the Reformed Church. In
his opposition to the Formula of Concord, he had only
followed the neighboring Hessian Church, by which his
land had always been influenced. The severe persecu-
tions of the Crypto Calvinists by the Lutherans in Sax-
ony capped the climax, and so disgusted him that he
went over to the Reformed faith. But as early as 1568,
he had called a Reformed preacher, Noviomagus, to
Herborn. The coming of Noviomagus was bitterly op-
posed by his Lutheran superintendent, Bernhart. But,
in spite of the opposition of the superintendent, Novi-
omagus entered on his duties and began several re-
forms, as the putting away of exorcism at baptism. A
peculiar juncture of affairs aided the introduction of the
Reformed faith. It happened that Pezel, Widebram
and Cruciger, driven out of Wittenberg for being Crypto-
Calvinists, came to Herborn in 1577. And about
the same time, fifteen Reformed preachers, driven out
of the Palatinate by the persecution of Elector Lewis,
came to Nassau. These two influences, the one from
the east, the other from the west, came together just at
the right time for Nassau, and brought it over to the
Reformed faith. Count John proceeded cautiously in
his reforms. His ministers gradually prepared the peo-
ple for the change. In the summer of 1577 he assem-
258 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
bled his ministers together, and they celebrated the
Lord's supper with broken bread, instead of wafers.
This act committed them to the Reformed faith. The
communion cloth, held under the elements, was put
away, because the superstitious people did not believe
they received the body and blood of Christ, if such a
cloth were not used. Each minister promised to try and
introduce these reforms into his congregation as soon as
possible. In 1578 a synod was held at Dillenberg, on
the eighth of July, which fully completed the introduc-
tion of the Reformed faith. This synod consisted of 22
ministers, court-master Nymptsch and Otto von Grun-
rade. Pezel was the leader in it and drew up a form-
ula, which stated the differences between the Reformed
and the Lutherans. It defined the position of the Re-
formed Church, and ordered that all Lutheran customs
be abolished, such as making the sign of the cross at
baptism, exotcism, Latin singing, feast days, images,
pictures, organs, candles, priest's gowns and altars. All
these were forbidden (as the synod's decrees declare),
" since the Christians in the New Testament have nei-
ther altar nor offering, as in the law of Moses.^' The
ministers were forbidden to turn their backs to the con-
gregation at the Lord's supper, like the Lutherans and
Catholics, as if acting as the intercessors for the people.
Confirmation, which had been made a sacrament by the
Catholics, was dispensed with. Children were received
NASSAU BECOMES REFORMED. 269
into the Church simply by the laying on of hands, with-
out the blessing. The ministers were not to use the
Scripture lessons. Nor were they compelled to take
their texts from the gospel or epistle for the day, but
texts were free.* In the next year, 1578, October 2,
another synod was held to complete the work of the
previous synod. The synod of 1581 ordered the intro-
duction of the Heidelberg Catechism and the Palatinate
church order into the churches and schools. The synod
of 1582 completed the organization of the Church, and
adopted the decrees of the Dutch synod of Middleburg
of 1581, which introduced the full presbyterial church
government and discipline, and also ordered the use of
the psalms in singing. Count John rejoiced greatly at the
introduction of the Reformed faith ; and next to Prince
Casirair, was for a while the leading Reformed prince
of Germany. Count John was a pious man and deeply
attached to the Reformed faith. He was a temperance
man and opposed the drinking customs of his age, es-
pecially common among princes.
Solms-Braunsels.
The Reformed doctrines did not stop with Nassau.
Solms, w^hich was a county composed of two parts, one
called Solms, and the other Braunsels, situated south-
east or in the southeastern part of Nassau, received the
-*Life of Count John, by Cuno, pages 18—20.
260 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Reformed faith. Through intercourse with the Prince
of Orange and Count John of Nassau, the Count of
Solms came under the influence of the Reformed Church.
It was Count John Albert I. of Solms-Braunsels, who
fully introduced the Reformed faith into his land. He
was educated at Strasburg under the Reformed influ-
ence of Sturm. Soon after his accession to the throne
in 1582, he began putting away altars and pictures from
his Church ; introduced Reformed simplicity of worship
and the breaking of bread at communion. He became,
in 1600, the court-master of Elector Frederick IV. of
the Palatinate, which position he held for twenty-one
years. He became a very prominent statesman, repre-
senting the Palatinate in many important negotiations.
He was a pious man and deeply attached to the Re-
formed faith.
Wied.
This little county was situated along the east bank
of the Rhine, nearly opposite Coblentz. We have not
time to rehearse the interesting story of Elector Herman
of Cologne, prince of Wied, who from being fond of
the chase, became fond of Christ ; and left Catholicism
for Protestantism. He called Bucer, Melancthon and
Lasco, to help him evangelize his land. We note, as an
interesting fact, that while the cathedral at Strasburg
at one time was Reformed, so, too, an attempt was made
to make the cathedral at Cologne Reformed. Protest-
WIED BECOMES REFORMED. 261
autism became so strong in that city, that Evangelical
service was attempted in the cathedral at Cologne. But
some coppersmiths came up out of the town and made
such a noise that the preachers had to stop. The cathe-
dral chapter at Cologne was always bitter against re-
form. Elector Herman, through lack of sympathy from
the Protestant princes, was deposed from his position.
He retired to his private county of Wied, and spent his
later years in introducing the reformation into it.*
After Count Hermanns death, in 1542, Count John
IV. of Wied and Runkel succeeded him. His minis-
ters and people gradually drifted toward the Reformed
faith. At a synod of ministers of Wied, Dierdor, Run-
kel and Isenberg, held June, 1564, at Honnefeld, a
church government nearly like the Reformed was
adopted, which appointed elders or censors in each con-
gregation. It also ordered the introduction of the Hei-
delberg Catechism, then just published in the Palatin-
*Had Saxony and the Sinalcald league upheld him, he might
have retained his position. Three of the six Electors of Ger-
many were already Protestants, and the fourth of the Electors
would have thus been added to the Protestants' side, thus giv-
ing a majority in the Electoral college, and securing ultimately
the election of a Protestant Emperor, or of a Catholic Emperor
kindly disposed to Protestantism. Had Herman been success-
ful, other Catholic princes would have followed him into Prot-
estantism, as the Elector of Treves and the Bishop of Munster.
Indeed, it has been suggested that the Elector of Mayence, then
a Humanist, might have followed his example. If so, all the
Electors of Germany would have been Protestant. But the Ger-
man princes, blinded by jealousy and bigotry, stood in their
own light and refused to support him.
262 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ate. In 1575 he issued a church order, introducing the
full presbyterial church government in the land. Count
Herman I., the next ruler, was a very zealous Reformed
prince. He completed the organization of the Church
by forming it, in 1586, into a general synod with the
Churches of Nassau and Wittgenstein.
These were the lands in which Olevianus was called
to labor for the introduction of the Reformed faith.
Persecution scatters the truth. The persecutions of the
Palatinate, instead of crushing the Reformed faith in
Germany, only scattered it abroad through these Wet-
terau lands. The most important event for the Reformed
Church wa^ the establishment of a Reformed high
school or university at Herborn by Count John of Dil-
lenberg. He was, as we have already seen, a remarka-
ble man. He had, before this, introduced German
schools, instead of Latin schools, into his parishes. He
even went so far as to introduce girls' schools into the
villages; a thing then unheard of in the rural districts.
He now turned his attention to a higher object, namely
the founding of a university, that should supply Re-
formed preachers for the churches. At first he was un-
decided where to locate it ; whether at Dillenberg, Sieg-
en or Herborn. But the logic of circumstances finally
settled that. Pezel, the pastor at Herborn, was called
to Bremen, to aid the Melancthonians of that city to
resist the attacks of the Lutherans. So he resigned,
HERBORN UNIVERSITY. 263
and Olevianus was called as his successor at Herborn.
The coming of Olevianus settled the location of the
school. It was located at Herborn, that Olevianus
might oversee it. Count Lewis of Wittgenstein was at
first very unwilling to give up Olevianus; but finally
consented, when he saw the advantages to be gained
thereby. There was another advantage in locating the
school at Herborn. Count John had a castle at Her-
born, which he gave up for use as a school. Not many
princes would give up one of their castles to make a col-
lege. But these Nassau princes were remarkable school
builders. His brother, Prince William of Orange,
afterwards founded the university of Leyden in Hol-
land. And Count Lewis of Nassau founded the uni-
versity of Franeker in Holland. This Herborn uni-
versity was properly called the Johanneum, after its
founder, who sacrificed so much to establish it. Thus
a Reformed university arose, to take the place of the
university of Heidelberg, which had gone over to Luth-
eranism. The university was founded on July 10th,
1584, the very day that Count John's brother, Prince
William of Orange, was assassinated. The school soon
rose to great prosperity. Olevianus and his successor,
Piscator, were the chief ornaments of the university.
It numbered among its students, young princes of the
houses of Wittgenstein, Solms and Hanau. It flour-
ished very greatly between 1606-10, when its students
264 THE EEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Dumbered three and four hundred, and came from all
parts of Germany, even from Poland and Hungary.
The golden age of this university was its first twenty
years. Its sessions were held in the count's castle until
1588 ; after that in the town, over the city hall or aula.
But the school declined afterward, mainly because it
was moved from place to place. It was moved to
Siegen in 1594, because Count John was dissatisfied
with the zeal of the citizens of Herborn in its interest.
After five years, it was moved back again to Herborn.
Then again, in 1605 it was moved to Siegen, on account
of the plague at Herborn, and returned again after five
years. This school was liberally supported by the Wet-
terau Counts, and became a centre of Reformed influ-
ence for their lands and for Germany. Olevianus'
work of organizing the Churches of these lands was
completed in 1586, when a General Synod of Nassau,
Wied, Solms and Wittgenstein was held at Herborn, on
the 13th of June, 1586. There were present seventeen
delegates from Nassau, two from Wittgenstein, five
from Solms, two from Wied, all of them ministers. It
throughly organized the Church into presbyteries, clas-
ses and synods. Its president was Olevianus. But
Olevianus, through whose administrative ability this
victory had been gained for the Reformed faith, was
not permitted to enjoy it long. He died at Herborn,
March 15, 1587, of dropsy. His death-bed was a glo-
DEATH OF OLEVIANUS. 265
rious testimony to the joy of his faith in Christ. " Yester-
day/^ he said, *^ I was filled for more than an hour with
inexpressible joy. It seemed to me as if I walked on a
splendid mead, and while I went round il, heavenly
dew fell not in drops, but in streams. At which my
body and soul rejoiced more than over every thing
else." Professor Alsted asked him, as he sank into the
sleep of death : " My brother, are you without doubt
about your salvation in Christ Jesus, as you taught to
others?" The dying Olevianus laid his hand on his
heart and said : " Certissimus," ('' I am most certain,")
and fell asleep in Jesus. He was buried in the choir of
the church at Herborn. On the wall of the choir is a
metallic tablet that describes his virtues. He was a
remarkable man, of great eloquence, fervid piety and
fine executive ability, a rare combination of qualities.
The sum of his faith is found in the first answer of the
Heidelberg Catechism, his full belief, in his remarka-
ble work on the Covenant of Grace. In this work he
reveals himself as the forerunner of the Cocceian theol-
ogy of the covenants, which spread through the Re-
formed Church in the next generation. After Olevi-
anus' death, his son-in-law Piscator became the great
leader of the school at Herborn. His great work was a
translation of the Bible, the first edition of which ap-
peared in 1602-3. It was circulated in Nassau, but
nowhere else, except in the Canton of Berne, (where it
18
266 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
is still in use,) and in Isenberg. His aim was to make
Herborn a purely Reformed university. His orthodoxy
was, however, once questioned by some of the French
Reformed churches, because he held the insufficiency of
the active obedience of Christ. But he was supported
in this by leading German theologians of his day, as
Parens, Scultetus and Cappel. Piscator died in 1625.
Hanau,
While these events were taking place at Herborn,
the Reformed faith was introduced into several other of
these Wetterau lands. It spread into the counties to the
south-east. Hanau, situated east of Frankford, received
it. Count Phillip Lewis I. of Hanau-Munzenberg was,
with the other German princes, asked to sign the For-
mula of Concord. But, by his travels in France, he
had learned the Reformed doctrines, and at Paris became
so attached to Coligny, that he himself was in danger
on the night of St. Bartholomew's massacre. Being
thus inclined to the Reformed Church, he, with the
other Wetterau counts, refused to sign the Formula of
Concord. He began to simplify his Church of altars
and pictures, and aimed more and more to introduce
Reformed customs, until he died in 1580. His son.
Count Phillip Lewis II., a minor, had two Reformed
guardians and one Lutheran. The Reformed guardians.
Count John of Dillenberg and Count Lewis of Wittgen-
INTHODUCTION INTO HANAU. 267
Stein, placed him at Herborn, where he was educated
under Reformed influences. The Lutheran guardian,
Count Phillip of Hanau-Lichtenberg, tried, by the ap-
pointment of a Lutheran superintendent, to introduce
the Formula of Concord into Hanau. The ministers
and people rebelled against this, and after the superin-
tendent's departure, Goebel and Fabricius, on Christmas,
1593, introduced bread at the Lord's supper instead of
wafers, which signified that the Church had now become
Reformed. The Count of Hanau-Lichtenberg threatened
to put out the Reformed by force. But Elector Frederick
III. of the Palatinate came to the rescue of the Re-
formed and warned him against severe measures. When
Count Phillip II. became of age and assumed the rule
of his land, he found it ready to receive the Reformed
faith. All pictures, altars and fonts were put out of the
churches and Reformed customs introduced.* With
the help of Scultetus, the Reformed oracle of his time,
the Palatinate church order was introduced. The Re-
formed Church in this land was strengthened in 1597
by the coming of the Dutch and French Reformed refu-
gees from neighboring Frankford, who were driven out
by the Lutherans. These brought prosperity to his
land, as they were industrious artisans in silver, gold,
silk and wool. His wife. Princess Catharine Belgica,
the daughter of the Prince of Orange, was one of the
*Heppe's Geschichte, Beider Hessen, II., 237.
268 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
most renowned Reformed princesses of her age. She
took these Reformed refugees under her special care and
protection. They built a part of the town called New
Hanau, and also built a church, named, after Maria of
Cassel, the 'Maria' church. A Reformed gymnasium
was founded at Hanau in 1607. The Reformed, who
remained in Frankford, were finally allowed to build a
church just outside of the walls of Frankford in 1601.
This church, although at first not allowed any separate
organization from the Frankford Lutheran churches,
finally came into connection with the Hanau Reformed
Synod.
Is&nberg.
Isenberg is a little county just north of Hanau and
north-east of Frankford The Formula of Concord
drove the Count of Isenberg over to the Reformed
faith. Count Wolfgang of Isenberg was influenced very
much by Count John of Dillenberg, and also by the
neighboring Count of Hanau. On Easter, 1584, he
first received the Lord's supper after the Reformed
mode at Kelsterbach, his castle on the banks of the
Main. In spite of opposition from his family and from
some Lutheran preachers, who declared the Turks were
better than the Calvinists, he, with the aid of Herborn
ministers, kept on introducing Reformed customs. No
sooner was he dead, than his brother Henry, who was a
Lutheran, sent all the Reformed preachers away from
ISENBERG AND SAYN. 269
Isenberg Ronneberg. But Count Wolfgang Ernst I.,
son of Count of Birstein, re-introduced the Reformed
faith into Isenberg. On the first of August, 1597, he
gathered the nainisters together at his castle at Birstein
and urged them to introduce the Reformed simplicity of
worship. He sent deputies through his land, who
gathered the people together in the church yards, made
known to them the desire of their Count, and advised
them to go into the church and hear the sermon. They
went into the church, and heard that altars and pictures
were contrary to the Word of God. The congregations
generally assented to these changes, and the Reformed
faith was introduced into Isenberg Ronneberg, with the
exception of Ruckingen, which remained Lutheran.
Sayn,
Count William of Sayn introduced the Reformed
faith into his county of Sayn, situated east of the Rhine
and north of Wied. He had Olevianus as his tutor at
Berleberg, and he afterwards studied at Marburg and
Herborn. In 1605 he assumed the rule over Sayn,
which before had been Lutheran. He was assisted by
the Herborn theologians in introducing the Reformed
customs. He had not much difficulty in doing so, as
two of the Lutheran pastors had just gone over to Rome ;
and this opened the eyes of the people to the dangers
still lurking in high Lutheranisni and its rites. Still
270 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he had a great deal of opposition from the Elector of
Treves, a powerful neighboring prince. Finally, in
1599, when the Reformed were in danger of persecution
from the Lutherans, because of the damnatory clause of
the Formula of Concord, Count John of Nassau gath-
ered the Counts of Hanau, Solms, Wied and Wittgen-
stein into a confederation, to arrange for defense.
Thus did the Reformed faith conquer the Wetterau
districts. Driven from the Palatinate, it found a home
in this region. Herborn began to rival Heidelberg.
When the Reformed faith was re-introduced into the
Palatinate, these lands sustained, and were sustained by,
the Palatinate. And the conquering march of the Re-
formed faith through Germany began. Nor did it end,
until the Elector of Brandenburg ultimately became
Reformed in his capital of Berlin.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION HI.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Bremen-
Bremen was one of the free cities of North Germany,
a large and influential town. Its conversion to the Re-
formed faith gave the Reformed Church a new centre of
influence, and aided Emden, which had formerly stood
alone on the northern coast, in its witness for Reformed
truth. The city of Bremen was early converted to Prot-
estantism by Henry of Zutphen in 1522. The immedi-
ate cause of the introduction of the Reformed faith into
Bremen was Hardenberg, who came to Bremen in 1547.
He had been the friend of Lasco, and had been named
by Lasco as the superintendent of East Friesland. But
in the battle of Drakenborg, 1547, in which Duke Eric
of Brunswick was defeated and Bremen freed, Harden-
berg took part ; and, although wounded, also took part
in the entrance of the conquering army into Bremen.
All the churches in Bremen had been Lutheran, except
the cathedral, which had been closed since the Catholics
left in 1532. Hardenberg was called as preacher in the
cathedral. He was not to administer the sacraments,
and he had no other duty as pastor, except to preach
272 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
and hold a weekly Latin theological lecture. He was
under the control of the cathedral chapter, and not under
the city council, who controlled the rest of the ministers.
The people of Bremen crowded to hear him preach, be-
cause he preached " with such clearness and earnestness,
which led them to piety and morality." Whether
Probst or Timan, the two leaders of the Lutherans in
Bremen, knew, when they called him to Bremen, that
Hardenberg was low in his Lutheranism, we do not
know. But peace and harmony did not reign long.
Already in 1547 his peculiar views on the sacrament
caused talk among the Lutherans. But in 1548 he pub-
lished a confession, which was almost the same in phra-
seology as the Tigurine confession of the Swiss, issued
the following year. The Lutheran preachers of Bremen
were, however, satisfied with it. They had not as yet
had their attention called to the heresies of Calvinism,
and were somewhat careless about strict Lutheranism.
(Probst, Luther^s friend, had allowed Lasco to stay at
Bremen for half a year in 1549 without any opposition ;
and also permitted him to take part in the Lord's supper
at the Maria church.) This confession of Harden berg's
was approved by Melancthon, whose opinion still carried
full authority. But gradually there came about an alien-
aiii'n between Hardenberg and the rest of the Lutheran
pn-achers. His intercourse with Lasco in 1549 and
1550 had affected him. When Lasco came back from
HARDENBERG IN BREMEN. 273
England, the Lutheran preachers had been stirred up by
Westphal of Hamburg against the Calvinists. And
even Hardenberg is said to have become somewhat cool
toward Lasco, for his extreme Calvinistic views. The
publication of Lasco's catechism in neighboring Em-
den opened the eyes of Timan, to see that the dangers of
Calvinism were around. He at once published his 'far-
rago/ in which he advocated the doctrine of ubiquity,
and urged that all the ministers of Bremen be urged to
subscribe to it. Hardenberg and two others refused to
sign the farrago. Hardenberg said the difference be-
tween himself and the others was not in the doctrine of
the Lord's supper, but in the doctrine of ubiquity.
Timan then began to preach against Hardenberg as a
Zwinglian. The magistrates sided with the Lutheran
preachers. When they wanted to censure Hardenberg,
he declined to be amenable to them ; for he said he
was under the control of the cathedral chapter. So a
delegation was, in 1557, sent to Wittenberg for Melanc-
thon's opinion about the matter. The embassy returned
with the advice that in the disputation about the Lord's
supper, irrelevant contentions should be avoided. The
advice was friendly to Hardenberg, for the Wittenberg
divines opposed the doctrine of ubiquity as much as
Hardenberg did. This advice, however, failed to sat-
isfy the high Lutherans. The ministers of Bremen then
desired Hardenberg's dismissal. But Hardenberg had
274 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
prominent friends in the city cpuncil, as Burgomaster
Daniel Van Buren, who opposed his dismissal. But out-
side influences were brought to bear against Hardenberg.
The King of Denmark wrote to the city council that
they must dismiss him ; and so did the magistrates of
Hamburg and Lubeck. In the meantime Timan died,
and Probst became too old to conduct the controversy
against Hardenberg. So Hesshuss was called in to de-
fend the high Lutherans. He came fresh from Heidel-
berg, smarting under his defeat there. He arranged for
a disputation between Hardenberg and himself. But
Hardenberg did not appear, as his cathedral chapter for-
bade him ; for he was afraid for his life. So, as he did
not appear, the citizens were summoned to appear before
the council, and answer whether they were on Hardeu-
berg's side or not. Whoever attended his preaching in
the cathedral, was excommunicated in the city churches ;
and the officials, who declared for him, were dismissed
from their posts. So the Bremen zealots and the Cath-
olic archbishop (who still claimed jurisdiction over the
city) brought the matter before the neighboring Saxon
circles of Brunswick-Luneberg and Celle, at a Diet at
Brunswick, 1561. Hardenberg appeared there almost
alone, accompanied only by his faithful Van Buren and
a canon of the cathedral. Against him appeared a num-
ber of high Lutherans, as Hesshuss, Mori in and Chem-
nitz. The decision of this Diet was, that Hardenberg
275
was forbiddeu to preach in the cathedral, and was or-
dered to leave the city within fourteen days. Hardeu-
berg returned to Bremen, entered a protest against the
decision, and on the 18th of February, 1561, left Bre-
men amid the tears of the people.
But his dej^arture did not bring peace to Berlin.
The defeat of Melancthonianism in Bremen did not de-
stroy it. Hardenberg left behind him influential friends,
chief among whom being Van Buren. Musaus came to
Bremen as superintendent, in place of Hesshuss. In his
first sermon he declared that he would not rest until the
poor city, which had been turned by the Zwinglians into
"a Sodom and Gomorrah/' should be purified. Musaus
endeavored to introduce a new high Lutheran church or-
der, which gave great offense, and made many of the cit-
izens enemies to his cause. And as an attempt was made
in 1562 to defeat Van Buren for re-election as president
of the city council. Van Buren went to the city hall at-
tended by four thousand citizens. The result was that
Musaus and twelve other zealous high Lutheran preach-
ers, were compelled to leave the city, and the Lutheran
councillors resigned from the council. Van Buren now
had the power, and he filled the places of these minis-
ters with Melancthonian preachers. This raised a great
storm throughout North Germany. Bremen was called
a new Sodom. Hamburg, Lubeck and Dantzic laid an
embargo on all Bremish ships. Bremen was cast out of
the Hanseatic League. Many of the Saxon and West-
276 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
phalian states shut their borders against Bremen citizens.
This quarantine against Bremen brought suffering on the
city, but still she declared she would be true to the orig-
inal faith and reject ubiquity. Finally, in 1568, the
controversy, after an appeal to the imperial court, was
settled by the adoption of the Melancthonian creeds.
Those Lutherans, who had been driven out of the city,
were allowed to return. In 1572 a high Lutheran
preacher again appeared at St. Ansgari church, but Bre-
men remained true to Melancthon. The Formula of
Concord capped the climax. Opposed to ubiquity, the
citizens opposed this. An attempt was made to intro-
duce it into Bremen. A copy of it was sent in 1577 to
Glaneus, the pastor of St. Ansgari church, that he might
introduce it. He presented it to the council of the city.
But superintendent Mening opposed the book. The
ministers and city council refused to subscribe to it, or
to make subscription to it obligatory on the ministers of
Bremen. Glaneus then began to preach against those
who opposed the Formula of Concord. He was ordered
to stop. But his friends, Rocholl and Naso of St. Mar-
tin's church, upheld him. The city council, therefore,
to answer these polemics, called Pezel and Widebram
from Herborn. Pezel came in 1580. A disputation
was held, which only resulted in more quarreling after
the disputation. Glaneus strove to get the Catholic
archbishop, the former administrator of Bremen, to in-
terfere in his favor, as he had done for Hardenberg
VICTORY OF THE REFORMED. 277
twenty years before. But the citizens of Bremen arose
against such unwarranted interference from the arch-
bishop. And, as Glaneus continued to make trouble,
he \vas dismissed. In 1582 Pezel became pastor of St.
Ansgari church in Glaneus' place, and after superinten-
dent Meninges death in 1584, he became superintendent.
He became the first professor of theology in the new gym-
nasium, that had been founded there. Thus, driven
out by the high Lutherans, Bremen went over to the
Reformed faith. Pezel introduced breaking of bread
at the Lord's supper, which made the Church Reformed.
He also put away exorcism, and images and pictures.
In 1595 he drew up the Bremen Confession, which is
strongly Reformed. In it he adopts the Calvinistic doc-
trine of predestination, sharply distinguishing between
predestination and reprobation. This Bremen Confes-
sion was signed by all the Bremen ministers down to
1780. The Heidelberg Catechism was also introduced,
although the Bremen Catechism remained in use till in
the last century.
Thus Bremen became Reformed. By a strange co-
incidence, the old cathedral, in which Hardenberg had
opposed the Lutherans and first prepared the way for
the Reformed faith, finally became the only Lutheran
church of tho city. It was opened in 1638 for the Lu-
therans. And while the other churches of the city re-
mained Reformed, this became the leading Lutheran
church of the city.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION IV.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith Along the Lower
Rhine.
There were two general synods of the Reformed
Church fornaed in the lower Rhine districts, the large
synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg and Mark around Cologne,
and also a smaller synod, taking in the counties of
Bentheim and Tecklenberg farther north.* These synods
felt the influence of neighboring Holland, and the for-
mer especially revealed unusual piety and pure presby-
teriauism.
The Synod of Julieh- Cleve-Berg and Mark.
The movement that led to the formation of this
synod, began as early as 1545. It is noticeable that this
synod began with Holland refugees ; but finally changed
into a German synod. At first it was a foreign Church,
but gradually changed into a native German Church.
In 1545 a number of Holland refugees, fleeing from
their land, found a refuge at Wesel in northwestern
Germany. The city council of Wesel would not receive
them at first, as the rites of their Church were different
*See map.
THE REFUGEES AT WESEL. 279
from the Lutheran customs of Wesel. But they were
finally permitted to remain, after signing a Melanctho-
nian creed. They were allowed to have worship in
their own languasfe and after their own fashion, but
were not permitted to baptize or commune, except in
one of the Lutheran congregations of the city. The
introduction of the Interim, which Wesel very bitterly
resisted, caused many of the Lutherans to worship with
the Reformed in private houses ; and there they learned
to love the simple and Scriptural worship of the Re-
formed Church. The persecutions of the Interim, too,
opened their eyes to the Romish dangers that were lurk-
ing in some of the Lutheran rites of that day. The
influence of the Reformed faith was strengthened by
another arrival of refugees at Wesel in 1554, when
Lasco's congregation arrived from London. There
were then four foreign congregations at Wesel, an Eng-
lish, French, Walloon or French, and low Dutch. Al-
though these refugees were Calvinists, Wesel still re-
ceived them, because of the temporal benefits to be de-
rived from them ; for they were merchants and manu-
facturers of cloth, lace and yarn. The refugees brought
prosperity wherever the settled, and even Catholic cities
like Aix-la-Chapelle and Cologne were willing to receive
them, and grant them religious privileges, because of
the temporal benefits derived from them. Through the
coming of these refugees, Wesel became so prosperous
280 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that it was called " little Antwerp."* After these Eng-
lish refugees had arrived, a circumstance occurred, in
which the refugees insisted on their right to use Re-
formed rites. One of the English ministers, curate to
the Duchess of Suffolk, wanted to baptize her child.
The refugees had not been permitted to baptize, as all
the baptisms had to be performed in one of the city
Lutheran churches, by the Lutheran clergy. The refu-
gees then made complaint to the city authorities that
they were compelled to partake of the Lord's supper in
the city churches, where the service was strange and in
a strange language, and the semi-papal customs at the
altar, such as altars, choir-robes and lights, were offens-
ive to them. These refugees, especially the Walloons,
who were a hot-blooded race, were very determined.
They had been driven out of their land by persecution ;
and they were willing to bear another persecution,
rather than give up any right of conscience. As an
illustration of the devotion of these Walloons at Wesel,
Bertrand de Bias from Tournay went back twice to his
home that he might convert his family to Protestant-
ism. In 1555 he went again. On Christmas, he asked
his wife and brothers to pray for the success of his
efforts. Then during mass he went up to the priest,
took the consecrated wafer from his hand, trod it under
*The Catholics bad a couplet that ran thus :
Geneva, Wesel and Rochelle
Are the Devil's second hell.
THE REFUGEES AT WESEL. 281
foot and said : " This I do for the glory of God, and to
show the impotence of this wafer." Imprisoned for
this, he remained unshaken, and confessed that all his
knowledge of the truth he owed to the preaching he had
heard at Wesel. He bravely suffered death. His hand
and feet were torn off with hot pincers, his tongue cut
out, and while still alive, he was hung over a slow fire
and burned to ashes. Men of such perseverance and
bravery were not to be refused, when they asked for per-
mission to worship according to the Reformed rites.
They had suffered, or were willing to suffer, too much
for their Reformed faith to give it up. But the city
authorities would not yield to their request. They
threatened to drive out the refugees for finding fault with
the Lutherans of Wesel. Melancthon was appealed to
for advice. He counselled the authorities of Wesel to
use mildness, and allow these refugees to have their
own worship and observe their own sacraments, as
they had been allowed to do in Frankford and Stras-
burg. But Melancthon's advice did not bring peace.
The refugees placed themselves under his protection ;
but the high Lutherans were still opposed to them.
Even the German ministers of Wesel were not united
among themselves. Bommel sympathized with Me-
lancthon and the refugees. The other ministers stirred
up the people against them, so that the refugees were
attacked and beaten with fists. Bommel soon after left
19
282 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the city, because the Duke of Cleve ordered the re-
introduction of Catholic customs. But in the place of
Bommel, came two ministers — Heidfeld from Treves,
and Orzenius. They were followers of Melancthon,
but afterwards went over to the Reformed faith. So
the strife between the Lutherans themselves became
greater. Heidfeld and Orzenins were Melancthonians,
while Plateanus, of the church of St. Antonius, was
high Lutheran. The latter aimed to introduce high
Lutheran customs, as exorcism, which heretofore had
been unknown as a Protestant rite to the people along
the Rhine. The Melancthonian party opposed these
innovations, and were strengthened by the coming of
another minister, Rollins, formerly court-preacher of
the Duke of Julich. Rollins was now tending toward
the Reformed doctrines. So there were three city min-
isters against Plateanus. Plateanus called in Hesshuss,
to assist him in introducing high Lutheranism. Hess-
huss came from Heidelberg, to warn the people against
the poison of Reformed doctrine, which was entering
Germany, and was now spreading from the refugees'
churches of Wesel into its city churches. But Hess-
huss' efforts had the same effect here as at Heidelberg.
They led to the introduction of the Reformed faith
here as there. For Rollius gained the burgomaster of
the city, Von Grove, to his side. Plateanus was dis-
missed and the high Lutherans driven out. When the
THE SYNOD OF WESEL. 283
Heidelberg Catechism appeared, in 1563, sanctioned by
so powerful a prince as Elector Frederick III. of the
Palatinate, Wesel was ripe for its reception. It was
adopted in 1564 by the Wesel city churches, who, by
this act, became Reformed. Wesel was the first place
outside of the Palatinate, where the Heidelberg Cate-
chism was officially adopted by any church. The Re-
formed churches of Wesel were greatly strengthened by
the large influx of refugees from Holland in 1567, driven
out by the cruelties of the Duke of Alva. They came not
by hundreds, but by thousands, and made this Church
of Wesel the leading refugee Church along the lower
Rhine ; as Heidelberg was along the upper Rhine.
Other smaller colonies were formed. Reformed churches
were scattered all over different parts of northwestern
Germany. They called themselves ^ churches under the
cross,' or secret Reformed churches, because they were
persecuted refugees and often existed in places, where
they were so persecuted, that their religious services
were held in houses and kept secret.
In 1568 a synod, or rather a conference, of these
refugee churches was held at Wesel. This was the
first official meeting of the Reformed churches of the
lower Rhine. It was a Dutch synod meeting on German
ground, no German churches having been admitted to it.
Twenty of these * churches of the cross' were represented
in this synod. Forty-six ministers and elders attended
284 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
it, while seven absentees agreed to its decisions. The
president of this synod was Dathenus, the court preacher
of Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate. The synod
evidently aimed to place itself as far as possible un-
der the protection of such a powerful German prince as
Frederick. This Wesel synod was a very important one,
as it secured the union of the Zwiugliau followers of Las-
co with the Walloon or French adherents of Calvin.
What the confession of Tigurinus was to the southern
churches, by uniting the Zwinglians and Calvinists of
Switzerland ; the decrees of this Wesel synod were to the
northern churches of Germany, in uniting them. This
Wesel synod held strongly to all the essentials of the Re-
formed faith, especially as they were laid down in the
word of God. But all non-essential differences between
the Zwinglian followers of Lasco and the adherents of
Calvin were left to work themselves out. These non-
essentials were mainly differences in custom, not in doc-
trine or church government.*
*They were : Whether sprinkling at baptism was to be per-
formed once, twice or three times ; whether baptism was to be
performed before or after service ; whether godfathers were to
be allowed at baptism, or the whole congregation act as god-
fathers. In regard to the Lord's supper : Whether the elements
were to be received in a sitting or standing posture, or by com-
ing forward to the communion table. (It is noticeable that all
the Reformed churches, except of France, protested against
kneeling at the Lord's supper ; for kneeling was looked upon
as a sort of worship of the supper.) Another difference was,
whether the elements should be administered in connection
with the reading of the Scriptures, or during the singing of a
ITS CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 285
A most, important decisioQ of this synod was in
reference to church government. This Church was a
free Church ; not being united to the state at all. This
allowed it freedom for development and secured for it
independence of action. It introduced pure presbyte-
rianism. What Lambert of Avignon had tried to in-
troduce into Hesse in 1529, but was not able fully to
do, was now introduced into Germany by the Wesel
synod of 1568. It was a fuller presbyterianism than
existed in the Reformed Church of the Palatinate, for
that was a government by synods ; but this was a gov-
ernment by presbyteries. The decrees of this Wesel
synod emphasized the prominence of the eldership.
According to them, the minister was called by the eld-
ers — aristocratic presbyterianism. This was afterward
changed by the next synod at Emden to a call by the
whole congregation — democratic presbyterianism. Thus
was the aristocratic presbyterianism of Calvin set over
against the democratic presbyterianism of Lasco, and
the latter prevailed. The decrees of this synod follow-
quite closely the church order of Lasco at London,
which appointed four offices in the congregation — min-
isters, prophets, elders and deacons. The prophets or
psalm. Also whether in ordination the minister was to be re-
ceived by the laying on of hands, or merely by prayer. These
non-essentials were left for each congregation to decide, while
the essentials of Reformed doctrine and government were stead-
fastly adhered to. This synod thus set the example for future
unions among the Reformed churches.
286 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
teachers were to explain the Bible once or twice a week
publicly — only greater liberty was now given the con-
gregation to ask questions, than at London. Here was
the beginning of the prayer meeting in the Reformed
Church. Prayer meetings are as old as the Reformed
Church of Germany. Free prayer was also ordered to
be used in the regular Sabbath service. The decrees of
the synod say : "The confession of sin may be free or
after the Genevan form. The prayer after the sermon
shall be free." This is the warrant for the free service
now so common in the Reformed Churches in Germany
and in this land. The remaining liturgical forms in
the regular Sabbath service were afterwards driven out
of the Reformed churches of the Lower Rhine by the
revival of Labadie in the next century. After his day
the Sabbath service in the Reformed churches was free,
the liturgy being used only on sacramental occasions.*
Before the service an elder or a deacon read a chapter
out of the Bible — a custom still prevalent in the Re-
formed churches of Holland. Dathenus was a great
believer in psalm singing. Through his influence, its
use was sanctioned, and the singing of psalms became
customary in the Reformed Church of Germany. These
decrees were careful to avoid any Catholic customs.
Baptism was to be administered only by the minister,
and before the congregation, except in cases of sickness ;
*Goebel, I., 420 ; Goebel, II., 121-2.
THE SYNOD OF EMDEN. 287
when it might take place before a few persons, who
would be considered as a small congregation. The
Lord's supper was to be preceded by a visitation of the
members and a preparatory service. The congregation
was divided into parishes and visited by the elders. At
the Lord's supper only bread and not wafers could be
used. Church discipline was to be strictly enforced.
The Belgic Confession was adopted. Calvin's catechism
was adopted for the French churches, and the Heidel-
berg ordered to be used in the German congregations.*
The second synod was held at Emden, in 157L It
was held under the protection of Count Adolph of Nue-
nar. It also aimed to place itself under the more pow-
erful protection of the Elector of the Palatinate, by
electing Heidanus of the Palatinate as president. This
synod completed the work begun at Wesel three years
before. It thoroughly organized the refugee churches,
or ' churches of the cross.' It organized them into
general synods, provincial synods and classes. There
were three provincial synods appointed — the German,
Belgic and English. The German provincial synod
consisted of the refugee churches of Julich, Cleve and
refugee churches of Emden. The Belgic provincial
synod was divided into four parts — Brabant, Dutch
Flanders, Welsch Flanders, and Holland. The English
*Mouheim, rector of a school at Dusseldorf, prepared a cate-
chism in 1560, which was mainly Calvinistic. It was to be used
for teaching the youth in the schools. •
288 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
province was not, as yet, districted. Classes were to be
convened every six mouths ; consistories were to hold
weekly meetings ; provincial synods, yearly ; and the
general synod, triennial meetings. Thus was completed
the ideal of Lambert of Avignon, of a church depen-
dent not on birth, but on conversion ; of a church not
united to the state, but free from it and existing along-
side of it. This thorough organization greatly facilitated
the growth of personal piety in the churches, and made
them strong enougb to resist Catholicism. It prepared
them for the baptism of blood, which came upon these
churches in Western Germany, and especially in Hol-
land, whither the refugees soon returned. Without such
an organization, and the personal piety it developed, the
Germans could not have borne the Thirty Years' War,
nor the Hollanders the eighty years of conflict before
them.
