PUBLICATIONS
OF THE
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
SECOND SERIES
VOL.
II
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
MARCH 1916
ORIGINS OF
THE 'FORTY-FIVE
AND OTHER PAPERS RELATING
TO THAT RISING
Edited by
WALTER BIGGAR BLAIKIE
LL.D.
EDINBURGH
Printed at the University Press by T. and A. CONSTABLE
for the Scottish History Society
1916
FEB 2 5 1980
PREFACE
I DESIRE to express my thanks to the Government of
the French Republic for permission to make transcripts
and to print selections from State Papers preserved in the
National Archives in Paris ; to the Earl of Ancaster for
permission to print the Drummond Castle Manuscript of
Captain Daniel's Progress ; to the Earl of Galloway for
Cardinal York's Memorial to the Pope ; to His Grace the
Archbishop of St. Andrews for the use of papers elucidat-
ing the action of the Roman Catholic clergy in 1745 ; to
Miss Grosett-Collins, who kindly lent me Grossett family
papers ; to Mrs. G. E. Forbes and Mr. Archibald Trotter
of Colinton for private papers of the Lumisden family ; to
M. le Commandant Jean Colin of the French Army (author
of Louis XV. et les Jacobites) for several valuable com-
munications, and to Martin Haile for similar help.
To my cousin, Miss H. Tayler, joint author of The Book
of the Duffs, I am indebted for transcripts of papers in
the French Archives in Paris as well as for information
from Duff family papers ; to Miss Maria Lansdale for
the transcript of the report of the Marquis d'Eguilles to
Louis xv. ; to Dr. W. A. Macnaughton, Stonehaven, for
copies of the depositions referring to the evasion of Sir
James Steuart ; and to Miss Nairne, Salisbury, for the
translation of Cardinal York's Memorial.
I have also to acknowledge general help from the Hon.
Evan Charteris ; Mr. William Mackay, Inverness ; Mr.
J. K. Stewart, secretary of the Stewart Society ; Mr.
J. R. N. Macphail, K.C. ; Mr. J. M. Bulloch, author of
vi PREFACE
The House of Gordon ; Dr. Watson, Professor of Celtic
History, Edinburgh ; Mr. P. J. Anderson, Aberdeen
University Library ; Colonel Lachlan Forbes ; the Rev.
Archibald Macdonald of Kiltarlity ; and the Rev. W. C.
Flint of Fort Augustus.
I should be ungrateful if I did not make acknowledg-
ment of the information I have received and made use of
from five modern books James Francis Edward, by Martin
Haile ; The King Over the Water, by A. Shield and Andrew
Lang ; The Jacobite Peerage, by the Marquis de Ruvigny ;
The History of Clan Gregor, by Miss Murray Macgregor ;
and The Clan Donald, by A. and A. Macdonald.
Lastly, I have to thank Mr. W. Forbes Gray for kindly
reading and revising proofs and for other assistance ;
and Mr. Alex. Mill, who has most carefully prepared the
Index and given me constant help in many ways.
W. B. B.
COLINTON, March 1, 1916.
CORRIGENDA
Page xxxix, lines 3 and 1 4, for < Excellency ' read < Eminence.'
Page 18, note 3, for < see Appendix' read 'see Introduction, p. xxiii.'
Page 47, note 1,/or < John Butler' read < John Boyle.'
Page 113, note 3, last line,/or ' 1745' read < 1746.'
SCOTTISH HISTORY SOCIETY
The Editor of < ORIGINS OF THE FORTY-FIVE'
requests members to make the following corrections :
Page xviii, line 20, 'September 3rd' should be ' September 1st.'
Page xxv, line 25, the age of Glenbucket should be ' sixty-four,'
and at page Ixi, line 6, his age should be ' seventy-two.'
In a letter in the Stuart Papers (Windsor), from Glenbucket to Edgar, dated
St. Ouen, 21 Aug. 1747, he states his age to be seventy-four.
Page 97, line 22 of note, ' Clan Donald iii, 37,' should be
<iii, 337.'
Page 164, note 1, and again in Genealogical Table, page 422,
' Abercromby of Fettercairn ' should be ( of Fetterneir.'
June 4, 1917.
PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES
vi
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CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION ix
Papers of John Murray of Broughton . . xlix
Memorial concerning the Highlands . . . liii
The late Rebellion in Ross and Sutherland . . Iv
The Rebellion in Aberdeen and Banff . . Ivii
Captain Daniel's Progress .... Ixiv
Prince Charles's Wanderings in the Hebrides . Ixx
Narrative of Ludovick Grant of Grant . . Ixxiii
Rev. John Grant and the Grants of Sheugly . . Ixxvi
Grossett's Memorial and Accounts . . . Ixxviii
The Battles of Preston, Falkirk, and Culloden . Ixxxiv
PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON FOUND AFTER
CULLODEN ..... . 3
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS, WRITTEN BY
ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M., MINISTER OF INVERNESS . 71
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM Ross AND
SUTHERLAND, WRITTEN BY DANIEL MUNRO, MINISTER
OF TAIN, ...... 95
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745 AND 174-6, so FAR AS
IT CONCERNED THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF 113
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS WITH
PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD IN THE YEARS 1745 AND
1746, WRITTEN BY HIMSELF . . . . 167
NEIL MACEACHAIN'S NARRATIVE OF THE WANDERINGS OF
PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES . 227
viii CONTENTS
PAGE
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE CONDUCT OF LUDOVICK GRANT
OF GRANT DURING THE REBELLION . . . 269
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT, MINISTER OF
URQUHART ; AND OF ALEXANDER GRANT OF SHEUGLY IN
URQUHART, AND JAMES GRANT, HIS SON . . 313
A NARRATIVE OF SUNDRY SERVICES PERFORMED, TOGETHER
WITH AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY DISPOSED IN THE SERVICE
OF GOVERNMENT DURING THE LATE REBELLION, BY
WALTER GROSSETT . . . . 335
LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
WALTER GROSSETT . . . . .379
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON, FALKIRK,
AND CULLODEN, BY ANDREW LuMISDEN, THEN PRIVATE
SECRETARY TO PRINCE CHARLES . . . 405
APPENDICES
i. The Jacobite Lord Sempill . . .421
ii. Murray and the Bishopric of Edinburgh . 422
in. Sir James Steuart .... 423
iv. The Guildhall Relief Fund . . 429
v. Cardinal York's Memorial to the Pope . . 434
vi. The Macdonalds . . . 440,
vii. Tables showing Kinship of Highland Chiefs . 451
viii. Lists of Highland Gentlemen who took part in
the 'Forty-five . . 454
INDEX .... 459
INTRODUCTION
JAMES FRANCIS EDWARD, King James in. and vm. of
the Jacobites, the Old Pretender of his enemies, and
the Chevalier de St. George of historians, was born at
St. James's Palace on 10th June 1688. On the landing
of William of Orange and the outbreak of the Revolution,
the young Prince and his mother were sent to France,
arriving at Calais on llth December (O.S.) ; 1 the King
left England a fortnight later and landed at Ambleteuse
on Christmas Day (O.S.). The chateau of St. Germain-
en-Laye near Paris was assigned as a residence for
the royal exiles, and this chateau was the home of the
Chevalier de St. George for twenty-four years.
James n. and vn. died on 5th September 1701 (16th
Sept. N.S.), and immediately on his death Louis xiv.
acknowledged his son as king, and promised to further
his interests to the best of his power.
The first opportunity of putting the altruistic intention The Scots
of the King of France into operation occurred within a Plot >
year of King James's death, and the evil genius of the
project was Simon Fraser, the notorious Lord Lovat.
Lovat, whose scandalous conduct had shocked the
1 In this narrative, unless otherwise indicated, events occurring in Great
Britain are given in old style dates, those on the Continent in new style.
2 Original information on the Scots Plot is to be found in The Life of Lord
Lovat written by Himself, London, 1797 ; A Collection of Original Papers
about the Scots Plot, London, 1704; Original Papers, ed. by Jas. Macpherson,
London, 1775 ; Major Eraser's Manuscript, ed. by Alex. Fergusson, Edin-
burgh, 1889; The Lockhart Papers, London, 1817; and an eclectic account in
Hill Burton's Life of Lovat, London, 1847. Extracts from many of the original
authorities on this and subsequent incidents are given usefully and ingeniously
in consecutive narrative form by Professor Sanford Terry in The Chevalier de
St. George, London, 1901.
b
x INTRODUCTION
people of Scotland, was outlawed by the courts for a
criminal outrage, and fled to France in the summer of
1702. There, in spite of the character he bore, he so
ingratiated himself with the papal nuncio that he obtained
a private audience with Louis xiv., an honour unprece-
dented for a foreigner. To him he unfolded a scheme
for a Stuart Restoration. He had, he said, before leaving
Scotland visited the principal chiefs of the Highland clans
and a great number of the lords of the Lowlands along
with the Earl Marischal. They were ready to take up arms
and hazard their lives and fortunes for the Stuart cause, and
had given him a commission to represent them in France.
The foundation of his scheme was to rely on the High-
landers. They were the only inhabitants of Great Britain
who had retained the habit of the use of arms, and they
were ready to act at once. Lord Middleton and the Low-
land Jacobites sneered at them as mere banditti and
cattle-stealers, but Lovat knew that they, with an in-
stinctive love of fighting, were capable of being formed into
efficient and very hardy soldiers. He proposed that the
King of France should furnish a force of 5000 French
soldiers, 100,000 crowns in money, and arms and equipment
for 20,000 men. The main body of troops would land at
Dundee where it would be near the central Highlands,
and a detachment would be sent to western Inverness-
shire, with the object of capturing Fort William, which
overawed the western clans. The design was an excellent
one, and was approved by King Louis. But before put-
ting it into execution the ministry sent Lovat back to
obtain further information, and with him they sent John
Murray, a naturalised Frenchman, brother of the laird
of Abercairney, who was to check Lovat' s reports.
It is characteristic of the state of the exiled Court,
that it was rent with discord, and that Lord Middleton,
Jacobite Secretary of State, who hated Lovat, privately
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xi
sent emissaries of his own to spy on him and to blight
his prospects.
Lovat duly arrived in Scotland, but the history of his
mission is pitiful and humiliating. He betrayed the pro-
ject to the Duke of Queensberry, Queen Anne's High
Commissioner to the Scots Estates, and, by falsely
suggesting the treason of Queensberry 's political enemies,
the Dukes of Hamilton and Atholl, befooled that
functionary into granting him a safe conduct to protect
him from arrest for outlawry.
When Lovat returned to France he was arrested under
a lettre de cachet and confined a close prisoner for many
years, some records say in the Bastille, but Lovat himself
says at Angoulme.
The whole affair had little effect in Scotland beyond
compassing the disgrace of Queensberry and his temporary
loss of office, but it had lasting influence in France
and reacted on all future projects of Jacobite action.
For, first, it instilled into the French king and his
ministers the suspicious feeling that Jacobite adventurers
were not entirely to be trusted. And second, Lovat's
account of the fighting quality of the Highlanders and of
their devotion to the Stuarts so impressed itself on both
the French Court and that of St. Germains that they felt
that in the Highlands of Scotland they would ever find a
point d'appui for a rising. Lovat's report, in fact, iden-
tified the Highlanders with Jacobitism.
Scotland was the scene of the next design for a restora- The French
tion, and the principal agent of the French Court was a
certain Colonel Nathaniel Hooke. Hooke had been sent
1 Original information : Histoire des Rcvohitions cT Ecosse et (Tlrlande :
The Hague, 1758, of which there is a Dublin reprint of 1761 ; The Secret
History of Colonel Hookas Negotiations in Scotland in 1707, of which there are
London, Edinburgh and Dublin editions, all of 1760 (it is practically a
xii INTRODUCTION
to Scotland in the year 1705, to see if that country was
in such a state as to afford a reasonable prospect of an
expedition in favour of the exiled Stuart. In the year
1707, while the Union was being forced upon an unwilling
population, and discontent was rife throughout the country
on account of that unpopular measure, Hooke was again
sent, and although not entirely satisfied with all he saw and
heard, he returned with favourable accounts on the whole.
Among other documents he brought with him was a Memo-
rial of certain Scottish lords to the Chevalier, in which,
among other things, it was stated that if James, under the
protection of His Most Christian Majesty (Louis xiv.), would
come and put himself at the head of his people in Scotland,
'the whole nation will rise upon the arrival of its King, who
will become master of Scotland without any opposition,
and the present Government will be intirely abolished.'
It was some months before the French king gave any
answer. St. Simon in his Memoires says that Louis xiv.
was so disheartened by his previous failure that he would
not at first listen to the suggestion of a French expedition ;
and it was only through the efforts of Madame de Maintenon
that he was persuaded to sanction an invading force. Even
then much time was wasted, and it was not until the
spring of 1708 that a squadron was equipped under the
command of the Admiral de Forbin, and a small army
under the Comte de Gasse. Even when ready to sail, the
constant and proverbial ill-luck of the Stuarts overtook
the poor Chevalier. He caught measles, which still further
delayed the expedition. By this time, naturally, the
translation of the Histoire des Revolutions} ; The Correspondence of Colonel
Nathaniel Hooke, an exhaustive work edited by Rev. W. D. Macray : Roxburghe
Club, 1870. A not very friendly account of Hooke's mission is given in the
Lockhart Papers. The military state of Scotland at the time is to be found in
An Account of the late Scotch Invasion as it was opened by My lord Haversham
in the House of Lords-. London, 1709. The story of the naval expedition is
given in Memoires du Comte de Forbin (Amsterdam, 1730), of which there is an
English translation ; the third edition is dated London, 1740.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xiii
British Government had learned all about the scheme,
and made their naval preparations accordingly. At last,
on the 17th March, James, hardly convalescent, wrapped
in blankets, was carried on board the flagship at Dunkirk.
The squadron was to have proceeded to the Firth of
Forth and to have landed the Chevalier at Leith, where
his partisans were prepared to proclaim him king at
Edinburgh. Possibly because of bad seamanship, possibly
because of treachery, 1 the French admiral missed the Firth
of Forth, and found himself off Montrose. He turned, and
could proceed no nearer Edinburgh than the Isle of May,
off which he anchored. There the British Fleet, which
had followed him in close pursuit, discovered him. The
admiral weighed anchor, and fought a naval action in
which he lost one of his ships. He then retreated towards
the north of Scotland. James implored to be set ashore
even if it were only in a small boat by himself, but his
solicitations were in vain. The admiral positively refused,
saying that he had received instructions from the French
king to be as careful of the Chevalier as if he were Louis
himself; so Forbin carried him back to Dunkirk, where
the heart-broken exile was landed on the 6th of April,
having been absent only twenty days, and having lost one
of the most likely opportunities that ever occurred for his
restoration to his ancient kingdom of Scotland, if not to
England.
After his return to France the Chevalier joined the
French army. In 1708 he fought at Oudenarde and Lille,
and the following year at Malplaquet. His gallant conduct
won golden opinions from Marlborough and his troops. The
1 The possibility of treachery was suggested by Hooke, and his story is to be
found in a Cask MS. Hooke, who had been bred to the sea, found the
steersman going on the wrong course. He was put right, but as soon as
Hooke's back was turned he went wrong again. See Jacobite Lairds of Cask,
p. 15 : London, 1870.
xiv INTRODUCTION
British soldiers drank his health. James visited their out-
posts and they cheered him. What Thackeray puts into
the mouth of a British officer well describes the situation :
' If that young gentleman would but ride over to our camp,
instead of Villars's, toss up his hat and say, " Here am I,
the King, who '11 follow me ? " by the Lord the whole
army would rise and carry him home again, and beat
Villars, and take Paris by the way.' 1 But James stayed
with the French, and the war ended with the Treaty of
Expulsion Utrecht in 1713. This treaty gave the crown of Spain
1718 France ' to the Bourbons, Gibraltar and the slave-trade to the
British, and pronounced the expulsion of the Stuarts from
France. A new asylum was found for the Chevalier in
Lorraine, which, though an independent duchy, was
largely under the domination of France. The Chevalier's
residence was fixed at Bar-le-Duc, and there he went in
February 1713.
In August 1714, on the death of Queen Anne, James
made a trip to Paris to be ready for action should his
presence be required, but the French Government sent
him back to Bar-le-Duc. The death of Louis xiv. on 1st
September 1715 (N.S.) was the next blow the Jacobite
cause sustained. The government of France passed to the
Duke of Orleans as Regent, and his policy was friendship
with the British Government.
The Fifteen. 2 Then came the Rising of 1715, which began at Braemar
on 6th September, followed by the English rising in
Northumberland under Forster. The movement in Eng-
land was crushed at Preston on 13th November, the same
day that the indecisive battle was fought at Sheriffmuir
in Perthshire.
1 Esmond, bk. HI. chap. i.
2 The authorities on the 'Fifteen are to be found noted in most standard
histories.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xv
Lord Mar made Perth his headquarters, and invited
James to join the Scottish army. The Chevalier, who had
moved to Paris in October, in strict secrecy, and in dis-
guise, being watched by both French and English agents,
managed, after many remarkable adventures, checks,
and disappointments, to get away from Dunkirk on
16th December (27th N.S.), and to reach Peterhead on the
22nd. Thence he went to Perth, where he established
his Court at the ancient royal palace of Scone. He was
proclaimed king and exercised regal functions ; some
authorities say that he was crowned. 1 But James had
come too late ; mutual disappointment was the result.
He had been assured that the whole kingdom was on his
side, but he found only dissension and discontent. His
constant melancholy depressed his followers. No decisive
action was taken ; the project had failed even before he
arrived, and Lord Mar persuaded him that he would
serve the cause best by retiring and waiting for a happier
occasion.
James was forced to leave Scotland on 5th February
1716 (O.S.). He landed at Gravelines on 10th February
(21st N.S.), went secretly to Paris, and concealed himself
for a week in the Bois de Boulogne. Thence he went to
Lorraine, where he was sorrowfully told by the Duke
that he could no longer give him shelter. The power of
Britain was great; no country that gave the exile a
home could avoid a quarrel with that nation. The
Pope seemed to be the only possible host, and James
made his way to Avignon, then papal territory. But even
Avignon was too near home for the British Government,
which, through the French regent, brought pressure to
1 This statement bears the authority of a MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale,
and a casual reference in a letter of Bishop Atterbury's. (See Martin Haile,
James Francis Edward, the Old Chevalier: London, 1907, p. 210.)
xvi INTRODUCTION
bear on the Pope; the Chevalier was forced to leave
Avignon in February 1717, and to cross the Alps into
Italy. Here for some months he wandered without a
home, but in July 1717 he settled at Urbino in the Papal
States.
Marriage to For a time the cares of the Jacobite Court were
Clementina, centred on finding a wife of royal rank for the throne-
less king. After various unsuccessful proposals, the
Chevalier became engaged to the Princess Clementina
Sobieska, whose grandfather had been the warrior King
of Poland. The Sobieski home was then at Ollau in
Silesia; and in October 1718 James sent Colonel Hay
to fetch his bride. The British Government determined
to stop the marriage if possible. Pressure was put on the
Emperor, who had Clementina arrested at Innsbruck
while on her journey to Italy. Here the Princess re-
mained a prisoner until the following April. The story of
her rescue by Colonel Wogan is one of the romances of
history, and has recently been the theme of an historical
romance. 2 Wogan brought the princess safely to Bologna,
and there she was married by proxy to James on 9th
May 1719. While Wogan was executing his bridal mission,
the Chevalier, who had almost given up hope of the
marriage, had been called away to take his part in a
project which seemed to augur a chance of success.
The Swedish On the collapse of the rising of 1715, the Jacobite Court,
17 despairing of assistance from France or Spain, had turned
for aid to Charles xn. of Sweden. Charles had conceived
a violent hatred for George I., who had acquired by pur-
1 A full account from the original authorities of Clementina's rescue and
marriage is to be found in Narratives of the Detention, Liberation, and
Marriage oj Maria Clementina Stuart, edited by J. T. Gilbert, LL.D.: Dublin,
1894.
2 Clementina, by A. E. W. Mason.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xvii
chase from the King of Denmark two secular bishoprics
which had been taken from Sweden by the Danes, and
which had been incorporated in the electorate of Hanover.
As early as 1715 Charles listened to a project of the Duke
of Berwick, by which he should send a force of Swedish
troops to Scotland, but he was then too busy fighting the
Danes to engage in the scheme. In 1717 the Jacobites
renewed negotiations with Sweden, and a plan was formed
for a general rising in England simultaneously with an
invasion of Scotland by the Swedish king in person at
the head of an army of 12,000 Swedes. The plot came
to the knowledge of the British Government in time ; the
Swedish ambassador in London was arrested ; the project
came to nothing ; but in the following year a more pro-
mising scheme for a Stuart restoration was formed.
Spain, smarting under the loss of her Italian possessions, The Spanish
ceded to Austria by the Peace of Utrecht, had declared ^f$mfi* u
war on the Emperor and had actually landed an army in
Sicily. In compliance with treaty obligations, Great
Britain had to defend the Emperor, and in August 1718 a
British squadron engaged and destroyed a Spanish fleet
off Cape Passaro. Alberoni, the Spanish minister, was
furious and determined on reprisals. He entered into
an alliance with the Swedish king ; a plan for invading
Great Britain was formed, and negotiations were opened
with the Jacobite Court. The death of Charles xu. in
December detached Sweden from the scheme, but Alberoni
went on with his preparations. A great armada under
Ormonde was to carry a Spanish army to the west of
England, and a subsidiary expedition under the Earl
Marischal was to land in north-western Scotland. The
1 The best account of this expedition is in Mr. W. K. Dickson's exceedingly
clear and exhaustive introduction to The Jacobite Attempt^ Scottish History
Society, vol. xix. : Edinburgh, 1895. All the original authorities for this incident
and the preceding Swedish plot are indicated in the Notes.
xviii INTRODUCTION
Chevalier was summoned to Spain to join the expedition,
or failing that to follow it to England, The fleet sailed
from Cadiz in March 1719. James had left Rome in Feb-
ruary, travelling by sea to Catalonia and thence to Madrid
and on to Corunna. He reached the latter port on 17th
April, only to learn of the dispersal of the Spanish fleet by
a storm and the complete collapse of the adventure.
The auxiliary Scottish expedition, unconscious of the
disaster, landed in the north-western Highlands ; but after
some vicissitudes and much dissension the attempt ended
with the Battle of Glenshiel on the 10th of June the
Chevalier's thirty-first birthday and the surrender next
day of the remainder of the Spanish troops, originally
three hundred and seven in number.
James returned from Corunna to Madrid, where he
lingered for some time, a not very welcome guest. There
he learned of the rescue of Princess Clementina and of
his marriage by proxy. Returning to Italy in August, he
met Clementina at Montefiascone, where he was married
in person on September 3rd, 1719.
From this time forward until the end of his life, forty-
seven years later, the Chevalier's home was in Rome, where
the Pope assigned him the Muti Palace as a residence,
along with a country house at Albano, some thirteen miles
from Rome.
Birth of In 1720, on December 20th by British reckoning (Dec.
Edward, 31st by tne Gregorian calendar), Prince Charles Edward
1720. was born at Rome, and with the birth of an heir to the
royal line, Jacobite hopes and activities revived.
At this time the Jacobite interests in England were in
charge of a Council of five members, frequently termed
' the Junta.' The members of this Council were the Earl
of Arran, brother of Ormonde, the Earl of Orrery, Lord
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xix
North, Lord Gower, and Francis Atterbury, Bishop of The
Rochester. Of these Atterbury was by far the ablest, and p*, rbury
in England was the life and soul of Jacobite contriving. 1721-22. l
A great scheme was devised, which is known in history
as the Atterbury Plot. The details are somewhat obscure,
and the unravelling of them is complicated by the existence
of another scheme contemporaneous with Atterbury 's,
apparently at first independent, but which became merged
in the larger design. The author of this plot was Chris-
topher Layer, a barrister of the Middle Temple. Gene-
rally, his scheme was secretly to enlist broken and dis-
charged soldiers. They were to seize the Tower, the
Bank, and the Mint, and to secure the Hanoverian royal
family, who were to be deported. The larger scheme
of the Junta was to obtain a foreign force of 5000 troops
to be landed in England under the Duke of Ormonde,
and risings were to be organised in different parts of the
kingdom. The signal for the outbreak was to be the
departure of George i. for Hanover, which was expected
to take place in the summer.
Layer, who does not seem to have been acting with
Atterbury and the Junta until later, was in Rome in
the early months of 1721, and there he unfolded his plan
to the Jacobite Court. After he left, a plan of campaign
was arranged which, however, seems to have been modified
afterwards. The original intention was to begin the move-
ment in Scotland, whither Lord Mar and General Dillon 2
1 Original authorities : Life of Christopher Layer \ Norwich, 1723 ; Howell's
State Trials, vol. xvi. A full account is given by Lord Mahon, History of
England, chap. xii. The dispositions by the Court at Rome are to be found
\n. James Francis Edward, M. Haile ; and The King over the Water (London,
1907), A. Shield and Andrew Lang.
2 Hon. Arthur Dillon, second surviving son of Theobald, seventh Viscount
Dillon. Born at Roscommon, 1670. His father raised a regiment for James II.
at the Revolution, which Arthur accompanied to France, where he became its
colonel, 1690. Served in Spain, Germany, and Italy. Lieut. -General under
the Duke of Berwick at Barcelona, 1714. Created viscount (Jacobite) in the
xx INTRODUCTION
were to proceed ; and to accentuate the latter' s position
as commander in Scotland he was created an earl in the
Scottish peerage, although already an Irish (Jacobite)
viscount. Lord Lansdowne was to command in Cornwall,
Lord Strafford in the north, Lord North in London and
Westminster, and Lord Arran was to go to Ireland. The
Chevalier was to leave Rome when Mar and Dillon left
Paris, and to make his way to Rotterdam via Frankfort,
and there await events before deciding where it would
be best to land. Things seemed to be prospering, but
the English Jacobites did not sufficiently respond to the
call for financial support. James, deeply disappointed,
appealed to the Pope for help, only to be more bitterly
mortified by his refusal. The Pope, in so many words, said
that if the English Jacobites wanted a revolution they must
pay for it themselves. The original orders for invasion
were cancelled in April ; but negotiations seem to have
been continued with Spain through Cardinal Acquiviva,
Spanish envoy ab Rome, ever James's friend. A revised
plan of action was prepared. Wogan, who had been sent
to Spain, had succeeded in procuring assistance from
that country ; ships had been prepared to carry a force of
5000 or 6000 men to Porto Longone, in the Isle of Elba,
where James was to embark. In July, James was on the
outlook for a Spanish fleet under Admiral Sorano. 1 But it
was too late. The plot had been discovered, the demand
for troops reaching the knowledge of the French ministers,
who informed the British ambassador. Spain was com-
pelled to prevent the embarkation, and King George did
not go to Hanover that summer.
Mar had used the post office in spite of a warning by
peerage of Ireland, 1717. Created earl (Jacobite) in the peerage of Scotland,
1721. Made Knight of the Thistle, 1722. Died at Paris, 1733. Ruvigny,
Jacobite Peerage.
1 Shield and Lang, The King over the Water, pp. 360, 363.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxi
Atterbury not to do so ; his correspondence was inter-
cepted, and a letter was found which incriminated Atter-
bury and his associates. Government was not hasty in
acting, and the first conspirator to be arrested was George
Kelly, a Non-juring Irish clergyman who acted as Atter-
bury 's secretary. He was seized at his lodgings on
May 21st ; and he very nearly saved the situation. His
papers and sword being placed in a window by his captors,
Kelly managed during a moment of negligence to recover
them. Holding his sword in his right hand he threatened
to run through the first man who approached him, while
all the time he held the incriminating papers to a candle
with his left hand, and not till they were burned did he
surrender. It was not until the end of August that
Bishop Atterbury was taken into custody and committed
to the Tower. His trial did not begin until the spring of
the following year. Layer, who was betrayed by a mis-
tress, was arrested in September and tried in November.
He was condemned to death, but was respited from time
to time in the hope that he would give evidence to incrimi-
nate Atterbury and his associates. Layer refused to re-
veal anything and was executed at Tyburn in May 1723,
at the very time when the bishop's trial was taking place
in the House of Lords. Atterbury was found guilty : he
was sentenced to be deprived of all his ecclesiastical
benefices and functions, to be incapacitated from holding
any civil offices, and to be banished from the kingdom for
ever. His associates of the Junta escaped with compara-
tively light penalties. Kelly, sentenced to imprison-
ment during the King's pleasure, was kept in the Tower
until 1736, when he managed to escape, to reappear
later in the drama. Atterbury went abroad and entered
the Chevalier's service. He died in exile at Paris in 1732,
but he was buried in Westminster Abbey.
The failure of the schemes of Atterbury had a remark-
xxii INTRODUCTION
able effect on the unfortunate Chevalier. Apparently
weary of failure and longing for action, he wrote to the
Pope on August 29th, 1722, offering to serve in a crusade
against the Turks ; but he was told it would not do, he
must stick to his own task. To it he accordingly re-
turned ; and implicitly believing that his people were
longing for his restoration, he issued a manifesto dated
September 22nd, proposing ' that if George I. will quietly
deliver to him the throne of his fathers he will in return
bestow upon George the title of king in his native
dominions and invite all other states to confirm it.' x The
manifesto was printed and circulated in England ; it was
ordered to be burned by the common hangman.
It is somewhat remarkable that although the Atterbury
Expedition was to have been begun in Scotland, the
records of the period make no mention of the project,
nor do there seem to have been any preparations for a
rising. The only suggestion of secret action being taken
that I know of and it is no more than a suggestion
is that in 1721, on the same day that General Dillon,
who was to command in Scotland, was created a Scottish
earl, a peerage was given to Sir James Grant of Grant
by the Chevalier de St. George. 2 What the occasion of
this honour may have been has never, so far as I know,
been revealed. 3
Affairs in Jacobite affairs in Scotland at that time were adminis-
tered by a Lanarkshire laird, George Lockhart of Carnwath.
Lockhart had been a member of the old Scots Estates
1 Mahon, History of 'England, ', chap. xii.
2 Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage, p. 1 6.
3 It is worthy of note that although the new Scots Peerage as a rule chronicles
the Jacobite titles conferred on Scottish nobles, there is no mention of this
peerage to Sir James Grant in that work (see Scots Peerage, vol. vii. pp. 480-483),
nor is it referred to in his biography in the Grant family history (Sir W. Fraser,
The Chiefs of Grant, vol. i. pp. 371-392). For the action of the Grants in the
'Forty-five, see infra , p. 269 et seq.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxiii
before the Union of the kingdoms in 1707, and after the
Union he sat in the Imperial Parliament until 1715. In
that year he raised a troop of horse for the Jacobite
cause, and after the rising he suffered a long imprison-
ment, but was eventually released without trial. From
1718 to 1727 he acted as the Chevalier's chief confidential
agent in Scotland. His system of Jacobite management
was by a body of trustees, which was organised in 1722,
and acted as a committee of regency for the exiled king.
In 1727 Lockhart's correspondence fell into the hands of
Government and he had to fly the country. He was
permitted to return in the following year, but lived for
the rest of his life in retirement, and took no further part
in Jacobite affairs. 1
For some years after Lockhart's flight, Scotland seems
to have been without any official representative of the
Jacobite Court. In May 1736, however, Colonel James
Urquhart 2 was appointed, though under circumstances
which have not yet been made known.
The proposed expedition connected with the Atterbury
Plot was the last project for an active campaign of
1 The Lockhart Papers are the principal authority for Jacobite history in
Scotland from 1702 to 1728.
2 James Urquhart was the only son of Jonathan Urquhart of Cromarty and
his wife Lady Jean Graham, daughter of the second Marquis of Montrose.
Jonathan was the last of the Urquharts who owned the estate of Cromarty,
famous owing to its possession by Sir Thomas Urquhart, the translator of Rabelais.
Jonathan's affairs having got into disorder, he sold his ancestral property to
George Mackenzie, Viscount Tarbat, who was created Earl of Cromartie in
1703. James Urquhart married Anne Rollo, daughter of Robert Rollo of
Powhouse, and had an only child, Grizel, who died unmarried. Colonel
Urquhart ' was a man of noble spirit, great honour, and integrity ; he served in
the wars both in Spain and Flanders with great reputation, but left the Army,
and lived a retired life. ... In him ended the whole male line of John, only
son of the first marriage of John, tutor of Cromarty . . . the representation
devolved upon William Urquhart of Meldrum ' (Douglas, Baronage], Colonel
Urquhart was born in 1691, and died on January 3rd, 1741 (Family papers).
His appointment as Jacobite Agent for Scotland is dated May 28th, 1736
(Ru\\gny t Jacobite Peerage, p. 234).
XXIV
INTRODUCTION
Charles
Edward
grows up.
restoration in which the Chevalier was personally to
embark. Scheming, of course, went on, but only once
after this did James leave Italy. In 1727, on the death
of George i., he hurried to Nancy to be ready for any
emergency, but the Duke of Lorraine had reluctantly to
refuse him hospitality. He retired to Avignon, but, as
before, the British Government brought pressure to bear,
and he had to go back to Rome. Six years later, on
the death of Augustus the Strong, he was offered the
elective throne of Poland; but this he declined, saying
that his own country engaged his whole heart and all
his inclinations, though he regretted that his second
son, Henry, then eight years old, was too young to be a
candidate for the crown worn by his Sobieski ancestor.
Meanwhile his elder son, Charles Edward, was growing
up, and the hopes of the party were fixed on his future.
His father wished him to learn the art of war, so in August
1734 he was sent to join a Spanish army under his cousin, the
Duke of Berwick, 1 who was engaged in the campaign against
Austria, which brought the crown of Naples to the Spanish
Bourbons. Charles, then not quite fourteen, took part in
the siege and capture of Gaeta, a fortress in Campania,
and accompanied Don Carlos in his triumphant entry
into Naples as king on August 9th. The Prince won
much credit for his conduct in the field, but this was the
end of his experience of war, and his campaign had lasted
only six days. His father was anxious to extend his
military education, but France and Spain in turn declined
to allow him to serve with their armies. Even the
Emperor, about to make war on the Turks in 1737,
refused to allow the young prince to accompany his army.
European potentates were unwilling to receive Charles
1 Not the famous conqueror of Almanza, who was killed in the War of the
Polish Succession when besieging Philipsburg, on June z8th, 1734, but his son,
known until then as the Duke of Liria.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxv
Edward even as a visitor. The Venetian minister in
London was ordered to quit England on twenty-four
hours' notice, because his Government had shown civilities
to the Prince on a visit to Venice. The British Govern-
ment was too vigilant to hoodwink, too strong to offend.
Peace reigned throughout Europe : Jacobite activity was The Cause
dormant both in England and in Scotland: the royal lan s uishes -
exiles were isolated at Rome, and it seemed as if all hope
of a Stuart Restoration had been abandoned.
The first to inspire the Jacobite Court with new life The Mission
and hope, and set in motion the events which led up to
the great adventure of 'Forty-five was John Gordon of
Glenbucket. This remarkable man was no county mag-
nate nor of any particular family. At this time he
possessed no landed property ; he was merely the tenant
of a farm in Glenlivet, which he held from the Duke of
Gordon. His designation ' of Glenbucket ' was derived from
a small property in the Don valley which had been pur-
chased by his grandfather, and which he inherited from
his father. He was not a Highlander, having been born
in the Aberdeenshire lowland district of Strathbogie, but
he had so thoroughly conformed himself to Highland
spirit and manners that he had won the affection and
confidence of the Highlanders of Banffshire and Strath-
spey. Glenbucket was at this time about sixty-two
years old. In his younger days he had been factor or
chamberlain to the Duke of Gordon, a position which
conferred on him considerable influence and power, par-
ticularly over the Duke's Highland vassals. In the 'Fifteen
he had commanded a regiment of the Gordon retainers,
and behaved with gallantry and discretion through-
out the campaign. 1 About the year 1724 he had ceased
1 His commission as colonel is dated October 22nd, 1715. Ruvigny, Jacobite
Peerage, p. 244.
C
xxvi INTRODUCTION
to be the Duke's representative, but his connection with
the Highlanders was continued by the marriages of his
daughters. One of them was the wife of Forbes of
Skellater, a considerable laird in the Highland district of
Upper Strathdon ; another was married to the great chief
of Glengarry ; and a third to Macdonell of Lochgarry. 1
In the year 1737 Gordon sold Glenbucket, for which he
realised twelve thousand marks (about 700) ; and he left
Scotland to visit the Chevalier at Rome. On his way he
passed through Paris, where he had an interview with
Cardinal Fleury, the French prime minister. To the
Cardinal he suggested a scheme of invasion, by which
officers and men of the Irish regiments in the French
service quartered near the coast could be suddenly and
secretly transported to Scotland. 2 The Cardinal, whose
general policy was peace at any price, 3 gave no encourage-
ment to the scheme.
Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738 : he
delivered his message, was rewarded with a major-general's
commission, 4 and returned to Scotland. Immediately the
Jacobite Court was filled with sanguine activity. What
the terms of Glenbucket' s mission were, or whom he
represented, have never been categorically stated. Murray
1 For general information about Gordon of Glenbucket, the reader is referred
to Mr. J. M. Bulloch's monumental work, The House of Gordon (New Spalding
Club, Aberdeen, 1912). For Glenbucket's character and his actions in 1745,
see infra, p. 113 et seq. It is remarkable how the designation ' of Glenbucket '
has adhered to the family for generations, although the land from which it was
derived was parted with a hundred and seventy-nine years ago. Gordon's
descendants are still tenants of the farm of St. Bridget's, in Glenlivet, which
was old Glenbucket's home in 1745, and are still termed ' Glenbucket ' in the
district. For the Macdonell marriages see the genealogies in History of Clan
Donald, vol. iii.
2 M. Haile, James Francis Edward^ p. 367.
3 French historians generally blame Fleury for his timidity, and ascribe to
him the decline of the splendid French navy, which he allowed to fall into decay
for fear of English jealousy.
4 The commission is dated January 28th, 1 738. See Stuart Papers in Browne's
History of the Highlands ', vol. iv. p. 21.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxvii
of Broughton hints that he only represented his son-in-
law Glengarry and General Alexander Gordon. 1 Even if
this limitation were true, it meant much. Glengarry was
one of the greatest of Highland chiefs, while General
Gordon was that Nestor of Scottish Jacobites who had
been commander-in-chief after the Chevalier left Scotland
in 1716, and whose opinions must have carried much weight.
Although there is no direct statement of the terms of
Glenbucket's mission, its significance can readily be
understood from the communication made to the English
Jacobites. The Chevalier at once wrote off to Cecil, his Message to
official agent in London, informing him of the encouraging j a c bites! S
news he had received. The zeal of his Scottish subjects,
he said, was so strong that he considered it possible to
oppose the Scottish Highlanders to the greater part of the
troops of the British Government then available, and there
was good cause to hope for success even without foreign
assistance, provided the English Jacobites acted rightly. 2
At the time that the Chevalier's message reached his
adherents there happened to be in England a personage
who bore the name and designation of Lord Sempill. 3
Though of Scots descent he was French by birth and
residence. He was not familiar with English ways, and he
did not understand English political agitation. Mingling
for the most part with Jacobites avowed or secret, his
ears were filled with execration of the reigning dynasty.
On every side he heard the Whig Government denounced,
1 See infra, p. 25.
3 The terms of this message are given from a state paper in the French
Archives of which the following is an extract: 'il manda en Angleterre que le
zele de ses sujets ecossais etait si vif, qu'il lui semblait qu'on pourrait opposer
les Montagnards de ce pays a la plupart des troupes que le gouvernement avail
alors sur pied, et qu'il y aurait lieu de tout esperer meme sans secours etranger,
pourvu que les Anglais affides prissent de leur c6te de justes mesures.' See
Colin, Louis XV. et les Jacobites, p. I.
3 For Sempill's descent and claim to the title, see Appendix, p. 421.
xxviii INTRODUCTION
and he saw it tottering and vacillating. He mistook
general political dissatisfaction for revolutionary discon-
tent, and he came to the conclusion that the country
longed for a restoration of the old royal line. Constitut-
ing himself an envoy from the English Jacobites, 1 he
hurried off to Rome and reported to the Chevalier that the
party was stronger than was generally believed, and that
affairs in England were most favourable for action.
It is necessary here to relate how Glenbucket's mission
to Rome affected the Scottish Jacobites, and to introduce
into the narrative the name of one who for five years
was a mainstay of the Cause, though in the end he turned
traitor.
Murray of John Murray of Broughton, a younger son of Sir David
' ou g ton - Murray of Stanhope (a Peeblesshire baronet of ancient
family who in his day had been an ardent Jacobite),
entered the University of Leyden in 1735, being then
twenty years of age. In 1737 he had completed his
studies and went on a visit to Rome, where he mixed
in the Jacobite society of the place. Although he never
had an interview with James himself, he frequently met
the young princes, and he acquired the friendship of James
Edgar, the Chevalier's faithful secretary. Murray's father
had once been proposed as an official Jacobite agent in
Scotland, and it seems highly probable that Edgar per-
suaded the son to look forward to assuming such a
position. Murray left Rome to return to Scotland shortly
before Glenbucket's arrival in January 1738.
Glenbucket's message had convinced James of the
devotion of the Highlanders and the Jacobites of north-
eastern Scotland, but he wished to know more of the
spirit of the Scottish Lowlands. At the same time
that he wrote to the English Jacobites, he despatched
1 See infra, p. 21.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxix
William Hay, a member of his household, to Scotland to
make inquiries and to report. Hay overtook Murray who
was lingering in Holland, and induced him to accompany
him, as he was anxious to be introduced to Murray's
cousin, Lord Kenmure, an ardent Kirkcudbrightshire
Jacobite. The acquaintance was duly made, and although
no record is yet known of Hay's actual transactions in
Scotland, they can be conjectured with a fair amount
of certainty from the results which followed them in spite
of Murray's disparaging remarks on his mission. 1 Hay
visited the leading Jacobites, and it is difficult to doubt
that he set in motion a scheme for concerted action.
What is known is that he returned to Rome after three
months' absence greatly satisfied with what he had found.
In the same year, presumably as the outcome of Hay's
mission, an Association of Jacobite leaders was formed, The Concert
sometimes termed ' the Concert,' designed with the object
of bringing together Highland chiefs and lowland nobles, 2
pledged to do everything in their power for the restora-
tion of the exiled Stuarts. These Associators, as they
were called, were : the Duke of Perth ; his uncle, Lord
John Drummond ; Lord Lovat ; Lord Linton, who in
1741 succeeded as fifth Earl of Traquair ; his brother,
the Hon. John Stuart ; Donald Cameron, younger of
Lochiel ; and his father-in-law, Sir John Campbell of
Auchenbreck, an Argyllshire laird. The position of
manager was given to William Macgregor (or Drummond),
the son of the Perthshire laird of Balhaldies. 3 In con-
1 See infra, p. 25.
2 A. G. M. Macgregor, History of the Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 358.
3 Of the Associators only three were 'out' in the 'Forty-five : the Duke of
Perth, Lovat, and Lochiel. Lord John Drummond, who was brother-in-law of
Traquair, remained inactive. Prince Charles spent the night of February 2nd,
1746, at his house, Fairnton, now Ferntower, near Crieff. Lord Traquair
remained in England ; he was arrested at Great Stoughton in Huntingdonshire,
on July 29th, 1746, and committed to the Tower ; but was released without
trial before August 1748. Traquair's brother, John Stuart, married in 1740
xxx INTRODUCTION
temporary documents Macgregor 1 is generally termed
' Balhaldy,' 2 and that designation has been used in this
volume. Murray of Broughton did not belong to the
Association, nor was he taken into its confidence until
1741. He, however, attached himself to Colonel Urquhart,
the official Jacobite agent, and assisted him with his work.
In 1740, when Urquhart was dying of cancer, Murray was
appointed to succeed him.
In December 1739 Balhaldy was sent by the Associators
to Paris, and from thence he went on to Rome. The
Chevalier, greatly cheered by what he had to tell, in-
structed him to return to Paris and there to meet Sempill,
who had become one of James's most trusted agents.
Sempill would introduce him to Cardinal Fleury, before
whom they would lay the views of both the English and
Scottish Jacobites.
Balhaldy returned to Paris, made the acquaintance
of Sempill, an acquaintance which subsequently ripened
into a strong political, perhaps personal, friendship. The
interview with Fleury was obtained, and negotiations com-
menced in the beginning of 1740, about three months after
the war with Spain, forced upon Walpole, had broken out. 3
and retired from the Concert then. Sir James Campbell was too old for action.
Macgregor of Balhaldies was in Paris during the campaign.
1 The name ' Macgregor' was then proscribed, and all members of the clan had
to adopt another name ; that adopted by Balhaldy's branch was ' Drummond.'
Balhaldy's father, Alexander, was a man of some consequence. He had been
a trader about Stirling, and made some money, and he married a daughter of Sir
Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, his son Balhaldy being thus a first cousin of Lochiel
of the '45. In 1714 the Clan Gregor being chiefless, certain of its leading
members elected Alexander to be hereditary chief. (A. G. M. Macgregor,
Hist, of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 270.) He was created a Scots baronet by the
Chevalier in 1740, and he died at Balhaldie House, Dunblane, in 1749. His
son, William, was born in 1698. Though never in Scotland after 1743 he was
attainted in 1746, and specially exempted from the act of indemnity of 1747.
He married Janet, daughter of Laurence Oliphant of Cask, at Paris in January
1758. He died near Paris in 1765.
2 The designation Balhaldy is spelt variously in contemporary documents,
Bohaldy, Bochaldie, Bahady, etc. Cf. R. L. Stevenson's Catriona, last chapter.
3 War was declared with Spain, October igth, 1739.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxxi
It is no part of my task to follow the intricacies of
the negotiations between the French Ministry and the
English Jacobites, except when they affect the affairs of
the Scots, but here it is necessary to turn back for a
moment to relate what took place after the English
Jacobites received the Chevalier's communication of
Glenbucket's message from Scotland.
Sempill, who had gone from England to Rome in the
spring of 1738, was sent back in October with the
Chevalier's instructions to his English adherents to arrange
for concerted action with the Scots. The English Jacobites
formed a council of six members to serve as a directing
nucleus. This council communicated the English views English
on the Scottish proposal to the Chevalier as follows. O f Scots
Although the Government, they said, had only 29,000 Proposals,
regular troops in the British Isles, of which 13,000 were
in England, 12,000 in Ireland, and 4000 in Scotland, yet
the rising of the Scots could not take place, as the King
hoped, without foreign assistance. It would be a difficult
matter to provide the Scots with sufficient arms and
munitions, and even if this difficulty could be surmounted,
it would take two months after they had been supplied
before their army could assemble and establish the royal
authority in Scotland ; that it would take another month
before the Scots could march into England. Meantime
the English leaders would be at the mercy of the profes-
sional army of the Government which their volunteer
followers, entirely ignorant of discipline, could never
oppose alone. The principal royalists would be arrested
in detail, and their overawed followers would hold back
from joining the Scots. There were 13,000 regular
soldiers in England. Government would probably transfer
6000 from Ireland, and the army would be further
augmented by the importation of Dutch and Hanoverian
troops. Probably 8000 men would be sent to the frontier
xxxii INTRODUCTION
of Scotland. From this they concluded that a rising in
Scotland without foreign assistance would involve possible
failure and in any case a disastrous civil war, while, on the
other hand, the landing of a body of regular troops would
provide a rallying point for the insurgents. This force
should be equal to the number of troops generally quartered
about London and able to hold them, while the volunteer
royalists would march straight to the capital which was
ready to declare in their favour. They would then
acquire the magazines and arsenals at the seat of govern-
ment, and almost all the treasures of England (' presque
toutes les richesses d'Angleterre '). If at that juncture the
Scots would rise, the Hanoverians would be driven to
despair. No ally of the Elector, however powerful, would
venture to attack Great Britain reunited under her legiti-
mate sovereign. The requirement of the English would be
10,000 to 12,000 regular troops sent from abroad ; with-
out such a disciplined force the English Jacobites would
not risk a rising. 1
Sempill was sent by the Chevalier to Paris to lay these
views before Cardinal Fleury. The Cardinal, peace lover
though he was, felt that it would be absurd to neglect the
assistance that the Jacobites might afford him in the
complications which were certain to arise when the death
of the Emperor Charles vi., then imminent, should occur. 2
When the English views of requirement were presented
to him he received them sympathetically ; said that the
King of France would willingly grant the help the English
Jacobites desired, but two things were absolutely neces-
sary : he must have more exact information than had
been given him with regard to what royalist adherents
1 Abridged from a State Paper in the French archives, of which portions
are printed in Capitaine J. Colin's Louis XV. et les Jacobites : Paris, 1901.
2 The Emperor Charles vi. died on October 2Oth, 1740, and France interfered
in the War of the Austrian Succession the following August.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxxiii
would join his troops on landing, and also as to those
who would rise at the same time in the provinces. If the
English leaders could satisfy His Majesty on these two
points they might expect all they asked for. 1
Such was the state of Jacobite affairs at the French Balhaldy's
Court when Sempill introduced Balhaldy to Fleury. I ^t^ Fleury.
know of no categorical statement of the requirements
that Balhaldy was to lay before the Cardinal, but from
a memorandum he wrote 2 it may be inferred that the
Associators had asked for 1500 men with arms, am-
munition, and money. Fleury replied that his sovereign
was greatly pleased with the proposals of the Scots, and
that he approved of their arrangements on behalf of their
legitimate king. France, however, was at peace with
Great Britain, while Spain was at open war. King Louis
would ask the Spanish Court to undertake an expedition
in favour of King James to which he would give efficient
support. 3 Shortly afterwards, the Cardinal was obliged to
tell Balhaldy that Spain declined to entertain the proposal.
The Spanish Court disliked the war with England, and was
quite aware that it had been forced on Walpole by the
Jacobites and the Opposition. 4 Spain was not going to
embarrass the British Government by embarking on a
Jacobite adventure.
Fleury then made a proposal that the Spanish Govern-
ment should finance a scheme by which an army of
10,000 Swedish mercenaries should be engaged to invade
Great Britain. While secret negotiation was going on
between the French and Spanish Governments, knowledge
1 Colin, p. 7.
2 A. G. M. Macgregor, Hist, of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 359.
3 Colin, p. 8.
4 Lord Marischal wrote to the Chevalier in June 1740, telling him that the
King of Spain had refused an audience to the Duke of Ormonde on this account.
Mahon, Hist, of England, 3rd ed., vol. iii. App. p. iv.
XXXIV
INTRODUCTION
Lettre de
quelques
Seigneurs
ecossais au
Cardinal de
Fleury. 3
of the proposal came to Elizabeth Farnese, Queen of
Spain. Elizabeth, fearing that a successful movement for
a Stuart restoration would put an end to the war with
Great Britain which she strongly favoured, inspired a
paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette, which exploded the
design before it could be accomplished. 1
Driven at last from his hope of using Spain as a
catspaw, Fleury informed Balhaldy that his master the
King, touched with the zeal of the Scots, would willingly
send them all the Irish troops in his service, with the
arms, munitions, and the 20,000 asked for to assist the
Highlanders. 2
Balhaldy hurried back to Scotland with this promise
and met the Associators in Edinburgh. Although the
Jacobite leaders were disappointed that French troops
were not to be sent, they gratefully accepted Fleury 's
assurances, and in March 1741 they despatched the follow-
ing letter to the Cardinal, which was carried back to Paris
by Balhaldy.
MONSEIGNEUR, Ayant appris de Monsieur le baron de
Balhaldies Pheureux succes des representations que nous
1'avions charge de faire a Votre Eminence sous le bon plaisir
de notre souverain legitime, nous nous hatons de renvoyer
ce baron avec les temoignages de notre vive et respectueuse
reconnaissance et avec les assurances les plus solennelles, tant
de notre part que de la part de ceux qui se sont engages avec
nous a prendre les armes pour secouer le joug de 1'usurpation,
que nous sommes prets a remplir fidelement tout ce qui a etc
1 See injra, pp. 12, 22.
2 ' Le roi tres chretien, touche du zele des Ecossais, etait porte a leur accorder
les secours dont ils avaient besoin : qu'en consequence, Sa Majeste voulait bien
faire transporter dans ce royaume toutes les troupes irlandaises qui etaitent a
son service, avec les armes et munitions et les 20,000 livres sterling qu'on
demandait pour aider les montagnards a se mettre en campagne' (Colin,
p. 8).
3 This document is printed by the special permission of the French Govern-
ment. The original signed and sealed with seven seals is preserved in the
National Archives in Paris.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxxv
avance dans le memoire que my lord Sempill et ledit sieur
baron de Balhaldies eurent Thonneur de remettre, signe de
leurs mains, entre celles de Votre Eminence au mois de mai
dernier.
Les chefs de nos tribus des montagnes dont les noms lui
ont ete remis en meme temps avec le nombre d'hommes que
chacun d'eux s'est oblige de fournir, 1 persistent inviolablement
dans leurs engagements et nous osons repondre a Votre Emi-
nence qu'il y aura vingt mille hommes sur pied pour le service
de notre veritable et unique seigneur, le Roi Jacques Huitieme
d'Ecosse aussitot qu'il plaira a S.M.T.C. de nous envoyer des
armes et des munitions avec les troupes qui sont necessaires
pour conserver ces armes jusqu'a ce que nous puissions nous
assembler.
Ces vingt mille hommes pourront si facilement chasser ou
detruire les troupes que le gouvernement present entretient
actuellement dans notre pays et meme toutes celles qu'on y
pourra faire marcher sur les premieres alarmes que nous
sommes assurement bien fondes d'esperer qu'avec 1'assistance
divine et sous les auspices du Roi Tres Chretien les fideles
Ecossais seront en etat, non seulement de retablir en tres peu
de temps Pautorite de leur Roi Legitime dans tout son
royaume d'Ecosse et de 1'y affermir centre les efforts des
partisans d'Hannover, mais aussi de 1'aider puissamment au
recouvrement de ces autres Etats, ce qui sera d'autant plus
facile que nos voisins de 1'Angleterre ne sont pas moins fatigues
que nous de la tyrannic odieuse sous laquelle nous gemissons
tous egalement et que nous savons qu'ils sont tres bien disposes
a s'unir avec nous ou avec quelque puissance que ce soit qui
voudra leur donner les recours dont ils ont besoin pour se
remettre sous un gouvernement legitime et naturel. Nous
prenons actuellement des mesures pour agir de concert avec eux.
Quant au secours qui est necessaire pour 1'Ecosse en par-
ticulier, nous aurions souhaite que S.M.T.C. cut bien voulu
nous accorder des troupes franchises qui eussent renouvele
parmi nous les legons d'une valeur heroique et d'une fidelite
incorruptible que nos ancetres ont tant de fois apprises dans
la France meme ; mais puisque V.E. juge a propos de nous
envoyer de sujets de notre Roi, nous les recevrons avec joie
comme venant de sa part, et nous tacherons de leur faire sentir
1 It was very disappointing to find that no trace of this list of Highland chiels
referred to could be discovered.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION
le cas que nous faisons et de leur attachement a noire souverain
legitime et de 1'honneur qu'ils ont acquis en marchant si
longtemps sur les traces des meilleurs sujets et des plus braves
troupes en 1'Univers.
Monsieur le baron de Balhaldies connait si parfaitement
notre situation, les operations que nous avons concertees, et
tout ce qui nous regarde, qu'il serait inutile d'entrer ici dans
aucun detail. Nous supplions V.E. de vouloir bien 1'ecouter
favorablement et d'etre persuadee qu'il aura 1'honneur de lui
tout rapporter dans la plus exacte verite.
Si les ministres du gouvernement etaient moins jaloux de
nos demarches ou moins vigilant s, nous engagerions volon tiers
tons nos biens pour fournir aux frais de cette expedition ; mais
nuls contrats n'etant valables, suivant nos usages, sans etre
inscrits sur les registres publics, il nous est impossible de lever
une somme tant soit peu considerable avec le secret qui con-
vient dans les circonstances presentes. C'est uniquement
cette consideration qui nous empe'che de faire un fond pour
les depenses necessaires, [ce qui serait une preuve ulterieure
que nous donnerions avec joie de notre zele et de la confiance
avec laquelle nous nous rangeons sous 1'etendard de notre Roi
naturel ; mais le bien du service nous oblige de nous contenir et]
d'avoir recours a la generosite de S.M.T.C. jusqu'a ce que
1'on puisse lever les droits royaux dans notre pays d'une
maniere reguliere.
Nous sommes persuades que Ton pourra y parvenir dans
1'espace de trois mois apres 1'arrivee des troupes irlandaises
et nous ne doutons point que notre patrie, reunie alors sous
le gouvernement de son Roi tant desire ne fasse des efforts qui
donneront lieu a V.E. de prouver a S.M.T.C. que les Ecossais
modernes sont les vrais descendants de ceux qui ont eu 1'hon-
neur d'etre comptes pendant tant de siecles les plus fideles
allies des Rois, ses predecesseurs.
Nous sommes bien sensiblement touches des mouvements
que V.E. s'est donnes et qu'elle veut bien continuer pour
faire entendre au Roi Catholique les avantages qu'il y aurait
a agir en faveur du Roi notre maitre dans la conjoncture
presente. Nous avions cru que ces avantages ne pouvaient
echapper aux ministres Espagnols ; mais quelque travers
qu'ils prennent dans la conduite de cette guerre, V.E. prend une
part qui ne saura manquer de les en tirer heureusement et de
frustrer Patten te in juste des nations qui sont pretes a fondre
sur les tresors du nouveau monde.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxxvii
Nous en louons Dieu, Monseigneur, et nous le prions avec
ferveur de vouloir bien conserver V.E. non seulement pour
1'accomplissement du grand ouvrage que nous allons entre-
prendre sous sa protection mais aussi pour en voir les grands
et heureux effets dans toute 1'Europe aussi bien que dans les
trois royaumes britanniques, auxquels son nom ne sera pas
moins precieux dans tous les temps & venir qu'a la France
meme qui a pris de si beaux accroissements sous son ministere
et dont la gloire va etre elevee jusqu'au comble en faisant
vigorer la justice chez ses voisins. Nous avons 1'honneur d'etre
avec une profonde veneration et un parfait devouement,
Monseigneur, de votre Eminence, les tres humbles et tres
obeissants serviteurs,
LE DUG DE PERTH
LE LORD JEAN DRUMOND DE PERTH
MY LORD LOVAT
MILORD LINTON
CAMERON, BARON DE LOCHEIL
LE CHEVALIER CAMPBELL D'ACHINBRECK
M'GRIEGER BARON DE BALHALDIES.
a Edimbourg, ce 1 3 erne Mars 1741.
[Translation.]
Having learned from the Baron of Balhaldies of the happy success
of the representations that we had instructed him to make to Your
Eminence, with the approval of our legitimate Sovereign, we now
hasten to send this Baron back with the proofs of our lively and
respectful gratitude, and with the most solemn undertaking, both by
ourselves and by those who are engaged along with us, to take up arms
to throw off the yoke of the usurpation, that we are ready to fulfil
faithfully all that was put forward in the Memorial, which my lord
Sempill and the said Baron of Balhaldies signed with their own hands,
and had the honour to place in the hands of Your Eminence last May.
The chiefs of our Highland clans, whose names we have sent at the
same time with the number of men that each binds himself to furnish,
will without fail keep their engagements, and we venture to be respon-
sible to Your Eminence that there will be 20,000 men on foot for the
service of our true and only lord, King James vm. of Scotland, as soon
as it will please His Most Christian Majesty to send us arms and
munitions, and the troops that are necessary to guard those arms until
we shall be able to assemble.
These 20,000 men will be able so easily to defeat or to destroy the
troops that the Government employs at present in our country, and
even all those that it may be able to despatch upon the first alarm, so
xxxviii INTRODUCTION
that we feel entirely justified in hoping 1 that with divine assistance and
under the auspices of the most Christian King, the loyal Scots will be
in a condition, not only in a short time to re-establish the authority of
their legitimate King throughout the whole Kingdom of Scotland, arid
to sustain him there against the efforts of the partisans of Hanover, but
also to aid powerfully in the recovery of these other States, which
will be all the easier since our neighbours of England are not less
wearied than we are of the odious tyranny under which we all equally
groan ; and we know that they are thoroughly determined to unite with
us, and with any power whatever that would give them the opportunity
they require to place themselves once more under a legitimate and
natural Government. We are at present taking measures to act along
with them.
As to the assistance that is necessary for Scotland in particular, we
should have preferred that His Most Christian Majesty might have
been willing to grant us French troops, who would have renewed among
us the lessons of heroic bravery and incorruptible fidelity, that our
ancestors have so often learned in France itself, but since Your
Eminence thinks fit to send subjects of our King, we will receive them
with joy as coming from him, and we will endeavour to make them feel
the value that we attach to their devotion to our legitimate Sovereign,
and the honour that they have acquired in treading so long in the foot-
steps of the best subjects and of the bravest troops in the Universe.
The Baron of Balhaldies knows so perfectly our situation, the plans
that we have concerted, and everything that affects us, that it will be
unnecessary to enter into any detail. We implore Your Eminence to
listen to him favourably, and to be assured that he will have the honour
of reporting to you with the utmost accuracy.
If the ministers of the Government were only less suspicious of our
actions or less watchful, we would willingly pledge all our belongings to
defray the cost of this expedition, but as no contracts (of loan or sale)
are binding by our customs unless they have been inscribed in the
public registers, it is not possible for us to raise a sum that would be
sufficient, with the necessary secrecy that present circumstances require.
It is this consideration alone that prevents us from raising a fund for
the necessary expense, the raising of which would bear further proof
of our zeal, which we should give with pleasure, and of the confidence
with which we place ourselves under the standard of our natural King ;
but the good of the service obliges us to restrain our wishes and to have
recourse to the generosity of His Most Christian Majesty until it is
possible to establish the royal rights in our country in a regular
manner.
We are persuaded that it would be possible to accomplish this three
months after the arrival of the Irish troops, and we do not doubt that
our country, reunited under the Government of its king, so much
desired, would make such efforts as would enable Your Excellency to
prove to His Most Christian Majesty that the modern Scots are the true
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xxxix
descendants of those who have had the honour of being counted during
so many centuries the most faithful allies of the kings, his predecessors.
We are very sensibly touched by what Your Excellency has done, and
will continue to do, to make the Catholic king understand the advantages
that he would have in acting in favour of the King our master in the
present juncture. We had believed that these advantages could not
escape the notice of the Spanish Ministers, but whatever strange things
they may have done in the conduct of this war. your Eminence is now
acting in such a way as cannot fail happily to extricate them from the
consequences of their mistakes, and to frustrate the unjust attitude
of those nations who are ready to fall upon the treasures of the new
world.
We praise God, Monseigneur, and we pray with fervour that He would
preserve Your Excellency, not only for the accomplishment of the great
work which we are going to undertake under your protection, but also
that you may see the great and happy effects throughout Europe as well
as in the three kingdoms of Britain in which your name will be not less
precious in all time to come than in France itself, which has been
enlarged so remarkably under your ministry ; and that the glory of your
name will be raised to the highest pitch by making justice flourish
among your neighbours. We have the Honour to be, with profound
veneration and perfect devotion, Monseigneur, Your Eminence's very
humble and obedient servants.
The promises of assistance from the French Court
brought by Balhaldy, and the letter of acceptance by
the lords of the Concert constituted the treaty between
France and the Scottish Jacobites which formed the
foundation of all subsequent schemes undertaken in Scot-
land. Even in the end it was detachments of the Irish
regiments, whose use was originally suggested by Glen-
bucket, together with a Scottish regiment raised later
than this by Lord John Drummond, that formed the
meagre support that was actually sent over from France
in 1745.
Balhaldy returned to France almost immediately, and
in the winter of 1740-41, he went to England where he
met the Jacobite leaders, of whom he particularly men-
tions the Earls of Orrery and Barrymore, Sir Watkin
Williams Wynne, and Sir John Hinde Cotton. With them
he endeavoured to form a scheme of concert between the
xl
INTRODUCTION
Murray
ence of the
Concert.
English and the Scottish Jacobites, but without much
success. 1
It was not until after the signing of the letter to
Fleury that Murray was taken into the confidence of the
Jacobite leaders, and it was at this time that he first met
Lord Lovat. This was also the occasion of his first meet-
ing with Balhaldy ; their relations at this time were
quite friendly; Balhaldy handed over to Murray the
negotiation of a delicate ecclesiastical matter with which
he had been entrusted by the Chevalier. 2
Another early duty was to raise money for the Cause,
but to Murray's mortification, he had to give up the
scheme of a loan, because all the sympathisers to whom
he applied declined to subscribe ; not, they said, because
they objected to giving their money, but each and all
refused to be the first to compromise himself by heading
the subscription list. At this time Murray was not per-
mitted to undertake any active propaganda for a rising,
as the associated leaders feared that by increasing the
numbers in the secret there would be too great danger
of leakage. The Associators preferred to keep such work
in their own hands, and each of them had a district
assigned to him.
After Balhaldy 's departure the unfortunate Associators
were kept in a state of agonising suspense, for nothing
was heard from France until the end of 1742. In Decem-
ber of that year, Lord Traquair received a letter from
Balhaldy couched in vague terms, assuring him that troops
and all things necessary for a rising would be embarked
early in the spring. The scheme, he wrote, was to make
a landing near Aberdeen and another in Kintyre. The
whole tone of the letter was so confident that the Asso-
1 Balhaldy's Memorial, History of Clan Gregor, vol. ii. p. 359.
2 See Appendix, p. 422.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xli
ciators felt that a French expedition might be expected
almost immediately, and they were profoundly conscious
that Scotland was not ready. So alarmed were the leaders
at the possibility of a premature landing, and so uncertain
were they about the promises vaguely conveyed in Bal-
haldy's letter, that they determined to send Murray over
to Paris to find out what the actual French promises were,
and how they were to be performed ; and moreover to
warn the Government of King Louis how matters stood
in Scotland.
Murray set off in January 1743. On his way he visited
the Duke of Perth, then residing at York, making what
friends he could among the English Jacobites. When
Murray got to London, he was informed of Cardinal
Fleury's death, 1 which somewhat staggered him, but he
determined to go on to France to find out how matters
stood.
On arriving in Paris, Murray met Balhaldy and Sempill. Murray's
Balhaldy was surprised and not particularly glad to see J^Jlj to
him, but he treated him courteously, and discussing affairs
with Murray, he patronisingly informed him that he had
not been told everything. Sempill was very polite. He
told Murray that a scheme had been prepared by Fleury,
but that the Cardinal's illness and death had interrupted
it. 2 Sempill also told him that luckily he had persuaded
the Cardinal to impart his schemes to Monsieur Amelot,
the Minister for Foreign Affairs. An interview with the
Minister was obtained at Versailles, and on Murray's
explaining the reason of his visit, Amelot frankly told him
1 He died on January 2Qth (iSth O.S.).
2 That Fleury had proposed something is most probable. He had for some
time been complaining of the 'insults' what to-day we call pin-pricks with
which the British Government had been annoying France in a time of peace.
These pin-pricks culminated in June 1742 when a British army under Lord
Stair landed in the Netherlands, with the intention of thwarting the French
in their campaign against Austria.
d
xlii INTRODUCTION
that the King of France had full confidence in the Scots,
but that nothing could be done without co-operation with
the English. He further warned the Scotsmen that an
enterprise such as they proposed was dangerous and
precarious. The King, he said, was quite willing to send
ten thousand troops to help James his master, but the
Jacobites must take care not to bring ruin on the Cause
by a rash attempt. Murray was startled at Amelot's
answer after the assurances he had had from Sempill and
Balhaldy of the minister's keenness to help ; he was further
distressed that some arrangements, which Sempill had
confidently mentioned to him as being made, were un-
known to Amelot, while the minister owned that he had
not read the Memorials, but promised to look into them.
It was on this occasion that Murray first became sus-
picious of the behaviour of Balhaldy and Sempill, a state
of mind which grew later to absolute frenzy. When
arranging for the interview with Amelot, they hinted very
plainly to Murray that he must exaggerate any accounts
he gave of preparations in Scotland. He came to the
conclusion that they were deceiving the French minister
by overstating Jacobite prospects at home, and after the
interview he was further persuaded that Balhaldy and
Sempill were similarly deceiving the Jacobite leaders with
exaggerated accounts of French promises. He was further
mortified to find that the Earl Marischal, who was much
respected in Scotland, and to whom the Jacobite Scotsmen
looked as their leader in any rising, would have nothing
to do with Sempill and Balhaldy ; while, on their part,
they described the earl as a wrong-headed man, continually
setting himself in opposition to his master and those
employed by him, and applied to him the epithet of
4 honourable fool.'
Apparently about this time the preparations of the
English Jacobites were languishing, and Balhaldy, proud
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY FIVE xliii
of the Scottish Association which he looked upon as his
own creation, volunteered to go over to England and
arrange a similar Concert among the English leaders. He
and Murray went to London together, and there Murray
took the opportunity of privately seeing Cecil, the Jaco-
bite agent for England. Cecil explained his difficulties, .
told him of the dissensions among the English Jacobites,
and of their complaints about Sempill, who, he con-
sidered, was being imposed upon by the French Ministry.
It is characteristic of Jacobite plotting to find that
Murray concealed, on the one side, his interviews with
Cecil from Balhaldy, and, on the other, he kept it a
secret from Cecil that he had ever been in France. 1 Dis-
appointed with his mission both in France and England,
Murray returned to Edinburgh in March or April.
Meanwhile, Balhaldy was busy getting pledges in Butler's
England and making lists of Jacobite adherents avowed England,
and secret. Though they said they were willing to rise,
he found they absolutely refused to give any pledge in
writing, and he suggested, through Sempill, that the
French minister should send over a man he could trust
to see the state of matters for himself. Amelot selected
an equerry of King Louis's of the name of Butler, an
Englishman by birth. Under pretence of purchasing
horses, Butler visited racecourses in England, where he
had the opportunity of meeting country gentlemen, and
was astonished to find that at Lichfield, where he met
three hundred lords and gentlemen, of whom, he said, the
poorest possessed 3000 a year, he found only one who
was not opposed to the Government. On his return to
France, Butler sent in a long report on the possibilities
of an English rising. He told the French Government that
after going through part of England, a document had been
placed in his hands giving an account of the whole country,
1 Infra, p. 1 6 n.
xliv
INTRODUCTION
French
determine
on an Inva-
sion.
Letter of
Louis xv. to
Philip v.
from which it appeared that three-quarters of the well-to-
do ('qui avaient les biens-fonds ') were zealous adherents
of their legitimate king, and that he had been enabled to
verify this statement through men who could be trusted,
some of whom indeed were partisans of the Government.
He was amazed that the Government was able to exist at
all where it was so generally hated. The secret, he said,
was that all positions of authority the army, the navy,
the revenue offices were in the hands of their mercenary
partisans. The English noblesse were untrained to war,
and a very small body of regular soldiers could easily crush
large numbers of men unused to discipline. It would be
necessary then to have a force of regular troops from
abroad to make head against those of the Government.
Butler and Balhaldy returned to France in October.
During their absence things had changed ; the battle of
Dettingen had been fought (June 27th, 1743), although
Great Britain and France were technically at peace. King
Louis was furious, and he took the matter up personally,
and gave instructions to prepare an expeditionary force for
the invasion of England. The main body was to consist
of sixteen battalions of infantry and one regiment of dis-
mounted dragoons, under Marshal Saxe, and was to land
in the Thames. It was further suggested that two
or three battalions should be sent to Scotland. Prince
Charles Edward was invited to accompany the expedition,
and was secretly brought from Rome, arriving in Paris at
the end of January 1744. There was no affectation of
altruism for the Stuart exile in King Louis's mind, but the
zeal of the Jacobites was to be exploited. He wrote his
private views to his uncle, the King of Spain, communicat-
ing a project that he had formed, he said, in great secrecy,
which was to destroy at one blow the foundations of the
league of the enemies of the House of Bourbon. It might,
perhaps, be hazardous, but from all that he could learn it
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY FIVE xlv
was likely to be successful. He wished to act in concert
with Spain. He sent a plan of campaign. Everything was
ready for execution, and he proposed to begin the expedi-
tion on the 1st of January. It would be a very good
thing that the British minister should see that the barrier
of the sea did not entirely protect England from French
enterprise. 1 It might be that the revolution to be pro-
moted by the expedition would not be so quick as was
expected, but in any case there would be a civil war
which would necessitate the recall of the English troops
in the Netherlands. The Courts of Vienna and Turin
would no longer receive English subsidies, and these
Courts, left to their own resources, would submit to terms
provided they were not too rigorous. 2
The story of the collapse of the proposed invasion is Collapse of
too well known to need description. Ten thousand troops Expedition,
were on board ship. Marshal Saxe and Prince Charles
were ready to embark. On the night of the 6th of March
a terrible storm arose which lasted some days. The pro-
tecting men-of-war were dispersed, many of the transports
were sunk, a British fleet appeared in the Channel, and
Saxe was ordered to tell the Prince first that the enterprise
was postponed, and later that it was abandoned. Charles,
nearly broken-hearted, remained on in France, living in
great privacy, and hoping against hope that the French
would renew their preparations. For a time he remained
at Gravelines, where Lord Marischal was with him. He
longed for action, and implored the earl to urge the French
to renew the expedition to England, but Marischal only
suggested difficulties. Charles proposed an expedition to
Scotland, but his lordship said it would mean destruction.
Then he desired to make a campaign with the French army,
but Lord Marischal said it would only disgust the English.
1 ' II n'y a pas grand inconvenient que le ministre voie que le rempart de la
mer ne met pas entierement 1'Angleterre a couvert des enterprises de la France.'
2 Colin, p. 35.
d 2
xlvi INTRODUCTION
Charles removed to Montmartre, near Paris, but he was
ordered to maintain the strictest incognito. He asked to
see King Louis, but he was refused any audience. His
old tutor, Sir Thomas Sheridan, was sent from Rome to be
with him ;. also George Kelly, Atterbury's old secretary,
who, since his escape from the Tower, had been living at
Avignon. He took as his confessor a Cordelier friar of the
name Kelly, a relative of the Protestant George Kelly, and,
sad to say, a sorry drunkard, whose example did Charles
no good. These Irish companions soon quarrelled with
Balhaldy and Sempill, who wrote to the Chevalier com-
plaining of their evil influence, while the Irishmen also
wrote denouncing Balhaldy and Sempill.
Charles left Montmartre. His cousin, the Bishop of
Soissons, son of the Marshal Duke of Berwick, kindly lent
him his Chateau Fitzjames, a house seven posts from
Paris on the Calais road, where he remained for a time.
Another cousin, the Duke of Bouillon, a nephew of his
mother, also was very kind, and entertained him at
Navarre, a chateau near Evreux in Normandy. But his
life was full of weary days. He could get nothing from
the French, and * our friends in England,' he wrote to his
father, are ' afraid of their own shadow, and think of little
else than of diverting themselves.' Things seemed very
hopeless : the Scots alone remained faithful.
Suspense in From the time that Murray left London in the spring
of 1743, the Jacobite Associators had received no letters
from Balhaldy. The suspense was very trying ; indeed
Lord Lovat felt for a time so hopeless that he proposed
to retire with his son to France and end his days in a
religious house. 1 Lovat' s spirits seem to have risen shortly
after this owing to some success he had in persuading his
neighbours to join the Cause, and he eventually resolved
to remain in Scotland. It was only from the newspapers
1 Itifra, pp. 41, 42.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE xlvii
the Jacobite leaders knew of the French preparations, but
towards the end of December a letter was received from
Balhaldy, which stated that the descent was to take place
in the month of January. Other letters, however, threw
some doubt on Lord Marischal's part of the enterprise,
which included an auxiliary landing in Scotland,
and once more the Jacobite leaders were thrown into a
state of suspense. They felt, however, that preparations
must be made, and an active propaganda began among
the Stuart adherents.
In due course news of the disaster to the French fleet Murray's
reached Scotland, but no word came from Balhaldy or
Sempill, and it was then determined to send John Murray Charles,
to France to find out the state of matters. Murray tells 1744"
the story of his mission in his Memorials. He met Prince
Charles at Paris on several occasions, and told him that so
far from there being 20,000 Highlanders ready to rise, as
was the boast of Balhaldy, it would be unwise to depend
on more than 4000, if so many. But in spite of this dis-
couraging information, the Prince categorically informed
Murray that whatever happened he was determined to
go to Scotland the following summer, though with a
single footman. 1
Murray hastened home, and at once began an active
canvass among the Jacobites ; money and arms were col-
lected, and arrangements were made in various parts of the
country. Among other expedients was the establishment
of Jacobite clubs, and the celebrated ' Buck Club ' was
founded in Edinburgh. The members of these clubs were
not at one among themselves. Some of them said they
were prepared to join Prince Charles whatever happened,
but others only undertook to join if he were accom-
panied by a French expedition. At a meeting of the
Club a document was drawn up by Murray repre-
1 Memorials, pp. 93, 428.
xlviii INTRODUCTION
senting the views of the majority present, which insisted
that unless the Prince could bring them 6000 regular
troops, arms for 10,000 more, and 30,000 louis d'or, it
would mean ruin to himself, to the Cause, and to his
supporters. 1 This letter was handed to Lord Traquair,
who undertook to take it to London and have it sent to
Prince Charles in France. By Traquair it was delayed,
possibly because he was busy paying court to the lady
who about this time became Countess of Traquair, 2 but
to the expectant Jacobites for no apparent reason save
apathy. After keeping the letter for four months he
returned it in April 1745, with the statement that he had
been unable to find a proper messenger. Another letter was
then sent by young Glengarry, who was about to proceed
to France to join the Scottish regiment raised by Lord
John Drummond for service in the French army. It
was, however, too late ; the Prince had left Paris before
the letter could be delivered.
Distressed that the King of France would not admit
him to his presence ; wearied with the shuffling of the
English Jacobites and the French ministers ; depressed by
Lord Marischal, who chilled his adventurous aspirations ;
plagued, as he tells his father, with the tracasseries of his own
people, Charles determined to trust himself to the loyalty
of the Scottish Highlanders. He ran heavily into debt ; he
purchased 40,000 livres' worth of weapons and munitions,
muskets, broadswords, and twenty small field-pieces ;
he hired and fitted out two vessels. With 4000 louis d'or
in his cassette he embarked with seven followers at Nantes
on June 22nd (O.S.).
On July 25th he landed in Arisaig, the 'Forty-five
had begun.
1 The Affairs of Scotland, 1744-46, by Lord Elcho. Edited by Hon. Evan
Charteris : Edinburgh, 1907, p. 63. Lord Elcho gives a list of members of the
club who undertook to join the Prince in any event.
2 Memorials^ p. 64.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS xlix
PAPERS OF JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON
These papers, picked up after Culloden, are fragmentary
and are not easy reading without a knowledge of their
general historical setting, and this I have endeavoured to
give in brief outline in the preceding pages. They are
particularly interesting as throwing glimpses of light on
the origins of the last Jacobite rising. They were written
before the collapse of that rising and before Murray,
after the great betrayal, had become a social outcast.
Murray's Memorials, edited for the Scottish History
Society by the late Mr. Fitzroy Bell, were written thirteen
years after Culloden as a history and a vindication. These
papers may be considered as memoranda or records of
the business Murray had been transacting, and they view
the situation from a different angle.
Some of the events mentioned in the Memorials are told
with fuller detail in these papers ; they also contain thir-
teen hitherto unpublished letters, consisting for the most
part of a correspondence between Murray and the Chevalier
de St. George and his secretary James Edgar. But to my
mind the chief interest of the papers lies, in the fact that
they present a clue to the origin of the Jacobite revival
which led up to the 'Forty-five ; that clue will be found in
Murray's note on page 25.
In 1901 the Headquarters Staff of the French Army
issued a monograph based on French State Papers, giving
in great detail the project for the invasion of Great Britain
in 1744, and the negotiations which led up to it. The
book is entitled Louis XV. et les Jacobites, the author
being Captain Jean Colin of the French Staff. In his
opening sentence Captain Colin tells how the Chevalier
de St. George was living tranquilly in Rome, having
abandoned all hope of a restoration, when about the end
of 1737 he received a message from his subjects in
Scotland informing him that the Scottish Highlanders
] INTRODUCTION
would be able, successfully, to oppose the Government
troops then in Scotland. In no English or Scottish
history, so far as I am aware, has this message from
Scotland been emphasised, but in the French records it is
assumed as the starting-point of the movement on the
part of the French Government to undertake an expedition
in favour of the Stuarts. Murray refers to Glenbucket's
mission in the Memorials (p. 2), though very casually, and
as if it were a matter of little moment, but the insistence
in French State Papers of the importance of the Scottish
message made it necessary to investigate the matter further.
The first step to discover was the date of the sale of the
estate of Glenbucket, the price of which was probably re-
quired for the expenses of the mission, and it was found
from Duff family papers, kindly communicated by the
authors of The Book of the Duffs, that Glenbucket sold his
estate to Lord Braco in 1737. The next step is told in the
pages of James Francis Edward, where it is narrated that
Glenbucket was in Paris about the end of that year, that
he there presented to Cardinal Fleufy a scheme for a rising
in Scotland, which he proposed should be assisted by the
Irish regiments in the service of Louis xv. The same work
tells how Glenbucket went on to Rome in January 1738,
and there conveyed to the Chevalier satisfactory assur-
ances from the Highlands, but few from the Lowlands. 1
The result was that William Hay was sent to Scotland on
the mission which eventuated in the ' Concert ' of Jacobite
leaders, Highland and Lowland, and Balhaldy's subse-
quent mission to Paris and Rome.
It would be interesting to know who the Highlanders
were who entrusted Glenbucket with the message to Rome.
Murray, in his jealous, disparaging way, remarks that
it could only be Glengarry and General Gordon, but
1 Anxious to learn the sources of this information, I wrote to the author of
the volume to inquire, and received a courteous letter informing me that thes
statements were made on the authority of the Stuart Papers.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS li
either he did not know much about Glenbucket or he
was prejudiced. In an account of the Highland clans
preserved in the Public Record Office, and evidently pre-
pared for the information of the Government after he had
turned traitor, Murray writes : ' I have heard Gordon
of Glenbucket looked upon as a man of Consequence,
whereas, in fact, he is quite the reverse. He is not liked
by his own name, a man of no property nor natural
following, of very mean understanding, with a vast deal
of vanity.' 1 But this word-portrait does not correspond
with that drawn by a writer who had better opportunities
of knowing Glenbucket. The author of the Memoirs of
the Rebellion in the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff
particularly emphasises the affection he inspired in the
Highlanders, and significantly adds :
' It is generally believed he was very serviceable to
the court of Rome, in keeping up their correspondence
with the Chiefs of the Clans, and was certainly ... of late
years over at that court, when his Low Country friends
believed him to be all the while in the Highlands.' 2
It may be that Lovat was one of those Highlanders who
joined in Glenbucket's message. About this time he had
been deprived of his sheriffship and of his independent
company, and, furious against the Government, had
almost openly avowed his Jacobitism. In 1736 he, as
sheriff, had released the Jacobite agent John Roy Stewart
from prison in Inverness and by him had despatched a
message of devotion to the Chevalier, 3 but of his co-
operation with Glenbucket I have found no hint. The
sequence of events here narrated make it plain that who-
ever it was for whom he spoke, it was Gordon of Glenbucket
whose initiative in 1737 originated the Jacobite revival
which eventually brought Prince Charles to Scotland.
Analysis of the papers is unnecessary after the ad-
mirable introduction to the Memorials bv Mr. Fitzrov
Memorials, p. 444. 2 Infra, p. 116. s Trial of Lord Lovat, p. 36.
Hi INTRODUCTION
Bell, but it may interest readers of that work to refer to
two letters mentioned in the Memorials. The first of
these was a letter Murray says he wrote to the Chevalier
giving an account of his interview with Cecil in London. 1
Mr. Bell searched the Stuart Papers at Windsor, but failed
to find it. I think the letter printed on page 20 is
the letter that was intended, though it is addressed not
to James but to his secretary Edgar. The other letter
mentioned in the Memorials was one to the Earl Marischal
written about the same time. It was entrusted for de-
livery to Balhaldy and Traquair, but to Murray's intense
indignation they destroyed it. In the Memorials he ex-
presses his regret that he has not a copy to insert. There
is little doubt that the letter on page 27 of these papers
is the draft of the letter referred to.
The account of the interview with Cecil (pp. 16, 21)
makes pathetic reading. Murray, the Scottish official
agent, fresh from seeing Balhaldy and Sempill, the official
agents in Paris, is conscious that the latter are deceiving
both the French Government and their own party.
Murray conceals from Balhaldy that he is going to inter-
view Cecil ; from Cecil that he has been in Paris. Cecil,
on the other hand, makes only a partial disclosure of his
feelings in Murray's presence. He is contemptuous of his
Jacobite colleagues, the Duchess of Buckingham and her
party, and he has not a good word to say of Sempill.
Murray again ridicules Cecil, of whom he has a poor opinion.
How could a cause served by such agents ever prosper ?
This copy of John Murray's papers and the three follow-
ing documents were found among some papers relating to
the 'Forty-five collected by a gentleman of Midlothian
shortly after the Rising. Many years ago I was per-
mitted to copy them, and from these transcripts the text
has been printed.
1 Memorials, p. 50.
MEMORIAL liii
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
IN 1898 the late Mr. Andrew Lang edited and published a
manuscript from the King's Library in the British Museum,
which he entitled The Highlands of Scotland in 1750. Mr.
Lang was unable to discover the author, but conjectured
that it was written by Mr. Bruce, a Government agent
employed to survey the Highland forfeited estates after
the 'Forty-five. A close scrutiny of Mr. Lang's volume
along with the Memorial here printed has convinced me
that they are the work of the same hand. Whoever
wrote the manuscript in the King's Library, the informa-
tion contained therein came from the author of this
* Memorial.' The manuscript in the British Museum con-
tains a good deal more than this Memorial, but the views
advanced are generally the same, the sentiments are
similar, and occasionally the phraseology is identical.
The manuscript from which the ' Memorial Concerning the
Highlands ' is printed is holograph of the Rev. Alexander
Macbean, minister of Inverness at the time of the 'Forty-
five. Macbean was well qualified to write on this subject.
I have been unable to discover the place of his birth, but
it may be conjectured that, if not actually born in the
Macbean country, his family came from there, i.e. that part
of Inverness-shire lying to the east of Loch Ness, of which
The Mackintosh was feudal superior. The earliest infor-
mation that can be gleaned from ecclesiastical records is
that he received his degree of Master of Arts from the
University of St. Andrews in 1702, and that he was em-
ployed as schoolmaster at Fort William from 1701 to 1709.
That his salary was slender may well be believed, but its
tenuity w r as aggravated by the fact that it was not paid
regularly. We find that as late as 1717 the Commission
of the General Assembly applied to the Treasury for arrears
liv INTRODUCTION
due to Macbean, and was bluntly refused on the ground
that the Treasury was not responsible for debts incurred
before the Union of 1707.
Alexander Macbean went from the Western Highlands
to Roxburghshire, where he became chaplain to Douglas
of Cavers, and was licensed as a probationer by the Pres-
bytery of Edinburgh in 1711. In the following year the
right of presentation to the parish of Avoch in the Black
Isle, Ross-shire, having fallen to the Presbytery of
Chanonry, jure devoluto, Macbean was selected to fill the
vacancy, and was ordained minister of the parish in June
1712. His appointment met with fierce opposition. His
predecessor had been one of the pre-Revolution epis-
copal ministers who had retained his living, and the
parishioners, for the most part episcopalians, resented his
intrusion and fretted him with litigation. He became so
unhappy that he obtained permission to resign his charge.
In 1714 he was presented to the rural parish of Douglas in
Lanarkshire, and there he remained for six years. In 1720
he was back in the Highlands as minister of the ' third
charge ' of Inverness ; and in 1727 he was transferred to
the ' first charge ' of that important town, and there he
remained until his death in 1762.
In Inverness he made his individuality strongly felt as
champion for the Government. He was ' the John Knox
of the North,' and one who exerted himself to suppress
the spirit of rebellion in and about Inverness in the years
1745 and 1746.
On one occasion he nearly fell a victim to his interest in
the struggle. Having gone with many others to the Muir
of Culloden to witness the battle, one of the flying High-
landers attempted to cut him down with his broadsword,
but the blow was warded off by a bystander.
Alexander Macbean was the father of a very dis-
tinguished son, Lieut.-General Forbes Macbean (1725-
ROSS AND SUTHERLAND Iv
1800) of the Royal Artillery. This officer was educated
at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, was present
at Fontenoy in 1745, and at Minden in 1759. At
Minden he so distinguished himself that he was presented
with a gratuity of five hundred crowns and a letter of
thanks from the Commander-in-Chief, Prince Ferdinand
of Brunswick, written with his own hand. Forbes Macbean
subsequently became Inspector-General of Portuguese
Artillery, 1765-69 ; served in Canada 1769-73 and 1778-80 ;
but his principal claim to the gratitude of posterity is a
collection of manuscript notes recording the early history
of the Royal Artillery.
Of Alexander Macbean' s ' Memorial ' it is perhaps enough
to say that it is, considering the times, fairly impartial,
and corresponds on the whole with authentic information
gleaned from other sources. I have taken the opportunity
of supplementing, perhaps overloading, his text with notes
detailing, so far as I have been able to discover them from
various sources, the names of the principal Highland gentle-
men who were concerned in the Rising of the 'Forty-five.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION FROM
ROSS AND SUTHERLAND
THE author of this narrative was Daniel Munro, minister
of the parish of Tain. His origin was probably humble,
as in Scott's Fasti it is stated that owing to his knowledge
of the Irish (i.e. Gaelic) language, he was educated on the
Church's charitable funds, and held a bursary from the
Synod of Ross at Marischal College, and the University
of Aberdeen. Munro was minister of the parish of
Auldearn, near Nairn, from 1736 to April 1745, when he
was translated to Tairi, where he remained until his death
in 1748. Of his life and work I have found little record.
Ivi INTRODUCTION
Andrew Henderson, the author of the Edinburgh History
of the Rebellion, who knew this country well, says that
he was ' an uncouth man, a monster of impiety, wicked-
ness, and ill nature.' He further states that he was turned
out of his church for ' fighting and other immoralities.' x
This ' Account ' is a very meagre one. The important fact
in the history of Ross in the 'Forty-five was that the head
of the house of Seaforth forsook the family tradition and
took active part with the Government against the old
royal family. It was a heavy blow to Prince Charles
when Lord Macleod, eldest son of Lord Cromartie, who
went to Glasgow to see the Prince in January 1746,
informed him at supper that Seaforth had furnished two
hundred men for the service of the Government. Charles
turned to the French minister and gasped, ' He, mon
Dieu, et Seaforth est aussi contre moi ! '
Kenneth Mackenzie, known as Lord Fortrose (which
was really a Jacobite title), would have been the sixth
Earl of Seaforth but for the attainder. His wife was
Lady Mary Stewart, eldest daughter of the Earl of
Galloway. She held Jacobite principles and raised many
of her husband's clan for the Prince, while most of
Fortrose' s men eventually deserted to the Jacobites.
The principal operations in Ross and Sutherland began
after Inverness had been taken by the Jacobite army.
Lord Loudoun then retired to the shores of the Dornoch
Firth. Lord Cromartie was sent in pursuit. Loudoun
had boats, and when Cromartie approached him, he crossed
the Firth to Dornoch. The Jacobites had to go round by
the head of the Firth, whereupon Loudoun returned in his
boats to the southern shore at Tain, and, went back to
Sutherland when Cromartie came to Ross. Cromartie was
superseded by the Duke of Perth. Land operations seem-
ing to be useless, a flotilla of boats was secretly collected
1 Lift of the Duke of Cumberland : London, 1766, p. 242.
ABERDEEN AND BANFF Ivii
at Findhorn and taken to Tain under shelter of a dense fog.
On March 20th, 1746, Perth crossed over the Meikle Ferry,
and completely defeated Loudoun at the bloodless battle
of Dornoch. Lord Loudoun, along with Duncan Forbes, Sir
Alexander Macdonald, Macleod of Macleod, fled to the Isle
of Skye, while the chief of Mackintosh was taken prisoner.
On March 25th, the Hazard, a sloop of war which had
been captured by the Jacobites at Montrose four months
previously and sent to France, when returning with money,
stores, and recruits, was forced to run ashore in the Kyle
of Tongue by four men-of-war. Lord Reay, the Whig
head of the Mackays, took possession of the wreck and its
contents, including 156 prisoners and 12,000, the money
being sorely needed by the army. Lord Cromartie and his
son, Lord Macleod, were sent with a force of 1500 men to
expostulate with Lord Reay, and if possible to recover
the spoil. In this they naturally failed, but they con-
tinued the march as far as Thurso, beating up for recruits
and levying the land cess upon the inhabitants. 1 On the
way back, Cromartie and his son paid a visit to the
Countess of Sutherland at Dunrobin. There, on the day
before the battle of Culloden, they were made prisoners
by the clever trick of a certain Ensign Mackay, while
their followers, then at Golspie, were beaten and dispersed
in an action sometimes called the battle of the Little Ferry.
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN THE
COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND BANFF
THIS manuscript bears neither signature nor date, and
gives no indication of authorship. There can, however,
be little doubt that the author of the narrative was a
1 Lord Macleod wrote a Narrative of the campaign, including the march to
Thurso. It is printed in Sir Wm. Fraser's Earls of Cromartie, vol. ii. pp. 379
.et seq.
Iviii INTRODUCTION
minister belonging to Aberdeen or Banffshire, and that
it was written at the same time as the two previous
papers, about the end of 1746 or the beginning of 1747.
The story of the events of the Rising in the north-
eastern counties is recounted with much fulness of detail,
and with a minute knowledge of the country and the
people. It is told, moreover, with marked fairness.
Although the writer is a Whig, he speaks kindly of the
Jacobite leaders, and he does not conceal the cruelties
committed by the Government troops.
He tells the story of the skirmish of Inverurie in greater
detail than is found elsewhere, and he gives picturesque
touches in places that add to the interest of his narrative.
Specially graphic is his account of Macleod's famous piper,
MacCrimmon, who was captured in that action.
The condition of parties in the north-eastern counties
was not what it had been in the 'Fifteen. At that
time the great lords of the counties had been Jacobite,
whereas in 1745 most of the Aberdeenshire peers
were supporters of the Government. None of them,
however, took a prominent lead in the struggle. It is
interesting to read the reasons given by the author of
these Memoirs for the reticence of the Whig peers. The
Duke of Gordon was prevented by indisposition. Lord
Findlater's sickly condition quite disabled him, and Lord
Kintore's incumbrances on his fortune were a drawback.
Lord Forbes again had by no means an estate suited to his
ability, while Lord Saltoun had no weight in the county.
As for Lord Braco (afterwards Earl Fife), the newness of
his family would have marred any project of his forming.
The author considers, however, that something might
have been expected of the Earl of Aberdeen. 1
These explanations carry no conviction, and there
can be little doubt that, in the beginning, these Aber-
P. 123.
ABERDEEN AND BANFF lix
deenshire lords were more or less sitting on the fence.
Nor is this to be wondered at; family tradition and
family connection would make them very chary of
taking any prominent steps against the Jacobites. The
Duke of Gordon, whose mother was a daughter of the
Earl of Peterborough, had been brought up a Protestant
and a Whig in defiance of the Catholic religion and Jacobite
principles of his predecessors. Yet he must have had
some sympathy with the family tradition. Early in
September his father's old factor, Gordon of Glenbucket,
carried off horses and arms from Gordon Castle while the
Duke was there, apparently with his connivance. More-
over, Sir Harry Innes of Innes in writing of this to his
brother-in-law, Ludovick Grant, adds : ' I am sory to tell
yow that the Duke is quite wronge.' 1 By the end of
November, however, he had pronounced for the Govern-
ment. Lord Findlater was a Jacobite in the 'Fifteen, and
had then been imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle. Lord
Kin tore's father had fought at Sheriff muir, and been
leprived of his office of Knight-Marischal as a punishment.
>rd Braco's family was deeply concerned on the Jaco-
>ite side ; his son-in-law, Sir William Gordon of Park,
is brother-in-law, William Baird of Auchmedden, his
tephew, a son of Duff of Hatton, were all 4 out,' and his
Idest son was only kept by force from joining the
Facobites. 2 Lord Aberdeen had only in March succeeded
ds father, who, it is known, had intended to join the
>tuart cause. 3
Lord Forbes, whose traditions were Whig, and whose
ither was Lord-Lieutenant of the county in 1715, might
ive acted, but his family connections were nearly all
Facobite. He was the brother-in-law of Lord Pitsligo and
1 Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 155.
2 Family information.
3 See The Earl of Aberdeen, by the Hon. A. Gordon, p. 4: London, 1893.
Ix INTRODUCTION
Gordon of Park, while his three daughters were married
.to prominent Jacobites. 1
Nor on the Jacobite side were there any noted person-
ages. The two most prominent Jacobite leaders were
Gordon of Glenbucket, a tenant farmer, and Lord
Pitsligo. Though of small estate, Lord Pitsligo was
universally respected for his high character and his per-
sonal piety. He knew his own mind and never faltered.
He had been out in the 'Fifteen, and was sixty-seven years
of age. In a letter to a friend, he confesses that what
really troubled him was the fear of ridicule that a man
of his age should take part in the adventure ; but he
thought, and weighed, and weighed again. His enthusiasm
was of the coldest kind, but duty called him and he obeyed.
His example influenced many Aberdeen and Banffshire
lairds, and he gathered a considerable contingent of horse
and foot. It is related that when he was ready to start
to join the Prince, and had put himself at the head of his
troop, he turned his face upwards and prayed aloud, ' O
Lord, Thou knowest that our cause is just,' and then
quietly gave the order to march. 2
To understand these Memoirs fully, it is necessary to
place them in their historical setting, and to give a brief
outline of the military operations during the campaign.
On August 31st the corporation of Aberdeen, thoroughly
alarmed at the news of the advance of Prince Charles,
determined to put the city into a position of defence.
Lists were made of all available citizens, who were em-
bodied into a force of twelve companies of infantry and
a detachment of artillery, while arms and ammunition
were collected for their equipment. Sir John Cope, who
had left Inverness on September 4th, reached Aberdeen
on the llth. Finding guns placed to defend the harbour
and citizens fully armed, he commandeered both cannon
1 Cumin of Kininmont, Gordon of Cobairdie, and Erskine of Pittodrie.
2 See Blackwootfs Magazine for May 1829.
ABERDEEN AND BANFF Ixi
and small arms, and carried them off, alleging that other-
wise they might fall into the enemy's hands. Cope left
Aberdeen by sea for the Firth of Forth on September 15th,
the city being left without any defence.
Meantime the Jacobites were riot idle. Gordon of
Glenbucket, now aged sixty-nine, had been bed-ridden for
three years, but he no sooner heard of the Prince's
arrival than he experienced ' a kind of new life.' 1
Although bent nearly double on horseback, he hurried
off to the West Highlands, and met Prince Charles at
Kinlochmoidart on August 18th. He was back in Banff-
shire raising men by September 5th. 2 John Hamilton, the
Duke of Gordon's factor in Strathbogie, also quickly raised
a contingent, and ten days after Cope's departure, on
September 25th, he marched into Aberdeen, where he
proclaimed King James at the Cross, and perpetrated
the somewhat ludicrous outrage on the provost and
magistrates narrated on page 119. From that time
until the last week in February, Aberdeen was under
Jacobite government. Men were hurriedly collected ; and
on October 4th Glenbucket joined Prince Charles at Edin-
burgh with 400 men from Strathavon and Glenlivet,
Hamilton also arrived in the city with 480 from Strath-
bogie and the Enzie. On the 9th Lord Pitsligo followed
with 132 horse and 248 foot.
In the last week of October Lord Lewis Gordon, brother
of the Duke of Gordon, a young naval officer who had
joined the Prince in Edinburgh, was sent north as Lord-
Lieutenant of the counties of Aberdeen and Banff. He
found his task harder than he expected, being grossly
thwarted by ' the vile and malicious behaviour of the
Prysbiterian ministers.' 3 Towards the end of November,
to his intense surprise, his brother, the Duke, instructed
his vassals to disregard Lord Lewis's orders. 4 In spite of
1 Scottish Historical Review, vol. v. p. 288. 2 Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 152.
3 Spalding Club' Misc., vol. i. p. 403. 4 Ibid., p. 406.
Ixii INTRODUCTION
discouragement, Lord Lewis worked on. Moir of Lonmay
was appointed deputy-governor of Aberdeenshire and
Baird of Auchmedden of Banffshire. Three new regiments
were raised under Moir of Stony wood (Lonmay 's brother),
Gordon of Avochy (Glenbucket's nephew), and Farquharson
of Monaltrie, a cadet of Invercauld ; rates and taxes were
imposed and collected ; and a good deal of hardship was
inflicted on the lieges.
After the battle of Prestonpans (September 21st) Lord
Loudoun, who there acted as Cope's adjutant-general, had
gone to London, where he received a commission to return
to Inverness to command an army of Highlanders friendly
to the Government, then being organised by Duncan
Forbes of Culloden.
By December Loudoun was able to send an expedition
under Munro of Culcairn and Macleod of Macleod to relieve
Aberdeen. Lord Lewis Gordon, reinforced by some of the
French troops of Lord John Drummond, which had
landed in November at Stonehaven, Peterhead, and Mon-
trose, met the invaders at Inverurie on December 23rd.
He defeated Macleod completely, and forced him to retire
across the Spey, thus freeing Aberdeen and Banff from
all enemy troops.
Lord Lewis now collected all his available forces and
marched to Stirling to join Prince Charles, who had
returned from his English expedition ; and by the first
week in January 1746 Aberdeen was left without Jacobite
troops. The battle of Falkirk was fought on January
17th, and on February 1st the army of Prince Charles
began its retreat to the north. One column under Lord
George Murray, taking the coast road, marched through
Aberdeen and on to Elgin ; another proceeded by Glen-
shee and Braemar, occupying for a time the northern dis-
tricts of the county ; the main body of the Highlanders
went by Blair Atholl and Badenoch to Inverness. Two
ABERDEEN AND BANFF Ixiii
small French contingents landed at Aberdeenshire ports on
February 21st and 22nd, but on the 23rd the kst of the
Jacobite army had left the town of Aberdeen.
Meantime, Cumberland's army was in full pursuit. It
left Perth on February 20th, and the van reached Aberdeen
on the 25th, the Duke himself following two days later.
The Earl of Albemarle and General Bland, along with
Brigadier Mordaunt, occupied Strath bogie, the Jacobites
retiring before them. Lord John Drummond was en-
trusted with the defence of the passage of the Spey, but
some troops were left under John Roy Stewart and Major
Glascoe to carry on a guerrilla warfare. Glascoe, on March
20th, surprised a detachment of Campbell's and Kingston's
horse at Keith, and captured nearly the whole garrison.
Hitherto the loyal inhabitants of Aberdeen had mur-
mured at the excesses of the Jacobite troops, but their
complaints were more bitter at the excesses of those of
the Government. 1 Houses were plundered and burned,
the chapels and meeting-houses of Roman Catholics and
Episcopalian non-jurors were destroyed, and the inhabi-
tants were more or less terrorised. In the General Order
Book of the Duke of Cumberland, an instance is given
of the kind of punishment that was meted out. There
was a certain loyal schoolmaster in the parish of Glass,
who, having learned that John Roy Stewart intended
to spring a surprise similar to that at Keith, warned
Lord Albemarle of the intention. This warning had the
effect of keeping the Government troops on the watch for
several nights. No attack was made on them, however,
and the General, believing that the intelligence had been
given for the purpose of harassing the troops by depriving
them of sleep (although in reality he had been-saved by
the vigilance he had exercised as the result of the school-
master's information), sent the unfortunate informer to
1 Compare p. 189.
Ixiv INTRODUCTION
headquarters at Aberdeen. The punishment was very
severe. In the Order Book, it is stated ' that Peter
Maconachy of Glass, convicted of spreading false intelli-
gence in order to allarm our defence post, to be tied to a
cart and whipped and drum'd through the cantoonments
of Aberdeen, Old Meldrum, and Strathbogey, with a labell
on his breast mentioning his crime. From Strathbogey
he is to be turn'd out towards the rebells with orders
never to come near where the army may be on pain of
being hanged. The woman suspected of inveigling men
to list in the French service is to be carried in the same
cart.' ! On April 8th, the Duke of Cumberland left
Aberdeen, concentrated his army on Cullen, and crossed
the Spey on the 12th, when Lord John Drummond retired
before him. Four days later the battle of Culloden was
fought.
CAPTAIN DANIEL'S PROGRESS WITH
PRINCE CHARLES
THIS narrative, written by an English officer, who served
in Lord Balmerino's regiment, is occasionally referred
to by modern historians of the Jacobite period, but has
never been printed. Two manuscripts are known to
exist. One, which belongs to an English gentleman, was
shown to me by the late Mr. Andrew Lang. It is evidently
contemporary, or nearly so, but the spelling is so eccentric
that it is exceedingly difficult to read. The second manu-
script is preserved at Drummond Castle, and is a certificated
copy of the original, but it is written with modern spelling.
1 MS. Order Book in Editor's possession. The story is told with consider-
able fulness in Henderson's Life of Cumberland (p. 239), where the school-
master's name is given as Macaty, and where the blame of the sentence is
ascribed to Hawley. The punishment was five hundred lashes at each of the
cantonments.
CAPTAIN DANIEL'S PROGRESS Lxv
Both were put at my disposal, but as there was nothing
to show that the older version was Daniel's holograph
indeed the evidence was against it I preferred to use the
Drummond Castle copy. The matter in both was practi-
cally identical. Of the writer nothing is known beyond
what he tells of himself. Apparently he came from the
Fylde country of Lancashire, the district between the
Lune and the Ribble, and he was brought up in Jacobite
principles.
The narrative is particularly interesting as giving the
adventures of an English Jacobite. Daniel, stimulated by
the call of conscience, had determined to embrace the
cause. He had the good fortune to meet the Duke of
Perth when the Prince's army was near Preston on the
march to Derby. The Duke invited him to join, offer-
ing him his friendship and patronage. Daniel accepted
the offer, and he continued with the army until the end,
when he escaped to France in the same ship as the Duke
of Perth, whose death he witnessed on the voyage from
Arisaig to France in the following May.
On joining, Daniel was attached to the first troop of
Life Guards, of which Lord Elcho was colonel, but on the
retreat from Derby he was transferred to the second troop
of the same regiment, which was commanded by the Hon.
Arthur Elphinstone, who about three weeks later succeeded
his brother as sixth Lord Balmerino. Daniel conceived
a great affection and admiration for his colonel, yet in his
laudatory account he mentions a painful characteristic
of the times. A gentleman, and a scholar who could
recite pages from the Classics, Lord Balmerino was
of a noble personage and had the courage of a lion.
Moreover he never failed in his military duties. His 'sole
and predominant passion ' was for hard drinking. But
for this weakness, ' he would have shone with the same lustre
in the armv as he afterwards did on the scaffold.'
Ixvi INTRODUCTION
In the narrative there is no affectation of impartiality.
Daniel is constantly comparing the iniquities of his enemies
with the virtues of his friends. There is a curious incident
mentioned by him when referring to the death of Sir
Robert Munro of Foulis at the battle of Falkirk. He
says (page 198), 4 among the slain were ... Sir Robert
Munro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the en-
gagement, and as a punishment for which, his tongue was
miraculously cut asunder by a sword that struck him
directly across the mouth.' This is rather a startling
statement concerning the end of one whom Dr. Doddridge
has depicted as a type of the Christian soldier. 1 There
seems, however, no necessity to doubt the truth of Daniel's
statement as representing the talk of the Highland camp ;
for it must be remembered that Sir Robert had served for
many years with the army in Flanders whose strong lan-
guage was proverbial. With the Highlanders on the other
hand, profanity was not a common failing, and they may
have been shocked at expletives which to an old campaigner
were but unmeaning commonplaces of military expression.
Doddridge gives a certain amount of confirmation to
Daniel's story. He tells that when Sir Robert's body was
found the day after the battle, his face w r as so cut and
mangled that it was hardly recognisable.
Daniel on joining the Jacobite army had been befriended
by the Duke of Perth, and naturally he heartily dis-
approved of Lord George Murray. His dislike and
distrust are shown frequently in his narrative. He tells,
too, how his chief, Lord Balmerino, quarrelled with
Lord George ; how the hardships the cavalry endured in
the campaign nearly drove the men to mutiny, the blame
being thrown on the general. Such unreasoning accusa-
tions must have made Lord George's life, hard as it was,
1 In a biographical appendix to his Life of Colonel Gardiner who was killed
at Prestonpans. (London, 1747.)
CAPTAIN DANIEL'S PROGRESS Ixvii
more difficult than it would have been had officers and
men been really disciplined.
There is another charge which Daniel makes against
Lord George Murray a charge which raised much con-
troversy amongst the Jacobites namely, the responsibility
for fighting the battle of Culloden.
Daniel says : ' Contrary to the Prince's inclination, Lord
George Murray insisted on standing and fighting that day.
The Prince, notwithstanding his great inclination to avoid
fighting, was at last obliged to give .way to the importunity
of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting
in case of refusal.' This attempt to fix the responsibility
on Lord George is contrary to impartial evidence, as
may be seen by careful examination of contemporary
documents. 1 Lord George was^ against fighting, his scheme
being to retire to the mountains, very much as proposed
by the Marquis D'Eguilles. The Prince surely must have
known this, yet we find that while hiding in South Uist he
told Neil Maceachain that ' he blamed always my Lord
George as being the only instrument in loseing the battle,
and altho' that he, the morning before the action, used all
his rhetorick, and eloquence against fighting, yet my
Lord George outreasoned him, till at last he yielded for
fear to raise a dissension among the army, all which
he attributed to his infidelity, roguery, and treachery.'
