Skip to main content

Full text of "Otzinachson : a history of the West Branch Valley of the Susquehanna: its first settlement, privations endured by the early pioneers, Indian wars, predatory incursions, abductions and massacres, together with an account of the fair play system; and the trying scenes of the big run-away ... biographical sketches of the leading settlers ..."

See other formats




< ur p, 


Mrs. Howard Ea-^enson 

■0 / . ^ 


3 4 ^AA-tJ-t^^ 

'^"''SKETCH MAP, acsi6n7ri-.7ccc,uj.a.y ^^.■.j,..,.,i, 

" ' J^dsq'uEHANNAHWIZH. Jki^^fn^^- 

■J- .^^^^..^J-- A/, 


XccaZ 7 












^I'yhig ^dene^ of tl^e Sig f^un^wky; 




(John of Lancaster.) 

Volume L 
williamsport, pa.: 


Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year iSSS, 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washingto 



The first edition of this work was pubUshed in 1856, but as it had gone out of 
print many years ago, the author was frequently requested by those desiring copies to 
publish a revised edition. Reluctantly yielding to these requests, a new edition, 
entirely rewritten, is now published. It is fully two hundred pages larger than the 
old work, and in the arrangement of the matter care has been taken to give the 
historical events as closely as possible in chronological order. 

Since the publication of the first edition a large amount of important matter has 
been developed, which is now printed for the first time. Much that is entirely new- 
regarding the visits of the Moravian missionaries to this valley during the Indian 
occupation has been introduced, and a very full history of Shikelliniy, the famous 
Indian Vice-King, is given. 

Many illustrations of Indian antiquities, diagrams of manors and surveys, forts, 
ancient dwellings, fac-similes of signatures and inscriptions, are introduced, which it 
is believed will enhance the value of the present work. Nothing of this kind was 
given in the first edition. 

It is truly said that "history is an account of facts," and it might be added that it 
is the duty of the historian to so collect and arrange them as to link the past with 
the present. Writing local history, however, is largely a labor of love. But while 
the work may not yield a pecuniary reward, there is some consolation in the reflection 
that possibly those who engage in it are doing something that may benefit posterity, 
by rescuing from oblivion much that otherwise would be lost. Comparatively few 
of the present generation are aware that this beautiful valley has such a deeply 
interesting and thrilling history; that the early settlers were subjected to great 
privations ; that the barbarities practiced by the savages were of the bloodiest and 
most harrowing description; and that the knife and tomahawk, in the hands of a 
fierce and merciless foe, were long wielded as potent factors to retard the advancing 

There is also some encouragement to writers of local history in the fact that there 
is a rapidly increasing desire in the minds of the present generation to know more 
of their ancestors, and the dangers they were subjected to when a savage lurked in 
every bush. Coupled with this is also a growing taste for genealogy and biography, 
all of which augurs well for the future. 


In the revision of this edition the author has been fortunate in having the co- 
operation and assistance of men eminent in history and Uterature, who have 
generously aided him in unraveling many knotty points, which he would have been 
unable to clear up alone, and others have assisted him by furnishing data and papers, 
which proved of great historical value. To the following gentlemen, therefore, he 
desires to return his acknowledgments: Dr. W. H. Egle, State Librarian, Major 
R. H. Forster and Captain John A. Campbell, Department of Internal Affairs, 
Harrisburg; Rev. John Bodine Thompson, Inverness, California, who contributed 
chapter twenty-two; Mr. John W.Jordan, editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine of 
History, Philadelphia; Rev. A. P. Brush, Bath, N. Y.; Rev. Horace E. Hayden, D. D., 
Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; Hon. John Blair Linn, Bellefonte, Pa.; John T. Campbell, Esq., 
Rockville, Indiana; Isaac Craig, Esq., Allegheny, Pa.; Dr. R. H. Awl, Hon. John 15. 
Packer and Hon. S. P. Wolverton, Sunbury, Pa.; W. Field Shay, Esq., VVatsontown, 
Pa.; Mr. J. M. M. Gernerd, editor of The Now and Then, Mr. Howard R. Wallis, 
great-grandson of Samuel Wallis, and Dr. George G. Wood, Muncy, Pa.; A. Brady 
Sharpe, Esq., Carlisle, Pa.; Edward Brady, Esq., Philadelphia; Mr. D. A. Martin, 
antiquarian, DuBoistown, Pa.; Hon. R. P. Allen, George L. .Sanderson, Esq., and 
Mr. J. H. McMinn, Williamsport, Pa. Mr. McMinn,in addition to rendering valuable 
assistance in the work of research and preparation of historical matter, contributed 
an instructive free hand map of the valley. 

In conclusion the author desires to especially return his thanks to the editors and 
publishers of newspapers in the West Branch Valley, (over twenty-five in number,) 
every one of whom took a deep interest in the work and aided in its preparation, by 
publishing notices from time to time regarding its progress, which were of great 
service in bringing it to the attention of the public. And after twenty years of 
continuous service on the daily Gazette and Bulletin, it is particularly gratifying 
to be able to make this acknowledgment of such invaluable editorial sympathy and 
assistance. The work was mostly written during the past year at odd hours, and 
often after midnight, when editorial labor ceased. Industry and pluck were required 
to carry it through, but the end was finally reached. 

The historical labors of the author, so far as this volume is concerned, are now 
concluded, and his book, with all its imperfections, goes forth to the world. It is 
hoped that it may to some e.Mtent interest the reader. If the history of the valley 
from 1800 to the present time is ever written, it must be comprised in another volume, 
and in some respects it would be more interesting than the first. 


Williamsport, Pa., July, 1SS9. 

i '# 

u. i 

\ 5 



West Branch Valley. 





ON taking up this volume the reader will probably ask, 
"Where is the West Branch Valley?" In anticipation 
of such a question, it is deemed best to describe its geographical 
position in the outset. 

The Susquehanna River flows southward through the central 
part of Pennsylvania, east of the Allegheny Mountains, and falls 
into the Chesapeake Bay at Havre de Grace, Maryland. Its length 
from Northumberland to the mouth is about 1 15 miles. This 
great, but unnavigable, river is formed by two large streams called 
the North and West Branches, which unite at Northumberland. 
The North Branch has its source in Otsego Lake, Otsego County, 
New York. In its descent it flows through the beautiful vale of 
Wyoming. The West Branch rises from springs on a mountain 
plateau, about eight miles north of the picturesque borough of 
Ebensburg, Cambria County. Flowing northwesterly it touches 
Indiana County at Cherry Tree, formerly called Canoe Place, be- 
cause it was the head of canoe navigation. In pursuing its winding 
course it passes' through Clearfield, Clinton and Lycoming, and in 
running south forms the boundary line between Northumberland 
and Union counties, before it unites with the North Branch at 
Northumberland. The distance traversed is about 200 miles, 


much of which is through a wild and mountainous part of the 
State. Its main tributaries are the Moshannon, Sinnemahoning, 
Kettle Creek, Youngwoman's Creek, Bald Eagle, Pine Creek, 
Lycoming, Loyalsock, Muncy, White Deer, Buffalo and Chillis- 
quaque creeks. The Sinnemahoning, Pine Creek, Lycoming and 
Loyalsock rise to the dignity of mountain rivers. P^merging from 
the hills, a short distance wesr of the city of Lock Haven, the river 
enters what is properly called the West Branch Valley, through 
which it flows, on the north side of Bald Eagle Mountain, in a line 
due east for about forty miles, when it gracefully curves to the 
south at Muncy, and then flows in a straight line to the junction. 
Its passage around the Muncy Hills and the point of Bald Eagle 
Mountain is grand, and the channel was probably formed by 
erosion during the glacial period. 