Classis of Cleve.
The first meeting of this newly organized classis was
held at Wesel in 1572. Over the gate of Cleve is cut
in stone the beautiful and significant words: "I stand
o])en to the pious.'' The gate of this classis stood open
to the pious, and it gradually received German and
French churches into itself. It thus brought the Ger-
mans of the lower Rhine into the Reformed Church.
This classis consisted of the Wesel, Goch, Gennep, Em-
dec, Rees churches ; and the church of Duisburg was
THE CLASSIS OF CLEVE. 289
invited to join it. Although composed of Dutch church-
es, it invited French churches to join it. Its meetings
were generally held at Wesel, under the presidency of
Dr. Nielle, pastor of the French or Walloon congrega-
tion at Wesel. And now comes the most important
event, — the reception into this Dutch classis of its first
German congregation. The German congregation at
W^esel, of which Heidfeld was pastor, was received into
it in 1577. This prepared the way for reaching the
Germans and bringing them into the Reformed Church.
For this was the first of the German churches on the
lower Rhine to join the Reformed Church. Others
soon followed. Thus the Holland churches began to
leaven the Germans with Reformed doctrines and the
simple Reformed worship, and with their earnest piety,
which made a deep impression on the Germans around
them. The German membership in the classis and
synod gradually became stronger and stronger. When
the Dutch refugees went back to Holland after 1579,
the Dutch element in the classis and synod became
weaker and weaker, until the whole synod with its
classes became a German organization. The Dutch
language was gradually supplanted by the German in
the sessions of synod. And when the Dutch had re-
turned home, there remained a German synod of Juiich-
Cleve-Berg. The Cleve classis was held every six
months, in spite of the dangers from the troops of the
290 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
neighboring Netherlands. It, however, had no meet-
ings from 1598 until 1603, because it was devastated by
the Spaniards.
Classis of Julich.
This classis lay along the west bank of the Rhine,
west of Cologne. Its two main centres of influence
were, strange to say, the Catholic towns of Cologne and
Aix-la-Chapelle. The first meeting of the classis of
Julich was held in 1572.* It adopted the Emden Ar-
ticles and the Belgic Confession, and was in close con-
nection with Heidelberg. All theological questions were
submitted to the faculty of Heidelberg university, and
most of its ministers came from Heidelberg. A peculi-
arity of this classis was that nearly all of its churches
were secret churches, or * churches of the cross.' The
congregations had to worship in houses, because of
the persecutions of the neighboring Elector of Cologne
or of the Spaniards of the Netherlands. It was ' the
Church in the house,' as in the days of the apostles.
The churches were also influenced toward the Reformed
faith by being so near to Holland. The city of Aix-
la-Chapelle at first opposed the coming of the Reformed
refugees ; but finally, on account of commercial advan-
tages, it received them. Their number increased, until
in the latter part of the sixteenth century one-third of
^Originally this classis included in it what afterwards became
the synod of Berg, east of the Rhine.
THE CLAS8IS OF JULICH. 291
the towD was Reformed. But in 1598 Aix-la-Chapelle
was declared under the bau of the Spaniards. Reformed
worship was forbidden, and the Evangelicals had to flee.
In 1612, owing to the protection of the Elector of Bran-
denberg and the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg, they again
rose to a majority, so that three-fourths of the town was
Reformed. But in 1614 persecutions again began.
Thousands had to leave. The rich merchants or manu-
facturers, who remained, went to neighboring Vaels in
Holland for worship, or else held private service in
their homes. Religious freedom was not granted to the
Reformed of Aix-Ia-Chapelle until 1804, when the
French granted it to them. The Lutherans and the
Reformed were then given the St. Anna cloister.*
Cologne, though the seat of a Catholic archbishop-
ric, was another centre of influence for the Reformed
Church. Refugees were found there, who had worship
in their own houses. Their preachers would live in
the neighboring county of Julich and secretly come into
the city when they were to preach. To escape Catholic
baptism and marriage, the Reformed of Cologne would
live for a while outside of the city, so that these rites
might be performed by Protestant ministers. They did
this, although there was a fine of 25 ducats for doing it.
Finally, supported by the Count of Nuenar, whose pos-
*This United or Evangelical Church numbered, in 1850, two
thousand souls.
292 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
sessions adjoined the western end of Cologne, they took
courage to ask the city council and the cathedral chapter
for a church, in which the Evangelicals might worship.
To encourage these Evangelicals, Count Adolph of Nue-
nar allowed his court preacher and the court preacher
of Zweibriicken (probably Pantaleou Candid us), who
was staying with him, to preach at Mechtern.* Here
service was held for three successive Sabbaths in June,
1582. This created a great excitement in Cologne.
The chapter of the Catholic cathedral held daily meet-
ings to consider how the influence of these meetings
might be stopped. They urged the city council to shut
the city gates ; and to forbid the citizens from attend-
ing Protestant service, by arresting, and fining and ex-
iling those who attended them. But still on the third
Sabbath, thousands of Evangelicals went to these ser-
vices at Mechtern. The city council made an attempt
to disperse them by a bombardment ; but this did not
succeed, because the neighboring Reformed counts of
Nuenar, Bentheim, Daun-Falkenstein and Solms pre-
vented it. The city council, now thoroughly alarmed
at the power of the Evangelicals, as revealed by these
meetings, shut the city gates against the market people.
All strangers who had come into the city since 1664,
and were not Catholics, were ordered to leave within
'Mechtern was hardly a quarter of an hour's walk from the
Ehrenthor or honoi-gate of Cologne.
THE REFORMATION IN COLOGNE. 293
four weeks. The Elector of Cologne, Gebhard Truch-
sess, was friendly to the Evangelicals, but the cathedral
chapter at Cologne was strongly against them. Geb-
hard issued a church order, by which Protestantism was
introduced into many towns along the Rhine. He him-
self became Protestant in 1582. But he and his pious
provost of the cathedral, Count George of Solms, were
soon displaced from their positions.* So Cologne was
lost to Protestantism, and Gebhard retired to Strasburg,
where he became a member of the cathedral chapter,
and died in 1601. But in spite of these persecutions,
Protestantism still lingered in Cologne. The spirit of
Protestantism rose again and again. Stephen Isaac, a
priest of the church of St. Maria Ablass, began preach-
ing against Catholic errors and abuses. He had before
this entered into a discussion with some deposed priests
of Cologne, and they had given him a paper against the
*Had the Lutheran princes of Germany supported Elector
Gebhard, his whole laud would have become Protestant. An-
other, and the fourth Electorate and the deciding vote in the
Electoral college, would have become Protestant. The Bishop
of Wurzburg was ready, too, to follow Gebhard into Protestant-
ism. But Gebhard had allowed Pantaleon Candidus, who
was suspected of leaning to Calvinism, to marry him to Agnes
of Mansfield. Gebhard himself was suspected, by those prin-
ces, of leaning toward the Reformed faith. So the Lutheran
Electors of Saxony, and Brandenberg, and also of the Palati-
nate, forsook his cause. And the Catholics deposed him from
the Electorate. Only Prince Casimir of the Palatinate came to
his assistance with a small army ; but he was soon called away
by the death of his brother Lewis, to resume control of the Pa-
latinate.
294 THE REFORMED CHURCH OP GERMANY.
mass by Sadel, which Isaac, to his horror, found he was
not able to refute. While Gebhard was Elector, he, in
1582, preached a sermon against the idolatry of the
Catholic Church, which caused a great stir, but nothing
was done against him through the protection of Geb-
hard. But when, under the next Elector, Ernest of
Bavaria, a strict Catholic, he preached a sermon against
the use of pictures in the Catholic Church, he was or-
dered to cease preaching. His congregation was de-
votedly attached to him. As he did not appear at the
appointed time to hold service, the people assembled in
thousands and became so threatening, that finally the
Catholics had to bring him out, so as to quiet the peo-
ple. He struggled through the crowd into the church,
until he had reached the choir. Then he urged the
the crowd to go home quietly, which they did at his re-
quest. But some Jesuits and Spaniards, who were in
the crowd, and who used abusive expressions against
him, received blows from the people, who strongly sym-
pathized with him. The easily fooled populace were
soon turned from their adherence to Isaac by a new
Catholic miracle. A picture of the Virgin in the chapel
of his parish began to sweat, and the people were drawn
to it. Isaac said he would rather beg than accept such
idolatry as that any longer. As he was kept under the
ban at Cologne, he left the city and became a minister
in the Reformed Church, probably in Meurs or the Pa-
THE CLASSIS OF JULICH. 295
latinate. Many of the Reformed went to this county of
Meurs, which became a thoroughly Reformed land.
But in 1586 the city of Meurs was stormed by the
Spaniards. The Reformed preacher was hung. In
1584 two Reformed preachers at Bonn were bound hand
and foot, and thrown into the Rhine. One of them,
John of Northausen, saved himself almost as by a mira-
cle. The Reformed faith had already spread into Nue-
nar. Prince Herman II. of Nuenar had married the
sister of the Prince of Orange, which led liim to become
Reformed. His successor. Count Adolph, fully intro-
duced the Reformed faith, and Nuenar became a strongly
Reformed county and an asylum for the persecuted Re-
formed. Count Adolph founded a Gymnasium called
the Adolphinium ; but, being defeated in the war for
Cologne, he was driven out of his land by the Spaniards
in 1586. He then became governor of Guelders and
Utrecht in Holland, where he was killed by an explo-
sion.
But although Stephen Isaac was driven out of Co-
logne by the Catholics, Cologne still remained a nur-
sery of the Reformed faith. John Badius, who had
been a friend of Olevianus, was a pastor of the refugee
church of Cologne. Through his efforts the Reformed
faith was spread through the neighborhood around Co-
logne. He introduced the Reformed doctrines into the
neighboring county of Berg, east of the Rhine. Through
296 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the influence of Count Adolph, his nephew Count Wir-
ich of Dauu-Falkenstein, at Bruch near Muhlheim, be-
came Reformed. His neighbor, Count William of Bern-
sau-Hardenberg, married the sister of Count Wirieh.
He also introduced the Reformed faith into his land.
Thus the evangelical doctrines were introduced east of
the Rhine. At the request of the Count of Hardenberg,
Badius introduced the Reformed faith into the county
of Berg by organizing a synod in July 1589, at Neviges.
At first this synod was part of the Julich synod. (The
Julich classes had by this time grown into a synod.) This
synod of Berg gradually introduced Reformed church
customs and government into Berg, where the Protest-
ants previously had been I^utherans. In 1595 wafers
were put away and bread used at the Lord's supper.
These were the beginnings of what is now the largest
Reformed church in Germany at Elberfeld. Badius,
after having been an apostle of the Reformed faith, was
in prisoned at Cologne in 1590 and then went to Aix-la-
Chapelle, where he died.* In 1608 another Reformed
episode occurred in Cologne, where secret worship in
private houses was always maintained. An elder of the
Reformed church named Reinerus of Roermond, a mem-
ber of the coopers' guild, brought charges that the city
*An interesting tale in German, " Die Grafen von Broich und
Stj-rum," by Frey, published at Muhlheim on the Ruhr, gives
an idea of the persecutions and wars of Count Wirieh of Daun-
Falkenstein.
FOUNDING OF MUEHLHEIM. 297
council had robbed the citizens out of their rights by un-
lawful methods. There must have been some truth in
his charge ; for he found many supporters among the
Catholics. His whole guild of coopers (although only
80 out of 600 were Protestants), rebelled against the city
authorities. The other guilds or trades sympathized
with the coopers. The city council would have impris-
oned Reinerus, but dared not, because of the number of
persons friendly to him. This state of unrest continued
until Easter, 1609, when the city council joined hands
with the priests and tried to convert this labor trouble
into a religious quarrel between the Protestants and the
Catholics. The guilds that were composed largely of
Catholics, now receded from sympathy with Reinerus,
because he was a Protestant. So he and his followers
were banished. His adherents went across the Rhine to
Miihlheim, half a mile away, where they w^ould be under
the protection of the princes of Brandenberg and Neu-
berg; as the whole county of Julich-Cleve-Berg had
fallen to these two princes by inheritance. Cologne suf-
fered very greatly by this loss of her best citizens, but
they became the foundation of Miihlheim, which was
destined to play so important a part in future Reformed
history.* The Reformed who remained in Cologne went
in summer to Miihlheim to worship, and in winter to
*MuehlheiEn is now one of the largest Reformed congrega-
tions in Germany.
20
298 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Frechen on the west side of the Rhine. (The Reformed
people of Cologne were always glad to have the troops of
Brandenberg quartered in Cologne, for they always at-
tended their services. Indeed the German church then
numbered 2,000 souls.) In constitution this Reformed
congregation of Cologne was interesting. The whole
city was divided into ten parts, to each of which an el-
der was allotted. His duty was to notify the members
when service was held in the various houses. During
the service the house had an elder as a watcher on the
outside, while on the inside of the door stood a deacon
If any member committed an offense, he was not notified
of the services for a while.
But after the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg went over to
Catholicism^ the Catholics were again stirred up against
the Protestants. The magistrates of Cologne, one day
before Michelis, stirred up the artisans of Cologne, and
told them that if they did not destroy Miihlheim and
raze it to the ground the next night, they would lose their
trade. They refused to do so until the mayor and coun-
cil agreed to go along. So under the pretense of seizing
a murderer, they shut the city gates of Cologne, so that
no one might go to Miihlheim and warn it of its danger.
At 3 A. M. eight hundred of these artisans, and two
hundred plunderers, after being told that their nefarious
design would be pleasing to the Emperor and the Duke
of Neuberg, and necessary to the safety of Cologne, started
SYNOD OF JULICH-CLEVE-BERG AND MARK. 299
out. They took the inhabitants of Miihlheira unawares,
razed the city, so that not one stone was left on another.
And to make the sad condition of the inhabitants of that
city worse, not one of them was allowed to find refuge in
Cologne. Miihlheim afterwards rose to prosperity again.
Synod of Julieh- Cleve-Berg and Mark.
These three synods of Julich-Cleve-Berg continued
to be an integral part of the Reformed Church of the
Netherlands until 1610. They received protection from
Holland, and followed it in theology, receiving from it,
ministers and customs. The district of Julich-Cleve-
Berg came under the control of the Elector of Branden-
berg and the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg in the early part
of the seventeenth century. The Reformed were some-
what fearful of this change of rulers, as both of them
at first were Lutheran. But the representative of the
Elector of Brandenberg, Margrave Ernest, in 1609, re-
ceived Reformed communion at Wesel, thus going over
to the Reformed faith. And finally the Elector of
Brandenberg himself became Reformed ; while the Duke
of Neuberg went over to Catholicism. Under the pro-
tection of the Reformed Elector of Brandenberg, this
synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg became independent of the
Dutch Reformed Church. It was enlarged in 1611 by
the addition of the synod of Mark. This general synod
met every two years for two hundred years, except in a
few instances, when war prevented it.
300 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Thus we see that the Reformed Church along the
lower Rhine existed and grew with difficulty. The
Cologne war brought persecution. After the death of
the Duke of Julich-Cleve, Brandenberg and Pfalz-
Neuberg had a quarrel about the succession to that land.
They ruled it conjointly for about a year, and then they
broke with each other. The Elector Sigismund in an
evil hour boxed the ear of the Duke of Neuberg, at a
wedding at Dusseldorf. The Duke went away in a
rage, finally joined the Catholics, and, as a result, the
Reformed were very greatly oppressed in Berg and Ju-
lich, the counties that fell to him. The Duke of Pfalz-
Neuberg converted Neuberg back to the Catholic Church
again ; and tried to do so in Julich and Berg, but failing
to do so, he took sides with the Lutherans against the
Reformed. When the Duke of Neuberg found that
the Reformed General Synod had been formed in 1610,
he ordered, to offset it, the organization of a Lutheran
synod in 1612. Thus the two Churches remained dis-
tinctly separated. But the Julich and Berg Churches,
being under his control, suffered severely. During
these various persecutions along the Rhine, whole clas-
ses and congregations went down ; as for instance in
Meurs, west of the Rhine. The persecutions were not
so severe east of the Rhine, in Berg, because of the
influence of the neighboring Protestant princes of Wal-
deck, Hesse and Brandenberg. But Solingen, east of
CUSTOMS OF THE RHENISH CHURCH. 301
the Rhine, suffered severely in 1600. The pulpit of
Elberfeld was forbidden to pastor Kalman, and the
church given to the Catholics, although only six fami-
lies in the town were Catholics. All these persecutions
begot an intense hatred among the people for Catholic
forms. The result was that the lower Rhine Reformed
Church became most bitterly opposed to all Romish
forms and faith. This synod was very much influenced
by the neighboring Holland Church. The early Dutch
emigrants left their stamp on it, by their personal piety
and strict discipline. The churches were often called
nothing but meeting houses or preaching houses. The
pulpit stood in the middle of the church, under it a
simple communion table without crucifixes, crosses and
pictures; as the second commandment forbade all these.
The preacher never turned his back to the people, but
always faced them, never facing the altar.* The church
services were begun, as in Geneva, by the reading of
Scripture for half an hour, then a short hymn, prayer,
hymn, sermon, prayer, hymn, benediction. The serv-
ice was very plain. The church government was thor-
oughly presbyterian. A representation of the elders
was required in the church courts. If a minister ap-
peared without an elder, the congregation was censured,
or the minister not admitted ; although exceptions were
made in favor of poorer congregations. There was no
*Goebel, II., 118-9.
302 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
distinction made between the ministers and the elders in
the church courts. They spoke of each other as brother-
ministers and brother-elders. The president was elected
at each meeting, and as such held the office of inspector
until the next meeting. Ever since 1674 they had the
custom, on the Sabbath before the meeting of a classis
or synod, of having special prayer for it in the churches.
The government of this Church was so throughly pres-
byterian that Olevianus said he envied it. The elder
was the equal of the minister, except in the administra-
tion of the sacraments and preaching. But if the min-
ister was hindered from coming, as he often was, in the
unsettled state of the country, the elder conducted the
service of singing, prayer, catechization, reading of the
Bible, and sermon. Free prayer was especially permit-
ted, only they were required not to make a long intro-
duction to the prayers. The elder assisted the minister
in visiting the sick of the congregation before the com-
munion. Often a special person was appointed as a
comforter of the sick, as is now the custom in the Dutch
churches. This Church was very strict in its discipline,
disciplining its members for dancing, Sabbath-breaking,
attending shooting-matches and carousals. It was espe-
cially severe against any return to papist ceremonies.
No members were allowed to go to a grave, where a
cross was carried. No cross was allowed to be erected
in a Reformed graveyard ; so great was their horror of
CUSTOMS OF THE RHENISH CHURCH. 303
crosses. No carpenter dared to make a Catholic cross,
or work on a Catholic church. Marriage with unbe-
lievers was forbidden. Baptism and marriage in an
empty church, without the presence of a congregation,
was not considered proper, according to Reformed ideas,
" which knew no altar or outward sanctuary."*
Through this strict discipline, morality reigned and
prosperity came. Even when they were persecuted,
they prospered. In Julich and Berg the Reformed
were shut out from all public positions, because of their
religion. But the Reformed laid hold of the commerce,
and laid the foundations of the great trade along the
lower Rhine, which is still in the hands of the Re-
formed at Elberfeld and Barmen. In their church life
there was a sharp distinction between the ^ converted^ and
^ unconverted,' between the Christians and the world.
This distinction continues until this day along the lower
Rhine.f The Reformed believed in personal experience
and a change of heart. They laid great stress on in-
ward piety. This depth of personal piety in the six-
teenth century prepared the Church to receive the pie-
tism of the seventeenth century. Although the Church
was afterwards united with the state, and members
were received into the Church by birth, and not by pro-
fession, as at first; still the Church never lost this char-
*Goebel, II., 122.
fSee Autobiography of Krummacher, page 111.
304 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
acteristic of personal religious experience. The lower
Rhine Reformed Church was always a pietistic Church.
When the different synods were united by Brandenberg,
in 1611, and even before that time, dissensions arose
between the large open or public churches and the se-
cret private churches. The latter had been called
' churches of the cross,' and had worshipped in private
houses. The former were the large national churches,
having church buildings granted them by the city au-
thorities. But, although the latter were the stronger in
number, the former were the stronger in piety ; and
they complained of the looseness of discipline in the
public national churches. Thus the secret church of
Cologne in 1598 complained that the open Duisburg
church received some at communion, whom they had
disciplined. The first general synod in 1610 tried to
mollify the dissensions between these two kinds of
churches within its borders; and the strife was checked.
The deep personal piety of the secret churches found an
opportunity, to penetrate with their strong leaven, the
worldly formal Christians of the open churches. Even
before this general synod, some of the rigid members
did not want to commune with all the members of the
open churches. So the synod of Berg, in 1597, granted
permission to one of its congregations to have a separate
coin.nunion service for tliose of its members who would
not commune with the congregation; because they
SYNOD OF BENTHEIM. 306
thought certain persons in it were not fit to come to the
Lord's table. " And in case some one's conscience is
not yet satisfied, the free-willed Christians shall have
a preparatory service on a certain day by the pastor, and
shall together hold the Lord's supper by themselves."*
This was the beginning of the ecclesiola in ecclesia, of
conventicles in the congregations of the Reformed
Church, an ecclesiastical recognition of the "converted"
in the congregation.
Bentheim and TecMenberg.
Another stronghold of the Reformed faith was found
in Bentheim and Tecklenberg, two counties north of
Cologne. Count Arnold II. of Bentheim introduced the
Reformed doctrines into his laud of Bentheim-Steinfurt-
Teckleuberg-Rheda. His mother, as early as 1574, had
introduced them into the county of Tecklenberg, and he
followed her example. Count Arnold had been edu-
cated under Reformed influences at Herborn, Heidel-
berg and Utrecht. He had also been a pupil of John
Sturm at Strasburg. He came fully under the influence
of the Reformed Church by marrying a Reformed
princess, the Countess of Nuenar. By this marriage he
greatly enlarged his territory, and also gaiued the Re-
formed faith. In 1582, at the death of his mother, he
assumed the control of his land. In 1583, he called
*Goebel, II., 73.
306 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Kemmener as pastor, who administered the Lord's sup-
per after the Reformed fashion, on the fifth of Decem-
ber, in the castle chapel of Bentheim. A few weeks
later, he commissioned Kemmener to purge his churches
of all altars, pictures of saints, and the like. He was
greatly supported in his wOrk by his Councillor, John
of Munster. In 1587 he gathered the ministers of
Schuttorf, Tecklenberg and Northeim, and his highest
officials at Tecklenberg, so as to arrange for a thorough
introduction of the Reformed faith. In 1 604 a General
Synod was held at Schuttorf, composed of the ministers
of the counties of Bentheim, Tecklenberg and Steinfurt.
It throughly organized the congregations by the ap-
pointment of boards of elders or presbyteries in each
congregation. At the close of this first General Synod,
the count made an address full of earnest devotion, ex-
horting the synod to continue in its good work. He
also founded a Reformed gymnasium at Schuttorf in
1589, which was afterwards removed to Burg Steinfurt.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION V.
Re-introduction of the Reformed Faith into the Palatinate
by Prince Casimir, 1583—92.
We now return to the Palatinate again. When
Elector Lewis died, in 1583, he did not deprive Prince
Casimir of the position as guardian of his nine-year-old
son, Frederick. But, being afraid that Casimir might
influence his son to go over to the Reformed faith, he
appointed, as co-guardians with him, Duke Lewis of
Wurtemberg, Landgrave William of Hesse, and Mar-
grave George Frederick of Braudenberg. Prince Casi-
mir was in camp at Deutz, opposite Cologne, fighting
for Elector Gebhard, when he heard of his brother
Lewis' death. He at once hastened to Heidelberg, to
assume the guardianship of the young prince. This he
could do without waiting for the other princes appointed
by Lewis, as the gold bull or law of the empire gave
the guardianship of a child to the nearest relative. And
Elector Frederick III., the boy's grandfather, had also,
unknown to Lewis, left a testament, appointing Casimir
the guardian in case of the death of Lewis before the
boy was of age. The wise Frederick III. foresaw
what actually took place, and provided for it. '* Lewis
308 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
will not do it, Fritz will," was his prophecy, now about
to be fulfilled.
But, of course, the Lutherans raised a great outcry
against Casimir's sole guardianship. Casimir, however,
was master of the situation ; for " possession is nine
points of the law." He knew that, if they contested his
right, by the time the case had taken its weary way
through a German imperial court, Frederick would
probably be of age, before it would be settled. At any
rate, by the time it was decided, the young prince, if not
of age, would have been thoroughly trained up in the
Reformed faith. Thus the want of respect, which
Lewis showed to his father, (when he would not visit
him before his death,) recoiled against Lewis. For Cas-
imir paid no more attention to Lewis' wishes than
Lewis had done to his father's. Casimir at once pro-
ceeded to educate young Frederick in the Reformed
faith, by dismissing his Lutheran instructors, and giv-
ing him Reformed teachers instead. The Lutherans, in
retaliation, brought up charges that Casimir was a se-
vere and harsh guardian to the boy. These charges
were probably not true ; for Frederick always showed
the greatest love and respect for Casimir's memory,
which he would not have done, if Casimir had been an
unkind guardian to him. Prince Casimir again intro-
duced the Reformed faith into the Palatinate. The
great mass of the people had remained Calvinistic under
RE-INTRODUCTION OF REFORMED FAITH. 309
Elector Lewis' Lutheran reign. The Reformed were iu
the majority, except around the Elector's court at Hei-
delberg, and along the borders of Wurtemberg. Casi-
mir, therefore, found it an easy matter to re-introduce
the Reformed faith. His course in doing so was in di-
rect contrast with the severe measures of his brother
Lewis, in 1577, when he introduced the Lutheran faith.
Lewis had driven out all the Reformed ministers. But
Casimir did not drive out all the Lutherans. Casimir
introduced the idea of religious liberty, and the Luther-
ans were allowed their right to worship, provided they
did not rail against the Reformed as heretics. When a
number of the Reformed people of Heidelberg, (who
had had no Reformed service for eight years,) petitioned
that St. Peter's or the Franciscan church be given them
for worship, Casimir granted their request. His court
preacher, Tossanus, whom he had brought with him
from Neustadt, and who still smarted under his expul-
sion by Lewis, wanted Casimir to give to the Reformed
the church of the Holy Ghost, the largest in the city.
But Casimir did not grant Tossanus' request. He still
allowed the Lutherans the largest church in Heidelberg.
And he ordered Ehem to announce to the people that
the church of the Holy Ghost should remain Lutheran.
He arranged a conference between the Lutherans and
the Reformed, so as to harmonize them. But nothing
came out of it. The Lutherans were ordered to abstain
310 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
from polemics and from calling the Reformed heretics
from their pulpits. But they would not do this. Al-
though Casimir had not persecuted one-tenth as much as
Lewis had done even in the first month of his reign, yet
the Lutherans raged against him violently from their
pulpits. Even the Lutheran court preacher in the court
chapel used an offensive comparison between Casimir
and the treasonable King of Judah. Men like Ehem
and Tossanus, who had been banished by Lewis in
1577, were burning with a desire to get some revenge,
for the injuries they had suffered. But Casimir held
these Reformed zealots back. Still the Lutherans railed
against him and the Reformed. So, finally, he dismissed
the court preachers, Paul and John Schecksius, super-
intendent Patiens and others. But there were still five
Lutheran preachers left in Heidelberg, more than
enough for the small Lutheran community there. Cas-
imir then sought to have another conference, so as to
unite all parties. For this purpose he secured the ser-
vices of the learned Gryneus from Basle, to conduct the
discussion for the Reformed ; while Marbach entered
the lists for the Lutherans. The whole court was pres-
ent. The conference turned out to be only an eight day
word-fight ; and both sides claimed the victory. It only
made the strife worse. So Casimir saw there was only
one way to settle the strife ; and that was for one of the
parties to go away. So he dismissed the Lutheran
RE-INTRODUCTION OF HEID. CATECHISM. 311
preachers, although the Lutheran catechism was allowed
to be used in the Neckar school, provided the Lutheran
students sometimes attended Reformed service. Then
the whole Reformed church order of 1563, published by
his father, Elector Frederick III., was re-introduced.
The Heidelberg Catechism was also re-introduced, in
1585. The Formula of Concord was put out of sight,
as the Heidelberg Catechism rose in honor. Thus the
revenges of history came back. The Lutherans did not
think of comparing the removal of their preachers at
this time with the removal of the Reformed in 1577.
Casimir's course was much milder than Lewis^ had been.
His dismissals were slower. Casimir found it easy to
introduce Reformed doctrines, for it was not the forcing
of a new faith on the people, as Lewis had done ; but it
was giving the people, who were still Reformed, an op-
portunity to worship God according to the dictates of
their own consciences.
Casimir had a smaller catechism prepared and
printed in 1585, an abstract of the Heidelberg Cate-
chism ; only simplified and made more popular. It
was intended for the uneducated adults and for half-
grown children. Casimir also caused a church visi-
tation to be made throughout the land. This revealed
great ignorance on the part of the people. Very few
knew the main points of the catechism. Adult men, in
the Lord's prayer, said ^deliver us from the kingdom,'
312 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
instead of Meliver US from evil/ Id the creed they
said ' ponsified under Pilate/ instead of ^ suffered under
Pontius Pilate/ Thus Prince Casimir thoroughly re-
converted the Palatinate to the Reformed faith.
But the strife, while it ended in the Palatinate, did
not cease outside of it. Pareus printed Luther's Bible,
and happened to leave out some of Luther's comments,
which expressed his peculiar views. This raised a
storm among the Lutherans, who so highly revered
Luther's words. Jacob Andrea, who considered Cal-
vinism and Jesuitism as being the same, wrote a letter
to the young Elector Frederick (which was very severe
against the Reformed), trying to influence him from
the Reformed to the Lutheran faith. Pareus answered
the attacks made on him by the high Lutherans, and
there was a great theological controversy.
Meanwhile the legal question of the guardianship of
the young Elector was taking its slow way through the
German courts. The more Casimir re-introduced the
Reformed faith into the Palatinate, the more did the
Lutheran guardians threaten to depose him from his
position as executor. The Duke of Wurtemberg went
so far as to deliberate with Landgrave William of Hesse
about raising an army against Casimir. But Casimir,
old soldier that he was, would not allow such trifling;
and he very decidedly gave Wurtemberg to understand
that she must mind her own business, or he would take
REIGN OF CASIMIR. 313
up the sword against her. This quieted VVurtetnberg.
Meanwhile the case of the guardianship of Frederick
pursued its sleepy course through the German courts,
until finally the imperial decree was issued in 1589, six
years after the death of Lewis. The decree was against
Casirair and in favor of the Lutheran guardians, and
urged that the young prince Frederick should be given
over to the Lutheran administrators. But the decree
could not be enforced. The prince and the Palatinate
people were devoted to Casimir; and he ruled as safely
three years after the decision of the court, as he had
done six years before.
During Casimir's reign, on the second of March,
1586, a very important conference was held at Mum-
pelgard, in Wurtemberg. Although this conference
did not take place within Palatinate territory; yet it
was such an important event in Reformed church hist-
ory, that we note it here. At this conference under
Beza of Geneva, the doctrine of predestination was, for
the first time, acknowledged or treated as a peculiar
doctrine of the Reformed Church, over against the Lu-
theran. Although the early reformers of the Lutheran
Church were all predestinarians, yet the Lutheran
Church now gave it up. It took Melancthon's syner-
gism, but refused his doctrine of the sacraments. Here-
after the Reformed were predestinarian, the Lutherans
aiiti-predestinarian.
21
314 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Under Casimir's rule, the university and the schools
of the Palatinate again resumed their former prosperity.
He was deeply interested in the French Reformed, and
gave them the cloister church, where they worshipped
under Jean De La Chasse.
Through Casimir and Calvinism the Palatinate came
into close union with the other Reformed states of Hol-
land, Switzerland and England. But none of the Ger-
man states, except Hesse and Anhalt, joined the Prot-
estant Union, until Elector Christian I. of Saxony, who
was friendly to Calvinism, joined this union of nations,
which was formed against the Catholic League.* But
Elector Christian I. of Saxony, the brother-in-law of
Casimir, died, and that broke up the alliance among
the German states. Soon after, Casimir himself died,
January 6, 1592. Had Casimir lived, the Reformed
would have been stronger in numbers and influence; and
the Reformed of France, with whom he sympathized
and whom he helped, would have been saved many per-
secutions. He was a good ruler; his religious life,
however, being colored by his character as a soldier.
He was an able administrator, a fine general and a kind
relative To his efforts, the Reformed Churches owe a
great deal ; for he was their standard-bearer in Germany
in their time of weakness.
♦The ultimate result of the formation of these two opposing
unions or leagues was the Thirty Years' War.
CHAPTER III— SECTION VI.
Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate and his Heign,
1592-1610.
Elector Frederick IV., the only surviving son of
Elector Lewis, was born at Am berg, on the fifth of
March, 1574. His early teachers were intense Luther-
ans. They aimed to make him a strict adherent of the
Formula of Concord. They compelled him to learn and
to pray by the hour and the minute. But they thus
stultified the free development and play of his boyish
faculties. When his father died in his ninth year, and
his uncle Casimir took charge of him, the methods of ed-
ucation were improved. Casimir stopped this mechanical
training of the boy, and strove to develop his latent tal-
ents, especially in the direction of statesmanship. Fred-
erick liked this kind of training better than the training
of his father's early instructors. Casimir dismissed the
Lutheran teachers and raised him under Reformed influ-
ences. When, after having been under his uncle's con-
trol for nine years, Casimir suddenly died, it was a sad
and painful experience to the young prince. For it threw
all the responsibility of ruling the Palatinate on his
316 THE REFORMED CHURCFI OF GERMANY.
young head and shoulders ; he was not as yet of age — not
quite eighteen years old. His uncle and guardian had
hardly died, when his troubles began. Casiniir was not
yet buried, when Frederick's great uncle, the brother of
Elector Frederick III , Count Richard of Simniern,
claimed the right to be administrator of the boy. For
he still lacked six weeks of being eighteen years of age.
Count Richard, who was a sort of busybody among the
Palatinate princes, (for he had before interfered with
Frederick III. in his introduction of the Reformed doc-
trines into the Upper Palatinate ; he had interfered with
Casimir when he tried to bring the Palatinate back to
the Reformed faith, after the death of Lewis), now again
attempted to interfere with Frederick IV. He claimed
that, as he was the nearest relative to the young prince,
he ought to be his guardian during the remaining six
weeks of his minority. Count Richard came to Heidel-
berg, nine days after Casimir's death, with a retinue of
forty or fifty followers, and claimed his right to act as
guardian. He not only claimed it because Frederick
was not yet eighteen ; but he said the gold bull or law
of Emperor Sigismund made the age of maturity to be
twenty-five years, and he wanted to rule Frederick for
seven years. But these efforts of Count Richard only
embittered Frederick against the Lutherans. Frederick
replied that the gold bull of Sigismund had never been
adopted by the German government or promulgated
FREDERICK VI. A CALVINIST. 317
through the Geruian empire, and that he would be of age
at 18, and did not need a guardian for the time that inter-
vened. Finally, after ten days of heated debate. Count
Richard went away. But after he had gone, he made as
much trouble for Frederick as he possibly could, by his
efforts and influence. He succeeded in preventing Fred-
erick from being invested with his electorate until 1594.
His whole aim seems to have been to introduce Luther-
anism into the Palatinate, or at least to frighten the young
prince into Lutheranism. Indeed, it was hoped by many
that, now that Frederick was removed from the Re-
formed influence of Casimir, he would declare himself a
Lutheran and an adherent of the Formula of Concord.
The Duke of Wurtemberg and the Elector of Branden-
berg wrote to Frederick so as to influence him to Luth-
eranism. But the action of Richard hindered rather
than helped their cause. Frederick's answer cut off all
hope that he would be a Lutheran. He declared that he
would cling to his Bible and to his Calvinism. And
back of him, too, stood the Reformed states of Holland
and England to support him. Queen Elizabeth of Eng-
land showed great zeal and interest for his protection.
She even sent to the Elector of Saxony and complained
ao-ainst the interference of the Lutherans in Frederick's
case. She advised them, if they knew what was best for
them, not to persecute the Reformed, but keep in har-
mony and unity with them. Thus by acknowledging
318 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his Reformed faith, Frederick fulfilled the prophecy his
grandfather Frederick III. made, when the boy was two
years old, "Lewis will not do it, Fritz will do it.'^
Frederick had the same difficulty with the Upper
Palatinate that all the Reformed princes had. Casimir
had clung to the idea of his father that that land might
be converted to the Reformed faith. So, soldierlike, he
went about it by force to accomplish his purposes. Find-
ing he could not conv^ert it from Lutheranism, he en-
deavored to draw it from the high Lutheranism of the
Formula of Concord, and make it Melancthonian, like
Nuremberg and Hesse. Frederick IV. now followed in
the footsteps of Casimir, and tried to introduce the Re-
formed faith into the Upper Palatinate. But the inhab-
itants resisted and even raised a riot, in 1592. The Up-
per Palatinate joined its efforts with Count Richard, to
prevent Frederick from being invested with the Elector-
ate. Finally Frederick had to do what all his prede-
cessors had done before him, — grant the Upper Palati-
nate free exercise of its Lutheran faith.