One can only surmise that in his anger against Lord
George Murray, the Prince's recollection of what had
actually happened had become confused, and, surrounded
by flatterers even in his flight, he had brought himself to
lay the responsibility on his Lieutenant-General.
The controversy, which long raged among the Jacobites,
1 Original correspondence on the relations between the Prince and Lord
George Murray, together with references to contemporary authorities on the
battle of Culloden, will be found in the Itinerary of Prince Charles Edward,
Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxiii., 1897.
Ixviii
INTRODUCTION
French
Envoy's
Official
Report to
Louis xv.
on the
Battle of
Culloden
may be set at rest once and for all from the report of the
Marquis D'Eguilles to Louis xv. D'Eguilles was the
accredited envoy of the King of France to the itinerant
Court of Prince Charles Edward. On his return to France
after a year's confinement as a prisoner of war, he wrote
an official report of his mission to the French king. It is
a State document, preserved in the archives of the French
Government, but apparently it has never been examined
by any British historian. From the text of that document,
an extract from which is here given, it will be seen that
on the Prince, and the Prince alone, lay the responsibility
of fighting the battle of Culloden.
Le prince, qui se croyait invincible, parce qu'il n'avait pas
encore ete vaincu, dene par des ennemis qu'il meprisait trop,
voyant a leur tete le fils du concurrent de son pere, fier et
haut comme il 1'etait, mal conseille, peut-etre trahi, oubliant
en ce moment tout autre pro jet, ne put se resoudre a lui refuser
un seul jour le combat. Je lui demandai un quart d'heure
d'audience en particulier. La, je me jetai en vain a ses pieds ;
je lui representai en vain qu'il lui manquait encore la moitie de
son armee, que la plupart de ceux qui etaient revenus n'avaient
plus de boucliers, espece d'armes defensives, sans les quelles ils
ne sauraient combattre avec avantage ; qu'ils etaient tous
epuises de fatigue, par une longue course faite la nuit pre-
cedente ; que depuis deux jours plusieurs n'avaient pas mange,,
faute de pain ; qu'il fallait se reduire a defendre Inverness ;
qu'il serait meme encore plus prudent de 1'abandonner et de
mettre entre les ennemis et nous la riviere, aupres de laquelle
cette ville est batie ; qu'au pis-aller nous entrerions dans les
montagnes voisines ; que c'etait la qu'il serait veritablement
invincible ; que nous y resterions les maitres de la partie de la
cote ou devait arriver le secours d'armes et d'argent que nous
attendions ; que des que nous 1'aurions re9u, nous marcherions
vers 1'Angleterre par cette meme cote, ainsi qu'il avait ete con-
venu ; que plus les ennemis se seraient avances vers nous, et plus
il leur serait difficile en rebroussant chemin, d'arriver a Londres
CAPTAIN DANIEL'S PROGRESS Ixix
avant nous ; que c'etait la prise de cette grande ville qui
devait faire son unique objet ; que les succes qu'il pourrait avoir
ailleurs n'auraient jamais rien de decisif, tandis que tout allait
etre perdu sans ressource dans une heure, s'il venait a etre battu.
Enfin, le trouvant inebranlable dans la resolution prise de
combattre a quelque prix que ce fut, je fis ceder mon penchant
a mon devoir. Je le quittai pour la premiere fois, je me
retirai en hate a Inverness, pour y bruler tous mes papiers, et
y songer aux moyens de conserver a votre Majeste la partie de
ses troupes qui ne perirait dans 1'action.
Je vis avant la fin du jour le spectacle le plus frappant de la
faiblesse humaine : le prince fut vaincu en un instant. Jamais
deroute plus entiere que la sienne.
TRANSLATION
The Prince who believed himself invincible because he had not yet
been beaten, defied by enemies whom he thoroughly despised, seeing at
their head the son of the rival of his father ; proud and haughty as he
was, badly advised, perhaps betrayed, forgetting at this moment every
other object, could not bring himself to decline battle even for a single
day. I requested a quarter of an hour's private audience. There I
threw myself in vain at his feet. In vain I represented to him that he
was still without half his army ; that the great part of those who had
returned had no longer targets a kind of defensive armour without
which they were unable to fight with advantage ; that they were all
worn out with fatigue by a long march made on the previous night, and
for two days many of them had not eaten at all for want of bread ; that
it was necessary to fall back to defend Inverness ; that it would be even
more prudent to abandon that town, and to place between the enemy
and ourselves the river near which this town is built ; that if the worst
came to the worst, we might betake ourselves to the neighbouring
mountains there it was that he would be truly invincible ; there we
would remain masters of that part of the coast, at which supplies of
arms and of money ought to be arriving, and as soon as these reached us,
we should march towards England by that same coast as had already been
arranged ; that the more the enemy should advance towards us, the
greater would be their difficulty to retrace their steps so as to get to
London before us ; the capture of that great city should be made his one
object, for successes that he might achieve elsewhere would have no
decisive value, while, in a single hour, all would be lost without hope of
recovery if he should chance to be beaten.
In the end, finding him immovable in the resolve he had taken to
fight at any cost, I made my desire yield to my duty. I left him for the
first time. I retired in haste to Inverness, there to burn all my papers,
Ixx INTRODUCTION
and there to think over the means of preserving- for your Majesty that
portion of the [French] troops which might survive the action. I saw
before the end of the day, the most striking spectacle of human weak-
ness the Prince was vanquished in an instant ; never was a defeat more
complete than his.
THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE CHARLES
IN THE HEBRIDES
THIS narrative by Neil Maceachain, the guide of Prince
Charles and Flora Macdonald over the seas to Skye,
appeared in the New Monthly Magazine for 1840. As a
magazine article three-quarters of a century old is nearly
as inaccessible as a manuscript, the Council of the
Society authorised its inclusion in this volume as a fitting
addition to the numerous narratives of the 'Forty-five
collected by the Society.
In the magazine the article is prefaced with a note by
the editor, Theodore Hook, who states that it was pur-
chased from a hairdresser in Paris who claimed to be the
son of the writer, and who, as Hook believed, must have
been a son of Neil Maceachain. This, however, was
impossible, as Neil had but one son who survived infancy
a son who had a far more distinguished career.
The fact is that when Neil died, his son was in garrison
at Calais. The father's papers were made over to the
custody of a Mr. Macnab, a Highland exile residing in
France. At the Revolution, Macnab was imprisoned, his
effects were seized and scattered, and Neil Maceachain' s
papers were lost. Probably at that time the vendor had
obtained the manuscript.
My attention was drawn to the paper about twenty years
ago, and I determined to find out what its claims to
authenticity might be. In one of my journeys through the
Outer Hebrides, when compiling the Itinerary of Prince
Charles* I was accompanied by the late Father Allan
1 Scottish History Society, vol. xxiii.
PRINCE CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES Ixxi
Macdonald, priest of Eriska and Dean of the Isles. We
took a copy of the article with us, and traced on the
spot the wanderings here described. We were much
gratified ; local tradition as well as topography completely
corroborated the narrative. It could only have been
written by one thoroughly acquainted with the islands.
There could be no doubt of its genuineness, and it must
have been written by Neil Maceachain.
In the Itinerary there is a short account of Neil, to which
the reader is referred. Briefly, he was one of the
Macdonald-Maceachains of Howbeg, in South Uist, a sept
of the Clanranald. Neil was educated in France for the
priesthood, but abandoned his intention of taking orders,
and returned to South Uist, where he acted as parish
schoolmaster and tutor in the family of Clanranald, who
then resided at Nunton in Benbecula. The old chief
attached Neil to Prince Charles when in hiding in the
islands, believing that his scholarship, his knowledge of
languages, and his accomplishments as a musician might
be useful to the Prince.
It must be remembered that the narrative can be
accepted as trustworthy only for the occasions on which
Neil was actually with the Prince. He met him on his
first arrival at Benbecula, but he did not accompany
him on his journey to Harris and Lewis ; he was, how-
ever, again with him on his return to Benbecula and
South Uist. Neil's accounts, therefore, of the Prince's
adventures when away from South Uist are only from
hearsay and not to be entirely depended on. In the
Itinerary I followed for that part of the Prince's wander-
ings the narrative of Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, who
was then his companion and guide.
Not the least interesting portion of the narrative is the
account of the meeting between Flora Macdonald and
Prince Charles. So much fiction mingles with accounts
of the incident, in prose, in verse, and in pictures, that
Ixxii INTRODUCTION
it is well to get the simple facts of the story. There were
no English soldiers in the Hebrides ; the duty of hunting
the Prince was entrusted to the independent companies
of Highlanders generally referred to as the Macdonald,
Macleod, and Campbell militia. It must be remembered,
however, that the Navy was relentless in the pursuit.
Flora's stepfather, Hugh Macdonald, was one of the chief
men of the Sleat Clan which supported the Government,
while Flora herself was a Clanranald. 1 She had been
educated in her childhood with Clanranald' s family, and
later she had been a good deal with Sir Alexander and
Lady Margaret Macdonald in Edinburgh. Flora was
dearly loved by both the families, and was a very suitable
person to conduct Prince Charles from Clanranald territory
to Skye. Moreover, the moment was opportune, for Sir
Alexander Macdonald was in attendance on the Duke of
Cumberland at Fort Augustus, and Lady Margaret, who had
taken the utmost interest in the Prince and had secretly
sent him comforts to South Uist, was at home at Monkstat.
Hugh Macdonald has always been suspected of collusion
with the Prince, 2 but this is the only narrative in which the
fact is stated categorically. Charles declared that he felt
safe while he was with the Macdonalds. 3 Flora had but
one meeting with Charles Edward in South Uist, on June
21st, when the plan of escape to Skye was arranged (p. 251).
They met again on the evening of Saturday, June 28th, at
Benbecula, whence Flora, Neil, and the Prince went by
boat to Skye. Sunday night was spent at Kingsburgh's
house, and the narrative breaks off at the interesting
moment when the party was on the way from Monkstat
to Kingsburgh. What happened after that is found in
various narratives of The Lyon in Mourning. Briefly,
the Prince spent the night at Kingsburgh House. Next
day, he walked to Portree, changing his female clothes
1 For Flora Macdonald's relationships, see Genealogical Table, p. 452.
2 See Lyon in Mourning, vol. i p. 176. 3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 100.
LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT Ixxiii
in a wood on the road. The Prince walked by private
paths and Flora rode by the main highway. At Portree
the Prince said farewell to Flora for ever.
Such is the story, and it needs no embellishment. Flora's
services to the Prince were matchless ; she saved him at
the moment when General Campbell with his militia and
a naval expedition were on the point of capturing him.
She herself was taken prisoner a few days later. 1
At Portree Neil Maceachain also said farewell to Prince
Charles, who with Malcolm and Murdoch Macleod went
that night to the island of Raasa. The following day the
Prince returned to Skye, and left two days later for the
mainland. Thus finished his wanderings in the Hebrides.
Neil evaded capture after the escape of Prince Charles
from Skye ; in September he rejoined him at Arisaig, and
in the ship L'Heureux accompanied the Prince to France.
There he joined the French army, at first as a lieutenant
in the Regiment d'Albanie, of which the command was
given to Lochiel, and afterwards in the Scots regiment
of Lord Ogilvy, the Jacobite exile. Ogilvy's regiment
was disbanded after the Peace of Paris in 1763, and Neil
passed the rest of his life, first at Sedan and afterwards
at Sancerre, in the province of Berry, on a pension of
three hundred livres (about 30). He died at Sancerre in
1788. When he left Scotland Neil dropped the name of
Maceachain, retaining only that of Macdonald.
His only son became famous as one of Napoleon's
generals Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum.
NARRATIVE OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT
IN 1745 Sir James Grant was the head of the family.
His father at the Revolution had taken the side of King
William, and had been a member of the Convention of
Cf. infra, p. 372 n. 2.
Ixxii INTRODUCTION
it is well to get the simple facts of the story. There were
no English soldiers in the Hebrides ; the duty of hunting
the Prince was entrusted to the independent companies
of Highlanders generally referred to as the Macdonald,
Macleod, and Campbell militia. It must be remembered,
however, that the Navy was relentless in the pursuit.
Flora's stepfather, Hugh Macdonald, was one of the chief
men of the Sleat Clan which supported the Government,
while Flora herself was a Clanranald. 1 She had been
educated in her childhood with Clanranald' s family, and
later she had been a good deal with Sir Alexander and
Lady Margaret Macdonald in Edinburgh. Flora was
dearly loved by both the families, and was a very suitable
person to conduct Prince Charles from Clanranald territory
to Skye. Moreover, the moment was opportune, for Sir
Alexander Macdonald was in attendance on the Duke of
Cumberland at Fort Augustus, and Lady Margaret, who had
taken the utmost interest in the Prince and had secretly
sent him comforts to South Uist, was at home at Monkstat.
Hugh Macdonald has always been suspected of collusion
with the Prince, 2 but this is the only narrative in which the
fact is stated categorically. Charles declared that he felt
safe while he was with the Macdonalds. 3 Flora had but
one meeting with Charles Edward in South Uist, on June
21st, when the plan of escape to Skye was arranged (p. 251).
They met again on the evening of Saturday, June 28th, at
Benbecula, whence Flora, Neil, and the Prince went by
boat to Skye. Sunday night was spent at Kingsburgh's
house, and the narrative breaks off at the interesting
moment when the party was on the way from Monkstat
to Kingsburgh. What happened after that is found in
various narratives of The Lyon in Mourning. Briefly,
the Prince spent the night at Kingsburgh House. Next
day, he walked to Portree, changing his female clothes
1 For Flora Macdonald's relationships, see Genealogical Table, p. 452.
2 See Lyon in Mourning^ vol. i p. 176. 3 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 100.
LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT Ixxiii
in a wood on the road. The Prince walked by private
paths and Flora rode by the main highway. At Portree
the Prince said farewell to Flora for ever.
Such is the story, and it needs no embellishment. Flora's
services to the Prince were matchless ; she saved him at
the moment when General Campbell with his militia and
a naval expedition were on the point of capturing him.
She herself was taken prisoner a few days later. 1
At Portree Neil Maceachain also said farewell to Prince
Charles, who with Malcolm and Murdoch Macleod went
that night to the island of Raasa. The following day the
Prince returned to Skye, and left two days later for the
mainland. Thus finished his wanderings in the Hebrides.
Neil evaded capture after the escape of Prince Charles
from Skye ; in September he rejoined him at Arisaig, and
in the ship L'Heureux accompanied the Prince to France.
There he joined the French army, at first as a lieutenant
in the Regiment d'Albanie, of which the command was
given to Lochiel, and afterwards in the Scots regiment
of Lord Ogilvy, the Jacobite exile. Ogilvy's regiment
was disbanded after the Peace of Paris in 1763, and Neil
passed the rest of his life, first at Sedan and afterwards
at Sancerre, in the province of Berry, on a pension of
three hundred livres (about 30). He died at Sancerre in
1788. When he left Scotland Neil dropped the name of
Maceachain, retaining only that of Macdonald.
His only son became famous as one of Napoleon's
generals Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum.
NARRATIVE OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT
IN 1745 Sir James Grant was the head of the family.
His father at the Revolution had taken the side of King
William, and had been a member of the Convention of
1 Cf. infra, p. 372 n. 2.
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION
Estates which declared King James's forfeiture. He had
raised a regiment and had incurred heavy expenses in the
service of the new Government, but in spite of frequent
applications no repayment had ever been made to him.
Sir James's elder brother, Alexander, succeeded his father.
He was a distinguished soldier, who served the Govern-
ment faithfully, and rose to the rank of Brigadier-General.
In the 'Fifteen he was Lord-Lieutenant of Banff and
Inverness, and was appointed Captain of Edinburgh
Castle. In 1717 he was informed that the Government
had no further occasion for his services. He died in 1719,
and was succeeded by his brother James, who by a special
grant inherited the baronetcy of his father-in-law, Sir
Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss. Sir James Grant was
member of parliament for the county of Inverness from
1722 to 1741, when a quarrel with Duncan Forbes of
Culloden forced him to relinquish the constituency. He
then became member for the Elgin burghs, for which he
sat until his death in 1747. Although Sir James was a
Whig in politics, it may be that at one time he had
dealings with the Jacobite Court. It is remarkable that
in 1721, while the Atterbury Plot was being hatched, and
at the very time that Christopher Layer was in Rome
on that business, Sir James Grant was created a peer by
the Chevalier. 1
On his arrival in Scotland, Prince Charles wrote to
Grant requesting his co-operation in much the same
terms as he wrote to known Jacobite adherents. 2 Sir
James, who was now sixty-six years old, determined to
keep out of trouble. He handed over the management of
his clan and property to his eldest son, Ludovick, and on
the pretext of attending to his parliamentary duties, he
1 Ruvigny, Jacobite Peerage.
2 This letter, dated Kinlochiel, August 22nd, arrived after Sir James Grant
went to London, and was forwarded to him. He sent it unopened to Lord
Tweeddale, Secretary for Scotland. The letter is preserved in the Tweeddale
Archives.
LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT Ixxv
went to London, where he remained throughout the
Rising.
Before leaving Scotland, Sir James pointed out to his
son that the family had received scant reward for eminent
services in the past, and he advised him that whatever
happened the clan should not be subdivided. He strongly
opposed Duncan Forbes' s scheme of independent com-
panies. The clan should remain passive, prepared to defend
its own territory, and only act in the event of its being
attacked. This policy Ludovick carried out, and in doing
so incurred the grave suspicion of the Government. It
is indeed difficult to believe that, until the final retreat
of the Jacobites and the approach of Cumberland, the
acting Chief of the Grants was not sitting on the fence.
The Grant estates were in two distinct portions, those
around Castle Grant in Strathspey and those in Urquhart
and Glenmoriston on the western side of Loch Ness.
Although the Strathspey Grants were accounted a Whig
clan, the Grants of Urquhart and Glenmoriston were
notoriously Jacobite. When the Rising took place,
Ludovick Grant wrote to his outlying retainers, not for-
bidding them to join the Prince, but peremptorily for-
bidding them to move without his sanction. Eventually
they went ' out ' in spite of his orders, but the Strathspey
men stood loyally by their chief.
The whole story of the rising in Urquhart and Glen-
moriston and the action of Ludovick Grant towards the
Government and his clansmen has been told within recent
years in a most interesting volume by Mr. William
Mackay, 1 to which the reader is referred. The narrative
printed here is Grant's own apologia to the Government,
prepared with legal assistance after the Rising. The
text tells its own story, but four points may be referred
to here, points which it gave Ludovick Grant much
Urquhart and Glenmoriston : Inverness, 1893.
Ixxvi INTRODUCTION
trouble to explain. First, when Sir John Cope marched
north in August 1745 he passed within ten miles of
Castle Grant, yet the young chief neither visited him
nor sent him assistance. 1 Second, when President Duncan
Forbes asked him to furnish two independent companies
for the service of Government, he declined, on the osten-
sible ground that two companies were too insignificant a
contingent for so important a clan as the Grants. He
eventually was persuaded to send one company, 2 whose
only service was to garrison Inverness Castle under Major
George Grant, Ludovick's uncle. The castle surrendered
to Prince Charles in February after two days' siege, and
the commandant was dismissed the service. Third,
Grant marched his men to Strathbogie to attack Lord
Lewis Gordon's men in December without orders from
Lord Loudoun, then commanding in the north, 3 for
which he incurred Lord Loudoun' s censure. Fourth,
when Grant had gone to Aberdeen in March, five of his
principal gentlemen made a treaty of neutrality 4 with
the Jacobites under Lord George Murray and Lord
Nairn, by which the Prince's people were to get supplies
from the Grant country in return for protection from
raiding.
This narrative is occasionally referred to in Sir William
Fraser's Chiefs of Grant, but is not included in that
work. The text is printed from the original manuscripts
in the Public Record Office.
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT AND
OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY
To show his zeal for the Government after Culloden,
Ludovick Grant marched his Strathspey men, eight hundred
strong, into Urquhart and Glenmoriston, and under threat
1 P. 2 7 I. 2 Pp. 275-276. "Pp. 292-294. 4 Pp. 307-309.
CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT Ixxvii
of fire and sword arrested his clansmen who had been
4 out/ The fighting men were handed over to the Duke of
Cumberland, and most of them were transported. Grant
of Sheugly and his eldest son had not actually been
out but were accused of urging their people to join the
Jacobites. They were sent to London as prisoners along
with the Reverend John Grant, minister of Urquhart.
Ludovick asserted to the Duke of Newcastle that
the minister ' was at all their consultations and never
attempted to dissuade the people from joining the rebells,
but on the contrary gave over praying for his Majesty,
and after the battle of Culloden he concealed some of
the rebells and had their money in keeping. . . . Mr. Grant
concealed from me where three of the rebells were hid
by his direction. . . .' x
The reader will find the minister's own story in the text,
and must judge of its truth. Perhaps Grant protests too
much, for Mr. Mackay informs me that the tradition of the
parish is that he was a thorough Jacobite. It is perfectly
evident, however, that the Attorney-General and the
Solicitor-General thought lightly of the case both against
the minister and young Sheugly, or they would never
have remitted them to the court at Edinburgh, when it
was notorious that no Scottish jury would convict a
Jacobite.
The prisoners, on December 4th, ' sisted [surrendered]
themselves in court [at Edinburgh] to answer for alleadged
Rebellion and all such matters as on his Majesty's behalf
should be objected against them.' 2 They were admitted
to bail and there the matter ended.
The Presbytery records show that no ecclesiastical pro-
ceedings were taken against the minister, though probably
that does not mean much. At that time it may well be
1 Chiefs of Grant, vol. ii. p. 267. 2 High Court Index Book No. i,
Ixxviii INTRODUCTION
believed that every minister and elder in the Highlands
sympathised with the hunted Jacobites. The only
minister of the Church of Scotland who was dealt with
for disloyalty in the 'Forty -five was Thomas Man, minister
of Dunkeld. He was tried before the Commission of
General Assembly in May 1747. The libel against him
was found relevant, and the charges partly confessed or
found proven. The sentence was gentle five months'
suspension from his duties. 1
The manuscript of this case is preserved in the Record
Office.
GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS
WALTER GROSSETT 2 of Logic was the grandson of a certain
Alexander Grossett, or Grosier, or Grosiert, a Frenchman,
who came over to Great Britain in the Civil Wars and
served King Charles i. in the army. He settled in Scot-
land, and died there, leaving a son Alexander. This son
purchased the small estate of Logic, near Dunfermline.
He was an ardent Covenanter, and retired to Holland at
the time of the persecutions. Alexander left an only son,
Archibald, who married Eupham Muirhead, a daughter of
the laird of Bredisholm, in North Lanarkshire, by whom
he had three sons ; of these Walter was the eldest.
Through his mother, he was a cousin of Sir John Shaw of
Greenock, and was also nearly connected with the families
of Lord Blantyre and the Earl of Cathcart.
In 1745 this Walter Grossett was Collector of Customs
at Alloa, an office he had held for seventeen years. He
was exceedingly active in his vocation, and very successful
1 Scots Magazine, vol. ix. pp. 246, 247.
2 The name in the original documents is spelt sometimes with one s and
sometimes with one t, sometimes with one or both these letters doubled ;
occasionally he is called 'Grosert.' In modern times the name is spelt
Grosett by Miss Collins, a descendant of Walter. In the new Scots Peerage
it is spelt Grosset, vol. i. p. 495.
GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS Ixxix
in the prosecution of smugglers. A short time before
the Rising, at great risk to himself, he made one of
the largest seizures of smuggled tobacco ever made
in Scotland, thus enriching the Treasury by several
thousand pounds. 1 Early in the 'Forty-five, eight
days before Prince Charles entered Edinburgh, Grossett
was commissioned by Lord Advocate Craigie to seize the
boats and shipping on the northern shore of the Firth
of Forth to prevent their falling into the hands of the
Jacobite army, then assembling at Perth. Apparently
his performance gave satisfaction, for he was promoted
to be Collector at Leith, and he was constantly employed
thereafter by the military authorities and the Lord Justice-
Clerk, both in executive work and in secret service. His
services were so highly approved by the Duke of Cumber-
land that H.R.H. promised him ' his countenance on every
occasion.' 2 After the suppression of the Rising, he was
employed by the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State,
to collect evidence for the prosecution of the rebel lords
and other Jacobite prisoners, and to escort the witnesses
for the prosecution to London. For his services to
Government he was promoted to the office of Inspector-
General of Customs in 1747, on the recommendation of
the Duke of Cumberland. 3
Grossett must have been a man of great personal
courage, for he went about with his life in his hand.
On one occasion, it is related, he saved the life of his
cousin Sir John Shaw by entering the Jacobite camp
(it is not stated when or where) and carrying him off in
the disguise of a Jacobite officer. 4 His enemies, whether
Jacobites or smugglers, perhaps both, wreaked terrible
1 Newcastle Papers, British Museum, Add. MS. 32710, f. 491.
2 Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., Bundle 98.
3 Newcastle Papers, previously quoted.
4 Family Papers.
Ixxx INTRODUCTION
vengeance on his house and his family, treating his wife
so harshly that she died shortly afterwards. 1
It is pleasant to find on record a friendly action of
Grossett to a condemned prisoner. Patrick Murray, a
goldsmith of Stirling, was taken prisoner at Airdrie in
November 1745 by some country people. To Grossett,
who was present, he declared that he surrendered in
accordance with Marshal Wade's proclamation of 30th
October offering his Majesty's clemency to all rebels who
would surrender before llth November. 2 Grossett had
been summoned to Murray's trial at Carlisle as a witness
for the defence, but was prevented from being present
owing to his secret services detaining him in London.
Murray was tried on September 24th, 1746, found guilty,
and condemned to death. The terms of his surrender
were not pled at his trial, and Grossett sent in a
memorial stating the facts of the arrestment : 3 it was
of no avail, Murray was executed on November 15th.
Grossett tells the story of his executive work and of the
expenses he incurred in the pages printed in this volume.
He mentions that he gave evidence in 1747 at the trial
of Lord Provost Archibald Stewart for losing Edinburgh
to Prince Charles, but he does not mention the lines in
which he is held up to shame and ridicule, along with the
magistrates and the clergy of Edinburgh, in a poem
published after the trial, which was burned by the
1 See pp. 336 and 402. Grossett's statement, corroborated by Fawkener
and Sharpe, is elaborated in the Newcastle Papers quoted above. ' He per-
formed his duties at great hazard to his life. The Rebells robbed and
plundered his house at Alloa and his house in the country [Logic] to such a
degree that they did not leave his infant children even a shirt to shift them, and
pursued his wife and daughter to an uncle's house, to whose estate they knew
Mr. Grosett was to succeed, plundered that house [Bredisholm, near Coat-
bridge], stript his wife and daughter of the very clothes they had upon their
backs and used them otherwise in a most cruel and barbarous manner.'
2 Scots Magazine, vol. vii. p. 538.
3 Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., bundle 91.
GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS Ixxxi
hangman, and which brought the printer to the pillory
and to ruin :
* And stupid Gr t next must take the field,
And He, (with fifty,) swore he would not yield,
To those brave Hundreds (who deserv'd the rope,)
That did beat Thousands under Sir J n C pe.' l
Judging from the report of the Duke of Cumberland's
Secretary and the Solicitor to the Treasury (p. 400),
Grossett's claim for 3709 was justified. I have, however,
failed to discover if the sum was actually paid, and family
papers throw some doubt on this. In a memorandum by
his eldest son it is stated that he was a sufferer for his
services to Government by many thousand pounds. This
may mean that his claim was never liquidated, though
after the report of the official scrutineers that hardly seems
probable. It is more likely that young Grossett refers to
the legal expenses incurred by his father in defending
himself against the ' scandalous Libells and groundless
and vexatious lawsuits,' which he had to meet as the
result of his anti-Jacobite and anti-smuggling zeal, together
with the loss of professional perquisites referred to on
pp. 336 and 337. 2
A gauger has always been a most unpopular personage
1 This is one of the very rarest of Jacobite pamphlets. There is a long
account of the harsh proceedings of the Edinburgh magistrates towards Robert
Drummond, the Jacobite printer who published the poem, in Hugo Arnot's
History of Edinburgh, 1778, book ill. chap. iv. See also Book of the Old
Edinburgh Club, vol. viii., in which the poem is reprinted for the first time.
2 Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C., has sent me a copy of Accusations laid
against Grossett in December 1747. These are nine in number : he is accused
(i) Of keeping an open trade at Alloa for smugglers ' particularly in the tobacco
way.' (2) Of secreting the public revenue for a tract of years and of vitiating
and forging the accounts. (3) Of granting land permits for wine to smugglers
all over the kingdom. (4) Of arranging false prices with merchants who
purchased at roup goods seized from smugglers. (5) Of suborning evidence
even to perjury in connection with the sale of goods taken from the Rebels.
(6) Of being an accomplice of smugglers in trade and profits. (7) Of passing
goods after seizure and of accepting a bribe. (8) Of mutilating the books of
the public office. (9) Of fraud, circumvention and oppression in many different
Ixxxii INTRODUCTION
in Scotland, and Grossett rendered himself doubly odious
by his action as informer against the unfortunate Jacobite
prisoners. He was the victim of shoals of frivolous actions
in the courts, brought by persons determined to wear him
out in law expenses. He was strongly advised by the
Secretary of State to leave the country and go abroad for
a few years, and he was told that the Treasury would give
him full pay as Inspector-General during his absence on
leave. How long this leave on full pay continued I do not
know, but Grossett went to Italy. His wife had been a
Miss de Vlieger, the daughter of a Dutch merchant and
Government financier, and it may be that this fact stimu-
lated Grossett to international financial enterprise. Along
with the Earl of Rochfort, British minister at the Sardinian
Court, and other gentlemen, he entered into silver and
copper mining adventures in Savoy, which proved utter
failures. He returned to England a completely ruined
man, and died broken-hearted, in 1760, at his son's house
in London.
Walter Grossett had been heir-presumptive to his
uncle, John Muirhead of Bredisholm, the last of the
male representatives of that ancient family and of the
Muirheads of that Ilk. Muirhead had helped Grossett
in his mining speculations, and had become so involved
that he was obliged to sell the reversion of the estate in
order to live. He wished the property kept in the family,
so he sold it to Walter Grossett' s nephew, the son of
his youngest brother, James, a prosperous merchant of
Lisbon, who assumed the name of Muirhead. James's son
John married a granddaughter of Lord George Murray
Lady Jean Murray, daughter of the third Duke of Atholl. 1
He is the ancestor of the family which, in the female line
but retaining the name of Muirhead, still possesses the
property of Bredisholm.
1 Scots Peerage, vol. i. p. 495.
GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL AND ACCOUNTS Ixxxiii
Grossett's second brother, Alexander, was a captain in
Price's regiment, and served on the staff at the battle of
Culloden, where he was killed under circumstances related
in the text (p. 336). His wife and children are on the ist
of recipients of gratuities from a Guildhall Relief Fund
collected for sufferers in the campaign of the 'Forty-five
(see Appendix, p. 429). The entry reads, ' Captain
Grossett's widow and 4 children, 150.' It was the largest
individual sum distributed.
Grossett's narrative seems truthful and straightforward.
Although presented in the unusual form of a commercial
invoice, it is particularly interesting and useful in giving
details of minor events of the campaign not generally
mentioned, or at least not detailed elsewhere. He, how-
ever, would convey the impression that his enterprises
were always successful, which was not the case. For
instance, the Jacobites were successful in securing the
passage of the Firth of Forth, yet Grossetfc does not make
the reader understand this in his long account of the
operation at pp. 353-358, and the same applies to other
passages. Yet the description does not differ more from
the Jacobite accounts than in modern times do the descrip-
tions of operations as narrated by opposing belligerent
generals. 1
Two services he was employed on are worthy of special
notice the release of the officers on parole (p. 364), and
his participation in the distribution of the Guildhall Relief
Fund (p. 374). The former service had been originally
destined by Hawley for the company of Edinburgh
volunteers under the command of John Home (author
of Douglas), by whom it was indignantly refused. 2 The
1 The Jacobite accounts of this incident will be found in Jacobite Memoirs,
p. 47 ; in Maxwell of Kirkconnell's Narrative, p. 94 ; and in Sir William
Eraser's The Earls of Cromartie, vol. ii. p. 390.
2 Home, History of the Rebellion, ch. viii.
Ixxxiv INTRODUCTION
latter, which is described in the Appendix, is particularly
interesting at the present time of war, when similar
funds are being distributed for similar purposes.
The manuscripts of the * Memorial,' the ' Narrative,'
and * The Account of Money' are in the Record Office.
A remarkable coincidence procured the Correspondence
printed on pp. 379-399. After the * Narrative ' was in
type, my friend, Mr. Moir Bryce, President of the Old
Edinburgh Club, sent me a packet of letters, most of
them holograph, to look over and see if there was any-
thing of interest in them. To my surprise and gratifica-
tion, I found they were the identical original letters that
Grossett quotes as authority for his transactions. Mr.
Bryce, who had purchased the letters from a dealer, knew
nothing of the history of their ownership. He subse-
quently generously presented me with the collection. The
Report of Fawkener and Sharpe was lent to me by Miss
Frances Grosett-Collins, Bredisholm, Chew Magna, Somer-
set. Miss Grosett-Collins also kindly lent me some family
papers from which, along with documents preserved in
the Record Office and the British Museum, these brief
notes of her ancestor's career have been compiled.
ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF PRESTON,
FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN
THIS is a beautifully written manuscript of sixty -two folios,
small quarto, by Andrew Lumisden, private secretary
to Prince Charles when in Scotland. Certain documents
bound up with the manuscript give its history. It was
originally written for the information of John Home, author
of the tragedy of Douglas, when engaged in writing his
history of the Rebellion. After Home's death, it was pre-
sented by his nephew, John Home, W.S., to Macvey
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN Ixxxv
Napier, Librarian of the Signet Library. In 1840 Napier
presented it to Mr. James Gibson Craig, W.S., because, as
he says in a letter, he ' has a just taste and value for
such documents.' On Mr. Gibson Craig's death in 1886,
it passed into the collection of his partner Sir Thomas
Dawson Brodie, Bart. On his death, it came into my
possession by purchase.
Andrew Lumisden was a grandson of Andrew Lumisden,
episcopal minister of Duddingston, who was ' outed ' at the
Revolution. In 1727 the latter was consecrated bishop of
Edinburgh, and died six years later. The bishop's third son,
William, was educated for the bar, but he ' went out ' in 1715,
and, refusing to take the oaths to Government after that
Rising, he was unable to follow his profession, but practised
in Edinburgh as a Writer or law agent. He married Mary
Bruce, a granddaughter of Robert Bruce, third of Kennet.
To them were born two children, (1) Isabella born in 1719,
who, in 1747, was married to the young artist Robert
Strange, whom she had induced to join Prince Charles's
Life Guards, and who afterwards became the most famous
British engraver of his time, and was knighted by George in. ;
and (2) Andrew, born in 1720, the author of this * Account.'
Andrew followed his father's profession of Writer, and
when Prince Charles came to Edinburgh in 1745 he was,
on the recommendation of his cousin Sir Alex. Dick of
Prestonfield, appointed private secretary to the Prince,
and accompanied him throughout the campaign. After
Culloden he was attainted. He concealed himself for some
weeks in Edinburgh, escaped to London, and thence to
Rouen. Here at first he suffered great privation, but
succeeded in obtaining a French pension of 600 livres,
which relieved his immediate wants. In 1749 he went to
Rome, and in the following year he was appointed Assistant
Secretary to the Old Chevalier. On the death of James
Edgar, in 1762, he succeeded him as Jacobite Secretary
g
Ixxxvi INTRODUCTION
of State. The Old Chevalier died in 1766, and Lumisden
was for a time continued in his office by Charles. The
great object of Charles's policy was to be acknow-
ledged by the Pope as King of Great Britain, a title
which Clement xm. refused him in spite of a powerful
appeal by Cardinal Henry, Duke of York, to his Holi-
ness. 1 Charles, smarting under the indignity, became
intensely irritable, and gave himself up more and more
to self-indulgence. In December 1768 Lumisden, along
with two other Scottish officials, was summarily dismissed
for refusing to accompany his royal master to an oratorio
when that master was intoxicated. 2 Leaving Rome, he
settled in Paris, where he moved in the highest literary
and artistic circles. In 1773 he was allowed to return to
Great Britain, and five years later he received a full
pardon.
Lumisden, who was never married, continued to spend
much of his time in Paris, accounted ' a man of the finest
taste and learning,' living the life of a dilettante, and
paying frequent visits to London and Edinburgh.
There is a pleasant anecdote told of him at this time,
which reflects the kindly feeling borne by King George in.
to irreconcilable Jacobites. It is very similar to the well-
known story of King George's message to Laurence
Oliphant of Gask, told by Sir Walter Scott in the Intro-
duction to Redgauntlet. It must be remembered that to
their dying day both the laird of Gask and Andrew
Lumisden never referred to King George except as the
Elector of Hanover. The story of Lumisden is told in a
family paper 8 by his great-niece Mrs. Mure (nee Louisa
Strange), and may be given in that lady's own words.
A valuable library was about to be dispersed in Paris, which
1 See Appendix, Cardinal York's Memorial.
2 Lyon in Mourning, vol. iii. p. 232.
3 Lent to me by Lumisden's great-grand-niece, Mrs. G. E. Forbes, Edinburgh.
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN Ixxxvii
contained a rare copy or edition of the Bible, and George in.
commissioned his bookseller, Mr. Nichol, to procure it for him
at a certain limit as to price. Mr. Nichol, intimate with
Mr. Lumisden, whose literary character qualified him to pro-
nounce as to the authenticity and value of this work, employed
him to examine, and, on approval, to make this purchase,
which he did, obtaining it at a far lower price than had been
mentioned. The king, delighted with his acquisition, asked
Mr. Nichol how he had managed to get it. Mr. Nichol replied
he had ' applied to a friend of his much connected with literature,
whom he could trust,' etc., etc. ' Well, but who is your friend,'
said the king, ' I suppose he has a name ? ' 'A gentleman
named Lumisden, your Majesty,' said Mr. Nichol. ' Oh ! '
replied the king, ' the Prince's secretary.' The king, with true
courtesy, never called Charles Edward aught but * the Prince.'
4 Yes, your Majesty,' said Mr. Nichol shyly, ' the same.' ' Well,
Nichol,' said the king, ' I am much obliged by the trouble
Mr. Lumisden has taken ; pray, make him my compliments,
and tell him so ; and I should like to send him some little
token of this. What shall it be ? ' Nichol suggested ' a book,
perhaps,' and it is said the king laughed and said, * Oh, yes I
a book, a book ! that would suit you ! ' However, the message
was sent, and Mr. Lumisden's reply was, that he should be
gratified by the possession of a copy of Captain Cook's Voyages,
then just published, in which he took a deep interest, and con-
sidered they owed their success to the individual patronage
given them by the king himself.
A very handsome copy of Anson's and Cook's Voyages, in
nine quarto volumes, was sent to Mr. Lumisden by the king.
They were left by Mr. Lumisden to my father [Sir Thomas
Strange], and he bequeathed them to his son James, now
Admiral Strange, in whose possession they are. [Written in
1883.]
In 1797 Lumisden published a volume at London
entitled Remarks on the Antiquities of Rome and its
Environs . . . with Engravings, his only literary legacy
excepting this account of the battles in Scotland. I have
Ixxxviii INTRODUCTION
failed to discover at what period of his life this manuscript
was written.
Lumisden died in Edinburgh in 1801. His usual lodging
had been in the Luckenbooths, the very heart of the old
town, but he had recently changed his quarters to the then
new Princes Street, and to the very newest part of that
street, the section west of Castle Street. To the imagination
it seems strangely incongruous, yet as a link between the
past and the present not entirely unfitting, that this
aged partisan of the House of Stuart, probably the last
Scottish gentleman who personally served that dynasty
whose capital was the ancient city, should meet his
death in the newest part of that modern street which
is the glory of the Edinburgh that the Stuarts never
knew.
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
PAPERS OF
JOHN MURRAY OF BROUGHTON
A COPY OF ORIGINAL PAPERS written by
JOHN MURRAY, Esq., Secretary to the Young
Pretender, containing a History of the first
Rise and Progress of the Late Rebellion from
the End of the year 1742 to 1744.
N.B. The original is written by Mr. Murray's own hand
and was found after the Battle of Culloden, and seems to
have been originally design'd as Memoirs, etc.
Copy of a shattered Leaf belonging to the original Manuscript
During all this winter 1 my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, 2 as I observed
before, was at London with Lord Semple 3 and Mr. Drum-
mond, 4 and the gentlemen in the Highlands immediately
concerned in his Majesties affairs were employed in
cultivating his interest amongst their vassals and neigh-
bours, which was the more easily done as the most part
of that country are naturally Loyal and at the same time
. . . run so high against the Government, that any
scheme proposed . . . was most acceptable. It seems
after his Lordship had been there sometime, he wrote a
letter to his Majestic, in answer to which I received one
enclosed to me from Mr. Edgar, 5 dated the 5th of July
1742, which was this. ... It is a long time since I had Edgar
the pleasure of writting to you which has been occasioned tfar*j
by my knowing you was informed of everything by
1 The winter of 1741-42.
2 Charles (Stuart), 5th Earl of Traquair; succeeded 1741 ; died 1764.
3 See Appendix. 4 William Macgregor or Drummond of Balhaldy.
5 James Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. A younger son of
David Edgar of Keithock, Forfarshire. Entered the Chevalier's service as secre-
tary 1716, and held that office for forty-seven years. Became Secretary of State
in October 1763, and died 24th September 1764, predeceasing his master by
fifteen months.
4 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Bahady, and that being the case I did not care to ...
venture all ... time when I shall ... to say to you
as I ha ... view of recommending them ... for Lord
[Tra]q[uai]r to your care ... of it with much satis-
faction ... to assure you of my best respect and of the
longing I have to tell you by word of mouth how much I
am yours. As Lord T[ra]q[uai]r has been lately at London
and knew there how things were going it is useless for
me to enter here . . . matters and as the King has
particular directions to give you . . . sent I shall add
nothing . . . but by his Majesties Com . . . kind com-
pliments . . . that the family a ... I am with all my
h . . .
After his Lordships return . . . taken to inform the
Highlands of the favourable situation there seemed to
. . . from the information he had got from Lord Semple
and Drummond . . .
The rest of this page torn away.
Copy of another shattered Leaf
Which message tho' they began to languish a little,
yet kept up their spirits. As nothing is more common
than for people to believe what they wish and hope for,
however specious the encouragement may be. Upon Mr.
Drummond parting with His Lordship at London, he
assured him he would write particularly whatever Resolu-
tions the Cardinal 1 should come to after his arrival, imagin-
ing, as he said, that the promises they had gott in England
from the King's friends there would suffice to determine
the old man to act strenuously in his Majesty's favours ;
upon which we waited impatiently to hear from him.
In the beginning of Winter Locheal came to town with
whom I had occasion often to converse on these subjects,
and always found him the man the most ready, and
willing chearfully to enter into any scheme that would
conduce to His Majesty's interest : and must here declare
1 Cardinal Andre Hercule de Fleury. Born 1653 ; became French prime
minister in 1726 ; died in January 1743.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 5
that I really believe he is the most sincere honest man
the Country produces, without the least shew of self
interest. After several months had passed without my
hearing from Rome, or any letters coming from My L[ord]
T[ra]q[uai]r received one from Mr. Drummond about the
beginning of December and dated ... of ... which
alarmed us very much, as it gave us ground to believe
that things were much nearer Action, than we had any
notion of, and indeed it seemed to us only fitt to be written
a few weeks before a descent ; but to make the reader
Judge, I shall here insert a letter itself.
Copy Mr. Drummond' s letter to the Earl of T[ra]q[uai]r
dated the 1742.
The rest awanting.
Copy of another torn Leaf in Manuscripts
As there was nothing in this letter but a general assur-
ance of the French Design without either specyfying the
number of the Troops, Arms, Money, Ammunition or even
the fixed time, My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and the Laird of
Lochiel 1 considering how unprepared the Country was to
join in any such attack attempt, and that from the con-
tents of the letter it was impossible to give any positive
directions to the Gentlemen of the Highlands, together
with the near prospect they had of a landing, which must
of necessity have proved abortive had it really happened.
They thought it absolutely necessary they should be
presently informed of everything, but the difficulty was
how to accomplish it. There was no opportunity to
write, the time of an answer uncertain, and from the
indistinct letter already received they had no great reason
to expect anything in writing very satisfactory . . . upon
which I offered to go ... and then learn distinctly . . .
the Resolutions of the . . . fully informed . . . but as
this was not to ... having the opinion of ... who
1 Donald Cameron, iQth of Lochiel, ' the Gentle Lochiel' of the '45. He
succeeded his grandfather as chief of the Camerons in 1719, his father John
(who died 1748) having transferred his rights to his son. Donald Cameron died
in France, 1748.
6 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
were the most ... in his Majesties Interest ... a
letter wrote by . . . which went to him by . . . likewise
one to S[ir] J[ames] C[ampbell] x their advice and opinion,
and during the intervall we had severall conversations
all tending to acquaint us particularly of what had been
carried on for sometime before by Lord Semple, Mr.
Drummond and then received by me as one of these who
had been the first in the Country to form a Concert,
binding themselves by oath not to discover their schemes
to any but one of themselves, or the persons agreed upon
to be received amongst them by the Consent of the whole.
I had for a long time before been pretty well acquainted
with who were the principle people concerned in all the
present transactions, without knowing there had ever
been any such formal Combination. I gave my word
of honour faithfully to keep these secrets, and then they
told me the rise of the Story what assurances they had
given the French by the hands of Drummond and Lord
Semple after making terms with the King himself, that
nobody should be acquented with their procedure without
their consent. I was like wise informed
The rest of this Page not legible.
The weather at this time happening to be very stormy,
the express did not return for two weeks longer than we
expected ; but upon receiving his Lordships answer
which he approved of the proposal, I sett about making
ready to sett off, and accordingly took journey about the
10 or 12 of Jany. 1743, upon the pretence of talking with
the Duke of Queensberry 2 then at London concerning a
process I had with the Earl of March, 3 to whom his Grace
had been Tutor-in-law.
On the Friday I left Edinburgh and went to Traquair
1 Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck, 5th Baronet ; died 1756 ; father-in-law of
Donald Cameron of Lochiel. His wife was Janet, daughter of John Macleod
of Macleod, and aunt of Norman Macleod the chief in 1745.
2 Charles (Douglas), 3rd Duke; born 1698; succeeded 1711 ; died 1778.
3 William (Douglas), 3rd Earl of March ; succeeded his cousin as 4th Duke of
Queensberry ; died unmarried 1810, The ' Old Q ' of George m.'s reign.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 7
and so through Tweeddale to York, where I stop'd to talk
to the D[uke] of Pferth] one of the Concert, and acquaint
him with my journey and received his commands. The
principal part of my transactions was to make myself
fully acquainted with the French Resolutions, to give
them all encouragement possible, and to write to his
Majesty acquainting him that the Gentleman in the High-
lands being informed that my Lford Mfarischal], 1 whom
his Majesty had honoured with the Command, was a
man of a very high and forbidding manner, and exceed-
ingly positive in his way, they were afraid least such
procedure might create differences and heart burnings
amongst them ; wherefore he prayed his Majesty would
send over General Keith, 2 who they understood was of a
very mild and humane temper and in whose abilitys
they had great confidence. When I came to York his
Grace the Dfuke] of P[erth] approved highly of my going
over and gave me a great many injunctions * how to
write to the King, which is needless here to put down
as they all tended to prevent differences in case matters
came to be put in execution. I then went to London,
where I only stayed some few days, and sett out of on
* And likewise to settle a correspondence with Scotland the manner
in which we had formerly conveyed Letters being very precarious and at
the same time so much suspected that the Government had caused
search the Ships in which the Letters generally came, but by good
fortune their happened none to be aboard that time.
1 George (Keith), loth and last Earl Marischal ; born 1694; succeeded
1712. Joined Lord Mar in 1715, and commanded the right wing of the
Jacobite army at Sheriffmuir. Forfeited and attainted. Participated in the
Spanish Invasion of 1719. See Dickson, The Jacobite Attempt of '7*9, Scot.
Hist. Soc., vol. xix. In 1744 was residing near Boulogne. Took no part in
1745. Entered service of Frederick the Great. Pardoned by George II., 1759 ;
died at Potsdam, unmarried, 1778.
2 James Keith, brother of the loth Earl Marischal ; born 1696. Attainted
for participation in the '15. Entered the Spanish army, and in 1728 the Russian
army with the rank of major-general. Although an attainted Jacobite, he
visited London in 1740, and was received by George II. as a Russian general
(Scots Mag., vol. ii. p. 43). In 1747 entered service of Frederick the Great as
field-marshal. Killed at the battle of Hochkirchen 1758.
8 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Munday about 12 o'clock to Dover where I arrived the
same night about 9 o'clock, and found a Packet ready to
sail. As the wind was then pretty fair, 1 was in hopes
of getting next morning pretty early to Calais, but it
changed a little after we was at sea, so were oblidged to
make for Boulogne, this made me exceedingly uneasy as
I was instructed to go privately to Paris without the know-
ledge of any of the people who were at Boulogne, and now
in all probability we were to land in broad daylight
where I must infallibly have been known ; but luckily
we were becalmed all that day, and did not arrive till
about three in the mourning. I stayed there till about
five, when I got a chaise and set out for Paris, where I
came on Friday morning and went to McDonald's the
Banquier, 1 and enquired for Mr. Maxwell, which was the
name Drummond then went by. I immediately went to
him this same day before dinner, and found him greatly
surprised at my Coming, but said it was very lucky as
it might be a mean to quicken the French in proceeding ;
when they saw how forward and anxious the Country was
to come to action. Upon my arrival at London I heard
of Cardinal Fleury's death, which was a very unlucky
incident ; for these two Gentlemen had it left in their
power to assert, that had not that happened, every thing
would certainly have been performed, and not then in my
power to advance anything positively to the contrary.
I went with Mr. Drummond in the evening to Lord Semple
who I had never seen before : he received me very civily
and enquired about the situation of the Country which
I told him was very favourable ; but as the letter Mr.
Drummond had wrote, gave us to understand that the
Cardinal had determined to put things in execution sooner
than we had any cause to expect, never having had any-
thing encouraging before, and that by that letter, we was
told of no particulars, it was judged necessary I should
Macdonald, a banker in Paris, fourth son of Ranald Macdonald
third of Kinlochmoidart. Accompanied Prince Charles to Scotland. Sur-
rendered in 1746. Condemned to death but pardoned on condition of residing
out of the United Kingdom. Was killed in France during the Revolution.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 9
come over to know how things were to be executed : and
particularly, what assurances of every kind we might
depend upon ; so as the Gentlemen of the concert might
be able upon my return to sett immediately about pre-
paring the Country for their reception. He then agreed
with Mr. Drummond that my coming over was well
timed, but that he was afraid it might require some time
before the French could be brought into it, as in all pro-
bability their schemes would be entirely altered by the
Cardinal's death ; that all his views consisted in keeping
peace, but that there was a party of younger people
about court, who had gained a good deal upon the King,
which together with his own natural disposition and heat
of youth inclined him to war. At the same time he said
it was lucky that he had observed the Cardinal's Decline,
and had persuaded him to impart all the affairs that con-
cerned this Country to Mr. Amalot, 1 by which means they
would be but little stop as to the King or Ministery being
acquainted with whatever related to us, as Mr. Amalot
was continued as Minister of Forreign Affairs. A great
deal more of this kind passed, and upon my not being
able to tell them minutly what every individual of the
Concert had done in the particular District alotted them,
Mr. Drummond complained that I had not been fully
informed of all their Scheme. I in the meanwhile did
not reflect upon the Cause of his making such reflections
against Lord T[raq[uai]r, who was the person that informed
me of their Concert ; but it has often occurred to me
since, that they laid great stress on all the little pieces
of information they gott of the Gentlemen's procedure
in Scotland, and everything they gott took care to make
a mighty matter of it to the King : and Mr. Drummond
did not fail as he has often told me himself, to write in
the strongest terms to his Majesty, of their great success,
which he knew must always redound so far to his advan-
tage, as he had taken care to make the King believe he
was the person who had sett all in motion, and that it
was upon his plan that they acted, and their success
1 Amelot de Chaillou. French foreign minister, 1737 to 1744.
10 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
mostly owing to following the Scheme he had laid down
to them. I then told them it would be necessary as the
Cardinal was now dead that I saw Mr. Amalot, and heard
what Resolutions they had taken, to be able to inform
the King's friends of what was to be expected. Lord
Semple told me that Mr. Amalot was then at Versailes,
but would be in town on Sunday when he would talk to
him, and inform him of my being sent over, and gett him
to fix a time when I might have an audience, he accord-
ingly was with him on the Sunday and, as he told me the
same evening, could not see him for . . . and when he
did tell him, he took it very ill that he had been made
wait so long in his Out-chamber ; that although his
Master was not upon the Throne and so did not keep
his Ministers publickly at Court, yet he thought using
these he employed in his service in that shape was treating
him ill and not like a Prince as he really was. That Mr.
Amalot made excuses from his being so little in Paris
all week, and consequently hurryed all the while he was
there ; but fixed no time when to see me, so his Lordship
went by himself to Versailes that week, where he stayed
a night or two and returned to town. I went out some
days after along with him and Mr. Drumond to see Mr.
Amalot who was first to talk to with the King and then
return me his Majesty's answer, but was told from day
to day, that he could not have an opportunity of talking
with the King. So was oblidged to return to Paris with-
out seeing him.
I wrote a pretty long letter to the King acquainting
him with the reasons of my coming over and hoping his
Majesty would pardon my leaving the Country without
his Permission, but not to be too tedious by mentioning
all the different conversations I had with his Lordship
and Mr. Drummond during my stay which were all to
the same purpose, together with the most severe Reflec-
tions and Invectives against the Dutches of Buckingham 1
1 Katharine Darnley, half-sister of the Chevalier ; daughter of James II. , by
Katherine Sedley. Born 1682 ; died 1743. Third wife of John Sheffield,
ist Duke of Buckingham, who died 1721.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 11
and Lord Marshal with Coll Cecel, 1 Coll Brette 2 and
Ch. Smith 3 and all those who were of a contrary party
from them, alledging it was entirely owing to their
having given in Ridiculous Schemes to the Cardinal
demanding vast numbers of men, money, cannon, etc.,
sufficient to conquer the Country, which made the Old
man have a mean opinion of the power of the King's
party and put a stop to his realy putting in execution
. . . required of him ; and at the same time assuring
me that these people were most unjust to the Cardinal
in alledging that he was not hearty and sincere in the
King's interest, for that he had often professed that he
would willingly lose his own life in the cause, that there
was nothing he had so much at heart next to the Interest
of his own Master, and that he had even cryed * with
concern in speaking of the misfortunes of the King's
family, and notwithstanding he had a very mean opinion
of the other party, yet the Memorials they had given
instruct him so much that it cost Lord Semple the utmost f
pains and trouble to perswade him of the contrary, but
* I daresay the Cardinal never shed a tear on that Account nor in-
deed allowing his concern to be never so great I think it reasonable to
believe so great a minister would act the part of a Child.
t If he had so mean an Opinion of these folks and their memorials
were so rediculous as they are represented he must either have been
quite doated and consequently not capable to understand anything
otherwise it would have been no difficult matter to make him sensible
of the absurdity of their proposals.
1 Colonel William Cecil. Long the Jacobite agent in England. Relation-
ship uncertain. In a memorandum in the French Foreign Office he is called
'oncle de Lord Salisbury.' Was apprehended in 1744. His deposition, in
which he denies all knowledge of a plot, is given in Fitzroy Bell's Mttrray's
Memorials, p. 408.
2 Secretary of the Duchess of Buckingham.
3 Charles Smith, a merchant or banker in Boulogne. His wife, daughter of
Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn (Prince Charles's host when besieging
Stirling Castle in January 1746), was aunt to Clementina Walkenshaw. Their
son married the heiress of Seton of Touch. The ceremony was performed by
Mr. William Harper of Edinburgh at Linlithgow on the day of the battle of
Prestonpans. Charles Smith, who had come to Scotland for the event, posted out
from Edinburgh bearing the news of the victory to the Jacobite congregation.
Ingram, A Jacobite Stronghold of the Church, p. 47.
12 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
they had after some time succeeded so effectually that
he was determined to send over a body of troops to England
and designed Mr. Mailebois x should return to Flanders
for that purpose ; but that the party at Court which
opposed him had influenced the King to make him march
his Army into Westphalia which occasioned the Neutrality
for Hannover; that this was so opposite to his Schemes,
and he was sensible that a general war must ensue, and
France thereby brought into great difficulties, that together
with the King's loose way of living, having at that time
taken the third sister for his mistress, had certainly broke
his heart, for he had been observed from that moment
to decline, and dyed soon after.*
Having spent some days at Paris in hearing such
like storys, I went again to Versailes where we were
still put off till the night I left it. When we had
an audience of Mr. Amalot I told him that the Gentle-
men in the Concert in Scotland, f having from time to
time received assurances from the late Cardinal of Troops,
Arms and Money, had been continualy expecting to hear
that a final Resolution was taken but upon being in-
formed of the bad state of health the Cardinal was in,
* If this was the cause of his death I must be of the Opinion of a
great many that he was then become an old woman and incapable of any
enterprise that required Courage and Activity, and indeed all the world
with these two Gentlemen themselves owned him to be of a very fright-
ened timorous Disposition.
f It was at this Time Mr. Drummond told me the Story of the
Sweedish Troops and the Discoveries of it made by the Queen of Spain,
which I shall relate at large afterwards. (See post, p. 22.)
J This thought was the least reason could assign to Mr. Amalot for
my coming over, as I could not tell him it was owing to a letter we had
received from Mr. D[rummond], which I have repented of since, for I told
him if he was instructed by the Cardinal, as they said, he certainly would
have let me see that these Gentlemen had no reason to give such en-
couragements, which would have at once shewed them in their True
Light. This Mr. Drummond and Lord Semple insisted I should say to
excite the French to Action and I then did not think it any great crime
to use them as they had often done us by imposing upon them.
1 Marechal de Maillebois, a great-nephew of Colbert ; commander-in-chief in
the War of the Austrian Succession.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 13
they had done me the honour to send me over in-
structed to represent the situation of their affairs to
the Ministry and to acquaint them they had wrought so
effectualy with the Country in general and their Vassals
in particular that they could raise near thirty thousand
men and were able to make themselves masters of the
Country in six weeks or two months. Upon which he
interrupted me and said that they were satisfied the Scots
were able to do a great deal but that they must have
assurances from England, but at the same time he said
he did not well understand the possibility of engaging
so many people without letting them into the secret. Upon
which Lord Semple explained the matter to him, I then
mentioned to him the number of men, arms, etc., we
expected in Scotland together with the place of their
landing and method proposed for their acting he said if
things were gone into there would be no difficulty of
arms, money, etc., but seemed to be ignorant as to the
place of landing or indeed the particulars of the scheme
and which confirmed me in this ; some things that L[ord]
Semple mentioned to him he knew nothing about and he
owned he had not read the memorials but promised to
do it and gave us to understand that nothing could be
undertaken without encouragement from the English and
assurances of the troops upon their landing having pro-
visions of victuals and carriages which we took pains to
show him that from the frequency of the touns upon
the coast and the trade there continually carried on they
could not fail of, and then told me he had not gott time
to talk seriously and fully with the King, but that his
Majesty desired him to assure me he had the King my
master's interest very much at heart and so soon as he
could do it safely and with his Honour, he would ; and
told us to believe it that he could easily loss 10,000 men,
but that he would not undertake it rashly as his being
foiled in a thing of this kind would not be consistant
with the Honour of his Crown and desired we might
think very seriously of what we was about and take care
not to bring ruin upon ourselves and the Country by a
14 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
rash attempt,* and so we parted and so we came that same
night to Paris.
Next day I again wrote to the King a few lines
wherein I told him I thought Mr. Amalot had done
as much as he could at the present juncture and that
I thought the information I had gott was well worth my
while of coming over and sure enough it merited the
journey, for by this I had it in my power to assure our
friends in Scotland there was no determinate Resolution
taken ; and at the same time the manner in which Mr.
Drummond told me he had taken to engage the Highland
Gentlemen seemed to me very good and practicable. As
I was then but little acquainted with business imagined
it might have the same effect upon these in the Low
Country and indeed was so much prevented with the good
character of L[ord] Semple and Mr. Drummond had
amongst those concerned in his Majesty's affairs in Scot-
land that it never came into my head to doubt of any-
thing they advanced ; in which opinion I partly remained
till my L[ord] T[ra]quai]r's return to Scotland in Octr.
1743 that same year.f
* I shall leave it to the Reader to determine how far this answer of
Mr. Amelot agrees with what Mr. U[rummond] advances in his Letter
and if it be at all reasonable to imagine that the Cardinal had resolved
upon an Invasion when the person he had employed in this affair had
never read the Memorial given in concerning it nor even understood the
manner in which it was concerted and carried on in Scotland and again
whether or not Lord Semple had succeeded as he braged in preventing
much delay by perswading the Cardinal to make Mr. Amelot privy to
the whole affair.
t I mentioned before that the King had ordered a Sum not exceeding
900 Ster yearly to be payed to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] provided money
could be raised he had hitherto gott no more than 200 Lord T[ra]q[uai]r
had payed him so I was instructed to know why it was not answered as
promised, which I accordingly did,, when Mr. Drummond said bethought
it very odd that the people in Scotland could not give him that small
pension when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r had offered Lord Semple credit for ] ,,000
the year before when in London. 1 told him people had little money
to spare and that since the Gentlemen was in a manner starving I would
write to the King about it as directed, upon which he said in a passion I
had better not do it for it would hurt them in the King's Eyes as it
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 15
From what Mr. Amelot had told us the next thing
to be done was endeavouring to form a Concert in
England, by which they might be able to give such
encouragement to the French and such assurance of
joining upon their landing together with victuals and
carriages as might then oblidge the King to declare one
way or other. To execute this Mr. Drurnmond and I sett
out from Paris the end of Febuary and gott to London
by the way of Dover in four days and a half. The method
he proposed was to bring my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to
London and to work the point by him as he was acquainted
with all the principal Torries and desired I would go to
York and gett the D[uke] of P[erth] to send express for
him and that I would return with a Resolution to stay
there for some time to be an assistant to his L[ordship]
and him ; but this I refused to go into as the reason I had
given out for my journey would not suffice to detain me
any time, so rather chuse to go to Scotland myself and
shew my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r the necessity there was for
his coming up. In the meanwhile I was employed in
endeavouring to learn from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith
must look bad that people who profered doing so much could not
advance such a trifle, and I remember he said the King would not fail
to look upon them as tamperers which I never did mention to them
looking upon it as the heat of passion. He then said as he had all along
made it his Business to advance their Interest and Honour, he would
fall upon a method of raising a sum of money to the Value of 5 or 6,000
upon a bond payable at the Restoration with six per cent, of Interest and
that D[uke of] P[erth] L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r L[ochie]l and I should bind
for it and that he would even endeavour to gett an equall sum for
D[uke of] P[erth] on L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r's particular Use upon the same
Conditions. As I then did not know my man I went on to what he proposed
and did not write to the King about it, neither did I till after I found out
the double fetch he had in it, he at this time was applying to have a
Pension settled upon himself which my writing in behalf of Sir J[ames]
C[ampbell] would certainly have prevented as the King had ordered
him to stay at home in the view of receiving the forementioned Sum,
then his proposing to raise this sum for the D[uke] of P[erthjs use was
a means to encourage him to advance him 100, which he desired I would
tell his Grace he would draw upon him at my leaving London, which he
accordingly gott.
16 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
the objections the Dutches of Buckingham and her party
had to L[ord] Seuiple, and as I was pretty well acquainted
with them both I easily made myself master of all they
had to say against him, which I then thought quite frivolous
from the favourable notion I had of L[ord] Semple. As to
the particular accusations laid against him I shall say
nothing of them here as I shall put down the Copy of a
letter I had the Honour to write to the King some litle
time after my arrival in Scotland wherein I mentioned
them all.
I sett out from London * the 18th of March, came
in by York, where I saw the D[uke] of Pferth] who
was much disappointed upon what I told him, stayed
24 hours there and came to Edinburgh the 21st. I
immediately inquired for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and finding
he was in Perthshire with his brother-in-law Lford] J[ohn]
D[rummon]d I sent an Express to him, in the meantime
I mett with L[ochie]l and acquainted him of all that
had passed and particularly of the Scheme he proposed
to raise money whereby to pay his father-in-law's pen-
sion ; he was far from being pleased with the French
delays and not satisfied with the Cardinal's sincerity and
likewise heartyly vexed there was no money for Sir
Jfames] who then stood in great need of it. However the
only thing to be done was for L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r to go
to London and endeavour to bring in the English which
* During all the time I was at London after my return from Paris
I keept it secret from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith that I had ever been
there, and gave it out that I had been in Kent making a visit to one
Doctor Rutton, an old fellow student at Leyden, so upon the footing of
my not knowing anything that was passing I told Coll. Cicel in Con-
versation upon my return to Scotland the King's friends would inquire
of me if I had not been to waite of him and what news I had gott so
begg to know what I should say, he told me he at that time could say
nothing positively but if the French did not do something soon the
affairs of England in particular and Europe in general stood in such a
way that in three moneth time he would order affairs so as to call the
King over with his own attendance only this Vaunt was so rediculous
that I had great difficulty to keep my Countinance and gave me a very
low Opinion of every other thing he said.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 17
would in a little time satisfie us whether the French
really intended us their assistance or not. On the 16th
of the month L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r came to toun, to whom
I told all that had passed and his Lordship agreed to go
to London. Upon conversing with his Lordship * I told
him that he ought to push Mr. Drummond's getting that
money, for if he did not make his word good in that trifle
it would be a means to make folk doubt all the other
things he had advanced. His Lordship sett out from his
own house on the Sixth of Aprile and I sent the bond
Mr. Drummond desired signed by L[ochie]l and I to the
D[uke] of Perth who signed it likewise and sent it to
L[ord ]T[ra]q[uai]r "j* at London, which is still in Mr.
D[rummon]d's Custody, but no money raised during my
being at London after my return from Paris, Mr. C. Smith
delivered me a packet from Rome, but as its contents
* One evening after I had waited an hour in L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r's
lodgings at Edinburgh till such time as he should come in to talk with
me about his journey to London he told me he understood that I was
no friend to Bishop Keith, and upon asking what ground he had to
think so, he told me that one Mr. Gordon, a Roman Catholick Bishop,
had informed him of it, it seems Bishop Keith was of his acquaintance
had been complaining to him that I had not represented him in a
favourable Light. By which I conjectured that Keith had been apply-
ing that way to be named Bishop of Edinburgh for how should L[ord]
J[ohn] Drummond have acquainted Lady Clanronald of Mr. Rattrae's
being named, which was a thing entirely foreign to both him and her
if Keith had not been endeavouring to procure that preferment
through the interest of the Roman Catholicks, 1 and Lord Drummond
did write to Lady Clanronald that I had procured an order for Bishop
Rattrae's Election is certain, for it was by her means quite well known in
Edinburgh before I came back from London and Lord T[ra]q[uai]r
assured me from Bishop Gordon that L[ord] J[ohn] had wrote it to Lady
Clanranald.
t My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r made all the dispatch possible to settle his
affairs at home, being sensible how necessary it was for him to be att
London and sett out from his own house on the sixth of Aprile.
1 James Gordon, son of the laird of Glasterum, Banfifshire. Born 1664 ; died
1746 ; consecrated secretly as Bishop of Nicopolis in partibus, 1706; Vicar-
apostolic in Scotland, 1718. Lord John Drummond, Clanranald, and possibly
Lady Clanranald (nte Macleod) were Roman Catholics.
B
18 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
could not be obeyed till I came home, thought it more
proper to insert it here tho' posterior to the Receit of it.
Copy of a letter from Mr. Edgar of
. . . mber the 22nd, 1742.
Edgar SIR, Upon what Mr. Charles Smith has told me from
to you on the subject of the Bishops l upon what he says
lnay himself and as the opinion also of other friends the King
has thought seriously on the matter and is pleased to
settle it as you proposed, as you will see by the enclosed
paper signed by him under another name and a letter
from me to Bishop Ratrae ; 2 yours covering it both are
write in closs Cypher, but as I am unwilling that the
Cyphers we use together should be put into any third
hand whatsoever, I have wrote the enclosed packet by
the Cypher Coll. Urquhart 3 informed me he had recovered
from amongst the late Earl of Dundonald 4 papers before
his death. I really look upon this Cypher to be a safe
one and that there is no Copy of it but what you and I
have, it was originally sent to Mr. Robert Freebairn 5 and
he gave to the Earl of Dundonald and I am perswaded
neither the one nor t' other made a Copy of it which
would not be an easie task nor allowed any to be made
by any other body, I remmember Coll. Urquhart after he
had recovered that Cypher asked me if he should send
it to me, or what he should do with it, and in return I
desired him to keep it by him and give to the King's
friends who had a mind to write to his Majesty and wanted
a Cypher to do it by, by which means the new one I sent
him (now used by you and me) would be a Virgin One
unseen and untouched by anybody, I thought it was
1 For this ecclesiastical episode in Mui ray's career, see Appendix.
2 Thomas Rattray, D,D,, laird of Craighall-Rattray, Perthshire. Born
1684; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; afterwards Bishop of Brechin, and
subsequently of Dunkeld ; Primus, 1739; died 1743.
3 See Appendix.
4 Thomas Cochrane ; 6th earl ; died 1737.
5 Robert Freebairn, consecrated bishop at large, 1722; Primus, 1731; Bishop
of Edinburgh, 1733; died J 739-
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 19
necessary to say thus much to you on the Cypher in
Question. The Packet I now send you is open, therefore
may if you please look into it yourself, but as I reckon
you wont care to be at the trouble to decypher it I wish
you would seal the packet and deliver it with ... of
the Cypher into Mr. Rattrae's own hands. I shall only
add on this subject that I know I need not recommend
to you to take care of your own safety in this matter and
that as few as possible and these only of whom you are
sure know anything that we have the least dealing in it,
for tho' our Clergy be well meaning honest men, yett many
of them have not the gift of Secrecy and holding their
tongue, which is a mischief I am sure you will guard
against. I don't know indeed what to say to you on
certain affairs, I live in good hopes they will still go well,
when anything favourable is certain you will hear of it
much sooner from Bahady and L[ord] Semple than you
could from me ; which is the reason I write so seldome
to you, I am unwilling to venture a letter in this critical
juncture unless when necessary as it happens in the
present case. I should be glad you informed me of what
you heard or know of Drumelzier's 1 brother he has not
write to me since he mett with his brother and I have
heard nothing about him since he went home. Drum-
elzier, I fancy, may have told him the substance of what
you communicated to him of my letter to you concerning
him, which he may have taken very ill of me and which
has made him write no more to anybody in this place.
The family is well and the King charges me with many
kind compliments to you. Longing to have you in my
Arms. I am well all with my heart. Sir, etc.
It was not long after his Lordship's departure that I
1 Drumelzier, a Peebleshire estate adjoining Broughton. The proprietor
was then Alexander Hay of Drumelzier, and Whittinghame, East Lothian
(the latter now the property. of Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour) ; a grandson of the
1st Earl of Tweeddale, ancestor of the Hays of Duns : born 1701 ; died 1789,
He and his brother William were both Jacobites.
20 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
had an occasion to send a letter to Rome when I wrote
as below. 1
Mr. Narsom's letter to Mr. Edgar dated
the Day of 1743. 2
Murray This is the first opportunity I had to write since I left
to Paris otherwise you may beleive I would not have failed
to lett you hear from me long e'er now. I received yours
of the 22nd of Novr. from Mr. Smith at London but as
Mr. Rattrae has not been in town not finding any sure
hand the two enclosed papers are still in my Custody,
but I am informed he intends soon in this place, when
I shall take care to deliver them with the Cypher ; I
am very hopefull his Majesty's making choise of him will
prove a means of uniting them together as they have
for some time ago addressed him as the eldest of the
Colledge to take inspection of the Diocess during the
Vacancy ; I return you my most sincere acknowledge-
ments for your good advice as to my Behaviour with
them which you may depend upon I '11 strickly follow
and by what I wrote you of Mr. Keith's 3 procedure you
will be still more convinced of the Necessity I am under
to act cautiously with them. I understand my Lady
Clanronald lately received a letter from L[ord] J[ohn]
D[rummon]d with the contents of your last to me which
was immediately told Keith so that Mr. Rattrae' s Election
was known before my Arrival here. I am sorry L[ord]
T[ra]q[uai]r should keep such correspondence but there
are some people continue long young and consequently
ought to be looked upon as Children.
Upon my return to London having the fortune to be
1 I think there can be little doubt that this is the draft of the lost letter
searched for in vain by Mr. Fitzroy Bell at Windsor (Murray's Memorials,
p. 50 ), and referred to by Mr. Lang (History of 'Scotland, iv. 441).
2 As Traquair left on April 6th (see ante, p. 17 and/<?.r/, p. 23) this letter was
probably written in that month. Narsom is a cipher name for John Murray.
3 Robert Keith, kinsman and tutor of the loth Earl Marischal and his
brother : born 1681 ; consecrated bishop at large, 1727 ; Bishop of Orkney,
Caithness and the Isles, 1731 ; Superintendent of Fife, 1733 : succeeded
Rattray as Primus, 1743 5 died 1757. Author of a History of Scotland, and
of the well-known Catalogue of Scottish Bishops.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 21
entirely trusted by Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith, I made it my
business to inform myself as particularly as possible of their
grounds of Quarrel with L[ord] Semple, when I found they
both agreed in the following Accusations. Imo. That he
had been employed by means of the Dutchess of Buccingham
and Coll. Cicel to transack some little affairs and from that
time had assumed to himself the Character of Minister
for the King's friends in England. 2d. That by his
Behaviour to Or[mon]d and L[ord] Marshall he had
entirely disobliged them whose friendship he ought by
any means to have Cultivate. 3tio. He had been grossly
deceived by the Cardinal who had made him believe
twenty things he had no intention of Performing. 4to.
He was so credulous in beleiving the Cardinal's assertions
as to write from time to time in terms only fitt some
weeks before an invasion. 5to. He seemed to ack the
part rather of a French than Brittish minister. 6to. He
seemed to turn his politicks into a kind of Mechanicks
and made a trade of them. 7to. He contradicted him-
self not only in a different but even in the same letter,
by saying that the Cardinal was so well satisfied with the
offers made him and the information he had gott that
he desired no further and in the same letter advises Coll.
Cicel still to inform him further so that he might deter-
mine the Cardinal more and more to act in his Majesty's
favours. 8to. He acted imprudently by transmitting to
Coll. Cicel the Commissions sent him by the King to dispose
of in so large a Packet that Mr. Smith could not conceal
them in the Ship and at the same time wrote a long letter
with a great many trifles of what had passed betwixt
him and the Cardinal in Gloss Cypher who, he insinuate,
he entirely managed and all relating to the Commissions
in plain English. 9to. His coming over was not only
without the knowledge of but disagreeable to the King's
friends in England, that my Lford] Barramore * and he
were vastly uneasy about it and' gave him all the Civil
1 James (Barry), 4th Earl of Barrymore. Born 1667; died 1747. An
ardent Jacobite, who sent his son to join the French army when the invasion
of 1744 was expected.
22 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
usage and fair Words they could in Prudence so as to make
him leave the place least he should be taken up. lOto.
He is not trusted by the King's friends in England, llto.
He was not even trusted by the Cardinal notwithstanding
he pretended he had so much to say with him and given
this instance that he, the Cardinal, sent a proposal to the
King's friends by Mr. Bussie x at London of landing a body
of Swedes * in the Country which he seemed greatly sur-
prised at when told by L[ord] Barrimore and that he
should afterwards have greatly repented telling him,
imagining when he went over he would make a handle
of this information to shpw how he was trusted by the
* It wont be amiss to insert here the Story mentioned before about the
design of sending over some Swedish Troops which my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r
mentioned to me on his return from London the last time he went up.
Mr. Drummond told me at Paris as an Instance of the sincere intention
the Cardinal had to serve the King, that he was sensible of the great
hatred the English bore to the French and for that reason proposed to
the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, Campo Florido, that provided his
master would take 10,000 Swedes into his pay he would endeavour to
procure them by the means of some of the chief nobility, the King 2 not
being to be trusted on that head as he was looked upon as friends to the
Family of Hanover and would take care to have them transported, that
the Spanish Ambassador immediately wrote to his Master who sent back
an answer Willing to pay the Troops but upon some condition which I
now cannot charge my memory with, this the Cardinal took highly
amiss and told him that his Master was not to bargain with in such
cases, upon which the Spanish Ambassador immediately dispatched a
Courier, but before the return of it their was a paragraph in the
Amsterdam Gazette telling that the King of Spain and some of his
Ministers were carrying on a scheme of great consequence but being
known by the Queen was prevented. It seems as he said the Queen had
been informed of it by some of the Ministers and judging that should
it be putt in execution it would necessarily putt an end to war with
England that she was very fond of arid to putt a stop to it she putt in
that paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette to the Cardinal which had its
object for their was not any more mention made of it.
1 French minister in London.
2 Frederick of Hesse Cassel was the consort of Ulrica, sister and successor of
Charles xii. He was crowned King of Sweden 1720 ; died 1751. His nephew,
Frederick, Prince, afterwards Landgrave, of Hesse, married Princess Anne,
daughter of George n., 1740: he brought Hessian troops to Scotland in
February 1746.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS
23
Inglish. 12to. That Coll. Cicel told him at parting that
provided the Cardinal was explicite he would inform him
of everything that was necessary but as he saw that was
not like to be the case he never had wrote him anything
which was sufficient to show him he was not trusted and
that he and L[ord] Barrimore particularly complained of
L[ord] Semple's intruding himself into the management of
leir affairs, and Lastly that he was quite drunk with his
ministerial office and acted so high and mightily a part
even to intermiddle betwixt the King and Dutchess
>f Buckingham. These so far as I can remember are the
sum of their Accusations, which I could have reduced
into the compass of a few lines were it not I thought it
my duty to write in as plain and minute a manner as
possible whatever I have learnt having an Eye to nothing
but truth and to give the King all the information in my
power so that if I have acted out of my sphere I hope
TOU will interceed for my forgiveness. I only beg leave
say that from the little knowledge I have of L[ord]
Semple I take him to be a man of great honour and pos-
sessed of much greater abilities than any of his Accusors.*
I parted with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r about a fortnight ago
when he sett out for London with a view to bring the
English to Concert matters so as to be able to act this
summer. The Gentlemen of the Concert are highly dis-
itisfied with their behaviour they say they have been
ready to act for some years past, putt to a great expense
in Cultivating a friendship and intimacy with their Vassals,
keeping a great many otherwise useless fellows in their
Grounds and often obliged to give very advantagious
[terms] to their tennants for fear of disobliging them,
whereas on the other hand they, the English, do nothing
but make a noise and complain of their Oppression.
The situation of things are such at present that had they
ty Resolution att all they would almost without stroke of
* It was no great wonder then I was deceived of his Lordship having
not the least reason to suspect, and he a little shy cunning fellow on all
occasions professing an attachment to nothing but truth and most dis-
interested loyalty.
24 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
sword putt an end to the cause but in place of that they
draw a cross one another and run into little political
partys so that if they are not brought to engage heartyly
so as to be able to act this summer we give up all hopes
of ever bringing them to act in Concert with us. Had
the King's friends in a body used means to favour the
Restoration they could not have done it to better purpose
than the present Government. There are now 16,000
men out of the Country, 6 Regiments more partly gone,
the rest going, only about twenty thousand in England *
nine parts of ten of which are as raw and undisciplined
as those to come against them, The Duke of Hannover l
going over and in short every soul Whigg and Torry,
Republican, etc., disobliged and irritated to the last
degree, so that we to be sure are able to do more of our-
selves at this juncture then we could do with the assist-
ance of 10000 men were these Troops returned.
L[ochie]l with whom I have Occasion often to talk on this
subject gives it as his Opinion that the Highlanders have
now for so long time been in hopes of something being done
and now seeing so fair an Opportunity, will probably unless
brought into Action once this Summer or harvest give
up all thought of ever seeing a Restoration and he is
afraid every one will do the best they can by endeavour-
ing to catch at part of his Country before she sink entirely
and I am really affraid it will be the case with some of
the least steady amongst them. He is thoroughly con-
vinced that with 20,000 Stand of arms his Majesty or the
Prince with a good General and some Officers att our
head, Scotland is well able to do the whole affair, and
indeed it is not only his, but the opinion of several others
I talk to in this place upon that subject, as in this case
none would be exempt from carrying arms and things
are now quite changed from what they were formerly when
* This must have preceded from wrong information for since that
time they have made considerable levys and everybody agrees their
are not above ten or eleven thousand in the Island.
i.e. George n.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 25
a simelar proposal * was made. This I could not fail
acquainting you with least L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r's journey
* This was in the year 1737. If Gordon of Glenbucket went over to
Rome, so far as ever I could learn without having any authority from
the Gentlemen in the Highlands, unless it was from his son-in-law
Glengary and General Gordon, 1 praying the King to come to Scotland
that all were ready to rise in arms ; hut His Majesty was too wise to
give in to such a rash and inconsiderate a project and sent over Captain
Will Hay 2 to have the Opinion of his friends by which he might judge
how far what Glenbucket had said was to be credited. Mr. Hay sent
for me then in Holland and insisted upon my coming which I did,
but I believe found few people of Glenbucket's Opinion save the late
Lord Kinmore 3 who I went to the Country and brought to toun to see
him ; but the case was now greatly altered as all the World were becoming
sensible of ; that the Interest of Great Britain must ever be sacrificed
to that of Hanover as long as this family continued upon the Throne; that
Parliamentary Schemes were nothing butChimerical, together with the few
Troops that were left in the Island and the distance they were then from
the Coast which prevented their coming in time before the Country was
reduced ; as likewise the miserable prospect of the Country being ruined
by the vast standing Army that would necessarily follow upon a peace
as the Levys during the War would be considerable and no prospect of
a reduction after their Return but rather a Certainty of their being
continued ; this seeming the fairest opportunity to bring us under
a military Government. These and many other reasons made L[ochie]l
be of Opinion that now was the time to strike a bold stroke for the King,
and by Sir Alexander] M[acdonald]'s letter to the Duke of P[erth], it
would seem these reasons did influence him and were sufficient Grounds
for the proposal.
1 Alexander Gordon of Auchintoul (Banffshire). Entered the Russian
service 1693 ; married the daughter of his kinsman, Patrick Gordon of Ach-
leuris, the celebrated General of Peter the Great. Was a colonel at the battle
of Narva (1700), where he was captured and detained prisoner until Peter's
victory at Pultowa (1709). Rose to be a Russian major-general. Joined Mar's
Rising, 1715, and was made lieutenant-general (October 1715) ; commander-in-
chief (February 1716) of the Jacobite Army on Mar's leaving Scotland. Was
at Bordeaux, and too ill to join the attempt of 1719. Though living in Banff-
shire in 1745, he felt too old to go ' out.' Died 1752. He wrote a History of
Peter the Great, published after his death, in Aberdeen, 1755.
2 Captain Wm. Hay, groom of the bedchamber to the Chevalier.
3 Robert (Gordon) but for the attainder Viscount of Kenmure ; eldest son of
William, 6th Viscount, who was executed for his share in the '15. He was an ardent
Jacobite ; he died in 1741, aged about thirty, and was succeeded by his brother
John, who joined Prince Charles at Holyrood, accepted the command of a troop
of horse, but deserted the following day. See Murrey? s Memorials, pp. 53, 227.
26 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
don't take effect and this irrecoverable opportunity lost
by the further delay of the English, and indeed any delay
may prove of the worst consequence as the death of either
L[ord] L[ova]t or Sir J[ames C[ampbell] who are both
old men will greatly weaken if not entirely ruin the Con-
cert as there are few to be found who can fill their places.
L[ochie]l desires me to mention the great use General
Keith would be off. The Highlanders having got the
same notion ot him they formerly had of Lord Dundee.
Drumelzier and his Brother have been all this winter at
Tangiers and propose to pass all the Watters where General
Keith and Lord Crawford 1 were tho' some people imagine
Dfrumelzier] will come home upon account of his Lady's
death, 2 they give it out here that Mr. Hay is very well.
I wrote a letter two weeks ago to L[ord] Marshall a Copy
of which with the Motives that induced me to write you
shall have first occasion but the bearer being ready to
sett out putts a stop to my doing of it at present. I am,
Yours, etc.
The ship not sailing as soon as I was made believe I
took the opportunity of writing Mr. Edgar the reason of
my writting to L[ord] Marshall I shall here subjoin with
a Copy of the Letter I wrote his Lordship.
Murray SIR, When Mr. Smith and I happened to be frequently
P* together at London he took reason to complain of the
letter my L[ord] Semple had wrote to L[ord] Marshall
and particularly of that paragraph where my L[ord] hints
that possibly the Scots folks were offended with my L[ord]
Marshall not taking sufficient notice of them in proportion
to the regard they had shown him he insisted greatly an
invincible attachment his Lordship had for the King. . . .
The rest of this page not legible.
1 John (Lindsay), 2Oth earl, born 1702. Entered Russian army ; was badly
wounded at Krotzka, 1739, fighting the Turks, and never properly recovered.
First colonel of the 43rd (afterwards 42nd) Highlanders. Brig. -gen. at Fontenoy;
maj.-gen. 1745. Came to Scotland February 1746, and commanded the Hessian
troops under the Prince of Hesse in Stirling and Perthshire. Died 1749.
2 Nte Hon. Anne Stewart, daughter of Alexander, 6th Lord Blantyre. Died
March 1743.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 27
Upon this I thought I should be greatly to blame if I
lost any opportunity that occurred to better his Majesty's
affairs by endeavouring to reconceal and unite his friends
so that as I imagine his Lordship authorised Mr. Smith
to talk upon a suspicion that there might be some grounds
for what L[ord] Semple advanced and thereby to reconceal
himself to his countrymen I was resolved as we say to
putt a Thorne in his foot as he knows I am instituted
by the King's friends here and would not advance any-
thing contrary to their Sentiments. You will be sur-
prised I should write this to you in so closs a Cypher . . .
The rest of this page not legible.
After reflecting upon what you had been so good as to
inform me off I could not fail to write the enclosed as I
have all the reason in the World to believe you my friend,
so I take the liberty to beg that after perusal in case you
find it not too assuming and in a stile sufficiently respectly
you will be so good as take the trouble to deliver it with
an appology . . . [Not legible.]
(Signed) J. BROUN. 1
MY LORD, I heartyly regreted it was not in my power Murray
when so near as London to do myself the honour of wait-
ing upon your Lordship for Reasons I beg Mr. Smith to
give and at the same time assure your Lordship that
without the honour of being known to you there was
none who had a more hearty and sincere Regard for your
Lordship's property . . . [Not legible.]
my Lord, abstracting from your many private Virtues
makes you dear to every true Scotsman and from what
I could easily learn gives your Lordship great weight
with the English. This, my Lord, encourages me to suggest
of what use you may be att this juncture to his Majesty's
affairs by uniting those people together who to my great
concern I found (so far as I could judge) quite inactive,
1 i.e. John Murray.
2 This is evidently the letter that Murray complains bitterly Traquair showed
to Balhaldy, and on his advice destroyed (Murray's Memorials, pp. 58-60).
28 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
diffident of one another and distrustfull of those they
employ. Your Lordship's being so near them will I hope
make the work short as well as Effectual, and in my poor
Judgement were there any unanimity, any harmony and
concord amongst them it would easily be in our power to
shake off the yoke of Bondage and Slavery we now groan
under ; this, my Lord, I propose with great submission to
your Lordship's serious reflection and experience, I shall
only add that as I have no other in any thing I do but
to promote the real Interest of my King and Country so
I have all the reason in the world to believe that healing
the wounds and cementing the differences now subsisting
amongst our Neighbours is the greatest ambition of our
countrymen and must render their gratitude to your
Lordship for so great a work unalterable. I begg your
Lordship will pardon my presumption in writing without
being asked and believe I am with the most sincere regard
and esteem, My Lord, etc.*
These two preceding letters I gave to my L[ord] T[ra]-
q[uai]r on the 5th of Aprile 1743, the day before his Lord-
ship sett out from his own house to London which he was
to show Mr. McGregar who told my Lord that this was
not a time to send such letters and besides that the letter
to Lord Marshall was not such an one he proposed, by which
means they never went. I shall here mention what oc-
curred to me what was the reason for Mr. McGregars
stoping them never having any further reason given than
the above and not knowing even that till L[ord T]ra-
q[uai]r's return to Scotland, during the short stay I made
att London after my return from Paris in company with
Mr. McGregar as I said before I made it my business to
learn of Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith all the Complaints they
* This Letter I wrote in the smoothest stile possible purposely to
show him that the King's friends were so far from having- any Inclina-
tion to Dictate to him, that on the Contrary they wished by all means
to have him Heartily to promote the Restoration, and shewed the letter
to Lord T[ra]q]uai]r and L[ochiel]l before I gave it his Lordship to
carry and they both approved of it.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 29
had against Lord Semple and Mr. McGregar which I
generally communicated to him being then fully perswaded
of their Honesty and Ability s. Upon telling him what Mr.
Smith had said in relation to Lord Marshall he purposed
I should write to his Lordship a Letter in the same Stile
Lord Semple had done, purposely to let him know how
little he was in favour with his Countrymen and show
him how much their liking depended upon his being well
with them two, and att the same time to acquaint him
that his Countrymen's regard went no further than so
far as he should act entirely conformable to the King's
will, he saying that Lord Marshall pretended to stand
entirely upon his own legs from the great Number of
Admirers he had in Scotland, and imagined that unless
he was the sole manager of the King's affairs his Majesty's
subjects would not be brought to act for him, in short
that he looked upon the King's interest to depend upon
[him] alone. I suppose he thought by my writing in this
stile to draw something from Lord Marshall undervalueing
of his Countrymen whereby to hurt him with the gene-
rality but particularly with those of the Concert who had
first employed and still supported him, whereby he might
verify to them what he had so long advance against his
Lordship, but this was a thing I refused for many reasons ;
first that it must hurt the King's affairs to create differ-
ences amongst his friends of which their then subsisted
too many ; secondly it was running myself headlong
into a party quarrel, a thing I ever had the worst oppinion
off ; and thirdly, not to be too tedious in giving many
more, it was a thing I had not the smallest tittle to do.
But on the contrary I thought it was a fair opportunity
of uniting people together and commencing a Correspond-
ence with Lord Marshall whereby if I gain his friendship and
confidence I [should] thereby be enabled to inform the King
of the pleas of both partys without letting either of them
know of it, which is acting a part some people may think
odd as it is seemingly playing with both hands, but in
my Eyes not only honourable but my duty, when for the
King's interest, I receive from time to time letters from
30
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Edgar
to
Murray
The
Chevalier
de St.
George
to
Murray
L[ord] T[ra[q[uai]r when att London informing me in
his way of his success with the English ; but as there was
nothing material in them and that they were signed by
himself I did not care to keep them in case of accidents.
Some time in the month of June I received the following
letter from Mr. Edgar with two enclosed from the King
himself in answer to two I had wrote when at Paris.
Copy Mr. Edgar's letter, dated March 14th, 1743.
SIR, You will see by the enclosed I send you from our
friend Mr. Edwards (he means the King) that he leaves
me nothing to say in return to your two letters of the
18th and 25th of february. This Packet is sent open to
Lord Semple to forward to you, you will see it is write
in his Cypher, a Copy of which I know Mr. McGregor left
with L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r so I reckon you may easily gett
this read, for suppose you may have that Cypher in your
own Custody. You will be glad to know that the family
is well, I heartyly wish you all health and happiness
and longing to have the pleasure of Embracing you, I
am with great Esteem, etc.
Letter from the Chevalier to John Murray.
I received a few days ago yours of the 18th of February
and am far from disaproving your comming into France
att this Time.* The Settling of a Correspondence betwixt
us on this Side of the Sea and our friends in Scotland
may be of consequence in this juncture I hope you will
have concerted some safe method for this effect with Lord
Semple before you leave him and that once determined
you will I think have done very well to return home where
you may be of more use than abroad. I shall say nothing
here of what 's passing in France of which you will have
been informed by Lord Semple, and you may be well
* I had mentioned in my Letter to the King- that the Ship by which
our Letters used to come was much suspected and had been searched, so
one of my Errands was to have a new Conveyance settled which was
done from London to Paris by Mr. D[rummond] but could be so easily
done from London here.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 31
assured that depends upon me to induce the French to
assist us as is reasonable to hope they will if their be
a general war. But if they ever undertake anything in
my favour, I shall to be sure have little warning of it be-
fore and by consequence I fear it will be impossible that
General Keith can come in time into Scotland how much
soever both I, and I am perswaded himself also, desires
it because you will easily see that one of his rank and dis-
tinction cannot well quite the Service he is in either
abruptly or upon an uncertainty. I remark all you say
to me on that subject and when the time comes it shall be
my care to dispose all such matters in as much as in me
lys for what I may then think for the real good of my
Service and for my friends Satisfaction also for in such
sort of particulars it is scarce possible to take proper
Resolutions before the time of Execution. I had some
time ago a proposal made me in Relation to the Seizing
of Stirling Castle * what I then heard and what you now
say on that subject is so general, that I think it is not
impossible but that the two proposals may be found
originally one and the same project ; I wish therefore
you would enter a little more into particulars that I may
be the better able to determine what directions to send.
As to what is represented about the Vassals I suppose
what you mean is the same with what I have inserted
in a draught of a Declaration for Scotland I have long
lad by me, viz., That the Vassals of those who should
ippear against my forces on a landing should be freed of
leir Vassalidge and hold immediately of the Crown
>rovided such Vassals should declare for me and join
leartyly in my Cause. As this is my intention I allow my
His Grace the Duke of P[erth] when I had the honour of seeing
him at York on my Road, desired I would acquaint his Majesty that he
lad a Scheme for taking Stirling Castle and desired His Majesty would^
impower him upon the Seizing of it to give a commission to whom he
should think fitt to name as Governour for the Time it was garrisoned
with his men as they would the more willingly obey if the Commander
was named by him, but told me no particulars of his project neither did
he since when I told him what the King had wrote.
32
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
The
Chevalier
to
Murray
friends to make such prudent use of it as they may think
fitt. Before you gett this you will probably have received
what was wrote to you from hence about the Scotts
Episcopal Clergy so that I need say nothing on that
subject here more than that I hope the steps taken by
me will give satisfaction and promote union in that Body.
It is a great comfort to me to see the Gentlemen of the
Concert so zealous so united and so frank in all that
relates to my service and I desire you will say all that is
kind to them 'in my name, I remark you have advanced
one hundred pounds of your own money * for Sir J[ ames]
C[ampbe]ll which I take very well of you but I desire
you would not give me any more proofs of that kind of
your goodwill towards me and as for what is past I look
upon it as a personal Debt and shall take care that it
be repayed, I remark what you say about the difficulty
their is of raising money I foresaw that would be no easy
matter and think it should not be insisted upon, I think
I have now taken notice of all that required any answer
in what you wrote to me and Edgar and shall add nothing
further here but to assure you of the continuance of any
good opinion of you and that your prudent and zealous
indeavours toward my service shall never be forgott by
me. (Signed) J. EDWARDS. *
Dated March Ilth, 1743.
At the same time came the following :
Since I wrote to you on Ilth I have seen what you
wrote to Edgar of the same date ; I remark what you
say on extending a Concert in the Low Country and the
Method "j* it has been done in the Highlands such a measure
* Mr. Edgar having wrote about it in a former Letter occasioned my
telling him that it was borrowed by Lord T[ra]q[uair].
t Mr. Drummond told when at Paris that the method he had taken
' with the Gentlemen of the highlands was this. He talked to them of
the situation of the Country and that a Restoration was the only thing-
would save us, with a great deal more to this purpose, which brought all
1 A frequent cipher name for the Chevalier de St. George.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 33
may be a great advantage to the cause and therefore I
cannot but much approve of it, provided it be gone about
with great prudence and Caution, which I earnestly
recommend to you not only on your own account but
mine also, for we must in this juncture carefully avoid
those that inclined that way to declare how sensible they were of it and
that they were very willing to promote it so soon as an Occasion should
offer ; upon which he told them that it was impossible for the King to
undertake any things not knowing who were his friends and that he
thought they should take care to acquaint the King of it, then it was
natural for them to say they were contented his Majesty was informed
it, but did not know of a method how ; upon which he told them that he
would not absolutely promise, but would endeavour to fall upon a
method to acquaint him. This I took to be a safe way for the person that
engaged them and as his Majesty was not quite satisfied with it as he
said he desired me to write my Opinion of it which to the best of my
Remembrance was in a few words, that I thought no Body would be so
rediculous as to inform against themselves by telling they had given a
Commission to such a person to ye King as it must redound to their own
disadvantage for as their was none present when the matter was spoke
off to a person that was to deliver it had no more to do but deny it and
his not engaging absolutely to make it known was keeping his corre-
spondence a secret, for which reasons I was then of opinion that the same
method might be followed in the Low Country, but upon trial found it
almost impossible and dangerous, first, because the Generallity are not
so loyally inclined as in the Highlands and consequently not so easily
brought to speak their mind, and the next place they have no following,
they Generally tell you, of what use is the King's knowing that I wish
him well, I am only single Person, that can be of little Service, thirdly
the present Government has been at pain to perswade people ; the King
is betrayed and that passes at Rome, but what they are fully informed
off which makes people shy and affraid to have any dealings that,
way as they are near the Court of Justice and less able to shift for them-
selves, and fourthly, when a number of those people come to be spoke
to they will some of them especially who are not brought all length in
confidence impart to the other that such a man talked so and so, whereby
the thing may come to be known and render it dangerous for the persons,
all this occur'd to me upon serious reflection and found the difficulty of
it, upon talking to some with folks here in that stile after my return and
succeeded with none but two Mr. N. of D nand Mr. C r of Cr g th, 1
the last of which was drunk and repented next day for which I gave
it up.
1 Not identified ; may be Nisbet of Dirleton and Callendar of Craigforth.
C
34 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
anything that may give the Government any jealousie
or pretence to molest our friends. I am well pleased to
observe what you say of L[ochie]l and if you have occa-
sion make him a kind Compliment from me and the Prince,
this is all I have to add or present in this paper.
Signed as befor and dated 14th, 1743.
In the first letter I wrote to Mr. Edgar after my return
home I told him that the Packet for Bishop Rattrae was
still in my Custody being informed that he intended to
be soon in town so thought it fitt to delay doing any thing
in it till he should come, accordingly whenever I heard of
his arrival I went immediately to the Country where the
Cypher Mr. Edgar mentioned there was, and brought it
to town with me but to my Surprise found it did not
answer. Yett I nevertheless resolved to deliver the
Packet to him att the same time reading the paragraph
in mine concerning it so sent for Mr. Rae 1 one of the
Presbyters in Edinburgh and told him I wished to see
Mr. Rattrae and desired he would go to him and acquaint
him with my intention and make an appointment for me
which he agreed to do next mourning. He came to me on
the morrow and told me had missed him but would in-
deavour to find him sometime that day upon which he left
me and found him dinning with his daughter Mrs. -
so delayed it till next morning, but when he went was
informed by his daughter Mrs. Clark in whose house he
lived that he had been taken ill the night before of an
VEpidimical Distemper that at that time raged almost
all of over Europe of which he died in three or four days
illness, by which means that Packet still remains in my
Custody, never since having gott any directions about it.
From that time I have keept my Resolution of never having
any more to do with the Clergy, for when I was asked
some few days after by Mr. Rae what I thought they should
do in their present situation, I told him I thought they
should draw up a full and distinct state of their [affairs]
A non-juring minister at Edinburgh ; father of Lord Eskgrove.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 35
without neglecting the least thing and send it to the King
leaving him to determine without any further representa-
tions, but shunned writting or taking any Commissions
about it, nor do I since know any of their procedure none
of them having ever spoke to me on the subject.
About this Time the Duke of Pferth] came from England
and asL[ochie]l and [I] had often Schemed together what we
ourselves were able to do in the present posture of affairs
and seemed to agree in Opinion that should the french
disapoint us we were more able to restore the King by
our own strength during the absence of the Army than
with the Assistance of 10,000 men were our Troops once
returned, for which reason did the English fail to give the
assurances to the french they required, but we should
gett the people at home to take it in hand by themselves.
With this View I had already wrote Mr. Edgar on that
Strain and now we agreed to sound the Duke of P[erth]
on the same Subject which we did and found him abund-
antly forward. He was then going to the Country and Sir
Alexander] Mc[Donal]d * was with his brother-in-law
A[irl]y so desired the Duke would try him and some days
after had a letter from hime wherein he said that he had
spoke to him as was agreed and found him very keen
that he said the sooner it was done the better and in place
of 700 men which his Uncle carried with him in the year
1715 he would now bring 1200. At the same time when
his Grace was talking to us in Edinburgh on this subject
he said the people in that part of the Country where he
had come from very honest and that the Mayer and
Aldermen had spoke to him in the strongest terms, which
he then told us, and desired I might acquaint the King
of it, so I desired his Grace would putt it in writting and
that I should not fail to transmit it to his Majesty; upon
which he went to another room and brought me a sheet
1 Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat (Skye), 7th baronet. His first wife
was Anne Erskine (died 1735), widow of James (Ogilvy), 4th de jure Earl of
Airlie (died 1731). The Earl of Airlie mentioned here was his brother, 5th
de jure earl (died 1761). He remained passive during the '45, but his son Lord
Ogilvy raised two battalions for Prince Charles.
36 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
of paper mostly write which I did not care to transmitt
in his own words but abridged it ; however shall say no
more of it here as I will putt down the letter I wrote the
King and another to Mr. Edgar. I must only observe that
I read the Duke's memorial to my L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r
att his own house upon giving him some paper he had
putt in my custody att his leaving Scotland, at which
time his Lordship and I agreed to put it in the fire as
the letter I had wrote and which I att the same time
read to my Lord contained the substance of it, this I have
frequently repented since, as his Grace's memory did not
seem to serve him exactly to what he had wrote. In
answer to his Majesty's I wrote the following, Dated July
5th, 1743 :
Murray SIR, I had the honour of your Majesty's commands
to the some weeks ago of the llth of March. I communicated
Chevalier
the paragraph of your Majesty s relating to the certainty
of General Keith's coming to Scotland to the Duke of
Pferth] and L[ochie]l who are equally well satisfied with
what your Majesty is pleased to say on that subject.
Your Majesty's Declaration with regard to the Scotts
Vassals and the Liberty you are most graciously pleased
to grant of insinuating so much to them give L[ochie]l
extream pleasure being convinced it will tend greatly to
promote your Majesty's interest. The Duke of P[erth]
desired me to acquaint your Majesty that the Mayer and
Aldermen of York had freely opened their minds to him on
the Subject of the Restoration and gave him a Commis-
sion humble to Represent their Loyalty and firm attach-
ment to your Majesty's cause. They engage that upon
hearing of your Majesty's aproach with a Sufficient Body
to support them they will raise 10,000 men in that County
and have no doubt of an equal Number from the Countys
Adjacent. There are two gentlemen one of them a present
member the other was last parliament but declined it
these have the Sole management of the County and
did they appear would certainly be followed by every
one in it. His Grace had not the good fortune to see
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 37
them they being at London but left them his Compliments
by some of their friends who assured him they were ready
upon your Majesty's desire to enter into any Scheme to
promote your Majesty's interest. His Grace desired me
likewise to inform your Majesty that he is fully convinced
and may almost affirm that upon shewing an order from
your Majesty to treat with them they will sign any declara-
tion or assurance of whatever Nature shall be thought
most for your Majesty's interest and to have the Mayer
and Aldermen, at least those of them upon whose Secrecy
they can the most depend to do the like. In the Duke's
Memorandum to me he neglected the two Gentlemen's
names. As the Election of their Mayer goes by Rotation
it falls next year upon a Whig which his grace thinks can
be of no consequence as none of that Kidney have any
Interest, in the town, but he was told that notwithstanding
the custom, if your Majesty desired it they would indeavour
to have another chosen. I shall incroatch no further
upon your Majesty's time having wrote to Mr. Edgar but
beg leave to subscribe myself with the greatest Venera-
tion and Duty your Majesty's, etc.
Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated July 5th, 1743.
Since I had the pleasure of receiving your last letter Murray
the Duke of Pferth] returned from York after having gott B/ ar
a very possitive and harsh Refusall from the Lady to whom
he was making his addresses, during his stay there he had
some commissions from the Mayer and Aldermen to the
King with which I had the honour to acquaint the King
by the enclosed amongst others they begged he might
offer their humble Duty and assure him of their unalterable
Regard to his Interest. They intended to send his High-
ness the Duke l the freedom of their toun in a Gold Box
as the highest mark of their regard for his Highness who
does them the honour to bear the Name of their Town
but being afraid least a discovery should be made by
Workmen or others who would render them the less usefull
Henry, Duke of York, afterwards cardinal.
38 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
to his Majesty they must humbly beg his Highness would
look upon the Compliment as real and Honour them with
his Acceptance.
L[ochie]l and I spoke to the Duke upon the supposition
we should obtain no assistance from France how far he
thought it would be prudent at this juncture to under-
take the King's Restoration ourselves. Upon his Grace's
approving of the scheme, I proposed when he went to the
Country he should talk to Sir Alexander] M[acdonal]d
upon the same, which he accordingly did, and sent an
answer to L[ochie]l wherin he says that found him entirely
of the same Opinion, that he seemed to think there was a
necessity for it, and that it ought to be done as soon as
possible and that in place of 700 men his Uncle brought
with him in the year 1715 he would engage to bring 1200.
I could not fail to acquaint you with his Opinion, he being
the most reserved cautious man I ever knew, and the
least apt to say or do anything rashly, everybody is of
Opinion the Government designs by all methods to Ruin
the Highlands which to be sure makes the Gentlemen
fond to have something done before it be out of their
power to be of service, especially as there are some of them
whose Estates are so low such as G[lengar]ry C[lanranal]d
A[p]p[i]n C[ap]p[oc]h that they will be obliged either
to sell their lands or conform to the Government through
necessity ; and am very credibly * informed that Ca[p]-
p[oc]h was this Winter at London on a Scheme of raising
an independent Company. Since Mr. Smith came to this
place he has insisted with Lo[chie]l to go over to see
Lord Marshall who he tells him has had several different
accounts of the State of the Highlands so that he is very
anxious to talk to him upon that head. L[ochie]l excuses
himself from going but told me Mr. Smith supposed
his Lordship was informed of everything by the King
and that the State given in by Mr. Drummond was just
he is certain ; but now things are much better and that Mr.
* I cannot now recollect from whom I had that information, but it
was such that in the time I had reason to Credit it.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 39
Drummond rather erred in making the number too small *
being determined to advance nothing but what he could
answer for. I had a letter lately from my L[ord] T[ra]-
[quai]r wherein he seems to hint that his Majesty's
friends in England are in a way of acting with more
vigour and unanimity than they have hitherto done. I
hope they are now become sensible of their weak and
groundless prejudices against Lord Semple (a Catalogue
of which I sent you in my last) as well as of the necessity
there is to act Vigorously and Resolutely for his Majesty's
Restoration. It would seem L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r and Mr.
Drummond have not judged it fitt to send my letter to
L[ord] Marshall (a Copy of which I sent you in my last)
for I have never had the smallest hint of it from Mr.
Smith neither has L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r taken occasion to
mention it in any of his Letters to me. Upon Bishop
Rattrae's coming to town I went immediately to the
Country for the Cypher when I found it did not in the
least correspond to that Coll. Urquhart must certainly
have been mistaken. I nevertheless resolved to deliver
the letters att the same time showing him the paragraph
in mine relative to him and to tell him the cause of the
mistake, but this day I sent one of his Brethern to acquaint
him that I would wait on him in the afternoon, he was
abroad and the next day when I sent again found he was
taken ill of a Pluirisy of which he died two days after x
which to be sure is a very great misfortune and not the
less so that Mr. Keith is now Senior Bishop, what they are
now doing or intend to do I don't know I have sent you
the Cypher inclosed but retained the Letter till further
Orders.
* This was owing to ISir Alexander] M[acdonald] having promised for
a number supperior to what Mr. Drummond had marked him down for
and at the same time as some folks were laying to his Charge we did not
believe it was thought fitt to say something favourable of him as we had
an entire confidence in his honesty.
1 Bishop Rattray died at Edinburgh, May 12, 1743.
40 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
We had great rejoicings some days ago on account
of a Battle said to be gained by the Allies in Germany, 1
but by latter Accounts, the Case seems to have been that
the Army of the Allies had gott too far into the Country
and finding a Scarcity of provisions (especially amongst
the English) they resolved to return from whence they
came when they were attacked by a body of French to
the number of 25,000 or thereabouts, some write they
intended to attack their rear and harrass them on their
march, others they proposed intercepting 12,000 Han-
no verians and Hessians that were on their march to join
the Army, but whatever was their Intention they attacked
our foot. Whereupon a very smart engagement ensued,
wherein both partys seem to have suffered severely. The
French repassed the river and we continued our march
and are now gott near to frankfort where its said the
Emperor is and talks of^a Suspension of Arms I wish too
good a peace may not ensue. You certainly cant help
laughing when you consider with what Vigour and Success
we carry on our war with Spain. Never was a poor
Country in so miserable a Condition as we are in att
present, neither Money nor Trade nor Credit, nay nor
so much as the smallest degree of honour or Character
left us. The Duke of P[erth]'s Stay here was so short
that I could not gett him to explain his Scheme of Seizing
Stirlling Castle, but I wont neglect the first opportunity
to have it from him. I am Still obliged to continue the
old Cannal of Correspondence not being able while att
London to find any Safe Conveyance from thence, but I
hope Lord T[ra]q[uai]r will have effectuated that before
his return ; I have now write everything that occurrs to
me I wish may not already have tired you. So with hearty
prayers for the familys wellfare and all friends with you
and that we may soon meet on a Solid and happy footing,
I beg that you would believe that I ever am, etc.