According to a vague tradition this beautiful river was called 
Otzinachson by some of the early Indian tribes — perhaps the Sus- 
qnehannocks or Andastes — but its meaning has never been clearly 
defined. Professor Guss, who gave a great deal of time and re- 
search to an elucidation of this problem, says that the Otzinachson 
were people of the Demons' Dens, but this seems to be a curious 
application of the title, when the natural beauty of the valle)- is 
considered. At best the origin of the name is mythical, and must 
forever remain so, because reliable information cannot be obtained 
at this late date. Conrad Weiser, the famous Indian interpreter, 
was among the first white men to visit the eastern part of the val- 
ley, and he occasionally refers in his journal to the " Otsinackson," 
the " Zinahton," the " Zinachton " and the " Rinacson " river, having 
reference each time to what is now known as the West Branch. 
The early explorers scarcely ever spelled the Indian name of a 
place twice the same way, and its pronunciation often became 
very much corrupted on account of confounding sounds with 
French names. The latter people were here before the English, 
having extended their explorations from Canada and their lake 
forts when they were seeking to possess this portion of Pennsyl- 
vania. There is something very beautiful as well as poetical in the 
sound of Ot-zin-acli-son, and it is much regretted that the true 
definition of the word, beyond all doubt, has been lost, and that 
we have no authentic account of the tribe that appHed the name 


to the river. Its sweet sound seems to forbid the thought that it 
was associated with anything partaking of the nature of demons,* 
although in later years many Indians were made demons through 
the treachery and dishonesty of white men. 

At Northumberland, where the two branches unite to form the 
Susquehanna, is a bold, rocky promontory, with an almost perpen- 
dicular escarpment on the side bounding the West Branch, known 
as Blue Hill. It rises to an altitude of 301 feet, taking the railroad 
track as the base, and the view from its summit is one of unsur- 
passed beauty and loveliness. In the foreground lies the ancient 
borough of Northumberland on a sloping mesa, with Montour 
Ridge in the rear. From the east roll the waters of the North 
Branch like a silver ribbon to unite with the West Branch and 
form the Susquehanna, which at this point majestically starts on 
its voyage to the sea amid green islands and rugged hills. Looking 
across the broad waters, the level plain upon which Sunbury is 
built is plainly seen, whilst rolling hills form the background. 
This plain is indeed a historic spot. Here, 150 years ago, stood 
.an Indian village — the original Shamokin — rand here an Indian 
vice-king once lived and ruled. If the testimony of the first 
Englishmen who visited him is to be believed — and it never has 
been questioned — he was in every sense a " good Indian ;" a noble, 
trusty representative of everything that is grand and beautiful in 
the Indian character; who never proved recreant to his word, 
betrayed a white man nor condoned a crime. Such was the 
typical Shikellimy, who, on account of his ability, nobleness of 
character and fitness to govern, was selected by the head of the 
Six Nations to oversee the Indians at this important point on 

*The theory is advanced that this name may have grown out of the fact that one 
or two extensive caves once existed in the shelving rocks of Blue Hill. The Indians 
were superstitious about things they did not understand, and it is possible they con- 
sidered these subterranean passages the haunts of demons. Hence the name they 
applied to the West Branch, which empties into the main river at this point. Scarcely 
a trace of these caves now exists, as they have been filled up by falling rock and earth. 
Two hundred years ago they may have been quite extensive. The theory is at least 
plausible, although it is not supported by any conclusive testimony. 

As late as 1854 or 1855 John Hess discovered a cave at or near Winfield, in Dry 
Valley, at the upper end of the Blue Hill range. He was operating a stone-quarry, 
and had paid $300 for the piece of land on which it was located. The first Sunday 
after the discovery his son charged ten cents admission for visitors, and the receipts 


their highway to the South. He was an Oneida* by birth, and 
here he Hved and reigned, and here he diid and was buried. He 
was the father of Logan, whose illustrious character shines with 
such resplendent lustre on the pages of imperishable histor}-. 
Standing on the crest of Blue Hill, with the great river rolling 
at its base, and looking across its translucent waters, you can 
almost pick out the spot where the barbaric king was buried 
in 1749, and the site upon which Fort Augusta afterwards rose 
and stood as a barrier against the encroachments of the Indians 
and French. 

This rugged hill is grim and grand in winter time; but when 
clothed in the green garb of summer, or wearing its garments of 
russet and brown in autumn, it is superlatively beautiful. It was 
so named because of the blue appearance it presents with the 
western sky as a background. There is no more conspicuous 
point on the river from the sea to its sources, or one that calls 
forth more rapturous expressions of delight from strangers and 

The Valley of the West Branch is not more than two miles wide 
at any one point, but is generally much narrower. Several valleys 
of great beauty and fertility adjoin it, the most prominent of which 
are Buffalo, Paradise, Black Hole, White Deer, Muncy, Nippenose 
and Bald Eagle. The foot-hills of the Alleghenies appear on both 
sides and lend an additional charm of beauty to the landscape. 
From one end of the valley to the other the scenery is exceedingly 
beautiful and attractive; in fact no one can form a correct idea of 
its beauty without passing through it. The valley is in a high 
state of cultivation and is filled with thrifty cities, boroughs and 

amounted to over $60. People came from Lewisburg, New Berlin, Milton and 
Northumberland to view the subterranean curiosity. There were several rooms 
in the cave, and the limestone water dripping from the roof had formed beautiful 
pillars the size of hitching posts all through the place. Hess, it is said, finally sold 
his purchase to Noah Walter for $3,000. The excitement concerning the cave 
soon subsided and now its existence is almost forgotten. 

*Some writers assert that Shikellimy was a Cayuga, but when he signed the 
famous deed of October 11, 1736, with many other chiefs, conveying the Susque- 
hanna lands to William Penn, he put himself down as an Oneida. His signature 
was a character representing a heart. — See illustrated Indian autographs, page 100, 
Vol. I., Pennsylvania Archives. 


villages. Agriculture is the leading occupation of the people, 
followed by manufacturing on a large scale. 

What a contrast does this magnificent valley present to the time 
when it was solely occupied by the aborigines ! Let us look back 
in imagination to the period when the red man dwelt on the banks 
of the river, roamed in the mighty forest, or hunted the deer and 
the elk on the declivities of the surrounding mountains; when he 
built his humble wigwam in some shady dell beneath the protect- 
ing branches of the mighty oak. The scene was indeed a happy 
one; his papooses gamboled in innocent simplicity on the banks 
of the silently flowing river, or by the side of the dancing rivulet ; 
the warriors hunted and fished, and the squaws cultivated their 
little patches of corn and melons and sang sweet songs of the 
spirit land. Happy scene! This valley was then a fairy land — an 
Indian paradise — the beloved home of the untutored yet noble 
children of the forest. But mighty changes were destined to 
occur, and bloody tragedies, calculated to cause a thrill of horror 
to run through the frame, must be enacted before their cup of 
destiny i^ filled and the last aborigine is laid beneath the green 
sward, or driven towards the setting sun. 

