The origin and progress of the American party in politics; embracing a complete history of the Philadelphia riots in May and July, 1844, with a full description of the great American procession of July fourth, and a refutation of the arguments founded on the charges of religious proscription and secret combinations

THE

ORIGIN AND PROGRESS

OP THR

AMERICAN PARTY

IN POLITICS:

EMBRACING A COMPLETE

HISTORY OF THE PHILADELPHIA RIOTS

GREAT AMERICAN PROCESSION

OF JULY FOURTH,

AND A BEFUTATION OF THE ARGUMENTS FOUNDED ON THE CHARGES OF ,

proscription ano I5*mt Combinations.
BY JOHN HANCOCK LEE.

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/*& fi*', €-

PHILADELPHIA

ELLIOTT

N. E. CORNER OF THIRD AND CHESTS
1855.

*'
<f

JK

ACU

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855,

BT ELLIOTT k GIHON,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of
Pennsylvania.

I. B. MCAU, 8TEUOTTPEB.
C. SHERMAN * BOX, PRINTERS.

(2)

686977.

TO

ALL AMERICANS,

THIS WORK

IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

THE AUTHOR.

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PREFACE.

No apology is needed for the publication of this
volume. The history it purports to give embraces an
account of some of the most important events that
have ever transpired in Philadelphia. These are but
imperfectly understood by many of our immediate
citizens ; much less by those living at a distance. The
rise and progress, principles and intentions, past doings
and present condition of the American political party,
have been most grossly misrepresented by opposing par-
tisan presses. Great care has been taken not only to
suppress the truth, but to convey false impressions to
the minds of those who have had no other means of
information. It seems proper that these errors should
be corrected, and the facts, as they really occurred
and now exist, given as wide a circulation as possible.
Thousands of good people in all parts of the Ameri-
can Union, have even yet to learn that the original
members of American associations were neither rioters,
murderers, nor church-burners ; but orderly and peace-
1* (5)

vi PREFACE.

loving citizens; associated for laudable purposes,
actuated by pure motives, and labouring for the pro-
motion of the true and best interests of their country.
They have simply aimed to arrest, by laudable and
lawful means, the growing evils that were too palpably
manifest through the influence of combinations of
naturalized citizens, in our political institutions. To
this end alone the American associations were formed,
and are now maintained.

In describing the terrible disturbances in Kensing-
ton .and South wark, as mild language has been em-
ployed as the circumstances require, and truth and
honesty will permit. It would be neither profitable
nor expedient, at this late day, to speak as plainly con-
cerning certain prominent actors in those scenes as
their injudicious and even reprehensible conduct would
have justified. Enough is said to place that portion
of our subject in a proper light. '

Let nothing that is herein written be construed into
an attack upon the religious tenets of the Catholic
church. This is no place for such a discussion. Our
history demanded a statement of the indisputable facts,
that the political conduct of certain portions of the
Catholic community provoked the American opposi-
tion, and that riotous members of that church were
the originators and reckless prosecutors of the Ken-

PREFACE. vii

sington and Southwark disturbances. With the doc-
trines of the church we have nothing to do ; nor would
we utter a harsh sentence against the peaceable and
respectable portion of its commjmicants. Among these
are some of the writer's nearest and best friends, and
better citizens or purer-minded Christians are not to
be found. The improper counsels of certain clergy-
men are condemned ; and had they been of any other
sect, and acted in the same manner, they would have
been as severely censured.

The interference of naturalized citizens, especially
the Irish, with our elections, and their elevation to
offices of trust and profit, which should be filled by
Americans only, are treated with as much tenderness
as such subjects deserve ; nor has the foolish encourage-
ment that the American people have given to foreign
arts and artists, manufactures and manufacturers, been
too roughly handled. The writer is so far an Ameri-
can in feeling, as to imagine his own country prefer-
able to any other in the world ; and rejoices to observe
a growing disposition on the part of Americans to give
that patronage and encouragement to valuable Ameri-
can productions, which they have been wont to lavish
so freely upon worthless importations.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. — Necessity for the establishment of Native American
Associations — Foreigners committing outrages at elections — Aspira-
tions of naturalised citizens, and their influence over leading poli-
ticians— Meeting of Native Americans in Germantown in 1837 —
Preamble and Constitution adopted on that occasion — Organization
of an American Republican Association in Spring Garden — Declara-
tion of principles — Similar associations formed in various of the City
wards Page 13

CHAPTER II. — Declaration of principles — Unanimity of their adop-
tion— Existing evils demanding a remedy — Alteration of the Natural-
ization Laws — The Bible in the Public Schools — Union of Church
and State — Native Americans only should execute the Laws . 20

CHAPTER III.— Rapid increase of the Native Party— The old parties
in danger — Errors of Whigs and Democrats — Charge of religious
proscription, intolerance, and persecution considered — No disposi-
tion to interfere with the religious or civil rights of any class of citi-
zens— Catholics' interfering with party politics — Bishop Hughes at
Carroll Hall 26

CHAPTER IV. — Hostile spirit exhibited toward the American Republi-
cans— The sign of the Ball, Second Ward, Spring Garden — Meeting
at the Commissioners' Hall, Moyamensing — Interference of an Irish
Commissioner — Weavers' Riots in Kensington — Disturbance at the
polls in Spring Garden — Threats of violence at the debates in the
Chinese Museum 36

CHAPTER V. — New Native Associations formed — Meetings not per-
mitted to be held at the house of John Gee — Native Americans of
Third Ward, Kensington, compelled to hold their meetings in the

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x CONTENTS.

Second Ward — Naturalized traitors — Meeting called in the Third

WarjL^Tbe Third Ward meeting assaulted and broken up, and tho

/staging destroyed by Irish rioters — Meeting at the George Fox

I Temperance Hall — Resolutions adopted — Remarks of the Public

I Ledger 42

CHAPTER VI. — Moss meeting at the corner of Second and Master
etreets — The speakers — Insolent and provoking conduct of Irish cart-
ers— A Providential storm — Adjournment to the market-house —
Cowardly and murderous assault — Death of George Shiffler — An un-
equal fight — Names of the wounded — Conduct of Irish women 49
•^

CHAPTER VII. — Political demagogues dependent upon Irish votes —
Bargains and soles — Conduct of the sheriff — His interview with Hugh
Clark, Police Magistrate — Destruction of Nativism desired — Secrets
worth knowing — Bad policy to arrest the rioters — The real and respon-
sible instigators and aggressors not known — The'actual rioters mere
tools of other parties — Meeting at the Assembly Buildings — Tremen-
dous excitement in the city — Crowds gathering about the neighbour-
hood of the outrage 58

CHAPTER VIII.— Vicinity of the riots— Ruffians in the market-house
— The crowd in Second street assaulted by persons concealed in
the houses — Retaliatiojj^tFemale Seminary, corner of Second and
taster streets— A man's thumb found in Perry street — Excitement
increasing — Tone of tho daily papers — Perverted and false statements
— Tho truth destined eventually to be' known, and its influence
extensively felt and acknowledged .... ^ . 63

CHAPTER IX. — Great meeting in the State House Yard— The
speakers — Resolutions — Adjournment to Kensington — No precaution

_jtaken bv the anthori^iegto prevent new outbreakg^Unsuccessful
Attempt to organize the meeting — AuoihefnTurSerous assault by con-
cealed Irishmen — Destruction of the Hibernia hose-carriage — Tho
killed and wounded — An Irish rioter captured and beaten . 69

'CHAPTER X.— Irish triumph of short duration— A desperate battle —
Americans victorious — Buildings fired — Arrival of the military — More

s — murders — Renewed disturbances — Spirit of retaliation — Irish rioters
alarmed — American flags displayed from dwellings to protect them
from the fury of the mob — St. Michael's Church destroyed by fire —
Priest Donahue — Burning of the female seminary — Dwellings and
stores sacked and burned — Civic authorities at length aroused — Mar-
tial Uw 76

CONTENTS. xi

CHAPTER XL— Description of the property destroyed, its probable
value, and names of the sufferers 83

V

CHAPTER XII. — The Mayor's call for a town meeting — Mass meeting
of citizens of all parties in Independence Square — Speech of Horace
Binney — Resolutions adopted — The Sheriff directs the Magistrates to
call ward meetings — Citizens enrolled as voluntary patrols — Procla-
mation of the Sheriff and Mayor — The Governor's proclamation — Opi-
nion of the Attorney-General — Presentment of the grand jury — Streets
and churches guarded by the civil and military authorities^ACard of

^ LllU Catholic- bt3hcp"ifrA'cTeficaTmano3UYre to excite sympathy 91

CHAPTER XIII. — Spirit of the public press— The Native American —
The Sun — Conduct of the neutral papers — The Public Ledger — The
Forum — United States Gazette — Daily Chronicle 4 . . 103

CHAPTER XIV.— Spirit of the public press, continued— The Spirit of

the Times — Temporizing policy — Unfounded statements^/Misdirected

( — lympaftly" " T"- — «— -": — — ; ~. : I ~~. . . 112

CHAPTER XV.— Spirit of the public press, continued— Falsehoods of
the New York Freeman's Journal — The North American's Strictures
and Review 122

CHAPTER XVL— Retirement of the Military— Disbanding of the
volunteer police — Hostile feelings still cherished — Funerals — Meet-
ings of Native Americans — Prominent speeches — Political misrepre-
sentations and persecutions — Arrests — Onward progress of the Native
cause — Celebration contemplated 131

CHAPTER XVII. — Grand celebration of the Native Americans on the
4th of July, 1844 — Second Declaration of Independence . 136

CHAPTER XVIII. — Certain parties not pleased with the great celebra-
tion— Apparent determination to provoke new outbreaks — Arming of
the Church of St. Philip de Neri — Excitement produced thereby — The
Sheriff calls out the military — Arms removed from the church — Arrest
of Charles Naylor — Attack upon the church — Liberation of Naylor —
The Hibernia Greens compelled to leave the building — A member of
the company fires on the mob — He is pursued, seized, and beaten —
Murderous fire of the military 162

CHAPTER XIX. — Another threatened attack upon the military — Ac-
tion of the Southwark aldermen and commissioners — Withdrawal of
the troops from the District of Southwark — Arrival of the Governor —
Useless military display — Arrests — Quiet restored — The Native cause

xii CONTENTS.

prospers — The objection of secrecy considered — Plan of operation of
the old political leaders — Tho Catholic question — Excitement of natu-
ralized citixens from American Associations .... 175

CHAPTER XX.— Tho legal investigation— The arrest of Charles Nay-
lor — Naylor's statement — Version of General Cadwalader — Testimony
of Thomas D. 0 rover ... .... 184

CHAPTER XXL— Prosperity of the American party— Order of the
United Sons of America — Newspapers established — Spread of Ameri-
can principles — Recent elections — Americans becoming more alive to
their own interests and the importance of a distinct Nationality —
The" charge of secrecy answered — Americanism proscriptive — Plan
of nominating candidates by the old parties — Clannishness of Catho-
lics and Foreigners — Objects of Americanism .... 195

CHAPTER XXII.— Circular of Hon. John Cadwalader, in reply to a
letter of Henry E. Orr, Esq. — Illustrative anecdote — Verbosity of Mr.
Cadwalader — His unqualified abuse of the American party — Bad men
in all parties — Democratic traitors — Only two parties hereafter, Ame-
rican and anti-American — Who burned the churches — Tho democratic
party and the President of the United States yielding to Catholic de-
. mands and disgusting the honest democracy .... 206

CHAPTER XXIIL— Mr. Cadwalader's circular, continued— Union of
know-nothings and abolitionists — The American party independent
of all factions — Immigration destructive of the interests of both the
South and North by cheapening the price of labour — Tho dangerous
^ dispositions of foreign settlers — Basis principles of the American party
of Virginia . 219

APPENDIX :
The National Convention ....... 229

Founders of the American Party . . . . . < . 255

OF

THE AMERICAN PAETY,

CHAPTER I.

Necessity for the establishment of American Associations — Outrages of
Foreigners at the Elections — Aspirations for office of Naturalized Citi-
Zens — Meeting of native Americans at Germantown in 1837 — Their
Constitution — Organization of the First American Republican Associa-
tion in Spring Garden — Similar associations formed in various wards
of the City and County.

THE necessity for establishing American political
associations in the large cities of the United States
had been seriously felt many years before any active
or efficient measures were adopted to that effect. The
ra.pjfl influx nf forftignprft into the country, and the
facility with which their votes could be secured_by
political wire-pullers, had become, the snbjp.^t-. nf most,
serious consideration, and of no little alarm^ It was
well known that the Naturalization Laws, even as they
then existed, were a mere dead letter, and that men
were yearly brought to the polls, and their votes
received, who had not been sufficiently long in the
country to have lost the odour of the steerage of the
2 (13)

fount***

1 I HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ships that brought them across the Atlantic. This
was not all. Such men were exceedingly active at
the elections — were noisy and riotous — and actually
drove away in disgust many native citizens. Outrages
of this kind were frequent, and encouraged and ap-
• plauded hy party leaders and aspiring demagogues.
" These latter cared not by what means they obtained
'. office and power, and none were more available or
cheap than these newly-arrived immigrants, especially
the Ir-h. Tin- Looks with Avhieh these were caught wero
baited with promises of the minor offices, all of which
they were rapidly beginning to fill. It so happened,
however, that they were not altogether satisfied wkh
petty positions ; they began to feel their importance,
and to make demands of those who had us#d them for
tools, that excited some little alarm. The babe, that
had lain quiet in its cradle, had grown up to manhood,
and its gigantic body was no longer to be easily man-
aged. The servant aspired to be the master. A large
number of honest citizens looked on aghast. They
saw approaching dangers, and determined, if possible,
to avert the threatening evils. The party leaders
were helpless, and, like wretched gamesters, were daily
increasing their stakes, with a desperate hope of get-
ting "even in the end." They were playing a losing
game.

Such was the condition of things, when, in the year
1837, a large meeting of native Americans was held
in Germantown, Philadelphia County, for the purpose
of discussing the subject of the rapidly increasing evils,
and the means best calculated for their remedy. At this

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 15

meeting the following Preamble and Constitution were
adopted with great unanimity, and ordered to be pub-
lished. Similar meetings were held, and similar decla-
rations made about the same time in New York City,
where the foreign influence had assumed even a more
threatening aspect than in Philadelphia.

PREAMBLE AND CONSTITUTION.

On the 4th of July, 1776, our forefathers proclaimed to the
•world the independence of these United States, and the equal
right of all its citizens to the free and fair pursuit of happiness :
on that day they affixed their names to that document, the most
illustrious ever penned by the hand of man, and pledged 'their
lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour/ to the support of
the same.

In 1790, a law for the encouragement of emigration was
enacted, holding out certain inducements to the foreigner to
come and make his abode amongst us ; among others, he is en-
titled, after five years' residence, to the right of suffrage, and
thereby a representation in our councils. Of this we are now
convened to complain. While, at the same time, we invite the
stranger, worn down by oppression at home, to come and share
with us the blessings of our native land — here find an asylum
for his distress, and partake of the plenty a kind Providence
has so bountifully given us, wft fo"jf ^11'H v'flftt. (hereby meaning
as foreigner any emigrant who may hereafter arrive in our
country) to have a voice in our legislative halls, his eligibility
to office under any circumstances, and we ask a repeal of that
Naturalization Law, which, it must be apparent to every reflect-
ing mind, to every true son of America, has now become an
evil. This we ask not so much for ourselves, as for our child-
ren. It needs no logic to prove how rapidly increasing _ig,Jt.he
foreign influence, even now by far too powerful in our cmintry ;
and the day must come, and, we fear, is npt far distant, .jghcn
r offices will be held by forejjgiers— man who

-*u HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

no sympathy with tho spirit of our institutions, who have never
sacrificed audit to procure the blessings they enjoy, and instead-.
s is our native-born right, we shall be

governed by mcnt^n«yiy of whop, hut a few short, ynara-pre-
viously, scarcely knew of our existence. la this tho way to
secure and perpetuate .the freedom for which our ancestors bled
and died? No, Americans, no! Let us come forward then, and
prove that the spirit of '76 is not yet extinct, and that we are
not degenerate sons of worthy sires. Let us crush this rising
power : it has already blossomed, let us destroy it in the bud,
ero tho fruit reach maturity.

Wo have said that this law was an evil. At the present
moment it is particularly so ; for Europe is industriously rid-
ding herself of an excess of population now become burden-
Bome to her. And whom docs she send ? Her paupers, her con-
victs, the outpourings of her almshouses and jails. Even lately
luvs a would-be-regicide been landed on your shores by a na-
tional vessel. We beseech you, by the shades of the heroes of
the Revolution, to blot out this foul stain from our 'scutcheon,
and leave the field as pure and bright as ever. The emigrants
from Europe arc principally of that class who, discontented and
oppressed at home, leave there, filled with all the requisite ma-

Iterials to spread among our citizens anarchy, radicalism, and
rebellion. Greedy of power, and regardless of civil restraint,
they come to the land consecrated by the blood of our ancestors,
ignorant of our customs, caring nothing for our laws, and
strangers to all those essential qualities so necessary in self-
government, and so indispensable to our existence as a free and
happy people.

Now, honestly and seriously entertaining the opinion that,
by a repeal of the Naturalization Law, all the foregoing evils,
with many others, would be removed, and believing that this
object can never be effected by either of the great political
]i:irties of the day, singly, we, the American-born citizens of
Germantown township, and its vicinity, without any distinction.
us i i ] litiral priv us faith, <lu unite together in an

association to co-operate with all other similar institutions of

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 17

native Americans, in order to obtain a repeal of the Naturaliza-
tion Law, by all honourable means in our power."

This laudable movement at Germantown was not
followed up with sufficient vigour, and the American
cause was temporarily abandoned. Its honest pro-
jectors were incapable of coping with the political
chicanery of the experienced wire-pullers, log-rollers,
and pipe-layers of the old parties, and these were
again left to fight their own battles, undisturbed by
any outside interference. With them the strife was
simply for the spoils of office, and the results of the
election depended upon which were Avilling to pay the
highest price for the still increasing foreign vote. It
was felt on all sides that the balance of power was
now held in that vote, and it was by no means so
easily procured as in former years ; hence it was not
only a bone of contention, but a formidable sjylalah
that gave many sound raps upon the heads that snarled
and fought around it.

In the mean time, very many of the native Ame-
ricans, who were free from party trammels, had
taken the alarm and determined to arrest the progress
of the growing evil. Hence, in the early part of De-
cember, 1843, a respectable meeting was convened at
a hall on the Ridge Road, in the district of Spring
Garden, in the present city of Philadelphia. At this
meeting the subject of the undue influence and misused
privileges of the foreign population was discussed at
considerable length, and with great ability. After
gravely and maturely deliberating upon the matter,
2*

18 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

the convention resolved that the speedy adoption of
eflk'ient measures to counteract the influence of the
evils considered was necessary to secure and perpetuate
the dearest " rights of American citizenship. This, it
\\a~ maintained, could only be accomplished by the
organization of a new political party. Hence a society
was at once formed, and designated " The American
Republican Association of Second Ward, Spring
Garden." The subject was about the same time
agitated by a number of the citizens of Locust Ward,
in the city ; and a similar association was organized
in that ward in the month of January ensuing. In
North Mulberry and Cedar Wards, associations of
the same character, and aiming at the same objects,
were soon after established. These organizations were
followed in rapid succession by others, until in a very
few months an American Republican Association, em-
bracing many of the most intelligent and respectable
citizens, sprang into existence in almost every ward
throughout the city and county. Never did a move-
ment, commenced with so little noise, parade and
show, commend itself so forcibly to the understandings
and better feelings of the people. As though the
hand of Providence were in the work, directing and
controlling it, the measures of the new party met with
the general approbation of all who were not governed
by opposing political party principles, or blinded by
the misrepresentations of those whose interests de-
pended upon arresting the progress of the principles
of the new associations. As the fricncls of the new
measures, day after day, continued rapidly to increase,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 19

their enemies, becoming alarmed, grew louder and
more violent in their opposition, and more perverse in
their misrepresentations. _ The contemptuous sneers
with which the assumed futility of such an under-
taking was at first treated, soon gave place to harsh
and ungenerous denunciations, and even threats of
violence and destruction. But in despite of all oppo-
sition, the cause continued to move steadily and suc-
cessfully onward, and from present indications is
destined to prosper still, until it shall swallow up all
other principles of civil government in our country,
and the objects at which it aims be most perfectly ac-
complished.

CHAPTER II.

Declaration of Principles— Unanimity with which they wero adopted—
Existing evils demanding a Remedy — Alteration of the Naturalization
Laws — The Bible in tho Public Schools — Union of Church and State.
— Americans only should execute the Laws.

THE general rising up of the people at that period
to organize a new political party, and form associa-
tions for the prosecution of its measures, is a matter
no less remarkable than the unanimity with which they
agreed upon the adoption of a declaration of principles.
On this point, there appears to have been but little,
if any, difference of opinion. This singular concur-
rence of sentiment, however, not only established the
fact that certain grievances did really exist, but it
pointed directly to the nature of those grievances, and
exhibited the only evident means through which an
efficient remedy could be applied. A few dissatisfied
individuals might arise in the community, and cry out
loudly and complainingly against seeming evils or im-
agined wrongs ; but such a body of men, of different
occupations, opposing political sentiments, conflicting
religious opinions, jarring interests, and even with per-
sonal animosities, as that which composed the Ameri-
can party, never united together to contend against
imaginary evils or remove grievances which had not
become too palpable to be doubted, and too oppressive
to be longer tolerated or endured. And when these men,
scattered all over our city and county, were seen lay-

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HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 21

ing aside every other consideration — their political and
religious prejudices and personal enmities — and unit-
ing together in a common cause, they gave the clearest
and most positive evidence that there existed a powerful
and irresistible necessity for their united movement.
Let this marvellous union continue to subsist, (and it
is now hourly increasing in strength and numbers),
this people must succeed in all their efforts, and
accomplish all for which they contend. With perhaps
several exceptions, in which trifling unimportant altera-
tions have been made, the following is the Declaration
of Principles approved and adopted by all the early
American Republican Associations :

1st. We maintain that the naturalization laws should be so
altered as to require of all foreigners, who may hereafter arrive
in this country, a residence of twenty-one years, before grant-
ing them the privilege of the elective franchise ; but at the
same time, we distinctly declare that it is not our intention to
interfere with the vested rights of any citizen, or lay any ob-
struction in the way of foreigners obtaining a livelihood or ac-
quiring property in this country; but, on the contrary, we
would grant them the right to purchase, hold, and transfer
property, and to enjoy and participate in all the benefits of our
country (except that of voting and holding office), as soon as
they declare their intentions to become citizens.

2d. We maintain that the Bible, without note or comment, is
not sectarian — that it is the fountain-head of morality and all
good government, and should be used in our public schools as
a reading book.

3d. We are opposed to a union of church and state in any
and every form.

4th. We hold that native Americans, only, should be ap-
pointed to office, to legislate, administer, or execute the laws of
their own country.

•J'J HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

It is no part of our object to enter into a lengthy
defence of the principles here set forth. They speak
for themselves. They are true, just, and such as
American citizens have an unquestionable right to sup-
port. They infringe upon the rights of none. They
deprive no man of privileges which are his due. And
they are, in all respects, such as we should suppose
every citizen who loves his country, and desires its
welfare more than his own personal exaltation, would
cordially embrace and manfully maintain. While they
grant to all foreigners the rights and privileges
guarantied to them by our constitution and laws, —
while they disclaim any intention to interfere with
their opportunities to acquire property and enjoy the
blessings of our country — they declare a self-evident
truth, one, which, if no other argument could be offered
for its maintenance, has been demonstrated by the
disregard of all law exhibited by the Irish in Kensing-
ton, in their repeated savage attacks upon American
meetings, that our elective franchise has been held too
cheap — that our naturalization laws are faulty — that
foreigners are not prepared to perform all the offices
of citizenship as soon as they land upon our shores —
that five years are not sufficient thus to qualify them
— and that a longer residence in our country should
be demanded, before they are permitted to occupy
stations and exercise powers which they are not qualified
to fulfil or properly direct. In maintaining this posi-
tion, it will be seen that its advocates wished not to
interfere in any way with foreigners who were already
residing in our country. Many of these had becomo

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 23

naturalized citizens, and all the privileges and rights
of American freemen had been granted them. With
these the principles of the new party had nothing to
do. No desire had ever been expressed to take from
them, or in any way to lessen, these privileges and
rights. So far as the elective franchise is concerned,
it was only upon foreigners who may hereafter visit
our shores, and settle on our land, that the principles
of the American party were intended and 'are calcu-
lated to bear. And that party was organized because
it was important and necessary that such should not
obtain so cheaply and so readily the benefits of Ameri-
can citizenship, as did those who had previously settled
in our midst.

This explanation, though not necessarily connected
with our narrative, seemed required to correct the false
impression which had industriously been circulated,
that the new party aimed to deprive foreigners of rights
which had been guarantied to them by our constitution
and laws. So long as the constitution and laws remain
unaltered, foreigners will continue to experience all
the benefits which they now enjoy. But should the
new party succeed in effecting one great object of
its organization, viz. : the alteration of the naturali-
zation laws, so as to require a residence of twenty-one
years in our country to entitle a man to the privilege
of the elective franchise, or the entire repeal of those
laws, then foreigners who have not yet settled here
will have no more claim to that privilege in less
time than twenty-one years, than they now have in
less time than five years. So that the principles

24 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

which the new party advocates, no more interfere
•with the rights of foreigners, than do the present
existing laws of the nation.

In regard to the declaration " that native Americans
only, should be appointed to office, to legislate, ad-
minister, or execute the laws of their own country,"
we have heard no plausible reason assigned why it
should be denounced as either unreasonable or unjust.
But if 'it were a mere unsupported matter of opinion,
surely every American citizen has a perfect right, not
only to the enjoyment but the open expression of that
opinion. And if he chooses to give his influence
and vote in favour of Americans, in preference to all
others, to fill the offices of government, he cannot
truly be accused of arrogating to himself any unjust
prerogative, or of interfering with other men's privi-
leges. It is a privilege we enjoy to bestow our favours
upon those who in our own judgment are most worthy
to receive them ; and we pray that the time may never
come when we shall be deprived of this privilege
and be made the subjects of rulers not of our own
choice ! And while we feel at liberty to demand this
for ourselves, we have no desire to exclude any others
from its enjoyment. We freely admit that naturalized
foreigners enjoy it to the same extent that we do
ourselves. They have a right, — an unquestionable
right, — to select their own rulers. We have no wish
to deprive them of that right. Let them enjoy and
exercise it. Let them maintain it upon the housetops,
if they please, and at all the corners of the streets.
Let them determine to vote for no man to fill an office

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 25

in our country who is not a naturalized citizen. Let
them advocate this principle in our puhlic prints, and
hold town meetings for its dissemination and support.
We shall not interfere. We shall not even complain.

CHAPTER III.

Rapid increase of the American Party — The old Parties in Danger—
Errors of both Whigs and Democrats — Allegations of Religious Pro-
scription— No disposition to interfere with the Religious or Political
Rights of any class of Citizens — Catholics interfering with Party
Politics — Bishop Hughes at Carroll Hall.

As the American party continued to increase in num-
bers, the leaders of the old political associations grew
more and more concerned about their prospects of suc-
cess at the coming elections. Both whigs and democrats
had been confident of electing their own candidates ;
and in the height of their pleasing anticipations and
exultings, it was not a matter of surprise that they
should become alarmed at the rapidly increasing
strength of a new organization which had almost spon-
taneously sprung up, and suddenly and unexpectedly
threatened to supplant them both, and thus blast all
their cheering hopes. A new enemy had crossed their
paths, and was about to frustrate all their long-
cherished and well-contrived' plans for office-seeking,
which had already obtained an importance no less un-
accountable than mortifying. They had been too
much engaged in the warfare with each other, to give
very close attention to the new party or the objects of
its organization. They had all along regarded the
matter as ephemeral and insignificant, and went on
as usual, wheedling and coaxing the naturalized
citizens, and sycophantically bargaining for their

(26)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 27

suffrage. Suddenly, however, they awakened from
their dream of safety, and opened their eyes to the
danger that threatened from the quarter they had
despised. The little speck in the political firmament
had swelled into an immense cloud, and portended a
storm of no trifling moment. Their ships were evi-
dently in danger, and they commenced in earnest to
cast loose their sheets and halyards, and furl and reef
and trim their sails. They were bad sailors, and suffered
material damage from their ignorance and awkward-
ness. Each party at first supposed the new movement
to be a mere trick of the opposition to carry the elec-
tions, by deceiving with a few plausible pretences some
of their unwary friends into the enemy's ranks. Hence,
at the same time, both whig and democratic papers
commenced a violent outcry against the American
party. Whig editors cautioned whigs to beware not
to lend it their influence, nor be cajoled into its mea-
sures, for it was a democratic contrivance to weaken
their strength ; while democratic publishers were no
less positive in denouncing it as a wily scheme of the
whigs to destroy the power of democracy.

The one was as correct in its opinions as was the
other. Both were alike mistaken. Neither could
conceive it possible for the new party to be governed
by pure motives. This, with them, seemed to be a
matter entirely beyond the reach of possibility.
Honesty or purity in politics was a thing of which they
were incapable of forming any conception. It was
utterly at variance with all their notions of party tac-
tics. And hence it was some time before they could

28 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN' PARTY.

be made to feel that the adoption of the hew principles
was neither a whig nor a democratic TRICK, but the
prosecution of an honest determination of American
citizens, uncontaminated by the chicanery of aspiring
politicians, and superior to the debasing influence of
purely party feeling, to correct the evils and destroy
the corruptions which had crept in among both of the
great parties and was threatening the destruction of
the civil liberties of the people, and the hallowed in-
stitutions of our government. But this fact could not
be concealed from the 'great mass of the native
citizens ; and the disinterested, the untrammelled, the
purest and the best of both democrats and whigs, con-
tinued to throw aside their party feelings and preju-
dices, and gather around the standard erected by
the American Republican Associations.

The first attempt to defeat the cause of the new
party having failed, another effort was made, which for
a time promised better success. It was well under-
stood with what tenacity men cling to their religious
opinions, and that to interfere with their rights of
conscience in regard to their religious faith and prac-
tice, is emphatically to " touch the apple of their eye."
This feeling, so prevalent among all Christian deno-
minations, was greedily seized upon by the enemies
of the new party, as affording a fair opportunity of
arresting its wide-spreading influence, by fastening
upon it the charge of religious proscription, intolerance,
and persecution! a charge which, as will eventually
appear, has been the cause of much dreadful mischief.
This charge, so false and unfounded, was attempted

HISTORY OF THE. AMERICAN PARTY. 29

to be established by the second and third articles of
the declaration of principles, published in the preceding
chapter. The declaration that " we are opposed to a
union of church and state," was said to be an assault
upon the Catholic church, and an evident attempt to
deprive Catholics of the liberty of conscience. But how,
or why, has not 'yet been made to appear. Do the oppo-
sers of the American associations wish it to be under-
stood that Catholics are not opposed to a union of
church and state — that they are really aiming at such a
union — and that by contending against it, an attempt
is made to deprive them of the liberty of conscience
in matters of religion ? What other inference can be
drawn from the premise here assumed ? If it be so,
that this is an object of the Catholic denomination,
and of none other, then the declaration in question
pinches hard upon Catholicism ; but if Catholics have
never entertained such an opinion, the declaration cer-
tainly has no more to do with them than with any
sect of Protestants. Though the extreme sensitive-
ness of Catholics upon this subject is well calculated
to excite suspicions unfavourable to them, we freely
acknowledge that it is not sufficiently conclusive to
warrant a direct charge of evil intentions.

But it was furthermore maintained that in affirming
the Bible to be a proper book to be read in our public
schools, and in persisting in the reading of it there,
the new party are justly chargeable with religious pro-
scription and intolerance towards the Catholic portion
of the community. Indeed ! Has it really come to
3*

30 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

that ? Is the Protestant version of the scriptures so
exceedingly offensive to the Catholics ? What are the
obnoxious sentiments it contains, which being read in
the hearing of Catholic children, subjects them to
danger, and the reader to the charge of intolerance
and persecution ? We have never discovered anything
in that book, the reading of which we could suppose
would injure the morals of either Catholic children or
their parents ! And the probability is, that had they
been carefully instructed in its readings, we should
not have had to lament the death of our citizens who
were so ferociously murdered in our streets by Catho-
lic bigots. But even did the book contain sentiments
objectionable in their character, we cannot perceive
that even Catholics would be proscribed or persecuted
by its being read in our public schools. Their chil-
dren are not compelled to listen to its instructions ;
and even if they were, they have only to be assured
that the book is Protestant, to be guarded effectually
against any influence it may have upon their minds.
Besides, our citizens have a perfect right to order what
books they please to be read in the public schools :
and he who would deny that right is unworthy the
name of a republican. And so far as the Catholics
are concerned, no one can doubt what course they
would pursue had they the predominance in our
country. Not only the Protestant Bible, but every
other Protestant book would be rejected from our
schools, and none but Catholic publications would
find a place within their Avails. And should the
time ever come when they do obtain that predomi-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 31

nance, and pursue that course, we shall never. raise
the hue and cry of persecution ; for it would be just
what we would expect, and what we have every
reason to believe they will leave no means untried to
accomplish.

The charge, therefore, of religious intolerance and
proscription, not being supported by the Declaration
of Principles of the American party, that charge
cannot in truth be urged. It originated with wily
politicians, whose opportunities for political advance-
ment were being endangered, and was, doubtless, first
put forth, for the only purpose of bringing into dis-
repute the new party, and of thus destroying its
increasing influence. And well would it have been for
the deluded Catholics, had they more clearly under-
stood the motives which originated this charge, and
the objects for which it was advanced. They would
not, perhaps, have become the willing dupes of the
designing, or the suffering victims of their own folly
and unbridled passions. Urged on, however, by those
who either knew not, or cared not into what dreadful
excesses they were capable of plunging, they have
turned public sympathy, which they hoped to obtain
in their favour, the opposite way, and rendered them-
selves unworthy of the confidence they have received,
and the subjects of the most bitter prejudices and
injurious suspicions. And far off must be that day
when they shall regain that high position which they
have heretofore occupied among American freemen.

There is another fact which properly comes in here,
connected with this portion of our subject, well

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

worthy the consideration of the public. It is not
only true that there is nothing in the Declaration
of Principles of the American party, to justify the
charge against them of religious proscription ; but it
is also true that the advocates of those principles
who were connected with the organized associations,
almost uniformly protested, in their speeches and
through the press, against any disposition to interfere
in any way with the religious rights or opinions of
others. That disposition was again and again dis-
claimed by the American speakers, in a series of
debates which were held in the lecture room of the
Philadelphia Museum. It was frequently condemned
in the ward and mass and other meetings of the new
organization. And it was from its very commence-
ment disavowed in the columns of the "Native
American" newspaper, by its editor and contributors.
But even had the case been otherwise, and the new
party organized expressly to circumvent and oppose
the Catholic influence that was too palpably being
exercised over our elections, they would not only have
been engaged in a justifiable but a laudable work, and
the Irish Catholics, and their leaders, tutors and
deceivers, were the last that should have raised the
cry of religious proscription or persecution. They
had for years been provoking just such an opposition.
They were not satisfied to see their magnificent
temples of worship springing up like magic in every
part of the land, and crowded with devotees of their
religious creed ; they must needs employ those very
temples and those very crowds to obtain political and

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 33

temporal power. And by these means, and these alone,
they not unfrequently succeeded in elevating to high
municipal and government positions, men who had
been but a short time in the country, who had nothing
to commend them but their religious faith, and who
were utterly incompetent to fulfil the duties of the
responsible stations they had reached. Such was
emphatically the case before, and it would be audacity
on the part of any one to deny that it has been the
case since the establishment of the American party.

The New York Herald, of May 10th, 1844, in
speaking of the disturbances in Kensington, made the
following remarks applicable to this portion of our
subject. They are strictly true, directly to the pur-
pose, and worthy of preservation. It is scarcely
necessary to say that Archbishop John Hughes, of the
Catholic church, is the reverend gentleman to whom
allusion is made :

" The first thing which strikes us in examining

° O

these events, is the introduction of religious elements
into what seem to have preceded the whole of the
outrages. It was not a mere quarrel between opposing
political factions. In the conflicts of party in this
country, there has often been great excitement, and
very violent war of opinion, but we have never, on any
former occasion, witnessed the infusion of sucfy a
degree of bitterness as led to the perpetration of
wholesale murder, or wide-spread destruction of pro-
perty, as we have seen in this terrible outbreak in
Philadelphia. Political contests have presented a
more dignified character, and confined themselves to

34 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

the more reputable weapons of reason, discussion,
argument, and common sense. It is the infusion of
religious prejudices into political contests that prepares
the way for outrage, disorder, blood, tumult, and con-
flagrations. Of this we have now witnessed the melan-
choly evidences in Philadelphia. And of the existence
of the same elements of danger we have also had
evidence in the course of the last election in the city
of Brooklyn.

" Who then first introduced this desolating element
of religious prejudice and religious feeling into poli-
tical contests ? On whom rests this fearful responsi-
bility? Who first raked together the embers of
religious animosity, and opened the way for the per-
petration of those bloody and devastating outrages ?
Let us come to the root of the evil. Let us trace it to
its origin ; let us discover who have been the authors
of this deplorable state of things, that they may
receive the odium which they deserve.

"Well, in looking back upon the history of the last
few years, we find that there was a certain assemblage
of politicians, of a particular class, in what is called
1 Carroll Hall,' and that a Rt. Rev. Bishop of this
city, abandoning his holy calling, went down into that
arena and harangued the assembled multitude in
relation to their political duties at the election of
1841. This holy man, had he been left to follow the
impulses of his own heart and the precepts of his
Divine Master, would never have thought of wandering
into that arena, or of exhibiting himself in that
character. But we have every reason to believe that

hat

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 35

he was misled, and betrayed, and duped into that
conduct by some paltry politicians, for the mere
political purposes of the election of the day. Here,
then, was the first introduction of the religious element
into political contests."

CHAPTER IV.

Hostile spirit manifested toward the American Party — The Sign of tho
Ball in Second Ward, Spring Garden — Meeting at the Commissioner?'
Hull, Moynmen?ing — Interference of an Irish Commissioner —
Weavers' Riots — Disturbance at the Polls in Spring Garden — Threats
of violence at the Chinese Museum.

IN this chapter we shall simply present the reader
with a few specimens of the hostile spirit exhibited
toward the Americans previous to the more violent
manifestations which resulted in so great a sacrifice of
life and property in Kensington. The public, or a
great part of it, have laboured under the impression
that prior to the Kensington riots the party had been
entirely unmolested ; but the truth is, it had been
abused on a number of former occasions, and had sub-
mitted with a degree of patience and forbearance
rarely shown under similar circumstances.

It has alread^ been remarked, that the first associa-
tion was organized in the Second Ward, Spring
Garden. This association held its regular meetings
in a hall on the Ridge Road, known as the " Sign of
the Ball." This name was derived from the fact of a
large ball being hung in front of the building, which
being transparent, was illuminated on the evenings of
the association meetings. This ball, though perfectly
harmless in itself, did not fail to excite the indignation
of the enemies of the American cause. They indeed

(36)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PAUTV. 37

did not need much to excite that indignation, and
hence, for want of something better at which to fire it
off, it was let loose in the discharge of musket shot
through the unoffending ball. This outrage, though it
did no material damage, afforded some little evidence
of the belligerent disposition of the opposition, and
was a sort of forerunner of greater violence to come.
Well would it have been had they satisfied themselves
with firing at the b'all, instead of making marks of
human bodies upon which to try their skill at shooting.
But their restless spirits were not to be so easily
quieted, nor their determined hostility so soon to be
satisfied. There appeared to be an eager looking
after opportunities for wreaking an unprovoked ven-
geance upon the advocates of the new principles.
Hence, when in February, notice was given that a
meeting was about to be held in the Second Ward,
Moyamensing, for the purpose of organizing an Ameri-
can Association in that district, declarations were
boldly and liberally made that no meeting of the kind
should there be held. It is needless to say that these
threats came from that portion of the inhabitants who
held the dominancy there, who had for some time con-
trolled the elections, and who in their own country,
across the great waters, never aspired to govern them-
selves, much less the freemen of America. Yet, not-
withstanding these indications, the meeting was held in
the Commissioners' Hall, and was permitted to pass
off far more quietly under the circumstances than
there was reason to expect. An attempt was made to
interfere with the proceedings by a noisy Irishman,
4

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

who was well known, but the disturbance amounted to
nothing of a serious character, from the fact that
others whose assistance he probably anticipated, con-
cluded that it was better to keep the peace, in conse-
quence of the unexpectedly large number of persons
who had assembled.