Dated July 5th, 1743.
Battle of Dettingen, fought i6th June old style, or 27th new style, 1743.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 41
P.S.I had almost neglected to tell you that while I
was att London I ordered a Countryman of ours to work
Six pair of the finest Silk-Stockens he could possibly
make, which as they are home manufactory and finest I
believe were mad in the Island I have ventured to send
them by Mr. Smith to Rome hoping the Prince will do
his Country and me the honour to accept of them.
My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r having now been three months
att London and we all that time receiving no Material
accounts of Success things looked as if this Summer would
be Spent as well as the former without any Resolution
taken of coming to Blows in the Autumn or Winter which
made all those of the concert very uneasy but particularly
my Lord L[ova]t, so that he seemed to give up all hopes
of the Schemes ever succeeding and wrote to L[ochie]l
several Letters wherein he resolved to settle his affairs
and go to London where, after he had sollicited an appeal
he intended to lodge against Chisholm, he would then go
over to France with his son. L[ochie]l was so good as show
me the most of his Letters and from some things he said,
but particularly a paragraph in one of them we had reason
to conjecture he proposed to end his days in a Religious
house ; this we were the more easily induced to believe
as his Lordship had now lived to a great age during the
most of which he had acted a part in the world not looked
upon by the Generality of Mankind in a favourable light.
We therefore agreed that L[ochie]l Should write him
dissuading him from his design but at the same time he
seemed so positive that it was thought Necessary to
acquaint the King of it as his Majesty's orders appeared
to us the only mean whereby to prevent his journey,
knowing that his leaving the Country would be of the
worst Consequence as there was not a man in that part
of the Country capable to manage it but himself and in
general that his appearing publickly in Arms for the
King must be of great Service, for which Reasons the first
Occasion that occurred I wrote to the King dated
September 5th 1743 :
42
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Murray
to
Edgar
SIR, I had the honour to write to your majesty the
5th of July last which I hope is come Safe. I have of
late seen several Letters from Lord L[ovat] to L[ochie]l
wherein he Express great Anxiety and impatience that
things are not like to come to a conclusion. I take it to
be upon that account that he has settled his affairs att
home and is now taking leave of his friends with a Resolu-
tion of going this Winter to London there to solicite an
appeal and from thence to France with his Son. Your
Majesty will see at first View all the inconveniencys that
may attend such a procedure more readily than I can ex-
press, he being the only man in the Country capable to
manage that part of the Country alloted him, and indeed
I am afraid from a paragraph in one of his Letters that he
has some thoughts of Ending his days in a monastry
Since he thinks he cannot do it in your Majestys Service.
Affairs abroad seem now to tend more and more to a
War with france which Should it happen will I hope putt
a Stop to his journey, but failing that I am apt to believe
nothing will do save your Majestys orders, etc.
To Mr. Edgar.
September 5, 1743.
SIR, I gave you the trouble of a pretty long Letter the
fifth of July last, since which I have not had the pleasure
of hearing from you. Lord T[ra]q[uai]r is still att London
but proposes to be soon down here, which I heartily wish,
some folks being vastly anxious for his return expecting
upon that Event to be intirely satisfied as to what may be
hoped for from the Kings friends in England. Upon the
Highland deserters being shott att London, 1 which has
1 The Highland Regiment, originally the 43rd and afterwards the 42nd, was
raised in the name of John, 2Oth Earl of Crawford (then lying wounded at
Belgrade), in 1739, and first embodied 1740. It was sent to London in 1743,
and there its members, who understood on enlistment that their service was
for the Highlands only, were persuaded that the Government intended to send
them to the plantations or to sell them into slavery. When encamped at
Highgate more than two hundred of them left the camp by night in May
1743 and started to march to Scotland. They were overtaken and surrounded
when near Oundle in Northamptonshire ; they surrendered and were marched
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 43
greatly disobliged their Countrymen, I took it upon me
to acquaint some of the Gentlemen that it was his Majesty s
pleasure they should endeavour to prevent as much as
possible any of their followers from inlisting in the Service
of the present Government. This I thought the more
necessary as a great many of them have been carried
out of the Country for some years past, the Dutch having
gott several hundreds upon their last Augmentation. 1
My Lord K[e]n[mur]e is returned from Portugall per-
fectly recovered. I said some obliging things to him in
his Majesty s Name of gaining the Cameronians (amongst
whom he lived) to his Majesty s Interest. I am very
sensible what a fickle Sett of people they are and how
difficult an undertaking of this kind may prove. Yett as
Sir Th[oma]s G[ord][o]n of E[arls]t[o]n, 2 a leading man
amongst them two years ago, spoke to the late Lord of
the precarious Situation of the present Government, and
in case of a Restoration begged his protection, this Lord
seemed the fitter person to learn his present Sentiments.
Your Friend Sir J[ames] S[tewar]t 3 who deservedly well
liked by all his acquaintances is to be married to Lord
W[emy]ss eldest daughter, a Match made by Lord
E[lcho] 4 who left this the beginning of Summer and I
understand, is now at Boulogne, so that I had no oppor-
tunity to deliver the Compliments his Majesty and the
Prince honour him with. I beg you will believe me, etc.
prisoners to the Tower. Three of their leaders were executed, Corporals
Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson and private Farquhar Shaw, all of Clan
Chattan.
1 There had been heavy recruiting for the Scots Brigade in the service of
the Netherlands.
2 Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlston, 3rd baronet, whose grandfather (killed at
Bothwell Bridge) and father were eminent Covenanter leaders. Murray hoped
to secure the adherence of the Cameronian Covenanters through Gordon and
Dr. Cochran (see p. 51) and others. Cf. Murray's Memorials, p. 54-
* Sir James Stewart ; see Appendix.
4 David (Wemyss), Lord Elcho, eldest son of James, 4th Earl of Wemyss.
Joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh and served through the campaign.
Forfeited, and lived in exile until his death in 1787. See his Memoir by Hon.
Evan Charteris, prefaced to A Short Account of the Affairs of Scotland, 1744-46.
44 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Some time in the month of August the Laird of
Mc[Leo]d l came to Edinburgh and told L[ochie]l on his
way here, who desired he might see him, and that he had
several Commissions to us, so desired he would make an
appointment with me. When L[ochie]l spoke to me of
it I agreed to ride out with him on the Saturday to Peggie
Vints where he proposed to dine and see a son of Lord
L[ovat]s who was then at the School of Preston, 2 but we
were both afraid from his saying that he had several
Commissions that his Lordship had been too open with
him, contrary to the engagement all these of the Concert
had come under to one another ; for which reason we
resolved to be very cautious and determined, in case we
found it as we suspected, to say nothing of it to him.
We according mett, dined in the Country and adjurned to
the Tavern in Edinburgh where we resolved to give him
leave to say or ask as few questions as possible and took
occasion to speak a good deal on the present miserable
Situation of the Country, and tell him that we thought
him one of the fittest Persons we knew to instigate the
English to join heartily for promoting the Kings interest,
being both a highland man and one of power in the Country ;
1 Norman Macleod of Macleod, nineteenth chief; born 1706; died 1772.
He engaged to join Prince Charles although he came alone ; but he changed
his mind, was the first to communicate the Prince's landing to the Lord
President, and was the vindictive foe of Prince Charles throughout the whole
adventure.
2 This was Alexander (or Alistair), Lord Lo vat's second son, by his wife
Margaret Grant, sister of ' Sir James Grant of Grant. Born 1729, died
unmarried 1762.
The school at Prestonpans was kept by Mr. John Halket who had been tutor
in Lovat's family at Castle Downie. Peggy Vint's was a tavern in Prestonpans.
Alexander Carlyle gives an account of an extraordinary carouse there in 1741,
at which Lovat, Erskine of Grange, Halket, four Fraser henchmen, young Lovat,
Halket's son, and Carlyle were present. Lovat said Grace in French, and he
'swore more than fifty dragoons ' at the fish. The claret was excellent and
circulated fast. There was a piper at the tavern, and the landlady's daughter
Kate was 'very alluring.' Lovat, then seventy-five, and Grange not much
younger, warmed with wine, insisted on dancing a reel with Kate Vint : ' this
was a scene not easily forgotten.' A banquet at Grange's house of Preston,
with a 'new deluge of excellent claret,' finished what Carlyle calls 'a very
memorable day.' Carlyle, Autobiography, p. 58.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 45
and at the same time told him it was his Majesty s pleasure
that the Chiefs of the Clans should allow none of their men
to leave the Country. To which he answered that he and Sir
Alexander] Mc[Donal]d had taken care to let none of theirs
inlist, and said a good deal of his readiness to serve the
King so soon as an occasion should offer, and that he had
already during his being att London made it his business
to incite and encourage the English to every thing that
cou'd conduce to his Majesty s interest ; and as to Lord
L[ova]ts commissions, they turned out only to inquiring
about Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and what news or good hopes
he had. From this time nothing passed worthy the
noticeing, I had some compliments from Lord L[ova]t
in his letters to L[ochie]l wherein he acquainted him with
the success he had in a Circuit he made over the Country
and then gott a Letter or two from himself on these
subjects and desiring his Majesty might be acquainted
with it and at the same time saying he was resolved to
continue at Home in expectation of something satisfactory
upon my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r's return. Upon this I wrote the
following Letter to Mr. Edgar, dated October 28th, 1743.
SIR,* I has the pleasure of writing to you the fifth of
* About this time Sir J. Ca[mpbe]ll had the misfortune to have his
house burnt and lost everything in it, even to his Body Cloaks. The
deplorable situation he was in, never having received any of the money
promised him save 200 call for immediate assistance, and still the more
so, that he had from time to time borrowed Money upon his Honour to
Return it in such a time, as he had always reason to expect his pension
wou'd answer, his failing in which necessarly weakened his Interest in
the Country, for two reasons : 1st that he had no money to enable him
to entertain and visit his neighbours, and 2ndly So he was not able to
keep his word to them from whom he had borrowed it. Both shagger-
ined him and naturally made him the less confided in other matters, for
which reasons I wrote presently to my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r, to write Mr.
Drummond then at London, that the money might be gott as he then
had the bond I mentioned before in his Custody, but he still putt it off
by saying that nothing could be done in it till he went over, as the
money was to be gott in france, which was a most rediculous reason, for
he told me in paris that it was through Lord Semple he was to find it,
which had it been the Case there was no occasion for the things being
46 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Murray last moneth with one inclosed to his Majesty, which
to makes me give you the trouble of this to acquaint you
that upon L[ochie]ls repeated Letters to Lord L[ovat]
together with Copys of my Lord T[ra]q[uai[rs from London
which I sent him, he is determined not to stir from home
this Winter. I should be greatly to blame did I neglect
to inform you that his Lordship has been most assiduous
this Summer to promote his Majesty s Interest in his dis-
trict so that I have great reason to believe that he is sure
of all those he engaged for. He seems to be in great
spirits upon account of his success in his Circuit he lately
made over the Country when he gained most of the
Monroes, 1 a people as little to have been expected as any
in the Highlands. He keeps an open table by which
means he is become very popular, and I believe, generally
speaking, has more to say than any in that Country.
L[ochie]l is still here expecting every day Lord T[ra]-
q[uai]rs arrival etc. His Lordship, to the best of my Rem-
membrance, came to Scotland sometime in the moneth
when L[ochie]l and I immediately mett with him. He
acquainted us that Mr. Drummond had left London a
great while before him and promised so soon as he gott
to Paris that the King of France and his ministers should
be acquainted with the favourable accounts he had to
give of his Success and that he would forthwith inform
Lord T[ra]q[uai]r of every Resolution that was taken.
His Lordship likewise told us what had passed during
delayed till he went over, as he was to have no influence but ought to
have sent it to Lord Semple. However I don't believe it will be found
upon inquiring yt, Lord Semple knew any thing of the matter for Mr.
Drummond would not agree that I should mention the thing to him
when at paris, so that I am fully convinced that it was as I have said
befor, all a fetch to prevent writing to the King about it, for fear that he
should be disapointed of the 4,000 Livres a year he has since got
settled upon him.
1 Lord Lovat must surely have been deceiving or deceived. It was the
proud boast of the Monroes that the clan had remained constant to Covenant-
ing principles and to the Protestant succession, being the only Whig clan that
never wavered. The Munroeswere the only Highlanders who joined Cope on
his march to Inverness in 1745.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 47
his Stay at London, which I shall not pretend to give a
particular detail of, having no authority to intermeddle
with, nor ever had, any particular concern in what re-
garded the English ; so shall leave it to his Lordship to
give a particular account of his Negotiations in that
Country, if he shall think it necessary. I shall only men-
tion here that his Lordship informed us that he had
talk'd with the principal people of the Tory party some
of which were very timerous, others such as Lord Barfry-
mo]re very ready to join in any thing that could conduce
to forward the Restoration, and that he had frankly offered,
when they proposed a sum of Money to be ready to the
Value of 12,000 which was scrupled at by some, to
provide it himself. That Lord O[rre]ry 1 had made two
several apointments with him and Mr. Drummond, neither
of which he keept, but Stept out of Town without Seeing
of them. But I must observe that from all I can Rem-
member of the Story no particular Concert was formed
nor was their any appearance given the french of meeting
with provisions, Carriages and horses att their landing,
as Mr. Amalet proposed at Versails ; for to the contrary
when was spoke to who lived in the neigh-
bourhood of where they proposed to land, concerning the
providing of these several Necessary he said he had no
Idea that any thing had been so suddenly designed for
the King, so could make no promises. Mr. Butler, the
Gentleman sent over by the King of France to enquire
into the Situation of the Country, was introduced by his
Lordship to the most of the people. He knew and was
sent to the Country to a meeting at Litchfield Races there
to meet with Lord B[arrymor]e, Sir Wfatkin Williams]
W[ynn] 2 where he was with about 80 or more gentle-
men all of them but one reckoned honest people, which
to be sure gave a good aspect to the party in general ;
but nevertheless I don't see he went away with such a
1 John Butler, 5th earl; succeeded as 5th Earl of Cork, 1751; a man of
letters; friend of Swift, Pope, and Johnson ; died 1762.
2 Of Wynnstay, 3rd Baronet, M.P. for Denbigh, an ardent Jacobite, almost
openly avowed.
48 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
satisfactory account as Mr. Arnalet seemed to require.
He assured my Lord he had several Instructions from the
King himself, but I wish his principall Errand may not
have been to purchase horses with a View to the Kings
equipage for the insuing Campaign, he having bought to
the value of 3 or 4000. This reflection may seem harsh
but I cannot reconcile their bestowing that sum upon
horses for which he said they had no Occasion only by a
way of blind and not allowing the prince not above one
half of it for a whole years expences, and I don't think
it would be just to argue in opposition to it that they
then knew nothing of the Campaign his Majesty intended
to make. The french are rather too far sighted not to
allow them to design so short a while as some moneths
before hand. In short from his Lordships return till
the moneth of february we had no Letters from france.
In the interim L[ochie]l went to the Highlands when he
acquainted Sir Jfames Cfampbell] and Lord L[ova]t with
all yt had passed and that we soon expected the french
would come to a final determination one or tother. We
spent the time greatly shagerin'd, vex'd to have no
Accounts of any kind considering that Mr. Drummond
promised at his leaving London in Company with Mr.
Butler to write over immediately. Att last we received
two letters, one inclosing another Copy, of which I shall
insert Copy of Mr. Drummonds Letter to the Earl of
T[ra]q[uai]r, dated . . .
After I had made this answer with the Consent and
advice of the Duke of P[erth] and was signed by them,
the nixt day being Ash Wedensday l his Grace resolved
to leave the place being apprehensive that as the news-
papers were there very full of the french preparations
he might be suspected and seized and so not in his power
to appear when any thing came to be done. My Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r, att whose Lodgings I had the Honour to
meet his Grace that mourning, was very much against
1 yth February 1744.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 49
his leaving the place in such a hurry, and on that day
especially. I likewise took the Liberty to remonstrate
to him a little against it but all to no purpose and he
accordingly sett out about Eleven O Clock and went that
night the Length of Dumblain. This was immediately
looked upon by the people of the Government with a very
jealous Eye and the more so that his Brother Lord J[oh]n
had come to Scotland some little time before upon a
Scheme of raising a Scots Regiment for the french Service,
stayed only ten days or little more at Edinburgh and
went from that to the Highlands to solicite the Gentle-
men there to be assisting to him in making his Levies.
It unluckily hapened for the Duke that upon the back
of Lord J[oh]ns going to the Country the Government
began to be alarmed with the Accounts of the Princes
being come to france and the intended invasion in
his Majesty s interest which made our little Ministers
conjecture that Lord J[oh]n had been sent over with
the accounts of it to the Highlands and consequently
that the Duke had left the town with an intention to
foment an insurrection in the Country. This was made
no secret of, being publickly talked of immediately upon
the Duke disappearing two days, so after his leaving
the town a servant of his was dispatched to London with
the Letter I had wrote to Mr. Drummond their being no
other means of conveiying one to him but by express,
we not having any settled Cannal of Correspondence from
hence there. This I think was about the 8th or 10th of
february [1744]. My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r stayed some days
in town after, designedly to create no suspicion.
In about a week or so after I went on a Sunday Evening to
see Mr. H[a]y * l who, when I was talking in a ludicrous way
* He is marry 'd to a sister of mine, and upon the Change of the
Ministry was made keeper of the Signet, through the Marquiss of
Tweedales Interest in the Room of Mr. Mcmillan the Writer.
1 Thomas Hay of Huntington, East Lothian, advocate; Keeper of the
Signet, 1742-46 ; raised to the Bench as Lord Huntington 1754. His brother,
John Hay of Restalrig, W.S., succeeded John Murray as Secretary to Prince
Charles on Murray's falling ill at Inverness, in 1746.
D
50 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
of the paragraph in the papers about the manner in which
his Highness had left Italy, he told me in a very serious
way that it was no Joke and said that the sooner I went
to the Country the better as my living quietly at home
would give no suspicion to the Government, but if I
stayed any time in town he did not know what might
happen, that upon his honour he had not heard me men-
tioned, which perhaps was owing to my near Relation
with him, but that att that same time I was suspected
to correspond with Rome. I told him I intended to stay
some days longer in Town and would so soon as I had
formerly proposed, that I had no cause of fear and so
would not run away, and as to their suspecting my corre-
sponding with Rome, that I laughed at but thanked him
for his kind concern. I was not at all sorry to find they
were so alarmed and afraid, which to me appeared a sure
sign of their weakness, and indeed their fear for some days
after increased to the most abject pusilanimity. His
saying that he had not heard me mentioned was telling
plainly that they had been consulting of who were the
persons first to be laid hands ; and I am apt to believe
had the management of affairs been left to Lord Arniston, 1
Sir John Inglis, 2 Commissioner Arthburthnet 3 and the rest
of the present Ministry there would have been little lenity
shown any Body they had the least reason to suspect.
But affairs were afterwards taken out of their hands and
putt into these of Justice Clerks, 4 who tho' as Violent a
Whig yet not so hott and Violent a Man. I went next
day, being Munday, in the morning to wait of General
1 Robert Dundas of Arniston, first President Dundas ; born 1685 ; was Lord
Advocate, 1720-25 ; raised to the Bench as Lord Arniston 1737 5 became Lord
President on the death of Duncan Forbes of Culloden 1748 ; died 1753. He
was the father of Henry (Dundas), ist Lord Melville.
2 Sir John Inglis of Cramond, Postmaster-General of Scotland.
3 Alexander Arbuthnott of Knox, merchant in Edinburgh ; grandson of the
1st Viscount Arbuthnott ; became Commissioner of Customs 1742; died 1769.
4 Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, nephew of Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun the
great opposer of the Union. Born 1692 ; elevated to Scottish Bench 1724 ;
Lord-Justice-Clerk 1735-48; died 1766.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 51
Guest, who then Commanded in Chief in Scotland 1 with a
View to hear what a Notion or Idea he had of matters.
He told me that the Repeal of the Habeas Corpus Act
was expected that night by the Post, but added that, was
it come, upon his honour he did not know a man he sus-
pected enough to lay up, which I was exceedingly well
pleased with. Also att the same time I could have
marked out a great many and the general seemed not
in the least to be affraid and laughed att the hurry and
confusion the other folks were. I was taken very ill
that day after dinner and gave up thoughts of going to
Mr. Hunters of Poolmood's Burrial 2 which was to be on the
Thursday, and I was desired out by the Widow on the
tuesday, which evening about six O Clock Mr. Mc[Douga]ll 3
brought me a Letter directed to the Countess of T[ra]-
q[uai]r. As I was then expecting one every day from Mr.
Drummond, as he had promised in his last, I began to
suspect a little notwithstanding it had come by the Common
Post, a very odd method of Conveyance. In such a critical
juncture I opened it when I found a blank Cover and Still
directed as before. This confirmed me in my suspicion
and under that I found a Letter for my Lord which I
immediately opened and tho' partly in Cypher, could
easily understand that things were directly to be putt in
execution. This struck me a good deal as I said I would
not go to the Country. However, I sent Mr. Mc[Douga]ll
with directions immediately to sent the Letter off to Lord
T[ra]q|"uai]r and to desire D. C[ ]n 4 to come down
as of no design and tell me I might go to the Country next
1 Joshua Guest, born 1660 ; Lieut. -General 1745 ; died 1747. Thisis the only
categorical statement which I am aware of that Guest was Commander-in-
Chief in Scotland before the appointment of Sir John Cope (i8th February 1744).
Cf. Book of Old Edinburgh Club, 1909, p. 17.
" 2 Hunter of Polmood was buried in Drumelzier Churchyard on Thursday,
February 23, 1744, which dates this incident. His son, Charles Hunter, was
married to Murray's sister, Veronica.
3 William M'Dougall, wine merchant in Edinburgh, a brother-in-law of John
Murray's. See Memorials, pp. 66, 301, 311.
4 Probably Dr. Cochran of Roughfoil, a physician in Edinburgh. He may
have been a connection of Murray's, whose aunt Margaret was married to Alex,
Cochran of Barbachlaw. Cf. Memorials, pp. 38, 54.
52 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
day if I pleased, which he accordingly did and hyrred a
Chaise, not being able to ride. In the mean while Sir
J. S[tewar]t came to see me, who I acquainted of it and
att the same time wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re who
I had spoke to the Munday before, desiring him to meet
me at T[ra]q[uai]r the thursday night as likewise one to
Mr. J[oh]n Mc[leo]d * telling him I thought it would be fitt
to send Sir Jfames] C[ampbe]lls son to the Highlands, who
his father designed should serve him therein being assistant
to raise the Country. I accordingly sett out next mourn-
ing for the Country and the day following Lord T[ra]-
q[uai]r mett me at Polmood and shewed me the Letter
when decyphered which I shall here give a Copy off, and
att the same time a Letter he had received the night
before by express from Edinburgh telling him that their
was a Warrant out to apprehend him which determined
his Lordship to go immediately to the D[uke] of P[erth].
Upon which so soon as the Burrial was over we came
to my house, where I wrote a Letter to Lord K[enmu]re
desiring he would follow us next mourning to Hartrie 2
where we intended to sleep that night and sent it Express
to T[ra]q[uai]r with other Letters of my Lords, expecting
Lord K[enmo]re would be there that night, but he never-
theless continued the whole time in Edinburgh. We set
out next day from Hartrie which was the fryday, that the
french fleet was dispersed and the Transports run a Shore, 3
and the night after gott to Drummond Castle, from whence
his Grace sent immediately an express with the Copy
of the last Letter we received to Lfochiejl. We con-
tinued som weeks there always in Expectation to hear
of a landing and in the mean time heard that several
informations was given in against the Duke of Perth as
having numbers of armed men about his house which was
1 John M'Leod of Muiravonside, Stirlingshire, an advocate. His son,
Alexander, was A.D.C. to Prince Charles.
2 Ilartree, a Peeblesshire estate, in Kilbucho Parish, about seven miles from
Broughton. The laird of Hartree, John Dickson, was married to Murray's
aunt Anne.
3 French Fleet wrecked, 25th February old style, 7th March new style, 1744.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 53
absolutely false. At last a party of 150 foot and 30
Horse were sent from Stirling to make him Prisoner, but
he had intelligence of it and went out of the way. 1 All
this time Lord T[ra]q[uai]r was sculking about the Country
having returned from the jaunt he had made over the
Highlands.
After staying in that Country till the beginning of
Aprile, without receiving any Accounts from abroad
and giving up all hopes of a Landing, I left my Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r there and came to Stirlingshire where I
stayed about three weeks and so came to Edinburgh, and
from that went to the Country the llth of May. In the
beginning of June, when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r returned, I
went to wait of him, and being very uneasy to think we
had received no accounts from Abroad, I said if I could
afford the expence I would go over on pretence of seeing
the Army in flanders and so see the Prince myself and learn
distinctly what situation things were in. This his Lord-
ship was well pleased with but I did not say anything
positively, but upon Reflexion by the Road, I thought
it was hard that people who had been for so long con-
cerned in the Kings affairs and putt to so great Charge
about it with the hazard of their Lives and fortunes should
now be left in the dark as to every thing. Wherefore
I resolved to do it, and next day wrote a Letter to my
Lord telling him that if the Duke of Pferth] would give
me a 100 I would be att the rest of the expence myself
and go over and in case his Lordship approved of it, he
would be so good as meet me at Peebles on Saturday,
which he did, and after talking with him I came home
and sett out the same night about O Clock and gott to
Drummond [Castle] next afternoon. The Duke immediately
agreed to the thing and gave me an order for the money.
About this time came a letter from Lord Semple to Lord
T[ra]q[uai]r by way of an account of their precedure in
the Spring, which I went to T[ra]q[uai]r and assisted his
1 On this occasion, as on a subsequent escape from capture, the Duke took
refuge in the Invercauld country. Seeflosf, p, 271.
54
ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Murray
to the
Chevalier
Lordship to decypher, but was so little to our satisfaction
that my Lord still thought my going over more necessary
than before. About this time I received a letter from
St[uar]t of Ardfshie]!!, 1 telling me that he would have come
to the Country to wait of me but his dress made him
remarkable, being in Highland Cloaths, but as he had
corned to Town purposely to meet with me, he hoped I
would give him a meeting, and yt he had seen L[ochie]l
lately. I went -to town in a day or two after and dined
with him. His Errand was to know of me if I had gott any
Accounts lately, and what hopes I had. I did not think
it att all proper to let him know any thing of my having
seen such a letter as Lord Semple had wrote, nor indeed
that any Accounts had come ; for in that case he would
have expected something positive. But I put him off by
telling him I imagined the french were resolved to renew
the Expedition soon and so friends did not care to write
least any discovery should ensue, but could easily see
that the Answer was not att all satisfactory. I returned
that same night to the Country, and during a few days
that I stayed, prepared for my journey.
N.B. This is a fragment of a letter written by Mr.
Murray to the Pretender soon after the miscarriage of the
French Expedition.
It was looked upon by some as certain, and thought
necessary by all, that Mr. Watson 2 should come over, as
he was the person who had gone through the whole High-
lands and gott the engagements of the Several Gentle-
men at his first leaving Scotland, and surely had any
of them been so little as to flinch from what they engaged
to him, he was the natural and indeed the only person
that could have upbraided them into their Duty. My
Lord says he could trust to no conveyance, and so could
1 Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel, a cadet of Appin. He led out the
Stewarts of Appin in 1745. Fled to France after Culloden, and died 1757.
(He is the chief for whom Alan Breck collected rents. See Kidnapped, by
R. L. Stevenson, chap, ix.)
2 Balhaldy.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 55
not soonner give us any information your Majesty s friend
is here, upon Mr. D[rummond] not coming, expected im-
mediately after the Embargo was taken of in france
that some one or other would have been dispatched to
our Coasts with an account of what had passed, and what
was to be hoped for, that so we might have regulate our
fortunes Conduct accordingly. The neglect of this, Sir,
greatly surprises your Majesty s friends in generall, and
gives the Gentlemen in the concert a good deal of Umbrage,
as they thereby think themselves slighted and neglected,
whereas, they being the first promoters of the whole
scheme, they humbly think entitled them to have the
most expidetious information. His Lordship next sup-
poses that we are fully satisfied of the french sincerity,
which indeed is entirely otherwise, especially from the
Reasons he assigns that it was owing to the commandants
neglect or disobedience to his Instructions. We never
can bring ourselves to believe that any man (especially
a french subject) grown old with an untainted and great
Reputation, durst have disobeyed what seems to have been
the only Material part of his Instructions to block up
Portsmouth, and surely, if not for this one Errand his
Voyage to the Chunnel must rather do harm than good,
which was evidently seen by the Government being put
timeously upon their Guard. As to his next paragraph
relating to the frenches cautious delay purposely to see
what Influence the powers of the Court would have upon
your Majesty s friends here, and that the above cautious
delay was grating to the Prince ; no wonder indeed his
Royal Highness had too penetrating an Eye not to see
that it would be impossible to recover this Time and
opportunity he was losing. But what really quite as-
tonishes us is his Lordships saying that from the light it
was represented in, their caution seemed to be well
grounded. We cant pretend to take their Reasons to [heart]
as they are not told us, but we are affraid they consist more
in plausible pretences, dressed up with a little french
Rhetorick, than in strong and solid Arguments. We are
in this Climate generally accustomed to the plainer sort
56 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
of speach, and we cannot help thinking ourselves judges
of it. Did not the french Court know of Comns. ? l Did
they not know that that Majority would pass all Bills
that might seem their Master ? Did they not know that
the repeal of the Habeas Corpus act would naturally be
the first step and that by that Repeal they were enabled
to take up every person they suspected ? Did they not
know that the principal men in England, of your Majestys
friends, were in the house and that not one of them durst
object to any method that was proposed as their offering.
Such would have been an open declaration of their prin-
ciples, and must consequently have caused their confine-
ment. Did they not know that the English are a fickle
sort of people, and that they had a natural abhorence
of the french nation, and thay could not be ignorant that
this was giving them time to frighten them by the fear of
a french Influence that State pretence and thereby to
make friends in the City of London. If they were Ignorant
of all these they ought surely to have been told, and we
must be of opinion that these as such Indisputable Reasons
that no Sound Arguments could be adduced to confute
them, which, when rightly observed, makes their Schemes
of delaying it for a little time appear vain and frivolous
pretences and absolutely contradictory to all Right
Reason. We are convinced that his Royal Highness, keep-
ing so quiet has effectually deceived the Government,
that it is entirely owing to his own matchless address, and
indeed upon decyphering the Letter My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r
and I thought that we was in the next line to have
had orders to keep in readyness to favour a discent to
be made, upon the D[uke] of H[amilton] and the Dutch
troops going over ; but to our unexpressible Surprise he
proposes new assurances to be given both from Scotland
and England. In the name of Wonder what can all this
mean ? Where are the Grounds ? Where the Reasons,
where the necessity leading to such a demand ? The
assurances from Scotland were thought sufficient by the
Probably House of Commons.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 57
K[ing], by C[ardinal] F[leury] and by Mr. Amalot. From
the first moment the assurances carried over by Mr. Butler
last year from England were thought sufficient, otherwise
the french would not have carried the Expidition so far.
If this is the case (which we have all along been made
believe) what is the necessity for any Renewal of them ?
What a horrid and Gloomy prospect must such a Scheme
carry along with it, things have been carried on for some
years with great Secrecy and caution, tho' with danger
of Life and fortune to those concerned, and must they
now recommence such another tedious and dangerous
Negotiation ? I am afraid, Sir, if your Majesty should
find it necessary it will be next to impossible, at lest my
Lord T[ra]q[uai]r never can take a hand doing any thing
in England, he is already strongly suspected and it wanted
but little he was not taken up some moneths ago. The
express he sent to London with a Letter to Watson 1 was
seized, which was occasioned by one from him which left
us quite in the dark as to what assistance we were to have,
and that within 3 weeks of the Expidition, but not till
he had delivered his Packet ; and had he not lucky ly said
he believed it Related to a marriage which was then the
talk of the town, his Lordship had surely been arested.
But if the English are so well satisfied with the procedure
of the french, and the open discovery of any plot, why
cant they find one amongst themselves to do the Business ?
I shall be sorry to think they have only a view to gain
time till they see whither they are able to carry on the
W T ar in spite of Brittain, and then tell us that the Zeal
shown for the present Government in the time of the
Expidition contradicts all the assurances we advanced
to the contrary, which will be the Result of their Cautious
and well delay for a little time. This is harsh, but other
people have seen, and I have read of france doing the
like in other cases. As to the troops to be landed in
Scotland, suppose it to be impossible to converse with
all the concert on it att any time in two moneths, and all
Balhaldy.
58 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
present not to be done at all, yett I can take upon me to
affirm that they still continue in the same mind as to
every Article. 3000 men landed, one half near Sir J[ames]
Cam[pbe]ll to command Argyle Shire, the other half near
Inverness, a L[ochie]l may join them to command the
north, or if the one half can't reach near to Sir Jfames]
Cfampbell], lett them be all landed together with 4 feild
pieces, 15 or 20,000 Stand of Arms, Gones, Pistoles and
broad Swords, yett from the inquiry I have made I am
satisfied 10,000 Guns or less, 10,000 Broad Swords and as
many Pistoles will sufficiently do the Business, as all the
Isles are lately Armed with Guns and most of them
Swords, Likewise, as for the Inland Country, they want
Swords and Pistoles very much. It gives us great un-
easiness that my Lord Mfarischal] should be so unhappy as
to fly in the face of every Scheme, if he himself does not pro-
ject. Sed quos Deus vult perdere dementit prius, but we
cannot help thinking oddnt, when the money was had to
pay Sir J[ames] Mr. Watson did not care to remit it. This
to be sure required no Conveyance, a Bill was sufficient.
He knows the miserable Situation he is in, and tho' the
rest of the Concert are in no such Indigent Situation,
yett their Circumstances are not so opulent as to assist
him. The Gentlemen in the Highlands were so desirous
to know if any accounts were come that Locheal gave a
Commission to St[ewart] of A[rdshiel] who came expressly
to meet with me and indeed I was so Anxious for the
Situation of your Majesty s friends, that I resolved upon
a journey abroad to inform myself of every thing, upon
the pretence of going to see the Army to some who had
a title to be a little more Curious upon pretence of making
more interest for a Company in the Dutch in case of any
new levies, so that it was an accident I either mett with
that Gentleman or saw my Lord Sfemple] letter. He
complained heavily that we had no Accounts from abroad,
and indeed I never had more difficulty to excuse our
friends. However, I told that our having none looked well
as it portended that the expidition had surely suffered
some short delay from the bad weather that had happened
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 59
at the time, and as it was soon to be resumed, they thought
it needless to send us any information in case of dis-
coveries, which nevertheless cou'd observe did not entirely
Satisfie him. My Lord T[raquair] desired me to assure
your Majesty that there is nothing he would not under-
take which might further your Majesty s interest
but that he cannot come from his own house to Edin-
burgh without being suspected, which renders it impos-
sible for him to negotiate any thing in England, and at
the same time desires me to observe that he cannot
reconceal that part of my Lord S[emple's] Letter, where
he tells him that nothing will be fixed with relation to the
expidition till he hear from him with his proposals of fresh
assurances from your Majesty s friends here. In short,
Sir, I must say that this letter is of such a nature that I
do not take it upon me to intimate it to the Gentlemen
in the Concert as in the present Situation Your Majesty s
Wisdom, the inexpressible Character the Prince has ac-
quired as being of so brave and enterprising a Spirit,
together with their own Suspence and hopes are what
keep up their Spirits, but was I to make it knowen to them
I am afraid it would throw them into a fatal Despondency,
so till I have your Majestys orders am resolved to keep
it private. Never was there a people more anxiously
concerned about a princes happiness and welfare than
this nation when she heard of Highness imbarkation,
nor do I believe Scotland ever made a more unanimous
Appearance than they would have done then, provided
the Conditions promised them had been performed, but
we have been told here, how justly I won't say, that there
was only 3000 Muskets designed for us without any troops,
indeed, we are able, at any time, to command our own
Country with Arms and officers, especially now when
there is only four Regiments of foot and two of Dragoons,
and each of these 100 Men draughted to flanders. I am
sorry to be obliged to trouble your Majesty with so long
a paper, but I am hopefull your Majesty will be of opinion
our present Situation required it especially after receiving
the inclosed, nor do I fear your Majestys being angry
60 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
upon that account as I most humbly beg leave to say that
an honest and loyal Subject can never explain himself too
fully and Clearly to a wise Prince, and since the Receipt
of Lord S[emple] letter I am more fully resolved to make
my journey abroad as I think there is more Reason for
full and pointed explications on every Article, and if
I don't thereby hurt your Majestys affairs of what at
present I have no idea I shall be quite indifferent as what
may be the consequence with regard to myself, being
Void of all other Views but that of promoting your
Majestys Interest, which I shall ever endeavour to do att
all hazard. I most humbly beg this letter may not be
made known to my Lord S[emple] and Mr. W[atson] 1
least it unreasonably make differences amongst those
concerned in your Majestys affairs, but if sending them a
Copy will in your Majestys opinion be of any Service, I
can with great Satisfaction sacrifice the private Regard
of any man to the trueth and to my King and Country.
This seems to be a Copy of a Letter which Mr. Murray
wrote after his return from France and Flanders in the
Moneths of September or October, 1744, To the young
Pretender, then in France?
Murray SIR, It gives me the most Concern I should have been
Prince so ^ on S m tn ^ s Country without having it in my power
Charles to acquaint your Royal Highness with what has passed
since I left France, except in the short Letter I was
necessitate to write from. London under Cover to Mr.
Lumly or Maxwell. 3 I dont now remember whilst being
then able to find no other conveyance and since my
Arrival here, there has been no Occasion till the present
tho' I have laid myself out to find one, as I might not
so distinctly as I incline, acquaint your Royal Highness
of every thing by way of letter. I have taken the Liberty
1 Balhaldy.
2 The names in this letter have been deciphered partly by comparison with
other ciphers ; partly from information given by Murray in his Memorials ;
occasionally by conjecture, in which last case the word ' probably ' is prefixed.
3 Sempill or Balhaldy.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 61
to write in form of a journal with opinions of the several
Persons I have had occasion to talk to.
I sett out from Senlis l on Wednesday morning and on
Thursday night came to Brussels. From thence I went
next day to Termonde, where I mett with 636, 616, 1614,
12, 30, 1392, 2 who I spoke to as ordered by Mr. Burnet. 3
He seemed a little Timerous at first, but nevertheless
promised to do all in his power with his Brother Officers,
and to write Mr. Fisher 3 under the name of Burnet sub-
scribing himself Cuming. On the Saturday I went to 425,
1876, 1614, 4 in Company withMr. 434, 1054, 1730, 5 to whom
I spoke all night and found him so frank as to give me his
word of honour that he would come over immediately
upon my writing to him that he would use his Interest
with the 1495 of his 598, 1614, 6 and go to Charleroy and
talk with Some of Coaliers 7 and promised likewise to Send
me over a list of the recruiting officers for this year, with
a mark to those that might be spoke to. From that came
to Rotterdam on Saturday where he informed me that
there was nothing easier than to gett Arms of all kinds
by applying to any Jew att Amsterdam who would oblige
himself upon a penalty to give any number att what-
ever port in Holland we desired, and that as this was done
dayly, it would create no Suspicion. There mett with
1389, 1051, C13, 8 to whom I repeated what had passed
from the time I left him, and delivered him two letters
from Mr. Burnet 3 with which he seemed exceedingly well
pleased. I had many conversations with him on these
1 Probably 2ist September 1744. Murray wrote two letters to Prince
Charles from Senlis, on 2 1st September (which was a Wednesday). Both are
given in Murray's Memorials, pp. 376, 379.
2 Probably Captain Clephan of Villegass's Regiment, the second Scots
regiment in the service of the Netherlands. See Murray's Memorials, pp. 101,
etc., for this, and following notes.
3 Prince Charles. 4 Rotterdam.
5 Captain Anderson, also of Villegass's Regiment.
6 Officers of his regiment (probably).
7 Colyear's, that is the regiment of the Hon. W. P. Colyear, son of the 1st
Earl of Portmore, Colonel of the third Scots regiment in the Netherlands.
8 Lord Elcho.
62 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
Subjects, and upon the whole he was, and still is of
Opinion that the English will not be brought to enter
upon any Scheme without a foreign force, and that Mr.
Burnet's x coming to Scotland without their concurrence
must be of the worse consequence, as from that quarter
alone their did not appear the least probability of Success ;
for which reason, if the french do not putt in Execution
the following Spring what they proposed the passed, he
proposes as the dernier Resort to make an offer to the
King of the Crown of Scotland upon the footing of the
Antient Allience with France ; but of this I shall say
nothing, leaving to him to explain it himself, and as to
raising a Sum of money is of Opinion it will be very
difficult, if at all possible. On the friday Se-en night, 2
after leaving Senlis I arrived att London and nixt morning
went to wait of Mr. Moore 3 but missed him, however in
the evening I gott him at home but found him quite a
different man from what I had left him, very reserved
and did not offer to show me any letter he had received
during my Absence tho' Martin 4 informed me he had
given him one the post before. I then talked to him a
little different of the frenches intentions, at least for this
Winter season, to which he answered he looked upon the
King of France as a man of honour, and that to be sure
he would not give Mr. Fisher l such promises if he did not
seriously intend to serve him. I endeavoured to show
him from the then Situation of the french officers that it
was unreasonable to expect it, but all to no purpose.
Then I told him that Mr. Fisher desired Letters so and so
adressed should Morris, 5 this he said was not in his power
for he did not know the person in the City forwarded
them, but promised to speak with Martin, who was ac-
quainted with, and usually carried his Letters, who was
1 Prince Charles.
2 Probably 3Oth September 1744. 3 Dr. Barry.
4 Probably Adam Cockburn, a hosier in Johnstone's Court, Charing Cross.
See Miirray^s Memorials, p. 454.
5 Not quite intelligible, something probably omitted, but apparently meaning
that letters for the Prince are to be addressed to the care of ' Morris,'
an occasional pseudonym for Charles Smith of Boulogne.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 63
acquainted with him. I nixt spoke to him of raising a
Sum of money to purchase Arms as likewise a few thousand
pounds for Mr. Burnets * Own Use who was much pinched
by the small allowance he had from Mr. Adams. 2 He told
me that was what he could say nothing off, but that he
knew their had been a Sum remitted to him last Spring
by the way of Amsterdam. I then asked him to suppose
the case that the french would do nothing, whether he
imagined Saville 3 would join heartily with Sanderson 4 to
bring about 407. Smith; 5 to which he answered as before,
about the money that he knew nothing about it and so
would not give his Opinion. Upon which I enjoined him
upon Mr. Burnets x Name to mention that to none but
whom Mr. Bright 6 and he should agree upon his Coming
to Town, and desired to know how soon he thought that
should be, which he still answered as before. From all
which I could plainly see he had gott his Lesson from the
other side. What made this the more obvious to me, in
talking of raising money to purchase Arms, I told him
it would be absolutely necessary, for tho' in Diepe 7 we had
men and them very willing to fight, yet we had no money,
and Arms for not above 7000 if so many ; A number far
inferior to what I had before told him would appear.
Upon which he immediately indeavoured to catch me by
saying he hoped I had got no bad news from Doit 8 to
Occasion my Diminishing the number of Loyalists which
obliged me to explain the matter by telling him that in
1829, 1274, 1381, 1721, 9 a Gentleman [whose] following
consisted perhaps of 800 had not arms for above one half
and so of the rest, by which means they all in general
when spoke to, declared they were not Armed. This, he
no doubt did with Intent to find me out in a Contradiction
which he could not have failed to represent to his friends
1 Prince Charles. 2 The King of France.
3 Probably the English. 4 Probably the Scots.
5 A Restoration. 6 Earl of Traquair.
7 Scotland. 8 Scotland.
Perhaps ' Skye' referring to the clan of Sir Alexander Macdonald, who was
then in collusion with the Jacobites.
64 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
on the other side by the first post, who would have made
their own use of it with Mr. Burnet. 1 Two days after,
I went again to wait of him and enquire if he had settled
that Correspondence as Mr. Fisher 1 desired, when he told
me with great indifference that he had never spoke of it,
and that the packets were to be stoped going any Longer
from Dover to Calais, so that their must be a new con-
veyance settled, but how that was to be done he did not
know. I then left him, and wrote the Short Letter I
before mentioned to Mr. Burnet. 1 Then sett out for
Doit, and on tuesday the 2d of October met with 1443,
1721, 530, 1489, 699, 1051, 1798, 2 a young Gentleman of a
very large fortune, who I acquainted in general with
my having seen Mr. Fisher l and what he proposed, upon
which he very frankly offered to raise a sum of Money
provided the others who I told off were to be applyed he
would agree to it and that he would stay some time
longer than he proposed, having intended to go to London,
and is now in this place but of Opinion that nothing can
be done without either a foreign force or the concurrence
of Sidley. 3 Upon tuesday the ninth of October, I sent
an Express to Mr. Bright, 4 then at the Earl of Nidsdales,
and upon thursday morning he came to my house where
I acquainted him with everything I had done from my
Arrival at London. He seemed very much concerned
that so many years and so much money had been spent
to no purpose, but as he was obliged to return early nixt
morning would not give his Opinion of the present footing
things were on till his return home. Upon the 16th, I
went with an intention to see Sir 1293, 43C, 1055, 1744,
1045, 1948, 1679, 1778, 5 and inform him fully of Mr.
Burnets x resolutions, but found he was in fife, and his
family uncertain of his Return, so proceeded to Edinburgh
from whence I wrote the 18th of October to Mr. Fergus, 6
begging he would meet me at Mr. Brights 4 house about
1 Prince Charles.
2 Probably Nisbet of Dirleton. See Murray 's Memorials, p. 103.
:{ Probably England.
4 Earl of Traquair. 5 Sir James Steuart. fi Duke of Perth.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 65
the 26th, and one inclosed to Mr. Dan, 1 desiring him to
come immediately. I soon received a letter informing
me that Mr. Dan was come, and desired to see me, but as
at this time my wife was taken very ill, I sent a servant
that same night to town desiring the favour of a visit
from him in the Country, which he declined, thinking it
would look too suspicious as I was so lately come home
and he only two days in Town, so rather choose to delay
it for som little time. I likewise received a letter from
Mr. Fergus, 2 telling me he could not for some weeks see
me. I was now become very uneasy to think I had been
for above a moneth in the Country without being able
to do any thing, when luckily, about the of the
moneth Mr. Bright 3 called on me in his very home and
promised to be in town 3 or 4 days after, which deter-
mined me to go nixt day, and that night I mett with Mr.
Bright (who had been called by express) and Mr. Dan,
when I read them a journal of what had passed from my
leaving Diepe the 7th of July, and acquainted them with
Mr. Burnets 4 Resolutions in case the french failed him.
They were both well pleased with the proposal of Sidly
and Sanderson 5 acting in conjuncion, but Equally against
Mr. Fisher's 4 relying upon Sanderson alone. I nixt day
gave Mr. Dan the Letter designed for Nicolson, 6 which he
delivered to him, and made an apointment to meet with
me the same night which he accordingly did ; but as he
had drunk a little too much we differred having any
positive answer from him. I told Mr. Dan there was a
necessity for the other Letters being delivered immediately
and that I depended upon him to do it. Found, as he was
then about getting his Charter from the Duke of Argyle,
and had given that for the reason of his coming up, it
was impossible for him to Return without giving Suspicion.
I for the second time had the misfortune to miss Sir
1293, 43C, 1055, 1744, 1045, 948, 1679, 1778, 7 being gone to
1 Lochiel. 2 Duke of p erth>
n Earl of Traquair. 4 Prince Charles.
5 Probably English and Scots. G Macleod of Macleod.,
7 Sir James Steuart.
66 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
his house in the West, nor have I yett been able to see him,
as I have almost ever since been obliged to Stay in this
place. I left town munday 12 and returned thursday
the 15th, where Mr. Dan came to me before dinner and
told me that young Kinny 1 desired to speak with me, so I
agreed to meet him that Evening Att 4 o' Clock, where
he informed me that Lord Semple * and Mr. Drummond
had refused to do Business any longer, that they had
sent John Drummond 2 to him att Dunkirk to acquaint
him that I had made Mr. Burnet 3 believe they were not
trusted by his friends, and that they had then a prospect
on the Tapis but had given it up, and told him that I had
* N.B. I am satisfyd the reason for their so doing was that they
found themselves blown, and imagined Mr. Burnet would soon drop
them, for which they were resolved to prevent him by refusing to Act,
and thereby give themselves the Air of significancy. As for the reason
they give, in my Opinion it is inexpressibly frivelous and even betraying
of their own want of a hearty Zeal, for their Masters Interest. For had
I, either from Roguery, Ignorance, or folly, deceived Mr. Burnet in
what I said, it was no reason for their Giving up a Scheme of such
Extensive consequence, which plainly shows its not from principle they
Act. At the same time I cannot see the least ground to believe they had
any scheme going on, as they kept no correspondance with any of the
Ministers save Mr. Orri, 4 as I was informed whose department did not
lead him to treat of such like matters, neither was there then the least
thing for an Expedition. As to my advice to Mr. Burnet, it is sufficient
he knew it to be in every sense absolutely false, but the view they had in
so doing is too obvious not to be seen through. They knew Kinuy was
just going over, and, as he is a man of Consequence in the Country,
could they have influenced him against me they would thereby have
broke the force of my Representations, being satisfied I would not fail
in my arrival here to make known their shameful procedure to Mr.
Edwards friends, and I must observe since at it was a very convenient
time as Mr. Burnet seemed resolved to make the Money they promised
to procure for Arms, the touchstone of their Veracity, and the frenches
sincerity, so that their refusing to act at that time prevented the Sd v
believing them baffled men.
1 Probably young Glengarry (whom Mr. Andrew Lang identifies as Pickle
the Spy).
2 Captain John Drummond, a nephew of Balhaldy's.
3 Prince Charles.
4 French Minister of Finance.
JOHN MURRAY'S PAPERS 67
at the same time perswaded Mr. Fisher l to come ovir with
the intent to make himself 1357 2 and leave his father att
Harfleur, 3 which I take God to Witness I never since
mentioned to him as indeed it is one of the things in the
world most against my principles upon which alone I
have always acted in Mr. Ellis' s 4 affairs. Kinnys opinion
of them, together with what I told him, easily convinced
him of the folly of their Story.
Some few days after this Mr. Fergus 5 came to town and
stayed for near two weeks, he has procured the small
Vessel by which this comes, and will order it to and again
so often as Occasion shall offer. I had several conversa-
tions with him on the present State of affairs, but shall
confine them all to his Answer, we shall he Subjoin with
that of the rest, having gott them to putt their several
Opinions in writing. I shall there putt down Mr. Fergus,
Mr. Bright 6 and Mr. Dans 7 opinion with regard to some
of the Articles I was charged with in the memorandum.
Which notwithstanding they were (save Fergus) against
Mr. Burnets l coming over, at any rate to Doit, 8 I never-
theless insisted upon it to show that I had not neglected
any particular of my orders, and first as to Mr. Brights 6
going to London he proposes being there before the end
of January, 2ndly The letters wrote to the several persons
for money should be delivered with an Apology, that they
could be wrote to in no other stile in case they had mis-
carried, 3rdly, The place Mr. Burnet x was to meet should
be some small distance from Aberdeen, upon that part
of the Coast lying towards Dundee, and that we should
here be acquainted by one sent over a moneth before,
of the day he determined to sail, providing the weather
favoured him, and the moment he landed to send an
express to Mr. Fergus, 7 and one to Mr. Dan 5 with instruc-
tions what day they were to ...
1 Prince Charles. - King.
'' Rome. * Tne Chevalier de St. George.
5 Duke of Perth. 6 Earl of Traquair.
7 Lochiel. Scotland.
68 ORIGINS OF THE 'FORTY-FIVE
[Hiatus in MSS.]
4ly as to providing of Swords it is what they dayly do,
but the number to be had so small as not to be regarded.
5tly The making of Hilts and Targets impossible to be
done without a Discovery and that a few days only is
required to make the Targets so that they can be pro-
vided without trouble. 6thly, As to a ship for Arms,
Mr. Fergus engaged to provide it.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER MACBEAN, A.M.
MINISTER OF INVERNESS
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
Inverness, 10 Octr. 1746.
The Islands of Orkney and Shetland I know little about. 1
The Shire of Caithness is inhabited chiefly by StClairs
and Dunbars. The Earl of Caithness is Chief of the
StClairs who are by far more numerous than the other.
I know not the precise number of men they can raise
but I have heard that at the Battle of 2 fought
by them against the late Earl of Breadalbin, I think in
the reign of King William, they had about 1500 men
1 James Fea of Clestrain (or Clesterton), in Stronsay, constituted himself a
Jacobite leader in Orkney and attempted to raise men for the Prince. In
March 1746 when Lord Macleod took his regiment to Thurso, Mackenzie
of Ardloch, invited by Fea, went over to Stromness to raise men and money.
None of the islanders were willing to go out, and Ardloch declined to take
unwilling recruits although Fea offered to press some men. Ardloch, how-
ever, carried off ^145 of cess and a quantity of smuggled brandy. For his
indiscretion, Fea's house of Sound in the island of Shapinsay was burnt down in
May by the crews of a squadron sent to hunt down Jacobites, while Fea con-
cealed himself in Caithness until the passing of the Act of Indemnity. (See
Allan Fea, The Real Captain Cleveland, p. 175 ; L. in M., ii. 337.)
2 A battle fought at Altimarlach three miles west of Wick, in 1680,
between George Sinclair of Keiss, afterwards 7th Earl of Caithness and Sir
John Campbell of Glenurchy, afterwards 1st Earl of Breadalbane. Sinclair's
kinsman the 6th earl, falling into debt and having no children, had disponed his
titles, property and heritable jurisdictions to Sir John Campbell, the principal
creditor, who married the earl's widow in 1678, having managed the previous
year to secure a patent from Charles II. as Earl of Caithness. Sinclair of
Keiss resisted his claims by force, and Campbell marched an army of his
own men and some royal troops to Caithness. The first advantage was with
the Sinclairs, who celebrated the event with drunken revelry aggravated by find-
ing a whisky-laden ship strategically stranded by the Campbells in Wick
harbour. Next day the Sinclairs were defeated. It was on this occasion that
the air ' The Campbells are coming ' was composed by Finlay Macivor the
celebrated piper of Breadalbane. (Calder, Hist, of Caithness^ p. 162.) The
courts found later that Keiss (grandson of the 5th earl) was entitled to the
Caithness earldom ; Sir John Campbell was compensated by being created Earl
of Breadalbane in 1681, but with the precedency of the Caithness grant 1677.
^(LIBRARY)}
72 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
Horse and Foot. But several gentlemen of that name
living in the Orknies would on such ocasion with their
men join their friends on the Continent. Mr. James
Gilchrist, Minister at Thurso, 1 happened to be walking
with a gentleman in Summer 1744 who found a letter on
the road which when opened was found to be writ in
Cypher by a gentleman of the name of StClair to a corre-
spondent at Edinburgh mentioning that Shuch and Shuch
would be ready at a Call each with his number of men
plainly exprest ; all the names were in Cypher nor could
I learn the precise number. Mr. Gilchrist could not
prevail with the gentleman to let him have the keeping
of the letter, however this discovery was useful as it put
the Lords Sutherland and Reay on their guard. 'Twas
talked here in time of the Rebellion that the StClairs
would have joined the Pretender but that they durst not
pass through Lord Sutherland's country 2 as his men were
in arms joined by the McKays, some of the ministers of
Caithness can inform you particularly about this and about
Sir James Stewart of Burrows 3 who lives in the Orknies.
Dunbars of Caithness
I could not as yet be informed how the Dunbars of
Caithness behaved, Sir William Dunbar of Hemprigs
their Chief, is the principle man. He was reckoned well
affected to Church and State.
1 This Mr. Gilchrist is scathingly treated in The Lyon (iii. 36). He went
' to Edinburgh and thence to London to misrepresent and asperse the bulk of
the Caithness gentry as enemies to the present establishment.' He is further
said to have collected 250 guineas for himself and to have made his friends
* believe that he could not continue in Caithness for the wicked Jacobites who
had threatened to take away his life and destroy his family.' The writer, a
non-juring minister, who had been a prisoner in London, adds sententiously
* Honest Whigry that never thinks shame of lying for worldly interest ! '
2 George Sinclair of Geese, afterwards captured at Dunrobin, was the only
Caithness Sinclair of position who joined the Jacobite army. Lord Macleod
marched through Caithness in March 1746, but though the proprietors pro-
fessed Jacobite sympathies, very few joined his standard. (Fraser, The Earls of
Cromartie, ii. 398.)
''' Sir James Stewart of Burray, Orkney, took no active part in the Rising, but
he was apprehended on suspicion in May 1746, and taken prisoner to London,
where he died of fever in the New Gaol, Southwark, the following August.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 73
McKays of Strathnavar
Next to Caithness, Southward and on the Western
coast, is Strathnavar the country of Lord Reay, Chief of
the McKays, 1 a zealous Presbyterian and revolutioner ;
with all his Clan he can raise as near as I can guess about
600 men. The part he acted last year is well known.
It will be always mentioned to his honour that by his
zeal and diligence he got the large Parish of Diurness
divided into three and Stipends made for each of them
by a general Collection through Scotland and his own
liberal assistance though his estate be but 10,000 scots
there is scarce a family in this country but has been
brought to have Family Worship, though that People
was of old very rude and barbarous.
Sutherland of Sutherland
Next to Caithness, Southward on the East coast, is the
Earl of Sutherland's country, Chief of the name of Suther-
land. His Lordship's affection to our Constitution in
Church and State is well known ; 2 he can raise 'twixt
1200 and 1500 men ; his Estate is reckoned about 3000
scots but somewhat under burden.
McLeods of Assint
As the Shires of Sutherland and Caithness make a
Peninsula formed by the Firth of Tain from the east
Sea and an arm of the Western Ocean, that I may describe
the People and the Country more distinctly I will travel
along the Western Coast and then return Eastward.
Next to Lord Reay's country on the south side of the
Firth called Edrachaolis and on the west coast is the
country of Assint, belonging of old to a branch of the
McLeod Family. This country fell into the hands of the
^
1 George (Mackay), 3rd Lord Reay, b. 1678; sue. his grandfathers 1680;
supported government in 1715 ; was largely instrumental in establishing the
resbytery of Tongue 1725 ; d. 1748.
"William (Gordon-Sutherland), l6th earl; b. 1708; sue. his grandfather
1720; d. 1750. His wife was Lady Elizabeth Wemyss, aunt of Lord Elcho of
the 45. His father acted vigorously against the Jacobites in '15 and '19.
74 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
McKenzies for debt in Charles the Second's time. 1 McLeod
kept possession violently till Letters of Fire and Sword
were executed against him by the Earl of Seaforth. The
Commons there are chiefly McLeods. McLeod of Ginnies
in east Ross is the heir male of that family. He raised
one of the independent Companies last year and continued
in the Government's service till dismissed a few weeks
ago. His dwelling is about 30 miles east from Assint.
After the battle of Preston McDonald of Barisdale 2 with a
few men went to that country and recruited about 60
men, but the Lord Reay's or Lord Sutherland's people
I'm not sure which fell upon him and [recaptured] the
men. He and his company were obliged to take to their
heels. This country is an entire parish, and prodigious
rough and mountainous but famous for good pasture and
good cattle. A few of the Earl of Cromarties family
lived here and were obliged to go with him to the Rebellion.
Viz. McKenzie of Ardloch.
McLeods of Cogach
To the south of Assint is the country of Cogach, a part
of the parish of Loch-Broom formerly belonging to another
family of the McLeods. [Margaret] McLeod of Cogach,
the heiress of the family, was married to George, the first
Earl of Cromarty. 3 This Earl, who was an antiquary,
alleged that McLeod of Cogach was Chief of the whole
clan, and consequently he as their representative, in right
of his wife, procured the Title of Lord McLeod from Queen
1 Assynt in ancient times was the territory of the MacNicols (or MacRyculs
or Nicolsons), but in the time of David II. Torquil Macleod IV., of Lewis,
married the heiress and obtained the lands. The MacNicols emigrated to Skye,
where they have been for centuries. Macleod's second son inherited Assynt,
and there were twelve Macleod lairds. The last of these was Neil Macleod
who was tried in 1666, and again in 1674, f r betraying the great Marquis of
Montrose and other crimes. He was acquitted, but, probably owing to the
expense of the trials, he fell into debt, and was driven from his lands which
were acquired by the Mackenzies. Cf. p. 107, ;/. i.
2 See/0.tf, p. 96.
3 The writer is wrong here. It was the first earl's grandfather, Sir Roderick
Mackenzie (1579-1626), the terrible Tutor of Kintail who married Margaret
heiress of Torquil Macleod of Lewis and Cogeach. George (Mackenzie), 1st
Earl of Cromarty (1630-1714), was the antiquary. He was an original member
of the Royal Society (London), founded 1662.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 75
Anne as his secondary title, and this country continued
the property of the family till now. Out of Cogach and
some branches of his family in Loch-Broom together
with the few I have mentioned from Assint, the Earl of
Cromarty raised above 200 men for the late Rebellion.
What number he had altogether will be mentioned when
I come to the East Coast where he dwelt.
McKenzies of Loch-Broom
Next to Cogach is Loch-Broom, belonging to several
small Heritors of the name of McKenzie. John McKenzie
of Ardloch and James McKenzie of Cepoch, the only
Papists that I know in all that tract of ground except the
Lady Assint, bred their children Protestants.
Next is the Country of Gairloch, belonging mostly to
McKenzies of Gairloch.
McKenzies of Applecross and Loch-Carran
To the south of it is Applecross a new erection in the
year 1720. And next to it Loch-Carran. To this last
place, the Earl of Seaforth, 1 as we call him here, retired
when the Rebels retreated North and gathered 600 or 800
of his men about him by which he kept them in readiness
for any service proper for him to do and preserved them
from straggling companies of the Rebels who went about
recruiting men. This last is the property of the Earl.
Mathesons and Murchisons of Loch Ailsh
Next to the South is the country of Loch Ailsh the
property of the Seaforth Family. The McDonalds of
Glengarry of old pretended right to the country and had
many battles and skirmishes with the McKenzies about
it. The last was a Sea-fight in Birlins and Boats, with
long poles, corn forks and Lochabyr axes, in which the
McDonalds were defeated, and Glengary with many of his
company killed. 2 This happened before the Reformation.
1 See post, p. 104.
2 A battle at Sgeir na Caillich on Lochalsh, between the Straits of Kylerhea
and Kyleakin. According to the Clan Donald historians, the battle was fought
in 1603. It was not Glengarry (Donald, 7th of Glengarry, who died in 1645,
aged 102), but his eldest son Angus, 'Young Glengarry,' who was killed.
76 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
Most of the Commons are Mathesons and Murchisons but
they join the McKenzies.
McRaes of Kintail
Next to the South is the Parish of Kintail and the
Parish of Muick * a new erection in the year 1726 taken
from the old Parish of Kintail. The whole country goes
under the name of Kintail. The bulk of the inhabitants
are of the name of McRae, descended from the Campbells, 2
but they follow the Seaforth Family. Here lies Glen Shiel.
In all this tract of ground, viz., from Lord Reay's
country on the north to Glenelg on the south, the people
are but late converts to Presbytery. The old Episcopal
Incumbents having lived long, some of them till the year
29, I could not find that any of them took the oaths to
the Government. The gentlemen are most Episcopal and
they or their predecessors were at Shirefmoor and Glen
1 Now called Glenshiel. The church was erected in the hamlet of Muick.
2 It is hardly likely that the Macraes will accept this suggestion of descent
without strong corroboration which does not seem to exist. A very different
origin is given by the Rev. Roderick Morison, minister of Kintail in 1793:
' It is generally allowed that the Mac Raes emigrated from the braes of Aird,
on the Lovat estate, to this place, though what induced them to prefer the
mountains to the plains is not universally agreed upon, yet certain it is, that
long after their residence in Kintail, they maintained a firm alliance with the
Frasers of Aird. The tradition which prevails, that an inscription was set up
nigh the entrance to Lovat House, bearing "That no Mac Rae must lodge
without, when a Fraser resides within," is not wholly without foundation.
When the Mac Raes first entered Kintail, there were several clans inhabiting it,
particularly the Mac Aulays, of whom no vestige now remains. The Mac
Lennans, a small tribe in the parish of Glensheal, were the only people that
would not yield. These Mac Lennans, at the battle of Auldearn, were in-
trusted with Seaforth's colours. The novelty of the preferment roused them to
action and stubborn resistance, which proved fatal to the clan, for many were
slain ; and their widows, 18 in number, were afterwards married to Mac Raes.
The boundaries which divide the Mac Raes from the Mac Lennans are marked
by a river which runs into Lochduich ; but common observation may easily
trace a line of distinction from the difference in their language and accent.'
Mr. Morison gives the derivation of the name as Mhae Ragh, the son of good
fortune, applied by the founder to his son after some successful exploits.
(Statistical Account of Scotland, vi. 242 ; the story of the great slaughter of
Maclellans at Auldearn is modified by latest investigators. ) The word Ragh or
Rath may mean either 'good fortune' or 'grace,' and the latest clan historian,
Rev. Alex. Macrae, is of opinion that the name has an ecclesiastical origin as
the ' son of grace ' applied to a holy man of old. Relying on tradition, he inclines
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 77
Shell with the late Seaforth. 1 But by the good disposition
of the present Seaforth to our happy establishment, they
did not think fit to join in the late Rebellion, excepting
a few younger brothers who had nothing to lose and are
now prisoners in London. The first Presbyterian Minister
was planted in Assint in the year 1727 at Loch-Broom.
He landed much sooner, but though married to a native
he was so miserable that he could not live in the country.
After him Mr. James Smith, now Minister at Creich in
Sutherland, was ordained for the place by the Presbytery
of Dingwall. The first night he came to his Parish both
the eyes were plucked out his horse as his welcome to the
country. Applecross, Kintail and Muick were not planted
till the year 1730 ; Loch Carran in the year 1725. Mr.
John McKilikin was ordained at Dingwall for the parish
of Loch Ailsh a good time ago and though he lived for
several years, he never durst enter his parish, and after
his death, the Presbytery who went there to command
the people about filling the parish in the year 1721 or 1722,
were made prisoners in the house where they met, by men
in women's clothes, and their faces blackened. A pledge
was demanded of them that they should never come to
that country, which they refusing, they sent a Guard of
this black crew with each of them towards their respective
homes. But in the year 1727 a minister was planted
there who got peaceable possession. In all or most of these
parishes the Sacrament of the Supper has been lately
administered and the Commons are already much re-
covered from their blindness and bigotry, and some of the
gentlemen.
to believe that the Macraes were from Clunes in the Aird and were of common
origin with the Mackenzies and Macleans.
The Kintail Macraes were not out in '45. There was, however, a certain
Captain MacRaw in Glengarry's regiment ; he attended Prince Charles when
in Lochaber during his wanderings ; also a Lieut. Alexander M'Ra from Banff;
and one of the French officers taken prisoner at sea on the voyage to Scotland,
was Captain James Macraith of Berwick's regiment. GilchristMacgrath or M'Kra
entertained the Prince in Glen Shiel in his wanderings. Murdoch M 'Raw, 'nearest
relation to the chieftain of that name,' was barbarously hanged as a spy at Inver-
ness protesting his innocence. (L. in M. , i. 205, 342 ; iii. 378 ; ii. 205, 299.)
1 See Dickson, The Jacobite Attempt of if 19 (Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xix.).
78 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
[The Long Island] 1
In all this tract of ground there are no Papists but
what I have named. I know the country minutely, and
ministers are tolerably well accommodated in Stipend,
Manse, and Glebe. I will speak of the number of men
Seaforth can raise when I come to the east side of the
country where his seat stands.
Opposite to the coast I have been describing is the
Long Island. That part of it to the North, called Lewis,
belongs to the Seaforth Family. It was formerly the
property of McLeod of Lewis, now extinct. 2 The People
here are Protestants and do not dislike the present Clergy ;
there were two new erections made here, Anno 1726,
before the estate of Seaforth was sold by the Government ;
so that this country is in a tolerable state of reformation.
The next district of the Long Island is called Harris.
1 The Long Island is the name given to the chain of the outer Hebrides from
the Butt of Lewis to Barra Head, comprising Lewis and Harris, North Uist,
Benbecula, South Uist, Eriska, Barra and Mingulay.
2 The story of the transference of the lands of the ancient and powerful
family of Macleod of Lewis to the Mackenzies is one of the most pitiful in
Highland history. Towards the middle of the sixteenth century, Roderick (or
Ruari) Macleod, the last undisputed Macleod of Lewis, married, as his first
wife, a natural daughter of John Mackenzie of Kintail. The wife eloped, the
son, named Torquil Connanach, was repudiated. Torquil was brought up at
Strath Connan (hence his 'to-name') by the Mackenzies, who embraced his
cause. From that moment the family of Lewis was doomed. Partly by pur-
chase, partly by marriage, but largely by intrigue and violence the lands of
Macleod were acquired by the Mackenzies. Lewis was driven to anarchy ;
feuds of the worst type ensued, father against sons, brothers murdering brothers.
Government interfered ; Lewis was forfeited and parcelled out among Lowland
colonist-adventurers, who were thwarted by the Mackenzies, and at last were
glad to go, and in 1610 to dispose of their rights to Mackenzie, who had become
Lord Kintail the previous year. Any rights that remained to his cousin Torquil
Macleod were made over to the Mackenzies. Meantime, in 1605, Kintail's
brother Roderick had married the daughter and heiress of Torquil, and became
possessed of the mainland property of Coigeach. As soon as the Mackenzies
obtained the island, they promptly restored order ; the remaining members of the
old Macleod family were murdered or driven out under a commission of fire and
sword. Kintail's son became an earl in 1623, and took his title from Loch Sea-
forth in Lewis, while his uncle Roderick, tutor of Kintail, terrible and ruthless
(of whom the Gaelic proverb says ' there are two things worse than the Tutor of
Kintail, frost in spring and mist in the dog-days'), built a castle in Strathpeffer,
which he called Castle Leod, and when his grandson obtained the earldom of
Cromarty in 1685, the second title then assumed was that of ' Lord Macleod,' to
show that the heritage of the old family of Macleod of Lewis remained with him.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 79
The people Protestants : it belongs to the Laird of McLeod.
The next portion southward is called North Uist. The people
Protestants; Sir Alexander [Macdonald] of Slate, Proprietor,
South Uist belongs to McDonald of Moidart, or the Captain
of Clanranald, as they call him. The present Clanranald
lived here : he and his People are Papists, as is McNeil
of Barra, 1 and his People. In the Uists and Barra are one
or two new erections of late ; but by the influence of the
Gentry, the diligence and insolence of the Priests, and
the bigotry of the people, the ministers had little success
till now. Old Clanranald was not in arms in the late
Rebellion nor could many of his people in Uist get over
to the Continent, for the ships of war that cruised upon
the coast.
[The Macdonalds]
As I have mentioned two families of the McDonalds,
I will say something of them in general. They would be
a great Clan and next to the Campbells in strength and
number, if united under one head : but the several
families of them, viz. : Clanranald, the Slate family, the
Glengarry family, the Keppoch family, and even the
Glencoe family, all pretend to be the lineal heir of McDonald
of the Isles, Earl of Ross, who was forfeited in the time
of James the Second, for joining with the Duglases and
others in the Great Rebellion that then happened ; and
this division makes them less potent and formidable than
otherwise they would be. 2 I once made an abstract of
the several Rebellions and Insurrections of the McDonalds
against the Kings of Scotland, and especially against the
Stuart Family ; by which it was very evident this people
was seldom loyal to any King on the throne. If they could
find no Pretender, they would find some pretence or other
for war and plunder. But this paper I have lost.
1 Roderick Macneill of Barra was from home when Prince Charles landed in
the neighbouring island of Eriska, July '45. He took no active part in the
rising but was arrested on suspicion in July '46, taken to London, released in '47.
2 For the Macdonald divisions and claims, see Appendix.
80 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
[Skye]
The next Island to the South and East is Skye, the
property of McDonald of Slate, McLeod and Mclnnin, 1
The people Protestants, the Commons and most of the
Gentry better disposed than those in Seaforth's country,
on the opposite continent. Here is a new erection or
two made Anno 1726. Egg, Rum, Muick and Canney,
etc., are little Isles adjacent to Sky ; the inhabitants
Popish. But about 30 years ago, McLean of Coll is said
to have converted a pragmatical, forward fellow, who
misled the rest, by insulting him in their presence, and on
this the inhabitants of that Island became Protestants. 2
These Isles were erected into a Parish in Anno 1726. 3
[Glenelg and Knoydarf]
The next country southward on the continent is Glenelg,
the property of the Laird of McLeod. The people Protes-
tants and honest, and generally well disposed : here are
Barracks built for two or three companies of soldiers near
the Strait that divides Sky from Glenelg : this country is
fertile in grass and corn. Here are two famous Danish
Forts of dry stone built very high which I have seen.
To the south an arm of the sea called Lochiurn, i.e.,
Helsloch 4 runs up 'twixt this country and Cnoidart. This
last is the property of Glengarry, and the most mountain-
ous, craggy, and coarse of all the Highlands : the roads
1 John Mackinnon of Mackinnon was the only one of the three Skye chiefs
who went out. He joined with his clan at Edinburgh, and served throughout
the campaign, but was absent on duty in Sutherland when Culloden was
fought. He was attainted. Prince Charles went to him in his wanderings, and
the chief conducted him from Skye to the mainland, for which service he was
made prisoner, taken to London, but released in July '47. He died in Skye, in
'56, aged 75 years. He was a son-in-law of Archbishop Sharpe of St. Andrews.
2 This is a reference to the well-known story of the conversion of the islanders.
The laird, a man ' much respected,' an elder of the kirk, reproved by the General
Assembly for allowing his people to remain in popery, retrieved his character
by driving his tenants from the Catholic chapel to the Protestant church
with the vigorous application of a gold-headed cane, called by the Highlanders
a yellow stick : from this the Presbyterian religion became known in the islands
as Creidimh a bhata bhui, the creed of the yellow stick. Cf. Bellesheim's Hist.
Cath. Church Scot. (iv. 188). :? Called the Parish of the Small Isles,
4 Modernly, Loch Hourn = Hell Loch.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 81
are so eminently bad that there is no thought of riding in
it, and in some places so steep and rocky, that they have
ropes of withs tied to trees to take hold of, lest passengers
should fall and break their bones. The people all Papists
and mostly thieves. 'Tis a part of the parish of Glenelg,
but they never give the minister any trouble, except in
collecting his Stipend. Here lived those famous Cadets
of Glengarrie's family, Barisdale, and Scotos, 1 who had
almost the whole country in bondage, and the people
their slaves.
[Moidart and Arisaig]
To the south of Knoidart lies Moidart and Arasag, the
property of Clanranald. The people Popish but not so
thievish as in Knoidart. Next it lies two great glens
called Moroirs ; the one of them belongs to Glengarry
and the other to McDonald, commonly called McDonald
of Moroir. The Inhabitants Popish. The two principal
Cadets of the Clanranald family are Kinloch Moidart and
Moroir, and their branches, 2 all Popish. These four last
1 Scotus and Barisdale were brothers, both being uncles of the chief of Glen-
garry. The elder, Angus Macdonell of Scotus, was an old man in '45, and died
the following year. He remained at home, but his eldest son Donald went out
with Glengarry. Donald fell wounded at Culloden, and was supposed to have
died on the field. The clan historians, however, state that evidence has been found
in the Stuart Papers at Windsor that certain marauders landed from a ship at night,
carried off a number of wounded, among them Donald of Scotus, who after
various adventures was captured by Turkish pirates, and held in bondage ever
afterwards. {History of Clan Donald, iii. 324. ) Two of Scotus's younger sons
John and Allan were captains in Glengarry's regiment. Donald's eldest son
Ranald fought on the Government side in '45 in Loudoun's regiment. Ranald's
grandson succeeded in 1868 as 1 8th hereditary chief of Glengarry.
For Macdonell of Barisdale, see fast, p. 96.
2 The Morar family was really not a cadet, but the senior branch of the
Clanranald family, descended from the eldest son of Dougall, 6th Clanranald,
who was deposed by the clan for cruelty and oppression, and his children
excluded for ever from the chiefship, which was conferred on his uncle.
Dougall was assassinated in 1520; his family, on whom the lands of Morar
were conferred, were known as the ' MacDhughail Mhorair.' In 1745 the
laird of Morar was Allan, whose mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He must
have been an elderly man, as his wife was an aunt of Lochiel's, the youngest
daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron by his third wife, daughter of the Quaker David
Barclay of Urie. Morar was one of the first to meet the Prince on his reach-
ing Lochnanuagh in July '45. He served as lieut-colonel of the Clanranald
F
82 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
countries, viz., Moidart, Arasag and the two Moroirs are
in the parish of Ardnamurchan, and they with Knoidart
are commonly called the Highlands by the other High-
landers. The people of Lochabyr, Glengarry, and Strath-
regiment. Prince Charles in his wanderings came to him for hospitality in
July '46, and Morar could only give him a cave to sleep in as his house had
been burned down. His reception of the Prince, prompted it is said by young
Clanranald, was very cold, and he was the object of fierce invective by the
chief of Mackinnon, and of sorrowful reproach by Charles himself. (L. in M.,
iii. 187.) According to the clan historians, Morar had the reputation of being
'an unmanly, drunken creature all his life.' (Hist. Cl. Donald, iii. 256.)
Mr. Andrew Lang says that Morar was the author of t\\z Journal and Memorial
of P C Expedition into Scotland (printed in the Lockhart Papers], which
is a principal source of knowledge of the early days of the adventure. Mr.
Lang did not remember his authority, but was certain of its authenticity. (I had
been assured in Moidart that the Journal was by young Ranald of Kinloch-
Moidart, but without proof. ) Allan of Morar died in 1756. His eldest son,
[ohn, was 'out,' but in what capacity he served I have failed to trace. Morar's
step-brother, John of Guidale, was a captain in the Clanranald regiment.
Another step-brother was Hugh Macdonald, who had been educated for the
Church in France. He was reported to Rome as a ' scion of one of the noblest
branches of the Macdonalds. . . . He himself is distinguished even more for his
zeal and piety than for his honourable birth, and is also a man of singular prudence
and modesty.' (Bellesheim, iv. 386.) He was consecrated Bishop of Diana in
partibus in 1731, and appointed vicar-apostolic of the Highlands. The Bishop
visited the Prince on board ship on his first arrival, and implored him to return.
When the Standard was raised in Glenfinnan it was blessed by Bishop Hugh.
What part he took during the campaign I do not know, but after the debacle, he
accompanied Lord Lovat in his hiding in Morar. When the fugitives were
pounced upon by Ferguson's party (seeflost, pp. 90, 244) Lovat was captured,
but the Bishop escaped and went to France, in September, along with Prince
Charles. He returned to Scotland in 1749, when he had an interview with Bishop
Forbes, who veils his identity by calling him ' Mr. Hugh.' (L. in M., iii. 50.)
He was betrayed in July 1755, an( * arrested, released on bail, and obliged to
reside at Duns until the following February, when he was sentenced by the
High Court to perpetual banishment. (Scots. Mag., xvii. 358, xviii. 100. ) By
connivance of the authorities, the sentence was not enforced, and he remained
in Scotland until his death, which occurred in Glengarry in 1773.
The Kinlochmoidart family descends from the 9th Clanranald (d. 1593).
The laird in 1745 was Donald Macdonald ; his mother was Margaret Cameron,
the only sister of Lochiel of the '45 ; his wife was a daughter of Stewart of
Appin. Donald, as a boy, had fought at Sheriffmuir. His brother ^neas, a
banker in Paris, came over from France with Prince Charles. On arrival in
Scotland /Eneas was sent to summon the laird. Kinlochmoidart, who was given
a commission as colonel and made aide-de-camp to the Prince, was at once de-
spatched to summon his uncle Lochiel, and other Jacobite leaders. Prince Charles
lived in his house from August nth to i8th. When a captive the following year,
Kinlochmoidart was asked what made him embark in the adventure, 'Lord,
man ' he replied, 'what could I do when the young lad came to my house/
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 83
errick reckoning their own country level in comparison
of these.
Next lies Ardnamurchan in which is the famous Lead
Quarry, Strontian, the property of Murray of Stanhope : l
it belonged till of late to Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell :
and was taken about the time of the Reformation by Sir
Donald Campbell of Ardnamurchan, a natural son to
Calder, from McDonald the old Proprietor. The people
are generally Protestants, but with a mixture of Papists.
Many of the inhabitants are Camerons and McLachlans,
and violently Episcopal.
(Carlisle in 1745, p. 266.) It is interesting from the point of view of Highland
hospitality to compare this reply with the advice given to Prince Charles by
Clanranald's brother, Boisdale, who had an interview with the Prince at Eriska
on his first arrival, but refused to rise. When he found it impossible to
dissuade the Prince from his enterprise he ' insisted that he ought to land on
the estate of Macdonald of Sleat or in that of Macleod, for if he trusted himself
to them in the beginning they would certainly join him which otherwise they
would not do. The Prince would not follow this counsel, being influenced by
others.' (Bishop Geddes's MS.) Kinlochmoidart was made prisoner at
Lesmahagow in Lanarkshire, in November '45, while returning to the army
from an unsuccessful mission to Sir Alexander of Sleat and Macleod. The
principal agent in his capture was a divinity student, Thomas Lining, after-
wards rewarded with the living of Lesmahagow. The chieftain was tried at
Carlisle, and there hanged on i8th October '46. His head was fixed on the
Scots Gate, where it remained for many years. His house was burned down.
Kinlochmoidart's family was deeply implicated in the Rising. Four of his
brothers served in Clanranald's regiment : John, a doctor of medicine, who was
one of Ferguson's victims in the Furness ; he afterwards returned to Moidart ;
Ranald, whose chivalrous championship of the Prince's cause, gave the first note
of enthusiasm to the adventure (Home, Hist. Reb., p. 39); Allan, who fled to
France and perished in the Revolution ; James, who was captured at Culloden,
but escaped ; he was exempted from the general pardon, and is supposed to
have gone to America. A fifth brother, /Eneas the Paris banker, was captured,
tried, and sentenced to death. He escaped from Newgate by throwing snuff in
the turnkey's eyes, but being shod with loose slippers he tripped when flying
along Warwick Lane and was retaken. He received a conditional pardon,
returned to France, and was killed in the Revolution.
1 The property was acquired in 1726 by Sir David Murray of Stanhope
(Peeblesshire) 2nd bart., the father of John Murray of Broughton. He died
in 1729? but the work of developing the lead mines and minerals was carried on
by his son, Sir James. In 1745 th proprietor was Sir David Murray, 4th
bart., nephew of Sir James, He was 'out,' served as aide-de-camp to the
Prince, and fought at Falkirk and Culloden. He was captured at Whitby
endeavouring to escape ; was tried at York ; sentenced to death ; conditionally
pardoned; and died an exile in 1770. The forfeited estate in Ardnamurchan
was sold for ^33,700.
84 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
[Ardnamurchan, Morvern and Maclean's Country]
As I am now arrived at the Cape commonly called
Ardnamurchan, I turn back to the north east, where on
the Sound of Mull lies the country of Morven the property
of the Duke of Argyle. The people Protestants ; many
of them Camerons, McLachlans and McLeans : much
inclined to Episcopacy, and consequently Jacobites.
There are few or no Papists : of old this country belonged
to the McLean family.
The next country on the north east and still on the
Sound of Mull is Kingairloch, the property of McLean of
Kingairloch. He himself was not in the Rebellion but
I saw two or three of his brothers there. The people
Episcopal, and Jacobite.
Next, still north east, and on an arm of the sea lies
Ardgour, the property of McLean of Ardgour ; his country
lies ten or twelve miles along the sea- coast till you come
to the head of Locheil. He is a well disposed old man,
but as his estate is much out of his hand, his influence
was not great ; the people Protestants. Here lived
Ludovick Cameron, 1 Uncle to Locheil, who brought out
many of the inhabitants to the Rebellion, especially the
Camerons who lived here.
Having now travelled on the north side of the Sound
of Mull as far as the sea goes up, the last five miles of
which is called Locheil, I go back to the islands in the
Sound, and then will come along the south coast, and
describe the countries inhabited by Rebels ; I will after-
wards describe the rest of Argyle if you require it.
[Lismore, Mull, Strathlachlan]
The first island of any note is Lismore ; a most fertile
soil ; all founded on Limestone, and like garden ground,
which the name of the island imports. Here was the seat
of the Bishop of the Isles : it lies in the Sound opposite
to Lorn and Appin ; the people Protestants and well
1 Of Torcastle, fourth son of Sir Ewan Cameron. He was attainted. After
Culloden he remained in Lochaber, and was agent for distributing money to the
Camerons. At the end of '47 he was still free, having evaded all attempts at
capture (Albemai'le Papers] ; of his subsequent career I have no knowledge.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 85
disposed. It is but eight miles long and one broad, and
is the property of ten or twelve heritors. To the west
hereof lies Mull, a large island containing three Parishes,
mostly the Property of the Duke of Argyle ; formerly
the property of McLean of Dowart. McLean of Lochbuie
has still an estate here, of about 6000 Merks : the people
Protestants mostly and well affected ; but from this
island, Morvern and Kingairloch there came about nine
score McLeans to the Rebellion, of whom returned but
38 as a McLean told me. 1 The islands of Tyree, Coll,
Jura, Colonsay, Islay, Gigha, etc. I omit as there were no
men from them in the Rebellion. Only before I come to
the southeast coast of the Sound of Mull, I must not
omit a gentleman who rose with his men from the heart of
the country of Argyle, I mean the Laird of McLachlan ; 2
his small country called Strathlachlan lies to the south
of Inverary and on the south side of Lochfine. He is
Chief of the McLachlans, and had as I am informed,
near 300 men in the Rebellion, but of the number I am
not quite sure ; Mr. Alexr. Campbell, minister of Inverary,
must know. 3 His people of a long time protest to be of
our Communion, but one Mr. John McLachlan, 4 a most
violent Episcopal minister poisoned his Chief and the
gentlemen of his name to a strange degree, and indeed
did more mischief among other clans than any three
priests I ever knew.
1 Sir Hector Maclean of Duart (Mull), 5th bart., who was major of Lord
John Drummond's French regiment of Royal Scots, had been sent from France
to Edinburgh in May, and was made prisoner there in June, and removed to
London. He was tried for his life, but on proving that he was born in Calais
he was treated as a prisoner of war. Charles Maclean of Drimnin (Morvern)
joined the Prince after the battle of Falkirk ; at Culloden, where Drimnin was
killed, his Macleans were formed into a regiment with the Maclachlans, com-
manded by the chief of Maclachlan. Allan Maclean of Brolas, who succeeded Sir
Hector in 1750, as 6th bart., joined the Government side. (Scots Mag., viii. 141.)
2 Lachlan MacLachlan ; was commissary general in the Jacobite army ;
killed at Culloden.
3 For the Maclean and Maclachlan gentlemen, see Appendix.
4 Rev. John Maclachlan of Kilchoan, ' chaplain general of the clans,'
friend and correspondent of Bishop Forbes. Writing to the Bishop in 1748,
he says, ' I live for the most part now like a hermite, because all my late
charge almost were kill'd in battle, scatter'd abroad or are cow'd at home.
(L. in M., ii. 210.)
86 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
[Appin and Glencoe]
I now come as I promised to the coast on the south
east side of the Sound of Mull. The first dissaffected
country is Appin, inhabited by the Stuarts. The Laird
of Appin x keeps quiet at home but the gentlemen of his
clan and his tenants were in the Rebellion. The people
here are Protestants, but strangely poisoned by the Non-
jurant Episcopal Clergy. Adjacent to Appin is Glencoe ;
a small place ; McDonald of Glencoe is Superior. 2 He
can raise of his tenants and followers 100 men. He and
his people the same as to religion as his neighbours of
Appin.
[LochieVs Country]
To the north east of Glencoe, an arm of the sea runs up
from the Sound of Mull called [Loch Leven], which I now
cross to describe the country of Mamore, inhabited by
Camerons and belonging heritably to the Duke of Gordon,
but a good part of it feued off to Locheil. The people all
Protestants, but of the same kind with Appin and Glencoe.
To the north east of Mamore lies Fort- William and a
small Glen called Glennevis, above which stands the largest
and the highest mountain in Scotland, called Ben Nevis.
On the north side of the River Lochy lies the rest of
Locheil's estate, viz., Locheil, Strathlochy, and Loch-
arkaig. The first and second of these, six miles long
each ; the last, twelve miles.
On the north side of the Loch of Arkaig (the south side
being all wood and desert) mostly inhabited by thieves,
the minister of Killmaly preaches to them once a quarter
or twice at most, and then the half of them cannot be
present if they were willing to attend. In Winter the
1 Dugald Stewart, 8th chief of Appin and last of the direct male line.
Although a Jacobite, and created a peer, as Lord Appin, by James, in 1743, he
did not join Prince Charles. His clan, one of the first to rise, was led out
by his kinsman Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel. Dugald Stewart sold Appin
in 1765, and died 1769.
2 Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe was attainted ; he surrendered some time
after Culloden ; he was in prison as late as 1750; date of release or of death
not ascertained. Two brothers, James and Donald, went out with him in '45.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 87
snow and storm hinders, and in Summer they are scattered
through the hills with their cattle. The Camerons boast
of their being Protestants, and Locheil hindered his
brother the priest 1 to preach among them, when he told
him he would bring them from that villainous habit of
thieving, if he would allow him to preach, and say Mass
among them : his answer was that the people of Glengarry,
Knoidart, Arisag, etc., who were profest Papists, were
greater thieves than his people, and if he would bring these
to be honest and industrious, he would then consider his
proposal as to the Camerons, and till he would bring that
good work to a bearing he positively forbad him to middle
with his people. But Locheil and the gentlemen of his
clan were great encouragers of the Nonjurants and as far
as they could they perverted the Commons.
[Keppoch]
The South of the River Lochy is the property of the
Duke of Gordon for 6 miles benorth Fort William : in-
habited mostly by Camerons. And then begins the
country of McDonald of Keppoch, partly the property
of the Duke of Gordon ; and partly the Laird of M'ln-
toshes, Keppoch having but a small interest in it.
Anno 1687 Mclntosh wanting a great arrear of rents of
Keppoch, and getting no satisfaction, went to that country
to poynd their cattle, and brought in his train above 500
men. Keppoch, with the assistance of Glencoe and others,
his good friends, paid him his rents by giving him battle, 2
killing great numbers of his men, and taking himself
prisoner, and getting such good conditions as he pleased
1 Lochiel's brother, Alexander Cameron, third son of John of Lochiel, joined
the Church of Rome, and became a Jesuit. I have failed to trace what part
he took during the campaign; but in July 1746 he was arrested at Morar
and put on board the Furness, the ship of the notorious Captain Ferguson.
Father Cameron was carried to the Thames ; he suffered great hardships, and
died at Gravesend on board ship. (Albemarle Papers, p. 408 ; L. in M., i. 312.)
2 The last clan battle of importance, known as the Battle of Mulroy, fought
in Glenroy, August 1688. The Mackintoshes, who had obtained charters of
Keppoch's country, were ever at feud with Keppoch, who legally owned none
of the land his clan occupied. It is said that on this occasion Macdonell of
Keppoch ('Coll of the Cows') treated his prisoner Mackintosh so kindly that
88 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
before he released him. The whole ended in a famous
Highland song, mocking Mclntosh, and placing the true
property of the country in Keppoch, as worthier to possess
it. Next year Keppoch and his men came northward
within 4 miles of Inverness, and sent a message to that
town, to find him and his men, money, clothes, and pro-
visions ; with a threatening if they scrupled this, he
would plunder the town. The town sent out three or
four of their Top Burghers to commune with him. These
he detained close prisoners, and sent another message
demanding 4000 Merks in Specie, and a suit of their
finest scarlet mounted with gold for himself with a certifi-
cation that if this was not done next day, which happened
to be the Sabbath, he would hang up their ambassadors,
and then plunder their town. Accordingly the town
redeemed themselves at the rate he was pleased to pre-
scribe, and his fine and rich suit was finished on Sunday.
Then the Ambassadors were released after a severe repri-
mand for their insolence in prescribing anything to him
further than to ask his pleasure.
Keppoch's people and the Duke of Gordon's tenants
in the neighbourhood are mostly Popish ; 1 the greatest
number of them were perverted in the Reigns of Queen
Anne and George the first. They deal pretty deep in
the thieving trade.
[Glengarry]
The next country to the north east is Glengarry, the
people Papists and better at thieving than the worst of
the other tribes. Their gentlemen found a way to put
most of their neighbours under Black Mail which raised
the latter in gratitude offered him a charter of the lands in dispute. Keppoch
declined, saying, that he would never consent to hold by sheepskin what he had
won by the sword. (Hist, of Clan Donald, ii. 645.) Murray of Broughton,
however, states that as the result of this battle Mackintosh granted Keppoch
an advantageous lease, which was still running in 1745. (Memorials, p. 443.)
1 In 1745 the chief of Keppoch, Alexander (son of Coll), was a Protestant.
When his clan joined the Prince he refused to allow a favourite priest to
accompany it, and in consequence, a number of his people deserted when at
Aberchalder. Keppoch had been created a Jacobite baronet in 1743. His
death at Culloden has been the theme of much romance. For some late light on
the subject, see Mr. Andrew Lang's Hist, of Scot., iv. 527.
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 89
them some hundreds of pounds Sterling, for several years
back.
[Abertarff and Stratherrick]
The next country still eastward is Abertarff, mostly
the property of the Lovat Family : some of it feued out
to Glengarry : all betwixt Fort Augustus are Popish :
the few villages of Abertarf, be-east the Garrison, are
inhabited by a mixture of Papists and Protestants : the
people not free from theft.
Here lies Lochness, the country on the South side is
called Stratherrick the property of the Lovat Family.
The people Protestants : they submitted to the Estab-
lished Clergy for many years back. The Commons went
to the late Rebellion with great reluctance, and most
of them violently compelled. The first country on the
north side of the lake is called Glen Morrison, the pro-
perty of Grant of Glen Morrison. 1 The old man with
his men were in the Rebellion : the young Laird is an
Ensign in Lord John Murray's Regiment. 2 The people a
mixture of Papists and Protestants, much given to theft.
[Urquhart and Glenmoriston]
Forward to the north east is the country of Urquhart.
belonging to the Laird of Grant. Their neighbours, the
McDonalds and Erasers, raised most of the men and carried
them off to the Rebellion. 3 These and the Glen Morrison
men after the Battle of Culloden surrendered to the
young Laird of Grant, and were brought by him to the
Duke of Cumberland to Inverness to deliver their arms ;
but by some mistake in the Report, as if they were taken
in arms rather than surrendered, they were made prisoners
and sent off by sea to England. The people are Protest-
ants, though none of the most civilized.
[The Aird]
Next is the country of the Aird belonging to Lord Lovat,
1 The Grants of Glenmoriston joined the Glengarry regiment.
2 Not the eldest son, but the third son, Allan Grant of Innerwick. He was
taken prisoner by the Jacobites at the bloodless battle of Dornoch. Lord John
Murray's regiment is the Highland Regiment (Black Watch).
3 See/w/, p. 281 et seq.
90 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
and where his house stood. The people Protestants,
and of our Communion, save very few. 1 The Commons
here are an honest, civilized sort of people if left to them-
selves.
[Strathglass]
Next, to the North, is the country of Strathglass,
mostly inhabited by Papists. I do not hear much of their
thieving, though they suffer much by the Glengarry
thieves. This country belongs mostly to Chisholm of
Comar (whose men were in the Rebellion, though he him-
self was not) 2 and partly to the Erasers.
[Seaforth, Munro, and Cromartie's Country]
Next is Seaforth's country, all along pretty low and
level, till you come to Ferrindonall, the country of
the Munro' s ; (the Highland part of his estate, I de-
scribed on the first sheet as it lies on the North Sea). The
Gentlemen and Commons of the McKenzies are Protes-
tants save very few, but very much devoted to the Non-
jurant Episcopal Clergy. The Seaforth family embraced
the Reformation in the Minority of James the sixth.
Coline, then Earl, entertained the famous Mr. Robert
Bruce 3 at his house with great respect and esteem when
he was banished to Inverness and the country beyond it.
1 Contrary to what I find is a general impression, the religion of Lord Lovat
and his family, as well as his clan, was Protestant. It is true that in his days
of outlawry and exile in France, about 1703, Lovat feigned conversion to
Romanism, yet from his return to Scotland in '15, until his capture in '46, he
conformed to the Presbyterian establishment ; his bosom friend and crony was
the gloomy and dissolute fanatic, James Erskine, Lord Grange. When in
hiding after Culloden, along with Bishop Hugh Macdonald, in Loch Morar
(see ante, p. 82) Lovat informed the Bishop that he had long been a
Catholic in his heart, and wished to be received into the Church. He was
preparing to make his confession, but before the rite could be accomplished, the
fugitives were dispersed by a party of Campbells and seamen from Ferguson's
ship, and Lord Lovat surrendered a few days later. Though he desired the
services of the chaplain of the Sardinian embassy while a prisoner in the Tower,
where on one occasion he pronounced himself a Jansenist, and although he
declared ' Je meurs un fils indigne de 1'Eglise Romaine,' there is no evidence,
which I know of, that he ever formally joined that communion.
2 See/orf, p. 99.
3 Robert Bruce, ordained minister at Edinburgh 1587 ; Moderator of the
Kirk 1588 and 1592, was the son of Bruce of Airth, Stirlingshire, a rude and
powerful baron of a family collateral with the royal Bruces. At first Bruce was
MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS 91
I saw the subscription of Earl George, brother to the said
Colin, to an original copy of the Covenant ingrossed on
parchment, but he was afterward excommunicated by
the Church for breach of trust. I am not sure if this
family turned Popish before James the seventh's time,
but the then Earl, whose name was Kenneth, was Popish,
as was his son the late Earl. The present Earl was very
faithful to the Government all the time of the Rebellion. 1
The Munros and Rosses, I say nothing of, as their good
affection to Church and State is well known.
Next is the Earl of Cromartie's Estate. In the low
country the people well affected to our Constitution in
Church and State ; and very few of his Low Country
tenants went with their Lord to the Rebellion.
[Mackintosh Country]
Having in the first sheet described all be-north the broad
Ferry of Sutherland at which I have arrived, I come to
Mclntoshes country, viz., Strathnairn, Strathdearn, 2 and
Badenoch. The people are all Protestants, not given to
thieving, but strangely poisoned by the Nonjurant Clergy.
Their dissatisfaction has sufficiently appeared by their
rising with the Lady against the King, rather than with
the Laird, their Chief who was a captain in the King's
pay, yea, Mclntoshes own company, which he had newly
levied, deserted from him and listed in what was called
the Lady's Regiment. 3
[Strathspey, Strathavon and Glenlivat]
The next country, Strathspey, the property and seat
of the Laird of Grant : this Clan raised a Regiment at
the Revolution and were firm to the interest of King
in high favour with James VI., who placed him on the council of regency when
he went to Denmark to be married, 1589, and appointed him to officiate at the
coronation of Queen Anne the following year. Subsequently he thwarted
the king in his ecclesiastical policy as well as in refusing to acknowledge
the guilt of the Earl of Cowrie, who had been his pupil. James had him
deposed from his parish, and banished from Edinburgh, 1600. Part of his
exile was passed at Inverness (1605-9, and again 1620-24), where he preached
to crowded congregations every Sunday. He died at Kinnaird, 1631.
1 See/^j/, p. 104.
2 The valley of the Findhorn river, Inverness, Nairn, and Moray shires.
pp. 100, 410.
92 MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE HIGHLANDS
William, but they suffered so much by the depredations
of the Camerons and McDonalds that they became rather
too cautious in time of the late Rebellion ; the truth is
they were 'twixt two fires, Lord Lewis Gordon to the
east, and Mclntoshes, Camerons and MacDonalds to the
west, so that their country must have been severely
plundered if they had been more than Neuters. 1 Besides
the emulation 'twixt Grant and the President in former
Elections for a member of Parliament was said to have
made the Grants too [cautious] ; however their good
affection to the Revolution Interest has not been ques-
tioned, and they are firm Presbyterians. Theft is scarcely
known in this country, though they have been great
sufferers by the thieving clans to the West.
To the east of Strathspey is Strathdown 2 and Glenlivat
mostly the property of the Duke of Gordon : the people
mostly Popish, also the Enzie and Strathbogy, a
mixture of Papists and Protestants. From these coun-
tries Lord Lewis recruited the most of his men, and in
their neighbourhood is Braemar and Cromar the country
of the Farquharsons : the people Protestants, with a
small mixture of Papists : the Gentlemen much devoted
to the Nonjurant Clergy. I am not particularly ac-
quainted with this country ; therefore, though it be large
and populous, I say little about it.
I can say little of the country of Angus and Mearns,
only I know dissaffection prevails there : nor am I much
known to the country of the Duke of Atholl ; the Stuarts
and Robisons there are bigoted Jacobites, as are some of
the Murray s. And as little do I know of the Drummonds
and McGregors, but their Dissaffection is Notour. There-
fore I conclude this paper with two lists as near as I can
guess of the strength of the Dissaffected, and Well affected
Clans in the Highlands and North Country. Which Lists
you have in another sheet of this date.
[Caetera desunt]
See fast, p. 269 et seq. 2 Now called Strathavon.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND
WRITTEN BY DANIEL MUNRO
MINISTER OF TAIN
AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND
WE had notice in this country of the Young Pretender's
arrival in Lochaber, about the middle of August 1745.
The friends of the Government generally despised the
Attempt, and the Jacobite party showed then no open
disposition to join him. It is said the first notice of his
arrival was sent by the Laird of McLeod to the Lord
President, 1 and that the President wrote insolently to
Locheil (at whose house the Young Pretender was said to
be, dissuading him from a Rising to Rebellion). Locheil
was under great obligation to the President, on account
of the President's endeavours to get him reponed to his
estate, which had been forfeited in the year 1715. The
Durn Locheil made was, that he had been long in search
>f an important paper relating to that affair, which he
low sent him enclosed : this is all he wrote, and the paper
iclosed was the Pretender's Declaration.
The first Rising in this Country was under the Earl of
"romartie, the Earl had waited on Sir John Cope at
Inverness with others : he professed a steady adherence
to the Government, for though he had been bred a Jacobite,
yet he married young into a Whig family. 2 He had a post
1 Duncan Forbes of Culloden ; b. 1685; M.P. Inverness-shire 1722; Lord
Advocate 1725 ; Lord President of the Court of Session 1737 ; d. 1747.
2 George (Mackenzie), 3rd earl; b. about 1702; known as the Master of
Macleod until his grandfather's death, 1714; as Lord Tarbat until his father's
death, 1731, when he succeeded to the earldom. His father, although a friend
and cousin of Lord Mar, had not gone out in 1715. The Earl married, 1724,
Isabella, daughter of Sir Wm. Gordon of Invergordon, head of a family 'noted
for their zeal for the Protestant succession.' He was captured at Dunrobin 1746 ;
condemned to death by the House of Lords ; released with a conditional pardon
1749 ; d. at London 1766.
96 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
and pension of the Government, and was universally
thought a Government Man in grant of interest, and was
so looked upon in point of Principle, having so often
qualified to the Government. He and family joining
the Established Church and having educated his eldest
son in Revolution Principles.
The first step he took towards joining the Rebels
(though it was not so construed at the time) was declining
to accept of a Commission for his son Lord McLeod * to be
Captain of one of the independent companies, offered him
by the Lord President. He pretended for so doing a
disobligement, being refused by the President the nomina-
tion of the Subalterns of said companie. After this he
was observed to associate with Lord Lovat, and in the
meantime Lord McLeod, his eldest son, repaired to the
Highlands of Lochbroom and Cogach, where his Lordship
has a considerable estate, vassalage, and superiority, being
Heritable Sherriff. Lord McLeod raised the men there ;
but it was yet pretended this rising was for the defence
of his house and person, as Lord Lovat had raised his
people and kept them about him under the same pretext.
Soon after the Battle of Preston, McDonald of Barisdale 2
1 John (Mackenzie), Lord Macleod, eldest son of 3rd Earl of Cromartie ;
b. 1727. Captured along with his father ; pled guilty; received a conditional
pardon 1748; went abroad 1749; entered the Swedish service when the Old
Chevalier, at the request of Lord George Murray, sent him the necessary funds
for his military outfit ; became colonel, aide-de-camp to the King of Sweden, and
Count Cromartie ; returned to England 1777 > raised a regiment for King George,
first known as Macleod's Highlanders, the 73rd, subsequently the 7ist, and
to-day the Highland Light Infantry; M.P. for Ross-shire 1780; family estates
restored to him 1784; m. 1786, Margery, d. of Lord Forbes; d. s.p. 1789.
2 There were three Macdonells all bearing the designation of Barisdale in the
'Forty-five, who are often confused, and who for distinction's sake may be termed
here, Old Barisdale, Young Barisdale, and Youngest Barisdale.
Old Barisdale was Archibald Macdonell, an uncle of Glengarry and a brother
of Scotus. He paid his respects to Prince Charles at Glenfinnan, but took no
active part in the Rising, probably being too old to go out. In May 1746, how-
ever, his house was burned down by Cumberland's order, and he was carried
prisoner on board a ship of war, but was soon released. He died in 1752.
Young Barisdale was Archibald's eldest son, Coll Macdonell, who is a
prominent figure in the rising. He was born in 1698. A man of commanding
talent, he filled the rdle of Highland cateran to perfection, and raised a following
absolutely devoted to him. He became captain of the watch and guardian of the
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 97
came to this country and was with my Lord openly at his
house at Newtarbet, which gave the first rise to any
suspicion about the Earl, especially as there was such
preparation, as the making of Highland clothes, pro-
viding of Arms, and ammunition : but to cover this, it
was pretended his Lordship intended a journey to Edin-
burgh, and must have a strong guard. However early in
November he openly declared himself, and went from
his house at Newtarbet to West Ross, where a part of
his estate lies, and was joined by his son Lord McLeod,
marches for western Inverness-shire, a vocation (similar to that of his great proto-
type, Rob Roy) which he exercised with rigour and occasional cruelty. He was
able to purchase several wadsets, which gave him territorial importance in the
western Highlands. He further strengthened his influence in Ross-shire by his
marriages, his first wife being a daughter of George Mackenzie of Balmuchie, and
his second wife a sister of Alexander Mackenzie, then laird of Fairburn. He
joined Prince Charles at Aberchalder on 27th August at the head of Glengarry's
Knoydart men, fought at Prestonpans, and when the Prince went to England
he and Angus Macdonell, Glengarry's second son, were sent back to the
Highlands to raise more men. Barisdale greatly disliked his first cousin Loch-
garry, who commanded the Glengarry battalion, so he managed to raise a regi-
ment of his own. (Murray's Mem. , pp. 280, 441. ) He fought at Falkirk, but was
not at Culloden, being absent on service in Ross-shire. In June he was captured
and taken prisoner along with his son to Fort Augustus, and there he received
a ten days' protection on condition of giving certain information to Government.
For this he was seized by the Jacobites, carried prisoner to France, and confined
at St. Malo and Saumur for two years and four months ; was not attainted in
1 746, but was excluded from the Act of Indemnity in 1 747. He returned to Scot-
land in February 1749, but was again arrested by Government, taken to Edin-
burgh Castle, and kept a close prisoner without trial until his death, 1st June 1750.
A friendly account of this remarkable man will be found in the History of Clan
Donald, iii. 37 ; and an unfriendly one in Mr. Lang's Companions of Pickle > p. 97.
Youngest Barisdale was Coil's eldest son, Archibald, who was not quite
twenty years old at the beginning of the adventure. He acted as major of the
Glengarry regiment. His name was included in the list of attainders in 1746,
apparently in mistake for his father. He was made prisoner along with his
father in 1746, first by Government and afterwards by the Jacobites; he was
carried to France, where he was held in durance for a year. He returned to
Scotland, and in 1749 was again imprisoned by Government along with his
father, but was immediately released. Once more he was arrested in 1753, at
the time when Dr. Archibald Cameron was taken and executed. Barisdale was
tried and sentenced to death in March 1754, but reprieved. He was kept a
prisoner until 1762, when he was finally released. At his own request he at
once took the oath of fealty to Government, and accepted a commission in the
io5th Regiment (the Queen's Own Royal Highlanders), which was disbanded
the following year. He died at Barisdale in 1787.
G
98 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
with twixt two and three hundred of his men, taken from
Lochbroom and Cogach and off his Estate in West Ross,
having got none to follow him from his estate about
Newtarbet which is in East Ross, but about ten men
who were his menial servants and a young gentleman
Roderick McCulloch of Glastalich, 1 one of his vassals,
and whose family and friends had no connection with
Jacobitism, and whom it is generally allowed the Earl
decoyed into the Rebellion. He then marched to the
Lord Lovat's house, where he was joined by the master
of Lovat, with 300 Frasers and both went to Perth.
Upon the Rebels coming North after their retreat from
Stirling and their arrival at Inverness, they were joined
by the whole Posse of the Frasers, who were formed into
three Regiments under the command of the Master of
Lovat, 2 Fraser younger of Inverallachie, 3 and Fraser of
1 Captain in Cromartie's regiment ; was captured at Dunrobin ; tried at
South wark in 1746, pleaded guilty and was condemned to death; he was not
executed ; I am ignorant of his subsequent career.
2 Simon Fraser, b. 1726: after Culloden gave himself up to Government;
attainted 1746, pardoned 1750 ; joined the Scottish bar 1752 ; acted as
Advocate-Depute in the Appin murder trial, an episode immortalised in R. L.
Stevenson's Catriona; raised a Highland regiment for the Government 1757,
and served with it under Wolfe in Canada (regiment disbanded 1763); M.P.