What Casimir had been able to do only partially in
his brief reign, Frederick now completed. He thorough-
ly introduced the Reformed faith and government
throughout his realm. The synods and classes organ-
ized by his grandfather, were as far as possible held
again. The synods did not get fully under way, but
classes met regularly under the supervision of a mem-
FREDERICK IV. A STATESMAN. 319
ber of the consistory. A thorough church visitation was
carried on throughout all the Palatinate. Efforts were
also made by his theologians to unite the Lutherans and
the Reformed. David Pareus, one of his most prominent
theologians, took up the work, begun by Bucer half a
century before, and aimed at organic union between the
two denominations. Pareus wrote his Irenicum, in
which he aimed to bring out the points of unity between
the Lutherans and the Reformed, rather than their differ-
ences. This was the first work published on the union
of different denominations. It forestalled the union of
the Reformed and Lutheran Churches in Germany at the
beginning of this century, and began to prepare the way
for the ultimate organization of the Evangelical Alliance
in this century. But the high Lutherans of the six-
teenth century opposed any effort at union ; so his labors
were fruitless. Frederick, as he saw he could not gain
theological unity, determined to secure political unity.
He thus became the political leader of the Reformed
Church, as his grandfather, Frederick III., had been its
theological leader. He greatly felt the need of political
unity. The Catholic Church, since the Council of Trent
and the rise of the Jesuits, had renewed her youth and
strength. And as the danger from the Catholics in-
creased, Frederick entered into closer union with King
Henry IV. of France, Queen Elizabeth of England, and
the states of Holland. He also aimed to bring all the
Protestant princes of Germany, Lutheran as well as
320 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Reformed, into the alliaoce, so as to offset the growing
power of the Catholic league. He thus began a politi-
cal movement, which ultimately culminated in the Thir-
ty Years' War. The formation of this Protestant Union
was a tremendous undertaking, too much for a twenty-
year-old boy to fully grasp. Now for the first time
Protestantism became a political power in Europe against
the Catholics. In the Union Frederick took the fore-
most position among the Protestant nobles of Germany.
''He thus opened the way for his house, either to highest
fame or lowest fall.'' But the Lutheran opposition or in-
difference in Germany lessened the power of the Union.
This was very unfortunate, as it weakened the Protest-
ants against the Catholics, and made them weak for the
Thirty Years' War. Frederick also aimed to spread the
Union by introducing the Reformed faith into as many
lands as possible. It was introduced into the neighbor-
ing county of Zweibriicken, and also into Baden-Dur-
lach. Through his influence, the Duke of Anhalt, who
married his cousin, introduced the Reformed faith into
his duchy near Berlin ; and thus the Reformed faith •
found an entrance into Eastern Germany, where it was
so bitterly opposed, as a heresy savoring of Mohammed-
anism. In Hesse Cassel, the new Landgrave Maurice
also introduced the Reformed faith. The result of this
was, that Frederick's influence became so powerful that
some of the Lutheran nobles joined the Union. Every-
thing seemed to favor this Protestant Alliance. But an
DEATH OF FREDERICK IV. 321
apple of discord was thrown into the Protestant camp,
by the death of the Duke of Julich-Cleve and Berg.
Three Protestant German Princes then came forward to
claim this duchy, Brandenberg, Pfalz-Neuberg and Sax-
ony. When the Archduke Leopold entered Julich with
a Spanish army to conquer it, all Germany was aroused
against him. The Emperor, however, by favoring the
claims of Saxony for this duchy, hoped to gain the
drunken Elector Christian 11. of Saxony to his side.
Everything now favored the Protestants in their oppo-
sition to the Emperor and the Spaniards. France had
united with them to overthrow the Hapsburg house of
Austria. King Henry of France wrote, that by the 20th
of May, 1610, he would cross the border of Germany
with his army. The house of Hapsburg was falling to
pieces and Catholicism was weakened by discontent.
But just at this grand crisis, which would have placed
Europe in the powder of the Protestants, King Henry IV.
of France was assassinated. May 14, 1610, by Ravaillac.
This was the first illustration of the teachings of the
Jesuits, that it was right to murder bad kings. '^The
end justifies the means." On the day that Julich was
attacked, the Catholic League invested Elector Christ-
ian II. of Saxony with the right to Julich territory.
This made Saxony hostile to the Protestant Union and
weakened it. Just then, at this critical time, Elector
Frederick IV. died, September 19, 1610. Thus the
golden opportunity for Protestantism was lost. Both
322 THE REFO^RMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Catholic League and the Protestant Union finally
agreed to lay down arras, and submit to arbitration.
And the Thirty Years' War was postponed till eight
years later.
Elector Frederick lY., though a zealous Calvinist,
lacked the simplicity of his grandfather's piety. His
grandfather was the theological prince, his uncle Casi-
mir the warlike prince, he was the diplomatic prince of
the Reformed of Germany. He was fonder of amuse-
ments, of the chase and of architecture than his prede-
cessors. In the first year of his reign, the famous Rit-
terhaus, just opposite the church of the Holy Ghost, was
built. It was built by a French Reformed architect,
Belier of Tourney, one of the refugees, and was modeled
after the Otto Henry's building in the castle. It has
survived two conflagrations. Frederick also built the
northern part of the castle, the Fredericksbau, in which
is a beautiful chapel. Over the entrance to the chapel
was the inscription in Hebrew and Latin : "The gate of
the Lord into which the righteous shall enter." He also
founded the city of Manheim, at the junction of the
Neckar and the Rhine, which was destined to play such
an important part in the future history of the Palatinate.
A terrible storm at its founding foreboded, according to
superstition, the terrible destruction of Manheim in later
wars. Frederick greatly aided the cause of education
in the Palatinate and brought his Electorate to a fore-
most position among German states.
CHAPTER III.— SECTION VII.
Introduction of the Eeformed Faith into Zwsibruecken.
Zweibriicken was one of the counties belonging to
the Palatinate princes. Next to the Electoral Palati-
nate, it was the most important of the Palatinate prov-
inces. Count John I. of Zweibriicken was a very zealous
Lutheran ; and in spite of the intercession of his cousin,
Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate, he tried to
banish all Zwinglians from his land. The particular
event that turned Count John toward the Reformed
faith, was the publication of the Formula of Concord
and its attempted introduction into his land. Zwei-
briicken, like the rest of the Palatinate, was originally
Melancthonian. When the Formula of Concord, with
its high Lutheranism, was brought to it, it was met by
opposition. The minister at Zweibriicken, Heilbron,
who was a high Lutheran, argued in favor of the intro-
duction of the Formula of Concord. But Pantaleon Can-
didus, the superintendent of all the churches and the
successor of the ill-fated Flinsbach, opposed the Form-
ula. Still, under the influence of Marbach, the prince
became more favorable to the Formula. He gathered
324 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
his ministers to'a conference in 1577, and they approved
of the Formula of Concord. But this was hardly done,
before a reaction took place. Candidus and Chancellor
Schnebel led the opposition to it.
They took courage, when they heard that Prince
Casimir of the Palatinate, and Landgrave William of
Hesse, as well as the states of Anhalt and Holstein, had
refused to subscribe to it. At a conference at Kirkl, in
November, 1579, the majority of the ministers, led by
Pantaleon Candidus, pronounced against the Formula
of Concord. A deputation were then sent by the high
Lutherans to the Count of Zweibriicken, to urge him to
accept the Formula ; but it was all in vain. Heilbron,
who, contrary to the command of the prince, would not
abstain from preaching against the Melancthonians, was
dismissed. Still, although the Count with his minis-
ters decided thus against the high Lutherans, yet he did
not at once go over to the Reformed faith, until a num-
ber of years later. His clergy, however, felt themselves
getting more and more out of sympathy with the Lu-
therans of Germany, who were becoming very high in
their Lutheranism. Candidus at length allowed the
Reformed catechism to be used with the Lutheran. He
also preached the Reformed doctrine of the Lord's sup-
per. For this, his assistant, Stuys, rebelled against him,
and refused to administer the Lord's supper with him.
Stuys was dismissed, and Beuther and Hexamer were
TFIE ZWEIBRUECKEN CATECHISM. 325
called to Zvveibriicken. Candidus drew nearer and
nearer to the Reformed theologians of Heidelberg. But
it was not until 1588, that Count John finally went
over to the Reformed faith. He did not do so, until
he saw that there was no hope for Melancthonianism in
Germany. He had waited so long, before taking the
step, that the Reformed nobles looked on him with dis-
trustful eyes. At length, having become satisfied that
there was no hope for him from the high Lutherans, he
proceeded to make his court and land Reformed. His
idea was the idea of the age, "like prince, like people."
He held that it was the princess duty to see that his
people had good religious training. For this purpose,
he determined to publish a catechism. He feared to in-
troduce the Heidelberg Catechism, because of the oppo-
sition he might have to meet. He concluded that the
easier way was to arrange a catechism of his own and
introduce it in his land. So, like his relative. Elector
Frederick III. of the Palatinate, he determined to pub-
lish a catechism. Those Palatinate princes seem to
have been great catechetical authors. ' And as Freder-
ick's catechism committed him to the Reformed faith,
so Count John's catechism committed him to the same
faith. In 1588 he appointed his superintendent Can-
didus, and Professor Hexamer and court })reacher Beu-
ther, to draft a catechism. He aimed to have a Re-
formed catechism, only modeled in form after Lu-
326 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ther's catechism. In it, the five heads of Christian doc-
trine were treated as in Luther's book, but to them dis-
cipline was added. And, as in Luther's catechism, the
doctrine of the sacraments took up a large part of the
book ; and this is its great difference from the other Re-
formed catechisms. This Zweibriicken Catechism was
published in March, 1588, and printed in German at
Heidelberg. It had an introduction by the Count, urg-
ing its reception by all the churches in his land. With
his superintendent Candidus, the prince went every-
where in his county, trying to introduce the catechism.
It w^as very generally received by the churches.
Changes in customs were made, to make them correspond
to the catechism, and so as to make the churches
Reformed. Before the eod of the year, Candidus
could say ^ that the churches had been purged of the
leaven of papacy.' Count John idolized his catechism,
as Elector Frederick .III. had done to his Heidelberg
Catechism ; and he rejoiced that it received less opposition
than the Heidelberg Catechism had received. Outside
of Zweibriicken, this catechism was not introduced, al-
though it received favorable notice elsewhere. In 1620
a Herborn pastor, Exter, issued a commentary on it.
The publication of this catechism led to a discussion be-
tween the theologians of the Duke of Pfalz-Neuberg
and the Zweibriicken ministers at Neuberg. The Luth-
erans aimed to get Count John to give up his catechism.
ZWEIBRUECKEN BECOMES REFORMED. 327
Heilbron, tlie dismissed court preacher of Count John
(who was now the court })reacher of the Duke of Pfalz-
Neuberg), debated for the Lutherans ; while Hexamer
and Beuther defended the catechism. This conference
did not change Count John in the least. He w^ent on
and issued a church order in 1593, based on his cate-
chism. He also received French Reformed refugees
into his land in 1593, which greatly strengthened the in-
fluence of the Reformed Church. His successor was
Count John II., who had been educated at Heidelberg
and in France under Reformed influences. Count
John II. was a wise statesman, and became the guardian
of Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate, after the
death of his father.
The brother of Count John II. of Zweibriicken mar-
ried the daughter of the King of Sweden ; so his
nephew, as Charles X., became King of Sweden. Thus
Sweden and Zweibriicken were linked together. Zwei-
brucken was thus brought within the pale of the Re-
formed Church. An ineffectual attempt was made by
Count Ernest Frederick of Baden-Durlach to introduce
the Reformed faith into his territory.* But Count
Ernest's efforts died with him, his brother George bring-
ing back Lutheranism after his death.
*There were two Badens at that time, Baden-Baden and
Baden-Durlach. Durlacli included the territory around the
present city of Carlsruhe. The Duke of Baden is at present the
successor of the Palatinate princes. Most of the Palatinate is
now under his control.
CHAPTER IV.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Cen-
tral and Eastern Germany.
SECTION I.
Rise and Fall of Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony.
The beginning of the history of the Reformed
Church in Eastern Germany was the controversy about
Crypto-Calvinism in Saxony. Crypto-Calvinism was
the forerunner of Calvinism in three eastern lands.
Not fully Calvinistic itself, it yet prepared the way for
it.* These Melancthonians were not, at first, Calvinistic.
In 1664 the professors at Wittenberg gave an opinion
against the Heidelberg Catechism. It was the Maulbron
*There were three names given to the Melancthonian party
of Lutherans— Phillipists, Synergists and Crypto-Calvinists.
They were called Phillipists after the first name of Melancthon,
who was usually called Doctor Phillip. They were also called
Synergists from Melancthon's doctrine about synergism or
freedom of the will. They were called Crypto-Calvinists (secret
Calvinists) by their enemies. But Phillipists was the wide term
for all Melancthonians, and included in it Synergists and Crypto-
Calvinists. The name Crypto-Calvinist was applied to those
who held the Calvinistic doctrine of the sacrament, but not of
predestination. As we have seen, Melancthon neared Calvin's
doctrine of the Lord's supper. Many of his followers went a
little farther than he did, and became Calvinists.
THE WITTENBERG CATECHISM. 329
conference, that opened their eyes to the drift of Luth-
eranism. They could not agree with its doctrine of
ubiquity, as set forth there by the Wurteraberg theolo-
gians. So Saxony joined hands with Hesse in opposing
the high Lutherans. But in Saxony they lacked a theo-
logical leader, who should be the successor of Melanc^
thou. After his death, his mantle fell on his son-in-law
Peucer. Peucer was the rector of the university at
Wittenberg, and court physician to the Elector Augustus
of Saxony, but he was almost as much of a doctor as he
was a theologian. The Elector was at that time entirely
under his control, and Peucer used this influence to fill
the professorships at Wittenberg with Melancthonians,
such as Pezel, the younger Cruciger, Widebram and
Moller. A new catechism, called the Wittenberg Cate-
chism, endorsed by the Wittenberg faculty, was pub-
lished in 1571. It was prepared in order to oppose the
new and rising doctrine of ubiquity. It was to be used
in the upper classes in the schools, while Luther's cate-
chism remained in use in the lower classes. This cate-
chism was no new departure, for Melancthon's ^ Loci
Communes' or* Common Places' had been taught in
the schools for years before. But this catechism caused
a great stir. The high Lutherans at once opposed it,
because it attacked their pet doctrine of ubiquity. Sel-
necker attacked it as a departure from the Lutheran
faith. The Wittenberg theologians defended it. But
22
■S30 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Elector Augustus had faith in the Lutheran ortho-
doxy of his professors at Wittenberg, and approved it.
The Elector, however, to prove that his land was true
to the Lutheran faith, called a conference of his theo-
logians and ministers at Dresden in 1571, and desired
them to prepare a good Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's
supper. The decrees of this Dresden consensus were
Melancthonian, and very decidedly attacked the high
Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity. The Jena theologians
of lower Saxony then attacked the Elector for having
Calvinists in his land. This stirred up the Elector, for
he held he was a good Lutheran. His adherence to
the Lutheran faith was so strong that, when Cranach,
the great painter, painted for him a picture of his Wit-
tenberg professors, he bade him watch ; for he wanted
no Calvinist among them. He once said that, if he
had a Calviuistic vein iu his body, he hoped the devil
would tear it out.
But gradually the Elector came more and more un-
der the influence of the high Lutherans. This change
was largely due to his wife, the daughter of the King
of Denmark, who was an intense Lutheran. He also
had a political motive for changing to high Lutheran-
ism. Saxony had always been the leading Lutheran
Electorate, and the Prince of Saxony the leader among
Lutheran princes. But he found that, through the
opposition of the high Lutherans of North Germany,
DISCOVERY OF CRYPTO-CALVINISM. 331
he was fast losing his position as leader of the German
states. So, to resume his foremost position, he felt the
necessity of becoming a high Lutheran. And his old
enmity to the high Lutherans of Ducal Saxony had
now passed away. With the death of the last son of
Count John Frederick of Ducal Saxony (the standard-
bearer of the high Lutherans,) Augustus became the
guardian of his two young sons, and this event inclined
him toward high Lutheranism. He also began reading
the books of Andrea, the high Lutheran theologian of
Wurtemberg, and was influenced by his court-preacher,
who sympathized with Andrea. Just then, when he
was inclining toward high Lutheranism, an event oc-
curred that brought matters to a crisis, and led him to
a decision. It was the publication of a book in 1574,
called " Exegesis of the Lord's supper." It was a post-
humous manuscript of Cureus, and was published by
Vogelin of Leipsig.* This book held the Calvinistic
view of the Lord's supper (although without naming
Calvin,) and rejected the Lutheran doctrine of mandu-
cation, or the reception of Christ's body through the
mouth. It also greatly praised the organization of the
Reformed Church, and the steadfastness of the Calvin-
ists under martyrdom. After its appearance the Elector
of Saxony was warned against it by the Duke of Wur-
♦This book was at first supposed to have been printed at Ge-
neva, as it was printed on French paper and first sold outside
of Saxony.
332 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
temberg and the King of Denmark. The book was
popularly attributed to Peucer and his associates at
Wittenberg. Peucer denied all knowledge of the book,
and Vogelin under oath confirmed the innocence of the
Wittenberg professors. Peucer says he never saw the
book, until one was brought to him in his sickness in
prison at Pleissenberg, years afterward. But, though
this charge was not true, the high Lutherans used it as
a piece of theological spite, and charged Peucer and his
associates with being the authors. Elector Augustus,
now thoroughly roused by these charges, influenced of
the high Lutherans around him, and fearing a Calvin-
istic conspiracy, ordered a visitation to be made in Wit-
tenberg. His commission, when it visited Wittenberg,
found many Calvinistic books at the stores and among
the students. They also found confidential correspon-
dence between the Wittenberg professors and the theo-
logians of the Palatinate. The Elector then required
the professors to state their theological position about
Calvinism. Court preacher Schutz, Consistorial-rath
Stossel, Rector Peucer and Chancellor Cracow were
arrested. As Widebram, Cruciger, Pezel and Moller
delayed stating their theological position about Calvin-
ism, they were also placed under a strict guard of
fifty soldiers, brought to Leipsic and placed as oriminals
in the prison at Pleissenberg. The result of these
arrests was, that Pezel, Cruciger, Widebram and Moller
PUNISHMENT OF CRYPTO-CALVINI8T8. 333
were banished from the country and went to Nassau.
This complete victory of the high Lutherans was cele-
brated in all the churches of Saxony, and prayers were
offered against Calvinism.
But severer penalties were visited on the other
Crypto-Calvinists. Schutz was sentenced to a life-long
house arrest, from which only an accident released him
in 1589. Cracow was tortured on the rack, so that he
died in prison in 1575. The commandant of the fort,
where he was imprisoned, who deigned to be merciful
to him and furnish him with writing materials, was
driven out of the town, after having been whipped.
Stossel was so tormented in the fort Scuftenberg that he
took a fever, which hastened his death, Peucer was
sent to Rochlitz, where he was tortured on the rack and
finally brought to the Pleissenberg' prison at Leipsic.
His wife was not permitted to see him, and she died
soon after. Here all writing materials were taken away
from him. He was not allowed to have any books, not
even the Bible. Year after year, for twelve years, he
lived in this damp, dirty prison, while all the while his
fortune was consumed and his health undermined. He
broke down with sickness and was not expected to re-
cover. In his sickness he asked that he might have the
Lord's supper administered to him. But who among
the strict orthodox ministers of Saxony would give the
communion to one who, they thought, had so belied
334 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
their faith ? The theologians Andrea and Selnecker vis-
ted him in prison, and tried to convert him to Lutheran-
ism. As he did not agree with them, he received from
them an answer worthy of the Catholic inquisition, " that
means would be found to make him recant, if they
should be red hot pincers/'* When they found he would
not recant his Calvinism, they gave him, as an antidote
for his heresy, not the Bible, but the Formula of Con-
cord. As a German historian says : " Thus man's word
was given to him, instead of God's word." Peucer,
robbed of all writing materials, prepared for himself an
ink made out of beer and burned bread-crusts. (Neces-
sity is the mother of invention.) He plucked a quill
from a goose's wing, which had been given to him to
sweep away the cobwebs of his prison. And on the
Formula of Concord which he hated, he wrote with
this pen and ink his confession and autobiography. Ten
years elapsed before the Elector thought of him. Then
the Elector asked him to give him another confession
of faith. But Peucer in this confession still remained
true to Melancthon. While Peucer was in prison, he
had influential friends who interceded for him, and
tried to gain his release from prison. In 1575 Emperor
Maximilian visited the Elector. He asked Augustus
to release Peucer, that Peucer might become his body
physician. Augustus refused. When the Emperor
*Hagenbach's History of Relormation, vol. III., page 272.
PEUCER IN PRISON. 336
asked him why he had imprisoned Peucer, he answered
that he did not want any one about him who did not
agree with him in religion. Maximilian replied : " I
do not assume such a thing for myself, for I have no
power over the conscience, and dare not force any one's
belief.'' An noble answer from a Catholic. The Cath-
olic was more Protestant than the Elector. For Cath-
olic Kings and Emperors had Protestant physicians in,
those days. Ah ! Augustus forgot what he had once said
before the Emperor at the Augsburg Diet of 1566, when
he said of the Reformed Elector Frederick III. of the
Palatinate : " Fritz, thou art better than all of us."
Judging from his treatment of Peucer, he had changed
his mind since then, and did not think the Calvinists
were better than himself. Landgrave William of Hesse
also interceded for Peucer, that he should be set free ;
but in vain. In fact these intercessions of princes only
made Peucer's lot the harder ; for Augustus thought he
had complained to these princes, and therefore they had
interceded for him. Finally, Peucer's great inquisi-
tress, the Electress of Saxony, died. Before her death,
she passed through Leipsic, on her way to the baths of
Schwalbach. As she travelled through the town, the
keeper of the Pleissenberg, where Peucer was impris-
oned, asked his medical opinion about the effect of the
baths in her case. He disapproved of tlie use of the
baths at Schwalbach, saying that those who urged her
336 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to go there, sent her there to die. Facts proved that he
was right. Had she accepted the service of the fore-
most physician in her land, she might have had better
treatment. On the night of her death, Peucer had a
wonderful dream. He dreamt that the whole court
passed before him in a magnificent funeral procession,
and that he himself ran to it. But suddenly the bell-
rope broke, and he awoke, with the words : " The rope
is in two, and we are free." His dream seemed like a
prophecy of his freedom. But he remained in prison
for several months after. The Elector of Saxony, how-
ever, married, three months after the death of his wife,
one of the Anhalt princesses. These Anhalt princes
had been Melancthonian, and opposed the high Luther-
ans.
Peucer was finally set free through the influence of
the new Electress. The high Lutherans were very
angry, when they heard that he was free again, after his
twelve years' imprisonment. Augustus, when he first
imprisoned Peucer, had had a medal struck off, which
represented the Elector, with a sword in one hand and
balances in the other ; one scale having the child Jesus
in it, the other the four Wittenberg professors, with the
devil among them. Now when he released Peucer, the
high Lutherans struck off a medal against the Elector.
On this medal the Electoral pair were placed as Adam
and Eve in the garden of Eden, at the time when the
PEUCER SET AT LIBERTY. 337
woman reaches out the apple to the man. On the medal
was the inscription : " At Eve's advice Adam trans-
gressed God's law." They thus laid the blame of the
release of Peucer on the Elector's wife, who, like Eve,
had led him into temptation. The Elector did not live
long after his marriage. On the day of the Elector's
death, Peucer at last appeared, for the first time in pub-
lic worship, at Zerbst in Anhalt. His hair had grown
long during his imprisonment. He performed the ser-
vices amid a flood of tears, as he thanked God that now
he was at the end of his troubles ; and that through
them all, his belief in God and the truth had not been
shaken. After that, he lived in Anhalt, where he was
court physician. But he travelled through the Palat-
inate and Hesse, as his services were much in demand
among the noble families of Germany. This was the
first persecution of the Crypto-Calvinists in Saxony.
It was the only illustration of the use of the rack and tor-
ture in Germany on the Protestants. Sad indeed, that
they were used by Protestants on Protestants.
But although Calvinism was thus persecuted and
driven out of Saxony, it again lifted up its head. The
successor of the very Elector who so severely persecuted
the Calvinists, was friendly to them, and inclined in
their direction. Augustus was succeeded by his sou.
Elector Christian I. It had been prophesied by Cruci-
ger at his trial, that Calvinism would rise again. His
338 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
prophecy came true, although not quite so quickly as he
said. Elector Christian was the brother-in-law of Prince
Casimir of the Palatinate. He was Casimir's closest
friend. Casimir, in his notes, calls him " ray Christian."
Through Casimir he was influenced to be friendly to the
Reformed, and also to be opposed to the high Lutheran
Formula of Concord. So, when he ascended the throne
of Saxony, there came a reaction against the Formula of
Concord. His chancellor, Crell, who had travelled ex-
tensively, and had met Reformed theologians in his
travels, also was Melancthonian. When he assumed
control, many Melancthonian ministers were found in
Saxony. At their head was Salmuth, the court preacher.
An edict was issued in 1588, forbidding the ministers to
abuse the Calvinists in their preaching. Selnecker, who
would not obey, was dismissed from his superintendency
at Leipsic, and a Crypto-Calvinist, Harder, was placed
in his stead in the Nicolai church at Leipsic. Morus
and other Lutheran ministers were dismissed, because
they had called Crell "a masked Calvinist.^' Crell an-
swered that he had never read a line of Calvin, but that
he was a follower of Melancthon. The places left va-
cant by these dismissals, were filled by Melancthonians.
Court preacher Salmuth was Crell's great assistant in the
work of driving out high Lutheranism. Salmuth, at the
Elector's expense, published a Lutheran Bible with Me-
lancthonian notes, in which he argued against ubiquity.
ABROGATION OF EXORCISM. 339
This so-called Crell Bible, however, only reached as far
as the second book of Chronicles, when the work was in-
terrupted by the downfall of Crell. Subscription to the
Formula of Concord was no longer required of the min-
isters. Some Lutheran customs, as exorcism and can-
dles, were dispensed with. The putting away of exor-
cism produced the greatest stir among the people. Con-
gregations do not notice doctrinal changes as much as
changes in cultus and customs. This abrogation of ex-
orcism caused a great storm. The great mass of the
people still clung to this Catholic superstition, and be-
lieved that without exorcism, or blowing away of the
devil at baptism, baptism was useless. Elector Christ-
ian had his daughter Dorothea baptized without the use
of exorcism, to the great grief of his wife, who was a
strong Lutheran. Many people left their children un-
baptized, rather than have them baptized without exor-
cism. The disuse of the rite sometimes led to violence.
In Dresden a butcher with a hatchet followed a god-
father, who carried his child into the church, and threat-
ened to split open the minister's head, if he did not ex-
orcise the child. This so frightened the minister, that
in spite of the Elector's orders to the contrary, he used
exorcism. In Zeitz ministers had to seek safety in flight
from an angry mob, because they would not exorcise
the children. At one place, as the Elector came to it,
the superintendent and the ministers fell at his feet and
340 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
begged to be spared the necessity of doing away with
this rite. At another place the people shouted after the
minister, who did not use exorcism : " The naughty
priest has not expelled the devil." Through the influ-
ence of Crell and prince Casimir, Elector Christian was
led to send his troops to the aid of the persecuted Re-
formed Huguenots of France.
But Elector Christian I. died in 1591. At his death
the high Lutheran party rose in power again, after five
years of submission to the Melancthonians. The guar-
dians of the new Elector were the Dukes of Saxe- Weimar
and of Sax e-Alten berg, the grandsons of the late Duke
John Frederick of Saxony (who had been the standard-
bearer of the high Lutherans). These guardians ruled
the court in the interest of high Lutheranism. The
Electress, too, was a strong Lutheran. So the high Lu-
theran party again assumed power. This showed itself
at once. On the day of the funeral of the Elector, Crell
and the ministers devoted to Melancthonianism, were
arrested. The Melancthonian court-preacher was, how-
ever, allowed to preach the funeral sermon over the dead
Elector. Several charges were brought against Crell ;
that he had seduced the Elector to Calvinism, mis-
guided the affairs in the French war, and had acted
traitorously to the Emperor. Crell was imprisoned in
the castle of Konigstein, along the Elbe. Gunderman,
the Leipsic preacher, was arrested and imprisoned in the
PERSECUTION OF CALVINISTS. 341
Pleissenberg. Only great necessity led him to sign a
high Lutheran confession, which he afterwards repudiat-
ed. It, however, helped him nothing, for his wife com-
mitted suicide, and he became insane through his trouble.
The hatred of the people against the Calvinists was
intense. It extended even to burials. When Jacob
Lossius of Piacenza, the Reformed court-violinist, died,
they wanted to deny him an honorable burial, because
he happened to be a Calvinist, and had died without
calling in a Lutheran minister, that he might make dy-
ing confession to him. The unfortunate body was car-
ried out by four day laborers to the criminals^ graveyard.
But the frenzied people were not satisfied. A number
of butcher and smith boys attacked the bearers, broke
open the coffin, and vented on the dead body their hatred
against Calvinism. In Leipsic matters came to a still
worse issue. Some Swiss gave a banquet on the four-
teenth of May, 1593, in honor of their countryman,
Professor Huber of Wittenberg. At the table a dispute
arose, which finally resulted in blows ; when a Lutheran
professor made a threat that he would thrust a knife
through Ruber's body. Huber left the banquet and
complained to the city council, but received no answer
from them. The matter soon became common talk in
Leipsic. Some days later handbills were scattered
around in the market-place and university, saying :
"Whoever has a true Lutheran heart, let him come to
342 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the market this eveniug at eight o'clock, and help storrn
the house of the Calvinist Weinhausen." The people
assembled on the evening of the nineteenth of May be-
fore his house in a very disorderly way. This they kept
up until Sunday morning. Just as the bells began ring-
ing for church, the plundering began. A beautiful pic-
ture, by Durer, of the passion of Christ, belonging to the
owner of the house, together with many tools, was de-
stroyed ; and many other things were carried away as
booty. With the stolen pans and kettles, a serenade was
performed before the doors of the other Calvinists.
Thus the Sabbath was kept or rather profaned by the
angry people. The city council asked the help of the
leading citizens to put down this mob, but they replied
that they did not want to help any Calvinist. Then
all was quiet for three days. During that time a list of
the Calvinists was made up for proscription. All of the
proscribed were ordered to leave the city by evening.
But the Elector sent his administrator to Leipsic and ar-
rested some of the ringleaders, and restored the Reformed
exiles.
Still sadder was the case of Crell, the prime minis-
ter of Elector Christian I. He was charged with lead-
ing the Elector over to Calvinism ; and he was also
charged with being a traitor to the Emperor, by having
led the Elector to join the French under Henry IV.,
against Austria. Crell claimed that he did it at the
DEATH OF CRELL. 348
command of the dead Elector. But he was imprisoned
for ten years in the castle of Konigstein. Then he was
brought to Dresden, to be prepared for death. One of
the city pastors, Nicolas Blume, was ordered to prepare
Crell for death. He began doing so by making charges
against the Calvinists. But Crell bade him cease such
controversy, and strengthen him for death. The min-
ister did not give up, so Crell returned no replies to
him. Finally, when the day appointed for his execu-
tion arrived, Crell was so sick that he had to be carried
out on a chair, and brought before the court in his sleep-
ing gown. But he was not allowed any justification.
He was ordered to the scaffold, which was erected in the
Jewish quarter at the New Market. There Crell prayed :
" Father, who hast created me ; Jesus Christ, who hast
redeemed me ; Holy Spirit, who hast sanctified me — I
deliver to thee what thou gavest to me in this life, that
thou mayest again receive it." As his head fell, the
executioner called out to the crowd around : "This was
a Calvinistic stroke." Thus died Crell a martyr for his
Crypto-Calvinistic faith.*
Thus ended Calvinism, or rather the drift toward
Calvinism, in Saxony. After this, a Calvinist was more
hated in Saxony than a Jew or a Mohammedan. This
persecution drove Calvinism out of Saxony ; but it
*The sword, with which he was beheaded, is in the histori-
cal museum at Dresden, and has on it the inscription "Cave
Calviniane"— ** Beware, Calvinist."
344 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
opened the eyes of men in many other parts of Ger-
many to the fanaticism and bigotry of the high Luther-
ans of that day. Liberal minded Christians could not
agree to such persecution. The result was that many
of them went over to the Reformed faith. The low
Lutherans or Melancthonians were frightened by all
this. They saw that there could be a Protestant inqui-
sition as well as a Catholic one. The result was a re-
action against high Lutheranism, and a crop of Re-
formed conversions among the princes of Germany.
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION 11.
Introduction of the Eeformed Faith into Anhalt and
Lippe.
The duchy of Anhalt was situated southwest of
Berlin, on the northwestern borders of Saxony. It had
become Protestant in the early days of the reformation.
Duke George of Anhalt had been a famous lay preacher.
But this Lutheran duchy became Reformed through its
opposition to the Formula of Concord and high Luth-
eranism. When the Reformed faith was introduced
into Anhalt, the duchy had been divided into four
parts — Bernberg, Dessau, Kotha and Zerbst. But
Duke John George of Anhalt-Dessau acted as adminis-
trator for his younger brothers ; and it was under his
administration that the Reformed faith was introduced
in 1597.
Anhalt had always been affected by neighboring
Saxony. It was through Luther's preaching at Wit-
tenberg that Anhalt became Protestant. She followed
Luther's teaching at Wittenberg until he died ; and then
she became a devoted follower of Melancthon, who took
Luther's place at Wittenberg. When the Formula of
23
346 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Concord appeared, Anhalt for the first time refused to
follow Saxony, for she clung to Melancthonianism. Joa-
chim Ernest, the father of the dukes of Anhalt, in 1578
called his ministers together at Dessau, who declared
against the Formula of Concord. Repeated efforts of
Andrea and the neighboring Electors of Saxony and
Brandenberg failed to make any impression on Anhalt.
She remained opposed to the Formula of Concord. An-
other reason that led to the introduction of the Reformed
faith into Anhalt, was exorcism, or blowing away of
the devil at baptism, a papal custom which was prac-
tised by many of the high Lutherans of that day. This
rite was the immediate cause of the conversion of An-
halt to the Reformed faith. Amling, the superintend-
ent of Anhalt, pastor of St. Nicolas church at Zerbst,
was a Melancthonian. But, during the prevalence of
the plague, which raged at intervals from 1566 till
1582 (when he heard pious mothers lamenting over dead
unbaptized children, from whom they thought the devil
had not been driven out before they died), he became
disgusted with the rite. He also frequently found that
unbaptized children were not allowed to be buried in
consecrated graveyards, because the devil had not been
blown out of them by exorcism. He, therefore, was led
to desire a form of baptism that would exclude exor-
cism. In this he was supported by Duke John George
aud later by Peucer, who, after his release from prison
ANHALT BECOMES REFORMED. 347
at Leipsic, came to Auhalt as court physician. This
abrogation of exorcism caused a great stir among the
people, who are more apt to cling to customs than to
doctrine. Some of the strict Lutheran ministers were
dismissed ; among them, John Arndt, the author of
''True Christianity,'' who was displaced in 1590, because
he said the putting away of exorcism was Calvinistic,
and he would not give up exorcism. He went to the
St. Martin's church, at Brunswick, where he wrote his
famous book. This simplification of baptism led to
a similar change in the Lord's supper, which made that
rite Reformed.
Another circumstance occurred, which led Anhalt
into the Reformed Church. The Anhalt princes mar-
ried Reforjiied princesses. John George married the
daughter of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate, and Duke
Christian of Anhalt Bernberg married one of the Count-
esses of Bentheim. Duke Christian became governor
of the Upper Palatinate in 1595. He thus entered the
employment of a Reformed government. Elector Fred-
erick V. calls him " my father." He became the
great warrior — the great general of the Reformed
Church — the diplomat. As early as 1596, Duke
Christian with twelve others celebrated the Lord's sup-
per, after the Reformed mode, in his palace in the Pa-
latinate. And in 1597, a church order was promul-
gated through Anhalt, making the churches Reformed.
348 THE REFORMED CHUECH OF GERMANY.
It ordered that the stone altars in the churches should
be set aside, and ordinary communion tables put in
their place. At communion seasons, but not at other
times, this table was covered with a cloth. Broken
bread was introduced, instead of wafers. Instead of
the gold cup and the broad chalice, a wooden cup was
used. The Lutheran custom of holding the cloth under
the elements, lest any of them should fall to the ground,
was put away. The prayer spoken over the elements, the
singing of the words of institution in Latin at the Lord's
supper, the making of the sign of the cross at the bene-
diction, were all dispensed with. The communicants re-
ceived the Lord's supper standing, instead of kneeling.
Other things, as pictures, altars, private confessional, and
private communion, were dispensed with. The priestly
robes with hoods, chasubles and surplices were forbidden.
The ministers were ordered not to turn their back to
the congregation while praying, as if acting as interces-
sors for the congregation, but they were to face the con-
gregation in prayer. Baptism was performed, not from
a font, but from a basin.*
These changes, of course, made a great stir, outside
and inside of Anhalt. The deputies or civil authorities
of Anhalt opposed this change of faith ; while all around
Anhalt, from Saxony and Brandenberg, the opposition
*Zahn, das Gute Recht des Reformirten Bekenntnisses in
Anhalt, page 21.
OPPOSITION IN A Nil ALT. 349
became very great. Indeed, the neighboring princes of
Saxony became so bitter that they threatened to with-
draw their friendship and commerce from Anhalt, if
she did not give up her Reformed heresies. But An-
halt answered that the Lord would take care of her ;
and so he did. The land bloomed and flourished, in
spite of it all.
In this introduction of the Reformed faith, Duke
John George was the leader, but he was supported in it
by his brothers. Among the people there was a good
deal of opposition to these cha«iges from the Lutheran
faith. Many of them went to neighboring Saxony to
worship. At Worlitz, the women, led by a noble lady,
went to the church, had a hole made in the altar, and
filled it with powder. They caused it to be known that
when the soldiers entered the church, to take away the
altar, so as to place a Reformed communion table there,
they would blow up themselves and the altar into the
air. The women came off victorious, of course ; and the
soldiers of the Duke went away without introducing the
Reformed faith into that church. The princes of An-
halt filled their pulpits with Reformed ministers from
the Palatinate, or with Crypto-Calvinists fleeing from
Saxony. These new Reformed pastors had some strange
experiences. Sometimes a wheel or a gallows was
painted on their church doors ; or mocking songs were
sung about them.
350 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In 1599, a church order was issued which com-
pleted the introduction of the Reformed faith into the
land. The Heidelberg Catechism was introduced in-
stead of Luther's. The Anhalt Confession of 1579,
which was merely a deliverance against the Formula of
Concord, was not the official church creed ; but the
Heidelberg Catechism became the symbol of Anhalt.