More than a hundred years have rolled away since those prim- 
eval days. The valley has entirely changed, and the last red man 
has long since been gathered to his fathers. The little mound 
that marked the spot where he was laid has been leveled by the 
plowshare, and in summer time luxuriant grain waves over the 
graves that contain the ashes of his ancestors, and the riidc hand 
of civilization has obliterated the humble monuments reared to 
perpetuate their memories. All have perished and a new race 
occupies the land; flourishing cities have been built upon the 
sites of their villages, and the hum of industry is heard where the 
yell of the savage once awoke the echoes of the dell or disturbed 
the wild beast in its lair. It is almost impossible for the present 
generation to realize what great changes have been wrought in 
such a comparatively short period of time ; and it is only after a 
careful reading of the history of the valley that they^can under- 
stand it. 

The following apostrophe to Otzinachson, written by Hon. A. J. 
Quigley, of Williamsport, who was born and raised upon the 


banks of the lovely river, draws a vivid picture of the scene as 
referred to: 

Otzinachson, beauteous river, flowing onward to the main, 
Drinking from ten thousand fountains to replenish thee again; 
Gorgeous river, on thy bosom God Almighty's sun hath shone, 
Since the world was spoke from nothing into being, thou hast flown; 
Thou hast flown to bless the nations, and upon thy bosom bear 
Wealth of forests, where the red men and the wild deer had their lair. 

Thou hast coursed through rocky gorges from proud Appalachian height, 
Ere the Indian maiden's footsteps sought thee at the dead of night, 
Found'st the eyry of the eagle poising high 'bove cliff and rock, 
His dazzling sunlit splendor would terra firma seem to mock; 
Laved (he temples of the woodsman with thy cooling, crystal draft. 
As he plied his faithful oar to guide, from point and rock, his raft. 

'Round thy history hang traditions of the red man and the white, 

In the contest for dominion, and their fearful, bloody strife. 

On the farm lands by the river, and the field and forest shades. 

Where the white man's home and school-house rises from the everglades ; 

From the fountains, springs and ravines, even to the mighty main. 

Relics of the Indian warrior by the observant eye are seen. i 

Would that 'round thy history clustered no event of sadness, when 
Vengeance of a savage warfare dimmed the peace of William Penn; 
Or that from their ancient glory, downward through the course of time. 
Ages have not swept from memory, how the prophet in his line 
Had pronounced to scattered Israel, under Jeroboam, king. 
Sad discomfiture would follow, and that sin would sorrow bring. 

Then thy peaceful murmurings, only, would tell of scenes of yore — 
Of the wild beasts of the forest, not the red man's knife and gore. 
But these scenes are gone forever, and the white man's deadly foe. 
In the visions of the future, can of "promise" see the "bow" 
That will one in union ever pledge, by oath as firm as God, 
Never to repeat the quarrel acted on this hallowed sod. 

Then thy peaceful waters flowing, tales of better things will tell; 
Songs of peace and sweeter music, join in higher notes to swell. 
Now the wigwam of the savage never more thy banks shall greet, 
Nor the plaintive wail of mourning from a mother's heart shall leap; 
But upon thy shores in gladness, from the cottage in the dell, 
Other sounds shall wake thy slumbers, children other things shall tell. 

They Vill tell of household pleasures, of the school-house in the place 
Of the wilderness and wildwood, of the home of savage race.; 
They will tell of towns and cities, railroads, telegraphs and fame — 
Where the Indian hunter loitered, in his watch for fish and game; 


They will tell of mighty doings, of the white man and the red 
Laboring side by side each other, and the music of their tread 
Will not startle fear and anguish from the helpless, as it did 
When brave Brady stood between them with uplifted sabre red. 

Now they'll tell of noble chieftains, in a contest more sublime 
On the banks of Otzinachson, in the distant shores of time; 
That the red man and the white man built a cottage side by side, 
On the hill and in the valley, by the streamlet and the tide; 
Both in peaceful habitations, in the marts of busy life. 
Laying plans of social progress, not of taking human life. 

Another writer portrays the climate of the valley, in rhyme, as 
follows : 

"Beneath the temperate zone this vale doth lie. 
Where heat and cold a grateful change supply. 
To fifteen hours extends the longest day, 
When Sol, in cancer, points his fervid ray. 
Yet, here the winter season is severe, 
And summer's heat is difficult to bear; 
But western winds oft cool the scorching ray, 
And southern breezes warm the winter's day. 
Yet, oft tho' warm and fair the day begun. 
Cold storms arise before the setting sun ; 
Nay, oft so quick the change, so great its pow'r. 
As summer's heat and winter in an hour." 

This climatic picture will be accepted as fairly correct by 
residents of the valley. Weather changes are noted for their 
suddenness, as well as violence, particularly in winter time. 




THAT Indian tribes of whom we have no authentic account 
once inhabited this valley, there seems to be little doubt. 
Fifty years ago traces of their fortifications existed at different 
points, which showed them to have been superior to the race that 
came after them. By the French they were called Andastes,* but 
they are believed, by some writers, to have been the Susquehan- 
nocks, alluded to by Captain John Smith, in his writings on the 
settlement at Jamestown. They were finally overcome by North- 
ern Indians, absorbed, and dwindled down to the remnant known 
as the Conestogas. They lived in palisaded towns, built circular 
or square fortifications, and were somewhat advanced in civilization. 
Dr. George G. Wood, of Muncy, who has given the subject of In- 
dian occupation much attention, writes: 

" At the time the Province of Pennsylvania was granted to Penn, 
for his colony, he found it occupied by the great Lenni-Lenape 

*In a work entitled "Some Account of the Conduct of the Religious Society of 
Friends Towards the Indian Tribes," published in London, in 1844, is a frontispiece 
map entitled " Aboriginal America," which purports to give the location of the 
different tribes at the time of the first settlement of the country by the English 
colonists. The Andastes are located on the head-waters of the Allegheny River, in 
Pennsylvania and New York, west of the Iroquois or Six Nations. But the work- 
does not mention the tribe in its pages. If such is the fact, they must have been 
expelled from this locality by the Iroquois previous to the coming of the French 
into Canada in the sixteenth century, for the Jesuits who lived among the Iroquois 
do not mention their name, if they called them Andastes, as Mr. Craig states. Con- 
firmatory of this map, we refer to the Jjistory of the attack made on the Iroquois by 
Hurons, led by the redoubtable Champlain, with a few Frenchmen as allies, in the 
summer of 1615. Parkman, in his Pioneers of the French in the New World, 
quotes Champlain as saying: "There was cheering news, for an allied nation 
(i. e. with the Huron nation) called Carontonans or Andastes had promised to join 
the Hurons in the enemy's country with 500 men. * * * * At the outlet of 


tribe and its sub-tribes. Concluding that they owned the land, 
he made treaties with them for its purchase. Subsequently he 
discovered that they were merely tenants, as it were, and not the 
rightful or lawful owners. It seems that, at a period in the last 
century, the Iroquois (the so-called Five Nations), having their 
homes in what is now the State of New York, made war upon the 
Lenni-Lenapes, living southward of them, and succeeded, after a 
desperate struggle, in making a complete conquest. Peace being 
established, the Iroquois permitted the Lenni-Lenape Indians to 
occupy their old country as before, as long as they continued to 
act properly, but they claimed their territory by right of conquest. 
One provision existed, however, in the position of the Lenni Len- 
apes toward their conquerors, afterwards, that whilst it must have 
been irksome to the conquered, reflects credit on the wisdom of 
the Iroquois. It was the submission of the Lenni-Lenape tribes 
to resident deputy governors, appointed by the grand council of 
the Iroquois. Shikellimy, the chief residing at Shamokin, was 
one of such deputies, and the most distinguished. 