Inverness 1761 ; family estates restored to him 1774; raised a second regiment
of two battalions 1775, for the American War, which he did not accompany
(regiment disbanded 1783) ; died a lieut. -general 1782. Sir Walter Scott calls
the Master of Lovat the good son of a bad father. A very different account is
given by Mrs. Grant of Laggan 'he differed from his father only as a chain'd-
up fox does from one at liberty.' (See Wariston's Diary, etc., p. 275, Scot.
Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)
3 Charles Fraser the younger, b. 1725, nephew and heir-presumptive of
William Fraser of Inverallochy, Aberdeenshire, the senior cadet of Lovat's clan.
His father, Charles Fraser of Castle Fraser, younger brother of the laird of
Inverallochy, had inherited the property of Muchall or Castle Fraser (Kemnay,
Aberdeenshire), on the death of his step-grandfather Charles, 4th and last Lord
Fraser, who lost his life near Banff by falling over a precipice while in hiding
to avoid capture after the '15. In 1723 the elder Charles Fraser was created
' Lord Fraser of Mushall ' by the Chevalier in recognition of his services, and
particularly those of his father, * who died bravely asserting our cause, and
in consideration of the earnest desire of the late Lord Fraser, when we were
last in Scotland, to resign his titles of honour in favour of the said Charles'
father.' I am not aware of what these special services were, nor why the elder
brother William was passed over both for the Castle Fraser inheritance and
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 99
Foyers ; 1 by the Chisholms,* all of them under the
command of two younger sons of their chief 2 the Chisholm
N.B. Most of the Chisholms are Papists.
the Jacobite peerage. Charles Fraser eventually succeeded to Inverallochy in
1749 on the death of his brother William. He was probably too old to go out
in 1745, and his son went out as Lovat's lieut. -colonel, ' in accordance with the
ancient highland practice and the policy of Lord Lovat as being nearest in blood
to the chiefship,' Young Inverallochy was killed at Culloden, and the story of
his death is very painful. It is first told in a general way in The Lyon (ii. 305 ;
iii. 56), and afterwards with more detail by Sir Henry Seton Steuart of Allanton
in the Antijacobin Review of 1802 (p. 125) as follows :
* When the celebrated General Wolfe (at this period a lieut. -colonel in the
army) was riding over the field of battle with the D of C-m-b-1-d, they
observed a Highlander, who, though severely wounded, was yet able to sit up,
and, leaning on his arm, seemed to smile defiance of them. " Wolfe," said the
D , " shoot me that Highland scoundrel, who thus dares to look on us with
such contempt and insolence!" " My commission," replied the manly officer,
"is at your R 1 H s's disposal, but I never can consent to become an
executioner." The Highlander, it is probable, was soon knocked on the head
by some ruffian less scrupulous than the future conqueror of Quebec. But it was
remarked by those who heard the story, that Colonel Wolfe, from that day,
visibly declined in the favour and confidence of the commander-in-chief. We
believe that some officers are still alive who are not unacquainted with this
anecdote.'
Mr. Beckles Willson, Wolfe's latest biographer, accepts the story as regards
Wolfe but doubts its applicability to Cumberland. Wolfe, it must be remem-
bered, was on Hawley's staff, not Cumberland's. These generals could easily
have been mistaken for each other. The action is very like Hawley, who was
hated by the soldiers, who nicknamed him the Hangman, and who held his
military talents in contempt, a feeling shared by Wolfe. Moreover, it was a
Jacobite cult to vilify the Duke, and to impute all cruelties to him personally.
Seton Steuart was not an entirely unprejudiced writer ; he had been brought up
in an atmosphere of uncompromising Jacobitism. He was a cousin of Sir James
Steuart of Goodtrees and of Provost Stewart of Edinburgh, both of whom
suffered ; while his wife was grand-daughter of Charles Smith of Boulogne, the
Jacobite agent frequently mentioned in Murray's Papers. (See^wte, p. u.)
1 James Fraser, Qth of Foyers (Lochness), descended from the 3rd Lord Lovat,
was one of the most ruthless and devoted henchmen of Lovat, who made him
bailie of Stratherrick. He received from Prince Charles a special commission,
dated 23rd September 1745, to seize President Duncan Forbes and carry him
prisoner to Edinburgh, an enterprise which failed. His name was excluded
from the act of indemnity, but he was afterwards pardoned and his estates
restored. It was to his house that John Murray of Broughton was carried the
day before Culloden.
'' This does not quite accord with the clan history. Roderick, the chief of
Chisholm, was then forty-eight years old. What part he took in the Rising is not on
100 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
of Strathglass ; by considerable numbers of the Mc-
Kenzies reckoned about 400, besides the Earl of Cromartie's
own Regiment. These McKenzies were of the Estates of
Redcastle, Culcoy, Lentron, Applecross, Coul, Fairburn,
Gairloch, Balmaduthy and Allangrange. Under the lead-
ing of McKenzie of Lentron, a younger brother to
McKenzie of Fairburn 1 and a brother to McKenzie of
Culcoy formed into a regiment under McDonald of Baras-
dale with some of the Banditti Highlanders formerly with
him. The Earl of Cromartie when Commander in Chief
benorth Beullie affected to be chief of the McKenzies.
It is certain the men of the above estate were actually
in arms under him and I am well assured he threatened
Military Execution against McKenzie of Scatwell (a loyal
family of that name) if he did not give his men also, w r hich
he absolutely refused at all hazards, and reckons himself
happy his Lordship did not return with the same power
from Sutherland. It is also fact that when the Rebels
were exacting Cess and Levy money of all the estates
of the gentlemen in Ross in the most vigorous manner,
the gentlemen of the name of McKenzie whose men were
in arms were excused from paying their proportion of
record, but he was specially excluded from the act of indemnity. His eldest
son Alexander seems to have stayed at home ; his second and third sons were
officers in the Government army, and fought under Cumberland at Culloden ;
his fourth son, who was a physician in Inverness, afterwards provost, seems to have
taken no part ; his youngest son, Roderick Og, led out the clan ; he 'headed
about eighty of the Chisholms at the battle of Culloden, himself and thirty
thereof were killed upon the field.' (Mackenzie, Hist, of the Chisholms.}
1 The laird was then Alexander Mackenzie, 6th of Fairburn. According to
the Marquis d'^guilles, French envoy to Prince Charles, Fairburn's wife was
Barbara Gordon, of whom he gives the following account in a despatch to his
government : ' Une fort jolie personne . . . celle-cy n'a pas banni son mari ;
mais malgre luy, elle a vendu ses diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des homines.
Elle a ramasse cent cinquante des plus braves du pai's, qu'elle a joint a ceux de
miladi Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frere.' (Cottin, Un Prottlge de
Bachaumont, p. 51.) The brother-in-law may be Coll Macdonell of Barisdale,
who married her husband's sister ; or it may be Kenneth Mackenzie her husband's
brother who although only a schoolboy was a captain in Barisdale's regiment.
(Lord Rosebery's List of Persons Concerned in the Rebellion^ p. 76.) This lady
is not mentioned in the genealogies of Alex. Mackenzie's Hist, of the Mackenzie*,
which are, however, manifestly incomplete.
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 101
Levy money. The Rebels were joined by the Macintoshes
who had not joined formerly, by the Mcllivraes and
McBeans under the command of Mcllivrae of Dunmaglass, 1
commonly called the Ladie Mclntoshes Regiment,* as she
was known to be extremely active in raising them : 2 there
* N. B. The Laird of Mclntosh got a Company in the Highland
Regiment. He raised a full company and they all deserted except 8 or 9.
1 Alexander Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, the lieut. -colonel of Lady Mac-
kintosh's regiment, and Gillise Machain, Dalmagarrie, the major, were both
'killed at Culloden.
2 Anne, daughter of James Farquharson, gth of Invercauld, and Margaret
Murray, daughter of Lord James Murray, an uncle of Lord George Murray;
b. 1723; d. 1787; m. yneas Mackintosh 22nd of Mackintosh, who, though a
Jacobite peer, refused to join Prince Charles, preferring to serve that monarch
who was able to pay him 'half-a-guinea the day and half-a-guinea the morn.'
(Notes to Waverley, ch. xix.) The chief raised a company for King George
with the result noted above, while his lady raised the clan for Prince Charles. Of
this lady we get the following enthusiastic account by the Marquis d'Eguilles :
* Elle aimoit eperdviment son mari qu'elle espera longtems de gagner au
Prince ; mais, ayant appris qu'il s'etoit enfin engage, avec le President, a servir
la inaison d'Hanovre, elle ne voulut plus le voir.
4 Elle ne s'en tint pas la : elle souleva une partie de ses vassaux, a la teste
desquels elle mit un tres-beau cousin qui, jusques-la, 1'avoit aimee inutilement.
Mackintosh fut oblige de quitter son lit, sa maison et ses terres. L'intrepide
ladi, un pistclet d'une main et de 1'argent de 1'autre, parcourt le pals, menace,
donne, promet, et, en moins de quinze jours, ramasse 600 hommes. Elle en
avoit envoye moitie 1 a Fakirk, qui y arriva la veille de la bataille. Elle avoit
retenu 1'autre moitie pour se garder de son mari et de Loudoun qui, a Inver-
ness, n'etoient qu'a trois lieues de son chateau. Le prince logea chez elle, a
son passage. Elle s'offrit a luy avec la grace et la noblesse d'une divinite, car
rien n'est si beau que cette femme. Elle luy presenta toute sa petite armee
qu'elle avoit rassernblee, et apres avoir parle aux soldats de ce qu'ils devoient
a la situation, aux droits et aux vertus de leur Prince, elle jura tres-categorique-
ment de casser la tete au premier qui s'en tourneroit, apres avoir, a ses yeux,
brule sa maison et chasse sa famille.
* Au reste, elle a toujours passe, jusques icy, pour etre tres-moderee, tres-
sensee. C'est, icy, 1'effet de la premiere education. Son pere, pris a la bataille
de Preston en I7i5> avoit reste longtems prisonnier, et couru risque de la vie.
Elle n'a pas vingt-denx ans. C'est elle qui decouvrit le projet qu'avoit fait
Macleod d'enlever le Prince, et, en verite, c'est elle seule qui 1'a fait echouer.'
(Cottin, p. 49.)
The last sentence refers to the incident known as ' the Rout of Moy ' (post,
p. 108), when Lady Mackintosh's thoughtful vigilance saved her Prince from
imminent risk of capture. A month later (March 2Oth) her husband was taken
prisoner at Dornoch by the Jacobites. Prince Charles sent the chief to his wife at
Moy, saying that ' he could not be in better security or more honourably treated.'
102 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
were also a mixt multitude from Aberdeen and Banff-
shire under the command of Lord Lewis Gordon and Mr.
More of Stonnywood.
The arts and methods by which the Jacobites endeav-
oured to raise and spirit people into the Rebellion, and by
which they were too successful, were the spreading all
sorts of false news to the advantage of their own cause
and party ; particularly such as related to a French
landing, and a junction in England ; the venting gross
misrepresentations and slanders against the King, Royal
Family and Administration ; pretending intolerable
grievances and confident promises of relief from them :
but above all, the indefeasible right of the family of
Stuarts, the native interest all Scots men had in them,
with the Pretender's Declaration, w r ere most commonly
insisted upon, and this was done w r ith all possible zeal
and address, by those Jacobites of power and station
who did not think it safe to risk their persons or estates
in the cause ; though their brothers or sons or other
relations and tenants had joined openly. In this view
we have been told the Rebellion was a well conducted
scheme not like that in the 1715 ; w r hen all the Jacobite
Grandees took the field, but now when their common men
were only exposed, though the attempt should not succeed
the same Jacobite interest would still subsist.
As to characters all above mentioned whose relations
or tenants had joined were regular Jacobites, the Earl
This may have been the occasion of the story told by Bishop Mackintosh to
Chambers : the lady was jocularly known in the army as * Colonel Anne ' ;
when her husband was ushered into her presence she greeted him laconically with,
' Your servant, captain,' to which he replied with equal brevity, 'Your servant,
colonel!' After Culloden Lady Mackintosh was arrested at Moy and taken
to Inverness ; she was released after six weeks' confinement. In spite of her
martial reputation, and her undaunted resolution, there was nothing masculine
about her appearance ; she was a slender, rather delicate-looking girl : she took
no part in the fighting but remained at home during the campaign. In after
years when in London, family tradition says that she became a favourite in
certain royal circles, and there on one occasion she met the Duke of Cumber-
land, and with him she exchanged some piquant raillery (see narratives in
A. M. Shaw's Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan, p. 464 seq.).
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 103
of Cromartie, Lord McLeod and the Master of Lovat
excepted.
As to the well affected : Mr. Harry Munro Younger
of Foulis now Sir Harry who had been newly nominated
a Captain in the Lord London's Regiment having speedily
raised a company of Munroes to serve in the said Regi-
ment met Sir John Cope at the Water of Nairn and upon
their arrival at Inverness, Capt. George Munro of Cul-
kairn, 1 Sir Harry's Uncle, waited on them, where it was
concerted that the Munroes should instantly take arms
and join the King's Troops, which was done accordingly.
Three Companies were raised under the Leading of
Culkairn, Hugh Munro of Teaninich and William Munro
of Achany, and marched with General Cope as his advanced
guard to Aberdeen, where they stayed till the Army took
shipping. Sir Harrie and his company went along and
were at the Battle of Preston where they were taken
prisoners with the other Highland Companies there. At
the same time Captain Alexander M'Cay, son to Lord
Reay and Captain in Lord London's Regiment, raised a
company of McCays in Strathnavar and upon notice of
General Cope's arrival at Inverness marched speedily to
join him and missing the General at Inverness followed
him and being informed that Gordon of Glenbucket was
in arms for the Pretender, took boat upon the Murray
Coast and came up with the General at Aberdeen, was
at the Battle of Preston and taken prisoner, none of his
men or the Monroes when prisoners would be prevailed
upon to enlist for the Pretender. 2
Culkairn upon his march homeward from Aberdeen
was apprised by a friend from Banff that Glenbucket
with 400 men waited to intercept him. He made his
1 Culcairn, now called Kincraig, in Rosskeen parish. George Munro, b. 1685,
brother of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis (see post, p. 198). Culcairn was shot in
Knoydart in August 1746 while wasting the country and carrying off cattle in
company with Captain Grant of Knockando, of Loudoun's Regiment. It is
said he was shot by accident instead of Grant, by the father of one Alexander
Cameron, whom Grant had shot a short time previously. (L. in M., i. 91, 312.)
2 Cf. ante, p. 46 n.
104 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
best preparation and resolutely went on ; when Glen-
bucket thought proper to withdraw, which must have
been owing to the known bravery of Culkairn.
Lord London and the President
Immediately after the Battle of Preston, the Earl of
Loudon took post for London, and without loss of time
came down in a King's Sloop to Inverness, where he took
upon him the Command for the North, and acted always
thereafter in concert with the President. The President
disposed of the independent companies for raising of which
he had blank commissions, in the following manner : A
company to Captain Munro of Culkairn, two companies
to the Earl of Sutherland, two to my Lord Reay, four
companies to the Laird of McLeod, one company to Hugh
McLeod of Guineas, four companies to Sir Alexander Mc-
Donald whereof only two came to Inverness, a company
of Grants, two companies to the Lord Fortrose, a com-
pany to the Master of Ross, and a company from Inver-
ness, commanded by Mr. Mclntosh, late baillie here. The
Munroes, Sutherlands, McCays, and McLeods came to
Inverness upon the first call : there was difficulty in
raising the McKenzie companies, though Lord Fortrose 1
exerted himself all he could to get it done and showed
abundance of zeal for the Government. The best service
1 Kenneth (Mackenzie), eldest son of William, 5th Earl of Seaforth, attainted
1716, d. 1740; but for the attainder he would have been 6th earl. He was
styled Lord Fortrose, which was the second Jacobite title of his grandfather,
created Marquis of Seaforth by James viz. after his abdication. He was born
about 1718; M.P. for Inverness 1741-47; and for Ross-shire from 1747 until
his death, 1761. Lord Fortrose (who was generally, though not officially,
called Seaforth in Scotland) adhered to Government in the '45. Though his
support was of the paltriest description, his defection gave great pain to
Prince Charles. Fortrose's wife was Lady Mary Stewart, daughter of the
6th Earl of Galloway. This lady raised men for Prince Charles, with the
result narrated in these pages. Of her the French envoy informs his Govern-
ment : ' On assure que son zele egale celuy des deux autres [Lady Mackintosh
and Mrs. Mackenzie of Fairburn], quoy qu'elle paroisse moins vive et moins
courageuse.' It was their son who raised the 1st Battalion Seaforth Highlanders
(72nd), for which service he was created Earl of Seaforth in the Peerage of Ireland.
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 105
he was able to do was preventing a more general rising of
his numerous Clan, in which he was successful, there being
only about 700 of them in Rebellion including Cromartie's
Regiment, The Clan will at least amount to 1500.
As the Master of Ross was not in the country, the
Laird of Inverchasley bestirred himself much to raise a
company of Rosses for the Master, and a company of the
Highlanders of the name of Ross were accordingly raised ;
but Malcolm Ross, younger of Pitcalnie, 1 Ensign in Sir
Harrie Munroe's Company of Loudon's Regiment, and
who had been taken prisoner at the Battle of Preston,
having come to the country upon pretence of being on
his parole, but in reality to serve the Rebel interest, as
sufficiently appeared afterwards, got the said company
1 The Rosses of Ross-shire are rather mixed up here. At this time there
were two distinct races of Ross in the county, which should not be confounded.
The Celtic family of Ross, of whom the ancient head was the Earl of Ross, was
originally known as the clan Ghille-andrais (servants of St. Andrew). The
earldom passed by marriage of heiresses in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
first to the Leslies and afterwards to the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles. The
chiefship of the clan, however, went to the heir male, Ross of Balnagowan.
In the year 1711, David Ross, the last of the Celtic family of Balnagowan, died.
The natural heir was Ross of Pitcalnie, his next of kin. Pitcalnie was a Roman
Catholic or Episcopalian, anyhow he was not a Presbyterian, and Balnagowan
was influenced by his wife, Lady Anne (daughter of the 4th Earl of Moray), a
bigoted Presbyterian, to disinherit the natural heir and bequeath the property
to General the Hon. Charles Ross, a younger son of George, nth Lord Ross
of Halkhead, in Ayrshire. (Eraser-Mackintosh, Antiq. Notes, p. 66.) The
family which thus became Ross of Balnagowan had no connection with the
Celtic clan of the same name, but was descended from a Norman family
named de Ros. In 1745 Balnagowan with its great territorial influence had
come to George, I3th Lord Ross, and the Master of Ross his eldest son
(afterwards I4th and last Lord Ross) received the command of one of the
independent companies raised in 1745. He was garrisoning Inverness Castle
(then called Fort George) when it was captured by the Jacobites, 2Oth Feb. '46 ;
he remained a prisoner on parole until the end of the campaign. He was one of
the very few officers who did not break his parole. (Cf. post, pp. 207, 364.)
The Rosses of Inverchasley and Pitcalnie, who belonged to the ancient Celtic
clan Ghille-andrais, sided with the Government, but 'young Pitcalnie,'
Malcolm Ross, who was a grand-nephew of President Duncan Forbes, went over
to the Jacobites. He had served as ensign in Loudoun's regiment at Preston-
pans, where he was taken prisoner by the Jacobites and released on parole. He
seems to have been the only Government officer who deserted to the Jacobites.
His name was included in the list of attainders.
106 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
dismissed in the following manner. Mr. Bailey, factor to
the Lord Ross in this country, ordered the company to
attend at his house at Ardmore, in order to be received
by Mr. Ross of Inverchasley and others. The night
before the Day of the Review the said Pitcalnie lodged
at the house of Mr. Baillie (Mr. Baillie not being in the
knowledge of his design) and when the men appeared
ready for the intended Review, Mr. Ross younger, of
Pitcalnie, ordered them to follow him, which they did,
and he lead them back to the Highlands. Mr. Ross of
Inverchasley coming up soon thereafter, and joined by
Mr. Baillie went after them and having come up with
them, very seriously expostulated with Pitcalnie for his
conduct, and dealt earnestly with the men to return, and
engage in the intended service for the Government ; which
Pitcalnie refused and the men also at that time (but
they absolutely declined entering to the Rebellion and when
the Master of Ross came to the Country they appeared
for the Government), upon which Pitcalnie repaired to Lord
Lovat's, openly joined the Rebels attended only by his
servant, after the President who is his grand uncle had been
at the utmost pains to reclaim him. He was debauched
with the hopes of being made Laird of Balnagowan, nor
were his family formerly tainted with Jacobitism.
The President's house of Culloden was attacked in
October by a body of Frasers, commanded by Fraser of
Foyers, to the number of about 150 in the night time :
they were repulsed and one of their number found wounded
in an adjacent wood next day, who was brought to the
President ; and upon examination he discovered who
were of the party. After which the President ordered
him to be carried to Inverness to be cared for by a
surgeon, gave him a piece of money and liberty after his
cure to go where he had a mind. Some time thereafter
the Earl of Loudon marched from Inverness with a body
of 800 men, and apprehended Lord Lovat at his house
of Castledownie and carried him prisoner to Inverness,
where he was kept under a guard in a private house and
in a few days found means to make his escape.
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 107
My Lord Loudoii by the junction of the independent
companies and the remains of his own Regiment, made
up a body of about 2000 men at Inverness. Lord Lewis
Gordon, who had been an officer in the Fleet, was at the
same time very active in raising men for the Pretender
in Aberdeen and Banffshire, and the Earl of Loudoii
being informed by intelligence from Aberdeen, and called
upon by the friends of the Government there, ordered
seven of the Independent Companies, viz., the four Mc-
Leod Companies commanded by the Laird of McLeod
in person, the Munro and Inverness Companies, and that
commanded by Captain McLeod of Guineas ; x who ac-
cordingly marched for Aberdeen and were joined by
400 Grants at the Water of Spey who marched with them
to Strathbogie 18 miles from Spey ; where they again
left them, and returned to their own country. The Com-
panies continued their march for Aberdeen, and having
upon the [23rd] day of December come to Inverury within
10 miles of Aboin, they were attacked in the night by
Lord Lewis Gordon and his party, who had been re-
inforced by some companies of Lord John Drummond's
French Regiment sent for that end from the North.
The attack was sustained by the Laird of McLeod and
Culkairn with great bravery, who finding the superior
number of the enemies, and then first observing the
French Reinforcement they had got, ordered a retreat,
which was managed with good advantage, having only
seven private men killed and a few taken prisoners, among
whom was Mr. Gordon younger of Ardoch, Culkairn's
Lieutenant. There was considerable execution done
upon the Rebels as our men had the favour of the houses,
garden dykes, etc., and the Rebels made no pursuit. 2
1 Macleod of Geanies was representative of the Macleods of Assynt (see ante,
p. 74). John, a brother of Neil Macleod (tried for the betrayal of Montrose),
left Assynt and settled in Easter Ross where his son Donald, an officer in the
Scots Brigade in Holland, purchased the estate of Geanies. Donald's son
Hugh was laird in 1745 ; his wife was a niece of President Duncan Forbes of
Culloden.
2 See post, p. 143 et seq
108 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
The Master of Ross, having come by sea to Inverness,
was joyfully received by the loyal Clan of the Rosses,
when he immediately repaired to this country with the
concurrence of the gentlemen of his name, particularly
the Laird of Inverchasley, he raised an independent
Company with which he joined Lord Loudon.
Upon the Young Pretender's retreat Northward, Lord
Loudon being informed of his being at the House of Moy,
the Laird of Mclntosh's seat, within 8 miles of Inverness,
he marched from Inverness in the dead of the night with
about 1200 men with a view to surprise the Pretender,
but as to the particulars of this attempt and how it came
to miscarry, it is referred to a more particular information. 1
The Rebels being upon their march to Inverness both
those who came the low way by Aberdeen and those who
came by the Highland Road with the Young Pretender ;
the Earl of Loudon furnished the Castle of Inverness,
which Major Grant commanded, 2 with a company of Red
Coats, with stores of provisions, and added two indepen-
dent Companies, the Grants and that commanded by the
Master of Ross, and by the defences he made about the
town he seemed disposed to maintain Inverness against
the Rebels : but upon their approach and considering
their numbers and that the place was not tenable, he
made a well conducted retreat over the Ferry of Kissack
towards Ross-shire. When the retreat was a-making the
Rebels carried a field piece to the shore below Inverness
and having planted it upon a rising ground within flood
mark, they discharged it several times, at the Boats on
1 This refers to the fiasco known as the ' Rout of Moy' (i6th Feb.. '46), when
by a stratagem, a blacksmith and a few other retainers of Lady Mackintosh,
made Loudoun believe that the whole Jacobite army was upon him ; he fled
back to Inverness, whence he retreated across the Kessock Ferry to Ross-shire.
The principal, perhaps the only, victim of the expedition, was Donald Ban
MacCrimmon, Macleod's famous piper, who was shot by the blacksmith. Cf.
post, p. 145. (For details, see Home, Hist. Reb., ch. ix. ; L. inM., i. 149, etc.)
2 George Grant of Culbin, brother of Sir James Grant of Grant, major in the
Highland Regiment (Black Watch). He surrendered Inverness Castle (then
called Fort George) to Prince Charles, 2Oth February, for which he was sub-
sequently tried by court-martial, and dismissed the service.
FROM ROSS AND SUTHERLAND 109
their passage, without doing any execution, though the
bullets lighted very near the Boats, particularly that in
which was Lord Loudon which was the last that passed,
and one of them among the men drawn up on the other
side after their landing.
The Rebels immediately took possession of Inverness,
and laid siege to the Castle, which was surrendered the
third day ; but as to the particulars of this sort of siege
you are referred to the proceeding of the Court Martial
which condemned and cashiered the Governor.
Before Lord Loudon left Inverness, and upon the
approach of the Rebels, he called upon the Lord Suther-
land, Lord Reay and the Master of Ross, to get up to
Inverness all the men they could make. Whereupon my
Lord Sutherland marched in person at the head of 400
men. The Master having called upon the Laird of Inver-
chasley and his other friends, four companies of Rosses
were ready and upon their march to Inverness their
advanced party met Loudon immediately as he landed
in Ross. They were astonished to find the Master of Ross
their leader had been pent up in the Castle of Inverness,
however they waited Lord Loudon his orders : some of
them he advised home, to others he gave arms and pay,
and they were with him in Sutherland. My Lord Suther-
land by London's orders retreated to his own country,
his four hundred men last mentioned, continued under
arms. The McCays, by reason of the distance of their
country, would not come up with Lord Loudon, till they
found him retreated to Sutherland where they joined him.
The day after London's retreat from Inverness, he
marched down from East Ross where he continued for
three or four days : and upon intelligence that a strong
body of the Rebels under the Earl of Cromartie, Com-
mander in chief benorth Beully had come to West Ross
and were upon their way to attack him. He with the
Lord President and several gentlemen who had taken
flight from Murray to Ross, and all the men under his
command (excepting the two McKenzie Companies who
dispersed themselves immediately after the retreat from
110 AN ACCOUNT OF THE LATE REBELLION
Inverness and not one of them having followed him) he
retreated to Sutherland with a resolution to guard the
Passes to that country against the Rebels. Several
gentlemen of this country, particularly Inverchasley and
ministers who had been so active in raising men to join
Loudon, thought fit to repair at the same time to Suther-
land. Lord Fortrose left his troup at Brahan and took
flight to the Highlands of his own country, 1 where he
remained with a body of his men about him till after the
Battle of Culloden.
The Earl of Loudon when he got into Sutherland
posted his men along the Firth of Tain which divides
Sutherland from Ross : from Dornoch to Lairg the
difference of ten miles.
The remains of London's Regiment being about 200
were posted at Dornoch : the McCays being 300 at the
Muckle Ferry, three miles above Dornoch : the two
McDonald Companies at Pulrossie, a mile above the
Ferry : the Inverness Company at Spengadale, two miles
above the McDonalds : the Munroes at Criech, two miles
above Spengadale : McLeod of Guineas his Company at
the Bonar, a mile above Criech : the Laird of McLeod
with his 400 men at the Pass of Invershin, three miles
above the Bonar ; and the Sutherlands to the number
of 600 at Lairg and thereabout.
TAYNE, Feb. 18, 1747.
See ante, p. 75-
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745
AND 1746, SO FAR AS IT CONCERNED
THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN
AND BANFF
MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION IN 1745
AND 1746, SO FAR AS IT CONCERNED
THE COUNTIES OF ABERDEEN AND
BANFF
Gordon of Glenbucket rises
The first man in these coimtys that rose in this rebellion,
\vas John Gordon, Elder of Glenbucket. Immediately on
the Young Pretender's landing, he went to the Highlands
to meet him and returned directly with a Commission as
Major-General and some money to raise men, and he soon
got together about 300 mostly from Strathdawn 1 and
Glenlivet and some too from Strathboggy, all parts of
the Duke of Gordon's Estate.
Is assisted by Skeleter in Strathdon
His son-in-law, Mr. Forbes of Skeleter, 2 also brought
him some of this Corps from Strathdon, a country belong-
ing mostly to gentlemen of that name, formerly vassals
of the Earl of Mar, now of the Lord Braco. 3 In conse-
quence of this vassalage most of this country had been
1 Now called Strathavon (pronounced Stratha'nn), Banffshire. It is generally
called Strathdawn or Strathdown in documents of this date ; perhaps from the
local pronunciation, plus the archaic ' d ' which occasionally appears in place-
names, e.g. Strathdearn for the valley of the Earn or Findhorn. There was an
ancient church of Dounan in the valley perhaps from the same root.
2 George Forbes of Skeleter; m. Glenbucket's daughter Christiana Gordon.
He escaped to France after Culloden, joined Lord Ogilvie's Scots regiment
in the French service : he never returned.
3 William (Duff) of Braco and Dipple ; b. 1697; d. 1763; M.P. Banffshire
1727-34; created Baron Braco of Kilbride 1735 ; and in 1759 Viscount Matduft
and Earl Fife all these titles being in the peerage of Ireland; m. (i) Janet,
d. of 4th Earl of Findlater ; and (2) Jean, d. of Sir James Grant of Grant. He,
his father, and his grandfather made enormous purchases of land in Aberdeen,
Banff, and Moray shires, particularly on the forfeitures after Mar's rising in
1715. He joined Cumberland in 1745-
H
114 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715, and formed a very
good body of men, and as their new Superior, Lord Braco,
had not yet acquired great authority over them and Mr.
Forbes of New (a family all along well affected to the
Government) 1 was abroad, being an officer in the army,
the Rebels flattered themselves that by Skeleter's means
the rising at this time would be no less considerable ;
but in this they were greatly disappointed. For Mr.
Leith of Glenkindy, who had lately come to that neigh-
bourhood, being a very firm friend of the Government,
and Mr. Forbes of Inverernan (whose predecessor in the
1715 was known by the name of Black Jock) much con-
trary to the Rebels' expectation, declaring the same way ;
and Mr. Lumsden, minister of Towey, who had a small
estate in that country, managing the whole with a great
deal of address, as he was entirely well-acquainted with all
their tempers and situations, Skeleter found his measures
so effectually traversed, that he had difficulty enough in
raising his own Tenants. Mr. Gordon of Avochy, Glen-
bucket's Nephew, a very resolute, active lad, assisted him
considerably in his Levys about Strathboggy, where he
had a small estate. He, Glenbucket, had also two sons
joined him, but the eldest having drunk himself blind
could not attempt to march along and was of little use to
him at home : the other, too, was but an insignificant
creature.
Glenbucket was at Strathboggy when General Cope
came to Aberdeen, 2 where the Jacobites gave out that his
numbers were at least triple of what they were in reality,
and there was so great apprehension of his surprizing the
town, and the Magazines there, provided for the Army,
that the General thought proper to order most of his
Highland companies to march from Old Meldrum in the
1 Among the Jacobite prisoners who pled guilty is ' Robert Forbes, printer,
son to New.' (Scots Mag., viii. p. 438.) At his trial it is stated that he was
a farmer. His home was at Corse in the parish of Coull, Deeside. He was
captain in one of Lord Lewis Gordon's battalions, and was one of the officers
left at Carlisle and captured there. He was sentenced to death but was not
executed ; of his subsequent career I have no knowledge.
2 Cope reached Aberdeen nth Sept., and left it by sea I5th Sept. 1745.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 115
midst of the night and take possession of Aberdeen. Why
General Cope was so many days at Aberdeen before he
embarked, why he refused the most expeditious way of
embarking his troops which was proposed by the Magis-
trates, of bringing about their Fish Boats from John's
Haven, and as well as using the Torry and Foothy 1 boats
which would have gained him a day at least (as the Trans-
ports when the Soldiers came not out to them in boats,
behoved to come up to the harbour with one tide, and go
out with another) let those that know the reasons, give
them. Meantime his dallying gave several of his men an
opportunity of deserting to Strathboggy.
Glenbucket declines Fighting the Munroes
When the 200 Munroes under Culkairn who had accom-
panied General Cope to Aberdeen were returning from
thence, there were great apprehensions lest Glenbucket,
who was superior to them in numbers, should have inter-
cepted them and cut them off ; but Culkairn himself was
under no dread, as his men were good and better armed
than Glenbucket 's, and therefore marched on very briskly
the way of Banff. Glenbucket had gone down to that
country on an expedition for horses and arms, and was in
Banff that very day the Monroes came there, but, not
choosing to wait their coming up, he sheered off the way
to Strathboggy.
Soon after this he had a call from the Young Pretender
to hasten up, and accordingly marched South, keeping
the westerly roads, and not coming near the towns of Aber-
deen or the low parts of the country, but did not join the
main Army of the Rebels, till after the Battle of Preston.
Glenbucket' s Character
Glenbucket was a man very singular in his way, and is
perhaps the only instance of a Gentleman of a low country
family and education, that both could and would so
1 Johnshaven, a fishing port on the Kincardine coast, about twenty-five miles
south of Aberdeen ; Torry and Foothy (Footdee), fishing villages near the mouth
of the Dee, Aberdeen.
116 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
thoroughly conform himself to the Highland Spirit and
manners, as to be able to procure a following among them
without a Highland estate or any of the attachments of
Chieftainry. He always discovered a great deal of per-
sonal courage and particularly behaved well in the 1715
when he commanded some men raised by the Duke of
Gordon, in that Rebellion, and after that time kept up a
great intercourse with the Highland Chiefs, which was
much increased by the marriage of one of his daughters
to one of them, McDonald of Glengarry, and it is generally
believed he was very serviceable to the court of Rome,
in keeping up their correspondence with the Chiefs of
the Clans, and was certainly once and again of late years
over at that court, when his Low Country friends be-
lieved him to be all the while in the Highlands. He had
sold the estate of Glenbucket, from whence he has his
designation, a good while ago, and at the breaking out of
this Rebellion, had not a foot of property, and yet those
creatures in Strathdawn and Glenlivet were so attached
to him that a number of them rose voluntarily with him.
He was however by this time so old and infirm that he
could not mount his horse, but behoved to be lifted into
his saddle, notwithstanding of which the old spirit still
remained in him.
More of Stonnywood
Very soon after the Young Pretender landed, More of
Stonnywood x prepared to join him, at first very privately,
as his estate lay within three miles of Aberdeen, where all
in appearance was for the Government. This gentle-
man very early imbibed the Jacobite principles and was
entirely educated in that way ; his fortune also was greatly
embarrassed, so that his going off was no great surprise.
1 James Moir of Stonywood, an estate on Donside three miles above Aber-
deen. He was very active in the Jacobite cause, and while the Prince was in
England raised a battalion, of which Lord Lewis Gordon was titular colonel.
After Culloden he escaped to Sweden, where he resided until 1762, when he was
permitted to return to Stonywood. He died in 1782. His correspondence in
1745-46 is printed in the Spalding Club Misc., vol. i.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 117
He was a man of little note or interest and of no great
genius, but yet by his activity, diligence, and application,
and his thorough acquaintance with the circumstances
of Town and Country, he was very serviceable to the
Rebels in those parts. He slipped away at first alone,
and came up with his Pretended Prince, as he was about
to enter Edinburgh, and having immediately got a Com-
mission to raise men, he left them before the Battle of
Preston, and had the assurance to enter the town of Aber-
deen supported by a couple of broken merchants and
York Street Cadys 1 all in white cockades, and to enlist
men for the Pretender. The well affected people in town
seemed only to make a jest of Stonnywood and his pro-
cession, and the magistrates found it convenient to over-
look it, since any ill-usage of him might have been severly
revenged by a very small party, for as Cope had carried
off the Town's Arms lest the Rebels should have seized
them, a very few armed men might have come and plun-
dered the whole town ; but from this small beginning
thus neglected, the Rebels very soon became masters of
the place in reality and so continued till the army arrived
under His Royal Highness.
Farquharson of Monaltry rises at the head of Dea
Much about the same time Mr. Farquharson of Monal-
try, 2 age 35, a gentleman of no great estate, Nephew and
factor to the Laird of Invercauld, began to move at the
head of Dea. This gentleman was educated in Revolu-
tion principles, but was unhappily seduced and debauched
into the Jacobite scheme by the Duke of Perth, who both
1 York Street cadys = messenger-porters of a low street in Aberdeen.
2 Francis Farquharson of Monaltvie, near Ballater on the Dee, the ' Baron
ban ' of the '45, raised a regiment from Deeside and Braemar. He was made
prisoner at Culloden, tried at London, and condemned to death, but reprieved.
He was kept prisoner in England, latterly with considerable liberty at Berk-
hampstead, Herts. He was liberated in 1766, and returned to Monaltrie, where
he devoted the rest of his life to improving the social and material condition of
his country. He introduced into Aberdeenshire improved methods of farming,
which he had carefully studied while in exile in England. His name is still
cherished in the county as the man who did much to make Aberdeen the
great farming county it became. He died in 1791.
118 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
the times that he was obliged to conceal himself from the
Government made that country his retreat, 1 and Mr.
Farquharson, being a sweet-tempered, agreeable lad, was
his chief companion in his exile. As Invercauld gave
Monaltry no countenance in his rebellion, but immediately
turned him out of his Factory, he was not at first very
successful in his levys, but as Farquharson of Balmurral, 2
Gordon of Blelack and some others, all of small estates,
rose some time after from that country, there were at
length a good many men brought from thence.
Hamilton and Tulloch in Strathboggy
John Hamilton, Factor to the Duke of Gordon for the
lands about Strathboggy, and afterwards Governor of
Carlisle, 3 resolved also very early to join this Rebellion,
and being a very haughty man would not act under
Glenbucket, but set up on his own footing, and this stopped
both their progress for a while, as their misunderstanding
made them counteract one another. However Hamilton,
being much assisted by one David Tulloch, a considerable
tenant of the Duke's, 4 soon got together 100 Men, thirty
of whom he mounted on gentlemen's horses which he
1 The Duke of Perth had twice to flee from Drummond Castle ; first in
March 1744, immediately after the failure of the projected French invasion. A
party of 36 dragoons and 150 foot was sent from Stirling under Lieut. -Col.
Whitney (afterwards killed at Falkirk) to surround the castle, but the Duke
escaped (Chron. Atholl and Tullib. , ii. 473). The second time was in July 1745,
referred to post, p. 271, n. 2. This occasion was a treacherous attempt of his
neighbour, Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inverawe, both
officers of the Highland regiment (Black Watch), to capture him while dining
at Drummond Castle. The story is detailed in The Lyon, i. 290.
2 Now spelt Balmoral, the King's home on Deeside. The laird was badly
wounded at Falkirk and took no further part in the campaign.
3 Hamilton's home was Sanstoun, now called Huntly Lodge, beside old
Huntly Castle. He was left governor of Carlisle when the Jacobite army left it
on their way south (2ist Nov.), and on their return in December Hamilton
was made governor of the Castle, while Towneley, an Englishman, was left
governor of the town. Carlisle surrendered to Cumberland 3Oth December.
Both Towneley and Hamilton were hanged on Kennington Common. (See
also post, p. 173.)
4 His home was Dunbennan, close to Huntly ; the whole ' toun ' was burnt
down in 1746.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 119
seized through the County. Hamilton undoubtedly was
a noted Jacobite, but reckoned too selfish to meddle in
such undertakings, so that the reason of his commencing
adventurer was generally imagined to be owing to the
disorder of his affairs, which indeed was not apprehended
till this step brought it to light. He marched from
Strathboggy to Inverury the Monday after the Battle of
Preston, where he obliged the Magistrates to attend
while the Pretender's Manifesto was being read over the
Cross, and next day using the same ceremony as he marched
through Kintore, he came to Aberdeen just as the Council
were about electing their Magistrates, which he immedi-
ately stopped unless they'd take their oaths to the Pre-
tender (so that the Town wanted Magistrates all the time
of the Rebellion), and forced the then Provost and some
of the Bailies to attend the reading of their Manifestos
over the Cross which was done by Sheriff Depute Petry, 1
he pretending at that time to be forced to it, though he
afterwards joined them openly, and then when the Provost
refused to join in their disloyal healths Hamilton poured
a glass of wine down his throat, and all along behaved
very insolently, but happily for Aberdeen he soon marched
south with his corps.
Lord Pitsligo moves in Buchan
The unhappy Battle of Preston soon put several in
motion who till then were quiet. The Lord Pitsligo 2
who had also been engaged in the Rebellion in the 1715,
and had received both his life and fortune from the Govern-
ment, still retained his old affection for that cause, and
never qualified to the present Government. He was
justly esteemed a polite and learned gentleman, and of
great integrity and honour in private life, but entirely
1 James Petrie, advocate in Aberdeen ; joined the local bar 1743 ; appointed
sheriff-depute 8th May 1744. The last deed ascertained to have been lodged
before him is dated 23rd September 1745. Petrie went into hiding after the '45.
As he was not specially excluded from the Act of Indemnity of 1747, he was able
to resume practice at the Aberdeen bar by taking the oath of allegiance, which
he did in April 1748. (Littlejohn, Rec. Sheriff-Court of Aberdeen^ iii. 116.)
2 Alexander, 4th Lord Forbes of Pitsligo; b. 1678; sue. 1691 ; attainted
1746 ; hid in his own country of Buchan, and was never captured ; d. 1762,
120 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
enthusiastic on the Jacobite principles. As the Young
Pretender had wrote letters soon after his landing to most
of those whom he thought would favour his design, Lord
Pitsligo was not neglected ; and though he was now old
and might have had merit enough from the party for
former services, yet he could not withstand this address,
but immediately began to stir and rouse the friends of
the Cause. In his letters on that subject he usually called
the young Pretender by the name of the Amiable young
Stranger. It was not however imagined that in such an
infirm state, as he then was, he would have thought of
undergoing the fatigues of a Winter Campaign, especially
as he had a very small estate, and no Vassalages or Follow-
ing to his Family, and so could not in that way make any
considerable accession to the Party. But now that the
family of Marischall was out of the country, and the Earl
of Kintore, the next representative of that family, was
in the interest of the Government, the gentlemen of
Buchan who were friends of the cause and used formerly
to follow Marischall, immediately had their eyes fixed
on Lord Pitsligo to head them. But all these that ap-
peared in Buchan would not probably have been of con-
sideration enough to have determined him, if soon after
Preston, a set of gentlemen in Boyne and Enzie x set agog
by this victory had not made this an express condition
to their going out, that Lord Pitsligo should go as their
head. It was generally believed that this condition was
insisted on by one or two of them who had been rash
enough to be always speaking of their going out if they
had an opportunity, and now that it came to the push,
repented of it and thought still of getting off and some
honour, by offering to go only if Lord Pitsligo went at
their head, which they reckoned themselves sure one of
his age never would ; and if he did not they might then pre-
tend they had no confidence in any attempt of this kind
for which Lord Pitsligo would not venture all. But if
this was their view they were disappointed in it, for the
1 Boyne, a district in the north of Banffshire. The Enzie, north-western Banff-
shire, with part of Morayshire between the Spey and the Buckie Burn.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 121
rest of these gentlemen consenting to join them in making
the same proposal to Lord Pitsligo, he accepted of it and
so there was no retracting. The gentlemen who from
this country joined his Lordship, or who were in concert
with them, were Sir William Gordon of Park, Gordon of
Carnusy, Gordon of Cupbairdy, Mr. Hay, Younger of
Ranas, Forbes of Brucehill, Gordon of Glastirrum,
Abernethy, brother to Mayen, and several other gentle-
men of lesser note. Carnusy and Cupbairdy's journey
was a great surprise. The latter had no manner of tinc-
ture that way, but being a rambling young lad was de-
termined mostly by comradeship and something too by
the high regard he had for Lord Pitsligo. Carnusy was
esteemed a wise, solid man and some one not at all
wedded to Kingscraft. But as many debts of his never
heard of formerly are appearing, this somewhat unravels
the mystery.
Joined by Buchan Gentlemen, and Aberdeen's etc.
Immediately on Lord Pitsligo' s resolution being known
there appeared also to join him, Sir William Dunbar of
Durn, from Boyne, Mr. Gordon of Hallhead and Mr.
Mercer, gentlemen of considerable note that resided
usually in the town of Aberdeen : Mr. Gordon of Mill of
Kinkardine, Mr. Petrie, Sheriff Depute, Mr. Sandilands
and several gentlemen of the lower class from that place ;
from Buchan, Mr. More of Lonmay, 1 Factor to the Countess
of Errol, 2 Cuming, younger, of Pitully, Gordon younger,
of Logic, Cuming of Kinninmuth, Ogilvie of Achirris,
(all gentlemen of considerable estates), Thomson elder
and younger of Fachfield, Turner younger of Turnerhall,
Fraser brother to Inveralachy and some others of less
1 William Moir of Lonmay, Lady Erroll's factor, was Stonywood's brother.
He acted as deputy-governor of Aberdeen during the Jacobite occupation.
2 Mary (Hay), Countess of Erroll in her own right, the last of the Hays of
Erroll. She married Alexander Falconer, but left no issue. On her death in
1758, she was succeeded in the Errol title by James (Boyd), Lord Boyd (son of
the Earl of Kilmarnock, executed in 1746), whose mother was the daughter and
sole heiress of Lady Erroll's sister Margaret, wife of the attainted Earl of Lin-
lithgow and Callander. He assumed the name of Hay.
122 . MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
note ; also from the country about Aberdeen, Mr. Irvin
of Drum, two sons of Menzies of Pitfodels, [Charles]
More brother to Stonnywood, etc. But none of these
gentlemen raised any number of men, but all rendevous'd
at Aberdeen on horseback, with their servants, and made
a pretty enough appearance. Mr. Sandilands only raised
a Company of Foot which joined them there, as also did
two companies raised by Stonnywood, the one commanded
by himself, and the other by his brother ; the whole not
amounting to 200 men. These did indeed march south
with Lord Pitsligo, but were afterwards incorporated in
the Duke of Perth's second Battalion. Lord Pitsligo
and his friends were but short time in Aberdeen, but
while they stayed, conducted with great discretion.
Rebels favoured by Commons
Hitherto the Rebellion was favoured by almost all the
common people. The promise of freeing them from the
Malt Tax had a surprising influence upon them, this being
a tax the Farmers^are especially sensible of, as they them-
selves pay out the money in the first instance being all
Maltsters, at least for their own use. The Rebels there-
fore hitherto behaving civilly, listing only volunteers,
paying freely, taking but some few good horses and arms
as they met with them, and freeing the country people
from the eternal dread they were under of the Malt
Gaugers, were looked on by them as the deliverers of
their country.
Why no Opposition made by the Friends of the Government
It may at first seem surprising that no steps were taken
in two such countys by the friends of the Government
to stop this procedure. But let it be considered that
after Preston people were really in a consternation for
some time, and nobody knew (as the intelligence from the
south, meeting with so many interruptions, was very un-
certain) how soon the Government might be in a situation
to force the Rebels from Edinburgh so that they might
have had leisure enough to have sent north Detachments
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 123
and destroyed all that would attempt to disturb their
friends.
Besides it was requisite to have a man of rank and
quality at the head of such a thing (as the Government
thought not fit to give anybody the authority of a Lord
Lieutenant) to give a proper weight to it. But such was
the situation of the Nobility of these countys, that no
such thing could have been expected of any of them
except the Earl of Aberdeen, whose undoubted attach-
ment to the Government as well as his large estate and
high rank might indeed have made him very serviceable
had he thought it prudent to have tried to raise the
friends of the Government. 1 The Duke of Gordon, had
it not been prevented by his indisposition, might have
been of great use not only in keeping these Counties
quiet, but even in suppressing the Rebellion altogether.
The Earl of Findlater's 2 sickly constitution quite disabled
him, and though the Earl of Kintore 3 had had a greater
relish for military matters than he has, yet the incum-
brances on his fortune would have been a drawback on
him. The Lord Forbes 4 had by no means an Estate
suited to his ability though he had inclined to appear.
The Lord Salton 5 had no weight in the county, and the
Lord Braco 6 had a great estate, yet the newness of his
family would have marred any project of his forming.
Gentry
Had the gentry that did not engage been all hearty,
they might indeed have come together without any of
1 George (Gordon), 3rd earl; b. 1722; sue. his father 3Oth March 1745;
d. 1801. His mother was Lady Anna Murray (d. 1725), a sister of Lord George
Murray; his stepmother, Lady Anne Gordon, sister of Lord Lewis Gordon.
The Duchess of Gordon was his sister.
2 James (Ogilvy), 5th earl; b. 1689; sue. 1730; d. 1764. He had been
imprisoned in 1715, on the outbreak of Mar's rising.
3 John (Keith), 3rd earl ; b. 1699 ; sue. 1718 ; d. 1772. His wife was a d. of
Erskine of Grange, Lord Mar's brother. His father, 2nd earl, was out in '15.
4 James (Forbes), i6th lord; b. 1689; sue. 1734; d. 1761. His first wife
was sister of Lord Pitsligo ; his second wife, a sister of Sir Wm. Gordon of
Park, both ardent Jacobite leaders.
5 Alexander (Fraser), I2th lord; b. c. 1684; sue. 1715; d. 1748. He was
a supporter of the Hanoverian Government, but took no active part in public
affairs.' (Scots Peerage, vii. 446.) See ante, p. 113, n. 3.
IL>1 MKM01KS OK TUK KKHKLUON
the nobility's appearing to head them, but. undoubtedly
:i third of thrni were dissaffeeted though they were wise
enou-'h not to embark in so desperate an enterprise ; and
of those that were not so, many were selfish, many AY ere
raivless who .governed, and many were timid and fearful,
so that the few who were resolute had not sntlieient
shvno-lh nor inllnenee to make a stand. The most re-
markable of these in Imehan and Kort marline l were Lord
Slnehen. Mr. Mail land of Pitriehy. Mr. Forbes of Shevis,
Mr. Garden of Troup and Mr. Buchan of Achmacoy. On
Don side, Mr. Middleton of Seaton, Mr. Patan, Grandam,
Sir Arthur Forbes, Mr. Burnet of Kemnay, Sir Archibald
Grant and Mr. Leith of Glenkindy. In Garrioch, Mr.
Horn of West hull, Mr. Leith of Freefield, Sir Alexander
Reed of Barra and Mr. Forbes of Blackfoord. On Dee-
side, the family of Leys- with Mr. Duff of Premnay. (.V./f.
a great part of Deeside is in the shire of Mearns.) As to
the- towns. nmilT and the Seaport towns betwixt it and
Aberdeen were mostly all dissalTeeled. Knll two- thirds
of the l\\o towns of Aberdeen were very well affeeled to
the Government. All the Magistrates, or rather those
who had been such, before Hamilton came to tow n. ami
all the old Provosts and Hailies (whieh makes a eonsider-
able number of the principal merchants), and both the
behaxed in an exemplary, steady manner. The
of the I'hnreh of Seotland were ti> a man firm
in the interest of the Government in these counties and
indeed everywhere else, and neither force nor flattery
eould i\lt or them. The Rebels at the be-rinninir were at
great pains to coax them, and to see if possible to make
the faee of a party amon ? >- them, and would have been
, omplianee. had it been
only the not praying for the Kiiu; by name, however
minutely he should have bei'ii ilesi-rihed otherways. \\c\\-
ktu>N\in;r that if any would iro into a different way from
their brethren in an\ tiling however tntlin; at fust, that
1 Buchan, u>Milu-in AlvuKvnslnu- .iml part of eastern Banff*)- nine,
the JiNtiu-t t& vtwecn the- sc-;x and tho I\MU
' The Uitvl ( l.rv> \N:IS thru Su Altxa t, .\(\\ IMU. ; d. .
IN AHEUDKKN AND HANl'T 125
difference might he blown ii[) to make a more considerable
opposition. They had particularly hopes of the young
Clcrg). as they had used to keep company with them
moil- freely in times of peace, and not carry with so
much reserve as their elder brethren, and so they thought
the\ should have much iiilluence with I hem. Rut, thc\
were excessively baulked when I hey saw them maintain
with vigour and /eal those principles of liberty which
formerly they thought they spoke of onl\ for amusement ,
when I hey saw them at such extraordinary pains lo raise
worthy seutimenls in the people, and sparing neither
purse nor persons in I he service of the (lovcrnment as
f;tr as lhe\ hiul opportunity ; and by ho\\ much they
expected more friendship from them than from the old
folks, so much the more were I hc\ incensed against, them
than against I he ol hers from whom they expected nothing.
Synod w/<r/\
The Synod met as usual in October in Old Meldrum,
and though in the 1715 thc\ would venture to do no-
thing, but, immediately adjourned, yet now amidst, no less
danger thc\ acted with much more vigour. They ordered
a vcr\ dutiful and warm address to his Majesty which
was afterwards very highly resented by the Jacobites,
nol onl\ as it. showed the loyalty of the Clergy, but COll-
I'uled the lies published by the Kebels in their (Edinburgh
CtntniHt, that the whole gentlemen in the county except
four had engaged in the Rebellion, whereas the Clerg\
thought themscUes obliged not only to vindicate the
county in general, but particularly to do justice to the
gentlemen of the Church of Scotland. b\ asserting that
few or none of them had engaged in this wicked l\e
bellion. And indeed some gentlemen then m London
owned themselves very happy in this Address, that eanu
very seasonably, and had a. very good effect, not only
in taking off the bad impressions the friends of the Govern
ment had of these counties, but also in discouraging the
.lacobitcs by undeceiving them of the \ ain e x | notations
the\ had from there. The Synod also had a public diet
126 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
for Prayer to Almighty God to put a speedy stop to the
Rebellion, which had a good effect not only on such of the
laiety as were near enough to be present at it, but also
tended to confirm and spirit up several that only heard of
it. They also resolved, that whereas some ministers in
their public prayers used formerly to think his Majesty
sufficiently distinguished from the Pretender by calling
him our Protestant Sovereign or some such other appella-
tion, but as the omitting to name him expressly even
though thus characterised was looked on as a com-
pliance by the Rebels, who deluded many of the people
with a story of their pretended Prince being a Protestant,
that therefore all in time coming should pray for him by
name, as they would be answerable. They also appointed
that Presbyteries should meet often, and members be
sent as correspondents betwixt neighbouring Presbyteries
that they might advise with one another at this critical
time and act with the greatest harmony. All this was
punctually executed.
Nonjurant Clergy
There were but two Clergy of the Church of England
in all these Counties who were qualified to the Govern-
ment, both at Aberdeen, but here was a very considerable
number of that persuasion who were Nonjurants, which
is to be sure the same thing with avowed Jacobites, and
though most of them had the address to keep themselves
free from open acts of Rebellion yet they were excessively
instrumental by every sly act to poison the people and
debauch them to rebellion, and accordingly all their
hearers, almost without exception, were rank Jacobites,
and the being so, was by them esteemed so very essential
to salvation, that even before the Rebellion they have
been known to refuse to admit some of their hearers to
the Communion not only if by going to a Presbyterian
Church, but even if by going to a qualified meeting of
the Church of England they had heard King George
prayed for, unless they solemnly professed their repent-
ance for this crime. After the Rebellion broke out,
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 127
several of them turned so insolent as to pray for the
Pretender by name. All of this persuasion as they all
along had a most unaccountable enmity against the Church
of Scotland, so they failed not to show it with a deal of
rancour during the Rebellion, to all of that persuasion.
Papists
It was but natural to expect that the Papists should
favour the Rebellion to their utmost, but they are but
inconsiderable in these Counties. Their meetings were
quite barefaced, the Pretender openly prayed for, and a
very great and good understanding there was betwixt
the Nonjurants and them, so that Seaton, a priest, and
Law, a Nonjurant minister, 1 were very commonly joined
together among Lord Lewis Gordon's council, who was
made Governor of these counties by the Pretender. The
Papists however generally had the cunning to be rather
more tolerable in conversation with the friends of the
Government than the Nonjurants were.
Lord Lewis Gordon joins the Rebels
Before the Rebels marched from Edinburgh to England
they very wisely thought of means of retaining these
counties under their subjection, while they should be
marching south and of having reinforcements from thence
ready for them against any emergence. For this purpose
they wheedled over to their party Lord Lewis Gordon, 2
a younger brother to his Grace the Duke of Gordon,
imagining that the very name of one so nearly connected
to the Duke would have a great influence on the tenants
and dependants of that family, and they well knew that
1 Rev. George Law, of Aberdeen ; acted as chaplain to Stonywood's regiment;
made prisoner at Culloden ; tried at Southwark in December, and acquitted.
I am not aware of any active part taken by Seaton. It is mentioned that the
French officers were made burghers of Aberdeen in December, and that Seaton
received a similar honour ; also that in February his lodging was ransacked and
'some papers, mistically written for five or six years back, found.' (Spald. Club.
Misc. , i. 360 and 385. )
2 Fourth son of Alexander, 2nd Duke of Gordon; b. c. 1724 ; lieutenant in the
Navy, but joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh. Was appointed by him Lord-
Lieut, of Banff and Aberdeen shires. Escaped after Culloden, and died at
Montreuil, 1754.
128 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
His Grace's indisposition at that time would prevent any
effectual measures being taken to stop this procedure.
Lord Lewis was a Lieutenant in the Fleet, and had un-
happily come down at that time to visit his Mother,
the Duchess Dowager, who stayed near Edinburgh. 1
There he met so many old friends and acquaintances
engaged in the Rebellion, who laid all oars in the water
to gain him ; and this indeed was no hard matter to a
forward young lad like him, especially as he was to have
a Feather in his cap, and to be made Lord Lieutenant of
Aberdeenshire and Governor of the Towns of Aberdeen
and Banff, with power of disposing of all places in them.
Along with him is set down More of Lonmay, More of
Stonnywood, Gordon of Avachy and Sheriff Petrie to
assist him in his Government and Levys. There were
also a number of Towns Burgesses named as a Council
with them for the Town of Aberdeen and to manage under
him in his absence but they all refused to accept ; on
which Mr. Moir of Lonmay was made Deputy Governor
of Aberdeen, much indeed against his own inclination.
He was a sensible man, but turned out very positive and
arbitrary in his Government, which he had frequent
opportunities of showing as Lord Lewis did not reside
much at Aberdeen, and when he did, was always much
advised by Lonmay. Mr. Bairde of Achmeden 2 was at
1 At Fountainhall, East Lothian, twelve miles from Edinburgh. The Duchess
was Henrietta Mordaunt, daughter of the celebrated Earl of Peterborough. On
her husband's death in 1728, she brought up her numerous children as Pro-
testants, though her husband's family was hereditarily Catholic. For this she
received, in 1735, a pension of ^"1000 a year, which it is said she forfeited for
entertaining Prince Charles to breakfast on the roadside as he passed her gates.
Her son, the 3rd duke, took no active part in the '45, but his influence was
against his brother and the Jacobites. He seems to have remained in Gordon
Castle down to March, but he left it on the 8th, ' in the most secret manner he
could,' probably to avoid meeting Prince Charles, who visited the castle a few
days later. The Duke then joined Cumberland in Aberdeen. (S. M. , viii. 138.)
2 William Baird (b. 1701 ; d. 1777) of Auchmeddan, in the Aberdeenshire
parish of Aberdour, on the borders of Banff, the last of an ancient family,
of which the baroneted families of New Byth and Saughton are cadets. His
wife was a sister of the 1st Earl Fife, then Lord Braco. He was author of
a genealogical history of the Bairds (reprinted, London, 1870) and another of
the Duffs, which was privately printed in 1869.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 129
the same time made Depute Governor of Banff. This
gentleman had shown his affection to the cause so far
as to wait for the Young Pretender at Edinburgh with his
white cockade, but it seems was not so far militarily
disposed as to think of marching with them into England,
but having a considerable estate in Banffshire, they
thought he might be of service to them in this sphere ;
but though he at first accepted of this commission, yet
he seldom if ever acted in consequence of it, and very
rarely made any public appearance.
Men Raised by Force
The Lord Lieutenant began with his recruiting about
Strathboggy, but as the waifest kind of people had mostly
gone off in the first Levys, this was not so successful as
he expected. Nay, on his first coming there, his sum-
monses to his brother's tenants to rise were so slighted,
and volunteers so backward, that he was obliged to write
to Blelack 1 and some of the gentlemen of Deeside who
had a number of men with them, begging of them for
God's sake to send him a command of their men that he
might not be affronted. How soon he got these, then he
went to work quartering on the tenants about Strath -
boggy till they either rose or furnished men according
to the proportions he had settled. But this was tedious,
as he had but a small party to quarter with, and therefore
he soon took a more expeditious way, threatening to burn
the houses and farmyards of such as stood out. This
soon had the desired effect, for the burning a single house
or farm stack in a Parish terrified the whole, so that they
would quickly send in their proportion, and by this means,
with the few that joined as volunteers, he raised near
300 men called the Strathboggy Battalion in the country
thereabouts. The same method of military execution
(a discipline till then unknown in these counties) was
used in most of the high parts of the shire for forcing
out men, especially on Deeside, where a great many
1 Charles Gordon of Blelack, near Aboyne, Deeside.
I
130 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
were raised in this manner. Stonnywood however found
people enough about the town of Aberdeen and places
adjacent without force, to form another corps for Lord
Lewis called the Aberdeen Battallion consisting of about
200 men, which with the Strathboggy Batallion formed
what was properly Lord Lewis' own Regiment ; Avachy
being Lieutenant of the latter ; Stonnywood of the
former.
Auchengaul raises a Company
About the same time Crichton of Auchengaul, a Popish
gentleman of a very small estate, but representative of
the Viscount Frendraught, raised a company and joined
Lord Lewis. There were also several little people in
Banffshire and Buchan, etc., who raised a few men each,
and joined the Lord Lieutenant and all got commissions
of one kind or other, which was by no means hard to be
obtained. And thus the whole of this second Levy in
the Counties of Aberdeen and Banff, under Lord Lewis
would have amounted to near 800 men.
Comparison with 1715
As the above is a view of the whole course of the Rebels
from these Counties, it may not be amiss to compare it
with what it was in the 1715, from which it will be evident
that for all the noise they made about their strength in
these parts it was nothing now in comparison with what
it was then.
In the 1715 they were supported by most of the Nobility.
The Duke of Gordon (then Marquis of Huntly), the Earls
of Mar, Marischall, Panmure, and Kintore, and the Lords
Fraser and Pitsligo, who had all great estates, connec-
tions and dependencies in these Counties, raised their
whole force and exerted themselves to the utmost in
favour of the Rebellion. Whereas now Lord Pitsligo
was the only nobleman that joined them unless Lord
Lewis be reckoned. As to the landed gentry the differ-
ence is full as considerable. Though the most be from
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 131
Banffshire and Buchan, yet even there they are not one
fourth of what they were in the 1715. Not one gentle-
man from Fortmartine unless Mr. Smith of Menie be
to be reckoned, who indeed appeared with them at Edin-
burgh, but left them or they entered England. Not one
gentleman that resided in Garrioch, 1 though in the 1715
most of them were concerned. Only five on Deeside
from the head to the foot. And though there were
several gentlemen of small estates on Deeside, yet all
of them put together were not equal to the Laird of
Invercauld who engaged in the former Rebellion. The
Commons must always bear Proportion to the interests
of the Gentry engaged, and though indeed this rule failed
in so far at this time as that considerable numbers were
raised from the estates of the Duke of Gordon, Earl of
Aboyne, and Laird of Invercauld, where the Rebels had
properly no interest, yet as almost none of the gentle-
men that went with Lord Pitsligo raised so much as
the men on their own estates, this will in good measure
balance the other. There were several merchants of note
appeared from the towns in the 1715, but now none but
a few smugglers, and a very few tradesmen.
As the Rebels had thus a considerable number of men
in these Counties, they next fell to work to raise money
for their maintenance. And first of all they resolved to
levy the Cess that was due for the current year, and all
arrears, and accordingly the Lord Lieutenant named a
collector, and without further intimation ordered partys
to quarter for it. As it was soon moving from one house
to another in the towns and country about them, as the
quartering money was very exorbitant, their partys
numerous and costly to maintain, and the Cess being
levied only according to the valued rent, and not being
anything considerable in comparison of the real rent
and few being willing to bear the stress any time for a
small sum, it was quickly levied in the towns of Aberdeen
and from the adjacent estates. But in the country it
1 A district of Aberdeenshire, south of Strathbogie and south-west of For-
martine, comprising the valleys of the Urie and the Gadie.
132 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
necessarily took up longer time so that they never got
parties sent to some estates that were most out of the way,
and some gentlemen, particularly Mr. Burnet, Kemnay,
and Mr. Horn, Westhall, bore the stress with great firm-
ness and wearied them out of it at this time, as indeed
Mr. Horn at length did altogether.
The French Land
In the month of December there arrived six transports
at Peterhead, Aberdeen, Stonehaven, and Montrose with
Lord John Drummond's Regiment on board and the
Piquets from the Irish Brigade in the French Service ;
all under the command of Lord John Drummond. 1 This
greatly elevated the Rebels, was magnified hugely to their
friends in other places, and looked upon by them all as
the certain prelude of a great invasion from France. The
two Lord Drummonds 2 and the Lord Lieutenant had an
interview at Aberdeen, the great result of which, seemed
to be the forging a letter from Lord Martial commanding
his friends to join Lord John Drummond (vid. printed
Copy) and a Proclamation in which his Lordship, also
to show him how well he was acquainted to the
French Government, threatens to punish those who
did not join him according to their intentions. The
letter from Lord Martial was soon suspected to be
forged, from its being altered while a-printing, and from
the style of it, it being very unlike Lord Martial to speak
of Commanding his Friends, but after Culloden it was
1 Lord John Drummond landed a force of about 800 men, composed of his
own French regiments of Royal Scots and a piquet of fifty men from each of
the six Irish regiments in the French service. They landed on 22nd November
at Montrose, Stonehaven, and Peterhead. Two of Drummond's transports were
captured by English men-of-war ; among the prisoners so taken was Alexander
Macdonell, ' Young Glengarry,' Mr. Lang's Pickle the Spy.
2 These were Lord John Drummond, brother of the titular Duke of Perth, and
Lord Lewis Drummond. The latter (1709-92), the lieut. -colonel of Lord John
Drummond's French Royal Scots, was the second son of John (Drummond),
2nd (but attainted) Earl of Melfort, whose father had been created Duke of
Melfort by James vn. while in exile in 1692, and Duke of Melfort in the French
peerage by Louis XIV. in 1701. Lord Lewis lost a leg at Culloden. He died
in Paris, 1792.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 133
put out of doubt by one Mr. Halyburton, who had been
sent from France by Lord Martial, how soon he knew of
it, to disclaim the thing entirely, to let Lord John know
how much he took it amiss, and to warn his friends not
to be seduced by it. 1 The Rebels were on the other
Speyside before this gentleman reached them, and how
soon he informed Lord John of his errand, he was either
closely confined or then discharged on the severest penalty
from speaking of it, so that it was but little known, till
the Flight, when he acquainted several gentlemen of it,
who after that made it no secret. The French that
landed at Peterhead, Aberdeen, and Stonehaven, stayed
not above a week or so to refresh themselves, but marched
south to the Camp at Perth.
Levy Money
The Cess went but a short way to answer their demands,
next therefore they resolved to demand what was called
Levy Money, or Militia money ; accordingly Stonnywood
by order of the Lord Lieutenant wrote Circular letters to
the several gentlemen or their factors, demanding an
able bodied man sufficiently accoutred in the Highland
Dress 2 for each 100 Scots of valued rent, or then 5
Sterling to raise one. The man was but a pretext, it
was the money they wanted. This indeed would have
amounted to a very considerable sum ; no less than about
12,000 Sterling for the County of Aberdeen alone, which
will be 5s. Ster. in the pound off the real rack'd rent,
which exorbitant demand would at any time have been
very hard upon Lairds and Tenants but after two bad
crops and so many other losses, was indeed more than
they could bear. However these reasons availed nothing
1 These manifestoes are printed post, pp. 292, 293.
John Haliburton was an officer in the French service ; he arrived at Inverness
with despatches two days before the battle of Culloden. (Murray's Mem,,
p. 433.) After Culloden he assisted in the distribution of the money (of which
Cluny's treasure was a part) landed by the French ships at Lochnanuagh in
May 1746. (Albemarle Papers, p. 338.)
2 This highland dress for lowland men is detailed by Lord Lewis Gordon to
Stonywood as 'plaid, short cloaths, hose, and shoes.' (Spald. Club Misc., i. 408.)
134 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
to the Lord Lieutenant, or his Depute (who was by no-
means ignorant of the state of the counties) but to work
they went, how soon they had got in most of the Cess, to
quarter for it. This began at length to open the eyes of
many of the people, who had been formerly cheated by
promises of freedom from taxes, especially the Malt Tax,
but now they saw how delusive these were, and this not a
little confirmed the few w r ho had all along wished well to
the Government. Even the selfish among the gentry
who professed not to care who reigned, were not now
quite so indifferent, and even many secret Jacobites
were disgusted.
Lord London Invited
The friends of the Government seeing no end of this
oppression, while the Rebels were their masters, sent
several messages to the President and Lord Loudon 1 to
send some men to their relief. They were especially
instant from the town of Aberdeen, this being the seat
of their Government, and consequently most exposed to
their tyranny, which was so great that the usual freedom
of conversation was entirely banished, at least none could
promise how long they could call anything their own,
and even already they were speaking of imposing a Loan,
how soon the Militia money was levied. But their keen-
ness to obtain relief and to persuade Lord Loudon to
undertake it, probably made them represent the strength
of the Rebels as more insignificant than it really was,
which no doubt has been one reason why the party sent
was not more numerous.
Burning Order
The Levy money coming in but slowly, for all the stress
of quartering, which stress alone induced some to pay it,
but some few that were such hearty friends as to need
1 John (Campbell), 4th Earl of Loudoun ; b. 1705; sue. 1731; d. 1782.
Raised a regiment of Highlanders in 1745 (disbanded 1748). Adjutant-general
to Sir John Cope at Prestonpans ; sent to Inverness to command the troops in
the North, October 1745; commander-in-chief in America 1756, but recalled
the same year; general, and colonel 3rd (Scots) Guards 1770.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 135
only the pretence of force, the Lord Lieutenant grew
quite impatient and issued what was called the Fire
Ordinance (vid. Gent. Mag. for January 1746, p. 29th). 1
Party's were sent to several Districts of the country,
with orders to quarter on the gentlemen's houses (not
on the tenants' as usual) and if against such a time the
money was not .payed, to begin with burning the gentle-
man's house and Planting, then the tenants' houses and
cornyards and so on through the district. But not-
withstanding of these dreadful threatenings, none but some
very timourous people paid, till they should at least see
what would be the consequences of the Northern aid
which now began to be spoke of and pretty confidently
expected.
Old Aberdeen Distressed
As the old town of Aberdeen had in proportion to such
a place discovered a more than ordinary zeal for the
Government so that the Rebel Governors distinguished
it accordingly by a demand of 215 Ster. of Levy money,
a very great sum for so small a village, and by beginning
with them these new methods of raising it. They im-
1 * Order of the Rt. Hon. the Ld. Lewis Gordon, lord -lieutenant of the
counties, and governor of the towns of Aberdeen and Bamff. Whereas I
desired and ordered J. Moir of Stonywood, to intimate to all the gentlemen
and their doers, within the said counties of Aberdeen and Bamff, to send into
the town of Aberdeen, a well-bodied man for each lool. Scots, their valued
rent, sufficiently cloathed, and in consequence of my order he wrote circular
letters to all the heritors in the above counties, desiring them to send in a
man sufficiently cloathed, &c. for each lool. Scots of their valued rent ; which
desire they have not complied with : Therefore I order and command you, to
take a sufficient party of my men, and go to all the lands within the above
counties, and require from the heritors, factors, or tenants, as you shall think
most proper, an able-bodied man for his m K J 's service, with
sufficient Highland cloaths, plaid and arms, for each icol. of their valued rent,
or the sum of 5!. sterl. money for each of the above men, to be paid to J. M. of
Stonywood, or his order of Aberdeen : and in case of refusal of the men or
money, you are forthwith to burn all the houses, corn and planting upon the
foresaid estates ; and to begin with the heritor or factor residing on the lands ;
and not to leave the said lands until the above execution be done, unless they
produce Stonywood's lines, shewing they have delivered him the men or the
money. Given at Aberdeen this I2th day of December, 1745.
Subscrib'd LEWIS GORDON.'
136 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
pudently proposed it among the Whigs without ever
regarding whether or not they had any property in Lands
or houses and particularly the Masters of the Kings
College had their small stipends very severely cessed.
But when they could not even thus get their full demand
answered, Lonmay ordered about 40 Ster. of it to be
taken from the Poor's Box and from some small funds
that belonged to an hospital for poor widows and some
other such charitable funds. Large parties were quartered
through the town in the gentlemen's houses for several
days, but even this severe stress not proving effectual,
intimation was made by Tuke of Drum, that if the money
was not paid against a certain hour the Town was to be
burnt. This indeed alarmed them and the gentlemen
were forced to seem in so far to comply as to beg only
delays till the money should be got, and this they had
the art to obtain from time to time for two or three days,
till at length they had pretty certain information that
McLeod and Culcairn's men were come the length of
Banff and Strathboggy, on which most of the gentlemen
of note in the place, slipped out of town or concealed
themselves, without paying a farthing, and leaving the
Rebels to do with the town what they pleased. But as
they too were sensible by this time of the enemy's ap-
proach they would not venture on such a severity till
they should see the event.
McLeod Marches
As for McLeod's March (vid. Gents. Mag., Jan. 1746,
p. 23). It was Gordon of Avachy and Gordon of Aber-
lour that opposed them at the passage of the Spey, but
they quickly retreated. They had the Strathboggy
Batallion under their command and had been quartering
for Cess and Levy money about Strathboggy and Banff.
They marched to Aberdeen the day appointed for the
Public Fast by his Majesty, December 17th, which how-
ever was very punctually observed even where they passed
and in general was so both by Clergy and people both
in town and country, though the Clergy indeed did meet
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 137
with some insults in a few places. Immediately on
McLeod's passing the Spey, the Rebels called in all their
Quartering parties, and the Deeside men to the town
of Aberdeen and sent expresses to their friends in Angus
and Mearns to send them assistance.
The McLeods joined the two companies under Culkairn, 1
at Inverury, upon Saturday, December 20th, the whole
body being 700 men complete. 400 of those under McLeod
were quartered in the town of Inverury, the rest of that
name and Culkairn' s two companies were cantonned in
farmers' houses along the Ury to the north west of the
town, many of them more than a mile and a half's dis-
tance though there was no worldly necessity for this,
as the town of Inverury contained two regiments of the
Duke's army for some weeks without a man of them going
a stone cast from it. Against night the Rebel Reinforce-
ments were come to Aberdeen consisting of about 150
of the French Picquets who had remained at Montrose
and more than 200 Angus and Mearns Militia, so that
there would have been in whole about 1200 men at Aber-
deen. All the Saturday the Rebels were exceeding
careful to prevent any intelligence coming to the McLeods,
securing as far as possible all the Avenues coming from
the town, and sending out scouts to scour between Kintore
and Inverury to the very water-side, these seized Mr.
Bartlet an Aberdeen writer who had come along with
McLeod and had ventured to Kintore (2 miles from
Inverury), where also Mr. Dingwall, an Aberdeen mer-
chant and some others coming with intelligence from
Aberdeen were snapt up and carried in prisoners. The
McLeods had immediate notice of this, but Culcairn (by
whom McLeod was directed as he himself did not pretend
to understand military matters) could not be prevailed
on to allow any men to come over and drive them off,
no doubt fearing as they were strangers in the country
lest they should be surprised. But as by this means at
length all intelligence stopt, this proved their ruin in the
1 See ante, p. 103.
138 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
end. Whereas by keeping some advance guards, or at
least sending out patroles now and then, for a mile or two,
they might indeed possibly have lost a man or two in
Rencountres with the enemy's parties, and possibly the
reverse might have happened, but still they 'd have
secured the main chance and prevented the whole being
surprised. However by this conduct though frequently
things of considerable importance were known at Kintore,
it was impossible to send the intelligence the remaining
two miles. Nevertheless Sir Archibald Grant 1 who had
come over the hill from the south, without touching at
Aberdeen, and was certainly informed on his way that a
reinforcement of French would that night be in town,
fell on a way late that night to let McLeod know so much,
and this intelligence probably prevented their marching
to attack the Rebels the next morning, till they should
know their situation more exactly. There was no body
more alert or serviceable in getting exact intelligence to
the Rebels than Stonnywood, as he knew the country and
the people exactly, and as his estate lay betwixt Aberdeen
and Inverury, he had all his tenants employed on the
same service, so that on Saturday night they had perfect
intelligence of everything that concerned the McLeods.
Volunteers
There were some Aberdeen gentlemen who had been
either driven from town by the tyranny of the Rebels,
or they had been sent on messages to the President, that
came all along from Inverness as Volunteers in this expedi-
tion : among these were Mr. Forbes of Echt, Mr. Logic
a merchant, and Mr. Thomson, General Superviser of
Excise, which last gentleman especially was exceeding
serviceable both on this, and several other occasions to
the Government. The number of volunteers was increased
at Inverury by Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, Mr. Forbes of
Shieves, Forbes of Echt, Mr. Chalmers, the now Principal
of the King's College, Mr. Gordon, Professor of Humanity
Of Monymusk, 2nd bart. ; b. 1696 ; d. 1778 ; M.P. for Aberdeen.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 139
in the College, some merchants and tradesmen, several
students of Divinity and Philosophy and Prentices from
both towns of Aberdeen, and many more would have come
if it had not been the difficulty of getting out of town.
But as McLeod had no spare arms, and the volunteers
could get nothing but pistols they proved of no service.
Mr. Horn, of Westhall, by promises of great rewards
and encouragement, had got his tenants to engage to
follow him and join the McLeods, and as he foresaw he
could not get fire-arms, had caused make a number of
spears with iron heads, for them. But when it came to
the push, they all drew back, their hearts failed them
and they refused to rise. On which, on Monday he was
sending an Express to McLeod for a party to force them
out, but his express met them retreating.
A Detachment sent out
On Sunday McLeod was prevailed on to send a large
detachment of his own company over the water for three
miles, which had a very happy effect, driving off all the
enemy's Scouts and facilitating their intelligence, so that
they met with no less than three persons from town that
had come out in disguises and by byeways who brought
letters giving an exact account of the enemy's numbers
and situation, which people otherways would all have
been intercepted by their Scouts. This so entirely con-
vinced the Lieutenant that commanded the detachment,
of the necessity either of constant patroles, or then of
an advance Guard at Kintore, that he had everything
settled for one or other, never doubting but his represen-
tation would prevail, but there was no convincing Cul-
kairn, so that next day there came not a man over the
water at all.
The Enemy Alarmed
The Enemy's Scouts on being thus driven off, having
seen the party but imperfectly, alarmed their friends in
town with an account that the whole of the McLeods
were marching to attack them, on which they drew
140 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
together, but were soon undeceived. The same night
after it was dark they convened their men and marched
three miles out of town, as if to surprise the enemy, but
whether it was only a feint to see if their men would stand
by them, or if it was owing to any wrong notion that the
McLeods were apprised of them, they returned to town
again without doing anything.
Rebels' Artifice
This day too, they had tried a strategem to raise a
mutiny among the McLeods by bribing a tenant's son
of McLeod's (who had been staying with a Nonjurant
Minister, teaching his children Latin and so had imbibed
all the Jacobite notions) to go to Inverury and see to
persuade the men that they were engaged in an unjust
cause, that their enemies were very numerous and power-
ful, and that Lord Loudon had purposely sent them up
to be cut off in a strange country. As this fellow had their
language, was their namesake and countryman, they
readily listened to him and it was taking among them
like lightening, till the fellow was found out and appre-
hended, but the impression still stuck to them, till McLeod
drew them all out, and very particularly showed them
the roguery.
The Rebels march
On Monday the 23rd, about 9 of clock in the morning,
the Rebels marched from Aberdeen, in order to surprise
the McLeods in two columns. The main body being
about 900 was commanded by Lord Lewis (though one
Major Cuthbert, 1 a French Officer, did all the business),
crossed the Bridge of Don, and took a round about and
indirect road on the North side of the Don. The other
column consisting of their Strathboggy Battallion, and
commanded by Major Gordon, a French Officer, and
1 A brother of the laird of Castlehill, Inverness, in whose house Prince Charles
stayed in February 1746. He was a captain in Lord John Drummond's French
regiment of Royal Scots. After Culloden he was treated as a prisoner of war.
By 1749 he had become lieut. -col. of the regiment. (L. in M., ii. 286.) The
laird of Castlehill was Sheriff-depute of Inverness-shire, and was not a Jacobite.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 141
Avachy, took the high road on the south side of the river.
As they had all along guarded the avenues from the town
very carefully, they did it now so effectually that there
was no possibility of sending any intelligence of their
march, till they were actually gone. When they were
marching they all along kept advance parties before
their main bodies came in sight, so that when they were
observed, these parties prevented any persons getting
past with information. As the body that marched the
high road had by far the nearest way, they halted and
concealed themselves in the Church and church-yard of
Kinellar about three miles from Inverury, till the corps
on the other side were suitably advanced, and meantime
had their advanced party concealed in some houses in a
low part of the road near Kintore.
This party seized the minister of Kintore, who had
got some confused notice of their march, and going out
for more certain intelligence, and observing nothing on
the road, had come that length where he was made
prisoner, as also at the very same time were no less than
three people with intelligence of the Rebels' march from
the town, who had got out when their Guards were taken
off, and escaped the main body by byeways, till being
so near Inverury they had (to shorten the way) come in
there to the high road, never doubting but they 'd have
met with some of the McLeods advanced parties to pro-
tect them, as those had done that came out the former
day. The column that marched on the north side of
Don had Scouts concealed among Planting of the Earl
of Kintore's on a rising ground that overlooked Inverury,
and though some while before the enemy came up they
were observed going backwards and forwards from the
Park, and pointed out to McLeod and Culkairn as looking
very suspicious, yet by some fatality they neglected to
send up and see what they were doing. Immediately
as they marched, the minister of Rayne, who happened
to be in town, rode out by the Deeside Road, the only
one left unguarded, to see if it was possible this way to
get before them ; but this was so greatly about, and the
142 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
road when he came to cross the country so excessively
bad that the firing was begun or he reached Kintore.
So that the first intelligence they got of them was the
Main Body being observed by their sentry, marching
down by the Earl of Kintore' s parks within a quarter of
a mile of Inverury.
McLeods draw out
McLeod, Culkairn, and all the officers with the few
men they had in town got together very resolutely, and
all of them discovered a great deal of courage on this
occasion, nay, to think at all of standing against such
superior numbers bespoke no little bravery. And indeed
had they thought of sending down a party to line the
Church yard of Inverury, and had others rightly posted
on a little hull, called the Bass, both which were within
a pistol shot of the Boat and Ford of Ury where the
Main body behoved to pass, and also on the Ford of Don
where Avachy, etc., passed, they certainly had done
great execution among them in their passages, and if
they had not stopped them altogether, would at least
have retarded them till the men that were canton'd at a
distance had got up to their assistance, for the Rebels
had no cannon, but two old rusty ones they had taken
from ships, which got not up till long after the skirmish
was over, and though they had, would not probably
have done great execution. But the confusion and sur-
prise of the McLeods at the unexpected coming of the
enemy made them neglect all these advantages, and
stand on the Rigs on the east side at the south end of the
town, at almost an equal distance from the Foords of
Don and Ury, but at so great a distance as to be able to
do execution at neither ; and their standing here too
was probably not a little owing to their then discovering
the other body of the enemy coming upon the other
side of Don, which made them irresolute how to dispose
of themselves till so many of the Rebels crossed the Ury
as put it out of their power to stop their passage there.
It was also a vast loss to these Highlanders, who were none
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 143
of them disciplined, that they had only firelocks and
bayonets, and wanted their darling weapon, the Broad-
sword, which is always their chief confidence.
Rebels pass the Foords
The van of the Rebels' main body consisted of the French
and some picked men and was lead only by Major Cuth-
bert, these with all the gentlemen, the volunteers, and
some of the common men crossed the Ury, very alertly,
and as they passed, drew up behind the Bass, and the
Churchyard. But many of their common men ran off
and skulked by dike- sides till the action was over and
could neither be brought out by threats nor entreaties
till then. Major Gordon and Avachy with about 50 or
60 of their men crossed the Don very briskly, and behaved
well, but the rest of the Corps took shelter among the
Broom, till they saw the event.
The action began near an hour after sunset with a clear
moonshine, by some passing shots from some ten or
twelve of the McLeods who advanced so far, some to the
one Foord and some to the other, and fired on the enemy
as they were passing and killed two or three men in the
water, and immediately retired. The Body that crossed
Ury moved up first to attack, but were received with two
or three fires from the McLeods, which they returned
indeed two for one, but both were at too great a distance
to do great execution. But as the party from Don was
by this time coming to attack them in flanks, and as the
French were advancing with a close regular fire and like
to bear very hard on them, the McLeods found them-
selves unable to stand this shock, and accordingly gave
way ; yet not so but that a party of them loaded their
pieces retiring, and finding some of their men, especially
the wounded, like to fall in the enemy's hands, they
wheeled about before they were half way up the town,
and made another fire, but immediately ran off. On this
the French advanced through the town with an incessant
street fire, and the rest divided themselves and went
firing up each side of it, being too by this time joined by
144 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
most of their skulking companions. After this, as some
of the McLeods were running off on the stubble ground
on the North end of the town, some person gave a cry
that McLeod was taken, on which they turned about
again and made another fire but immediately marched
off. The Rebels meanwhile being at a considerable
distance and not observing them so exactly going off,
but seeing a ridge with a few furrows in it, amidst a great
deal of unploughed stubble ground, and taking it by the
moonlight for a row of men, they fired once or twice into
it very successfully. And thus in whole the firing con-
tinued for more than twenty minutes. The companies
of McLeods and Monroes that were cantonn'd out of the
town, had unluckily no Officers with them ; these hap-
pened to be with McLeod in Inverury, and went out to
engage along with the men that were there (which by the
bye as there were thirty of them on guard, and many
straggling through the country seeking provisions did not
much exceed three hundred), these therefore having no
body to draw them together, ran up different ways on
hearing the firing till they met some of their friends flying,
or were informed of the event, and then they ran off.
But had their officers been with them to bring them
together, and lead them up in a body to meet their friends
at the north end of the town and support them, they very
possibly might have turned the scale in their favours.
Loss on both sides
The Rebels for a while concealed their loss, but 'tis
now generally allowed they had at least ten or twelve
killed, several of these French, but all common men. It
is indeed generally believed that one of them was a French
Officer, as he was put in a grave by himself with several
Popish Ceremonies, though not certain. But the Rebels
still refuse that it was an Officer. They had also a good
many wounded, among whom was Mr Gordon of Birken-
buss, a gentleman of a small estate, very dangerously.
The McLeods again had only five killed dead on the
spot, which was well known, as their bodies were left
exposed for some days or they allowed them to be buried.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 145
One also died of his wounds in the retreat, as did another
that was taken prisoner, but they were all common men.
About thirty were taken prisoners (many of which were
wounded) including ten or twelve Humlys (Colones) 1 that
they had picked up. Among the prisoners were Mr.
Gordon, Ardvach, Lieutenant of Culkairn's Company,
Mr. Chalmers, Principal of the King's College, and Mr.
Forbes of Echt ; McLeod's own piper, McGrimman, 2
happened also to be taken, and the piper is always looked
on as a person of importance in a Highland Chief's retinue,
but McGrimman especially was a respectable person being
esteemed the best piper in the Highlands, having had
most of the Clan pipers as his scholars, and being looked
on by them as a kind of chief, and the veneration they
had for him appeared when he was carried prisoner to
their army at Stirling, for it is said not a Highland piper
would play a tune till McGrimman was allowed to be on
his parole, and he himself behaved with so much state
that he would play to none of them till their prince him-
self desired him. Mr. Maitland, Pitrichy, escaped to
Keithhall, the house of the Earl of Kintore, the night of
1 Highland squatters. ' Humly ' is the ordinary north-country term for
hornless cattle. Robert Jamieson in a note to Letter xxn. in the 5th edition
of Burl's Letters from the North of Scotland, published in 1818, says : ' In the
days of our grandfathers the lower class of highlanders were, by their lowland
neighbours (in the north-east lowlands at least), denominated hurnblies, from
their wearing no covering on their head but their hair, which at a more early
period they probably matted and felted.'
2 Donald Ban MacCrimmon, of the celebrated race of hereditary pipers to the
chiefs of Macleod. This is the only mention I can recall of this pleasant story
of his relations with his brother musicians. There is an exceedingly picturesque
account (perhaps more picturesque than authentic) of MacCrimmon's descent
from a musician of Cremona, given in the Celtic Review, ii. 76, 1906. Though
MacCrimmon escaped death at Inverurie, he was killed in the fiasco at Moy on
1 6th February. (See ante, p. 108.)
When leaving Dunvegan for the anti-Jacobite campaign of '^-'46, he had a
presentiment that he would never return, and composed the words and music of
a celebrated lament, which was translated or paraphrased by Sir Walter Scott :
Farewell to each cliff on which breakers are foaming,
Farewell each dark glen in which red-deer are roaming,
Farewell, lonely Skye, to lake, mountain, and river,
Macleod may return, but MacCrimmon shall never.
The Banshee's wild voice sings the death dirge before me,
And the pall of the dead for a mantle hangs o'er me ;
But my heart shall not fly, and my nerve shall not quiver,
Though devoted I go to return again, never!
K
146 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
the engagement, where he concealed himself all next
day, but unluckily venturing to show himself to Petry,
the Sherriff Depute, who intruded himself that night on
the Earl, and Mr. Maitland, and he squabbling over drink,
Petry not only in violation of the laws of hospitality, and of
many obligations he was under to the Earl of Kintore, but
also of his own promise to the contrary, basely went off next
morning and sent a party of the Rebels who seized him.
The Rebels do not venture to pursue
The McLeods passed the Ury about a quarter of a mile
from the town and refreshed themselves at Rayne and
Strathboggy, but stopped not a night till they got over
Spey, where McLeod waited the coming up of such of his
men as had gone other roads, and continued guarding the
passes for some while after. But the Rebels were so
apprehensive what might be the consequences when
for ought they knew, they were joined by the Monroes,
etc., that they would not venture to pursue them over the
Ury. McLeod lost most of his baggage, but the greater
part came not into the Rebels custody but was secreted
and pilfered by the townsfolks.
Mr. Horn stressed
As the Rebels were informed of Mr. Horn's design of
joining the McLeods, they were exceeding keen in their
resentment against him, and immediately sent a party
to seize him, but he luckily had gone out of the way.
The party lived a good while at his house at free quarters
and made very free with everything, demanding the
arms he had made, and the Cess Levy money, but Mr.
Horn had left positive orders though they should burn
the house to give them neither, and as their Officers had
by this time got pretty certain information that their
affairs were wrong in England and their Prince retreating,
they did not choose in these circumstances to do such
a shocking thing. And it was certainly a lucky thing
that they got this intelligence to calm them after the
flush of their Inverury victory, or then the Fire Order
had undoubtedly been put in execution in these counties.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 147
Quartering for Levy Money
The towns of Aberdeen having now no relief were
obliged to pay their Quota of Levy money, that of the New
town amounted to about 500 Sterling. A party of the
Clan Chattan (Mclntoshes, Shaws and McGilavrys) under
McGilavry of Dunmaglass, being now come up from
Dundee to support their friends in Aberdeen in case of a
straight, these for the greater terror were employed as far
as possible for quartering in the gentlemen's houses in
the country for the Levy money. But the Rebels finding
it would take longer time to get people forced to give the
whole of their exorbitant demands than they could bestow,
as they foresaw that in a week or so they must march to
reinforce their friends in the South, they were therefore
willing to compound the matter and take half in hand,
and a bill for the other half payable at Candlemass, and
in this way they gathered in a good deal of money. But
still there were several gentlemen stood out for a good
while under all the hardships they imposed, especially
Mr. Leith of Freefield (whom they also kept a while
Prisoner), Mr. Patan of Grandsam, and Mr. Burnet of
Kemnay. Mr. Burnet' s zeal for our constitution, and the
endeavours he used to awaken the British spirit among
his neighbours, had rendered him excessively obnoxious
to the Rebels, they hunted him for some weeks from place
to place, to seize him, but he at length got to Edinburgh,
where he was obliged to stay till his Royal Highness
marched for Aberdeen.
Rebels called up
The resolute delays of some few gentlemen, and the great
number they had to quarter upon, made it impracticable
for the Rebels to collect their Levy money from much
more than one half of these counties, before they were
called up and obliged to march and reinforce their friends
in the South, so that almost all Buchan, and most of the
more remote estates in both Banff and Aberdeenshire
escaped at this time.
148 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
Elsick's Men, and McGregors come to Aberdeen
Soon after Lord Lewis marched up with the whole of
the Rebels from this country, there arrived a Spanish
ship at Peterhead with arms and money, which brought
a party of Elsick's 1 men from the Mearns to possess Aber-
deen and bring up this loading ; but they being looked
on as weak, a party of the McGregors joined them. None
of these parties however ventured to the country but only
while they were bringing up their cargo from Peterhead.
Lord Lewis had been abundantly arbitrary in his Govern-
ment, Horses and Arms had been everywhere seized
throughout the counties, under the pretence of searching
for arms ; in houses both in town and country many
things had been pilfered with impunity, and he himself
treated everybody with a great deal of insolence, but all
this was but a jest in comparison with these McGregors.
They went to people's houses through the town and
always behaved so very rudely as to make them forced
to give them money to go away. They would stop
gentlemen on the streets openly, and either take their
silver buckles and buttons from them, or oblige them to
give so much to redeem them. Without the least pro-
vocation they would beat and abuse people ; and when-
ever they took it into their heads to enquire about any
gentlemen's principles they met with, they came up with
their broadswords drawn and asked what King they were
for ? If .they hesitated the least in answering ' King
James,' they were sure of a slap, and never got away
till they sat down on their knees and swore to the Pre-
tender, and cursed King George in any terms the ruffians
pleased. But happily they soon went off with the arms
and left Elsick's men only to guard the town. These
continued mostly till the retreat of their army and behaved
pretty civilly ; indeed though they had inclined to do
otherwise, yet the town's people not being under so much
restraint as formerly, began to show themselves so keenly,
1 Sir Alexander Bannerman, 3rd bart., of Elsick, Kincardineshire (the Mearns).
His mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He escaped to France ; died in Paris 1 747.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 149
that they made them glad to be peaceable, for fear of their
being mobbed.
Rebels retreat from Stirling
The whole Rebel Army, except the Clans that went the
Highland road with their Prince, passed through Aber-
deenshire on their retreat from Stirling. They marched
in two columns (the clans making a third), Lord Lewis
Gordon's men, the Deeside men, Glenbucket's men and
some other body's forming one column and marching in
the high road to Strathboggy. The rest of their army
formed another column and marched with such baggages
as they had got off from Stirling, or the Clans had left
them, through the town of Aberdeen. They were com-
manded by Lord George Murray and consisted mostly
of the Athole Brigade, French, Lord Ogilvies men, 1
Cromarty's, Kilmarnock's, Kelly's, 2 Elsick's, Lifeguards,
Hussars, and all their other Lowland Corps. They stayed
but short while in Aberdeen and so had not great oppor-
tunity of doing much mischief, though they seemed not at
all averse to do it. For the ill situation of their affairs
and their marching in such cold stormy weather, put them
in a great fret. They threatened dreadful things against
they should return Conquerors, particularly against the
Clergy of the Church of Scotland, on which subject none
was more violent than Lord John Drummond, who once
and again proposed the hanging of some of them for ex-
amples ; and indeed the Clergy were so sensible of their
danger, that if the Duke had been obliged to retreat again,
most of them had resolved to prepare to leave the country.
They divided at Aberdeen and marched to Spey, some
by Old Meldrum and Banff and some by Inverury and
Strathboggy. At Speyside they all joined and met there
1 This seems to be a mistake. Lord Ogilvie's regiment marched to the
north through Ogilvie's country from Perth, by Cupar Angus, Cortachy, Clova,
Glenmuick, Logic Colston, and Tarland, to Keith. (Spalding Club Misc.,
i- 332.)
2 'Kelly's' probably means John Roy Stewart's regiment, which was originally
intended for the Earl of Kellie.
150 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
with the other column. There was a good deal of pilfering
by their stragglers in this march, but when the country
people had the resolution to oppose them, they behaved
very cowardly. The minister of Clate x in particular and
a few of his parishioners unarmed, took the guns and
bayonets from two Strathboggy men who fired on the
people for finding fault with their robbing a dyeing woman
of her bedclothes.
Hussars and Stonnywood' s men left in Aberdeen
Stonny wood's men though they had marched so far
in the Highroad, yet came off from the rest of their corps
and marched down by Deeside to Aberdeen, where they
remained after the main body had left it, along with the
Hussars under one Colonel Baggot, 2 a French Officer, and
a very rough sort of man and so exceeding well fitted to
command the Banditti of which that Corps was com-
posed, and to distress a country. The Lord Lieutenant
was along with their Prince, so Lonmay, the Depute
Governor, had the chief direction, though both he and
Stonnywood pretended that most of the extravagant
things done by the Hussars, was owing to Baggot. They
immediately fell to work to collect the remains of the
Levy money. And now they had a new contrivance to
force it. These fellows, the Hussars, went galloping
about, and seized the gentlemen that were refractory, or
their factor, or then the principal tenants, if none of the
former could be found, and brought them in prisoners to
Stonnywood and Baggot, the last of whom was sure to
use them very roughly. But most of the gentlemen
absconded, and some of the few they got stood out against
all their bad usage, as particularly Mr. Innes, Factor to
the Earl of Kintore. The Tenants which they seized had
not the money to give so they were obliged at length to
1 Now spelt Clatt. Rev. Patrick Reid ; ord. 1723 ; d. 1759.
2 John Baggot, a Franco-Irishman, commanded the Prince's Hussars (raised
at Edinburgh), of which John Murray of Broughton was titular colonel. By the
French Ambassador he is returned after Culloden as ' blesst asscz considerable-
ment mat's sans danger de la vie. (Cottin, Un Prote"g de Bachaumont, p. 62.)
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 151
let them go and made but very little of this method.
The Hussars were vastly rude and expensive wherever
they went, and failed not to pick up any horses as they
come along that were remaining. But for all their rough-
ness, people that would venture to stand their ground,
would sometimes get the better of them. One instance
of which was at New Dear when two of them armed with
pistols were taking a gentleman's horse and money, the
minister of the place 1 being only with the gentleman, and
both of them only with staves in their hands ; the minister
first knocked down one of the fellows and the gentleman
the other, and disarmed them both and set them off.
Some of Fitzjames Dragoons land
The Saturday before his Royal Highness came to town,
a French ship landed some of the Dragoons of Fitzjames'
Regiment at Aberdeen with their riding furniture. 2 There
had come afore about the same time another French ship
with the money for the Pretender's use, but the Master
thought it dangerous to land it at Aberdeen as the Duke
was so near, and so sailed about for Peterhead where it
was received by Lonmay. 3 Fitzjames' Dragoons marched
off next day, as did also Stonnywood and his men with
the Hussars, and thus the town of Aberdeen at length
got free of the Rebel Government, after it had been about
five months subject to it.
Duke of Cumberland comes to Aberdeen
The Tuesday thereafter General Bland arrived in town
with the van of the Army under the Duke of Cumberland,
1 Rev. William Taylor ; ord. 1737; d. 1797, aged eighty-nine.
a On 22nd Feb., three troops (about 130 men) of Fitzjames's regiment of horse
landed at Aberdeen from France but without horses. There was great difficulty
in mounting the men. Kilmarnock's horse (sometimes called Slrathallan's, or
the Perthshire Squadron) were dismounted and the horses given to the French
cavalry, while the men were formed into foot-guard?. By this time, says Maxwell
of Kirkconnell, Pitsligo's horse was dwindled away to nothing, and many of its
members had joined infantry corps. Two of Fitzjames's transports, \\\z Bourbon
and the Charitt, with 359 of all ranks, including the Comte de Fitzjames, were
captured by English cruisers.
* On 2ist Feb. a picquet of 42 men of Berwick's (French) regiment landed at
Peterhead.
152 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
and his Royal Highness on the Thursday thereafter.
The Burgesses lined the streets all the way from the Duke's
entry into the town to his lodgings. He was immediately
waited on by the nobility and gentry of town and county,
and next day by the Colleges and Clergy who had assem-
bled in a Synod pro re nata and had all the honour to
kiss his hand. Mr. Osborne, Principal of the Marischal
College, made a short congratulary speech to his High-
ness in name of the colleges, as did Mr. Theodore Gordon,
Moderator of the Synod in name of the Clergy, and both
had gracious returns.
More of Fitzjames* Dragoons land in Buchan
Soon after this another of the Transports with Fitz-
james' Dragoons having got information on the coast,
of the Duke's being at Aberdeen, landed in Buchan * and
then very narrowly escaped from the Duke's Picquets
who were ordered out to intercept them.
Lord Ancrum 2 marches to Cur gaff
As to Lord Ancrum' s expedition to Curgaff, a house
belonging to Forbes of Skeleter in Strathdon (vid.
London Gazette, March llth), denbucket was then with
a few men within a few miles of Strathdon. But his
numbers were greatly magnified, and his being actu-
ally at hand was so artfully insinuated to a minister's
wife in the neighbourhood, that with the honestest inten-
tion in the world, she gave a false alarm which made his
Lordship in such a hurry that though he destroyed the
powder, yet he only scattered the ball, broke a few of the
arms, and carried off a very few, the rest falling all into
the hands of the country people. And yet one might
imagine that, as his dragoons were not to gallop off and
1 I can trace no record of this landing. It may refer to Berwick's picquets
(see p. 151), or it may be a mistake.
2 William Henry (Ker) (1710-75), afterwards 4th Marquess of Lothian;
captain 1st Guards (Grenadiers) 1741 ; aide-de-camp to Cumberland at Fontenoy ;
lieut. -colonel in Lord Mark Ker's Dragoons (nth Hussars) 1745; commanded
the cavalry of the left wing at Culloden. His brother, Lord Robert Ker, a
captain in Barrel's regiment, was killed in the battle.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 153
leave the Foot, there had been no miss in making them
dismount and walk for a few miles and loading their horses
with the Arms, till they should come to some place where
country horses might have been got.
Bland J at Old Meldrum
When part of the army under General Bland advanced
to Old Meldrum, Barrels and Price's under Lieutenant
Rich 2 lay at Inverury which is on the ordinary Post Road
to Strathboggy (where about 3000 of the Rebels under
Roy Stuart were with the Hussars) and about 100 Grants
that came to escort their Laird to Aberdeen 3 formed an
advance guard on this road, as the Campbells did from
Old Meldrum, where they were very alert and watchful,
so that the Rebels never once offered to disturb either the
Generals or Lieut. Rich's Quarters. And indeed if they
had, all possible care was taken to give them a warm
reception. There was a bridge of boats thrown over the
Ury on the road from Inverury to Old Meldrum, and a
Guard midway betwixt the two Garrisons who could
observe a blaze in the night time at either of them or
anything happening extraordinary, and by a blaze could
give information of it to the other, and the Light Horse,
too, were quartered betwixt so as to form a line of com-
munication.
Rebels attempt to surprise the Grants
The night before General Bland marched for Strath-
boggy, the Grants came first to the Kirk Town of Clate,
which is about six miles south of Strathboggy and off
from the high road to Aberdeen. As there were many
1 Humphrey Bland (1686-1763), author of A Treatise on Discipline. At this
time he was a major-general and colonel of the dragoon regiment now the
3rd Hussars. He was governor of Edinburgh Castle from 1752 till his death.
He became Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in 1753.
2 Probably a mistake for lieut. -colonel (the command is too great for a
subaltern's), and evidently means Robert Rich (1714-85), son of Field-Marshal
Sir Robert Rich, whom he succeeded as 5th bart. in 1768. Rich was at this
time lieut. -colonel of Barrel's regiment the 4th (now the K. O. Royal Lancaster
regiment). At Culloden Rich was badly wounded and lost his hand.
3 See/^/, p. 307.
154 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
disaffected people thereabouts, the Rebels at Huntly had
notice of it that night, though it was late before they came
there, and they immediately formed a scheme of sur-
prising him next monring. But Grant, suspecting such
a thing might be done, wisely advanced a mile further
the same night to Castle Forbes, a house belonging to
Lord Forbes, and by the strength of its old walls alone
not easily to be taken without cannon, so that next
morning when the Rebels under Roy Stuart missed them
at Clate, they returned without meddling with the Castle.
Bland marches to Huntly
Meantime General Bland had kept his orders for march-
ing that morning so very closely that the Rebels had not
got the least intelligence of it. The two corps from
Inverury and Old Meldrum met at Rayne, and had it
not been for a small accident, had intercepted the Rebels
who were on the Clate Expedition and got to Strath-
boggy before them. For they, dreaming of no such
thing, breakfasted very leisurely at Clate and stopped
also at a public house betwixt it and Huntly. There
was an exceeding great fog on the Hill of the Foudline,
so that some senseless, idle people that were running up
before the army, imagined that a plough that was going
in the midst among some houses on the side of the hill,
was a party of men ; on which they gave the alarm that
the Rebels were at hand, this was immediately forwarded
by the liger Ladys 1 with a deal of consternation, so that
some people of better sense gave credit to it and came up
to the General with this false alarm. Whatever might
be in it, he judged it safest for the men to halt and form,
while proper persons were sent up to see what the matter
was, who soon found out the mistake. But this trifle
occasioned a stop for near half an hour or three quarters,
and the Rebels were scarce so long in Strathboggy before
the General came there.
1 Probably means 'light-footed laddies.' Cf. Oxford Diet. , s.v. 'leger.'
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 155
The Enemy knew nothing of them till they came within
sight of Strathboggy. They had but just come there,
and ordered dinner, but they thought proper to leave it
in a great hurry on Bland' s approach. Their Hussars
and some gentlemen on horseback brought up the rear.
Among these last, was Hunter of Burnside, 1 who for a good
way kept within speech of the party under Major Craw-
ford and the volunteers that pursued them ; but managed
his horse with so much dexterity, turning so oft and so
nimbly, that they could not aim at him rightly ; at
length one of the Campbells shot so near him as made him
start aside and gallop off, and as the forces took him for
Roy Stuart, this gave occasion to the story of that gentle-
man being either killed or wounded. The soldiers were
incensed, and not unjustly with a notion that Strath-
boggy was extremely disaffected : coming in to it there-
fore under this impression after a long march in a bitter
bad rainy day, it was no surprise that they used some
freedom with a few peoples houses, who, conscious of their
own demerit, had locked their doors and run off, leaving
nobody to care for the soldiers that were to quarter in
them.
Captain Campbell surprised at Keith 2
Next day the General sent up seventy Campbells, and
30 Light Horse to Keith, a little town six miles from
Huntly, and half way betwixt it and Fochabers where
the Rebels had retired. One Alexander Campbell, a
Lieutenant, had the command, who had been all along
1 Robert Hunter of Burnside, Monifieth, was captain in the Prince's Life-
Guards, and was very active throughout the campaign. He escaped to Bergen
in Norway after Culloden, and for a time was held prisoner there, but
apparently soon released, for in October he is on French King's pension list for
1800 livres as a ' gentilhotnme eccossois arrivt* depuis peu en France*
2 This took place on 1 7th March. The officer commanding the Jacobite
party was Major Nicolas Glascoe, a lieutenant in Dillon's Irish-French regiment.
He acted as major and military instructor to the 2nd battalion of Lord Ogilvie's
regiment. He was made prisoner after Culloden, and tried at London in
November, but pleading that he was born in Fiance and held a French com-
mission, he was released as a rebel, the irons were knocked off his legs, and he
was treated as a prisoner of war.
156 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
very alert on the advanced guard and had met with no
check, though oft in as dangerous a situation, but next
night had the misfortune to have his party surprised.
This was chiefly owing to the dissaffection of the inhabit-
ants, who conducted the Rebels at dead of night, not by
any set road, but through the fields so as not to meet with
the Patroles, and then having fetched a compass about, and
entering the town on the south, by the way from Huntly,
were mistaken by the Sentrys, to whose calls they
answered in a friendly way, for a reinforcement they had
some expectation of. The Guard was conveniently
posted in the Church and church yard which was very
fencible, and the Lieutenant, who had not thrown off
his clothes, on the first alarm ran out and fought his
way into them, and behaved very gallantly with his
guard for a while. But the rest of his men, being mostly
all taken asleep, and having himself received several
wounds, he was at last obliged to surrender. The enemy
suffered considerably, but carried off their slain, so that
their numbers were not known. The Lieutenant was
left a while with only one Sentry to guard him, on which
he very resolutely grappled with him, disarmed him and
got off ; but being retarded by his wounds he was soon
retaken and then they hashed him miserably and left
him for dead ; yet he afterwards recovered.