This fact, which was highly gratifying to every
lover of peace and order, was not so pleasing to other
portions of the community. And one of the Com-
missioners of Moyamensing, by birth a foreigner, de-
manded to know " who had the audacity" to give up
the Hall for the use of Native Americans! ! Who
will pretend to say, in view of such facts, that there
was not cause for the organization of the American
party, and a determined and persevering maintenance
of its principles ? Who, fifty years ago, would have
supposed, that a newly imported foreigner would dare
to question the right of American freemen to occupy
their own public halls for the purposes for which they
were erected ? And who can doubt that the spirit
which so authoritatively demanded an answer to this
arrogant question, in that early stage of the American
cause, was the same which, at a still later period, denied
with stones and rifle balls the right of peaceable citi-
zens to assemble for the expression of their political
opinions, even in an open and unoccupied portion of
our soil, in one of our most populous towns ? When
such men rule our country, we must submit to be more
degraded than were they before they left their native
shores to seek refuge and freedom on ours.

This, however, was not the most violent demonstra-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 39

tion against the American Republicans, by their
foreign opponents. Shortly after the above narrated
events occurred, another district became the scene of
an outrage, similar, though not to the same extent, as
that which happened in 1834, in the northern part of
the town, when on an election day, the Irish weavers
of Kensington and Spring Garden, with their blue
sticks, drove American citizens from the polls.

On the 15th of March, at an election in Spring
Garden, the Americans were assaulted at the polls,
and the common method of the lower classes of Irish-
men— a resort to brute force — was employed to drive
them off, and thus deprive them of one of the privileges
of citizenship. In this disturbance, which at one time
threatened to be alarming, one man was severely in-
jured. Thus, it will be perceived that the destructive
disposition of the Kensington rioters was no new
thing. It did not spring up suddenly in that district,
as some of the venal presses would have made it ap-
pear, in consequence of the inflammatory speeches of
American speakers ; but it had been imbibed and was
tenderly nursed, long before the progress of the new
party had reached that neighbourhood. Nay, it was
born with its possessors in the Emerald Isle, and has
been again and again exhibited there, in the ferocious
and savage feuds with which the history of that
country abounds, and its people have so frequently
been disgraced.

This ferocious disposition was manifested in a strik-
ing manner on another occasion, to which reference
may here profitably be made. Mention was made \n

40 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

another place of debates in the Philadelphia Museum.
These debates were commenced in the month of Feb-
ruary, and continued from night to night for some con-
siderable time. They originated with certain political
gentlemen opposed to the principles of the American,
party; and the question discussed, inquired whether
foreigners were entitled to equal rights with American-
born citizens ? This question was controverted by a
number of persons, of every political complexion, and
with considerable ability upon both sides. But during
its progress several blustering and exceedingly noisy
Irishmen were permitted to take the stand and address
the assembly, a great proportion of which was com-
posed of their own countrymen. The violence of
these speakers was a subject for regret and censure by
the more reflecting and sober-minded of all parties.
One of these men, who had been but a short time in
our country, in the midst of the most inflammatory
speech to which we ever listened, loudly and fero-
ciously declared, that if the native Americans per-
sisted in their determination to deprive foreigners of
any rights which they claimed for themselves, they
(the Irishmen) would with the botvie knife and rifle
demand and maintain those rights ! ! And the thun-
dering applause with which this declaration was re-
ceived, told too plainly the approbation it met from
his no less ferocious and lawless countrymen ! We
listened in amazement ! We believed not that a man
would have dared in such a place, to utter such a sen-
timent. Little did we suppose that hundreds could be
found to applaud it so loudly! Much less did we

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 41

imagine the speaker to be in earnest, and his threat so
soon to be fulfilled ! — that in so short a time the hos-
tile knife would indeed glisten in the sunbeams — the
sharp crack of the rifle be heard in our streets, and
the s^ift and destructive bullet pierce the very hearts
of our countrymen !

CHAPTER V.

New American Associations formed — Meeting not permitted at the
bouse of John Gee — Natives of Third Ward, Kensington, compelled
to hold their meetings in the Second Ward — Naturalized Traitors —
Meeting called in the Third Ward — Third Ward meeting broken up
by Irish Rioters — Meeting at the George Fox Temperance Hall —
Resolutions adopted — Remarks of the Public Ledger.

ASSOCIATIONS of American Republicans having been
duly formed in almost all the other wards in the city
and county, the American citizens of Third Ward,
Kensington, resolved to organize an association in that
ward also, and accordingly gave the usual notice for a
meeting to be held for the purpose, on an evening in
the latter part of April, 1844, at the house of Mr.
John Gee, in Second Street, above Phoenix. On as-
sembling at the place and time appointed, the citizens
were informed that the intended meeting could not be
held in that house, in consequence of certain violent
threats which had been made and widely circulated,
that any house in the ward which should be used for
the purpose of holding an American meeting, would
be burned to the ground. The proprietor of the
establishment was satisfied that these threats were not
idly made, but that a settled determination pervaded
the riotous inhabitants of the district, to execute them
to the very letter. He remembered full well the weavers'
riots, the negro riots, the railroad riots, resulting in

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 43

the burning of the railroad depot in Front street, and
was fully qualified to judge correctly the lawless
character of the men who threatened the destruction
of his own property. It was hence determined hy the
persons assembled to adjourn to another ward, and
they accordingly repaired to a house in the Second
Ward, where their meeting was held in peace. Here
we have an instance of atrocity without a parallel in
the history of our country. Never before were the
citizens of any ward compelled to hold their political
meetings in a ward adjoining, to escape the fury
of a foreign rabble, who, although they had sworn
allegiance to our laws, were the most daring, inso-
lent, and reckless violators of those laws of any
who had ever received their protection and enjoyed
their privileges. And the very oaths of allegiance
which they had taken, and which they have in-
solently boasted make them better citizens than the
natives of the land, being thus utterly disregarded,
hold them forth to the world as perjured traitors to the
country whose protection they had sought, and whose
privileges they so basely abused. The truckling presses
which looked to Irish influence to sustain their miser-
ably sickly and dying existence, and sought every
opportunity and occasion to cast reproach upon the
Americans for the abominations which had been per-
petrated in Kensington, never dared to publish the
circumstances attending this first gross and unprovoked
outrage upon the rights of citizenship, much less attempt
to furnish an apology for the recreants by whom it
was perpetrated ! This language may have the appear-

44

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ance of severity; but it is not more severe thau the
nature of the case demands. Look at all the circum-
stances, and the admission must be made, that the
unblushing effrontery and lawless determination of
their Irish opponents are as highly censurable, as was
the unparalleled forbearance of the injured American
citizens deserving of the commendation and applause
of every friend of peace and good order ! And yet
there were those from whom better things might have
been expected, vile enough to approve the former,
and condemn the proceedings of the latter of these
two parties !

Other meetings of the Third Ward were afterwards
held within the limits of the Second Ward. Invita-
tions were extended to gentlemen in the city to address
these meetings, who refused to comply, on the ground
of their not being held in their proper place. This
induced the members of the Third Ward Association
to make another effort to hold a meeting in their own
ward, and accordingly they published the following
notice in the "Native American" of the 2d and 3d of
May:

" A Meeting of the Native Born Citizens of the Third Ward,
Kensington, was held on Monday evening, the 29th ult. After
electing officers, they adjourned to meet in mass meeting on
Friday afternoon, May 3, at 6 o'clock, at the corner of Second
and Master streets. All friendly to the cause are invited to
attend. WM. CRAIG, Prest.

JOHN MCMANUS, Sec'y."

Agreeably to the above notice, a number of native

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 45

Americans assembled on the open lot adjoining the
public school house at the corner of Master and Second
streets. Their meeting was organized, and they pro-
ceeded to transact their business in a peaceable and
quiet manner. Mr. S. R. Kramer, publisher of the
"Native American," was called upon to address the
assembly, which was small, and had taken the stand
in answer to that call, and commenced an explanation
of the principles of the new party, when suddenly a
number of foreigners rushed forward, assailed the
meeting with shouts, hootings, and clubs, and drove
away its members in confusion, without the slightest
attempt at forcible resistance. The stand of the
speaker was torn from under his feet, and the staging
demolished. The assailants, on this occasion, were
Irish Catholics, and a priest of the Catholic church had
left the vicinity within an hour previous to the attack.
We make no comment upon this fact. The reader is
left to decide whether his influence, if exerted, might
not have prevented this shameful breach of peace and
daring violation of the law.

Having been thus forcibly driven from the place of
meeting, the Americans repaired to the George Fox
Temperance Hall, where they again organized by
appointing Mr. William Craig, Chairman, and Mr.
John McManus, Secretary. The meeting was addressed
in an able and spirited manner, by Mr. Longacre of
Spring Garden, to the evident satisfaction of the citizens
present. After which the following preamble and
resolutions were unanimously adopted :

46 HISTOUY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

" WHEREAS, The citizens of Kensington have been violently
assailed and maltreated at a meeting called for the expression
of their opinions on public policy, and for the declaration of
their feelings, and have, in pursuance of this same, violent
spirit, been driven by outcry and clubs from the place designated
for their meeting — therefore

" Resolved, That we, the citizens of Kensington, in mass
meeting assembled, do solemnly protest against this flagrant
•violation of the rights of American citizens, and call upon our
fellow citizens at large, to visit with their indignation and re-
proach the outbreak of a vindictive, anti-republican spirit
manifested by a portion of the alien population of Third Ward,
Kensington.

" Resolved, That in view of- the above transaction, we invite
our fellow citizens at large to attend the next meeting, to sus-
tain us in the expression of our opinions.

" Resolved, That when we adjourn we adjourn to meet in
mass meeting on Monday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, at the corner
of Second and Master streets."

The following extract from the " Public Ledger,"
of May 7th, in reference to the disturbances above
related, as well as the more serious ones to be described
in the next chapter, contain remarks of sufficient value
to merit a place in these pages. Every rational and
honest man will agree with the editor in the opinion
he expresses. There were other public journalists of
that day less disposed to speak the truth.

" No one will hesitate to say that the native Ameri-
can party having called a public meeting, had a per-
fect right to carry on their proceedings in peace,
undisturbed by any persons, and that the disturbance
they met with from persons opposed to the objects of
the meeting, was as gross ail outrage as was ever per-

HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PARTY. 47

petrated upon the rights of any body of free citizens.
The citizens who composed the meeting were assembled
in the exercise of a right which is guarantied to them
by the constitution, and it has come to a pretty pass
if, availing themselves of their constitutional rights,
they are to be assailed by others, and their lives sacri-
ficed in the streets.

" They were assembled by public call, their object
being a perfectly legal one, and the presumption is
that those who were opposed to the meeting were
attracted there from some mischievous motive. They
were not embraced in the call ; they could have had
no proper object in being present at or in the neigh-
bourhood of the meeting ; and the consequences which
resulted, indicate very plainly the folly, if not to say
the wickedness of their designs, in going in numbers
to the place. The presumption that mischief was
intended is confirmed by the conduct of a reckless set
of ruffians, who, a few evenings before, broke up a
meeting assembled for a similar purpose. Such con-
duct as this is not to be tolerated with impunity in
any country, much less in ours, where the hand of fel-
lowship and good feeling has always been extended to
the emigrant from other shores, and political equality
so liberally offered them.

" It is a poor return for these favours if they are to
turn round and strike at the liberty and rights of those
who have so generously given them the power to do so.
The circumstances which occurred yesterday are to be
deeply deplored, both on account of the bold attempt
to interfere with and abridge the rights of American

•1s HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

citizens, and on account of the persons themselves who
arc charged with the act, against whom, judging from
the nature of men, a determined hostility will be
waged, and upon whom the effects of their own folly
will be made terribly to recoil."

CHAPTER VI.

Mass Meeting at the corner of Second and Master streets — The speakers
— Provoking conduct of Irish carters — A storm — Adjournment to the
market-house — Murderous assault — Death of George Shiffler — A fight
— Names of the wounded — Conduct of Irish women.

IN conformity to the resolution adopted, at the
meeting of the preceding Friday evening, about four
thousand citizens assembled in mass meeting, on

O'

Monday afternoon, May 6th, at 4 o'clock, on an
unoccupied lot, at the corner of Second and Master
streets. This lot was about one hundred feet wide and
one hundred and fifty feet in length, and was bounded
on the west side by the public school-house, which
fronted on Master street. The staging for the officers
and speakers was erected about the centre of the
west side of the lot, against the school-house fence.
The whole extent of the lot was covered with persons
who had assembled to participate in the proceedings.
The meeting was organized in the usual way, and
several gentlemen were called upon to address the
assembled multitude. Mr. S. R. Kramer, General
Peter Sken Smith, and Dr. John H. Gihon succes-
sively took the stand ; neither of them, Jiowever,
occupying over ten minutes' time. > Their addresses
were mild in character, and contained nothing against
which the most scrupulous could have reasonably
objected. While these gentlemen were speaking,
5 (49)

50 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

several Irish carters came driving their carts into the
lot, and forced their way through the crowd, nearly
up to the speakers' stand, greatly annoying the people,
and even exposing them to danger. Each of these
carts contained something more than an ordinary
•wheelbarrow load of yellow dirt which was brought
there at that particular time, in that singular manner,
and in such small quantities, for no good reason which
has yet been assigned. Five or six of these diminu-
tive loads were successively brought in, and emptied
in the midst of the crowd, as near to the staging as
the drivers could conveniently force their carts. These
loads of dirt laid some months afterwards upon the
spot where they were then thrown. They were not
needed there at that particular time ; neither was any
use subsequently made of them. Neither of them was
brought in until the meeting had assembled, nor was
one sent there after the assembly had dismissed ! And
when it is understood, that at the very time when these
carters were committing this inexcusable outrage upon
the meeting, there were assembled in the market-house,
running parallel with Second street, on the north side
of Master street, and a few yards west of the school-
house, a number of Irishmen opposed to the meeting,
armed with fire-arms and other offensive weapons,
none can for an instant doubt, that these carters were
sent there for the purpose of provoking an attack
upon themselves, and of thus furnishing a plausible
pretext for an assault in return upon the meeting, on
the part of their friends in the market-house, and the
surrounding buildings. There was evidently in all

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 51

this a cunningly devised plan for the perpetration of a
premeditated outrage, for the consummation of which
the most careful preparation had been made.

But that Divine Providence which often takes the
wicked in his own craftiness, and guards the innocent
from harm, interposed to avert the calamity which
then pended over the American cause. Had the
carters to whom allusion has been made, been assailed
with violence by the assembled people, a flarful and
dreadful slaughter, far more extensive than that which
really occurred, would have ensued. For in this spot
the citizens were entirely unprotected. They were
surrounded by the residences of their enemies, from
whose windows a murderous fire could have been dis-
~^d upon them; and as they fled in the only
•*hich could have promised security, toward
.-house, they would have been met by the
who there remained concealed, awaiting a
jr the commencement of their work of death.
Tu too, it would have been exceedingly difficult to
have made it appear, that the Americans were not the
aggressors, and that their assailants were not only
acting upon the defensive, but for the protection of
their worthy friends, the carters. Had this scheme suc-
ceeded, the cause of Americanism would have received
a blow from which it could not have recovered ; and
anarchy, and misrule, and brutal violence, would have
triumphed over order, law, justice, and right. But,
we repeat, the hand of Providence was here interposed
to prevent the evil threatened. For, at the moment
when the conduct of the carters was growing insuffer-

52 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

able, and a slight demonstration of a disposition at
interference was being manifested, Mr. Lewis C. Levin
was called to the stand. This circumstance restored
tranquillity for the space of a minute. But the moment
that gentleman commenced his remarks, before a soli-
tary sentiment had been concluded by him, and before
the subject of the carts had again drawn off the
people's attention, the clouds which had been gathering
for some time in the heavens, seemed suddenly to con-
centrate immediately over head, and discharged their
overburthened contents in a torrent of rain upon the
assembled multitude. For a second there was a pause,
which was followed by a simultaneous rush for shelter
in the market-house. This sudden and heavy fall of
rain frustrated the wily designs of the enemies of the
American party, and brought about a series of events
which have turned the tide of popular feeling in their
favour, and convinced the honest, the disinterested,
and the reflecting of the community, of the correctness
of their cause, the purity of their motives, the peace-
fulness of their intentions, and the growing necessity
for the maintenance of their principles !

So sudden and unexpected was this movement, that
those of the Irish who were waiting some provocation
for an attack upon the meeting, were confused and
undetermined in regard to their further proceedings.
The most of them, as the crowd rushed into the
market, retreated to a row of buildings, consisting of
a hose-house and the dwellings of themselves and
friends, situated in Cadwalader street, and facing the
market-house, at the distance, perhaps, of some two

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 53

hundred feet. Others, but their number was few, re-
mained to contest the right of the citizens to the use
of the market. This market-house had previously
been employed as a sort of rendezvous for the mobs
during the railroad and weavers' riots, which had pre-
viously disgraced that neighbourhood, and they seemed
to consider themselves solely entitled to its use. An
attempt was here made to re-organize the meeting, but
the few Irishmen who had now mingled with the mul-
titude of citizens, were determined that the organiza-
tion should not take place. They produced the utmost
noise and confusion, whenever any effort was made to
speak on the part of Mr. Levin, who had again arisen
to continue his address, and so constant and violent
was the uproar that it was impossible for that gentle-
man to be heard even by those who occupied places
nearest to him.

Among the most noisy of those who were now in-
terrupting the proceedings of the meeting, was an ath-
letic Irishman near the speaker, who brandished his
naked arms above the heads of those around him, and
swore terrible vengeance upon every one who should
dare to come into contact with his clenched fists. So
exceedingly violent was this man's conduct, that some
person at length attempted to eject him from the
market-house. A scuffle ensued between the two.
The Irish rioter drew his antagonist to the outer side
of the market, which fronted the dwellings and the
hose-house of which mention has been made, when a
stone was thrown from a party in the vicinity of the
hose-house, with tremendous violence, toward the
5*

54 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

market, which struck with great force against one of
the stalls. This was instantly followed by the dis-
charge of a musket from the same direction. A pistol
was then fired in the midst of those who had by this
time taken sides with the men who had commenced the
fight in the market, which seriously wounded in the
face one Patrick Fisher, an Irishman, though favour-
able to the American cause, and who had previously
been a constable in that district. A scene of confu-
sion and strife now took place which beggars all
description. The first impulse of those in the market
was to rush upon the party near the hose-house who
first assailed them, which they did, driving them off in
every direction. But no sooner were they thus drawn
out from the shelter of the market, upon the open space
in front, and their open assailants dispersed, than a
destructive fire was opened upon them with fowling-
pieces, rifles and muskets, from the roofs, windows,
loopholes, yards and alleys of the houses in front,
which was kept up without intermission, until the
ground was vacated by the American party. During
this firing the utmost consternation prevailed, and men
were shot down while endeavouring to escape from the
scene of danger, without knowing from whence their
injuries were received, so cautiously were their enemies
concealed.

One young man, about nineteen years of age, was
engaged throughout the afternoon, in supporting the
American flag, which hung over the speakers' stand.
This rendered him an especial mark for the aim of the
enemies of the cause he was maintaining. Two or

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 55

three times had the flag fallen to the ground, and as
often did George Shiffler, with the assistance of
several others, again raise it, and cause its stripes and
stars to float above their heads. But his efforts were
unavailing ; for a bullet at length pierced his heart,
and he fell as senseless as the flag he supported, to the
ground. He was carried to the store of an apothecary
near by, where in a few minutes he ceased to exist,
and before the sun had gone down the lifeless body of
the boy was laid at the feet of a widowed and dis-
tracted mother, who had centred her hopes of comfort
in old age upon him, and who had left her but a few
hours before, in the buoyancy and strength of health-
ful youth and happy expectancy. The flag which he
had supported was torn and levelled with the dust, by
those who had sworn to protect our country and her
laws. And he and others were murdered by men who
were pretending to love and revere and contend for
the religion of Him, all whose teachings aim for the
promotion of peace and good will toward man.

While the greater portion of the assailed party pre-
cipitately fled for protection, others remained to con-
test the ground with the ruffians who had so ruthlessly
attacked them. Unarmed as they were, they gave
battle, with brickbats and stones, to the miserable
beings who were still firing upon them from the win-
dows, alleys, and even house-tops, in the neighbour-
hood. This unequal warfare continued more than an
hour, during which time, besides Shinier having been
killed, eleven persons of the American party were
severely ^wounded. These wounds were inflicted mostly

56 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

with shot, bullets, and principally slugs, discharged from
the guns of the assailants. About a half dozen slugs,
together with a large quantity of shot, entered the
breast of Shiffler. The names of the wounded, so far
as was ascertained, were Patrick Fisher, Edward Spain,
Sanfuel Beatty, Charles Vanstavoren, Lawrence Cox,
Henry Temper, Thomas Ford, William Springer, John
Deal, George McAllister, and David Ford. None of
these wounds proved mortal. Others were severely
injured from the throwing of stones, brickbats, and
other missiles. It is not certain whether any very
serious wounds were inflicted upon the Irish Catholics,
who were the attacking party. After the fii'st out-
break, they rushed into their houses, where they were
comparatively secure from danger. Several of them,
before they escaped, were somewhat injured. One
large man was observed to throw in rapid succession
several brickbats, with tremendous force, at a young
man who stood against the side of the market, who
suddenly stooped, and picking one up which fell di-
rectly at his feet, returned it with great violence : it
struck the Irishman on the forehead, and he fell sense-
less to the earth. He was afterwards carried away by
his friends. After the Irish sought refuge in their
houses, they could have suffered very little damage
other than that which was done to the property they
occupied. The Hibernia Hose-House, from the rear
of which the firing commenced, and nearly every
house from which shots were fired, was attacked, and
the windows and doors broken and destroyed, with
stones that were thrown from the excited and enraged

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 57

crowd. But stones and brickbats were comparatively
harmless weapons with which to contend against the
constant discharge of fire-arms, in the hands of con-
cealed, well fortified, and desperate foes ; and hence,
even the assaults made upon the buildings of the Irish
were soon ended. The conduct of the Irish women in
the early part of this battle, was no less fierce than
was that of the men ; for they were seen urging the
men on to deeds of violence, and running in all direc-
tions, with their aprons filled with stones, rendering all
the assistance in their power. One woman was
knocked vdown with a brickbat, but she instantly re-
gained her feet, and shouted at the top of her voice
for the men to maintain their ground and give it to
the natives. Thus commenced and thus ended the
first battle between the Americans and the Irish
Catholics of Kensington; well would it have been,
perhaps, had it been the last.

CHAPTER VII.

Political Demagogues dependent upon the Irish suffrage — Conduct of the
Sheriff — His interview with the Police Magistrate of Kensington —
Destruction of Nativism desired — Secrets worth knowing — The respon-
sible and real Aggressors not known — The Rioters tools of other
Parties — Meeting at the Assembly Buildings — Tremendous Excite-
ment— Crowds gathering about the scenes of the Outrage.

THERE was one remarkably circumstance connected
with the lamentable occurrences just related, that
deserves something more than a passing notice, as it
illustrates in a most forcible manner the absolute neces-
sity for the movement of the American party at that
day, as well as the continued maintenance of its prin-
ciples in the present. At the period of which we write, .
the aspirants for county offices looked to and depended
upon the Irish Catholic vote. Without it they knew
all hopes of an election were vain and fruitless. And
hence political demagogues were exceedingly tender
in their regard to the Irish master spirits who could
control that vote. These men had great political
influence in the county — could bargain and sell — and
even dictate terms to the leading politicians. It is
one of the evil and disastrous effects of this condition
of things to which we are about to refer. In the very
commencement of the outrages recorded, several citi-
zens hastened with all possible despatch to inform the
sheriff of the county of what was transpiring, and to

(58)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 59

obtain his official aid to quell the disturbance. They
found him dining at the residence of a friend, and not
over-much pleased with being disturbed in so agree-
able an occupation. After much persuasion, however,
he quietly took a seat in a cab and rode to the resi-
dence of the police magistrate of Kensington, an
Irishman, who possessed as much influence almost over
the Irish Catholics as did the priest, and decidedly
more than the sheriff. After a brief consultation the
sheriff returned to his cab and was driven back to the
city, leaving the belligerents at full liberty to continue
their work of destruction. But, although very many
people were disposed to censure the sheriff with much
severity, neither of the contending parties had cause
to complain of his not giving them abundant oppor-
tunity to act out their pleasure. Had a limited civil
force appeared upon the ground of the riot at the time
when application was first made to the sheriff, the
disturbance could readily have been ended, the real
aggressors arrested, the peace of the neighbourhood
restored, and the lamentable occurrences yet to record,
prevented. But such a force was not employed. It
was evidently believed that the Irish party had the
strong cards in their hands, and it was determined
that they should win the game if they could. The
destruction of Americanism was the stake for which
they played : and what was the value of a few lives
compared with the accomplishment of this grand object ?
This was most essential to the preservation of a
power most important to political demagogues, and one
which must not be lost without more than an ordinary

60 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

struggle. To this end deep plans had been laid, and,
at whatever sacrifice, those plans were to be carried
out. It would have been a desperate and dangerous
matter for certain parties just then to have arrested
the original rioters and the foreign murderers of native
citizens. Those men possessed secrets worth knowing,
and which it would have been exceeding bad policy to
have exposed. Some of them were mere paupers,
beggars, half-naked starvelings. Yet they held in
their hands costly guns and rifles, — new from the
manufacturers' shops, — and were provided with am-
munition which money had been expended to purchase !
Who bought those guns ? Who furnished those rifles ?
Who provided that ammunition ? Not the poor wretches
who used them ! These had scarcely bread to eat !
They were without sufficient clothing to cover their
nakedness ! They had no money to buy arms, powder,
and shot. They were the mere tools, the working
machines, of other and more responsible parties.
Why, then, should they have been arrested? Why
place them in a position where they would have been
compelled to disclose some most unpleasant truths?
The sword of justice that would have fallen on their
necks, would have severed from their shoulders wiser
and more precious heads ! And then the hated and
despised American party would have triumphed !

After the frightful scenes of Monday afternoon, the
Americans gathered together early in the evening in
mass meeting, at the Assembly Buildings, corner of
Tenth and Chestnut Streets. The meeting was or-
ganized by the appointment of B. W. Green, chair-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 61

man, and John Brodhead, secretary. Several appro-
priate and spirited addresses were delivered, in which
the sad occurrences of the afternoon were portrayed
in lively colours. The speakers were E. M. Spencer,
Dr. John H. Gihon, General P. S. Smith, Col. C. G.
Childs, E. D. Tarr, T. R. Newbold, and Wm. D.
Baker. The following resolutions were presented and
unanimously adopted : —

" Resolved, That the native American party of the city and
county of Philadelphia, attend en masse the bodies of those
martyrs of republicanism who were slain on Monday, the Gth
inst., in the district of Kensington, by a band of savage foreign-
ers, to their last resting place, the grave.

" Resolved, That a committee of ten be appointed to make
arrangements with the families of the deceased, for the inter-
ments of the dead.

" Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to inquire
into the circumstances of the families of the deceased.

" Resolved, That a reward of $1000 be offered by the Ameri-
can Republican party of the city and county, for the detection
of the perpetrators of the murders of the Gth inst., in addition
to the reward offered by the City and Commonwealth.

" On motion, Resolved, That the above resolutions be pub-
lished in all the daily papers of this city.

" Committee to inquire into the necessities of the bereaved
families — John S. Germon, John Perry, John D. Fox.

" Committee for funeral— Col. C. G. Childs, E. D. Tarr, E.
W. Spencer, W. W. Hinckle, S. R. Kramer, Joshua Bethell,
Charles Warnock, John Brodhead.

" Committee on reward — T. R. Newbold, Wm. D. Baker, and
Thomas D. Grover."

Whilst this meeting was being conducted at the
Assembly Buildings, a scene of a different character
was being enacted in Kensington. The news of the
6

62 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

outrage in the afternoon having spread through the
city, the most intense excitement and amazement
prevailed. Few could at first believe that such un-
provoked and dreadful atrocities had hcen committed.
But as conviction was forced upon them, they were
bewildered ; and as evening approached, many thou-
sands of persons were hurrying towards the scenes of
violence, literally crowding the streets leading in that
direction.

CHAPTER VIII.

Vicinity of the Riots — Ruffians in the market-house — Bonfire — The
crowd in Second street attacked by persons concealed in the houses
— Retaliation — The female seminary — More murders — A man's thumb
found in Perry street — Excitement increasing — Tone of the daily
papers — Facts destined eventually to be known, and their influence
felt.

FROM about seven o'clock on Monday afternoon,
until after eight in the evening, the most profound
silence prevailed in the immediate vicinity of the riots.
About eight o'clock, the writer of this, in company
•with a friend, traversed the whole neighbourhood
without meeting over a half-dozen individuals in the
streets, within two squares of the scene of the after-
noon's outrage. As they passed the market-house,
however, they observed that a number of persons held
it in possession, who it was afterwards ascertained
were Irishmen, armed for further violence. At this
time a large crowd had collected at the corner of
Second and Franklin streets, which extended more than
half a mile down Second street, and was" momentarily
receiving additions from the city. A short time after
eight o'clock a large bonfire was kindled in Franklin
street above Second, mostly by half-grown boys, which
was kept burning for more than two hours by the con-
stant heaping on of barrels and other fuel. The fire
lighted up the whole neighbourhood, aud served in no

(63)

64 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

slight degree to increase the terrible excitement which
pervaded the crowd. The light was seen at a great
distance and created much alarm. At about ten
o'clock, the crowd began to proceed gradually further
up Second street ; but when about half way between
Franklin and Phoenix streets, a shower of brickbats
and paving stones was poured down upon them from
the roofs and windows of several houses. This sudden
and unexpected attack caused a fearful rush down the
street ; but a number of persons soon rallied, and
desperately assailed several houses from which this
renewed outrage was perpetrated, and in an almost
incredibly short space of time, completely demolished
the doors and windows, and put to flight from the rear
all their inmates. The exasperated crowd now moved
up Second street, and when near the corner of Phoenix
street, a number of fire-arms were discharged from a
building formerly employed as a female seminary, by
the Sisters of Charity belonging to the Catholic
church, situated on the south-east corner of Phoenix
and Second streets. This fire proved frightfully de-
structive. A young gentleman of much promise, Mr.
John W. Wright, the son of Mr. Archibald Wright,
commission merchant on Vine street wharf, was shot
through the head and instantly killed; and several
others were dreadfully wounded. One of these, Mr.
Nathan D. Ramsey, lingered in extreme pain, until
Wednesday evening, May 28th, when he died. Neither
of these gentlemen were participating in any way with
the disturbances, but were merely there as silent
spectators of transpiring events. The intensely excited

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 65

crowd now rushed toward the seminary, tore down and
fired the fence, and assailed the building, but were
prevented from doing further injury by the shots
which continued to be poured in upon them. These
shots came as well from the houses in the vicinity as
from the seminary itself, all of which were in turn
assailed by brickbats and paving stones. This state
of things continued until near midnight, when the
crowd dispersed, and order and quiet were once more
restored.

Early on Tuesday morning the thumb of a man,
with a large portion of the sinew attached, was found
in a yard in Perry street, in the rear of the female
seminary. It had been torn off by the bursting of a
gun, on the night previous, and blown over the roof of
a house to the place where it was discovered. The
broken fragments of a gun-stock were also found in
the vicinity. This thumb was afterwards ascertained
to have belonged to an Irish Catholic, residing in
Lombard street near Schuylkill Sixth, about three
miles from where this well merited accident happened
him ; and the probability is, that he had gone all that
distance from home to participate in the outrages for
which he paid so dearly. He was subsequently arrested
at the Pennsylvania Hospital, where he had been con-
veyed by his friends. His accident led also to the
detection of two other participants in the riot. Blood
was traced from where the gun exploded to the back
door of a house in the vicinity of Second and Master
streets. Mr. Albert Alberger, of Southwark, and
two other gentlemen, upon learning this fact, procured
6*

66 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

a warrant, entered the house, and traced the blood
into the second story front room. Here they found
two men, named John O'Connor and Owen Daily,
whom they arrested and conveyed to Alderman
Boileau's office, where they were held to bail in the
sum of §1000 each to answer the charge of riot. In
the same room in which these men were arrested was
a loaded gun and some bloody sheets and pillow
cases. Jhe man who lost his thumb had hastened
to this place previous to his having been taken to the
hospital.

The excitement throughout the city and county
during Tuesday morning was intense. Crowds of
people were assembled about the corners of the streets
and other public places, conversing of the outrages
of the previous day and evening, and business of every
description was almost entirely suspended. In Ken-
sington, especially, the excitement was of the most
alarming character. Persons there boldly took sides
in dispute with either party engaged in the disturb-
ances ; and while the friends of the American party
expressed their utter indignation at the outrages which
had been perpetrated, some of the Irish Catholics
boasted of the manner in which the natives had been
beaten off, and of how much more severely they would
be beaten, should they attempt again to appear upon
the ground for a similar purpose.

At the offices of the daily papers in the city, an in-
terest was observed rarely witnessed on any occasion.
Crowds of men and boys were gathered together,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 67

eagerly awaiting new arrivals of information from the
riotous district. The " Native American" and "Sun"
issued extras, through the day, and so great was the
rush after them, that the swiftest power presses upon
which they were printed, could not supply one-half
the demand. The prevalent feeling was in behalf
of the Americans, and many who but the day before
were arrayed in hostility against their cause, now
came out boldly and zealously in its defence and ad-
vocacy.

Several of the party presses endeavoured to turn
the current of public opinion by unfair statements
of the outrageous occurrences. Not only perverted
statements, but the most bare-faced and unblushing
falsehoods were published and despatched to distant
parts of the country. It was the policy and interest
of their publishers to suppress the truth, and this
they spared no means to effect. Hence they laboured
to give the impression that the Americans were the
real offenders, and their sympathies were all expended
upon the riotous murderers, whose rights, it was
maintained, were invaded, and their liberty of con-
science assailed. But all this would not answer. The
facts stood out before the populace in bold relief!
American citizens had been shot down in the public
streets by foreign ruffians, for exercising privileges
guarantied to them by the constitution under which
they lived ! ! A more violent outrage had never been
committed. Nothing was more palpable than this.
And though the press might deceive the public at a

68 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

distance, it was impossible to conceal the truth from
the immediate citizens, or to suppress the indignation,
which, though for a time it was somewhat smothered,
was destined in after years to be exhibited in a manner
which was then but little anticipated.

CHAPTER IX.

Great Meeting in the State-House Yard — The speakers — Resolutions
adopted — Adjournment to Kensington — No precautions taken by the
authorities to prevent new Outrages — Unsuccessful attempt to orga-
nize the meeting — Another murderous assault by concealed Irish-
men— Hibemia Hose-Carriage destroyed — The killed and wounded
—John Taggart, an Irish rioter, captured and beaten.

ABOUT eleven o'clock on the morning of Tuesday,
May 7th, a call appeared in the extras of the " Native
American" and " Sun" newspapers, as well as in hand-
bills on the corners of a few of the streets, for Ameri-
can citizens to assemble in mass meeting, at three and a
half o'clock, P. M., in the State-House Yard. Long
before the time named the people assembled in im-
mense numbers, and at the opening of the meeting at
least six thousand persons were assembled. The fol-
lowing officers were elected :

President — T. R. Newbold.

Vice Presidents — A. De Kalb Tarr, R. W. Green,
John H. Gihon, John D. Fox, Thomas Taylor, Thomas
D. Grover, John S. Warner.

Secretaries — James L. Gihon, A. R. Peale, Lewis
C. Levin.

The meeting, thus organized, was briefly addressed
by Mr. Newbold, who was followed in a speech of
greater length, by Jas. C. Vandyke, Esq. The other
speakers were Messrs. Wm. Hollingshead, John H.

(69)

70 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Gihon, John Perry, and Col. C. J. Jack. They seve-
rally alluded in mild, though positive terms, to the
outrages of the preceding day, and urged the assembly
to recompense the wrongs that had been done, not by
unlawful retaliation, but by bringing the offenders and
murderers to justice, and by the maintenance of the
American principles at the ballot-box at future elec-
tions. They were urged to bear as patiently as pos-
sible their injuries, and by all means, to act with that
regard for law, peace, and order, which should ever
characterize American citizens. These addresses in
all occupied about thirty minutes, when the subjoined
resolutions were offered by Mr. John Perry, with a few
appropriate remarks, and adopted unanimously :

" WHEREAS, a gross and atrocious outrage has been perpe-
trated in the district of Kensington, by which a meeting of
American citizens, assembled for the purpose of deliberating
on the affairs of our country, was disturbed and broken up, and
the lives of citizens wantonly and murderously sacrificed by a
band of ruffians firing into the crowd from places of conceal-
ment:

"We, the native American citizens of the city and county of
Philadelphia, in town meeting assembled, do hereby present
to our fellow citizens of all shades and distinctions of party,
the following resolutions :

" Resolved, That it is alike the right and the duty of all citi-
zens peacefully to assemble for the purpose of expressing their
sentiments on the principles and actions by which our nation
should be governed.

"Resolved, That the interference with such assemblages by
others not participating in them, is an infraction of the rights
guarantied to us by the constitution and laws of our country.

" Resolved, Thafrthe recent outrage in Kensington, by which
a meeting was disturbed and broken up, and the lives of citi

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 71

zens sacrificed, is an infraction of those rights which meets with
the abhorrence of this meeting.

"Resolved, That whilst as men and Americans we are de-
termined at all and every hazard to resist unto the death every
infraction of our rights, we are determined that we will not be
led by provocation to retaliate on the rights of others.

" Resolved, That the proceedings of a portion of the Irish in-
habitants of the district of Kensington, on Monday afternoon,
is the surest evidence that can be given, that our views on the
Naturalization Laws are correct, and that foreigners, in the
short space of five years, are incapable of entering into the
spirit of our institutions. %

" Resolved, That we consider the Bible in the Public Schools
as necessary for a faithful course of instruction therein, and we
are determined to maintain it there, in despite of the efforts of
naturalized and unnaturalized foreigners, to eject it therefrom.

" Resolved, That this meeting believes that the recently suc-
cessful efforts of the friends of the Bible, in the district of
Kensington, was the inciting cause which resulted in the mur-
derous scenes of the 6th inst.

" Resolved, That we approve of the proceedings of the meet-
ing held at the Assembly Buildings last evening, by which a
committee was appointed to make suitable preparations for the
interment of the first martyr in the cause of civil and religious
freedom among us, and that we recommend that the friends of
our cause shall attend the funeral in a body.

" Resolved, That we also approve of the resolution passed at
the same meeting, by which a reward of One Thousand Dollars
is offered for the apprehension and conviction of the murderers.

" Resolved, That a collection be taken up for the benefit of
widows, mothers, or children of the murdered."

A resolution was then offered, that when the meet-
ing adjourned it should adjourn to meet in Kensington,
on the following Thursday, but was lost. Another,
proposing that the meeting should adjourn to assemble

72 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

in Kensington on the following day, met with a similar
fate. The officers of the meeting, and most of the
speakers, advocated these resolutions, but other coun-
sels prevailed. There were present those who insisted
upon continuing the meeting in Kensington, and
through their instrumentality it was

" Resolved, That the convention adjourn to meet at the corner
of Second and Master streets."

This resolution, though protested against by the
officers and others, was carried with loud and repeated
cheering. The meeting then adjourned ; but a portion
formed in procession, and headed by Col. C. J. Jack,
proceeded to the scene of the former day's riots. It
is probable that . this movement would not have been
made, had not a report been extensively circulated,
that the military had been called out by General
Cadwalader, and that his brigade would be in Kensing-
ton to preserve the peace of the district, and protect
the citizens against further violence. That no such
precaution was taken by the sheriff was subsequently
a source of the deepest regret. There was abundant
reason to anticipate another outrageous breach of the
peace, and an efficient officer would have had upon the
spot either a civil or military force sufficiently large to
prevent such a catastrophe.