"The Lenni-Lenapes continued in such abject, spiritless sub- 
mission to the Iroquois thereafter, that the latter learned to despise 
them. They even called them " women," a term of the greatest 

Lake Simcoe they all stopped to fish. (Allies did.) Here the intrepid Etienne 
Brule, at his own request, was sent with twelve Indians to hasten forward the 500 
allied warriors. A dangerous venture, since his course must lie through the borders 
of the Iroquois." 

We leave Champlain to his adventures and pass on to trace the experiences of 
Etienne and his party on their way to the Andastes. 

Meanwhile Etienne Brule had found cause to rue the hour when he undertook his 
hazardous mission to the Carontonan allies. Three years passed before Champlain 
saw him. It was in the summer of 1618 that, reaching the Saint Louis, he there 
found the interpreter, his hands and his face marked with the traces of the ordeal he 
had passed. Brule then told him his story. He had gone, as already mentioned, 
with twelve Indians to hasten the march of the allies, who were to join the Hurons 
before the hostile town (of the Onondagas). Crossing Lake Ontario, the party pushed 
onward with all speed, avoiding trails, threading the thickets, forests and darkest 
swamps, for it was the land of the fierce and watchful Iroquois. They were well 
advanced on their way when they saw a small party of them crossing a meadow, set 
upon them, surprised them, killed four and took two prisoners, whom they led to 
Carontonan (the town of the Andastes), a palisaded town with a population of 800 
warriors, or about 4,000 souls. The dwellings and defenses were like those of the 
Hurons, and the town seems to have stood at or near the upper waters of the Sus- 


reproach, on several occasions when speaking of them to the 

" Happily for the Penn treaties, the Iroquois were strong friends 
of the English, and for this reason they allowed the treaties to 
stand and the whites to occupy the purchased lands. Had they 
repudiated the purchases, as they had the right to do, Penn would 
have been compelled to purchase them over again from the rightful 
owners, especially if he desired to continue his policy of peace. 

" Tradition tells us that sometime during the century previous 
to the English settling in North America, a great tribe of Indians, 
called the Andastes, occupied the country on the Susquehanna 
and Allegheny rivers. The Andastes tribe belonged to the Algon- 
quin family, as also did the Lenni-Lenape or Delaware tribe. 
While the Andastes inhabited the region of country now called 
Western Pennsylvania, and also its central portion along the 
Susquehanna River, the Delawares inhabited New Jersey and also 
that part of Eastern Pennsylvania along the banks of the Delaware 

"The Andastes, at the period spoken of (previous to the i6th 
century), were the bitter enemies of the Iroquois. They were 
spirited, active and brave, the opposite in this respect of their 

quehanna. They were welcomed with feasts, dancing and an uproar of rejoicing. 
The 500 warriors prepared to depart so slowly that though the hostile town was but 
three days distant, they found, on reaching it, that the besiegers (Champlain and his 
Hurons) were gone. Brule now returned with them to Carontonan, and, with 
enterprise worthy his commander (Champlain), spent the winter in a tour of explo- 
ration. Descending a river, evidently the Susquehanna, he followed it to its junction 
with the sea, through territories of populous tribes, at war, the one with the other. 
When, in the spring, he returned to Carontonan, five or six of the Indians offered to 
guide him towards his countrymen (the French at Montreal). Less fortunate than 
before, he encountered on the way a band of Iroquois, who, rushing upon the party, 
scattered them through the woods, Brule ran like the rest. The cries of pursuers 
and pursued died away in the distance; the forest was silent around him. He was 
lost in the shady labyrinth. For three or four days he wandered, helpless and fam- 
ished, till at length he found an Indian footpath, and, choosing between starvation 
and the Iroquois, desperately followed it, to throw himself upon their mercy. He 
soon saw three Indians in the distance, laden with fish newly caught, and called to 
them in the Huron tongue, which was radically similar to that of the Iroquois. They 
stood amazed, then turned to fly; but Brule, gaunt with famine, flung down his 
weapons in token of friendship. They now drew near, listened to the story of his 
distress, lighted their pipes aiid smoked with him, then guided him to their village and 
gave him food, A crowd gathered about him. Whence do you come? Are you 


lowland neighbors, the Lenni-Lenapes. The hatred existing 
between them and the Iroquois was such that their continual war 
was one of extermination, and as such it was carried on till only a 
little remnant remained of the Andastes, which fled from their 
homes and settled near the mouth of the Susquehanna River. 
They were known by the name of Susquehannocks afterwards, 
and subsequently Conestoga Indians. The few left in the 17th 
century were Christianized by the Moravians and Quakers, and 
on the night of December 14, 1763, were cruelly murdered in 
cold blood by the " Paxton Boys," while taking refuge in the old 
jail at Lancaster from their fury. Thus perished the last of the 
Andastes. The manner of their taking off was one of the most 
atrocious events in the history of those bloody times, and equals, 
if not excels, any deed ever committed by the Indians. 

" Such, briefly, is the history of the Andastes. We are certain 
that they resided on the waters of the Susquehanna at the time 
spoken of, for Champlain sent a Frenchman with a small party of 
Indians to incite the Andastes to join him and his Huron allies, 
when he marched to the attack of the Iroquois towns. His name 
was Etienne Brule. After many trials and tribulations he reached 
the Andastes living on the head-waters of the Susquehanna, as he 

not one of the Frenchmen, the men of iron, who make war on us ? Brule answered 
that he was of a nation better than the P>ench and fast friends of the Iroquois. His 
incredulous captors tied him to a tree, tore out his beard by handfuls and burned him 
with firebrands, while their chief vainly interposed in his behalf. He was a good 
Catholic and wore an Agnus Dei at his breast. One of his torturers asUed what it 
was, and thrust out his hand to take it. " If you touch it," exclaimed Brule, "you 
and all your race will die!" The Indian persisted. The day was hot, and one of 
those thunder-gusts which often succeed the fierce heat of an American summer was 
rising against the sky. Brule pointed to the inky clouds as tokens of the anger of his 
God. The storm broke, and, as the celestial artillery boomed over their darkening 
forests, the Iroquois were stricken with a superstitious terror. They all fled from the 
.spot, leaving their victim still bound fast, until the chief, who had endeavored to pro- 
tect him, returned, cut the cords, led him to his lodge and dressed his wounds ; and 
when he wished to return to his countrymen, a party of Iroquois guided him four days 
on his way. He reached the friendly Hurons in safety and joined them on their 
yearly descent to meet the French traders at Monti^eal. 