Their Calvinism was at first tinged with Melancthoni-
anism. The Church was not considered, by the Hol-
landers, quite orthodox enough to be invited to the
synod of Dort. But gradually stricter Calvinism was in-
troduced. Wendelin, the rector of Zerbst gymnasium,
brought in the doctrine of predestination. Thus An-
halt became the banner nation of the Reformed faith in
Eastern Germany, by leading the way for its introduc-
tion into the east as well as in the west. What had been
attempted in Saxony and failed, now succeeded in An-
halt. Through her influence, other lands in Eastern
Germany became Reformed, as Brandenberg and Lieg-
nitz. Although Anhalt was only a small duchy, yet
her influence was felt far and wide. Duke Christian of
Anhalt Bernberg became one of the leaders of his age.
The mantle of Prince Casimir of the Palatinate seemed
to have fallen on him. He was one of the great Prot-
estant generals, and a leader of the Reformed troops at
the beginning of the Thirty Years' War. Anhalt
Zerbst finally went back to Lutheranism again, because
LIPPE BECOMES REFORMED. 361
its prince was raised by a Lutheran mother. But Des-
sau and Bernberg remained Reformed.
The County of Lippe.
Lippe is a county situated north of Hesse. It re-
ceived the Reformed doctrine a little later than Anhalt.
Lippe had been Lutheran. But Count Simon VI.,
left an orphan at nine years of age, happened to have
for his teacher a Melancthonian, Thodenus. He was
also influenced by his governor, Christopher of Donop,
who was a Melancthonian. He studied at Strasburg
and was influenced toward the Reformed faith by John
Sturm. He married into the family of Hesse, which
made him all the more liberal in his Lutheranism. All
these influences inclined him to the Reformed faith. In
1600, he began to introduce the Reformed doctrine and
customs into his land. He invited Reformed ministers
to his churches, and made Dreckmeier General Superin-
tendent. Altars, candles, and priestly robes were all
put away from the churches. At first every congrega-
tion objected to these changes. But he persevered
firmly and quietly ; and gained the victory. Lemgo
alone refused all efforts to make it Reformed, until in
1610 it was allowed to remain Lutheran. Simon VI.
founded a school at Detmold, in order to train up stud-
ents in the Reformed faith. Lippe has since become a
stronghold of the Reformed faith in Germany.
CHAPTER ,IV.— SECTION III.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Hesse.
Meanwhile a silent preparation was taking place in
Hesse, preparing it for transition to the Reformed Church.
Hesse never forgot Zwingli's influence at the Marburg
Conference in 1529. The Wittenberg Concord, arranged
by Bucer, was the true expressson of Hessian theology.
After his death she became Melancthonian. Indeed
some of her ministers had been Reformed, as Hyperius.
The Hessian Church, at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, was a curious combination. It followed Bucer
in doctrine, Melancthon in cultus, Calvin in church gov-
ernment.
Landgrave Philip died in 1567. He was buried in
the choir of St. Martin's church at Cassel ; where a fine
monument, reaching to the vault of the choir, made of
black marble with white reliefs and profuse gilding, rep-
resenting Christ's resurrection, marks his tomb. Land-
grave Philip was the most daring and farsighted of the
German princes of his day. He saw what no other Ger-
man prince of his day saw, — that a union of the Prot-
estant states of Germany was a necessity to the success
DIVISION OF HESSE. 353
of their cause. After his death, Hesse began to decline
in influence. His sons did not inherit his sagacity. And
he weakened his land by dividing it among his four sons.
Still he stipulated that, while each reigned in his own
land, yet they must act in concert on all political and
religious questions. William, his oldest son, received
Lower Hesse or Hesse Cassel, which contained about
half of the whole land. William thus, because of his
age, and also because of the size of his territory, was the
leader of the brothers. Lewis received Upper Hesse
around Marburg. This division of the land will explain
much of the future church history of Hesse.
A general synod of all the churches in Hesse was
held yearly, the first being held at Cassel in 1568.*
But a difference in religious views very soon began to
show itself between William of Lower Hesse and Lewis
of Upper Hesse. William remained in his father's faith,
a Melancthonian ; while Lewis became a high Lutheran.
Lewis was led toward high Lutheranism by his marriage
with a Wurtemberg princess, who swayed him in that
direction. This difference between the brothers first ap-
peared in the publication of a church order in 1572. It
was printed at Marburg, under the direction of Lewis.
William charged Lewis with making some unauthorized
changes in it, in the interest of high Lutheranism ; as for
*This synod, when held at Cassel, met in the court of justice,
probably in the hall of the sessions of the court. At Marburg
it met in some room in the north wing of the castle, near the
saloon.
354 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
instance, when it said that the words of institution at the
Lord's supper were to be ^sung' instead of ^read/ The
next difference that appeared, was in 1575, about the use
of Hyperius' catechism, which was Calvinistic. This
catechism had been used in the higher classes of schools,
but had now been put out of the gymnasium at Mar-
burg by Lewis, so as to get Luther's catechism in. Then
came the election of Hunnius as professor at Marburg,
which capped the climax. Hunnius was a high Luther-
an, and was brought to Marburg through the interven-
tion of the wife of Lewis. He came into Hesse for the
express purpose of making that land high Lutheran.
Of course. Landgrave William and Hunnius soon came
to daggers' points. The next step in this religious his-
tory of Hesse was the publication of the Formula of
Concord. In 1577, the Electors of Saxony and Bran-
denberg wrote to William, asking him to sign the For-
mula and adopt it, thus introducing it into his land.
But William was very much displeased with the For-
mula. He saw that its aim was, under the guise of con-
cord, to drive out all who were not high Lutherans.
So he wrote to the Elector of Saxony a reply, consisting
of twelve paradoxes which criticized the Formula of
Concord. Andrea, the author of the Formula, when he
heard this, became very angry that a temporal prince
should presume to criticize such a work of theologians
— his master-piece. He wrote a very severe answer to
CONFERENCE AT TREYSA. 355
William, charging him with trying, by the aid of the
devil, to destroy the influence of the Formula of
Concord. This of course angered William the more, and
made him the determined foe of the Formula of Concord.
But while William opposed the Formula, Lewis of
Upper Hesse was favorable to it. Such, however, was
the constitution of the Hessian government, that neither
could express any approval of it without the consent of
the other. So a conference of ministers was called at
Treysa, in November, 1577, to decide about the Form-
ula of Concord. After the opening address by Chan-
cellor Riedesel, there was a stormy session for twelve
days, from day dawn till late in the evening of each
day. The Lower Hessian ministers objected to the doc-
trine of ubiquity, as found in the Formula of Concord.
Superintendent Pistorius of Nydda (who had grown
gray in the service of the Hessian Church) declared the
subtlety of the Formula too high, and its damnation of
the Reformed too hard for him. This Treysa Conference,
with the exception of three ministers who represented
Upper Hesse, remained true to the Melancthonian po-
sition, and rejected the Formula of Concord. When the
next General Synod met, both parties took up the sub-
ject again. The Lower Hessians were anxious to re-
tain the ground gained at Treysa, the Upper Hessians
aimed to undo the decision of Treysa against them. Af-
ter a sharp debate, the synod affirmed what had been done
356 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
by the conference at Treysa; thus officially, in the name
of the Hessian Church, rejecting the Formula of Con-
cord. William of Hesse and the Prince of Anhalt
then joined hands in their opposition to the Formula.
William said he would rather thrust his hand into the
fire, than sign such a confession.
Thus, through these controversies, the breach be-
tween Upper and Lower Hesse widened. It finally .be-
came so great as to render the holding of General Syn-
ods impossible. So the thirteenth General Synod of
1582 was the last synod held in the sixteenth century.
Lower Hesse remained Melancthonian, and Upper
Hesse became high Lutheran. Finally, the wife of
Landgrave Lewis died. In her, Hunnius lost his chief
supporter, and he was finally dismissed at William's re-
quest. In him, the Lutherans of Upper Hesse lost their
leader ; but the seed he sowed remained there after him.
Landgrave William died in 1592, and left his son
Maurice as his successor. Maurice was called the
Learned, because of his clear mind and great learning.
In 1601 he founded a temperance society at Heidelberg
for Reformed nobles. He had as teacher Cruciger, the
Crypto-Calvinist, who fled from Saxony.. Maurice also
personally knew some of the leaders of the Reformed
Church, and was in correspondence with others. He
thus became acquainted with the Reformed Church.
When he began to reign, the Hessian Church was half
HESSE BECOMES REFORMED. 357
Lutheran and half Reformed. Upper Hesse was Lu-
theran. Lower Hesse was a mixture. In government
she was Reformed ; while in doctrine the Formula of
Concord had been driving the Melancthonians farther
from Lutheranism toward the Reformed faith. But still
her customs were Lutherau. At first Maurice tried to
unite the two faiths, and to unite Lutheran customs with
Reformed doctrine and government ; but he found it
impossible. With his keen, clear mind, he saw that
the Gordian knot must be cut. Hesse could not be both
Lutheran and Reformed. The customs must agree with
the doctrine ; or the doctrine with the customs. So the
I^andgrave, in 1604, ordered three points of reforma-
tion : first, that polemics and strife must cease in the
pulpits of the land ; second, that God's command against
pictures must be enforced, and the pictures must be put
out of the churches ; third, that bread must be used at
the Lord's supper, instead of wafers. On Whitsunday,
1605, the Lord's supper was celebrated in the castle
church at Cassel after the Reformed mode, with the
breaking of bread. These reforms were introduced into
Lower Hesse with little difficulty. But in Upper Hesse,
which had gone over to high Lutheranism, the greatest
difficulty was experienced. Landgrave Lewis having
died, Marburg reverted to William, and Maurice, his
successor, undertook to introduce the Reformed faith
into this land. The Lutherans of Marburg protested
358 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
against it. But Maurice sent Superintendent Schonfeld
to Marburg, to urge the introduction of these three
points of reformation ; and then sent Schoner to assist
him. Finally, Maurice himself went to Marburg, and
on Sunday, July 28, 1605, he spoke to the professors and
students in the aula of the university. As he went from
the aula to the Lutheran parish church, he was met by
a deputation of citizens, who asked him to address the
people about the reforms So after service was over,
from the steps at the choir door of the church, he ad-
dressed the people. He aimed to impress on them that
he was introducing no new doctrine ; but that he only
wanted by his reforms to re-introduce the doctrine of
the old Hessian Church among them. He then left the
the city ; but hardly was he gone, before the storm burst.
All sorts of rumors had been circulated through Mar-
burg about the Reformed. Rumor declared that all
fonts and altars would be taken away from the church-
es; a new faith, a new baptism, new ten command-
ments, a new Lord's supper would be introduced. On
Sunday, the fourth of August, announcement was made
that on the following week days sermons would be
preached by the Reformed ministers on the three points
of reformation ordered by Maurice. On Monday, Su-
perintendent Schonfeld preached on the use of bread,
instead of wafers, at the communion. The people list-
ened to him quietly. On Tuesday, Schoner intended to
RIOT AT MARBURG. 359
preach against the use of pictures, as forbidden by the
second commandment. But before the time of service,
8 A. M., a report was circulated through the town that
on that day the pictures would be taken out of the
churches, by the Landgrave's order. The people became
very angry at this, and began to assemble in large
crowds at the door of the cnurch. It was a threatening
crowd — masons with their pikes, carpenters with their
rules and levels. Schoner was in the pulpit, and was
about to begin his sermon, when from the crowd below
many voices shouted out: "Shut up, you pope. Throw
the old rogue down with the pulpit and all." The pul-
pit shook, as he attempted to close the service. He
kneeled and prayed. Then, at the signal of the leader,
Anton Harter, which was the singing of the hymn :
*' Allein zu Dir, Herr Jesus Christ,'^ a rush was made
from all sides. Schoner had left the pulpit to go to the
altar, to pronounce the benediction. The tumult be-
came so great that the mob became unmanageable.
The peaceable ones tried to get out of the church, and
the rioters tried to get through the church, to lay hold
of the Reformed ministers. The wife of Goclenius has-
tened to Schoner and warned him not to go to the altar
steps, where they were waiting to injure him. She led
him to the baptismal font, where he wanted to baptize
a child. But he found it impossible to baptize the
child; and was himself in the greatest danger. The
360 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
crowd rushed up to him. Although some cried out
that he should be spared, because of his age ; yet they
struck him and pushed him out of the choir door. The
poor ministers, like sheep for the slaughter, were gathered
at the professor's bench or gallery, where they supposed
themselves safer. The rabble, however, rushed on them
with revilings, tore the clothes off them, and hit the caps
and hats from their heads. Those below cried out :
"Throw the rogues down." Those above, paid no atten-
tion to them, but pushed the ministers through the door.
The ministers prayed for mercy, but found none. The
mob laid hold of Schonfeld first, pushed him down the
steps into the vestry, and dragged him between the high
altars. Those in front struck him ; those at his side
tripped him and threw him down. When he tried to
rise, they struck him, until weary and bleeding, he cried
out: "O spare me, I am now a poor imprisoned man."
They cried out : " Strike him, strike him dead." Struck
by a great blow, he cried out : " Lord Jesus, receive my
spirit and forgive these ; for they know not what they
do." They left him half dead. But others (that he
might not die in the church and thus pollute it) tore
him half dead from the ground, pushed him or rather
threw him out of the door of the choir, where some
students caught him in their mantles and gowns, and
broke his fall. These carried him into the court of
justice, and thus preserved his life. The other min-
RIOT AT MARBURG. 361
isters, who had come to the service, also had to suffer.
Pfaff, who had lived a long time in Marburg, was
thrust out of the back door of the church, and told that
the devil would catch him, if he ever stepped in the
pulpit. Cellarius fared worse. Dragged hither and
tliither in the crowd, he was thrust out of the church
iiUo the church yard against the walls of the parsonage.
He sought safety in the parsonage. But the wife of
superintendent Leuchter, wiio had just been dismissed
for his Lutheranism, still lived in the parsonage. She
was, therefore, in no amiable mood toward the Re-
formed, and bluntly refused his entreaties, saying to him :
*' Go away. Escape where you can. You have noth-
ing to do here.'' He was then pursued, through the
neighboring garden into the street, by a butcher with a
hatchet. Hardly had he escaped these dangers, than a
woman attacked him with a washing beetle, beating him
most unmercifully, and pursuing him till he reached the
door of the Barefooted Monks' church. There, at her
loud cry that some one would stop him, a thresher
sprang out with his flail. But he was appeased by the
prayer of the minister : '' O, I pray you with God's will,
I am too severely beaten already, and have done no
harm to yourself or anybody." Plainstein and Kirch-
ner, two other n)iii isters, saved themselves by a bold
spring from the upper gallery, where the ministers sat.
24
362 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Hainstein escaped, as he was not known, and as he
looked so young that he was taken for a student.
Finally, the rage of the people died out. Then the
citizens locked the church and went to the city hall, to
deliberate what was next to be done. For four hours
they discussed how they might defend the city against
the Landgrave. It happened that Maurice had received
word of the riot by noon at Gmunden. He hastened
back, and by midnight had entered his castle at Mar-
burg, with seventy armed men of Kirchwain. The next
morning he sent a messenger from the castle, to sum-
mon the citizens before him, that they might ask pardon
for their excesses. They scornfully answered that they
had cleaned their arms and bought all the powder in
the town. The Landgrave, on hearing this insubordi-
tion, threateningly demanded the unconditional disarm-
ing of all the citizens. The citizens soon came to their
senses, as the Landgrave began ordering troops from all
directions to Marburg. So they submitted ; and on
Thursday the city was put under martial law, and the
citizens disarmed. The next day Landgrave Maurice,
leading the Reformed ministers, went to the church.
Schonfeld preached, although still bearing the marks of
his injuries. His text was : " Love your enemies.^'
He said the other ministers were gladly willing to forget
their insults and forgive their injuries. After the bene-
diction, Maurice arose in the church, and with touching
RESULTS OF THE RIOT 363
words reproached the citizens for what they had done.
He closed his speech with the words: "Since so great
an evil comes from dumb idols, and through it men are
led to attempt murder; therefore, after the example of
his holy king, to remedy scandal, they shall be put
away and removed out of sight/' Then, at his com-
mand, all the pictures, images and crucifixes were torn
from their places and cast out of the church. The ring-
leaders of the riot were arrested or fled. The quarter-
ing of the soldiers on the citizens soon proved a heavy
burden to them, so they soon came to terms with the
Landgrave. On the 13th of August, the burgomaster
and town council came to the Landgrave, to ask for the
removal of the troops. The Landgrave received them
before his castle under the open sky. As they came be-
fore him, they fell at his feet; but the Landgrave for-
bade this act of homage. Then it was that Schonfeld
stepped forward, and in the name of his ministerial col-
leagues, interceded for the repentant citizens. This un-
expected act of Christian generosity quite won the heart
of the Landgrave for them. They were forgiven, and
the soldiers taken away. On the following Sunday,
after a sermon had been preached on Maurice's three
points of reformation, the Lord's supper was celebrated
after the Reformed mode, with bread and not with
wafers. The court professors, part of the students and
the city council, partook of it ; but few of the citizens.
364 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Every Sabbath crowds of men and women were seen
going to the neighboring villages of Schrock and Bauer-
bach, in the Electorate of Mayence, to receive the Lord's
supper after the Lutheran mode.
There was also farther resistance to Maurice's points
of reformation by the country ministers of Upper Hesse.
Some of them went so far as to pray that God's judgment
might come on him. They went to his brother, the
Landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt, and asked him to inter-
cede for them. But he could not do anything, save to
found the Lutheran university at Giessen, near Marburg,
in 1607, to offset the teachings of Marburg, which now
became Reformed.
The next act of Maurice was to reorganize the Gen-
eral Synod of Hesse, which, through dissensions with
the high Lutherans, had been abrogated in 1582. It
met for the first time in the seventeenth century at Cassel,
in 1607. The General Synod then officially announced
its adherence to the Reformed Church. It ordered
(after the Reformed mode) the introdfiction of the sing-
ing of Psalms, of catechetical preaching, and strict
church discipline. It allowed (and here it differs from
all other Reformed churches) the pericopes or Scripture
lessons to be read every Sabbath. This was the first use
of pericopes in the Reformed Church of Germany. It
reveals the influence of Lutheranism on the Hessian Re-
formed Church. And even to this century, for some
36e5
such causes, the Hessian Church has not been considered
a fully Reformed Church, by the Reformed Churches
west of it. After a few attempts at opposition, the Re-
formed faith was thoroughly introduced into Lower
Hesse. A consistory, with Schonfeld as president, was
appointed in 1610. The old Lutheran office of superin-
tendent was absorbed in the consistory. Hesse thus be-
came a Reformed land. But there was always a slight
tinge of Lutheran influence in a few of her customs, as
in her liturgy and the use of Scripture lessons, which
none of the other Reformed Churches revealed.
CHAPTER IV.— SECTION IV.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Brandenherg.
The last of the great German princes to receive the
Reformed faith was the Elector of Brandenberg, the an-
cestor of the present Emperor of Germany. Branden-
berg was afterwards merged into Prussia and now rules
the great empire of Germany. So that the conversion
of the Elector of Brandenberg was the most important
of all, in its bearing on the future history of the Re-
formed Church of Germany. Before the introduction
of the Reformed faith into Brandenberg, the people of
that land were intensely Lutheran. Thus in 1568, a
pastor at Frankford on the Oder, was tried as a criminal,
for spilling a few drops of wine at the communion.
Brandenberg was high Lutheran, a strict adherent of
the Formula of Concord. No Reformed people were
allowed to become citizens, and prominent persons were
put out of office, if they were suspected of Zwinglianism.
But still, in spite of these laws, Calvinists or Crypto-
Calvinists would get into the land. Some Reformed
people came from Holland as early as 1531. And Ger-
man emigrants came from Strasburg, bringing Bucer's
YOUTH OF SIGISMUND. 367
views with thera. In Poland, on the east of Branden-
berg, there were many Reformed, and some of them
would come over the border. The first Prussian noble
to embrace the Reformed faith was the Baron Von Dohna,
who^had travelled extensively, and thus been brought
into contact with the Reformed people. It thus became
very hard to keep the Reformed out of the land, especially
as they claimed to be protected by the Augsburg Con-
fession. Finally Calvinism reached the throne, as Elec-
tor Sigismund united with the Reformed Church in 1613.
Elector John Sigismund was born at Halle in 1572,
where his father was administrator. But he was mainly
raised at Berlin by his grandfather, whose favorite he
was. He had for his religious instructor Gedicke, the
cathedral preacher of Halle. Gedicke was one of the
highest of the high Lutherans, going so far as to call the
Calvinists " Mamelukes.'^ But in his overzeal for Lu-
theranism, he rather prejudiced Sigismund's mind against
it (as is often the case with independent minds). When
Sigismund was twenty-one years of age, his grandfather,
a fanatical Lutheran, made him take a solemn oath that
he would always remain a Lutheran, and an adherent of
the Formula of Concord.* This oath was supposed to
be able to prevent him from ever departing from the
Lutheran faith. But Oaths are weak to bind consciences,
'This obligation betook on tbe27tb of January, 1593, between
7 and 8 A. M., in tbe cburch rooms of the Moritzburg at Halle,
in the presence of Gedicke and others.
368 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
especially when the oath is found to be contrary to con-
science. So, when he became Elector in 1609, he found
that the Reformed faith was every where forcing itself on
him. There had been a crop of conversions to the Re-
formed faith from among his own princely acquaintances.
The princes of Anhalt, Lippe and Hesse had left Lu-
theranism for the Reformed faith, through their opposi-
tion to the Formula of Concord. One of them, Duke
John George of Anhalt, was his intimate friend and
neighbor. And the Reformed faith suited his mild dis-
position ; for he had no sympathy with the polemics that
the Lutheran preachers were always hurling against the
Reformed. He preferred the gospel to polemics. Final-
ly a betrothal of his oldest son to a Palatinate princess,
the daughter of Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate,
brought him in direct contact with the Reformed. He
himself went, in order to be present at his son's marriage,
to Heidelberg — ^ that synagogue of Satan' in the eyes
of the high Lutherans. He thus learned to admire and
to become attached to the Reformed Church. In 1613
he said he had been attached to their faith for more than
eight years. He waited several years after becoming
Elector, and then, as he said, to ease his conscience, he
joined the Reformed Church.
He has been charged with becoming Reformed for
political reasons. The duchy of Julich-Cleve-Berg in
western Germany was in dispute between the Duke
i5
if) IJJ
a: 2
O ^
7 ^
CAUSE OF SIGISMUND's CONVERSION. 369
of Pfalz- Neuberg and himself. The people of this duchy
were largely Reformed. It has been charged that he
became Reformed so as to gain the affections of those
people, as well as to gain the aid of Holland, which was
a Reformed country. But even if he did go over to the
Reformed faith thus, Hering answers the Lutherans,
*^ because Constantine the Great went over to Christianity
from political motives, is Christianity therefore false ?"
And because Sigismund may have gone over to the Re-
formed faith for political reasons, is that a sign that the
Reformed religion is false ? But there are oue or two con-
siderations that make it very unlikely that Sigismund
joined the Reformed Church from political motives.
One is that the charge was not brought forward against
him till after his death. He made enemies enough in
his life, so that if there were any truth in this charge, it
would have come out while he lived. And the fact that
Voltaire is the one who makes the charge, makes one
suspicious of it. A second consideration is, that it is to
be remembered that whatever political influence he would
gain in Julich-Cleve-Berg by going over to the Reformed
Church, he would lose in his own Lutheran lands of
Brandenberg and Prussia, which were intensely Luthir-
an. It has been said that he joined the Reformed to
gain the support of Holland, which was Reformed. But
Holland did not limit her support to Reformed princes
only. She supported Lutheran Denmark and Catholic
370 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Portugal and Austria. Moreover Holland was jealous
of any great power like Brandenberg, snatching the
county of Cleve, which was so near her borders. He
could not have hoped to gain the sympathy of Holland
by such an act. The better view is that Sigismund went
over to the Reformed faith from conviction of the truth
of Calvinism, and not from political motives. His
brother, prince Ernest, had already joined the Re-
formed church at Sedan. Ernest, in his palace chapel
in Berlin, had had a private celebration of the Lord's
supper after the Reformed mode as early as July, 1613,
when Landgrave Maurice of Hesse visited him. The
Elector's sou, John George, had already, at Wesel, par-
taken of the Lord's supper and joined the Reformed
Church. Fink, the new court preacher, was a Crypto-
Calvinist.
All these things aroused the suspicions of Gedicke,
the champion of high Lutheranism, and he began to
protest against the introduction of Calvinism. Fink, in
October, 1613, was threatened with a mob by the Luth-
erans. While he was preaching, they waited before the
church door, with stones in their hands, to stone him
when he came out. They cried out : " Come out, you
Calvinistic pope." Some of them became bolder and
were about entering the church to attack Fink, when,
fortunately, some of the Elector's soldiers passed by,
and took him under their protection. These things
SIGISMUND BECOMES REFORMED. 371
showed which way the tide was drifting. Sigismund
finally determined to come out publicly as an adherent
of the Reformed Church. On the eighteenth of De-
cember he summoned the ministers of Berlin and Coelln
to the castle.* There is in the royal castle at Berlin a
^ white saloon^ which is famous for its ghost of the
White Lady, a spectre which is said to appear just be-
fore the death of a member of the royal family of the
Hohenzollerns. A new, but real ghost appeared at
that time in this White Saloon at this meeting, which
foretold the death of Lutheranism in the family of the
Elector. Chancellor Pruckman opened the conference
with an address, which announced the fact that the
Elector would celebrate the Lord's supper after the Re-
formed mode in the cathedral, on the coming Christ-
mas. But, although the Elector himself joined the Re-
formed Church, he wished it understood that he did not
wish to force his sul)jects to do so, too. He would
usurp no authority over their consciences. And the
Elector asked them to give him the same liberty of
conscience that he granted to them. He ordered the
Lutherans to cease their attacks on the Reformed. The
Lutherans answered that every one should be guided
by his conscience. But they reminded the Elector that
he was breaking the oath taken at Halle, in 1593, when
*Berliu lay on the east side of the river Spree. Ccelln in-
cluded the island in the river and the west bank of the river.
372 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
he promised never to leave the Lutheran faith. It is
true he violated his oath, but in judging Sigisraund for
it, we must remember that he was only following the
the habit of his family before him. Elector Joachim I.
of Brandenberg, a rigid Catholic, had made his son Jo-
achim take a solemn oath always to remain a Catholic.
His son violated the oath and became Protestant. These
Lutherans might have been reminded that, but for the
violation of such an oath by Joachim, they never would
have had the Lutheran faith in Brandenberg. Sigis-
mund was only following in the footsteps of his ances-
tor in thus violating his oath. He merely broke his
oath to his grandfather, Joachim, as he had done to his
father before him. The fact is, that on religious ques-
tions, conscience is supreme.
So, on Christmas, 1613, the Elector publicly joined
the Reformed Church by partaking of the Reformed
communion in the cathedral church at Berlin.* Fussel
and Fink distributed the bread, instead of the wafers, to
about fifty-five communicants, mainly the nobles of the
court. The next Reformed communion was held on
Easter, 1614, when the court preacher of the Palatinate,
*Tbe old building, which thus became historic by this intro-
duction of the Reformed faith into Brandenberg, was situated
next to the palace, on the present Schlossplatz or castle square,
south of the palace. It was torn down by King Frederick the
Great, because it threatened to fall down. He erected the
present cathedral on the other side of the palace. A wooden de-
sign of the old building is in the Hohenzollern Museum in Ber-
lin.
HE RECEIVES REFORMED COMMUNION. 373
Scultetus, preached and administered the Lord's supper
to seventy-four communicants.* Scultetus then left
Berlin, to iro to his former home in Silesia, hut he
airain returned to Berlin in the autumn. Then he in-
stalled two Reformed ministers over the Reformed con-
gregation at Berlin, and returned to his home at Hei-
delberg.
The conversion of Sigismund created a great stir
both inside and outside of his land. His wife, a Prus-
^A. hii>:h Lutheran, nainerl Huber, wrote a-^ainst BMnk, and
said that at the lirst Reformed communion in Berlin he had in-
troduced a new kind of bread-breaking, even different from the
custom of the other Reformed churches. Huber opposed Cal-
vinism, because he said they had so many different methods of
communing. Thus, he says, at Berne they used wafers. At
Basle, Gryneus used little cakes of bread. In Zurich they re-
mained sitting, and the students came with wooden platters, on
which the wafer cakes were laid, and each communicant broke
a piece from them. In Heidelberg a platter with broken bread
was placed on the table, from which each one broke a piece of
bread or crumb. In Hesse small pieces of bread as wide as a
dollar, cut cross-wise by the baker into four quarter pieces, were
used. These the minister broke into as many pieces as he
needed. But Huber claimed that Fink introduced a new kind
of bread-breaking, namely— that the crust was cut from the
bread, the bread cut into long pieces, and these afterwards
broken into morsels and given to the communicants. These
facts are interesting, even if they were all true; but all this
looks like a species of ecclesiastical dissection that is not hardly
worthy of notice. This charge of Iluber's, that this, the firsl
communion, was not a purely Reformed one, is nor, probable;
for Fussel, who had charge of it, came to Berlin from .Vnhalt,
where he must have been familiar with the Reformed customs.
And even if the bread was given out in this way at the tirst
communion, it was changed at the next c )mmunion to the Pa-
latinate method, which still prevails in Brandenl)erg.
374 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
sian princess, remained a bitter Lutheran to the end of
her life. She opposed the Reformed, because she sup-
posed they taught that Christ was only a man. In her
last will, she ordered her chaplain, in her funeral ser-
mon, to disown the Calvinistic heresy,— " that Christ's
blood and death are merely a man's blood and death."
The feeling of the people against the Elector was
intense, notwithstanding the Elector's grant of relig-
ious liberty to them. In 1614 he issued a decree pro-
claiming freedom of conscience to both the Lutherans
and the Reformed. He did not believe in the common
maxim of the age, " Like prince, like people." The
people should be allowed to worship God as they
wished. He was, therefore, the first to proclaim liberty
of conscience. Before it was declared by the Puritans
on Plymouth Rock, or by the Baptists at Providence,
the Reformed at Berlin gave utterance to it. Still, in
spite of this liberty, the Lutheran ministers attacked the
Calvinists. One said the Koran was more truthful than
the Calvinists. Another charged that on ninety-nine
points the Calvinists agreed with the Turks. Another
said, he would give two, yes three hundred arguments,
why the teaching of the Calvinists was worse than the
teaching of the devil. They called the Calvinists 'dogs.'
The Reformed were followed with abuse in the streets.
The people stoned the preachers. The Elector, to calm
the feelings of the people, held a conference of the min-
RIOT AT BERLIN. 375
isters ; but it produced no result. The feeling of the
people finally broke out into open riot on the third of
April, 1615. Elector Sigismund had ordered that be-
fore Holy Week all pictures, altars, crucifixes, fonts, etc.,
should be put out of the church. Instead of an altar,
a plain, communion table was placed in the chancel.*
On the following Sunday, which was Palm Sunday,
Stuler, one of the pastors of the neighboring St. Peter's
church, preached very violently against this removal of
Lutheran altars and pictures. He defended the use of
pictures in churches, and especially a stone picture or
sculpture to the right of the pulpit. In his zeal he even
went so far as to become abusive of the Elector. He
said that if the Elector wanted to reform, he should go
to Julich, where he would find enough to reform. He
became so abusive that even the Electress and her court
preacher, Muller, were offended at him. Afterward he
asked the Electress and the mayor that a watch might
be placed over him that night, lest he might be pri-
vately arrested by the Elector for what he had said
against him. But it was refused. So he stole away on
Monday to Schoneberg, as he expected to be arrested
that night. As he left town, he complained to every
one he met, about the great danger he was in. His fears,
*There had been twelve silver and gilt apostles, with a statue
of Christ, all of life size, in the church. These were removed to
the fortCustrin, where they remained till 1631, when they were
melted down and made into dollars.
376 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
howeverj were the result of his own imagiuation. There
was not any truth in them, for the Elector was not at
home at the time. They were the phantoms of a guilty
conscience. But his words raised a tremendous tumult
in Berlin. As he did not return on Monday night, the
rumor spread abroad that he was arrested. This caused
anxiety. His wife told all, that the Margrave intended
to arrest him that night, and put him in the Green Hat
(a name given to the dungeon in the castle). She dealt
out beer= to the crowd gathering around, until they be-
came overheated by excitement and beer. So a crowd
of five hundred strong went down the Bruderstrasse
(Brothers' Street) to court preacher Fussel's house and
threw stones into its windows. They also did the same
to Fink's house, and to the court apothecary's, who was
known to be a Calvinist. They threatened to break the
necks of the Reformed ministers.
The news of the danger was brought to the castle at
ten P. M., just as the Margrave was going to bed. He
had charge of the city in the absence of the Elector ; and
he supposed his presence would be sufficient to quiet any
disturbance. So, armed only with a fencing foil, he
started out with only eight cavalrymen and some halber-
diers on foot. But when he arrived at the church >ard
of St. Peter's, he found an angry, dangerous crowd. He
urged them to go home, as there was no need of alarm.
But the crowd thouo-ht that now Stuler's words had come
RIOT IN BERLIN. 377
true, and the Margrave had come out to arrest that Lu-
theran pastor. So they became more angry than ever.
The mob sheltered itself behind the wall of the church
yard, which ran through Green street. But some one
of the Margrave's company shot off a pistol. This made
the mob angrier than ever. They broke in the door of
St. Peter's church, rushed up the tower, rang the alarm
bell, thus calling the citizens of Berlin to come over.
The alarm and the danger became greater than ever.
The people of Berlin streamed across the long bridge
and the mill dam. The Margrave became alarmed at
the gathering crowd, and slowly retreated down the Bru-
derstrasse to the burgomaster's house. He hurried the
burgomaster, Jahnens, out of his house, before he had
even time to complete his toilet, so that he might quiet
the people. But this act, instead of quieting the people,
only made them angrier. They got the idea that the
Margrave had arrested the burgomaster, so as to take
him to the dungeon in the castle. They shouted : " Kill
the Margrave. Plunder the castle." In vain did the
burgomaster call out to the people that he was not ar-
rested. The people then turned against him and crieil
out : "Down with him. He betrays us. He courts the
Elector's favor." The burgomaster became so alarmed
that he begged the Elector's secretary, Fehrer, who hap-
pened to look out of his window, to let him come into
his house for safety. The crowd then began to stone
25
378 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Margrave and his body guard. He retired to a
house on the Bruder-strasse after ten of his men had
been wounded. He finally retired to the castle. But
the mob was not satisfied with what had happened. The
worse part of them went to the house of the Reformed
preacher, Fussel, and stormed it. Armed with axes,
they broke in the door, crying : ''Where is the parson ?
Kill the Calvinistic dog.'' He and his family escaped
out of a dormer window to the roof of a neighboring
house. The plunderers stole his books, silver- ware and
clothing. The plundering continued till 4 A. M. Fus-
sel afterwards wrote to a friend, saying that there were
six assassins in the house, who went there not to plunder,
but to kill him. He was so badly robbed that he had
no clothing left, but what he had on. So he went into
the pulpit on Thursday of Holy Week in a green waist-
coat, over which he had cast a cloak, loaned him by one
of the council. This act of a minister going into a pul-
pit with a green waistcoat was an incongruous one, but
mobs pay no attention to the proprieties of life. The
mob threatened that Chancellor Pruckman's house would
be treated similarly the next night, yes, perhaps the cas-
tle itself.
The Elector returned to the city the next day.
When he heard the news, he hardly knew what to do.
He did not dare take severe measures against the lead-
ers, because of the anger of the people. When the coun-
RESULTS OF THE RIOT. 379
cil of Coellu appeared before him to apologize tor the
riot, he merely reproached them, that they did not shut
the gates of the town to prevent a riot, and thus keep
out the people who came over from Berlin ; and that
after Fussel's house had been robbed, they did not
close the gates and keep the robbers in, as they did in
ordinary robberies. He did not make any farther in-
quiry, but ordered that a citizens' guard should be
raised, and that horses should be kept saddled in the
castle, in case they were needed.
When Stuler heard of the mild measures taken by
the Elector against the plunderers, he took courage and
came back to Berlin. On Green Thursday and Easter
he again stirred up the people. He said that the Elec-
tor had ordered that a citizens' watch should be formed
and arms placed in the castle, so that suddenly, when
no one thought of it, the Elector would take revenge on
the people of Coelln. His preaching was quite in con-
trast with FusseFs on Holy Thursday. Fussel preached
an impassioned sermon, in which he pardoned all his
enemies, as they knew not what they did ; and reminded
each one of his solemn duty to God and the state. Stu-
ler's words took effect, and a rumor spread itself abroad
that the Elector was secretly laying plans to massacre
the Lutherans— that he would suddenly fall on them by
night and cause a new massacre of St. Bartholomew to
take place. The Elector, when he heard of it, sent word
380 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
to the council of Coelln that he had never thought of
such a thing. Gradually the people quieted down and
confidence was restored. But Stuler, fearing arrest,
and feeling that the people did not support him in his
severe language, left the city and fled to Wittenberg.
Such was the feeling in Berlin against the Elector
and his Reformed innovations. The feeling in many
parts of Brandenberg was almost as bitter. But still
the Elector quietly proceeded to introduce his Eeformed
faith, wherever it was possible without giving offence.
He not only reformed his Church, but also made his
university at Frankford on the Oder Reformed. It's
theological professors, Pelargus and Bergius, became
Reformed. Bergius became the great leader of the Re-
formed Church of Brandenberg. He was a very mod-
erate Calvinist. He was ordered by the Elector to go
to the Synod of Dort, but he declined for various rea-
sons. When his colleague in the university, Evell,
went over to supralapsarian predestination, Bergius
preached against it. He followed the confession that
Sigismund had promulgated in 1614, which, while mod-
erately Calvinistic, was sublapsarian and held to the
universal atonement. A Reformed church was also
organized at Frankford, whijch worshipped at first in
the aula of the university. Then the great church
(which is still the university church), was given them,
where they worshipped with the Lutherans. In 1650
RESULTS OF SIGISMUND's CONVERSION. 381
the Reformed received a churcli of their own, the St.