Popish and Nonjurant Meetings destroyed
His Royal Highness on coming to Aberdeen immedi-
ately stopped all the Nonjurant Ministers, and soon after
ordered their Meeting Houses and the Mass Houses to be
destroyed, which was accordingly executed both in town
and country as the Army marched along, and indeed
none were surprised at this piece of discipline, as these
houses were not only illegal, but had in fact proved such
Nurseries of Rebellion. The Priests had mostly gone off,
and such as could be got were seized and confined, but
neither ministers nor people of the Nonjurants met with
any other disturbance unless they were otherways con-
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 157
cerned in the Rebellion. The Army also had orders to
seize the Corn, Horses, and cattle and Arms belonging
to those in the Rebellion, but to touch none of their
other effects, and the generality of the Rebels had fore-
seen this and either sold or sent off these things, so that
there were but few that suffered much in this way. If
any parties of soldiers used further freedom in these
houses, which was not oft, the Duke, on complaint made,
not only obliged the Officers to be at pains to recover
the plundered effects from the soldiers, but generally
gave a compliment himself to make up the loss ; as
particularly to Mrs. Gordon, Cupbairdy, 1 he ordered
100 Sterling. His protections were easily obtained till
a piece of the Rebels extravagance not only made this
more difficult, but also obliged his Royal Highness to
recall some protections he had granted, and gave up
some houses to be plundered.
Cullon House plundered by the Rebels
The Earl of Findlater was at Aberdeen attending his
Royal Highness, when his factor gave him notice that the
Rebels who were thereabouts had intimated, that if the
Cess and Levy money for his Lordships Estate was not
paid against such a day, his house at Cullon would
peremptorily be plundered. This intimation the Earl
showed to his Royal Highness, who ordered him in return
to certify them that if they took such a step, it would
oblige him to alter his conduct, recall his protections and
give up their houses to be plundered. Notwithstanding
this threat, the Rebels actually pillaged Cullon House 2 at
the time appointed, and his Royal Highness was in conse-
quence obliged to withdraw his protections from Lady
Gordon of Park, 1 and Lady Dunbar of Durn, 1 for their
houses ; and indeed the last of these suffered considerably,
but most of the effects were carried off from Park that were
of any value.
1 The husbands of these ladies were all in the Jacobite army.
2 Cullen House was the home of Lord Findlater.
158 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
Thornton Disgusted
The famous Squire Thornton x who had raised the York-
shire Company, his Lieutenant Mr. Crofts, and Ensign
Mr. Symson, Minister at Fala (who had been both taken
prisoners at Falkirk), had come as volunteers with the
Army to Aberdeen, though they had never met with very
civil usage from the regular officers who seemed not at all
to affect volunteers. When Pultney's Regiment was
ordered from Old Meldrum to Buchan on a command
one day, these gentlemen who declined no fatigue, and had
usually joined that corps, marched along. But coming the
first night to a little village called Ellon, the Quarter
1 William Thornton, of Thornville, near Knaresborough, raised and equipped
a company, known as the 'Yorkshire Blues,' at his own expense in October
1745. He joined Wade's army at Newcastle, and his company was attached to
Pulteney's regiment (i3th, now Prince Albert's Own Somersetshire Light
Infantry), which was below strength. His henchman and servant was John
Metcalf, better known as ' Blind Jack of Knaresborough,' afterwards celebrated
as a civil engineer and maker of roads, but at this time a horse-coper and
itinerant musician. At Falkirk the company served as escort to the artillery
which covered itself with disgrace. Blind Jack fought at the battle in which
his master and Lieutenant Crofts were taken prisoners. After the battle Blind
Jack retreated to Edinburgh along with the remains of the company, now reduced
to forty-eight from an original strength of sixty-four. In a quaint little book,
The Life of John Metcalf (-yd, edition, Leeds, 1802), there is a long and graphic
account of how this blind man succeeded in rescuing his master. Donning a ' plaid
waist-coat, 'the Jacobite uniform, he made his way from Edinburgh to the battle
field, where among the marauders hunting for plunder he found the wife of Lord
George Murray's cook, who gave him ' a token ' for her husband. Giving out
that he wished to be employed as a musician to Prince Charles, he made his
way to Lord George Murray's quarters at Falkirk, where that General gave him
a glass of wine, and he had a conversation with several of the Jacobite leaders.
Confined on suspicion for some days, he was acquitted by a court-martial.
Finding his captain, he had him disguised as a Highlander and managed to
escape with him. How Crofts and Simson escaped I do not know. The rev.
ensign was Patrick Simson, minister of Fala, near Dalkeith (b. 1713 ; ord. 1743 ;
transferred to Clunie, Dunkeld, 1759; d. 1771). How he joined Thornton's
'Blues' I do not know; one would rather have expected to find him in the
Glasgow regiment (see /<?.?/, p. 198). The original ensign of the company had
died at Newcastle, and Thornton may have appointed Simson when in Edin-
burgh. Simson had the reputation of being a sportsman, particularly an angler.
(Scott, Fasti.) The Diet, of Nat. Biog. says that Blind Jack fought at Culloden,
but it is not so stated in the life quoted above, and if this passage is correct it
precludes the possibility. There is no mention in the Life of this incident
at Ellon, nor any account of the company leaving the army.
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 159
Master would not assign Quarters to the volunteers as
Officers, and none of the Officers would give orders for
it, which and some other things of this kind effectually
disgusted them, so that they immediately left the army
and returned home. His Royal Highness in order to
preserve the town of Aberdeen from any surprise after
he should leave it caused fortify Gordon's Hospital and
placed a garrison in it under Captain Crosby, and in
honour of the Duke it was called Fort Cumberland.
Duke marches from Aberdeen on Foot
When the Duke marched from Aberdeen 1 he endeared
himself exceedingly to the soldiers (if it was possible to
increase their affection for him) by walking most of the
way with them on foot, generally using one of the soldiers
Tenttrees for a staff and never going a yard out of the
way for a bridge or any burn they met with, but wading
through at the nearest.
On a long march of near 20 miles from Old Meldrum
to Banff the following little accident much delighted the
spectators. A soldiers wife carrying a young child, grew
quite faint and entreated her husband, who was near with
the Duke, to carry the child for a little way ; the fellow
said he could not as he was burdened with his arms.
The Duke overheard, took the soldier's gun and carried
it himself for some way and ordered him to ease the poor
woman of the child for a while.
Rebels not expecting his March
The Duke being stopped so long at Aberdeen, made his
march at length as great a surprise on the Rebels as if
he had not halted a day, for by this time they were grown
very secure. The Duke of Perth, Lord John Drummond,
Roy Stuart, etc., were all lodged in the minister's house
of Speymouth, and had more than 2000 men along with
them. They were sitting very securely after breakfast,
when a country man came over the River in great haste
1 Cumberland left Aberdeen on April 8th.
160 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
and told them that the Enzie was all in a ' vermine of
Red Quites.' x But they were so averse to believe it, that
when they ran to an eminence and observed them at a
great distance they swore it was only muck heaps : the
man said it might be so, but he never saw Muck heaps
moving before. And after they were convinced it was
a body of men, still they would only have it to be some
of Eland's parties, till their Hussars, whom they had sent
over to reconnoitre, returned and assured them the whole
Army under his Royal Highness was coming up.
Duke crosses the Spey
As to the Duke's passing the Spey (vid. London Gazette,
April 19th) : The Soldiers had got a notion that all on
the other side Spey were rank Rebels, and so immediately
seized a number of the sheep and other cattle as soon as
they got over. But as the case was quite otherways and
the people of that Parish had been longing for the Army
as their deliverers, on the minister's representing this,
and what had happened, to his Royal Highness, he im-
mediately ordered all to be restored that could be got
unkilled, and gave the minister 50 Ster. to divide among
the people for their loss, and if that did not do it directed
him to demand whatever would, and it should be ordered.
His Royal Highness took up his quarters in the minister's,
where the Duke of Perth, etc., had been but a few hours
before.
Aberdeen Militia
Immediately after the Duke's leaving Aberdeen the
two towns raised several companies of Militia to prevent
their meeting with disturbance from any flying parties.
His Royal Highness named their Officers and gave them
authority to act. He also named twelve Governors to
have the direction of the N. Town, till they should be
allowed to choose regular Magistrates. There was also
a proposal for raising a County Militia, but the Duke's
victory at Culloden made it to be dropped as useless.
1 Meaning 'a verminous swarm of red-coats.'
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 161
Ancrum, Commander in Chief
The Earl of Ancrum came to Aberdeen soon after the
defeat of the Rebels as Commander in chief between
Tey and Spey. Mark Kerr's Dragoons were along the
coast, Fleeming's Regiment at Aberdeen, and garrisons
detached from it to several places on Deeside, and London's
under Major McKenzie at Strathboggy, with garrisons
at Glenbucket, etc.
Houses burnt and plundered
Parties were immediately sent out through the country
in search of Rebels, with orders also to plunder and burn
their houses. 1 This severe order was not at all agreeable
to Friends of the Government, who could in no shape
relish Military execution, especially after the enemy was
so effectually subdued. But it was not universally
executed ; most of the Rebel Gentlemen's houses on
Deeside were plundered, and some burnt, but these last
were houses of little value and really no considerable
loss to the proprietors. There was very little plundered
in Buchan, some things only picked up by the soldiers
in their searches unknown to the Officers. No Gentle-
men's houses were burnt, and only one or two farmers'
by a worthless fellow not concerned with the army, who
by mighty pretences of zeal, had been employed by
Ancrum to go with five or six of Loudon's Regiment,
in quest of Rebels. There were no houses burnt or
plundered in or about the towns of Aberdeen ; but a
Tenant's house in the land of Stonnywood, who had been
very insolent. Glenbucket' s house was burnt in Strath-
dawn, as were also a tenant's house or two about Strath-
boggy.
Order for Arms
Lord Ancrum' s orders for bringing in of arms were very
extraordinary, and indeed cannot be better exposed
1 A very considerable list of houses burnt in Aberdeen and Banff shires is
given in the Lyon in Mourning, ii. 334, 335.
L
162 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
than by giving them and Lord London's in the same
place, vid. Scots Mag. for July, p. 339. *
III Conduct of the Soldiers
Most of the Officers of Fleeming's Regiment were but
young men, and did not at all behave in an agreeable
manner. They seemed too much to look on the Army
as a community of separate interests from that of the
Nation, and it was the common axiom of those even in
highest command in Aberdeen, that no laws but the
Military were to be regarded. They took it in their
heads to despise all in civil capacity, and especially as
much as possible to thwart the Governors of the town
in every thing. They had no manner of confidence either
in the gentlemen of town or country, not even in those
who had merited so well for their zeal for the Establish-
ment ;. such as Mr. Middleton of Seat on, Mr. Burnet of
Kemnay, etc., nay, some of them were on many occasions
ill used by them. The Clergy of the Church of Scotland,
for as much as they courted and applauded them in time
of danger, were now their common subject for ridicule ;
and a deal of spleen was shown against them, that it
should be thought they had in the least merited well
1 'By the Earl of Ancrum, Aid de Camp to His Majesty, and commanding
the forces on the Eastern coast of North- Britain. Whereas arms have been
found in several houses, contrary to his Royal Highness the Duke's proclamation,
this is therefore to give notice, That where-ever arms of any kind are found,
that the house, and all houses belonging to the proprietor or his tenants, shall
be immediately burnt to ashes ; and that as some arms have been found under
ground, that if any shall be discovered for the future, the adjacent houses and
fields shall be immediately laid waste and destroyed.'
[Lord Loudotm's orders]: 1 Whereas great part of the King's arms belonging
to the regiment commanded by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Loudon, were taken
away by the rebels in Sutherland, and by them distributed to people of different
parts of the country ; who, notwithstanding the many orders published by his
Royal Highness the Duke, still detain them in their possession : These are to
advertise such as do not deliver them in to the storehouse at Inverness, or to
the commanding officer of any part of his Majesty's forces who happens to be in
their neighbourhood, by the first day of August, that the possessors where-ever
they are found, whether civil or military, and of what rank soever, shall be
prosecuted with the utmost rigour, as the law in that case directs.'
IN ABERDEEN AND BANFF 163
of their country, and thus should have a title to some
regard as well as the Military, and not the least pendicle
of the Army, a Commissary of foraging Clerks, etc., but
would have more regard paid to their representative than
any Clergyman.
People Disgusted
Such was the injudicious conduct of the Lord Ancrum
and most of the officers of this Corps, which soon raised
great disgust and heartburning. The Officers only,
associated with one another, were seldom troubled with
any advice from anybody of consequence acquainted with
the country ; or if they were, were sure to slight it. This
gave infinite satisfaction to the Jacobites who rejoiced
in these dissensions. It was this mutual disgust which
on the one hand provoked the soldiers in so riotous a
manner to break almost the whole windows in the town
for not being illuminated on the first of August, 1 when
the towns people had no reason to think Illuminations
would be expected of them ; and on the other hand
provoked the townsfolks to resent it so highly, for had
there been a good understanding betwixt the Corps
1 This was an incident that occasioned fierce indignation in Aberdeen.
August ist was the date of the accession of the Hanoverian dynasty. Lord
Ancram ordered the bells to be rung and the houses to be illuminated. It
had not been the custom to illuminate, and the magistrates only ordered the
bells to be rung. The soldiers of Fleming's regiment (36th, now the Worcester-
shire), egged on by their officers, broke the windows, stoned the inhabitants,
and did damage to the extent of ^130, a large sum in those days to a town of
the size of Aberdeen. In spite of the pretensions of the military authorities,
who maintained that they were not liable to the civil government, the magis-
trates arrested a Captain Morgan and other officers, who were ringleaders in the
riot. Morgan had been very active in hunting fugitive Jacobites, and his com-
manding officer, who calls Aberdeen ' this infamous town,' attributes his arrest
to this cause. Representations were made to the Lord Justice-Clerk and to
Lord Albemarle, the Commander-in-chief in Scotland, who both took a serious
view of the case, the former writing to the latter that ' the officers in the army
were trampling on those very laws that they so lately defended at the expence of
their blood.' Ancram was rebuked by Albemarle, and removed from Aberdeen ;
though the trouble still smouldered it was temporarily patched up. (Alb. Pap.,
p. 27 stq. ; Scots Mag.,\\\\. 393.) Six months later the regiment left Aberdeen,
marching out (it is said) to the tune ' We '11 gang nae mair to yon toun.'
Cf. post, p. 189.
164 MEMOIRS OF THE REBELLION
and them, such an outrage would probably not have been
committed, or if some illegal things had been done they 'd
as probably have been overlooked, or at least easily
atoned for.
Immediately after this, Ancrum was removed and Lord
Sempile l succeeded him.
1 Hugh (Abercromby-Sempill), fifth son of Anne, Baroness Sempill, and
Francis Abercromby of Fettercairn. Succeeded his brother as nth Lord
Sempill 1727 ; served at Malplaquet, 1709, as an ensign ; succeeded Lord Craw-
ford as colonel of the Highland Regiment (Black Watch), 1741 ; colonel of the
2$th (K. O. Scottish Borderers) 1745 ; brigadier-general 1745 j commanded the
left wing at Culloden ; superseded Lord Ancram at Aberdeen I2th August,
1746; and died there 25th November following.
A TRUE ACCOUNT
OF MR. JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
WITH PRINCE CHARLES EDWARD
IN THE YEARS 1745 AND 1746
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF
The manuscript preserved at Drummond Castle
from which this Narrative is printed bears the
following docquet :
This is to certify, that I believe the aforegoing
Narrative to be a correct Copy of the Original,
written by my late Friend, Captain John Daniel,
which I have frequently seen and read, and con-
versed with him, on the subject of its contents:
more particularly as to the facts of the Duke of
Perth's death, on his passage from Scotland to
France, on board the ship in which the said Captain
Daniel was also a passenger. To which conversa-
tions, I can conscientiously depose if required.
Witness my hand at Exmouth Devon. This 25th
day of September 1830.
R. B. GIBSON.
Signed in the presence of
HERBERT MENDS GIBSON,
Atty. at Law.
[NOTE. The notes in this narrative which are indicated by
asterisks are written on the Drummond Castle manuscript in
a later hand.]
A TRUE ACCOUNT OF MR. JOHN DANIEL'S
PROGRESS WITH PRINCE CHARLES
As Fortune, or rather Providence, has screened, conducted
and brought me safe out of so many miseries and dangers ;
gratitude obliges me to be ever-thankful to that Omniscient
Power, by whose particular bounty and goodness I now
live, and survive a Cause, which, though it be now a little
sunk, will, I doubt not, one day or other, rise again, and
shine forth in its true colours, make its Hero famous to
after-ages, and the Actors esteemed and their memory
venerable. But since it is not permitted to pry into
futurity, we may at least take a retrospective view of
our own or others' actions, and draw from them what
may amuse, instruct or benefit human Society, and by
that means fulfill in some measure the end for which we
were sent into this world. Conceiving it therefore to be
the best method of shewing my gratitude to Divine
Providence, I shall give a short but true account of what
happened to me during the time I had the honour of
being a soldier under the banner of a most beloved Prince ;
hoping that the indulgent reader, whom curiosity may
induce to peruse the following pages, will pardon the
simplicity and ruggedness of my style, which, I am
afraid, will be the more strikingly conspicuous, as, in
order to preserve the thread of my History unbroken,
I have occasionally been obliged to interweave with my
narrative some extracts from the Memoirs of another,
whose excellence totally eclipses my humble attempt.
The lessons of loyalty, which had been instilled into
me from my infant years, had made a deep and indelible
impression upon my mind ; and as I advanced towards
maturity, and my reasoning faculties were developed, I
168 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
became so firmly convinced of the solidity of the prin-
ciples which I had been taught, that, when arrived at
the age of Twenty-two, I resolved never to deviate from
them, but to act to the best of my power the part of a
good and faithful subject, notwithstanding the customs
of an unhappy kingdom to the contrary. Nor was it
long before an opportunity presented itself of proving
my fidelity to my lawful Sovereign ; viz., when the Prince
entered triumphantly into Lancashire on the 24th of
November 1745, 1 attended by about four thousand armed
men. The first time I saw this loyal army was betwixt
Lancaster and Garstang ; the brave Prince marching on
foot at their head like a Cyrus or a Trojan Hero, drawing
admiration and love from all those who beheld him,
raising their long-dejected hearts, and solacing their
minds with the happy prospect of another Golden Age.
Struck with this charming sight and seeming invitation
' Leave your nets and follow me,' I felt a paternal ardor
pervade my veins, and having before my eyes the admoni-
tion c Serve God and then your King,' I immediately became
one of his followers. How, and in what manner, I am now
going to relate.
The brave and illustrious Duke of Perth (whose merits
it would require the pen of an angel properly to celebrate,
being a true epitome of all that is good) halting to refresh
himself at a Public-House upon the road, where with
some friends of mine I then happened to be ; His Grace,
being truly zealous in the cause, asked of them the disposi-
tion of the place and people. They replied, that they
believed it to be much in the Prince's favour. After
some conversation on one thing and another, the Duke
did me the honour to invite me to join ; which request
being nowise contrary to my inclination, I immediately
answered His Grace, that I was exceeding willing to do
anything that lay in my power for promoting the Prince's
interests, in any situation he might judge most proper.
Upon this, the Duke honoured me with a most sincere
1 Should be 25th ; Sunday 24th was spent at Kendal, and Lancaster was
reached the following day. (L. in M., ii. 120, 193.)
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 169
promise of his particular patronage ; and not a little
proud I was of acquiring such a friend on my first joining
the Prince's army, in which I had not before a single
acquaintance. After some questions, the Duke desired
me to get in readiness and to meet him on horse-back
at Garstang ; which in about two or three hours I accord-
ingly did. The army being then in full march for Preston,
the Duke desired me to go with forty men round that
part of the country which I best knew ; which forty men
being accordingly put under my command, I went to
Eccleston and Singleton in the Fyld Country, where I
delivered some commissions, and caused the King to be
proclaimed, the bailiffs, constables and burgesses of the
place attending at the ceremony. I dispersed several of
the Prince's Manifestoes ; and Exhortations were made,
in order to shew the people the misery and oppressions
of tyranny and usurpation, which like oxen yoked down
to the plough, they seem to labour under ; and calling
upon them to rise up and, like lions to shake off the
infamous yoke which too long had galled the necks of
free-born Englishmen ; to assert their liberties honour-
ably both before God and Man, and to prove to the
world, that they remained true English hearts, equal to
their fore-fathers', who once had given laws to foreign
States ; to exert their liberties under a Prince, who was
come for their sakes, and for their sakes only, and with
their concurrence would make them most happy. But
alas ! notwithstanding all our proposals and exhortations,
few of them consented to join the Prince's army. There-
fore, having assembled those who did come in, orders
were given for them to give up all their arms ; which
being reluctantly complied with, search was made in
several houses, where we found a few ; and amongst the
rest we entered the house of an honest Quaker, whom
I had seen about ten days before at a Public-house, where
he accidentally came in whilst I was there, bringing with
him a gun and a pair of pistols, which he had bought.
Calling for his pot of ale, he began to harangue the host
and the others present, telling what an honest man the
170 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
Justice of the Parish said he was, and that he could
keep all the Papists quiet. And with these, said he
(meaning the pistols) I can bid defiance to half a hundred
of Rebels. I then heard him with great pleasure, thinking
I should have the satisfaction of trying the honest Quaker's
courage ; which accordingly happened. For, meeting
with him at his own house, I demanded of him, if he had
any arms. Not knowing me directly, he said he had
none, and that he was not a man of blood. Vexed at
this evasive answer, I replied : ' Hark thee, my honest
friend, since nothing but an action with thy own weapons
will get thy arms from thee, rememberest thou in such a
place to have boasted much of thy courage, with a gun
and a pair of pistols ? ' At which being much struck
and hanging down his head he seemed greatly terrified.
* How now,' said I, ' honest Friend, thou that wast so
lately so pot-valiant, where now is thy boasted courage ? '
' Pardon me,' he then said, ' I humbly beg, and I shall
most willingly deliver up the arms ; for I have done
much amiss.' I accordingly took the arms from him,
and went off, much pleased with the adventure.
All these things being now effected, on the days after
I had first seen His Grace the Duke of Perth, we began
our march for Preston ; and on the road, passing by a
house of a person, who had in the year 1715 been the
chief cause of my Father's misfortune, I turned my horse
in order to have hanged the man and certainly would have
done it, had not maturer thoughts intervened, and stopt
my revengeful rage. Continuing our journey, we arrived
at Preston about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, having with
us 39 English Recruits, whom I presented to His Grace
the Duke of Perth, giving him an account of what had
passed. At first he seemed to be somewhat concerned ;
but, recollecting himself, he afterwards welcomed me
back, and said, he doubted not soon to see a great joining,
and desired me to come to him the next day for the
Army halted two days at Preston. So, taking leave, I
went to see some of my friends in the Town ; and, amongst
the rest, to acquaint my Father with what I had done.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 171
He approved much of it, and gave me very salutary advice,
telling me always to have the love and fear of God before
me, and never to deviate from my duty, but to act to the
best in my power the part of a brave soldier, and never
to deject but comfort all those I found in misery. He
then said to me, that as the infirmities of old age no
longer permitted him to espouse so good a cause, in which
he had once been actively engaged, he would continually
invoke the Almighty for our success and preservation.
So kissing me, he gave me his kind benediction : and with
the viaticum in my pocket I took leave of the tenderest
of Fathers and best of Parents.
It being now the day on which the army marched from
Preston, I waited, according to appointment, on the
Duke of Perth, who told me, if I pleased, he would give
me a Captain's Commission in his Regiment ; or, as one
Mr. Gorogan x was to have a Colonel's Commission over
the English, that I should have a Company under him,
and command the men I brought with me to Preston.
The latter offer I accepted ; and on being recommended
to the Colonel by the Duke, I was made Captain ; and
Captain Larrey, 2 now living at St. Omers, was the other
Captain, with 3 or 4 more. So we with the army began our
march for Wiggan, where we were joined by a few more
Loyalists. Having lain all night at Wiggan, we marched
the next day for Manchester. The ringing of the Bells, and
the great rejoicings and salutations with which we were
welcomed, gave us mighty expectations. But too true is
the saying : Parturiunt Monies, nascetur ridiculus mus.
Word was immediately brought to the Prince, that a
number of men were at his service ; and to please and
content the Town, it was thought necessary, that what
men were raised at Manchester vizt., the English Regi-
ment should be called the Manchester Regiment, and
1 I have little doubt that this name is a mistake for Geohagan, an Irishman,
captain in Lally's regiment, to whom, Lord Elcho states, the Prince gave a
commission to raise an English regiment. The officers of the army remonstrated,
and the commission was withdrawn. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 327.)
Geohagan was one of the French officers taken prisoner at Carlisle.
2 Not identified.
172 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
all inferior Officers displaced as not being sufficiently
Manchesterfied. However, regarding how matters went,
I observed a little Man, by name Morgan, 1 deputed by
the Prince with orders to inspect and commission new
1 David Morgan was a Welshman from Monmouthshire, a barrister-at-law.
He joined the Prince at Preston on 27th November, along with William
Vaughan and Francis Towneley, all being from Wales. When at Derby it
was determined to return to Scotland Morgan refused to go, saying, ' it were
better to be hanged in England than starved in Scotland ' ( Tales of a Grand-
father). He left the army at Ashbourne, on 6th December, to go to London to
procure intelligence, with the knowledge and consent of the Prince and of
Sheridan (Murray's Memorials, 434). At his trial he pled that he had escaped
as soon as it was in his power, but this plea was repelled. He was executed at
Kennington Common on 3Oth July, along with Towneley, and seven other
English officers. Morgan is thus described in the Compleat History of the
Trials of the Rebels (p. 170) : 'David Morgan was about 51 Years of Age,
born in Wales, and bred to the Law, and had frequently (as a Barrister)
attended the Courts at Westminster-Hall, and elsewhere. He was a Person
of a very mean Look, and seldom kept Company with any Gentlemen of his
Neighbourhood ; and if it had not been for his Estate, he might have starv'd,
for he was so very lofty, and of so bad a Temper, that no body but such as
were beholden to him cared to employ him. This Morgan was possessed of a
very good Estate in St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, but he let it all run to Ruin,
because he would not pay the Ground-Rent. The Rebels call'd Morgan the
Pretender's Counsellor, and his Advice was consulted on every Occasion.
Even after he was condemn'd, he was haughty and insolent beyond expression ;
and the very Afternoon before his Execution, he grumbled to pay the Cook
who dress'd his Dinner, and said she was very extravagant in her Demands.
The Morning (about Six o'Clock) before he went to Execution, he order'd
Coffee to be made, and bid them take Care to make it very good and strong,
for he had never drank any since he had been in that Prison fit to come near
a Gentleman ; and because it was ready before he was unlock'd, he seem'd
angry, and in a great Passion.'
Morgan was the author of a rather dull satirical political poem of 630 verses,
entitled The Country Bard or the Modern Courtiers, inscribed to H.R.H, the
Prince of Wales, a quarto originally printed in 1741, and republished in 1746
after his execution. It is prefaced by a dedicatory letter to Sir Watkin
Williams Wynn, the Welsh Jacobite baronet. In his dying declaration, handed
to the sheriff on the scaffold, Morgan writes that he is a member of the Church
of England, and that he has fully set forth his faith in a poem of two books
entitled The Christian Test or the Coalition of Faith and Reason, the first of
which he had already published, and the latter he bequeathed to his daughter
to be published by her. Morgan seems to have had a certain notoriety as member
of a Jacobite club at Westminster, judging by a very coarse jeu d' esprit bearing
the title A Faithful Narrative of the wonderful and surprising Appearance of
Counsellor Morgan** ghost at the meeting . . . giving a full and true Account
of the Behaviour of the Club on that occasion . . . This folio, for it has that
dignity, is followed by another entitled An Appeal from the late David Morgan,
Esq., Barrister-at-Law . . . against a late Scurrilous Paper . . . My copy
of the second pamphlet bears the note in contemporary handwriting ' By one
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 173
Candidates, come into the room appointed for that
purpose, and after salutations made, take his place at the
head of the Table, with the Blackguard Dog l at his elbow,
whether coming there by orders or impudence, I know
not. Mr. Morgan began to tell the reason of his being
sent, saying, that His Royal Highness was highly charmed
at the report he had heard of the great number of Man-
chester men who were to join his standard ; and assured
them all of his particular protection, and of his willingness
to grant them every favour in his power. This Declara-
tion gave great joy to all present.
A dispute then arose concerning the making of a new
Colonel : 2 but taking a dislike at some of their proceedings,
I gave up all pretentions to anything amongst them, and
joined Lord Elcho's Guards; 3 so the place was vacant.
Fielding a concealer of the Law,' and it is possible it may be by Henry Field-
ing, who at this time gave himself to ironical writing of this kind in the True
Patriot and *(\\. Jacobite's Journal. Both pamphlets are full of topical allusions
and scarcely concealed names. Morgan was also the subject of a brutally
coarse print entitled ' An Exact Description of the Solemn Procession of
Councellor Morgan's ghost to the Rump of the Westminster Independents.'
1 The only elucidation of this I can suggest is from a passage in the Appeal
above mentioned in which Morgan's ghost is made to visit his friends, but ' with
neither a greyhound upon his breast nor a writ in his hand,' perhaps suggesting
that in life he was in the habit of carrying writs and being accompanied by
a greyhound.
2 The colonel appointed was Francis Towneley, an English Roman Catholic ;
b. 1709 ; fifth son of Charles Towneley of Towneley Hall, Lancashire ; went
to France 1728, and entered the French army ; served at the siege of Philips-
bourg under the Duke of Berwick, but after the peace following the War of the
Polish Succession, returned to England, and lived privately in Wales until 1745.
The French king sent him a colonel's commission about the time of the intended
invasion of 1744. (See Towneley MSS., privately printed.) He was given
command of the Manchester regiment, as told here ; was left governor of the
town of Carlisle when the army retreated to Scotland in December ; entirely
opposed to surrendering to Cumberland, flying into a passion with Hamilton, the
governor of the castle (see pp. 118, 193), and declaring 'that it was better to
die by the sword than to fall into the hands of those damned Hanovarians.'
(Evidence at Trial.) At Hamilton's trial evidence was given that he too desired
to hold out to the last, but was overruled by his officers. Towneley was tried
at Southwark in July 1746 ; pled that his French commission entitled him to
be treated as a prisoner of war, not a rebel ; but this was repelled as, being an
Englishman born, it was illegal to serve a sovereign at war with the British
king ; executed on Kennington Common, July 3Oth, and Hamilton on Nov. 1 5th.
3 The Prince's Life Guards : there were two troops, one commanded by Lord
Elcho, the other by Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino.
174 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
The rest however were called upon to be Regimental
Captains, and so on, according as the aforesaid pursuivant
of Mr. Morgan notified : for, on demand who was to be
the first Captain, all, conscious of each other's merit,
were silent ; till he, with a face of assurance, named
such a man, for he had great interest ; after him, another,
for he could raise a great number of men ; and after him
another, for he had great merit and power ; till all the
Captain's Commissions were disposed of according to his
direction ; and then, looking about him, he said of the
rest, it was hang choice which was pitched upon first.
The Manchester Officers, being now formed, agreed to
petition the Prince to stay another day there ; which
he agreed to in the expectation of raising a great number
of men. I was as credulous as they : but was much
surprised to see the next day those men whom I had
brought from behind Preston, and on the road thence
to that place, enrolled for the most part in the Manchester
Regiment, and thus Manchesterised, if it may be said so :
and much troubled I was to see many of those men who
had followed me, had been paid out of my own pocket
and been under my care till our arrival in Manchester,
disposed of, nay taken away from me in that manner.
Quos Ego sed motos praestat componere fluctus.
However, being willing to be as useful as possible to the
cause, I acquiesced in whatever they thought proper.
The Prince, tho' again requested to stay, being weary
of delay to no purpose, ordered the following day the
army to make a short march, and gave leave to the Man-
chester Regiment to stay a day longer to get more recruits,
on promise to march up to the army the day after : which
we did ; but our stay was not productive of much benefit.
The Comand of the Army, which till then had been
the Duke of Perth's, was at this time given to Lord George
Murray. 1 The real cause of this change I cannot pretend
1 The army left Manchester on 1st December. The quarrel which caused
Lord George Murray's resignation of his commission as lieut.-gen. took place at
Carlisle on i$th November, when the command was given to the Duke of Perth.
Daniel cannot be correct in stating that Lord George was not reinstated until
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 175
to divine : all I can say, is that the received opinion
amongst us was that Lord George being looked upon as
a man, whose name would bear a greater sway in England,
especially amongst loyal Protestants, and help to efface
the prejudice and notion of Popery and arbitrary Power,
which some, though vainly imagined were rushing in like
a torrent upon them ; it was just proper to place the chief
command in him : and the Duke of Perth, for the good
of his King and Country, most readily resigned, shewing
himself willing to promote the cause in any station, and
giving a notable example of a brave warrior, willing to
command and willing to obey. Whether there was any
other secret reason, I must leave it for time to unfold.
The Army being now arrived at Congleton in Cheshire,
nothing particular happened there, except that a patrol
took one Captain Wier, a famous spy, 1 with seven dragoons,
who were feasting at a house some distance off. This
Wier was by birth a Scotchman, and had been employed
in many villanies, and having served the Court not only
as a spy upon us, but amongst other foreign Powers,
had been promoted for his diligence in this business. He
was conducted back with us to Carlisle how unfortunate
for us, that he was not put to death, considering what
he has since done ! but his life was saved through the
innate clemency of the Prince, though he merited the
worst of punishments.
On the first of December we departed from Macclesfield,
in order to march to Leek ; where we staid all night, and
marched the next day for Derby. All that morning it
was rumored amongst us, that we should have an engage-
ment as the enemy's army was said to be lying about
five or six miles from us at Newcastle and Stone in Stafford-
shire. So we marched in the best order we could to receive
them : and about eleven o'Clock, having espied a party at
the army was at Manchester ; the quarrel was made up before leaving Carlisle
on November aoth, when Lord George led the van. Daniel, who did not join
the army until the 24th or 25th, is probably writing from hazy recollection of
what he had been told.
1 Weir or Vere was the principal witness at the trials of the officers taken
prisoner at Carlisle.
176 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
some distance on the mountains, we drew up in order of
battle, and stood so for some time, and would have fought
them : but perceiving it was a false alarm, we continued on
our route to Derby, where we arrived somewhat late and
fatigued. But two days' repose sufficiently refreshed us.
Derby is a large and handsome town. The heads of
it were much terrified at our entrance, many of them
having made large subscriptions to Government ; and
therefore had quitted their houses with the utmost
precipitation. It fell to my lot to be quartered in one
of them, vizt., one Mr. Chambers. Coming in with my
billet, I asked if I could lodge there. The Steward
immediately replied that I could adding ' And any
thing we can do for you, shall be done : only pity us in
our situation, which is most deplorable.' At this wonder-
ing much what he meant, I told him to be of good courage
that neither I nor any of us were come to hurt him
or any one. Having thus abated the horrid notion they
had of us, which was only capable of being conceived
too hard for expression, being so very strange ; he con-
ducted me to the Housekeeper, who was also in tears.
She was somewhat seized with horror at the sight, though
my countenance was none of the roughest : but soon
collected herself and made the same answer with the
utmost feminine tenderness, putting themselves and the
whole house under my mercy. I truly was much sur-
prised, for anything of this kind was quite new to me :
however, after pulling off my riding-coat and boots she
conducted me into a fine room ; where, at entering, I
perceived a number of jewels and watches lying confusedly
up and down, and many things else in the utmost con-
fusion. I demanded, to whom they belonged, and what
was the reason of their being so carelessly laid up. The
housekeeper then began to tell me the whole affair ' Sir/
said she, c Mr. Chambers, the master of this house, no
enemy to you, has retired with his lady and family into
the country.' ' Why so ? ' said I. ' Not conscious/
replied she, ' of any thing particular against you, but out
of fear of what the Highlanders might do against him.'
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 177
She then begged, that I would have compassion on them,
and be their protector ; which, after some short discourse,
I promised, telling them, that what was consistent with
reason, and a countryman, they should always find in
me. I then ordered all the things that lay so confusedly
thrown about, to be locked up, assuring them, that nothing
should be touched or broke open, unless with authority.
So for two days I ruled master there, and, I hope they
will generously acknowledge, much to their content and
satisfaction in that situation of affairs having preserved
the Young Lady's jewels from the hand of rapine, and
hindered the house from being damaged.
A rumor was here spread amongst us, that Cumberland
Will and Ligonier x intended to give us battle ; which I
believe would have happened, if we had marched a day
or two more towards London. Every one prepared him-
self to act in the best manner the valiant Soldier. But
the Prince's Council judged it more proper to retire back
into Scotland without risking a battle, and there to await
the arrival of foreign Succors. How far they acted amiss
or well in this, I know not : but a great alteration was
afterwards seen amongst us. The brave Prince at that
out of a generous ardour and Love to his country, wished
he had been twenty feet under ground ! but, notwith-
standing all this, a march back was agreed upon, after
we had halted two days at Derby. Here I cannot pass
by an accident that happened somewhat ominous
though I am none of the most credulous but thence we
may date our first misfortune. Great numbers of People
and Ladies (who had come from afar to see the Prince),
1 Jean Louis Ligonnier, generally termed Sir John Ligonier, K.B., a
naturalised French Protestant; b. at Castres, France, 1680; emigrated to
Dublin ; fought under Marlborough through most of his campaigns ; major-
general 1739; lieut. -general 1743; commanded the infantry at Fontenoy ;
commanded the army sent to Staffordshire to oppose the Jacobites, until relieved
by the Duke of Cumberland, 27th November; commander-in-chief 1757;
created Viscount Ligonier 1757; Earl Ligonier 1766 ; field-marshal 1760 ; d. 1770.
He had a brother Francis, who succeeded Colonel Gardiner in command of the
Dragoon regiment, now 1 3th Hussars. Francis Ligonier, though suffering from
pleurisy, fought at Falkirk, caught more cold, and died a few days later,
M
178 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
crowding into his room, overturned a table, which in
falling overturned and broke the Royal Standard soon
after our return was agreed upon so I leave the reader
to judge and make his reflexions on this. It would seem
certain at least that Providence miraculously concurs,,
while such and such things are carried on. Thus, when
Moses held up his hands, Joshua prevailed ; but when
through weariness he in the least relaxed the Israelites
had the worst of it. So perhaps it was, that our enter-
prise was not vigorously enough pursued : and remarkable
it certainly was, that the Royal Standard should be broken
immediately after our return was resolved upon.
The third day being come, our march was proclaimed ;
and we began our return, 1 wondering what it could
forebode. About this time we heard of Lord John
Drummond's Regiment having landed in Scotland, and
that more troops were daily expected from France.
Some few afterwards came, but the whole, including
the said Regiment, did not exceed Five Hundred effec-
tive men too small an assistance in the then state of our
affairs ! 2 Soon after their arrival, Lord Lewis Gordon,
being joined by the foresaid regiment, defeated Lord
Loudon at Inverury, so completely dispersing his army,
that it was rendered ineffective during the remainder of
the campaign. 3 This happened very luckily for us ; for
if Lord Loudon had not met with a check, he would
probably have been able to collect a strong army to cut
off our retreat, or at least give us a very warm reception
on our return to Scotland. This news therefore gave us
1 6th December 1745 (Black Friday).
2 The journals of the day and most authorities estimate the number at about
800. They consisted of Lord John Drummond's own French regiment, 'the
Royal Scots,' and the Irish picquets, or 50 men picked from each of the six
Irish regiments in the French service. Two of the transports were taken on
the voyage and 260 of all ranks made prisoner. On the eve of Culloden, the
French envoy reported to his government that the numbers of French troops
then were : Irish Picquets reduced to a half but recruited by 148 prisoners and
deserters up to 260 men ; Royal Scots about 350 ; detachment of Berwick's
regiment (p. 151) 42; Fitzjames's horse 131 ; making a total of about 780.
(Cottin, op. cit. p. 36.)
3 See ante, p. 143.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 179
great comfort ; and we courageously continued our march
to join the above mentioned troops (in number one
thousand men) by the same road we travelled before.
The English Army, being informed of our retreat, imme-
diately pursued us ; but we found the saying to be very
true ' A good pair of heels is worth two pair of hands.*
Diverting it was, to hear those bells, which before had
rung for us, turn to ring for them ; we sometimes going
out at one end of a town, whilst they were coming in at
the other : and no less odd it was, to see the Magistrates
who had canted when the Prince was amongst them,
immediately after taking an opposite side, and cursing
and detesting those whom they had just before saluted
with a Judas-kiss.
The Enemy, rinding that they could not come up with
us, resolved, though very ungenerously to their own
party, to endeavour to raise the inhabitants of the towns
through which we had to pass against us, by spreading
false reports, that the Prince's Army had been entirely
defeated, and that nothing remained for them but to
exert themselves like good subjects, and to suffer none
of the fugitives to escape. This report was believed in
many of the towns : great rejoicings were made, and
every man thought himself capable of knocking out a
Rebel's brains with a club or a staff. Then you might
see heroic valour displayed among cocks that never
crowed but among hens upon their own dunghill. But
the malicious expectations of our enemies were disap-
pointed ; and what they had contrived for our ruin
redounded much to our profit. Notwithstanding the
mildness of the Prince during the march of his army
through England, and though he had suffered no one
to be oppressed, we heard betwixt Derby and Man-
chester, that the latter town had made great rejoicing,
and had raised some men to stop us : but we soon made
these mighty heroes tremble, and the town pay for their
rash determination for entering regularly and triumph-
antly, we shewed them we were not the people they took
us for, and convinced them, that our situation was not
so bad as had been falsely reported.
180 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
Every one therefore, vexed to the very heart at being
so deceived, began to lay upon the mob the fault of what
had happened, and the Mob on the Heads of the Place,
so that discord and confusion arose among them. The
Piper, however was well paid for their dancing ; for it
cost them five thousand pounds Sterling scarcely a
sufficient atonement for their malice. 1 Here I cannot
pass by mentioning a barbarous deed perpetrated before
we came to Manchester which shewed the innate cruelty
of our enemies on the one hand, and our clemency on the
other. A young English lad, who had joined the Prince,
being somewhat before the army, had through weariness
laid himself down to rest under a hedge, and fallen fast
asleep. He was soon perceived by a woman and her boy :
and this cruel fiend immediately determined to murder
him as he lay sleeping like a lamb, conscious of no harm ;
she accordingly with the assistance of her son cut the
poor young man's throat. The army coming up soon
after, we espied the mangled body in that shocking con-
dition ; and on searching the next house adjacent, we
found a young boy in bed much besmeared with blood,
and trembling, who confessed the fact, and said that his
mother was the chief author of it. They were both
taken into custody, and a report of the whole made to
the Prince : but he was against their being put to death,
so that by a wonderful clemency they escaped the just
reward of their crime.
We halted two days at Manchester, and on the third
marched for Wiggan. When going out of the town, a
gun was fired at the Prince by a villain, who, mistaking
him, shot at a Mr. Sullivan, and luckily missed him.
Search was made for him, but in vain and no great
matter for any thing he would have suffered from us ; for
many exercised their malice merely on account of the
known goodness and clemency of the Prince, which how-
ever they would not have dared to do, if he had per-
1 ' Tuesday, loth December. They have ordered a contribution of 5000 for
the indolence of the mob, but with much ado they have got it to one-half, to
raise it by one o'clock.' (Journal of Elizabeth Byrom, Manchester, in
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 181
mitted a little more severity in punishing them. The
Army irritated by the frequent instances of the enemy's
malice began to behave with less forbearance. And now
few there were, who would go on foot, if they could ride ;
and mighty taking, stealing, and pressing of horses there
was amongst us, for none of us was ever sure of keeping
his own. Diverting it was to see the Highlanders now
mounted without either breeches, saddle, or anything
else but the bare back of the horse to ride on ; and for
their bridle, only a straw rope. In this manner we
marched out of England, many a good horse being brought
in to give us a lift.
During our march to Wiggan, and thence to Preston,
nothing particular happened ; only the enemy continued
to pursue us, yet we made no more haste on that account.
I met upon the road my old patron the Duke of Perth ;
who asking me how I did, and how I liked the service.
I told him ' Very well ! ' He then inquired ' How I
could bear the thought of going into Scotland ' and I
immediately replied That I had ever been curious to see
that kingdom, and was proud of benefiting the cause,
or occasion that was offered. His Grace was pleased
to promise, that he would recommend me to the Colonel,
who, he doubted not, would be a father to me ; as it
accordingly fell out. Marching on to Preston, we halted
there two days ; and on the third in the morning, imme-
diately after we had quitted the town, the enemy took
possession of it. On our arrival at Lancaster in the even-
ing, I was recommended to Colonel Elphinstone, after-
wards Lord Balmerino, 1 who commanded the second troop
of the Prince's Life Guards. Having equipped myself
1 Hon. Arthur Elphinstone; b. 1688 ; held captain's commission in Shannon's
foot (25th, now King's Own Scottish Borderers), which he resigned in 1716 to
join Mar's Jacobite army ; served in the French army ; on a pardon being offered
to him he declined to accept it until he had received the Chevalier's consent,
which was given ; joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh ; received the command of
the second troop of Life Guards ; on the death of his brother, 5th January 1746,
he succeeded as 6th Lord Balmerino and 5th Lord Coupar ; the army was then
at Stirling. The day after Culloden he surrendered to the Grants. Tried by the
House of Lords and condemned to death ; beheaded, iSth August 1746.
182 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
for that purpose when in Preston, I rode on somewhat
before the Army, to be in readiness at Lancaster : but
on the road, nine miles distant from that place, alighting
from my horse to refresh myself at a Public house, and
leaving my horse two or three minutes at the door ; he
was immediately taken away by some of the soldiers,
and I entirely lost him. Vexed I was to be served so ;
and having nine miles to walk in my boots sorely harrassed
me. However, fortifying myself with patience, and
premeditating revenge, I at last, though somewhat late
got up to Lancaster : and now being in great anxiety
for a horse, being the next day to have the honour of
riding in the Guards, I resolved to wait an hour or two
till my servant Dick, a Yorkshire-Man, came up, and to
make use of his horse, till such time as I could get another.
But his arrival brought me little satisfaction ; for, after
he had refreshed himself, and I had told him the misfortune
that had happened to me, he went out, and wrote me
a few lines to the following purport :
' DEAR MASTER, I am truly sorry for your misfortune
but I do not much like the Army's behaviour ; neither
can I think of going into Scotland, and you know a
Yorkshire-man coming home without a horse is laughed
at. Therefore not doubting but you can provide yourself
better than with this, I beg leave to be your Humble
Servant Dick, promising to rejoin you, when I see you
in these parts again.'
He left these lines with the landlord of the house to
give me ; which he did about an hour after.
So, being served a true Yorkshire trick, I lost both man
and horse. I bethought myself of applying to one Mr.
Grant, 1 Colonel of the Artillery, thinking there might be
1 Col. James Alex. Grant or Grante, a member of the staff of the French Royal
Observatory. He landed at Montrose in October along with the French envoy.
He served as master of ordnance to Prince Charles. He planned the siege of
Carlisle, which succeeded. He communicated a plan for the siege of Stirling
Castle, which was abandoned, as it exposed the town to destruction, and the
charge was given to another French engineer, Mirabel de Gordon, who utterly
failed. Grant planned the siege of Fort Augustus, which succeeded. He then
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 183
a spare horse. When I had informed him of what had
happened, he promised that he would endeavour to
provide me with a horse the next morning, till he could
buy or get another ; which kindness of his was very season-
able. But going down the Castle -Hill, where the Artillery
lay, I espied two Highlanders stealing a horse, and break-
ing down a pair of barn-doors. When they saw me
advancing towards them, one of them went, and the
other stood guard. Now I thought this a good oppor-
tunity to provide myself : So I went boldly in, and inquired
whether Captain McDonald's Horse were not there ; the
man answered he knew not ; at which taking courage,
and going up to the horse, I demanded whose that was.
He made me the same answer. ' Friend,' said I, 4 if you
<io not, I do,' and I immediately took the horse, well
pleased, that I had got a Titt for Tail (as the Lancashire
saying is). So returning to my lodgings with my prize,
I repaired to wait upon Colonel Elphinstone, who received
me very graciously, having been spoken to before by the
Duke of Perth. He welcomed me among them, assured
me of all that was kind and civil in his power, and then
invited me to sup with him. After thanking him, I
accepted his kind invitation ; and when I took my leave
of him he renewed his promises of kindness, and desired
me to be in readiness to mount next morning at his
quarters.
At this time the Yorkshire Hunters 1 endeavoured to
shew themselves against us, but little to their honour.
This was a regiment composed of the Yorkshire Gentle-
men, many of whom mounted themselves and their
servants on the best light horses they had, and gave
themselves the fore-said name. As we were marching
planned the siege of Fort William, but was disabled at the outset by a contusion
from a spent cannon ball : Mirabel was given charge of the siege, and again
signally failed. Grant prepared an elaborate map of the expedition, published
in French, English, and Italian editions, which are all described in the Itinerary ',
pp. 104-107.
1 The Yorkshire Hunters, a corps of volunteer cavalry, which did not dis-
tinguish itself greatly. Its war-song, set to music, will be found in the Gentle-
man's Magazine, December 1745.
184 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
into Lancaster, these Hunters attacked some of our
Light Horse in the rear : but finding they had caught
Tartars, they quickly retreated ; and being pursued,
some of them were taken prisoners so that Yorkshire
seemed to be put upon Yorkshire.
About this time the Prince's Council resolved to despatch
some one with orders to Lord Lewis Gordon and Lord
John Drummond, and the rest of the Prince's adherents
who were in arms, to meet us at Carlisle ; and for this
purpose the Duke of Perth set out attended by about
One-hundred Light-Horse. When they arrived at Kendal,
the inhabitants of that place, seeing them come in great
haste, judged they were flying from the battle and endea-
vouring to make their escape, assembled in a tumultuous
manner, and, after insulting them, at last fired upon them
out of the windows and at going out of the town, a ball
was fired at the Duke of Perth in his Chaise, who, looking
out courageously, noticed the place it came from. Though
the ball happily missed the Duke it shot Captain Cameron's
horse. Being now out of the town, we resolved boldly
to re-enter it, and quell that insulting mob. So, marching
back, they took the man who fired the fore- said ball,
and killed two or three : yet this villain escaped with only
a few blows from the gentleman whose horse he had
killed ; though certainly he would have been put to
death, had not the Duke interceded for him. The town
of Kendal being thus appeased, we continued our route :
but hearing that the Militia of Pe[n]r[i]th and other places,
thinking our Army had been cut off, had risen, and were,
in conjunction with the Hessians who had landed there-
abouts, 1 intercepting the road they thought they were to
pass ; the Duke resolved to pass by another in order to
miss them. But his guide, instead of shewing the right
way, conducted them upon the enemy ; so that ascending
the summit of the hill, they perceived their danger, being
within gun-shot of a great body of both horse and foot,
which unexpected sight struck a great panic amongst the
1 Daniel probably means the Dutch troops, some of which landed at Berwick
and the Tyne in Sept. '45. The Hessians did not come over until Feb. '46.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 185
Duke's party. The Duke was for fighting his way through
them : but Colonel Bagott, 1 Colonel of the Hussars, was
of another opinion, and he being seconded by some others,
a retreat was agreed upon. The enemy immediately
dispatched some of their Light-horse in pursuit of them :
but the Duke's party retiring in good order, kept their
pursuers, notwithstanding all their firing, at a good
distance ; and after being pursued five or six miles,
returned upon them with such vigour, that they took
three or four prisoners, rescued the Duke's baggage,
which had just before been seized, and made them retire
faster than they had come. Finding it however in vain
to pursue his enterprise, the Duke rejoined the Army.
We having staid all night at Lancaster, I went, according
to appointment, to wait upon my Colonel, who, being
mounted at the head of his troops, placed me in his corps.
We were ordered that day to march in the rear of the
army ; and, as we left the town, the enemy immediately
took possession of it, and followed us some little way
out, so that Ve did not directly know their intention.
But, finding they soon returned, we marched on (nothing
particular happening) to Kendal where we halted all
night and made the town pay for its past behaviour.
We then continued our retreat in exceeding bad weather
and roads to Carlisle : but by the severity of the season
we were obliged to make a shorter march than we intended,
and halt all night at a village called Shap, where we
suffered very much on account of the bad accommodation
it afforded. However staying there all night we assembled
together early next morning. Some few of us got that
night to Carlisle. But I cannot pass by an affair that
happened at Clifton which was as follows : The enemy's
advanced Guard, commanded by General Honeywood,
having got somewhat before us, planted himself in ambush
near the road we were to march, and from behind the
hedges expected, as the army approached to cut them
off ; but there the biter was bit : for though we came
1 See ante, p. 150.
186 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
unknowingly upon them, we had the good fortune to
receive their attack in good order, killed and drowned
many of them, and put the rest to flight : General Honey-
wood himself narrowly escaped, having lost his arm, and
severely wounded. This brave action was chiefly owing
to the courage of the McPhersons, commanded by Clued
McPherson, 1 their Chief, who behaved most gallantly on this
occasion ; and most pleasing it was, to see the champions
come into Carlisle, loaded with the spoils of their enemies. 2
The whole army being now in Carlisle, our thoughts
lay for some time suspended in order to act for the best ;
for we supposed that the enemy would come and give us
battle. I cannot say that we somewhat waited them,
but finding they did not, it was judged proper after two
days' stay and deliberation, to continue our march farther
North, and to leave at Carlisle the few English who were
with the army and about three hundred Scots. But of
this proceeding I can say nothing farther, leaving to the
world to judge as they think proper. The English then
were about two hundred men ; for many had quitted and
returned home being unwilling to go to Scotland. Now
some there are, who censure the Prince for leaving them
at Carlisle, thinking it was out of disregard and a desire
of being rid of them : but if they will pry a little more
narrowly into the affair they will find, that it was the
desire of Mr. Townley Colonel of the English who not
only petitioned the Prince in his own name, but in the
name of all the officers of the Regiment, to be left there,
though the latter never assented to or desired it, many
of them wishing to undergo the same fate as their Royal
Master. However on Mr. Townley's coming back and
1 Should be Cluny Macpherson.
2 This is the celebrated 'Skirmish of Clifton,' fought i8th December ; de-
scribed by Sir Walter Scott in Waverlcy, chap. lix. and note. Both sides
claimed the victory. The late Chancellor Ferguson wrote an exhaustive mono-
graph on the subject (Kendal, 1889) showing that both were technically right.
The Jacobite rear-guard fought to protect the army's retreat to Carlisle, and
entirely succeeded in their object ; Cumberland's troops retained possession of
the field, but were too crippled to pursue. Daniel, I think, shows a certain
animus in entirely ignoring Lord George Murray, who directed this action and
fought it with great bravery and skill.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 187
telling them that it was the Prince's pleasure that they
should remain at Carlisle, they all, taking it as coming
from the Prince, most willingly acquiesced, shewing true
English bravery in any situation to obey : and now,
seeing themselves deprived of the satisfaction of following
him they so greatly loved, they resolved to accompany
him still in their hearts all that was in their power.
They shewed a true generosity in disposing of all that
was not of immediate use to them, viz., their horses and
riding-equipage, to all who stood in need ; and though
I seemed somewhat picqued at them in the beginning of
this Narrative, I must ingenuously own, that they were
a set of brave men ; and though it is often objected to
them, that they were not of an extraordinary rank, yet
they behaved so as to make those of a nobler birth blush ;
for, from the time they had the honour of joining the Prince's
standard, they never sought pay either for themselves
or their men, honourably maintaining and supporting
the Regiment themselves : Unhappy Gentlemen ! They
merited a much better fate than what was awaiting them ! l
Every thing being now in readiness, we began our
march, in order (alas ! as it happened) to bid adieu to
Old England for ever ! On the 22nd of December 1745 2
(being the Prince's birthday) about four o'Clock in the
afternoon, we crossed the river Esk, which separates the
two kingdoms. The deepness and rapidity of the river,
joined to the obscurity of the night, made it most terrible :
but the good Prince, here, in particular, animated the
men ; and how noble was it to see these Champions,
who had refused him nothing now marching breast-deep,
1 At the surrender of Carlisle to Cumberland on 3Oth December the follow-
ing officers were captured :
English, 20 officers and I chaplain of these 9 officers and the chaplain
were executed ;
Scots, 17 officers and I surgeon of these 5 officers were executed ;
French, 3 officers, who were treated as prisoners of war.
In addition 93 English, 256 Scots, 5 French non-commissioned officers and
men were taken prisoner.
2 This date is wrong ; it should be 2Oth December, the Prince's birthday
and the day he left Carlisle. The date is often given as 3 1st December,
which is the New Style equivalent. Old Style was used in Great Britain
until 1752.
188 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
one supporting another, till wonderfully we all passed
safe. The Duke of Perth here signalized himself much
by his goodness ; for, crossing the river several times on
horseback, he took behind him several of the common
Soldiers, whose strength was not sufficient to bear up
against the current. Nor was the Prince wanting in giving
a notable specimen of his generosity and condescension
to his subjects, in imitation of the Great Alexander, who,
in his expedition into Persia, suffered a poor Soldier,
much fatigued, to repose himself in the king's chair,
which till then it had been death for anyone but himself
to sit in. So the Prince I think, imitates, or fully equals,
this great hero in point of affability to his men ; for,
taking on horseback a common soldier behind him, he
carried him over the water, giving us all a great example
of goodness and courage to follow him. But at this river
I narrowly escaped drowning ; for in crossing it, and
being near the middle of the stream I perceived two
women (tho' never an army was known with so few)
rolling down it and in imminent danger of perishing if I
did not guide my horse in order to stop them : and I had
like to have paid dearly for it, for coming against me,
they laid hold of me in such a manner, that I was not
able to dismount ; and being so beset by the two women,
and my horse, who was none of the biggest, going down
the stream with me, I gave myself up for lost. I did not,
however, lose courage and conduct in managing my horse
as well as I could ; and perceiving a man mounted upon
a very high horse wading where I was swimming, I called
to him for assistance. He seeing me in that piteous case,
came immediately, and rescued me from the imminent
danger I was in of perishing, and freed me also with a
great deal of difficulty from my two companions : but
how I got quit of them or out of the water, I remained an
entire stranger ; being come to the other side, I was
immediately seized with a great panic and trembling
from the fright of the danger I had so narrowly escaped,
and in this state I continued for three or four hours not-
withstanding all the efforts I could make against it.
That night however, being, as I said, on the other side,
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 189
somewhat before the rest, I saw them come almost half
round together with my deliverer, to whom I did not fail to
pay my most hearty thanks, as the poor women did to me.
But here let us stop and take a short View of the Army's
behaviour whilst in England. It may be said, and is
allowed even by the judgment of our enemies, that never
such an army could be expected to behave as they did,
giving the greatest marks of generosity to our enemies,
paying for what they had, and revenging or oppressing
few or none ; and shewing to the World, that a noble
design rather than either malice, rapine or plundering,
was at the bottom of our proceedings. But as I may
perhaps be suspected of partiality towards them, I shall
refer the Reader to what was acknowledged by one of our
greatest enemies, viz., one Parson Bissett in Aberdeen, 1
who was one of the heads of the Presbytery, and much
esteemed by his own party for his morals and great talents
as a preacher. This Gentleman, mounting the pulpit,
soon after we had left Aberdeen, and while Cumberland's
Army was there, began his Sermon with a comparison
betwixt us and those then in town, saying : ' When the
Prince, as they call him, was here, 2 I made it my business
night and day to inspect their conduct, and observe their
most minute actions ; and instead of finding subjects of
complaint, I found much to the contrary, and drew honey
whence I thought it was not to be extracted. I heard
what they said and did ; and I heard of no robbery, of
1 The Rev. John Bisset, one of the ministers of St. Nicholas Church, Aber-
deen, from 1728 to 1756. He was a man of strong personality who spoke his
mind, and was not very popular with his brethren. Bisset kept a Diary during
the Rising of '45, most of which is printed in the Spalding Club Misc., vol. i.
In that volume there is no reference to this sermon, nor do I know when it
was preached. It is referred to in general terms by the late Mr. Watt in his
County History of Aberdeen and Banff, p. 303. The sermon was probably
printed or Daniel could not have quoted it, but Mr. P. J. Anderson, who has
kindly searched the Aberdeen University Library, cannot find a copy. Bisset,
though uncompromisingly inimical to the Jacobites, declined an official meeting
with the Duke of Cumberland as a member of the Abeideen Synod, but he
obtained a private interview as 'he had reasons for being alone.' Bisset so
deeply offended the duke that he refused ever after to enter a Presbyterian
church. (Henderson, Hist, of the Rebellion, 5th ed., p. 307.)
2 This refers to the Prince's army. The Prince himself was never in
Aberdeen.
190 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
no ill towards the people : but since these men are come
amongst us, what is the secret that is not revealed ?
What is holy, that is not polluted ? What 's forbid, that 's
not transgressed ? and in fine, where is God or Man
obeyed ? Here, cursing and blaspheming ; there Drunken-
ness, Whoredom and Debauchery are carried on in full
career, and reign with unlimited sway.' So, going on in
this strain, he concluded by telling his auditors, that it
was a shame to be out-done by us ; that, in punishment
for their sins, nothing less than the curse of God could fall
upon them, and make instruments of us to punish them.
But now I shall return again to the river Esk. Having
wonderfully got safe over, we marched all that night
through excessively bad roads, all of us being very wet
and cold, without any refreshment, except what we had
before we left Carlisle, till ten o'Clock the next day, when
we arrived at Dumfries ; and extraordinary it was to see
the Army, notwithstanding all their fatigue, come in as
merry and gay as if they had only marched that morning.
At our entrance into the Town, we saw the great rejoicing
that had been made for our defeat, the candles being still
in the windows, and the bonfires unextinguished. And
now it was, that being in Scotland, my Colonel began to
shew me great civility upon account of my being an
Englishman, and so did afterwards several of the gentle-
men of that country ; for seeing me amongst them, they
thought they could scarce do enough for me, especially
my Colonel, who, for fear of my being any time badly
quartered, ordered that I should always be lodged chez
lui. So that from that time I had ordinarily his quarters,
and sometimes a part of his bed, when there happened
to be no other, so that I had every reason to be satisfied
with my lot, having such resource of comfort in all my
difficulties.
After w r e had halted two days at Dumfries, and made
them pay for their past behaviour, 1 we marched on for
1 A party of Dumfries townsfolk had cut off a detachment of the Jacobite
army's baggage during the advance to England in November. As a reprisal
Prince Charles fined the town ^"2000. Only ^"iioo could be raised in the
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 191
Hamilton ; and here the Prince, attended by a few of his
gentlemen, went to take the diversion of shooting in the
Park ; in which he behaved to the admiration and sur-
prise of all present, killing or hitting every thing he shot
at, so that, without flattery, he was looked upon to be
the best marksman in the army. After we had staid
some time at Hamilton, we continued our march to one of
the prittiest (but most whiggish) towns in all Scotland,
viz., Glasgow. Here we arrived on the 25th of December,
1745, much to their confusion, and halted six or seven
days. 1 That Town had given, when the Prince marched
for England, five thousand pounds for its good behaviour,
and paid us now as much over again for breaking the
same, rebelling against us, and raising the Militia in our
absence. So we taught them more wit, how to break their
words another time. The Army having been here pro-
vided with cloathing and other necessaries, of which they
were very much in want, the Prince resolved to make a
general inspection and review of them. Accordingly
orders were issued one morning for that purpose, for us
all to repair to a place at a little distance from the Town.
So we marched out with drums beating, colours flying,
bag-pipes playing, and all the marks of a triumphant army
to the appointed ground, attended by multitudes of people,
who had come from all parts to see us, and especially the
ladies, who before were much against us, were now,
charmed at the sight of the Prince, become most loyal ; 2
time given, so he carried off the provost and another citizen as security till the
balance was paid. (Scots Mag., vii. 533, 581.)
1 The army began to arrive on Christmas Day. Charles himself entered on
foot at the head of the clans on 26th December. He remained in Glasgow until
3rd January.
" A very different story is told by Provost Cochrane of Glasgow, who wrote :
' Our very ladys had not the curiosity to go near him, and declined going to a
ball held by his chiefs. Very few were at the windows when he made his
appearance, and such as were declared him not handsome. This no doubt
fretted.' (Cochrane Correspondence, Maitland Club, p. 63.) Probably both
versions have a certain amount of truth, and the situation must have been
similar to that of an earlier royalist leader when riding through Edinburgh :
' As he rode down the sanctified bends of the Bow,
Ilk carline was flyting and shaking her pow ;
But the young plants of grace they looked couthie and slee,
Thinking, luck to thy bonnet, thou Bonny Dundee ! '
192 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
and many afterwards, when they could not testify it to
us by their good offices, did it in imitation in their hearts.
I am somewhat at a loss to give a description of the Prince
at this Review. No object could be more charming, no
personage more taking, no deportment more agreeable,
than his at that time was, for, being well mounted and
princely attired, 1 having, too, great endowments both of
body and mind, he appeared to bear a sway above any
comparison with the heroes of the last ages, and the
majesty and grandeur he seemed to display most noble
and divine. The Army being now drawn up in all form,
and every one putting himself out for the best, the Prince
rode through the ranks, greatly encouraging and delighting
all who saw him. After the Review we returned again
to Glasgow ; and about this time the unhappy news
reached us, that Carlisle was invested by Cumberland,
who, having got up cannon from Whitehaven, was in a
fair way of taking it.
It being now judged proper to continue our march for
Stirling, we quitted Glasgow in a handsome manner, and
soon sat down before that town, which we took after two
or three days' cannonading, and then began the siege of
the Castle, having just received a few pieces of Cannon
from France, which would have been sufficient, as many
are pleased to say, if our Engineer, viz., one Mirabell, 2 a
Frenchman by birth, had been good for any thing : but
erecting our batteries in an improper place against the
Castle, we spent three weeks' labour in vain ; during
which time news arrived from Carlisle, by Mr. Brown, 3
1 The Prince's Master of the Household says : ' The Prince dressed more
elegantly when in Glasgow than he did in any other place whatsomever.' Lord
Elcho says he was ' dress'd in the French dress.'
2 Mirabel de Gordon, a French engineer, who completely failed at the siege
of Stirling, as he afterwards did at the siege of Fort William. Lord George
Murray says of him that he understood his business, but was so volatile he
could not be depended upon : Lord Macleod states that he was always drunk.
3 Brown was a French-Irishman, a captain in Lally's regiment, who came
over with the French envoy in October. He was left in Carlisle, but escaped
at the surrender. After Falkirk he was sent to France to carry the news of the
victory to Louis XV., who made him a colonel in the French army. He
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 193
who was left Lieutenant Colonel by the Prince, and one
Mr. Maxwell, 1 who made their escape over the wall while
the Articles of Capitulation were signing. These gentle-
men acquainted us, that, after Cumberland had lain six
or seven weeks before the town, and heralds had been
frequently sent in to summons it to surrender, Mr. Hamil-
ton, Governor of the Castle had at last resolved to obey
them but whether with a true fear or promise of his life,
is disputed. Certain however it is, that he employed that
villainous Wier, whom I have mentioned before (being
left a prisoner at Carlisle) with secret Messages to and
from the enemy ; and instead of hanging him, invited
him daily to his own table. How far this conduct was
good, I leave the world to judge.
Mr. Townley, Governor of the Town, being informed
that the resolution to capitulate was taken, endeavoured,
seconded by his whole corps, officers and soldiers, to oppose
him : but finding no means effective to hinder the place
from being given up, he was obliged to send, by Hamilton's
direction, articles of Capitulation to Cumberland, who
returned for answer That the Town and Castle should be
surrendered at discretion, and that the Officers and Soldiers
should be at his Father's Mercy, with whom he promised
to intercede for their safety. How sincerely he behaved
in this, is sufficiently known : 2 and when I reflect upon
this, I think I may say I have good fortune, in leaving
that unhappy town and regiment, that I was not on some
gallows or other made a partaker also of his clemency I
This news was at first hard to be believed amongst us :
but it appearing but too true, the Prince was exceedingly
troubled, and lamented much the loss of his subjects,
returned to Scotland in March in the Hazard sloop, which was driven ashore
by four men-of-war at Tongue in Sutherland, when the passengers and crew
were captured by Lord Reay and his militia.
1 Probably William Maxwell of Carruchan, Kirkcudbrightshire, who acted
as chief engineer in the defence of Carlisle against the Duke of Cumberland.
2 See ante, pp. 173, 187. Whatever may have been expected or mentioned
verbally, Cumberland's written conditions were: 'All the terms H.R.H. will
or can grant to the rebel garrison at Carlisle are that they shall not be put to the
sword, but be reserved for the king's pleasure.'
N
194 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
especially the English, who were to be made sacrifices of ;
and also did generally the whole army, many of them
wishing they had been there, nay even to be made victims
of to Cumberland's fury !
We had now scarce got well into the siege of the Castle,
before news came, on the other hand, that General Hawley
was advancing towards us with about eleven or twelve
thousand men. The Prince's Army at this time amounted
to about eight thousand effective men, having been joined
by Lord John Drummond's Regiment, and Lord Lewis
Gordon's, of whom I have spoken before, and some few
others. So, seeing we must inevitably fight we endea-
voured to prepare ourselves in the best manner for that
purpose. The enemy, we heard, were now come to
Falkirk, which was only eight or ten miles distant from
us. We waited two days in expectation of their coming
on to attack us : but finding that they continued at
Falkirk, we on the third morning, leaving a sufficient
force for the siege of Stirling, boldly marched out in quest
of them. And here it was the soldiers shewed the greatest
alacrity ; the foot marching with such celerity as kept
the horse on a full trot, so that by two o' Clock in the
afternoon we came up with them, notwithstanding we
almost marched round them, in order to have the wind
somewhat favourable for us. And now the day, from
being an exceeding fine one, became on a sudden obscure ;
the sun which till then shone upon us, was now as it were
eclipsed, and all the elements in confusion, so that the
heavens seemed to fulminate their anger down upon us,
by the impetuous storm of hail, wind and rain, that fell
just at the time of the engagement. The enemy at this
time scarcely knew any thing of our march towards them
till it had been almost too late ; as they lay in an entire
security and defiance of us, thinking it not worth their
while to take the necessary precaution of having spies
out, as other prudent Generals would have done, not-
withstanding the contempt they might have had for us.
We now roused them out of their lethargy, being just
upon them at their going to dinner. Cursing their bad
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 195
fortune, they immediately mounted and turned out of their
camp, somewhat in confusion to meet us, which they did at
a short distance from it, though not to our disadvantage.
Their cavalry was in front of their left wing, unsup-
ported with foot ; and their infantry in the right, unsup-
ported by horse : but the day being so excessively bad,
hindered their cannon from coming up, so that we were
upon an equal footing with them in that respect, we
bringing none with us. We were about four hundred light
Horse ordered to face the enemy's dragoons, being fronted
and supported by a strong line of McDonells ; and our
foot, with the Prince, against their foot. Here I must
acknowledge, that when I saw this moving cloud of horse,
regularly disciplined, in full trott upon us down the
summit, I doubted not but that they would have ridden
over us without opposition (I mean the front line) and
bear us down without difficulty in their impetuous pro-
gress : but I soon found myself mistaken ; for immedi-
ately upon our bearing upon them in order to meet them,
there blew such a storm of wind and hail, which was before
on our side, and now turned miraculously, as we turned,
on our backs ; and notwithstanding that almost disabled
us to bear up against them, it so harrassed the enemy, that
cursing and blaspheming was made the dying-speech of
many of them. And now kind Heaven seemed to declare
for us.
The brave front-line of McDonells suffered the enemy
to come within ten or twelve paces of them before firing.
Nobly altogether presented, and sent their benediction
upon them, so that in the third part of a minute that
rapid and impetuous torrent, which seemed in rolling to
lay all waste before it, was now checked and stemmed
in such a manner, that it was made to retake its course
faster than it had proceeded. Upon seeing this, we
immediately seconded our work with a hearty huzza,
victory now declaring for us. But on the Prince's wing
it remained somewhat more obstinate : yet soon after
they returned the same, having happily finished their
affair with scarce the loss of forty men, and we had only
196 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
one wounded. We now pursued them sharply for about
sixty paces, and fetched down a good many of them :
but unfortunately being ordered to halt, when a little
further pursued would have finished our affair, we let
an opportunity slip out of our hands, which never after-
wards presented itself again. This piece of conduct
belonged chiefly to Lord George Murray, 1 who would not
permit the army to pursue any farther. So being ordered
to halt, we modestly bid our enemies retire, and as it were
tell them to come better provided another time. Here
I could say something more : but I cannot at present ;
therefore I '11 say nothing, leaving it to Midwife Time to
say it for me, and contenting myself with halting with
the army.
And now after four or five hours' halt, we heard, that
we might go, if we pleased, and take possession of the
town. So the army was ordered immediately to enter
the town, and about eighteen of us Guards, who were
present, to go about three miles off, and take fifty-four
of the enemy prisoners. When we arrived at the house,
where they had got together they shut the door against
us. We therefore surrounded the house, and summoned
them immediately to surrender : which they refusing at
first to do, we fired into the house and they immediately
gave themselves up to our mercy. So, after taking them
and fifty-four stand of arms, we conducted them Prisoners
into Falkirk that night. And here it was, that I happened
to perform an action which gave me great comfort after-
ward in my distress. A fine young boy, who was some-
what out of order, being found in the house after all was
almost done, was espied by some of our party, who bring-
ing him out asked who would take care of him. I told
them to give him to me, which they immediately did.
The young boy, being now in my possession, says to me :
1 Lord George Murray was criticised at the time, even by his friends, for
being on foot fighting with his men instead of being on horseback as a general
watching the action and controlling events. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 376.)
Criticism was also extended to other generals and staff-officers, particularly to
O'Sullivan, who was never seen during the action and was accused of cowardice.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 197
* I hope Your Honour will not kill me.' Upon which,
being a little surprised at what he said, I asked him,
* Have you not well merited it ? ' ' If I may be per-
mitted to speak to Your Honour,' replied he, ' I own I
am taken in an unhappy affair, which neither malice nor
inclination drew me into. But the Head of the Country,
notwithstanding I was the only child of my aged parents,
insisted, under great penalties, on my coming in to join
him ; so that I beg you will pity me in my condition :
but if it must be that I die this night, pray ! tell me
what death you think it will be ? ' Upon which, not
knowing what to think or what to say, I was somewhat
at a loss : his telling me of his aged parents, and his
simplicity touched me much : and how far I may be
censured for my after- conduct, I know not ; but those
who think I did amiss, I hope, will pardon me, as being
then but a young warrior. True, such a thing, I know,
ought not to have been publicly done ; yet, when an oppor-
tunity presented itself of doing an Act of Mercy without
harm to the Cause, I am convinced that this my behaviour
will, with all generous minds, escape reproof. The young
boy continuing his lamentations, I told him to be of good
courage, for death was not so imminent as he expected ;
at which he seemed to respire new vigor and life : And
after some questions asked, and promises made of his
ever being grateful and upon his telling me, that his home
was not above fourteen miles from thence, I asked him,
if he could privately slip away thither. He replied, such
a favor would be too great for him to presume to request :
So telling him to do it if he could, I discharged him,
ordering him to be a support to his poor aged parents.
And now by this time we had almost conducted our
prisoners to Falkirk ; and, after delivering them, we
went thoroughly wet and cold, to repose ourselves a little
while on straw, and some in the open fields or air, all
places being by this time entirely filled, so that it was
then impossible to find any resource or ease for our
excessive hunger, wet and cold. So resting a few hours
in that condition, they soon after appeared ; and when
198 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
light, we went to see the field of the slain ; and number
being made of them, we found near seven hundred of the
enemy slain, and about fifty of ours, which were immedi-
ately interred. But this cheap-bought victory, you will
say, merited a better exit ! The most distinguished
among the slain were Colonel Whitney and Sir Robert
Monro, who was heard much to blaspheme during the
engagement, and as a punishment for which, his tongue
was miraculously cut asunder by a sword, that struck
him directly across the mouth. His brother, a physician,
was likewise killed at his side. 1 There were likewise found
slain, some Presbyterian Parsons, 2 who, fired with holy
zeal, had quitted their Bibles and took their swords.
It was said, that one of these Parsons, seeing the danger
he was in of losing his life as a Soldier, had recourse to his
dignity, supposing that would be a cloak to save him.
6 Spare my life,' said he to a Highlander, who was on the
point of taking it, ' for I am a Minister of My Master
Jesus Christ ! ' To which the other ingeniously replied :
' If you are a good one, your Master has need of you ; if
1 Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, 24th baron and 5th bart. ; b. 1684; sue.
1729; M.P. for Wick Burghs 1710-41. His mother was an aunt of Duncan
Forbes of Culloden. Entered the army early, and was captain in the Royal
Scots by 1705; served under Marlborough in Flanders, where he made a
lifelong friendship with Colonel Gardiner (killed at Prestonpans) ; a commis-
sioner of the Forfeited Estates Commission 1716-40; appointed lieut. -colonel
and commandant of the new Highland Regiment (Black Watch) when
embodied 1740; fought at Fontenoy ; promoted in June 1745 * De colonel
in the 37th (now the Hampshire Regiment), which he commanded at Falkirk.
Dr. Duncan Munro (b. 1687), Sir Robert's brother, had been a doctor in India
but retired home in 1726. He accompanied his brother from fraternal affection
in the hope of being of use to him, for the colonel was very corpulent.
For George of Culcairn, a third brother, who fell a victim in '46, see ante, p. 103.
2 I am not aware of any ministers killed, though there may have been some in
the Glasgow and Paisley .volunteer or militia regiments, which suffered severely.
In the Glasgow regiment, commanded by the Earl of Home, was John Home,
afterwards celebrated as author of Douglas and of a History of the Rebellion.
He was lieutenant, and during the battle in command of a company of Edinburgh
volunteers. Home with several other volunteers was taken prisoner and lodged
in Doune Castle. One of the prisoners was the Rev. John Witherspoon (1723-94),
then minister of Beith, near Paisley ; afterwards in 1768 president of Princeton
College, New Jersey, a leader in the American Revolution, and a very active
member of the first congress of the United States. Home gives a graphic account
of their escape in his history. Later in the year Home became minister of
Athelstaneford in East Lothian.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 199
not, it 's fitting that you go and take your punishment
elsewhere ! ' which dilemma was immediately solved by
the Highlander's sword. Another Minister, seeing the
case his Brother was in, and being in a fair way to share
the same fate, begged his life of another Highlander for
Prince Charles's sake, by which means he preserved
what he would otherwise inevitably have lost.
We now took possession of the enemy's baggage, camp,
and eight pieces of cannon ; which they had not time to
carry off besides a few prisoners, the chief of whom
was Major Lockhart, who, after having his life given him,
and his liberty upon his parole of honour, afterwards
spurned against gratitude itself, by not only being hein-
ously perjured, but more than ordinarily thirsty of those
prisoners' blood who just before had spared his life. 1
We had now about one-hundred prisoners, one of
whom seeing his situation and ours, said with a grave
countenance to his companion : ' By my soul, Dick, if
Prince Charles goes on in this way, Prince Frederick will
never be King George ! ' But of the five or six thousand
men that went with the Prince to the field of battle,
scarce three thousand returned back with him, for many
of them, having loaded themselves with booty, returned
up to the hills. It was now a great loss to us, that we had
neither fort or other secure place to keep our prisoners
in, so that, if it were not merely out of mercy, it was to
110 purpose to take prisoners, being without the means
of keeping them.
And now being come again to Stirling, the enemy being
fled to Edinburgh, and finding the siege of the Castle went
on but slowly the spirit of the army began much to change.
Factions, grudges, and private interest were now judged
proper to be exercised, so that the Prince was in a mortify-
ing situation, seeing himself deserted by half his army,
and the others mightily turned. But as it is not for me
to say more than what relates to myself, I shall only
1 Lockhart was a major in Cholmondeley's regiment, the 34th (now the Border
Regiment). He was taken prisoner at Falkirk and released on parole.
After Culloden he especially distinguished himself by extraordinary barbarity
and the perpetration of terrible cruelties on the hunted fugitives. For instances
refer to the Lyon in Mourning.
200 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
mention the grudge I have often dearly paid for that
exercised against my Colonel, who, on the death of his
brother had lately succeeded to the title of Lord Balmerino.
And here it may be proper to give some account of the
character of this brave man, which though sufficiently
known, his praises cannot enough be sung. He was a
man of a noble personage, of approved loyalty, and had
the courage of a lion. He possessed a mind and genius
well ornamented with both natural and acquired parts,
being versed in most languages. He could recite whole
pages of Horace, Ovid, and Virgil at his age of fifty-eight,
as perfectly as a school-boy of sixteen, so that his memory
for his years was wonderful, the more so for its not being
in the least impaired by his hard drinking his sole and
predominant passion, which if he had a little more re-
strained, he would have shone with the same lustre in
the army as he afterwards did on the scaffold. However,
whilst with the Prince, he was never failing with his duty ;
and proud he was of having something, wherein he could
shew his loyalty and obedience to his Master.
But what was the cause of the quarrel betwixt him and
Lord George Murray, I know not ; as Lord Balmerino
did not ever directly inform us why he was treated after
that manner : only I remember, His Lordship, when he
saw himself so apparently ill-used, frequently addressed
his corps as follows. ' Come let us do as we are ordered !
It is in vain to dispute ; a time will come when I shall
see all these things righted, and that too at Lord George's
cost or mine. But at present he is my superior, and we
must obey as we tender the good of the Prince.' With
such soothing expressions has he often accosted us, when
some were mutinying. And certainly he suffered a great
deal from Lord George, for, to my knowledge, we have
been ordered twenty or thirty miles, harassed and fatigued,
and a courier sent after us, ordering us immediately to
return without halting saying it was my Lord George
Murray's orders.* And now a harder time than ever
* Every man of common sense who lias the least Idea of Military
Matters must well know that, where there is only a small Body of
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 201
came upon us, for I can safely say and prove, that from
the time of Falkirk Affair to the Battle of Culloden, not-
withstanding the fatigue of the day, I scarce slept three
nights out of seven in bed.
And now having been some time before Stirling Castle,
news arrived from Edinburgh, that Cumberland was
come thither with an intention to rally General Hawley's
army and attack us again. As our number had been so
much diminished by the desertion of those who after the
battle of Falkirk had gone home loaded with plunder ;
it was judged expedient for us to retire higher into the
country, where we were sure of being joined by some
more forces. Accordingly we had orders to proceed on
our march ; and on the morning on which we began it,
the Prince to St. Ringin, 1 distant about half a mile from
Stirling, to give the necessary directions for quitting the
town and raising the siege ; which being done, we retired
again, and when at a short distance, we were surprized
with a hideous noise just behind us ; and upon the Prince's
sending back to inquire what it was, it was found to be
a church blown up, just upon the place where a few
minutes before we had been standing. This church had
been converted into a magazine for our gun-powder,
which by some accident had been set on fire, and several
of the town's-people and of our soldiers were killed by the
explosion. However, continuing our march, we arrived
that night at Crieff a little town in the Highlands ; and
the Prince lodged at Drummond Castle, the residence of
the illustrious Duke of Perth, which was only a short
distance from the said town. And now it was judged
proper for the army to separate ; accordingly the Prince
went the Highland way with the Highlanders and
prisoners for Inverness ; and the Horse and Lowland
Regiments the Low-Country Road by the Sea-Coast,
Cavalry attached to an army of light Infantry, as in this case, such
Cavalry must be inevitably harrassed because there are not many bodies
of horse to relieve each other. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.]
1 A village between Stirling and Bannockburn ; spelt St. Ninians, but locally
pronounced St. Ringans.
202 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
which was much longer, so that it was three or four weeks
before we again formed a junction.
And now we marched from Crieff to Perth, a large fine
town ; from Perth to Cowpar-in- Angus ; from Cowpar to
Glams ; from Glams to Forfar ; and so on to Montrose.
The reason why I am so short in mentioning these places,
is, I have little to say ; we passing them quickly, and
nothing extraordinary happening. But at Montrose we
halted a few days. It is a fine loyal seaport town and
looked upon as I was told there, to produce men of the
greatest wisdom in Scotland. Having staid three days
there, we were a little surprised at the sight of ships of
war, that appeared a little distance off the Coast : and the
rumor being that Cumberland was pretty nigh us, we
began to apprehend lest they should land and intercept
our passage ; to prevent which, we marched with all
haste out of the town, the foot going out the third day
at night, and the rest following early the next morning
except the Hussars who remained some days longer to
watch the enemy's motions.
Some of my readers may be curious to know what sort
of men these Hussars were. A set of braver fellows it
would be very hard to find ; many of them having mounted
themselves on horses which they had taken from the
enemy. Their Commander 1 also was a wise, courageous
virtuous man, and behaved himself in his station to the
admiration of all, regulating his corps with such order
as to make our enemies and the country, even fifty miles
distant from us, have more fear of them than almost the
whole army. In fine, he was of infinite service to the
Prince, as also were his horse ; for their conduct was
daring, and their courage was steeled, and few of them
there were, who would have scrupled to go, if possible
to hell's gates to fetch away the keys.
Soon after our departure from Montrose, we arrived at
Aberdeen, where we staid two or three days ; and not-
withstanding our being in the town the Presbyterian
Ministers ceased not to preach and pray publicly against
1 John Baggot, see ante, p. 150.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 203
us. And here it was that I happened to be bedfellow to
my Colonel, Lord Balmerino in the same bed where
Cumberland afterwards lay, it being in one of the Chief
Provosts' houses.
When we marched out of Aberdeen, it blew, snowed,
hailed, and froze to such a degree, that few Pictures ever
represented Winter, with all its icicles about it, better
than many of us did that day ; for here men were covered
with icicles hanging at their eyebrows and beards ; and
an entire coldness seizing all their limbs, it may be
wondered at how so many could bear up against the storm,
a severe contrary wind driving snow and little cutting hail
bitterly down upon our faces, in such a manner that it
was impossible to see ten yards before us. And very easy
it now was to lose our companions ; the road being bad
and leading over large commons, and the paths being
immediately filled up with drifted snow. However, we
continued marching on till about three in the afternoon,
when my horse overcome by the inclemency of the weather,
fairly gave it up and would carry me no farther : and now
by a little halt I quickly lost my Company, and was obliged
to alight and lead my horse leg-deep in snow ; being upon
a wide common, as it appeared to me, not having seen
all that day's march scarce a house, tree or barn. I now
expected every moment to perish, as I was quite be-
numbed and all covered over with snow, and my horse
refused to follow me. At last, unable to proceed any
farther, I sunk down, quite exhausted, upon the snow.
In this dreadful situation, I luckily recollected a little
bottle of spirits, which had been given me by the Provost's
Lady ; and accordingly tried to put my frozen hand into
my riding- coat pocket to take it out. On taking a draught
of the liquor, I soon found that never repose to the wearied
traveller, never meat to a most ravenous hunger, never
drink to a most burning thirst, could be more refreshing
or agreeable than this was to me ; and I should have
finished my bottle, if a reflection had not come into my
head about my poor horse, which seemed to be in as bad
a situation as myself, being one of a delicate and tender
204 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
breed. Knowing that he could drink beer, I resolved to
make an experiment whether he would partake of the
contents of my bottle. So pouring the remainder of the
liquor into the crown of my hat, which I had pressed low
down for the purpose, and dissolving some snow in it,
in order to mitigate the spirits, I gave it my poor horse
to drink : which to my great surprise and pleasure, he
did, his mouth, I believe, being so cold that he did not
know what he drank. However, now finding ourselves
to respire as it were new life and vigor, we endeavoured
to proceed, and after three quarters of an hour, being
almost upon the relapse again, we stumbled upon a
house, and following the walls of it came to the door,
where entering together with my horse, I surprized the
poor people who were sitting at the fire. But they,
seeing the condition I was in, received me with a great
deal of good-nature, and permitted my horse to stand
in the house till he was well rubbed, and then led him
to a little place for him to lie in, giving him hay and corn
as he wanted. After I had taken off my riding-coat and
boots and well warmed and refreshed myself, I heard of
two more (who had been in almost as bad a situation as
myself) except that their horses continued to carry them),
who were come to the next house adjacent. So going
out to see them, I found them to be two old acquaint-
ances, vizt., one Mr. Maxwell, and Mr. Ball, an English
Gentleman, who, after some chat, concluded, that two
more harassing marches, than that over the Esk and the
present, could scarcely be imagined. Accommodating our-
selves as well as we could for that night, being obliged
to lie with our horses, we departed early next morning
for Old Meldrum, which place most of the army had reached
before us.
From Old Meldrum we marched the next day for Banff,
a little pretty agreeable town. About this time we heard,
that the Highlanders, who were with the Prince, had broke
down the barracks of Riven of Badenoch (which were a
great eye-sore to them, having been built to keep them
in order), and having taken the Sergeant and eleven
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 205
more prisoners, were in full march for Inverness, distant
thence only twenty-four miles. And now, after a short
stay at Banff, we marched for Cullen ; and by this time
we heard that the Prince had made himself master of the
Lord President's House, and after some little resistance
forced the soldiers in the town of Inverness to retire into
the Castle, which, after a regular siege, likewise soon
surrendered at discretion. About 200 men were taken
prisoners here, and several officers, the principal of whom
were the Governor and the Master of Ross. This
rapid success of the Prince gave us great courage. So,
marching from Cullen, through Fochabers, over the River
Spey, Elgin, Forres and Nairn, towns only ten miles
distant from each other, we came to be greedy spectators
of our dear Prince again, and what he with his brave
Highlanders had effected. And now, to second our
victorious arms, we were joined by several more of the
Clans and Chiefs, and the brave Amazon Lady Mclntosh, 1
Seaforth and others coming in, or causing their Clans to
come in, and many who had left us at Falkirk rejoining
their colours, greatly reinforced the army. When in
this flourishing condition, it pleased the Prince to make
a visit to the Duke of Gordon's, whither all the Guards
were ordered to attend him ; and in going a curious fine
standard with this motto ' Britons, strike home ! ' that
was taken at Falkirk from Gardiner's Dragoons, was
honourably conferred upon me by the Prince at the head
of the whole Troop ; and I had the honor of carrying it
ever after. Having passed Nairn, Forres, Elgin, and the
river Spey, just at the other side under Fochabers, we
came to the Duke's seat. 2 What reception the Prince
had, or what passed there I know not : but after a short
stay we attended our Royal Master back again to Inver-
ness. But as soon as we arrived there, we had orders to
conduct some of the chief officers, who had lately been
taken prisoners to Forres, and after leaving them there
(they being upon their parole of honor) to go to Cullen
1 See ante, p. 101. 3 Gordon Castle.
206 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
to inspect all affairs there on that side of the country,
and to observe the motions of the enemy who lay at
Aberdeen. While at Cullen, where we were continually
upon the watch by our patrolling parties, we heard that
Colonel Grant, a good French Officer, had with his Artillery
taken Fort Augustus, and made the garrison prisoners ;
that a part of Fitz- James' Horse had landed and joined
the Prince ; * and that Lord George Murray had blocked
up seven hundred men in the Castle of Blair, when he
behaved with a great deal of conduct and policy, for, he
appeared before the Castle with only a few men, having
hid most of the Highlanders with him in an adjacent
wood. The garrison being thus deceived made a sally
upon him with about three hundred men ; but he immedi-
ately drew his party out of the wood and surrounded
them, upon seeing which, they immediately surrendered. 2
So, sending them prisoners to Inverness he persevered in
the siege of the Castle : but the approach of the Hessians
soon obliged him to raise it and leave four hundred men
remaining in the Castle.
At this time President Forbes together with Lord
Loudon, were endeavouring to confederate and knit
together what forces they could : but to prevent their
doing much mischief, a party of the brave McDonalds,
with some few others, were detached under the Command
of the Duke of Perth, who soon dispersed this rising
power, and obliged its heads, viz., Lord Loudon and the
President to save themselves in boats.
Some of my readers may be curious to know who this
President was, and what interest he had. He may truly
be styled the Oracle of his Country, for many resorted
1 See ante, p. 151.
2 This is a vague and incorrect report, probably the camp rumour, of Lord
George Murray's doings at this time. By a remarkable secret march from
Inverness, he simultaneously surprised, on 17th March, a large number of military
posts garrisoned by the Government militia in Perthshire, taking 300 prisoners.
He then laid siege to Blair Castle, defended by Sir Andrew Agnew, but his
guns were too small to hurt the old castle. He probably would have starved
out the garrison, but the advance of Cumberland's army caused his recall to
Inverness.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 207
to him for advice ; and had he been as great a friend
as he was an implacable enemy, James would in all pro-
bability have swayed the English sceptre ; for by his
interest, cunning and persuasion he brought over his own
party, together with Sir Alexander McDonald and several
others, who before were just sworn in to the Prince's
interest. 1 So, I say, had he been as firm a friend as he
was an implacable enemy, we should have seen, instead
of the four thousand men who marched into England,
an army of Eighteen or twenty thousand men.
About this time we heard, that the officers who were
prisoners upon their parole of honour had broken it,
and escaped to the enemy's army, all of them except the
Master of Ross and one or two more. 2 But what will the
world say, to see these officers, whom no tie of religion,
gratitude or honour could bind, protected and cherished
by their own party nay sent against us, to endeavour
to destroy those who before had saved them !
And now we heard, that the Advanced Guard of the
enemy was approaching us, and were got up to Strath-
bogie. We who were also of the advanced Guard, upon
receiving this intelligence, quitted Cullen, and retreated
to Fochabers, where a considerable body of our men were
endeavouring to make a resistance at the River Spey, and
had for that purpose built barracks, and made all necessary
preparations, in case the passage of the river had been
attempted. But finding their army lay quiet at Aberdeen,
and that their advanced party in Strathbogie only made
now and then some little excursions towards us as far as
Keith, we, though at first we were very diligent and alert,
we relaxed in our vigilance, nay fell asleep and at last
into a lethargy, in which we unhappily continued till
awakened by the foul affair of Culloden, which merits an
epithet bitterer than I can give.
About this time an advanced party under the command
of Major Glascow went out at night, and hearing that some
1 This being from an enemy is perhaps the most flattering tribute to President
Forbes's achievement for his Government. 2 Cf. post, p. 364.
208 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
of the enemy were at Keith, 1 surrounded that place, and
having taken most of them prisoners, with their arms and
equipage, returned the next day with great honour to
Spey-side, where Lord John Drummond and Lord Ogilvy
commanded.
As we lay hereabouts a considerable time, assessments
were made upon the country for our support, and among
others upon the Earl of Findlater's Estate, who on our
arrival had taken wing and joined Cumberland Will.
The Earl's Steward, being threatened with military
executions, if he refused to comply with our demands
(which were always seconded by such threats, though
seldom put in practice) begged leave to write to his Master
for instructions how to act. Upon this the Earl, having
consulted with Cumberland, sent a Letter addressed To
the Man they call Lord John Drummond, telling his Lord-
ship, that if he or any other person should pretend to
exercise any military authority over any thing belonging
to him, there were Rebels' houses enough, on which his
Master Cumberland promised him he should have his
revenge. This Letter excited a great deal of indignation
among us ; and was the cause of what afterwards hap-
pened to his house ; for several of our party, without any
order being given, and indeed without the Prince's being
in the then situation of his affairs, able to restrain their
fury, ransacked it, and carried away several articles of
value, but without setting fire to it, or wantonly destroying
anything merely for destroying's sake. 2
At last news arrived that the enemy had left Aberdeen,
and were marching against us. 3 This intelligence gave
great satisfaction to many of us, who were in a manner
tired out of our lives. Yet notwithstanding the approach
of the enemy, all the Prince's endeavours to collect his
whole army, were ineffectual ; for many under pretence
of cultivating their lands, or promising to come up soon
enough, went, staid, and came as they thought proper.
1 See ante, p. 155. 2 See ante, p. 157.
3 Cumberland left Aberdeen on 8th April.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 200
And now finding the enemy advanced pretty fast both
by water and land, the fleet bringing up their provisions
and wearied soldiers ; frequent patrols were sent out by
us in order to observe their motions. Here I had the
honour of commanding the last patrolling party that ev r er
crossed the Spey for the Prince's cause. Lord John
Drummond (Commander at the Spey) having ordered me
with ten others to patrol all night towards the enemy,
we began our work about seven o'Clock and continued it
till about five the next morning, being then eight miles
from Fochabers and two from the enemy ; when we took
a man with a Letter from one of Cumberland's Secretaries
to the Duchess of Gordon, 1 desiring her to employ all her
interest among her vassals in getting down provisions
and getting together what forces she could, as the Duke
of Cumberland intended to pass the river that day. Having
secured the Messenger and Letter, we continued our route,
till we came up in a manner to where they were encamped ;
for as they lay upon the declivity of a hill, and had no
guards on the top, we were able to approach very near
to them unperceived. But finding them drawn out in
order of battle, after seeing all we could see, and some
bravadoes and huzzas, we retired with all speed, leaving
them to wonder what we meant. We soon reached
Fochabers (on the Spey) where I found Lord John
Drummond. Having given him the Letter taken from
the Duke of Cumberland's Messenger and informed him
of the situation I had found the enemy in, I retired to
repose myself a little while. When fast asleep, a servant
came in to tell me that the enemy was in the town, and
that it was too late to think of escaping, almost all of our
party having already passed the river. However, starting
up in great confusion, I resolved to risk all rather than
fail into their hands, and mounting my horse escaped by
a back road. I had no sooner crossed the river than I
was ordered to join a party of about eighty horse who
were to remain behind on the banks of the Spey to observe
1 Lady Catherine Gordon, daughter of the 2nd Earl of Aberdeen.
O
210 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
the motions of the enemy ; whilst the foot, amounting to
about two thousand men, marched for Inverness, where
the Prmce then lay with the greatest part of his army.
Finding that the enemy after a short halt at the Spey
side, began to cross the river, we likewise retired and
followed our foot, to inform them of the enemy's being
in full pursuit of us. This intelligence made our men pass
through Elgin, without halting, and straight on that night
to Forres, which was ten miles farther ; and, after some
stay there, to Nairn, out of which we were next morning
driven ; the whole English Army entering the town at
one end, whilst we marched out at the other, and con-
tinuing to pursue us sharply for three or four hours.
And here it was His Grace the Duke of Perth and Colonel
O'Sullivan J gained immortal honour by their bravery and
conduct in bringing us off in good order from under the
very nose of the enemy ; for notwithstanding all their
firing upon our rear, and though we were much inferior
in numbers, we lost not one man.
Soon after their desisting from pursuing us, we re-
ceived orders to halt, and encamp upon that very place,
where the fatal battle of Culloden was afterwards fought.
Having accordingly encamped as well as we could on
the heath that grew upon the common, which served us
both for bedding and fuel, the cold being very severe, we
were soon after joined by the Prince and several of his
Clans. Finding that the enemy did not pursue us we
rested ourselves all that night upon the Common, and
early next morning drew out in battle-array. But that
day being Cumberland's birthday, 2 and the enemy shew-
ing no intention to attack us on it, we reposed ourselves
again, though still keeping ourselves in readiness, upon
the place where we had rested the preceding night ; a
biscuit being given to us for our refreshment. In that
situation we remained, till the brave Prince came amongst
us in the dusk of the evening, with the full resolution of
going to attack them that night in their camp, distant
only seven miles. Orders were accordingly given to that
1 See post, p. 230. " 1 5th April.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 211
effect, which were obeyed with the greatest pleasure and
alacrity by the whole army. We began our March about
seven o'Clock leaving great fires burning in our camp :
but by some strange infatuation or misfortune the road
was not rightly taken, either through the ignorance or
treachery of Lord George Murray's guide. This still
remains doubtful, but this I can say, that with the little
knowledge I had of the country I could have conducted
them much better and sooner. After we had marched
till about three o'Clock in the morning, over double the
ground that was necessary, we at last came pretty nigh
the enemy's camp : and when we were supposing to
surround them, and for that purpose in some measure
drawing out ; my Lord George Murray began to be
missing ; notwithstanding the Prince's Aides-de-Camp
in riding from rank to rank, and asking, for God's sake !
what has become of His Lordship, and telling that the
Prince was in the utmost perplexity for want of him.
In that situation did we remain a considerable time, till,
day breaking fast in upon us, we heard that Lord George
Murray was gone off with most of the Clans. Where he
had been all that considerable time, or what was his
intention in it, I leave Time to prove. Now, after we had
stood some time on the brink of entering their camp,
the Prince, on receiving the unwelcome news of Lord
George Murray's going off with the greatest part of the
army, was under the necessity of ordering us likewise,
much to our dissatisfaction, to march back again to our
Camp. In this manner did that noble and well-concerted
scheme fall to ruin and not only to ruin, but in such a
manner as to ruin us, who before had hopes of ruining the
enemy. But O ! for Madness ! what can one think, or
what can one say here ! *
* This is a calumny founded on ignorance of what was passing at a
distance from the local situation of the writer Lord George was leading
the van to the attack of the Enemy's Camp, which would have been
surprised if the rear division had not hung back, and retarded the
advance of the van 'till it was too late to storm. [Note in the Drummond
Castle MS.]
212 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
The enemy at our departure, being fully awakened and
seeing the jeopardy they had been in, judged rightly, it
was their time now to pursue us in the unhappy situation
we were then in, being harassed, hungry and starved and
fatigued, almost to the greatest extremity. We had no
sooner reached our camp again, than news came of the
enemy's being in full march towards us, and of their
intention to attack us. This disagreeable intelligence
vexed us much in our present situation, the more so, as
of the twelve thousand men, who were actually in arms
and in the pay of the Prince, not above Four thousand
were now with him many going every moment, not-
withstanding his orders to the contrary, to Inverness,
and to woods and houses adjacent, in order to repose
and rest themselves after their late excessive fatigue.
Many of these were so far from rejoining us, that they
were taken asleep by the enemy after the battle. Those,
however, who staid, put the best face on the affair they
could, and all of us presently appeared surprizingly
courageous, who only seemed to survive and animated
by the spirit of loyalty and love for our dear Prince. But
now why we resolved to fight, or why we did not retire
to Inverness, and keep that town till we were fully joined,
which might have been easily done, or even at last, if
judged proper, avoided fighting and make another expedi-
tion into England in spite of them, I may say it was
Fortune's will ; for, contrary to the Prince's inclination,
Lord George Murray insisted on standing and fighting
them that day : and as for what he said of our wanting
provisions, it is most certain, though we did that day,
we might have retired to Inverness and found there a
sufficiency of meat for two or three days. However, the
Prince, notwithstanding his great inclination to avoid
fighting, was at last obliged to give way to the importunity
of Lord George Murray, who even used terms very cutting
in case of refusal ; and was also for fighting His Grace
the Duke of Perth but this may be said for him, he
doubted not but the same Hand that had supported
and miraculously conducted the Prince hitherto would
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 213
infallibly continue to support him, and make him a
glorious Conqueror.*
I shall now proceed to give account in what manner
we were ranged in battle-array. The brave McDonalds,
who till then had led the van, and behaved at all times
with great courage and bravery, were now displaced, and
made to give way, at the pleasure of Lord George Murray,
to the Athol men, whom he commanded. The rest of
the front line was composed of Highlanders : the second,
of Lowlanders and French, with four pieces of cannon at
each wing : and in the rear was the Prince attended by
all the horse, and some foot. In this manner were we
drawn up four thousand men to fight eleven thousand.
The enemy being by this time in full view, we began to
huzza and bravado them in their march upon us, who
were extended from right to left in battle-array, it being
upon a common. But, notwithstanding all our repeated
shouts, we could not induce them to return one : on
the contrary, they continued proceeding, like a deep sullen
river ; while the Prince's army might be compared to a
* The fact was directly the Reverse Lord George had used every
endeavour to induce the Prince to cross the River, and occupy strong
ground which Brigadier Stapleton l and Colonel Kerr 2 had examined two
days before at his Lordships desire. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.] 3
1 Walter Stapleton, lieut.-col. of Berwick's regiment; commandant of the
Irish picquets and brigadier in the French army ; wounded at Culloden and
<3ied of his wounds.
2 Henry Ker of Graden, Teviotdale, heir of an ancient family of moss troopers ;
b. 1702; served in the Spanish army, 1722-38, when he returned to Scotland ;
was aide-de-camp to Lord George Murray and titular aide-de-camp to the Prince ;
the best staff officer the Jacobites possessed. Captured in May in the Braes
of Angus ; tried for his life, and in vain pleaded his Spanish commission ;
sentenced to death but reprieved; released in 1748; died a lieut.-col. in the
Spanish service 1751. (Leishman, A Son of Knox, p. 20.) Ker wrote an account
of the operations in the last two months of the campaign, printed in The Lyon,
i. 355-
3 This statement of Daniel's is opposed to all reliable evidence, and the note
in the Drummond Castle MS. is correct. The desire of his enemies was to
throw the blame of the disaster on Lord George Murray. Even the Prince
seems to have talked himself into a similar belief (see post, p. 240). The
responsibility lay on Prince Charles himself, as is told in the Introduction.
214 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
streamlet running among stones, whose noise sufficiently
shewed its shallowness. The Prince, the Duke of Perth,
the Earl of Kilmarnock, Lord Ogilvy, and several other
Highland and Lowland Chiefs, rode from rank to rank,
animating and encouraging the soldiers by well-adapted
harangues.
The battle being now begun, the whole fury of the
enemy's Artillery seemed to be directed against us in the
rear ; as if they had noticed where the Prince was. By
the first cannon shot, his servant, scarcely thirty yards
behind him, was killed ; which made some about the
Prince desire, that he would be pleased to retire a little
off : but this he refused to do, till seeing the imminent
danger from the number of balls that fell about him,
he was by the earnest entreaties of his friends forced to
retire a little, attended only by Lord Balmerino's corps.
Frequent looks and turns the Prince made, to see how his
men behaved : but alas ! our hopes were very slender,
from the continual fire of musketry that was kept up
upon them from right to left. We had not proceeded
far, when I was ordered back, lest the sight of my standard
going off, might induce others to follow. In returning,
various thoughts passed my soul, and filled by turns my
breast with grief for quitting my dear Prince, now hopes
of victory, then fear of losing the miserable situation
the poor loyalists would again be reduced to and what
we had to expect if we left the field alive : these thoughts,
I say, strangely wrought upon me, till, coming to the place
I was on before, and seeing it covered with the dead bodies
of many of the Hussars who at the time of our leaving
had occupied it, I pressed on, resolving to kill or be killed.
Some few accompanied my standard, but soon left it.
At this time, many of ours from right to left were giving
way and soon the battle appeared to be irretrievably
lost. The enemy, after we had almost passed the two
ranks, flanking and galling us with their continual fire,
forced us at last back, broke our first line, and attacked
the second, where the French troops were stationed.
I happened then to be there, and after receiving a slight
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 215
grazing ball on my left arm, met with Lord John Drum-
mond, who, seeing me, desired I would come off with
him, telling me all was over and shewing me his regiment,
just by him, surrounded. Being quickly joined by about
forty more horse, we left the field of battle in a body,
though pursued and fired upon for some time. When we
arrived at the foot of the hills, some of us took one way,
and some another : I, however, with about six more,
continued with Lord John Drummond ; and it was with
some difficulty we passed the rapid torrents and frozen
roads, till one o'Clock that night, when we came to a little
village at the foot of a great mountain, which we had
just crossed. Here we alighted, and some went to one
house and some to another. None of these cottages
having the conveniences to take in our horses, who wanted
refreshment as well as we, many of them perished at the
doors. I happened to be in one of the most miserable
huts I had ever met with during my whole life ; the
people were starving to death with hunger. However,
having laid myself down on the floor to rest myself after
having been almost thirty hours on horse -back ; the people
came crying about me and speaking a language I did not
understand, which made my case still more unpleasant.
But by good luck, a soldier soon after came in, who could
speak both to them and me, and brought with him some
meal, which was very acceptable, as I was almost starving
with hunger. Of this meal we made at that time a very
agreeable dish, by mixing it very thick with cold water,
for we could get no warm : and so betwixt eating and
drinking we refreshed ourselves, till four o'Clock in the
morning ; when Lord John Drummond and the rest of us
began our march, we knew not whither, through places
it would be in vain to describe ; for we saw neither
house, barn, tree, or beast nor any beaten road, being
commonly mid-leg deep in snow, till five o'Clock that
afternoon ; when we found ourselves near a village called
Privana a Badanich, 1 the barracks of which, as I men-
1 Ruthven in Badenoch, on the east side of the Spey, near Kingussie.
216 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
tioned before, the Prince had destroyed. Being now, to
our surprize, almost upon it, we consulted amongst our-
selves how we might best get intelligence from it ; for,
as it lay on the road from Inverness twenty-four miles
we apprehended the enemy might be there. But for-
tunately a soldier coming out told us, that the village
was occupied by the Prince's men. This intelligence
gave us great pleasure ; and having accordingly entered
the place, we found a great many of the Prince's adhe-
rents, the chief of whom was Lord George Murray and the
Duke of Perth ; but we heard no news where the poor
Prince was. At first we had great hopes of rallying
again : but they soon vanished, orders coming for every
one to make the best of his way he could. So some went
one way, some another : those who had French Com-
missions surrendered ; and their example was followed
by my Colonel, Lord Balmerino, tho' he had none. Many
went for the mountains, all being uncertain what to do
or whither to go.
In this perplexity I resolved to steer my course through
the mountainous country, notwithstanding the advice of
many to the contrary, who told me, it would be impossible
for me to escape, and begged I would go and surrender,
assuring me, that if I attempted the mountains, I should
inevitably perish in them. But reflecting, how nigh
suffering my Father had been in the year 1715, taking
Courage and Patience for my guides, I resolved to enter-
prize a journey through a Country that few of my Nation
had ever passed before. So, folding up my Standard,
whose Motto was Britons ! strike home ! I put it in my
Riding-coat pocket, in hopes it might be of use another
day, and began my journey, in company with three
others, for the Highlands. Having discharged our horses,
after a long day's journey, we came to a house situated
on Garvie-more, twelve miles from any other, where we
met with many of our party, who had arrived there before
us. However, putting up in the best manner with what
little we could obtain, we set forward for Fort Augustus :
but on the road, a misfortune happened, that disconcerted
WITH PRINCE CHARLES
217
all our plans ; for a man who carried our provisions of
Oatmeal, fallen a little behind, by accident met with
some of the Brigade Picquets, who robbed him of our
meal and two riding-coats. This unexpected loss obliged
us to separate soon afterwards, being too many to subsist
in this wild tract of country, if we had kept together.