This story of Etienne is taken from Champlain's narrative of his voyage of 1618. 
It is exceedingly interesting, because it is located in this section of the country. It is 
the earliest nairative we have that concerns the West Branch Valley of the Susque- 
hanna, and the town alluded to may have stood at or near the mouth of Muncy Creek, 
where the ruins of a fortification were plainly visible to the first white explorers. 


said. Succeeding in his design, he marched to join Champlain, 
with a strong party of Andastes, before the Iroquois town, but 
Champlain had been compelled to retreat a few days previous with 
his Hurons. Thus their plans miscarried. Etienne Brule had to 
return along with his Andastes to their towns. He spent the 
balance of the year with them. In the meantime, as he relates, 
he journeyed in a canoe down the Susquehanna to its mouth, and 
returned again to the Andastes, who sent him with guides around 
the Iroquois toward Quebec, but, unfortunately, he was captured 
by the Iroquois, taken to their towns, tortured and maltreated, but 
afterwards escaped and rejoined Champlain. This account is to 
be found in Parkman's History of Champlain. The direction 
taken by this Frenchman to reach the Andastes, and also the 
account of his return,.proves conclusively that the Andastes lived 
on the West Branch of the Susquehanna. UndoubtedJy the 
Muncy Valley was their garden spot. 

"After the Iroquois had succeeded finally in exterminating and 
exiling the Andastes tribe, they next made war on the Lenni- 
Lenape tribe. They soon succeeded in this enterprise. The 
Delawares, having little spirit, soon succumbed, sued for peace 
and gave up their lands and themselves as slaves to their fierce 

" The Delawares were allowed, after their capitulation, to stay 
in their old homes ; and eventually they were allowed to occupy 
also the country of the Andastes gradually. It was shared with 
the Shawnees and Tuscaroras, however, which tribes moved from 
the Carolinas northward to join the Five Nations in a league to 
be afterwards called the " Six Nations," in consequence. 

"The countiy of the West Branch of the Susquehanna was, 
then, in the i6th century, occupied by the Andastes, and on their 
extermination was occupied by the Lenni-Lenapes, Shawnees and 
Tuscaroras, by the permission of the Iroquois, the latter owning 
the land by right of conquest. 

" Such, briefly, is the history' of the Indian occupation of the 
Muncy Valley. The Indian confederate tribes, commonly called 
the "Six Nations," with their conquered subjects, the Delawares 
and Shawnees, used the country in common, mainh^ as their 
hunting and fishing grounds. The different tribes had towns 


distributed along tlie banks of the Susquehanna here and there, 
but they did not possess much importance. They so remained 
until the encroachments of the whites compelled the Indians, 
about the year 1750, to vacate the West Branch and seek safety 
west of the Ohio River." 

By the term Lenni-Lenape was meant the "original people." 
The title was general in its application and embraced a number of 
tribes, quite distinct in their character, yet speaking the same lan- 
guage and meeting around the same council fire. Their dialect was 
the Algonquin, and their council house extended from the eastern 
bank of the Hudson River to the Potomac, in Virginia. They 
were divided into three principal tribes, embracing, in their sub- 
divisions, the Unamis, or Turtle tribes ; the Unalachtos, or Turkeys, 
and the Monseys, or Wolf tribes. The former occupied the coun- 
try atong the coast between the sea and the Kittatinny or Blue 
Mountains. They were generally known among the whites as the 
Delaware Indians. The Monsey, or Wolf tribe, the most active 
and warlike of the whole, occupied the mountainous country 
between the Kittatinny Mountains and the sources of the Susque- 
hanna and Delaware rivers, kindling their great council fires at the 
Minisink Flats. These tribes were again sub-divided into a variet}- 
of subordinate clans, assuming names suited to their character or 

The Five Nations, called Iroquois by the French, deserve 
particular notice, as they afterw'ards became rulers of the tribes 
inhabiting the Susquehanna region. They were a confederation 
consisting of the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca 
tribes. In 171 2 the Tuscarora tribe was forcibly expelled from 
that section of country now embraced in North Carolina, and 
fl)'ing northward was taken in and adopted as the Sixth tribe, 
making what was afterwards known as the Six Nations. Their 
domain extended from the borders of Vermont to Lake Erie and 
Lake Ontario, embracing the head-waters of the Allegheny, Sus- 
quehanna and Delaware rivers. This territory they styled their 
" Long House," and their council fire was held at Onondaga, now 
Syracuse. The Senecas guarded the western door of the house, 
the Mohawks the eastern, the Cayugas the southern, or that 
portion which took in the Susquehanna. The Mohawk tribe 


was first in rank, and to it appertained the office of principal \\ar 
chief; to the dwellers at Onondaga, who guarded the council fire, 
belonged the office of principal civil chief, or sachem. The 
Senecas, in numbers and military energy, were the most powerful. 

The Seneca tribe frequently inhabited the West Branch Valley, 
which they used as a hunting ground. The Cayugas often came 
here and remained for some time hunting and fishing. This dis- 
trict having been set apart for game was why the Indians were so 
incensed when they found, the whites gradually absorbing it, and 
their passions were so aroused that they frequently made incursions 
for the purpose of expelling the settlers. It was during their vis- 
itations that so many bloody deeds were enacted and men, women 
and children seized and carried into captivity. 

The Monseys, noted for their fierce and warlike character, also 
frequented the West Branch Valley, and their name is now per- 
petuated in the beautiful borough of Muncy. They also had a 
village a short distance above Lock Haven, on the north side of 
the river, which was given the title of " Monseytown " by the 
whites. Here they cultivated corn and melons, and years after 
the last Indian had disappeared from the valley the remains of 
corn patches could be traced. 

But the aborigines of the valley have long since disappeared, 
and scarcely a trace remains to indicate their former existence. 
Years after the country was occupied by the new settlers strag- 
gling Indians often came to visit* various points. They came to 
take a last look at the scenes they loved so well when they were 
happy in their primitive condition, and drop a tear upon the little 
mounds that enclosed the bones of their ancestors. 

Notwithstanding the Indians were called savages and possessed 
of much ferocity, they were withal a noble race, and by some of 
the old writers- they have been named the Romans* of the New 
World. An examination of their character discloses fine traits. 
They considered themselves created by an almighty, wise and 
benevolent spirit, to whom they looked for guidance and protec- 

*A curious work, by the Jesuit, Pere Lafitau, published in Paris, 1724, is entitled 
' Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, Comparees aux Mceurs des Premier Temps." 
rhe Iroquois furnish the good father a large share of the parallels he establishes 
aborigines and the ancient Greeks and Romans. 


tion. They often were in the habit of seeking some high elevation, 
where they could commune with the Great Spirit and contemplate 
with awe and veneration the beauties of the surrounding landscape. 
While they paid their humble adorations at the shrine of their 
Deity, they were not unmindful of their duties to one another. 
They looked upon the good things of the earth as a common 
stock, bestowed by the Great Spirit for the benefit of all. They 
held that the game of the forest, the fish of the rivers and the 
grass and other articles of spontaneous growth were free to all 
who chose to take them. They ridiculed the idea of enclosing a 
field or meadow. This idea had a tendency to repress selfishness 
and foster generosity. Their hospitality was unbounded. They 
considered it their duty to share their morsel with a stranger. 
When the first whites arrived the Indians received them with 
open arms, supplied them with food and shared with them the 
rude comforts of their humble wigwams. They were actuated bj- 
the noblest impulses of the human heart, and considered it their 
duty to take the white strangers in and minister to their wants. 
But how was this kindness repaid? By treachery, deceit and 
robbery. They came to cheat the Indian, and from the start 
acted upon the idea that he had no rights they were bound to 
respect. When the Indians became satisfied of the true character 
of the invaders, that instead of friends they were insidious foes, 
their vindictive passions were aroused and terribly did they 
exhibit the ferocity of their nature when smarting under grievous 