Nicolas church, which had been unoccupied since the
reformation. The Elector tried to organize a Reformed
congregation at Konigsberg, in East Prussia. But, be-
sides service in the chapel of his palace, he was not suc-
cessful. It was not till 1636 that there was a Reformed
preacher at Konigsberg, and in 1690 the corner-stone of a
Reformed church was laid there. There were then only
two Reformed churches in Brandenberg, one sl^ Berlin,
and one at Frankford. These were afterwards rein-
forced by the large Huguenot immigration from France.
The Elector and court became Reformed, while the
people remained Lutheran. Religious liberty was
granted to all. On this Frederick the Great, more than
a century later, based his remark that in Prussia every
one could go to heaven after his own fashion.
The conversion of Sigismund to the Reformed faith
was fraught with most important results. Next to the
conversion of the Elector of the Palatinate in 1561, his
conversion was the most important that had taken place
in Germany. The conversion of Sigismund secured
two Electors to the Reformed faith in Germany. It
thus secured recognition for it in Germany, and gave it
the protection ; without which it would have suffered
greatly, if not been exterminated. After the Thirty
Years' War, it was the Elector of Brandenberg who se-
cured to the Reformed the right to exist in Germany
under the treaty of Westphalia. And when later still
382 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Catholic Elector of the Palatinate so terribly perse-
cuted the Reformed of that land, he threatened, if he did
not cease, that he would retaliate on the Catholics in
Brandenberg. He thus stood forth as the protector of
the Reformed. And when the Lutheran Elector of
Saxony went back to the Romish faith, and the Elector
of the Palatinate lost his throne, he alone remained
as the great protector of Protestantism in Germany.
This house of Brandenberg has since developed into the
royal family of Germany. We have been informed by
Rev. Dr. SchafP that the Heidelberg catechism is still
used by the royal family in the instruction of its princes.
The Reformed Church then owes a good deal to this
conversion of Brandenberg. And Brandenberg owes a
great deal to the Reformed Church for its prosperity and
success. The Reformed faith by its simplicity taught sim-
plicity of court manners. It thus developed economy,
fidelity and integrity. Its religion brought that land into
connection with Reformed Holland and England (the
two rising powers of Europe), which aided the growth of
Prussia. It led the Elector to invite into his dominions
thousands of French Reformed refugees, who, by their
industry and prosperity, laid the foundation of Prussia's
future greatness. And the present Emperor William,
trained in the Heidelberg catechism in his youth, stands
out before the world as a shining specimen of the piety
of the Heidelberg catechism and of the Reformed Church
of Germany.
CHAPTER lY.— SECTION V.
Introduction of the Reformed Faith into Liegnitz,
Schonaicher, &c.
The last counties in Germany to receive the Re-
formed faith were Liegnitz and Schonaicher. The Duke
of Liegnitz was the high prince of Silesia, and hence a
prominent noble of Eastern Germany. His conversion,
therefore, caused quite a stir in that Lutheran section of
Germany. Liegnitz is situated west of Breslau, the
birthplace of Ursinus. But the movement that led
Liegnitz into the Reformed Church, was not connected
with the movement in that direction in the days of Ur-
sinus; but it was caused by the intermarriage of the
Duke of Liegnitz with the Princess of Anhalt, which had
become Reformed. The prince had a Reformed councillor
in Wenzel of Zedlitz. It has been a debated question
whether Duke Joachim Frederick became Reformed be-
fore he died or not. The Reformed historians held that
he did ; the Lutheran historians held that he did not.
At any rate he simplified the ceremonies of the Lutheran
Church very much. He put away all ornaments, or-
gans and pictures out of the castle church ; so that its
simplicity became a novelty to the Lutherans of Eastern
384 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Germany. But it was his son, Duke John Christian of
Brieg, who fully introduced the Reformed faith into the
duchy. As the Emperor Rudolph of Germany tried to
get his family to send him to the imperial court, to be
educated by the Jesuits ; he was sent to Berlin, where he
would be safe from the machinations of the Emperor.
His marriage with the daughter of the Elector of Bran-
denberg brought him into close connection with that
court. And when that Elector, in 1613, went over to
the Reformed faith, he followed him. Neomenius, his
superintendent, being a Calvinist, greatly aided in its
introduction.
There seems to be some doubt about the exact date
of the introduction of the Reformed faith into Liegnitz.
One writer says it was introduced in 1614, and another
in 1619. These two dates may be harmonized by say-
ing that the Duke adhered to the Reformed Church as
early as 1614, but did not publicly introduce the Re-
formed customs into his land till 1619, as his people
were all intensely Lutheran. But about that time the
Reformed influence became very strong in neighboring
Bohemia, and the Duke took courage to introduce it.
On Christmas, 1619, the Duke and Duchess, with per-
sons from Breslau and Neisse, eighty-five in all, partook
of the communion after the Reformed mode. In the
next year, the presence of Frederick V., the Elector of
the Palatinate, the new King of Bohemia, in Breslau
LIEGNITZ AND SCHONAICHER. 385
greatly helped the introduction of the Reformed faith.
Scultetus, the great court preacher of Elector Frederick
V. of the Palatinate, came then to Breslau and preached.
Indeed, Scultetus was a Silesian by birth, and greatly
aided the introduction of the Reformed faith in his home
in Eastern Germany. Thus the court and its members
and the gymnasium, founded by the Duke, were Re-
formed ; but the people were, for the most part, liU-
theran. The Reformed faith was also introduced into
Breslau during the brief presence of King Frederick of
Bohemia. And thus Ursinus' home had an opportunity
to receive the Reformed Church.
Schonaicher,
The noble family of Schonaicher was a well known
and highly honored family in Eastern Germany. The
county seat of Schonaicher was Beuthen, north of Lieg-
nitz. Near Beuthen was the castle Carolath, belonging
to the Schonaicher family. Count George of Schonaicher
introduced the Reformed faith and customs into his land.
His little county became quite influential for its size.
He founded a gymnasium, which exerted a wide influ-
ence for the Reformed faith over Eastern Germany.
Situated in a corner between Brandenberg, Silesia and
Poland, it drew for support on all those lands, and in
return it influenced them toward the Reformed faith.
It was in close sympathy with the neighboring Reformed
386 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
university of Frankford on the Oder. The noble fam-
ily of Carolath-Beuthen, as it is now called, still remains
Eeformed, although the Liegnitz family has gone into
the Evangelical or United Church of Germany.
An attempt was also made to introduce the Reformed
faith into Mecklenberg, at Gustrow, in 1618, by Duke
John Albert, and also to introduce it into Gottorp near
Schleswig, by Count John Adolph in 1610, but both at-
tempts perished with the death of these princes. The
Reformed faith was also introduced into the neighboring
districts of Poland, as Dantzig and Elbing (now included
in Germany). Between 1590 and 1606 the Reformed
were in the majority in those cities. At Dantzig a Re-
formed gymnasium was founded under Keckerman.
CHAPTER V.
The Close of the Introduction of the Reformed
Church into Germany.
With the year 1620 ended the introduction of the
Reformed faith into Germany. It would be a pleasant
task, were there time, to describe the immigration of
thousands of the French Reformed people into Ger-
many in the seventeenth century ; but space forbids.
Only two events remain to close this history, before a
new era begins, in 1620, with the Thirty Years' War.
One of these two events was political ; the other was
theological. Both marked the culmination of the influ-
ences previously at work. The one was the election of
Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate to be King of
Boliemia ; the other was the Synod of Dort.
SECTION I.
Elector Frederick V. of the Palatinate. 1610—20.
Elector Frederick V. was only fourteen years of age
when his father, Frederick IV., died. At once there
came up the question of the guardianship of the child.
The nearest relatives were the two noble Palatinate
388 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
families of Neuberg and Zweibriicken. But Elector
Frederick IV. had foreseen this difficulty. And, being
fearful that the Catholic prince of Neuberg might be-
come guardian and then educate his son as a Catholic,
Frederick IV. arranged that Count John of Zweibriick-
en was placed in that position before he died. The
Duke of Neuberg made an attempt to secure the guar-
dianship ; but Count John had possession of the posi-
tion, and could not be moved. Count John, who was
an adherent of the Reformed Church, was a wise states-
man and a good guardian to Frederick. When Fred-
erick V. became eighteen years of age, he assumed his
duties as ruler of the Palatinate. The two most im-
portant events in the early part of his reign were his
marriage to the princess Elizabeth, daughter of King
James I. of England, and his election to the throne of
Bohemia.
Elector Frederick in his youth was educated at the
court of the Duke of Bouillon, at Sedan. At the sug-
gestion of this duke, a marriage between Frederick and
Elizabeth was projected. This was an important event
in a political point of view ; for it united the two pow-
erful Reformed states of England and the Palatinate.
The English people, at first, were somewhat opposed to
the match, especially the Catholics, who wanted King
James to marry his daughter to a Catholic prince. And
her marriage into the royal family of Spain was spoken
MARRIAGE OF FREDERICK. :^89
of. They objected to Frederick that he was only a
German prince, and was not high enough in rank to
marry the princess of England. But the Palatinate
ambassador declared that a German prince was higher
in rank than an English baron. He reminded them
that Frederick was the foremost prince of the German
empire, and was equal in rank to the King of Denmark,
whose territory and influence were less than Frederick's.
The Protestants of England looked with favor on
the match, because they felt it would strengthen the
influence of Protestantism in the royal house of Eng-
land. And because Frederick was Reformed, the Re-
formed people of England inclined toward him. When
he arrived in England, they were captivated by the
fine appearance and elegant manners of the young prince.
He took the place of the late prince of Wales in their
hearts. And although this marriage w^as intended to be
a political one, yet as soon as Frederick and Elizabeth
saw each other, it changed into a real love match be-
tween the two. All kinds of honors were showered on
Frederick in England. The freedom of the city of
London was given to him. He was made a knight of
the royal order of the garter. The wedding took place
on February 14, 1613, the Bishop of Wales officiating.
Frederick then visited Cambridge and Oxford, where
he left his autograph in the album of the university.
He sailed with his bride on the 20th of April in the
390 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Prince Royal, an Admiral ship of the English navy,
and landed at Flushing. The progress of the princely
pair homeward to Heidelberg was like a triumphal
procession. The Palatinate ships met Elizabeth away
down the Rhine, below Bonn. Everywhere the recep-
tion by the Germans was most cordial. When Freder-
ick and Elizabeth arrived at Heidelberg, on the 7th of
June, the town was filled with strangers, two thousand
guests having arrived. These, in military procession,
awaited the entrance of the princely pair. Salutes of
cannon were fired, the city was adorned with triumphal
arches, the whole town was decked with flowers ; and for
a week there were games and festivities in honor of the
wedding.
This marriage greatly changed the court life at Hei-
delberg. Before this, it had been rather simple ; but
now it became splendid and extravagant. The Elector,
who was a devoted husband, built for his beautiful
bride, the west end of the castle, called to this day " the
English building." He wished her to have a home that
would rival the palace she had left in England. He had
the gardens of the palace laid out by the famous Norman
gardener, Salomon de Cans. These grounds were beau-
tifully terraced, and ornamented with grottoes, which
were lined with precious stones and corals. There were
beautiful lakes and also fountains, so constructed as to
sprinkle the visitor unawares. An orangerie of four
FREDERICK ELECTED KING OF BOHEMIA. 391
hundred trees was planted. Indeed, the garden was
one of the wonders of its day. It was considered so
fine that it excited the envy of King Louis XIV. of
France, lest it would outrival his famous gardens at
Versailles.*
The political relations between the Protestant Union,
of which Frederick was the leader, and the Catholic
League, were becoming more and more strained. In
1617 occurred the centennial of the reformation (when
Luther nailed his theses on the church door at Witten-
berg.) By this the Protestants were stirred up to great-
er devotion to their cause, and to greater hatred of the
Catholics. The synod of Dort still further aided in in-
tensifying religious feeling. The bigotry and persecu-
tion of the Catholics hastened on the impending war.
At the death of the Emperor Matthias, Frederick, as
regent of the empire, threw down the gauntlet to the
Hapsburgs, by opposing the election of their candidate
for the German throne. But he was not able to hinder
the election of Ferdinand as Emperor. The Bohemians
refused to acknowledge Ferdinand as their Emperor and
formally deposed him, electing Frederick instead. This
placed him in opposition to the Emperor, for the Em-
peror claimed jurisdiction over Bohemia, although the
Bohemians claimed the right to elect their own king.
Although urged to decline the election by many of his
*For a picture of this garden, see the frontispiece.
392 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
best statesmen, as the Dake of Anhalt, yet Frederick
(mainly at the request of Scultetus, leader of the Re-
formed Church of his day) accepted the position of king.
Into the sad fortunes of the Winter King (for Frederick
ruled only one short winter at Prague) we have no time
to enter. Nor is this the place to describe the faithful-
ness of the Electress Elizabeth in her trials and exile.
Frederick, driven out of the Palatinate, died an exile,
but the beautiful Elizabeth became the mother of kings.
Her youngest daughter became the mother of King
George I., of England, and the ancestress of the present
Queen Victoria. Her granddaughter Elizabeth Char-
lotte became the mother of the Duke of Orleans, which
family held the regency of France under Louis XY.
and ruled France in this century. Her daughter be-
came the mother of the Duke of Lorraine, from whom
the present royal family of Austria is descended. Ex-
iled themselves, this princely pair through their children
have ruled England, France and Austria. Thus the
house of the Palatinate went down for a while during
the Thirty Years' War, only to become the ancestor of
kings, as it had been the founder of the Reformed Church
in Germany.
CHAPTER v.— SECTION II.
The Synod of Dort.
The synod of Dort was a synod of Holland, and not
of Germany. But, as it was the outgrowth of the move-
ment begun by the Dutch refugees along the lower
Rhine, as the German members of it affected its deci-
sions and were in turn affected by it, and especially as
it is a side light, that reveals the condition of the Church
of Germany, an account of it will be interesting and
profitable.
The first General Synod of the Xetherland churches
was held at Antwerp in 1566. It was composed largely
of delegates from Belgium, and it adopted the Belgic
Confession, composed by Guido De Bres, the originator
of the Reformed faith in the Netherlands. But the
next year the Duke of A\vsl left loose his cruel soldiers
on Holland, and the Protestants were driven out. For
five or six years, the Dutch Reformed Church, as an or-
ganization, existed only on German soil. Its next synod
was held at Wesel in 1568, followed by another synod at
Emden in 1571. Persecution might drive it from its
land, but it could not break up the organization of a
Calvin istic Church. These refugee churches remained
26
394 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
in Germany until 1572, when the Hollanders began re-
turning to their own land. So the next General Synod
was held at Dort in 1574. The president of this synod
was, however, from Germany, — Heidanus, a pastor in
the Palatinate. The General Synod of Julich-Cleve-
Berg remained in connection with this Dutch General
Synod till 1610. Olevianus himself was present at the
Dutch General Synod at Middleburg in 1581. The de-
crees of this Middleburg synod had a marked effect on
some of the German Churches, especially on the Nassau
Reformed Church.
A number of differences early began to appear in
this Netherland Church, which prepared the way for
the synod of Dort. These dissensions began to reveal
themselves as early as the synod of Dort, in 1574. One
of these differences was the same as appeared in the
synod of Julich and Cleve, — the difference between the
secret and the open, national churches in the synod.
The refugee churches, which had sacrificed all for the
Gospel, had evolved a higher spiritual life and a stricter
church discipline than the laxer Holland congregations,
who had remained at home. When the refugees came
back to Holland, they began to find fault with these
national churches," for being formal in piety and lax in
discipline. This distinction between secret and open
churches, instead of fading out as they settled again in
Holland, was perpetuated. For these secret churches
DISSENSIONS IN HOLT. AND. 395
were continued; as the Belgian or French refugees
dared not yet return to their land. So they continued
to exist as individual churches in Holland, and became
strict in theology and discipline, in contrast with the
state churches, which were laxer in these matters.
There was also a difference in races. These refugee
churches were composed of Walloons, a hot-blooded
race, who were very tenacious and decided in their ex-
pression of doctrine or duty ; while the Hollanders were
a slower, phlegmatic race. There was also a difference
in their relations to the state; for these French churches
were not as much under the control of the state as the
Holland churches.
All these differences among the various congregations
early led to dissensions on two points. The first was
in regard to doctrine. The refugees who came back
from Germany, had adopted the Belgic Confession and
were strict Calvinists. The ministers who preached for
the Walloon churches, were educated mainly at Geneva,
under Calvin ; while the Holland churches rather inclined
to Lasco, who was not quite so high a Calvinist in doc-
trine. Indeed there were followers of Zwingli who were
early found in Holland. The followers of Calvin were
inclined to be strict and stiff in doctrine, while the fol-
lowers of Zwingli were inclined to a more liberal inter-
pretation of doctrine.
A second difference that early revealed itself was in
church government. Some wanted the state to govern
396 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
the Church, others wanted the Church to be independent
of the state. By law, each of the seven provinces had
the right to control its own religious affairs.* Those
who had been refugees, declared that the congregations
were under the control of the classes and synods, and not
under the state. The other party favored a modified
Erastianism, by which the state controlled the Church.
These were the small differences, which widened until
ultimately a great division revealed itself in the Church.
For while the Dutch Church was thus in the stage of
formation and fermentation, there appeared a man des-
tined to develop the germs of dissension. This was
Jacob Arminius.
Arminius was born in 1560, and was educated under
strict Reformed influences at Utrecht, Marburg, Leyden
and Geneva. In 1588 his popularity as a preacher had
gained him such fame that he was appointed one of the
ministers of Amsterdam. While pastor there, it seems
that some ministers at Delft had publicly opposed predes-
tination in a tract which adopted a milder view of the
doctrine. Lydius, professor at Franeker (the leader of
the high Calvinists of Holland), having a high opinion of
Arminius, asked him to refute this tract of Koornhurst.
But Arminius, instead of refuting it, adopted it, and in
1591 he began preaching against high Calvinism. Still,
■*Prince William of Orange was at the head of the party, who
urged the greatest independence of the church.
HETERODOXY OF ARMINIUS. 397
in spite of his suspected heterodoxy, when Junius, pro-
fessor of theok)gy at Leyden, died in 1602, Arminius
was elected to that position. His name was suggested
for the place by Utenbogardus, the French preacher at
The Hague, who sympathized with Arminius. But when
his call to the professorship was laid before the Classis of
Amsterdam, that body refused to put it into his hands
or to dismiss him, until he had proved that he was or-
thodox and Calvinistic in his belief. At length he was
permitted to be dismissed, provided he would hold a
conference with Gomarus, one of the professors at Ley-
den, and thus remove from himself the odor of heter-
odoxy. In this conference he solemnly disavowed the
errors charged against him, and promised to teach noth-
ing contrary to the doctrines of the Church. But he
had not occupied his professor's chair long, before ru-
mors appeared against him — that his scholars were in-
clined to a new and laxer theology. He has even been
charged with giving utterance to one set of opinions
while lecturing officially as professor, and of circulating
confidentially among his pupils a private manuscript
which taught different doctrines. These rumors became
so numerous against him, that the magistrates of Leyden
called him to appear before them. But he refused to
come, because, he said, the directors of the university
had not given him permission. They did not do so be-
cause they were in sympathy with him. The classis of
398 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Dort placed a complaint before the provincial synod of
Leyden against him, but the directors of the university
answered it by saying that while the students were in-
clined to dispute with each other on doctrine, it was not
the professors' fault that they did so. The deputies then
asked that the professors be required to sign anew the
Belgic confession, but the directors declared that that
was not necessary. As they were pressed to take some
action in the matter, the directors answered that it would
be better to let matters rest until a national synod was
called. Thus, though attempts were made to bring Ar-
minius' case before the church courts, the matter was
always evaded. Armiuius was never ready. But in
the meantime he was imbuing the minds of his scholars
with doctrines prejudicial to orthodoxy.
And now there appeared another difference between
the ministers of the Netherland Church, which revealed
the growing spirit of Arminiauism. The Arminians
wanted the Heidelberg catechism and the Belgic confess-
ion, the creeds of the Church, to be revised. They claimed
that as these were framed by fallible men, they should
be subject to revision, so as to meet the spirit of the
times and of theological inquiry. But the Calvinistic
party opposed any revision very bitterly. They held
that while these creeds were not equal to the Bible in
authority, yet they were authoritative, as they had been
adopted by the Church ; and ought, therefore, to be
SUBSCRIPTION TO CREEDS. 399
signed by all candidates at their entrance on the min-
istry. The Arminians urged that the Church needed a
creed framed not in theological, but in Biblical lan-
guage — that the creed should be drawn up with refer-
ence to practical life, while liberty should be allowed
for speculation in doctrine. It was the question of
the revision of, and subscription to, creeds, which
was now beginning to loom up in church history.
Had the views of the Arminians prevailed, they would
have wrecked the faith of the Church, just as lax sub-
scription did the Presbyterian Church of England in
the last century, and as it has done in Holland in this
century.
In the meantime dissensions between the Arminians
and Calvinists broke out here and there in different parts
of the Church. The controversy which had at first been
carried on in Latin, and been confined to the learned,
soon got to the ears of the common people. The classis
of Alcmar resolved that all its ministers should sign the
Heidelberg catechism, and the Belgic Confession. Five
ministers, who refused to do so, were suspended by the
classis. These ministers then appealed to the state au-
thorities to reinstate them. This brought up the ques-
tion how far the state had authority to control the Church.
The Arminians naturally favored state authority, while
the Calvinists opposed it. The state of Holland ordered
that while an investigation was in progress, the minis-
400 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ters be allowed to perform their functions. This was
contrary to all church law. The classis declared that
the state had no right to interfere, and the synod of North
Holland upheld the classis. The result was that the
state authorities could do nothing to secure the return of
these ministers to their positions. Thus another diflPer-
ance begins to appear between the Arminians and the
Calvinists. The Arminians believed in the union of
state and Church. The Calvinists believed in the auton-
omy of the Church and her independence of the state in
the management of her own affairs. It was the old ques-
tion whether the Church* should be the servant of the
state, or the state the servant of the Church. The old
difference between Zwinglianism and Calvinism in
church government arose again. The battle between
Erastus and Olevianus had to be fought over again in
Holland. Laxity of doctrine and discipline are always
followed by low views of the Church. The Arminians
were the first to appeal to the civil power for help*
Afterward, at the Synod of Dort, they were the first to
suffer from the civil authorities. Like the Donatists,
they appealed to the very power that condemned them.
They were the first to propose waiting for a national
synod. But it was their enemies who arranged for the
synod and carried it out. ' Their enemies used their
weapons against them. The Arminians had the aid of
the civil authorities at first. They had the ear of the
THE REMONSTRANCE. 401
States General of Holland, which finally ordered a con-
ference between Gomarus and Arminius, on the 14th of
May, 1608. In this conference Arminius wanted Go-
marus to appear as complainant against him, and desired
that the States General should be his judges. He was
thus sure of his vindication, as the States General were
friendly to him. But Gomarus declared that a national
synod alone could decide. The conference indeed took
place, at The Hague in 1609, but Arminius died before
it ended, on the 19th of October, 1609.
But his cause did not die with him. The strife only
increased. After his death, Armiuianism more fully
developed itself. Arminius at first probably meant
that he did not believe in unconditional election or a
limited atonement, but by the time of his death he had
far passed these limits. After his death, his disciples,
led by Episcopius, passed the limits of his belief. The
result was that in 1610 the Arminians organized them-
selves into a party in the Church, and presented to the
two states of Holland and Friesland an address consist-
ing of five articles, which was called a Remonstrance.
It was drawn up by Utenbogardus, and signed by forty-
six ministers. Their aim, in presenting this remon-
strance to the civil authorities, was to gain the favor of
the government and to secure its protection against the
censure of the Church, to which they were exposed.
After this, from this remonstrance, the Arminians
402 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
were called Reaionstrants. The Calvinists afterwards
prepared a counter Remonstrance, which revealed the
five points of Calvinism. The Synod of Dort in 1616
gave such a deliverance.*
And now another difficulty arose. The authorities
of the university of Leyden chose as successor to Ar-
minius the learned Vorstius, professor at Steinfurt in
Germany. But Vorstius had already been charged
with the heresy of Socinianism. The Arminians had
by this time so far declined from orthodoxy as to elect
such a man. The professors at Heidelberg university
at once sent a protest against Vorstius, calling attention
to his heresy. They said that to call him into the
already fermenting Netherland Church would be like
extinguishing fire by pouring on oil. But the greatest
foe of Vorstius appeared in King James I. of England.
James prided himself on the title (given to him at that
time) of '^ the defender of the faith." He had read
Vorstius' book concerning the nature of God, and he
demanded the recall of his election to Leyden. He
boiled over with indignation, and threatened to break
off all confederacy with Holland, if such a man were
*" While this synod declines to give an express sanction to the
supralapsarian views of Gomarus, it declares its judgment in
opposition to the Arminians, and puts foi th by way of antithe-
sis what have been called the five points of Calvinism— uncon-
ditional election, limited atonement, impotency of the w^ill, ir-
resistible grace and perseverance of the saints." Fisher's His-
tory of the Reformation, 473.
COxNTINUED DISSENSIONS. 403
allowed to teach such heresy. Some one says that
James io this matter showed the only ebullitiou of valor
he was ever known to betray. He threatened, not only
to write, but to fight, if Vorstius were allowed to stay
in Holland. The election of Vorstius was the first
mistake of the Remonstrants, and his dismissal their
first defeat. For in calling him, they made enemies of
the Reformed theologians of Germany, and they felt
this hostility of the Germans afterwards in the synod
of Dort. But although Vorstius was not permitted to
accept the position, Episcopius, the leader of the Remon-
strants, was elected to the professorship ; so that they vir-
tually gained what they desired — liberty to teach their
doctrines.
In the meantime dissensions arose everywhere in Hol-
land between the Remonstrants and the Calvinists. The
Remonstrants appealed to the civil authorities to help
them against the Calvinists. Geselius, a minister of Rot-
terdam and a Calvinist, as he could not consort with the
Remonstrants, began holding meetings in the villages
around. So the city authorities, instigated by the Re-
monstrants, banished him from the villages. Roseus,
for refusing to commune or preach with the Remon-
strants, was suspended. He then preached in the vil-
lages, and afterwards in The Hague, in a church, which
was attended by Prince Maurice of Orange and other
leaders. The Remonstrants called this act of Roseus
404 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
schism. The Calvinists werefiued, imprisoned and ban-
ished, and when they appealed, the Remonstrants inter-
dicted the appeal. Orthodox preachers were driven away,
as at Cambden. The Calvinists have been charged with
persecuting in this controversy, but they do not seem to
have begun the persecution, nor did they persecute as
much as the Remonstrants did. The Remonstrants were
pushing their schemes, so as to gain the control of the
whole land, when suddenly affairs took a different turn.
The Remonstrants had almost gained the day, when a
breach took place between Barneveld and Prince Mau-
rice. Maurice was aristocratic and hoped to see his house,
the family of Orange and its heirs, at the head of the
government. Barneveld was a republican and aimed at
preserving the authority of the states against Maurice.
Maurice now threw his fortunes actively with the Cal-
vinists. He said : " I know no predestination. To me
it is the same, whether it is gray or blue. But this I
know, that between Barneveld's piping and my own,
there is a shrieking discord.'^ The family of Orange had
always been closely allied to Calvinism, and Maurice, in
thus taking up their cause, was only treading in the
footsteps of William the Silent. But he also saw in this
religious controversy, an opportunity by which he might
overthrow his opponent, Barneveld. So while Barne-
veld had been aiding the Remonstrants, Maurice threw
in his fortunes with the Calvinists. And thus political
MAURICE AIDS THE CALVINISTS. 405
strife was added to theological. Thus the arm of the
state, which the Remonstrants had called to their aid,
was now used against them to their fall. As Amster-
dam, Dort and other places, opposed Barneveld^s tolera-
tion edict, Maurice aided them. Thus the whole of the
Netherlands was in commotion, citizen against citizen,
city against city. The common people, the ministers,
the ecclesiastical organizations of classes and synods were
on the side of the Calvinists. The educated people, the
magistrates of the cities, and the senates of several of the
provinces were Remonstrant. Maurice prohibited his
troops from aiding the city magistrates in quelling re-
ligious disturbances. This was a move by Maurice to
aid the Calvinists ; for it deprived the Remonstrants of
the use of the troops in order to oppress the Calvinists.
The Remonstrant city authorities then became suspicious
of Maurice and levied city troops to aid the magistrates.
They did this at Utrecht, where there was already a gar-
rison sufficient for defense, and also at Harlem, Leyden,
Rotterdam and elsewhere. They thus seemed to be
forming a body of troops against the troops of the na-
tional government, who were under Maurice's com-
mand. Prince Maurice then became persuaded that this
levy of city troops was for the purpose of annihilating
his authority ; so he began to change the city officials, so
that they might give him control of the cities. He thus
aided the Calvinists.
406 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The provinces of Zeeland, Friesland and Groningen
were entirely Calvinistic ; Guelderland and Oberyssel
were two-thirds Calvinistic, Holland one-third Calvin-
istic, and Utrecht entirely Remonstrant. The first three
provinces demanded a national synod, to settle the dis-
sensions, and bring peace and unity to the land. (The
Calvinists had all along appealed to the Church, and
not the state, for the final decision.) And now we see
the subterfuges of the Remonstrants. They at first
wanted a synod to be called, so as to settle the disputes.
But now they protest against it. Two provinces, Hol-
land and Oberyssel, protested against a synod. But in
spite of their protests, the remaining provinces decided
it should be held. They declared that the objects for
which the synod was held, were — first, to examine into
the exact teachings of the Remonstrants ; second, to an-
swer them, and also to give a deliverance as to what
was the true Reformed faith ; third, to sentence those
who might be guilty of heresy. The place chosen for
the holding of the synod was Dort, a city of sacred as-
sociations, where the first national synod had been held
after the return of the refugees from Germany. They
at first intended to hold a synod of only the Netherland
churches, but at the suggestion of King James I. of
England, they determined to invite foreign delegates to
it. They did this the more willingly, as the Remon-
strants did not seem to pay any attention to the au-
FOREIGN CHURCHES INVITED. 407
thority of the Netherland synods, for they said these
were not true Reformed synods. The presence and ad-
vice of the foreign Reformed delegates would give
weight to the decisions of the synod ; and would also
reveal whether the Netherland Church was a true Re-
formed Church. So the States General invited the
Reformed Churches of England and Scotland, France,
the Palatinate, Brandenberg, Hesse, Nassau, East Fries-
land, the four Swiss cantons of Berne, Zurich, Basle and
Schaffhausen, the Wetterau counties of Nassau and
Hanau, and the free cities of Geneva, Bremen and Em-
den, to send delegates to the synod. Anhalt was not
invited, as the Hollanders seemed to doubt whether she
was orthodox enough on the Reformed faith. The synod
of Dort was really a national synod of the Netherlands ;
but the foreign deputies advised and voted with the na-
tive members. All of the states and cities invited sent
delegates, except France and Brandenberg. The dele-
gates of France, Chauve du Moulin, professor at Sedan,
Rivet, Chaniier, professor at Montauban, were on the
way to the synod, when an order from King Louis
XIII. of France compelled them to return ; as he did
not want them to form any union with foreign Re-
formed Churches that might strengthen them in his own
land. The invitation to Brandenberg was sent later
than to the rest. The Elector of Brandenberg, who had
recently come into the Reformed Church, was very anx-
408 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ious to be represented at the synod, so as to reveal his
adherence to the Reformed faith. He appointed Pelar-
gus and Bergius, his professors at Frankford, as his.
delegates. But they did not go. Pelargus declined,
because of his age, and because the near approach of
winter made travelling dangerous. Bergius declined,
because Pelargus refused, and also because of the late-
ness of the invitation. It has also been suggested that
they did not go to Dort, for fear of offending the Lu-
theran people of Brandenberg, who had already shown
their fanaticism by riots. But though these delegates
did not arrive, there were twenty-eight foreign delegates
present. Prominent among them were Scultetus, the
court preacher of the Elector of the Palatinate, and
Breitinger, the successor of Zwingli at Zurich, as well
as the Bishop of Llandaff of England.*
There were present at the synod three Palatines —
Scultetus, Tossanus, and Alting, professor of Heidelberg
university ; four Hessians — Stein, the court preacher of
Landgrave Maurice ; Cruciger, rector of the university
of Marburg ; Angelocrater, and Goclenius, professor at
*We thus see that the bishops of the Anglican Church recog-
nized the Reformed Church of the continent (which had no bish-
ops) as a true Church of Christ, and as a sister Reformed Church.
Those Episcopalian bishops sat with ordinary ministers as
equals, a significant and severe hint to the high church Episco-
palians of our day. Bishop Hall of England said in his Ireni-
con : " Blessed be God, there is no difference on any essential
point between the Church of England and her sister Reformed
Churches."
FOREIGN DELEGATES. 409
Marburg; five Swiss — Breitinger, antistes at Zurich ;
Rutimeyer of Berne, Beck and Mayer of Basle, and
Koch of Schaffhausen ; three from Nassau — Alsted,
professor at Herborn ; Bisterfield, of Siegen ; Fabricius,
of Hanau ; two from Geneva — Deodati and Tronchin,
professors of theology ; three from Bremen — Martinius,
professor of theology in the gymnasium ; Isselberg and
Crocius ; two from Emden — Eilsheim and Grimers-
heim. The English delegates chosen by King James
I. were — Carleton, bishop of Llandaff ; Davenant, after-
wards bishop of Salisbury ; Samuel Ward, afterwards
professor at Cambridge ; Joseph Hall, afterwards bish-
op of Exeter and Norwich (bishop Hall had to return
before the close of the synod, on account of ill health.
His place was filled by Thomas Goad, of St. Paul's ca-
thedral, London) ; and Walter Balcanquall, the Scotch
chaplain of the King, who represented the Scotch
Churches. The Dutch delegates included such men as
Professors Polyander, Lubertus, and Gomarus.
There were altogether eighty-four delegates, of
whom twenty-eight were foreigners, thirty six were
ministers of Holland, and the rest Dutch elders. There
were also eighteen commissioners of the States General
of Holland present at each of the sessions, to see that
the business was properly transacted, and to note the
decisions of the synod. Each provincial synod elected
six delegates, of whom two were elders. The French
27
410 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
churches scattered through the Netherlands, who formed
a synod of their own, did as the provincial synods had
done — elected six delegates. (The president and secre-
tary of the various synods were generally chosen among
the delegates.) In the province of Utrecht there were
only five Calvinistic ministers. They formed a synod
of their own and elected two delegates, leaving the Re-
monstrants of that province to elect the rest of the rep-
resentatives. Only three Remonstrants were elected to
the synod by all the synods of the Netherlands. After
a day of prayer throughout all the land, the synod of
Dort opened on the 13th of November, 1618. It was
opened with divine service at 8 A. M., in both the
Dutch and the French languages. Lydius, the Dutch
minister of Dort, preached in the great church on the
synod at Jerusalem. Pours of Middleburg preached to
the French in the Augustine's church. After the ser-
mon, the delegates withdrew to the Doel, a guild hall,
which was used for public meetings, although it had
originally been built to be a drill hall.* The first ses-
*See picture of Synod of Dort. The officers of the synod sat
at a centre table at the upper end of the room, the president
with his face to the door, the vice-presidents at his right, the
secretaries at his left. Along the side of the room, to the right
of the president, and to the left of the picture, were the commis-
sioners of the States General. Opposite them, to the left of the
president, were the British delegates ; then the vacant seats as-
signed to the French delegates. In the next tier of seats were
the Swiss, Hessian and Palatinate delegates occupying the
three seats in the order named. In the next tier of seats, to the
left of the president and nearer the entrance, were the Bremen,
the Genevan, and then the Wetterau delegates, occupying the
ORGANIZATION OF THE SYNOD. 411
sion was opened by an address of welcome by Lydius.
For the sake of the foreign delegates, the Latin lan-
guage was used, which was rather a trial to the state's
commissioners, and to some of the elders, who under-
stood only Dutch. The synod, through the influence of
Count Lewis of Nassau, a strict Calvinist, elected Bo-
german of Leuwaarden as president, and also elected
two vice-presidents and two secretaries. The commis-
sioners of the States General also had their own presi-
dent, Gregory, and secretary. On all questions the vote
was taken by provinces. The rule of judgment was or-
dered to be the Bible. The Belgic Confession was not
made the norm of judgment, as some have held ; but
the Bible. The first session was taken up in receiving
the credentials and administering the oath to the mem-
bers. The chief question before the body was the re-
lation of the Remonstrants to the synod. There were
three seats in the order named. On the right of the president,
and in the tier of seats opposite to the Bremen delegates, but
along the wail, were the five theological professors of the Nether-
lands. The rest of the seats were occupied by the delegates from
the Netherlands in the order of the rank of their provinces. The
Remonstrants, when they appeared before the synod, had their
seats at a centre table in the middle of the room, just in front of
the president's table. Each delegate found at his seat a pen and
a candle, the former for the purpose of taking notes, the latter
for light; for in winter the days are very short in Holland, and
the sessions of the synod were often protracted until after it was
dark. It is a very quaint looking assembly as revealed by the
picture. The sessions were public, except when the doors were
closed for secret session. There was usually quite a crowd of
spectators standing near the door, among them even Jesuits.
412 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
only three Remonstrant delegates ; but the smallness of
their number was largely their own fault. They had
not only labored to prevent the synod ; but, as for in-
stance in the synod at Delft, they had declared they
would not send delegates to it. At the fourth session,
the synod decided to cite thirteen of the Remonstrants
(Episcopius among them),* to appear before them within
fourteen days, that they might explain their views and
prove the five Remonstrant articles, in which they dif-
fered from the rest of the Church.
Until the appearance of the thirteen Remonstrants,
the synod was not idle, but busied itself about matters of
importance for the Church. A new translation of the
Bible was ordered. For the Dutch Bible at that time
was only a transfer of Luther^s German Bible into the
Dutch language — a translation of a translation ; and so
a new Bible was needed to purge it from mistakes. f A
committee of six theologians was appointed to complete
and perfect the translation, which finally appeared in
1637. It was a master piece ; and as the Staats Bible, it
is in use to-day in Holland. The synod also discussed
the subject of catechization. The representatives from
*These persons were chosen by the Remonstrants in the
synod. The Remonstrants in the synod, instead of being treated
as intruders and heretics, had their rights, as members, re-
spected.
fThis Dutch Bible was begun in 1594, by Van Marnix, Lord
of St. Aldegonde. Owing to the severity of Catholics against
Bible translations, it was printed in a ship.