However, having got betwixt Fort Augustus and Fort
William, we struck up into the country to the right, and
passed several large mountains in Lochiel's Country,
where we staid three days, because we heard, that the
brave Prince was nigh us, and to take leave of one another,
the necessaries of life being exceedingly scarce, from the
great number of people wandering over the hills as well
as we. I here went to wait upon the Duke of Perth,
who was at the house of Doctor Cameron, Lochiel's
Brother : but being told by two sentinels at the door,
that His Grace was indisposed, I returned without seeing
him. It was now reported, that an English spy had been
at Doctor Cameron's house which obliged me in all haste
to quit that place ; for certain it is, had I staid there any
longer, and the Highlanders supposed me to be the spy,
they would have made away with me. I therefore left
my companions and set forward to Lochaber, the wildest
country I ever was in. And now it was that I began to
be truly miserable, and to endure hardships which I had
thought it impossible for human nature to support, for
in that most hideous place I was deprived of every thing
that could give me comfort : true it is, I found some
few inhabitants ; but in language food and customs quite
different from what I had ever seen before. In this place
I was forced to stay several days, on account of the
prodigious quantity of snow that fell upon the mountains,
and hindered me from discerning or making any road.
During my stay, I by good fortune got a pound of black
bread to live upon. The snow somewhat melting I set
forward again from Lochaber towards the sea-shore. On
the road I was overtaken by about forty women, half-
starved to death who were wandering up and down for
safety. Some of them, who spoke English, told me,
218 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
they had been driven out of their houses by the soldiers
who were sent out from Fort William to ravage burn and
plunder all before them and now it was that the most
heart-rending scenes of misery began to present them-
selves ; for many of these poor creatures with children
in their arms, lay extended in the clefts of the rocks
half covered with snow, dead, and a-dying in the most
piteous manner. With these companions of misery, and
daily meeting with more I passed some days. I now
learned, that many of the unfortunate adherents of the
Prince had been famished to death on the hills and I
expected it would soon be my turn, for I began to be
almost unable to proceed, my shoes being worn out, and
the sharp rocks wounding my feet. However, I encour-
aged myself with the thought that my pursuers would
have the same difficulty to climb the rocks as I had ;
and on the twentieth day 1 after our defeat at Culloden
I came to the sea, in Clan-Ronald's Country ; the view
of which was most agreeable to me, though even then I
saw no prospect of escaping. Getting a little refresh-
ment from the people who dwelt on the sea-shore, I
began as it were to revive again, having been almost
starved to death with hunger and cold ; for I had been
obliged to lie down for whole nights under the shelves
of rocks, and was for two or three days together without
eating at all, as nothing could be obtained either for love
or money. Though I was fat and strong at the battle
of Culloden, I was now quite emaciated and reduced to
so miserable a state, that, if I had had another day to
walk, I am sure I must have died ; for I was not only
starved with hunger and cold, but frightfully covered
with vermin, which bit me all over my body so that there
remained not one whole place in my skin. This, joined
with the pain in my torn feet, made me often think that
Job could not be in a more piteous condition. Yet as
he had God for his comforter, so had I ; for the justness
1 Daniel is a little out in his recollection of time. Culloden was fought on
i6th April, while he left Scotland on 4th May (see p. 223), only eighteen
days after the battle.
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 219
of the cause I was suffering for, gave me great courage,
and supported me much : and though I saw daily enmities
exercised against me, it was a great satisfaction to me, to
think, that, during the time I had the honour of being a
soldier under the banner of our dear Prince, I could not
accuse myself of one act that a Christian might blush at.
Being somewhat recovered by the particular care of a
worthy Gentleman (whose kindness I had the satisfaction
in a little time to return by an agreeable meeting with
him at Paris), I began to inquire, if it were possible from
island to island to make my escape out of the country ;
for could I have sold myself at that time as a slave into
Turkey, I would have done it. My host told me, that
it was impossible, as all the boats had been destroyed by
Cumberland's order. However, one morning, being in
that perplexity of thought how to get off, and fearing
every moment the landing of soldiers to destroy the
country news was brought us that two French ships
had come into the Lough just by which mightily raised
our hopes, that either a restoration of the Prince's affairs
were at hand, or that we should escape to France. So,
running down to see and hear what we could we found
them to be ships destined for the Prince's service, having
on board a great quantity of arms and ammunition, with
five barrels of gold, pretty large and nearly one-yard long
which before our late fatal disasters might have been
of great use. 1
Notice being sent all about the Mountains, as far as
time would permit ; several, who lay despairing, came
down to the sea-shore, and among the rest, my old patron
the Duke of Perth, Lord John his brother ; Sir Thomas
Sheridan, Secretary Murray, Mr. John Hay, and Doctor
Cameron. These being assembled together, judged it
proper though no one knew where the Prince was (many
thinking he was gone off for France) to have the money
and arms brought on shore ; which was done on the
1 This gold was 40,000 louis d'ors. Part of it, ' Cluny's Treasure,' was
concealed in Loch Arkaig, and left there for nine years under the care of
Cluny Macpherson.
220 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
evening after. Going securely to sleep that night expect-
ing to sail for France the next day, we were surprised by
the noise of cannon, which awakened us about three
o'Clock in the morning ; and getting up to see what the
matter was, we had for our comfort the disagreeable news
and sight of three English ships, that were come from
Fort William to attack the French, whose appearance
on the coast they had noticed, it seems. This sight
displeased us very much : however, fighting was the
resolution of us all. The two French Frigates (viz., the
Mars and the Bellona), being pretty strong, and having
a sufficient quantity of men, cannon, and ball, resolved
to make head against the three English vessels, of which
one was the Baltimore, 1 that name being written upon her
rudder, which was carried off by a cannon-ball. The
place they fought in, was a creek of rocks, which held the
French (the English coming down upon them) as it were
penn'd up, having the land on their back and both sides.
However it was easy for them to hold communications
with us on shore, who were four hundred armed men or
more ; so that had they been obliged to abandon their
Ships, they might have saved themselves on shore. The
Crews of the two ships amounting to nearly eleven hundred
men, might, with the assistance of the Highlanders, have
made an effectual resistance to the English, if they had
attempted to invade us. The battle furiously beginning
at three o'Clock in the morning, it remained doubtful till
four in the afternoon, who would be victors. Nor was it
a small pleasure to us to see those combatants engaged,
and the skill of the French, whose fire seldom missed the
English ; for many of us being upon the rock as it were
hung over these ships, in such a manner that they could
not hurt us with either cannon or musketry ; we could
descern how matters went, and few balls were fired but
we might see whether they hit or missed, which latter
the English frequently did. During the engagement, the
Highlanders were busied in carrying the arms, money,
1 The British ships were the Greyhound, the Baltimore, and the Terror.
(S. M., viii. 238.)
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 221
and powder off from the sea-shore ; which service they
performed with amazing resolution, many a cannon ball
being fired, in order to hinder them, by the largest of the
English ships. Few Highlanders there were but what
had a cask of brandy hid privately in the hills, with which
some of them got merry before night. At last we had
the satisfaction to see the English hoist their sails, leave
the French, and sail to the main ocean. The French
repaired their ships as fast as possible, and endeavoured
to make what haste out they could, lest the English should
return with a greater force.
All being over and hopes reviving again ; one who had
been in the Guards with me, came and told me, he had
found a barrel of money, and that he would get me as much
of it as I pleased. To this proposal I replied, That I had
no manner of use for it, for, if I should be so fortunate
as to escape into France, I had friends enough there,
who would take care of me ; and that if I died or were
taken, it would be of no service to me. Moreover if the
Prince should rally again, how shocking it would be to
have to reproach ourselves with being a hindrance to our
dear Prince's designs. On hearing this reply, he, being
of a temper exceedingly rude, began to repent of informing
me of it ; and seemed resolved to take some, and let the
rest be embezzled away ; for as far as I could learn he
had hidden it in a place unknown to any one but whether
in the confusion when everything was carried off, he had
stopped it, or carried it away, elsewhere, I know not,
for he would not tell me. But strange, you will say,
must have been the confusion when a barrel of gold fell
into his hands, and no one the wiser. However, I deter-
mined to quitt my hands and conscience of it ; and much
search being made for it at this time, I went and told one
Mr. Harrison, a Priest, 1 about it, and what such a man
1 William Harrison, a native of Strathbogie, who, when most of his brethren
had been taken prisoner or driven from their charges, went to the sheriff of
Argyllshire, ' told him frankly that he was a Catholic priest, but had neither
done nor meant harm to anybody, and begged protection. The sheriff was well
pleased with his confidence, and gave him a paper signed by himself requiring
222 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
intended to do, and beg that he would keep an eye on
him : but he, being a little before me, overheard me, and
turning back knocked me down with a stick, and swore,
that he would kill me the first opportunity. But the
Priest, taking my part endeavoured to pacify him, desiring
him to desist from thoughts of the money, and shew
him where it was. The man, however, remained obstinate,
and said he was resolved to have some of it, since the
Prince's affairs seemed now desperate ; alleging that his
Father and himself had been ruined for loyalty. They
then both agreed to go together ; but what afterward
passed, I know not.
Recovering myself from the fall he gave, I went towards
the ships, in order to get on board that night, and in going
I was so happy as to meet with the Duke of Perth, who,
seeing me in a most piteous condition, called me to him,
and, after embracing me, and giving me most agreeable
consolations, said : 4 Dear Mr. Daniel, I am truly sorry
for you ; but I assure you that you shall go along with
me, and if we are so fortunate as to get to France, depend
upon it, that I shall always be your friend.' In reply
I begged His Grace not to be in pain about me ; for the
loss of me was only the loss of my life, not having one
dependant upon me ; and assured him that I was truly
resigned to God's holy will ; and thanking His Grace
for his kindness and concern for me, wished we might
be so happy as to reach France. And now, after we had
staid some time upon the sea-shore, waiting for the boats,
three were sent to fetch us ; but we were obliged to wade
breast-deep into the sea, before we could get on board
of them. While we were lying on the shore the Duke,
poor man ! wrapped up in a blanket ! a Highlander by
accident let the snuff of his tobacco-pipe fall into a barrel
of gun powder ; which blowing up, with a great number
of stones about it, one of them flew so near my ear, that
of everybody to allow him to go about his lawful business unmolested. In con-
sequence of this, Mr. Harrison, in the summers of 1746 and 1747, visited almost
all the Catholics in the Highlands, administering the sacraments, and exhorting
the people to patience and perseverance in the faith.' (Bishop Geddes's MS.)
WITH PRINCE CHARLES 223
I could not hear at all for three hours after. This explosion
alarmed us at first, as we supposed the English had returned
to attack the French ships again : but happily no other
mischief was done, except that the Highlander lost his
life.
The boat the Duke was in, put off immediately ; and
another coming took me in, with many more, and carried
us to the Bellona, where we remained at anchor till two
o'Clock the next morning, when we sailed for France. 1
The chief of those in our ship were Sir Thomas Sheridan ; 2
Mr. Sheridan, his nephew ; 3 and Mr. Hay. 4 We were
twenty-five days in sailing to France, and met with no
opposition during our voyage. I was exceedingly sea-
sick, and having no pockets, and every one thinking I
should die, I gave a purse of money to Mr. John Hay's
1 The ships left Lochnanuagh on May 4th. (L. in M., iii. 383 ; Scots Mag.,
viii. 239.)
2 Son of Thomas Sheridan, a fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, D.C. L. (Oxon.)
and F. R.S., an Irish Protestant who followed James II. into exile and became
his private secretary. His wife (it is said) was a natural daughter of the king.
The son, Sir Thomas, who was a Catholic, was engaged in the '15 ; appointed
tutor to Prince Charles 1724 or '25, and created a baronet '26. Attended the
Prince at the siege of Gaeta '34. In April '44 after the abandonment of the
French invasion the Prince asked for him, and his father reluctantly sent Sheridan
to France, warning his son to be careful in his dealings with him. Sheridan
accompanied the Prince to Scotland and acted as his private secretary throughout
the campaign. On arrival in France in '46 he was summoned to Rome by the
Chevalier ; accused of deserting the Prince but exhibited his written orders to
leave. He died at Rome a few months later, his death being variously attri-
buted to mortification at the Chevalier's reproaches, or to grief at the Prince's
disasters.
3 He had accompanied the Marquis d'Eguilles to Scotland as interpreter.
4 John Hay of Restalrig, near Edinburgh, brother of Thomas Hay, Lord
Huntington, who married the sister of John Murray of Broughton (see p. 49).
He was an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, admitted 1726 ; Substitute-Keeper
of the Signet 1725-41 and 1742-46; fiscal 1732-34; treasurer 1736-46. He
acted as treasurer to the Prince, and when Murray of Broughton fell ill at
Inverness in March he succeeded him as Secretary. Lord George Murray attri-
buted much of the disaster of Culloden to his neglect or inefficiency in pro-
visioning the army, a duty which Murray had always performed well. Hay held
a colonel's commission in the Jacobite army. He attached himself to Prince
Charles after leaving Scotland, became major-domo of his household when he
went to Rome after his father's death in 1766; created a Jacobite baronet in
that year; dismissed in 1768; returned to Scotland 1771 ; died 1784.
224 JOHN DANIEL'S PROGRESS
servant, telling him, if I died, to keep it ; and if I sur-
vived to carry it for me to France ; which he carefully
did for me. In the ship I was in, there raged a contagious
distemper, which carried off sixty-seven in twenty-five
days : and about the tenth day of our voyage, I saw the
body of my friend and patron the Duke of Perth, thrown
over-board ; which afflicting sight, joined with my violent
sickness, I expected would have put an end to my life.
But what I thought would have killed me, perhaps con-
tributed to save my life in that pestiferous ship ; as my
continual vomiting may have hindered any thing noxious
from taking any effect upon me. But what is very
surprising, for twenty-two days I had not one call of
nature, which I affirm upon honour. And now after all
my adventures dangers and fatigues, I at the end of
twenty-five landed in France, where, to my satisfaction,
I have lived since, in the expectation daily of seeing
what I have ever wished to see.
Postscript
Having now finished my Narrative, I hope the truth
of what I have written will make up for the faults that
may be found in it, and that the candid Reader will find
matter of admiration and esteem in the behaviour and
actions of one so dear, whom I had once the honour to
serve. I shall conclude with
Fuimus Troies, et erimus iterum.
Trojans we have been, and will again
to the satisfaction of all good men !
NEIL MACEACHAIN'S NARRATIVE
OF THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE
CHARLES IN THE HEBRIDES
THE WANDERINGS OF PRINCE CHARLES
IN THE HEBRIDES
THE misfortunate battle of Colloden being fought upon
the 16th of April, 1746, his royal highness seeing that
the day was irrecoverably lost, concluded that his only
business was to endeavour the saving of himself out of
the hands of his enemies : whereupon, having retired to
a neighbouring eminence, hard by the place of action,
accompanied by a few of Fitz- James's horse, there, having
made a little stop, not knowing whither to direct his
course when luckily one Edmond Burk, the servant of
one Alexander MacLeod, 1 son of Mr. John MacLeod, of
Muiravine Side, rod accidentally by them, thinking to
find his master among them, whom he had not seen
since the beginning of the battles. His master (who
happened to be there present with the prince), knowing
him to be very well acquaint with all the different rods
of the highlands, ordered him to lead them the safest
and surest road to Glengarry. Whereupon the prince,
1 Alexander Macleod, an Edinburgh advocate, was aide-de-camp to the
Prince throughout the campaign. His father, John, also an advocate, was a
grandson of Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and was a first cousin of Lady
Clanranald. He had purchased Muiravonside in Stirlingshire, two miles from
Linlithgow. Alexander was sent from Edinburgh in September to summon to
the Prince's standard Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat and Macleod of Mac-
leod, both his near kinsmen. This mission, in which he failed owing to the
stronger influence of Duncan Forbes, brought on him the special anger of the
Government. He was attainted, and for thirty-two years he wandered in the
wildest regions of the Western Highlands and Islands. He received a pardon
in 1778, and died in 1784. He was in Raasay when Dr. Johnson and Boswell
visited that island in September 1773. He was generally known as Sandie
Macleod in the Islands, and had also acquired the nickname of M'Cruslick,
signifying a cross between Proteus and Don Quixote. He possessed the most
boisterous spirits, which delighted Johnson and irritated Boswell.
228 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
accompanied by Master O'Sulivan, 1 Mr. Allan MacDowell, 2
priest, and the said Alexander MacLeod, marched west-
ward, and arrived that night about eight o'clock to
Thomas Gortlickshorge, 3 a gentleman of the name of
Fraser, in Stratharagaig, 4 where he met, as it was said,
with my Lord Lovat, and supt with him there that night.
After supper the prince reckoning it dangerous to stay
so very near the enemy, the first night, we resolved to
continue his journey towards Glengarry ; about break of
day, finding himself quite fatigued and worn out for want
of rest, he consulted with his fellow-travellers, whither
he might repair with most safty to take some hours
repose. They all concluded that the Castel of Invergary
was the surest and safest place for that purpose, and a
great conveniency of concealment, and (that he) might
repose himself without any fear (there) till such time as
he and his party should take further resolutions. Being
1 See/0j/, p. 230, n. 2.
2 Allan Macdowell is a mistake for Macdonell or rather Macdonald, as his
name is afterwards correctly spelled. He was a 'native of the Isles' and
a clansman of Clanranald's ; he went out with the clan as chaplain when
the standard was raised, and continued with the army until the end of the
campaign. He also acted as confessor to the Prince. He and tineas M'Gillis,
the chaplain of Glengarry's men, were the only priests that accompanied the
Highlanders to Prestonpans. They wore the Highland dress, with sword and
pistol, and were styled captains. At the battle of Falkirk Mr. Macdonald rode
along the line and gave his blessing, which the Catholics received kneeling.
From Culloden he accompanied the Prince in his flight and in the earlier part
of his wanderings, leaving him at Scalpa. Later on he was apprehended in
South Uist, and sent with some other priests to London in Ferguson's ship
the Furness. He and four other clergymen were examined by the Duke of
Newcastle, who informed them that they might leave the country on finding
bail for ^"1000 each not to return. They pointed out that the bail was quite
beyond their power, on which the Duke smilingly replied that they were
honest men and he would take each man's bail for the other. Macdonald
went to Paris, and in 1748 to Rome, where he lived for many years. (Bishop
Geddes's MS.) I do not know if he ever returned.
3 Sic in N. M. Mag. Most likely an error caused by careless transcription
and meant to read, ' to Gortlick's house [not horge] a gentleman of the name
of Thomas Fraser.' Gortlick, more generally spelt Gortuleg, belonged to
Thomas Fraser, a cadet of Lovat's. It was in this house and on this occasion that
Prince Charles had his memorable meeting with Lord Lovat which is dramati-
cally described by Mrs. Grant of Laggan. (See Wariston's Diary and Other
Papers, p. 265, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.) 4 Stratherrick.
IN THE HEBRIDES 229
then prevailed upon by these reasons, he immediately
repaired thither, where he was received by Glengarry
with the greatest pleasure. 1 When he sufficiently re-
freshed himself he took a resolution to proceed still
further, fearing to stay long in one place. He departed
that same day from Glengarry, being the 17th in the
evening, and continued his root towards Lochaber, and
came that night to Donald Cameron, of Glenpean's house,
where he passed the remaining part of the night.
Next day being the 18th, he set out for the Braes of
Moror, and arrived in the evening at Angus Mack Eachan's 2
house, son to Alexander McEachan, of Domondrack. He
was so much fatigued that night, that he could neither
eat nor drink, and required the help of a man to support
him to his bed. The next day, being the 19th, he ventured
to pass the whole day in a wood near the house, in order
to recruit more strength for a night walk ; and accordingly
when it was late, he set out for Arasack, where he arrived
about six in the morning, and went straight to Angus
MacDonald's house in Borrodale, where he quartered,
after his landing, till he marched out of the country. 3
At his arrival here, he found a great many Mack Donalds
assembled together, who had lately escaped out of the
1 Neil, who at this period is writing from hearsay, is quite wrong here. Glen-
garry was not at home and the house was ' without meat, drink, fire or candle,
except some firr-sticks ! ' Had Ned Bourke not netted a couple of salmon, there
would have been nothing to eat. (L. in M, t i. 89, 191.)
2 Angus MacEachain (or Macdonald) was a son-in-law of Angus Macdonald of
Borradale. He had served in the campaign as a surgeon in Glengarry's regiment.
The family of MacEachain-Macdonald of Drimindarach, Arisaig, was a
branch of the Clanranalds, descended from Eachain (or Hector), a younger son
of Roderick, 2nd Clanranald. Neil MacEachain was of the MacEachains of
Howbeg, a junior branch of the sept. Both families have long since resumed
their earlier name, Macdonald, dropping the name MacEachain.
3 This was the Prince's second visit to Borradale House on Lochnanuagh.
It was here he stayed on his first landing in July 1745. He came again to
Borradale in July 1746, after his wanderings in the Hebrides, by which time
the house had been burned down by Cumberland's soldiers ; he finally returned
to Borradale on I9th September, whence he sailed for France the following day.
Angus Macdonald, the tacksman of Borradale, was a son of the 5th laird of
Glenaladale, a cadet of Clanranald's, and was a first cousin of Flora Macdonald.
Borradale's descendant, Colonel John Andrew Macdonald, is to-day laird of
Glenaladale.
230 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
battle of Colloden gentlemen of both Glengarry's and
Clanranald's families. During the eight days he stayed
in that country, he had daily conferences with young
Clanranald, Colonel MacDonald of Barisdale, and several
others of both families, treating which was the safest
place, and surest method for his concealment. After
they had satisfied him as to that, they protested, and
assured him he should have nothing to fear, that they
would stand by him if he only would stay among them
to the last man. With this he seemed to be very much
satisfied, till Mr. O'Neil l and O'Sulivan, 2 by the advice
of Mr. Allan MacDonald, and one Donald MacLeod, of
Galtrigil, 3 perswaded him in a private council, to quite
that country for good, and all ; and as there was no
appearance of succeeding further, and that they lost all
hopes of gaining the point they once undertook, it was
better to run for the Lewis, where Donald promised to
procure a ship for them as far as the Orkneys, and there,
he assured them to find a ship to transport them to France.
1 Captain Felix O'Neille, born at Rome, son of a brigadier in the Spanish
service. He served in the Spanish army until 1744, when he joined Lally's
French-Irish regiment as captain. Was sent to Scotland with despatches from
the Due de Richelieu in March 1746. After Culloden he accompanied Prince
Charles during the first two months of his wanderings and shared his dis-
comforts. He was captured in Benbecula by Captain John Ferguson of the
Furness. He was confined in Edinburgh Castle until February 1747, when
he was released on paiole and subsequently exchanged {Scots Mag., ix. 92) He
wrote a journal of his wanderings, which is printed in The Lyon, i. 102, 365.
2 John William O'Sullivan ; b. in Co. Kerry, 1700; educated in France and
Rome for the priesthood, and, it is said (Fielding's True Palriot], took orders.
Entered the family of Marechal de Maillebois as tutor, afterwards secretary.
Joined the French army and served under Maillebois in Corsica ; afterwards
in Italy and on the Rhine. Recommended to D'Argenson as an officer ' who
understood the irregular art of war better than any other man in Europe, nor
was his knowledge in the regular much inferior to that of the best general
living.' Entered the household of Prince Charles about 1744; accompanied him
to Scotland and acted as adjutant-general, as well as private adviser, during the
campaign. Was with the Prince in his wanderings until 2Oth June. Escaped
to France in a French cutter. Knighted by the Chevalier about Christmas 1746,
and created by him a baronet of Ireland 1/53. Date of death not ascertained.
:! Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, on Dunvegan Loch, Skye, the faithful
' Palinurus' of Prince Charles from 2ist April to 2Oth June. He was captured
in Benbecula in July, and taken to London in Ferguson's ship ; released June
'47 ; died at Gualtergil in May '49, aged 72. His wife was a sister of Mac-
donald of Borradale and a first cousin of Flora Macdonald.
IN THE HEBRIDES 231
The prince being prevailed upon by these convincing
reasons, ordered a ten-oar boat belonging to Angus Mac-
Donald of Borodale, to be seized upon, and without any
further consultation, he put to sea about six o'clock at
night, accompanied only by these persons who were the
authors of the new scheme, without acquainting any body
of any such design, 1 till they were seen fairly under sail
of the coast.
This night's voyage was like to cost them dire ; for
they were not long at sea when there came on such a
terrible roaring of thunder, preceed'd by such dreadfull
flashes of lightning, accompanied with a prodigious poure
of rain, so that the whole elements seemed to rebel against
them, and threatened to send them every moment to
eternity ; the wind, which continued to blow fair the
whole night, coming about to the north, quite contrary
to their course, about twelve o'clock at night, made them
despair of continuing their intended voyage any further,
and so [they] prepared for death, as being sure to be
shattered upon the rocks of the nearest shore. Amidst
all these dangers he appeared intrepide, and offered his
service to Donald MacDonald and Donald MacLeod,
seeing they were the only two that was of any service
in the boat, whilst all the rest was oblidged to give it
up, stiffened and benumbed with cold. They continued
in that agony the whole night, 'till about break of day,
when Rory MacDonald, who stood at the helm all the
time, discerning Benbicula in south-west, where he knew
to be one of the best harbours on that coast, and the
wind blowing astern of them, he piloted them into the
harbour of Roshiness, within five long miles of Clanranald's
house, which being Sunday, and the 29th of Aprile. 2
They were no sooner landed but they were seen by a
1 It seems absurd to write of seizing the boat and stealing away. In addi-
tion to the Prince's five attendants, O'Sullivan, O'Neil, Allan Macdonalcl, Ned
Bourke, and Donald Macleod, there was a crew of seven boatmen, probably
the servants of Borradale who must have known. It is true, however, that the
Prince's intended departure was concealed from most of the Jacobite officers
assembled in Arisaig.
2 Neil is right as to the day of the week, but wrong as to the day of the month.
It should be Sunday, 27th April. See Itinerary.
232 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
herd of Clanranald's who stayed in the place always to
take care of his master's cattle, and seeing a number of
men finely clad, and fully armed, supposing them to be
an enemy, he immediately made off, with a nimble pair
of heels, and carried the news of what he had seen to his
master, as he was at dinner with Mr. John MacAuley, 1
Neil MacDonald, 2 and several other gentlemen. Clan-
ranald, moved by this unexpected surprise, before he
resolved upon any thing, sent Donald MacDonald to
know the certainty of what the herd had told him. Master
MacAulay, who was parish minister in the country, to
satisfie his own curiosity sent one of his auditors to learn
what they were, from whence they came, and where
they were bound for. This fellow, pretending to have been
sent thither by Clanranald, upon a report of a boat's
being land'd there, and to examine what they were,
learned it was the prince who designed to make for the
Lewis in order to make his escape, who came back and
told the minister the same. The minister judging that
he could not meet with a better opportunity to show his
zeal and affection for the government, despatched a courier
that same day away to the Herris, with a letter to his
father, who was minister there, 3 charging him to write
immediately upon receipt of his letter, to Mr. Colin Mac-
Kenzie, established minister at Stornoway, 4 informing him
of the same, and ordering him to settle all measures with
Seaforth's factor there to apprehend the prince at his
first landing.
Donald MacDonald, who was sent by Clanranald to
1 Rev. John Macaulay, son of the Rev. Aulay Macaulay, minister of Harris,
was ordained parish minister of South Uist in May 1745. He was sub-
sequently minister of Lismore and Appin 1755; Inverary 1765, and finally of
Cardross 1775. He died 1789. At Inveraray he had a good deal of intercourse
with Dr. Johnson in 1773, duly recorded by Boswell in the Tour to the Hebrides.
John Macaulay was the father of Zachary Macaulay, and grandfather of Lord
Macaulay.
2 i.e. Neil MacEachain.
3 Rev. Aulay Macaulay, formerly of Tyree ; appointed to Harris 1712; died
J 758 ; aged about eighty-five.
4 Rev. Colin Mackenzie was not minister of Stornoway but of Lochs, the
parish to the south of Stornoway.
IN THE HEBRIDES 233
learn the strength of the enemy, as it was believed, having
returned, acquainted him of the matter of fact, assuring,
he spoke to Mr. Allen MacDonald, who ordered him to tell
Clanranald to come and see him, as he designed to go off
that night. Whereupon Clan and Neil MacDonald went
privately out of the town, and took their way straight
to Roshiness, where they found the prince, in the house
with Mr. O'Sulvan, O'Neil, Mr. Allen MacDonald, and
Donald MacLeod. The prince received him very kindly,
after having communicated to him his design he took
leave of him, and put to sea again that night, with the same
persons that accompanied him thither. The heavens
proved more favourable to them that night than the
former, having met with no danger or opposition, and at
daybreak they came in to Loch Maddy, in north-west,
where they skulk'd the whole day, being the 30th, seeing
they durst not venter to sea in the daytime, for fear to be
discovered by the several men of war that guarded the
coast at that time. They set out from Loch Maddy about
six o'clock, which was the ordinary hour they always
departed, and landed in Scalpa, in the Herris, early next
morning, being the 1st of May. 1
Before they came near a house they took borrow'd
names and employments. Master O'Sulvan took that of
Captain Sinclair, the prince called himself William Sin-
clair, the captain's son, O'Neill changed his name into
Neilson, and mate Master Allen named himself Dalrumple,
and Rosman, and Donald MacLeod, master of the boat y*
brought them thither, and swore the crew to attest the same.
After this ceremony was over, they came to Donald
Campbell's house, who was the most sponsable gentleman
in that part of the country, but an enemy by his name,
and a downright hypocrite in his heart ; 2 and being asked
1 Should be 3Oth April.
- Donald Campbell was the brother-in-law of Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare
and of Donald Roy Macdonald, the former of whom is mentioned later on ;
the latter, though of the family of Sleat, had served in Glengarry's regiment.
Donald Roy took over charge of the Prince when he said farewell to Flora
Macdonald at Portree in Skye. (L. in M., ii. 21.) An anecdote of Campbell's
fidelity to the Prince when he protected him against a party headed by Aulay
234 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
by their landlord what they were, they told him they were
sea-fareing men from the Orkneys, who being home-
ward bound from Irland, lost their ship near the Mull
of Kintyre, and most of their crew, and were thereupon
forced to freight their present boat and crew from Mull,
as fare as the Lewis, where they hop't to find a vessel
to transport them safe home to their own country. The
next day, being the 2nd of May, they sent Donald Mac-
Leod away to Stornaway before them to have a ship
ready freighted, and to get intelligence how the people
stood affected, and to send them word accordingly ;
which project would have had the intended success, were
it not for the imprudence of Donald, and MacAulay's
malicious letter.
As soon as he was arrived at Stornaway he set about
putting his commission in execution, and discharged him-
self so well of that duty, that he got a ship freighted that
same evening, and wrote back to the prince, who remained
still at Scalpa, to repair thither as soon as possible, but
unwarily having gone to drink a bottle with the captain
of the ship, reposing too much trust in him, he disclosed
to him all the secret, whereupon the captain told him,
if he should load the ship with gold he would not employ
her for that purpose : Having said this, he went and
published in all the streets of the town that the pretender
(as he called him) was to come to town privately next
night, and if Mr. MacLeod had not escaped out of the
town he had certainly been apprehend'd that night. The
prince, who knew nothing of what was passing before
him, he set out upon the 3 of May for Stornaway afoot,
leaving orders with his crew to return home to the main-
land and restore the boat to the owner. That day he
suffered a vast deal of cold and fatigue, the day being so
extreme bad ; Donald MacLeod mett him about a quarter
of an mile without the town, and told him it was dangerous
for him to venter into it by reason they all got notice
Macaulay the minister is given in the Itinerary. Neil MacEachain does not
love Donald Campbell, but Ned Bourke, who was one of the party, calls him
' one of the best, honestest fellows that ever drew breath.' (L. in M., i. IQI.)
IN THE HEBRIDES 235
of his approach, and were in an uproar all under arms,
and that all this was the effect of Mr. MacAulay's letter.
The prince, raging with anger and fear, retired that
night to my Lady Kildin's house, 1 which lay about half a
mile of without the town, and there he passed the remain-
ing part of the night, notwithstanding that a great manny
of the mob made a dreadful noise about the house a great
part of the night. Having held a consultation with the
lady what was properest to be done, she told him that his
only safety consisted in returning to Benbicula again,
under Clanranald' s protection, since his project in coming
thither misgave. In order thereunto, she procured them
a boat to cross Loch Stornaway, which was a nearer cut
to return to Scalpa ; where he left his boat and crew,
having taken leave of the worthy lady, he set out about
four o'clock in the morning, crossed the Loch, and arrived
back at Donald Campbell's house, that night, which was
the 4th of May. 2 He was no sooner arrived but he found
all the crew was gone except two, upon account the
country people threatened to apprehend them.
The prince fearing to make a stay in any man's house,
who found out what he really was, and reckoning it im-
practicable to find as many men as would manage his
own boat so soon as he would require [them], especially
in the heart of an enemy's country, he bought a small
boat from Donald Campbell, whom it was said he bribed
by giving him a sum of mony for to hold his tongue, and
disown that he knew what he was. It seemed very dim-
cult for them now to get safe into Benbicula, by reason
the chanel was pestered with the English navy, sent there
a purpose to hinder the prince or any of his party to make
their escape. He set out upon the 5th from Scalpa, and
1 Lady Kildin should be spelt Kildun. This lady was the wife of Colin
Mackenzie of Kildun, a grandson of the 2nd Earl of Seaforth. Mackenzie's
sister was the second wife of Donald, i6th Clanranald, the mother of Macdonald
of Boisdale, and stepmother of old Clanranald of the '45. From private letters
belonging to Frances, Lady Muir Mackenzie, I find that Colin Mackenzie was
then in London.
2 Neil MacEachain is all wrong here in the sequence of events and in his
dates. He was writing from hearsay only. The true sequence will be found
with authorities for the same in the Itinerary^ pp. 48-50.
236 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
rowed along the coast the whole night ; as they passed
the mouth of the Finnasvay bay, they observed a ship in
the harbour which they belived to be the Baltimore sloop
of war, Thomas How Captain, a brother to my Lord How
in Irland, and being seen from aboard the Baltimore she
immediately sent off one of her long boats in pursuit of
them, and chased them the whole night ; about 5 aclock
in the morning she came up pretty close to them, the
prince terrefied at the approach of the enemy begg'd of
the rowers to pull away strongly for fear to fall a sacri-
fice in the hands of these ravenous wolves, whereupon
they ran in upon a ridge of rocks they observed betwixt
them and the land, and there sculked close by one of the
rocks to observe what course the Baltimore was to take
next, while all of a sudden they saw her change her course,
not able to find them out. Despairing of success she
returned to her harbour.
The prince and his party, taking fresh courage, being
free from danger that day, they determined as it was
near day to draw nearer the land, and sculk there, 'till
it was late, that the men might refresh themselves, for
the fatigue of the ensueing night ; they approached to
the shore, and found it to be a desert island, about two
leagues from the continent of the Herris, where they
found no living creature. They were turned of provisions
so short that a lippie of gradan oatmeal 1 was all that
remained to them to satiate their hungry appetites, which
some of the men took, put some water about it with a
little salt, and fell a eating of it. The prince seeing them
eat it as hearty as if it had been better cheer, ask'd them
whither it tasted better than it look't, they answered if
he would only try it, he would be as well pleased with
it as what they were, whereupon, calling for a little of
it, he eat it as contentedly as the most delicate dish that
ever was served upon his table, saying at the same time
that it tasted pretty well, considering the ugly appear-
ance it made. It w r as not long after, when Providence
cast more plenty in their way, for one of the crew, who
1 A quarter of a peck of oatmeal not threshed, but burnt out of the ear.
IN THE HEBRIDES 237
was more curious than the rest, having gone to take a
view of the island, found in the farther end of it abundance
of cod and ling, half a barrel of salt and a pot. Although
they were starving the whole day for hunger, yet they
durst not make a fire, by reason they thought it dangerous
to raise a smock upon the island, lest being seen from
the continent it might discover them. When it grew dark
the prince ordered the crew to carry some of the fish to
the boat, when not a man, either simple or gentle obeyed
him, 1 he himself went in a passion, and carried half a
dozen of them in his arms, and threw them in the boat,
saying since they were all so gentle and scroupelous, that
he would take the sin upon himself, and show them the
exemple ; the whole crew dash'd and confused, would
have load'd the boat if he permitted them. Now being
about six o'clock, they put to sea, and landed in Benbicula
the next day, a little after sunrise, in the very same har-
bour which they left some days before the 6th of May.
He set his foot no sooner ashore a but he sent an express
for Clanranald, who came next night, having taken none
with him but Neil MacDonald, who was there with him
before. Upon Clanranald's arrival, he seemed quite easie
and told him that Providence had sent him under his
protection, where he hoped to be sheltered, and that he
was to throw himself in his hands to dispose of him as he
thought fit. Clanranald assured him he had nothing to
fear, and that he would find a place for his concealment,
where none should have the least opportunity to see him,
but such as he should employ to carry to him whatever
he wanted.
After he had sufficiently refreshed himself for some
days, it was thought dangerous to make any longer stay
at Roshiness, because being a place much frequented by
boats from the neighbouring countrys, they would be soon
1 This was strictly in accordance with Hebridean honest)', continued to this
day. The Prince desired to leave money on the rocks to pay for the fish, but
O'Sullivan and O'Neille (not the islanders) dissuaded him. Cf. L. in M., i. 172.
2 Prince Charles landed in Benbecula, Clanranald's island, on nth May, and
from this time onward Neil writes from knowledge, not hearsay.
238 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
discovered ; for this reason, he was conducted from thence
to Bareness, about three miles from Roshiness, where he
had the conveniency of a little hutt of a house that was
in the place, the entry of which was so very narrow,
that he was forced to fall upon his knees, and creep in
upon his belly, as often as he entered. This habitation
not pleasing him, he begged of Clanranald to send him
into some Christian place wherein he could have more
room, and use more freedom and ease, for in that monstrous
hole he could never have satisfaction, which he said the
devil had left because he had not room enough in it.
The next day being the 10th of May, it was deter-
mined to send him to Corrodall, a little pleasant glen in
South-West, 1 belonging to Neil MacDonald, where there
was two country-houses, and conveniency enough for
his concealment. Neil was appointed for to conduct
him thither, whom he desired to remain still with him.
About eleven aclock at night, they set out with Neil, who
was their faithful guide, towards Corrodale, where they
arrived next day about six in the afternoon ; when they
came near the house, Neil left him under a rock while he
went in to see if there were no strangers there ; and
finding none but Ranald, his brother, 2 who had come
thither the day before by Neil's own orders, he presently
returned where he left the prince, and conducted him to
the house. 3 He seemed extraordinary well pleased with
1 South Uist.
2 Ranald was afterwards taken prisoner and sent to London.
3 Corradale is a picturesque valley situated in the mountainous part of South
Uist, which occupies the middle of the east side of the island, whose northern,
western, and southern confines are wonderfully flat. Corradale lies about the middle
of this district, running north-west from the sea, between the mountains Hekla
and Benmore, each about 2OOO feet high. If approached by sea it was easy for a
fugitive to get away to inaccessible hiding-places in the mountains, while if
attacked from the land he could escape by sea. Prince Charles's lodging was a
forester's house not far from the shore. On the north side of the glen, close
to the sea, there is a fairly commodious cave, traditionally but erroneously the
dwelling-place of the Prince. This cave was probably the rock under which Neil
left the Piince while he looked for strangers. Considering the weather to be
expected in this island, there can be little doubt that the Prince often sat
there for shelter while he looked out for passing ships, as the cave commands
an excellent view of the offing to the south-east.
IN THE HEBRIDES 239
the house, which he swore look't like a palace in compari-
son of the abominable hole they had lately left. He sat
upon a seat of green turf that was made up for him that
same evening, and after taking a refreshment of gradan
bread-and-cheese, and goats milk, upon which he fed very
hearty, he desired his feet to be washed, being extreme
dirty, and very much galled by his night walk ; after which
he smok't a pipe of tobacco and went to bed, which being
heather and green rushes, he slept soundly 'till twelve
next day.
During this stay at Corrodale, which was five weeks, 1
his ordinary conversation was talking of the army, and
of the battle of Colloden, and the highland chieftains
whose lamentable case he deplored very much. One day
as he was taking a walk in the morning with Neil Mac-
Donald only, the subject of their discourse was describing
to Neil the battle of Colloden, wherein he said his horse
was shot under him ; for (says he) as I was riding up to
the right wing, my horse began to kick, at which I was
much surprised, being very quiet, and peaceable formerly,
and looking narrowly to him to see what was the matter
with him, I observed the blood gushing out of his side.
Oh ! oh ! says I (speaking of the horse), if this be the
story with you, you have no less than reason to be uneasie,
whereupon I was oblidged to dismount and take another.
Then the conversation rowlled upon the order of the
battle, and how he was forced to condescend to give the
right hand to the Atholl-men and others, which he knew
to be the MacDonald's right, meerly by the perswation
of my Lord George Murray, and several others, but how-
ever he did a great deal of justice and honour to the Mack
Donalds, by assuring Neil they were the last that aban-
doned the field ; and, moreover, that they would have
had certainly been cut all to pieces, had not the pickets
come to their relief, to whom he said, they owe an eternal
obligation.
1 The actual stay at Corradale was from I4th May to 5th June, although the
Prince was in South Uist until 24th June. For details, see the Itinerary.
240 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
He blamed always my Lord George as being the only
instrument in loseing the battle, and altho' that he, the
morning before the action, used all his rhetorick, and
eloquence against fighting, yet my Lord George out-
reasoned him, 'till at last he yielded for fear to raise a
dissension among the army, all which he attributed to
his infidelity, roguery, and treachery. 1 He always flattered
himself that the highlanders were still upon foot to hinder
the enemy from harrassing their countrys, and conceived
great hopes that they would be able to stand it out, 'till
they got a relief from France. He was so fond to know
what was passing among them, that he sent his boat twice
to Mudort 2 for intelligence, and hearing of a skirmish
betwixt Cluny MacPherson and a party of the elector's
troops in Badanack, of which Cluny had the better, it
gave him no small joy : he had notice given him likewise
that Borrisdale, upon whose courage and conduct he lay
a great stress, was at the head of about three thousand
men in Glenkuaak. 3 All these, and manny such like stories
kept him still in top spirits, together with the expectation
of a French landing in England, where he perswaded
himself the Duke of York was landed at the head of ten
thousand French, and assured those who durst not con-
tradict him of the same.
It gave him a great deal of pleasure to look to the
ships that passed in the Chanel every day, which he flat-
tered himself to be French, though they were really some
of the English fleet sent thither to guard the coast, and
hinder any of the Highlanders to escape, and would have
Neil to go and pilot to some harbour that they might not
be lost. It was wonderfull how he preserved his health
all the time, notwithstanding all the fatigue and troubles
he underwent and the bad usage he met with very often ;
for I have not seen him one hour sick all the time I have
1 See ante, p. 213, and Introduction.
- 2 Moidart.
3 In Ordnance Survey Glen Quoich, to the west of Loch Garry. I have no
knowledge of the actions here referred to.
IN THE HEBRIDES 241
had the honour to accompany him, save only eight days
he was troubled with a flux, which kept him very busie
while it lasted ; he had always a good appetite, and could
eat any meat that came in his way, as well as those who
was accustomed to it from their infancy. He took care
to warm his stomach every morning with a hearty bumper
of brandy, of which he always drank a vast deal ; for he
was seen to drink a whole bottle of a day without being
in the least concerned.
He took a vast delight, when it was a good day, to
sit up a stone that was before the door of the house, with
his face turned twowards the sun ; and when he was
desired to move from thence fearing to get a headache,
he ordered them to pack about their business, that he
knew himself what was good for him, better than they
could describe, that the sun did him all the good in the
world. Notwithstanding his melancholy fits, yet at other
times he was so hearty and merry, that he danced for a
whole hour together, having no other musick but some
highland reel which he whistled away as he tripped along.
It happened one day as he was w r alking along the coast
with Neil and the rest of the gentlemen, being an excessive
hot day, they spied a number of young whales approach-
ing pretty near the shore, and observing them to make
straight for the rock whereon they sat down, he sent
immediately for his fusee, and as they came within his
reach he fired at them ; and being informed some time
before that Neil was an incomparable good swimmer, he
ordered him to strip and hall ashore the whale, which he
swore he had shot dead. Neil, in obedience to his orders
and to humour him, began to strip very slowly till he saw
the whale which had received no hurt out of sight.
During his stay at Corrodale, Clanranald paid him
several visits, as also all the gentlemen of the country,
who sent him presents of all they possessed. As he now
despared of any assistance from abroad, and wishing to
be out of the Highlands, he thought of setting about
getting a ship to transport himself out of the kingdom.
In order thereunto, he sent off Mr. O'Neil and Captain
Q
242 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
Donald MacDonald, Clanranald's son, who joined him
at his return from the Lewis, in order to go to France,
thinking to get passage from the Lewis privately, to
either Sweden or Denmark, from whence they were to
pass into France.
Having received fifty guineas each to defray their
charges, they set out for the Herris, where they were no
sooner arrived but O'Neil, who was there with the prince
before, was immediately known, and if he had not made
his escape back to Benbicula, he had been apprehended
without going any further, whereupon he returned to the
prince, who did not care much for him ever after. Captain
MacDonald, who pursued his journey towards the Lewis,
met with the same fate at Stornaway, there, having
found his uncle, Alexander MacLeod, 1 he carried him with
him to his own house, where he lay concealed for a long
time after, and returned to the prince no more.
The enemy, who was not idle all this time to inform
themselves about him, got sufficient intelligence that he
was in Wist, disposed of themselves so that it seemed
impracticable for him to escape. That he might lose no
time, he sent Neil as minister plenipotentiary to Boystile, 2
to treat with him to procure a boat for him, and sufficient
hands for to manage it, in case of accidence for now
he was to attempt to gain the mainland, seeing there was
no safety for him in Wist. Boystile, who did not go
near him all the time for fear of suspicion, sent him back
word with Neil, that he himself would come in person
and consult with him what was properest to be done.
Boystile came next day, and was received by the prince
1 Donald Macdonald, second son of Clanranald, served as captain in his
brother ' Young Clanranald's ' regiment throughout the campaign. His mother
was Margaret, d. of William Macleod of Luskintyre, son of Sir Norman Mac-
leod of Bernera, and Catherine, d. of Sir James 'Mor' Macdonald of Sleat, 2nd
bart. Donald's uncle, Alexander Macleod, was at this time laird of Luskintyre
in Harris. Donald was afterwards captured and imprisoned in Edinburgh
Castle, but discharged without trial. In 1756 he joined Eraser's Highlanders
(the Master of Lovat's) ; fought with Wolfe at Quebec and was killed in a sub-
sequent action.
2 i.e. Boisdale.
IX THE HEBRIDES 24-3
with open arms, and found some of the gentlemen of the
country who came to see him the day before, of whose
number was Hugh Macdonald, of Ballissher, from North
W^t, 1 who was ready to sacrifice his life and fortune for
the prince's safety (I say), Boystile at his arrival found
all these lying in their bed, very much disordered by the
foregoing night's carouse, while his royal highness was the
only one who was able to take care of the rest, in heaping
them with plaids, and at the same time merrily sung the
De Profundis for the rest of their souls. 2
Neil, who was straggling every day about the neigh-
bouring towns for intelligence, and who never missed to
come in seasonable time with what news he gathered
among the people, arrived, as the Prince, Boystile, and
the other gentlemen were very busie and very hearty
taking their bottle. It was always the princess custom
whenever Neil returned from any expedition, to learn
from him privately what news he brought before it was
made public. Xeil told him that two hundred of the
1 Hugh Macdonald of Baleshaxe, an island to the south-west of North
was of the Sleat family, his father being a natural son of Sir James * Mor,'
2nd bart., and his mother a daughter of the I3th Clanranald. As Sir Alexander
of Sleat and Lady Clanranald were both great-grandchildren of Sir James * Mor, ?
they were nearly related to Baleshare, being in the Scots phrase ' first-cousins
once removed- ' Baleshare' s sister was the wife of Donald Campbell, the Prince's
host in Scalpa. Hugh of Baleshare had been sent to South Uist by Lady
;iret Macdonald, the wife of Sir Alexander of Sleat then in attendance
on Cumberland at Fort Augustus, while his men were out against the broken
Jacobites. Lady Margaret had sent Baleshare secretly with money and little
luxuries to relieve the Prince's discomfort and to help him generally. At one time
it was proposed that Baleshare should conceal Prince Charles in his own island,
but the scheme was abandoned as it might compromise his chief, Sir Alexander.
2 This power of drinking seems to have made a great impression. Baleshare
told Bishop Forbes that the Prince * still had the better of us, and eren of
Boystill [Boysdale] himself, notwithstanding his being as able a boulman as any
in Scotland.' It is generally assumed that Prince Charles acquired his drink-
ing habits as a result of his hardships in Scotland, yet his anxious father had
detected symptoms of an over-fondness for wine even before he left Rome in
1744. In a letter to Colonel O'Bryen (Lord Lismorei, his envoy at the French
Court, in August 1745, the Old Chevalier writes: 'La grande vivacite du
Prince, son penchant pour toutes sortes de divertissements, et un peu trop de
tout qu'il sembloit alors avoir pour le vin. Irur ont faire croire faussement
qu'ils avoient gagne quelque chose sur son esprit et il devint bientot par la
leur Heros.' (Stuart Papers, Browne, Hist, of the Hig'n., iii. 445.)
244 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
Sky militia, head'd by Hugh Macdonald, of Armidale, 1
and Alexander MacLeod of Ullish, 2 was landed at Barra,
who was sent thither by my Lord Lowdian. Campbell, and
MacLeod, having had an information that the prince was
sculking in that country, and that these gentlemen's
orders were, after a diligent search made in Barra, to pass
into South Wist, and to stay there guarding the coasts
and foords in the country 'till they were reinforced by a
greater number, and, moreover, that Captain Ferguson 3
was ordered to the Lewis for the same purpose, Captain
MacKenzie to the Herris, and the Baltimore to cruize
upon the coast of Wist, so that it seemed next to a miracle
to have been able to escape. The prince, who always
1 See post, p. 249, . 3.
2 Should be Ulinish. He was a first cousin of Sir Alexander Macdonald,
whose mother was a Macleod of Greshornish. Alexander Macleod was made
sheriff-substitute in Skye in 1773. In 1791 he was alive and in his looth year.
3 Captain John Ferguson was the fourth son of George Ferguson, one of
six brothers, members of a family long resident at Inverurie. The eldest was
the celebrated or notorious 'Ferguson the Plotter' of fche late seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries ; other brothers founded the families of Pitfour and
Kinmundy. George lived and died at Old Meldrum near Inverurie, so it may be
supposed that his son, John, was born there. Nothing is known of his early
career, but in 1746 John Ferguson was in command of H.M.S. Fur ness,
(which is always spelt furnace in the Scottish journals and narratives of the time),
and was employed in hunting fugitive Jacobites. He was the ' black captain '
of the '45, one of the most active and ruthless of the Government officers.
His cruelties are a constant theme in Jacobite annals (see the Lyon from the
index). Captain O'Neille, who was one of his prisoners, states that Ferguson
used him with the barbarity of a pirate, stripped him, and ordered him to be
put into a rack and whipped by his hangman because he would not confess
where he thought the Prince was. (L. inM., i. 374.) Ferguson was promoted
in the same year, by the express interference and recommendation of the Duke of
Cumberland, to be captain of the Nightingale, anew frigate just launched. He
died in 1767. (Records of Clan Ferguson, p. 280.) Ferguson's greatest exploit
was the capture of Lord Lovat, which was effected with skill. Lovat had taken
refuge in an island on Loch Morar, a fresh-water lake, and had removed all the
boats on the loch to the island. Ferguson landed a party, who saw the fugitives,
whom they could not reach, and by whom they were greeted with cries of derision.
He then sent a boat ashore from his ship, carried it over a mile or so of rugged
country, and launched it on Loch Morar. Lovat's party rowed rapidly up the loch,
and got on shore, but after three days' concealment, the old lord, unable from
infirmities to continue the struggle, determined to give himself up, sent word
to his pursuers and surrendered to Captain Dugald Campbell of Achacrossan of
the Argyll Militia.
IN THE HEBRIDES 245
appeared very gay and cheerful, notwithstanding his
crosses and misfortunes, was very much dejected at this
news ; which Boystile observing, begged of him to be
in no ways uneasie, that the danger was not so great as
what he apprehended, and that he, despite of all the
search of the enemy, would procure a place for him where
he would not be exposed to the least danger till such time
as a more favourable opportunity offered for making his
escape ; and fearing least the enemy might surprise them,
being now three days in the country, Boystile took leave
of him in order to prevent their coming so suddenly till
he got time to fit into some other place.
Neil fearing the fickleness and the inconstancy of the
common people, who might perhaps be perverted from their
fidelity to discover him to his enemies, in hopes of a
great reward, did not think proper to stay there any
longer ; whereupon, having got into their boat, which
they always had nigh them, they set out about eleven
o'clock at night, without acquainting any body of their
design, except those who were partakers of it, and took
the retreat towards Benbicula, and landed about break
of day in Fuyia, 1 a desert island, about three miles from
Roshiness, where they sculked for eight days.
During their stay in this solitude, he kept a private
correspondence with Boystile about leaving the country,
as it appeared impossible for him to conceal himself any
longer from those cursed villains who left not a stone
unturned to find him out. Boystyle, who used all endea-
vours to effect his design to get him safely conveyed to
the mainland, lost no time to provide whatever necessaries
their voyage required ; when unluckily he himself was
taken prisoner and carried away on board the Baltimore,
so that that design perished, and came to nothing.
Upon the news of Boystile's being made prisoner 2 he
1 Fuyia, which I have corrected from Fugia in the N. M. Maga., as it is a
manifest error of the copyist or printer. Fuyia gives the local pronunciation
of the name of the island, which is generally spelt Ouia in the Lyon, and Wiay
in the Ordnance Survey maps. It is spelt Fouay on p. 253.
2 Alexander Macdonald of Boisdale (Clanranald's step-brother) was carried
prisoner to London, and kept there until July 1747, when he was released.
246 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
expressed a great deal of regret for him, saying it was a
great pity he should fall into the hands of such ruffians,
who would have no regard for his merit, for really he was
the honestest man (said he) I met with since my stay in
the isles. While he stayed upon the island he went about
the shore once or twice a day, to see if he could find out
which was the most commodious hole or cave for hiding
him in case some of the men of war that kept the channel
still came to land any men. There he had occasion to
see the Lady Clanranald, who came from Roshiness to
have the honour of seeing him before he left the country,
and carried along with her to him some of what neces-
saries he wanted : he received her very kindly, made
much of her, and thanked her for her generosity, telling
her next day at parting that he would not forget soon
what kindness he met with in the country. They had
plenty of bread and other meats during their retreat in
that Patmos, but before the eight days was expired they
were obliged to leave the hole to another party of the
MacLeods who landed upon the island from Skay.
After being chased from thence they had no other
resource but to return towards the south end of the
country, upon hearing that the Skay militia had departed
from Boy stile's house two days before, and were upon
their march towards Benbicula, where they flattered them-
selves infallibly sure to find him. About eight o'clock at
night, upon the 12th of July, they put to sea from Loch-
askivay, and rowed the whole night along the coast, and
as the day began to dawn Neil advised them to land in
Lochskiport, and to stay there 'till it was late ; but the
prince, who was eager to be as far on that day as pos-
sibly he could, would not condescend, and so continued
their voyage the whole day. About five in the afternoon
they landed at Corrodale, where they refreshed them-
selves 'till it was ten, and arrived next morning at sun-
rise at the mouth of Lochynort, in South-Wist ; they had
not so much as one mouthful to eat that night of any kind,
and having made up a tent of the oars and sail of the
boat, he laid himself down upon a kind of a heather bed
IN THE HEBRIDES 247
that was made for him, while Neil stood sentry upon the
rock before the tent door the whole night, after he had
placed two of the crew whom he could trust most to
about a mile off as an advanced guard.
When it was near day he asked Neil whether it was
possible to find any meat, who told him it was impractic-
able, by reason the nearest town lay five miles off, where-
upon he roused up the rest, and got into the boat and
rowed to Stialay, a small island near the entry of Loch
Boystile, within three long miles of Boystile's house,
being the 14th of July in the evening. They were no
sooner landed and the tent made, than Neil posted off
immediately to Boystile's house for provisions ; when he
arrived, he found all the family in bed, and having
knocked them up, he acquainted Boystile's daughter who
came first to the door with the princes being upon the
Island of Stialay, where he had but very ill accommoda-
tion. She ran into the room where her stepmother l was
in bed, bringing Neil along with her, who told the lady
the miserable condition his royal highness was in, she got
up in the greatest hurry, and sent off what was readiest
to relieve them in the mean time, 'till such time she could
get more prepared against the next night. Neil returned,
charging the lady at parting, to learn what was passing
among the enemy, and to inform them accordingly.
At his arrival he found the boat ashore waiting him,
and having passed to the island, the prince met him at
his landing, and asked of him if he got any meat. Neil
told him that he brought some fresh butter and cheese
and a few bottles of brandy. ' Come, come,' said he,
4 give me one of the bottles and a piece of the bread,
for I was never so hungry since I was born ' ; which being
given him, he took two or three hearty pulls of it before
he came near the rest, which gave him so good an appe-
tite, that he eat that night more than ever he was seen
to eat at three ordinary meals, and all the rest did pro-
portionably. After supper he called for the brandy-
1 This was Boisdale's third wife, Anne, daughter of Macneil of Barra.
248 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
bottles, and drank the king's and the duke's healths ;
which done, he wrapt himself in his plaid, laid down,
and slept away the remaining part of the night very
soundly.
Next morning there was a consultation held concern-
ing the course they were to take from thence. Some were
of opinion that they should venter to run for the con-
tinent in the small boat they had, of which the prince
himself approved very much, saying he would rather
drown than fall into the hands of those profligate fellows
who were in pur suite of him. Others were of opinion that
the safest step they could take was, to make for some
one of the Southren Isles of Barra, and the rather because
the first party who came after him to the country landed
first in that island, and it seemed very probable that
they would not return there again. They all agreed to
this last proposal, and that no time might be lost, they
prepared every thing to set off next day, if the weather
favoured them. This project came to nothing as well
as the former, for the Lady Boystile sent an express that
same afternoon, that one Captain Scott * was landed at
Barra from Fort William, with a detachment of regular
troops, in order to join the Skay militia in South- Wist,
and that they intended, according as she was informed,
to be at her house by ten o'clock next day, which she
would inform him of, if possible, whatever happened.
This news put them in a greater consternation than
ever, which obliged them to cross over to the other side
of Loch Boystile that night for the more security. Next
day about break of day, the prince sent off Rory Mac-
Donald to learn whither Scott was arrived, and to bring
1 Captain Carolina Frederick Scott shares with Ferguson and Lockhart
eternal infamy for his superlative cruelty to the hunted Jacobites of the Western
Highlands. I found his name and that of Ferguson still perfectly remembered
in the Outer Hebrides, and received with execrations. He was an officer of
Guise's regiment, the 6th (now the Royal Warwickshire). His satanic zeal,
like Ferguson's, was rewarded with promotion. In November 1746 he was
appointed major in his regiment in the room of Major Wentworth, who was
cashiered for surrendering Fort Augustus to the Jacobites (March 5th), when
three companies of Guise's regiment were made prisoners of war.
IN THE HEBRIDES 249
back word what was passing among them. Rory returned
at eight o'clock, and told the prince that the lady, her
daughter, and all the servants, were tied neck and heel
in one house, in order to extort a confession from them
of the prince's being in the country ; while her seller
and all her most valuable effects were left to the mercy
of the ungenerous soldiers, who were busie in carrying
the plunder to their boats. The news of the ladies ill-
treatment struck such a terror into the minds of the
timorous crew, that they immediately sunk the boat, and
abandoned the prince and the few gentlemen who accom-
panied him. In this desperate condition there was no
remedy to be thought upon, but to dismiss the few gentle-
men that accompanied till then, and retire to the moun-
tains ; whereupon having left every body to shift for
himself (of whose number was O' Sullivan, who was left
under a rock with the best part of the prince's baggage),
the prince, with Neil and MacO'Neil, 1 made for the top
of the nearest hill, that from thence they might have a
better view of their enemies motion, and take further
resolution how they were to dispose of themselves next. 2
I forgot to tell that when Captain Scott landed in
South- Wist, Hugh MacDonald, 3 who lay in Benbicula then
with his party, sent one of the country gentlemen in whom
he could repose a great deal of trust, to tell the prince
privately that, as it seemed now impossible for him to
1 Meaning Captain O'Neille.
2 This is the Beinchillkoinnich of the Lyon (i. 329), the Beinn Ruigh
Choinnich of the Ordnance Survey ; a hill on the north side of Loch Boisdale,
900 feet high, from whence the low-lying country of South Uist can be viewed
from sea to sea. On the northern spur there is a cave accessible only by a
precipitous narrow ledge, where shelter from the weather could be had and an
outlook to the Minch. Local tradition associates this cave with the Prince.
He possibly took shelter there on this momentous day. South Uist, even in
summer, is a very rainy island.
3 Hugh Macdonald of Armadale, in Skye, was Flora Macdonald's step-
father. He was a grandson of Sir James ' Mor ' Macdonald of Sleat, and was
thus a first cousin of Sir Alexander's father, and of Lady Clanranald's father, as
well as of Baleshare and Mrs. Campbell of Scalpa. He was a captain in one of
Sir Alexander Macdonald's independent companies out against Prince Charles.
He had formerly been an officer in the French army. (Henderson's Life of
Cumberland, p. 299.)
250 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
conceal himself any longer in the country, if he would
venter to be advised by him, though an enemy in appear-
ance yet a sure friend in his heart, he would fall upon a
scheme to convoy him to the Isle of Skay, where he was
sure to be protected by Lady Margaret MacDonald. 1 The
scheme was this : to send his stepdaughter, Miss Florence
MacDonald, to Sleet, to live with her mother 'till the
enemy was out of Wist. The prince at the same time
was ordered to dress in woman's close, that he might
pass for her servant-maid, and Neil was appointed to take
care of both. The scheme pleased the prince mightely,
and he seemed very impatient to see it put in execution.
But to return to the top of the hill, the prince with
Neil and Mr. O'Neil remained there the whole day. About
sunset the prince told Neil that he entrusted himself in
his hands, and that his life and safety depended upon him,
Neil answered that the charge was more than what his
life was worth ; but yet, with God's assistance that he
would find means to preserve him from all danger till
every thing was got ready to leave the country. After
this they took a refreshment of bread-and-cheese, and set
out towards the north end of the country, every body
carrying his own share of the baggage, the prince carried
his own few shirts, O'Neill carried his own linnen, and
Neil carried the provision, his own gun and sword, and the
prince's fusee and one of his holsters, while the other
hung upon his own belt. As they were going on, the
prince clapt Neil's shoulder, often telling him if ever it
was their good fortune to get free of their present troubles,
he would make him live easie all his days for the fatigue
of that night. Neil was informed some days before, that
Miss Flora lived with her brother in a glen near Lochey-
nort, where they had all their cattle a grazing at that time,
and which happened to be very near the rod they were to
pass that night. 2
1 Daughter of Alexander (Montgomerie), 9th Earl of Eglinton. Married as
his second wife to Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat ; d. 1799.
2 At Alisary, on the slopes of Sheaval, a hill to the south of Loch Eynort,
and rising to the north-east from Flora's old home of Milton (or Arrivoulin) on
IN THE HEBRIDES 251
When the prince was informed of it, he would needs
go to see her, and tell her of the message he had from her
stepfather. When they were near the little house where
she was asleep, for her brother was not at home, Neil left
the prince and O'Neil at a little distance off, 'till he went
in and wakened her ; she got scarcely on the half of
her close, when the prince, with his baggage upon his
back, was at the door, and saluted her very kindly ; after
which she brought to him a part of the best cheer she had,
among the rest was a large bowl full of creme, of which
he took two or three hearty go-downs, and his fellow-
travellers swallowed the rest.
He discovered to her her stepfather's proposal, and
ask't whether she was willing to run the risque. She
joyfully accepted of the offer without the least hesita-
tion, and that no time might be lost, she w r as ordered
immediately away to Benbicula to consult with her step-
father and the Lady Clanranald, to get every thing in
readiness as soon as possible, and to send them word back
again next day how all was going on with them. Having
taken leave of Miss Flora, they pursued their journey, and
about sunrise they arrived upon the side of a hill three
miles from Corrodale, where they sate down under a rock
in order to take some rest. The prince, as he took no
victuals the night before, complained of hunger, and
ask't of Neil if he had any thing to eat ; Neil gave him
a piece of bread-and-cheese that Miss MacDonald had
given him the night before. After he eat of it very
heartily, he laid himself down and slept, while Neil stood
sentry upon him all the time ; when he and O'Neil was
the low ground near the ocean. This was the hill pasture of her brother's farm
to which the cattle were driven in summer, while the owners occupied ' shiel-
ings ' or temporary huts in the neighbourhood. It was an excellent place to
meet. The western side of the island is a wide belt of dead level links formed
by the sand thrown up by the swell of the Atlantic, and known as ' the Machar.'
No wayfarer on the Machar could easily escape detection even if he were miles
away, and it was the night of the full moon. Flora's shieling was near the
western end of the hill region of South Uist, and just about as far west as the
Prince could have dared to go without losing the shelter of the hills.
252 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
sufficiently rested, he ordered Neil to take some rest, and
sent O'Neil to mount guard in his turn.
When it was drawn late, the prince ask't Neil if there
was any possibility of getting any supper ; Neil told
him he would find enough, and leaving the prince and
O'Neil under the same rock, he went and bought abund-
ance of such cheer as the neighbourhood could afford.
The prince was prodigious impatient the whole afternoon
for Miss Flora's answer, and despairing to hear a word
from her that night, he sent off Neil, at eight o'clock at
night, to Benbicula, with strict orders to be back next
day at four in the afternoon, under pain of gaining his
displeasure for ever. Neil, notwithstanding the fatigue
and the length of the journey (which was thirty miles
backward and forward), willingly condescended.
When he arrived at the fourds which seperates Benbicula
from South Wist, 1 he found them all guard'd by the Skay
militia, who had placed sentries within a gun shot of each
other from east to west ; their consigne was to let pass
no person whatsoever until he was examined first by the
captin of the guard ; by this means Neil was stopped,
and was kept prisoner there till next morning, when it
was low water Neil was sent away to the captain of the
guard on the other side, who happened to be Hugh Mac-
Donald ; when Neil went in he found Miss MacDonald,
who was stopped in the same manner by another party
of the MacLeods, who had the guard two nights before,
with some other gentlemen at breakfast with Mr. Mac-
Donald. Neil call'd miss aside, and ask't if every thing
was ready, she told him as it was put out of her power
to go on the length of the Lady Clanranald, that nothing
was as yet done, but that she was going off within half
an hour after to consult with the lady, and designed to
go to Roshiness, both of them, that same afternoon, and
carry along with them whatever clothes or provisions was
requisite for the voyage, and she begg'd of Neil to make
1 Benbecula, that part of the ' Long Island ' lying between North and South
Uist, and joined to these islands by sea-fords passable only at low tide and thus
easily guarded.
IN THE HEBRIDES 253
all the hast possible to return to the prince, and, with-
out losing one moment of time, to make the best of his
way to Rosshiness, where he would be sure to find them
without fail.
Neil posted off immediately, and arrived at, the prince
at the hour he had appointed, and found him under the
same rock where he had left him ; he no sooner saw Neil
come in sight than he ran to meet him, and took him by
the hand asking what new r s he had from Miss Flora ; Neil
told him what orders he had from the lady (as he called
Miss Flora), after which they set out for Roshiness. The
greatest difficulty for this journey w r as to find a boat to
go by sea, as it was impossible to venture by land, because,
as I have already told, all the fourds were guarded by the
MacLeods ; but God, who always provided whatever he
had occasion for, removed this difficulty also, for when
they arrived at the side of Lochskiport, there they found
four country people who had come there some days before
to fish, with a small yawl.
Neil knew them immediately, and agreed with them for
to ferry him and two other gentlemen that were with him
over to Fouay, where they expected to meet with Ranald
MacDonald (called Walpole) ; 1 but when they landed upon
the island they found no living soul of either man or
beast upon it ; being, at this time, clear daylight, they
could not bring the boat no further, for fear to be seen
from the land, wherefore they ordered the boat men to
land them on the nearest rock of Benbicula, that from
thence they might go afoot to Roshiness, which done,
Neil payed the boatmen and sent them away home.
The prince sate down upon the rock where they had
land'd, and, being quite overcome for want of rest, he
fell asleep, and so did O'Neil ; during the time they
slept Neil thought proper to take a walk round about
1 I found that the custom of nick-naming local notabilities after distinguished
statesmen still exists. When I was visiting these islands fifteen years ago I
met a crofter known as ' Gladstone ' on account of his financial ability and his
persuasive powers of (Gaelic) oratory, and there were others whose nick-names
I have forgotten.
254 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
for fear that any body should come upon them at any
unawares ; but he had not gone ten yards from them,
when he observed an arm of the sea come in betwixt
him and the rest of the land, which formed an island ; he
returned immediately and informed the prince, who
started up like a mad man and walked to the end of the
island at such a rate as if he had a mind to fly over to
the other side, but his career was soon stopped ; where-
upon he fell a scoulding Neil as if it had been his fault,
and the curse rascals (meaning the boatmen) who land'd
them upon that desert island designedly that he might
starve with hunger and cold, in short, there was no
pacifying him till, at last, Neil told him to comfort him-
self, that he would sweem over to the other side and would
bring a boat in half an hour's time, from that moment
he never gave Neil one minute's rest, till, to please him,
he began to strip, notwithstanding that it rained most
prodigiously, when luckily Neil observed a rock appear-
ing in the middle of the sound, and begg'd of the prince
to allow him a little more time, that it seem'd very pro-
bable at low water they could pass over with dry feet with-
out being obliged to hazard his life by sweeming, which
was to be the ultimate resource, which happened accord-
ingly, for in less than three quarters of an hour's time,
they passed over without wetting the soles of their
shoes. 1
The prince seem'd as well pleased when he got out of
that labyrinth as if he was landed in France ; he was so
cold (for the rain pierced to his very skin) that he trembled,
the moor being so plain that there was not the least bush,
eminence, or hill to cover him from the weather, and he
was so hungry that he was not able to walk, having eaten
not a mouthful of any kind since the evening before.
1 I obtained a very interesting confirmation of this story from an aged
cailliach when in the islands. She told me that a family of Campbells, who
lived near Loch Eynort or Loch Skipport, had rowed the Prince and Neil
MacEachain to Benbecula, and that the Prince was furiously angry with them ;
but her explanation of his anger was that the boatmen were Campbells, a name
not beloved in the Outer Hebrides: no one had ever thought of the terrifying
effect of a tidal island on a stranger. Cf. R. L. Stevenson's Kidnapped, ch. xiv.
IN THE HEBRIDES 255
In this deplorable condition it was hard to determine
how to behave, but as there was no time to be lost, despite
of rain and weather, he continued his journey for Roshi-
ness, where he expected to find the ladies before him that
night. When they had walkt about a quarter of a mile,
they lighted accidentally upon two sheelings, where two
of Clanranald's tennants stay'd, who, seeing them coming,
came to meet them. Neil, to prevent their coming too
nigh, stept on and met them ; they enquired what were
these other two that came along with him.
Neil satisfied their curiosity by telling them they were
poor Irish gentlemen, who made their escape from
Culloden, and run to the country for shelter, and that
it was an act of charity if they had any kind of eatables
to give them some refreshment, for that they had not
tasted meat for eight-and-forty hours before, whereupon
the honest fellows order 'd them to go in ; the door of the
hut was so low and narrow, that the prince was obliged
to creep upon his belly. There they feasted splendidly
upon such cheer as there was to be had, which was mostly
milk kind ; being thus sufficiently refreshed they went
off, and as Neil was not thoroughly acquainted in that
rod, he brought one of the fellows with him for a guide
to whom he gave half a guinea for his pains. When they
were within three miles of Roshiness, being at that time
five in the afternoon, they laid down in a lock side among
high heather, which was all the shelter they had from the
rain.
There they past the remaining part of the day, the
prince shivering with cold all the time. When it was
late, they set out for Rosshiness, the night turned so
dark that they could not see three yards before them,
and the rain was so vehement, with the wind blowing
directly in their teeth, that they could scarcely look where
to set their foot ; besides the rod was so very bad, that
the prince, despite of what care Neil and O'Neil could
take of him, fell at almost every step in some ditch or
mire, where, very often, he lost his shoes, which gave Neil
a vast deal of trouble and pains before he could fish them
256 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
up again, being sometimes obliged to put his hand to the
very shoulder in the puddle for them.
After having surmounted all these troubles and diffi-
culties, they at last arrived in the long wished for harbour.
When they came near the house, Neil left the prince and
O'Neil about a cannon-shot off, while he himself went in
to see whether the ladies were come ; but finding none
but the man who took care of the house in bed with his
wife, who told him that twenty of the Skay militia who
landed there two days before, were in a tent about a
quarter of a mile of the house, he returned to the prince
with that dismal news, which so enraged him, that he was
like to tear his clothes in pieces, not knowing where to
run for safety, the enemy being every where.
The guide, though he did not understand the language
they spoke, yet understood the confusion they were in,
told them there was one of Clanranald's boomen 1 not far
off, into whose house they might go with safety till they
came to a further resolution. They immediately betook
themselves thither, and I leave the reader to judge what
a bonny figure they made when they came to examine
themselves before light, all bespattered with dirt and mud,
after the foregoing night's walk. There he resolved to
return Neil to Nuntown 2 to inform Miss MacDonald that
he was arrived, and to hasten her to come without any
longer delay.
Neil, who foresaw clearly the danger he would be ex-
posed to, if he was left with a man who knew not one
step of the country, or where to retire to in case of neces-
sity, absolutely denied to part with the prince upon any
account, and so Mr. O'Neill was obliged to go upon that
expedition ; who was mighty well pleased to be entrusted
with that embassy, not so much to further the prince's
affairs, as to be in company with Miss Flora, for w r hom
he professed a great deal of kindness at that time. About
1 A tenant who takes stock from the landlord and shares with him in the
increase.
2 Clanranald's residence in Benbecula.
IN THE HEBRIDES 257
break of day, the Booman's wife told Neil that it was
dangerous for them to stay in the house any longer because
the militia were wont to come every morning to buy milk,
whereupon Neil and his pupil went and lodged under a
rock pretty near the shore, where the Booman sent one
of his derry maids to give them notice from time to time,
what was passing among their neighbour enemies.
It is almost inexpressible what torment the prince
suffered under that unhappy rock which had neither
height nor bredth to cover him from the rain which
poured down upon him so thick as if all the windows of
heaven had broke open, and, to compleat his tortures,
there lay such a swarm of mitches upon his face and
hands as would have made any other but himself fall
into despair, which, notwithstanding his incomparable
patience, made him utter such hideous cries and com-
plaints as would have rent the rocks with compassion.
Neil, who stood all this time aside him, could be of
no more service to him than to let run to the ground
the rain which stagnated in the lurks of the plaid wherein
he lay wrapt. In this miserable condition he continued
for about three hours, till their faithful scoote came for
the last time, and told them they might return to the
house, for that the militia was gone ; Neil helped him to
his feet, and they marched away to the house, where the
good derrymaid took care to make a roozing fire for their
coming. He was no sooner entered but Neil stripped him
of all his clothes from top to toe, and hung rops round
the house to dry them on ; he sate down in his shirt at
the fireside as merry and hearty as if he was in the best
room at Whitehall.
After he had warmed himself, he desired Neil to ask
the wife if she had any eatables. She said that she had
nothing except a chapin of milk she kept for her bairns,
which Neil desired her to warm in a pot, and when it was
hot to froth it up with the machine made for that pur-
pose. When all was ready, the wife placed the pot before
the prince and Neil, and gave them two horn spoons as
coarse as ever was made use of, the prince ask't Neil
258 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
what it was, who told it was fresh creme, he not doubting
but it was really so, and at the same time believing it
to be solid, pushed his hand to the very wrist in the
scalded milk, which made him draw back his hand in the
greatest hurry, all full of wrath, and dropt his spoon
in the pot. Neil had all the difficulty imaginable to
keep his gravity, to hear him curse the wife and her pot
a hundred times, calling her a vile witch for (says he)
she contrived it a purpose that we might burn ourselves.
Neil, seeing him altogether out of humour, in order to
pacify him, told he would take a stick and labour her
to an inch of her life with it, and immediately ran to an
oar of the boat that was lying before him to knock out her
brains. The prince, believing him to be serious, begged of
him not to touch her, for, if he came to do her any hurt,
she would certainly run off and bring a party upon them.
After this repas, the prince inclined to sleep a little,
as he rested none the night before ; but to get a bed
for him was the question in short, there was no better
shift than to take the leaf of the door, and lay it down
upon the floor, and spread an old ragged sail over it,
which Neil found in the house ; there he slept some hours
wrapt in his wet plaid. The guide, who went with O'Neil
the night before to Clanranald's house, returned towards
evening, who brought along with him a rosted fowl, and
a couples of bottles of wine, and a letter from O'Neil to
the prince, the contents of which I could not find out,
though it 's very probable he excused himself for not
returning, under pretence to hasten all matters for leaving
the country. The prince supp't very heartily upon what
the lady had sent him, and afterwards slept soundly upon
a heather bed, which Neil made for him.
Next morning the prince wrote a letter to O'Neil by
the same post that brought the former, desiring him to
come to him that night ; but O'Neil contented himself
to return him an answer by the same bearer, telling him
he could not come by reason that he waited Miss Mc-
Donald and the Lady Clanranald, who was to come next
day without fail.
IN THE HEBRIDES 259
The prince waited that day in the house of Roshiness.
Next morning Neil carried him to a hill half way betwixt
Roshiness and Nuntown ; * there they lay till the evening,
when they returned to their former quarters.
The prince seemed very uneasie that night that neither
Mac O'Neil nor the ladys did not come according to
promise ; but the truth is, thay could not really come
sooner, as they were busie night and day to get his dress
made for the prince, and whatever other things he might
have occasion for. The next day Rory McDonald, and
one John McDonald, who were to be two of our crew,
arrived in the morning, and told that both boat and crew
were ready whenever he pleased.
Whereupon Neil carried the prince to the same hill
where they had sculked the day before, and leaving him
in the hands of the two McDonalds before mentioned,
posted off himself to hurry the ladys from Nuntown, and
sent off O'Neil directly to the place where he left the
prince when himself went with the Lady Clan, Miss Flora
McDonald, Clanranald's daughter, and Mr. McDonald
of Milltown, Miss Flora's brother, about another rod,
where they were to have the conveniency of a boat to
Roshiness.
The prince, who arrived first, welcomed them ashore,
and handed the Lady Clan to the house, while O'Neil
took care of Miss Flora. There they passed some hours
very hearty and merry till supper was served, which was
scarce began, when one of Clanranald's herds came with
the news that General Campbell 2 was landing his men
1 A hill named Rueval, 400 feet above sea level, the only high ground on a
very flat island. A projecting rock, on the south side of the hill, which gives
considerable shelter and affords a wonderful view of the country, is probably
the spot where the Prince lay waiting for Flora.
2 John Campbell of Mamore ; b. about 1693; d. 1770; sue. as Duke
of Argyll on the death of his cousin, the 3rd duke, in 1761. He had command
of the troops in the west of Scotland in 1745, with headquarters at Dum-
barton. He pursued Prince Charles through the islands, hunting for him as
far away as St. Kilda. He was on his way back from that island when he
nearly captured the Prince at Benbecula. Many of the Jacobite prisoners passed
through his hands, and, as a rule, he was kind to them, contrasting favourably
with such men as Scott and Ferguson.
260 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
within three miles of them. The supper thus ended,
which was hardly begun all run to their boat in the
greatest confusion, every one carrying with him whatever
part of the baggage came first to his hand, without either
regard to sex or quality, they crossed Lochisguiway, 1 and,
about five in the morning, landed on the other side, where
they ended the supper.
About eight a servant came to the Lady Clanranald to
acquaint her that General Campbell, with a party of his
men, were at her house, and wanted that she should be
there before twelve of the clock otherwise that her house
should suffer for all. Here the lady and her daughter
took leave of the prince and went off. Great was the
debate betwixt Miss Flora and O'Neil upon this occasion,
who insisted strongly to leave the country with the
prince ; but Miss McDonald would never condescend,
because he being a stranger, and consequently did not
speak the language of the country, would readily be taken
notice of by the common sort, and so took leave of the
prince and Miss, made the best of his way to South Wist
along with Milltown.
The company being gone, the prince, stript of his own
cloaths, was dressed by Miss Flora in his new attire,
but could not keep his hands from adjusting his head
dress, which he cursed a thousand times. There they
lay till the evening, waiting impatiently for the night
to set off. Here they were alarmed by five wherries,
the same, as they supposed, that landed the Campbells
the night before in Benbicula, supposing, by taking this
precaution, to keep the prince from making his escape.
But their fears were soon over ; for the wherries sailed
by to the southward without ever stopping. After sun-
set they got into their boat, which was managed by the
following persons Rory McDonald, John McDonald, John
McMurich, Duncan Campbell, and Rory McDonald of
Glengary family ; the prince passed for Miss McDonald's
maid, and Neil McDonald in the quality of a servant. 2
1 Spelt Loch Uskavagh in the Ordnance Survey. 2 i.e. Neil MacEachain,
IN THE HEBRIDES 261
The weather proving calm in the beginning of the night,
they rowed away at a good rate ; but, about twelve,
there blew a gale of westerly wind, which eased the Rowers
not little, but at the same time there came on such thick
mist as robbed them of the sight of all lands ; great
was the debate among the boatmen upon this occasion,
some asserted that they lost their course, while others
maintained the contrary, till their dispute end'd at last
to cease rowing till day w r ould decide their error. In the
morning, the weather being quite clear, they rowed along
the coast of Sky, but the wind, shifting about to the
north, blew at nine o'clock so strong in their teeth, that
for an hour and a half it was impossible to discern whether
they made any way or not.
The prince, who, all this time, was not in the least
discouraged, encouraged them to row still better, saying
that he would relieve him that was most fatigued. The
poor men, almost ready to breathe out their last, at
length made the point of Watersay on the north corner
of the Isle of Sky, where, having got into a cliff in a rock,
they rested themselves for an hour, and at the same time
revived their drooping spirits with a plentiful repas of
bread and butter, while the water that fell from the top
of the rock furnished them drink.
This gave them fresh vigour for to undertake the re-
maining part of their labour, the weather being quite
calm again, they rowed round the point close by the
land. They had not gone far on the other side, when they
spyed two centrys upon shore, one of whom approached
nearer, and ordered them to put to, but they rowed the
faster ; which he observing, advanced as far as the sea
would permitt him, bad them put to, a second time in a
more threatning manner, and seeing them like not to
obey, he cocked his piece, which he thought to fire upon
them, but, as Providence ordered it, she misgave, and
so he was disappointed. The other who look'd on all
this tune, made to heels to a neighbouring village, about
a cannon shot off, to acquaint their officer (if there was
any) of what had happened.
262 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
The boatmen, justly judging what he was going about,
made them now row for dear blood. They very soon saw
the event of their conjectures, for a body of about fifteen
men, full armed, marched straight from the village to the
rock, where their centry was post'd, and if they had the
presence of mind to launch out one of their boats (of
which they had two close by them) we must have been
inevitably taken.
The prince by this time was sensible of his error in
not allowing the men at parting from Uist to have any
arms in the boat, which if they had had, were fully resolved
to fight it out to the last man, notwithstanding the in-
equality of numbers. The enemy seeing it quite out of
their power to execute their design in coming thither, as
we got fairly out of their reach, took a walk along the
shore, without giving the prince or crew any uneasiness,
further than to gaze at them till they landed in Kilbride
in Troterniss within a cannon shot of Sir Alexander
McDonald's house, 1 twelve miles from the place where
we saw the enemy.
In the neighbourhood of this place was another party
of the Sky militia, who was post'd there to examine all
boats that came from the isles, as they were pretty well
assured that the prince was there at that time. Miss and
Neil having kept the prince in the boat as well as they
could, went to the house, leaving strict orders with the
boatmen not to stir from it till they came back, or some
word from them, and in case their curiosity led any body
1 The home of Sir Alexander of Sleat at this time was Monkstat House (also
spelt Mongstat, Mougstot and other variations), in the parish of Kilmuir, Trotter-
nish. It was built on the site of an ancient monastic foundation near the shores
of a lake named Columbkill, since then drained and parcelled into crofts. The
ancient home of the family was Duntulm Castle, about five miles north of
Monkstat, but during the troubles of the Revolution it is said to have been
burnt by a party landed from a warship. Local legendary lore gives various
other versions of the reason for abandoning Duntulm. By one account the
family was driven from the castle by the ghost of Donald Gorm, a sixteenth-
century ancestor. By another, it was owing to the death of a child of the
family, who was killed by a fall from a window of the castle, which is built on
the edge of a precipitous rock overhanging the sea. Monkstat was built in its
stead.
IN THE HEBRIDES 263
thither, who might perhaps take the liberty to ask who
was the person kept in the boat, to answer Miss McDonald's
maid, and to curse her for a lazy jade, what was she good
for, since she did not attend her Mrs.
When they were come near the house, they were in-
formed by a servant that Sir Alexander was gone for Fort
Augustus some days before to wait upon Cumberland, and
that there was no company with the lady but two gentle-
men, to wit, McDonald of Kingsbourg, 1 and Lieutenant
McLeod, 2 commander of the party before mentioned, and
one Mrs. McDonald who came the day before from North
Wist, and who was so strictly examined by the party
upon the point of Waternish (taking her to be the prince
in disguise), that she was at all the pains imaginable to
keep off the soldiers' hands from examining her person
to,o closely, which must have been the Prince's fate had
he fallen into their hands.
Miss Flora having met with one Miss McDonald, Lady
Margarate's gentlewoman, sent her to acquaint her lady
that she wanted to speak to her, who came back and
carried Miss Flora to the lady's apartment, where she
told all the circumstances of the prince's escape from
the isles, and that she must harbour him as he came now
under her protection.
The lady, in the greatest perplexity, was at a loss how
to behave upon this occasion, for her hurry and im-
patience hindred her to fall upon proper means to get
the prince conveyed privately to the house, especially at
such an improper hour as eleven o'clock of the day.
Whereupon she sent for Kingsborough, to whom she dis-
closed the whole secret. Kingsborough, without being
in the least discomposed, explained to her the danger the
1 Alexander Macdonald of Kingsburgh, a senior cadet of the Sleat family,
was the 6th in descent from James, a younger son of Donald Gruamach, 6th in
descent from John, Lord of the Isles and the Princess Margaret. Kingsburgh
was Sir Alexander's factor in 1746. His house was on Loch Snizort, about
eight miles south of Monkstat.
2 The garrison belonged to the Macleod Militia, and the officer in command
was Alexander, son of Donald Macleod of Balmeanach.
264 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
prince and her would be exposed to if she insisted to have
him brought to her house, where she was to entertain
one of the king's officers that day, who could not miss
to see and take notice of the person in disguise, as well
as every body else about the town.
Having got the lady at last to yield, though with great
reluctancy, he ordered Neil to return to the prince, and
to carry him to the back of a hill, a long mile from the
house of Mungstot, and there to wait till he came to
join them, and ordered that some light clothes should be
packt in the form of a bundle, for the prince to carry
on his back, as if it had been some of Miss Flora's baggage,
which done, they set out for the hill, but they had not
gone far, when tiring of his burden, which he carried very
awkwardly, threw it from him, leaving it for Neil to
carry, or leave, as he should think fit. It was in vain
that Neil insisted he would take it again, but he would
never condescend, saying that he had carried it long
enough.
When they came to the place of meeting they sate
down upon the side of a hillock, where they wait'd for
Kingsborough. The prince, who was a long time silent
and very pensive, ask'd Neil whether he had carried his
case of knives from the boat ; Neil, who did not miss
them till then, answered he had not ; ' Then,' said the
prince, * you must return and look for them.' ' Shall I
for the sakes of all the knives in the universe leave you
here all alone ? ' reply'd Neil. ' There will be no fears
of me,' said he, ' do you what you are ordered, for I must
absolutely have it, so no more words.' Neil still opposed,
but in vain ; seeing him at last quite out of humour,
and ready to fly in a passion, went leaving him there
within a gun shot of the high rod, without a soul along
with him.
When Neil returned he found Kingsborough, with him
taking a glass of wine, which Lady Margarate MacDonald
had sent by Kingsborough, together with some few
biscuits of which he ate a little, and gave the rest to Neil
IN THE HEBRIDES 265
to keep for him till another occasion. About an hour
before sunset they set off for Kingsborough, where they
were to be that night. Miss Flora, who staid for dinner
at Mungstot, that she might not be suspected by Lieut.
MacLeod, followed a horseback at some distance, and
was mightily diverted to hear several of the country
people with whom she fell in upon the road, as they
returned from the meeting house at Mungstot, it being
Sunday, make their remarks upon the behaviour of Betty
Burk, her maid, which name the prince borrowed when he
left the Isle of Wist.
Neil, who walked a little behind the prince, and Kings-
borough, hearing the subject the fellows were upon, went
slower till they came up and joined him, but they, not-
withstanding, continued to speak with the same freedom
as before, of the impudence and assurance of Miss Burk,
who was not ashamed to walk and keep company with
Kingsborough, and was no less vexed than surprised how
he took so much notice of her, when he never minded her
mistress, who was so near at hand. Betty, very easie of
what would be said of her, went on always at such a rate,
that she very often got a piece before her fellow travellers,
which gave occasion to some of the fellows to cry out,
* Curse the wretch do you observe, sir (meaning Neil),
what terrible steps she takes, how manly she walks, how
carelessly she carries her dress,' and a hundred such
like expressions, which they repeated over and over
again.
But what they most took notice of all was, when Kings-
borough and his companion was come to a rivulet about
knee deep, which crossed the high rod, to see Burk take
up her petty coats so high when she eiitred the water.
The poor fellows were quite confounded at this last sight,
which made them rail out against Burk, calling her all
the names in the world, and ask't of Neil if he was ac-
quainted with her. Neil told them that he knew nothing
about her further than to hear she was an Irish girl who
met with Miss MacDonald in Wist, and uppon a report
266 PRINCE CHARLES'S WANDERINGS
of her being a famous spinister of lint, engaged her for her
mother's use.
The honest people soon after departed with Neil and
Miss Flora, and made for their different homes full of
astonish
[Manuscript ends abruptly.]
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF THE CONDUCT
OF LUDOVICK GRANT OF GRANT
DURING THE REBELLION
NOTE. Many of the letters enclosed by Ludovick
Grant as appendixes to his narrative are printed in
Sir William Eraser's Chiefs of Grant. With a few
exceptions these have not been reprinted here, but
a v reference is given to where they may be found in
the second volume of the Chiefs of Grant, and a
brief abstract is given of the more important letters.
The letters referred to by Ludovick Grant which
are not given by Sir William Fraser are here printed
in full.
A SHORT NARRATIVE OF MR. GRANT'S
CONDUCT DURING THE REBELLION
THE first advice that Mr. Grant got that any invasion or
insurrection was intended was by a letter from Mr. Craigie,
at that time his Majesty's Advocate, 1 of date 5th August
1745 (Appen. No. 1st),* which came to his hands at his
House of Grange-Hill in the low Country of Murray on
Saturday 10th, and next day he had an account, that the
young Pretender with some forces had actually landed
and heard various and different Reports of their numbers.
Thereupon Sir James Grant and Mr. Grant went Monday
the 12th to Castle Grant. Their country was all the time
disarmed by authority of an Act of Parliament, nor durst
they appear in arms otherwise than as Directed by the
Statute, without Rendering themselves obnoxious to the
Law, and att the Mercy of the proper officers, to whom
the Execution of it was Committed. And they could not
but observe, that his Majesty's Advocate, however well
satisfied he was of their zeal, yet makes no insinuation
of their raising their Friends and Clan in arms : on the
contrary says in Generall that at London they have no
good opinion of this Country, and Desires no more of
Mr. Grant, than to have a sharp look out, and send him
Intelligence how matters go. For these Reasons Mr.
Grant contented himself with calling together the Gentle-
men in that country and causing enquire what arms could
be found, should there be occasion for using them
* APP. 1. Printed in Chiefs of Grant, ii. 144. From Edinburgh, telling
of rumours of the Pretender's eldest son who had sailed from France.
Requesting intelligence for government and expressing his belief that
Grant will do all in his power to support government.
1 Robert Craigie of Glendoick, Perthshire; b. 1685; advocate 1710; Lord
Advocate 1742-46; Lord President 1754; d. 1760.
270 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
And he was the more confirmed in this opinion by
advices he had that Lord President was returned to
Culloden and had had Interviews with Severalls of his
Friends, Chiefs and other Clans, yet he sent no message,
nor made any insinuation to Mr. Grant that it was proper
for him to appear in arms.
August 24th Mr. Grant Received another Letter from
Lord Advocate, dated the 20th (App. No. 2)* in answer to
one that Mr. Grant wrote the 15th with such Intelligence
as he had then got of the Rebells. In that Letter he
acquaints Mr. Grant that the Troops were in full march
from Stirling which he hoped would be soon in Mr. Grant's
Neighbourhood ; but he gives no authority nor advice to
Mr. Grant to arm his Father's clan unless that was intended
by the Dark and ambiguous words that follow, viz. Which
with the Assistance of His Majesty's Friends it is hoped
will restore quiet to the Country. But Mr. Grant was and
still is persuaded that had such been my Lord Advocates
meaning his Lordship who well knew the Law, and had
reason to know in fact that the country was not half
armed, would have expressed it in very different and
plainer Terms.
Next Day after the Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant
having got advice that Sir John Cope with the army under
his Command were already past Tay Bridge * wrote to Sir
John The Letter (App. No 3),f which he sent by one of his
* APP. 2. G. 0/6?., ii. 146. Of Grant's zeal for H. M. and the govern-
ment he never doubted. First intelligence ridiculously exaggerated, and
had delayed military advance, but now Cope will be soon in your neigh-
bourhood which ' with the assistance of H. M. friends it 's hoped will
restore quiet to the country.'
t App. 3. Mr. Grunt to Sir John Cope, dated 25th Aug. Upon the first
Information I had of the Pretender's son landing in the north west High-
lands I came to this part of the Country, and conveened all the Gentlemen
of my name, and gave them Directions to prepare as well as they could
to keep the Peace of the Country. I and my Friends have had great
vengeance denounced against us by those Clans, who are in arms, for the
appearance we made for the Government at the Revolution, and in the
year 1715. We have been preparing to defend ourselves the best we
1 Near Aberfeldy ; Cope reached it when marching to the Highlands from
Stirling on 23rd Aug. He reached Trinifuir the 24th ; Dalnacardoch 25th ;
Dalwhinny 26th.
DURING THE REBELLION 271
friends Robert Grant, now Ensign and Adjutant in
Loudouns Regiment, whom he also Informed what number
of arms were, according to the Reports made to Mr. Grant,
found in the Country, and what number of men could be
raised on short warning to the end that if Sir John should
Demand any Assistance, that Gentleman might be able
to inform him what he could expect.
This Gentleman instead of finding Sir John about
Delnacardoch or to the southward of it, as Mr. Grant
hoped he should, found him at Ruthven of Badenoch, 1 and
Returned to Mr. Grant Monday the 26th at night without
any other answer to his Letter than a verball message
that Sir John thanked him for it. He further Informed
Mr. Grant that Sir John, instead of going in quest of the
Rebells, was marching to Inverness to avoid them and that
next night he was to encamp in the head of Strathspey.
About this time Mr. Grant had advice that the Person
called Duke of Perth was in Braemar raising the High-
landers in that country, that the Mackintoshes and
M'Phersons were all in concert with the Rebells 2 that their
could ; But now all my Fears are dissipate, as I am informed you are
marching to attack those Rebells., when I think of your abilitys and ex-
perience, no doubt can remain with me, but that the Highlanders will
run before you. I wish you from my heart all Success. I have sent the
Bearer a cousin of mine who has served several years in the army, to give
you all the Information he can, and to assure you of my zeal for the Sup-
port of his Majestys Service and Government, I am with esteem, Sir, etc.
1 This date is wrong ; Cope reached Ruthven 2;th August ; Dalrachny's
(Carrbridge) 28th August ; Inverness 29th August. (See Itinerary and authori-
ties there quoted.)
2 All this is disingenuous and quite anachronic. The Duke of Perth, it is
true, had fled from Drummond Castle on 24th July, and taken refuge in Brae-
mar, but he had left long before this, for he was back at Machany in Perthshire
on Qth August. (Jac. Lairds of Cask, pp. 103, 104.) Cluny Macpherson at
this time had declared openly for government, had accepted a commission
as captain in Lord Loudoun's Highland regiment, and was now actually
raising his men for King George. He was seized by Lochiel on 28th August,
carried prisoner to Perth, and not released until the 9th or loth September,
when he undertook to join the Prince. He returned to Badenoch, and not
until then raised his men for the Stuart Cause. The Mackintoshes at this
time were arming for King George, under their chief, who was a captain in the
Highland regiment (Black Watch) ; it was not until considerably later that they
deserted their chief to join Prince Charles under Lady Mackintosh.
272 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
plan was that they, and even the Pretender and the
Highlanders with him, were to march down through
Strathspey, and join Perth, and march through Strath -
aven, Glenlivet, and into Aberdeenshire and so South-
ward before Sir John Cope, raising all the men in the
Country through which they marched. This obliged Mr.
Grant to set about raising his Friends as fast as possible
for Defence of his own country, which upon Sir John's
marching to Inverness behoved to be quite naked and
exposed to them, and Deprived him of the Honour of
waiting on Sir John as he intended to have done, when he
was encamped in the head of Strathspey ; However as
Sir John was quite a stranger to the country, and there
were some Dangerous passes in it he sent three of the
Gentlemen of the country to wait on him and with orders
to raise 40 or 50 of the men nearest to these grounds to
serve him as Guides and give him Intelligence and with
them to patrole in the Neighbouring Hills, not only all
Nights but till the Army was quite clear of these Passes,
and out of any kind of Danger from the Rebells ; While
Mr. Grant at the same time was gathering his Friends and
cantoning them in the proper passes, to prevent if possible
the Rebells entering his country, they having the very
next day or second day after Sir John past made a march
with six or seven hundred men, that pointed as if that had
been their Design.
Mr. Grant therefore could not help being greatly sur-
prised with accounts he had a few days after from Lord
Lyon 1 by his letter without date (App. No. 4),* ' that Sir
* APP. 4. C. ofG.j ii. 149. A letter of indignant remonstrance. Cope
cannot attack highlanders in their passes or strongholds without high-
landers to flank the regular troops. If the king's highland friends fail
him we are undone, and all of us must be at the mercy of the rebels.
The writer is told that Grant's people refuse to join him (Grant) if he
joins Cope or marches out of his own country. Let him beware of
counsels that will lead to his ruin. Grant should not give himself the
airs of having a clan that can support and serve the government if when
1 Alexander Brodie of Brodie, Morayshire ; M.P. Inverness Burghs;
appointed Lyon-King-of-Arms 1727 ; d. 1754. His daughter married John,
eldest son of Macleod of the '45.
DURING THE REBELLION 273
John Cope complained that tho' Mr. Grant in his letter
wrote him, that he and his people were ready to join and
assist him, yet by some fatall advice, he woud neither
join him with one man, nor go near him, and that if he
had been joined but with one hundred or two from each
of the Highland Chiftains, that he was told by the
ministry would join him, he would have done their Busi-
ness ; but instead of that not one man has joined him
of which he has acquainted the Ministry.'
Lord Lyon must undoubtedly have misunderstood Sir
John. A Coppy of Mr. Grants Letter to him is subjoined
(App. No. 3). He had no call nor the least Insinuation
from Sir John to join him, nor did he know that the
Ministry expected, or had authorised either him or any
other Chiftain of a Clan to raise men in arms to join him.
But it seemed still more surprising that tho' Sir John
had not called for any assistance from Mr. Grant when
he was on his march north, yet after the Army was at
Inverness, and out of all Danger from the Rebells, Lord
it comes to the push they tell him they won't go along with him. Grant
had written to Cope expressing 1 his readiness to join arid assist him,
but he would neither join him nor assist him with one man, nor go
near him, although Cope stopped at Aviemore and spent the night at
Dalrachny's (Carrbridge) within ten miles of Grant. Rose of Kilravock,
Lord Moray, General Cope and President Forbes are all disappointed
with him. Grant's uncle, the major (governor of Fort George, Inverness
Castle) is very angry. It would have been far better if Grant had given
no assurances if he were not sure he could fulfil them. The writer is
distressed about what people are saying of Grant at Inverness. How
glorious it would have been if he had been the first man in the country
to join the king's forces. The President has got two hundred stand of
arms for the laird of Mackintosh, who is to join Cope with two hundred
men. Munro, Mackays, Sutherland, Seaforth and others are raising
their men for government. The writer is to meet Cope and President
Forbes on Tuesday (3rd September), what is he to say of or for Grant at
that interview?
A separate piece of paper contains this rider, ' I would not have been
so strong if it had not been with a design, that you might show it to
those of your own people that I am told are not for leaving your own
countrey ; so hope you '11 forgive any strong expressions, as my mean-
ing is to serve you.'
S
274 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Lyon still prest Mr. Grants marching his men to join Sir
John at Inverness, and which advice was enforced by
Major Grant, 1 Governour of Fort George, who came on
purpose on that account to Castle Grant : But as the
M'Phersons and M'Intoshes were then Rising and Glen-
bucket was in Strathaven and Glenlivet committing the
Greatest outrages, even burning Houses to force out the
Men, such a measure must, without doing the smallest
service to the Government, have Involved his own Country
of Strathspey in absolute ruin. Yet Mr. Grant agreed
with Major Grant, that if Sir John was to march directly
in quest of the Rebells, he would join him with all the
men he could possibly raise, tho' he could not agree to
leave his own Country Exposed, to join Sir John if he
was to march where there were no Rebells to be attacked.
Upon the Intelligence that Mr. Grant had of Glenbucket
levying men in Strathaven, and the outrages committed
there, particularly a letter from his sister Mrs. Grant of
Ballindalloch, dated September 5 (App. No. 5),* He sent
about two or three hundred men to Strathaven and upon
their approach Glenbucket retired from that country
whereof Mr. Grant acquainted Sir John Cope, then on
his way to Aberdeen by a letter about the 10th September
(App. No. 6). f
Mr. Grant got a Message from Lord President, Sept.
14th, Desiring an Interview, and as neither of them in the
then situation of the Country could be absent a night
from his own House, Mr. Grant met him Monday 17th
at a place apointed, when the Lord President acquainted
him, that he the Lord President was impowered by the
* APP. 5. C. ofG., ii. 152. Duke of Gordon claims a right to the
superiority over Morange, and Glenbucket (the Duke's former commis-
sioner) was threatening the people if they did not join him.
f App. 6. C. ofG., ii. 155. Grant's situation had made it absolutely
impossible to wait on Cope when in his neighbourhood ; tells of Glen-
bucket's movements ; also that very few have joined the Pretender's
son north of Badenoch ; Glenbucket only got 130 men from Strathdoune
(Strathavon) and Glenlivet.
1 Ludovick Grant's uncle.
DURING THE REBELLION 275
Government to raise some Company's, That therefore he
made offer of the first of them to him, and that he Mr.
Grant should have the naming of all the Oficiers of that
Company. Mr. Grant answered, that since he the Lord
President proposed it, he would take the Company but
could not name the Officers till he returned home, least
by naming some, he might Disoblige others, but at the same
time, gave his opinion that the raising some Companys
would not do the service, and that it would be necessary
to raise the whole of the Clans, that were Friends to the
Government.
Upon Mr. Grants return to his own House, He and all
the Gentlemen in the Country had got Information that
the Lord President got the Disposall of Twenty Com-
panys, he found them greatly Disobliged that only one of
them was to be given to their Clan, which they thought
very far short of the proportion they bore to the other
Northern Clans, that were the avowed and constant
Friends of his Majestys Government, and looked on it as
a slight intended to them and that either it was intended,
that no more of them but that company should be employed
in the service, or if they were that it must be att their
own expense while the other Favourite Clanns were to be
payed by the Government. And for these Reasons Mr.
Grant found greater Difficulty in naming the officers than
he could foresee before he knew the number of the Com-
panys to be raised. That if the measure of raising
Companys were still insisted on that Mr. Grant rather than
hurt the service would accept of four or even of three
of them ; But a smaller number would not employ the
principal Gentlemen of the Clan nor satisfy any of them
where so many companys were to be Disposed of.
Lord Deskfoord x was therefore prevailed with to go to
Culloden to explain these things to Lord President and at
1 James Ogilvy, eldest son of the 5th Earl of Findlater and 2nd Earl of
Seafield; b. 1715; sue. as 6th Earl 1764; d. 1770. He was a brother-in-
law of Lord George Murray, being married to his step-sister Lady Mary.
He was also brother-in-law to Ludovick Grant, who married (1735) Deskford's
sister, Lady Margaret, a union which two generations later (1811) brought the
Earldom of Seafield (but not of Findlater) to the Grant family.
276 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
the same time to assure him, that the whole Clan should
on all occasions be ready to act in the Governments service,
only that it would be necessary to give them pay during
the Time that they should be employed, because Mr.
Grant's private Fortune could not bear so great an expence.
Lord Deskfoord at his return reported the Lord Presi-
dent's answer, That he was trusted with the Disposal of
Twenty Companys, yet at the same time all possible
economy was enjoined, That he could not therefore at
first exceed one Company to any one Clan, That he knew
the value and Importance in that country of the Family
of Grant, and had for that reason offered the first to Mr.
Grant, and should he refuse it others might follow his
Example, and thereby the whole sceme miscarry. And
whether it was the best measure that might have been
proposed yet it being the only one that the Government
had yet proposed for employing their friends in the north,
a miscarriage might be of bade consequence. That he
therefore hoped that where so much was at stake Mr.
Grant would come over small Difficultys, and if in the
future Distribution of these Companys due regard was not
had to the Family of Grant That Mr. Grant would have
reason to Complain.
Upon Consideration of this answer Mr. Grant satisfied
his Friends, and with their approbation accepted of the
Company offered, whereof he acquainted Lord President by
his letter September 22d (App. No. 7),* and therein named
the officers. And Lord President by his answer, Sept 24th,
(App. No. 8),*j* Confirmed what Lord Deskfoord had reported
of the Communing Between them, Approved the nomina-
tion Mr. Grant had made of Officers, and desired that the
men might be ready at a call, because he Daily expected
arms and money.
September 28th Lord President wrote to Mr. Grant,
* APP. 7. C. of G., ii. 160. Protests against the granting of one
company only, but Lord Deskford has explained and he acquiesces; he
names as officers for the independent company Capt., Grant of Rothie-
murchus; Lieut., Robert Grant, son of Easter Duthill ; Ensign,
William Grant, yr., of Dellachapple.
f APP. 8. C. ofG., ii. 160. (From Culloden.)
DURING THE REBELLION 277
(App. No. 9),* the Different accounts he had got of the
Battle of Preston, and after Expressing his apprehension
of the effects it might have in that country ' Suggests
That Mr. Grant should have all his people Alert that
they might be able to do such service as the exegence
might require, which would help to cause their Neighbours
Consider.'
This was the first letter that Mr. Grant received from
any Person intrusted by the Government that Directly
proposed the raising his Men, other than the Company
already mentioned and having received advices about
the same time that the Farquharsons in Aberdeenshire
were rising, and that the M'Phersons were to march
through Strathspey to join them, he furthwith rised all
the men that he could Find any Kind of Arms for, and
got together about seven hundred. The M'Phersons did
accordingly about two days after march near the Borders
between Badenoch and Strathspey ; but upon Mr. Grants
marching up to meet them, they retired to Ruthven, and
from thence to Cluny M'Phersons house. But Mr. Grant
having got Intelligence, that the M'Intoshes were in
Motion, he keeped his Men together for eight Days 'till
he had certain notice that they had not moved. 1
Mr. Grant had sent him by his Baillie in Urquhart
Twelve miles benorth Inverness a Letter to the Baillie
from Angus M'Donald son to Glengarry, 2 Dated September
the 30th, ordering the Tenants in that Country to Join
his Standart (as he called it) and threatening in case of
Disobedience to burn the Country, and was afterwards
advised by the Baillie by a letter of October 8th that he
had been prevented by the said Angus M'Donald from
Marching into Strathspey as Mr. Grant had ordered him
with such of the Tenants as were willing to follow him,
and that the Country would be ruined in ten Days. These
* APP. 9. C. ofG., ii. 162. (From Culloden.)
1 The Macphersons under Cluny joined the Prince at Edinburgh (nine or ten
marches distant) on 3ist October. The Mackintoshes joined the reserves at
Perth (five marches) on 3Oth October.