The procession reached Master street about five
o'clock, and preparations were commenced for conduct-
ing the business of the meeting on the open space
between the market-house and the row of buildings
from which the firing took place on the previous day.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 73

But while in the act of raising their flag, the American
party was again fired at from the direction of the
Hibernia Hose-House. A rush was then made towards
the house, when a volley of musketry was poured into
the meeting. John Wesley Rhinedollar, a young man,
was shot through the back and killed on the spot, and
at least a half dozen others were wounded. Among
these was a Mr. Lee, Peter Albright, and John Brod-
head. Neither of these were seriously hurt. In a
moment the hose-house was torn open by the infuriated
crowd, the carriage taken out in the midst of a con-
tinuous discharge of fire-arms, and dragged away and
destroyed. A destructive fire was now kept up with-
out intermission, from the houses adjoining and in the
rear of the hose-house, from persons entirely concealed
from view. So great caution had been taken -to guard
against exposure, that it was no easy matter to deter-
mine from what direction the pieces were discharged.
In a short time about thirty of the Americans were
more or less injured. Several were dreadfully wounded.
Mr. A. R. Peale was shot in the left arm, and the
injured arm was subsequently amputated. Mr. George
Young received a wound in the breast and fell weltering
in his blood. The ball entered his left breast, passed
through the lung, and escaped through his back below
the shoulder.

This deadly, destructive, and unexpected assault
again drove the Americans from the ground, and the
Irish continued to discharge their guns at all who
remained near enough to be injured by their fire. An
Irishman, named John Taggart, was observed to be
7

74 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

especially active. He occupied a position in an alley,
•where he would load his gun, then venture to the end
of the alley, take deliberate aim at whomsoever he saw
within his reach, and fire ; and several times his shots
were known to take effect. At length he aimed his
piece at an old man, pulled the trigger and missed fire,
when his intended victim sprang forward, seized him
by the throat, and receiving assistance from the
crowd, secured him and carried him to the office of
Alderman Boileau. On his way thither the outraged
multitude fell upon him and beat him in a shocking
manner. He was examined and committed ; but while
being taken to prison, was fallen upon by the crowd,
who placed a rope around his neck, and would have
hung him to the nearest post but for the interposition
of some of the more humane of the people. He was,
however, dragged along the pavement and again
severely beaten. Having thus expended their fury,
the crowd left him apparently dead, lying upon one
of the stalls in the market-house in Second street,
below Poplar. Thousands of persons gazed upon him,
and all supposed life to be extinct. From this place
he was taken to the Northern Liberties lock-up, where
he soon revived, was placed in the hands of a physi-
cian, and his wounds properly dressed. He subse-
quently recovered. The gun taken from this man
was loaded ten fingers deep with powder and slugs.

Until after six o'clock the Irishmen had the ascen-
dency. The Americans, amazed at the atrocity and
suddenness of the assault, and unarmed and helpless,
were standing about in groups, undecided as to their

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 75

future action. About this time a circumstance occurred
which turned the tide of affairs, and resulted in driv-
ing the murderous assailants from their places of
security. Their triumph was of short duration, and
came nigh being purchased at a dreadful cost. They,
however, escaped the punishment which their atrocious
conduct so richly merited.

CHAPTER X.

A desperate battle — Buildings fired— Arrival of the Military— Moro
murders — Renewal of disturbances — Spirit of retaliation — Irish
rioters alarmed — American flags displayed from dwellings — St.
Michael's Church set on fire — Priest Donahue — The Female Seminary
destroyed — Dwellings and stores sacked and burned — Civil authorities
at length aroused — Martial law.

ABOUT half-past six o'clock, some twenty of the
Americans who had been driven off, returned to the
scene of action, armed with muskets and rifles. This
small party took a station immediately in front of the
buildings occupied by the Irish assailant^, on the open
space where their friends had been shot, and opened
a brisk fire upon their enemies, over whom, in a very
short time, they obtained a complete victory. The
bravery of the Americans here presented a remarkably
striking contrast to the cowardice of their Irish foes.
For while the latter, far superior in numbers, fired
from places of concealment, the former stood boldly
out in the open space, entirely exposed and unpro-
tected. Soon after the fire was returned upon them,
the Irish began to give way in evident alarm, — the
building adjoining the hose-house was fired, — and
none of them dared to expose themselves sufficiently
to attempt to extinguish the flames, which spread
with astonishing rapidity in a very brief space of
time, until every house almost from which a gun had

(76)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 77

been discharged, was enveloped in the devouring
element. Their occupants precipitately fled from the
rear of their burning buildings, and were about falling
into the hands of the conquerors, when the sound of the
military was heard approaching, who in a few moments
took possession of the entire ground, and arrested all
further hostile proceedings. This timely arrival of
the troops, under command of General Cadwalader,
was a fortunate circumstance for the original aggres-
sors ; for had they not reached the scene until half an
hour later, in all probability those miserable men
would have fallen victims to the fury which their own
audacity and ferocity had aroused. Before the military
approached, the torn and soiled flag which had been
trampled upon and trailed in the dust, had again been
elevated, and was floating near the spot where Shiffler,
Rhinedollar, and others had fallen in their efforts to
protect it. No attempt was made for some time to arrest
the flames, which raged for several hours, and were
not extinguished till at least fifty houses, including the
Hibernia Hose-House, were entirely consumed.

Before the Irish were defeated in this last rencontre,
a number of American citizens were added to the
already long list of killed and wounded. Mr. Lewis
Greble and Mr. Stillwell were shot dead. Mr. Joseph
Coxe was mortally wounded, and died on the 23d of
May. Mr. Lescher received a wound in the breast,
which eventually occasioned his death. Matthew
Hammitt died of a wound he received. Messrs.
Wright, B. Ardis, Keyser, Thomas Fauston, William
Hillman, a lad named Smith, and others, received
I*

78 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

wounds, none of which proved fatal. In all, it wag
ascertained that eight persons were killed, and about
forty others wounded. Several Irishmen were wounded,
and one killed ; though the full extent of the damage
received by them was never learned. The market-
house took fire from the burning buildings, and Was
destroyed.

Military companies having been dispersed through
different parts of the riotous district, peace was again
restored, and at 12 o'clock, all was again quiet. The
fire at this time began to subside, and before daylight
on Wednesday morning, had ceased burning. The
entire row of houses from Jefferson to Master street,
in Cadwalader street, and several others in Master
street, were destroyed.

Early on Wednesday morning, May 8th, crowds
again began to collect in the neighbourhood of the
disturbances; but no new outbreaks occurred until
about 12 o'clock. By this time it was ascertained by
the turbulent and reckless of those who were disposed
to take side with the Americans, but who in fact were
not members of that party, that the military, which
still remained on duty, had received no authority to
act decisively, and that it had been supposed that
their presence alone was all that was necessary to
prevent any further outrages. The folly of this sup-
position was soon made apparent. The mob now
began to burn with a spirit of revenge against the
Irish Catholics. A disposition to retaliate seemed to
supersede every other feeling, and hence a few des-
perate fellows, among whom were some Irish Protest

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 79

ants, were determined to pursue the Catholics. They
no sooner learned that nothing was to be feared from
the presence of the military, than they commenced a
work of destruction, which the reflecting of all parties
most sincerely deplored. About 12 o'clock, they set
fire to a handsome brick dwelling-house, at the corner
of Jefferson and Washington streets, which, together
with an adjoining building, was consumed. Threats
were made that all the dwellings of the Irish Catholics
would be destroyed, and the utmost consternation per-
vaded that portion of the population. Small American
flags, and coloured rags, of every description, sewn
. together to represent such flags, were hastily prepared
and hung from the windows of hundreds of houses in
the vicinity, to designate the residence of those favour-
able to the Americans, and to save them from the fury
of the rabble. The most, however, who exposed these
flags, were in fact, Irish Catholics, opposed to the
American cause, and many of them abettors, if not
actual participators, in the 'outrages that had been
committed. At three o'clock, the Catholic church
(St. Michael's) in Second street, between Master and
Jefferson streets, was fired. In a short time the entire
building was in flames, which communicated with the
priest's residence on the north, and a building on the
south, all of which were burned to the ground. The
priest, Donahue, had but a short time previous left
the premises in a cab. A loaded musket was found in
his house, before it was burned, and the barrels of
several guns were discovered in the ruins of the church.
On the preceding Sunday, this man had delivered a

80 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

discourse well calculated to inflame the passions of his
ignorant hearers, and to produce the shocking scenes
described.

Persons residing in the neighbourhood of the church
testify, that during the early part of the riots, armed
men were continually seen entering and leaving the
building. Soon after the meeting-house was fired, the
mob entered the female seminary at the south-east
corner of Phoenix and Second streets, and having set
it on fire, they deliberately proceeded to the grocery
store on the opposite corner, kept by a man named
Corr, who it was said had furnished the Catholics
with ammunition, and broke in the windows and doors,
and turned the contents of the house into the street.
The seminary was destroyed. The residence of Patrick
Clark, at the corner of Fourth and Master streets,
and that of his brother, Hugh Clark, the police
magistrate of the district, were next assailed, and their
contents destroyed and thrown into the street. The
military stood looking on, silent and inactive witnesses
of most of these scenes of violence and destruction.
Several other houses were attacked, and considerable
damage done to them, in consequence of reports
having been circulated, and pretty satisfactorily
proven, that their occupants had rendered assistance
to the persons who had fired upon the American
meetings. During the progress of these events, many
of the Irish Catholics removed the contents of their
houses, and with their families left the neighbourhood.
The accounts, however, given by some of the papers,
of the extreme sufferings to which these were after-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 81

wards exposed in the woods, as well as the burning to
death of women and children in the flames of the
buildings that were consumed, were without any foun-
dation in truth.

Having accomplished all the mischief they deemed
desirable, in Kensington, the mob, or a very small
part of it, proceeded to the city, and between eight
and nine o'clock in the evening gathered about St.
Augustine church, situate in Fourth street, below
Vine. Here they were met by the mayor, who
attempted to address them, which he did in a manner
calculated to accomplish no possible good. A report
had been circulated that the church was filled with
armed Catholics, which report, those composing the
mob were assured was unfounded ; and they were
virtually informed that the troop of horse which sur-
rounded the building, had no power to do them injury.
These assurances were by no means calculated to
restrain their fury. They entered the church and set
it on fire, and at ten o'clock it was completely
enveloped in flames, which did not cease burning until
everything was destroyed but the walls. The dwelling
of Dr. Moriarty at the rear of the church was
entered, and with all its contents was burned. Here
the fury of the misguided men, or rather boys, for
the most who perpetrated these outrages were minors,
seemed expended, and they were content with the
destruction they had effected.

Affairs having arrived at this crisis, the pivil
authorities became suddenly awake to a sena* of
their duty, and exceedingly active in its proseciRion.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Keinforcements were added to the military, until
soldiers enough were in service to resist the encroach-
ments of a foreign nation, had one invaded our shores.
Major General Patterson, supposing that the brigade
under General Cadwalader's command was insufficient
to keep in check the mere handful of men who were
actually engaged in the disturbances, called out the
whole division and placed himself at its head. The
governor also made his appearance in the city, and
was followed -by several companies of infantry and
cavalry from the country, who, for all they were
needed here, had far better have remained at home.
The crew of the United States steamship Princeton,
which alone could have restored the peace, or kept it
from being broken, had they early been called out,
were in service. A large police force was also put
on duty, embracing nearly all the citizens not belong-
ing to the military. Martial law was measurably
pronounced and enforced. The Catholic churches
were all placed under the protection of the military
and the police, and the streets leading to them were
in the evenings so guarded that citizens were not
permitted to pass through them. This state of affairs
continued for some days, and the city, county, and
state were subjected to immense expenditures of
money, which, by the timely interposition of the proper
officer, on Monday, the 6th of May, might all have
been saved, as well as the lives and property which

were sacrificed.

*

CHAPTER XI.

Description of the property destroyed, its probable value, and names
of the sufferers.

The following statements, which are clipped from
the " Dollar Newspaper" of May 15th, gives perhaps
as correct an account of the extent of damages to
property occasioned by the riots, as could possibly be
obtained : —

" The scene of the riots on Friday presented a spec-
tacle of perfect desolation. Ruin lifted its wan and
haggard head through the blackened and yawning
walls on every side, while the emblem of mourning and
death hung from the muffled knocker and partly closed
shutter. It was a heart-sickening sight, the like of
which we hope we may never again look upon in this
or any other city ; and next to this, the humiliating
display of the American bunting as a means of pro-
tecting the property of any class or sect of citizens
from the prejudices or destructive propensities of
another. Rows of houses for several squares round
the infected district, and in fact for some distance out
in the suburbs, have small tri-coloured flags pro-
truded from the windows — a sight mortifying and
humiliating to those who have been taught to believe
that our laws afford equal and efficient protection
to all.

(83)

84 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

" The amount of damage done to property was esti-
mated by us on Friday, but we have reason to believe
that we have underrated it. We found it impossible
to arrive at a perfectly accurate computation of the
loss, but we give the following as based upon the best
possible conjecture, from the confused facts we have
been enabled to collect.

" Mrs. Brady, whose house (a two-story brick), in
Germantown road, above Master street, was attacked
and riddled, and a portion of her furniture destroyed,
suffered a loss of about $100.

" The brick house of John LafFerty, adjoining, was
but slightly injured. Mr. Lafferty was not at home
at the time of the attack upon his and Mrs. Brady's
premises, and both were thus injured in their property,
not because of any fault of their own, but because
some of the persons pursued had fled up the alley which
separates the two houses, and escaped by leaping the
back fences.

" The damage to the property of Alderman Hugh
Clark, corner of Fourth and Master streets, amounts
to about $1000. This includes the destruction of the
furniture of Patrick Clark, who occupied the corner
house, and also his own furniture. It is difficult to
estimate this damage accurately, as the alderman had
a valuable library, which, together with papers, notes,
receipts, accounts, &c., were all destroyed or stolen.
The mother and brother of Alderman Clark resided in
the house with him at the time of the riot, but they
left before the mob attacked the premises. He is the
police magistrate of the District of Kensington.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 85

" Patrick Murray, who owned the large brick house
at the corner of Germantown road and Jefferson
street, which was sacked by the mob on Tuesday, must
have lost about $4000 worth of property. He kept a
grocery store on the premises, and had an extensive
and valuable stock of groceries and flour, which was
destroyed and scattered about the streets, or carried
off by plunderers. Mr. Murray, we were informed,
has been seriously affected in his mind in consequence
of his losses.

"John Lavery, residing in Master street, below
Germantown road, had his house and furniture, all he
had in the world, destroyed. His loss is about $2000.
He was the owner of the premises, a large and hand-
some brick house, with brick back-buildings. Mrs.
Lavery was bewailing the breaking of the windows of
the house by the rioters on Monday afternoon, little
dreaming at that time that these outrages would be fol-
lowed by the total destruction of the property.

"The" two-story frame adjoining, owned by James
Loy and occupied by Matthew Quin, was destroyed,
and its value was about $150.

" On Cadwalader street, Bernard Sherry lost one
frame and three brick houses, a quantity of goods, and
all his furniture, except a single bed. His loss is about
$3000.

" Patrick McKee's frame house, value about $400,
was reduced to ashes. It was tenanted by Owen
McCollough, who lost in furniture, materials, and manu-
factured goods, about $1000.

" One frame and two brick houses, owned by Thomas
8

86 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Sheridan, and each occupied by tenants in his employ,
and having his materials in their possession, for the
purpose of manufacturing, were consumed, with all
their contents. Loss about $2500.

" Michael Keeman, frame house and back building
burned to ashes. Loss about $500.

" On Washington street, six three-story brick build-
ings, all tenanted, were destroyed. One was occupied
by James Triner, and his loss, together with the value
of the building, was at least $1500. Another was
owned and occupied by James Munroe, formerly a brick-
maker, and the loss is supposed to be about $2500.
Win. Steward owned and occupied another, with a
back ingrain carpet manufactory, which, with the looms,
wool, carpeting, £c., shared a similar fate. Loss not
less than $4000, and probably much greater. John
Mellon, in the same row, owned the house and lost all
his furniture. Damage about $1500.

" Patrick Magee, who owned and occupied a large
brick house at the corner of Washington and- Jefferson
streets, suffered a loss of about $1500. The circum-
stances attending the burning of this man's property
were truly distressing. He was sick in bed at the
time, and unable to move and effect his escape as the
flames were crackling around him. He was in immi-
nent danger of being consumed, when a neighbour,
Mr. Munroe, hearing of his situation, rushed to his
relief, and bore him to a place of safety. In a short
time afterwards, his house was a heap of smoking

ruins. The furniture and stock of this old man, which

I

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 87

was destroyed, is not estimated in the above account
of damage. •

"Harmony court, running west from Cadwalader
street, above Master, contained seven frame houses,
three of which belonged to Mr. Charles Elliott, dry
goods merchant, and four, on the other side of the
way, to Mr. John Dougherty, tavern-keeper. They
were all consumed — were worth about $400 each —
making the loss about $2800. The tenants of these
houses lost all their furniture and effects, valued at
about $400 more.

" On Cadwalader street, second door from Jeffer-
son, the house occupied by Hugh Develin was bat-
tered and damaged to a slight amount, but Mr. Deve-
lin lost property to the value of about $300. The
house was owned by Messrs. Whitecar, of Spring
Garden, one of whom was present when the attack
was made, and by his remonstrances induced the mob
to spare it.

" The loss to the Hibernia Hose Company, including
carriage, hose, and hose-house, was not less than $1000.
The carriage was but recently built, and a portion of
the hose, 500 feet, was furnished by the commissioners
of the district of Kensington.

" The market-house on Washington street, extending
from Master to Jefferson streets, which caught from
the conflagration of the dwellings in Cadwalader street,
was originally built by a company, but was the pro-
perty of the district of Kensington. The whole of this
was destroyed— loss $3000 or $4000.

"John Heutzell's carpenter shop, in the rear of

88 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Cadwalader street, entirely destroyed, and his house
slightly injured. Loss $400 or $500.

" Another building on Cadwalader street, owned by
Mrs. Dobbins, and occupied by Ashton S. Hutchin-
son, as an ingrain carpet manufactory, with a dye-
house and a quantity of material — loss $1500. Mr.
Hutchinson, in his efforts to rescue some of his pro-
perty from destruction, received several shots in his
face and arm. The wounds were not serious.

" The frame house of Mr. John Brown, in Cadwa-
lader street, above the Hibernia hose-house, was
destroyed. Loss not ascertained.

" The two frame houses, at the corner of Master and
Cadwalader streets, which were burned to the ground,
belonged to John Carroll, and also two other frames
adjoining. Loss $1600. The tenants lost all they
had, say about $250. It was in one of these houses
that the $700 in silver was when it burned down, and
but little of it having been recovered, this may be
added to the other loss.

" The loss in the burning of the Catholic church of
St. Michael, the parsonage house and furniture and
ornaments, and the Sisters of Charity's seminary, is
estimated at not less then $75,000.

" Of the five frame buildings on the right of the
church, which were consumed, a three and two two-
story frames belonged to Benjamin Hutchinson, Esq.,
who estimates his loss at $2500, and the other two
belonged to Mr. Francis McCreedy and were valued
at $1800.

" The loss to Mr. Joseph Corr, whose house at the

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 89

corner of Phoenix and Second streets, opposite the
seminary, was sacked, is about $1500.

" The loss to Mr. McAleer, whose two large bricks,
at the corner of Second and Master streets, were
burned, is about $3000. The tenant of one of them,
named Rice, lost about $600. A frame house back
of this, owned by John Daley, which was burned, was
valued at about $400.

"In estimating this destruction of property, we
have not taken into account a vast amount of mate-
rial in the houses occupied by workmen, nor of
houses, the very sites of which have been obliterated ;
and we feel warranted in believing that the destruc-
tion of property amounts to much over what we have
estimated.

"In addition to this we have to add the loss at
St. Augustine's, and we will find that damage has
been done to the county of Philadelphia, in a sum
rising a quarter of a million of dollars ; and this, beside
the loss of life, and the deep moral stain which has
been inflicted on the community. It appears that
though this was a riot against the Catholics, yet the
loss has also fallen heavily upon Protestant owners and
tenants of property."

The same paper, in another article referring to these
losses, furthermore remarked : —

" The direct loss to the city by the late riots, which
has been estimated at not less than three hundred
thousand dollars, has been far exceeded by loss from
the lessened amount of business for the week. How
large a sum has thus been kept from oar city and been
8*

90 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

sent to other cities, it would be next to impossible to
estimate. Every man in business, however, can answer
the question for himself, and it probably would not be
excessive to assume that at least fifty per cent, of the
more active description of trade has been cut off by
the disorder and confusion that have prevailed. This
will be found to amount to an enormous sum, if we
run through the hundreds of wholesale and thousands
of retail dealers of our city. The aggregate business
of these in a week is probably several millions of
dollars, the half of which has been driven away and
lost to our citizens. This is an enormous sum, but,
great as it is, the loss in the value of real estate from
the withdrawal of capital and capitalists from our midst,
will as greatly exceed the loss to trade as the latter
does the loss by the actual burning and destruction
of property. And the loss in character and moral in-
fluence, which will wear to our prejudice for years and
years, far outweighs all other losses combined."

CHAPTER XII.

The Mayor calls a town meeting — Mass meeting of citizens of all
parties in Independence Square — Speech of Horace Binney — Resolu-
tions adopted — The Sheriff directs the magistrates to call ward meet-
ings— Citizens enrolled as voluntary patrols — Proclamation of the
Sheriff and Mayor — The Governor's proclamation — Opinion of the
Attorney-General — Presentment of the Grand Jury — Streets guarded
by the civil and military authorities — Card of the Catholic Bishop —
A clerical manoeuvre to excite sympathy.

ON the morning of Thursday, May 9th, the follow-
ing notice appeared in the daily newspapers, and was
posted through the streets :

" A town meeting of the citizens of the City and County of
Philadelphia, is invited to be held this morning, at 10
o'clock, at the Independence Square, to deliberate upon the pre-
sent state of the public peace. J. M. SCOTT, Mayor.

May 9, 1844."

In pursuance of this call, an immense multitude of
citizens assembled at the hour appointed, in the State-
House Yard. It was supposed that full ten thousand
persons were present. The meeting was called to
order by William M. Meredith; on whose motion
John M. Read was appointed Chairman, and Frederick
Fraley, Secretary. The object of the meeting having
been briefly stated by the president, Horace Binney

came forward, and spoke as follows :

(91)

92. HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

" FELLOW CITIZENS — In an emergency in which the lives and
property of you all are threatened, you are convened for the
purpose of adopting measures to remove and suppress the evil.
It is necessary that you should act, and act promptly; and it is
necessary to recollect that whatever has been done, has been
done in scandalous violation of law. There can be no happi-
ness, no security in this community, except in the maintenance
of law. Whatever is to be done here, must be done to strengthen
the hands of the law. Individually, I have not had twenty-
five minutes to consider this question. My influence has been
used to keep my own house in order. [Applause.] This has
prevented me from reflecting on the subject, so as to offer re-
marks upon the course to be pursued. Excitement is not
necessary. The fruits of excitement are already experienced.
We have witnessed the horrible consequences of it. With the
aid of a few friends, during the last fifteen minutes, a scheme
has been agreed upon, the best that could be devised at the mo-
ment, to prevent the further progress of this enormous evil. I
will say that we are under lawful organization to act in what-
ever scenes of trial our city may be exposed. We act under
the authorities of the city, the county, and the state, and
whatever is done, must be done by them, through them, and
under them. But we must not forget that in scenes of violence
where the authorities find it necessary to oppose force to force,
they may err in the mode of discharging their duty. Still we
ought to strengthen them by every means in our power, nor
should their acts be too nicely weighed by fault finders, during
exigencies, when time for reflection is scarcely allowed. They
should receive the sympathy and support of you all. This is a
body to carry into effect whatever is resolved upon. The citi-
zens should give their aid in whatever manner the constituted
authorities may deem best."

Mr. Birmey then read and explained the following
resolutions, which, having been seconded and appro-
priately commented upon by John K. Kane, were
unanimously adopted:

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 93

" 1. Resolved, by the citizens of the city and county of
Philadelphia, that they will forthwith enrol and hold them-
selves in readiness to maintain the laws and protect the public
peace, under the direction of the constituted authorities of the
city, county, and state.

"2. Resolved, That 'the several aldermen and constables of
the different wards be requested, as soon as possible, to take
such measures as may be deemed necessary for the enrolment
and organization of the citizens.

" 3. Resolved, That the citizens be exhorted to abstain from
assembling at or near the place of disorder and excitement, ex-
cept under the direction of the proper authorities.

" 4. Resolved, That the citizens of this city will, with the
whole weight of their influence, means and strength, sustain
the constituted authorities in the use of all lawful means for
the preservation of the public peace, and will regard with the
utmost favour the acts of the constituted authorities for that
purpose, in the performance of their duty, under the guidance
of the undoubted power of the law, that whatever degree of
force is necessary to protect the lives and property of the citi-
zens, by the constituted authorities, that force is lawful.

" 5. Resolved, That the citizens be requested to meet in their
several wards, at the places of holding ward elections, this day,
at 2 o'clock, there to organize under the constituted authorities
in support of peace and order.

" 6. Resolved, That the sincere and hearty thanks of this
meeting be, and they hereby are tendered to the several fire and
hose-companies, who, by the promptitude with which they re-
paired to the scene of destruction, and by their perseverance,
saved an incalculable amount of private property."

Gen. Adam Diller then offered the following pre-
amble and resolution, which being adopted, the meet-
ing, on motion of Josiah Randall, adjourned :

" WHEREAS, It is believed that a great portion of these rude
assemblies is made up of you,'ig boys, who are incompetent of

94 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

foreseeing the evil consequences of such illegal acts, and it is
believed that parents and masters could prevent these youths
from attending tho scene of riot,

" Therefore, Resolved, That the civil authorities be requested
to call, by proclamation, upon the heads of families and masters,
requesting them to keep their young men and boys at home
during the prevailing excitement."

The sheriff, on the morning of this same day, had
also issued the following notice :

" ALDERMEN, ATTEND !— The magistrates in the different
wards and townships of the city and county of Philadelphia,
are requested to convene the citizens of their respective wards,
this afternoon, at 4 o'clock, at the usual places of holding the
•ward elections, to take measures to preserve the public peace.

May 9, 1844. MORTON McMICHAEL, Sheriff."

In compliance with the foregoing suggestions, meet-
ings were called in all the wards and townships of the
city and county, by the different aldermen, which were
accordingly held at the various ward-houses. At these
meetings salutary resolutions were adopted, and nume-
rous citizens enrolled themselves as voluntary patrols,
to protect the city from further disturbance, and to
serve night and day, until quiet and peace were re-
stored. About noon, too, the following proclamation
was posted in every part of the city and county :

" PROCLAMATION.— The sheriff and mayor, under the autho-
rity of the laws, and the recommendation of the citizens of the
city and county of Philadelphia, in town meeting assembled,
declare and proclaim, that all persons whomsoever, are forbid-
den to be or appear in any streets or places, in the city or
county, which are, or may be in the occupation of the civil
authorities, or of the militia, for the preservation of the lives
and property of the citizens. And the officers of the militia

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 95

are hereby authorized to declare what streets and places are
thus oc6upied, and to employ such force of arms as may be neces-
sary to compel obedience to this order. Fire-engines and hose-
carriages are required not to enter such streets or places, with-
out the permission of the civil or military authorities.

MORTON McMICHAEL, Sheriff.

J. M. SCOTT, Mayor of Philadelphia.

May 9th, 1844."

On the same day the governor of the commonwealth
also issued a proclamation, which is here given : —

"PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNOR.
GENERAL ORDERS.

Head Quarters, May 9, 1844.

David R. Porter, Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsyl-
vania, and Commander-in-Chief, &c. — Orders as follow?, to
wit : —

Whereas, he has received information from the regularly
constituted authorities, that large bodies of riotous persons
have assembled in the city and county of Philadelphia, within the
last two days, and manifested a disposition to persist in the same
course of organized efforts to disturb the public peace, and to kill
and slay the citizens of this commonwealth, to burn and destroy
churches, houses, and other property belonging to the citizens,
and that the usual means employed by the sheriff and mayor
have thus far proved inadequate to check the turbulence and
outrage of said riotous assemblages ; and whereas, he has also
been informed that the lives of a number of persons have been
sacrificed, and that numerous houses and churches have been
burned and destroyed — he issues the following orders : —

First. It is ordered by the commander in chief that the
sheriff of the county of Philadelphia, the mayor of the city, and
all the magistrates, constables, and citizens, be directed and
requested to co-operate for the preservation of the public peace,
and the dispersion of the riotous assemblies above referred to.
Second. It is ordered by the commander-in-chief, that
Major-General Patterson, be directed to call into immediate

96 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

service all the volunteer companies, belonging to the first divi-
sion of the Pennsylvania militia, and so to order and distribute
them, as well as all other volunteer companies who have been
ordered to report themselves to him, as to suppress in the most
effectual manner the assemblies referred to, and to disperse or
procure the arrest of the persons engaged in the same.

Third. It is ordered by the commander-in-chief that, when
called upon by the sheriff of the county, or mayor of the city,
General Patterson shall adopt the necessary precautionary
measures to clear and occupy, by an adequate portion of his
force, any street, alley, or private property, to protect the same
from riot, disturbance, or destruction ; and that he employ, in
any emergency, such a degree of force or resistance as shall bo
necessary to maintain the public peace and safety of unoffending
individuals.

The commander-in-chief avails himself of this opportunity,
of expressing his entire approbation of the measures adopted
during this day by the sheriff, mayor, and major-general of the
first division, for the preservation of the public peace, and the
enforcement of the laws.

He also expresses his entire concurrence with the attorney
general in his opinion this day addressed to the sheriff and
mayor, on all the questions therein answered. He confidently
hopes that all good citizens will promptly unite in the suppres-
sion of these disgraceful tumults, and in the maintenance of
order and tranquillity. He at the same time does not hesitate
to avow, that in his opinion the time has arrived for the most
vigorous and energetic measures ; and dreadful as may be the
alternative, the last and most fatal resort to means destructive
even of the lives of offenders, is far better than the continuance
of such disgraceful outrages. Relying upon the patriotism of
the citizen soldier, who is thus called upon in the hour of peril
to protect the institutions of his country from assault, the
commander-in-chief is confident that no soldier will under any
circumstances fail to discharge his whole duty, and to preserve
his own and his country's honour untarnished.

By order of the governor and commander-in-chief.

ADAM DILLER, Adjutant-General, P. M."

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. . 97

In order that no mistake should occur in regard to
the nature and extent of their authority and power,
the mayor and sheriff conjointly addressed a communi-
cation to the attorney-general, whose opinion on the
subject in reply thereto, is also subjoined :

"THE OPINION OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL.

Attorn ey-GeneraFs Office, Philadelphia, May 9th, 1844.

GENTLEMEN* — In compliance with your requestof this morning,
I most willingly state to you my opinion on the points sub-
mitted for my consideration.

The power to preserve the public peace, and to maintain the
authority and observance of the laws, is undoubtedly, in the
first instance, vested in the high sheriff of the county, and
mayor of the city. All magistrates, subordinate officers, and
citizens, are subject to the order and direction of one or the
other of these functionaries, or both, as the emergency may
require. If need be, the governor of the commonwealth may
be called on to interpose, with the entire force of the state.
The military is also subject to the requisition of these 'autho-
rities, when proper cases for making the requisition, arise.

The question as to how much force may be employed to
suppress riots, disorders, and breaches of the peace, is at all
times one of great delicacy and responsibility ; but it is one on
which in critical conjunctures, no doubt whatever exists.

If a riotous body of men assemble with the avowed or mani-
fest design of taking life, doing great bodily harm, or of firing
buildings, or destroying property in which danger to life or
personal safety may be involved, and they resist the legally
constituted authorities, and persist in the prosecution of their
design, it is perfectly clear that just as great a degree of force
may be employed to disperse or arrest them, as is necessary to
effect that object. If they take life, or threaten to do so with
the means of executing their threat, their lives may unques-

9

98 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

tionably be taken, in the same manner as if they were open
public enemies or pirates. The public streets, or even private
property, may be occupied by the force employed in maintaining
order, to the exclusion of every other object.

Of course, the emergency must be a clear one, and the order
given by the proper officer recognised by the laws, as vested
with the power, in order to justify this terrible appeal to the
last means of preserving the public safety.

I know this power has been sometimes questioned, but with-
out its possession, our government would be a mere shadow. It
would profess to do what it is denied the power to do ; and it
would be, as it ought to be, held in utter contempt for its im-
becility. The great principle of self-preservation lies at the
foundation of our government ; and on this principle, any degree
of force is justifiable that is indispensably necessary.

I should, therefore, not hesitate an instant, to use all the
force that was necessary to this end, against whomsoever may
be found with arms in their hands, to take life, or with the
manifest determination to burn down or destroy buildings, and
trample on the laws. . Yours very respectfully,

OVID F. JOHNSON.

To MORTON McMicHAEL, Esq., High Sheriff,
JOHN M. SCOTT, Esq., Mayor."

Agreeably to a suggestion of the county commis-
sioners, the grand jury made a presentment to the
court of quarter sessions, which was likewise published,
and read as follows :

" PRESENTMENT.

To the Court of Quarter Sessions of the Peace of the city and

county of Philadelphia, by the Grand Jury: —

The grand inquest respectfully present that their attention

has been called by the county commissioners to the deplorable

scenes of riot and mob violence, which have occurred within

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 99

the last two days in the district of Kensington, involving tho
destruction of a vast amount of property for which large drafts
may be made upon the county treasury.

The grand jury are sensible of the loss likely to accrue to the
county by the destruction of property referred to, and whilst
regretting the same, cannot withhold their opinion that the open
violation of law and order, and contempt of the civil authorities
manifested in Kensington, and subsequently in the city of
Philadelphia, by the burning of the St. Augustine church, are
much more to be deplored than any pecuniary loss consequent
thereupon.

The grand jury would earnestly call to the attention of the
court, the propriety of arousing the citizens generally to a sense
of the necessity of their rallying to the support of tho autho-
rities, in restoring order and maintaining the supremacy of
the law.

The grand jury will most cheerfully unite in any effort to
accomplish these most desirable ends, in which every citizen
desirous of restoring public order, and preserving the city and
county from anarchy and bloodshed, should unhesitatingly lend
his aid.

The grand jury submit to the consideration of the court, the
letter of the county commissioners above referred to, and desire
that it may be considered a part of the presentment.

The grand jury present, that to their knowledge lives have
been lost in the riots to which this presentment refers, and
whilst deeply sympathizing with the families and friends of the
slain, and making all allowances for acts committed under the
frenzy of excitement, they consider that sufficient time has
elapsed for the abatement of such feelings, and that they are
no excuses for the destruction of buildings erected for the wor-
ship of God.

Jno. M. Brown, Forem'n, Wm. Loughlin,

Charles J. Ashmead, Isaac Bedford, ,

Wm. Rovoudt, Jacob H. Smith,

John Paisley, Geo. W. Smick,

100 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Alex. Austin, Jos. J. Bishop,

Win. Nassau, Jr., Jos. B. Linerd,

Geo. Follin, R. W. Pomeroy,

Win. II. French, Benj. Mifflin,

John Kingston, W. Wurtz,

Joseph Moore."

In accordance with the foregoing resolutions, sug-
gestions, proclamations, and orders, the city was placed
under the charge of the military, regular police, and
volunteer aids, in sufficient numbers, not only to pre-
serve its peace, but to resist successfully an invading
army. All the streets, where any disturbances, or indi-
cations of disturbance, had taken place, were strongly
guarded, and the Catholic churches, especially, were
placed under the protection of the civil and military
authorities. But notwithstanding all these precau-
tions, these positive assurances that no further harm
was intended or could be perpetrated, the Catholic
Bishop had the bad taste to publish the following
card:

"TO THE CATHOLICS OF THE CITY AND COUNTY

OF PHILADELPHIA.

BELOVED CHILDREN — In the critical circumstances in -which
you are placed, I feel it my duty to suspend the exercise of
public worship in the Catholic churches, which still remain,
until it may be resumed with safety, and we can enjoy our con-
stitutional right to worship God according to the dictates of our
conscience. I earnestly conjure you to practise unalterable
patience under the trials to which it has pleased Divine Provi-
dence to subject you, ani remember that afflictions will serve

if
HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 101

to purify us and render us acceptable to God, through Jesus
Christ, who patiently suffered the cross.

t FRANCIS PATRICK,

Bishop of Philadelphia.
Philadelphia, May 9th, 1844."

This card presents a rare specimen of barefaced
insolence and hypocritical audacity. The bishop ad-
dresses his people, who he well knew were either the
perpetrators or instigators of all the mischief that had
been done, as having been most shockingly abused,
and calls upon them to submit patiently and meekly,
as did their Saviour, to the persecutions they had
been and were still being compelled to endure for
Christ's sake ! He furthermore directs them to sus-
pend the exercise of public worship until it could be
resumed with safety, and consequently, on the follow-
ing Sunday, all the Catholic churches were closed.
Now, the bishop knew, as did every citizen, whether
Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Infidel, foreigner or
native, that the Catholics were just as safe on that
day " to worship God according to the dictates of their
consciences" as were the members of any other
religious sect. No danger, whatever, was apprehended.
Mischief enough had already been done, and there was
no disposition to do more, unless it was on the part
of the original aggressors, and they were the last to
interfere with the worship of Catholics. The bishop
seemed dissatisfied with the calm that had followed
the destructive storm, and was evidently disposed to
fan into a new flame the smouldering embers of the
9*

102 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

«

late conflagration. The fires that the Catholic rioters
had kindled had scorched themselves — they had lost the
battle they had waged — the weapons they hurled had
rebounded to their own injury — and it was now a
cunning stroke of policy to avert the indignation they
had excited, and call forth the sympathies of those
unacquainted with the facts, to raise the hue and cry
of religious persecution and intolerance ; and hence
their churches were closed and religious worship was
suspended. The cloven foot was plainly seen beneath
the garments of the body that owned it. It was less
a source of regret to the Catholics that churches had
been burned, than that they could not provoke, by
continued outrages, the burning of still more churches.

CHAPTER XIII.

Spirit of the Public Press — The Native American — The Sun — Neutral
Papers — The Public Ledger — The Forum — United States Gazette —
Daily Chronicle.

ALLUSION has been made to the spirit of the news-
paper press at the period when the foregoing events
were transpiring. The daily "Native American"
claimed to be the organ of the American party. Its
columns exhibited a rather vacillating and temporizing
policy, and lacked the vigour, energy, force, strength,
and power the exigencies of the time demanded. It
lived but a short period, and its demise was neither a
source of gratification to the opponents, not of regret
to the friends of the American cause. From its lead-
ing editorial of May 13th, the following paragraphs
are taken :

" Who were the rioters by whom the arsons were
committed ? We have investigated this matter as far
as our time and opportunities would permit, and we
have no hesitation in saying, that two-thirds of them
were minors, and the residue the very scum of the
population. Any one who has witnessed the crowds
of the former who " run," as it is termed, with some of
the fire companies, can readily conjecture that in times
like those through which we have passed, a crowd of

(103)

104 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ragamuffins can be gathered together, ripe for any
scene where violence is promised. This gang of ruf-
fians assumes the name of a popular party, and in
that name commit outrages which any man of common
sense can see at a glance policy alone, if no higher
motive, would prevent any party committing. We
believe most sfticerely, on a full review of the whole
affair, that if the chief civil magistrate of the county
had on Monday discharged fearlessly and impartially
his duty, no outbreak would have occurred, no lives
have been lost. Had he gone as he was requested to
do, to the ground, we do not believe a breach of the
peace would have occurred. The men who committed
the outrage then would have respected his presence,
and the moral influence of that presence would, before
blood was warmed by a taste or sight of it, have
restrained the whole thing.

" In this view we are sustained, we believe, by almost
the entire mass of the reflecting portion of the popu-
lation. A lesson has been taught in our future elec-
tions to inquire further into the fitness of a man for
such an office than his mere political affinities."