EPISCOPIUS APPEARS. 413
foreign lands described how catechization was carried on
in their own countries. The last Netherland synod had
ordered catechetical preaching, but it had only been par-
tially carried out. This synod urged greater attention
on the part of parents, teachers and pastors to catechiza-
tion, especially for three or four weeks before a commun-
ion season. The baptism of heathen children, the pre-
paration of candidates for the ministry and the abuses of
printing were then discussed.
In the twenty-second session, about the first of De-
cember, Episcopius and the Remonstrants appeared. As
most of them had opposed the synod, it was doubted
at Dort whether they would appear at all ; so their com-
ing made quite a sensation. When they appeared, it
seems that Episcopius, without waiting for the proper
formalities, proceeded to make an eloquent, but caustic
address against those who had opposed the Remonstrants.
For his boldness he was severely rebuked by the presi-
dent. The Remonstrants were asked to submit their
theological opinions to the synod. They wanted the ref-
utation of Calvinism to be taken up first, and then the
statement of their belief. The synod very properly or-
dered the opposite. They hoped that by taking up rep-
robation first, they might excite the sympathy of the
foreign delegates. They then asked for time to prepare,
but their request was not granted, as they already had
had all the time they needed for preparation. At the
414 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
twenty-fifth session, the Remonstrants asked that only
the foreigners might sit as their judges, as this national
synod was schismatic. (They visited the foreign delegates
diligently, hoping to enlist them on their side. Episco-
pius with two others, visited the Bishop of Llandaff on
the 25th of January, hoping to incline him to them.
He refused to listen to them, and told them they should
not build their hopes on men, but on the worthiness of
their cause.) The synod answered that it was not schis-
matic, but was constituted in the regularly appointed
way by the election of delegates from each of the synods.
The synod tried to get them to express their doctrinal
opinions in writing. But the Remonstrants again and
again postponed doing so. Finally, though still pro-
testing against the authority of the synod, they gave their
opinion against the five points of Calvinism. The synod
then demanded of them a declaration concerning the
Heidelberg catechism and the Belgic confession. They
were allowed four days in which to prepare their reply.
They replied that these standards of the Church needed
revision. When they made this suggestion, the Palati-
nate delegates rose up in defense of their favorite, the
Heidelberg catechism, and bitterly opposed any change in
it. And to the Palatines the commissioners of the States
General joined their voices. In the fifty -seventh ses-
sion the Remonstrants were dismissed, but were ordered
not to leave Dort until synod rendered a decision.
DIFFERENCES IN THE SYNOD. 415
Their defense having been made, synod then pro-
ceeded to sit in judgment on the Remonstrants and their
doctrines. The synod then proceeded to a consideration
of the five points of Calvinism, so as to answer the Re-
monstrants and pass judgment on them. In the sixty-
first session, the synod decided not only to answer the
Remonstrants, but also to give expression to decrees
stating the orthodox Calvinistic doctrines. The re-
mainder of the time, from the 17th of January to the
23rd of April, was spent in the preparation of the
decrees. But, while the synod was unanimously opposed
to the doctrines and tactics of the Remonstrants, yet they
were not so united in positive statements of doctrine.
There was so much difference of opinion in the synod
that it held secret sessions, so as to allow a fuller inter-
change of opinion. There were three grades of Calvin-
ism apparent in the synod — supralapsariauism, infralap-
sarianism and sublapsarianism.*
*The dilfereuces between these various grades of Calvinism
are described by arranging the decrees of God in their order as
given by these different schools : — supralapsarian : election, cre-
ation, sin, redemption, reprobation; infralapsarian : creation,
election, sin, redemption, preterition ; sublapsarian : creation,
sin, election, redemption. The supralapsarian held that election
was the first great aim of all things. God elected men in order
that he might then create them to be saved or lost, as he pleased.
The infral-ipsarians held that the great aim of God was creation,
and that having created men, God then chose men to be saved or
lost. The sublapsarians held that the great aim of God was re-
demption. They especially insisted that Christ's atonement
was universal, over against the limited atonement views of the
others,— that Christ died for all men, and not only for the ele^'i.
416 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In the synod there was a small, but influential party
of Supralapsarians, led by Gomarus and the president
of the synod, and patronized by Count Lewis of Nas-
sau. The great body of the Dutch delegates were infra-
lapsarian. Many of the foreign delegates were sublap-
sarian. Gomarus desired that the synod should give
expression to high Calvinistic decrees as the doctrine of
the Church. This brought him into a heated argument
with Martinius, who wished a mild expression of Cal-
vinism. Ward and the Palatinate delegates had a sim-
ilar contest. Martinius with the Bremen delegates, the
Nassau deputies, and the Hessian members, except
Stein, were sublapsarian. The English delegation was
divided. The Bishop of Llandaff, Hall and Balcanquall
were infralapsarian, but Davenant and Ward were out-
spoken Sublapsarians. The Palatinate, Swiss and
Friesland delegates were supralapsarian or infralapsa-
rian. So much division of sentiment was revealed in
the synod that finally a representative commission was
appointed to draft its decrees. This commission con-
sisted of the president with three Dutch and three for-
eign delegates. On this commission was LlandaflF, and
probably Breitinger. From the 25th of March to the
16th of April they labored at this matter. They drew
up the decrees, which by taking the middle ground of
Infralapsarianism, harmonized all differences, and were
acceptable to all parties in the synod. These canons
were read and approved in the 136th session. They
THE CANONS OF DORT. 417
were then signed by all the delegates. It is perfectly
evident, as all parties in the synod were willing to sign
the decrees, that liberty was allowed in the interpreta-
tion of them. Although the decrees were infralapsarian,
yet the Sublapsarians were allowed to interpret them
according to their views. The canons of Dort, although
they are strictly Calvinistic, allow liberty for different
grades of Calvinism.
Nothing now remained to be done, but to pass judg-
ment on the Remonstrants. The English and Hessian
delegates were not in favor of taking any action against
them personally, by forbidding them to preach or hold
office in the Netherlands. They claimed that the con-
demnation of their doctrines was sufficient, and that there
was no need of the condemnation of their persons. But
the rest of the synod approved of the condemnation of
the Remonstrants. The synod, therefore, ordered that
the Remonstrants be excommunicated from the Church
and displaced from their positions. These canons of
Dort, with the acts of the synod, were sent to the States
General, and ratified by them, July 2, 1619.*
♦The original manuscript of the synod of Dort is in the pos-
sion of the States General of Holland, and is inspected every
three years by deputies chosen for that purpose. In the month
of May, twenty-two delegates from the synod repair to The
Hague, where two delegates from the secular government meet
them. The chest, containing the decrees, is opened by eight
different keys and contains the acts of the synod, bound in sev-
enteen volumes. These are shown to the delegates. This cere-
mony is preceded and followed by prayer, after which the re-
presentatives dine together.
418 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Ill the 146-148th sessions, the synod endorsed the
Heidelberg Catechism and the Belgic Confession. As
the Remonstrants had raised objections to the Heidel-
berg Catechism, the Palatinate delegates requested
that the synod should examine and pass its decision
upon that book. All the questions and answers were
read aloud and votes taken on them. This led to a
unanimous endorsement, except that the English dele-
gates declared they did not agree to the figurative ex-
planation of Christ's descent into hell by the catechism.
(The synod did not examine the objections of the Re-
monstrants to the catechism ; but left it to the Palatin-
ate theologians to vindicate their book.)
At the 154th session, the synod repaired to the great
church of Dort, where the canons were read in the pres-
ence of a large audience, and a sermon preached by
liydius, on Isaiah 12 : 1-3. A final meeting was then
held, at which the States General thanked the delegates
for their labors. Then, with handshakings, and not
without tears, the members of the synod bade each other
farewell. Thus ended this celebrated synod. It was
in session for six months, from the 13th of November,
1618, to the 9th of May, 1619.
The synod cost the states of Holland 500,000 dol-
lars, or one million gulden ; the Bishop of Llaudaff re-
ceiving eighteen gulden per day. It was an expensive
synod, but it harmonized the Netherlands, and prepared
MIRROR OF THE GERMAN CHURCH. 419
them for their later struggles for liberty. The decrees
of the synod evidently reveal the influence of the for-
eign delegates; for their advice and their votes modified
to some extent the ultra position and bitter personalities
of the Netherlanders. Their influence also modified the
expression of Calvinism in the decrees.
This synod is interesting to us, because it revealed,
as in a mirror, the theological position of the Reformed
Church of Germany. For the leaders of the German
churches were there, and they may be supposed to rep-
resent the religious position of the various states of Ger-
many. Bremen under Martinius, Marburg under Go-
clenius, and Herborn under Piscator, were sublapsarian,
and believed in the universality of the atonement ;
while Heidelberg, Friesland, and the lower Rhine, to-
gether with German and French Switzerland, were high
Calvinists. Thus high Calvinism had attained a place
in Germany, though not a place in her creed, which is
moderately Calvinistic. Indeed, the freedom with
which the German delegates took part in this synod,
and their close fellowship with the Hollanders, reveals
the intimate relations existing between the Reformed
Churches of these two lands. They met and counselled
and aided each other as brethren in the Reformed faith.
Their soldiers had fought side by side in many a battle
for Protestantism. Their theologians also stood side by
side in the synod.
420 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
As an illustration of the prominent part that the
Germans took in this synod, we would note the fol-
lowing :
Scultetus, as the oracle of the Reformed Church of
Germany and the court preacher of the great Elector
of the Palatinate, was early given a prominent part in
the synod. It was customary, in connection with the
synod, to have sermons preached by its prominent mem-
bers. On the 15th of December, Scultetus gave an ex-
position of the 122d Psalm, which made a deep impres-
sion. And on the 28th of December, he delivered an
address on the " Certainty of Grace," in which he re-
vealed his great oratorical abilities. On the 1st of Jan-
uary, as the church at Zurich was celebrating the
centennial of the introduction of the reformation by
Zwingli, the whole synod joined in its celebration at
Dort, the proceedings being presided over by Breiting-
er, the successor of Zwingli. On the 9th of January,
Bisterfield, from Nassau, died. He was honored by
the attendance of the whole synod at his funeral. On
the 29th of January, Alting, professor at Heidelberg
university, made an address on the doctrine of Repro-
bation, which surpassed all others in the range of knowl-
edge, and the profundity of thought that it revealed.
On the 1st of February, Cruciger, rector of Marburg
university, spoke on the " Extent of the Atonement."
But, celebrated man though he was, his address was a
INFLUENCE OF THE GERMANS. 421
disappointment to all, as he was hardly able to read it
in the dim light of the room. On the 6th of February,
Stein, court preacher of the Landgrave of Hesse, (who
was a strong Calvinist, and very severe against the Re-
monstrants), spoke on the " Irresistibility of Grace ;"
and on the 15th of the same month, Alsted, professor
of Herborn university, spoke on the same topic. On
the 19th of February occurred a bitter controversy on
the floor of synod between Gomarus of Leyden and Mar-
tinius of Bremen. Gomarus rudely attacked Martinius,
making some remarks that reflected on him. And un-
fortunately, Bogerman, the president, came to the aid of
Gomarus. The feeling ran so high that the Bremen
delegates prepared to leave Dort, and go home. But
the English delegates, especially the Bishop of Llandaff^,
who was a peacemaker, reconciled the parties. Still for
a while Martinius did not attend the sessions of the
synod. The disagreement was, however, not a theolog-
ical one, but a personal one between Martinius, and Go-
marus and the president of the synod. On the 5th of
March, Martinius again appeared, taking the place of
Deodati, who was sick, and delivered an address on " The
Person of Christ.'^ And on the 20th of March, Crocius,
another of the Bremen delegates, made an address on
" Justification.^' These Bremen delegates, although their
views were more liberal about Calvinism, yet signed the
canons of Dort.
422 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
There were other events that transpired in the synod
which reveal the influence of the German delegates in that
body. (Two-thirds of the foreign delegates and one-fifth
of the members of the synod were Germans.) Scultetus
and the Bishop of LlandaiF seem to have been the most
influential foreigners there, for the president would al-
ways give way to them. Indeed, all the way through,
the English and Palatinate delegates acted very much
in harmony, because the families of their rulers were in-
termarried. These facts reveal the intimate relations
between the Dutch and German theologians, and the in-
terest the Germans had in the synod. And although it
was a Dutch synod, and its decisions were carried out
only in Holland, yet the Germans were partially respon-
sible for its decrees, and felt its influence in their lands.
The history of this synod also reveals the character
of the Arminians and Remonstrants. From the be-
ginning they were evasive and contradictory. They first
asked the state to help them, and then they turned
against the state authority ; perhaps because they saw
the state was against them. They first suggested the
idea of a national synod, and when one was appointed,
they refused to recognize its authority. And then they
contradicted this position by appearing before the synod.
They seemed to have no decided principles of action.
They were not persecuted at the synod, as some have
charged, but their trial was fair and open. The severity
RESULTS ON THE REMONSTRANTS. 423
of its decision they brought on themselves, by their
evasions and their opposition. The Remonstrants were
driven out of Holland. Barneveld lost his head. Gro-
tius escaped from prison through a device of his wife.
(It is a mistake to charge these to the synod of Dort.
For the synod sent one of its ministers, Professor
Walaus, to strengthen and prepare Barneveld for death.)
These events were the result of political rivalries be-
tween Maurice and Barneveld, rather than of religious
quarrels. The teaching of Remonstrant doctrines was
forbidden in Holland. Many of the Remonstrants fled
to the Spanish Netherlands. But when Frederick
Henry, the brother of Maurice, succeeded him ; he fa-
vored the Remonstrants, and allowed them to return
again to Holland. In 1630, they were allowed to build
a church in Amsterdam. But the Remonstrants never
exerted much influence after the death of Episcopius.
They soon drifted to Socinianism. Episcopius neared
Arianism. Brenius, his scholar, became an anti-trini-
tarian. They now number, after an existence of two
hundred and fifty years, only twenty congregations and
five thousand members, and are declining. Their larg-
est congregation is at Rotterdam and is composed of six
hundred members.
This synod has been praised or censured, according
to the standpoint of the observer. Martinius, in his later
years, said: '* O Dort, would God I had never seen
424 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
thee V' But far otherwise was the general testimony of
the delegates. Bishop Hall, when compelled to return
to England on account of ill health, said : ^' There is no
place on earth so like heaven as the synod of Dort."
Breitinger, the great light of the Swiss churches, was
astonished at the learning of the Dutch delegates, and
said that if ever the Holy Spirit was present in a
council. He was present at Dort. Scultetus thanked
God that he had been a member of the synod, and said
the synod was elevated as high as heaven above all other
meetings of the kind. " Here God's judgment was
heard, there men's statutes and papist decrees." (He
probably referred to the Catholic council of Trent ; and,
setting the synod of Dort over against it, contrasted the
two, to the credit of Dort.) The Basle delegates, Koch
and Mayer, always uncovered their heads, when the
synod was mentioned, and the latter called Dort " the
holy city, the heavenly Dort." There is no doubt that
some bitter things were said in the heat of the theological
controversy of that age. But a calm judgment of the
synod must be, that it did its work constitutionally and
fairly. It certainly proved to be a great blessing to
Holland, in giving to it peace and spirituality.
The canons of Dort had very much the same eflPect
on the Reformed Church that the Formula of Concord
had on the Lutheran Church. They crystallized its
theology, and brought out most clearly its definitions
RESULTS OF THE SYNOD. 425
and logical relations. But it is a significant sign (and
this reveals the more liberal spirit of the Reformed
Church) that its decrees did not excommunicate the Lu-
therans, as the Lutherans had, the Reformed in the
Formula of Concord. The Lutherans, all through this
controversy, sympathized with the Remonstrants, and
were opposed to the canons of Dort. They were under
the false impression that the condemnation of Armin-
ianism was aimed at them. But this was not true ; in-
deed it could not be, for the delegates from England
were charged by the King to see that the synod took no
action that would offend the Lutherans.
This synod, whether we consider its length, or the
number of Churches or nations represented, or the abil-
ity of the delegates, was one of the most remarkable in
the history of the Church; certainly in the history of
the Protestant Church. It was the only time that the
various continental Churches came together in a synod ;
and it exerted a wide influence on all the Reformed
nations.
28
CHAPTER v.— SECTION III.
A Summary.
From the history as revealed in the preceding pages,
it is evident that Germany, in the sixteenth century,
passed through a crisis. It was a great religious up-
heaval. A great reformation took place in a part of the
German Church — a reformation in doctrine, custom and
government. It was a new reformation — a second Prot-
estantism. The Germans took another step farther from
Romanism, and nearer to Christ and the Bible. They
threw aside the remaining fragments of Romanism that
still existed in the Protestant Church, such as exorcism,
wafers, &c. They gave up the sacramentarian doctrines
and the elaborate ritual of the Lutheran Church, and
insisted on a return to apostolic simplicity and Scriptu-
ral doctrine. This religious movement continued for a
hundred years, from the first introduction of the Re-
formed faith at Emden in 1526, down to the conversion
of the last prince and country in 1618. "*"
^During all these years the Protestant Church of Germany-
was deciding the problem, how many of the rites of the Catho-
lic Church were Scriptural and proper. The Lutherans retained
some of these forms. The Reformed refused to retain any that
were not authorized by Scripture.
OPPOSITION OF THE LUTHERANS. 427
It is perfectly evident that so great a niovenient
could not take place without friction or strife. Jt in-
volved such radical changes that bitter feeling was en-
gendered.* The people in some places resorted to vio-
lence, as in Wesel and Saxony ; yes, even to riots, as at
Amberg, Marburg and Berlin. The Lutheran Church
violently opposed the introduction of the Reformed
Church into Germany. Nor is this to be wondered at.
The age was a deeply religious one. Everybody was
religious after his own fashion. The people were tena-
cious of their religious principles. They were, there-
fore, less tolerant of other faiths. Almost all the de-
nominations of the age, at times, resorted to force and
violence. The Catholics raised an inquisition. The
Episcopalians persecuted the Covenanters. The Re-
formed were not absolutely free from the charge of per-
secution ; but they persecuted less than the other denomi-
nations. The Lutherans of Germany in their opposi-
tion and their use of violence against theReforuied only
shared the spirit of the age. There is another reason
why the Lutherans opposed the Reformed. The gospel
was a new discovery to them. They valued it all the
more highly, because their eyes had been so long blinded
to it. It was the opening of a new world to them when
*For an interesting German tale that graphically describes
the diflaculties that led to the establishment of the Reformed
Church in Germany in the sixteenth century, read "Einer ist
euer Meister," by Sigmund Sturm (Sudhoff), published by
Brenner at Frankford.
428 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Ijuther preached the doctrine of justification by faith.
Christianity became a new religion to them. Truths
fought for, they clung to. Any departure from their
way of thinking was a departure from the faith. Chris-
tianity was Lutheranism, they thought ; all else was
heresy. In their intense love for their faith they be-
came bigoted. They felt the Reformed faith was a de-
parture from their views, and so they opposed it. They
saw that the Reformed were changing some of their
doctrines and rites, and they became more bitter against
them for doing so. Many of them misunderstood the
Reformed doctrines. Some thought that the Reformed
denied the divinity of Christ and were Arians. Others
thought they lowered the sacrament of the Lord's Sup-
per to an ordinary meal. Others only saw that they
were diiferent from their Lutheranism. And so they
all, for one cause or another, violently opposed the in-
troduction of the Reformed Church.
But in the light of the nineteenth, if not of the six-
teenth century, their treatment of the Reformed can not
be defended. Such persecutions of brethren in the faith
were not Christian. They can be excused, but not de-
fended. We only know that such things would not be
done by the Lutherans of to-day. For the Lutherans
of the nineteenth century have progressed beyond the
Lutherans of the sixteenth. Though they are still
tenacious of their faith, they would not, by force, com-
THE LUTHERANS OF THIS AGE. 429
pel others to accept it. Nor would they persecute any
who left their Church. It is an interesting fact (and it
is to be remenabered in this connection) that the Lu-
therans of to-day have very largely come around to the
very position for which the Reformed contended in the
sixteenth century. The low Lutherans or Melanctho-
nians then contended for broader views of doctrine and
a wider sympathy. The Reformed asked for tolera-
tion. Both of these things the Lutherans of to-day are
willing to grant. The Lutherans now treat the Re-
formed as brethren — a courtesy they refused in the six-
teenth century ; as was shown by Luther's conduct at
Marburg and by the words of the Formula of Concord,
which condemned the Reformed as heretics.* And a
second change in the Lutheran Church is to be noted
— a change not only in courtesy, but in doctrine. The
Lutheran Church of this century has largely come around
to the Melancthonian doctrine of the Lord's supper.
While there are still high Lutherans, yet the leading
Lutheran theologians of Germany are Melancthonian in
doctrine and spirit. Had the Lutherans of the sixteenth
century believed as they do to-day, the Mclancthonians
never would have gone out of that Church into the Re-
*The writer had the privilege of attending a meeting of the
Evangelical Alliance held in Lutlierau Denmark, where other
denoEQinations— the Reformed, and even the Baptists and Meth-
odists—were received with the greatest cordiality and treated
with great kindness.
430 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
formed. And still another fact is to be remembered in
looking at this history. It is to be remembered that
the high Lutherans, who instigated the harsh treatment
of the Reformed in the sixteenth century, were only one
section of the Lutheran Church. There were then two
tendencies — a high Lutheran and a Melancthouian.
And the Melancthonians were as much Lutheran as' the
others. Had the Melancthonian views prevailed, it had
been better for tiie Lutheran Church. For the Me-
lancthonians would have remained in the Lutheran
Church. But it would have been worse for the Re-
formed Church ; for then the Reformed Church of Ger-
many would have been a very small one ; and her his-
tory very brief, indeed.*
From the past history it will also be noticed that
there were three general causes for the origin of the Re-
formed Church. The first was the opposition that sprang
up against the doctrines of ubiquity. The Melanctho-
nian theologians and princes would have nothing to do
with it. And so bitter did they become in their de-
nunciations of it, that they were driven in an opposite
*We trust, therefore, that if anything has been said in this
volume that may seem to reflect in any way on the Lutherans,
it will be remembered that the Lutherans of the sixteenth cen-
tury were meant, and not the Lutherans of to-day. It was ne-
cessary to give the facts as history gave them, in order to explain
the causes that led to the formation of the Reformed Church in
Germany. And not a few Lutherans of to-day have seen and
confessed the mistakes made by their Church in the sixteenth
century.
CAUSES FOR THE REFORMED CHURCH. 431
direction, to a position that brought them not very far
from the Reformed faith. It was then only a step for
them to pass over to the Reformed Church. And the
persistent efforts of the high Lutherans, to force their
doctrines on them through the Formula of Concord, only
increased their opposition. Thus the doctrine of ui)i-
quity, with the doctrines and rites connected with it,
drove the Melancthonians into the Reformed Church.
The second cause was the bigotry of these high Luther-
ans, who gradually attained a commanding influence in
the Church. The closer they clung to ubiquity, the
farther they drew themselves away from other denomi-
nations. They declared they alone possessed the truth,
and all others were heretics. But broad-minded men in
the Lutheran Church were not to be cramped by such
narrowness. Generous hearted men in that Church re-
fused to have their sympathies dwarfed and crushed out
of them. The result was that the Germans who pitied
the Reformed in their persecutions by the Catholics,
and who hated the persecutions of the Lutherans against
the Reformed, left the Church, rather than be a party
to such bigotry.
There was a third reason for the origin of the Re-
formed Church — a reason tiuit has not been noted as it
deserves to be. For it had a potent influence in scat-
tering the seeds of the Reformed faith, so as to bring
forth an abundant harvest. This cause was the inter-
432 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
marriage of the Reformed princes among the noble
families of Germany. This intermarriage, or associa-
tion of the princely families, brought many princes into
the Reformed Church. And when the prince of a land
became Reformed, he usually brought the people of his
land with him into the Reformed Church. There is
what might be called (following out the idea suggested
by the apostolic succession) a princely succession, by
which the princes, one after another, seemed to bestow
the Reformed faith on other princes. And this revealed
some curious facts about the spread of the Reformed.
In a few places, as in the free cities of Strasburg, Bre-
men and Emden, the Reformed faith was introduced
through no princely influence. But in almost every
other state such was the case. Elector Frederick III»
of the Palatinate began this movement among the princes
toward the Reformed Church. He happened to have
Count Lewis of Wittgenstein as his Court master in the
Palatinate. When Frederick died, although the Re-
formed faith was driven out of the Palatinate, yet Count
Lewis took it to his own home in Wittgenstein. And
so the county of Sayn-Wittgenstein became Reformed.
The intimacy of Count Lewis with his friend and neigh-
bor, Count John of Nassau-Dillenberg (who afterwards
married his daughter), influenced him to receive the Re-
formed doctrines. Count John then, in his turn, be-
came a missionary for the Reformed Church. And very
THE PRINCELY SUCCESSION. 433
zealously did he influence the neighboring counts of
Solms, Hanau and Isenberg to become Reformed. (The
Count of Hanau had Count John as his guardian, and
the Count of Solms afterward married into the Nassau
family.) Thus through the association of these princes,
almost the whole Wetterau district became Reformed.
Nor does their influence stop here. For Count John of
Wied became Reformed through intermarriage with the
Nassau family. And then the county of Meurs (west of
the Rhine) was influenced toward the Reformed Church
through intermarriage with this same Nassau family.
Count Adolph of Nuenar, the prince of Meurs, became
a great champion of the Reformed Church. Through
the influence of Count Adolph, the Reformed faith
spread northward. He influenced his cousin, Count
Wirich of Daun-Falkenstein (east of the Rhine, near
Cologne), to join the Reformed Church. And Count
Wirich in turn influenced his brother-in-law, Count
William of Hardenberg (in the county of Berg), to be-
come Reformed. Thus the Reformed Church was
planted east and west of the northern Rhine.
Nor did it stop. It continued its course northward
to Bentheim and Tecklenberg. For Count Arnold of
Bentheim married into the Nuenar family of Meurs, and
was led to introduce the Reformed doctrines into his
land. And what aided in the spread of the Reformed
faith northward also caused its spread eastward. The
434 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Dukes of Anhalt married into the Reformed families of
the Palatinate and Bentheim (Duke John George of
Anhalt-Dessau married a daughter of Prince Casimir of
the Palatinate, and Duke Christian of Anhalt-Bernberg
married a princess of Bentheim), and so Anhalt became
Preformed. Elector Sigismund of Brandenberg was
brought into direct contact with the Reformed faith by
the marriage of his son George William to the daughter
of Elector Frederick IV. of the Palatinate. He went
to Heidelberg to the wedding ; and by this association
and intermarriage of the Brandenberg and Palatinate
families, he was influenced to the Reformed faith. The
Duke of Leignitz married into the Anhalt family (Duke
Joachim Frederick married the princess Anna Maria of
Anhalt), and so he became Reformed.
The remaining princely houses of Hesse and Schon-
aicher were influenced toward the Reformed Church — if
not by marriage, by association with Reformed princes.
This princely succession — this conversion of prince
through prince — aided very greatly in spreading the
Reformed doctrines and enlarging the Reformed Church.
And while we do not believe that mere intermarriage
converted them to the Reformed faith, yet their mar-
riage into Reformed families introduced the Reformed
'doctrines to them and prepared them for their conver-
sion.
Summing up results, we find that the Reformed
Church had twelve organizations in Germany by 1620,
STRENGTH OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 435
the end of the first century of its existence in Germany.
She had regularly organized synods in Hesse, the lower
Rhine, tlie Wetterau counties, and in Bentheim. Lippe,
Zweibriicken, Anhalt, Brandeiiberg and Leignitz were
under the control of Reformed consistories. The Palat-
inate had classes regularly organized and presided over
by some member of the consistory. Bremen was organ-
ized under a conference, and Emden under a coetus.
Thus all the churches were organized into church courts.
And although the organization was not purely presby-
terian in all the upper courts, yet it was so in the lower
courts (the presbytery or board of elders), which were
organized everywhere. The Reformed Church had also
thoroughly organized her educational institutions. She
was a great educator. The universities of Heidelberg,
Marburg, Herborn, and Frankford-on-the-Oder were
under Reformed control. She also had gymnasia at
Neustadt, Bremen, Hanau, Zerbst, Steinfurt, Brieg, Beu-
then and Berlin, in which there were professors of Re-
formed theology. In the roll of princes, as well as in
organizations and colleges, she had become strong. Two
of the Electors of Germany, six dukes, one landgrave,
seventeen counts and two free cities had embraced the
Reformed faith. In all she numbered on her roll twenty
eight states of the empire, or about one fourth of the
princes and states in the German Diet. Some one has
hazarded the statement that at that time one third of
436 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Germany was Reformed. This estimate is probably
large. But it only shows to what large proportions and
great influence the Reformed Church had grown in Ger-
many within sixty years, from 1560 to 1620. Two of
the three Protestant Electors were Reformed ; only one,
the Elector of Saxony, being Lutheran. Some of the
leading statesmen and soldiers of Germany, as Prince
Casimir and Duke Christian of Anhalt, were Reformed.
The Elector of the Palatinate stood at the head of the
Protestant Union which arrayed itself against the Cath-
olic powers. And next to him, supporting him, stood
the little less powerful prince, Landgrave Maurice of
Hesse. The Reformed Church was strong in schools,
population and influence. Probably just before the
Thirty Years' War, which so terribly devastated her, she
was stronger than she ever was before or has been since.
CHAPTER v.— SECTION IV.
Conclusion.
From the preceeding history we can see quite clearly
the purpose for which the Reformed Church was
founded. She was organized to protest against the er-
rors of the Romish Church, and the sacramentarianism
and ritualistic position of the Lutheran Church. She
was a revolt against what we would call high church
doctrines and ceremonies. If her members had not been
so strongly opposed to these things, they would never
have come out of the Lutheran Church. And if we, her
children, would be true to her, we must perpetuate the
principles that led to her foundation. It is, therefore,
easy to see the theological position of the Fathers of the
Reformed Church. We will take up this subject under
three heads, and see why she was founded, and what we,
her children, are to perpetuate.
I. — Her Church Government.
In her constitution she was Presbyterian. The two
principles on which she was founded, were the equality
of the ministry, and the prominence of the elders. In
carrying out those principles, she received a more thor-
ough organization than the Lutheran Church. She held
438 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
that the Church must organize itself. The Lutherans
held that it was the princess duty to organize the Church.
The Reformed were therefore republican, the Lutherans
monarchical, in their tendencies ; the Reformed demo-
cratic, the Lutherans aristocratic. Lambert, Lasco and
Olevianus were the great organizers of the German Re-
formed Church. They arranged its organization into
presbyteries, classes and synods, Lasco giving special at-
tention to the first, and Olevianus to the last two. As a
result, we find that in the Lower Rhine, Bentheim, the
Wetterau district, Emden and Bremen, there was a thor-
ough presbyterial organization. But in the other lands
this presbyterian organization was modified to some ex-
tent by the appointment of a consistory who had charge
of the church affairs of the land. The organization of
the Reformed Church then was presbyterian or consis-
torial. And even where it was most affected by Luther-
anism, as in Eastern Germany, it still preserved more
independence of state control than did the Lutheran.
But the prominence given to the elders by the Reformed
was a very important advance on the Lutheran organi-
zation. The elders always occupied a prominent place
in the congregation. The example and influence of the
French Reformed churches at Strasburg, Heidelberg and
in the Northern Rhine, opened the eyes of the Germans
to the value of a good eldership. So the German
churches were organized after that pattern. Elders, or
I SHE IS PRESBYTERIAN. 439
censors, as they were often called, were appointed in each
congregation. They were to assist the minister in his
duties, and to exercise discipline over the membership of
the church. It was their duty to visit the congregation,
along with the minister, especially before a communion
season. And sometimes, as at Cologne and Heidelberg,
the town was divided into districts, and each district was
placed under the oversight of an elder. In the Lower
Rhine region, where the Reformed Church had the
greatest freedom to develop herself, the elders were ac-
customed to preside at a religious meeting (when the
pastor was absent). And in their meetings of the
church courts they were accustomed to call each other
brother- minister and brother-elder, no distinction being
made in their rank. Occasionally, as in Hesse, the elder
would assist the minister in handing the cup at the sup-
per. All these facts and customs only reveal the prom-
inence of the elders in the churches, and the importance
placed on the office.
Still another peculiarity of the Reformed Church
was her use of church discipline. As this power of dis-
cipline was given to the elders in each church, the dis-
cipline of the Reformed was stricter than among the
Lutherans, who left that power in the hands of the min-
ister or the superintendent. The result of this strict
church discipline was a high type of piety and a purer
church life. Even Tholuck himself admits this fact.
440 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
This strict church discipline became a great blessing to
the Church. Though at times there was carelessness in
administering it ; yet the fact that they could be dis-
ciplined, always acted]]as a check on the Reformed mem-
bers. It was owing to this peculiar organization that
the Reformed were able to resist the torrent of woes that
poured over them, billow after billow, in the seventeenth
century.
II. — Doctrine.
The doctrinal position of the Reformed Church was
Calvinism. On the doctrine of predestination she was
Calvinistic. True, her Calvinism was at first somewhat
tinctured by Melancthonianism. For as the Melanc-
thonians came over to the Reformed Church, they
shaded off gradually into Calvinism. But as they be-
came more Reformed, they became more Calvinistic.
Thus, for instance, Anhalt was at first Melancthonian.
But as she became more thoroughly Reformed, it was
not long before Calvinists like Wendelin appeared.
Brandenberg was at first Melancthonian, but soon strict
Calvinists like Evell appeared in the Church. It is
true, a school of Calvinists appeared, who were lower in
their Calvinism than Calvin — the sublapsarian school,
which followed Lasco rather than Calvin, and believed
in the universality of the atonement. Yet the Church
was Calvinistic, for these sublapsarians were considered
Calvinists.
SHE IS CALVINISTIC. 441
There have been those iu the Reformed Church
who have derided Calvinism. But they should remem-
ber that Calvinism lay at the foundation of the Re-
formed Church. Had it not been for Calvinism, we
would have had no Reformed Church of Germany.
The theological position of the Reformed Church
of the sixteenth century is well exhibited in her symbol,
the Heidelberg Catechism, which was moderately Cal-
vinistic. For this catechism was adopted by all the
Reformed churches except Brandenberg (which held to
the Sigismund Confession), and Zweibriicken (where
the Zweibriicken catechism was used.) The Heidelberg
Catechism was introduced into Wesel, the Wetterau
counties, Bremen, Emden (although the Emden cate-
chism continued to be used even in this century,) the
Lower Rhine, Bentheim, Anhalt, Lippe, Leignitz and
Hesse (where, although a creed of the Church, it was
only used as a text-book in the schools). But it is to be
noticed that the Eastern Reformed churches, which were
more influenced by Melancthon, were moderately Cal-
vinistic (sublapsarian.) Bergius of Brandenberg, Am-
ling of Anhalt, Goclenius of Hesse, and Martiuius of
Bremen were the leaders of this moderate Calvinism.
But Western Germany, which was so intimately related,
on the one hand to Holland, and on the other to Switz-
erland (where high Calvinism was in the ascendant),
29
442 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
was high Calvinistic. The Palatinate, Lower Rhine,
Bentheim and Emden were then strongly Calvinistic.
Thus we see that the general position of the Re-
formed Church in that day was that of the Heidelberg
Catechism. It was Calvinistic, but it included in it
various degrees of Calvinism. It is also to be noticed
that a new school of theologians was beginning to ap-
pear, called the Federal school. They believed in the
' theology of the covenants ' Their leader afterwards
was Koch, and from him they are called the Cocceian
school. This school aimed to be Scriptural rather than
Scholastic. They taught a theology of the Bible rather
than of philosophy. And while it still clung to God's
sovereignty, it gave larger liberty to the human will.
Olevianus, in his work on '^ Grace," became the fore-
runner of this school ; and his successor at Herborn,
Piscator, helped to prepare the way for it. Thus Olevi-
anus prepared the way for moderate Calvinism, while,
on the other hand, it is to be noticed that Ursinus
seems to have prepared the way for the high Calvin-
istic school. For his pupils, as Gomarus, Lybrand
and others, became the leaders of the high Calvinistic
party in the next generation of theologians. The theo-
logical position of the early Reformed Church was Cal-
vinism, although she allowed liberty of thought in her
Calvinism.
HER DOCTRINE OF THE SUPPER. 443
On the doctrine of the Lord's supper the Reformed
Church was Calvinistic. While on the one hand she
rejected the Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and
the Lutheran doctrine of eonsubstantiation, on the other
hand she also rejected the doctrine that the elements were
mere signs. In her early history there were quite a
number of Zwinglians who inclined to the view that the
bread and wine were only symbols. But this afterward
gave way to the generally received doctrine of Calvin,
that there was a special presence of Christ at the supper.
(The supper was more than a mere memorial, it was a
meeting-place of Christ with the soul.) Christ was pres-
ent, not bound up in the elements, but spiritually pres-
ent in the soul of the believer. The sacrament was not
merely a sign, but a reality. Christ's presence was a
real spiritual one. Here it is that Calvin and Melanc-
thon neared each other. And yet they never fully har-
monized. Melancthon, educated under Lutheranisra,
came to it from the Lutheran standpoint of the carna^
presence. Calvin came to it from the opposite position,
from the idea of a spiritual presence. These two re-
formers neared each other. But coming to the doctrine
from opposite poles, they looked at it from opposite
sides. And Melancthon was tinctured with the idea of
a carnal presence, while Calvin with a spiritual presence.
The result of this was that they differed in the efficacy
of this sacrament. Melancthon held with the Luther-
444 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ans that all who ate of Christ^s body received benefit;
Calvin held the opposite, that the believers were blessed,
but unbelievers were condemned. The Heidelberg Cat-
echism, in answer eighty-one, plainly states Calvin's
position — that the unworthy eat and drink judgment
to themselves. The Reformed Church then agreed with
Calvin in rejecting three views of the Lutherans con-
cerning the Lord's supper — impanation, or the presence
of Christ's body and blood "in, with and under" the
elements; oral manducation, or the receptiou of Christ's
body through the mouth ; and the efficacy of the sacra-
ment to the unworthy. She agreed with Calvin in re-
jecting these three. She held to a presence of Christ at
the supper, but a presence in the soul of the believer.