THE lands embracing the Susquehanna region were leased to 
William Penn by Thomas Dongan, late Governor of New 
York, for i,ooo years, at the annual rental of a "pepper corn." 
Dongan had acquired them from the Indians, either by purchase 
or gift, and could afford to rent them for a nominal consideration. 
The lease, which is a curious instrument, is dated January I2, 
1696, and may be found on pages 121 and 122 of Vol. I., Penn- 
sylvania Archives. It is as follows : 

This Indenture, made the twelfth day of January, Anno., Dni, 1696, and in 
the Eighth Yeare of the reigne of our Sovereign, Lord William, the Third, King of 
Eng'd, bet%yeen Thomas Dongan, late Govern'r of New York, and now of London, 
Esq'r, of the one part, and William Penn, Govern'r of the Province of Pensilvania 
in America, of the other part Witnesseth that the said Thomas Dongan, for and in 
consideration, of the sume of one hundred Pounds of lawful meney of England to 
him in hand paid, by the said William Penn, the right whereof is hereby acknowl- 
edged, HATH demised and granted, and by these presents doth demise and grant unto 
the said William Penn, All that Tract of Land lyeng upon, on both sides the River 
commonly called or known by the name of the Susquehanah River and the Lakes 
adjacent, in or neare the Province of Pensilvania, in America, begining at the Mount- 
ains or of the said river, and running as farr as and into the Bay of Chessapeake, 
with all Isles, Islands, Mines, Mineralls, Woods, Fishings, hawkings, huntings, 
Fowlings, and other Royalties, profits, comodityes and hereditaments unto the same 
belonging, which the said Thomas Dongan, lately purchased of or had given him by 
the Sinneca Susquehanah Indians and also all the lands, hereditaments. Isles, Islands, 
rivers, Royalties, mines, miuera'ls, lakes, waters, profitts, priveledeges, and appurtenan- 
ces, whatsoever lyeing on both sides the Susquehanah river, and near adjoining thereto, 
which he, the said Thomas Dongan did, at, any time purchase, or which were at any 
time given unto by the said Indians, or any of them TO HAVE AND TO HOLD, unto the 
said William Penn, his Execr's, Admin's and Assignes, from the day of the date 
hereof, for and unto the end and term of One Thousand years, P.WING unto the 
said Thomas Dongan, his Exer's and Adminr's, yearly, and every year on the Feast 


day of St. Michaell, the Arch Angell, the rent of a pepper Corn, if the same shall or 
lawfully demanded to the intent and purpose that by force and virtue of these pres- 
ents and of the Statute for transferring of uses into possession, the said William Penn 
may be in the actuall possession of the premisses, and may be thereby the better 
enabled to attempt and take a grant, release or other Conveyance, of the revercion 
and inheritance thereof, to the use of Himself, his heirs and Assignes forever. Ix 
WiTNESSE whereof the said parties have to these present Indentures as Duplicates to 
the other Indentures of the same contents and date herewith Interchangeably sett their 
hands. Seales. Dated the day and year first above written. 

Tho.m.\s Dong.\n. [L.S.] 

Sealed and Delivered, being first Stampt according to Act of Parliant, in ye 
presence of 

Sam. Vaus. 
Fr. H.\rding. 
Wm. Springett. 

"Dongan, to, Penn, Lease for looo years for Lands on Susquehanah. Recorded 
page 68, &c. 

N. B. EoiLE.i.u, Ser'y." 

William Penn at once purchased the lands for the amount named 
in the article, the deed for which bears date January' 13, 1696. 
The wording of the deed is almost identical with the article of 
agreement. The receipt appended is as follows : 

Received the day and Year within written, of the within named, William Penn, the 

sum of C1ne hundred pounds. It being the Consideration money within- mentioned, 

to be paid unto me, the Within named 

Tho. Dongan. 

Samuel Vaus. 

Wm. Springett. 

Fr. Harding. 

The Indian chiefs occupying these lands then confirmed the 
purchase thereof, by William Penn, in the following instrument, 
found on page 133 of Vol. I., Pennsylvania Archives: 

We Widaagh, alias Orytyagh, and Andaggy-junkquagh, Kings or Sachemas of the 
Susquehannagh Indians, and of the River under that name, and Lands lying on both 
sides thereof, doe declare That for and in Consideration- of a Parcel of English Goods, 
unto us given, by our Friend and Brother, William Penn, Proprietary and Governour 
of Pensilvania, and also in Consideration of the former much gieater costs and 
Charges, the Said William Penn, hath been at in treating about and purchasing the 
Same. We doe hereby Give, CJrant, and Confirm unto the Said William Penn, all the 
Said River Susquehannagh, and all the Islands therein, and all the Lands Situate 
lying, and being upon both sides of the said River, and next adjoyning to ye same, 


extending to the utmost confines of the Lands, which are or formerly were the Right 
of the People or Nation called the Susquehannagh Indians, or by what name soever 
they were called or known thereof, and also all Lakes, Rivers, Rivulets, Fountains, 
Streams, Trees, Woods, Underwoods, Mines, Royalties, and other Mines, Minerals, 
Quarries, Hawkings, Huntings, ffishings, fowlings and other Royalties, Privileges, 
and Powers, whatsoever to them or any of them belonging, or by them enjoyed, as 
fully, and amply in all respects, as we or any of our Ancestors have, could, might, or 
ought to have, had, held, or enjoyed. And also, all the Right, Title, Interest, Pos- 
session, Claim and Demand, which we or any of us or the said Nation or any, in 
Right of the same have, or hereafter can or may claim, to have in the same. And 
we do hereby ratifie and confirm unto the said William Penn ye bargain and Sale of 
the said Lands, made unto Coll. Thomas Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and 
formerly Govern'r of New York, whose Deed of sale to the s'd Govern'r Penn we 
have seen. To have, and to hold, the s'd Rivers, Lands, and pr'misses, hereby 
granted, and confirmed with their and every of their Rights, Members & Appurte- 
nances, unto ye s'd Will. Penn, his heirs and assigns, to the only proper Use, and 
behoof of the said Will. Penn, his Heirs and iVssignes forever. In witness w'eof we 
have, for our Selves & Nation, hereunto set our Hands & Seals, the thirteenth day of 
September, 1700. 

WiDAAGH X al's Orytyagh. [l. s.] 


Sealed and Delivered In presence of 

EwD. Antitt. 
Hen. Tregeny, Esq. 
Edward Singleton. 
David Powell. 

James Logan. 

N. B. BoiLEAU, Sec'y. 

Recorded page 73, &c. 

The second Day of August, in ye Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven hun- 
dred & thirty-five, James Logan, of the Northern Liberties, of the City of Philadel- 
phia, Esq. Upon his solemn affirmation, according to Law, doth declare & depose, 
That he was present and did see the within mentioned Kings, or Sachemas, named 
Widaagh, its Orytyagh, al's Andaggy-junkquah Seal & as their Deed deliver the 
Writing or Conveyance, within contained. And that the name of this Affirm't thereon 
indorsed, as a Witness of the same, is of his own hand Writing. 

James Logan. 

At Philadelphia, the Day and Year, above s'd, before me, Thomas Griffits, One of 
the Justices of Peace &c.. Witness my hand & Seal. [l. s.] 