The "Sun" had also hoisted the American stand-
ard, and become an advocate and defender of the
American republican movements. The editor, L. C.
Levin, wielded a ready, fearless, and powerful pen.
His leading editorial of the llth May, was a vigorous
article, of which we give a- part :

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 105

and uncompromising foes of riot,- disorder, and Lynch
law, in all its variety of forms and phases, and have
ever denounced them, in all seasons, and in all cases,
through the columns of " The Sun ;" when other
journals, now smirking in hypocritical softness, have
been the open and profligate champions of Lynch law,
by appeals to the most detestable passions of the vilest
herd that ever disgraced humanity. If we have any
influence over the conduct of a solitary human being
who has been injured, we say to him, redress your
wrongs by the laws or by the ballot-boxes — reserve
your energies to be concentrated in a legal and con-
stitutional manner, and never let provocation, however
galling, tempt you into the commission of a wrong, in
retribution for an injury. Burn no churches, even if
your fathers were murdered before your eyes. Give
a more rational and effectual direction to your feel-
ings, by making the ballot-box speak in tones of thun-
der against the aggravating wrongs you have endured.
Let reason guide your conduct, not passion. Give
your enemies no pretexts for putting you in the wrong,
when they themselves have been the aggressors. Re-
spect their churches and their rights, and peaceably
exercise your elective franchise so as to obtain an
ample and sure award of damages for all your wrongs.
These are the legal and proper remedies which will
always make your enemies smart most bitterly.

" This brings us to consider the primary cause of
these fierce outbreaks, which had their origin in the
'Repeal Clubs,' and the inflammatory language of
their leaders. The fomentors and agitators of these

105 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

riots, are to be found in the hostile array of foreign
factions, against American rights and institutions,
which brought native Americans and this press in com-
mon with them, up to the work of self-defence. This
has been our attitude from first to last, and we make
the explanation to strip our adversaries of their artful
devices to put us in the wrong, when all the wrong has
been on their side — all the tumult — all the mob-vio-
lence and all the butchery. We say this, in justice to
truth and not to exasperate our friends, who we hope
will remain calm and tranquil, and do nothing unbe-
coming American citizens and pious Christians ; but
we do assert it before the most holy Father of mercies,
that we are the wronged party, and that we stand like
persecuted martyrs, defending our lives and liberties.
It was not until the American flag had been trampled
under foot, and a public meeting of free citizens dis-
persed by physical force, that the editor of this paper
yielded to the solicitations of the people, to address the
meeting in Kensington. The people had a right to
expect that the public authorities would have protected
them in the peaceful exercise of that constitutional
right. How we were assailed and driven from the
ground is known. Now we ask in all soberness and
solemnity befitting the occasion, wherein the people
who there assembled were in the wrong? At the
meeting in the State-House Yard, we were not present,
but no man will dare to question the right or decorum
of the people on that occasion. It was quiet, orderly
and self-defensive. But why was that and the other
meeting odious to the foreign population ? We ask

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 107

this of the Repeal Clubs and their organs. Why,
because they had fomented the passions of the Irish to
madness. Because they had turned traitors to Ame-
rican principles, and prostituted the American press
against American institutions. Nay, so far did they
go in their invasions upon American rights, as to
attempt to silence this press by intimidation, from
speaking in behalf of American institutions ! We
were brow-beaten and threatened for espousing the
cause of the Bible, when they succeeded in driving it
from our schools. Here then was a critical and re-
sponsible position. We were required to surrender
the Liberty of the Press, to the dictation of the Repeal
Clubs. This was the first wrong done us, on which we
stood on the defensive. Next we were required to
surrender the Liberty of Speech. After that, we were
required to surrender the right of public meeting."

In the same paper of the 13th of May, the editor
used the following strong and emphatic language :

" The studied efforts made by those guilty of com-
mencing the late disgraceful scenes of riot and out-
rage, to throw the censure of their authorship upon
the Americans and Protestant Irish, are among the
weapons which history shows us to be familiar with
those who act under the influence of a ' Church and
State' power. Sophistry, equivocation, duplicity and
mental reservation are a few of the prominent ele-
ments that truth and republicanism have to encounter
from leaders, who urge on an ignorant and deluded

108 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

rabble to apply physical force, to strangle the rights of
a free people, supplying them with 'the sinews of
war,' and their counsel to mature and direct their
plans. We all know, because history has informed us,
of the subtle policy of that power, which was always
ready to plot and execute bloody persecutions, and
when baffled in their views or repulsed in their attacks,
to put on the meek face of suffering innocence, and
give out to the world, that they were persecuted, pro-
scribed, and living martyrs of others, because others
had been roused to self-defence against their Guy
Fawkes plots and infernal machinations. History has
painted these features in characters too bold and
indelible ever to be mistaken or effaced. The recent
suspension of worship in the Catholic churches, even
after the order of General Patterson, is one of those
cunning affectations of persecution that have become
too common to deceive any into a false sympathy for
their pretended religious persecutions.

"Who ever interfered with their religion? Cer-
tainly not those who contended for their own legal
rights to the use of the Bible. Is the burning of their
churches to be adduced as evidence of such inter-
ference ? Are the mad outrages of a mob to be
referred to those who contend for the Bible and the
purity of the ballot-box ? What connexion can pos-
sibly exist between the murder of some score or two
of Americans, by Catholic rifles, while quietly attend-
ing a public meeting, and their observance of religious
rights, after the riot had been quelled by military
force ? The Catholic Irish commence a bloody assault

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 100

upon an American meeting, which lasts three days,
and costly arms are found in the hands of men
scarcely able to buy bread — arms sufficient to equip a
small army, showing deliberate preparation for a mur-
derous assault ; and when the affray is ended, lo ! the
leaders of these deluded beings put on a sanctimonious
air and close their churches ! If the contest had com-
menced with the Americans, or Irish Protestants,
their churches, on a rational presumption, would have
been the first objects of hostility. But this was so far
from being the fact, that some twenty Americans are
barbarously murdered before the exasperation of a
mob draws it to the crime, the horrid crime of church
burning ; proving clearly that the mob had lost all
reason in their resentment, and acted without motive
or object, other than what are common to all mobs,
the work of ruthless destruction, directed against the
most prominent and visible object of the murderous
and assailing party.

" Splendid rifles, and warlike munitions, not appro-
priate to their condition, have been found in the pos-
session of Irish Catholics of the lowest grade of poverty,
clearly showing that the chief actors, or instigators in
this bloody assault upon peaceable Americans, are yet
behind the scenes, and that they are persons of wealth,
thus clearly indicating the deep-laid schemes of the
conspirators, by heads as clear as their hearts were
black.

" Had the Americans been the aggressors, they
would have gone armed to the first place of meeting.
But we find they were utterly defenceless. None had
10

110 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY.

weapons at the first meeting of the Americans when
they were dispersed, and their flag trampled on !
Where were their weapons at the second meeting, when
attacked and shot down by the splendid rifles of the
Irish Catholics ? On the side of the Catholics, elabo-
rate preparations of a murderous nature were found to
have been made by the cowardly assassins. It was
only at the third meeting, that the Americans thought
of arming in self-defence, and even then, the intention
was not carried into effect. With the knowledge of all
these facts, and the admitted power of the priests over
their flocks — a power more formidable to them, than
governor, general, mayor, and sheriff combined — still
no priest appeared, to subdue the bitter and bloody
strife."

The most of the neutral papers were contented with
simply reporting the disturbances, without committing
themselves by the expression of decided opinions in
regard to their causes. Some of them, in fact, kept a
close eye to their own interests, and trimmed their
sails and shifted their courses to suit the changing
winds and currents of popular feeling. The " Public
Ledger" however, occasionally gave an excellent arti-
cle, in which important truths and correct sentiments
were clearly stated and ably discussed. A few of these
have obtained a place in these pages. The "Daily
Forum1 was the Whig penny paper of the day. This
paper attributed the riots to the violence of the repeal
orators and their opponents, and to the religious animo-
sities existing between Catholics and Protestants ; but

HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN TARTY. Ill

its tone, though whining, was decidedly unfavourable to
the Americans. Every possible excuse that sophistry
could command, was made for those who it could not
deny .were the instigators and original actors in the
Kensington riots. With the editor of this paper, the
disturbing of a quiet political meeting by foreigners ;
the murder of American citizens in the streets; and
all the other outrages that were committed on the part
of the Irish Catholics, were matters of but trifling mo-
ment : while the holding of American meetings in
districts thickly inhabited by Irish ; the routing of
these from their houses after their murderous assaults;
and the burning of Catholic churches, were offences of
the greatest magnitude. The " United States Gazette"
also a Whig journal, overflowed with sympathy for the
poor creatures who had been driven from their homes,
and compelled to take shelter in the neighbouring
woods ; though it had but little to bestow upon the
persons who had been wounded in the streets, or the
families of those who were mercilessly murdered. The
"Daily Chronicle" was a neutral paper, but laboured
with no little zeal to defend the sheriff from the charges
that were so freely made against him for his non-inter-
ference in the commencement of the riots. This was
a difficult task ; but the editors persevered in its per-
formance with becoming talents and industry.

CHAPTER XIV.

Spirit of the public press, continued — The Spirit of the Times — Tempo-
rizing policy — Unfounded statements — Misdirected sympathy.

THE " Spirit of the Times" was professedly a demo-
cratic paper, but it degenerated into a mere organ of
the Irish Catholics, to whose prejudices it pandered
without stint or measure. It had long been struggling
against a disease that threatened its dissolution, and
the outbreaks at Kensington opportunely happened to
prolong a little while its sickly existence. It de-
nounced the Americans in unmeasured terras — con-
demned them as the originators of the outrages that
were committed — and defended and justified the oppo-
site party. That party needed just such an organ,
and they at once rallied around it, and saved it for a
limited period from impending ruin. The subscrip-
tions poured in rapidly, and the advertising columns
received a corresponding increase of patronage. This
work would be imperfect were we to neglect giving a
few specimens of the spirit of this press. In the leader
of the 9th of May, the following language was em-
ployed : —

" We are still in the midst of a scene of carnage and
destruction that makes us, an American by birth, in-
clination, and education, blush for our people, and fear
for the permanence of republican institutions. Can it

(112)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY. 113

be possible that men who boast of their intelligence —
men who know the value of good laws, and the impos-
ing necessity of yielding implicit obedience to them —
men who have been indoctrinated with Christian prin-
ciples, and avow their every private and public action
subject to them, can it be possible that such men plead
the law of retaliation for injuries — like the untaught
savage set at defiance all moral, all legal, all Chris-
tian obligations — and bathing their hands in human
blood, send soul after soul unprepared into eternity, as
an atonement for a private and personal wrong ? Can
it be possible that men dare thus to constitute them-
selves judges, juries, and executioners in their own
case, with such words as liberty and justice, God and
their country, still lingering upon their lips ? It is
fearful to think so.

"Not only have those who have participated in
these murderous riots no reasonable apology for their
iniquitous conduct, but the designing or the misled
spirits who urged them on have still less. Look at the
mass meeting held at the State-House Yard on Tues-
day at noon. They met, and properly too, to condole
with the bereaved, and to utter their determination to
maintain their unalienable rights. But alas ! was there
no gentle being present to press on the multitude the
wisdom, the importance of forbearance ? Was there
no eloquent tongue present to point to the court-house
and the administrators of justice there seated, and
designate them as the proper place and persons for the
retribution of every public wrong ? Was there present
no minister of divine things to teach the excited mass
10*

114 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

to abstain from violence, to imitate the sublime example
of him who was not only 'a man of sorrows and
acquainted with grief,' but blessed the peace-maker,
and enjoined upon us to leave vengeance to One who
never erred in his righteous dispensations ?

" We conscientiously believe that had not that meet-
ing been held, or had not resolved to adjourn in a
body to Kensington, and by its presence stirred up
the dormant ill-feeling of the belligerents on both
sides, there would have been no riot, no bloodshed, on
that lamentable night. What, then, have they to
answer for who, in their blindness, counselled such
unfortunate conduct ? What have they to answer for,
who, identifying in inflammatory speeches Christianity
itself with anything but forbearance, prepared all who
listened for acts of violence? What have they to
answer for who, on such an occasion and knowing the
dreadful consequences, persisted in mingling religion
with politics, until many dreamed that in committing
homicide they would be doing good service to 'God
and their country ?' We respect every man's opinion,
we respect those who are sincere even in error, but we
protest again and again against this unholy alliance,
and be they clergymen or laymen, those who by their
counsel induced the meeting to adjourn to Kensington,
first exasperating its members with pictures of religious
intolerence, on their heads be the murders of Tuesday
night!"

On Monday, May 13th, the same writer indulged
in the following pathetic strain, which, had it contained

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 115

more truth, would have been as creditable to the heart
as it was to the head of its author. He possessed a
lively imagination, and drew his pictures with a pencil
most elaborately coloured. We give but a feAY para-
graphs of a very lengthy editorial :

" All was quiet in our city yesterday. It was a
strange thing, however, to see the military promenad-
ing our streets on the Sabbath, but still stranger to
feel that their presence was necessary to the main-
tenance of the public peace ! Into all the churches,
as the chiming bells pealed out their solemn tones,
poured crowd after crowd of citizens to give thanks,
perhaps, to the Deity for their safety. Into all the
churches we should have said, excepting — the Roman
Catholic. They stood desolate, silent, and un-
tenanted. In obedience to the orders of the bishop
they were not opened for public worship. The soli-
tary tread of the sentinel, or the clank of the musket,
was the only sound that disturbed their solitary
repose.

" And this was a Sabbath picture of the * City of
Brotherly Love !' This was a picture of the ' Quaker'
city ! Could William Penn have risen from his grave
and looked at such a scene ; could he have gazed on
the bristling bayonets that offended the quiet eye in
almost every direction ; could he have been told that
this pomp and panoply of war were necessary to secure
the liberty of religious opinion ; that here, on this
very spot where he had planted the Christian banner,
which he had made the asylum of the persecuted for

110 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

opinion's sake, and had peculiarly consecrated to
religious freedom ; could he have been told that here
all this exhibition of military force was required simply
to enable men to exercise one of the inalienable privi-
leges of humanity, to worship God according to the
dictates of their own consciences, what that great and
good man wc'ild have said we leave the reader to
imagine. He could not have credited the evidence
of his senses. He could not have believed his descend-
ants so monstrously degenerated. He could not have
dreamed for a moment that the people of his own
Christian city would ever practise that bigoted
intolerance to escape from which he himself abandoned
his country, his kindred and his home, and as an un-
dying monument of his abhorrence of which he founded
the community in which we live.

" We grow sick of such unmitigated hypocrisy.
We shudder when we think that all these hideous out-
rages were perpetrated in the name of a God whose
eye, as he beholds them, pierces through the thin dis-
guise that envelopes their gross turpitude, and reads
the impious hearts of those who thus mock at his infinite
wisdom and justice !

" Look at the crumbled ruins of Kensington, and
at the blackened bones of the slaughtered that lie
mixed up with the still smoking cinders. Look at
what is left of the frowning walls of St. Augustine, upon
one of which, though begrimed by smoke, are still
visible the ominous words ' HE SEES ALL,' as if ad-
dressed to the smitten conscience of every beholder.
Look at the famishing ones driven forth by tho

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 117

spoilers, and now wandering houseless and homeless,
Buffering for their faith. Look at the Catholic
clergy walking our streets in disguise, fearful of recog-
nition. Look at the vultures tearing open the graves
of the dead at St. Michael's, or breaking the silent
tomb-stones in demoniac rage. Look at these things,
and if you have the courage, say — all this was
done in the Republic of America ! this was done
by men who boasted that they were natives of the
' Land of Liberty !' This was done in the name of
the Bible ! This was done to glorify the flag of the
union ! Say this if ye dare, all who love human
freedom ! Say this if ye dare, all who can truly boast
of being not Americans by birth only, but Americans
by nature ! Say this if ye dare, all who are really
Christians !"

Now, all this is very pretty. It was intended for a
special purpose, — to delude still more an already de-
luded people, — and to prop up a sinking cause and give
new life to a dying paper. Let us carefully, though
hastily, glance over this subject. The " Times" (and
other prints used similar language) preaches eloquently
about the sufferings of the poor Catholics, who were
driven from their homes and not permitted to visit
their churches. Let us admit these statements to be
true, and endeavour to ascertain the origin of the suffer-
ings for which so much sympathy is expressed. On
Friday night, May 3d, an Irish mob violently AS-
SAULTED, BROKE UP, and DISPERSED a meeting of
respectable American citizens, lawfully convened to

118 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

express their political sentiments. No attempt was
made to resist their assailants, much less resort to
violence in retaliation. On the following Monday,
however, another attempt was made to hold the meet-
ing, when thousands of peaceable citizens assembled,
and in open daylight. In the mean time, their
former assailants had been secretly and savagely pre-
paring themselves with fire-arms and ammunition in
great abundance, "venting threats of slaughter and
destruction" upon the Americans. And in the very
midst of the meeting, than which a more orderly and
peaceable one was never held, before a solitary excep-
tionable sentence had been uttered, and ere any pro-
vocation had been given ; out of windows, alleys, from
behind walls and fences, and through holes bored in
the houses, volley after volley of stones and musketry
were fired into a defenceless collection of at least two
thousand persons, dealing death and destruction on
every side. And a young man, whose only offence was
clinging to the flag of his country, was shot through
the heart, and died ! Never, since God made this
world, was there a more brutal outrage perpetrated
upon its fair surface ! Never was there an act of
violence committed for which there can be found less
excuse ! Never was there a time when the public press
had more cause to cry aloud in tones of thunder in
defence of right, and in condemnation of aggression
and barbarity ! But faint indeed was the voice which
many portions of it uttered. While, on the contrary,
many of its members, as was the case with the " Times,"
not only excused, but absolutely encouraged the wicked

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 119

and unprovoked murderers. Such were the circum-
stances that induced a large gathering of the citizens
(against which so much complaint was made), amount-
ing to about five thousand persons, on the afternoon
of the following Tuesday, in Independence Square.
This meeting was composed of as respectable people
as ever assembled on public occasions, and was con-
ducted with becoming order and decorum. Against
the solicitations of the officers, however, it adjourned
to meet again in Kensington (which it had an indis-
putable rigid to do), and the greater portion of the
assembly repaired to that district ; where, before they
could organize, they were murderously assaulted as on
the previous day, though with still more fatal effects.
At this time about thirty citizens were shot, a number
of whom were killed. Thus, driven to madness and
desperation almost, about twenty of the assailed pro-
cured arms, determined to maintain their rights and
revenge their injuries ; and against as fearful odds as
men ever fought, they bravely stood their ground until
the victory was theirs. Having succeeded in setting
fire to the houses from which the murderers discharged
their pieces, these last were driven from their imagined
security, and some few fell victims to the vengeance
they had so brutally excited. Read now the published
accounts of these transactions in many of the daily
prints. The writers will be found overflowing with
sympathy ; for whom ? For the men, who, without
warning or provocation, were instantly shot dead in
our streets ? For their mothers, their sisters, their
children ? No ! Their sympathy is all expended upon

120 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

the murderers and their families. It was an awful
thing that their houses should be burnt ! ! Awful in-
deed ! ! But it was nothing, that from those houses
were being continually poured out volleys of musketry
and other destructive missiles ! It was dreadful to see
WOMEN and CHILDREN driven from their houses ! ! But
it was nothing that those women, and some of their
children, should be engaged in the savage work of aid-
ing their husbands and fathers to murder our innocent
citizens ! It was nothing that some of these women
were discharging stones and fire-arms, with the fury
of savages, upon a defenceless assembly ! ! No. That
was all right ! and because the people put an end to
their barbarity, by getting the mastery of them, they
were abused in the most outrageous manner. Had a
herd of wolves entered that meeting and devoured one
of its members, no one would have spoken against their
extermination. But raw, ignorant, and brutal Irish-
men should have been left unmolested to shoot them
down as though they were rabid dogs. Had the venal
press looked on these events with less prejudiced eyes,
it would have discovered more worthy objects than
murderous rioters for its sympathy. It would have
seen a distracted mother meet, at the threshold of her
home, the dead body of her loved son — her almost en-
tire dependence — who, but a moment before, had left
her in health and strength, and full of hope — but now
barbarously butchered ! It would have seen the
mangled bodies of good citizens, killed in the public
streets, by slugs fired from the guns of foreign vaga-
bonds, and the blood of others calling loudly for ven-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 121

geance at the hands of an incensed people. It would
have seen the rights of citizenship violated, and the
homes of our countrymen made desolate hy those who
have heen driven from their own land hy the iron arm
of oppression, or the righteous hand of justice. But
none of these things could it see, while it could plainly
discern women and children perishing in the flames of
their burning dwellings ! — famishing ones, houseless and
homeless, suffering for their faith ! — Catholic clergymen,
walking the streets in disguise ! — blackened hones of
the slaughtered, mixed up with smoking timbers ! —
vultures tearing open the graves of the dead with de-
moniac fury ! ! ! — and a hundred other things THAT

NEVER OCCURRED ! ! !

CHAPTER XV.

Spirit of the public press, continued — Falsehoods of the New York
Freeman's Journal — The North American's reply and review.

BUT if the political press, from interested considera-
tions, gave perverted and false statements to the public,
much more so did the Catholic religious journals. The
following appeared in the "New York Freeman's
Journal," a paper of the last-named character :

" The natives mustered in overwhelming force, and the Irish-
men, now a mere handful, and worn out by the fatigues of the
previous two days, offered no resistance, but were shot without
mercy. Here and there some one with the courage of despair
made a stand, but he too, after a little, was shot down ; and it is
sickening to read how such and such an Irishman— one named
Rice for instance — after keeping a mob of his cowardly assail-
ants at bay for nearly an hour, was finally shot through the
back of the head by a " Native," who stole round from the
rear.

" J8®"ONE THING is now plain— that the promises of the
'authorities' to protect the property of the Catholic* is all
MOONSHINE ! On such promises the Catholics of Philadel-
phia relied, and their churches and their houses were coolly
destroyed without let or hindrance.

The inference is clear. LET EVERY, MAN BE PRE-
PARED TO DEFEND HIMSELF AND HIS PROPERTY!!!
From the Bulletin Board of the Irish Volunteer, of Sunday, in
letters several inches long.

'MASSACRE!!'
' MURDER OF CATHOLICS III'"

(122)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 123

The " North American" then published by C. G.
Childs and J. Reese Fry, handled this article as fol-
lows:

"The above we take at second-hand from the New
York Journal of Commerce. ' The Freeman's Jour-
nal,' which uses the language here cited, is a Roman
Catholic paper, and no doubt in the full confidence
and favour of the dignitaries of that church. It is dif-
ficult to comment in temperate terms upon a publica-
tion so mean and so atrocious. What would any rea-
der, before uninformed of the true state of the case,
infer from this extract and these exclamatory lines ?
Would he believe that an American and a Protestant
assembly had been fired upon, and many of its un-
armed members shot dead, or grievously wounded by
skulking assassins, whom the Freeman's Journal claims
as Roman Catholics and Irishmen ? Would he believe
that the 'murder of Catholics,' thus announced in
glaring capitals, was the instant justice, visited upon
the assassins by friends of the victims? Would he
believe that, but for the force volunteered by a Pro-
testant community, not one stone would now rest upon
another of any Roman Catholic temple in this city ?
Who would infer any of these facts from the infa-
mously calumnious article from the Freeman's Journal ?

"We do not believe that its editor wrote in igno-
rance of the truth. We do not believe that he wrote
unadvisedly as to the spirit of his libellous effusion.
He knows, as every man, woman and child in Phila-
delphia knows, that if the native Americans had not

124 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

been shot down by Irish Roman Catholics in the first
instance, there never would have been any disturbance.
He knows that there was nothing to justify the mur-
derous assault upon the meeting of last Monday week.
He may assert that the Irish Roman Catholics were
irritated by the presence and language of their poli-
tical opponents. What then ? Was not their presence
legal ? Was not their language that freedom of speech
which republican liberty requires ? If they were rash
in their choice of a place of meeting ; if they were
intemperate in their modes of expression ; were these
sufficient reasons to excite the other party to shoot
them down like mad dogs ? Such might be reasons if
an Inquisition were in the midst of our city ; but they
are not reasons while freedom of faith and of persons
are guarantied by the spirit of Protestantism and the
constitution of the republic.

" So much for the bloody scenes of last week. As to
the conflagrations, the Freeman's Journal declares
what it knows to be false. From whatever cause the
' authorities' may have failed to protect the two
churches which were burnt, it certainly was not be-
cause they belonged to Roman Catholics. Under the
same circumstances, they would have been destroyed,
no matter to what sect they belonged. That they
should have been saved, that with earlier precautions
they might have been saved, no one denies. But that
they were not adequately protected, because they were
Roman Catholic, is utterly untrue, and the assertion
hat effect is a foul and malignant libel. Not the
'^n troops of the Pope would be, on any occa

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 125

sion, more ready than the Protestant citizens of Phila-
delphia to defend the property of his subjects. They
have been ready, thousands of them, since the riots
broke out, to peril their lives for that end. They
have come forth, freely, boldly, without reward, and
have taken up arms in the cause. And now they are
told by the arrogant organ of a foreign hierarchy that
they are not to be trusted to protect the property of
those who live among them ?

"The Irish Roman Catholics of this city have a short-
sighted counsellor in the Freeman's Journal. There
is a worthless rabble in every community, and this
community has its share of such a population. That
share is a very small minority compared with the entire
mass of inhabitants. Yet small as it is, it proved,
when its vile passions were aroused, too strong for the
Irish Roman Catholics. Without Protestant helpers
and defenders, the latter .would have been fully over-
powered. We assert this as a simple truth. But the
assertion is forced from us by the course of the Free-
man's Journal. That press has wantonly, shamelessly,
ungratefully assailed this Protestant community, and
in its behalf we stand upon the defensive. We say
only what is necessary to vindicate its character, to
prove its love of right, of peace and order, and to
stop the foul babbling of those who presume upon its
forbearance under unmerited insult."

The " North American," of the 14th May, also
gave the following admirable review of the whole sub-
ject of the disturbances :
11*

126 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PARTY.

" Editors of the newspaper press, out of Philadel-
phia, have been very generally misled by a portion of
the press in the city, as regards the true causes of the
recent disturbances and the parties responsible for
them. Excessive injustice is done, on the one hand,
to the native American party, by charging it as such,
•with the breaches of law which have occurred, and on
the other hand, to the inhabitants of the city proper
and the districts actually adjacent, by fixing upon
them generally the odium of acts committed by com-
paratively a few persons of the worst class. With
regard to the native American party, this press is
not its organ, is not authorized to speak for it, and not
being identified with it, can therefore claim to judge
impartially. We shall endeavour, now and in future,
so to judge, and in mentioning that party and all
others connected, positively or by report, with the
recent disturbances, we shall keep facts in view, and
leave readers as far as possible to draw their own con-
clusions from them.

" The first question is, who began the riots f

" The second, why where they begun ?

" The third, why were they continued ?

" It is a matter of history that meetings for every
imaginable purpose have been held of late in this
city, without any disposition on the part of any one
to disturb the proceedings of them. Among these
meetings were conspicuously those of the Irish Repeal
party. Although thousands of our fellow citizens
questioned the moral propriety of meetings, having
for their aim an interference between a foreign govern-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 127

ment and its own subjects, yet not one, who disapproved,
ever attempted to disturb their proceedings. The
legal right being acknowledged to assemble peaceably
for an interchange of opinion or feeling, or the pro-
motion of any object not adverse to the laws, no one
dreamed of opposing the enjoyment of that right, no
matter by whom exercised. But as soon as the
native Americans began to hold their meetings, they
encountered the opposition of Irish residents, many
of them doubtless not even naturalized. It is not to
the point to inquire whether the object of the native
American party be just or unjust, liberal or illiberal.
It is perfectly constitutional and legal, and that is
sufficient. The members had a perfect right to assemble
peaceably in any public place. The expediency of
their so doing is another matter. We agree, so far
as the meeting of Tuesday afternoon was concerned,
that it was inexpedient. But on the previous Friday
and Monday, there was no good reason shown at the
time why they should not meet where they did. The
ground belonged as much to them as to any other per-
sons for the purpose of meeting. To disturb their
meeting in any manner was a gross violation of decency
and right. At that first meeting, then, the riots be-
gan ; and by whom were they commenced ?

" We think there is no difficulty in answering this
question. The native American meeting on Friday
was disturbed by Irish mon and women residing in the
neighbourhood. The interference had no other pro-
vocation than the assembling of the meeting in that
neighbourhood. Was this sufficient provocation ? If a

128 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Repeal meeting had been held in any part of the city
or county, would the place of meeting — if lawful —
have been made the pretext by anti-Repealers for an
attack upon it ? This is a fair mode of viewing the case.
What would have been said, had a Repeal meeting
been disturbed for such a cause ? We leave those to
answer who have endeavoured to extenuate the wrong
of the Irish on the day named. With regard to the
adjourned meeting at the Washington market (after
the meeting in Independence Square), it was rash,
unwise, unnecessary, improper. It caused the renewal,
as was predicted, of the hostilities of the former day.
But then, again, who renewed the hostilities ? Again
we are obliged to answer, the Irish. It was they who
recommenced the battle which they had begun. If a
certain degree of provocation is chargeable on the
other party, still the Irish were the actual aggressors.
They had had blood, but they were not satisfied. They
were determined to have complete victory. To have
and to keep the ground for themselves, to the exclu-
sion of every one who might differ from them politi-
cally or religiously, was their resolution, cost what it
might. We have thus stated by whom and why the
riots began. We have seen no other statement in any
quarter, although much has been said to mistify the
truth and shift the responsibility.

" With regard to the riots which succeeded the attack
upon the meeting of Tuesday,- it is just to consider in
turn what was the provocation, — not that any provo-
cation could excuse the rioters, — but to remember it
is necessary to a full understanding of the case. A

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 129

body of men had been peaceably assembled for a law-
ful purpose. They were fired upon, first by skulking
assassins, and then more boldly by the same individuals.
Innocent men, the native inheritors of the soil, were
mercilessly shot down for no other offence than the
discussion of a political question. This is the sober,
unvarnished truth. Their friends, exasperated by the
outrage, resented it as far as they could at the
moment. The fever of excitement, always contagious
in a crowd, was caught by that class of worthless per-
sons who are on the skirts of every community, ready
for any mischief. These, finding a pretext for indulg-
ing their wicked propensities, and the occasion to do
so with impunity, took up the affair where the native
Americans had left it. A small body of the latter,
as a party, acted only for the time, and when frenzied
by the ruthless and bloody assaults upon them, on the
defensive. But even that small body took no part in
the subsequent doings of the mob. The persons who
fired the churches were seen by numerous citizens :
some of them were recognised as old convicts by the
police ; many of them were boys ; but none of them
could be pointed out as known members of the Ameri-
can party. It was therefore a motley and depraved
crowd that continued the riots, which the Irish faction
had begun.

" Taking the whole circumstances into view, wha^
inference must any impartial man draw ? What ju'Pa~
ment must he pass ? Shall we forget, as a nei^as^e"
ing press affects to do, while mourning over t1 control

of brick and mortar ; shall we forget th?

(Ill)

130

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

taken and dreadful wounds inflicted ? Shall we forget
— while we read upon a tottering wall that ' Goc
seeth' — that if his divine eye rests upon the ashes oi
a temple made with hands, and which hands
rebuild, it looks also upon the lifeless dust of mei
whom no power can call into existence ? If it
crime to destroy the sanctuary where the soul seel
communion with God, what must be the crime whicl
cuts off a soul from that communion ? If sympathy
be demanded for the people who have lost their place
of worship for a few months, what must be the sym-
pathy for those who have lost fathers, husbands
brothers, sons, friends, for ever ?"

upon
turn WL
cation cot
is necessary

CHAPTER XVI.

Retirement of the Military — Disbanding of the Volunteer Police — Hos-
tile feelings still cherished — Funerals — Meetings of Americans —
Prominent Speakers — Political misrepresentations and persecutions
— Arrests — Onward progress of the Native cause — Celebration con-
templated.

IT is now time that we should return again to our
narrative. The military from the country, which had
poured into the city, in accordance with the governor's
orders, after enjoying a very jolly time, at length re-
turned to their homes, to follow their civil occupations,
and to recite to their neighbours and children the ter-
rors and toils of their city campaign ; our city troops
laid down their arms, and resumed the more profitable
implements of trade ; the Princeton's crew went on
ship-board; and the citizen police considered it no
longer necessary to continue their midnight duties. In
a word, the city and its vicinity were restored to their
wonted quiet ; and the only remaining indications of
a hostile and disorderly spirit were exhibited in the
fierce and growling tone of some of the papers con-
ducted by disappointed politicians ; the bitter and
malignant denunciations of public speakers ; and the
grim visages of those whose fondly cherished anticipa-
tions of elevation to power and fortune were blasted
by the waning influence of foreigners in the control
of the elections.

(131)

132 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

The wicked attempts to destroy the American move-
ment had not only failed, but produced a contrary
effect. That movement had received an impetus which
was hurrying it onward to speedy and triumphant suc-
cess. The funerals of those who were so ruthlessly
slain were attended by immense concourses of the most
respectable inhabitants, and the plainest manifestations
of indignation were given toward the causes and in-
struments of their untimely deaths. Thousands of
citizens, who had previously regarded the principles
advocated by Americans with indifference, now under-
stood their importance, became the most active and
eloquent of their advocates, and united with the repub-
lican associations. Ward and mass meetings were
held every evening, in every section of the city, and
largely attended. At some of these meetings, held in
the State-House Yard, and in Chestnut street, in front
of Independence Hall, it was computed that from
twenty to thirty thousand persons were present. At
all these meeting the utmost enthusiasm prevailed.
Even in the riotous district, the American cause pro-
gressed most rapidly, and immense multitudes assem-
bled, unmolested, to discuss its principles. Mass
meetings were also held in almost every county in the
state, and in all the principal towns in the states ad-
joining. All these gatherings were ably, powerfully,
and eloquently addressed by persons who had origin-
ated the American party, and stood by it in the hour
of trial and peril. Among the most prominent speak-
ers on these occasions, the following names are well
remembered :

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 133

Jacob Broome, Lewis C. Levin,

William B. Baker, John Perry,

William Banning, William B. Rankin,

Joseph E. Brewster, Alexander Rankin,

A. D. Chaloner, Peter Sken Smith,

0. P. Cornman, H. L. Smith,

H. H. K. Elliott, E. K. Tarr,

John H. Gihon, J. B. Strafford,

William Hollingshead, James C. Van Dyke,

Samuel R. Kramer, Philip S. White.

Some of these men were most violently abused and
persecuted for the active part they took in the estab-
lishment and maintenance of the American party.
They were denounced in unmeasured terms by respect-
able speakers, who had held high political offices and
were seeking others, and who exhibited far more zeal
than honesty, in their public speeches; and their
names were ridiculed and contemned through the
columns of party political organs. And even until
this time, they are condemned in certain quarters as
rioters, church-burners, and women-killers ! The
writer of this has suffered more than his full share of
this unjust censure, and much of it from parties who
have since opened their eyes to the light of truth, and
have advocated the principles for which he was con-
demned. Nay, more ; have sought and received office
and its emoluments from the despised party whom they
denounced as traitors and murderers, and supposed no
gallows sufficiently high upon which to have them exe-
cuted. But we rejoice in their conversion. Paul was sud-
12

134 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

denly arrested in a career equally as mad as theirs. He
was struck by a "light from heaven." 'Charity re-
quires the supposition that their light came from the
same region. There are still others who were equally
as mad as they, and yet would be eagerly welcomed to
our ranks. All men are fallible, and the brightest
intellect has erred. Let us throw no obstacle in the
way of political reformation and moral advancement.

Some few of the Kensington rioters were arrested,
but they never received the punishment they deserved,
and justice demanded. Several of the American party
were arraigned before the courts on criminal charges,
trumped up for especial purposes. These men were
as innocent of crime as the judges who tried them,
and more so than some of the attorneys engaged in
their prosecution. There was, however, no intention
to do them material harm. It was a good stroke of
policy to effect a compromise ; and the guilty went
unscathed of justice, that the innocent might escape
the arbitrary exercise of law.

But despite all opprobrium, opposition, and perse-
cution, the American party not only stood its ground,
but continued to receive numerous accessions, until, at
the ensuing county election, they astonished the oppo-
sition by carrying through their candidate for sheriff.
This gentleman, unfortunately, proved recreant to the
cause, as did some others who received the native suf-
frage. The defection of the sheriff, who, with most
piteous supplications and even tears, sought the office
he received, caused several of the most prominent and
efficient labourers to abandon the American party.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 135

During the months of May and June, so rapid and
numerous were ihfs accessions to the American associ-
ations, that it was deemed expedient to give a public
demonstration of their strength and importance on the
succeeding 4th of July. Active preparations to that
end were immediately commenced and prosecuted ;
immense sums of money were contributed ; and ar-
rangements were completed for the most splendid pa-
rade that the city ever witnessed before or since. The
ladies entered upon this matter with as much spirit as
their male friends, and wrought and procured magni-
ficent banners for all the ward associations in the city
and county. A full description of the imposing
pageant is reserved for the next chapter.

CHAPTER XVII.

Grand Celebration of the Native Americans on the 4th of July, 1844 —
Second Declaration of Independence.

THE sun arose on "the morning of the 4th of July,
1844, in a bright, clear, and beautiful blue sky ; and
never did the weather continue more delightful and
pleasant, than throughout the day, at that season of
the year. It seemed that Providence had resolved to
smile benignantly upon the grand celebration with
which it was to be distinguished. At an unusually early
hour in the morning the city was alive, and at half-
past six o'clock associations had been formed and were
moving toward the places appointed by the marshal of
the contemplated procession. At half-past ten o'clock
the procession started, passing over the following
streets :

Formed on Arch street, the right resting on Front,
countermarched up Arch to Tenth street, down Tenth
street to Carpenter, down Carpenter to Fourth, down
Fourth to Washington, down Washington to Third, up
Third to Master, down Master to Frankford road, down
Frankford road to Shackamaxon, up Shackamaxon to
Franklin, up Franklin to Hanover, down Hanover to
Queen, down Queen to Frankford road, over the stone
bridge to Front, down Front to Green, up Green to
Sixth, down Sixth to Vine, up Vine to Ridge road,

(136)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 137

out Ridge road to Fisher's lane, along Fisher's lane to
Snyder's -woods, the place of celebration.

The procession moved in the following order :

Trumpeter of Fame, mounted.

Committee of Arrangement on horseback, ten in
number, with broad light blue silk scarfs, badges on
hats, and carrying truncheons.

Chief Marshal, Thomas T. Grover, mounted. Aids,
Henry H. K. Elliott, and A. Larentree, mounted.

Plough, drawn by two horses, the horses and har-
ness decorated with ripe grain. Farmers leading the
horses and following the plough.

One hundred and thirty mounted victuallers of the
city and county dressed in white frocks, with light blue
silk scarfs and sashes.

Twenty infirm native American citizens, mounted,
in citizens' dress.

A barouche containing the President and Vice-
President of the New York Delegation, followed by the
committee of arrangements from New York, mounted.
65 members.

The banner of this delegation was borne in the
barouche. On the top of it were the words "The
Bible the basis of Education, and the safeguard of
Liberty." Device, the figure of Liberty in a sitting
position, with left arm resting on the American shield,
horn of plenty at her feet, and the staff and cap of
liberty behind her, an eagle flying in the middle
ground, bearing aloft the Bible. In the distance a
public school-house. On the reverse a full length
portrait of Washington, and the inscription, "Seven-
12*

138 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

teenth Ward American Republican Association. Or-
ganized August 13, 1843."

The delegation from Wilmington, Del., numbering
45 members, ffhe banner and bearers in a barouche.
The banner represented Liberty, with the American
flag, with the inscription "Our fathers gave us the
Bible, we will not yield it to a foreign hand."

The President of the day, E. M. Spencer, Vice-
Presidents and Secretaries, in number seventeen,
mounted.

A barouche containing the orator of the day, Wm.
D. Baker, Esq. ; John Perry, the reader of the Decla-
ration of Independence, and James L. Gihon and Geo.
P. Henszey.