2 Accidentally shot at Falkirk the day after the battle.
278 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Letters Mr. Grant answered October 6th and 10th, exhort-
ing them to continue stadefast to the Government, order-
ing the Baillie to bring the Men to Strathspey, and engaging
* APP. 10. Angus MacDonell, second son to Glengerry, to the Baillie of
Urquhart, dated Delchannie, 30th Sept. This serves to give you notice,
that I am this far on my way to Glengerry,, and being clad with the
Princes orders to burn and harrass all People that does not immediately
join the Standart and as I have particular orders to raise your Country,
I do by these begg the Favour of you on receipt of this to have at least
100 men ready in 5 days after receipt of this to join my Standart at
Invergarry, and tho contrary to my Inclinations, in case of not due
Obedience to this my demand, I shall march to your Country with
the Gentlemen here in Company, Keppoch's Brother and Tirnadrish, 1
etc. and shall put my orders in Execution with all Rigour. And as
I have the Greatest Regard for Grant and all his Concerns, I begg you '11
neither give your Country nor me any Trouble, I do not chase to give,
and your ready Compliance with this will much oblige him, who is
sincerely, Dr. Sir, your most humble servant.
P. 8. Let me have your answer p bearer, which will determine me how
to behave.
* APP. 11. Mr. Grant to the Gentlemen of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant ,
6th Oct. Auchmony has communicate to me the Subject you have
had lately under your deliberation. All the Return 1 will give you,
considering what I formerly wrote to my Chamberlain, and which he
communicate to you is this, That whoever among you dont comply
with my directions in this present conjuncture, which is to remain
peaceable at home, and to be ready to receive my Directions as your
Superior, and as Master of my own Estate, must resolve to obey me at
your own Peril. And as I have firmly determined that whosoever shall
insult me or disturb any part of my Estate shall meet with the Returns
such an Insult shall merite. I am hopefull none of my neighbours
will act a part by me, which I could not nor cannot allow myself to
think them capable of. I cannot conceive the least title any man can
have to command any of my vassals or Tenants, but myself, therefore
whoever deserts me to follow any other at this Time, I must look upon
it as a disobedience to me, which I will never forgive or forget to
them and theirs. I am perfectly persuaded all the tenants will adhere
and keep firm to me, if they are not led astray by bad advice, which I
hope they will not follow. I am, Gentlemen, your Friend and will con-
tinue so, if not your own Fault.
*App. 12. The Baillie of Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated Bel/mackaen, 8th
Oct. In obedience to your orders I convened all the Tenents of this
Country this day, in order to March them to Strathspey, and there was
1 Keppoch's brother Donald, killed at Culloden. Donald MacDonell of
Tirnadrish (or Tiendrish), a cousin of Keppoch ; he was the only Jacobite
officer taken prisoner at Falkirk. He was executed at Carlisle in October.
DURING THE REBELLION 279
himself to repair all the Damage the Rebells should do them
if they complyed with his order (App. No. 10, 11, 12, 13).*
only 60 or 70 of the Tenents, that agreed to go with me. Dell and I
came with all the men that joined us the length of Drumbuie, so far on
our way to Strathspey, and Coll MacDonald and all the Gentlemen
of this Country came up with us there, and one and all of the Gentlemen
but Sheuglie and his son swore publickly to the Tenents, if they did not
return immediately or two nights thereafter, that all their Corns would
be burnt and destroyed, and all their Cattle carried away. And when
the Tenents were so much threatned by the Gentlemen as well as by
Mr. MacDonald, they would not follow me one foot further. And upon
the Tenents returning Mr. MacDonald assured me, that this Country
would be quite safe from any hurt from him and not only so ; but as
some of the Gentlemen that came north with him, had the same orders
as he had to destroy this Country, if we did not join them, he sincerely
assured me, he would do all he could to prevent these Gentlemen from
coming. And if he could not prevail upon them to keep back, that he
would run me an Express in a few days to put me on my guard, and
acquaint me of their coming ; but one thing I assure you of e'er ten
days that this Country will be ruined. Lord Lovat has not appointed
a day for his marching as yet ; for I am told that he has the Meal
to make that he carrys along with him for his Men's subsistance. There
is a Report here this day that there is 2000 French landed at Cromarty
last Saturday with Prince Charles Brother. You '11 please let me have
your advice how to behave ; for I am in a very bad situation. Please
excuse this confused Letter, being in haste and ever am, Honourable
sir, Your most faithfull hubl sert.
P. Auchmony did not act a right part.
* APP. 13. Mr. Grant to the Chamberlain of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant,
Wth Oct. I received yours of the 8th this day about Dinner Time. I
am not at all surprised at the Conduct of the Gentlemen of Urquhart ;
for as they seem determined to disobey my repeated Orders, they want
to prevail with my Tenents to do so likeways. However now that they
must have heard, that General Legonier with at least 18,000 of our troops
that have come from Flanders and the Dutch, and that there is 12,000
Danes, and the Remainder of the British Troops dayly expected, and
that nobody even at Edinburgh pretended to say, that the French can
spare any of their troops, I fancy they will soon see their Folly, and they
must be satisfied in a little Time, I will make them repent their Conduct,
and they will see the numbers they believed would join the Rebells,
dwindle to a very few, if any at all. Whenever you hear any Motions
among your neighbours make the best of your way for this Place and
see to bring these men with you, who were coming last day and as many
more as you can, and assure them I will see what Losses they sustain
1 Alexander Mackay of Auchmony, who long afterwards married Angusia, d.
of Angus Macdonell, Glengarry's son, referred to on p. 277.
280 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Mr. Grant received a Letter from Lord Loudoun, October
llth (App. No. 14th),* acquainting him of his arival to
command the Troops with one from Lord President,
October 12th, Desiring him to bring the Company together,
and to have them ready to march at a Call, and as many
men as Mr. Grant could arm to have them ready on any
Exigency if they were called out and adds ' Ways and
Means shall be fallen on to subsist them ' (App. No. 15), f
and October 16th (App. No. 16), { Mr. Grant assures Lord
Loudoun that he would exert himself to do everything
in his power for his Majesty s service under his Lordships
Direction and Advice, aquaints him of his having sent a
party to Banffshire to stop levying cess for the Pretender
repaid. And shall do all in my power afterwards to save them when
others must fly the country. Dont let any of the Gentlemen know the
day you design to march over with the men, other ways they might
bring a Possy to stop you, which will not be in their Power if you
be upon your Guard. I think you ought to have Spyes in the neigh-
bouring Countries. See that you get money from the Tenents, who are
due, that we may clear when you come over.
* APP. 14. C. of G., ii. 170. (From Inverness.) Claims Grant as a
relation and friend whom he finds, with great satisfaction, acting so
distinguished a part. The king has appointed Loudoun to command the
troops in this country ; it gives him the greatest pleasure to know that
he has so powerful and faithful a friend to support him in time of need.
t APP. 15. C. of G., ii. 171. (From Culloden.) Urging Grant to
press forward his company ; any expense after his men are brought
together shall be made good. Believes that ' the thing will blow over
without much harm,' but Grant should have his eye on as many of his
people as he can arm, to be ready for any emergency ; ' ways and means
shall be fallen on to subsist them/
% APP. 16. C. ofG. f ii. 175. Mr. Grant's heart is full of zeal for the
preservation of our religion and liberties, and will exert himself to do
everything in his power for H. M. service, and is perfectly happy
' that we who are the friends of government ' have Loudoun to advise
and direct us. The delay in his company's joining Loudoun is caused
by all his clan vassals being ready, and he wishes the company to be
all volunteers. He foresees that there will be occasion to convene all
his men and he wants Rothiemurchus with him, and asks for certain
alterations in the commissions to his officers. All the men of his com-
pany will have swords and most of them pistols and dirks. Hopes to
capture Capt. Gordon, who is levying cess on his party as their arms
will be useful. He is determined to let none of the clans now in motion
enter his county.
DURING THE REBELLION 281
(which effectually did at that time), and gives him notice
that the Company was ready at a Call.
October 22d and 23d Mr. Grant received from John
Grant his Chamberlain or Steward in Urquhart Two
letters, Dated 21st and 22d October App. No. 17 and 18),*
* APP. 17. John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 2lst Oct.
The MacDoualds and Glenmoristories came into this Country Satur-
days night late, and Sundays morning. And this day we expected the
Master of Lovat with 200 men to join the MacDonalds, who were in
number six score, in order to spreath [ravage] the Country, if the whole
people did not join them. The countrymen were all acquainted to meet
this day at Milntown, but few of them attended. And as the Master did
not come this day, as he appointed, sent word that he would be here
tomorrow morning, so that I am made to understand, that they design
to raise all their Cattle, and by that method are of opinion, that the
men will come present, and condescend to march directly to the army
before their Effects are carried off, but I made the Bearer, who is the
only one 1 could trust in, advise the People to keep at a distance and
allow them to carry off their cattle, as 1 assured them that you would
repay them in what damage they might suffer that way. I cannot
acquaint you at this Time of the Geritlemens Disposition, but tomorrow
I shall send an Express, and give you a full account of our Fate.
Belintombs house was attacked ; but I procured a party from the
Colonel to guard it this night. Is all on haste but that I remain as
becometh, Hon ble Sir your most ob. humble servant.
I am informed they design to march by Inverlaidnan. Barrisdale
came this day from the north to this country ; but did not bring any
men alongst with him.
* APP. 18. John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 22nd Oct.
The most of the Countrymen met this day at Bellymore where Barris-
dale came with a Commission from his Colonel to them, assuring if they
did not join him, that he was fully resolved to spreath the whole
Country. They all unanimously replyed that in any Event, they would
not disobey their masters orders and his positive commands to them to
sit peaceable at home, and swore that while there was a drop of Blood
in their Bodys, they would not allow the Macdonalds to carry off their
Cattle. In a short Time thereafter the Master of Lovat accompanied
with all the Stratherrick Gentlemen came to Milntown, and after a long
Conference with Mr. MacDonald of Barrisdale, he agreed that the
MacDonalds in the Country might be compelled to join the Colonel, as
he was not in readiness to march his men this week, but in the Event
that this did not satisfy Mr. MacDonald, he was to come in person with
200 men tomorrow, to prevent their carrying off the Cattle, and secure
the rest of the men for his own use, as he believed he had a better Title
to them than any MacDonald in life. As they could not agree upon
282 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Aquainting him that Glengarry's son, M'Donald of Barris-
dale, Glenmoriston and the Master of Lovat, were come
to force out his Tenents in Urquhart, and threatned to
carrie away their whole Cattle, if they did not Join. That
upon the Chamberlains assuring them, that Mr. Grant
would make good all their Damages The Tenants absolutely
refused to Join and resolved to oppose the M'Donalds,
should they attempt to carry off their Cattle, tho they
were not able to resist both them and the Frasers, and
aquainting him also of a Dispute between the Master of
Lovat and Barrisdale which of them had the best title
to these Tenents. The Master insisting that he had the
best right to them except such of them as were of the
name of M'Donald whom he willingly yielded to Barris-
dale, and that this Dispute had superseded the execution
of their Threatnings Till it should be decided by Lord Lovat.
That Mr. Grant looked upon this as of the utmost
immportance to the Government, that the King's Faith-
full subjects who were Determined even at the hazard
of their lives and the whole of their little Fortunes
to persevere in their Loyalty, should not suffer to be
Dragged against their wills into the Rebellion and that
too within Twelve miles of Inverness. He was at the
same time aware, That Lord Loudoun who had then got
no more than one of the new Companys the Monroes,
not having yet called for the Grants, had not a force
sufficient to leave Inverness, and to march against such
Numbers as might be brought to oppose him, and as
Urquhart is Distant about fourty miles from Castle
Grant, There was no time to Deliberate, or to receive
Lord Loudon's Directions. Mr. Grant therefore forth-
with assembled his friends to the number of betwixt six
and seven Hundred tho many of them were ill armed,
and Marched for Inverness in his way to Urquhart having
the above terms,, Barrisdale went with the Master to Castle Downie to
know my Lord's sentiments, and act accordingly. As this happens to
be the case we are as yet uncertain of our Fate, but shall to the outmost
of our Power, resist the MacDonalds if not assisted by the Frasers Is
all but that I remain as becometh, Honourable Sir, Your most obed fc
humble serv^.
DURING THE REBELLION 283
Recommended to Lord Deskfoord to give notice of his
March and the Design of it by Express to the Earl of
Loudoun and Lord President, and to begg that Lord
Loudoun would order Quarters to be provided for the
men at Inverness. But upon Saturday the 26th James
Grant of Dell one of the Tenants in Urquhart met Mr.
Grant upon his march with Accounts that the Rebells
had Left Urquhart, and marched Northward to the
country of Assint, and Mr. Grant thought himself Lucky
that they had done so ; for about the same Time The
answer to Lord Deskfoords Letter signed by both Lord
Loudoun and Lord President Dated October 26th (App.
No. 19)* was brought him by Express ' Wishing that Mr.
Grant had Communicated to them his Design, before he
set out with such numbers, which might have the effect
to begin Horseplay before they were sufficiently prepared.'
And upon Receipt of this Letter Mr. Grant Dismissed his
men except about 100 that he constantly Keept partly
about his House and partly in some proper passes or
Inlets to his Country.
November 3d Mr. Grant got a Letter from Lord Lewis
Gordon in the Pretender's name (App. No. 20),f Desiring
* APP. 19. C. of G., ii. 179. (From Culloden.) A letter to Lord
Deskford from the Lord President countersigned by Lord Loudoun. In
addition to what Grant quotes, they cannot understand the unaccount-
able folly of his people that they deliberate in entering the company
and hope that they may be persuaded to form it forthwith.
f APP. 20. Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated St. Bridget, 1 3rd Nov.
I take this opportunity to assure you of the Esteem and Regard I
have for yourself and all your Family, and that I shall be always glad
to do all in my Power to maintain the good Correspondence that has
so long subsisted between the Familys of Grant and Gordon. And as
you are very sensible of the Situation of Scotland at present, I shall
take this occasion of delivering you the Prince Regents Complements,
and how much he would be obliged to you for your aid at this important
Time ; and if you dont appear active yourself, that you would not
oppose the rising of your Clan, which is so capable of Serving the King
and Country. I hope you will be so good, as to consider this seriously,
and to excuse this Liberty from a Friend, who does it with a pure
Intention of Serving his Country. I begg my Complements to Lady
Margaret and all your Family, as also to Lord and Lady Findlater and
1 The house of Gordon of Glenbucket at Tomintoul in Strathavon.
284 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Mr. Grants allowance at least his connivance to raise
men. Mr. Grant would not see the Messenger and ordered
such a verbal answer to be given him as his Message
Deserved, but being at the same Time Informed of Lord
Lewis's practices in Strathavin and of his Designs on
Kincardine, 1 an Estate upon Speyside belonging to the
Duke of Gordon, Mr. Grant raised about 200 men more
and marched them to Abernethy lying betwixt Strath-
aven and Kincardine, and thereby not only prevented
Lord Lewis from forcing out any men in Kincardine,
but also obliged him to retreat from Strathavin, and give
over for that time his recruiting there.
November 7th Mr. Grant Received a Letter from Lord
Loudoun, Dated Nov. 5 (App. No. 21),* commending the
Company of Grants that had been sent to him, and if
Mr. Grant should need any assistance against Lord Lewis
Gordon, promising all he could give him and at the same
time got a letter from the President of the same Date,
(App. No. 22),f and to the same effect. And in this Letter
he for the first time made an offer to Mr. Grant of another
Company and desired him to name the officers.
By this Time the Gentlemen in Strathspey heard it
Reported that the Laird of M'Leod was to have no less
than four companys, and began to complain that Mr.
Grant had accepted of even one Company ; Therefore
Lord Deskfoord, to whom please tell, that what I am to do for the
Princes Cause in Banffshire, shall be executed in the mildest and
easiest manner in my Power. Glenbucket will deliver this to you, and
believe me to be, Dr. Sir, with great Sincerity Your most affectionate
ffriend and Servant.
* APP. 21. C. of G. 3 ii. 184. (From Inverness.) Grant's company
had arrived the previous day, was a very good one, the best clothed
Loudoun had seen. Was sorry that Lord Lewis Gordon had risen, but
the Duke (of Gordon) had given orders to his people not to join him.
Few had done so. If Grant were attacked his own power should make
Lord Lewis repent; if not strong enough Loudoun would do what he
could for him.
t APP. 22. C. ofG., ii. 183. (From Culloden.)
1 This was the ancestral home of the family of John Roy Stewart, the Jacobite
soldier-poet.
DURING THE REBELLION 285
instead of giving an answer in writing Mr. Grant chose
to go to Inverness about November 10th and found that
about 400 M'Leods were already come to the neighbour-
hood of Inverness tho' it was then said that 200 were to
be employed and the rest to return Home.
Mr. Grant told Lord Loudoun and Lord President, that
all his Friends were in perfect good Humour, and readie
to venture their Lives and Fortunes in the service, and
that it was of the outmost consequence to him to preserve
that good spirit among them. That he found great
Danger of Creating Jealousys and Animositys among them
by raising the first Company, tho' there would have been
no Danger nor Difficulty in raising four or five. But as
the Country was now in Great Ferment the Danger of
Disobligeing many Gentlemen of his name would now be
much greater should he accept of another Company, and
thereby have the naming of the officers and no more.
However upon their continuing to urge it Mr. Grant
agreed to take it to consideration till he should return to
Strathspey, and converse with the Gentlemen of the
Country about it.
After Returning to Strathspey the Gentlemen had got
certain accounts that M'Leod had got four Companys,
besides another to be given to his cousin M'Leod of
Genzies, and therefore cou'd not be persuaded to agree
to Mr. Grants accepting of only one which they thought
a very partial Distribution, and Mr. Grant by his Letter
29th November, whereof (vide the Coppy App. No. 23d),*
aquainting the Lord Loudoun of their Resolutions ; c but
at the same time asured his Lordship that the whole body
of the clan should be ready upon a few days notice to go
upon any Duty under his Lordships eye or Command, that
his Lordship should think for his Majesty's service.'
In the same letter Mr. Grant after aquainting Lord
Loudoun of the Great outrages the Rebells were com-
mitting in the shires of Banff and Aberdeen and noticing
of what Importance it would be to relieve these Countys,
and especially the Town of Aberdeen, from so grievous
* APP. 23. C. ofG., ii. 186. (From Castle Grant.)
286 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
oppression, beggs to have his Lordships commands and
promises in five Days after Receiving his Lordships
Orders to march with five or Six Hundred men to Aber-
deen to restore the peace of those parts. Mr. Grant now
felt the disadvantage of having accepted even of one
Company ; the want of 100 good men and of 100 broad-
swords and Pistols that he had at Lord Loudouns desire
furnished them must have been a considerable loss in
such an Expedition, however he thought himself strong
enough without them for any body of the Rebells that he
heard was in Aberdeenshire but as he could not forsee
whether they might not be reinforced from Perth, there-
fore in that letter he also suggests that in case of any
Reinforcements being sent from Perth to Aberdeen, it
might be proper to send Captain Grants Company to his
assistance, and hoped that in his absence Lord Loudoun
would Protect his Country.
Lord Loudoun however did not think proper to give
Mr. Grant these orders (and very likely he Judged better
than Mr. Grant) for by his answer, December 2d (App.
No. 24),* he aquaints Mr. Grant of an Expedition he was
going upon, which would take him a few days. After
which he proposed to march along the Coast for the Relief
of that country, where, if it should prove necessary, he
would expect and begg Mr. Grant's assistance.
Earl of Findlater and Mr. Grant had repeated advices
from Banffshire, particularly from the Earl of Findlaters
Chamberlain and Mr. Grant of Auchynanie l of the oppres-
sive demands made on the people of that country of men
and Money, and Military Execution threatned, in case of
Refusal and that December 10th was fixed for commencing
such military Execution att Keith. Lord Findlater had
thereupon, December 9th, wrote to Lord Loudoun and in
his absence to Lord President begging relief and Mr.
* APP. 24. C. of G., ii. 187. (From Inverness.) Lord Loudoun
declines to send the company back to Mr. Grant, as he proposes to
march through Stratherrick to Fort Augustus.
1 Thomas Grant of Achoynanie, Keith, afterwards of Arndilly, a cadet of
Grant of Grant, best known as the early patron of James Ferguson the
astronomer. (Henderson, Life of Ferguson, p. 18.)
DURING THE REBELLION 287
Grant had given assurance to Auchynanie of Assistance
how soon such violences should be begun, and December
llth at night he had a letter from Auchynanie of that
days date, that they were already begun, and Lord Find-
ater had one from his Chamberlain l much to the same
purpose (md. App. No. 25, 26, 27).* No Return was come
from Lord Loudoun or the President, and there was
* APP. 25. Lord Lewis Gordon to Thomas Grant of Auchynany, dated
Huntly Castle, 6th Dec. As Lord Lieutenant of the Countys of Aberdeen
and Banff, I am to raise a man for each 100 of valued Rent within the
same, and where Fractions happen the same is to yield a Man. 1 hope,
therefore, you will he so good as to send to Keith Tuesday next such a
number of ablebodied men, as will answer to the Valuation of your
estate well cloathed in short cloaths, Plaid, new Shoes, and three pair
of hose and accoutred with shoulder belt, gun, pistol and sword. I have
appointed a proper officer to attend at Keith the above day for receiving
the men. I need not tell a man of your good sense and knowledge the
hazard of not complying with the demand. Your Prudence will no
doubt direct you to avoid hardships of military execution, wherein
you'll extremely oblige, Sir, your most humble servant.
* APP. 26. C. of G., ii. 190. Thomas Grant of Auchynanie to Mr.
Grant, llth Dec. (From Arndillie. ) Lord Lewis Gordon has only
300 men, and of these only 100 have joined : mostly herds and hire-
men from about Strathbogie and unacquainted with the use of arms ;
many of them are pressed and intend to desert ; 100 or 150 of Grant's
men would drive them to the devil, and capture Lord Lewis and his
prime minister Abbachy (Gordon of Avochie). Lord Findlater's tenants
and the people of Keith are being ruined by Abbachy and look to Grant
as their only saviour. If Lord Loudoun would take possession of old
Balveny Castle it would spoil Lord Lewis's recruiting.
* APP. 27. Lord Findlater's Steward l to his Lordship, dated llth Dec.
I had a Letter from John Saunders in Keith upon Sabbath day night,
informing me that there had 60 of Lord Lewis men come to that place
upon Saturdays night, under command of one White and that he and
others in that place much wanted advice what to do. To whom I wrote
for Answer, that I had a letter from Lord Lewis Gordon for your Lord-
ship, which I forwarded by Express, was very peremptor, Lord Lewis
had given no orders for making the least demand upon your Lordships
Estate before its Return, so I expected that none concerned in him,
would offer to do it before that Time, yet notwithstanding thereof, I
had the inclosed this day from William Taylor, to which I answered
that as I sent Lord Lewis Letter to your Lordship per Express, I could
neither give answer nor advice to his Letter, but that I expected that
none concerned in Lord Lewis \vould have made any demand of your
1 Alexander Grant of Tochineal, near Cullen.
288 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
ground from their former Letters to presume, that Lord
Loudoun was then upon another Expedition, and im-
mediate relief seemed to be absolutely necessary. Mr.
Grant thought therefore that he might be justly blamed
by the Government as well as by his Friends in that
Country should he stay tamely at home, waiting for
orders from Lord Loudoun, and suffer them in the mean-
time to be ruined. Therefore he brought together 5 or
600 men and with them marched, December 12th, from
Castle Grant, whereof he then acquainted Lord Loudoun
by Express (App. No. 28th),* ' That he proposed to be next
night at Keith and endeavour to come up with Lord
Lewis Gordons party, wherever they were, and that he
would continue in that country with a force sufficient
to keep the peace until he should receive his Lordships
further Directions.'
The weather was so excessive bad and rainy that Mr.
Grant by Mid Day of Saturday, the 14th, had got no
further than Auflunkart within four miles of Keith,
where he got Intelligence that upon notice of his March
the Rebells had left Keith and gone to Fochabers. Mr.
Grant therefore halted there that day to refresh his men
and clean their arms, and there he received a Letter from
Lord Findlater of December 13th (App. No. 29), t covering
Lop. Estate before I had your Answer. As likeways that they would
have defered compounding the matter untill that Time. David Tulloch 1
is just now at Banff with about 60 or 80 men and as 1 am told demands
no fewer Levies from that Town as 200 men. Birkenbush was here last
night, and told me that as it is not in his power to get your Lordships
Estate saved in such a way as he would have desired has utterly refused
having any Concern in uplifting the Levies from that Bounds, for
which I have been very angry at him ; but it cannot now help. To
appearance Mr. Tulloch or Abbachy will be soon here, and unless your
Lordship fall upon some shift for relief to us, we shall suffer extremely.
* APP. 28. C. ofG., ii. 192. (From Castle Grant.)
t APP. 29. Earl of Findlater to Mr. Grant, dated 13th Dec. After de-
spatching the short letter I wrote you this morning, which is inclosed,
I received the Inclosed from the President. All that I shall say is, that
all their Proceedings will not secure our Safety unless a Sufficient right
and Trusty Party is left in Banffshire for Lord Lewis's small partys will
1 See ante, p. 118.
DURING THE REBELLION 289
Lord Presidents answer to his Lordship, Dated December
11 th (App. No. 30),* which came to Castle Grant only the
13th. In that Letter he Informs Lord Findlater that on
the 10th five or six hundred men had marched from Inver-
ness towards Aberdeen by Elgin for the Relief of these
Countys. That they were quickly to be followed by
Lord Loudoun with as many more if needfull, and by
a further force if it shall be wanted.
At the same time he had some accounts that Lord
Loudoun was come to Murray, and that the Rebells had
brought the boats on Spey to the East or Fochabers side
of the River ; Wherefore Mr. Grant sent a party of an
hundred men who secured the boat of Bridge 1 which is
stir as soon as they are past, if there is not force enough to suppress
them. You know the State of my health makes it impossible for me
to attend Lord Loudoun and make things agreeable to him as I would
wish. I have writ to Tochineil 2 and John and William Ogilvies Sheriffs
deputes to do their duty the best they can in all respects ; but I am not
without my own Fears that Fear and trembling for after Consequences
may make some if not all of them extremely unwilling to act. Perhaps
even they may decline it. You know you have full Power in everything
that concerns me, to do what you think proper and I have full con-
fidence you will do whatever you think right ; but least some thing
more formal should be requisite, with regard to the office of Sheriff I
hereby give you full Power to act as Sheriff Depute of Banffshire and
to employ such substitutes under you as you shall think fitt, for which
this shall be to you and them a sufficient warrant and Commission, I
always am most affectionately and entirely yours.
P. My son intends to go down by Forress to wait of Lord Loudoun
tomorrow ; but as he continues extremely ill off the Cold I am uncertain
if he will be really able to go. I begg you will send the Inclosed to
Tochineil by some sturdy clever Man because the bearer is feckless and
too well known, and may be searched for Letters. It contains orders
for Tochineil, John and William Ogilvies to attend my Lord Loudoun.
Keep the Presidents letter. Your wife opened the inclosed from
Robert Grant.
* APP. 30. C. ofG., ii. 189. (From Culloden.) This letter contains
a postscript saying that Lord Loudoun ' had prevailed with Lord Lovat
to come in with him to town [Inverness] to reside at liberty there till
the present confusions are over, to deliver up what arms he has, and to
sign all proper orders to his clan to remain quiet. Loudoun brings him
on with him to-day llth [Dec.] 9 a clock in the morning.'
1 Boat o' Bridge, the ferry on the Spey near the mouth of the Mulben burn, now
superseded by a road and a railway bridge. 2 His chamberlain or steward.
T
290 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
two miles further up the River and by Express aquainted
Sir Harry Innes l at Elgin of what he had done, and Desired
him to ask whether Lord Loudoun had any Commands
for him, and that night he cantoned his men at Auflunkart
Mulbain and adjacent villages.
Next morning Sir Harrie Innes came to him with a
Letter from M'Leod (App. No. 31),* Expressing 4 his joy
at the news of the Grants being there, and aquainting him
that he was at Elgin to attempt to pass Spey to assist in
Protecting that country. That he heard the passage was
to be Disputed, and that the Rebells had gathered all the
boats at Bogg 2 to the East side, and that he was perswaded
that Mr. Grants moving that way would Disperse them,
and open that passage, which otherwise might be hazard-
ous.' (Vide Mr. Grants answer, App. No. 32. )t
Upon Receipt of this letter Mr. Grant marched towards
Fochabers, but when he came within Two Miles of it,
accounts were brought him, that on his approach the
Rebells retired from it through the Enzie. Mr. Grant
apprehending that they might have gone to Cullen, and
taken Possession of Lord Findlaters House Detached a
Party thither who took possession of it and the Town and
prevented a party of the Rebells that had been sent
thither for that purpose, and sent some gentlemen to
wait of M'Leod who passed the River without any opposi-
tion, and Mr. Grant again that night billetted his men,
much in the same place they were the night before.
* APP. 31. C. of G., ii. 193. (From Elgin.) Macleod will most
cheerfully act in conjunction with Grant in everything- thought proper.
f APP. 32. Mr. Grant to M'Leod, dated 15th Dec. 1 have just now
the Pleasure of yours by our Friend Sir Harry Junes. I shall as soon
as I get my Men conveened march to Fochabers and endeavour to get
Possession of the Boats, and shall do all in my Power to secure the
passage for the Men under your Command. I am hopefull the Rebells
wont be able to give much disturbance.
1 Sir Harry Innes of Innes (Morayshire), 5th bart. Sue. 1721; d. 1762.
He was a brother-in-law of Ludovick Grant, married to his sister Anne. Innes's
son James sue. as Duke of Roxburghe on the death of the 4th duke in 1805.
2 Bog, the local name for the site of Gordon Castle, built on the Bog o' Gight
(windy bog). The ferry there was known as the Boat o' Bog ; it is now super-
seded by Fochabers Bridge.
DURING THE REBELLION 291
The Gentlemen sent to M'Leod Brought Mr. Grant word,
that he was to remain that night at Fochabers, and to
march the next day the 16th to Cullen, wherefore Mr.
Grant marched next day to Keith, and after Quartering
his men and placing advance Guards some miles further
towards Strathboggie, where he heard the main body of
the Rebells was, he went himself to Cullen to assist the
Deputy Sheriffs in accomodating M'Leod and his men.
For which purpose Mr. Grant had got a Commission of
Sheriff Depute from Lord Findlater, and on the 17th
returned back to Keith.
Mr. Grant aquainted M'Leod of the Letter he had wrote
to Lord Loudoun, and of his purpose to remain at Keith
till further orders ; but M'Leod was very earnest with him
to go forward, and was of opinion that he would receive
orders to do so.
Upon Mr. Grants Return to Keith a Messenger brought
him a Letter from Lord Lewis Gordon w4th a printed
Declaration by Lord John Drummond and a printed
Letter signed Marshall (App. No. 33).* These papers joined
* APP. 33. Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated Fyvie, 16th Dec.
I was a little surprised this morning to hear that you had marched a
body of your Men to the low Country so far as Mulben. Your Reason
for such Proceedings J cant find out, as you have not got the least disturb-
ance from the Prince, or any of his Friends, since his Royal Highness
arrival in Scotland. And for my part I have not given you the least
disturbance, since my coming to the North. So far from it, that I have
given positive orders to the Gentlemen employed by me to raise the
Levies, not to meddle with any of your Estate no not so much as to
raise a man from a little Place called Delnaboe, which holds of the
Duke of Gordon, to the men of which last place, I had a natural Title.
I now desire to know, if you are to take any Concern in protecting the
Estates of any but your own. If that is the case, I must take my
Measures accordingly, and as the Consequence must be fatal you have
none to blame but yourself. I am this minute writing to Lord John
Drummond that he may march his Troops directly to this Country to
join the men I have already raised ; but if you withdraw your men, and
give no further disturbance, it may move me to alter my Resolutions
with respect to you. I wrote you a Letter from Strathdoune but was
not favoured with any Return, but must insist on an answer to this in
writing or by some Gentleman of Character. Offer my Complements to
Lady Margaret and your young Family. I am with much Respect, etc.
292 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
with what M'Leod had said Determined Mr. Grant to go
at least to Strathboggie, and therefore returned a verbal
answer by the Messenger who brought the Letter, c That
if Lord Lewis with his men would be at Strathbogie,
next Day at 12 o'clock Mr. Grant and his men should
there give them the answer, which he was Determined
should be proclaimed over the Cross and affixed upon it/
He immediately aquainted M'Leod by Express of his
Copy Printed Declaration of Lord John Drummond, Commander-in-Chief
of his Most Christian Majesty's Forces in Scotland. We, Lord John
Drummond, Commander-in-Chief of his most Christian Majesty's Forces
in Scotland, do hereby declare, that we are come to this kingdom with
written orders to make war against the King of England, Elector of
Hannover, and all his adherents, and that the positive orders we have
from his most Christian Majesty ai*e to attack all his ennemys in this
Kingdom, whom he has declared to be those, who will not immediately
join or assist as far as will ly in their power, the Prince of Wales,
Regent of Scotland his Ally, and whom he is resolved with the con-
currence of the King of Spain to support in the taking possession of
Scotland, England and Ireland, if necessary at the expence of all the
men and money he is master of, to which three Kingdoms the Family of
Stewart have so just and indisputable a title. And his most Christian
Majesty's positive orders are, that his ennemys should be used in this King-
dom in proportion to the harm they do, or intend to his Royal Highness'*
cause. Given at Montrose, the 2nd day of December 1745 years.
J. DRUMMOND.
Copy Printed Letter from Earl Marshall to Lord John Drummond, dated
Paris, 1st Nov. MY LORD, As I am now obliged to attend the Duke of
York to England, with a body of French Troops, I desire that you will
be so good as to see if possible, or send word to the people that depend
on me or have any regard for me in Aberdeenshire, or the Mearns, that
are not with the Prince, that I expect they will immediately rise in arms,
and make the best figure they can in this affair, which cannot now fail to
succeed, and that they will take from you, my Cousin German directions,
as to the manner they are to behave on this occasion.
I am sorry that just now it is not in my power to head them myself;
but as soon as this affair will be over, I intend to go down to my native
country and they may depend of my being always ready to do them what
service will ly in my power. MARSHAL. 1
Directed to Lord John Drummond, Brigadier of the King's Army
and Colonel of the Royal Scots at Dunkirk.
1 For the authenticity of this manifesto, see ante, p. 132.
DURING THE REBELLION 293
Design and that night got his answer (App. No. 34),* with
a letter from Captain Monro of Culcairne from Fochabers.
December 18th Mr. Grant marched to Strathboggie and
upon his approach the Rebells fled, and there he made the
Proclamation (App. No. 35)f and affixed it upon the most
publick places and provided quarters for the Two Com-
panys that Culcairn was bringing, fully Determined if he
was not countermanded to proceed forward in Aberdeen-
shire as far as he could do any service to the Government,
or give any assistance to M'Leod, when on the 19th he
received a letter from Lord Loudoun and another from
Copy Printed Letter from Lord John Drummond to William Moir of Loan-
may, Esquire, Aberdeen llth Dec. SIR, You will be pleased to com-
municate the contents of this letter to such gentlemen of your country
as are well affected to the Prince Regent, and who retain regard for the
Earl Marshall, and assure them that what may be necessary for effectu-
ating the ends proposed shall be heartily supplied by me, and I am, Sir,
your most humble servant, J. DRUMMOND.
Addressed to Willm. Moir of Loanmay, Esq., Deputy Governor of
Aberdeen.
* APP. 34. C. of G.,\\. 199. (From Cullen.) Grant's letter gives
him vast joy ; Culcairn will be with Grant to-morrow, while Macleod
will go to Banff and thence to Turriff and Old Meldrum.
Culcairn to Mr. Grant, dated llth Dec. I came here this day
with Captain William Macintoshes Company and mine, and have
written to the Laird of M'Leod telling my coming here and Resolution
of going tomoiTOw to Cullen etc. and therefore pray acquaint me how
affaires are with you. I wrote also to the Laird of M'Leod to acquaint
me how affaires are with him. I am, D r Sir, yours etc.
The following note was inclosed
All the Information that is known here about the Rebells, who fled
Out of Fochabers, is that they all marched to Huntly, and about
6 men as computed abode in Newmilns Sunday night and on Monday
followed to Huntly. There is no word yet from Lord Loudon.
f APP. 35. Declaration published at Strathbogie by Mr. Grant, dated IQth
Dec. Whereas many of his Majesty Subjects have been compelled by
Force and Threats to enlist in the Service of the Pretender, whilst there
was no Force sufficient to protect them. If any such shall resort to me,
and deliver up their arms, I shall signify their dutiful Behaviour in this
point, to the end that it may be a motive to obtain their pardon from
his Majestys Grace and will endeavour to free all of illegal and treason-
able Levies of men and money ; but such as presumes to persist in their
treasonable Practices and to resist will be treated as Traitors.
294 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Lord Deskfoord, both dated at Inverness December 14th
(App. No. 36, 37),* which pretty plainly apeared to Mr.
Grant to be a Rebuke tho' in very modest and polite terms
for his undertaking that Expedition without orders and that
Lord Loudoun, as he thought he had provided sufficiently
for that service without Mr. Grant, he wished him rather
to return than to proceed further, tho' he wou'd give him
no orders because he had given him none to go there.
He therefore Resolved to return to Keith of which he
aquainted Culcairne then at Strathboggie, as he did also
* APP. 30. C. of G., ii. 194. (From Inverness.) Loudoun's letter
after applauding Grant's zeal is very much the same as Lord Deskford's
letter which follows.
* APP. 37. Lord Deskfoord to Mr. Grant, dated 14th Dec. I am now
with Lord Loudon and in a conversation with him, I find that he is
Sorry he has not Sufficient authority as yet from the Government either
to give Pay to any Clan, except when an immediate necessity which
cannot be answered by the Troops upon the establishment requires it,
nor has he any arms to dispose of to the Friends of the Government,
scarcely having sufficient arms here for the independent companies and
his own Regiment. This being the Case and the Service in the Countrys
of Banff and Aberdeenshire being sufficiently provided for by the 700
men already sent to that Country, it is impossible for him to take your
men into Pay, and as your arms are certainly not extremely good, and
he cannot give you others, I believe he would be as well pleased, that
your People should go back to Strathspey ; but he does not care to take
it upon him to order them back, as the thing was undertaken without
his Commands. If you carry your People home, he wishes you gave
M< Leod Information of it because he must regulate his motions accord-
ingly with the independent Companys. He says he wont fail to repre-
sent your Zeal and that of your People, and wishes for the future
nothing may be undertaken but in concert with those who have the
Direction of the Kings affaires in this Country. Pray let us hear what
you do. Loudon who is much your Friend assures me of another Thing
which is that the first opportunity that offers of employing any People
in a way to make them make a figure he will most certainly throw it
into your hands. I hear there are more Troops to march eastward
tomorrow. When Lord Loudon sets out himself is not certain. I am,
Dear Sir, etc.
As the Governor commands here in Lord Loudons absence My Lord
says he will chuse to leave the Grants here with him, that he may have
one Company that he may entirely depend upon.
DURING THE REBELLION 295
M'Leod by express, vid. his Letter with M'Leods answer
(App. No. 38, 39).*
Mr. Grant therefore Immediately returned to Strath-
spey but that as he apprehended that when M'Leod was
gone forward some small partys of the Rebells (whereof
he had heard of severalls that could be formed in one
Days time) might give Disturbance to the Country, he
ventured even without orders to leave a party of 60 men
at his house in Mulbain within Two miles of Fochabers,
of which however he acquainted Lord Loudoun after his
return to Castle Grant by a Letter, December 24th (App.
No. 40),f wherein he renewed his offer of Employing his
whole Clan, wherever Lord Loudoun should think they
could be of any service to the Government, and that small
party happened afterwards to be of good use after the
Unlucky Disaster that happened to M'Leods party at
Inverury by securing the boats upon Spey to make good
their Retreat. December 25th Mr. Grant received a letter
from Sir Harrie Innes dated 24th December (App. No. 41), J
with an Account of the Disaster at Inverury, 1 and that
M'Leod was come to Elgin and by his orders Desiring
* APP. 38. C. of G., ii. 201. (From Huntly.) Grant writes he
has a letter from Loudoun intimating he should not have marched
further than Keith, and he will return there next day. Culcairn and
Mackintosh want to join Macleod at Inverurie to-morrow night.
An enclosure contains the following lines, which naturally were not
sent up to Government, and are not in the Record Office. They are
taken from The Chiefs of Grant:
' Lord Loudoun will not act as Cope,
Whose ribbon now is cali'd a rope ;
If Grant is armed to join M'Leod
The enemy is soon subdued,'
* APP. 39. C. of G., ii. 200. (From Banff.) Macleod very sorry
that Grant is not to join him at Inverurie, but he knows best what
Loudoun has directed.
f APP. 40. C. ofG., ii. 202. (From Castle Grant.)
I APP. 41. C. ofG., ii. 205. (From Elgin.)
1 For a detailed account of the action at Inverurie on 23rd December, see
an/e, p. 140 et seq.
296 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
Mr. Grant to have his men ready to oppose Lord Lewis
Gordon, and at least to secure the boats upon Spey, and
Sir Harry presses Mr. Grant to march his men the length
of Rothes to the Protection of Murray, and December 29th
he received Two letters one from the Magistrates of Elgin
and another from Sir Harrie Innes, Dated December 28th,
aquainting him that M'Leod had marched to Forres
and that by their Intelligence they Expected Lord
Lewis Gordon with 500 men, and therefore begging Mr.
Grant to come to protect them. Mr. Grant so far com-
ply'd as to secure the Boats ; but after the two reproofs
he already got he did not think that he could be Justified
if he should march his men a third time, without orders
from Lord Loudoun, who surely could best judge when it
was proper to employ his men. Therefore he wrote to
the Magistrates his opinion, that Lord Lewis would not
venture to Cross Spey while Lord Loudoun was so near
him and he Mr. Grant above him, but that he could not
promise to march any body of men but in concert with
and by the Direction of Lord Loudoun (App. 42),* and he
* APP. 42. Mr. Grant to the Magistrates of Elgin, dated 29th Dec., in
answer to their Letter following. I received your Letter of yesterdays
date signed by you and the Magistrates of Elgin,, informing me that
Macleod and his men were then marching from your Town towards
Inverness and that you are now exposed to the same oppression with
the other Burghs to the East. As you had Intelligence that there are
500 men ready at Strathhogie to come over,, who have sworn heavy
vengeance against you. How far it may be in my Power to give them
a check, and to prevent the oppression they threaten you with, I dare
not positively say ; but I assure you, I have all the Inclinations in the
world to be of as much Service to my Friends and neighbours during
these troublesome Times as I possibly can. Upon the 10th of this
month I was informed that the Party under Abbachys Command was
levying the Cess and raising men in a most oppressive manner in
Banffshire, and that they were to detach a large Party to your Town,
and were threatning to use the same acts of violence against you. As
at that Time I knew nothing of the Relief that was acoming to you from
Inverness. I conveened upon the 12th the most of the Gentlemen of
the Country and about 500 of the men, and marched directly to Mulben
with an Intention to cover your Town and Country, and to assist my
Friends and neighbours in the County of Banff. All this I did without
DURING THE REBELLION 297
could not help being pleased that he had given such an
answer when afterwards he Received another letter from
Sir Harry Innes wrote that same night, December 28th
any advice or Concert with those entrusted at Inverness, only the very
day I marched from this, I wrote and acquainted them of my Intention ;
but as they imagined they had sent Force sufficient to clear all betwixt
them and Aberdeen, I found it was not expected that I should proceed
further than Keith or my own Estate of Mulben ; however as I was
resolved to chase the Rebells out of Banffshire, if in my Power I pro-
ceeded to Strathbogg where I remained two nights, and then finding
that I was not desired or encouraged to go further, I returned home,
leaving a party of 60 men, with officers in Mulben to prevent any small
partys of the Rebells either from visiting you or oppressing that neigh-
bourhood. My Party continued there till all the M'Leods had passed
in their way to Elgin ; but then the officers there thought it was not
proper for so small a body to remain longer, when Such numbers of the
Rebells were so near them. My present opinion is that you may all be
easy, unless you hear that a much greater body come from Aberdeen to
join that at Stratbogie for these at Strathbogie will never venture to
cross Spey, when I am above them and Lord Loudon is so near them.
Altho the MacLeods have marched to Inverness, I am persuaded Lord
Loudon will send another body sufficient to give a check to those at
Strathbogie. In the situation 1 am at present in I am uncertain whether
I am to be attacked from Perth or by those at Aberdeen and Strathbogie
for my late March. I dare not promise to march with any body of
Men but in Concert and with Lord Loudons Directions. And at the
same Time I have demanded to be assisted with arms, and encouraged
to keep my Men in the proper way. There is no body can wish the
Peace and happiness of my Friends in the Town of Elgin than I do.
And I shall always be ready to use my best Endeavours towards pre-
serving the Tranquility you at present enjoy. I am, etc.
The Magistrates of Elgins Letter to Mr. 'Grant, dated December 28th,
1745. The Laird of M'Leod and his Men are this moment marching
from this Place towards Inverness, so that we are left exposed to the
like Ravage and oppression which other Burghs and Counties to the
East of us labour under. And unless we be immediately favoured with
your Protection, we and many others of the principal Inhabitants must
remove with our best effects to some Place of Safety without loss of
Time. By Intelligence we have from the other side of Spey there are
500 at Strathbogie ready to come over and who have threatned a heavy
vengeance upon us, so that we have all the Reason in the World to
guard against the Blow in some shape or other. We therefore begg
you may give us a positive and Speedy Answer. And we are respectfully,
Hon ble Sir, Your most humble Servants.
298 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
(App. No. 43),* and Lord Loudouns Letter, December 30th
(App. No. 44),f in answer to Mr. Grants to him of the 24,
wherein he writes Mr. Grant, that he could not yet under-
take any new operation ; But that how soon he should
find it proper to undertake any thing of moment towards
the East, he should aquaint Mr. Grant in order to Concert
together the most effectual way of Doing it.
* APP. 43. Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec. The
desertion among all the Companys has been so great that M'Leod is
resolved to inarch to Forress, and for ought I know to Inverness. This
will lay this Town and Country open to the Insults of the Rehells.
Therefore the Magistrates have writ you and have desired me to do the
same, desiring you may march Such a body of your Men here as will
secure the Peace of the Country and Town ; but as you are best Judge
of this. I am, D r Sir, etc.
P.S. We had yesterday the accounts of the Highland Armys being
totally routed and dispersed betwixt Manchester and Preston betwixt
the 13th and 14th. The Prince as he is called flying in great haste with
about 100 horse. The Duke of Perth amongst the Prisoners. If
M'Leod marches I must with him or go to you, but I think I shall go
to Inverness for I am not liked at present by many.
Sir Harry Innes to Mr. Grant, dated 28th Dec. , probably from Innes
House. I wrote you this forenoon from Elgin, which I suppose would or
will be delivered to you by one of the Council of Elgin. As M e Leod was
then resolved upon Marching here, they were determined to apply to you
for some Relief and Support for their Town and Country in General.
I have and must do M'Leod Justice. He is far from loading you with
any share of their late unlucky disaster, and would willingly act in
Concert with you for the Common well, but to his great Surprise when
he came here, he found that his men who had deserted in place of going
to Inverness had mostly past from Findorn to the Ross side. So he
does not know when or where they may meet. This has hindered him
from writing to you to desire you to bring your men to Elgin in order
to act with his. Altho he had desired this from no other authority, or
any Reasons, but your doing the best for the common Cause, but this
unlucky passing of his men at Findorn has prevented his writing as he
told the Provost of Elgin he was to do. For these Reasons I run you
this Express that you may think how to act. I go to Lord Loudon and
the President tomorrow, and will return to M'Leod Monday forenoon.
My Complements, etc.
P. The President writ me that Lord Deskfoord is gone for London
in the Hound and that they sailed the 2oth.
t APP. 44. C. of G., ii. 208. (From Inverness.)
DURING THE REBELLION 299
January 9th, 1746, Mr. Grant wrote to my Lord Loudoun
by James Grant his Chamberlain of Strathspey (App.
No. 45),* concerning some new attempts that were made
* APP. 45. Mr. Grant to Lord London, dated the 9th Jany 1745-6.
Inclosed your Lordship has a letter I received this day from John Grant
Chamberlain of Urquhart. The subject contained in it gives me the greatest
uneasiness. 1 thought I had taken such measures as to prevent any of the
Gentlemen or Tenants of that country from so much as thinking to
favour the Rebells far less to join them. I have sent the Bearer James
Grant my Chamberlain of Strathspey, who has several Relations in that
Country to concur with John Grant my Chamberlain of Urquhart in
every Measure that can prevent these unhappy People from pursuing
their Intentions of joining the Rebells. And I have ordered him to
obey any further Orders or Instructions your Lordship shall give him
for that purpose, and I am hopefull I '11 get the better of that mad
villain Currymony who is misleading that poor unhappy People.
That I may not weary your Lordship, I '11 leave to him to tell you all
that he knows relating to that country. I have just now received the
Inclosed from Lord Strechin by Mr. Sime Minister of Longmay: My
Lord Strichen did all in his Power to save my Friend Lieutenant Grant
from being taken Prisoner, even to the hazard of his own Life. I would
gladly march to relieve him as my Lord Strichen suggests in his Letter,
but I take it for granted that that Thing is impossible, for I could not
march to that Country with any Body of men but the Rebells must have
notice of it, and would send my Friend to Aberdeen and so forward to
Glames, where the rest of the Prisoners are. I am hopeful the King-
horn Boat on board of which my Friend came to Frasei'burgh is by this
time arrived at Inverness, but least it should not, I send your Lordship
with the Bearer the two last Newspapers from Edin r , which came by
Lieutenant Grant who luckily delivered them with my Letters to Lord
Strichen, before he was made Prisoner. And I must refer it to the
Bearer to inform your Lorp. of the manner of Mr. Grant's landing and
being taken Prisoner. Mr. Syme who brought me Lord Strichens letter
informs that Mr. Grant told that part of the Duke of Cumberland's
horse arrived at Edinburgh Wednesday last. That the Duke of Cumber-
land arrived at Edinburgh on Thursday last with a great body of horse,
and the foot were following. I think it my duty to take notice to your
Lop. that the Rebells are exerting themselves in every corner of the
North to increase their army. I therefore think it absolutely necessary
that all the Friends of the Government should use their outmost efforts
to disconcert and disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all
the Gentlemen of this Country, and I can assure your Lop. we wait only
your orders and Directions, and there is nothing in our Power, but we
will do upon this important occasion for the Service of our King and
Country. I wish it was possible to assist us with some arms, and money
300 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
to force his Tenents of Urquhart into the Rebellion. The
reason of sending his Chamberlain was that he might
explain to my Lord the particulars and receive his Lord-
ships orders which he was directed to obey, and in that
Letter after giving him some further Intelligence Mr.
Grant writes as follows :
' I think it my Duty to take nottice to your Lordship
that the Rebells are exerting themselves in every corner
of the North to encrease their army. I therefore think
it absolutely necessary that all the Friends of the Govern-
ment should use their utmost efforts to Disconcert and
Disperse them. I had a meeting yesterday with all the
Gentlemen of this Country and I can assure your Lord-
ship we wait only your Lordships order and Directions,
and there is nothing in our power but w r e will do upon
this Important occasion for the service of our King and
Country. I wish it were possible to Assist us with some
arms ; and money to be sure would be also necessary ; But
give me leave to assure your Lordship, that the last
Farthing I or any of my Friends have, or that our credit
can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our
men upon any expedition your Lordship shall Direct us
to undertake for this glorious Cause we are all Ingaged
in. I wish to God your Lordship and the Lord President
would think of some measure of conveening the whole
body of the Kings Friends in the North, and I would
to be sure also would be necessary ; but give me Leave to assure your
Lordship that the last farthing- 1 or any of my Friends have, or what our
Credite can procure us, shall be employed in supporting of our men
upon any Expedition your Lordship shall direct us to undertake for this
glorious Cause we are engaged in. I wish to God your Lordship and
the Lord President would think of some measure of conveening the
whole body of the Kings Friends in the north together, and I would
gladly hope we would form such a body, as would in a great measure
disconcert and strike a damp upon the army of the Rebells in the South,
and effectually put a stop to any further Junctions they may expect
beriorth Stirling and at the same Time surely we might prevent their
being masters of so much of the North Coast, and also hinder many of
the Kings Subjects from being oppressed by the exorbitant sums of
money the Rebells are presently levying from them. Complements etc.
DURING THE REBELLION 301
gladely hope we would form such a body as would in a
Great Measure disconcert, and strike a Damp upon the
army of the Rebells in the South and effectually put a stop
to any further Junctions they may Expect benorth
Stirling. And at the same time surely we might prevent
their being Masters of so much of this North Coast as also
hinder many of the Kings Subjects from being opprest
by the exorbitant sums of Money the Rebells are at present
Levying.'
January 17th Mr. Grant received Lord Loudouns
Answer, Dated Jany 16 (App. No. 46),* approving indeed
Mr. Grants sceme, but that he could not in the present
Situation undertake it, till he had got a return to Letters
he had sent for Instructions, and a little more certainty
of the motions of the Rebells, and that how soon Instruc-
tions should arive, he should aquaint Mr. Grant and
consult with him.
After this nothing Material happened in the North till
the Retreat of the Rebells from Stirling and upon the
first Intelligence of their coming to Blair 1 Mr. Grant
again conveened his men to the number of above Six
Hundred tho' very ill armed whom he stationed in the
properest manner he could either for Joining Lord Loudon
(who he supposed would probably come to his assistance)
to attack the Rebells at the passes in the entrance into
the Country, or if Lord Loudoun should not come to his
Assistance, and that the Rebells should be too numerous
* APP. 46. Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated 16 Jany. 1745-6. I have
had the Honour of two Letters from you since I had an opportunity of
writing to you. I think your scheme of relieving the low Country is a
very good one ; but in the present situation until I have a Return of the
Letters I have sent for Instructions, and a little more certainty of the
motions of the Rebells, I dare not give them any opportunity of Slipping
by the short road over the hills into this Country and of course into
possession of the Fort. Whilst I am in the low Country, as -soon as
Instructions arrive, I shall be sure to acquaint you, and consult with
you the most effectual way of doing real Service to our Master and our
Country. I begg my Complements etc.
1 The Prince arrived at Blair Castle 6th February, and left on the gth.
302 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
for him to engage alone, so as to retire but keep in a body
and prevent as far as possible their Destroying the Country
or forcing away any of his men.
About February 8th Mr. Grant received a letter from Lord
Loudoun, dated 7th (App. No. 47),* with what accounts
he had of the Rebells motions, and of their Designs on
that Country, which he did not seem to think they would
soon attempt, and recommends to Mr. Grant first to
employ people to get Intelligence, ' And in the next place
I hope you will have your people alert that we may Act
by Concert and support one another which I asure you
I will to the outmost.'
Mr. Grant obeyed both these Orders with all
the Exactness that he was Capable of. Sunday,
19th February, he sent by his Chamberlain of Strath-
spey the Intelligence (App. No. 48), f wherein he
* APP. 47. C. ofG., ii. 222. (From Inverness.) Giving- news of the
abandonment of the siege of Stirling Castle by the Jacobites and their
retreat to the north. The desertion among them has been very great,
and it will take time to re-collect their people before they can hurt us.
f APP. 48. Intelligence sent to Lord London by Mr. Grant, 9th February
1746. Last Thursday Mr. Grant sent by a Ministers son not having had
time to write, being busied in his own Preparations, Intelligence of the
Rebells motions, and what was said by some of their leaders to be their
Intention.
Saturday morning he wrote M'Leod the substance of it with the
orders then brought to Badenoch, which as M'Leod would forward was
unnecessary for Mr. Grant to do. Since the above many confirmations
of it have arrived but nothing new all this day.
The inclosed is a copy of their Resolutions taken at their Meeting in
Badenoch, where Cluny was present and approved of them.
Many of the M'phersons came home before Cluny and many of them
expressed Resolutions not to be further concerned ; but how far they
will be steady is uncertain.
It is said by pretty good authority, that the Glengerry men after the
Interment of Angus MacDonald openly and in a body left the army, and
many of the Camerons followed their example. It is certain most of
Keppoch's men were at home some time ago, but people are sent to use
their outmost Endeavours to bring all the above back, and influence what
more they can, for which purpose it is said they will remain at least two
days at Badenoch.
Their Prince was said to be at Cluny last night, but the men remaining
DURING THE REBELLION 303
begged some arms if any could be spared, and Tuesday,
February llth, sent two Expresses with Intelligence
with him, and coming- through the hills to be only in the Country this
night.
A deserter from those coming by the Coast, and who only left them
in Angus, says Duke Cumberland was entering Stirling, as last of their
army was going out, Confirms the great desertion since the battle, and
asserts it continues dayly, also that there is no division coming by
Braemar.
The above Deserters and others and Letters say that Clauhatton,
Farquharsons, French, Pitsligo, Angus, Mearns and Aberdeenshire
People came by the Coast for whom Billets were ordered last Wednesday
at Aberdeen, and that some McDonalds, M'Kenzies, Frasers, M'Leods,
Camerons, Stewarts, M'Phersons, Athole and Drummond men are coming
by the Hills.
Some Clatters say they wont disturb Strathspey, and others that it is
their formed Plan to march through and disarm it, and join the rest in
Murray. The Truth is not yet known. There are some Rumours from
the South that part of the Duke's Army are following briskly by the
Coast, and that upon the Rebells leaving Stirling, two Regiments were
ordered to embark for Inverness. Mr. Grant and all his Friends have
been alert as desired. Many spyes are employed and what is material
shall be communicated.
The Bearer will explain Mr. Grants numbers and present distribution
of them, with the various Instructions given for the different occurenees
that may happen. In the general it may be depended upon, that
Mr. Grant will act zealously with his whole Power in every shape that
shall be judged best, suitable to the hearty Professions he hath all along
made, and upon a closer scrutiny finds he could bring furth 5 or 600
more good and trusty men if he had arms, than he can in the present
condition. If there are arms to be given the Bearer will concert their
Conveyance.
Sunday 8 at night. This moment fresh Intelligence arrived from
Rothemurkus as follows. It confirms most of what is above.
They are ignorant in Badenoch of the present root of the army, and
conceal their Losses as much as possible, but acknowledge they lost
considerably before Stirling, and obliged to leave behind them seven
heavy cannon of their own, and part of their Ammunition and Baggage,
with all the Cannon and Ammunition taken from the King's army.
That they have brought north all their Prisoners. The Duke was
advanced as far as Perth. Their Prince is to be at Ruthven tomorrow
where his Fieldpieces and five, and some say 9 battering Cannon is
arrived. Tho they conceal their designs with great secrecy the Prisoner
officers conjecture their design is against Inverness. All the men of
Strathern are gone home and to meet the Army in its way to Inverness,
304 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
(vide App. No. 49),* that the Rebells were come the length
of Ruthven.
February 12th Mr. Grant received Letters from Lord
Loudoun and the President of the llth with accounts that
the arms were landed, That Mr. Grants Clan was well
armed, yet in the Distribution Lord Loudoun would reserve
as many as he could for him.
They seemed to think Mr. Grant in no Danger of being
Disturbed by the Rebells, and mention their Readiness
to receive the Rebells and support Mr. Grant (App. No.
50, 51).f
February 13th, Mr. Grant sent Lord Loudoun further
Intelligence of the Rebells Motions and numbers, beggs
to have if possible 400 guns, for that his people were
extremely ill armed, tho' to Deceive the Rebells he behoved
to give out the contrary. And the 14th he sent more
Intelligence to the Governor of Fort George to be com-
municated to Lord Loudoun and still Demanding Arms
which is to go through Strathspey, and the Division coming by the
Coast to march through Murray. They call these in Badenoch seven
Regiments, made up of the people above mentioned.
That many the writer conversed with declared they were sick of the
present Business, and wish for a sufficient Force to protect them at home.
One man says he heard their Prince declare he would quarter next
Tuesday in the house of Rothemurkus.
Some means are employed to endeavour to increase the desertion and
to create some dissention. If they prove effectual the Conclusion will
be quicker and easier.
* APP. 49. O. ofG., ii. 225. (From Castle Grant. ) A long letter of
various items of intelligence.
t APP. 50. C. ofG., ii. 224. (From Inverness.) Though a supply of
arms has come it is impossible to send them and men must come for
them. He will be glad to consult and co-operate with Grant. He has
brought back troops from Forres and needs money : will Grant send him
the cess he has collected.
t APP. 51. C. ofG., ii. 223. (From Culloden.) The Aberdeen rebels
much discouraged,, for the most part separated., and will not easily be
brought together again. The Jacobites' intention is to capture Inver-
ness and force all the neighbourhood into their service. Glengarry's
and Keppoch's people and the Camerous are almost all gone home, but
leaders are sent to fetch them out. All this will give time to the friends,
of government.
DURING THE REBELLION 305
(App. No. 52),* and still further on the 15th (App. No. 53),f
when the Rebells were come into Strath Spey, the length
of Avymore, and were that night to be at Inverlaidnan. 1
Lord Loudouns Letter of February 15th (App. No. 54), J
which was the last he had from him while att Inverness
came to hand Monday, 16th, telling that if the Rebells
* APP. 52. C. ofG., ii. 232. (From Castle Grant.) A long letter of
details of intelligence of the movements of the Jacobite army.
f APP. 53. Further Intelligence, dated 15th Feb. 1746, Saturday 7
o'clock at night. Two persons confirm that Letters from Lord Loudon,
etc., were stopt at Ruthven. One of them says the Bearer was
hanged this morning. Both agree the Bridges on the road to Athole are
broke doun, That the Castle of Ruthven was burnt last night, and
stables this morning. The Prince to be at Inverlaidnan this night, some
of his People in Strathern, 2 the last at Avemore. The Macphersons to
march to-morrow all for Inverness. Best Judges call them about 5000.
The Campbells were at Blair. The Duke certainly at Perth the 12th.
The Hessians certainly landed at Leith. Several Expresses for this are
stopt. You know better than we do what is doing in Murray.
APP. 54. Lord Loudon to Mr. Grant, dated Inverness, 15th Feb. I
have. been honoured with a Letter from you last night, and another this
morning, and I have seen yours to the Governor, all with the Intelli-
gence which you have got for which I am very much obliged to you, and
as we have had notice some time I hope if they do come, we shall be able
to give them such a Reception as they will not like. I expect to be
reinforced with 900 or 1000 men in two days, and every day to grow
stronger. I have thought seriously on every method of sending you
arms ; but do not see as we are threatned with an attack, that I can
answer sending such a detachment from hence. A march that must
take up 4 days, as well bring the arms safe to you. Consider the Clan
hattonn 3 are all come home. The Erasers and the Gentlemen of Badenoch
are appointed to intercept them, and if we have any Business it must
be over before they return. As to the number you mention, you know
how small the number is, I have to give, and how many demands are
made on me, and by people who are none of them near so well provided
as you are. If you can send down 300 men, I shall endeavour to provide
them as well as I can that is the outmost I can do. You are very good
as you be advanced to send us constantly what accounts you get, but by
all I can learn your accounts magnify their numbers greatly. I beg you
will make my Compliment to all ffriends. I am with real Esteem and
Sincerity, Dr. Sir, yours etc.
1 Near Carrbridge. 2 Generally ' Strathdearn,' the valley of the Findhorn.
3 ' Clan Chattan,' the Macphersons, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons ; prob-
ably here meaning the Macphersons.
U
306 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
should come he hoped to give them a Warm Reception.
That as he was threatened with being attacked he could
not spare a party to carry arms to Mr. Grant, but that if
Mr. Grant would send Down 300 men he would provide
them as well as he could.
After the 15th Mr. Grant durst not send any Letters
to Lord Loudoun, but both the 16th and Munday the
17th (the Day that Inverness was taken) 1 he sent two
Expresses each day with accounts of the Rebells motions.
And even after Lord Loudoun was gone to Ross, Mr.
Grant found means of conveying to him an account of
His Royal Highness the Duke marching Northward from
Perth, and by the same Conveyance got a Return signed
by Lord Loudoun and the President, which he transmitted
to Sir Everard Falconer. 2
Mr. Grant was made to believe that his Royall Highness
was Immediately following in Pursuit of the Highlanders,
and therefore kept his men together in order to join the
army till Sunday 23rd February that he received a letter
from Mr. Murray, secretary to the Pretender (which at
present is fallen by hand), Reproaching him for assisting
the Government, and for the further offers of assistance
made by his Father Sir James Grant which the Rebells
had Discovered by Letters sent Mr. Grant by Express by
Lord Justice Clerk whom they had Intercepted, and there-
fore ordering him Betwixt a Day limited to send to Inver-
ness all the arms in the Country with hostages who were
named in the Letter for the peaceable Behaviour of the Clan.
Mr. Grant at this time had Intelligence, that the
1 This date not quite right. The 'Rout of Moy' took place on the I7th.
Loudoun evacuated Inverness on the i8th, and the Jacobite army reached the
town the same day. The castle (Fort George), garrisoned partly by Grant's
company and commanded by his uncle, surrendered to the Prince on February
2Oth. (Scots Mag., viii. p. 92.)
3 Sir Everard Fawkener, secretary to the Duke of Cumberland ; b. 1684 ;
originally a London mercer and silk merchant ; the friend and host of Voltaire
in England 1726-29; abandoned commerce for diplomacy; knighted and
sent as ambassador to Constantinople 1735 ; became secretary to the Duke of
Cumberland, and served with him in the Flanders campaign ; for his services
was made joint postmaster-general 1745 ; accompanied the Duke throughout
his campaign in Scotland 1746 ; d. 1758.
DURING THE REBELLION 307
Macphersons, some of the Athol men and the Menzies were
in a body in Badenoch above him that Glenbucket with
about 300 men were in Strathaven and Glenlivet and that
another party was Marching by Murray to enter Strath-
spey by the Lower end of it ; He was Informed that
the Duke was still at Perth. He was not an equal Match
for all these partys alone, and could not hope for assistance
from any Quarter. Therefore he had no Choice but that
of either being Besieged in his own House or making good
his retreat to the army. The House could not hold out
long, and therefore the other was resolved on, and he chose
rather to force his way against Glenbucket, than to venture
by Ruthven where the M'Donalds by Joining the M'Pher-
sons had it in their power to intercept them.
Monday 24th Feby. Lord Findlater and Mr. Grant and
their Ladys set out for Strathaven escorted by between
5 and 600 men, and the Better to encourage them to
leave their Houses, he proposed to give them his Bond
to repair all the Dammage that the Rebells should do
them ; But the men said that they relied upon his word
without any Bond.
Upon Mr. Grants marching his men Glenbucket retired
from Strathaven into the low Country, and at Strathaven
an Express sent by Lord Justice Clark (but who had been
taken prisoner by Glenbucket and set at liberty on his
retiring) came to him and brought him the news that the
Duke was come to Aberdeen. 1 Mr. Grant thereupon
directed his course thither, and when he came to Newe,
three miles from the house of Forbes of Skellater one of
the Rebells, finding himself out of Danger of any Great
body of Rebells sent home his men to take care of their
Cattle and houses, taking with him only 150 for an escort
to Aberdeen, and ordered that all the men in the Country
should be ready on the first call to come to Join him.
These 150 Mr. Grant marched to Kintore and left them
there and March 1st went himself to attend His Roy all
Highness to Aberdeen ; and remained there till the 9th
that he was ordered to Inverury, where his men then
1 The Duke of Cumberland arrived at Aberdeen on February 27th or 28th.
308 GRANT OF GRANT'S CONDUCT
were, and from thence to proceed slowly to Strathspey,
so as to serve as an advanced Guard to the Troops in their
march to Strathbogg, and in that March before he reached
Castle Forbes 1 had the Disagreeable news of a Ridiculous
and Scandalous Treaty of Neutrality (as it was called)
that five Gentlemen of his name had signed to the Rebells
which he transmitted to Aberdeen to be communicated
to his Royall Highness. As this was done in his Absence
and was in his opinion the greatest affront that could
have been done him, none living can look upon it with
Greater Indignation than he does, notwithstanding of
what all these gentlemen say to alleviate it, which is,
That finding their country threatened to be Burnt, and
no appearance of Immediate Relief, They consulted
together on the properest measure to Divert their Ruin,
and it was agreed on as the most prudent measure to
endeavour to gain Time by treating with the Rebells
untill the Army would come up, and for that end to send
three of them as Deputys for the Rest, that when these
three came to Inverness they were forthwith made prisoners
and keept there upon their paroles, and the Rebells insisted
that other two gentlemen should likewise come before
concluding any Treaty. That by these means they got
the matter Delayed for some Days, and when at last a
written paper was presented to them to sign promising
upon their Honours that neither they nor their Dependents
should bear arms against them, They all absolutely
refused to sign it, until they were Threatened to be thrown
into Dungeons, and Lord George Murray with a party
of Two Thousand men and some Cannon ordered to Strath-
spey to burn and Destroy the Country and then they,
signed it, believing that in the Strictest Honour, they
could not be Bound to perform a promise Extorted from
them in such circumstances. That it was Twelve days
after their first confinement before this parole was signed
and some time Before the dukes passing Spey. 2 Three
1 Not the modem Castle Forbes on the Don, in Keig parish, but the old Castle
Forbes at Druminnor, in the parish of Auchindoir and Kearn.
2 Cumberland crossed the Spey on April I2th.
DURING THE REBELLION 309
of the five were allowed to return home, and how soon
Mr. Grant got home to Castle Grant, which was before
the Battle of Culloden, These three joined him and were
very active in bringing together the men.
This is a plain and genuine narrative of Mr. Grants
conduct from the beginning of the late wicked Rebellion
until he went to Aberdeen. The part he acted afterwards
is already sufficiently known to His Royall Highness the
Duke, and Mr. Grant wants not any other Justification,
whereas the former part being acted in a corner of the
Highlands could not be so generally Known.
The naked Facts are stated without any observations
upon them, which will naturally enough arise to any
Person into whose hands this may come. And no Facts
are stated but such as are either sufficiently proved by
the writings in the Appendix or can be proved beyond
Contradiction and no part of another persons conduct
mentioned except in so far as it was necessarly Connected
with his.
And it is hoped it does appear that nothing was ommitted
on Mr. Grants part that he could Devise for supporting
the Government or Distressing the Rebells. He did not
indeed know what were Lord Loudouns or Lord Presidents
Instructions or powers, nor was it fit that he should know
them ; But by that means perhaps it was that some-
times he undertook Expeditions and projected scemes
that these Gentlemen possibly, yea probably, for good
Reasons Judged not to be expedient or seasonable, but
however that may be an argument of his want of skill,
or of his too great forwardness, but surely it can be none
of his want of Zeal to his Most Gracious Sovereign and our
present Happy Constitution.
THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT,
MINISTER OF URQUHART; AND OF
ALEXANDER GRANT OF SHEUGLY
IN URQUHART, AND JAMES
GRANT, HIS SON
INFORMATION for MR. JOHN GRANT,
Minister of the Gospel at URQUHART
WE hear that Mr. John Grant is charged w th reading
and explaining to his Congregation and Parishioners in
Irish the Pretenders Manifesto from the Pulpit and in
other places. This is as false as the Charge is Malicious.
I thank God for it I was never reckoned a Bedlamite or
a madman, and truly if this Charge were well founded
I think that all the Punishment that the Law can conflict
[sic] is but to little. How soon ever I had certain informa-
tion that the Pretenders son was landed I wrote a letter
to Lochaber to Mr. John Stewart for intelligence as it
was reported the Rebel Army was to besiege Fortaugustus 1
and Inverness. This I did in presence of the Laird of
Grants Baillie. I gave a Copy of the return to my letter
to the Baillie that he might let the Governor of Inverness
and the Laird of Grant see it. The Baillie told me that
the Governor own'd that piece of Intelligence to be of
vast consequence to the North and that the Laird of
Grant was likewise informed of it the letter inform' d
that they were to march directly south.
In Nov r when the M'Donalds and Frasers came to the
country in order to raise the men I preach'd publickly
ag st it and exhorted my congregation to live peaceably.
This rais'd the Wrath of most of my Parishioners who
were in the Rebellion ag st me insomuch that I was daily
insulted even by the meanest of the Parish particularly
towards the close of Dec r last I was after sermon attacted
by above 20 men and threatned to be drowned in a Loch
near by for my praying for his Majesty King George. I
and some other gentlemen went to a woman in Distress.
1 Fort Augustus surrendered to the Jacobites, March 5th.
314 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
Immediately there came into the House 2 fellows with
drawn durks to kill me and were it not for some Gentle-
men then present I wou'd have suffered for the stroak
that was leveld at me cutt an Iron Crook. I was the
object of the M'Donald's hatred because of my attach-
ment to the present happy Establishment, in so much that
in Feb? last when the M'Donalds to the number of 400 or
500 men came to the Country my house was attacked
by 8 or 9 of them ; they first rapp'd at the doors and
windows and then they were to set fire to the house were
it not that the Gentlemen with whom they lodged and
whose house was close by mine hindered it for fear of his
own house.
My wife spoke to them next day they swore that they
wou'd knock me down with butts of their Guns because
they 'd scorn to give me a better death. My wife was so
frighten'd that she sicken'd abhorted and was verie like
to have lost her life being confined for 6 weeks to her
Bed. I was then obliged to give up preaching. After I
was for 2 Sabbaths without preaching my Parishioners
cry'd out ag st me for their wanting of sermon, then I
ventured to preach and prayed for his Majesty King
George. But the second Sunday I preached I was mobb'd
in the Churchyard and had my Cloaths torn. A fellow
who was for some time my officer and whom I turn'd off
for his having gone to the North after the Rebels pro-
claimed publickly in the Churchyard that I should no
more pray for King George and that I should have no
stipend pay'd me this year, which last hold but to true
for I did not receive 40s. of the last years stipends as yet.
I was then a 2 d time obliged to give up preaching as I
had not the Protection of the Law. The Sunday immedi-
ately before the Battle of Culloden I was attacted by 4
of the Rebels and very rudely dealt by for my Praying
for King George and for having given up preaching they
swore that if I would not preach next Sunday and pray
for the Pretenders son whom they call'd Prince Charles,
They or some of their Corps would attend and shoot me
thro' the head. But blessed be God their power was
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 315
soon broken and I then preach'd and pray'd w th out
distraction or fear. Towards the beginning of May when
Mr. Grant of Grant had with his men left the country of
Urquhart and gone to Inverness with the People of Glen-
moriston and Urquhart who had surrendered Mr. John
Grant was surpris'd to hear of Alex r Grant of Sheugly and
his son's confinement at Inverness. Mr. Grant of Grant
wrote to his Bailie to acquaint me to repair to Inverness
without loss of time as he had particular business with
me in relation to the surrenderers in the Parish of-Urquhart.
Accordingly I went to Inverness without delay and
waited of Mr. Grant, was by him keept for 6 or 7 days
living still in the Town on my own Charges without any
other business but giving the Characters of the Men who
had surrendered in Urquhart. Mr. Grant likewise chal-
leng'd me for asserting Alex r Grant of Sheugly and his
son as peaceable subjects and told me that he would put
me on my marrow bones for that sometime. After I
answer'd Mr. Grant that I attested nothing but what I
was conscious was truth ; this Conference happen'd in Mr.
Grant of Grant's room on the 9 th of May. Sunday there-
after, being the 11 th of May, Mr. Grant of Grant sent a
Gentleman of his name to my Quarters desiring that I
shou'd repair to his Room immediately. I was not within
in the meantime but how soon I got notice of it I immedi-
ately went to Grants Lodgings where I was made prisoner.
I was surprised at this as I suffered in my Person and
Means for my attachment to the Government. But upon
Reflection my surprise soon evanish'd. I have been
minister at Urquhart for near 6 years without legal Gleib,
Manse or any of those advantages which the Law allows.
I several times apply'd to Mr. Grant of Grant as Patron
and principal Heritor in the Parish for redress either by
giving me a piece of Land which my Predecessors allways
had in farm by the Lairds of Grant or then by consenting
to my having Legal Gleib and Manse as the Law directs
I was put off with fair promises but no performance. I
could not live with any comfort as I was situated, Mr.
Grant having settled a Brother-in-Law of his Bailie's in
316 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
the Kitching w ch my Predecessors had and all the other
houses of the Town excepting one brocken house. This
neighbour I got was Bankrupt and his wife a notorious
scold. Last year I wrote to Mr. Grant to grant me my
conveniences for my own money otherwise to excuse me
to ask for them in a legal manner. When Mr. Grant
received this letter he rampaged, burnt my Letter, and
swore revenge ag st me ; besides there is near two years
stipends due me out of Mr. Grant's Estate in Urquhart
w ch w th S ome mony he has of my Fathers per Bond and
to w ch I am expressly provided in the Bond makes a
pretty good sum and as Mr. Grant likes money very well
this is a verie easie Method of paying his debt and being
revenged of me at the same time. As the above are all
matters of fact I know no other reason for my suffering
and confinement to the present Royal Family or that
I might be of use to the Government in something which
might be very disagreeable both to Mr. Grant and his
Bailie. (Signed) JOHN GEANTT.
Castle Street, Sixth July 1746.
MINUTE of the PRESBYTERY of ABERTARFF
At Fort Augustus, 13th June 1746.
THE Presbytry of Abertarph being met and Constitute
It was represented that the Rev d Mr. John Grant, minister
of the Gospel at Urquhart, and member of this Judicatory,
had been sometime ago laid under arrest on suspicion of
being disaffected to the present happy establishment, and
the Presbytery being deeply affected to think that any of
their number should give the least umbrage to any mortal
on that important subject took Mr. Grant's past conduct
with regard to Government under their most serious
deliberation, and upon the whole find Cause to certify
that (abstracting from the present Charge brought against
him, to which they are entire Strangers, having no
immediate Access to enquire into it by reason of the great
disturbances here) he still behav'd himself among them
as became a minister of the Gospel, discovering upon
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 317
every occasion his Inviolable Attachment and Loyalty
to his Majesty's person and Government. Given in name
presence and at appointment of Presbytry, date and place
forsaid by THOM. FRAZER, Mod r .
MINUTE of the PRESBYTERY of ABERNETHY
At Abernethy the 5th Day of July 1746.
THE Presbytery of Abernethy, taking to their Considera-
tion. That the Reverend Mr. John Grant minister of the
Gospel at Urquhart had been taken up and shipped off
for London upon a Suspicion of treasonable practices
during this wicked and unnaturall rebellion, Could not but
in Justice to Mr. Grant's Character Certifie of him as
follows. First, That he was born in the Bounds of this
Presbytery of Honest parents who professed the Protestant
Religion according to the Principles of the Established
Church of Scotland and he had his Education in this way.
2diy That as Mr. Grant very early in his younger years
thought of applying himself to the Work of the Ministry
he attended the Colleges of Philosophy and Divinity and
brought from the several Professors sufficient Testimonials
of his diligence and progress in his studies as well as of
his morall Character so that this Presbytery had Encour-
agement to enter him upon Trials and upon finding him
qualified Did Licence him to preach of the Gospel of
Jesus Christ. 3 dl y That, after he was licenced he con-
tinued in the Bounds of this Presbytery for the space
of some years and both in his publick Discourses and
private Conversation discovered the firmest attachment
to His Majesty King George his Person and Government.
And had the same Principles and views with respect to
Government that all the Members of this Judicatory have
particularly That the Security of our Religion and Liberty
is inseperably connected with the stability of our Most
Gracious Sovereign King George his Throne and the
Succession of his Royall Line. And since Mr. Grant
removed from our Bounds and was ordained Minister at
Urquhart in the neighbouring Presbytery of Abertarph,
318 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
which will be about six years agoe he has continued in
the strictest friendship and most intimate Correspondence
with the most of our Members and still they found that
neither his Principles nor practices were anyways Deroga-
tory from what he had early imbibed, publickly owned,
and all along practised while among them. And from
the Report of some of our Members who have been in the
Parish of Urquhart since Mr. Grant was carryed of It is
notour and well known there that several Attacks were
made on Mr. Grants Life during the Rebellion for his
Attachment to the Government and his continuing in his
duty to pray for His Majesty King George and the Royall
Family.
At one time a, Man who had the Rank of an Officer in
the Rebellious Mob threatned on a Sabbath Day immedi-
ately after Divine Worship to seize him, carry him to a
Loch in the neighbourhood, and Drown him there, and
gott about thirty or fourty of the same Gang to Join in
the Undertaking. At anoy r time two Ruffians broke into
a Company where Mr. Grant was, attacked him with
drawn Durks untill hindered by those who were present.
Again on a Sabbath day immediatly as he came out from
Sermon some of the Rebells Wives and others fell upon
him, tore his Cloaths and abused him so that with great
Difficulty he was rescued from them and gott into his
own house. Another party of the same wicked Crew
threatned publickly to burn his House and Family, when
they got their opportunity. Therefore from our Know-
ledge of Mr. Grant's Principles, our through Acquaintance
of him, together with the Notouriety of thes facts with
respect to his Usage by the Rebells, we cannot but hope
that he is entirely innocent of any charge of Dissloyalty
can be brought agst. him, and we are apt to presume that
some invidious person or persons have given in an Informa-
tion against him which tho' false in fact may either kill
him by Confinement as he is of a tender Constitution or
ruin his circumstances by the Expense of such a Process,
by either of q ch they will sufficientlie gratifie y r malicious
views. And we are fully satisfied that if there is the least
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 319
of misconduct chargeable on Mr. Grant it must have been
entirely owing to Inadvertency and oversight and not the
effect of Principle or Design. Given Day and Date above
in name in presence and by appointment of the Presbytery
of Abernethy, and signed by PAT GRANT, Mod r .
The EXAMINATION of JOHN GRANT, minister
of URQUHART near Inverness
Westminster
to Wit.
BEING asked where he was at the time that the Rebellion
first of all broke out, he saith, that he was at his own
Parish at Urquhart aforesaid, where he continued from
the Beginning to the end of the said Rebellion without
stirring from thence to the distance of 10 miles. Being
asked whether or no the Laird of Grant ever made him,
the Exam*, privy to any Intention which he the Lord of
Grant had of raising his men for the Service of the Govern-
ment, or ever sent for him to any consultation about what
measures were proper to be taken by the Grants upon
occasion of the Rebellion, he saith, that he was not either
privy to the Intentions of the said Laird of Grant, or
was he ever sent for to any place by the said Laird of
Grant to give his advice or opinion what was proper to be
done about raising the Grants : He Saith, he remembers
that upon the breaking out of the Rebellion the Laird of
Grants Baillie who was at Urqhart where the Exam* also
was told the Exam* privately that the Laird of Grant
was not determined, and would not determine what to
do, till he saw how matters were likely to turn out or
that effect and whoever should first attack his, the Laird
of Grants country whether but in general it was [sic]
[sic] Rebels or the Kings Forces He the Laird
of Grant w d raise his men against them,
was told to the People of Urqhart that it was the said
Laird's desire that the People should live peaceably. This
320 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
was upon the first appearance of the Rebellion when the
Gentlemen in the Grant's country sent to the Laird of
Grant to desire his assistance and advice, as the^ were
threatned with Fire and Sword by Lochiel, unless they
would rise and join the Pretender's Son, and he saith that
the Baillie aforesaid told the Exam 1 sometime afterwards
privately the Laird would not be averse to some part of
his Clan's joining the Pretenders son Privately in order
to save the Country. Being asked whether he was one
of those who opposed the Laird of Grant's accepting the
Company which was first offer'd by the Lord President
to the said Laird for raising the Grants for the Govern-
ment, he saith he was not, nor was he privy to or advised
with concerning the said company. He saith, that some-
time in November last a Party of the MacDonalds and
Fraziers came to Urqhart under the command of M'Donald
of Barrisdale and the Master of Lovat, the whole amount-
ing to about 4 or 500 men : that M'Donald and the Master
of Lovat lodged at the Exam ts house two or three Days
at that time, and the reason of which was, that the Exam ts
wife was related to the Master of Lovat's Family : that the
Master of Lovat and another person of the name of Frazer
applied to the Exam* to be Chaplain to them, and pro-
mised to give him six and eight pence a day, if he would
consent thereto, to which the Exam* answer'd, that if
they would go to Inverness to serve his Majesty King
George, he would be their chaplain with all his heart
for one third of the money that he reproached them for
having taken up arms for a Popish Pretender, and shew'd
them the consequences of such Behaviour. That the Master
of Lovat said, he was acted upon, and as he was engaged
so far, must go on still further : That, whether they applied
to him to be chaplain in Joke or Earnest, he cannot say,
tho' he is well satisfied that they both knew the Exam*
to be in a very different way of thinking from them : that,
neither of them used the Exam* ill, or insulted him upon
account of his being steady to the Government : but that
some of their men quarrelled with the Exam* on account
of his having preached against the Rebellion, and dis-
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 321
suaded them from it in the strongest terms he could use,
and on account of his having prayed publickly in the
Church for His Majesty, and told the Exam* that it
became him not to preach and pray in that manner. He
saith, that during the time the said Party was at Urquhart,
he made it his Business to declaim against the Rebellion,
and whenever he heard of any People who had an Inten-
tion to join the Rebels, he went to them and used the
most prevailing arguments he could to turn them from
their Design : that MacDonald and the Master of Lovat
having soon found that the Exam* was determined not
to engage with them, did not open themselves to him
about their Intentions at all : that he several times was
in Danger of his Life from MacDonalds upon account of
the aversion he constantly express'd upon all occasions
in public and private against their undertakings.
He saith, that after the said Party of the Macdonalds
and Fraziers had quitted Urquhart, other Partys of the
Rebels were continually passing and repassing thro' the
said County : that the Exam* persevered in his Endeavours
to dissuade them from their engagements, and was very
often in Danger of his Life upon that account ; that about
the latter end of the Month of February last the General
Rendezvous of the Rebel army was about a mile from his
house, that there was a general cry thro' all the said
Army that the Exam* was not to be tolerated in the
daring manner in which he acted for the Government :
that he received several notices that his House should be
plunder'd and burnt unless he desisted : that his Life was
also several times threatned ; that the Highlanders
publickly declared that he deserved no other kind of Death
than to be beaten in Pieces with the Butt Ends of their
Guns : and upon the 21 st and 22 d of February he expected
nothing but Death from them.
Being asked, whether he received or conveyed any
Letters to or from any Persons concerned in the Rebellion
to or from any People concerned in the same, he saith,
he never was directly or indirectly concerned in any thing
of that sort, nor was he ever directly or indirectly the
x
322 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
Instrument of receiving or conveying any verbal messages
to or from any of the Persons concerned in the said
Rebellion to or from their accomplices.
Being asked, whether he ever willingly gave any Harbour
or Protection or assistance of any kind whatever to the
Rebels ; he saith, he never did, on the contrary he saith,
that he took all the methods he could to prevent their
receiving any Party where had or could exert his Influence.
Being asked whether he was Privy to the Neutrality
which was signed by some of the Grants for the Rest
whilst the Duke was at Aberdeen, he saith, that he was
not Privy to it in any shape nor any ways assisting or
advising in it.
Being asked whether if the Laird of Grant had exerted
himself to the utmost for the Government he might not
have been of great service to it, He saith, that his opinion
is that if the Laird of Grant had been so disposed he might
have been of great service.
He saith, that he was informed by the Factor of the
Earl of Stair, that Glenmorrison told him, the said Factor,
that he Glenmorrison went out to assist the Pretender's
son with a Party of the Grants by the Laird of Grant's
advice.
He saith, that with relation to the 84 Grants, who
surrendered at Inverness, they were indeed engaged to
surrender before the Exam* saw them, but he strengthened
and confirmed them in their Resolution.
He saith, that he never assisted the Rebels in any shape
whatever ; never was privy to any of their Schemes or
Plots : never served them in any manner ; but on the
contrary opposed them, preached against the Rebellion
constantly, and constantly prayed for King George, to
the daily hazard of his life for several months : that he
was so well known and remarked for opposing them to
the utmost, that he was the object of their Hatred, and
that it is next to a miracle that he was not sacrificed to
their Resentment. JOHN GRANTT.
Whitehall, 14 Aug. 1746.
Taken before me, THOS. WAITE.
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 323
INFORMATION for ALEXANDER GRANT of SHEUGLY
and JAMES GRANT his son
As to the Case of Mr. Grant of Shewgly, It 's informed
That he is impeached with a Correspondence vf th the
Pretenders Son. This is absolutely false in itself, as he
never corresponded with him in word or write in his life,
but upon the Pretenders son arrival in Arisake how soon
he set up his Fathers Standart that he wrote circular
letters to all the countrys in the Highlands desiring to
assist and join him with all the men they could agains a
preceese day, among which there was a letter sent to the
Country of Urquhart directed for the s d Alex r Grant and
the rest of the Gentlemen of Urquhart with one other to
the Laird of Grant himself. The very next morning after
receiving the letter they chapterly conveened in order to
consider of the proper use to be made therof, and what
was thought upon was : immediately to send that Letter
with the other letter to Mr. Grant younger of Grant by
the Baillie of Urquhart to make the legal use thereof as
he thought proper ; All this accordingly was done with
that very breath and the Baillie went accordingly. This
letter was keeped by Mr. Grant till such time as the said
Alex Grant was made prisoner at Inverness and then
gave it to the Duke of Cumberlands Secretary.
As also its informed that the said Alex Grant was
assisting in sending men from the Country of Urquhart
to join the Rebels. This is also false and injurious as it
can be made plainly appear, that the s d Alex r Grant at
three several times did turn back some of the Gentlemen
of the Country w th a considerable body of men who marched
bag and baggage under full arms six miles from their
habitation, and that by the s d Alex Grants persuasion, tho
the Country was very oft harased and threatened w th
destruction, prevailed withal to stay at home till some
time in February last that a Regiment of the Macdonalds
came to the Country to force the men, or otherways under-
324 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
go utter destruction by burning the country and destroying
their heal effects, which to prevent the most of the Gentle-
men with three or four score men went alongs, and with
all the persuasion in the said Alex Grants power could not
get them prevailed upon to stay.
And further to testifie the s d Alex r Grant his sincere
endeavours to assist the Government. Mr. Grant younger
of Grant w th five or six hundred of his men having come
to the Country of Urquhart some time after the Battle
of Culloden, in order to get the Grants of Glenmoriston
and Urquhart to surrender, Mr. Grant did put upon him
the said Alex. Grant in the strongest manner to concur
and assist to get his purpose effectual, which the s d Alex
Grant accordingly went about and with a great deal of
labour and fatigue both night and day got them at last
convinced, and with great difficulty prevailed with them
to surrender, providing they could be made sure of their
lives, which Mr. Grant not only engaged by Vow and
Oath but by a very binding Letter under his hands to
Grant of Daldeagan, which letter is still extant to produce
in the Duke of Cumberland's hands. This seems no less
than a paradox in itself considering that Mr. Grant gave
out to the Duke of Cumberland that he and his men
apprehended them in Rocks and Woods. The next day
after their meeting the said Alex Grant with 84 men of
the Grants of Glenmoriston and Urquhart came near Mr.
Grants lodging there and surrendered prisoners upon terms
and gave up their arms before Sir Alexander Macdonald
and several other Gentlemen, and the next day thereafter
Mr. Grant with his men marched directly to Inverness
with the surrender. But the said Alex Grant, being in
a bad state of health after the fatigue and strugle he had
in this interpose, came to take leave of his young Chief
and return home, but Mr. Grant told him that he would
not part with him till he had got the Duke of Cumberland
to thank him for his services, and that it was otherways
necessary his going to Inverness, to give a character of
the Men for their more speedy Relief, which accordingly
he comply'd w th , and less than an hour after their arrival
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 325
at Inverness Mr. Grant sent for him to his own Lodging
upon pretence of material business relating to this affair,
and within two minutes after coming to him the said Mr.
Lewis Grant told him that he was sorry to understand
that he the said Alex Grant was to be made prisoner, which
immediately was done and carried to the Comon Guard ,
Mr. Grant giving him the strongest assurance that he
would be released the next morning. Its to be observed
that if the said surrenders had been dismissed at Inverness
according to Mr. Grants promise the whole Rebells then
in arms in the Highlands of Scotland had surrendered in
less than ten days, the Grants being the very first that
did surrender.
As to James Grant his case what is laid to his Charge
is still a mistery so that no particular answer can be made
to it, but it can be always made appear that since the
beginning of the Rebellion he stayed peaceably at home
and after several attempts made upon him defied the
Rebells request to move him any manner of way, and
still continued so till Mr. Grant younger of Grant after
the Battle of Culloden brought his Militia to Inverness,
and having sent for a number of men to Urquhart to join
him, the s d James Grant with sixty men directly march'd
to Inverness, joined Mr. Grant and the rest of his men
there, with whom he continued a Captain till such time
as Mr. Grant returned from Urquhart to Inverness w th
the surrenderers. The said James Grant was very assistful
with his father to get the said number of men to surrender,
w ch ]\| r> Grant had never done but by their persuasion,
immediately as they arrived at Inverness Mr. Grant
employed the s d James Grant to make out a list of the
number of men under his command in order to provide
them Quarters, this being done was sent for, to come to
his Lodgings, where he remained till his father came up,
and with the same breath Mr. Grant told him he was to
be made prisoner but not to be afraid, that tomorrow he
would see him relieved, and so forth was carried with his
father prisoner to the Comon Guard but never heard a
word from Mr. Grant till this moment.
326 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
The said Alex Grant is informed that the said Mr. Lewis
Grant has given as an article of accusasion ag st him. that
some of his children had been sent by him the said Alex
Grant to join and carry arms for the Pretender. The said
Alex Grant owns so much of this Charge, that contrary
to his inclination and frequent instruction his said Children
(who were not staying with him) some of them did join
the Rebell armie and the said Alex Grant offers to make
it appear by 'Gentlemen of undoubted credit and firm
attachment to the Government that he used all the interest
he was master of both as a parent and a friend to the
present Government to keep his children at home, and that
from the time his children who so engaged had taken
such resolution none of them durst ever appear in his
presence. It is submitted whether or not the said Alex
Grant could have done more to keep his children at
home. (Signed) ALEXANDER GRANTT.
JAMES GRANTT.
Castle Street, Sixth July 1746.
The EXAMINATION of JAMES GRANT of
SHEUGLY, Esq. 1
Westminster to Wit.
Itth Aug. 1746.
BEING asked where he was when the Rebellion in Scot-
land first broke out, he saith, that he was in his own County
in the parish of Urquhart, where he continued from the
beginning to the end of the Rebellion without going to any
Place of any Distance from the said Parish of Urquhart.
Being asked whether he was one of the Gentlemen con-
sulted by the Laird of Grant upon the occasion of the
Lord President's offering a company to the said Laird
for raising men for the Government which Gentlemen
1 Alexander, the father, had died, a prisoner, before 29th July. He died a
natural death, but in Glenurquhart it was believed that he was burned to death
in a barrel of tar. (Wm. Mackay, Urquhart and Glenmoriston, p. 288.)
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 327
refused to accept of the said one Company, he saith he
was not, nor was he ever advised with or consulted there-
upon : Nor did the Laird of Grant ever send to the
Examinant or to his Father, who is lately dead, to come
to him in order to advise and consult with them upon
the measures to be taken upon that occasion : he saith,
that the Laird of Grant's Bailly upon the Rebellion first
breaking out told the Grants publickly, that it was the
Lairds desire that they should remain peaceable and
quiet, but the said Bailie told this Exam* and his father
and two other Gentlemen of the name of Grant privately
that it was the said Lairds desire that a Company of the
Grants should join the Pretender's son privately in order
to protect the Country. He saith, that he was never
sent for during the Rebellion by the said Laird of Grant
upon any occasion to be advised with, or consulted with
about it : that in the Progress of the Rebellion, several
different parties of the Rebels came into that part of the
Country, where the Exam* was, and pressed him to take
on with them, but that he constantly refused them, and
would not have anything to do with them.
He saith, that he never was directly nor indirectly con-
cerned in receiving or conveying of any letters or verbal
messages to or from any Persons in the Rebellion to any
persons whatever, nor did he willingly harbour, protect, or
supply in any shape any of the aforesaid Persons, nor was
he ever made privy to any designs or Intentions of the
said Rebels.
He saith, that different Partys of the Rebels who passed
thro' the Country having threatened to use violence to
some of the Grants unless they would join them, a Party
of them with a Gentleman at their Head, went to Castle
Grant to take the Directions of the Laird, and offer'd to
go and join Lord Loudoun or any one else, if he would
give them orders in writing for so doing : that the Laird
of Grant told them, they might go and join the Devil
if they would, and imprisoned the Gentleman who came
-along with them for two or three days for his officiousness.
He saith, that he made it his Business whenever he had
328 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
an opportunity, to dissuade those whom he could come
at from engaging in the Rebellion, and exerted his utmost
endeavours to convince them of the rashness of their
undertaking.
Being asked whether he was privy to the Neutrality
signed by some Gentlemen amongst the Grants, whilst
the Rebels were at Aberdeen, He saith, he was not privy
to it in any shape, nor doth he know who were the con-
ductors of that Neutrality.
After the Battle of Culloden some of the Grants remain-
ing in arms for the Pretender's Son the Exam* and his
Father were sent to by the Laird of Grant (who had never
sent to the Exam* or his Father during the Rebellion
before) to go to the said People and persuade them to
surrender : He saith, that he and his Father accordingly
went to the said men, and with the assistance of the
Rev d Mr. John Grant prevailed with them to surrender,
and marched with them for that purpose to Inverness,
where to his great surprise the Exam*, His Father, and the
said Rev ci Mr. Grant were made Prisoners with the afore-
said Rebels, and sent up hither for he does not know
what.
He saith, that he verily believes that the ill-usage his
Father met with, served in a great degree to shorten his
father's life. He saith, that all his and his Father's Cattle
were taken from them for some time for not joining the
Rebels : that he never held any correspondences with the
Rebels in any shape, nor ever was instrumental in serving
them at all, and that if he behaved civilly to them whilst
they remained in the Country where the Exam* was it
was out of Fear and not the effect of Inclination.
Being asked whether it be his opinion that if the Laird
of Grant had wrote to the People in the Country to rise
for the Government the said People would have taken up
arms for the Government, he saith, that he verily believes
if the laird of Grant had done so, the Country would
have joined the Kings Troops, and done all the service
in their Power, but this was neglected by the said Laird
of Grant till the Battle of Culloden was over, when the
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGLY 329
Exam* joined the said Laird at his request with 50 or 60
men, being all who were capable of bearing arms in the
Country, and that being the first and only Request which
the Laird of Grant ever made to the Exam* upon occasion
of the Rebellion. (Signed) JAMES GRANTT.
Whitehall, August 14, 1746.
Taken before me, THOS. WAITE.
To His GRACE the DUKE of NEWCASTLE, one
of his Majesty's Principal Secretarys of
State, the PETITION of ALEXANDER GRANT
of SHEWGLY, Esq., JAMES GRANT his son,
and the Rev. Mr. JOHN GRANT, minister
of the Gospel at URQUHART, prisoners in
Tilbury fort. 1
HUMBLY SHEWETH, That Lewis Grant of Grant, Esq r , son
of Sir James Grant, Bar*, having with his men, some days
after the Battle of Culloden, joyned his Royal Highness
the Duke of Cumberland did by his Royal Highness' s
Permission march with them to the Country of Urquhart
near Inverness, to seize and bring in such Rebels as should
be found in arms against the Government, That finding
none he apply 'd to your Petitioners who were then (as
they had been ever since this unhappy rebellion) quiet
and peaceable at their respective Homes entreating them
as persons of Rank and Figure in that Country to use
their best endeavours with such Rebels as might be still
in Arms, to lay them down and surrender to the said Mr.
Grant, with assurances that he would intercede with his
Royal Highness in their behalf, and that after such sur-
render they should be permitted to return to their respective
Places of Abode.
That your Petitioners were so successful as to prevail
1 Not dated, but must have been written before 29th July, i.e. prior' to
Sheugly's death.
330 THE CASE OF THE REV. JOHN GRANT
upon 84 Rebels of the name of Grant to surrender them-
selves and their arms to the said Mr. Grant, which he then
thankfully and gratefully acknowledged as an event that
would entitle him to some merit in his Royal Highnesses
eye, and desired your Petitioners to accompany him and
the said Rebel prisoners to Inverness, which they did.
That your Petitioners to their own, as well as the
Neighbourhoods great surprise, were upon their Arrival
at Inverness represented as Rebels and corresponding
with those in open arms and as prisoners taken by him,
and upon such false Information confined by his Royal
Highness and have since been sent up prisoners without
the least ground or charge but the false Information given
by the said Mr. Grant.
That your Petitioners tho' conscious of their own Inno-
cence, and free from any guilt, have upon the said false
Information been sent from Inverness to England and
have in the course of the voyage been in no shape dis-
tinguished from those in open Rebellion, that from the
great Hardships they have suffer'd, one of your Petitioners
Alexander Grant near 70 years old, and a creditor by
Mortgage for large sums of money upon the said Mr.
Lewis Grant's Estate, has been seized with and still lies
ill of a Malignant Fever, and being, by Reason of his
close confinement deprived of any assistance, is in danger
of losing his Life whereby the said Mr. Lewis Grant's
sordid ends would be answered should this Petitioner die
while under so heavy a charge as that of Treason.
Your Petitioners therefore humbly pray your Grace to
take this their very hard case into consideration and admit
them to liberty upon reasonable Bail to answer such
charges as shall be brought against them, or, at least, to
change their present Confinement into a more comfortable
one with Liberty to an Agent to repair to them at season-
able Times, the better to enable them to manifest their
Innocence, and the Falsehood and Malice of the Charge
against them, when called to an open trial.
And your Petitioners shall ever Pray
AND OF GRANTS OF SHEUGHLY 331
LETTER from SIR DUDLEY RYDER, 1 Attorney-
General and the Hon. WILLIAM MURRAY, 2
Solicitor-General to the Secretary of
State.
To His Grace the Duke of Newcastle
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE, In obedience to his
Majesty's Commands signified to us by your Grace in your
Letter of the 18 th instant with which your Grace 'sent us
the inclosed Examinations of James Grant and John
Grant brought up Prisoners on suspition of having joined
with or been assisting to the Rebells in Scotland and who
are now in custody of a Messenger, together with several
Petitions, Certificates and other Papers herewith also
inclosed ; and directing us to take the said papers into
Consideration, and Report our Opinion what proceedings
may be proper thereupon.
We have considered the same, and as some of the
Papers mention the name of Ludovick Grant, Esq r , the
Laird of Grant, as the person by whose means they were
seized and Imprisoned, he being in Town, we thought it
proper to give him notice of our Meeting to take the
Papers into consideration. He was pleased to attend us
1 Sir Dudley Ryder (1691-1756) was Attorney-General 1737-54; prosecuted
the Jacobite prisoners of 1746; appointed Lord Chief-Justice, 1754; cr. Baron
Ryder of Harrowby 1756, and died the same year.
2 Hon. William Murray (1705-92), fourth son of David, 5th Viscount Stormont.
He was Solicitor-General 1742-54, and the active prosecutor of Lord Lovat ;
Attorney-General 1754-56; Lord Chief-Justice 1756-88 ; created Baron Mans-
field 1756, and Earl of Mansfield 1776. His father and eldest brother were
denounced as rebels, fined and imprisoned for their conduct in 1715. His
brother James (c. 1690-1770) attached himself to the court of the Chevalier de
St. George; in 1718 he was plenipotentiary for negotiating the marriage
of James. In 1721 he was created (Jacobite) Earl of Dunbar, and he was
Secretary of State at the court in Rome, 1727 to 1747; he was dismissed in
the latter year at the desire of Prince Charles, who deemed him responsible
for the Duke of York's entering the Church ; he retired to Avignon, where he
died s.p. in 1770.
Murray's sisters entertained Prince Charles in the house of their brother,
Lord Stormont, at Perth from the 4th to the loth April 1745.
332 THE CASE OF THE GRANTS
and laid several matters of a Treasonable nature to their
Charge. But as all those matters came to the knowledge
of Mr. Ludovick Grant by Information from others only ;
and none of them fell within his own personal knowledge,
and as it is a considerable time since the Prisoners have
applied to be discharged ; and no Information has yet
been given against either of them upon oath ; and neither
Mr. Sharpe, 1 of whom we have inquired, nor Mr. Ludovick
Grant know of any witnesses now here who can charge
them upon oath ; and the Prisoners are not yet committed
either for Treason or suspition of Treason, and most of
the things objected to them are only triable in Scotland.
We beg leave humbly to submit it as our Opinion, that
it may be advisable to admit them to Bail for their Appear-
ance, before the Court of Justiciary in Edinburgh, at the
first sitting of the said Court, after the first of December
next, there to answer such things as may be then laid
to their charge ; when there Will be an opportunity of
Committing and trying them in case evidence shall appear
sufficient for that purpose. We proposed to Mr. Ludovick
Grant, the only person who has appeared before us as
their Accuser that they should be Bailed for their appear-
ance at Edinburgh, and he has told us that he has no
objection to it but thought it might be proper.
All which is most humbly submitted to your Grace's
Consideration. (Signed) D. RYDER.
W. MURRAY.
29th August 1746.
Solicitor to the Treasury.
A NARRATIVE OF SUNDRY SERVICES
PERFORMED, TOGETHER WITH AN
ACCOUNT OF MONEY DISPOSED IN
THE SERVICE OF GOVERNMENT
DURING THE LATE REBELLION
BY WALTER GROSSETT
To the Right Honourable LORD COMMISSIONERS of
His MAJESTY'S TREASURY, THE MEMORIAL
of WALTER GROSSETT, ESQR.
HUMBLY SHEWETH
That as your Lordships have been pleased to appoint
the Report of S r Everard Fawkener and Mr. Sharpe, 1
relating to the account of your Memorialist Services to
the Government during the late Rebellion, to be read to-
morrow, he humbly begs leave to refer thereto and to
observe :
That the Account above mentioned is Certify'd by the
Lord Justice Clerk and all the Generals who Commanded
in Scotland ; and as several of the Services therein set
forth were performed, by verbal as well as by written
Orders he had the honour to receive from His Royal
Highness the Duke while in Scotland, it was by his
Royal Highness' s Directions that the said Account was
above three years ago laid before your Lordships by
S r Everard Fawkener, and that the Report relating
thereto is now signed by him.
That your Memorialist has not in that or any other
Account charged anything for his Trouble or Loss of Time
for upwards of four years, he has been employed in the
Service of the Government as aforesaid and finding out
and collecting the Evidences for the Crown against the
Rebells assisting in carrying on the Prosecutions against
them at London, York, and Carlisle, attending the Tryal
of Provost Stuart at Edinburgh, finding Bills in Scotland
against those who were excepted out of the Act of Indem-
nity and other Services.
That before the Rebellion your Memorialist as an officer
This report is printed, /tf-sv 1 , p. 400.
336 GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL TO
of the Revenue rendered greater service thereto than ever
was done by any officer thereof in Scotland.
That your Memorialists share of the Profits arising from
the Condemnation of prohibited and uncustomed Goods
seized by him the three years immediately preceding the
Rebellion amounted to above 4000 and the Crowns to
above double that sum ; that the remarkable Part re-
acted for the Service of the Government, from the first
Breaking out of the Rebellion, made the Rebells lay hold
upon everything that belonged to him and amongst
other Things upon the greatest part of the Goods so con-
demned as aforesaid, and by which he was (exclusive of his
other losses by the Rebellion) a most considerable sufferer.
That more Goods have been run in Scotland since the
Rebellion than ever was done before in that Country in
the same space of time.
That your Memorialist had several Informations re-
lating thereto, but could not Profit thereby, by reason of
the manner in which he has these four years past been
employed, in the more Important Services to the Govern-
ment before mentioned.
That few would have undertaken these services by
reason of the apparent Hazard and other fatal Conse-
quences, with which they were likely to be attended, and
which he has in many Instances felt.
That your Memorialists wife who died of the Cruel
usage she met with from the Rebells, certfy'd as above,
has left him four Children to provide for.
That your Memorialists younger brother Captain
Grosset who was barbarously murdered by the Rebells, 1
and whose remarkable services during the Rebellion are
1 Alexander Grossett, a captain in Price's Regiment (l4th, now P. of W. O.
West Yorkshire). An engraving, dated I4thjan. 1747, entitled ' Rebel Gratitude,'
depicts the death of Lord Robert Ker and Captain Grossett at Culloden. About
the latter the following legend is engraved on the print : ' Captain Grosett,
Engineer and Aid de Camp to the General.' The rebel 'shot Captain Grosett
dead with his own pistol which happened accidentally to fall from him as he
was on Horseback, under pretence of restoring the same to the Captain.'
Grossett had been aide-de-camp to General Handasyde; he was serving on
General Eland's staff at Culloden, according to family tradition.
THE LORDS OF THE TREASURY 337
well known to all the Generals who commanded in
Scotland, as well as to his Royal Highness the Duke,
has left a widow and five children to whose support your
Memorialist is obliged to contribute.
That the Insults and insufferable ill usage which they
as well as his own Children daily met with in Scotland,
has obliged him to bring them all to England, and who
are thereby in effect banished their Country for their
Father's faithful Services to the Government.
That the Expenses your Memorialist has been and is
thereby put to, and by false and scandalous Libells and
groundless and vexatious Lawsuits, on account of the
Services before mentioned, not only far exceeds the one
half of the Profits of the Commission in which he is joined
with Sir John Shaw x (and which is the only mark of favour
he has met with for his services, losses, and sufferings as
aforesaid) but of his estate which is considerably lessened
thereby and his other Losses by the Rebellion.
Upon the whole if your Memorialist is turned out of
the Employment above mentioned, before he is other
wise suitably provided for, it will in place of rewarding
the important services certified as above, be punishing
him in the severest manner Especially as by the wording
of the Warrant by which he is to be turned out of that
Commission (if that Warrant is allowed to take place)
your Memorialist must unjustly be recorded as one un-
worthy to be continued in that Employment, which is
doing all that can be done to ruin him and his Family,
and must be attended with worse consequences to them,
than if the Rebells had succeeded in the many attempts
they made to deprive him of his Life, as they did in taking
away his Brothers ; or if he had suffered along with the
1 Sir John Shaw of Greenock, 3rd bart. ; he was a cousin of Grossett's. I have
failed to find his name in any record of officers connected with the customs or
excise at this time. His father, whom he succeeded in 1702, had been 'one
of H.M. principal tacksmen for the Customs and Excise,' a pre-Union appoint-
ment, and it is possible that the son succeeded to his father's office or to some
of its perquisites. Sir John was M. P. for Renfrewshire 1708-10; for Clack -
mannanshire 1722-27; and again for Renfrewshire 1727-34. He married
Margaret, d. of Sir Hew Dalrymple of North Berwick 1700, and died 1752.