The Reformed also agreed with Calvin in rejecting
ubiquity and the doctrines underlying it. And in op-
posing ubiquity, they also opposed the doctrine of Christ's
natures, which was the foundation of ubiquity ; namely
that the attributes of the one nature could be predicated of
the other. Thus, that the attribute of omnipresence could
be given to his human body, so that it might be every-
where, wherever the Lord's supper was celebrated. But
the Reformed held that the two natures, while united in
one person, were distinct ; and that the properties of each
remained distinct. The forty-seventh answer of the Hei-
delberg catechism very clearly describes this distinctness
in regard to his attribute of omnipresence. The Re-
HER OPPOSITION TO UBIQUITY. 445
formed Church was opposed to any tendency toward any
fusion of the two natures of Christ — opi)osed to any
Eutychianism or any theanthropic life theories. The
arguments used by Olevianus and Ursinus at the Maul-
brou conference reveal their opposition to ubiquity or
any fusion of the natures of Christ. In his comments
of the catechism,* Ursinus very severely opposes ubiquity
or any fusion of Christ's natures. Osiandrianism (which
held that sanctification was an infusion of Christ's na-
ture into the believer through the incarnation) and Cal-
vinism were at opposite poles. Funk, Osiander's son-
in-law, felt this. And the bitterest thrust he could give
against the Wittenberg theologians was that they were
Calvinists. If then the Lutherans rejected Osiandrian-
ism ; how much more did the Calvinists (who opposed
even ubrquity) reject it. The Reformed Church in her
origin and history is a continued protest against such the-
ories. And any attempt to introduce them is a re-
turn to the very doctrines which she then repudiated.
III. — Cultus or Customs of the Reformed Church.
Intimately connected with the doctrine of a Church
is her cultus or custom of worship. The cultus depends
on the doctrines and also reveals them. It is the mirror
of the Church's doctrines. Is a denomination ritualistic
or not, her worship will reveal it. The Reformed
*Page 249 of Dr. WMUiard's translation.
446 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Church worship was in accord with her moderate views
of the sacraments. Opposed to all sacramentarianism
(as we now understand that word), she was simple in her
service. The centre of her service was not the mass, as
in the Romish Church, nor the ritual, as in the Luther-
an Church of that day, or the Episcopal Church of to-
day, but it was the Scripture. The Reformed Church
always gave great prominence and showed great respect
for the Scripture in her public services. The Lutherans
emphasized the doctrine of justification by faith, but the
Reformed emphasized the authority of the Scriptures.
This is evident from all the Reformed confessions. The
first Reformed confession of Germany, the Tetrapolitana,
made prominent the Scriptures as the rule of faith. The
Lutheran confessions did not speak of it at that time.
This authority of Scripture is the key note of Reformed
history and church life. The creed and the custom must
harmonize with Scripture. We find, therefore, that in
the church services the Scripture occupied the central
place. It was the reading and the preaching of the
word that were most honored. It is still the custom in
many of the Reformed churches of Germany for the
congregation to rise during the reading of Scripture, and
also during the reading of the text ; then to sit down and
remain seated during the sermon. Ebrard gives an il-
lustration ; that in some of the Reformed churches men
used to put on their hats after the text had been read
PROMINENCE OF THE PULPIT. 447
and kept them on their heads during the sermon ; so as
to distinguish the sermon as man's word from the text as
God's word. Such was the reverence given to God's
word, and its prominence in the service. If, then, the
Scriptures were the important part of the service, the
pulpit, therefore, was made the prominent feature of the
Church, and not the altar. Indeed, the Reformed
Church had no altars. She liad nothing but commun-
ion tables. Her liturgies continually call it a commun-
ion table, not an altar. Almost the first thing the Re-
formed did in each country in Germany was to cleanse
the churches from altars. And sometimes they did it,
though there was danger in doing it, and riots ensued.
All this only revealed their determined opposition to
altars.* The pulpit occupied the prominent place in
the centre of the church, with the plain communion ta-
ble at the distant end of the church, or else nothing but
an almost unseen table beneath the pulpit. Any at-
tempt, therefore, to put the altar in the principal place
in the church, and to put the pulpit to one side, is con-
trary to the history and^custom of the Reformed Church.
It is bringing'^back into the Church what she so repudi-
ated at her^origin. Such customs are Lutheran, and not
Reformed, for the Lutheran and Episcopalian Churches
give prominence to altars. The Bible, the pulpit and
preaching were the centre of her worship.
■*See Index ou Altars.
448 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
In harmony with this idea of worship, the promi-
nence of Scripture, it is to be noticed that the Reformed
Church did not use Scripture lessons or Pericopes.* She
was not satisfied with only parts of the Bible. She
wanted the whole Bible to be read at her services.f The
Palatinate liturgy, which was generally used throughout
Germany, does not mention Scripture lessons. They
were ignored. They were considered Lutheran and not
Reformed. The Church of Hesse was the only one that
used them ; but they were not in general use, for the
Hessian liturgy was not used outside of that land. And
in as far as the Hessian Church used them, she was not
considered purely Reformed by the other Reformed
Churches. The minister was not limited to taking his
texts from the Scripture lessons of the day. He was
free to take his texts from any part of the Bible. In
fact, some of the synods ordered the texts to be free, so
that the minister might not be bound up to the Peri-
copes. The Palatinate liturgy ordered that he take
texts from the Old and the New Testaments. It does
not limit him to the gospel and epistle of the day. In
many places whole chapters were read in connection with
the service. Thus the Reformed Church shook off the
trammels of the Pericopes. She was not satisfied with
the reading of meagre parts of the Bible, for they left her
*See index on Scripture lessons.
tFor the evil results of the use of the Pericopes in the Lu-
theran Church, see Ebrard's Church History, III., 626.
THE CHURCH YEAR. 449
members ignorant of the greater part of the Bible, which
was never read. In connection with the Pericopes, it is
to be noticed that the Reformed Church did not have
the church year. Luther aimed to retain some of the
Catholic festivals, but to have them celebrated on Sun-
day. The Reformed Church gave up the many fast and
feast days of the Catholic and Lutheran Churches. She
ordered that only the five Scriptural festivals should be
celebrated, Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, Ascension
and Pentecost.* New Year was also ordered to be cel-
ebrated, but it is not called Epiphany, and was not cel-
ebrated as a festival of the church year. The Reformed
Church kept only the festivals that emphasized the facts
of Christ's life. All others were ignored. The S abbaths
were not spoken of in the churches as the first after ad-
vent, epiphany, trinity. Lent was unknown. Her lit-
urgies and her hymn-books as well as the writings of
her theologians, reveal her freedom from the use of the
church year. She emphasized the facts of Christ's life,
not the church year.
A second peculiarity of Reformed Church worship
was its simplicity. The Lutherans had an elaborate rit-
ual, but in the Reformed churches the service was as
plain as possible. This simplicity (einfachheit) has been
noticed by her historians, as Ebrard, Heppe, Sudhoff,
■*Ebrard's Church History, III., 679.
450 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Gillett and others.* The baptismal service was simpli-
fied. Exorcism, or the blowing away of the devil at
baptism, was done away with. In her efforts to put
away everything that was idolatrous about baptisraf they
went so far as to put the fonts out of the churches. They
baptized from bowls. And to still further emphasize
their simplicity, they generally used a wooden bowl.
The service at the Lord's supper was simplified. The
Lutheran custom of holding a cloth beneath the elements,
of candles, robes and crosses was done away with.
Bread was used instead of wafers. (The introduction of
bread at the Lord's supper was generally the first sign
that a congregation had gone over to the Reformed
faith.) As there was no altar in the churches, there was
*Ebraid, III., 578. Rev. Dr. J. W. Nevin says : "The Re-
formed confession from the beginning, if we except the Episco-
pal portion of it in England, for reasons which it is not necessary
to consider, had not been favorable to much outward form or
ritual action in worship ; and its liturgical productions have
been all along more mechanical than organic, more in sympathy
with the pulpit than the altar. While we honor the constitu-
tional character of the Reformed Church in the general view of
which we are now speaking, we ought to be willing to admit
that it carried in it a tendency to what we call extreme simplic-
ity and spiritualism over against the worship of tlie Catholic
Church, and that this stood in the way of a full liturgical cultus
in the proper sense of the term. The disposition to get away as
much as possible from the outward usages of the Roman Church,
was the cause of extreme views in the opposite direction. There
was no proper insight into the true conception of a liturgy re-
garded as an organic scheme of worship, and no active sympa-
thy, therefore, with the idea of worship in any such form."
— Liturgical Question, pages 41, 42 and 60.
tSee page 148, note.
OTHER CUSTOMS. 451
no priest at the service. The minister did not stand as
did the priest, with his back to the congregation and his
face to the altar. That practice was directly forbidden
by some of the Reformed churches. He was called "a
servant" of the word, not a "priest" ministering at the
altar. The Reformed did not consider the gown neces-
sary for the service. Indeed it has been a grave ques-
tion whether the rubric in the Palatinate liturgy about
gowns is not a prohibition of them, and an order for the
minister to preach in his ordinary clothes.* In connec-
tion with this simplicity of the service, it is to be no-
ticed that the Reformed had no crosses or crucifixes in
their churches. They put them out of the churches.
They would not tolerate a cross as near to a church as
the grave yard. And the Lower Rhine Reformed
Church disciplined a member who worked on a Catholic
cross. They wished it understood that it was not the
cross nor the crucifix, but the crucified whom they wor-
shipped and preached. They put images and i)ictures
out of the churches. They looked on images as idols and
their presence as a violation of the second commandment.
Landgrave Maurice of Hesse in his address at Marburg
called them idols. f
In harmony with this simplicity, it is to be noticed
that the Reformed had very little liturgy. In the next
*See page 196, note.
fSee page 363.
452 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
century, through the revival of pietism, the liturgical
service fell into disuse in great measure in her churches.*
Her mode of worship was simple. There were no elab-
orate chantings. The Gloria in Excelsis was not used.
The litany was not used in her Sabbath services. We
have been surprised to find that there was no repetition
of the creed by the congregation. When it was used,
the minister repeated it himself. She did not have a
number of prayers (before or after the sermon), which
were broken up into collects by the response of Amen
by the congregation. There was only a single brief
prayer. The liturgy did not require the congregation
to respond with an Amen. The minister made the
prayer, and closed it with his Amen. Indeed, the Re-
formed people were opposed to responses in church
service. This is shown by the trouble in the Reformed
church at Frankford, where, when the Episcopalians
tried to introduce the responses, it caused great oppo-
sition. The response of Amen was used in the Episco-
palian and Methodist Churches, and is, therefore. Epis-
copalian and Methodistic, but not Reformed. The only
responses that were used in the liturgy, were in con-
nection with the preparatory service. And these were
introduced because the church wished, before admittting
the people to the table of the Lord, to be assured of
their faith. So the congregation was questioned by the
*Goebel's History, I., 420. Uoebel, II., 121-2.
HER OPPOSITION TO RITUALISM. 453
minister concerning its faith ; and its simple response
was "yes.'^ The liturgy seemed to try to make the
response as simple and brief as possible. The liturgy
aimed to make the preparatory service more solemn, by
thus making it different from the other services.* Tt
was this responsive worship and altar service that made
the Reformed raise such a storm against Hesshuss at
Heidelberg. The Reformed people, when they left the
Lutheran Church, were opposed to these forms. And
rather than attend a ritualistic service, they stayed at
home ; (they did this in the Palatinate during Elector
Lewis' reign.) Or they showed their abhorrence of
these things by preferring to suffer persecution rather
than join in them (as liasco did in Denmark, when the
Reformed preferred exile to ritualism).
These and other facts only revealed the determined
opposition of the Reformed to ritualistic services. The
Reformed in many places closed organs, and introduced
the singing uf the psalms into the churches. Many of
the old hymn books contained nothing but psalms, al-
though others added hymns to the psalms. But the
psalms constituted the basis and centre of the book, and
not the church year, which was generally unnoticed in
the hymn books. These psalms sustained the Reformed
in persecution and linked their hearts more fully to
•■This is one of the advantaj^es of using a liturgy ou sacra-
mental occasions, and not in the Sabbatli service. The novelty
of the liturgical form makes the sacramental service more
impressive.
454 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
God's word. The early Reformed Church was Puri-
tanic in her churches and in her services. The Re-
formed service was very simple. It consisted simply of
an invocation, hymn, prayer, hymn, sermon, prayer,
hymn, and benediction. That was all.* The Reformed
Church of Germany to-day is not ritualistic. Our
fathers who came to this land, did not use a liturgy in
their Sabbath services. Our German churches do not
use the liturgy on the Sabbath. These facts should
clearly reveal the position of the Reformed Church in
worship. While the Lutheran Church aimed at ritual-
ism, the Reformed aimed at Scriptural simplicity.
Finally, the Reformed Church was spiritual in her
cultus. She did not have many forms or an elaborate
ritual. She cared not for the formal ; she emphasized
the spiritual. t She aimed to produce spirituality in her
*The very existence of the Reformed Church is a protest
agcainst an elaborately ritualistic or liturgical Sabbath service.
When she left the Lutheran Church, she left the Gloria, the lit-
any, Lent, etc., behind her. She left the Lutheran Church so
as to get back to Scriptural simplicity of service. And any at-
tempt to introduce them into the Reformed Church is going
back to the very principles which she then renounced. These
customs are Lutheran, not Reformed. The introduction ot
these things into the Reformed Church is a bringing of Lu-
theranism into the Reformed Church. In proportion as they
are introduced they are a departure from the simplicity of the
Reformed faith.
|Rev. Dr. J. W. Nevin says : " It belongs, as we all know,
to the Reformed Church to represent that side of the Christian
life in which the inward, the free, the spiritual in religion are
asseited, against the authority of the merely outward in every
view."— Liturgical Question, page 41.
FINAL CONCLUSION. 455,
merabers by tlie spirituality in her services. And the
result was that the Reformed Church developed a fine
spiritual life in her members. The word of God was
not hidden by an elaborate ritual, but was prominent ;
and "where the word is, there is life'' This kind of
service developed in the Reformed people a deep per-
sonal piety, which has largely characterized the Re-
formed Church. It prepared her for the revival of the
next century. It also imparted strength and hope to
her, by which she was able to bear the persecutions of
the seventeenth century.
Scriptural, simple, spiritual — these were the peculi-
arities of the cultus of the Reformed Church. The pu-
rity of her doctrine, the strictness of her church govern-
ment, the simplicity of her services — these guiding prin-
ciples have been the key to her success in the past and
the hope of her prosperity in the future. She has be-
queathed them to us her children, bidding us perpetuate
them and then bequeath them to generations yet unborn.
May we be faithful to the sacred trust, and thus be
worthy of our fathers, who founded the Reformed
Church.
APPENDIX.
30
APPENDIX.
The Reformed World.
The Reformed Church is not only grand in history,
but also great in numbers. The number of Reformed
people in the world, at the present time, is larger than
most persons suppose. We who belong to the Reformed
Church in these United States, are not alone in our
faith. But we are part of a great and continually in-
creasing army, that is spread all over the earth. There
is not a continent, except Australia, which does not have
churches on it bearing the Reformed name. We will
take up the Churches bearing the name Reformed or who
use the continental Reformed confessions ; and endeavor
to gain a world-wide view of the state of the Reformed
Church at the present time.* In Europe the Reformed
religion is the state religion of two nations. They are
not large countries, it is true, but they are nations which
have borne a worthy part in the world\s history. They
are Switzerland and Holland. The Reformed faith is the
*The statistics are taken from "Herzog's Enoyclopajdia,"
from the " Minutes of the Reformed Alliance" at Belfast, from
"Sketchesof European Lands" and the "Reformed Pastor of
Germany," both by Rev. Dr. Zahn, and the "Manual of the
German Reformed Church," by Rev. Dr. Dubbs.
460 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
predominant established religion of these lands. Of the
rulers of the earth, the king of Holland is a member of
the Dutch Reformed Church. And the Emperor of
Germany is a nominal subscriber to our creed ; for the
Hohenzollern family has always been Reformed ; and in
the union of the Churches in Germany, each preserved
its creed intact. Dr. Schaff is authority for saying that
the Heidelberg Catechism is used in the royal family in
Berlin. In four other countries in Europe, the Re-
formed faith is an acknowledged, but not the prevailing
religion of the land. But it is acknowledged by the
state, and to a greater or less degree financially assisted
by the government. These lands are Germany, France,
Austria and Russia.
SWITZERLAND.
Switzerland is the mother Church of the Reformed
faith. There Zwingli started the Reformed Church,
and Ecolampadius, Calvin, Bullinger and Beza laid its
foundations. The Protestants of Switzerland are all
Reformed. Switzerland is the United States of Europe.
She has twenty-two cantons. A peculiarity of the Swiss
is that each canton has its own individual church. This
cantonal church life has produced great diversities be-
tween the Churches. It has engendered a lack of unity
and been a source of weakness. There are fifteen cantonal
churches in the Protestant cantons. This diversity in
the Swiss Reformed Church is also made all the greater
THE REFORMED WORLD. 461
when we remember that its people speak three lan-
guages — German, French and Italian ; and there is a
Reformed church in each of these different languages.
Zurich has always been the heart of German Protestant
Switzerland. But Zurich, alas, has become the home of
the rationalistic or liberal theology. It is true, there
are evangelical ministers there (the Munster and the
Fraumunster are evangelical, especially the latter, while
St. Peter's is rationalistic), but the university is free or
liberal in its theology. Basel, however, with its Mis-
sion-house ; and Schaff hausen, are the leading evangeli-
cal cantons. Berne seems to be divided between the
rationalists and the evangelicals, with a leaning toward
the latter. Thus the free thinking of rationalism has
made sad inroads into the old evangelical faith. But
the Evangelicals are very active, especially at Basel.
They have founded four schools to provide the cantonal
government schools with evangelical teachers — a very
important effort. They have also attempted to evan-
gelize in rationalistic parishes, but the movement is as
yet only in its infancy. The development of the pietism
of German Switzerland gathered itself around pastor
Schintz of Zurich. Prof. Schweizer of Zurich is the
leader of the free or rationalistic party. He is a strong
adherent of Schleiermacher. Riggenbach of Basel and
Guder of Berne are prominent among the Evangelicals.
In French Reformed Switzerland there is a somewhat
462 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
different development. Over against the rationalism in
the state Churches and the interference of state authority,
there have arisen small Free Churches along-side of the
state Churches. There are three of these small Free
Churches in the cantons of Geneva, Vaud and Neuf-
chatel. The state Church of Geneva has almost en-
tirely gone over to rationalism. And the Venerable
Company of pastors, originated by Calvin, no longer
believe in orthodoxy, to say nothing of Calvinism. It
is a sad fact that rationalism should be so active in the
homes of Zwingli and Calvin. But it is an interesting
sign of the times that the Free Church of Scotland has
founded a church in Geneva to bring back to its citi-
zens the Calvinism their fathers loved, but which they
have forgotten. The state Church of Neufchatel is
evangelical, and the state Church of Vaud partly so.
The Free Churches are the aggressive forces in the can-
tons. The Free Church of Geneva is a small one, hav-
ing only 700 members. But it has a wide influence in
the city, and has been made famous by such names as
D'Aubigne and Malan. The Free Church of Vaud is
larger, numbering about 4,000, and has been made fa-
mous by the influence of Vinet. The Free Church of
Neufchatel has 600 members, and contains the great
evangelical theologian of Switzerland, Godet. There is
also in Neufchatel an Independent Church, so that there
are three Reformed churches in that canton.
THE REFORMED WORLD. 463
We now turn to the Italian Churches of Switzer-
land. A very interesting discovery of a hidden Re-
formed church has been made within the last few years.
And yet it is a church with ancient history. During
the sixteenth century the Reformed doctrines were car-
ried over the Splugen pass, and found a home in the
Italian mountain villages of the Grisons and in the city
of Chiavenna, where Zanchius preached to a congrega-
tion. A terrible persecution arose, and the Reformed
were driven away. But they continued to exist, and a
few years ago sent to the Waldensees of Italy for an
Italian pastor. A delegate of the Waldensians visited
them and found in the canton of the Grisons, in the Ber-
nina and Bregaglia passes, 2,384 members of the Italian
Reformed Church. While also along the St. Gothard
pass, at Biasca and Locarno, Reformed churches have
been established among the Italians. Thus we find there
are fifteen Reformed Churches in Switzerland speaking
three languages, and numbering in all 1,667,109 ad-
herents.
FRANCE.
The next land where the Reformed doctrines found
a home was France. Calvin from Geneva influenced
France and all French speaking people. In spite of
her awful history, in spite of a St. Bartholomew and a
revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the old Huguenot
Church has continued to exist. And she has not only
464 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
continued to exist, but she has wonderfully grown dur-
ing the last century. When, at the beginning of this
century. Napoleon gave her recognition, there were only
180 churches, fifty of them being pastorless. Since
then she has grown, until there are 720 pastors, and
there would be 1200, if Alsace and Lorraine had not
been separated from France by the Germans. The
Huguenot Church is somewhat crippled by its connec-
tion with the state, and still further hampered by a
rationalistic party within it. But the Evangelicals are
largely in the majority. Out of 702 pastors, 512 are
orthodox and 190 liberal. The French government
finally, in 1872, called a General Synod of the Reformed
churches. This was the first General Synod that had
assembled at the call of the government since 1659,
when the last National Synod was held at Loudun, at
the command of Louis XIY., who refused to call an-
other synod, because they were too expensive, but really
because he wanted to break up the unity of the Protest-
ants. This first synod was held at Paris, in 1872. In
this synod the Evangelicals gained the victory, and
compelled a subscription to the old creeds of the Church,
which the rationalists did not want. But as the Lib-
erals protested against the decisions of this synod, no
more synods were held by the government, although
these synods were to have been held annually. The
Evangelicals waited, and finding that the state would
THE REFORMED WORLD. 465
not call any more synods, they determined not to be
outwitted. They proceeded to form a synod of their
own. They resolved to organize an unofficial synod,
with officers, classes and committees, which was to meet
every three years. They thus outwitted the state and
the rationalists. The first meeting of this unofficial
synod was held at Paris, the second at Marseilles in
1881 ; the third has just been held in St. Quentin.
Out of the 700 pastors, 425 have united with this
synod. Thus the State Church, the old historic Hugu-
enot Church, is revealing new life, and renewing her
youth. She numbers 550,000 adherents.
In addition to this State Church, a Free Church has
arisen. It was started in 1848 by Frederic Monod,
who was compelled to leave the State Church by the
government and the rationalists. It is a very aggress-
ive body, and numbers, we think, about 14,000. The
state churches in the North of France and Normandy
have suffered less from rationalism than the churches in
the South. The only rationalistic church in Paris is
the Oratoire. Bersier, Theodore Monod, Decoppet of
Paris, and Prof. Jean Monod of Moutauban are the
leaders of the orthodox in the State Church ; Coquerel
of the rationalists. Prominent among the free church
leaders is Pressense. Indeed, it is remarkable how-
many prominent men the Reformed Church has pro-
duced for the republic. Although the Reformed con-
466 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
stitute a very small part of the population, yet they
have given a President to France in Thiers. And in
one of the Cabinets a majority were Protestants. The
McAll mission, the wonder of the last decade, has
greatly aided the Reformed Church of France, by stir-
ring up her own members, and by making converts for
ber from Catholicism. In no European land does the
outlook seem so bright for the Reformed Church as in
France. Of all Catholic countries France is drifting
fastest away from the Catholic Church. Mr. Reveil-
laud, the distinguished editor and evangelist, after a
thorough personal investigation, says that out of the
ten million French electors, six million acknowledge
the moral and religious superiority of the Reformed
religion, and passively desire its triumph. In this
drift from Catholicism, the people who tend to Protest-
antism, will naturally drift into the Huguenot, the old
historic Church of France. It would not be surpris-
ing, if within the next century the Reformed Church of
France would double herself.
HOLLAND.
Holland comes next in the history of the Reformed
Church. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
the Reformed faith had no more devoted adherents and
valiant defenders than the Dutch. Alas, to what a sad
condition has the Dutch Church fallen, in these latter
days. More than any other Reformed Church she has
THE REFORMED WORLD. 467
drifted from the faith, for which her fathers bled. Ra-
tionalism, under the name of Modernism, has swept
over the land. What was denied by the Synod of
Dort, has now come to pass. Oh, for another Synod of
Dort, to declare the orthodoxy of the Holland Church.
Better a stiff orthodoxy than a limp rationalism. One
fifth of all her congregations are vacant, and some va-
cant for fifteen or more years. Many of the congrega-
tions would rather have no pastor than a rationalist.
It is a curious illustration, where the people are more
orthodox than their ministers. Of her 1200 pastors,
600 are Moderns, 300 others belong to the Groningen
school, which, while not rationalistic, is only semi-
Evangelical, being semi-Pelagian and semi-Arian. The
remaining 300 pastors are orthodox. But they are
divided into two parties, one of whom is Evangelical
and refuses to receive any creed, like the Belgic Confes-
sion ; while the other is composed of the Confessionalists,
and demands a strict adherence to the old creeds con-
firmed by the Synod of Dort. A movement has re-
cently taken place in Holland, which has challenged
the attention of the world, and the sympathy of the
other Reformed Churches. The Evangelicals in 1879
organized a free university at Amsterdam, under the
supervision of Drs. Hoedemaker and Kuyper. Its aim
was to indoctrinate students with the orthodox doctrines.
This university became quite prosperous. But the con-
468 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
flict between these Evangelicals and , the rationalists
deepened. The state churches refused to license the
graduates of this unoflBcial university. Finally the
Evangelicals were driven out of the State Church, the
doors of the New Church of Amsterdam (which had
always been their rendezvous), being locked against
them. Seventy-five ministers, elders and deacons, and
15,000 people were driven out of the church at Amster-
dam ; two pastors and 3,500 people at Rotterdam. So
a congress was called at Amsterdam, in January, 1887,
to organize this new movement. Two hundred and
fifty delegates were present from 150 congregations, and
there were large audiences and great interest. Thirty-
five churches have left the State Church. It is too
early to count the results of this movement. It will,
however, carry many thousands out of the State Church
into this new organization, which will either become a
separate Church, or else affiliate with the Christian Re-
formed Church of Holland. This movement is not a
schism or a disruption, but a return to the old faith
guaranteed to the Church, before the constitution of the
Netherlands was altered by the government in 1816.
The Christian Reformed Church of Holland is com-
posed of dissenters, who left the State Church in 1834,
because of the rationalism. They have become strictly
orthodox, and are great Psalm singers. They number
130,000 members and 200,000 adherents, with a theo-
logical seminary at Kampen.
THE REFORMED WORLD. 469
There is also a small Walloon Reformed Church in
Holland, composed of descendants of Belgians, who did
not dare return to their land in the sixteenth century.
The Walloon Church numbers about 10,258.
The present condition of the Dutch Reformed
Church is one of fermentation and division. God is
undoubtedly ordering all things for a wise end. That
end will be his glory. But how he will bring it about,
time alone will reveal. There are in Holland 2,167,110
adherents to the Reformed Churches, of whom 1,956,852
are in the State Church. There are seven Missionary
Societies, which have missions in the various Dutch
colonies. Of these, the Rotterdam Society have done
the greatest work. In their struggle for the purity of
the faith, these Dutch brethren need the sympathy and
the prayers of all their Reformed brethren.
GERMANY.
Later than Switzerland, France and Holland, Ger-
many received the Reformed faith. Although it had
been introduced much earlier, it did not become promi-
nent until the conversion of Elector Frederick III.
It was his defence at Augsburg which caused its recog-
nition by the state. Before the Thirty Years' War, per-
haps one-fourth of Germany was Reformed. But per-
secution and other unfortunate events have reduced her
numbers. A part of the Reformed Church has been
swallowed up in the Evangelical Church of Prussia,
470 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. -
which is a union of Lutherans and Reformed. There
are about one million and a third of adherents to the
Reformed faith in Germany (at the present time).
The ecclesiastical condition of Germany is very
much the same as in Switzerland. Each land or county
had its own Reformed Church. The result is that there
were many Reformed Churches in Germany without
any bond or connection between them. The Reformed
adherents are, therefore, isolated and scattered, from the
Rhine to Silesia, and from Pomerania to Bavaria. The
various provinces of Germany were united into one
great empire in 1871. But while there has been ^ po-
litical union, there has been no religious union of the
Reformed Churches. Only within the last few years
has there been an effort to bring the scattered Reformed
Churches together, by the organization of a Reformed
Bund or Alliance, which holds its second meeting at
Detmold in Lippe this summer. Several causes are
forcing the Reformed of Germany together at the pres-
ent time. One is the rise of confessionalism. The
Lutherans in the Evangelical Church are becoming
more pronounced Lutherans. And the Reformed, over
against them, are led to emphasize their position. An-
other cause is the increasing tide of piety that is begin-,
ning to reveal itself in Germany, which is forcing the
Churches to take a positive instead of a negative posi-
tion. And lastly, the growing political influence of the
THE REFORMED WORLD. 471
Catholic Church is forcing the Reformed, who have
always been at the antipodes of Romanism, to unite for
common protection. The growing influence of the new
rationalistic school of Rischl is urging the Reformed to
unite for defence. The Hammerstine propositions to
give more liberty to the Church, and also more endow-
ment to her, too, will aid the Reformed. (For the
Catholics in Prussia receive as much state help as the
Protestants, although they are only half as strong.) As
a result of all these movements, the Reformed of Ger-
many are gradually uniting their forces. As some one
says : " The destruction of Calvinism in Germany
means the ultimate destruction of Protestantism."
Taking up the parts of Germany in detail, we no-
tice, there are Reformed congregations at the following
prominent places. (We have not time to give the
country congregations.) In Eastern Germany, at Ko-
nigsberg, 3500, (also a French oiuirch 300,) Danzic
2500, Stettin 700, (French 500,) Breslau 1500. In
Berlin the German Reformed churches, including the
cathedral (which was formerly Reformed), have gone
into the United or Evangelical Church. But there still
remain two Reformed churches. One is the Bohe-
mian church which was formed by the Bohemians who
fled from Bohemia in 1732. Its pastor is Hapke, and
it is called the Bethlehem church. The other is a
French Reformed church, formed by French refugees
472 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
I
I
in fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes. |
The Bohemian church numbers 1600, and the French j
church 6000.* In Leipsic there is a Reformed church I
of 3367, and at Dresden a church with 1800. Most of !
Anhalt has gone into the Evangelical Church. But
there are still 38,000 Reformed in the county of An- ;
halt-Kotha. There are quite a number of Reformed
churches around Magdeburg, composed of descendants j
of French refugees in the seventeenth century. Mag- ;
deburg has 5000 German, 1020 Walloon, 268 French.
Halle has 4500. Then comes the Lower Saxony Con- !
federation of Reformed churches, of which Dr. Brandes 1
1
of Goettiugen is the president. Goettingen has 1500, 1
Brunswick 4000, and Hanover 1800. This Lower I
Saxon Confederation is the only body that has preserved
the strict presbyterian form of government for two hun-
dred years ; the others having been modified by the !
consistorial form, or having been governed under Luth- \
eran superintendents. At Altona, opposite Hamburg,
is a congregation of 1000, the descendants of French
refugees. Hamburg has a German Reformed church |
of 5000, and a French of 100. Bremen still remains
strongly Reformed, there being 24,399 in the city, and \
16,195 in the land. East Friesland, which has been j
included in the Hanoverian Reformed Church, has ever ]
*0f the 35 parishes iu Berlin in the Evangelical Church, only j
five are served by liberal preachers ; and of the total 80 preach- 1
ers in these parishes, about twenty are liberal or rationalistic. |
THE REFORMED WORLD. 473
been a stronghold of the Reformed faith. It is divided
into four consistorial districts, whose centres are at Em-
dem and at Aurich. Rev. Dr. Bartels, the president of
the synod, resides at Aurich. Bentheim, one of the
Reformed districts of the Hanoverian Church, is in-
tensely Reformed. An important movement has lately
taken place in this Hanoverian Reformed Church. The
government finally authorized its 120 congregations to
assemble in its first synod in 1881. Besides these, there
is an Old Reformed Church of Bentheim and East
Friesland with 2400 adherents, which is independent of
the state. Lippe is a strong Reformed land, and is the
only country which retains the classes in its govern-
ment. Dr. Theleman is the Consistorialrath of the
Lippe Reformed Churches. In its three classes are
112,994 members. The Church of Hesse is united with
the Lutheran in the Evangelical Church, and the Re-
formed are overshadowed by Lutheran authority.
Hesse has 381,652 Reformed members. But she is
drifting toward Lutheranism. Nassau has 9800 Re-
formed, but she has tried to forget that she ever was
Reformed. At Frankford there is a German church
with 7000, and a French church with 350 members.
In Bavaria there is a group of nine churches, mainly
composed of refugees from France, which is presided over
by Dr. Ebrard of Erlangen. There are two churches at
Erlangen and one at Nuremberg. The recent Franco-
31
474 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
German war has brought back to Germany the large
Reformed Church of Alsace-Lorraine, with its five con-
sistories, and a membership of 48,819. The Reformed
church at Strasburg, with 922 members, belongs to it.
But the centre of the Reformed Churches of Germany
are the Rhine Provinces and Westphalia. There are
300,000 in the Rhine Provinces, and 135,000 in West-
phalia. These are intensely Reformed, and have re-
tained their Reformed customs and zeal. Some of the
congregations are very large. Elberfeld has 33,000,
Miihlheim 30,000, Barmen 15,000 (all near Cologne).
There is a Netherland Reformed church at Elberfeld
which was organized in this century, because the Re-
formed opposed a liturgical service which the Prussian
government tried to force on them. The Heidelberg
Catechism is still in use in the Reformed Church of
East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Brandenberg, Sax-
ony, Hanau, the Rhine Provinces, Westphalia, Bremen,
Lippe, Bavaria, but not in Hesse and IS'assau. There
are only three or four Reformed professors in Germany,
where there used to be five Reformed universities.
These are Professors KraflPt at Bonn, Achelis at Mar-
burg, and Sieffert at Erlangen. Dr. Ebrard is honorary
professor at Erlangen. The Reformed ministers of
Germany may be catalogued in four classes. At the
one extreme are the rationalists or liberals. They are
fewer in number than in the Lutheran or Evangelical
THE REFORMED WORLD. 475
Church, For the Reformed Church has been protected
from heterodoxy by its reverence for the Scriptures
and its catechetical preaching. At the other extreme
are the high Calvinists, who are so narrow in their
views ; that all who are not high Calvinists, are not Re-
formed. This strict interpretation of the Reformed doc-
trine is not to be wondered at, because they are surrounded
by so much rationalism. A prominent representative
of this party is Dr. Zahn of Stuttgart, one of the best
historical writers of the Reformed Church. Between
these two extremes there are two classes. They are
both Calvinists. The one rather emphasizes Calvin's
doctrine of predestination, the other his doctrine and
cultus of the Lord's supper. The first are strict predes-
tinarian, but are broad in their sympathies, and will
fraternize with others, even if they are not quite so
Calvin istic, provided they are orthodox and evangelical.
The second class are moderate on predestination (sub-
lapsarian), but are Calvinistic in the Lord's supper and
in that simplicity of cultus, which has always charac-
terized the Reformed Church. Dr. Calaminus of El-
berfeld and Dr. Brandes of Goettingen are representa-
tives of the former, and Dr. El^rard of the latter. The
union of these two — the old school and the new school
Calvinists — will make the Reformed Alliance of Ger-
many strong. This alliance will produce great results,
if, avoiding controversy, they insist on orthodoxy of
476 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
doctrine, simplicity of service and presbyterianism of
government.
AUSTRIA.
Austria, although the most bigoted Catholic laud in
Europe (except Spain), yet nurtures within herself a large
Reformed population. The Austrian Reformed Churches
may be divided into two sections — the Reformed Church
of Austria proper and the Reformed Church of Hun-
gary. In the superintendency of Vienna there are five
churches with 6,433 adherents. In Bohemia there are
forty-seven churches with 69,298 adherents ; in Mora-
via twenty-five churches with 40,089, and in Galicia
four churches with 4,944 members. Together there are
124,764 adherents to the Reformed Church in Austria.
At Vienna there is a Reformed professor in the Uni-
versity, Prof. Bohl, who is a very high Calvinist. A
new congregation has been planted at Bregenz in the
Tyrol. But the Church that interests us the most, is
the Bohemian Churgh. In spite of terrible and con-
tinued persecutions, this Church has continued to exist,
and is to-day renewing her energies. Although perse-
cuted for nearly 200 years, yet when the Emperor of
Austria granted the Edict of Toleration, at the end of
the last century, the number of Reformed people that
seemed, like the Israelites, to come out of the caves and
dens of the earth, was surprising. And now there is a
small, but aggressive and growing Reformed Church in
THE REFORMED WORLD. 477
Bohemia, for which the Reformed and Presbyterian Al-
liance at Belfast decided to raise 25,000 dollars. This
Bohemian Reformed Church, about a year ago, formally
adopted the Heidelberg Catechism as its standard. A
few years ago a member of the Reformed Church was
elected Mayor of Prague, which reveals the growing in-
fluence of the Church. There is, however, a certain
amount of rationalism in the Church. But some of the
Reformed theological students are being educated in
Scotland, and they are introducing the Anglo-Saxon
aggressiveness into the Church.
The Reformed Church of Hungary is a much larger
Church. This Church has also suifered great persecu-
tions, but was able, owing to the peculiar position of
Hungary in the Austrian government, to gain greater in-
dependence. It was divided into five superintendencies,
but they were not united into a central body, as the
Catholic rulers did not wish the Reformed to have the
strength of unity. Finally, in 1881, a General Synod
was ordered by the government at Debreczin, which is
the heart of the Reformed Church of Hungary and the
seat of a theological seminary, of which Prof. Balogh is
an honored representative. (This congregation at De-
breczin is very large, having 36,000 members and 180
elders.) Since this General Synod the Hungarian Church
has entered on a new era of life and activity. Her unity
has developed new strength and energy. This synod
478 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERIMANY.
chauged the name of the Church from the ^Church of
the Helvetic Confession' to the ^Evangelical Reformed'
Church. The Heidelberg Catechism, which had been
purged by the Catholic government of the 30th, 57th
and 80th questions, was again printed in 1885 in its
original form. In almost all the churches there is cate-
chetical preaching on Sabbath afternoons. There are 1,-
909 ministers and 2,090,252 adherents. The Hungarian
prime minister is a member of the Reformed Church.