J. H. Gihon and two Assistant Marshals.

The Temple of Lib'erty, drawn by fourteen gray
horses, led by variously attired grooms, black and
white, the two first representing aborigines. The
temple was raised on a pediment of four steps — from
which basis arose thirteen columns with Tuscan base.
The staffs of the columns resembling in their propor-
tions the Grecian Ionic unfluted. The capitals were
of a composite order. Above the columns was a simple
denticulated entablature with corresponding cornice ;
rising from this was a very elliptical dome surmounted
by a small balustrade, with circular railings. Upon
each column was hung a scrolled shield bearing the
coats of arms of the thirteen original states of the
union. Above each column was a golden star represent-
ing the several states. Height 22 feet, 16 feet square
at the base.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

139

The representations of the several states mounted —
each man bearing a small banner, •with the name of
his state, and wearing a blue and white silk scarf.
New York represented by Samuel Ashmead.
New Jersey "

Pennsylvania "
Connecticut "
Maryland "

Massachusetts "

N. Hampshire "

Virginia "

Delaware "

North Carolina "

South Carolina "

Rhode Island "

Georgia "

Kentucky "

Tennessee "

Louisiana "

Indiana "

Mississippi "

Illinois "

Maine "

Alabama "

Vermont "

Missouri "

Arkansas "

Ohio "

Michigan "

" Samuel T. Stockton.

" William Sloanaker.

" C. F. Raymond.

" Elihu D. Tarr.

"' Dr. A. Z. Bardin.

" Joseph Batten.

" Jacob Mayland.

" Samuel T. Bodine.

" A. Phillips.

" Edwin Booth.

« W. G. Snyder.

" James Hampstead.

" David W. Gihon.

" C. K. Barker.

" J. Jamison.

« W. W. Fouche.

" Henry Warner.

" Thomas Watson.

" C. K. Frost.

" John Jordan.

" Parker.

" " Cnarles C. Ashmead.

" " A. Thacker.

" " D. Sands.

" " Joseph Chasurt.

Barouche containing the Committee of Relief.
Four barouches containing the orphans of the mar-

140 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTT.

tyrs, and the -wounded in the assault at Kensington.
The front barouche bearing a small banner trimmed
with crape, with letters painted on it, describing their
position.

The Camden, N. J., Native American Republican
Association, carrying small bunches of grain — 64 in
number. Marshal, Mr. Beaumont, and two aids.
Brass Band.

Second Ward Spring Grarden Association, with
banner, bearing the inscription " Liberty of speech and
petition," figure of liberty with the American flag — in
her right hand a scroll inscribed " Foreign influence is
one of the most baneful foes of a Republican Govern-
ment,"— medallion portrait of Washington surmounted
by an eagle, a child on the right of the figure with a
staff and cap of liberty ; presented by the ladies ; 300
members — 50 boys. A large American flag, presented
by the ladies of the ward, was also carried by this
association. A banner carried by the boys, with the
motto " The future destinies of our country depend on
us." They also carried small flags.

A barouche containing Lewis C. Levin, Mr. Dixey,
and Col. Long.

Marshal and aids of the first district, mounted. J.
E. Harned, Marshal; assistants Wm. G. Smith and
George Snyder.

East Cedar Ward. — Marshall, John Payne ; assist-
ants, Robert E. Shultz and John Addis. Banner —
The Goddess of Liberty holding in her right hand the
American shield, and in her left the American flag.
Over her head was an arm holding the sword of justice,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 141

surrounded by beautiful flowers ; in the back-ground
was the ocean and the rising sun ; on one side of the
circle was the horn of plenty ; on the other were the
American flags, battle-axes, drums, shells, &c. ; the
label underneath was " East Cedar Ward ;" the one
above " American Republican Association." 86 mem-
bers.

West Cedar Ward. — Banner — A full length statue
of Washington on a pedestal, with the Goddess of
Liberty descending in a cloud, with the American flag
floating over her head. On his left stood Minerva
with the American shield in one hand and a spear in
the other, the eagle soaring over the head of Washing-
ton, and above it the Holy Bible open ; the whole
encircled with a beautiful gold scroll-work ; on each
side of the circle were American flags, battle-axes,
cannons, drums, shells, &c. ; the under label was the
motto — "Virtue, Liberty, and Independence;" over
the Bible the label was — " Right gives Might." 54
men and 24 boys.

Boys bearing a Liberty cap on a staff, and a small
banner worked with a needle, by Miss Province, 10
years of age, representing a dove, with the word
" Peace" worked upon it.

New Market Ward Association. — Marshal, J. H.
Hurst ; assistants, Jno. Barnard and Wm. J. Smith.
Band of music. Banner, representing Liberty point-
ing to a Bible in the clouds, the American eagle in the
middle ground. A large silk American flag and
twelve small ones, presented by the ladies of the
ward. 73 members.

142 HISTORY" OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

First Ward, Southwark, Association. — J. J. Bishop
marshal ; assistants, R. Gaw, J. Feinour, E. J. Young
and Anthony Mitchell. Banner, a figure of Liberty
sitting on a rock, supporting a liberty pole, surmounte(
by the cap, and pointing to a portrait of Washington
•\vith an American flag hanging on one side. The arm
of Liberty supporting an open Bible. The mottoes
•were, "Beware of Foreign Influence," and "We wil
defend our Country's Rights." 104 members. Large
American flag, presented by the ladies. Small ban
ner and flags. A miniature brig.

Second Ward, Southward, Association. — Marshal
John A. Mercer ; assistants, Wm. Shankland, James
McElroy, Joseph Day, and Benjamin J. Lyndal
band ; banner ; the Goddess of Liberty standing
beside a pedestal, with an American flag thrown
round her as a mantle, and holding in her hands a
Bible. Above her, an eagle, grasping with one claw
a picture of Washington, surrounded with a laure
wreath, while the other held a liberty pole. From the
back of the eagle floated the motto, "Beware of
Foreign Influence." Against the pedestal a bundle
of rods was leaning, bound round with a fillet, on
which appeared the motto, " United who can break
us '{" A serpent was lying dead at the feet of Liberty
pierced with an arrow, while Fame was soaring aloft
proclaiming the extinction of Papal influence. In the
back-ground appeared, on one side, the Temple of
Liberty, and on the other a school-house. 120 mem-
bers— 60 boys. A large silk American flag. The
association also carried another banner, with portrait

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 143

of -Washington on both sides. Also, a small white
banner, with wreath encircling the words "Native
American Association, No. 2." Boys carrying a
shield, liberty cap, flags, and a banner, with the in-
scription, " Young hearts, but true."

Third Ward, Southward, Association. — Marshal,
Samuel Sears ; Assistants, Norman Davis, Geo. M.
Craft. Large silk American flag, surmounted by an
sagle, bearing a streamer, with the words, " The Bible
is our guide." Banner, representing the Goddess of
Liberty enveloped in the stars and stripes, instructing
a youth from the open Bible, which stood upon a
pedestal alongside of her. Above this, with one claw
grasping the edge of the Bible, was an eagle supporting
a staff, from which floated a torn'flag. From the eagle's
beak appeared the motto, " Our flag must be pro-
tected." On the panel of the pedestal were inscribed
the names of those who fell in Kensington. In the
background a school-house. The reverse of the ban-
ner had a whole length figure of Washington ; motto,
" Beware of foreign influence." 108 members. Boys
carrying a miniature steamboat and flags.

Fourth Ward, Southward, Association. — Marshal,
Ephraim Palmer ; Assistants, E. C. Bonsall, Joseph
Hollenback, Wm. Harper, Isaac Dutton, John Miskey.
Band. Banner : a rock, on which was an eagle in the
act of alighting ; on its breast was an American shield
— one talon grasped the lightning, while the other held
an olive branch and an open scroll, on which appeared
the names of the Kensington victims. Above the
eagle twenty-six gilt stars were arranged. It was sur-

144 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

rounded by a wreath of gilt oak leaves. 166 members
A large silk American flag.

Model of the merchant ship W. S. Archer, on a
car, with an open Bible at the bow.

Ship Washington, drawn by four bay horses, ful
rigged and manned ; length 26 feet, beam 6 feet
inches, depth 4 feet.

Pilot boat Archer, drawn by two horses. Captain
G. P. Connell ; 15 feet long, 4 feet beam ; James J
Mason, mate.

70 boys. Banner, on which was inscribed, " Juv
niles of the Fifth Ward, Southwark." Figure of
Washington, &c. Motto, " Our motto is our country's
cause, and that we will maintain." Another small
banner, Bible and eagle upon it, on the American flag.
Miniature sloop.

Two barouches, containing the Delaware Bay pilots.

The Native American Rifle Company of Fifth Ward,
Southwark, in citizens' dress, with military caps and
gold bands. 42 members. Marshal, N. Wills ; As
sistants, Mr. McBride, S. W. Pierce, Mr. Silbert, and
M. Bruce. Band.

Fifth Ward, Southwark, Association. — Banner:
Liberty supporting an American flag, and pointing to
an open Bible on an altar beside her ; two children at
the base of the altar, and Justice on the left ; a fillet
and scales on the ground, at her feet, the shade of
Washington seen in the clouds, supported by angels.
190 members, carrying blue wands, decorated wit!
blue ribbons. Band. A large silk American flag ; a:
American eagle on a staff, surrounded by small flags

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 145

Water casks. Marshal and Aids mounted. Dr. J. B.
Strafford, Marshal ; assistants, Joseph Weimer, R.
Grimshaw.

First Ward, Moyamensing, — Marshal, Michael
Fleetwood ; assistants, H. Davis and W. Bishop.
Banner : full length portrait of Washington, pointing
to a hallot-box on his left, partly concealed by the
American flag ; inscribed on a scroll were the words,
"The remedy is in the ballot-box." Above was an
eagle bearing a streamer, inscribed, "Beware of
foreign influence." 64 members.

Second Ward, Moyamensing ', Association. — Mar-
shal, Aldon James ; assistants, Alderman James A.
Campbell, William Otley, R. S. R. Andrews, J. T. V.
Poole, Jacob B. Goldey. Banner : A full length figure
of Washington, standing on the globe, with the star-
spangled banner waving over his left shoulder. The
staff of the banner, surmounted by an eagle, from
whose mouth waved a scroll, with the motto, " No Fo-
reign Dictation." Washington holding an open scroll
in his right hand, with the motto, " Beware of Foreign
Influence." In the back-ground, a Bible spread open.
Band. 70 members.

Third Ward, Moyamensing, Association. — Marshal,
John R. Hunn ; assistants, D. A. Beard, A. Hentzle-
wood. A white satin banner, representing a figure of
Liberty, holding in one hand the American flag, and
in the other, an open Bible. Above the figure, the
motto, " Our Country must and shall be free," and
below, "Liberty of Conscience." 60 members.

A grotesquely cut box-tree, 150 years old, from the
13

146 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Moyamensing Botanical Garden, borne on an immense
car, and drawn by four horses.

Fourth Ward, Moyamensing, Association. — Mar-
shal, Frederick A. Walmer ; assistants, John Hawkins
and John Lush. The banner represented the Genius
of Liberty bearing through the clouds a liberty pole
and cap, and the torn American flag, trampled on at
Kensington. Above the figure was a bust of Wash-
ington, and the Scales of Justice. 70 members.

A large American flag.

Seamen of the Port of Philadelphia.

Men and boys.

Marshal, John Riter ; John Williams, assistant.

Banner, representing Washington on horseback ; on
the reverse, "Free trade and sailors' rights."

Miniature models of the United States sloop of war
Peacock, ship Archer, ship Bethel, ship William Penn,
sloop of war Dale, ship Colonel Pluck, United States
brig Truxton, United States revenue cutter Gallatin.

A number of flags and banners were carried by men
and boys, dressed as sailors. 74 men, 30 boys.

Second District Association. — Marshal, E. G. Ben-
son ; assistants, H. Horn, and J. Gihon, mounted.

The omnibus Lady Washington, drawn by six white
horses, containing old and infirm native citizens of Lo-
cust Ward.

Locust Ward Association. — Banner : A full length
figure of Washington standing by a table, on which
•was a ballot-box, inscribed " 21 years." A drapery
of American flags was beautifully painted above, and
falling by the side of Washington. Above was in-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 147

scribed, "Beware of Foreign Influence." Beneath,
" Locust Ward." Marshal, Col. J. K. Murphy ; as-
sistants, W. H. Wright, John A. White, Edward
Harmstead, John Wilhelm, George W. Watson, and

F. G. Bell. Two large silk American flags, and several
small ones. 175 members.

North Mulberry Ward Association. — Marshal,
Thomas Marsh ; assistants, W. S. Peters, F. F. More-
land, Charles Wile, and Peter Wagner. Committee
of arrangement in two barouches. Band. Banner,
representing young Shinier, in a kneeling attitude,
holding the American flag in one hand, and placing
the other to his breast. Under a fold of the flag was
a ballot-box. 152 boys bearing various small banners,
with appropriate devices.

South Mulberry Ward Association. — Marshal, C.

G. Childs ; assistants, Andrew Godfrey, William Jor-
dan, Henry Beck. Banner, which represented a
shield, was richly wrought, with two historical inci-
dents from Trumbull ; Washington in the foreground,
under a tree, with several cannons near his feet. The
picture above it, on the shield, was the landing of
Perm ; ships in the distance, with a group of Indians.
The whole festooned with the star-spangled banner.
Band. 50 members.

Pine Ward Association. — Marshal, George F. Mil-
ler ; assistants, James H. Stephens, Thomas W. Gil-
bert. Large American flag. Banner : Liberty standing
on a rock on the sea shore, and an angel descending
with the open Bible. By her side a shield with a por-
trait of Washington, surrounded with twenty-six stars,

148 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

and she supported a staff surmounted with the liberty
cap. Flags and Carved Eagle. 45 members.

North Ward Association. — Marshal, Joshua L.
Husband; assistants, H. Swift, Mr. Price, M. L.
Wise, Samuel Hill, and J. S. Warner. Banner: A
large rock, on which was inscribed, "Our principles
are founded on a rock — our Institutions on the Bible."
Above this an Eagle supporting the American flag,
the folds of which fell on to one side of the rock ; an
open Bible rested upon this, while above a rainbow
spanned the picture, and rays of light were descending
upon the Bible. A portrait of Washington rested
against the rock on one side. Flags. 70 members.

South Ward Association. — Marshal, Dr. Chaloner ;
assistants, Robert Brown, E. Roger, T. W. Patton,
Joseph C. Sleight. Banner : The Goddess of Liberty
sitting on a globe; in one hand a scroll, labelled,
" Constitution ;" the other supporting an open Bible.
"America — Our Native Land," was inscribed on the
globe. Beside Liberty was an Eagle, with a medallion
of Washington resting on its breast. 60 members.

Lower Delaware Ward Association. — Marshal,
Jesse Burrows; assistants, G. McRedding, J. H.
Pugh, H. H. Simpson, and George W. McDonald.
Banner : A figure of Liberty represented sitting on a
rock, supporting an American flag. At one side a
pillar, against which rested an anchor. Above was
inscribed, " Our Native Land," while below was the
title, " Native American Association." 70 members.

Dock Ward Association. — Marshal, Alderman Peter
Hay ; assistants, George W. Prentice, William Alex-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 149

ander, jr., and A. Q. Farr. Banner representing the
tomb of Washington, at Mount Vernon ; hovering over
the tomb, the American Eagle, with the star-spangled
banner in his beak ; in the distance the faint outline
of a figure, representing the spirit of Washington.
The motto, "Beware of foreign influence." 75 mem-
bers, 25 boys.

American flag ; miniature ship on a car ; boys with
banners.

Walnut and Chestnut Ward Associations. — Mar-
shal, David W. Moore ; assistants, Q. F. Wallace, and
J. A. Smith. Banner : A bust of the mother of Wash-
ington resting on a pedestal, with an oak wreath round
it. An eagle hovering over it, holding the American
flag in its beak, which fell in graceful folds over the
bust and pedestal. The pedestal had the following in-
scription, "To Mary the mother of Washington." In
the back ground, a view of Washington Square, with
a fac simile of the monument of Washington to be
erected in the square. On the top of the banner the
motto, " The only jewels of America should be her
sons," and below, "Native American Association."
40 members.

Upper Delaware Ward Association. — Marshal,
Joseph T. Whitaker ; assistants, G. W. Jenkins, W.
Odenheimer, Joseph Morgan, A. C. Coyle, and J. Raw.
American flag. Banner : A full length figure of Wash-
ington standing in front of the Chair of State. In his
left hand a scroll containing the words, " Beware of
Foreign Influence." His right hand resting upon a
book labelled, "The Constitution," which was sup-

150 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ported on a Bible upon a table. The American flag
neatly festooned at the side and foot of the banner.
80 members.

High Ward Association. — Marshal, E. D. Nutz ;
Assistants, L. G. Thomas, T. Westcott, and J. Souders.
Banner: Washington standing by a table with one
hand resting on a Bible. The Genius of America,
with liberty pole and cap, appearing on his right hand
in a cloud, with an eagle at her feet. The motto,
" Beware of the insidious wiles of foreign influence."
Black heart wreathed. Inscription, " Our Country
always to Heart." Borne by boys. 44 members.

Middle Ward Association. — Marshal, John Wise ;
Assistants, R. Williams and William Elliot. Banner :
Representing a boy standing beside a Bible, and sup-
porting the American flag, over which was, " Our
own Native Land," and beneath, " The Constitution
of the United States. 60 members.

Third District Association. — Marshal, Jacob S.
Haas; Aids, S. Shotwell and David G. Wilson,
mounted.

A cenotaph to the memory of those persons who
Trere killed at Kensington, drawn by two black horses.

First Ward Spring Crarden Association. — Marshal,
John D. Fox ; assistants, Benjamin Whitaker, Morris
E. Afflick, Henry L. Smith, and John C. Taylor.
Banner : Representing a monument, with the American
flag over the case, Holy Bible in front, ballot-box
under the lower folds of the flag ; eagle above, and
over all the inscription, " God and Our Native Land."

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 151

Small banner carried by boys, with figure of a Bible,
and the words, " The light of the world and the guide
of the nation." Also, a splendid wreath of natural
flowers. 50 members.

Fourth Ward Spring G-arden Association. — Mar-
shal, T. J. Herring ; assistants, D. P. Vail, J. Dicker-
son, Jr., J. H. Howard, and Sam'l Simpson. Large
American flag, 20 feet long and 10 feet broad, and
borne on the shoulders of six men. Band. Banner :
The Goddess of Liberty standing in her Temple with
the American flag beautifully draped around her, sup-
porting a liberty pole surmounted by the cap. Above
the Temple an Eagle resting upon an open Bible, with
a ribbon floating from its beak, on which appeared,
" God and our Country." The painting was surrounded
by a wreath of oak leaves, gilded. Young Natives
with banner and flags. 95 members, 38 boys.

Third Ward Spring Garden Association. — Marshal,
A. L. Shattuck; assistants, J. H. Amor and John
Welsh. Banner : A Temple of Liberty, with the motto,
" Liberty of Speech and Right of Petition." On the
Temple was an eagle, from the beak of which appeared
a ribbon, with the motto, " We have arrived at an
important crisis." In the centre was an altar, on which
was an open Bible, and above appeared a flying figure
of Liberty, with an American flag. American flag.
85 members.

First Ward N. L. Association. — Barouche carrying
the banner and flag. Marshal, N. B. Unruch ; assist-
ants, Jacob B. Hamilton and Jos. S. Ritchie. An
American flag, 144 inches long, by 102 inches wide,

152 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

the silk of American manufacture. It had for a
motto, " Our flag we will defend." The staff was of
American cherry, fifteen feet long, surmounted by a
gilt eagle, resting on an open Bible, with the inscrip-
tion, "Search the Scriptures." 40 members.

Second Ward N. L. Association. — Marshal, E. S.
Yocum ; assistants, Daniel Potts and Lewis Williams,
Banner: Washington kneeling at prayer in a wood,
with a camp in a distance; over it the words, "May
our Land be Immanuel's Land." Miniature model
of a man-of-war on a car. 28 members.

Third Ward N. L. Association. — Marshal, Col.
Jos. S. Riley ; assistants, Benj. Bennet and J. J.
Grumpert. Banner : The Goddess of Liberty standing
by a pillar, with her staff and liberty cap, and Ameri-
can flag. At her foot, an eagle grasping an olive
branch and a shield, with the motto, " Revision of our
Naturalization Laws." Above the eagle, a pedestal,
with an open Bible, resting upon it. In the back-
ground, a statue of Washington, and a school-house.
The motto, " Beware of foreign influence." Boys
with banner. Boys with flags and banners. 60 mem-
bers— 20 boys.

Fourth Ward N. L. Association. — Marshal, John
Mclntosh ; assistants, John A. Beck, Edwin Sleeper,
and Wm. Edmonson. Banner, representing an angel
of light dispelling darkness, with the open Bible in
her right hand, the American flag in her left. Boys
with banners : 40 members.

Fifth Ward N. L. Association. — Marshal, J. G.
Flaigel; assistants, Lewis Wolfe, George C. Leidy,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 153

William P. Jenkins, Wm. Stratton, Lewis Burk, I. M.
Lye, and R. Taylor. Banner, the figure of Liberty
near a rock on the seashore, with American flag and
liberty cap, and the inscription of " God and our
Country." A large American flag. Boys with ban-
ners and flags. 70 members — 20 boys'.

Sixth Ward N. L. Association. — Band. Marshal,
John Donnalay ; assistants, James E. Sulger, H. F.
Rasche, and Jesse E. James. Banner, representing a
young man in undress, kneeling beside the altar of
liberty, and clasping an American flag, beautifully
painted. An eagle' sweeping down towards him, and
in the act of placing a laurel wreath on his brow. At
the foot of the altar, the Bible, and in the back-
ground, a public school-house. Over this banner was
the motto, "Beware of foreign influence." American
flag. Young natives with small flags. 130 members
—30 boys.

Seventh Ward N. L. Association. — Marshal, Wm.
B. Severn; assistants, Samuel Grim, Cephas Custis,
Henry R. Russel, John Rookstool, Gordon Wollers,
Thomas L. Booth, Geo. Meyers, and John Millington.
Banner: The Goddess of Liberty, standing by a
pedestal, on which was the American shield, with the
open Bible appended to it ; her hand resting on the
shield, and leaning against the pedestal was an anchor ;
in her left hand the liberty pole ; at her feet the Ame-
rican eagle. The ground work was very handsome ;
and on the scroll above, the motto, "Beware of fo-
reign influence." Band. Boys with banners and
flags. 95 members — 26 boys.

154 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Fourth District Association. — District marshal,
Joshua Bethel.

Fifth Ward, Kensington, Association. — Marshal, M.
Davis; assistants, Calvin H. Test, Henry D. Clay-
ton, Isaac D. Brown, and John Williamson. Band.
Banner : An eagle on a rock grasping an olive branch
and shield, and supporting by a chain from its beak,
a ballot-box, on which was inscribed " Twenty-one
years." On each side were stands of American flags.
Above the eagle, the motto, "Native Americans," and
below, " Our country and our rights, our altars and
our God: Instituted March 2d, 1844." Flags. 70
members.

Second Ward, Kensington, Association. — Marshal,
John A. Hess ; assistants, James Wood, Samuel C.
Cox, James McNalty, and George Stetzel. Banner,
representing a female in a sitting position, supporting
an American shield and a portrait of Washington, and
teaching a group of children ; an eagle about placing
a wreath upon her brow. Inscription, "Beware of
foreign influence." Band. 110 members — 50 boys.

The torn flag that was trampled on at Kensington,
borne on a car, drawn by two horses.

An American flag with the motto, " Though torn
still waving."

Boys with banner and miniature ship.

Third Ward, Kensington, Association. — Marshal,
Wm. Craig; assistants, Henry Eiciwachter, Clement
Callam, Wm. Freeheller, ' Henry Crout, and David
Seely. This banner represented the figure of Justice
and Liberty, with the American shield, resting upon

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 155

the Bible, between them. Liberty holding the staff
of the star-spangled banner, which waved behind the
group, while Justice held the scales aloft in one hand
and rested the other upon her sword. The shield was
surmounted by an eagle, grasping the Constitution in
one of his claws. Band. American flag. 90 mem-
bers.

Native Americans mounted. Sloop of war Native
American, 28 feet in length, beam 6 feet 9 inches,
depth of hold 3 feet 4 inches, mainmast 30 feet 6
inches ; drawn by 13 horses.

Fourth Ward, Kensington, Association. — Marshal,
John Bonning ; assistants, Jos. Smith, John R. Luff-
berry, John Dysche, Peter Teese, H. Eliakim Hill-
man. Banner : The principal figure in the fore-
ground was the Goddess of Liberty, supporting with
one hand a bust of Washington, on a pedestal, and
with her other hand holding the American flag. In
front of the pedestal and underneath the bust, was a
shield and a Bible. The back-ground represented a
view of the river Delaware, with the Navy-yard at a
distance, and the river in front of the city. On the
top of the banner was the motto, " We are competent
to make and administer our own laws," and on the
bottom, " Beware of foreign influence." 75 members.

The fishermen of Kensington, with the fishing boat
Independence, rigged and manned, on a car drawn by
four horses.

Fifth Ward, Kensington, Association. — Marshal,
John R. Myers ; assistants, Adam Hempshire, Adam
Henricks, Samuel Husted, Samuel T. Hay, and

156 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Thomas Merrit. American flag. Band. Banner
representing the Goddess of Liberty pointing to an
open Bible, on an altar beside her. At the feet of the
figure, an eagle holding a scroll, on which was inscribed,
" Washington's Farewell Address." 65 members.

North Penn Township Association. — Marshal, Mr.
Rheinich; assistants, Geo. Miller, and Edward
Maupay. Banners. 20 members.

Grermantown Association. — Marshal, Isaac E.
Leech ; assistants, John W. Harmer, and Win. Stad-
dleman. Banner representing the death of Lawrence.
American flag. 40 members.

District of Penn Association, Ho. 1. — Marshal,
Peter K. Young; assistants, Wm. Harney, and
Robert Able. Banner representing an eagle on a
pedestal, holding a Bible; American flag on the
pedestal, with medallion portrait of Washington. 30
members.

Manayunk and Roxborough Association. — Marshal,
Charles T. Jones ; assistants, Alonzo Robb, Francis
Kirkpatrick, and Nelson Paxson. Banner: repre-
senting Liberty clad in the American flag, holding a
medallion portrait of Washington. 45 members.
Thirty mounted farmers.

The streets during the whole line of the procession
•were densely crowded, while along the entire route the
windows and balconies of the houses were occupied by
ladies, showering bouquets and wreaths, and waving
their handkerchiefs in token of admiration. Taking
it altogether, a more brilliant display could not well

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 157

be imagined. The line took upwards of an hour and
a quarter to pass, and the head of it did not reach the
place of celebration until four o'clock in the after-
noon. Between six and seven o'clock, P. M., Mr. E.
M. Spenser, president of the day, called the meeting to
order, when Mr. John Perry read with much effect,
the Declaration of Independence. He was succeeded
by Mr. Wm. D. Baker, who delivered a brief, chaste,
and beautifully written oration. After which, Mr.
Wm. D. Barnes read " The Declaration of American
Republicans of Philadelphia City and County, July
4th, 1844." It was as follows :

" When, with a sudden and unpremeditated move-
ment, large masses of citizens cast at once aside the
political opinions, that, maintained with the warmth
of honest conviction, have before divided and alienated
them, and quietly and resolutely combine for some
national object, if the principle of our government be
true, it is inconceivable, that the reason of their move-
ment should be silly, or that in the impulse which
urges, they have not felt the real anguish of a hidden
sting. The political moralist often thinks he sees
the error he prates about, the people always know they
feel the wrong they thus act against. Wide spread
must be the knowledge, and unendurable the nature
of the evil, that, at the moment the trumpets of all
parties are sounding, unites the people in a multitu-
dinous American combination. Originating in love
of country, we have the good of our country as our
end. And that all men may know this, we make our
14

158 HISTORV OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

public declaration of the wrongs our country suffers,
and the remedies we seek to apply.

" We hold that the civil liberty we enjoy is sure and
uncontrollable, because by the popular possession of the
elective franchise, that civil liberty is popular power.
Upon this principle we declare, that it behoves us to
be cautious and considerate how we admit new persons
to a share of this power, common prudence forbidding
it, until their minds, tempers, and inclinations are ha-
bitually and fixedly subjected to the fundamental
maxims on which our liberties depend.

" We hold that as the elective franchise continues the
power in the hands of the people, it is the life of our
liberties, which are thus made to depend upon the
popular will. And, therefore, while we are ready and
willing to extend to the oppressed of all lands, who
choose to seek refuge under the mild and liberal huma-
nity of our government, the enjoyment of those inesti-
mable benefits it returns us, we will take care to
preserve that popular will, an American national will,
not debase it into the alloy of an intermixed will, half
foreign, half national, thus lessening and deteriorating
in its nature our national birth-right ; Esau-like part-
ing with our portion, without Esau's excuse.

" We hold to prostitute this franchise, is certainly
to take from the people their power and to destroy the
institutions of our country. And, therefore, it is to be
guarded as a blessing most holy, from whose sacred
precinct we, its inheritors, are enjoined to put afar off,
not only all danger, but all probability of danger.

" We, therefore, declare, that to open the elective

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 159

franchise with unlimited confidence to all foreign in-
comers, after a five years' residence, is repugnant to
the duty and dignity of our position as American
citizens.

" It is admitting to a share of national power, to a
voice in our National Council, and to a direction in
our national policy, a man who is a stranger by birth,
not only to our land, but to all our customs, to all the
habitudes of our national mind, to all our national
prejudices, to all our national views, to all our na-
tional loves, to all our national unity of purposes,
which are the slow growth of many lives, and can
neither be rudely deracinated, or violently implanted
by a brief five-year labour.

" That among the foreigners who have been elevated
by the ennobling gift of the elective franchise, is con-
stantly displayed the convincing proof of this propo-
sition. Their hearts and their lips overflow with
insolent impieties towards our constitution. They
blaspheme the names and things we hold in most reve-
rent honour, and sell their votes for office.

" There is daily poured upon our shores and spread
throughout our coasts, a population, festering and em-
poisoned with all that train of disorderly appetites,
which the errors and miseries of their state in the old
world have inevitably engendered. They are at five
years made partakers of the very life of our national
being, by law ; and systematically, within five days,
without law.

" Against this early and easy naturalization, both
legal and illegal, we do most seriously protest; we

160 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY.

protest even in the case of those whose misfortunes and
whose virtues claim our tender sympathies.

" We protest alike against all ; Because five years
is too short a time to nationalize the heart, instruct
the understanding, and fix in a national habit the mind
of any man; Because, a foreign demagogue can, at
this moment,' command the votes of tens of thousands
of these naturalized voters, in favour of whom he
pleases to select for any office in the people's gift ; Be-
cause, foreign dissensions, foreign factions, foreign
influences, and foreign corruptions have, by means of
these laws, been introduced into the heart of our liber-
ties ; Because, foreign parties are springing up among
us to our shame, our confusion, and ultimately our
downfall ; Because, it is selling our highest and dearest
honour too cheaply for population ; Because, it is a
lessening of the dignity of the American character ;
Because, it is allowing other people to grow upon us,
not we ourselves upon other people ; Because, when it
pleased heaven to make us free, it was that we were
fit to be free, and therefore fit to govern ourselves, a
decree it has not yet pleased Him to pronounce upon
any other nation of the earth, and, therefore, we hold
it wise, expedient and fit, that we govern ourselves
without the interference or assistance of these others.

" We, therefore, children of the land, fully impressed
with the necessity of such actipn, do declare that we
advocate a residence of twenty-one years in the land,
as the indispensable condition to be fulfilled by every
foreigner before our honourable birth-right be in any
way bestowed upon him. To this principle, forgetting

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 161

all party distinction, and recollecting only our country,
we most solemnly pledge and devote ourselves, neither
will we faint or falter until our end be accomplished.
Lest while we enjoy the blessing of Reuben, — ' Oh !
Reuben, my first-born, my might, and the beginning
of my strength, the excellency of dignity and the ex-
cellency of power ;' — we also fall under his curse, —
* Unstable as water, thou shalt not excel.' '

Mr "William Hollinshead next read Washington's
Farewell Address. The utmost harmony prevailed
throughout the day and during the proceedings, and
although more persons participated than had ever
taken part in any public celebration in the city, no
accident occurred.

At the time the meeting adjourned, accessions had
been made to the assembly, of ladies and others from
the city, in omnibuses, carriages, on horseback, and
on foot, until there was not less than twenty thousand
persons on the ground. The celebration closed with
the most brilliant display of fire-works ever witnessed
in the country, under the superintendence of Mr.
Samuel Jackson.

14*

1

CHAPTER XVIII.

Certain parties not pleased with the Fourth of July Celebration— Appa-
rent determination to produce new outbreaks — Arming of the Church
of St. Philip de Neri— Excitement occasioned thereby— The sheriff
calls out the military — Arms removed from the church — Arrest of
Charles Naylor — Attack upon the church — Liberation of Naylor — The
Hibernia Greens compelled to leave the building — Murderous fire of
the military.

BUT the peaceable and tremendous demonstration
of American feeling exhibited in the magnificent cele-
bration of the Fourth of July, though highly gratify-
ing to all good citizens, produced contrary effects in
the minds of other classes of the people. There were
certain prominent politicians who saw in it a death-
blow to the success of their lofty aspirations, and
others, of more humble pretensions, feared they were
about to lose for ever that " balance of power," which
alone gave them consequence, and which they con-
sidered of too much importance to surrender without
the most desperate struggles. The giant adversary,
that had so suddenly risen in their midst, must be de-
stroyed at every hazard. Whilst this existed, they
were powerless. Nothing was more inauspicious to
their hopes than the peaceful calm that had followed
the Kensington storm, which they had raised. Another
tempest must be aroused ; but where and by what
means, was a perplexing question". Malicious abuse,

(162)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 163

unfounded prosecutions, and repeated persecutions had
failed to provoke the native Americans to lawless
aggressions. They kept on steadily in the even tenor
of their way, daily gaining hoth moral and numerical
strength. Catholic churches were undisturbed, and
noisy Irish politicians were permitted, without moles-
tation, to boast, bluster, and threaten to their hearts'
content. The American party was fully satisfied
with the triumphs it had achieved, and the clear pros-
pects of future conquests.

Notwithstanding all this, the Catholics were de-
termined, if possible', to create new disturbances, and
thus arrest the onward progress of the cause they
dreaded. Hence, vague rumours were put in circula-
tion, that their churches were threatened, and publicity
was given to ridiculous anonymous communications,
doubtless written by themselves, to that effect. No
one believed these silly stories. The whole public
knew that there was no disposition anywhere to dis-
turb Catholic or any other churches. Yet, upon the
pretence that they were in danger, the Catholics
applied for and received permission to arm their reli-
gious temples. In doing this they accomplished the
.desired object — that of instigating new outrages.

On the afternoon of Friday, July 5th, the people
in the neighbourhood of the church of St. Philip de
Neri, in Queen street, between Second and Third
streets, Southwark, saw arms and ammunition carried
into the church. The circumstance was regarded as
strange, unnecessary, and inexplicable, and conse-
quently produced considerable excitement. As the

164 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

story spread, crowds collected about the church, and
serious indications were given of an approaching dis-
turbance. About 8 o'clock in the evening matters had
assumed so threatening an aspect, that a committee
of citizens called upon the sheriff, urging his inter-
ference to preserve the peace of the neighbourhood.
That officer repaired at once to the scene of excite-
ment, after having called upon Major- General Patter-
son for the aid of the military. Upon his arriving
at the church, the crowd demanded that the arms
should be removed ; when the sheriff, with Aldermen
Hortz and Palmer, and a few citizens, entered the
building, and after a search of some half an hour,
returned to the street with twelve muskets, several of
them heavily loaded. These were declared to be all
the arms that were in the house. This did not satisfy
the people, who had seen more carried in, and another
search was consequently made, which resulted in the
discovery of seventy-five additional muskets, some of
them so heavily charged with buck-shot, ball and slugs,
that they could not have been fired without danger of
bursting ; and also a number of axes, hammers,
bludgeons, knives, pistols, a keg of powder, and box
of cartridges. The sheriff and the committee, how-
ever, very prudently, to prevent an immediate out-
break, which otherwise would have occurred, kept this
fact concealed from the now immense crowd that had
collected in the street, and it was not generally known
until the following morning.

At about eleven o'clock, Captain Hill's company of
City Guards arrived on the ground, cleared the street,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 165

and posted sentries at the corners, when the people
quietly dispersed. Early on the following morning,
however, they began to assemble again in vast num-
bers, and at two o'clock, P. M., Queen street, from
Second to Third,- was densely packed. Soon after-
wards, General Cadwalader rode in on horseback, and
addressed the multitude, urging them not only to
refrain from violence, but to disperse. In reply to
questions relative to the authority by which the arms
were taken into the church, he stated that an order for
twenty muskets had been issued by authority of the
governor, and that they had been delivered before he
had any knowledge of the order. His attempts to
persuade the crowd to leave the place were unavailing,
and he withdrew without having accomplished any
good. In relation to the subject, a few days after-
wards, the " Ledger" very judiciously remarked :

" Mr. Dunn, who is a brother of the priest of that
name, got an order from the governor for twenty
stand of arms. Whether the governor was apprised
of the object to which these guns were to be applied,
we know not. The probability is that he was not.
More fire-arms, procured otherwise, swelling the num-
ber to some eighty, were taken into the church. Now
we are of opinion that there is about as much use for
guns in a church, as for a powder magazine under it.
And if the Reverend Mr. Dunn had reflected properly,
that his mission is one of love and not blood, he would
never have been a party to the matter. But the guns,
all or part of them, were there by authority, either
special or implied. If by special authority, there they

166 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ought to have stayed until the proper civil officers had
come to the discreet conclusion that a church is not
an armory or a fort ; a conclusion which a very little
reflection .would have brought them to. Or if the guns
were there by no special authority, their removal was
a very simple matter. But in either case, there was
no cause for public excitement — no cause for a mob."

But the public mind had not yet got completely over
the agitation produced by the Kensington butcheries.
The volcano that had been smothered, needed the aid
of no great means to cause it to burst forth with
renewed fury. The mere carrying arms into a Catholic
church would have excited no especial attention, but
for the wanton attack of the Catholics in Kensington
upon unoffending citizens. It was that attack that
created the apprehension in Southwark that some
dread mischief was in contemplation. They were
actually alarmed (perhaps unnecessarily), and hence
the deplorable consequences that followed.

As the day advanced, the crowd increased in num-
bers and in turbulence. It had begun to assume the
character of a lawless mob, and threats of violence
were freely indulged. At 7 o'clock the sheriff arrived
with a posse about one hundred and fifty strong;
drove the throng from the front of the church ; and
stationed lines of men along Queen street, from
Second to Third, thus preventing all ingress to the
square. During the evening the military was reinforced
by the Mechanic Rifle, Washington Blues, Cadwalader
Grays, Markle Rifle, City Guards, and Junior Artil-
lerists, the latter bringing three field-pieces, which

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 107

they so stationed as to command all the avenues to
the church. About eleven o'clock, Gen. Cadwalader,
with a platoon of men, charged upon the throng in
Second street, below Queen, driving them- down to
Christian street. Similar measures were pursued up
Second street and along Third street. In Third
street, the mob became more noisy than ever, and
commenced throwing stones at the military. General
Cadwalader then gave orders to fire, and one of the
field-pieces was levelled at the crowd ; when Mr.
Charles Naylor, who .was one of the sheriff's posse,
sprang into the street and countermanded the
order. He was immediately arrested by command of
the general, and confined in the church. His act,
though contrary to military discipline, prevented the
discharge of the gun, and the destruction of many
innocent lives. Toward morning, quiet was gradually
restored, and the military mostly retired, leaving the
Mechanic Rifle and Hibernia Greens to guard the
church. The stationing of the latter named Irish
company for this purpose was as injudicious, as the
command to fire musketry down a densely crowded
street was rash and hasty. Both these acts, together
with the arrest and confinement of Naylor, only tended
to fan the fire that was only smouldering, into a furious
and terrible conflagration.