Y
338 GROSSETT'S MEMORIAL
Rebell Peers and others, who could not have been con-
demned if it had not been for the Evidences he procured
against them ; Many of whose families and even those
who were most active in the Rebellion, enjoy at this
Time more of their Estates and Fortunes than he does
of his, in proportion to the respective amounts thereof,
before the Rebellion, and are themselves caressed and
esteemed, whilst your Memorialist and his Family, and
that of his unfortunate Brother, are daily harassed,
affronted and cruelly persecuted by the Influence of that
Party without being Protected, supported, or properly
Countenanced by that Government to whom we rendered
so many real services, and on which account we are so
great sufferers.
All which is humbly submitted, etc., etc.
[Endorsed. Mr. Grossetts Memorial relating to the Report
of S r Everard Fawkener and Mr. Sharpe upon the
account of his Services to the Government.]
NOTE. In the Record Office there are two docu-
ments, one entitled, 'A NARRATIVE of Sundry Ser-
vices performed by Walter Grossett, Esqr., during the
course of the Rebellion, etc./ which is countersigned
as true by the Earl of Home and Generals Hawley,
Handasyde, Guest, and Cope. The other is entitled
< An ACCOUNT of Money/ etc., and is certified by
Andrew Fletcher, Lord Justice-Clerk. The ' Narra-
tive ' is repeated in the ' Account ' with only slight
variations, so that there is no necessity to print both
documents, and the ' Account' only is given here.
Passages which appear in the ' Narrative' but have
been omitted in the ' Account' are replaced here
within square brackets.
NARRATIVE AND ACCOUNT 339
An ACCOUNT of Money disposed by WALTER
GROSETT, Esqr., in the Service of the
GOVERNMENT during the late REBELLION,
upon Particular Occasions and by Directions
hereafter mentioned.
THE Rebells upon their arrival at Perth, having formed
a Scheme of surprizing the Town of Edingburgh by cross-
ing the River Forth in Boats and Vessells as they had done
in the year 1715 : Mr. Grosett as a Justice of the Peace,
did by direction of the Lord Advocate 1 of the 3rd and 9th
September 1745 with the assistance of the Constables
and Tide Surveyors, Kings Boats and Crews stationed
at Dunbar, Kirkaldy, Leith, Queens Ferry, Borrostouness
and Alloa, who by order of the Board of Customs were
put under Mr. Grosett' s Directions, Remove all Ships,
Boats and vessells from the North side of the Forth to
the Harbours of Dunbar, Leith, Queen's Ferry, and Borro-
stouness, on the south side of the said River [in so effectual
a manner that the Rebells after various attempts, finding
themselves disappointed in their Designs were obliged
to march their army from Perth round the Heads of the
Forth and cross that River at a Ford some Miles above
Stirling which gave time to the Kings Troops under Sir
John Cope to return from Inverness to the Relief of
Edinburgh, had not that Town been shamefully given up
to the Rebells.]
Expended on this Service to the Crews of s. d.
the King's Boats and others who were em-
ployed Night and Day therein for ten Days
and for Intelligence of the Motions of the
Rebells and other Expences . . . 29 10
Carry over . . 29 10
1 Letter i. p. 379.
340 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 29 10
The Rebells having upon the 13th of
Septemr. crossed the Forth at a Ford some
miles above Sterling ; Mr. Grosett by Direc-
tion of Lord Justice Clarke removed the
Ships and Vessells from the Harbours of
Borristounness and Queen's Ferry, on the
south side of the River, to prevent the
Cannon, Arms and Amunition on Board of
these Sloops and Vessells from falling into
the hands of the Rebells to prevent their
having any communication with the North
side of the River Forth otherwise than by }
going round the Way they came, and which
Mr. Grosett did, though the Rebells had at this
time by an advance party taken Possession
of the Town of Borristouness, about 12 miles
to the West of Edinburgh ; Upon Mr.
Grosett' s return to Edinburgh, upon Sun-
day the 15th in the Evening he found
General Fowke, 1 who was just arrived from
England with Lord Justice Clarke, together
with General Guest, and who approved of
what Mr. Grosett had done, and sent him
with Orders to Colonel Gardiner, to remain
that Night with the Troops at Coltbridge,
about a Mile to the West of the Town.
NO. 2 Expended in this service . . 7 12
Carry over . . 37 2
1 Brigadier-General Thomas Fowke was the officer left by Cope in command
of the cavalry stationed at Stirling and Edinburgh when he went on his march
to the Highlands. Fowke fled with the cavalry on the approach of the
Jacobite army, and joined Cope at Dunbar. He was present, second in com-
mand, at Prestonpans. His conduct, along with that of Cope and Colonel
Peregrine Lascelles, was investigated by a military court of inquiry, presided
over by Field-Marshal Wade in 1746. All were acquitted.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 341
s. d.
Brought over . . 37 2
Upon the 16th of September Mr. Grosett
was sent out twice in the morning to get
Intelligence of the Motions of the Rebells,
and to let General Fowkes, who was then
posted at Coltbridge, know their Motions, and
the last Account he brought was that the
Rebells had lain down upon their Arms,
about Twelve that Day near Kirklisten,
about 6 Miles to the West of Edinburgh, that
the Dragoons having soon after this upon
the motion of the Rebells towards them
quit their Post at Coltbridge and retired in
some haste by the North side of the Town
about 3 that afternoon, without sending the
Party of Dragoons into the Town as had
been conserted in the morning of that Day,
and Lord Justice Clarke observing that this
might give a Handle for justifying the Pro-
vest to give up the Town to the Rebells, he
sent Mr. Grosett to the Provest, to press the
Defence of the Town, and to assure him, that
as many of the Dragoons as he pleased to
desire should forthwith be sent in, to assist
in the Defence thereof, till Sir John Cope,
who was then hourly expected by sea from
Aberdeen, should come with the Troops to
their Relief. But the Provost, declining to
defend the Town upon Pretence of the Un-
certainty of Sir John Cope's coming in time
to their Assistance, Mr. Grosett returned and
acquainted Lord Chief Justice Clarke there-
of ; and as by this time an Express was
arrived from Dunbar with Letters for Lord
Justice Clarke, giving an Account of the
Arrival of the Troops under Sir John Cope
Carry over . 37 2
342 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . 37 2
off Dunbar ; Mr. Grosett was the only Per-
son who would undertake to go back into
the Town with these Letters ; but not being
able to prevail with the Provost to agree to
the Defence thereof, he left it about One
in the Morning, and brought Lord Justice
Clarke an Account of what had past [narrowly
escaped falling into the Hands of the Rebells,
who by 5 in the Morning were in full Pos-
session of the Town, the Gates having been
opened to them ; But the Particulars of Mr.
Grosetts Transactions, and the Provosts Be-
haviour at this Juncture, will more fully
appear from a Narrative relating thereto,
formerly delivered by Mr. Grosett to His
Grace the Duke of Newcastle. 1 ]
NO. 3 Expended and Lost in this Service, Mr.
Grosett in his speedy Return to Edinburgh
having lost both his Hatt and Wig and
killed one of his Horses . . . . 16 17
Sept. Mr. Grosett having retired with Lord
1745 Justice Clarke to Dunbar, and his Lordship
having upon the 18th Septemr. received In-
formation that the young Pretender was to
be that Night with some of the Chiefs of
his Party at the Dutchess of Gordon's house, 2
about 7 miles to the South-East of Edin-
burgh on their Road to England, and that
the First Column of the Rebell Army was to
march that way, Mr. Grosett was sent by
Carry over . . 53 19
1 I have failed to find this narrative, but it matters little, as all that Grossett
had to say was probably given in his evidence at the trial of Lord Provost
Stewart, an account of which was printed in Edinburgh, 1747. It is accessible
in public libraries. 2 See ante, p. 127.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 343
s. d.
Brought over . . 53 19
Lord Justice Clarke with proper Guides and
Assistants in the Night to reconnoitre and
send certain Intelligence of their Motions
and number ; But receiving Information
near the Dutchess of Gordon's House, that
they had changed their Resolution he re-
turned and acquainted Lord Justice Clarke
thereof ; From this time to the Battle of
Preston, Mr. Grosett was employed in recon-
noitering and procuring Intelligence of the
Motions and Designs of the Rebells [narrowly
escaped being killed the Night before the
Battle, by a Party of the Rebells who lay
in ambuscade in a Thicket of Wood on the
side of a hollow way, Mr. Grosett had to pass
through in going by the Directions of Sir
John Cope to observe their motions and
numbers, as they were drawing up in front
of our army from whence they fired close
upon him, as he went along, and from which
Place they were drove by our Canon after
Mr. Grosett' s return with an Account of their
Situation] ; and the Day of the Battle he
Lost a Horse and all his Baggage, the servant
who had charge thereof being made Prisoner
by the Rebells.
\T O . 4 Expended and lost in this Service . . 33 6
Sept. After the Battle of Preston Mr. Grosett
ijjjj w r ent from place to place to receive Informa-
[745 tion and Intelligence of the Motions and Pro-
ceedings of the Rebells and so soon as he
heard of General Handasyde's commanding
at Berwick sent his brother Captain Grosett,
who was Aid-de-Camp to the General, the
Carry over . . 87
344 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 87 5
Intelligence he from time to time procured
of the Motions, and Designs of the Rebells,
and amongst other services brought Prisoner
to Edinburgh Castle with the assistance of
Mr. Brown and some Farmers, Spalding of
Whitefield x one of the Chiefs of the Rebells,
with Two others, who were secured as they
were returning, thro' the West of Scotland
from the Rebell Army near Carlisle to the
North, in order to bring up about 3000 men
more from that Country, and for which pur-
pose he had w r ritten Orders from Mr. Murray,
the young Pretenders Secretary, Duke of
Perth, Lord George Murray, and others of
the Rebell chiefs : As also the particular
Route they were to take with these men until
they should join the Rebell Army, who were
to halt for them at Carlisle. All which
Orders, Route and other Letters and Papers
found upon Whitefield and his servant were
delivered over with them to General Guest,
then in the Castle of Edinburgh.
NO. 5 Expended in this Service . . . 24 8
NOV. Upon the 13th Novemr. Mr. Grosett met
Lord Justice Clarke at Musselburrow, and
Carry over . . Ill 13
1 This refers to the capture of Charles Spalding of Whitefield, Strathardle
in Atholl, a captain in the Atholl brigade. lie was sent from Mofiat on
7th November by William, (Jacobite) Duke of Atholl, to Perthshire with
despatches, and carried a large number of private letters, which are preserved
in the Record Office. He was made prisoner near Kilsyth. There is no
mention of Grossett's presence in the journals of the day, the credit of the
capture being given to Brown, the factor of Campbell of Shawfield. (Chron.
Atholl and Tullibardine, iii. 86; Scots Mag. t vii. 540.) Spalding was tried
for his life at Carlisle the following October and acquitted.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 345
s. d.
Brought over . . Ill 13
returned with his Lordship to Edinburgh, 1
and the Day after General Handasyde 2 ar-
rived there with two Regiments of Foot and
the Remains of Hamilton's and Gardiner's
Dragoons ; That the Castle of Edinburgh
being at this time in great want of Pro-
visions of all sorts Mr. Grosett by order of
General Handasyde of the 16th Novemr.
procured and laid in a sufficient supply
thereof not only for the Garrison but for the
Troops, that should be employd in the
Defence of the Town.
NO. 6 Expended in this Service . . . 5 11
About this time the Rebells at Perth who
were about 3000 in number being reinforced
by the Landing of Troops in the North, with
Cannon and Stores from France ; Therefore
in order to prevent the Kings Troops from
being surprized, and the Town of Edinburgh
falling again into the hands of the Rebells,
Carryover . . 117 4
1 The Lord Justice-Clerk had retired to Berwick when the Jacobite army
occupied Edinburgh. That army left Edinburgh for good on 1st November,
but the Justice-Clerk and the officers of State did not return until the I3th.
2 Lieut. -Gen. Roger Handasyde superseded Lieut. -Gen. Guest as Commander-
in-Chief in Scotland on his arrival in Edinburgh on I4th November, and held
that office until December 5th, when he returned to England. Guest again
acted as Commander-in-Chief until relieved by Lieut. -General Hawley, who
arrived in Edinburgh on 6th January 1746.
The two infantry regiments that accompanied Handasyde were Price's (I4th)
and Ligonier's (48th). They remained at Edinburgh until December, but
after the landing at Montrose of Lord John Drummond with the French
Auxiliaries (22nd November), it was felt necessary to guard the passage of the
Forth with a stronger force, and the Edinburgh garrison was sent to Stirling,
Price's on 6th December and Ligonier's on the 9th, where they were joined by
the Glasgow and the Paisley militia. The cavalry were also sent to the
neighbourhood of Stirling, and Edinburgh was left with no defence but some
volunteers and afterwards by an Edinburgh regiment enlisted for three months'
service, of which Lord Home was commandant.
346
AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
Brought over .
Mr. Grosett by Direction of Lord Justice
Clarke, and Orders from General Handasyde
of the 26th and 27th November 1745, 1 went
with proper Assistance and removed all the
Boats and Vessells that were at that time to
be found at the different Ports and Creeks
on the Northside of the River Forth,
between Kinghorn and Aloa, to the South-
side thereof.
NO. 7 Expended in this Service
[Mr. Grosett at this time recovered seized
Goods to the value of 1800 which the Rebells
had carry 'd off from the Kings Warehouse
at Leith, and in which he was greatly as-
sisted by Genl. Handasyde.]
When the Rebells came to Edinburgh there
were of seized and condemned Goods, in the
King's Warehouse at Leith, to the Value of
about Ten Thousand Pounds, and as these
Goods were all carry'd off by the assistance
of the Rebells, and Mr. Legrand Collector at
Leith having upon their approach left Scot-
land, Mr. Grosett at this time saved no
Labour or Expense to get Information by
whom these Goods had been carried off, and
where lodged, found out and secured with
the assistance of a Company of the Military
which he procured from General Handasyde,
as many of these Goods as were sold for
about 1500 and procured Information of
the Names of the Persons who with the
assistance of the Rebells carried these and
the greatest part of the other Goods from
Carry over
s. d.
117 4
11 10
128 14
Letters ii.-iv. pp. 379-382.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 347
s. d.
Brought over . . 128 14
the Kings Warehouse, and who are now
under Prosecution for that offence, as well
as for the value of the Goods, that Mr.
Grosett did not recover.
NO. s Expended in this Service . . . 68 14
Dec. That after the Removal of the Boats and
Vessells as above others having arrived, and
some of those that had been removed gone
back, and that it was found absolutely
necessary for the Service, that all Boats,
Ships, and Vessells whatsoever on the North
Coast betwixt Kinghorn and St. Andrews
down the River as well as those formerly
ordered to be removed betwixt Kinghorn
and Alloa up the River should be removed
to prevent the Rebells from getting across
with their Cannon, and as this cou'd not be
done without the assistance of some Ship of
Force to secure a Retreat in case of being
surprized by the Rebells who were in pos-
session of that Part of the Country ; and as
the Captain of the Milford Man of War was
ordered to concert proper measures with and
assist Mr. Grosett therein ; Mr. Grosett by
Order of Lord Justice Clarke and General
Guest the 8th Decemr. 1745 went with the
Custom House Boats and other proper
Assistance and performed what was required
above.
No. 9 Expended in this Service for Intelligence 6 10
Dec. Mr. Grosett by Warrant of Lord Justice
1745 Clarke and General Guest 1 of the 16th Decemr.
1745 removed with the Assistance of the
Carrv over . . 203 18
Letter v. p. 383.
348 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 203 18
Kings Boats and Happy Janet armed Vessell,
all the Boats and Ves sells at the Creeks
on the South side of the Forth betwixt
Borristouness and Sterling to the Harbour
of Borristouness to prevent their being
forced from these Places by the Rebells.
As also from Alloa a Quantity of large Loggs
of Wood and long Planks to prevent the
Rebells making Floats thereof to cross with
their Cannon at Alloa, with which they pro-
posed to attack Sterling Castle.
NO. 10 Expended in this Service . . . 22 9
Dec. Lord Justice Clarke having received Intel-
1745 ligence that the Rebells from the North were
to force their Passage across the River Forth
at Haigens and Carsy Nooks in flat bottomed
Boats they were bringing over Land from
the Water of Earn, to prevent which Mr.
Grosett by Directions of his Lordship the
19th Decemr. 1745 x went and got that Part
of Sterling Shire which lies next to the River
put in arms to defend the Banks thereof, and
by Order of General Guest of the same Date
engaged and stationed the Pretty Janet
armed Vessell with proper Hands, which he
procured at Borristouness to defend the
Passage at Haigen's Nook and the Jean
armed Sloop that at Carsey Nook which
effectually prevented the Designs of the
Rebells at this Juncture.
NO. ii Expended in this Service . . . 17 4
Dec. To prevent the Rebells, upon their crossing
1745 the River Esk in their Return from England
Carry over . . 243 11
Letter viii. p. 385.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 349
s. d.
Brought over . . 243 11
into Scotland, having it in their Power to
secure a ready communication between them
and their friends in the North, and to get
from thence the Cannon and other Military
Stores that had been landed there by the
French ; Mr. Grosett by order of Lord
Justice Clarke and General Guest of the
21st December 1745 1 was directed instantly
to remove all Vessells and Boats of what-
ever Size out of the Harbours of Borris-
touness, Queens Ferry or any where else upon
the South Coast of the Forth to such Places
as he should think most proper for his
Majesty's Service at so critical a juncture
and who accordingly removed all Boats and
Vessells whatever that could be floated [to
the Roads of Queens Ferry and Borristou-
ness under the command of the armed
vessells lying there, which effectually frus-
trated the Designs of the Rebells.]
NO. 12 Expended in this Service . . . 8 6 O
NO. 13 Expended in forwarding from Borris-
touness Powder, Ball, Grape Shot, and other
ammunition sent thither from the Castle of
Edinburgh for the use of the Castle of
Sterling : Pretty Janet armed Vessell stationed
at Haigens Nook and the Jean armed
Sloop at Carsy Nook to prevent the Rebells
crossing at these Ferries by order of General
Guest of 22nd Decemr 1745 2 . . . 3120
1745 Upon the Return of the Rebells from Eng-
Dec land to Scotland Orders being given to the
two Regiments of Foot Prices and Ligoniers,
Carry over . . 255 9
Letter ix. p. 386. 2 Letter x. p. 387.
350 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d
Brought over . . 255 9
and to the Glasgow Regiment and three
Paisly Companies, 1 to march from Sterling
to Edinburgh for the Defence of that Place,
Intelligence being then received that the
Rebells were at Moffat, in their Road to
Edinburgh which City was at this time (by
the Retreat of the two Regiments of Dragoons
from thence to Haddington in their way to
Berwick) left without any other Force but the
Edinburgh Regiment 2 and as it was probable,
that the Rebells might in this situation
attempt to intercept the Troops in their
March from Sterling to Edinburgh ; Mr.
Grosett was Dispatched, with Orders from
Lord Justice Clarke and General Guest 3 for
hireing and pressing a number of Boats and
Ships, for embarking if necessary the Troops
at Borristouness, at which place they were
expected from Sterling that night ; that
Provisions should be laid in for Berwick but
that they should stop at Leith Road for
Orders. Mr. Grosett having agreeable to
these Directions saved no Expense and
Labour in a service of so much Importance
Carry over . . 255 9
1 The Glasgow regiment was then five hundred strong. It was commanded
by the Earl of Home, who was also colonel of the Edinburgh regiment. There
were about a hundred and sixty men of the Paisley regiment, of which the
Earl of Glencairn was colonel. (Scots Mag., viii. 30.)
2 Grossett's account gives the erroneous impression that the infantry was
moved to Edinburgh on account of its desertion by the cavalry. According to
the Caledonian Mercury and the Scots Mag., the cavalry and the main body of
the regular infantry came in together by forced marches from Stirling on the
morning of the 24th, 'men and horses extremely fatigued.' The west country
militia arrived later, by ship from Bo'ness, the intention originally being to send
them on to one of the East Lothian or Berwickshire ports (see Lord Justice-
Clerk's letter, xvii. p. 390 post). It was decided, however, not to abandon
Edinburgh, so the infantry was kept in the town, but 'all the dragoons were
marched eastward ' ; the text here locates Haddington as their destination.
3 Letters xii.-xviii. pp. 388, 391.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 351
s. d.
Brought over . 255 9
had Ships and Boats at Borristouness for
embarking and transporting the Troops by
the time they came there which was about
Twelve at Night. By these means the Troops
and the Glasgow and Paisly Militia, about
a Thousand in Number, who unable to con-
tinue their march being embarked at Borris-
touness with the Baggage belonging to the
whole. They arrived on the morning of
the 24th Decemr. in the Road of Leith much
about the Time that the other Troops, who
were forwarded by Horses from Linlithgow.
arrived at Edinburgh ; and who upon their
Arrival at Leith were ordered to disembark
there, and by that Means and the Number
of Volunteers One Thousand and upwards
whom Lord Justice Clarke got to take up
Arms in the Neighbourhood of Edinburgh,
and march immediately into the Town The
Rebells being deterred from coming forward
to Edinburgh took the Road to Glasgow,
where they arrived the 25th Decemr. 1745.
NO. 14 To forward this Service Mr. Grosett got
from General Guest 100 gunners and ex-
pended therein . . . . 74 8
Dec. To Charges sending from Borrostownness
1745 and destroying two Boats by Order of Lord
Home 23d Decemr. 1745 l which the Friends
of the Rebells had got privately concealed,
and made use of for carrying Intelligence,
and Dispatches to and from their friends
on the opposite side of the Forth the one at
Newton Pow and the other at Carron
NO. 15 Water . .... 2 16
Carry over . . 332 13
1 Letter xiii. p.
352 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 332 13
Dec. The Castle of Edinburgh being at this
1745 time crowded with a great Number of
Prisoners, and particularly with those taken
by Captain Hanway of the Milford Man of
War, near Montrose, on Board the Lewis a
French Transport from Dunkirk ; 1 and as
the keeping them there was looked upon to
be at this time dangerous Mr. Grosett by
Order of Lord Justice Clarke and General
Guest hired to Transports and shipt off
these with other Prisoners at Leith for
Berwick the 26th Decemr. 1745 with a Com-
pany of Foot on Board each Transport as
a Guard.
NO. 16 Expended in this Service . . . 640
Jan. 7, Lord Justice Clarke having received In-
I745 ~ 6 telligence that the Rebells at Glasgow,
being reinforced by their Friends from
the North were preparing to March from
that to attack Edinburgh Mr. Grosett was
thereupon sent with a Warrant from his
Lordship and from General Guest of the
1st Janry. 2 to take and bring from Borris-
towness or from on Board the Shipping
lying in the Road of that Place all the
Cannon he could meet with to be placed
upon the Walls of the City of Edinburgh
for the Defence thereof. The Rebells upon
their going into England, having carried off
or destroyed all the Cannon that were for-
merly placed there for that purpose : Mr.
Carry over . . 338 17
1 The Milford> on 28th November, captured off Montrose the Louis XV.,
one of Lord John Drummond's transports ; eighteen officers and one hundred
and sixty men were made prisoners, and a large quantity of arms and military
stores were taken. The prisoners were confined in Edinburgh Castle until
26th December, when they were sent to Berwick. 2 Letter xix. p. 391.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 353
s. d.
Brought over . . 338 17
Grosett went accordingly and provided them,
and brought them in a vessell to Leith ; But
the Troops under General Hawley 1 arriving
by this time at Edinburgh, it was then not
thought necessary to bring them to that
Place.
NO. 17 Expended in this Service . . . 12 13
Jan. Lord Justice Clarke having received cer-
I745 ' 6 tain Intelligence, 2 that the Rebells were
erecting considerable Magazines at Alloa
and that they proposed bringing their
Cannon to that Place, as the most con-
venient for getting them across the River
Forth, in order to their laying siege to
Sterling Castle ; His Lordship acquainted
Generals Hawley and Husk thereof and
Scheme was thereupon formed for getting
Possession of their Cannon or at least
retarding their getting them across the
River, till the General should be ready
to march with the Army to the Relief of
Sterling ; In Order thereto two Sloops of
War were sent up the River, and Transports
got ready by Mr. Grosett, to take on Board
Troops at Leith, [where a Regiment lay
ready to be embarked upon an hours
warning]. Matters having been thus pre-
pared, and Lord Justice Clarke having
Carry over . . 351 10
1 Henry C. Hawley ; b. c. 1679, d. 1757. Served at Almanza, where he was
taken prisoner ; Sheriffmuir, where he was wounded ; Dettingen and Fontency ;
C.-in-C. at Falkirk ; commanded the cavalry at Culloden. Execrated by the
Jacobites, and detested by his own soldiers, who dubbed him for his cruelty the
Lord Chief-Justice and hangman. He arrived in Edinburgh on January 6th, 1 746.
2 In the 'Narrative' this sentence begins 'Mr. Grossett having received
certain intelligence which he communicated to Lord Justice Clarke that the
rehells. . . .'
354 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d
Brought over . . 351 10
saved no expence in procuring Intelligence
had twice a day at least certain Accounts
from Alloa and other Places in that Neigh-
bourhood giving the whole Proceedings of
the Rebells and having early in the Morning
upon the 8th of Janry. ' received sure Infor-
mation that Lord John Drummond and Lord
George Murray with the whole of the Cannon,
with which the Rebells proposed to attack
Sterling Castle were to be that Night at
Alloa escorted only by about 200 x of the
Rebells they being under no apprehensions
of meeting with any Disturbance on that
side of the River, the Bridge of Sterling
being Cut and the Rebell Army betwixt them
and the Kings Troops ; His Lordship and
General Husk came thereupon to Leith and
got 300 of the Troops that lay there im-
mediately embarked on this Expedition to
be commanded by Colonel Leighton, 2 and
conducted by Mr. Grosett. As the Rebells
at Alloa could have no Intelligence of their
Designs, the Passage across the Forth, being
for some time before this stopt everywhere,
and as the Wind when they sailed proved
favourable they thought themselves sure
of surprizing the Rebells that Night at
Alloa. But as by the time they had got
one third of the way thither, the Wind
turned flat against them it was one o'clock
next Day before they got to Hegins Nook
three Miles below Alloa and where they were
Carry over . . 351 10
1 The 'Narrative' says 'one hundred.' This agrees with Maxwell of
Kirkconnell 'not above a hundred,' but the number was continually increasing.
2 Lieut. -colonel of Blakeney's regiment (27th, now the Royal Inniskilling
Fusiliers).
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 355
s. d.
Brought over . . 351 10
stopt from proceeding farther by the Ebbing
of the Tide. Upon their Arrival there Mr.
Grosett having received Intelligence from
Alloa that the Rebells were shipping their
cannon on Board of a Vessell, with a Design
to proceed in the Night, and to land them
on the opposite side of the River about two
Miles above that Place so soon as the Tide
would admitt of the Vessell' s floating and
Sailing from that Harbour ; and as Mr.
Grosett was perfectly well acquainted with
the River and every Corner of the Country,
to prevent this, Fifty Soldiers and as many
armed Sailors were put on board one large
and two smaller Boats with orders to pass
privately in the Night to the Rebells
Batteries at Elphinstone and Alloa and
lye at a Place appointed about a mile
above Alloa, where the Vessell with the
Cannon was to pass, and where they could not
be observed, either from Alloa, or even from
the Vessells on Board of which they had
shipped their Cannon 'till they were just
upon them, by reason of the windings and
Turnings of that River and as Mr. Grosett
had procured proper Pilots for that purpose,
they got to the Place appointed, without
being observed either from Elphingstone
or from Alloa ; and as the same Flood Tide
and Depth of Water, that would have
carry 'd the Vessell with the Cannon from
Alloa could have carried the Sloops of Wai-
there, they could not in this situation have
failed, in securing the Vessell and Cannon :
But the Commander of the largest Boat,
Carry over
351 10
356 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 351 10
being seized with an unreasonable Pannick,
could not be prevailed with to stay at the
place appointed tho' there was much less
Danger in remaining there than in return-
ing : For as in their Return they alarmed
the Rebells at Alloa by one of the Boats
taking the Ground near that Place, they
had a continued Fire to get thro' as they
past Alloa and Elphingstone Batteries ;
But Mr. Grosett having by order of Lord
Justice Clarke taken 200 Matts of Flax from
on Board a Dutch ship in the Road of Leith, 1
and placed these along the sides of the Boats
there was only one man killed and another
wounded on this Expedition, and which
answered the end so far as to keep the
Vessell from Sailing, and the Rebells from
getting their Cannon at this time across the
River, as they had projected ; Mr. Grosett
receiving at this Juncture Information from
Alloa that the Rebells there were not even
at this time above 200 strong : they upon
the Return of the Boats landed the Troops
at Kincairdin about three miles below
Alloa, with a Design to attack them by
Land. But Mr. Grosett being soon after
acquainted by different Expresses from
Alloa that the Rebells had just received a
Reinforcement of 300 men they returned
and reimbarked the Troops without any Loss.
That Day the Vessell with the Cannon sailed
from Alloa ; But Mr. Grosett having fallen
upon a method to get one of the Sailors
who knew the River, and whom they had
forced out to assist in the conducting of this
Carry over . . 351 10
1 Letter xx. p. 392.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 357
s. d.
Brought over . . 351 10
Vessell persuaded to run her on Ground on
some of the Banks in her Passage up the
River ; Upon receiving Information that the
Vessell was accordingly grounded, and that
the Rebells had thereupon dismounted their
Battery at Alloa, and were transporting all
the Cannon they had there by Land two
miles above Alloa in order to cross them
there. It was thereupon resolved to attack
their Battery at Elphingstone, and after
silencing the Cannon there to proceed with
small Vessells and Boats, and set Fire to
the Vessell that lay a Ground, with the
Cannon and other Military Stores : The
Battery at Elphingstone was accordingly
attacked with great Resolution and Bravery
by the Captains of the Vulture and Pearl
Sloops of War, assisted by the Pretty Janet
armed Vessell and Jean armed sloop : And
after about three hours close cannonading
within less than Musquet Shot of the Battery,
all their Cannon but one were silenced : But
the Pearl having her cable cut asunder by
a Cannon ball, she was forced from her
Station by the strength of the Ebb-Tide,
and the Two Pilots of the Vulture (one of
them a Shipmaster at Elphinstone who at Mr
Grosett's Request came to his assistance in
this Expedition) having each of them at this
Time Lost a leg by another Cannon ball, and
by which Accident they both Dyed ; They
were obliged to quit the Battery ; This
attack however so far answered the End as
to prevent the Rebells from crossing with
their Cannon ; For upon making this
Carry over 351 10
358 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 351 10
Attack they brought back their Cannon to
Alloa, and placed them upon the Battery,
there to prevent the Kings Ships and Troops
from procedeing farther up the River, and
getting Possession of the Vessell that lay
aground above that Place with the Cannon
and Ammunition. In this whole affair Two
men were killed, Two lost a leg each by which
they died and one an Arm by the Cannon
from the Batteries, Ten others were wounded,
but not disabled ; the Chief Engineer and
several others of the Rebells were killed and
many wounded. Mr. Grosett having on the
llth January received a letter from Lord
Justice Clarke with an Order inclosed from
General Hawley to Colonel Layton to return
with the Troops to join the Army who were
then ready to march to the Relief of Sterling
Castle, they thereupon returned accord-
ingly ; But Mr. Grosett having before he
left that country concerted Measures for
getting the Vessell burnt that was grounded
as above in which the Cannon had been
transported from Alloa it was done accord-
ingly without the Rebells knowing how it
came about.
Lord Justice Clarke in his letter, dated
the 10th Janry. 1745/6, l having sent Mr.
Grosett a Letter from General Hawley to Gene-
ral Blackenev 2 who at that time commanded
Carry over . . 351 10
1 Letters xxi., xxii. pp. 392, 393.
3 William Blakeney, an Irishman, born in Co. Limerick 1672 ; brigadier-general
1741, major-general 1744, and appointed lieut. -governor of Stirling Castle in that
year. The office was a sinecure in time of peace. When Cope left Edinburgh
for his highland march, Blakeney posted down to Scotland and took command
at Stirling Castle on 27th August. When summoned to surrender the Castle to
Prince Charles in January, before and again after the battle of Falkirk, he
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 359
s. d.
Brought over . . 351 10
in the Castle of Sterling with Directions to
use all methods possible to get it delivered
and answered, as on it depended Matters of
the greatest Consequence ; Mr. Grosett not
only got the Letter safely delivered, but an
answer thereto, tho' the Rebells were at
that time in Possession of Sterling and suf-
fered none they could observe to go near
the Castle and upon which they kept the
strictest Guard.
NO. is Expended in all these Services, for Pro-
visions, Intelligence, Boats, Pilots, etc. . 39 4
Upon the 12th January 1745/6 Mr.
Grosett returned to Edinburgh from this
Expedition, and upon the 13th was sent
early next morning by Lord Justice Clarke
to procure Intelligence of the motions of
the Rebells for General Husk, who was that
Day to march with the First Division of
the Army from Edinburgh for Linlithgow ; *
Upon Mr. Grosett' s coming near that place,
being informed by some Country People he
had sent into the Town, for Intelligence that
Carry over . . 390 14
replied that he had always been looked upon as a man of honour and the rebels
should find he would die so. His successful defence of Stirling was rewarded by
promotion to lieut. -general and the command of Minorca, which he held for ten
years. His defence of Minorca in 1756 against an overwhelming French force
won the admiration of Europe. For seventy days this old man of eighty-four held
out and never went to bed. On capitulation the garrison was allowed to go
free. Blakeney received an Irish peerage for his defence of Minorca about the
time that Admiral Byng was executed for its abandonment.
1 John Huske, 1692-1761, colonel of the 23rd (Royal Welsh Fusiliers); was
second in command at Falkirk, and commanded the second line at Culloden.
Major-general 1743 ; general 1756. He was second in command to Blakeney at
Minorca in 1756.
Huske's division on their march consisted of four regiments of infantry of
the line, and the Glasgow regiment, with Ligonier's (late Gardiner's) and
Hamilton's dragoons (now I3th and I4th Hussars).
360 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 390 14
about Twelve hundred of the Rebells had
that Morning taken Possession thereof, and
given out that they were resolved to dis-
pute their Quarters with the Kings Troops
Mr. Grosett returned and acquainted the
General thereof who thereupon made the
proper Dispositions. The Town of Lin-
lithgow lying in a Hollow upon the South
side of a large Lake which cuts off all Com-
munication with or access to the Town from
the North and Mr. Grosett having ac-
quainted the General of this and of the
situation of the country The General in
order to surprize and cut off the retreat of
the Rebells to Falkirk where the Main body of
their Army lay sent a strong advance Party
forward with orders to halt, and remain upon
a rising Ground upon the Road about a mile
from the East Gate of the Town, and within
Sight thereof, and marched the Main Body
round another way ; which Mr. Grosett
conducted them by the South side of the
Town where they could not be observed by
the Rebells, till they came near the West
Gate thereof ; and the Rebells having no
suspicion of the Main Body's advancing
upon them, while the Advance Guard stood
still in sight, their communication with
the Main Body of their Army, would by
these means have been cut off, if one of
their Friends upon accidentally seeing the
King's Troops marching under cover of a
Rising Ground by the South side of the
Town, had not rode into the Place and
given the Alarm to the Rebells who there-
upon fled with such Precipitation that the
Carry over . . 390 14
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 361
s. d.
Brought over . . 390 14
Troops could not come up with them. 1
Lord [George Murray, Lord Elcho, and
others of their Chiefs left their Dinner just
as it was going to be set upon the Table.
The Dragoons pursued, but not being able
to come up with them they took Possession
of the Bridge of Linlithgow, over the water
Avon, about a mile to the West of that Place,
left a sufficient Guard there, and then went
into the Town, and eat the Dinner the
Rebells had provided, and got ready for
themselves.] The Person who gave the
alarm was apprehended together with one
of the Rebells, and sent Prisoners to Edin-
burgh, and Mr. Grosett after General Husk
appointed proper Places for Out Guards
returned to Lord Justice Clarke and General
Hawley with an Account of these proceedings.
NO. 19 Expended in this Service . . . 450
The Army being in great want of Gunners
and other proper persons for the Artillery
which was to march the 15th ; but could
not get forward 'till these were provided Mr.
Carry over . . 394 19
1 This is very misleading. Lord George Murray's scheme was to wait till the
Government troops came up, and tempt them over the bridge : when half had
crossed he intended to turn and cut them off. Lord Elcho had kept the enemy
in sight all the time, and records that the Jacobites retiied ' in such order that
the dragoons never offered to attack them ' ; moreover, before the highlanders
' had passed the bridge the dragoons, who were in front of the regulars, drew up
close by the bridge and very abusive language passed betwixt both sides.'
Even the picturesque touch of the substituted dinner must go. Lord George
particularly mentions both in a private letter to his wife and in his historical
letter to Hamilton of Bangour that they had dined at Linlithgow, and the
journals of the day state that the affair occurred about 4 o'clock. Maxwell of
Kirkcorinell considers that if the dragoons had been very enterprising they
might have cut off Lord George's rear. (Elcho, Affairs of Scotland, p. 370 ;
Jac. Mem., p. 79; Chron. Ath. and Tullib,, iii. 141 ; Kirkconnell's Narrative,
p. 98.)
362 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 394 19
Grosett by order of Lord Justice Clarke and
General Hawley went to Borristownness, and
brought from thence nine or Ten Sailors for
that purpose who had been Gunners on
Board of Men of War.
NO. 20 Expended in this Service being obliged to
advance money to each of them to subsist
their Families in their Absence before they
would agree to go upon this service . . 16 8
Lord Justice Clarke having on Thursday
the 17th January in the morning received
Intelligence of Importance relating to the
Motions and Designs of the Rebells ; Mr.
Grosett was immediately dispatched by his
Lordship, to acquaint General Hawley there-
of. After the Battle which happened that
day, Mr. Grosett was sent back to acquaint
Lord Justice Clarke what had happened but
more especially to let his Lordship know that
the Kings Troops had at last beat the Rebells
from and kept the Field of Battle 'till obliged
to leave it for want of Provision, and leave
Seven of their Cannon on the Field for want
of Horses to carry them off. This Account
gave the greater Joy to Lord Justice Clarke,
and the other good Friends of the Govern-
ment at Edinburgh, as before that time they
had, by the Flight of the Troops to that
Place, been much alarmed with the Accounts
they gave of the Defeat of the Kings Army : l
As the Troops in their Flight to Edinburgh
occasioned those that had been sent from
theme with Provisions for the Army to
return towards that place. Mr. Grosett
Carry over . . 411 7
1 This is meant to be an account of the battle of Falkirk.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 363
s. d.
Brought forward . . 411 7
therefore by Order of Lord Justice Clarke
returned immediately on fresh Horses to
force them all back to Linlithgow there not
being a Morsel of Provision to be had on
any Consideration there for the Troops, who
had all of them been obliged to retire to that
Place for want thereof, and who by that
means were well supply 'd. But as the
General did not think it advisable to remain
there with the Troops, he sent Mr. Grosett
back to Lord Justice Clarke to get Quarters
provided for the whole Army against their
Arrival at Edinburgh and which was done
accordingly by the time they got there which
was about Four in the afternoon.
NO. 21 Expended in this Service and for Assist-
ance to get forward the Provisions to Lin-
lithgow 5 14
Jan. Lord Justice Clarke having formed a
1745/6 Scheme to release the Officers of the Kings
Troops, who had been made Prisoners at the
Battle of Preston, and bring them by force
from the respective places to which they
were upon their Parole confined in that Part
of the Country of which the Rebells had at
that time Possession. In order thereto
(after those at Glames were brought to
Edinburgh) a Company of the Argyleshire
Highlanders were (by Order of Lord Justice
Clarke and General Hawley [to Colonel
Campbell] 1 of the 20th January) put under
Carry over . . 417 1
1 The Argyllshire highlanders had joined Huske at Falkirk on January i6th,
and were present at the battle the following day. Their colonel was John Camp-
bell, younger, of Mamore (1723-1806). In 1745 he was lieut. -colonel of the
54th Regiment, but he commanded the Argyll Highlanders (militia) through-
out the Scottish campaign, and was present at Falkirk and Culloden. He sue-
364 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 417 1
Mr. Grosett's Directions who crossed the
Forth with them in the Night at Queens
Ferry, and with their assistance secured and
brought safely to Edinburgh from different
Parts of the Shires of Fyfe and Perth, Colonel
Halket, Captains Stewart, Cochrane, and
Dundas who at that time were prisoners
with the Rebells in these Countries. 1
NO. 22 Expended in this Service for Boats, Freight
Horse hire . . . . . . 6 11
Jan. Lord Justice Clarke having on the 25th
January about Eight at Night received In-
formation that the Rebells had formed a
Design of surprizing the Kings Troops that
night at Edinburgh, and in particular the
Argyleshire Highlanders, who were the Ad-
vance Guard to the Kings Army, Mr. Grosett
accompanied by Lieutenant Campbell of the
Edinburgh Regiment, went by His Lord-
ships Orders, and acquainted Colonel Camp-
bell, and the other officers thereof who com-
manded the advance parties some miles from
Carry over . . 423 12
ceeded his father (see ante, p. 259) as 5th Duke of Argyll, 1770. He is best
known to fame as the husband of the beautiful Elizabeth Gunning, widow of
the 6th Duke of Hamilton, and as the host of Dr. Johnson and Boswell at
Inverary in 1773.
1 At Prestonpans (2ist September) seventy-seven officers were taken prisoners.
Some of these were allowed entire freedom on parole, but a large portion of
them had been interned in Perthshire : they were kindly treated, and had
given their parole. In December a considerable number had been removed
to Glamis Castle, in Forfarshire, and to Cupar, Leslie, Pitfirran, Culross, and
St. Andrews in Fife. They were living quietly in these places when about the
second week in January their retreats were raided and they ' were forcibly
hurried off by a great number of people in arms and disguised, whom they
could not resist, and carried by the same violence to Edinburgh.' (Scots Mag.,
viii. 43.) Thirty-one officers arrived at Edinburgh on iQth January, and
Grossett was sent next day to recover those mentioned in the text.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 365
s. d.
Brought over . . 423 12
the Town, to put them upon their Guard,
and at the same time employed proper
Persons to patrole the Country the whole of
that Night, to give timely Notice of the
Motions and Approach of the Rebells, and
who finding out had got Information of their
Design came no farther than Linlithgow.
io. 23 Expended in this Service . . . 1 10
Upon the 29th January 1745/6 Mr. Grosett
was sent by Lord Justice Clarke and General
Hawley to meet the Duke and acquaint His
Royal Highness that the Troops were ready
to march and that the Guards, Coaches, and
Relays of Horses were at the proper stages
for forwarding His Royal Highness in the
most expeditious manner to Edinburgh.
NO. 24 .... and in getting Coach 140
Jan. The Duke upon his arrival into Scotland 1
found it necessary for the Service to send
two armed Vessells and 100 of the Troops
along the Coast of Fife with Sundry Warrants
which were only to be shewn and put in
execution as things Cast up ; These Troops
were accordingly embarked by Mr. Grosett,
and as His Royal Highness was upon the
Recommendation of Lord Justice Clarke
pleased to direct that he should have the
conducting of this Expedition, and executing
of these warrants as occasion should require :
The following Order to Captain Coren 2 the
Commanding Officer of that Party was with
Carry over . . 426 6
1 The Duke of Cumberland arrived in Edinburgh on 3Oth January.
2 Not identified.
366 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 426 6
the Warrants therein referred to delivered
to Mr. Grosett, viz :
' You are to be assisting to Walter Grosett
Esq. one of His Majesty's Justices of the
Peace in executing divers Warrants which
he will shew you when proper.' 1
In consequence thereof Mr. Grosett upon
the 30th January sailed in the evening from
Leith, with the said Vessell and Party, and
proceeded to different places on the North
Coast betwixt St. Andrews and Alloa, secured
all the Magazines of Provisions, which the
Rebells had on that Coast, returned the
Provisions (being Oatmeal) to the Persons
from whom it had been taken by the Rebells,
as they were all of them well affected to the
Government, and secured nine of the Rebells
and sent them by Order of the Duke
prisoners to Sterling, His Royal Highness
being at this time there with the Army.
NO. 25 Expended in this Service for Boats
Freight, and other Charges in embarking
the Troops, Landing and reimbarking them
from time to time as occasion required,
subsistence to them and for Information,
Guides, etc 28 4
Feb. Expended in providing Boats at Leith and
Horses at Kinghorn for carrying with the
utmost Expedition a Quantity of Ammuni-
tion for the Army at Perth by Order of Lord
NO. 26 Justice Clarke of the 8th February . . 1150
Upon the arrival of the Hessian Troops
in the River Forth the 8th Februarv : The
Carry over . . 456 5
Letter xxv. p. 394.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 367
s. d.
Brought over . . 456 5
Prince of Hesse having sent Colonel Steuart x
to Lord Justice Clarke to know where the) 7
were to disembark ; Mr. Grosett was there-
upon directed by His Lordship to proceed
with the utmost expedition to the Duke then
at Perth to acquaint His Royal Highness
thereof, 2 and to know his Pleasure, [whether
they should disembark at Leith, or be or-
dered to the North] ; And Mr. Grosett having
by three in the morning received his Royal
Highness' s Directions to prepare for dis-
embarking them at Leith he immediately
returned to Lord Justice Clarke with these
Directions.
NO. 27 Expended in this Service for Boats Freight
to and from Kinghorn, and for Horses from
that to and from Perth, and Coach Hire
betwixt Leith and Edinburgh . . . 2150
[As Aberdeen, Montrose, Inverness, and the
other Places in the North, through which the
Army was to march are supply 'd with Coals
for fireing from the Ports in the River Forth,
and as no Coals were allowed to go there
while the Rebells were in Possession of these
Places they were in that Country in so great
want of fireing that the Army under the
Duke could not march from Perth till this
Want was supply 'd, and] As those who
were employed to provide the Army with
Coals had in vain endeavoured it, and
the Duke having directed Lord Justice
Clark to be acquainted with the difficulties
Carry over . . 459
1 This officer may have been the second major of the 3rd (Scots) Guards, the
only regimental officer of the name who held the rank of colonel at this time.
2 Letter xxviii. p. 395.
368 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought forward . . 459
they were in Mr. Grosett together with Mr.
Henry 1 were thereupon sent by his Lordship's
Directions of the llth February 2 to all the
Ports and Creeks upon the River Forth, and
got immediately a considerable Number of
Ships and Vessells loden with Coals, and sent
them to the different Ports and Places in the
North where the Army was to be, and who
by these means were instantly well supply'd,
and enabled to March, when and where his
Royal Highness thought proper.
NO. 28 Expended in this Service . . . 690
Feb., The Duke having ordered Blyth's Regi-
1745/6 men t 3 w ith about Four hundred Men of
different Corps to be sent by sea from Leith
to join the Army in the North ; Mr. Grosett
by Direction of Lord Justice Clarke of the
23rd February got proper Transports pre-
pared for that purpose, shipt the necessary
Provisions, and embarked the men, and
which was oblig'd to be done in the night by
sending them three Miles in Boats from the
Harbour to the Road of Leith to prevent the
Transports being neaped in the Harbour.
NO. 29 Expended in this Service and sending the
Horses of the Regiment from Leith to King-
horn by water, they being ordered to go
from thence by Land to the Army . . 880
March, The Transports being put back after they
1745/6 j^ gQJie^ an( j g t near their Port and being
detained by contrary Winds in the Road of
Carry over . . 473 17
1 Islot identified. 2 Letter xxix. p. 395.
3 Should be Bligh's regiment, the 2Oth, now the Lancashire Fusiliers.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 369
s. d.
Brought over . . 473 17
Leith Mr. Grosett got them supply 'd by
order of Lord Justice Clarke with addi-
tional Stores of Provisions and Boats for
bringing on shore such of the recovered Men
of the different Corps as had fallen 111 by
their confinement.
NO. 30 Expended in this Service . . . 640
March, The Duke having ordered a considerable
745 Quantity of Biscuits to be sent him to the
North in order to their being carry 'd along
with the Army as they marched into the
Highlands Mr. Grosett by Direction of Lord
Justice Clarke of the 6th March got a suffi-
cient Quantity for that purpose from the
Castle put up in proper Casks and Baggs, and
immediately sent off in to Vessells from Leith,
which he had provided for that Service.
NO. 31 Expended in this Service . . . 4 13
The Duke having sent Directions to Lord
Justice Clarke to provide 10 Boats of 20 and
30 Tons Burthen to attend the Army with
Provisions and other necessaries as they
marched along the Coasts, and as they were
immediately wanted : Mr. Grosett by his
Lordships Order of the llth March * went to
the proper Places where these Boats and
small Vessells were to be had and sent them
directly away to his Royal Highness, under
the care of Mr. M'Gill Commander of one of
the Kings Boats at Leith to whom Mr
Grosett by order of Lord Justice Clarke gave
Ten Pounds towards paying his Expenses.
NO. 32 Expended in this Service . . . 12 18
Carry over . . 497 12
1 Letter xxx. p. 396.
2A
370 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 497 12
March, The Transports with the Troops for the
1745/6 Nc^n being put back a second time and a
great number of the recovered men falling
sick again by their confinement the Duke
ordered them to be taken o' shore and sent
across the Forth from Leith to Kinghorn
in Boats and to march from that by Land,
which Mr. Grosett did accordingly on the
14th March.
NO. 33 Expended in this Service . . . 430
Lord Justice Clarke having received an
Express from his Grace the Duke of New-
castle with a letter from General Price at
Berwick dated 16th March x acquainting His
Grace that he had received Information from
a sure hand that Corn from Northumberland
and the adjacent Counties were carried to
Wooler a Town 14 Miles from Berwick, and
from thence Westward between Stirling and
Dumbarton Castle, and privately embarked
on the River Clyde, and sent thro' the
Western Islands to Lochaber for the use of
the Rebells ; Mr. Grosett was thereupon
desired by Lord Justice Clarke to go to
Sterling and from thence across the Country
to Dumbarton Castle, and along the coast to
all the Ports and Creeks on the River Clyde
as well to enquire particularly into the Truth
of this Information as to leave proper Orders
and Directions at the Places above men-
tioned to prevent Provisions of any sort being
carried from thence to the Rebells and which
Mr. Grosett did accordingly, but did not find
that any provisions had gone that way.
Carry over . . 501 15
1 Letter xxxi. p. 396.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 371
s. d.
Brought over . . 501 15
No. 34 Expended in this ' Service having rode
about Two hundred miles therein. . . 11 18
April, Lord Justice Clarke having upon the 4th
174 of April received an Express from Brigadier
Genl. Price Governor of Berwick giving an
Account that three large and one smaller Men
of War had appeared off Holy Island and as
they made no Return to the proper Signals
that were made them from that place, and
King's Sloops and Boats that were cruizing
there they believed them to be French Men
of War come to the Assistance of the Rebells
and as this Account was confirmed by an
Express from Mr. Castlelaw, Collector at
Dunbar, and Mr. Fall one of the Magistrates
there ; and that these ships were come with-
in the Mouth of the Forth Mr. Grosett at the
Desire of the Lord Justice Clarke went there-
upon in the Night and acquainted the Com-
manders of the Men of War then lying in
the Road of Leith thereof. But as they
were of no Force to make head against them,
these with the other Ships in the Road pre-
pared to slip their Cables, and proceed
farther up the Firth, upon the approach of
the Men of War above mentioned ; After
this Mr. Grosett with the assistance of the
Custom House and several fishing Boats,
which he forced out from Newhaven in the
night went in quest of these Men of War, to
know certainly what they were, and next
day found them to be Dutch Men of War to
whom the proper Signals had not been given
upon their leaving Holland.
No. 35 Expended in this Service . . . 5 15
Carry over . . 519 8
372 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 519 8
April, The Duke having sent Orders to the Earl
1746 of Home 1 who at this time commanded the
Troops that lay at Edinburgh to forward
with the utmost Expedition to the North the
Four Thousand recovered Men of different
Corps that were come there from England,
Mr. Grosett at his Lordship's and Lord
Justice Clarkes desire went and provided
proper Transports, and saw the men em-
barked and sent off to his Royal Highness,
agreeable to Lord Home's Order of the 15th
April 1746. 2
NO. 36 Expended in this Service, and for Boats
to embark the men in the Road of Leith . 6 10
April, The Transports with these men being de-
1746 tained in the Road of Leith by Contrary
Winds, and Doctor Maxwell who had the
care of the Hospital, having apply 'd to Lord
Justice Clarke for an additional Transport,
to put the weakest and most sickly of the
men by themselves Mr. Grosett, was desired
to provide one, and which he did accord-
ingly.
NO. 37 Expended in this Service and for Boats
employed in removing the men and pro-
visions from one ship to another . . 4 12
Commodore Smith 3 upon his Arrival in the
Carry over . . 530 10
1 William, 8th earl, sue. 1720. In 1745 ne was a captain in the 3rd (Scots)
Guards : he served on Cope's staff at Prestonpans ; commanded the Glasgow
(volunteer or militia) regiment at Falkirk ; was also colonel of the Edinburgh
regiment. In 1757 he was appointed Governor of Gibraltar, where he died
in 1761, being then a lieut. -general. 2 Letter xxxiii. p. 398.
3 This is that Thomas Smith who, in 1728, for an act of consummate audacity
acquired vast fame, became for a while the darling of the British nation, and in
the Navy received the nickname of 'Tom of Ten Thousand.' Although only
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 373
s. d.
Brought over . . 530 10
Firth of Forth with the Ships of War under
his command being ordered to proceed to
the Orkneys, with these and the other Ships,
and Sloops of War then in the Road of Leith
to prevent their getting assistance from
France or making their Escape from these
Coasts and Islands ; and having thereupon
apply 'd to Lord Justice Clarke to provide
him with proper Pilots for each of the Ships
that were to go on that Service : Mr. Grosett
by his Lordship's Directions went and got
them immediately provided from different
Ports.
No. 3 8 Expended in this service . . . 480
Carry over . . 534 18
junior lieut. of H.M.S. Gosport, while in temporary command he forced the
French corvette Gironde to lower her topsail as a salute to the British flag when
passing out of Plymouth Sound. For this exploit he was summarily dismissed
the service on the complaint of the French ambassador, but, according to tradi-
tion, was reinstated the following day with the rank of post-captain (see
Thackeray's Roundabout Papers, No. 4, 'On Some Late Great Victories').
Modern investigation has somewhat qualified the dramatic story of the reinstate-
ment, but not of the initial act. Smith was naval commander-in-chief in
Scotland from February 1746 to January 1747 when he became rear-Admiral ;
in I 757> Admiral of the Blue. He presided at the court-martial which con-
demned Admiral Byng. He died 1761.
To those interested in Jacobite history his memory should ever be cherished
as the benignant guardian, if jailer, of Flora Macdonald. When Flora was first
made prisoner in Skye in the second week of July, she was taken on board the
ship of the merciless Captain Ferguson (ante, p. 244), in which she was detained
for three weeks. Luckily for her, General Campbell was also on board and treated
Flora with great kindness. The general handed her over to Commodore Smith,
with whom she remained a prisoner until her arrival in London in the middle
of November, a period of three and a half months. Home, in his History, says
that 'this most worthy gentleman treated Flora not as a stranger, nor a
prisoner, but with the affection of a parent.' Bishop Forbes tells the same story :
he ' behaved like a father to her, and tendered her many good advices as to her
behaviour in her ticklish situation.' Smith permitted Flora to go ashore in
Skye to see her mother. When lying in Leith roads he presented her with a
handsome suit of riding clothes and other garments, as well as an outfit for a
Highland maid who had hurriedly left Skye to accompany the lady in her
captivity.
374 AN ACCOUNT OF MONEY
s. d.
Brought over . . 534 18
April, The Great Coats, Blankets, Shoes, Shirts,
Waistcoats, Gloves, etc., given by different
Companies and Corporations in Presents to
the Army being sent to the Care of Lord
Justice Clarke, 1 Mr. Grosett by his Lordships
Directions received and saw them duely for-
warded from time to time to the Army.
No. 39 Expended in this Service . . . 10 5
His Royal Highness the Duke having
directed Lord Justice Clarke to be apply'd to
for his assistance in procuring what should
from time to time be found necessary for the
Army in general ; and in particular for the
more speedy embarkation of the Hessian
Troops, and the Four British Regiments
ordered for Flanders, and in getting the
Clothing of Major General Wolf's Regiment 2
forwarded in the most expeditious manner
from Leith to Perth that Regimt. being upon
Receipt thereof ordered to march to Burnt
Island to embark there with the other British
Regiments. Mr. Grosett by his Lordship's
Directions accordingly assisted Colonel
Steuart and others in procuring what was
from time to time found necessary for these
purposes.
NO. 40 Expended in this Servise . . . 780
That besides the services above men-
tioned Mr. Grosett was during the Course
of the Rebellion constantly employed by
Lord Justice Clarke in the extraordinary
Carry over . . 552 11
1 Guild Hall Relief Fund. See Appendix.
2 The 8th now The King's (Royal Liverpool) Regiment.
DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT 375
s. d.
Brought over . . 552 11
affairs of the Government at this . . . .to
answer all Imergence . . . . ty for his
keeping Horses at different . . . and as
some of them fell into the hands of the
Rebells, and others were lost by hard Riding
and other accidents.
NO. 41 Expended on this Account and sundry
other Services during the Course of the
Rebellion not mentioned in the Above
Articles 110
Total Money Expended . 662 11
Received of the above Sum from Genl.
Guest to Acct. 105
Ballance 557 11
WAL: GROSETT.
N.B. Mr. Grosett being from the first Breaking out of
the Rebellion employed in so open and remarkable a
manner in the service of the Government created against
him the particular 111 will of the Jacobites and their
Adherents and who on that account took every Oppor-
tunity of shewing their Resentment against him, they
plundered his House in the Town of Alloa, and in the
Country carried off effects to a very great value, drove
all the Cattle from off his Estate, forced the Payment of
the Rents thereof to them, stript his wife and children
of the very cloathes they had on, and used otherways in a
most inhuman manner.
* Brunstane, 4<th Septem. 1747.
4 1 do certify that Mr. Grosett was employ 'd by me in
the service of the Government in the several matters
above mentioned, and also on other occasions and was
376 MONEY DISPOSED BY WALTER GROSSETT
zealous and active in the Execution of whatever was
committed to his care.
' (Signed) AND. FLETCHER,
4 Lord Justice Clarke.'
N.B. These Services .... forth and Certify'd in
a Pap .... Cope, the Generals Guest, . . . syde
and Hawley and by Lord Home.
Nothing charged for trouble and loss of time, etc.
[This postscript is too torn to decipher accurately but it
refers to the l Narrative ' which bears this docquef] :
We have perused the above Narrative, and do hereby
certify that the same is true so far as regards us
respectively, R. HANDASYDE.
HOME. H. HAWLEY.
Jos. GUEST.
JNO. COPE.
LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
WALTER GROSSETT
LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM THE
CORRESPONDENCE OF WALTER GROSSETT
i
The Lord Advocate to Walter Grossett and others
By the Hon 1 ROBT. CRAIGIE Esq r His Majesties Advocate
General
These are ordering and requiring you and each of you
to concur in sending all Vessells of whatever kind upon
the North and Southsides of the Firth from Stirling to
Kinghorn to the Harbours of Leith and Borristounness
and in case of resistance you are to use force in making
the Order effectual Given under my Hand at Edinburgh
this ninth day of Sepr 1745 yeare. ROB: CRAIGIE.
To all Sherriffs Justices of Peace
Magistrats of Burghs and all others
his Majesties Leedgeses.
Mr. Grosett the Coll. at Alloa has Special Directions to
See this order put in Execution. ROB: CRAIGIE.
II
Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett
By the Hon 1316 ROGER HANDASYDE Esq r Lieutenant General
and Commander in Cheif of All His Majesty's Forces,
in North Britain etc.
Whereas it has been found Injurious to His Majesty's
Service that any Boats shou'd pass from Leith to King-
horn or from Kinghorn to Leith, These are therefore
380 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
Requiring All Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, Con-
stables and Others concerned to be Aiding and Assisting
to you in bringing all the Passage Boats and Yauls from
Kinghorn and all other places on the North Side of the
Forth to the Harbour of Leith where they are to be kept
till His Majesty's Service shall allow of their being
returned to their Respective Ports.
Given under my hand at Edinburgh this 26 th Novem 1
1745. R: HANDASYDE.
To Walter Grosett Esq r Collector of
His Majesty's Customs.
Ill
Lieutenant-General Handasyde to Walter Grossett
By the Hon ble ROGER HANDASYD Esq r . Lent* General and
Commander in Chief of all His Maj s Forces in North
Brittain.
Whereas it has been found Injurious to His Majesties
Service that any Boats should pass from the North or
South sides of the Forth or that any Vessells whatever
should be allowed to remain upon the North side of the
said River These are therefore requiring all Magistrats,
Justices of the Peace, Constables and others concerned
to be aiding and assisting to you in Stoping the said
passage and removeing all Boats and Vessells whatever
from the North to the South Side of the Forth from
Kinghorn to Stirling Bridge and in case of resistance or
refussall to Burn or otherwise Destroy such Boats and
Vessells as shall after due Intimation made be found upon
the North Side of the said River.
Given under my Hand at Edinburgh this 27 th November
1745. R: HANDASYDE.
To Walter Grosett Esq r , Coll r of His
Majesties Customs at Alloa, and
one of His Maj s Justices of ye
Peace.
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 381
IV
The Commissioners of Customs to Walter Grossett
MR. GROSETT.
Inclosed We send You for Your Government and Direc-
tion, a Copy of a Letter from the Lord Justice Clerk and
General Guest Commander in Chief of His Majestys
Forces in Scotland, Containing an order and Instructions
for bringing over all Ships, Vessels, Boats and Yoals of
all sorts and sizes lying in the Harbours and Creeks betwixt
Stirling Bridge and S* Andrews inclusive on the North
side of the Frith with their Apparel and Furniture, and
for laying them up in the several Harbours therein Speci-
fied on the South side of the Frith, and in the Execution
of these Directions and Instructions, all Officers whatso-
ever under Our direction, are to give You their utmost
assistance when required so to do, as they will answer
the Contrary at their Peril, and You are particularly to
apply to the respective Officers in the several Ports and
Precincts for their Aid and Information. The General
having given proper orders to the Captain of the Milford
Man of war to concur and assist You in this Servise, You
are to meet and Concert with him proper measures for
the Effectual Execution thereof. We are,
Your Loving Friends, Co: CAMPBELL.
ALEX ARBUTHNOTT.
Customh Edmb r 1 -D c
.... S- RD. SOMERS.
8 th Decem r 1745. J
Coll r Alloa.
Enclosure to No. IV.
Edinb r Decem r 9 th 1745.
GENTLEMEN We think it absolutely necessary for the
Good and Service of the Government at this Conjuncture,
that all the Ships, Vessels, Boats and Yoals of all sorts and
Sizes, with their Apparel and Furniture, in all Harbours
382 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
and Creeks etc. betwixt Stirling Bridge and S* Andrews
inclusive on the North side of the Frith of Forth, be
brought over and Moord in the several Harbours of Dunbar,
Leith, Queensferry and Borrowstoness, and these on the
South side of the said River, betwixt Cramond and
Eymouth be Carried to Leith and Dunbar, as the Persons
to be Employed by You in the Execution hereof, shall
Judge to be most Conveneint, all to remain in these
respective Harbours untill further orders ; We therefore
earnestly recommend it to You as proper Judges, to
Nominate and Appoint such of Your Officers under Your
Direction and Government to Execute our Orders as You
shall think most fit to be Employed for the doing of so
necessary a Duty, And as some former Orders of this
Nature have not been observed and obeyed so punctually
as Directed for want of other proper Assistance, We do
therefore hereby direct and ordain all Magistrates of
Burghs Justices of the Peace, Constables etc. within the
respective bounds aforesaid, laying aside all Excuses
whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting to the Person or
Persons that are possessed of Copys hereof, and of Your
Instructions given by You to them, as they will be
answerable upon their highest Peril ; and in Case any
of the Proprietors or others Concerned in said Ships etc.
as abovement d shall not forthwith Comply with these
Our orders, Then the Persons so Employed are hereby
ordained to burn and Destroy the same, where any
objections or refusals are made to obey and Comply
herewith, and the aforesaid Copys hereof with your
Instructions as above, shall be to them a Sufficient Warrant
for destroying of the above Ships etc. not doubting of
Your Compliance and Concurrence, We are,
. ,,fAND: FLETCHER.
Slgnd (jos: GUEST.
N.B. Buys Boat who has been often Employed in
transporting of Rebels frequently, should be burnt out of
hand.
Hon ble Comm rs of the Customs Ed r .
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 383
Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett
Edenburgh December the 15^ 1745.
SR, I agree to your hiring the Borrowstness Ship at
the Rate you mention, provided the owners dont insist
on my Insuring her from the Enemy, for that I cant
consent to if they comply, you '1 immediatly station her
at Higgins Nook, and Nicol at Carse's Nook, or wherever
they can be best placed for His Majestys Service. You '1
give them positive Derections to be very carefull, in
watching both sides the River, and sending immediat
Intelligence to the L d Justice Clerk, on discovering any
Motions of the Enemy.
You '1 consider the Ship is not ensured now, and is in
as much, or more danger than when employd by his
Majesty. I am S r your most Obed* humble Servant,
Jos: GUEST.
VI
Walter Grossett to the Commissioners of Customs
HOND. SIRS, In Obedience to your directions of the
8 th Instant Inclosing an Order and Warrand from Lord
Justice Clerk and General Guest Commander in chief of
the Forces in Scotland, for bringing over all Ships, Vessells
and Boats, lying in any of the Harbours or Creeks, betwixt
Stirling and S: Andrews on the North side of the Firth,
to the Harbours therein specified on the south side thereof,
and for Burning or destroying the ships and Vessells etc.,
of such of the Proprieters thereof as should refuse to
comply with these Orders ; I have with the assistance of
the Kings Boats at Queensferry and Borristounness, and
two Boats Crews belonging to the Happy Janet stationed
off Queensferry, removed, disabled, or destroyed, all
Boats and Vessells that lay betwixt Stirling and Aberdour,
But as the doing of this, would not have hinder the Rebell
Army from geting a Cross the River, while Boats and
Vessells were allowed to remain at the severall Creeks in
384 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
Carron Water, and at Hargens Nuik Airth, and Elphing-
stone, and other Creeks on the south side of the Forth
betwixt Borristounness and Stirling ; I therefore pro-
ceeded to these places, and prevailed with severall of the
Proprieters of Boats and Vessells there, to remove them
from thence, but as some of them refused to comply,
by reason of their not being included in the Order and
Warrand above mentioned, I am therefore Humbly of
Opinion, that Lord Justice Clerk and General Guest should
be applyed to, for a Warrand for the removing or destroy-
ing of them. And as there are at this time at Alloa, a
considerable quantity of Deals and Learge Loggs of Wood,
of 30 or 40 feet in Length, of which Floots may not only
easely be made, for the Transporting of Men, Horses etc.;
from the one side of the River to the other, but upon
which Flooting Batteries may be reased, to move from
place to place, to play upon such of His Majesties Forces
or others, who may be employed in Defending the Banks
of the River, to prevent the Landing of the Rebells. It
is therefore Humbly submitted, how far it may be thought
proper at this Juncture, to have these Deals and Loggs
removed from Alloa. If this is approven off, what I
would propose as the easiest method of removing them,
would be to put them on Board of Vessells, to ly at
Borristounness till the danger is over. With this view
I spook to several shipmasters of my acquaintance, (who
I knew to be good Whiggs and well wishers to the common
Cause) on Tuesday last at Borristounness, and who at my
request, readily argeed to take them on Board their
Vessells, upon their only being paid the Charges they should
be put to in going to Alloa to Load and unload them. All
which is Humbly Submitted by Hon: Sirs Your Ho rs Most
Obed* Hum 1 Serv* WAT: GROSETT.
Edinburgh 16 th Dec r 1745.
Endorsements. 16^ Dec r 1745.
Mr. Grosett to wait upon the Justice Clerk and Gen 1
Guest with this Lre. and to Report their Opinion.
W. H. for the Sec ry .
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 385
The Board approve Mr. Grosetts Conduct and Zeal in
this whole Affair and his proposal is agreed to if the Lord
Justice Clerk and Gen 1 Guest think proper.
W. H. for the Secretary.
VII
The Commissioners of Customs to Walter Grossett, for-
warding approval of Lord Justice Clerk and General
Guest
Edinburgh 16* Dec r 1745.
We approve of Mr. Grosetts Conduct and proposalls and
desire the Board of Customs may give him the proper
directions for puting the same in Execution and for which
end a proper Warrant shall be granted by us.
AND FLETCHER.
Jos: GUEST.
MB. GROSETT
Having considered the above Approbation of the Lord
Justice Clerk and General Guest, We heartily agree with
the same and direct you to proceed accordingly, having
first obtained their Warrant for the purposes as mentioned
in Your Letter of this date. Co: CAMPBELL.
ALEX R ARBUTHNOTT.
RD. SOMERS.
Custom H Edinburgh
16 th December 1745.
VIII
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
(Holograph but not signed}
Pray forward the Inclosed, and get all Stirling shire in
Arms immediately, If L d Home approves G. Blackney will
give arms raise y e Hue and Cry Cause the Sherriff
distribute y e papers y* comes w* y s bearer.
Go on and prosper.
2B
386 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
Ed 1 ' 19th D ec r 1745 .
I have paid none of the Expresses yt they may make
more hast but given every one two shills. wch is not to be
deducted out of yr hire if they make Speed.
IX
Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett
JOSHUA GUEST Esq r Lieut. General and Commander in
Cheif of all His Majesty's Forces, Castles, Forts and
Barracks in North Britain etc..
His Majesty's Service Requiring that all Vessells and
Boats of whatever Size be instantly removed out of the
Harbours of Borrostouness, Queensferry, Leith or any
where else upon the South Coast of the Forth betwixt
Leith and Stirling, Those at Borrostouness and Queens-
ferry to the Road of Borrostouness or Such other place or
places as you shall think most for His Majesty's Service
at this Juncture ; those at Leith to the Road of Leith or
such other place as you shall judge most proper for said
Service ; These are therefore Authorizing and Empower-
ing you to put the said order in Execution, and to which
purpose the Commanders of His Majesty's Ships of War
or others employ 'd in the Kings Service, are hereby
Required to give you their Utmost Assistance, as are all
Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, Constables, and all
other Persons, Civil or Military whom these may Concern.
A Copy hereof sign'd by you shall be a sufficient warrant
to any Person required or empower'd by you in the Exe-
cution 'hereof as they will answer to the Contrary at their
highest Peril.
Given at Edinburgh the 21 st day of Decem r 1745.
Jos: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq r Collector
of His Majesty's Customs.
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 387
Lieutenant-General Guest's Directions
Directions for the Master of the Boat that goes to
Borrostouness.
Edinburgh 22<* Decem. 1745.
He is to sail directly for Borrostouness, lye out in the
Road of that place and send in his Boat or yawl, to Col-
lector Grosett who is there and get directions from him
how he is to dispose of his Cargo, part of which is to go
to Stirling Viz. the 9 pounders Cannon Ball, Spunges, etc.
The Pouder and small Cannon Ball is for the use of the
Jean of Alloa, and Pretty Janet, that are stationed near
that place or at Higgens Nuik. The Biscuit which is to
be taken in at Leith from Mr. Walker is to be disposed of
at Bosness as Mr. Grosett will direct. In case of any
accident of your not meeting with Mr. Grosett, I desire
Cap. Knight of the Happy Janet may forward imediately
the 9 pound Cannon Ball, Spunges etc. to Stirling, where
General Blakeney has present occasion for them.
Jos: GUEST.
To the Master of the Boat Order'd to
sail for Borrostouness.
XI
Captain Knight R.N. to Walter Grossett '
SIR, Having Sent 7 pounds of powder, 20 Sheets fine
paper made in Cartridges and 15 pounds Musquet Shot
to be used, if occasion required it, by my people in pre-
venting the Rebells passage at Higgens-Nook, which I
understand you gaue to John Peirson Master of the Pretty
Jennett, I desire you will be pleased to procure an Order
from General Guest to me for supplying these Ordnance
Stores to him, with his Ricept to Alexander Wedderburn
Master of the Armed Vessel under mv Command of the
388 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
Same, and to transmit both to me at this place with the
first opportunity. I am Sir, Your very humble Servant,
JN. KNIGHT.
Happy Jennett Queensferry Road
22 d December 1745.
Walter Grosett Esq. Collector of
his Maj ts Customs at Alloa.
XII
Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett
JOSHUA GUEST Esq r Lieut. General and Commander in
Cheif of all His Majesty's Forces, Castles, Forts and
Barracks in North Britain etc.
His Majesty's Service Requiring that a number of
Vessells and Boats be hired for Transporting of His
Majesty's Forces, These are therefore authorizing and
Empowering you to hire such a number of Vessells and
Boats and make such agreement with them as you shall
judge necessary at this Juncture, and I hereby oblige
myself to make good such agreement, for which this shall
be your Warrant. Given at Edinburgh this 22 d December
1745. Jos: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq r Collector of
His Majesty's Customs.
XIII
The Earl of Home to Walter Grosset
Linlithgow Dece r 23 1745.
SIR, Having receiv'd information That John Liddel in
Haugh of Dalderse lying in Newtown Pow hath a Boat,
and that there are another Boat upon Carron Watter
belonging to James Simpson on the west side of John
Liddels in the Pow about the Slyde bank bridge, I desire
you '1 order them to be immediatly secured or destroyed
as you think proper. I am Sir Your Humble Serv.
HOME.
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 389
XIV
Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett
Edinburgh 23 d Decem. 1745.
SIR, There being a necessity for the Forces who are
this night to be at Linlithgow and Borrostouness, to
march in here tomorrow morning by Ten o'clock if possible,
which I have sent them orders to do, I therefore desire
the favour of you to hire all the Ships that are loose that
lye at Borrostouness or Contiguous, and in the first place,
I hereby empower you to employ the Vessells that are
in His Majesty's Service and stationed at Higgens Nuik
or elsewhere near you (Excepting the Happy Janet who
is to continue in her Station) In order to put aboard the
said Vessells or Boats the Baggage and Sick or more Men
as the Commanding Officer of these Forces shall direct,
which Vessells are to proceed to Berwick, You will cause
lay in what meal or other provisions can be got for the
men that are in these Vessells. If this Service cannot
be performed without the assistance of the Happy Janet
I have sent an order for that purpose. I am S r Your
most hum b Sert. Jos: GUEST.
P.S. The Boat with Biscuit etc. cou'd not Sail last
night, nor this day the wind being contrary, but it shall
be sent or meet the Vessells as they come opposite to
Leith.
XV
Lieutenant-General Guest to Captain Knight R.N.
Edinburgh 23 d Decent 1745.
Walter Grosett Esq r has directions from me to be
assisting to the Forces that are this night to Quarter at
Linlithgow and Borrostouness in which I also desire you
will do your Utmost, either in Transporting them east-
wards or Otherways as he will give you directions from
the Commanding officer, and you will return to your
390 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
Station as soon as possible. I am S r , Your most hum ble
Ser* Jos: GUEST.
To Cap* Knight of
the Happy Janet.
XVI
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
Ed r 23d D ec r 1745.
SIR, I refer you to y e Generalls orders Now is the time
to Exert your self at a dead pull. Home will shew you
mine and the necessity of the troops moveing to Hadinton
too Morrow, 'either on Horseback or put aboard now
Dr. Sr. Exert and get the Volunteers to exert in getting
in the Horses, and theyll get full payment for their hire
you must not notice x their march further yn yt place,
else perhaps theyll not be so ready to give yr Horses.
I am your Slave. A. F.
If you bring up y e rear youll haue the post of Honour.
You shall have intelligence all right.
XVII
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
(Holograph but not signed}
Ed. 23 Dec r 1745.
DEAR SIR, I re d yours about 7 at night, and you have
done Exceeding well, if you bring up the Rear right I
think you should Command those that command you
now. I have no notion of shipping any Horses, they are
in no danger, the men may be landed at Northberwick
Dumbar or Heymouth 2 as the wind serves, or even at
Holy Island if they cannot land Sooner wt Safety, but
yt is only my private opinion, the ordor of y e proper
Officers is" the Rule.
Apparently meaning 'notify.' 2 Eyemouth.
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 391
The Shipping was cheifly designed for the Baggage
seek and weak, and the Ships may be employed to bring
Oats etc. for G. Wades Armye.
XVIII
The Earl of Home to Walter Grossett
Linlithgow tuesday Morning
24 th Dec r near One O clock 1745.
The three Companys being Warm'd with the Same Zeal
with those of Glasgow are willing to Share the Same fate
with them and have March'd to Borrostouness to go on
board, So I must desire you to have them put on Board
with all expedition, and I dont doubt of your doing every
thing in your power for the accomadation of Men who
deserve it So well. I am in haste Yours HOME.
I have not had any farther accounts.
To Mr. Groset.
XIX
Lieutenant-General Guest to Walter Grossett
By JOSHUA GUEST Esq r . Lieut. General of His Majesty's
Forces etc. etc.
I desire you will go to Borrostouness and take whatever
Cannon you may find in that Town or aboard the Ships
in the Harbour, and send them here for the Defence of this
City, and your Receipt for what number you Receive
shall be Allowed by me, for doing whereof this shall be
to you and all Concerned a sufficient warrant.
Given at Edinburgh the 1 st January 1745.
Jos: GUEST.
To Walter Grosett Esq r
Collector of His Majesty's Customs.
392 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
xx
The Lord Justice Clerk and Major-General Huske
to Walter Grossett and others
Leith 8 Jan. 1746.
Whereas Some Matts of Flax are requisite for his
Majesty s Service You are hereby authorised to take
aboard of the Transports now employed in his Majesty s
Service Such a number of Matts of Flax from aboard of
a Dutch Sloop laying in the road of Leith for wch you
are to give your Receipt, as you judge necessary for his
Majestys Service. Given day and date forsaid.
And FLETCHER.
JOHN HUSKE.
To the Officer Commanding the Troops
or the Comander of y e Transports
now employed in his Majestys Ser-
vice or Walter Groset Esq r .
XXI
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
SR, I re d your Letter of yesterday noon off the nuik,
I am sorry you came so late, however as you have done
something, and if you meet wt no loss, all is well. The
inclosed from G. Hawley to Coll. Leighton is wt orders
to return in case nothing of importance can be done wt
Safety. The oyr for Genii Blackney from Gn 11 Hawley,
we wish could be delivered and an answer got as upon
it depends matters of great Consequence, So I do not
question youll exert your Invention. Matters are pre-
pareing for a March. My Compliments and best wishes
to all freinds wt you. Yours etc. A. F.
Edinb r Friday 12 aclock
10 th Jan y 1746.
GROSSETT S CORRESPONDENCE 393
XXII
Lieutenant-General Hawley to Major-General Blackeney.
Edinborow 10* h Jan: 1745-6.
SR, I had a verball message from you by a man this
morning desyring relief e. I am getting the foot, who are
come up, repaired as soone as possible, for withe the nine
days marche, after all things others they are good deale
harrased butt in good spiritts.
I shall move towards you, if possible a Sunday, in the
meantime let me know by the bearer or some other way,
how long you can hold out, no more now but that I am
sinceerly yrs. H. C. HAWLEY.
XXIII
Permit from Lord Justice Clerk for Walter Grossett
Edenburgh the 26 Jan r 1746.
Permitt Mr. Grosert and oyrs with him to pass and
repass at the west port of Ed r the Same being for his
Majesty s Special Service. AND FLETCHER.
To all Officers Civill and Militarv.
XXIV
Warrant from Lord Justice Clerk to all Officers
of the Law
Edinb r 30 Jan r 1746.
Whereas I am informed that James Drummond of
Drummond commonly called the Duke of Perth with
oyrs concerned in the present Rebellion are in or about
y e House of Lundie in Fife These are therefore Granting
warrant to all Officers of y e Law wt yr Assistants to search
the said house of Lundie or any oyr houses they have
394 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
reason to Suspect y e said persons are and them haveing
found to seize and apprehend them and detain them in
sure Custody till thence Liberated by due Course of the
Law, for wch this shall be to all and Sundry Concerned a
Sufficent warrant. AND FLETCHER.
XXV
The Lord Justice Clerk to Captain Coren
SIR, I desire you will be assisting to Walter Grosert of
Logic Esqr. one of his Majesties Justices of the peace in
Executeing divers warrands wch he will show you when
proper. Sir I am Your most Obedient humble Servant,
AND FLETCHER.
Edinburgh the 30th Jan r 1746.
To Captain Coren or the Commanding
officer of the party to go aboard
the By lander * at Leith.
XXVI
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grosett
Edr., 1 st Febr. 1745/6.
SIR, You are to proceed with the Bylander towards
Higgins neuk and allowa and there assisted by Captain
Coren and y e party you are to Search for Suspected
persons, ammunition and provisions belonging to the
Rebells of wch you have particular Notice, for wch this
shall be sufficient warrand. AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosert of Logic one of
his Majesty s Justices of the Peace.
P.S. You are to acquaint Gen 11 Hawley of what
Success you have and take your further directions from
him.
1 A bylander or bilander is a two-masted ship, rather flat-bottomed, used
chiefly in the canals of Holland.
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 395
XXVII
Lieutenant-General Hawley to
Stirling 2 d February 1745/6.
SIR, As to the eight or nine persons you have Prisoners
of the Rebells, you '1 deliver them to the Corporal Who
gives you this. The Meal, Bread, and Money etc. which
the Rebells Left at Alloa you '1 immediatly Secure for
His Majesties use, for the Doing of which this Shall be
to you a Sufficient Warrant. H. C. HAWLEY.
P.S. If you can Secure the person who Released the
Officer Send him prisoner hither.
XXVIII
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
Ed n the 8 Feb r 1746.
SR, I desire yuell go wt y e utmost Expedition to give
his Roy all Highness an actt of the prince of Hesse's
arrival with the Hessians, they came from Williamstad* on
Tuesday last, they have the Hazzars aboard, and you are
to desire to know the Dukes directions where they are to
be landed, as none of them can be landed this night, ys
actt I have from Coll. Stewart who is just arrived. Men-
tione every thing is prepareing for the Reception of the
prince, and getting bread and forrage for the troops. I am
Yours etc. AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Groset Esqr. at Leith.
The ammunition is gone by Stirlinge.
XXIX
The Same to the Same
Ed r 11 th Feb r 1746.
SR, Upon receipt of this I desire yeull visite all the
ports on the Forth where Coals are shipped, and agree
396 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
for Coals being transported for the use of y e army by Sea
to Montrose, and to report to me by Express what agree-
ments you make and to what extent wt y e ships name
and masters names. I am S r Your most humble Servant,
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Groset Esq r Collector of
the Customs at Allowa.
XXX
The Lord Justice Clerk to Walter Grossett
Edinburgh 11 th Mar: 1746.
SIR, You or any having your Authority are hereby
Impowered to Contract with any persons you think
proper for Ten boats to be employed in His Majesty s
Service in carrying provisions and other necessarys to
the Army, and for which you shall have the proper
protections. AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosett Esq r , Collector of
the Customs at Alloa.
XXXI
Brigadier-General Price to the Duke of Newcastle
MY LORD, I have the honour to acquaint Your Grace
that I received an Information from I think a pretty sure
hand That Corn from Northumberland and the Adjacent
Countys which formerly was brought to this Market is
now carryed to that of Wooler a Town fourteen miles
from hence and immediatly bought there which if my
intelligence is right carryed westward between Stirling
and Dunbarton Castle for the use of the Rebels Of this
I 'last post sent notice to Major General Blackney at
Stirling how it is carryed forward from thence My Informa-
tion does not say but I supposed to be embarked on the
River Clyde and sent through the Western Islands to
Lochaber which may easily be prevented by small arm'd
boats crusing there or if sent in boats by Lockloman and
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 397
so conveyed into the hills may be prevented by the Argyle
and Breadalbine people doing their duty. I am now
looking out for a trusty person to be employed about
Wooler in hopes to trace this matter to a Certainty which
as soon as I can do shall not faile of acquainting Your
Grace with it.
I should be mighty glad to receive Your Grace's Com-
mands how to proceed in this affair It wou'd give me
the greatest pleasure Could I be Instrumental in bringing
these Villanous Banditte to their Condign punishment.
I am etc. JN PRICE.
Berwick Sunday
March the 16 th 1745/6.
XXXII
Walter Grossett to the Lord Justice Clerk
MY LORD, Agreeable to what your Lordship recom-
mended to me with respect to what Brigd r Price acquainted
His Grace the Duke of Newcastle in his Letter of the
16 th Instant, that Corns bought at Wooler was according
to his Intelligence, carried Westwards between Stirling
and Dunbarton etc. I immediatly set out for Stirling and
from that went across the Country towards Dunbarton
and Glasgow and from thence by the Banks of the River
Clyde to this place. Upon my arrival here I found along
with Sir John Schaw, Mr. Hammilton who has the Com-
mission from keeping out the Irish Corns from this Country
and who agreeable to your directions to Sir John Schaw,
had Just come there from a Survey he had made along
the Coast of Galloway, to prevent the Rebels from geting
Supply from that part of the Country and from what Mr.
Hamilton tells me and I have otherwise Informed my self
off I can now assure your Lordship that if Corns have been
carried from Wooler Westward, no part of these Corns have
been carried to the Rebels, and that they have not been
supplyed with Provisions of any sort from this part of
the Country. I thought it my Duty to take the first
opportunity to acquaint your Lordship of this, and shall
398 LETTERS AND ORDERS FROM
without fail be with you again on Munday to receive your
further commands. Till then I beg to be allowed the
Honour to remain with the greatest respect and Esteem
etc. W. G.
Greenock 30 th Mar. 1746.
XXXIII
Earl of Home to Walter Grossett
Edinburgh 14 th Ap: 1746.
As the Service requires Transports and Provisions for
carrying four Hundered Men to Inverness I desire you
will with the utmost Expedition provide proper Trans-
ports and lay in the usual Provision for four Hundered
Men for thirty dayes and the Charges you may on that
account be put to I hereby Oblige my self to pay the
same to your order. HOME.
To Walter Grosett Esq r .
XXXIV
Walter Grossett to Masters of Transports
Leith 19^ Aprile 1746.
SIR, I have Now Imployed your Vessell the
of the Burthen of Tons as a Transport in his Majesty s
Service for which you are to have Ten Shillings p Ton
Monthly for one Month Certain and thereafter Proportion-
aly so long as you are Continued in the Service.
You are therefor to Proceed from the Harbour of Leith
with the Recovered Men and Provisions Onboard, Directly
to Inverness and there follow the Directions of his Roy 1
Highness the Duke of Cumberland or those acting under
him as to their Landing, and you are to be free after
Landing the Men and Provisions unless Longer continued
in the Service by orders as Above. I am, Sir, Yours etc.
WAT: GROSETT.
List of the Ships Imployed as Transp ts
Ann Thomas Masterman 100 Janet George Dougall 110
Speedwell Rob* Laurence 81 Jean John Roxburgh 50
GROSSETT'S CORRESPONDENCE 399
xxxv
Notes of Lieutenant Dickson to the Lord Justice-Clerk
forwarded to Walter Grossett
Having received His Royal Highness the Dukes Orders
to Apply to Lord Justice Clerk for his Assistance in pro-
viding Carriages or other Conveyances for the Cloathing of
Maj r General Wolfe's Regim* from Leith to Perth. I
have Complied with the Above Order this 13 July 1746.
WM. DICKSON.
Lieu* in Gen 1 Wolfe's Regim*.
Would you have the Cloathing carried by Sea or Land ?
A. F.
If the Conveyance by Water all the Way to Perth is not
uncertain in point of time, it is the most easy and less
expensive Method ; but if the time of making the passage
is uncertain, I must of necessity take the Means of Carriages
by Land from Kinghorn. W. D.
Ed r 13 th July 1746. 12 at Noon.
MR. GROSET
SIR, pray go to Leith with the above Mr. Dickson and
Settle the carriage of the Above Cloathing in the best
manner. I herewith deliver you a Letter to Baillie
Hamilton in Kinghorn to prouide Carriages ; after viewing
the Parcells yuell be able to judge what carriages will
be wanting which yuell add to my Letter wt y e time when
required and the Carriages may proceed night and day
till they arrive at perth. Ys from Sr Your humble Ser*
AND FLETCHER.
To Walter Grosett Esq r .
EXTRACT of the REPORT of SIR EVERARD
FAWKENER, Secretary to H.R.H. the Duke,
and of JOHN SHARPE, Esqr., Solicitor to the
TREASURY, to the Right Honble. the LORDS
COMMISSIONERS thereof relating to Mr.
GROSETT'S Services to the Government in
the late Rebellion.
May it please Your Lordships
In obeidience to your Lordships Commands we have
Examd. the two Accompts of Walter Grosett Esqr. and
from the Certificate of the Lord Justice Clerk and all the
Generals who Commanded in Scotland, relating to these
Accompts, it appears to us, that Mr. Grosett was em-
ployed in the following Service of the Government, from
the first breaking out of the Rebellion to the Suppression
thereof, Vizt.
That upon the Rebells at Pearth having formed a designe
to surprize Edinburgh by getting across the River Forth
in Boats and vissibly 1 as they had done in the year 1715,
Mr. Grosett with the assistance of the Kings Sloops and
Boats stationed at Dunbar, Leith, and Several other places
on the Coast, and which were put under his Directions as a
Justice of the Peace, removed all the Ships, Boats and
Vessells from the North to the South side of the Forth,
notwithstanding of the Rebells being at that time in
possession of the North side of that River, and thereby
prevented their putting in Execution what they had pro-
jected as aforesaid.
That he was almost constantly Employed in disapointing
the designs of the Rebells, getting inteligence of their
motions, and giving inteligence thereof to the Generals
Officers both before and after the Battle of Prestonpans.
That he conducted an Attempt for releasing several
1 Sic in copy, ' and vissibly ' is probably a mistake for 'invisibly.'
REPORT ON GROSSETT'S SERVICES 401
Officers who were in the Custody of the Rebells, and had
been made prisoners at the Battle of Prestonpans, in which
he succeeded.
That upon the Rebells sudden retraite from England,
Mr. Grosett was employed by Lord Justice Clerk and
Genl. Guest, to get the Troops transported in the most
Expeditious manner from Stirling, and the Cannon from on
Board the Ships at Borrowstonness to Edinburgh, for the
defence thereof, the Rebells being at this time within a days
march of that Town and by which means they were prevented
from getting again possession of that important place.
That he on Several occasions provided Vessells, rais'd
the well Affected Country people, embarked Souldiers,
and conducted Several Expeditions upon the Forth, to
surprize the Rebells and retard their intended Siege of
Stirling Castle, in which he succeeded ; as also in destroy-
ing by the Dukes Command, the Magazines belonging to
the Rebells on the North side of the Forth and who on
that occasion took several of the Rebells prisoners and sent
them to his R.H. then at Stirling.
That he procured several Boats and Vessells to attend
ye Army with provisions and other necessary's as it
march'd along the Coaste, to attack the Rebells at Culloden
(where his younger Brother Captain Grosett was barbar-
ously murdered) he also procured Pilotts to go with
Commodore Smith to the Orkneys to prevent the Rebells
there joining these at Culloden, and assisted Lord Justice
Clerk in procuring whatever was found necessary for the
Army, and for the Service of the Governmt. at the Critical
Juncture.
That Mr. Grosett was appointed by His Grace the Duke
of Newcastle to transact the Affairs of the Government
in Scotland relating to the Rebellion, and to find out and
collect the Evidence against the Rebells, and to keep a
constant Corespondence with His Grace and Mr. Sharpe in
all such matters as might require it, with assurance that
the expense thereof, and of the Witnesses sent up to Town
shd. be defrayed, and that care would be taken of his having
a Suitable Satisfaction for his trouble.
402 REPORT ON GROSSETT'S SERVICES
That it appears to us from the Certificate of the Lord
Justice Clerk, that Mr. Grosett being employed on behalf
of the Governt. from the first breaking out of the Rebelling,
and his Acting in so open and remarkable a manner in the
Service of the Government, created against him the
particular ill will of the Jacobites and their adherents,
who on that Acct. took every opertunity of shewing their
resentment against him, they Plundered his House in
Town and in the Country, and carried of Effects to a very
great Value, they drove all the Cattle from of his Estate,
forced the payment of the Rents thereof to them, Stript
his Wife and Children of the very Cloaths they had on,
and used them otherwise in a moste inhumain manner.
That as to the Several Sums charged for Expenses in
those Services, Mr. Grosett has not in any of his accompts
charged anything for the Extraordinary trouble and fatigue
he underwent, but only for the sums he actually expended,
and tho' he has advanced above 5000 in these Services
he has not charged the Governmt. anything on the Head
of Interest.
Upon the whole it appears to us, that during the late
unfortunate rebellion, Mr. Grosett was employed in several
services of the greatest trust and confidence, and which
required great prudence, resolution and activity in the
execution of them, and that he executed the same, with
great care, exactness and ability and that he continued
his services to the government after the suppression of the
rebellion with equal ardour, zeal, activity and dilligence,
and in the whole of his behaviour, he appeared to us to
be actuated as much by his affection to the government
as the duties of his office, and with regard to the articles
of his accounts which remain unpaid and which amount
to the sum of 3709 11s. we apprehend them reasonable,
and therefore certify your Lordships that the said sum of
3709 11s. appears to us to be justified, due to him for
the sums expended by him in the services aforesaid.
(Signed) EVERARD FAWKENER.
JOHN SHARPE.
Qth February 1749.
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN ;
BY ANDREW LUMISDEN, THEN
PRIVATE SECRETARY TO
PRINCE CHARLES
A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN;
BY A GENTLEMAN WHO WAS IN THESE
ACTIONS
OF THE BATTLE OF PRESTON, OR GLADESMUIR,
FOUGHT SEPTEMBER 2P T , 1745
INTELLIGENCE having been brought to the Prince, that
Lieutenant General Cope, commander in chief of the
government forces in Scotland, was landed at Dunbar, with
the troops he embarked at Aberdeen, and was joined by
Hamilton and Gardiner's dragoons, he resolved to march
directly and attack him.
Accordingly on the 20th September, in the morning,
the Prince put himself at the head of the army at
Dudingston, and presenting his sword said ' My friends
I have flung away the scabbard.' This was answered
by a chearful huzza.
The army marched till they gained the top of Carberry-
hill, from whence we observed the enemy drawn up on the
plain below, in order of battle. We continued the march
along the brow of the hill, till we were opposite to the
front of, and at half a miles distance from the enemy.
Here the Highlanders gave a shout, by way of defiance,
and nothing less than authority could restrain them from
coming immediately to action.
Several officers were sent, particularly Colonel Ker of
Gradane, to reconnoitre the enemy's camp. They reported
that General Cope had got into a fastness, where it was
impossible to attack him, without risking the loss of the
whole army : That his right was drawn up to the high
406 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
walls of the gardens of Preston, where he had made several
breaches to retire into, if needful : The house of Seton and
a small morass on the left : An inclosure not half a gun
shot over, surrounded with a ditch three or four feet deep,
and five or six broad, covered his front ; which made two
ditches of that breadth and depth to pass : And the sea was
in his rear, at no great distance from him : His canons and
coehorns were planted on a high way that led to Tranent,
between the above inclosure and morass. Thus his front
was to the south, his rear to the north, his right to the
west, and his left to the east.
In this situation what was to be done ? It was about
two o'clock in the after-noon. The Prince made several
movements to amuse the enemy, and placed guards on the
several roads that led to their camp. In the mean time
General Cope discharged several canon at us, but without
effect.
At twilight the Prince drew off his men, and marched
to Tranent. From hence he detached Lord Nairne, with
500 men, to guard the road that led from Preston to
Edinburgh, to prevent Cope from marching thither. On
the other hand General Cope, afraid that the Prince should
have directed his march eastwards, altered his disposition,
and faced east, having now the morass in front ; and his
troops were thus disposed. General Hamilton's dragoons
were on his right, and Colonel Gardiners on his left. The
regiment of Lascelle's and Murray, with five companies
of Lees and four of Guises formed the center. And his
second line consisted of three companies of the Earl of
Loudun's regiment, two of Lord John Murray's, a body
of Monros, and a great number of recruits for regiments
abroad. Amounting in all to about 2000 foot, and 700
dragoons.
As it was now dark, the Prince ordered the army to
march and to take possession of the ground on the south
east of the morass which they did, at about half canon
shot of the enemy. We continued under arms in the order
of march, observing the greatest silence, so that Cope did
not perceive where we were.
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN 407
About three o'clock of the morning of the 21 st , orders
were sent to Lord Nairne to draw off his guards and join
the Prince, which he immediately did. The disposition
of the attack being made, the Prince addressed his army
in these words ' Follow me, gentlemen, by the assist-
ance of God, I will this day make you a free and happy
people.' The right wing was commanded by the Duke of
Perth, Lieutenant General, and consisted of the Mac-
donalds of Clanranald, Glengary, Keppoch and Glenco,
and Grants of Glenmoriston. The left wing was com-
manded by Lord George Murray, Lieutenant-General, and
consisted of the Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin,
and two companies of Macgregors. The second line was
commanded by Lord Nairne, Major-General, and consisted
of Athole-men, Robertsons of Strouan, Maclauchlans, and
the Duke of Perth's men. About 25 gentlemen, and their
servants, a horse-back, formed a sort of corps de reserve.
The whole army consisted of about 2200 men.
We marched chearfully on. The Duke of Perth was
conducted by a gentleman, of the name of Anderson, by
a ford through the above morass ; where 100 men could
have prevented our passage : it was so difficult that every
step the men made they sunk to the knee in mud. This
made them pass in some disorder, but not being observed,
by means of the darkness, they formed again as they
passed the morass. But the Duke of Perth, in place of
inclining to the enemy's left, to avoid being seen by them
before all our men were passed, marched towards the sea :
so when our left gained the plain, Lord George Murray
found that he was nearer the enemy than the Duke of
Perth was. However, day beginning to break the attack
was ordered.
The highlanders, pulling off their bonnets and looking
up to heaven, made a short prayer, and ran forward. In
advancing Lord George Murray observed, that by the turn
of the morass, there was a great interval between his left
and the ditch of the before mentioned inclosure : he there-
fore ordered the Camerons to incline that way, in order
to take it up, to prevent being flanked by the enemy's
408 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
dragoons. By this movement there became a considerable
interval in the center, which the 2 d line was ordered to
fill up. We were now discovered by the enemy, who
played their artillery furiously upon our left ; yet only
one private man was killed, and one officer wounded.
The highlanders ran on with such eagerness that they
immediately seized the canon. The dragoons on right
and left made a very regular fire, which was followed by
close platoons of all their infantry, which our men received
with great intrepidity. But what by the huzzas of the
highlanders, and their fire which was very brisk, the
dragoons were immediately thrown into disorder, which
occasioned some confusion among their foot. The high-
landers threw down their muskets, drew their swords, and
carried all before them like a torrent : so that in seven or
eight minutes both horse and foot were totally routed,
and drove from the field of battle.
The Prince during the action was on foot in the 2 d line.
He was with great difficulty prevailed on not to attack
with the first line in so much that the officers refused to
march if he insisted on it. As soon as the victory declared
for him, he mounted his horse and put a stop to the
slaughter, calling out, ' make prisoners : spare them,
spare them, they are my father's subjects.'
When General Cope saw how things were going, and
that he could not rally his forces, he, with about 350
dragoons, and some volunteer officers, gained Carberry-
hill, by a road that led to it from Preston, and, as we had
not time, nor horse to pursue, got away undisturbed to
Lauder, and from thence to Berwick.
As our 2 d line had no occasion to engage, it may with
justice be said, that 1400 highlanders, unsupported by
horse or canon, routed a regular army of 2000 foot and
700 dragoons, defended by a fine train of artillery, and
obtained a most compleat victory. Such is the im-
petuosity of a highland attack !
We took all the enemys canon, coehorns, small arms,
colours, standards, drums, tents, baggage and military
chest, in which was about 3000 1 . 11 s .
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN 409
Of the enemy were killed about 500, wounded 400, and
taken prisoners 1400. Among the prisoners were about
80 officers.
Our loss was very inconsiderable, viz. killed 2 captains,
1 Lieutenant, 1 ensign, and about 30 private men ; and
wounded 6 officers, and 70 private men.
All care immaginable was taken of the wounded, plenty
of able surgeons having been provided for that purpose.
The Prince lay this night at Pinkie, and next day the
22 d returned to the palace of Holyroodhouse, and the
army encamped again at Duddingston.
OF THE BATTLE OF FALKIRK,
FOUGHT JANUARY 17 TH , 1746
Lieutenant General Hawley, having been declared
commander in chief in place of Sir John Cope, marched
from Edinburgh to raise the siege of Stirling Castle, with
about 10000 foot and 3 regiments of dragoons, and en-
camped a little to the westward of Falkirk.
On the 16 th the Prince drew up his army in line of battle,
on a muir or plain, a mile south east of the house of
Bannockburn, then his head quarters, and made all the
necessary dispositions, in case the enemy should have
advanced to attack him. But Hawley continued all day
in his camp, and in the evening the Prince ordered his
men to their quarters.
Early next morning, the 17 th , the Prince ordered his
men to draw up on the same plain. The right wing,
commanded by Lord George Murray, consisted of the
Macgregors, Macdonalds of Keppoch, Clanronald, Glengary,
and Glenco, Mackintoshes and Farquharsons. The left,
commanded by Lord John Drummond, consisted of the
Camerons of Lochiel, Stuarts of Appin, Macphersons of
Cluny, Frazers of Lovat, and Macleods of Raza and
Bernera. The 2 d line, commanded by Brigadier-General
Stappleton, consisted of the regiments of the Duke of
410 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
Athole, Earl of Cromarty, Lord Lewis Gordon, and Lord
Ogilvy. Lords Elcho and Balmerino with the Prince's
horse-guards, consisting of about 80 gentlemen and their
servants, were placed on the right wing, between the first
and second lines. Lords Pitsligo and Strathallan with
the Aberdeen and Perth-shire squadrons of horse, and a
few hussars, making about the same number, were placed
in like manner on the left. The Irish pickets were placed
immediately behind the 2 d line as a corps de reserve.
The whole making about 7000 foot, and 160 horse.
The regiments of the Duke of Perth, Lord John Drum-
mond, Gordon of Glenbucket, and John Roy Stuart were
left at Stirling to guard the trenches and push on the siege,
being about 1000 men. The Duke of Perth, who com-
manded the siege, and John Roy Stuart were allowed to
join the army to assist in the action : and the care of the
siege was left to Major-General Gordon of Glenbucket.
About midday the Prince, finding that Hawley did not
advance, resolved in a council of war to march and attack
him. The army therefore marched in order of battle, in
two columns, keeping always an equal distance of about
200 yards. This saved a great deal of time, and prevented
confusion, when we came within sight of the enemy.
Lord George Murray took the road to the south of the
Torwood, as the highway leading from Stirling to Falkirk
was too narrow. At the same time Lord John Drummond
went with most of the horse to reconnoitre the enemy ;
and made a movement as intending to march the highway
through the Torwood.
The army crossed the water of Carron at Dunipace.
By this time the enemy were perceived to be in motion.
We therefore quickened our march to gain the top of the
hill, about a mile south of the town of Falkirk, and a little
more from Hawley's camp.
General Hawley's disposition seems to have been thus.
On his right were the Argyleshire militia, commanded
by Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, the regiments of foot
of Ligonier, Price and Sinclair : on his left Ligonier,
Cobham and Hamilton's dragoons ; the regiments of foot
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN 411
of Wolfe, Cholmondly and Pulteney. The 2 d line was
made up of the regiments of foot of Blackney, Monro,
Flemming, Barret and Battereau. The Glasgow and some
other militia, and Howard's regiment of foot formed a
corps de reserve.
Mr. Hawley, afraid lest the Prince intended to march
south, and not come to an action, ordered the dragoons
to advance with all expedition, to take possession of the
hill, and to keep us in play till the infantry should come
up. When they came within canon shot, they made a
motion to attack our right in flank, which Lord George
Murray perceiving he, with the assistance of Colonel John
Roy Stuart, made a very quick motion till he gained a
morass, by which he saved being flanked. So our right
was to the east, our left west, and front north. The
dragoons seeing their scheme thus disappointed, advanced
on a full trot, in order to break us ; but the Macgregors
and Macdonalds, keeping up their fire till they were within
pistol shot, received them so briskly, that they were im-
mediately broken, and thrown into the utmost confusion.
As the enemy's foot were now very near, the dragoons
could not easily retreat back, without breaking their own
line : they therefore gallopped along our line, whereby
a vast number of them were killed. This beginning
greatly inspirited our men, as it had a contrary effect on
the enemy.
Scarcely had the dragoons got off when their infantry
advanced to make the attack. They greatly out-lined us
on the left, as we out-lined them on the right. Our left
extended little farther than to their center. But from
the unequality of the ground, being interspersed with
risings and hollows, whereby there was no seeing from
right to left what was doing, neither of the parties reaped
advantage from that circumstance. The enemy's right
therefore attacked our left with a very close fire, which
the Camerons and Stuarts received with great fortitude,
dreW their swords, broke and pursued them out of the
field. Then our left made a halt in order to be joined by
the right ; but were again attacked by other two regiments
412 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
in flank, whom they also immediately broke. Our right,
marching down the hill, fell in with the Glasgow militia,
whom they severely chastised.
The Prince, who was mostly in the center, and whose
attention was turned to all parts, observing some regiments
of the enemys foot, and the remainder of the dragoons,
marching up the hill, put himself at the head of the Irish
pickets, and such of the scattered highlanders as were
nearest to him, with a few gentlemen a horse-back, and
advanced to attack them. But seeing the order of the
pickets, and having a great storm of wind and rain in their
faces, they fled precipitantly to their camp, as did all the
rest of their troops.
As the action began late in the afternoon, it was now
dark, the storm still continuing. However, the Prince
made all the dispatch immaginable to put his troops in
order, as he intended to beat the enemy from their camp.
But hardly were the half of our men drawn together, when
we observed many fires in Hawley's camp, and his men at
the same time marching, with great hurry, between the
camp and town of Falkirk. We immediately conjectured
that they were burning their camp (which they indeed
endeavoured, but were prevented by the rain) and were
to take possession of the town of Falkirk. Had they taken
this course, a few men properly posted could have hindered
the highlanders from entering that night, and obliged us
either to have abandoned the field of battle, or to have
stood all night under arms, wet and fatigued as we were,
and exposed to the inclemency of the weather, a thing
impossible.
Mr. Drummond, now Lord Strathallan, and Mr. Oliphant
younger of Cask, disguised in peasants dress, went into the
town to reconnoitre, and to get intelligence of the enemy.
They soon returned with information, that they were
flying in confusion to Linlithgow. The Prince immedi-
ately ordered his men to march, and attack them in the
rear. As we marched we fell on the enemy's canon, which
they had left between the field of battle and the town :
they could not draw them up the hill, on account of the
PRESTON, FALKIRK, AND CULLODEN 413
badness of the roads ; so they were of no use to them in
the action.
The enemy's rear were just got to the east end of the
town, when Lord John Drummond entered it on that side :
he was shot throw the arm by a soldier, whom he was
taking prisoner. Lord George Murray entered at the
middle, and Lochiel at the west end of the town.
Our men had no sooner entered the town than they
disappeared on all sides ; every one putting himself under
cover to dry his cloaths) and refresh himself after the
fatigue of the day : and altho a detachment of 1000 men
were ordered to pursue the enemy, yet, such is the mis-
fortune of an irregular army ! not 50 could be brought
together, besides those absolutely necessary to mount the
guards for the Prince and their own safeties. So the
enemy never stopped till they got to Linlithgow, and some
of their volunteers and dragoons to Edinburgh.
The Prince's first care next morning was to send to
reconnoitre the field of battle, and cause bury the dead, as
well those of the enemy as his own men. Some of their
officers that could be distinguished, of whom were Sir
Robert Monroe and Colonel Whitney, were brought down
to the town, and interred in the same manner as our
own officers were.
It now appeared that about 600 of the enemy were killed
on the field of battle, and that we had made about 700
prisoners.
We got all their artillery consisting of 7 large pieces of
brass canon, and 3 iron ones, several mortars and coehorns,
with a great many shells, all their ammunition, waggons,
tents, 3 standards, 2 stand of colours, a kettle drum, many
small arms, baggage, and generally every thing that the
rain prevented them from burning.
On our side were killed 3 captains, 4 subaltern officers,
and about 40 private men : and we had wounded near
double that number.
414 A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLES OF
OF THE BATTLE OF CULLODEN,
FOUGHT APRIL 16 Tn , 1746
As soon as certain intelligence was brought that the
Duke of Cumberland had begun his march from Aberdeen
northwards, the Prince sent orders to Ross, Sutherland,
Lochaber, and Badenoch, that all the detachments of his
army, in these places, should join him immediately at
Inverness.
The Duke of Cumberland passed the Spey on the 13 th ,
and on the 14 th encamped at Nairn, about 10 miles from
Culloden. On this the Prince assembled his men in and
about Inverness, and marched at their head to Culloden-
house, where he lay that night, and the troops encamped
in the Parks.
Early next morning, the Prince drew up his army in
line of battle, upon Drummossie muir, south of the house
and parks of Culloden, as he expected that the Duke of
Cumberland would have attacked him that day, being his
birth-day.
About noon, when we were informed that he had not
moved, it was proposed to the Prince to make a night
attack upon him, in his camp at 