Thomas Griffits. 

Entered in the C>ffice for recording of Deeds, for the City & County of Philadel- 
phia. In Book F. Vol. viii. page 242 &c., the 26th day of August, A'o D'i, 
1735. Witness my Hand and Seals of my OfKce, the day and year above. 
C. Brockden, Rec'd. 


" Susquehannah River & Islands, therein, and Lands on both Sides, granted by 
Widaagh, and Andaggyjunkquagh. Confirming Gov'r Dongan's old Deed to Gov'r 

On the 1st of April, 1701, an article of agreement between 
William Penn and the representatives of the Susquehanna Indians, 
confirming the deed of Governor Dongan, was drawn up and 
signed. It appears on pages 144, 145, 146 and 147 of Vol. I., 
Pennsylvania Archives, and is quoted herewith in full : 

NAH IND'DNS 1701. 

Indented, Made Concluded, & Agreed upon at Philadelphia the Twenty third day 
of the Second Month, called April, in the year One thousand Seven hundred and 
one, between William Penn, Proprietary and Governour of the Province of Pen- 
silvania, and Territories thereunto belonging, on ye one part and Connoodaghtoh, 
King of the Indians inhabiting upon and about the lyiver Susquehannah, in the 
said Province, AND Widaagh, (alias Orettyagh,) Koqueeash and Andaggy Junk- 
quagh, Chiefs of the said Nations of Indians and Nopaththa, King Lemoytungh 
& Pemoyajooagh, Chiefs of the Nations of the Shawonnah Indians, AND 
AHOOKASSOONGH, Brother to the Emperor, for and in Behalf of the Em- 
peror WEEWHINIJOUGH, Cheequittaagh, Takyewsan, Woapathoa, chiefs of ye 
nations of Indians inhabiting in and about the Northern part of the River Poto- 
niack, in the said Province, for and in Behalf of themselves and Successr's, and 
their several Nations and people on other part. As foUoweth. 
THAT as hitherto there hath always been a Good understanding & neighbour- 
hood between the said WILLIAM PENN, and his Lieutenants since his first 
Arrivall in the said Province, and the Several Nations of Indians inhabiting in & 
about ye same, so there shall be forever hereafter a firm & lasting peace, continued 
between the said Wm. Penn, his heirs, & Successors, and all other the English and 
Christian Inhabitants of the said Province, & the s'd Kings & Chiefs & their Succes- 
sors, & all the several people of ye Nations of Indians aforesaid, and that they shall 
forever hereafter be as one head & one heart, & live in true Friendship & Amity as 
one People, ITEM, that the s'd Kings & Chiefs (each for himself, his people 
engaging,) shall at no time hurt. Injure, or defraud, or suffer to be hurt, Injured, or 
defrauded by any of their Indians any Inh.ibitant or Inhabitants of ye said Province, 
either in their persons or estate. AND that the s'd William Penn, his heirs, .Succes- 
sors, shall not suffer to be done or Committed, by any of ye Subjects of England, 
within the said Province any Act of Hostility or Violence, Wrong, or Injury, to or 
ag'st any of the s'd Indians, but shall on both sides at all times readily do justice, 
perform all acts & offices of friendship & goodwill to oblige Each other, to a lasting 
peace as aforesaid. ITEM, that all & every the s'd Kings, & Chiefs, & all & every 
particular of the Nations under them shall at all times behave themselves Regularly 
& soberly, according to ye Laws of This Govern't while they live near or amongst ye 
Christian Inhabitants thereof, AND that the said Indians shall have the full & free 
priviledges & Immunities of all ye Said Lands, as or any other Inhabit't they duely 


Owinng & Acknowledg'g ye Authority of the Crown of England and Government of 
this Province. ITEM that none of the said Indians shall at any time be Aiding or 
Assisting or Abetting to any other Nation, whether of Indians or Others, that shall 
not at such time be in Amity with the said Crown of England & with this Govern- 
ment. ITEM, that if at any time any of the said Indians by means of Evill minded 
persons & sources of sedition, should hear any unkind or disadvantageous Reports of 
ye English, as if they had, evil designs w'th any of ye s'd Indians, in such case such 
Indians, shall send notice thereof to ye s'd William Penn, his heirs or successors, or 
their Lieutenants, and shall not give credence to the said Reports till by that means 
they shall be fully Satisfied concerning ye Truth thereof and that the said William 
Penn, his heirs, & successors, or their Lieutenants, shall at all times in such cases do 
the like by them. ITEM, that the said Kings & Chiefs & their .Succsssors, & people 
shall not Suffer any Strange Nation of Indians to Settle or plant on the further side 
of Susquehannah, or about Potomock River, but such as are there ahready seated nor 
bring any other Indians into any pait of this Province without the Special Approba- 
tion & Permission of the said William Penn, his heirs & Successors. ITEM, That 
for the Prevention of Abuses that are too frequently putt upon the said Indians, in 
trade, that the said William Penn, his heirs & Successors, shall not suffer or permit! 
any person to trade or commerce, w'th any of ye said Indians but such as shall be 
first allowed or approved of by an Instrument under ye hand & seal of him, the said 
William Penn, or his heirs, & Successors, or their Lieut's and that ye said Indians 
shall suffer no person whatsoever to buy or sell, or have commerce w'th any of them, 
the said Indians, but such as shall first be approved as aforesaid. ITEM, tliat the 
said Indians shall not Sell or Dispose of any of their Skinns, Poltry or ffurre, or any 
other effects of their Hunting to any person or persons whatsoever, out of the said 
Province, nor to any other person, but such as shall be authorized to trade with them 
as aforesaid, and that for their encouragement the said William Penn, his heirs & 
Successors, shall take care to have them, the said Indians, duely furnished with all 
sorts of necessary goods for their use, at reasonable Rates. ITEM, that the Potomack 
Indians aforesaid, with their Colony, shall have ffree leave of the said William 
Penn, to settle upon any part of Potomock River, within the bounds of this Province, 
they strictly observing and practising all & singular, the .articles aforesaid to them 
relating. ITEM, the Indians of Conostogoe, and upon and about the River Susque- 
hannah, and more especially the said Connoodaghiah their King doth fully agree to. 
AND by these Presents absolutely Ratifie the Bargain and Sale of Lands lying near 
and about the said River formerly made to the said William Penn, his heirs & .Suc- 
cessors, and since by Orettyagh & Andaggyjunquagh, parties to these presents con- 
firmed to the s'd William Penn, his heirs & Successors by a Deed, bearing Date the 
Thirteenth day of September last, under their hands & Seals duly e-xecuted, and the 
said Connoodaghtah doth for himself and his nation, covenant and Agree, that he 
will at times be ready further to confirm and make good the said Sale, according to 
the Tenure of the same, and that the said Indians of Susquehannah, shall answer to 
the said William Penn, his heirs and Successors, for the good Behaviour and Conduct 
of the said Potomock Indians, and for their performance of the severall articles 
herein Expressed. ITEM, the said William Penn doth hereby promise for himself, 
his hoirs and Successors, that he and they will at all times shew themselves true 
friends and Brothers to all and every of the said Indians, by Assisting them with the 


best of their Advice, Directions, Councils, and will in all things Just and Reasonable, 
Befriend them, they behaving themselves as aforesaid, and submitting to the Laws of 
this Province in all things as the English and other Christians therein doe to which 
they, the said Indians, hereby agree and Oblidge themselves and their Posterity for- 
ever. IN WITNESS whereof the said Parties have as a Confirmacon made mutuall 
Presents to Each other the Indians, in five parcells of skinns and the said William 
Penn in severall English Goods and Merchandise, as a binding pledge of the prem- 
ises never to be Broken, or Violated, and as a further Testimony thereof, have also 
to these presents Interchangeably sett their hands and seals the Day and year above 



Wopaththa, [l. s.] Lemoytungh, [l. s.] 