Early on Sunday morning the crowd, which now
had among it some of the most reckless and turbulent
spirits in the city suburbs, again began to gather in
front of the church, and at eleven o'clock threats were
made to attack it if Mr. Naylor was not released. An

1C8 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

old four-pounder, lashed upon timber wheels, was
brought up and pointed at the door, and would have
been discharged had not some person thrown water
upon the priming. A large log was then obtained,
which was used as a battering-ram. With this the
panels of one of the front doors were forced, and an
entrance into the church effected. Mr. Naylor was
then released, and getting upon the steps, he made a
short address, urging the people to keep the peace and
retire to their homes. He was loudly cheered, and
marched by a great multitude to his residence in Fifth
street above Walnut, where he again conjured them to
act like worthy and peaceable citizens.

The crowd next demanded that the Hibernia Greens
should be sent out of the church, and it was agreed
that they should leave with the pans of their guns
opened and unprimed. They came out, however, with
their muskets not only primed, but many of them
cocked also. They were followed up Second street by
some of the most riotous of the mob, who groaned,
hooted, and even pelted them with stones. At the
corner of German street, one of them, named Gallaher,
turned and fired into the crowd, wounding a boy. The
company then broke and fled in all directions. Gal-
laher was pursued to Sixth street, where he took refuge
in a house at the corner of Small street. After several
pistol shots were fired into the house, he was seized,
dragged into the street, and terribly beaten about the
face and head. Some citizens then carried him to the
Southwark Commissioners' Hall, where he lay a long

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 1G9

while in the rear basement, apparently dead. He
subsequently recovered.

An exaggerated report having obtained circulation
that the Hibernia Greens had fired upon the people,
the excitement was increased thereby, and crowds hur-
ried to the church in greater numbers than ever. The
police having command of the front door to jceep away
the mob, a battering-ram was applied to an eighteen
inch wall between the church and a dwelling-house on
the west. This soon gave way, and the crowd rush-
ing through, forced the side door and windows and
filled the building. In the mean time, another cannon,
mounted on wheels, and loaded with pieces of iron,
spikes, &c., had been posted in the yard in the rear,
and discharged against the wall. A number of
the prominent members of the American party, who
had volunteered their aid to protect the church and
preserve the peace, were in the interior when the mob
entered, and, mounting the altar, appealed to the
rioters in an eloquent manner to desist from further
violence. Speeches to this effect were made in the
church, in the streets, and adjacent lots, by Messrs.
Thomas D. Grover, John Perry, Lewis C. Levin, C.
J. Jack, and others. These gentlemen succeeded, not
only, in allaying the excitement, but in organizing a
committee of one hundred gentlemen in the church,
mostly prominent native Americans, in whose hands
the crowd agreed to intrust the building, and who, on
their side, had pledged themselves that no further mis-
chief would be done. The mob was then gradually
retiring, having accomplished no material injury to the
15

170 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

building nor its fixtures. The greatest damage was
done by rude boys on the outside, who had amused
themselves by throwing stones through the windows.

As certain interested parties ascribed these dis-
turbances to the American party, and their published
statements to that effect have still left the impression
on many minds, in distant places, the following honest
testimony of the " Public Ledger," of July 8, is given
to correct the error. The editor remarked :

" The present riot was commenced by a desperate
set of men, who were opposed by the Native American
party. The latter were posted to guard the Church
of St. Philip against the attacks of these men, belong-
ing to no party, actuated by no principle, not even
that of blind revenge ; but moved merely by a reckless
disregard of all civil restraints, and rioting for the
love of riot."

News soon reached the head-quarters of the autho-
rities that the church had been violently entered, when
a preconcerted signal (eight taps on the State-House
bell) was given, and the military under command of
General Cadwalader, amounting to about two hundred
men, instantly assembled in Independence Square. In
a little time their line was formed, and the brigade,
•with music playing, were on a rapid march for South-
wark. Thousands of persons were drawn together by
the alarm on the bell, and followed the military,
attracted by their warlike display and the music of the
bands, perhaps all .of them as orderly and peace-loving
citizens as any in the community. The head of the
line entered Queen street at Fourth, about 7 o'clock.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 171

The street was blocked up completely with a dense
mass of human beings, not one of a thousand of whom
had the slightest disposition to riot. Upon this mass,
which was materially increased by the throng that
accompanied the soldiers, the military pressed with
hot and needless haste ; some of the officers evidencing
greater excitement than the most furious rioter on the
ground. As the crowd was forced down Queen street,
it became more closely packed, in consequence of those
in the rear not instantly giving way, and it would have
been quite as impossible to dam up the river with straws,
as for the people to retreat as fast as was expected.
Still the soldiers pushed forward, the crowd endeavour-
ing to give way as rapidly as possible. The officers
brandished their swords, and indulged in the most
violent, profane, and threatening language, while the
men pricked the crowd with their bayonets, not even
sparing the police, who had volunteered to protect the
church and assist in preserving the peace. Thomas
D. Grover at this time received a bayonet thrust from
one of the soldiers. When near the corner of Second
street, Captain Hill, of the City Guards, who was
urging forward his men, and venting threats of slaugh-
ter, was necessarily resisted by the crowd, who could
not possibly escape, when he gave the word to fire,
which was obeyed; the most of his men, however,
wisely and mercifully, discharging their muskets in
the air. Notwithstanding this, and the people were
flying in all directions, a second volley was poured
into the crowd ; both volleys making sa4 havoc among
the multitude. Among those who witnessed this trans-

172 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY..

action, were many who boldly attributed the excite-
ment of Captain Hill to the influence of liquor ; but
he subsequently, upon his examination before the civil
tribunals, ascribed it to the effect of a blow received
upon the back of his head by a stone thrown from the
crowd. Be this as it may, there was not in that vast
multitude one dispassionate person, who really believed
there was an actual necessity for the murderous firo
that then destroyed the lives of innocent and peaceable
citizens. The military had been severely censured for
their inefficiency and tardiness of action in the riots
of May, and they seemed determined to make amends
for doing too little in Kensington, by doing too much
in Southwark. In the former place there was actual
need of military interference ; in the latter their use-
less presence was acknowledged on all hands to be the
cause of the dreadful disasters that occurred. Had
their aid not been invoked, there would have been no
actual disturbance, and no cause to mourn the un-
timely deaths of respected and valuable people. These
are truths that it was then pronounced treason to de-
clare ; but justice requires them now to be chronicled
as matters of history, which hundreds of witnesses still
live to attest.

Quite a number of persons were killed and wounded
by the fire of the military, and the excitement became
intense. This was by no means allayed by the expo-
sure of several dead bodies in the Commissioners'
Hall. Threats were now loudly made against the
military, and it was quite evident that the most serious
difficulties were yet to come. Most of the people, who

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 173

had been drawn to the place from idle curiosity, retired
to their homes, or to discuss the matter at a safe dis-
tance ; whilst another class, less peaceably disposed,
repaired to the Wharton market, at the southern border
of the town, to plot retaliation and mischief against
the military. These were reckless, resolute, though
turbulent men, who displayed a degree of courage,
which, employed in a good cause, would have done
them great credit. They obtained muskets and an old
cannon, which they loaded with pieces of iron and
glass, chains, spikes, nails, and every villanous thing
that they could obtain and use for the purpose, and
having determined upon their plan of operations, pro-
ceeded up Front street to Queen, the wheels of their
gun-carriage being muffled. The night was unusually
dark, and favourable to their purpose. They posted
their gun in. Queen street, after drawing a rope across
the street in front of it, to prevent being surprised by
the cavalry, and at about half-past eight o'clock poured
a deadly fire into the military ; this was instantly re-
turned by the artillery at Second and Queen streets,
and thus a fight commenced that continued until be-
tween two and three o'clock on the following morning,
when the cannon of the rioters was captured. After
retreating from Queen street, the latter had quietly
repaired to the corner of Third and Christian streets,
and, taking the same precautions as in Queen street,
they discharged their piece up Third street. They
were here charged upon by the cavalry, who were
thrown into confusion by rushing against the rope.
At' this moment the match was again applied to the
15*

174 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PARTY.

cannon, but fortunately it burnt priming, and was
secured. During all this time small arms were dis-
charged by the military, and by the rioters from the
tops of houses, alleys, and corners of the streets. One
of the rioters, named John Cook, was killed in Queen
street, while engaged in firing the cannon. John Gui-
ger, a member of the Germantown Blues, was instantly
killed at the corner of Third and Queen streets, and
H. Troutman, of the same company, was mortally
wounded, and died early next morning. These were
all the killed of the military, though twenty-three
others were wounded, some of them seriously. There
were four persons instantly killed and many severely
wounded, by the first fire of the military. During the
entire disturbance, the killed and wounded numbered
more than fifty persons, some of whom were shot in
their houses whilst taking no part in the affair.

CHAPTER XIX.

Another threatened attack upon the military — Action of the Southwark
aldermen and commissioners — Withdrawal of the troops from the
Southwark district — Arrival of the Governor, and unnecessary military
display — Arrests of rioters and others — Legal examination — Testi-
mony of John Button. •

EARLY on the morning of July 8th, the crowd again
assembled in greater numbers than ever at the Whar-
ton market, until it swelled to upwards of two thousand
men, well provided with arms and ammunition, and
having in possession a large gun mounted on wheels,
which they obtained on the wharf. They were orga-
nized with proper leaders, and boldly declared they
would drive the military from the district. They even
deputized persons to visit the sheriff, and other autho-
rities, to announce that the military would be attacked
at four o'clock in the afternoon, if they were not with-
drawn. This was their fixed determination, and would
have been executed, and a terrible slaughter effected,
if their demands had been refused. Having under-
stood that reinforcements of troops were expected by
the New York steamboat, at two o'clock, they dis-
patched a jiarty to the river to prevent the boat from
landing. She, however, came without the troops, and
was unmolested. A guard was also stationed to pro-

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176 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

vent shot being taken by the military from the South-
wark tower.

In the mean time the commissioners of Southwark
held a meeting, and passed the following resolution :

" Resolved, That it is the opinion of this Board of
Commissioners, that the continuing of the military
force now in this district, has a tendency to keep in
existence the present excitement, and that if the troops
now occupying the public streets of Southwark are
not withdrawn, there will probably be an additional
shedding of blood."

The aldermen of the district also assembled, and
addressed the following communication to Major-
Gcneral Robert Patterson :

" SIR : From the representations of a number of
citizens of this district, we are persuaded that if the
military are removed from the neighbourhood of St.
Philip's Roman Catholic Church, in Queen street,
order will be immediately restored, and the citizens
will protect the church. We will give our every exer-
tion for the furtherance of the object. We do not
hesitate to say that peace and good order will be im-
mediately restored."

The sheriff likewise addressed the military com-
mander as follows :

" SIR: The aldermen of the district of Southwark
have given me notice that they are. abundantly able to
protect the property and peace of the district of South-
wark. I learn also, that the commissioners of that
district have officially made a similar declaration ; and
in view of these facts, I would respectfully suggest

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 177

that the troops now having charge of St. Philip's
Church, Southwark, should be relieved. You are
therefore requested to order them to such other point
as you may deem best suited to their comfort and re-
pose, holding them in readiness to act, when necessary,
at such places as may be menaced."

Accordingly, an order was issued, and the military
at three o'clock withdrew to the arsenal on Thirteenth
street, in the city proper. The fact being announced
to the crowd at the Wharton market, they shortly dis-
persed, after loud cheering. The church was left in
charge of the aldermen and commissioners, who placed
about it a strong civil posse. Quiet was now restored,
and the only persons in the neighbourhood were
curious little squads examining and commenting upon
the marks on the trees and houses along Queen and
Third streets, made by the bullets and other missiles
of the rioters and military. The governor arrived in
the city by the afternoon train, after having issued
orders to the military, who came pouring into the city
daily for nearly two weeks, from every section of the
state, until upwards of five thousand soldiers were
here under arms. The head-quarters of the com-
*mander-in-chief were at the Girard Bank, in Third
street. The city was under martial law, and many
citizens were challenged by sentries, and even placed
under guards in passing between their dwellings and
places of business. This ridiculous farce was kept up
long after any person imagined there was the shadow
of necessity for the display, if indeed there ever had
been. But the governor finally wearied of the cam-

178 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

paign, and the city was relieved of what had become
an almost intolerable nuisance. The military from
abroad were relieved, and permitted to return to their
homes, having uselessly neglected their business,
wasted much precious time, and put the state needlessly
to an enormous expense. They were highly compli-
mented, however, for their gallantry, which in a mea-
sure compensated for the loss of health, comfort, time
and money. In the mean time many arrests were
made on the charges of riot and inciting to riot.
Among the latter class arrested, were Col. J. G. Wat-
mough, Wm. P. Hanna, and the editors of the "Sun"
and "Native American" newspapers, Messrs. Lewis
C. Levin and Samuel R. Kramer. Most of these
charges were founded upon the most flimsy pretexts,
and after the parties had been subjected to vexatious
annoyances, they were discharged.

The subject of the Southwark riots may be dismissed
with a few extracts from the testimony upon a legal
examination, before a Court of Oyer and Terminer,
Judge Jones presiding :

John Button, being sworn, said : " I was in South-
wark on the evening of the first commencement of the
riots (Friday). When I first went upon the ground
there was a crowd immediately in front of the church ;
the sheriff and his posse were endeavouring to keep the
crowd back, who were gathered in the street in a con-
siderable number. I heard that arms had been taken
into the church in the course of the afternoon; the
people were anxious that these arms should be brought
out. I saw the sheriff; he stated, in front of the

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 179

church, that twelve muskets had been brought out,
and called upon some of those present to take charge
of the guns. I took one of the guns, and I asked the
sheriff as he passed me, whether there were any more
arms or men in the church : he stated there were no
more arms, and but Priest Dunn and the sexton in the
church. We took the guns to the watchhouse, and
•when I returned, the mob were crying for the rest of
the arms to be brought out. I thought the excitement
was produced by the fear of the guns being there, and
not knowing for what purpose they had been placed
there. In passing through the crowd, I heard the
committee spoken of, and that the sheriff had con-
sented to the search taking place. The committee did
not appear to be chosen, but the first twenty that
entered formed the committee. After entering, the
sheriff took our names, and informed us that he made
us his posse. He also told us we would have to
remain all night, but they did not seem willing to do
so without searching it. The sheriff said it was illegal
to search the church, but if we would remain until
morning he would prosecute the search with us. The
priest here interposed, and hoped we would act like
Christians and gentlemen, and have confidence in what
had been told us by the sheriff and himself. He
said there was no danger, as neither arms nor men
were in the church. At this time a door in the vesti-
bule was opened by some one, and two Irishmen were
seen with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets. We
passed into the room, and we found muskets stacked
along the floor. There was a guard placed over these

ISO HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

men and muskets, and the rest proceeded into the
in;iin body of the church. Wo found other Irishmen
in the front of the lower story, and at the foot of tho
stairs. There were ten in all in the building bearing
arms. The priest had said positively there were no
linns nor men in the church. Mr. David Ford, one
of the committee, asked Priest Dunn, if there were
more arms, ammunition or men in the church. To the
first two questions I heard him distinctly answer,
"No!" I asked some of those found in the church
•why they had not given the church up to the civil
authorities. The priest answered, that with fifty men
he could defend it against a thousand. We were
anxious to search some closets, at which J;he priest
demurred. We did search, and in these a keg of
powder was found and some pistols. On finding these
articles we were incited to search another closet under
the stairs. The priest stated that it only contained
private property belonging to his brother and some
few things belonging to himself. On this account he
declined opening it, on various excuses. On our
positively insisting upon it, the key was found, and we
discovered some fowling pieces, containing loads eight
fingers deep. Cartridges were also found, some with
eight, nine, and ten buckshot or slugs. Wm. H.
Dunn addressed us, and said that for fear that er-
roneous impressions should go before the public in
regard to the sheriff, his brother or himself, he would
state that both he and his brother had told the sheriff
the number of arms in the church; that he had
received these arms at the order of Gov. Porter ; that

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 181

he held a commission from General Hubbell, constitut-
ing him a captain of men to defend that church, and
that on the evening of the 4th of July, he had one
hundred and fifty men in the church, drilling them.
The sheriff said that Priest Dunn had told him and
the aldermen, that were with him, the number of arms
in the church. He expressed a doubt of the expediency
of the measure, though there was, perhaps, nothing
illegal."

This testimony of Mr. Button, which was confirmed
by other witnesses, gives anything but a favourable
aspect to the conduct of the priest and prominent
members of the Catholic church. It shows clearly,
that while the American citizens were peaceably
engaged in celebrating with appropriate ceremonies the
anniversary of American Independence, certain Irish
Catholics had turned their meeting-house, dedicated
in the name of the Messiah to the worship of God,
into a citadel and military drill-room, and were engaged
in preparations for a civil war. What was the necessity
for this warlike preparation? No person had ever
threatened to disturb the church of St. Philip de Neri.
It has never been pretended that any such threat was
made. Why then were Irishmen secretly armed and
drilled within the sacred walls of the church ? Surely
the Irish Catholics gave ample grounds for apprehen-
sion to the peaceable citizens living in the vicinity,
by this strange, inexplicable, and inexcusable conduct.
Let, then, the lamentable results of that conduct be
justly ascribed to the misguided men by whom the
Southwark disturbances were provoked.
16

182 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY..

Mr. Dutton furthermore testified :

" On Sunday morning about 10 o'clock, saw a can-
non drawn up in front of the church, but knew none
that were around it. I got upon the cannon and asked
what was the matter. I was answered that Mr. Nay-
lor was in the church, and they wanted him to be
released. I urged them to desist from firing the can-
non, saying that I believed from what I had seen that
it was the wish of those belonging to the church to
have it destroyed or burned. I told them that if Mr.
Naylor was not liberated in half an hour, I would
deliver myself into their hands. I was answered by
a brickbat alongside of my head. I left the spot and
went to the hall, and in about a quarter of an hour I
heard that Mr. Naylor was liberated. * * * [Sunday
afternoon.] I came out of the church for some pur-
pose, and saw the military approaching. Spoke to
Colonel Bradford, aid to General Cadwalader, to the
effect that I did not think there was any necessity for
their presence ; that all was quiet ; and that the mob
they had attracted would be the cause of any disturb-
ance that might occur. The military proceeded to
clear the street very precipitately, and this, with the
crowd brought down by them, I thought apt to create
an excitement. I considered the haughty, overbearing
manner of the military tended greatly to excite this
feeling. I was myself standing at the iron gate of
the church, having been pushed into that position by
the military, and was determined to maintain my post
as the sheriff's officer, till he • should give me a dis-
charge. While in this position we were pressed very

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 183

closely by the bayonets of the military. I conceived
the position we occupied to be dangerous, and I begged
for my life, stating at the same time that I "was a
sheriff's officer. The officer in command of the line
said he did not care for that ; that he knew no one in a
citizens dress. The sheriff came up at that moment,
and one of the committee asked to be discharged. We
•were then hemmed in by the bayonets of the soldiers.
When the sheriff spoke the military fell back. Mr.
Grover then passed out, gave up the possession of the
church, and at the head of the committee passed down
Queen street. Before reaching the corner they were
also charged upon by the military. I saw General
Cadwalader order the company to take possession of
the church, and afterwards saw him when the firing
commenced, which took place before more than twenty
of the committee, consisting of about a hundred, had
passed the lines. I was standing in front of the church.
A person was brought up from the corner of Second
street as a prisoner. General Cadwalader was then
in front of the church. They wanted to take this man
into the church ; some one objected. General Cad-
walader was appealed to, who said he could not station
guards over prisoners — they must be shot. Alderman
McKinley said he had better mount the red flag at
once. The sheriff was on the ground at the time of
the firing. He said he hated this firing. I proceeded
out of the lines without any difficulty."

CHAPTER XX.

The legal investigation— The arrest of Charles Naylor — Naylor's state-
ment— Version of General Cadwalader — Testimony of Thomas D.
Grover.

IN making quotations from the evidence given in
court respecting the disturbances at the church in
Queen street, our object is simply to confirm by legal
proof, some of the statements made in the body of this
work, that have been and yet are subjects of dispute
in certain quarters. That the St. Philip de Neri
church was armed without sufficient reason, and that
the arming of the church was the sole cause of the
calamities noticed, are facts admitted on every hand.
The expediency of invoking military aid under the
circumstances, the conduct of the military, and the
consequences resulting from their action, are matters
less clearly and generally understood. Numerous wit-
nesses have testified that no actual disturbance had
taken place, or was even threatened before the mili-
tary made their appearance ; that their presence alone
caused the outrages that followed ; that when they
temporarily withdrew, peace and quiet were restored ;
that their return was productive of violence and mur-
der ; and that their final withdrawal was attended with
the most happy results. All the evidence in the case
clearly proves that the civil authorities were at all

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HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 185

times abundantly capable of preserving the church
from violence, and the district of Southwark from
riotous disorder. As the arrest of Mr. Naylor had
much to do with the outrages that subsequently
transpired, it will be well to notice his own testimony
in relation to that event. As this is extremely lengthy,
we can do no more than make a few extracts bearing
directly on the points at issue. After naming the
circumstances that brought him into the scene of
disturbance, he having been enrolled by the sheriff as
one of his posse, Mr.. Naylor thus describes the man-
ner of his arrest on the night of Saturday, July 6th :
" At the time of my arrival on the ground, Queen,
from Second to Third street, was clear, and lines of
police with a small number of the soldiers, were formed
across Queen at Second and Third streets, to prevent
the people from passing into that section of Queen
street in which the church was situated ; and this con-
tinued to be its condition during all the time I was
present. I met the sheriff just at nightfall in front
of the church ; and from that time until about 10 o'clock
at night, a period of full two hours, I never left his
side. There was nothing to do ; there was no danger
that I saw. There was no resistance, no opposition,
nor even a shadow of opposition to the arrests of the
sheriff, nor to any of his movements. There was a
number of people gathered outside of the lines of the
police and military, attracted apparently by curiosity
to gaze at the spectacle. Occasionally there was a
cheer — a hurrah among them. Now, some one would
cry out, * hurrah for the natives !' Then, at times an
16*

186 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

expression would be used which would give offence to
the police, and an arrest would be made. But beyond
what I have mentioned, there was no breach of the
peace or disturbance, nor any act done or threatened
indicating a design hostile to the peace or property
of the community. I saw no acts by which evil dis-
positions were manifested. About half-past nine o'clock
a messenger came to the sheriff with the information
that some general (I think General Cadwalader) would
be on the ground in about an hour, stating that ' his
troops were ready to march at their armory, and that
the general had gone to equip himself.' Upon this
message I remarked to the sheriff, 'this is a good
joke ; here is a droll confirmation of all you have said
about the tardiness of the movements of the military.
Rioters, with incendiary dispositions, could burn down
all the churches in town, whilst a general is putting
on his finery.'

" Some time after ten o'clock, I accidentally became
separated from the sheriff. The crowds around the
corners had begun to disperse and go home, and all
was quiet and peaceful. Whilst I was looking for the
sheriff, a few minutes after I lost him, I saw the gene-
ral that I have just named, coming down Queen street,
on horseback, alone. This was his first appearance.
He passed through the lines of the police and soldiery,
and dashed in among the people in Second street above
Queen. He was greatly excited, rode on the footways
and almost into the very doors of the houses ; swore
at the citizens standing at the doors of their own
homes ; bestowed on the people the most opprobrious

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 187

epithets ; declaring that he had brought two cannons
on the ground ; and swore repeatedly, with strong em-
phasis, that he would shoot them down if they did not
instantly disperse. Almost every sentence contained
an oath. He behaved with the utmost recklessness ;
and nothing seemed to be left undone or unsaid, which
could have a tendency to excite resistance to him. But
there was none offered that I saw. Wherever he went,
confusion, alarm, and dismay followed ; and the people
fled, on all sides, as fast as they could. The peaceful
and orderly character of the people was clearly mani-
fest by their forbearance. But I saw at once that
such conduct would inevitably end in difficulty, if not
in bloodshed. The police, many of them, became
alarmed, and were heard to say, 'The general is
drunk.' I had never before seen such conduct in a
man reputed sane.

" I saw that something was to be done. I sought
the sheriff diligently, with the determination to advise
him to remove General Cadwalader from the ground.
With this resolution I followed the general up Queen
street to Third, inquiring as I went for the sheriff. As
soon as the general arrived at Third street, without a
word of warning that I heard, he rode in among the
people assembled in that street, north of Queen, with
the same recklessness that had characterized his course
in Second street. He rode over the police, and the
same exclamation as in Second street, was heard from
them with regard to his condition. He called on the
police to make arrests. I was with them all the time

188 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

assisting. Several arrests were made, and the citizens
fled. before us and the general, as fast as they could,
without resistance. Men were arrested wholly without
offence. In a minute the assemblage of citizens in
Third street, north of Queen, was dispersed, and not
a man remained, that I could see, within fifty yards
of our line and the military.

" I had just returned from the chase of the citizens,
and was seeking the sheriff, when I heard his voice in
Third street. General Cadwalader was then near him
on horseback. He was in a state of great excite-
ment, and swore ' By .God, he would fire.' The sheriff
replied to the general, ' Don't fire ; there is no neces-
sity for it ; I will go up to them and disperse them.'
A voice of a small boy, some thirty or forty yards
further north, was then heard to say, ' fire and be

d d ; what is the use of swearing so much about

it ?' This seemed to exasperate the general still more,
and he wheeled with the quickness of lightning, and
swore whilst wheeling, ' By Jesus Christ, I will now
fire.'

"Perceiving, as I thought, a frantic purpose in the
general to fire, I had given up the pursuit of the
sheriff, and was retracing my way back again to the
line of police. At this moment I heard the order to
fire. Knowing that this fire was wholly unnecessary,
directed against peaceable citizens, and that the sheriff
himself was exposed to it, and would in all probability
be shot, I advanced a few paces, in front of the guns,
and imploringly exclaimed, 'No, don't fire! don't

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 189

fire !' They did not fire. After a pause of a moment,
the general asked who had dared to countermand his
orders? Unwilling to shrink from responsibility, I
left the street, stepped up on the curbstone, by the side
of the head of his horse, and replied in a quiet, cour-
teous, and subdued tone, ' I, general ; I begged you
not to fire.' The general exclaimed, 'Arrest this
man.' Several voices were now heard to say, ' He is
one of our police.' The general replied with great
warmth, ' By G — d, he must «• be arrested.' Then
some one said, ' It is Mr. Naylor, one of our police,
and the sheriff's friend.' This seemed to exasperate
the 'general still more, and he swore again, ' He must
be arrested, and made an example of.' In a calm,
quiet tone, I said to my fellow police, ' Gentlemen,
obey orders ; I am willing to be arrested ; I will go
with you anywhere.' '

This testimony of Mr. Naylor was corroborated by
many witnesses. Indeed so general was the feeling in
his favour at the time, that had not his release been
effected on Sunday morning, results more serious
than any that occurred would have been the conse-
quence. General Cadwalader had an unquestioned
right to order the military to fire upon the citizens ;
nay, to wantonly slaughter the curious crowds that
stood gaping about in the vicinity of his command ;
and Mr. Naylor was guilty of a breach of discipline
in interfering against the exercise of the sanguinary
disposition that he supposed was being manifested.
But that interference saved the lives of innocent

190 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

people, and prevented calamities, the extent of which
it would be difficult to determine. It was not, there-
fore, surprising that a party of men, even though they
were rude and turbulent, appreciating the humane and
generous motives of Mr. Naylor, should demand and
even unlawfully liberate him from the prison in which
he was needlessly confined. This accomplished, they
were satisfied, and manifested no further disposition
for riot or disorder. That General Cadwalader was
influenced by improper feelings, we have no disposition
to aver, though we think his conduct at the time was
hasty and injudicious. He has since proved himself
a useful soldier, and upon the battle-fields of Mexico
has done "the state some service." It is due to him
too, that we should give his version of the circum-
stances above related. He says :

" The sheriff directed me to disperse the crowd
wherever seen ; which I intended to do. In riding
forward in front of the line, seeing that the mob were
not disposed to disperse, but to resist, I endeavoured
by my manner and language, unusually decided, to
apprise them of my intention to use force, if neces-
sary. They cried out, ' fire and be d d,' and threw

a shower of stones. .Having been convinced that all
who were not participating had withdrawn from their
position, I directed Col. Pleasanton to order a platoon
of musketry to be fired, deeming it unnecessary to fire
the whole force, and fearing that the discharge of the
piece of artillery would reach persons beyond the
range of those immediately connected with the
assault."

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 191

The testimony of the general in regard to the arrest
of Naylor, is substantially the same as that given, ex-
cept that the exclamation of Naylor, " Don't fire," was
" in a loud voice, and was made in an excited manner,
calculated to have an injurious effect upon his com-
mand and the civil police." His order to arrest Nay-
lor, and determination to have it obeyed, was given to
test " whether there was mutiny or intention to side
with him among the sheriff's posse," in which case, he
says, " it was my intention to have wheeled a platoon
and fired upon them."

The testimony of Thomas D. Grover gives a correct
account of the assault upon the church on Sunday ;
the character and disposition of Ihe rioters ; and the ,
arrival and conduct of the military. In company with
Mr. Levin, Mr. Grover proceeded about noon to the
rear of the church, where they found a crowd of men
and boys, mostly boys, with two guns, one of which
had been fired against the wall of the church. Mr.
Grover says :

" I got on one gun and he (Levin) on the other, and
eventually succeeded in getting them quiet. They
were in the act of priming when we mounted the can-
non. I proposed to take the .gun aAvay, and this
seemed rather a stumper to them. They said they
would, if I would let them fire once. But I said, ' No,
that would never do.' So we took the gun to the
wharf, where I drove a nail into the touch-hole. When
I came up I saw a crowd rushing up Second street to
the hall. I went in, when the people formed a meet-

192 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY.

ing, and called me to the chair. A resolution was
passed to appoint a committee of twenty-five from each
ward to support the law and defend the church. I
went home, got two flags, and came to the church, the
flags waving. There were thousands in Queen street.
I went into the church. Then those outside got a bat-
tering-ram at the door. We fought them off for some
time; got no assistance from those outside, except
three or four, and had I twenty men such as Johnson
and another, I could have prevented the mob from
getting in. I told them they could not get in that
way except over my dead body. They went away and
battered down a wall, when they came in in crowds
through the side doors and windows. I don't think
there were over twenty men who worked with the bat-
tering-ram, and some of them appeared intoxicated.
I went all over the house, wherever I apprehended
violence. I saw a young rascal with a couple of
bunches of matches holding against the wood-work,
and then I got mad and threw half a dozen boys out
of the windows. The mob broke the crosses, &c., and
we had to humour them, and finally we succeeded,
after their curiosity had been gratified, in getting them
out. After we had got all quiet, it was quite an he
before the military came, and they brought a large col-
lection of people with them. Word came to me that
General Cadwalader wanted to see me. I went out.
The general asked whether I could get tho men out.
I said I could. He said, ' Will you get them out ?' I
replied, 'I have said so.' At this time the Grays

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. '193

charged with their bayonets. My back -was towards
them, when the point of a bayonet struck me under the
shoulder, and cut through my coat. After I left the
general, and was going into the church, I saw a sol-
dier with his gun cocked, and his piece half levelled
three times, as if he was going to shoot a reed-bird. I
saw men in the ranks who I did not know belonged
there. When I got the men inside formed, we came
out two and two. I said to the general, ' We deliver
the church up into your hands, and are now clear of
responsibility.' I requested him to see us safe out of
the lines, and he said it should be done. The people
were very much agitated. I tried to pacify a stout
man who was there, when I saw an officer run out to-
ward the mob, six or seven paces in advance. I let
go of this man, and immediately he clinched the offi-
cer's sword, and they stood wrestling. Then some
three or four men stepped out and made a charge with
their bayonets on this man. Then came a couple of
stones, one. of which struck one of the men on the cap,
and as soon as this was done, the word fire was given
by some one in my rear. They fired. I turned to-
wards the soldiers and saw a man with two or three
muskets pointed at him. I believe he was in the
church with me. When the smoke cleared up, I saw
two or three men down. I went over to the north-east
corner, and scarcely had I got there when they fired
in that direction. When I first went down to the
lines, after leaving the church, the crowd were doing
nothing — perhaps using violent language. When the
17

194

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

officer went out into the crowd with his drawn sword,
think I could have cleared that street in fifteen mi-
nutes."

The officer here alluded to was Captain Joseph Hill
of the City Guards, whose own testimony differs verj
little from that of Mr. Grover, in regard to the cir-
cumstances which induced him to order his men to
fire. Immediately after this fire, a crowd rushed to
the Commissioners' Hall, and seized the muskets that
had been taken from the church. Others collected at
various points. Cannon were obtained upon the wharf.
And at between eight and nine o'clock the fight be-
tween the military and the mob commenced, the parti-
culars of which have already been given at sufficient
length to answer the objects of this work, and give to
the reader a correct impression of the facts.

CHAPTER XXL

Prosperity of the American Party — Order of the United Sons of America
— Newspapers established — Spread of American principles — Recent
elections — Americans becoming more alive to their own interests and
the importance of a distinct Nationality — The charge of secrecy
answered — Americanism prescriptive — Plan of nominating candidates
by the old parties — Clannishness of Catholics and Foreigners — Objects

of Americanism.

*

POLITICAL partisans and aspirants availed themselves
of the Southwark disturbances, to bring reproach upon
the American cause. Denunciatory speeches were
delivered and articles written against the prominent
members of the native party. To these were ascribed
the disturbances, which it was notoriously known they
were the most active and persevering of the citizens
in endeavouring to suppress. All these efforts of the
opposition, however, failed in accomplishing the
intended object. The American cause had received a
fresh impetus, and was now beyond question fixed upon
a firm and enduring basis. To stay its onward course
was utterly impossible. Among its most ardent sup-
porters were the best members of the community.
The necessity for their action, and the maintenance
of their principles, was no longer a matter of question.
Day after day the ranks of the old parties were thinned
by dissenters to the new organizations. The order of
the " United Sons of America" was established in
every neighbourhood, and their weekly meetings were

(195)

106 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

attended by hosts of respectable citizens. Immense
multitudes assembled in town meetings to express, their
approbation and admiration of the American measures.
Two new daily newspapers, the " American Advocate,"
edited by Messrs. W. D. Baker and H. H. K. Elliott,
and the " Native Eagle," by Gen. P. S. Smith, had
entered the field to discuss boldly and ably the prin-
ciples and purposes of the new party. This was no
longer treated with contempt by the old partisan
leaders ; but many of them changed their plans of
operation, and sought and implorecl its influence. Its
high destiny was seen and felt and acknowledged on
every hand. The foreign politicians fought hard
against its onward progress ; but their attempts were
like the dying struggles of drowning men. They
caught at every floating straw, but one after another
they sank beneath the rolling waves of popular opinion.
For a number of years the American party held the
balance of power, which had formerly been go greatly
abused by naturalized voters, and succeeded in correct-
ing very many of the abuses of which it had com-
plained, and the removal of which had been the main
object of its organization. Some of the most deter-
mined of its original opponents enrolled themselves
beneath its triumphant standard. And finally, it has
become the most formidable political association of the
day. It is no longer a mere local organization. It is
not confined in its operations to the large cities in
which it originated, nor to any one section of the
American republic. Wherever true American feelings
exist; wherever the actual lovers of America aro

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 197

found ; wherever the honest friends of American insti-
tutions and purely republican doctrines live, in the
whole extent of our vast country, there exist the ardent
admirers and zealous advocates of the established
measures and principles of the American party. These
are freely, openly, and eloquently defended and
advocated by the leading public journals of the
country; by members of all the state legislatures,
representatives in Congress, and the most learned, able,
and powerful senators in the United States Senate.
In Philadelphia county the Americans control the
elections, and almost all the offices, great and small,
are held, as they should be, by those who were born
on American soil. Naturalization papers cannot now
be obtained by immigrants fresh from ship-board.
" Cradles of Liberty," to rock infant foreign paupers
in a few hours into full grown American freemen, can no
more be found in the rendezvous of political tricksters.
And the alien vote no longer possesses sufficient value
to be considered worth the purchase. Nor will the
onward progress of the American cause be stayed,
until not only all for which its original advocates con-
tended, but even more, shall be accomplished. As
well might we attempt to arrest the rapid course of the
lightning's flash. All the offices in the gift of the
people, throughout the length and breadth of the land,
will be held by native citizens, and the naturalization
laws will at least be amended as proposed, if not
entirely abolished. At the late state election in Penn-
sylvania, the American candidate for canal commis-
sioner received a majority of more than one hundred
17*

198 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

and forty thousand votes over his opponent, who
a foreigner, while the American candidate for gover-
nor also received an overwhelming vote. The same
has been measurably the result of the recent elections
in almost every state in the union.

But these are not the sole triumphs of Americanism.
Had it only succeeded in establishing itself as a
political institution, and elevating its members to
political station and power, its work would have been
incomplete. It has already accomplished more than
this, and is destined to accomplish still more. It is
Americanizing the people of America I It is giving
to them national characteristics of which they have
heretofore been unmindful. No people in the world
have been more regardless of their own true interests.
None were ever known to appreciate so little their own
productions, their own talents, genius, and industry.
They have entertained a morbid hankering for every-
thing from abroad, and they could discover merit in
nothing that was not foreign. Our manufactures,
equal to any in the world, must have a European
stamp to obtain an American market ! Our fashion-
able American ladies could not wear a bonnet unless
made by a "milliner from Paris !" Our limping dan-
dies must have their delicate feet encased in French
calfskin, shaped by a French shoemaker ! And our
superb artists could not obtain a living until they had
made the tour of Europe ! At our theatres, Europeans
of doubtful reputation and mediocre abilities, have
been received with open arms, applauded without
measure, and rapidly enriched, while our own superior

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 199

talents and acquirements, with decency and virtue
combined, have been left to starve in obscurity ! Even
a common juggler, born in Philadelphia, to obtain
patronage there, was compelled to announce himself as
the " Fakir of Ava ;" and young girls from our city
suburbs, who ride horses around the ring of a circus,
must be represented as Spanish Senoritas, or French
Mademoiselles. They were compelled to be anything
but what they were, Americans, in order to succeed.
In this latter respect the lower ten thousand who
patronize the circus, are but imitators of the upper
tendom, whose admiration of an opera depends alto-
gether upon its being foreign, and especially Italian !
Now this sickening affectation for things foreign, has
not only sent millions of dollars from the country to
enrich strollers from abroad, but it has absolutely justly
subjected the American people to the ridicule of all
Europe. Political Americanism is curing this evil. It
is encouraging American talents, arts, science, and
industry, and it will succeed in convincing the entire
people, that there is no imaginable thing needed for
subsistence, comfort, and luxury, that cannot be
originated in our own country as well, if not better,
than in any other. We shall soon need few importa-
tions of any kind, and the sooner the better. Already
our wealthy gentlemen can ride in carriages and on
saddles of our own manufacture. Their dames begin
to think their floors can be as prettily covered with
carpets made at Lowell as by those brought from
Brussels or Turkey. Some of them, too, are giving

200 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

their daughters good American educations before they
furnish them with French, Spanish, and Italian
teachers. And their young bloods of sons can drink
Jersey City cider without its being labelled Heidsick.
Even American actors and actresses have lately been
applauded, who had never been on a London stage, or
taken lessons in the French school ! Let the American
party go on with the good work, and all Americans will
become proud of America ! It will soon become as
unpopular to praise foreign as it has been domestic
products.