He has succeeded in having a bill passed through the
Hungarian Parliament, by which the Reformed Church
is to be represented by five ministers and five elders, so
as to counterpoise the Catholic and Greek prelates who
have seats in that body. The Church has been tinc-
tured with rationalism, but the orthodox and evangelical
wing is growing. The Church supports a mission in Rou-
mania (which has seven organized churches), and a Sla-
vonic-Syrmisch mission. This Church, if revived and
developed, has a great mission before it in the conver-
sion of the Slavonic races. If the Bohemian and Rus-
sian Reformed were united with the Hungarian Re-
formed in earnest effort, a great work might be expected
among the Slavonic races of Turkey, and in Russia, the
great nation of the future.
RUSSIA.
Russia, though belonging to the Greek faith, yet
contains in it a small, but influential Reformed Church.
THE REFORMED WORLD. 471)
The Russian Reformed Church may be divided into
three groups — the Polish, Lithuanian, and the central
consistory. The Reformed Church of Poland, founded
by John A. Lasco in the sixteenth century, notwith-
standing all the persecutions of the Jesuits, still con-
tinues to exist, and numbers 7000 adherents. It con-
tains nine congregations under the consistory at War-
saw. Its president is Tolande. The Warsaw congre-
gation, which numbers 2245, has erected a beautiful
church. Most of the congregations are Polish and
German, but the congregation at Zelow (numbering
2400 members,) is Bohemian. This Polish Reformed
Church is a struggling Church. " Had Poland become
Reformed, instead of Jesuit, the words ^ Finis Poloniae'
had not been spoken.^'
The Reformed Church of Lithuania is composed of
fourteen congregations. Most of the congregations are
very small, except the church at Birsen, which numbers
6000 souls. There is a Reformed gymnasium at
Wilna.
The remaining part of the Russian Reformed Church
is spread through European Russia, from Riga and St.
Petersburg on the North to Odessa and the Volga on
the South. The largest of these churclies is at St. Pe-
tersburg, where the German church has 1047 communi-
cants, and 3000 adherents. At Moscow, under pastor
Neif, there is a congregation of 2000 adherents. At the
480 THE REFOKMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
head of the Reformed consistory is Dr. Dalton of St.
Petersburg, one of the most prominent ministers in Eu-
rope. His church is a fountain of usefulness in the
Russian capital. The church building is a veritable
cathedral, having cost 180,000 dollars ; and when
burned soon after, it was erected at an additional cost of
35,000 dollars. There are also French churches at St.
Petersburg and Moscow, and a Dutch church at St. Pe-
tersburg. There is a church at Odessa with 450 mem-
bers. And near Odessa is a large Reformed colony of
Germans in Bessarabia, numbering 3832. This Ger-
man colony became the originator of one of the great
Evangelistic movements in Russia. Many years ago,
pastor Bonekemper was accustomed to have prayer-
meetings or Stunden there. The son of this pastor
came to America, was educated in the Reformed Church
of the United States, and went back to visit his father's
home in 1867. A revival of religion broke out in the
village while he was there. Now it happened that a
Russian laborer became interested in these meetings, to
whom Mr. Bonekemper interpreted the services. With
his quick Russian ability to master the languages, this
j)easant rapidly learned to read, and becoming possessed
with a Bible, he went back to his country home, a new
creature in Christ Jesus. But he could not keep the
gospel to himself. In the long winter evenings he
would read this Bible to his friends and neighbors.
THE REFORMED WORLD. 481
Ignorant that it was not the custom in the Greek
Church to read the Bible, these Stundists went to the
village priest to have difficult passages explained. They
found they knew more about the Bible than did the
priest. But the priest became angry and began to per-
secute them. Still, this Evangelical movement kept on
spreading from village to village. The Greek Church,
alarmed, influenced the Russian government to try and
stop it. The Russian government arrested the Stund-
ists, put them in prison, and sent some away to Siberia.
But wherever they went, they spread the gospel, whether
in prison or in Siberia. And the seed sown by the
Reformed of Bessarabia has so grown, that it is said
there are at present eighty thousand Stundists in Rus-
sia. This great movement is still spreading, and the
Russian government is powerless to stop it. The
Stundist movement is a child of Reformed effort. There
are also three large Reformed congregations of 54,000
members along the Volga, which, by a strange arrange-
ment of the government, are placed under the Lutheran
consistory of that district. The whole number of Re-
formed in Russia is about 80,000.
THE REMAINING COUNTRIES OF EUROPE.
Lutheranism possesses Scandinavia. But there is
one Reformed church in Sweden, numbering about
190 members. Denmark has a few congregations, as at
Copenhagen and at Fredericia. These are descendants
482 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
of French refugees, who, more than a century ago,
found a home there. They were permitted to settle by
the Danish king, because he thought his people would
not understand French, and would not be proselyted by
them from Lutheranism.
Belgium has two Reformed Churches. One is the
old National Walloon Reformed Church, numbering
about ten thousand, composed of descendants of the
Walloons of the sixteenth century. The other Church
is a new organization, which, although not Reformed
in name, yet has adopted the Belgic Confession, and is,
therefore, Reformed in creed. It is called the Evan-
gelical Society of Belgium. It numbers about 3923
communicants and perhaps 8,000 adherents, and is a
very aggressive, growing Church.
The Reformed of Great Britain have become Pres-
byterian in name, but there are a few foreign Reformed
churches in London. There is the Dutch Reformed
church at Austin Friars — redolent with memories of
John A. Lasco — which was the first church to introduce
pure Presbyterianism. There are also a Swiss Reformed,
a German Reformed and a French Reformed church in
London. There may be other German or French Re-
formed churches on the British Isles, of which we have
no knowledge.
Spain also has a German mission under pastor
Fliedner, which uses the Heidelberg Catechism, as the
THE REFORMED WORLD. 483
incident on page 191 shows. We can not give statistics,
but we understand that there are two German' churches
in Madrid. The Central Society of Evangelization of
France, which is the missionary society of the French
Reformed Church, also has a station beyond the Pyre-
nees in Spain.
Italy also has a few scattered Reformed churches.
There are three French Reformed churches and four
German Reformed churches in that papal land.
Thus we find that in Europe there are about eight
millions of Reformed people living in eleven countries.
And the Reformed doctrines are preached in the French,
Dutch, German, Italian, Spanish, Bohemian, Hunga-
rian, Polish and Russian languages.
AFRICA.
Passing from Europe to Africa, we find that at the
two extremities of the dark continent there are Reformed
churches. Algiers in the North of Africa, being a
French colony, has French Reformed churches. The
number of Protestants in Algiers is about ten thousand,
of whom we suppose the greater part are French Re-
formed. The Central Society of Evangelization, the
missionary society of the French Reformed Church, has
missions in Algiers. And the McAll mission has
stations in that laud. The Waldeusees have sent a col-
ony to Algiers, which was at first cared for by the Re-
formed churches of Algiers.
484 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
The southern part of Africa has a strong Reformed
church. It was founded by Dutch colonists who went
there in 1663. They were afterwards joined by French
refugees fleeing from the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes. These have fused together and formed one
strong conservative, but aggressive Dutch Reformed
Church. Cape Colony has 68,000 members. Orange
free state 18,000, Natal 1000, South African Republic
2800. The Christian Reformed Church has 6000, and
the Dutch Reformed Church of the South African Re-
public 15,000. Thus there are about 110,000 members
in those African colonies.
There are also two missions in Africa. One from
the Dutch Reformed Church numbering 4000, and an-
other from the French Reformed Church in Basuto
land numbering 6000.
ASIA.
Asia is not without its witness to the Reformed
faith, although here is it mainly a Missionary Church.
The Dutch Reformed Church of America has three
flourishing missions. One is at Arcot in India, with
1610 members. Another is at Amoy in China, (where
it has fused with the English Presbyterian mission,)
numbering 784. A third mission is in Japan, number-
ing 770. The German Reformed Church of the United
States has a flourishing mission in Japan, which num-
bers 200 members. These two last have united with the
THE REFORMED WORLD. 485
Presbyterians in forming the United Church of Japan.
There are also two Dutch Reformed churches on the
island of Ceylon, which were founded by Dutch colon-
ists many years ago.
The islands of the seas are not without their witness
to the Reformed faith. Although the East India Com-
pany for a long time opposed the missionary societies,
yet it has changed its tactics, and now aids them in Java
and elsewhere. There is a Dutch Reformed church in
Java, numbering 7000, which is fostered by the govern-
ment. East Java has 4000 Reformed. But the most
remarkable work has been done by the Rotterdam Mis-
sionary Society, which has flourishing stations on these
isles. On the promontory of Minahassa, on the island
of Celebes, a most remarkable work of grace has taken
place, by which 85,000 of the heathen have become
Christians. There are on these islands about 110,000
members, and perhaps 200,000 adherents.
Thus the distant islands of the sea are listening to
the faith of our fathers, and bearing their witness to the
truth.
AMERICA.
Passing over the ocean to the new world, we find in
South America a few representatives of the Reformed
faith. On the northern coast of South America, in
Dutch Guiana, in the Surinam district, there are some
Reformed churches under the Dutch government, but
we have not been able to get their statistics.
486 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
There are also churches in the Dutch colonies of the
West Indias. The island of Curacoa has 2000 Protest-
ants, most of whom, we suppose, belong to the Dutch
Church. In the Danish West Indias, on the island of
St. Thomas there is a Dutch Reformed church of 130
members, which stands in connection with the Dutch
Reformed Church of America.
We are not informed whether there are any Re-
formed churches in the southern part of South America,
but we know that there are a good many German col-
onists there, some of whom are Reformed, and also that
there are Swiss settlers there, all of whom are Re-
formed.
In Brazil there are about a hundred thousand Ger-
mans. In Uruguay, in the Argentine Republic and in
Chili there are many Germans and Swiss. The Evan-
gelical Church of Germany has been cultivating this
field to some extent, but many of these Reformed set-
tlers are without spiritual food or nurture. There is an
open door for some of the Reformed Churches to enter
here and reap rich harvests.
In North America is the Dutch Reformed Church,
composed of the descendants of the Dutch settlers at
New York. It numbers 83,037 communicants, and
about 250,000 adherents, and is a strong, conservative,
wealthy and influential Church.
The German Reformed Church of the United States
was organized by settlers who fled from Western Germany
THE REFORMED WORLD. 487
on account of persecution and oppression, and came to
this country in the last century. It is also a strong and
growing Church, and numbers at present 183,980 mem-
bers, and perhaps about 500,000 adherents. There is
also a Christian Reformed Church, composed of colon-
ists from Holland, which numbers 18,923 communi-
cants, and perhaps 50,000 adherents. There are one or
two Independent Reformed Churches in the United
States. There is a French Reformed church at Char-
leston, composed of descendants of the Huguenots. Its
services are now conducted in the English language and
it is an influential church in that city. There is also a
colony of Swiss settlers in New Glarus, Wisconsin, who
were sent over by the canton of Glarus in Switzerland.
Their church still retains its connection with the Glarus
Reformed Church of Switzerland.
SUMMARY.
Gathering up all these statistics, we find there are
in the world about ten millions of adherents to the Re-
formed faith. This is the figure given by Professor
Ebrard of Erlangen, who is an authority on these
points. There are also about ten millions of the sister or
cognate Church, the Presbyterian. So that in all the
world, twenty millions may be reckoned as belonging
to the Reformed and Presbyterian family of Churches.
These statistics place us as one of the great world-
divisions of the Protestant Church. The largest denom-
488 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ination in the world is the Lutheran, which numbers
thirty millions. Then come the Episcopalian, and the
Reformed or Presbyterian, each of which numbers twenty
millions. We can not give the exact statistics of the
other denominations, but calculating from their mem-
bership, we find there are perhaps fourteen million
Methodists, ten million Baptists, four million Congrega-
tionalists. All these statistics reveal that we belong to
no mean family, but that we are a part of a great army
scattered over many lands, speaking many languages,
but bearing the same name, having the same faith, and
preaching the same gospel of Christ.
INDEX OF DATES.
1526. Homberg Synod.
1529. Diet of Spire. Protest of the German princes.
1529. Marburg Conference.
1 530. Diet of Augsburg. Tetrapolitana Confession.
1531. Smalcald League.
1534. Smalcald War. Phillip of Hesse rescues Wur-
temberg.
1536. Wittenberg Concord. Truce between Reformed
and Lutherans for twenty years.
1539. Frankford Conference, Calvin present.
1540. Hagenau Conference, Calvin present.
1541. Worms Conference, Calvin present.
] 543. Elector Hermanns Reformation. Bucer, Melanc-
thon and Lasco at Bonn.
1544. Wesel received Reformed emigrants from Hol-
land.
1546. Death of Luther.
1546-47. Smalcald War. Phillip of Hesse imprisoned.
1548. Augsburg Interim is placed on Germany.
1551. Elector Maurice of Saxony defeats the Emperor.
1552. Passau treaty. The Interim is lifted.
1555. Augsburg Diet. Peace of Augsburg, which made
Protestantism a legal religion in Germany,
and gave the adherents of the Augsburg
Confession the right of citizenship and pro-
tection.
1557. Worms Conference. Melancthon defends himself
against the high Lutherans.
1558. Frankford Conference. Melancthon is again tri-
umphant.
1559. Olevianus at Treves.
1560. Melancthon's death.
32
490 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. i
J
1561. Naumberg Conference. Last victory of Melanc-
thonianism.
1563. Heidelberg Catechism is published.
1564. Wesel becomes Reformed. -j
1564. Maulbron Conference. !
1566. Augsburg Diet. Elector Frederick's defence of j
the Heidelberg Catechism. j
1568. Synod of Wesel. I
1568. Erastianism in the Palatinate. j
1571. Synod at Emden. ;
1571. Arianism in the Palatinate. '
1574. Crypto Calvinism in Saxony, under Peucer. j
1576. Elector Frederick III. of the Palatinate dies. :
1577. Formula of Concord is published. !
1577. Frankford Conference of the Reformed. j
1578. Nassau becomes Reformed. i
1581. Middleburg Synod in Holland. \
1581. Bremen becomes Reformed. ,
1583. Ursinus dies at Neustadt.
1583. Palatinate again becomes Reformed under Prince |
Casimir. i
1583. Bentheim becomes Reformed. \
1584. General Synod of the Wetterau princes and min- :
isters at Herborn.
1586. Crypto-Calvinism again appears in Saxony under
Crell.
1587. Olevianus dies at Herborn. ;
1588. Zweibriicken becomes Reformed. Publication of ]
the Zweibriicken Catechism. 1
1595. Bremen Confession is drawn up by Pezel. |
1597. Anhalt becomes Reformed. \
1600. Lippe becomes Reformed.
1604-7. Hesse becomes Reformed.
1610. General Synod of Julich-Cleve-Berg.
1613. Brandenberg becomes Reformed through Elector j
Sigismund. ^
1618-19. Synod of Dort. J
1619. Leignitz becomes Reformed. i
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &c.
A
Abegg, 195.
Abeiidroth, 191.
Agricohi, 30, 72, 119.
Aix-la Chapelle, 393.
Alsted, 265, 409, 421.
Altars, Reformed opposition to, 17,81, 92, 96, 99, 116,
147, 148, 197, 254, 255, 258, 260, 267,
269, 303, 348, 351, 375, 447.
Alting, 171, 172, 408, 420.
Alva, Duke of, 283, 393.
Amberg, 127, 227, 232, 235, 238, 315, ;U8
Amling, 346, 441.
Amsdo'rf, 114.
Amsterdam, 396, 397, 405, 423.
Anabaptists, 82.
Andrea, 12, 200, 202, 240, 312, 331, 331, 316, 354.
Angelocrator, 408.
Anhalt, 110, 243, 320, 337, 345, ooij, 407, 433.
Antwerp, 393.
Aportanus, 27, 80.
Argentine, D, 245.
Arianism, 222.
Arminius, 396, 401.
Arndt, 347.
Atonement, Universal, 88, 180, 380, 401, 115 noti-,
419.
Augsburg Confession, 36, 45, 75, 111, 1 13.
Augsburg Confession, Altered, 45, 75, 1 13, 1 15 and note,
121, 122, 137.
Augsburg, Diet of 1530; 35, 74, 1 K).
492 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Augsburg, Diet of 1555 ; 76, 104, 162, 164, 213.
Augsburg, Diet of 1566 ; 10, 26, 35, 204, 207.
Augustus, Elector of Saxony, 205, 207, 208, 212, 242,
250, 330, 335.
B
Baden, 327.
Badius, 295, 296.
Balcanquall, 409, 416.
Baptism, 15, 258, 280, 284 note, 286, 303, 346, 348,
450. (See Fonts.)
Barneveld, 404, 423.
Bartels, 87, 173 note.
Beatus, Rhenanus, 30.
Beck, 409.
Belgic Confession, 287, 290, 395, 398, 411, 418.
Belier, 322.
Belus, 247.
Bentheim, 278, 292, 305, 306, 347, 433.
Berg, 290 note, 295, 300, 303, 304.
Bergen, 241.
Bergius, 380, 408, 441.
Berleburg, 236, 239, 255, 269.
Berlin, 371, 372 note, 375.
Berne, 41, 54, 226, 239, 265, 409.
Beuthen, 385.
Beuther, 324.
Beyer, 104.
Beza, 219, 220, 246, 313.
Birstein, 269.
Bisterfield, 409, 420.
Blandrata, 223.
Bias, Bertrand De, 280.
Blume, 343.
Bogerman, 411, 421.
Bommel, 281.
Bonn, 295, 390.
Boquin 134, 146, 149, 202, 217, 219, 238.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 493
Boiirges, 157.
Braiidenberg, 366, 381, 407.
Bread, used instead of wafers, 16, 81, 86, 147, 255, 258,
260, 277, 287, 296, 348, 372, 373 note.
Breitinger, 408, 416, 420, 424.
Bres, Guido De, 393.
Breslau, 150, 151, 239, 284.
Brethren of the Common Life, 62, 80, 84.
Bremen, 91, 271, 409, 432.
Brenius, 423.
Brenz, 12, 72, 105, 121, 200, 201, 202.
Brenz' Catechism, 133, 140, 171, 193.
Brunswick, 44, 73, 81, 110, 244, 271, 274, 347.
Bucer, 29, 39, 43, 46, 66, 72, 76, 112, 204, 260.
Bullinger, 83, 218, 254.
C
Calvin, 13, 22, 41, 42, 45, 93, 101, 104, 105, 115, 116,
120, 151, 157, 216, 285, 395, 443.
Calvin's Catecliism, 88, 92, 191, 287.
Calvinism, 22, 415, 440.
Cambridge, 46, 389.
Candidus, 292, 323.
Capellus, 244.
Capito, 29, 34, 36, 39, 64.
Carlstadt, 81.
Caselius, 34.
Casimir, Prince, 210, 213, 214, 219, 228, 234-8, 244,
259, 307, 315, 338, 347, 436.
Cassel, 112, 352, 353 note, 357, 364.
(■assel, Catechism, 76.
Castellanus, 56.
Catherine Belgica, 267.
Cans, Solomon De, 390.
Cellarius, 35, 361.
Chamier, 407.
Charles V., Emperor, 102.
Chasse, 314.
494 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Chemnitz, 241, 244, 274.
Christian, Dake of Anhalt, 347, 350, 392, 436.
Christian I., Elector of Saxony, 314, 337.
Christopher of Donop, 351.
Christopher, Duke of Wurtemberg, 105, 123, 200-4,
207, 312.
Cleve, 288.
Coblentz, 260.
Cocceians, 265, 442.
Coctius, 244.
Coetus, 86, 88, 91.
Coleman, 221.
Collins, 66.
Cologne, 260, 278, 291-96, 304.
Confirmation, 196, 258.
Copenhagen, 95, 97.
Cox, 101.
Cracow, city of, 82.
Cracow, 332, 333.
Craig's Catchism, 191.
Cranmer, 92.
Crato, 17, 153, 226.
Crell, 338, 340, 342.
Crocius, 409, 421.
Crosses, Reformed hatred of, 20, 103, 256, 301-2, 451.
Cruciger, 257, 329, 332, 337, 356, 408, 420.
Crypto-Calvinists, 203, 241, 257, 328, 349.
Cup, use of, 78. (See Lord's Supper.)
Cureus, 152, 331.
Curtius, 98.
D
Dalton, 90.
Dantzic, 90, 202, 274, 275, 386.
Dathenus, 107, 202, 284, 286.
D'Aubigne, 18
Daun Faikenstein, 292, 296, 433.
Davenant, 409, 416.
Denmark, 94, 243, 274, 389, 429 note.
INDEX OP NAMES, PLACRS, AC. 496
Deodati, 409, 421.
Dessau, 346.
Detmold, 351.
Dillenberg, 258.
Diller, 133, 136, 145, 208.
DoDatists, 400.
Dort, 179, 255, 350, 387, 391-4, 402, 405, 406, 410.
Dort, Cauons of, 417, 424.
Dreckmeier, 351.
Dresden, 330, 339, 343 note.
Duisburg, 288, 304.
Durer, 73, 342.
E
Ebrard, 61 note, 179, 182, 446, 448 note, 449.
Ecolampadius, 64, 66, 67, 72, 83, 110, 112.
Edward VI., King of England, 89, 94, 101, 230.
Ehem, 133, 202, 207, 236, 309.
Eiisheim, 409.
Elberfeld, 296, 300, 301, 303.
Eiders, duty of, 62, 77, 93, 219, 261, 285-7, 298, 301,
302, 306, 438.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, 11, 47, 106, 244, 317, 319.
Emden, 27, 80, 89 note, 90, 98, 271, 288, 409, 432.
England, 46, 76, 89, 91, 220, 388.
Episcopius, 401, 403, 412, 413, 423.
Erasmus, 83, 109.
Erastianism, 216, 396, 400.
Erastus, 133, 134, 142, 146, 149, 202, 218, 222, 400.
Erbach, 144.
Erfurt, 214.
Ernest of Brandenberg, 299, 370.
Eutychianism, 23, 203, 445.
Evell, 380, 440.
Exorcism, 16, 44, 77, 133, 228, 257, 282, 339, 347.
Extor, 326.
F
Fabricius, 409.
Fagius, 46.
496 THE REFORMED CHURCH OP GERMANY.
Farel, 18, 33, 83, 160.
Fauth, 249.
Feige, 68, 69, 74.
Ferber, 58.
Festivals, Church, 60, 147, 196-7, 258, 449.
Fink, 370, 372.
Fisher, S. R., 190.
Fisher, Prof., 61 Note.
Flacius, 118, 119, 200.
Fliedner, 191.
Flinsbach, 163, 167, 323.
Fonts, Reformed hatred of, 16, 99, 147, 148, 267, 348.
Formula of Concord, 23, 240, 242, 249, 257, 276, 323.
334, 346, 354, 424, 425.
Franeker, 263, 396.
Frankenthal, 107, 129.
Frankford on the Main, 43, 73, 99, 105, 106, 107 note,
122, 245, 263, 268.
Frankford on the Oder, 366, 384.
Frederick III., Elector of the Palatinate, 26, 135, 142,
178, 199, 200, 202, 206, 214, 216, 218,
255, 267, 284, 307, 335, 432.
Frederick IV., Elector of the Palatinate, 229, 252, 260,
268, 307, 315, 388.
Frederick V., Elector of the Palatinate, 384, 387.
Fremaut, 87.
Friesland, 80.
Funk, 120, 445.
Fussel, 372, 378.
G
Garnier 47 77
Gebhard, Truchsess, 249, 293 note, 294, 307.
Gedicke, 367 and note.
Geldenhauer, 77.
Gerbel, 34.
Gerhart, 202.
Geselius, 403.
Giessen, 67, 364.
497
Glaneus, 276.
Goad, 409.
Goclenius, 359, 408, 419, 441.
Goebel, 61 note, 87, 183, and notes to 154, 158, 286,
301, 303, 305, 452 note.
Gomarus, 251, 397, 401, 409, 416, 421.
(^lood. Rev. Dr. J. 11., 190.
Gottorp, 386.
Gowns, 18,92,96, 100, 103, 196 note, 258, 348,351, 451.
Grimersheim, 409.
Gring, 191.
Grotius, 423.
Gryneus, 310.
Giialthier, 246.
Gustrovv, 386.
H
Hagenan, 44.
Hagenbach, notes 17, 18, 334.
Hague, 403, 417 note.
Hainstein, 361.
Hall, 408 note, 409, 416, 424.
Halle, 367 and note.
Hamburg, 91, 98, 243, 244, 274, 275.
Hamilton, 63, 82.
Hanau, 106, 266, 268, 433.
Haner, 64.
Harbaugh, 190.
Hardenberg, 84, 99, 117, 136, 271.
Hardenl)erg, Count ol", 296, 433.
Hausratli, 132 note, 221 note.
HkHo, 66, 67, 68, 72.
Heidanus, 287, 394.
Heidelberg, 26, 30, 122, 129, 130, 138, 193, 228, 322,
390.
Heidelberg Catechism, 78, 107, 170, 199, 218, 251, 254,
255, 261, 265, 277, 283, 287, 350, 399,
414,418, 441.
33
498 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Heidfeld, 282, 289.
Heilbron, 323.
Helvetic Confession, 2nd, 190, 215, 247.
Henry IV., King of France, 319, 321.
Henry of Zutphen, 271. !
Heppe, 179, 267 note, 449. I
Herborn, 262, 264, 270, 409.
Hering, 369, 373 note. I
Herzog, notes to 114, 144, 210, 212. \
Herman, Elector of Cologne, 87, 250, 260.
Hesse, 26, 50, 76, 243, 253, 352.
Hesshuss, 13, 134, 145 note, 200, 212, 274, 282, 453. I
Hexamer, 324. \
Horn berg, 56. '
Hospinian, 243, 248. ]
Huber, 341, 373 note. .
Humanism, 30 note, 40, 83.
Hunnius, 12, 354, 356. |
Huss, 130, 135. ;
Hutten, Ulric von, 31, 32.
Hyperius, 76, 77, 352. i
Hyperius Catechism, 76. -
Ibach, 73. I
Images, Reformed opposition to, 19, 20, 37, 44, 60, 92, \
254, 258, 260, 267, 269, 301, 357, 363, j
375 note, 451. \
Interim, 25, 46, 90, 118, 279. , \
Isaac, 293. !
Isenberg, 261, 266, 268, 433. ]
Isselberg, 409. j
J
James I., King of England, 388, 402, 406.
Jena, 330.
Jesuits, 121, 228, 294, 319, 321. ■
John, Count of Dillenberg, 256, 262, 266, 432. i
John Frederick, Duke of Saxony, 123, 146, 207, 331. '
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 499
John, Bnke of Zweibrucken, 327, 388. j
Julich, 290. I
Julich-Cleve-Berg, 300, 303. 'j
Junius, 226, 245, 397. I
K I
Kaiserlautern, 193 note, 238. ]
Kalman, 301.
Keckerman, 386.
Kelsterbach, 268. !
Kemmener, 306.
Kirchner, 237, 361.
Kirkl, 324.
Klebitz, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145. j
Knibbius, 247. |
Knox, 100.
Kooli, 409, 424.
Kouigsberg, 83 note, 85, 90, 381. |
Konigstein, 340.
Kraft, Adam, 58. '
Kratft, Prof., 185. I
Krummacher, 303 note.
Kupper, 167.
L
Laidh'e, 190.
Labadie, 286. \
Lambert, 52, 70, 73, 285, 288. i
Landstuhl, 31. j
Languet, 245, 247. ;
Lasco, 27, 82, 87, 128, 133, 260, 271, 272, 279, 284,453. j
Lasco's Catechism, 88, 94, 99, 107, 273. ]
Lefevre, 34. I
Leipsic, 119, 332, 333, 338, 341, 343. j
Lemgo, 3ol.
Lemsius, 88, 90. •
Lewis, Count of Nassau, 263, 411, 416.
Lewis, Elector of the Palatinate, 227, 229, 232, 236,
248, 251, 307. ]
500 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Lewis, Count of Wittgenstein, 227, 236, 253, 262, 266,
432.
Leyden, 397, 405.
Liegnitz, 383, 434.
Lightfoot, 221.
Limburg, 50.
Lippe, 351.
Liturgy, 17, 100, 194, 197 and note, 286, 301-2,
451.
Llandaif, Bishop of, 408, 414, 416, 418, 421, 422.
Loffiirds, 73.
London, 89, 91, 389.
Lord's snpper, 86, 92, 284 note, 287, 304, 348, 443,
450. (See Bread.)
Lossius, 341.
Louvain, 85, 136.
Lubeck, 98, 243, 274, 275.
Lubertus, 409.
Luther, 17, 18, 31, 39, 42, 55, 61, 65, 67, 72, 109, 129,
212.
Lutherans, (Preface,) 14, 118, 425, 427-30.
Luther's Catechism, 76, 171, 173, 174, 190, 354.
Lydius, 396, 410, 418.
M
Marbach, 47, 134, 237, 310, 323.
Marburg, 59, 62, 67, 6S and note, 73 note, 354, 359.
Marburg Conference, 35, 64, 352.
Mark, 299.
Martinius, 409, 416, 419, 421, 423, 441.
Martyr, Peter, 47, 89, 95, 151, 153-4, 160.
Maulbron, 201.
Maurice of Hesse, 27, 79, 320, 356, 358, 436.
Maurice of Orange, 403-4, 423.
Maximilian, Emperor, 193, 206, 210, 215, 223, 229,
334.
Mavence, 52, 57, 65, 66, 115, 206, 364.
Mayer, 409, 424.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, AC. 601
Meckleuhcr^r, 98, 123, 386.
Melancthoii, 21, 27, 36, 39, 43, .51, 65, 67, 72, 75, 99,
106, 108, 116, 118, 122, 145-6, 152, 260,
272, 281, 443.
Melancthouianisin, 27, 118, 122-3, 128, 132, 151, 180,
199,240,338, 346,352,429.
Melander, 73, 74.
Mening, 276.
Metz, 55, 136, 160.
Meiirs, 295, 300, 433.
Micronius, 95, 99, 173.
Middleburg, 259, 394.
Holier, 329, 332.
Monheim, 287 Note.
Morenherg, 17, 152.
Morlin, 118, 144, 146, 274.
Moiiliu, 407.
Miihlheim, 296, 297.
Muller, 375.
Munipelgard, 313.
Musaus, 275.
N
Nassau, 13, 243, 254, 256.
Naumberg, 123, 137, 211.
Neander, 96.
Neomenius, 384.
Neuberg, 132, 200, 327.
Neuser, 217-9, 222-4.
Neustadt, 238-9, 244, 250, 251.
Neviges, 296.
Nevin, 177 note, 450 note, 454 note.
Nielle, 289.
Noviomagus, 95, 257.
Nuenar, 287, 291-3, 296.
Nuremberg, 65, 73, 110.
502 THE KEFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
Olevianus, 149, 156, 176, 202, 214, 218, 219, 227,234,
236, 239, 255, 263, 264, 269, 302, 394,
400, 442.
Olympia, Morata, 131.
Orzenius, 282.
Osiander, 72, 225.
Osiandrianism, 120 and note, 181, 203, 445.
Otto Henry, 104, 122, 130, 132, 138, 188, 230.
Oxford, 389.
P
Palatinate, 108, 126, 166, 253-4, 307.
Palatinate liturgy, 194, 259, 448, 451.
Pappus, 49.
Pareus, 194, 251, 266, 312, 319.
Patiens, 237, 310.
Pelargus, 380, 408.
Pericopes, 17, 18, 197, 256, 259, 364-5, 448.
Personne, 245.
Peucer, 124, 208, 329, 332, 346.
Pezel, 257, 258, 262, 276, 329, 332.
Pfaff, 361.
Phillip, Landgrave of Hesse, 26, 35, 50, 64, 69, 71, 75
note, 76, 104, 123, 200, 204, 207, 352.
Pigasetta, 221.
Pietism, 304.
Piscator, 265, 419.
Pistorius, 355.
Plateanus, 282.
Pleissenberg, 332, 341.
Plitt, 184.
Poland, 82, 84, 105, 245, 367.
Polyander, 409.
Pours, 410.
Pratorius, 245.
Prayer meetings, 93, 286.
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 603
Predestination, 21, 48, 87, 113 and note, 154, 415 and
note, 440.
Preparatory services, 60, 194, 196, 287.
Presbyterian ism, 20, 60, 75, 77, Si\, 93, 219, 285, 301,
408 note, 435, 437.
Probst, 272.
Pruckraan, 371, 378.
Psalms, singing of, 92, 196, 255, 286, 364, 453.
R
Ranke, 61.
Ratisbon, 45.
Reformed name, 12.
Remonstrants, 401-2, 406, 422, 423.
Reuchlin, 109, 129.
Richard, Count of Simmern, 206, 243, 316.
Riedesel, 355.
Rischl, 61 note.
Rivet, 407.
Roger, 244.
RoUius, 282.
Rosens, 403.
Rotterdam, 405, 423.
Roussel, 34.
Rutimeyer, 409.
s
Salmuth, 338.
Saluar, 13, 246.
Sapienz College, 131, 148, 155, 198, 226, 238.
8ayn, 269.
Schaif, 19 note, 109 note, 183, 184, 190, 382.
Schnepf, 35, 202.
Schonaicher, 385.
Schoner, 358.
Schonfeld, 358, 365.
Schopper, 237.
Schurman, 184.
Schutz, 332.
504 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY.
ir
Scripture Lessons, 17, 18, 197, 256, 259, 364-5, 448.
Scultetus, 267, 373, 385, 392, 408, 420, 422, 424.
Sedan, 370, 388. .
Selden, 221.
Selnecker, 334, 338.
Shecksius, 234, 237, 310. i
Sickingen, 31. (
Sidney, Sir Piiillip, 244. !
Siegen, 256, 262, 264.
Sigismuud, Elector of JBrandenburg, 300, 367, 407, 434. i
Simmeru, 127, 135, 230. i
Smalcald League, 75, 111, 261 note.
Solingeu, 300. j
Solms-Braunsels, 254, 259, 292, 433. ^ j
Speratus, 131. :
Spire, 10, 52, 64, 110, 130, 215, 223. !
Sperber, 59. j
Sponheim, 127, 167. I
Stahl, 185. j
Stein, 408, 416, 421. 1
Steinfurt, 306, 402. ^
Stephens, 190. ;
Stossel, 144, 146, 332-3.
Strasburg, 26, 28, 56, 66, 200, 260, 293, 366, 432.
St. Goar, 67. ]
Stuler, 375, 379.
Sturm, Jacob, 29, 37, 38, 47, 52.
Sturm, John, 40, 48, 256, 260, 305, 351. '
Sudhoff, 148, 154 note, 158 note, 161 note, 173 note, I
177, 179, 182, 427 note, 449.
Sutor, 222, 224. ;
Sweden, 98, 327. i
Sylvanus, 222, 224. ;
Sylvius, 141. I
Synergism, 44, 113. \
T 1
Tecklenberg, 305. j
Temperance, 259, 356. '
INDEX OF NAMP:.S, PLACES, &c. 605
Tetrapolitaiui Confession, 3G, 47, 4 16.
Theantliropic Lite Theories, 203, 445.
Thodenus, 351.
Thuetius, 245.
Tigurine Confession, 272, 284.
Timau, 91, 272, 273.
Torgau Book, 241.
Tossanus, 149, 221, 227, 229, 233-4, 236, 239, 309,
408.
Transylvania, 223.
Tremellius, 190, 226, 238.
Trent, Council of, 45, 188, 319, 424.
Treysa, 355.
Treves, 156, 160, 168, 235, 270.
Treviranus, 186, 190.
Trouchin, 409.
Turner, 89.
Tyndai, 63.
U
Ubiquity, 22, 112, 202, 241 note, 444.
Udenheim, 30.
Ullman, 195.
Ulric, Duke of Wurteniherg, 38, 69.
Upper Palatinate, 227, 318
Ursinus, 17, 106, 107, 150, 176, 193, 200, 202, 204,
226, 238, 239, 246, 250, 383, 385, 442,
445.
Utenbogardus, 397, 401.
Utenhoven, 95.
Utrecht, 187, 405.
V
Van Buren, 274.
Van Marnix, 412 note.
Vehe, 222, 224.
Victoria, (^ueeu of England, 392.
Vogelin, 331.
Voltaire, 369.
34
506 THE REFORMED CHURCH OF GERMANY. !
■!
I
Von Dohna, 367. '
Von Grove, 282. j
Vorstius, 402. i
W •
Walaus, 423. i
Walloons, 280, 395. j
Ward, 409, 416. \
Weekly Meetings, 93, 196, 286.
Weissenberg, 32. i
Wendelin, 350, 440. i
Wenzel of Zedlitz. 383. i
Wesel, 278, 283, 288, 289, 299, 370. ]
Westminster Assembly, 221. i
Westminster Catechism, 175. )
Westphal, 13, 98, 103, 104, 273. i
Wetterau, 253, 441. i
Whitlock, 221. •'
Whitmer, 190. ]
Whittingham, 100, 103.
Widebrara, 257, 276, 329, 332. ;
Wied, 87, 260, 433. '
Wigand, 118.
William, Landgrave of Hesse, 335, 353, 354, 356.
William, Prince of Orange, 256, 263, 396 note, 404.
William, Emperor of Germany, 382.
Williard, 194 note, 217 note. :
Withers, 217.
Wittenberg Concord, 39, 75, 81, 112, 205, 352. j
Wittgenstein, 253, 432. j
Wolfgang, Duke of Zweibriicken, 200. 1
Wolters, 148 note, 187, 189. I
Worlitz, 349. ■
Worms, 44, 115,129.
Xilander, 202, 219.
Year, Church, 196, 449.
X
Y
INDEX OF NAMES, PLACES, &C. 507
z
Zahn, 348 note.
Zanchius, 47, 48, 78, 218, 219, 226, 238, 239, 244-7.
Zeitz, 339.
Zell, 28, 32, 41, 6().
Zerbst, 337, 345, 340, 350.
Ziileger, 149, 245.
Zurich, 151, 153, 160, 218, 420.
Zweibriicken, 168, 323, 388, 441.
Zweibriicken Catechism, 326, 441.
Zwingb', 17, 18, 37, 54, 64, Q6, 72, 83, 110, 216, 395.
ERRATA.
Page 72, Benz should read Brenz.
Page 136, Yeniiiogen should read Fenningen.
Page 197, Order of Worship should read Directory of
Worshi]).