It is unnecessary to devote much space in answering
the silly objection that Americanism has become a
secret political institution, and is therefore dangerous
to the liberties of the country. Some of those who
most strenuously advance this objection, have had too
much experience in secret associations to believe that
it possesses the weight of a feather. It is a species
of special pleading in which the advocate himself has
no confidence. It is, indeed, the forlorn hope of a
beaten adversary. Whether the American associations
are really secret associations or not, is a question con-
cerning which the writer pretends to know nothing.
Admitting, however, that they are, the objection against
them on that score is fallacious, and comes with a very
ill grace from the parties by whom it is made. Who
are the objectors? Old political wire-workers, log-
rollers, and pipe-layers, both Whig and Democratic.
These are the men who denounce the secrecy of Ame-
ricanism ! To those who have ever been behind the

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 201

scenes of the political stage, this denunciation can
only excite ridicule and contempt. How has the
machinery of the old parties been worked for many
years past ?' Openly and publicly ? No. The people
before the curtain knew as little about what was going
on behind it, as the inhabitants of another world ! Who
have been in the habit of nominating the candidates
to fill the offices in the country ? The people ? Far
from it. The people were never consulted ; nor had
they any hand in the matter. The modus operandi
was very simple, and can easily be explained. The
whole work was not only done in secret, but very few
were permitted to take a part. Some half-dozen in-
dividuals in a certain district, rendered important
to their party by their aptness at political chicanery,
trickery, and rascality, would assemble at an appointed
time in the upper story of a groggery, quietly, slyly,
mysteriously, and secretly. None could be admitted to
their counsels who were not in their confidence, and
bound, soul and body, to their interests. A bottle of
brandy and a bunch of segars having been procured,
the nomination of candidates for the approaching elec-
tion became the subject of conversation and contro-
versy. Each one of the little secret caucus had "an
axe of his own to grind," and each was willing to play
into the other's hands, if he was certain of having the
favour returned. Each one had friends to choose, who
either were or could be pledged to his interests, or
used for especial purposes ; and after a very pleasant
evening's meeting, during which the bottle had been

202 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

several times replenished, a tolerably complete ticket
was determined upon. This was the primary meet-
ing. Thus was the original nomination made. The
next movement was to get this nomination sanctioned
and approved by the clubs of the different wards.
These assembled as did the first caucus, without much
public notice ; and sometimes their meetings comprised
no more than three, four, or half a dozen of the most
worthless residents of the wards. These men were
not difficult to manage by the master spirits, who kept
them in leading-strings. Hence, at the ward meet-
ings, the original members of the primary meeting in
the groggery, with such others as they might select,
very readily became delegates to the general nomina-
ting convention. Of course, the ticket originally
determined upon, was then placed before the party for
its sanction and approval at the general election, and
he who refused to sustain it was at once decapitated.
He was accounted a traitor, and as such denounced.
The only choice left for the people, was, whether they
would vote for a whig or a democrat ; for between the
candidates themselves there was little or none, and
generally, they were the very last persons in the com-
munity whom the general public would have ever
thought of selecting for the responsible stations to
which they aspired ! In some districts, instead of the
delegate system being adopted, farces called primary
elections, were held. In these cases the original wire-
workers had only to secure for judges and inspectors
men who were known to possess consciences sufficiently

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 203

elastic to allow them, without severe suffering, to
render such returns as were desired. If this could
not be accomplished, it was quite an easy matter to
surround the primary polling places with rowdies and
shoulder-hitters, Irishmen with blue sticks and hard
fists, or such other characters as would keep all re-
spectable citizens away. Hence, in every instance,
the result was the same — the nomination of the ticket
chosen by the original secret caucus. And yet the
principal actors in these innocent little political
schemes and operations are now making a terrible hue
and cry against the secrecy of American associations,
and their great danger to the welfare of the country !
How dreadfully honest have, they become, and how
monstrously sudden has been their conversion ! One
who knew them well, would have supposed they had
long since "sinned away the day of grace." The
times of miracles have not yet past. It is not denied
that in the American meetings all the members (and
they number thousands instead of couples and half-
dozens) have the liberty to nominate candidates, and
vote for whomsoever may have been nominated.
When did the Whigs or Democrats ever enjoy such
privileges, or make their nominations with such pub-
licity ?

The allegation that Catholics are excluded from
American political associations has already been hinted
at. It may be true, or it may be false. If true, it
furnishes no just cause for complaint. Any association
of men, for whatever purpose organized, is justifiable

204 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY.

in excluding those -whom it prefers not to fellowship.
But in excluding them, it gives no just ground for
the charge of religious proscription. If it does, how
will the Catholics justify themselves against this
charge ? They never pretended to desire any fellow-
ship or communion with Protestants. There is no
affinity between them as religionists, and so far as
politics are concerned, the Catholics were unquestion-
ably and undeniably the first religious sect that ever
combined to interfere with the national, state, or mu-
nicipal elections of our country. This is a fact too
well corroborated to afford a subject for controversy.
If, then, Protestants have adopted their policy, circum-
vented them by so doing, and deprived them of the
" balance of power," of which they boasted and inju-
diciously employed, let them blame themselves and
none others for the opposition they provoked, and the
certainly desirable results that have followed.

There can be no more ground for objecting to Pro-
testants excluding Catholics from their associations
than for Irishmen excluding English or French, or for
Americans excluding all who are not " native and to
the manner born." Even in our country we have long
had Scotch Thistle Clubs, Irish St. Patrick's societies,
English St. George's, and Welsh St. David's associa-
tions, and purely French and German organizations,
and no complaint has been made from any source.
If such institutions are proper, and the fact has not
been questioned, then is it right and proper that the
Americans should have associations exclusively th^ir

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 205

own. Right or wrong, they have such associations,
and their name is legion. There is no secrecy in
regard to that fact, nor yet to their objects. They
aim to destroy all undue foreign influence in our
country. They maintain that Americans should hold
all offices of honour, trust, and profit in America ; that
the natives of the country are the best qualified to
govern it ; in a word, they have resolved, and they
have adopted the best means to accomplish that pur-
pose, to AMERICANIZE AMERICA !

CHAPTER XXII.

Circular of Hon. John Cadwalader, in reply to a letter of Henry E.
Orr, Esq. — Illustrative anecdote — Verbosity of Mr. Cadwalader — His
unqualified abuse of the American Party — Bad men in all parties —
Democratic traitors — Only two parties hereafter, American and anti-
American — Who burned the churches — The democratic party and the
President of the United States yielding to Catholic demands and dis-
gusting the honest democracy.

THE foregoing chapters were in press when a circu-
lar, written by Hon. John Cadwalader, and intended
to influence especially the Virginia gubernatorial
election, was placed in the author's hands. This cir-
cular is characterized by gross misrepresentations,
unfounded statements, and abusive declarations. Cha-
rity induces the supposition that it was conceived and
brought forth in ignorance ; but even this furnishes no
sufficient apology for falsehood and slander. Nor is
the respect Ability, high standing, or wealth of a writer
an adequryte excuse for unjustifiable denunciations of
-nen whr/ at least, imagine themselves actuated by
Eng»nC/lves and labouring in a praiseworthy cause ;
tions, i for attributing to them sentiments which they
and n<and conduct of which they are innocent.
If suclna(jwa|a(jer'8 circular is published in reply to
been que:qujrieg concerning the American party, pro-
AmericarDy Mr. Henry E. Orr, in a letter, dated

(206)

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 207

Washington, 6th March, 1855. In this letter Mr.
Orr flatteringly observes : " There is a peculiar fitness
in interrogating you, and peculiar reason why the
people of Virginia and the South should rely with
abiding confidence upon the truth of any opinions you
may advance." Never did Mr. Orr fall into a more
palpable error. The "peculiar fitness" in inquiring
of Mr. Cadwalader concerning the true character,
principles, and purposes of the American party, is the
"peculiar fitness" that one would exhibit in making
inquiries respecting the merits or worth of an indivi-
dual from his most bitter and malignant enemy. And
there would be just as much "peculiar reason" to an-
ticipate a truthful answer in the one case as in the
other. The circular of Mr. Cadwalader gives a sorry
earnest of the " peculiar fitness" of that gentleman to
answer the interrogations of his' friend. The following
is Mr. Orr's letter :

" Washington, March 6th, 1855.

"DEAR SIR: — As a Virginian and democrat, I feel much
interest in the gubernatorial election which is soon to take place
in the Old Dominion. This feeling of interest has been much
increased by the changed aspect of public sentiment, regarding
certain classes of our fellow citizens, and the privileges by them
enjoyed under present laws ; and because, whatever may be the
motives of members of the American party (so called), it seems
leagued too closely with, and receives too unanimous support
from the abolition higher-law men of the north, to be confided
in by the south, or by the south's true friends, the national
democratic party of the north.

I desire, therefore, to have your views upon the following
questions, viz. :

1. Whether the know-nothings and abolitionists have not

208 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

acted together in sending a nearly unanimous abolition delej;
tion to the next Congress, from the anti-slaveholding states, anc
•whether they have not fully and freely combined in every state
election, for state and even county purposes, except in the state
of New York?

2. Why the know-nothings and Sewardites did not coalesce
in New York ?

3. The reason why the know-nothings are unfriendly to Wil-
liam H. Seward ?

4. The probable effect of know-nothingism on southern in-
terests ; and

5. Its tendency and effect in a general or national point of
view?

There is peculiar fitness in interrogating you, and peculiar
reason why the people of Virginia and the south should rely,
with abiding confidence, upon the truth of any opinions you
may advance. You but recently emerged from the heat and
smoke of a battle against this new element of danger to the
peace and dignity of the republic, if triumphant in its ultraigm.
Besides, you stand at a geographical point from which to judge
of these things accurately, and I trust you may find it conve-
nient and proper to speak in the hour of our common country's
peril, and before the south participates in the inauguration of
error and intolerance.

Your friend, sincerely, HENRY E. OUR.

Hon. JOHN CADWALADER, Philadelphia, Pa."

Some of our readers will remember an anecdote that
a few years past went the rounds of the newspapers.
Two Irishmen entered a restaurant, and sat down at
a table to enjoy the luxury of a beef-steak. " Jemmy,"
says Patrick, "this stake has a most excellent flavel"
" Flavel — flavel," says Jemmy, " and what's a flavel ?"
" Sure," replies Pat, " and is it possible, Jemmy, that
you don't know what a flavel is?" "By my troth
and I don't." "Well, then, Jemmy, a flavel is a

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 209

flavel." " Is that a fact ?" says Jemmy ; " as sure as
long as I lived I never knew what a flavel was before."
The questions of Mr. Orr, and the replies of Mr. Cad-
walader, are well illustrated by those of Patrick and
Jemmy. "Please tell me, Mr. Cadwalader, what a
know-nothing is." "Why," says Mr. Cadwalader,
surprised at the ignorance of his friend, "a know-
nothing is a know-nothing." "Indeed," rejoins the
delighted Mr. Orr, " I never knew before what a know-
nothing was." But Mr. Cadwalader was less sensible
than Pat in the anecdote. He must unwisely proceed
to discuss at great length the subject concerning which
he proves himself most emphatically a "know-nothing."
This is said, as has already been remarked, from a
charitable disposition to put the best colouring upon
the monstrous perversions, to use no harsher terms,
that distinguish the circular under consideration.

There is a singular oceanic creature called the
" Squid," or, as some designate it, " Cuttle Fish."
When it wishes to conceal itself, it emits a black fluid
in quantities sufficiently great to darken the waters
many acres around. Mr. Cadwalader's circular reminds
us very forcibly of the squid. He has endeavoured
to conceal himself, or rather his ignorance, by the
emission of an immensity of verbiage. This, however,
may be accounted for in the fact that he is a lawyer,
and has acquired the common habit of drowning a few
ideas in an ocean of words, in order that his wonder-
ing clients may be satisfied that they are getting the
full value of their money. It is this peculiarity of the
circular, perhaps, that has induced the democrats to
18*

210 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

give it so wide a circulation. Supposing there must
be much wisdom and knowledge, or at least something
concealed in the multitude of words that it comprises,
they have sent it forth into the world without giving it
a very careful perusal. Had they penetrated its dark
waters, they would have found a creature even less
significant than a squid. And had Mr. Orr desired
correct information respecting the American party,
he might have found thousands in the country whose
" peculiar fitness" to answer his inquiries far exceeded
that of Mr. Cadwalader, and who had less " peculiar
reason" to disguise the truth.

The letter of Mr. Cadwalader commences and closes
with abuse of the American party, a means only em-
ployed by those who are conscious that their positions
cannot be sustained by arguments and facts. We give
our readers the full benefit of his language :

" The know-nothings originally assumed their denomination
as a disguise to conceal their identity with the former self-
denominated native American party. This identity, which they
were never able to conceal under the thin veil of attempted
secrecy, has lately been acknowledged in their open organiza-
tion, under the name of Americans. When the native Ameri-
can party was originally organized, every one of its members,
who had previously professed membership of the democratic
party, was rigorously exscinded from the democratic organiza-
tion. The native Americans, after the late presidential elec-
tion, were aware that the remembrance of this would prevent
them from obtaining an avowed reinforcement from professing
democrats, who, though ready covertly to desert their party
organization, were not yet prepared to renounce openly the
party's name, and at once abandon all hope of restoration to its
ranks. The name of native American was, moreover, odious

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 211

from the recollection of the scenes of lawless outrage by which
it had been disgraced when the Catholic churches were
burned in 1844. They, therefore, devised the scheme of a secret
organization."

" Native Americanism soon, however, burned its own wings,
in sacrilegious fires lighted with its own hands. Religious perse-
cution, promoted by arts of unprincipled demagogues, resulted in
acts of such violence, as had, in Europe in a less enlightened
age, disgraced the day of St. Bartholomew. We, who were
born and bred Protestants, and have never had any religious
affinity with those who follow the Catholic faith, or been con-
nected in any association with its professors, recur with pain,
mortification, and shame, to the recollection of the ruins of
smoking dwellings and churches which were burned in 1844
by incendiaries, who would have prostituted and debased the
proud name of American if their impudent invocation of it had
been authorized — as thank God it was not, and never has been !
The disgrace of the so-called native American party, consequent
upon those outrages, induced the federalists to postpone their
intended fusion with them, and retain for a few years longer
the name of whig. But though the whigs thus retained their
name until 1852, they never, in the mean time, scorned alliance
with the native American party, even after it had become
known by the opprobrious, but well deserved name of ' church-
burners.' Whenever a local election could be carried by a
temporary fusion of the native American and whig parties,
they were always found united against the democracy."

The most vindictive political writer could not have
concocted paragraphs with less regard to truth. To
denounce a large body of citizens, as respectable, in-
telligent, honourable, and high-minded as that which
originally composed and now constitutes the American
party, exhibits a sad want of good taste and generous
sentiment. That bad men have advocated the Ameri-
can principles, there can be no doubt ; but who will

212 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

pretend to deny that among the leading democrats of
the country, may even now be found those who are a
disgrace to the American character ? But this would
be an insufficient reason for members of American
associations to assert that democracy is an organiza-
tion " originating in treachery, sustained by duplicity,
and in its development exhibiting multiform inconsist-
ency." Mr. Cadwalader and his party are welcome
to the benefits to be derived from all such slanderous
chargQS, and wholesale denunciations. It is quite
true that the American party has frequently suffered
by prominent democrats fastening themselves upon it,
as the contemptible and worthless sucking-fish does to
the whale, solely for the advantages to be derived from
the adhesion ; but it is not true that the democracy
rigorously exscinded such men from their organiza-
tions. Some of them, after having twice proved trai-
tors ; first to the democratic and afterwards to the
American party, were received again by the former
with open arms and elevated to high positions of trust
and profit. The democratic ranks number many such
who are whigs, democrats, Americans, free-soilers,
abolitionists, or pro-slavery men, just as it suits their
convenience, or more especially, their interests. But
this furnishes no reason why we should denounce all
democrats, some of whom are as honourable men as
the country can boast, as traitors, tricksters, and
scoundrels. It is quite an easy thing to employ oppro-
brious epithets, and those who merit them most are
generally the aptest in their use. Who has not heard
the sootiest blackamoor taunt a mulatto with the

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 213

offensive name of "nigger?" and it is quite an old
trick for an escaping pickpocket to divert attention
from himself by bawling out lustily in a crowd, " stop
thief! stop thief!"

The declaration that there has existed or does exist
a fusion or alliance between the American party
and the Whigs is almost too ridiculous to deserve
notice. The author of the circular did not believe the
assertion. It is well known that the American asso-
ciations embrace as many democrats as whigs, and
that their greatest strength is in old democratic dis-
tricts. They have encountered quite as much hostility
from the whig as from the democratic party. And
instead of uniting with either of them, they have
repudiated the conduct of both, and preferred to main-
tain their identity and carry out their avowed prin-
ciples independent of either. How is it with their
opponents ? These seem to have forgotten that they
ever possessed any principles to advocate, and show by
their recent conduct that the battles they have Avaged
against each other have been simply for the spoils of
office. In the early days of the Christian era, Herod
and Pilate united to put down the Redeemer. It was
rather an unholy alliance. So now the democrats and
whigs are affiliating to destroy their new and common
enemy. It does not require the gift of prophecy to
discern the result of this most singular warfare. In
a little while the whigs and democrats, who have
nothing to distinguish them but their names, will cease
to exist, and the political strife of the country will be
between two great parties, the American and the anti-

214 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

American. The former has already received largo
accessions from both the old organizations, and ere
long will gather in all who are worth obtaining. The
vituperations of its adversaries, instead of prolonging,
are rapidly hastening, this consummation most devoutly
to be wished. Mr. Cadwalader reiterates the old
charge of riot and church-burning against the American
party, and in so doing manifests but slight regard for
his reputation for veracity. No man knows better
than himself the injustice of this accusation. There
is no fact in history more susceptible of the clearest
proof than that the riots of 1844 were the work of
the democracy. Irish Catholic democrats assailed
meetings of American citizens lawfully and peaceably
assembled ; broke up those meetings ; tore down the
staging ;* and drove the speakers from the ground.
Irish Catholic democrats fired balls and slugs from
pistols and guns into crowds of American citizens who
had met for the purpose of discussing the principles
of their own government. Irish Catholic democrats
brutally murdered in the streets of Philadelphia harm-
less men, for daring to exercise the right of freemen,
in the expression of sentiments obnoxious to the demo-
cratic party. Irish Catholic democrats did everything
in their power to provoke assaults upon their dwellings
and churches. Irish Catholic democrats seriously
regretted that their acts of violence were insufficient
to incite the American party to retaliation, and, it was
shrewdly suspected, had more to do than would be
prudent to tell with the destruction of their religious
edifices. Be this as it may, it is quite certain that

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 215

they rejoiced in obtaining splendid new buildings, at
the cost of the county, for the old ones that were
destroyed. And although every possible effort was
made to that end, not one member of the American
party was convicted of having any lot or part in the
burning of Catholic churches. On the contrary, it
was proved beyond all question that the American
party protected the churches against provoked violence,
and prevented the destruction of many innocent lives
by certain hot-brained democrats. All this Mr. Cad-
walader knew ; and yet he says, the American party
" had become known by the opprobrious, but well-de-
served name of ' church-burners.' "

It would be a great waste of time and paper to
notice all the nonsense that Mr. Cadwalader has writ-
ten to enlighten the people of Virginia in regard to
the American party. There are some things, how-
ever, in his precious circular sufficiently curious to
merit preservation. The writer has an admirable
facility for blowing hot and cold with the same breath.
In the paragraphs above quoted, it will be seen that he
considers the know-nothing or American party, a
mere fusion of the native American and whig parties.
In that which follows, he ascribes the organization of
the know-nothing party to democrats disaffected by
the Catholic appointments of the president :

" An incident of the presidential election of 1852 had ope-
rated to make hostility to foreigners the pretext for subsequent
anti-democratic organization. The president was from a state
•whose constitution is unfortunately disgraced by an intolerant

216 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

disfranchisement of those -who profess the Catholic religior
The orthodox democrats of that state, after a struggle to ex-
punge this illiberal clause from her constitution, had found tho
local prejudice on the subject too strong to be overcome, and
had relinquished the endeavour in despair. During the elec-
tioneering canvass, an artful endeavour was made to excite
against him, on this account, the suspicion of the Catholic
population of the United States. This element of the demo-
cratic combination was thus rendered conspicuous. The party's
triumphant success in the presidential election was mainly due
to the concurrence of opinions in favour of the congressional
legislation of 1850, by which the constitutional rights of the
people of the slaveholding states had been maintained. But
the president, representing all those elements which had been
combined in this concurring support, was, on democratic
principles, under a necessity to distribute his executive patro-
nage in such a manner as to give a just share to every one of
the various democratic interests which had been united in his
support. The Catholics received, therefore, a share of the pat-
ronage under circumstances which attracted particular atten-
tion. Disappointed expectants of office were consequently, in
some cases, easily inflamed into resentment at that part of the
distribution of patronage wKich had been beneficial to the
Catholics. Of this the former native American party took im-
mediate advantage. The result was the organization of the
know-nothing order."

As allusion is obscurely made in the above para-
graph to a very interesting political fact, it may not
be amiss to make that fact a little more clear to those
who may not understand the particulars from the
language of the circular. Previous to the presidential
election of 1852, a democratic caucus of Pennsylvania
put forth the name of a gentleman for one of the most

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 217

responsible stations in the state, •whom the democracy
generally did not consider qualified for the position he
Bought ; and so offensive was the nomination, that at
the election, contrary to the usual custom, the masses
of the party refused to support it, and in the county
in which he lived, and where he was best known, the
candidate run behind his ticket to an extent altogether
unprecedented. The defeated candidate chanced to
be a Catholic, and the Catholic democrats raised the
hue and cry of religious proscription and intolerance,
and not only maintained that their friend had been
opposed on account of his faith, but required for him
an appointment under the governor ; and he conse-
quently received the most desirable place in the state.
Even this did not satisfy the demands of the Catholics ;
but on the accession of the present incumbent to the
presidency, the defeated candidate was received into
the cabinet as one of its members. This was effected,
as Mr. Cadwalader says, " to give a just share to every
one of the democratic interests which had been united
in his (the president's) support," — in other words, to
conciliate the Catholics of the country, who as
Catholics had entered the political arena, in the cause
of the democracy. Instead of rebuking such an
unrighteous combination, the president yielded to its
demands. Honest religionists of other persuasions
became alarmed, as well as thousands of good citizens
who are connected with no regular church organiza-
tions. The greater portion of the democrats of the
state considered the matter as a gross outrage. They
19

218 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

discovered that a single church party had more in-
fluence than the entire balance of the democracy com-
bined. They did not attempt to conceal their just
indignation, and abandoned by thousands a party
which they could not otherwise regard than as danger-
ously corrupt. "The result was" not "the organiza-
tion of the know-nothing order," but large accessions
to the American party, and the death-blow of demo-
cracy in Pennsylvania, as is shown by the last state
election. All that is said in the circular under con-
sideration, about religious persecution, proscription
and intolerance, may go for what it is worth. It is
the special pleading of a lawyer, and will not have the
weight of a feather on an intelligent mind. Besides,
that subject has been placed in its proper light in other
portions of this book.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Mr. Oadwalader*s circular, continued — Union of know-nothings and
abolitionists — The American party independent of all factions —
Immigration destructive of the interests of both the South and
North by cheapening the price of labour — The dangerous dispositions
of foreign settlers — Basis principles of the American party of Vir-
ginia.

THE attempt of Mr. Cadwalader to connect Ameri-
canism with abolitionism can be regarded as nothing
better than an insult to the common sense of the
slave-holding people of the south. In the following
paragraphs there is scarcely a word of truth :

" This know-nothing agitation was a mere device of the op-
ponents of democratic organization to carry the next presiden-
tial election by a combination of oppressors of our naturalized
political brethren, with abolitionists and freesoilers. A pretext
for the union of the know-nothing vote at the north with that
of the abolition and freesoil factions, was, therefore, to be
sought. It was found in the Nebraska bill.

" Whether the Nebraska bill was in itself right or wrong,
availed nothing. It was made the pretext for a union of know-
nothings and abolitionists in a crusade against all that was
honest and conservative in the nation. Without such a combi-
nation, either the know-nothings or abolitionists, acting alone,
would have been altogether powerless. At every state, county,
and other municipal election since 1852, at which a formally
established local democratic majority has been overcome at the
north, the successful vote of our opponents has been the result
of a secret combination of abolitionists and freesoilers, with

(219)

220

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

wings, native Americans, and discontented outcasts of the
democracy, united under the know-nothing organization.

" At the South, there was a stronger motive of secrecy in the
attempted know-nothing organization. It was necessary there
to conceal from all members of this Order the truth of that
alliance with abolitionism and freesoilism, which was the local
dependence of its northern members. Know-nothings of the
north addressing themselves to the people of the slaveholding
states, craftily suggested that comparatively few naturalized
citizens had settled within their limits, and that this class of
our citizens, preferring to reside at the north, or in the middle
states, were generally freesoilers or abolitionists. They next
urged, with hypocritical artifice, that a decrease of immigration
would be consequent upon its discouragement, and that a repeal
or modification of the naturalization laws would produce its
discouragement, and thus tend to dimmish the numbers of those
hereafter aggregated in opposition to the constitutional rights
of the slaveholder. The purpose of the shallow artifice was
to create jealousies in which to sow the seeds of dissension
between the people of the slaveholding states and the steadfast
democratic supporters of their constitutional rights, who had
hitherto not less been the steadfast supporters of the rights of
the naturalized American. There never was a more deceptive
pretence than that upon which this argument was presented to
the people of the slaveholding states. A further motive of
secrecy was found at the south, in an apprehension lest the
proposition which they thus ventured to present in private,
should be met in open discussion by men whose ability would
enable them at once to encounter and refute it by demonstrat-
ing its sophistry.

" But the constitutional rights of the slaveholder have hitherto
been maintained, and will in future be maintainable in the
non-slaveholding states, under democratic organization alone.
This organization, which, if sustained, will neither tolerate nor
permit injustice to the slaveholder, as to these constitutional
rights, will always extend an equally potent and effective pro-
tection to the naturalized American. The sure title of the one

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 221

to this democratic protection is his unqualified concurrence in.
democratic protection of the other. The democracy, to sustain
themselves, require, in return, the support of both. If, there-
fore the democracy, forsaken by the people of the slaveholding
states, whom they have hitherto shielded from oppression,
should find themselves unable to extend a sufficiently powerful
protection to naturalized citizens, to prevent a repeal or modifi-
cation of the naturalization laws, what would be the probable
effects and consequences to the slaveholding states ?t The repeal
of the Nebraska bill is now the pretext of its pretended
opponents. Their hostility is really to the fugitive slave law.
The real object of their combination with the know-nothings is
its repeal. They forbear, as yet, to agitate the question openly,
because when its agitation was attempted in 1852, the vote of
twenty-seven of the thirty-one states, at the presidential election,
showed the strength of the democracy with its legitimate sup-
ports of southern patriots on the one hand, upholding the rights
of their naturalized brethren, and naturalized Americans, on
the other hand, sustaining the constitutional rights of their
southern fellow citizens. Our opponents hope, in dividing
these forces, to conquer us. They know, that if either support
were withdrawn, the force of the democracy aided only by the
other, would be insufficient to resist their combination. Should
it succeed, the fugitive slave law would be sacrificed as as-
suredly as the naturalization laws."

Now, in the name of common sense and good reason,
what does all this balderdash mean ? When and where
has this amalgamation of know-nothings and freesoilera
and abolitionists taken place ? What have the principles
of the American party to do with abolitionism on the
one hand, or of slavery on the other ? What especial
bearing have they upon the interests of the freesoilers
of the north. or the slaveholders of the south? Had
some rabid abolitionist of the north written to Mr.
19*

222 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Cadwalader to know whether or not Americanism was
intended to support the interests of southern pro-
slavery men, he would in all probability have written
as lengthy and wordy a circular to prove that the
know-nothing organization was intended to perpetuate
slavery, and extend the limits of the slave interests in
the yet unsettled territories. Why did Mr. Orr write
to Mr. Cadwalader for information respecting a party
whose principles have never been hidden, but are pro-
claimed freely through the columns of a hundred inde-
pendent journals, and as openly declared upon the
house-tops and at the corners of all the streets ? There
is not, nor has there ever been, any secrecy concern-
ing these principles. They have no especial bearing
on any local inter ests^north or south, east or west ;
tut aim to promote the welfare and prosperity of the
entire republic, and their beneficial influences will be
experienced in every section of the country, from the
northern limits of Maine to the southern extremity of
Louisiana ; from the boisterous shores of the Atlantic
to the rock-bound coasts of the Pacific. The American
party is the only political organization that, in its
operations, is calculated to benefit alike all classes of
American citizens and in all localities. It has no
affinity with whiggery, democracy, freesoilism, aboli-
tionism, or slavery. It aims to promote the general
good by general principles. What northern man is so
stupid as not to perceive that the immense immigration
of the lowest classes of Europeans is calculated to re-
duce the prices of labour, and bring to< a level with
serfs, paeons, and slaves, the free labouring men of

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 223

America ? What southerner so dull of comprehension
as not to understand that the cheapening of free labour
is destructive of the slaveholding interests? What
man, northerner or southerner, cannot realize that any
measures, intended and calculated to suppress the
rapid influx of foreigners into the country, will tend
to preserve and promote its general prosperity ? Al-
ready is the lahour of white immigrants in the north
as cheap as that of negro labour in the south, and even
in some of the slave states, the former has been placed
in competition with the latter. Fanatical abolitionists
may rejoice in this condition of things ; for by en-
couraging it they are striking directly at the slave-
holding interests. But the masses of the northern
people, — the mechanics and working classes, — look on
with alarm, and know that the same influences that
abolitionists suppose will destroy the southern interests
are alike destructive of their own. They are not blind
to the fact, that the yearly immigration of thousands
of hungry and naked free labourers must constantly
decrease the demand for and price of free labour, and
produce a corresponding decrease of their means of
comfort and enjoyment. And hence, no question ever
agitated the country, in which the people of the north
and south had more cause to unite in political associa-
tion. The only class of persons who have reason to
apprehend the results of such a union, are aspirants
and tricksters of the old organizations, who have made
politics a trade, and are loth to lose the spoils of what
has been a somewhat profitable employment.

Mr. Cadwalader unwittingly presents one of the

224

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

strongest reasons that can be given for the American
movement, whilst threatening the southern people with
its consequences. He says :

" If the naturalization laws were altered through the slave-
holding influence, what would be the consequences? The
government of the United States could not, under the constitu-
tion, prevent any present or future state of the Union from
permitting at her pleasure unnaturalized residents to vote at all
elections held within her limits, including those for presidential
electors, and for members of Congress, and members of her own
legislature. Resident foreigners, therefore, would still be per-
mitted thus to vote, as they now vote in several of the new
states, and most, or all of the territories. Unnaturalized
foreigners would leave states, whose laws would locally disfran-
chise them, and go to states, or to territories, where they would
be on a political equality with native citizens. If there should
be no such states, they would form, in the territorial wilder-
ness, exclusive settlements of their own, to become hereafter
states of our Union. Their new political organizations, in sites
where they might thus locate themselves, might, in various
modes, if the feeling imputed to them existed, become practi-
cally dangerous to the slaveholding interest."

The writer is a short-sighted reasoner. He here
clearly shows the absolute necessity not only for the
entire repeal of the naturalization laws, but the dis-
couragement of immigration. It was partly to avert
the very evils he here predicts, that the American
party was organized } and, to prevent the occurrence
of such a state of affairs, every American, who values
his country, should give it his countenance and support.
Mr. Cadwalader, though ignorant of the subject he
discusses, proves himself thoroughly acquainted with
the spirit of the foreign population. They are de-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 225

termined to have a hand in the government of our
country; and if they are not permitted to manage
matters their own way in one section, they will emi-
grate to another, where they will have less opposition
to encounter. And if the southern people unite with
their northern American brethren to curtail the privi-
leges and lessen the influence of naturalized and
unnaturalized foreigners, then they will avail them-
selves of whatever means and opportunities they can,
to revenge themselves, by destroying, as far as it is
possible, the slaveholder's interests. It was this spirit
that incited the riots of 1844 in Philadelphia. And
now the good people of the south are threatened with
its consequences to be accomplished only by different
means. We thank Mr. Cadwalader for this confession,
and commend it to the serious consideration of all
Americans.

As there is nothing further in the circular deserv-
ing of especial consideration, we snail close this chap-
ter by giving Mr. Orr the information which he
desires, and which Mr. Cadwalader has failed to com-
municate in the following

"BASIS PRINCIPLES OF THE AMERICAN PARTY OF
VIRGINIA.

" Determined to preserve our political institutions
in their original purity and vigour, and to keep them
unadulterated and unimpaired by foreign influence,
either civil or religious, as well as by home faction and
ho'Jie demagoguism ; and believing that an American
policy, religious, political, and commercial, is necessary

226

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

for the attainment of these ends, we shall observe and
carry out in practice, the following principles :

" 1. That the suffrages of the American people for
political offices, should not be given to any other than
those born on our soil, and reared and matured under
the influence of our institutions.

" 2. That no foreigner ought to be allowed to exercise
the elective franchise, till he shall have resided within
the United States a sufficient length of time to enable
him to become acquainted with the principles and
imbued with the spirit of our institutions, and until he
shall have become thoroughly identified with the great
interests of our country.

" 3. That, whilst no obstacle should be interposed to
the immigration of all foreigners of honest and indus-
trious habits, and all privileges and immunities enjoyed
by any native-born citizens of our country should be
extended to all such immigrants, except that of parti-
cipating in any of ' our political administrations ; yet
all legal means should be adopted to obstruct and pre-
vent the immigration of the vicious and worthless, the
criminal and pauper.

" 4. That the American doctrine of religious tolera-
tion, and entire absence of all proscription for opinion's
sake, should be cherished as one of the very funda-
mental principles of our civil freedom, and that any
sect or party which believes and maintains that any
foreign power, religious or political, has the right to
control the conscience or direct the conduct of a free-
man, occupies a position which is totally at war with
the principles of freedom of opinion, and which is mis-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 227

chievous in its tendency, and which principle, if carried
into practice, would prove wholly destructive of our
religious and civil liberty.

" 5. That the Bible in the hands of every free citi-
zen is the only permanent basis of all true liberty and
genuine equality.

"6. That the intelligence of the people is necessary
to the right use and .the continuance of our liberties,
civil and religious ; hence the propriety and importance
of the promotion and fostering of all means of moral
and intellectual culture by some adequate and per-
manent provision for general education.

" 7. That the doctrine of availability, now so preva-
lent and controlling, in the nomination of candidates
for office, in total disregard to all principles of right,
of truth, and of justice, is essentially wrong, and should
be by all good men condemned.

" 8. That, as a general rule, the same restrictions
should be prescribed to the exercise of the power of
removal from office, as are made necessary to be observed
in the power of appointment thereto ; and that exe-
cutive influence and patronage should be scrupulously
conferred and jealously guarded.

" 9. That the sovereignty of the states should be
supreme in the exercise of all powers not expressly
delegated to the federal government, and which may
not be necessary and proper to carry out the powers
so delegated, and that this principle should be observed
and held sacred in all organizations of the American
party.

" 10. That all sectarian intermeddling with politics

228 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN TARTY.

or political institutions, coming from whatever source
it may, should be promptly resisted by all such means
as seem to be necessary and proper for this end.

"11. That whilst the perpetuity of the present form
of the federal government of the United States is
actually necessary for the proper development of all
the resources of this country, yet the principle of non-
intervention, both on the part of the federal govern-
ment and of the several states of the union, in the
municipal affairs of each other, is essential to the peace
and prosperity of our country, and to the well-being
and permanence of our institutions, and at the same
time the only reliable bond of brotherhood and union.

" 12. The red republicanism and licentious indul-
gence in the enjoyment of civil privileges, are as much
to be feared and deprecated by all friends to well-
regulated government and true liberty, as any of the
forms of monarchy and despotism.

" 13. That the true interests and welfare of this
country, the honour of this nation, the individual and
private rights of its citizens, conspire to demand that
all other questions arising from party organizations,
or from any other source, should be held subordinate
to and in practice made to yield to the great prin-
ciples herein promulgated."

APPENDIX.

THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.

THE first National Convention of the American
party was held on the 5th and 7th of July, 1845, at
Philadelphia, in the Assembly Buildings, corner of
Tenth and Chestnut streets. Delegates, whose names
are given below, were present from fourteen states,
viz. Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, New York, New
Jersey, Delaware, Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri, Missis-
sippi, Georgia, New Hampshire, Vermont, Indiana,
and North Carolina. The officers of the convention
were

President — H. A. S. Dearborne, Mass.

Vice Presidents — L. D. Chapin, N. Y. ; Charles
Sexton, N. J. ; Thomas P. Grover, Pa. ; "William N.
Haldeman, Ky. ; Joseph K. Burtis, Mo.

Secretaries — W. L. Prall, N. Y. ; Edwin R. Camp-
bell, 0. ; John F. Driggs, N. Y. ; George G. West,
Pa.

The following Address to the Citizens of the United
States was unanimously adopted, and ordered to be
published :

20 (229)

230 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.

FELLOW CITIZENS-: — When, in the history of
nations, great and increasing evils arise, and invade
the rights or threaten to destroy the just and natural
privileges of a people, it becomes equally the duty and
the interest of that people to present to the world such
representation of their grievances as shall tend to
justify their efforts to remove those evils, and establish
permanent means to prevent their recurrence. It has
been the fate of all nations, and especially of re-
publics, to suffer, in various ways, from the encroach-
ments and assumptions of a foreign people ; and it is
an unerring truth of history, that most of them have
lost their liberty and power by such means. The pe-
culiar institutions of the United States have exposed
them more than any other, to the evils and wrongs of
foreign encroachments ; and experience has already
shown that they, like most other people of historical
notice, are now realizing like consequences from like
causes. Influenced by these considerations, a large
portion of the native citizens of these United States
have felt it to be their most solemn and imperative
duty, to associate and pledge themselves one to
another, for the purpose of awakening their country-
men to a sense of the evils already experienced from
foreign intrusion and usurpation, and the imminent
danger to which all they love and venerate, as native
Americans, is momentarily exposed from foreign influ-
ence ; and also to use all honourable means to diminish
those evils, and oppose barriers to their future pro-

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 231

gress. They have therefore called together, in con-
vention, in the city of Philadelphia, the representatives
of those native Americans -who, clearly seeing and
feeling the evils and dangers complained of, have the
moral courage to oppose and redress them ; and now,
in conformity with usage and duty, these representa-
tives announce to their associates and their fellow
citizens, the great objects contemplated by the native
American party, their reasons for action, and the
principles by which they propose hereafter to be
governed.

DECLARATION.

We, the delegates elect, to the first National Con-
vention of the native American body of the United
States of America, assembled at Philadelphia, on the
4th day of July, 1845, for the purpose of devising a
plan of concerted political action in defence of Ame-
rican institutions against the encroachments of foreign
influence, open or concealed, hereby, solemnly, and
before Almighty God, make known to our fellow-
citizens, our country, and the world, the following
incontrovertible facts, and the course of conduct con-
sequent thereon, to which, in duty to the cause of
human rights, and the claims of our beloved country,
we mutually pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our
sacred honour.

The danger of foreign influence, threatening the
gradual destruction of our national institutions, failed
not to arrest the attention of the Father of his country,

232 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

in the very dawn of American liberty. Not only its
direct agency in rendering the American system liable
to the poisonous influence of European policy — a
policy at war with the fundamental principles of the
American constitution — but also its still more fatal
operation in aggravating the virulence of partisan
warfare — has awakened deep alarm in the mind of
every intelligent patriot, from the days of Washington
to the present time.

The influx of a foreign population, permitted, after
little more than a nominal residence, to participate in
the legislation of the country, and the sacred right of
suffrage, produced comparatively little evil during the
earlier years of the republic ; for that influx was then
limited by the considerable expenses of a transatlantic
voyage, by the existence of many wholesome restraints
upon the acquisition of political prerogatives, by the
constant exhaustion of the European population in
long and bloody continental wars, and by the slender
inducements offered for emigration to a young and
sparsely peopled country, contending for existence
with a boundless wilderness, inhabited by savage men.
Evils which are only prospective, rarely attract the
notice of the masses, and, until peculiar changes were
effected in the political condition of Europe, the in-
creased facilities for transportation, and the madness
of partisan legislation in removing all effective guards
against the open prostitution of the right of citizen-
ship, had converted the slender current of naturaliza-
tion into a torrent threatening to overwhelm the in-
fluence of the natives of the land; the far-seeing

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 233

vision of the statesman, only, being fixed upon the
distant, but steadily approaching cloud.

But, since the barriers against the improper exten-
sion of the right of suffrage were bodily broken down,
for a partisan purpose, by the Congress of 1825, the
rapidly increasing numbers and unblushing insolence
of the foreign population of the worst classes, have
caused the general agitation of the question, " How
shall the institutions of the country be preserved from
the blight of foreign influence, insanely legalized
through the conflicts of domestic parties ?" Associa-
tions, under different names, have been formed by our
fellow-citizens, in many states of this confederation,
from Louisiana to Maine, all designed to check this
imminent danger before it becomes irremediable, and,
at length, a National Convention of the great Ame-
rican people, born upon the soil of Washington, has
assembled to digest, suggest, and announce a plan of
operations, by which the grievances of an abused hos-
pitality, and the consequent degradation of political
morals, may be redressed, and the tottering columns of
the temple of Kepublican Liberty secured upon the
sure foundation of an enlightened nationality.

In calling for support upon every American who
loves his country pre-eminently, and every adopted
citizen of moral and intellectual worth, who would
secure to his compatriots yet to come amongst us, the
blessings of political protection, the safety of person
and property, it is right that we should make known
the grievances which we propose to redress, and the
20* •

234 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

manner in which we shall endeavour to effect our
object.

It is an incontrovertible truth, that the civil institu-
tions of the United States of America have been
seriously affected, and that they now stand in imminent
peril from the rapid and enormous increase of the
body of residents of foreign birth, imbued with foreign
feelings, and of an ignorant and immoral character,
who receive, under the present lax and unreasonable
laws of naturalization, the elective franchise and the
right of eligibility to political office.

The whole body of foreign citizens, invited to our
shores under a constitutional provision adapted to
other times and other political conditions of the world,
and of our country especially, has been endowed by
American hospitality with gratuitous privileges un-
necessary to the enjoyment of those inalienable rights
of man — life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness —
privileges wisely reserved to the natives of the soil, by
the governments of all other civilized nations. But,
familiarized by habit with the exercise of these indul-
gences, and emboldened by increasing numbers, a vast
majority of those who constitute this foreign body,
now claim as an original right, that which has been
so incautiously granted as a favour, — thus attempting
to render inevitable the prospective action of laws
adopted upon a principle of mere expediency, made
variable at the will of Congress, by the express terms
of the Constitution, and heretofore repeatedly revised
to meet the exigencies of the times.

In former years, this body was recruited chiefly

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 235

from the victims of political oppression, or the active
and intelligent mercantile adventurers of other lands ;
and it then constituted a slender representation of
the best classes of the foreign population, well fitted
to add strength to the state, and capable of being
readily educated in the peculiarly American science
of political self-government. Moreover, while wel-
coming the stranger of every condition, our laws then
wisely demanded of every foreign aspirant for political
rights, a certificate of practical good citizenship. Such
a class of aliens were followed by no foreign dema-
gogues, they were courted by no domestic demagogues,
they were purchased by no parties, they were de-
bauched by no emissaries of kings. A wall of fire
separated them from such a baneful influence, erected
by their intelligence, their knowledge, their virtue and
love of freedom. But for the last twenty years, the
road to civil preferment and participation in the legis-
lative and executive government of the land has been
laid broadly open, alike to the ignorant, the vicious,
and the criminal ; and a large proportion of the foreign
body of citizens and voters now constitutes a represen-
tation of the worst and most degraded of the European
population, victims of social oppression, of personal
vices, utterly divested by ignorance or crime, of the
moral and intellectual requisites for political self-
government.

Thus tempted by the suicidal policy of these United
States, and favoured by the facilities resulting from
the modern improvements of navigation, numerous
societies and corporate bodies in foreign countries

236 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

have found it economical to transport to our shores,
at public and private expense, the feeble, the imbecile,
the idle, and intractable, thus relieving themselves of
the burdens resulting from the vices of the European
social systems, by availing themselves of the generous
errors of our own.

The almshouses of Europe are emptied upon our
coast, and this by our own invitation, not casually or
to a trivial extent, but systematically, and upon a con-
stantly increasing scale. The . bedlams of the old
world have contributed their share to the torrent of
immigration, and the lives of our citizens have been
attempted in the streets of our capital cities by mad-
men, just liberated from European hospitals upon the
express condition that they should be transported to
America. By the orders of European governments
the punishment of crimes has been commuted for
banishment to the land of the free ; and criminals in
irons have crossed the ocean, to be cast loose upon
society on their arrival upon our shores. The United
States are rapidly becoming the lazar house) and penal
colony of Europe ; nor can we reasonably censure
such proceedings ; they are legitimate consequences
'of our own unlimited benevolence ; and it is of such
material that we profess to manufacture free and
enlightened citizens by a process occupying five short
years at most, but practically oftentimes embraced in
a much shorter period of time.

The mass of immigrants, formerly cast among the
natives of the soil, has increased from the" ratio of 1
in 40 to that of 1 in 7 ! a like advance in 15 years

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 237

will leave the natives of the soil in a minority in their
own land ! Thirty years ago these strangers camo by
units and tens, now they swarm by thousands. (It is
estimated that 300,000 will arrive within the present
year.) Formerly, most of them sought only for an
honest livelihood and a provision for their families,
and rarely meddled with those institutions of which
it was impossible they could comprehend the nature ;
now each new comer seeks political preferment, and
struggles to fasten on .the public purse with an avidity
in strict proportion to his ignorance and unworthiness
of public trust, — having been SENT for the purpose of
obtaining political ascendancy in the government of
the nation, having been SENT to exalt their allies to
power, having been SENT to work a revolution from
republican freedom to the divine rights of monarchs.
From these unhappy circumstances has arisen an
imperium in imperio, a body uninformed and vicious,
foreign in feeling, prejudice, and manner, yet armed
with a vast and often a controlling influence over the
policy of a nation whose benevolence it abuses, and
whose kindness it habitually insults ; a body as dan-
gerous to the rights of the intelligent foreigner, and to
the prospect of its own immediate progeny, as it ia
threatening to the liberties of the country, and the
hopes of rational freedom throughout the world; a
body ever ready to complicate our foreign relations
by embroiling us with the hereditary hates and feuds
of other lands, and to disturb our domestic peace by
its crude ideas, mistaking license for liberty, and the
overthrow of individual rights for republican political

238 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

equality : a body ever the ready tool of foreign and
domestic demagogues, and steadily endeavouring by '
misrule to establish popular tyranny under a cloak of
false democracy. Americans, false to their country,
and led on' to moral crime by the desire of dishonest
pain, have scattered their agents over Europe, inducing
the malcontent and the unthrifty to exchange a life
of compulsory labour in foreign lands, for relative
comfort, to be maintained by the tax-paying industry
of our overburdened and deeply indebted community.

Not content with the usual and less objectionable
licenses of trade, these fraudulent dealers habitually
deceive a worthier class of victims, by false promises
of employment, and assist in thronging the already
crowded avenues of simple labour with a host of com-
petitors, whose first acquaintance with American faith
springs from a gross imposture, and whose first feeling
on discovering the cheat, is reasonable mistrust, if not
implacable revenge. The importation of the physical
necessities of life may be burdened with duties, which
many deem extravagant ; but the importation of vice
and idleness — of seditious citizens and factious rulers
— is not only unrestricted by anything beyond a no-
minal tax, but is actually encouraged by a system
•which transforms the great patrimony of the nation,
purchased by the blood of our fathers, into a source
of bounty for the promotion of immigration.

Whenever an attempt is made to* restrain this fatal
evil, the native and adopted demagogues protest
against an effort which threatens to deprive them of
their most important tools ; and such is the existing

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 239

organization of our established political parties, that
should either of them essay the reform of an abuse
which both acknowledge to be fraught with ruin, that
party sinks, upon the instant, into a minority, divested
of control and incapable of result.

From such causes has been derived a body, armed
with political power, in a country of whose system it
is ignorant, and in whose institutions it feels little in-
terest, except for the purpose of personal advance-
ment.

This body has formed and encouraged associations
under foreign names, to promote measures of foreipji
policy, and to perpetuate foreign clannishness among
adopted citizens of the United States ; in contraven-
tion of that spirit of union and nationality, without
which no people can legitimately claim a place among
the nations of the earth.

It has employed the power of associations to embroil
the people of this country in the political disputes of
other lands, with which the United States are anxious
to encourage peace and amity.

It has introduced foreign emblems, not only of
national, but of partisan character, in the civic proces-
sions and public displays of bodies of men, claiming
the title of American citizens and sworn to American
fealty; by which means it has fomented frequent riot
and murder.

It has adopted national costumes and national in-
signia foreign to the country, in arming and equipping
military corps, constituting a part of the national
guard, with its word of command in a foreign language,

240 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

in open defiance of our military code, by which means
it has weakened the discipline of the militia, and ren-
dered it less available for defence in time of war.

It has entered into the strife of parties as a separate
organization, unknown to the laws, suffering itself to
be addressed and led to the contest — not as a portion
of the great American family of freemen, but combined
as foreigners ; thus virtually falsifying its oaths of
allegiance, and proving beyond denial, its entire unfit-
ness for political trust.

It has formed and encouraged political combinations,
holding the balance of power between opposing parties,
which combinations have offered their votes and influ-
ence to the highest bidder in exchange for pledges of
official position and patronage.

It has boasted of giving governors to our states, and
chief magistrates to the nation.

By serving as an unquestioning and uncompromis-
ing tool of executive power, it has favoured a political
centralism, hostile to the rights of the independent
states, and the sovereignty of the people.

It has facilitated the assumption by the national
executive, of the right to remove from office, without
the consent of the Senate, persons who only can be
appointed with such consent ; which -assumption is an
obvious evasion of the spirit of the constitution.

It has eneouraged political combinations for the pur-
pose of effecting sectarian measures, in defiance of the
fundamental law of the United States, and the consti-
tutions of the states in which such efforts have been
made.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 241

It has given rise to the organization and arming
of foreign bands, leagued for the purpose of controll-
ing the freedom of discussion and opposing the consti-
f tutional assembling of American freemen, seeking the
redress of political grievances, which lawless bands
have repeatedly threatened, assaulted, and temporarily
dispersed, lawful political meetings of native citizens,
in various places.

Emboldened by the often-tested weakness of the
constituted authorities, resulting, as we solemnly be-
lieve, from the ascendancy of the foreign influence at
the polls, a host of these foreign assassins at length
proceeded to redden the gutters of the second city of
the Union with the blood of unarmed native citizens,
without even the semblance of provocation, and with
the avowed determination to prevent any political as-
semblage of the natives of the soil within the limits of
one of the political divisions of a sovereign American
state.

Prostrated in this attempt by the ungovernable fury
of an outraged community, moving in mass, to avenge
such insult to the flag of their country, trampled and
torn beneath the feet of the very refuse of Europe —
these lawless bands and their abettors have since
fomented extensive riot and open insurrection ; and,
uniting with their prejudiced fellow-countrymen, to-
gether with domestic demagogues of various political
creeds, have striven unceasingly, to fasten upon the
victims of their treasonable and murderous proceedings,
the odium of crimes originating with themselves ; — thus
exciting bloody contest between opposing bodies of
21

-•I--' HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

native citizens, impairing, by division, the remaining
political influence of the native population, and weak-
ening the bonds of social harmony, and the obligation
of the laws. Collision of opinion has thus been fol-
lowed by collision of arms in deadly array, in the very
sanctuary of our freedom, by the myrmidons of the
crowned heads of Europe. If this double struggle,
and aggravated danger, does not constitute a crisis of
national emergency, we are yet to learn, what combi-
nation of power inimical to liberty, can endanger the
republic, or peril the permanence of our institutions.

The body of adopted citizens with foreign interests
and prejudices, is annually advancing with rapid
strides, in geometrical progression. Already it has
acquired a control over our elections, which cannot be
entirely corrected, even by the wisest legislation, until
the present generation shall be numbered with the
past. Already it has notoriously swayed the course
of national legislation, and invaded the purity of local
justice. In a few years its unchecked progress would
cause it to outnumber the native defenders of our
rights, and would then inevitably dispossess our off-
spring and its own of the inheritance for which our
fathers bled, or plunge this land of happiness and
peace into the horrors of civil war.

The correction of these evils can never be effected
by any combination governed by the tactics of other
existing parties.

If either of the old parties as such, were to attempt
an extension of the term of naturalization (from five
to twenty-one years), it would be impossible for it to

HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PARTY. 243

carry out the measure, because it would immediately
be abandoned by the foreign voters. This great mea-
sure can be carried out only by an organization like
our own, made up of those who have given up their
former political preferences.

For these reasons, we recommend the immediate
organization of the truly patriotic native citizens
throughout the United States, for the purpose of re-
sisting the progress of foreign influence in the conduct
of American affairs, and the correction of such poli-
tical abuses as have resulted from unguarded or par-
tisan legislation on the subject of naturalization, so far
as these abuses admit of remedy without encroachment
upon the vested rights of foreigners, who have been
already legally adopted into the bosom of the nation ;
and in furtherance of this object, we present the public
with the following statement of the political principles
and objects of the native American body, whose duly
constituted representatives we are.

PRINCIPLES.

WE hold that, with few exceptions, no man, educated
under one system of government, can ever become
thoroughly imbued with the essence and spirit of another
system essentially different in character.

That no man can eradicate, entirely, the prejudices
and attachments associated with the land of his birth,
so as to become a perfectly safe depositary for politi-
cal trust, in any other country.

244 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

That the obligation of an oath of fealty to a foreign
nation has been decided, by every civilized nation but
our own, to be of secondary power, when brought
into collision with the natural fealty due to the native
land. And, although we have as yet no decision of
this question in our own supreme court, all precedents
bearing on the subject lead us to anticipate a similar
conclusion there.

And, therefore, that the elective franchise, which is
the primary and fundamental element of popular
sovereignty, can only be entirely secure when held
exclusively in the hands of natives of the soil.

But, in consideration of the present and previous
policy of our government, we are willing, at present,
to extend, as a boon, to all peaceful and well-disposed
strangers hereafter settling among us, not only every
security enjoyed by the native in the protection of
person, property, and the legal pursuit of happiness,
but also the right of suffrage, UPON THE SAME TERMS
AS THOSE IMPOSED UPON THE NATIVES, namely a legally
authenticated residence of at least twenty-one years
within the limits of the country.

We advocate such an amendment to the constitution
of the United States, as may be necessary to preclude
the votes of persons not legally citizens of the United
States, in the choice of national representatives or dele-
gates from the several states and territories.

We stand pledged, in the exercise of our constitu-
tional right of selecting those candidates for office
whom we esteem most capable and best informed, to
confine our political nominations to the American born

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 245

citizens of the United States, including such foreign
born citizens only, as may have been parties to the
federal constitution at the time of its adoption.

We solemnly protest against all intermingling of
national policy with the local policy of particular
states, on questions involving the reserved rights of
those states.

We hold that all minor questions of expediency in
legislating upon subjects unconnected with the funda-
mental structure of the government ; such as fiscal
and commercial regulations, the management of the
public domain, and the proceeds therefrom, &c., belong,
by right, to the representatives of the people, and
those of the several states, to be by them discussed
and decided, from time to time, after mature argu-
ment, under the constitutional responsibility of those
public agents, each to his own proper constituency
and to the country; and that the adoption of any
previous test or determination upon such questions by
any national party, degrades it into a faction, and by
leading to final decision before argument obstructs the
course of rational legislation. If it be asked what
measures of public import we most favour, as a party,
we answer, all that stand high as American measures,
in contradistinction to foreign. Native agriculture
we cherish first; native industry, first and last, in
every branch of trade, art, ingenuity, mechanics, and
invention. We aim at the independence of our country
in all things, moral, intellectual, physical, and politi-
cal— in works of the hand as well as in works of the
head, in manual labour and in mental sagacity. We
21 *

r

246 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

desire to make our government what our fathers
designed it should be, and witness native statesmen in
power, native industry triumphant over foreign labour,
and native hearts announcing America emancipated
from all the world.

We advocate such an amendment of the constitution
of the United States as shall reconcile its letter with
its spirit, on the subject of executive appointments,
rendering all officers commissioned by and with the
consent of the senate, incapable of removal, except by
and with the like consent.

We recommend to the native Americans of the
several states, a prompt resistance to all sectarian
intermeddling with politics or political institutions,
come from what source soever it may ; the absolute
freedom of religious opinion being the corner-stone of
American civilization.

We also recommend to the native Americans of the
several states the careful fostering and improvement
of local institutions for public instruction, to be sup-
ported at the public expense, without which, a govern-
ment of the people must speedily become a government
of ignorance and probable depravity.

We also recommend to the native Americans of the
several states, in their systems of education, a full
recognition of the Bible, as Divine authority for the
rights of man, as well as for the separation of church
and state, on which depends so essentially the pursuit
of happiness and freedom of conscience. To the Bible
we are indebted for the wand that broke the sceptre
of tyrants, and crumbled to atoms the church and

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 247

state despotisms of those potentates, who associate
religion with their political systems ; who degrade the
people in order to rule them, and interdict education
and knowledge among the masses, lest intelligence
should inform them of their rights, instruct them how
to break asunder their bonds, and rise to the true
dignity of God-created freedom. When the ambition
of kings projected the slavery of the people, they
locked up the Bible, and invested themselves with the
attributes of divinity. A divine right to enslave was
admitted when the human right was denied. Hence,
in all arbitrary governments, the state is incorporated
with the church, under the monstrous paradox that
man, in the possession of his natural rights, is in-
competent to self-government. The reading of the
Bible among the people exploded this doctrine, and
the native Americans defend it, and will continue
to defend it, against all foreign aggression, as neces-
sary to freedom of conscience, and the equal rights
of man.

Having thus completed an outline of the principles
and policy advocated by the native American political
party, as a national party, we call upon every true
friend of his country to rally under our standard,
before it becomes too late ; we invite the assistance of
every adopted citizen of sufficient intelligence to per-
ceive his own real interest, and that of his posterity.
Warring with no particular sect, attacking no particu-
lar nation, regardless of the spleen of pre-existing
parties, we are gathering to the combat in opposition
to that foreign influence, and those abuses of party

248 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

spirit, which were so ably foretold by Washington and
Jefferson. Invoking Heaven in testimony of the
purity of our motives, we have solemnly determined
never to relax our efforts until the Star-Spangled
Banner floats freely over the renationalized land of our
birth and our affections.

RESOLUTIONS.

Believing our free institutions, if worth anything,
to be worth preserving, and transmitting unimpaired :

Believing the permanency of those institutions to
depend upon the honest and intelligent exercise of the
right of suffrage :

Believing that ruin, if it come, will come through a
perversion and abuse of that right :

Believing such perversion and abuse to have already
prevailed, and to be now increasing, to an alarming
extent :

Believing that the greatest source of evil, in this
respect, is to be found in the rapid influx of ignorant
foreigners, and the facility with which they are con-
verted into citizens :

Believing that Americans in form should, and of
right, ought to be, Americans at heart :

Believing that, under any circumstances, it is
dangerous to commit the ballot-box, the Ark of our
Freedom's Covenant, to foreign hands, or submit our
destinies to the possible control of them who may be
foreigners in heart, and American in form only :

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 249

Believing that, from any of the old political organi-
zations as such, we cannot hope for any radical reform
of the evils we deprecate :

Therefore, Resolved, That we do hereby form our-
selves into a national political party, for the radical
reform of abuses, and the preservation of our institu-
tions and our liberties, under the name of the Native
American Party.

Resolved, That, as native Americans, we cannot con-
sent to give our political suffrages to any other than
to those born on our soil and matured among our
institutions.

Resolved, That no foreigner, hereafter coming to
these United States, shall be allowed to exercise the
elective franchise, until he shall have been a resident
here at least twenty-one years.

Resolved, That while every constitutional effort
should be made to guard against the deleterious con-
sequences of a rapidly increasing immigration, by the
enactment of the most efficient laws for the accomplish-
ment of that all-important object, .still a generous
magnanimity requires that those aliens who are, or may
become, inhabitants of the United States, should be
kindly received, and every privilege extended to them,
except that of participating in any of our political ad-
ministrations, and exercising the right of suffrage,
until after a residence of at least twenty-one years.

Resolved, That, as native Americans, we will foster
and defend all the great interests of our country, its
agriculture, its commerce, its mechanics and fine arts,

250 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

manufactures, navigation, mining, and science and
literature, against the world.

Resolved, That we urge the promotion and fostering
of all means of moral and intellectual culture by per-
manent provisions for general education, believing the
intelligence of the people to be necessary to the right
use and the permanence of our liberties, civil and reli-
gious.

Resolved, That we advocate the universal toleration
of every religious faith and sect, and the total separa-
tion of all sectarianism and politics.

Resolved, That the Bible, as the only basis of pure
Christianity, lies at the bottom of all true liberty and
equality, and thus, as the corner-stone of our free in-
stitutions, should be freely read by all men.

Resolved, That removals from important offices under
the general government, should be made, like appoint-
ments, by and with the advice and consent of the
senate, or other approving body, except in the absence
of the senate, when the president may have the power
to suspend for cause.

Resolved, That these principles, lying as they do,
at the very foundation of our political freedom, and
even existence, involve, and are paramount to all others,
however important to our external prosperity.

Resolved, That the interest, the real welfare of all
parties, the honour of the nation, all require that sub-
ordinate party questions should be made to yield to
the great principles for which we are contending.

Resolved, That organizations of native American

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY. 251

associations should be established in all our towns and
wards of cities.

Resolved, That the appointment of two delegates
from each congressional district, be recommended to
meet in general convention on the second Tuesday of
May, 1847, to nominate candidates for president and
vice president of the United States, and that the place
of meeting be Pittsburgh, Pa.

Resolved, That the native American party do and
will advocate the principle, that the naturalization of
foreigners be confined exclusively to the courts of the
United States, and that a public registration of all
applicants for the elective franchise be made.

Resolved^ That we advocate the principle, that no
alien shall be naturalized, except on the production of
a custom-house certificate, to be procured on his land-
ing on these American shores, proving his residence
of twenty-one years ; such certificate to be given up
to be cancelled.

Resolved^ That we hold it to be the duty of all true
native Americans, to give their suffrages to those only
who subscribe heartily to our principles, and will main-
tain them.

Resolved^ That we do advocate the passage of laws
imposing upon all foreigners coming hither for purposes
of permanent residence, a capitation tax, sufficiently
large to prevent the excessive influx of the vicious and
pauper immigrants, and that we do it as a matter of
self-defence.

Resolved, That, as native Americans, we hold it to
bo our duty to take high moral ground on all sub-

252 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN PARTY.

jects, to grapple with the principles of right, of truth,
and of justice, without regard to mere questions of
availability, and to contend for them fearlessly against
the world.

Resolved, That we recommend that no alien be per-
mitted to land in these United States, without a cer-
tificate of good moral character, and who is able to
provide for his own support, which certificate shall be
signed by the United States consul of the port from
whence he sailed, in conformity with the act of Con-
gress, passed in 1802, under President Jefferson.

Resolved, That the several executive committees
of the states be requested to appoint each two pro-
per persons, to constitute a corresponding national
committee.

DELEGATES.

L. C. Levin, Jeremiah E. Eldridge,

Thomas D. Grover, Charles Perley,

Joseph B. Strafford, Minard Lefevre,

Peter Sken Smith, Thomas Winship,

L. M. Troutman, Jacob Townsend,

Richard W. Green, Benjamin C. Dutcher,

George W. Reed, Daniel G. Taylor,

Amos Phillips, Lewis Blanche,
Samuel B. Lewis, . Thomas H. Oakley,

Samuel II. Norton, Charles Devoe,

P. B. Carter, William Steele,

E. J. Sneeder, E. C. Blake,

David Bricker, William Leaycraft,

M. W. May, John Young,

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

253

Jacob Lansing,
Rawson Harmon,
Charles Knight,
J. F. Whitney,
J. Q. Kettelle,
J. W. Monroe,
L. H. Braley,
A. D. Stiles,
Charles Buggies,
J. L. Moore,
Lora Nash,
John A. King,
Aaron D. Thompson,
John Lloyd,
Charles M. Brown,
George F. Penrose,
Stephen Reed,
Charles D. Brown,
John Arnold,
George G. Maris,
Leander N. Ott,
Wm. Duncan,
George Everson,

E. Jackson,
Edward Griffins,
Jacob Weaver,
Thomas Ford,
0. C. Lombard,
Jesse Mann,

F. C. Messenger,
George Emerson,

22

H. A. S. Dearborne,
L. B. Bodge,
J. B. Robinson,
Franklin Ferguson,
Dr. J. Symmes,
Jesse Ford,
John Johnson,
Edward R. Campbell,
James H. Burtis,
H. H. Tucker,
G. W. Hartshorne,
George G. West,
John Allen,
Thomas Wattson,
J. W. Ashmead,
E. W. Keyser,
W. D. Baker,
Oliver P. Cornman,
Wm. M. Evans,
Wm. McCormick,
John F. Driggs,
Edward Green,
William Forbes,
W. L. Prall,
James Griffiths,
Thomas Hogan,
Peter Squiers,
Dr. D. C. Freeman,
W. C. Dusenbery,
Charles Alden,
Isaac S. Smith,

254

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

William R. Wagstaff,
Edward Harte,
Philip Jordan,
Wm. Taylor,
C. J. Fountain,
Samuel Gage,
John Locher,
Thomas R. Whitney,
Frederick H. Way,
Joseph Hufty,
S. G. Steele,
Loring D. Chapin,
William Kirpt,
John Mount,
George Youngs,
James Covel, Sr.,
Robert H. Golder,
William W. Wetmore,
Purdon Lapham,
William Bennett,
Elijah K. Wilds,
John F. Vanlear,
Jacob Teese,
George Ford,
Kirkpatrick Ewing,
E. C. Reigart,

Alex. M. Kenney,
George W. Twining,
Daniel Kendig,
Archibald Reeves,
Benjamin R. Snider,
Jos. Allison,
James Sturgis,
Samuel B. Lewis,
A. B. Ely,
Richard L. Wykoff,
Willis Ames,
James McDonald,
John Skillman, Jr.,
Morgan Everson,
Robert C. Russell,
Evan Smith,
Nathan'l Holmes, Jr.,
Chas. Sexton,
Albert Thatcher,
Thomas McCorkel,
W. N. Haldeman,
James G. Caldwell,
Hector Orr,
W. H. Farrar,
J. Hepherd.

•

FOUNDERS OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

THE following list embraces the names of many of
the original and most prominent members of the Ame-
rican party in Philadelphia. It is necessarily imper-
fect ; but many names now omitted will be inserted in
a subsequent edition.

Ackney, G. W.
Addicks, John E.
Addis, Charles
Addis, John
Afflick, Morris
Albright, Peter
Allen, John
Allison, Joseph
Alter, Jacob
Amer, Joseph H.
Anderson, John
App, George
Ardis, Wright B.
Arns, James R.
Arrison, Henry D.
Artkens, Charles C.
Ashhurst, Lewis R.
Ashmead, Charles W.
Ashmead, J. B.
Ashmead, John W.
Ashmead, L. R.
Ashmead, Samuel
Atkinson, Samuel C.
Awll, Charles W.
Baker, George
Baker, William D.
Baker, J. G.

Ballantine, Thomas
Banning, William L.
Bardin, A. Z.
Barnes, William D.
Barncastle, John
Barona, K T.
Barrett, C. B.
Bartlett, George
Bartram, John W.
Bayne, John D.
Beard, David A.
Beck, William
Beck, John A.
Beisel, Simon
Berrimany M. W.
Beryon, R. G.
Bethell, Joshua
Betton, Thomas F.
Beckendach, John
Bird, S. D.
Bird, Thomas
Bishop, Joseph
Brick, Samuel R.
Bill, Henry
Bingham, John
Birkey, William J. A.

Blunden, William

(255)

25G

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Bonsall, James S.
Bonsall, E. C.
Bodine, Samuel T.
Bolton, William P.
Bonnell, Samuel
Boileau, Isaac B.
Book, Harman
Booth, Edwin
Boshart, J.
Bockius, George
Bockius, John C.
Boucher, Joseph
Bouvier, Peter
Brady, A.
Bradford, John 0.
Brewster, Joseph S.
Brewster, Thomas
Brenizer, Amos E.
Brown, Robert
Brodhead, John
Brewster, Edmund
Brooks, Henry B.
Broome, Jacob
Brunson, Charles F.
Bryan, Isaiah
Bryant, John H.
Busby, Hezekiah
Byerly, John
Campbell, F. H.
Campbell, James A. A.
Campbell, Jos. M.
Campbell, J. H.

Carter, William J.
Carter, P. B.
Carpenter, Charles
Carrigan, Jacob
Carroll, Charles W.
Catlin, James C.
Cassidy, Thomas M.
Chambers, J. S.
Chase, Edwin T.
Chase, Heber
Chambers, James
Chaloner, A. D.
Christine, Thomas
Chulston, William K.
Clother, Thomas
Clouds, James
Clouser, William
Claghorn, John W.
Clark, John
Clarke, William M.
Clandamer, J. M.
Clement, Henry A.
Coane, Robert
Colon, J. R.
Colton, David
Copper, John C.
Cooper, William
Cooper, J. B.
Comegys, B. B.
Cooley, A. B.
Cooke, Thomas
Coyle, A. C.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

257

Copeland, William
Coleman, Jacob
Conrad, David
Conrow, W. G.
Coates, Reynell
Cornman, Oliver P.
Colon, J. R.
Cox, Charles D.
Cramp, William
Crap, George M.
Craven, D. C.
Craig, William
Grout, Henry
Danenhower, Wm. W.
Dale, William H.
Davies, John
David, E. M.
Daniels, Geo. W.
Davis, William
Dacosta, John C.
Dearry, Thos.
Dehart, Abraham
Deas, James H.
Dearr, H.
De Groat, S. M.
De Hart, Abraham
Dickerson, Wm. R.
Dobbs, John
Dock, Jacob
Dobleman, .John C.
Dolby, John
22*

Deller, Adam
Dubosq, Philip L.
Dubosq, George
Duncan, Jas. J.
Duncan, A. C.
Durfor, F.
Dunton, Isaac
Dych, J.
Edwin, Alfred
Einwechter, Henry
Elliott, H. H. K.
Elliott, J. L.
Ellis, C. W.
Elliott, J.
Elder, Henry G.
Elmer, Alexander
Elmes, C. H.
Elmes, H. S.
Emerick, George
Erben, H. S.
Esher, William
Etter, David
Everhaur, Wm.
Evans, Randolph
Evans, Josiah
Evans, Wm. M.
Fairchild, Wm. L.
Faunce, Michael
Faunce, William
Fisher, John
Fithian, George

258

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Fisher, S. H.
Flinn, John
Fletcher, Joshua A.
Flegal, John G.
Floyd, Jas.
Floyd, John
Foering, A.
Fortncr, C.
Fox, J. D. .
Friend, John
Fritz, Peter
Freheller, Win. H.
Frost, C. K.
Franks, W. D.
Franks, Henry D.
Fulton, Wm. H.
Gardy, Joseph
Gaskell, Benj.
Gaskell, Edward
George, D. D.
Gemeny, A. R.
Germon, John S.
Gihon, James L.
Gihon, David W.
Gihon, James
Gihon, John H.
Gilfry, Samuel
Gibson, James G.
Goodman, John
Grass, George P.
Graham, Wm. D.
Green, R. W.

Greanleaf, Huston
Greaves, Alex.
Grover, Thomas D.
Grossman, E. N.
Gummey, John M.
Harris, William
Harris, Oscar F.
Hay, Peter
Haurmits, John K.
Harmstead, Edward
Hancock, Robt.
Harper, T. E.
Harper, James
Hart, Wm. H.
Harmstead, Geo. R.
Hammitt, Thomas
Hartshorn, Lawrence
Haskell, Ebenezer
Halberstadt, J.
Hallett, Wm.
Hamm, Wm. P.
Hackett, Jos. F.
Hackett, B. E.
Hamilton, W. B.
Hamilton, G. J.
Haines, John
Harned, Joseph E.
Hains, Abraham W.
Hamlin, John L.
Hammitt, Jos. K.
Hand, John K.
Herbert, Charles C.

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

259

Herring, Thos. J.
Heysham, Edward
Henzsey, Geo. P.
Henry, William
Hess, John A.
Heiser, H.
Hentzleman, H. P.
Hinman, D. B.
fiiles, Henry J.
Hinckle, Wm.
Hill, (jeorge
Hoffner, George
Hopkins, Ambrose
Hornberger, Henry
How, Jacob
Hollinshead, Wm. H.
Horn, Henry
Hollinback, Joseph
Howe, Wm.
Hoffman, Jos. H.
Hollock, George
Hufty, Joseph
Huff, John
Hurtt, Jas. H.
Husbands, Joshua
Hughes, William
Irwin, James
Jack, Charles J.
Jackson, G. W.
Jayne, David
Jarden, William
Jenkins, W. P.

Jenkins, J. G.
Jeffries, Thos. J.
Jones, Charles T.
Jones, Edward E.
Jones, Franklin L.
Jones, John M.
Jordan, E. North
Johnson, N. S.
Kates, Michael
Kerr, Michael
Kern, Wm. H.
Kern, George
Keyser, Elhanan W.
Kennedy, E.
Kennedy, Henry B.
Kelly, Samuel S.
King, Joseph
Kirk, William
Kneider, George
Knight, B. W.
Kramer, Samuel R.
Lasell, Chester
Lancaster, C.
Lafferty, Daniel
Lerbaven, John W.
Lewis, Theo. C.
Levin, Lewis C.
Lees, Jacob
Leinard, Jas. M.
Leech, Isaac E;
Lister, John S.
Linton, John

2GO

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Lingo, Levi
Lloyd, Joshua
Lloyd, Isaac
Lott, Henry
Long, Peter B.
Lodge, Jacob
Lowdren, Wm.
Lower, Geo. C.
Longacre, Jas. B.
Lowery, Lewis
Luff berry, John B.
Lynch, Urban
Lyndall, Benj.
McCormick, James
McCurdy, John R.
McCully, Henry
McCracken, James
McElroy, J. F.
McFate, Samuel
McGowen, John
McGlathery, James
Mcllvaine, Geo. P.
Mclntosh, J«hn
McKinley, T. W.
McManus, John
Mandre, Hiram
Markley, Geo. W.
Mayland, Jacob
Maguire, Joseph E.
Massey, Lemuel
Mann, Wm. B.
Martin, Thos.

Martin, Robert C.
March, Robert G.
Mayger, N.
Mason, Geo. W.
Maris, Thomas R.
Mason, Thomas T.
Masson, Chas. H.
Maupay, Samuel
Macpherson, Alex. M.
Meyers, Jacob R.
Mercer, John A.
Meyers, P. R.
Meeser, Christian
Mears, Samuel
Miller, Henry W.
Miller, J.
Miller, P.
Millis, John H.
Mills, John A.
Miles, Wm. S.
Millete, Thomas
Mierclen, J.
Michener, A. C.
Millington, M.
Middleton, Joseph
Middleton, Thos. R.
Miller, Charles
Miles, Henry
Miller, Edward
Moser, Jacob
Morgan, Thos. 0.
Moore, Nathan

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

261

Moran, William
Moore, David W.
Moore, Wm. R.
Moore, Marmaduke
Moulder, E. S.
Mollincauk, E. P.
Mustin, Ebenezer
Muller, E. M.
Murphy, Wm. D.
Neal, D.

Newman, Jos. K.
Negley, J. R.
Nicholson, James
Nichols, Wm.
Nuttz, E. D.
Oat, Joseph
Odenheimer, G. W.
Oliver, Joshua C.
Ord, John
Orr, Hector
Ord, George
Pancoast, Aaron
Paleske, Lewis
Payne, John
Pachett, George
Paynter, Lemuel
Parsons, Charles R.
Perry, John
Peale, A. R.
Perkins, Thos. J.
Perrine, W. W.
Petit, Edgar E.

Peters, Wm. S.
Peters, James
Peterson, Lawrence
Pfeil, Charles
Phillips, George
Phillips, R. C.
Phillips, A.
Phillips, Wm. James
Pister, John
Plummer, Charles H.
Porter, Stephen
Porter, James W.
Porter, Samuel J.
Poat, Peter M.
Pote, George
Powell, Abraham
Potts, Daniel
Prizer, Peter
Price, Samuel
Prentice, Geo. W.
Quinn, Joseph
Rankin, Alexander C.
Rankin, William B.
Raymond, C. F.
Ragan, William
Ramp, Henry
Reel, Frederick
Reed, George W.
Reed, Henry M.
Rennell, F.
Rheiner, William
Richie, Joseph S.

262

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Richards, William D.
Riley, W. H.
Riley, Jos. S.
Riley, John M.
Ritter, William
Rice, Martin
Rice, William
Rice, George
Rice, Jacob
Rice, John P.
Riter, Michael
Ristine, Jacob
Robinson, Isaac W.
Robinson, William M.
Robinson, J. A.
Roberts, John
Roberts, Robert D.
Rose, P*eeves
Rose, Thomas M.
Roat, Jacob
Rowan, C.
Roe, Thomas A.
Robbins, John
Roney, James M.
Rutherford, John
Russell, James
Russell, Henry R.
Salignac, L. T.
Sandeson, William
Sailor, John M.
Salter, Hezekiah A.
Schaffer, W. S.

Schwartz, J.
Sears, Samuel
Sewell, Benjamin T.
Severn, William B.
Setlers, Joseph
Shaffer, Joseph L.
Shaw, M. B.
Shaw, Nathan
Sharp, William W.
Shattuck, Artemus S.
Shankland, W.
Shippen, William
Shotwell, Edward
Shearer, Jacob
Sherman, C.
Sherman, J. R.
Sheetz, William
Sherlock, Parkhurst A.
Shultz, Robert E.
Simons, Henry
Simpson, W. H.
Simpson, Samuel
Simpson, John
Simpson, J. Edward
Simmons, John H.
Simmons, William
Siver, John H.
Skill, John
Slater, Samuel
Slaght, J.
Sloanaker, William
Sleeper, Edwin

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

263

Smedley, Nathan
Smith, William G.
Smith, George B.
Smith, Henry L.
Smith, Peter Sken
Smith, Francis
Smith, Jacob C.
Smith, A.
Smith, William R.
Smith, Charles
Smith, J.
Smith, J. W.
Smith, Joshua B.
Smyth, William R.
Snyder, W. G.
Snyder, H. G.
Snyder, Benjamin R.
Souder, William M.
Spear, John D.
Spangler, C. E.
Sparrowhawk, John
Spencer, E. M.
Springer, William F
Stadelman, William
Steever, Edgar G.
Stephens, James H.
Stewart, Henry A.
Stewart, Daniel
Stewart, Reuhen
Street, Robert
Stratton, J. B.
Strafford, Jos. B.

Stearley, Jacob
Stiles, William
Stockton, Samuel W.
Strine, Charles
Suber, Aaron
Supplee, John
Swift, H. B.
Sweeds, John
Swip, Henry B.
Tarr, A. De Kalb
Tarr, Elihu D.
Tarr, Henry S.
Taylor, George
Taylor, J. L. S.
Taylor, Thomas
Taylor, George W.
Taggart, Lorenzo
Tabor, J. H.
Tennery, Jos. S.
Thomson, Charles P.
Thomas, Jacob R.
Thomas, Lewis G.
Thompson, David E.
Tillotson, John
Toland, Blair M.
Tolbert, J.
Troutman, L. M.
Tryon, J. G.
Tucker, William E.
Tudor, William
Tyndall, Benjamin
Urwiler, John

204

HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN PARTY.

Unruh, N. B.
Urwiler, George
Vandusen, Samuel B.
Vaughan, Harman
Vaughan, J. K.
Vaughan, Jacob R.
Vandusen, Matthew
Vandike, William
Van Dyke, James C.
Van Dyke, James M.
Vanderslice, E.
Vice, Martin
Walker, Solomon
Walker, Ambrose
Wagner, Peter
Wands, A. H.
Warner, John S.
Watson, George W.
Wattson, Thomas
Wallace, J. D. F.
Waters, Aaron
Walton, David G.
Waltman, John
Warner, Henry
Waterman, Isaac
Ward, Hiram
Weaver, R. S.
Westcott, Thompson
Wheeler, John
Weiss, George
Wetherell, John M.
West, Washington

West, George G-.
Wharton, Charles
Whilldon, Washington
Whittecar, B. W.
White, Philip S.
Williamson, T.
Williamson, J.
Willard, Joseph
Wiley, Charles
Wilson, Charles C.
Wilson, Samuel R.
Wilson, David, G.
Wilson, William
Wise, John
Wise, M.
Wile, John
Williamson, L.
Williams, John S.
Winter, T.
Woods, N. H.
Wood, Thomas A.
Wolf, Lewis C.
Woolmer, Frederick
Woodward, Samuel
Woodington, William
Wright, Peter T.
Yard, Edmund
Yocum, Peter
Yocum, Edward S.
Young, Ezekiel J.
Young, George
Young, Jacob

Nov. 7, 1992

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