Pemoyajooagh, [l. s.] Ahookassoongh, [l.s.] 

Weewhinjough, [l. s.] Cheequittogh, [l. s.] 

Taky'ewsan, [l. s.] Woapatkoa, [l. s.] 

Signed, Sealed & Delivered In the presence of 

Edward Shippen. 
Nathan Stanbury. 
Alexander Paxton. 
Caleb Pusey. 
James Streater. 
J. Le Tort, J. L. S. 
Jno. Hans Stellman. 

James Logan. 

John Sanders. 

Indian Shewydoohungh, 

Harry, HI Interpreter. 
his mark. 
his X mark. 
his X mark. 

THE second Day of August, in the Year of our Lord One thousand seven hun- 
dred and thirty-five, James Logan of the Northern Liberties, of the City of Philadel- 
phia, Esq'r upon his solemn affirmation, according to Law, doth declare & depose, 
that he was present, & did see the within mentioned Kings & Chiefs, namely 
Connoodaghtoh, Widaagh, (a'ls. Orettyagh,) Koquuask, Andaggyjunkquagh, Wop- 
aththa, Lemoytungh, Pemoyajooagh, Ahookassoongh, (Brother to ye Emperor,) 
Weewhinjough, Cheequittagh, Takyewsan & Woapatkoa, within named, sign, seal, 
and as their Deed, deliver this Writing, indented. And that the Name of this Affirm- 
ant thereon indorsed as a Witness of the Same, is of his own Hand Writing. 

James Logan. 



At Philadelphia, the Day & Year, above s'd, before me Thomas Griffitts, Esq'r 
One of the Justices of Peace &c. Witness my hand & Seal. [l. s.] 

Thomas Griffitts. 

Entered in the Oftice for recording of Deeds for the City & County of Philada, 
|- , in Book F., Vol. 8 page, 243, &c., the 26th day of August, A'o D'i 1735. 
Witness my hands & Seal of my Office aforesaid. 

C. Brockden, Rec'd. 


Articles of Agreem't between \Vm. Penn, Esq'r & ye Susquehannah, Shawonah & 

Potomock Indians. Confirming Gov'r Dongan's Deed, to Gov'r Penn, ever. 

Very material. 
Recorded Page 104. N. B. BoiLE.-iU, Sec'p. 

Nothing further \vas done regarding this great purchase until 
thirty-five years later, when, owing to the dissatisfaction which 
had arisen among the Indians, a council was called at Philadelphia 
to consider the matter and restore good feeling if possible. A 
large number of chiefs, representing the different tribes, assembled, 
and after much parleying they signed the following pre-emption 
deed, releasing all claims to the Susquehanna lands for a stnall 
consideration. And as it is one of the most curious instruments 
on record, it is quoted herewith in full : 


To all People to whom these presents may come. Kakiskerowane, Tagunhunty, 
Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Sawceyatecos, Sachems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye 
Onondagoes; Kanickhungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoyatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Het- 
quantayechta, Sachems or Chiefs of the Senekaes; Sayuehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, 
Kanawatoe, .Tecochtseegherochgoo, Sachems or Chiefs of the Cayoogoes; Salisca- 
quoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwangaroras, Sachems or Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and 
Sawantga 'and Tyeros, Sachems or Chiefs of the Tuskaroros, Send Greeting: 
Whereas the late Proprietary of the Province of Pennsylvania, Wm. Penn, Esq'r, 
Soon after his ffirst arrival in his said Province, took measures to have the River 
Susquehannah, with all the lands lying on both sides of the same, purchased for him 
and his heirs of those Indians of the fhve Nations, Inhabiting in the Province of New 
York, who claimed the p'p'ty thereof, and accordingly did purchase them of Coll. 
Thomas Dongan formerly Gov'r of New York, and pay for the same, Notwithstand- 
ing which the Indians of the ffive Nations aforesaid, have continued to claim a 
Right in and to the said River and Lands; nor have those claims been hitherto 
adjusted; whereupon, the said Sachems or Chiefs having with all the others of the 
said Nations Met the last Summer at their great Council, held in ye Countrey of the 
said Onondagoes, did Resolve & Conclude that a final Period and Conclusion Should 


be put to all Disputes that might possibly anise on that Occasion; and having 
appointed the aforenamed Sachems or Chiefs as Plenepotentiaries of all those Nations, 
to repair to Philadelphia in ord'r to Confirm the several Treaties of Peace which 
have hitherto been concluded between them and the said Province; and also, to 
Settle and adjust all Demands & Claims that have been heretofore made, or hereafter 
may be made, touching or concerning the aforesaid River Susquehannah, and the 
Lands lying on both sides thereof; and the said Sachems or Chiefs of ye 5 Nations 
aforesaid, having for themselves and on behalf of the said Nations, renewed and 
ratified the Treaties of Friendship and Peace subsisting between them and the said 
Province, Did afterward proceed to treat and agree with the hon'ble, the Proprietaries 
thereof, about the said River and Lands. Now know ye, that in consideration of, 
the premises afs'd, and of the several Quantities of Goods herein mentioned, viz: 
500 pounds of powder, 600 pounds of Lead, 45 Guns, 60 Strowd water match Coats, 
100 Blankets, 100 duffle match coats, 200 yards of half-thick, 100 shirts, 40 hatts, 40 
pair of Shoes and Buckles, 40 pair of Stockings, 100 hatchets, 500 Knives, 100 
houghs, 60 Kettles, 100 Tobacco tongs, 100 Scissors, 500 awl blades, 120 Combs, 
2000 needles, 1000 Flints, 24 Looking Glasses, 2 pounds of vermilHon, and 100 Tin 
pots, besides 25 Gallons of Rum, 200 pounds of Tobacco, 1000 Pipes, and 24 dozen 
of Gartering, by the said Proprietaries, John Penn, Thomas Penn and Rich'd Penn 
well and truly paid and delivered unto the said Kakiskerowane, Tayunhunty, Cax 
haayn, Kuchdachary, Sawceyatecos, Sachems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye Onon 
dagoe; Kanickhungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoayatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquan 
tayechta. Sachems or Chiefs of the Senekaes; Sayuehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, Kana 
watoe, Tecochtseegherochgoo, Sachems or Chiefs of the Coyoogoes ; Saliscaquoh, 
Shecalamy, Tahashwangaroras, Sachems or Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and Sawantga 
and Tyeros, Sachems or Chiefs of the Tuskaroros, before the sealing and delivery 
of these presents, the receipt whereof they, the said Sachems or Chiefs do hereby 
acknowledge themselves to be fully satisfied contented and paid, and thereof do 
acquit, and forever discharge the said proprietaries, their heirs, successors and assigns 
by these presents. They, the said Kakiskerowand, Tayunhunty, Caxhaayn, Kuchda- 
chary, Sawcegatecos, Sachems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye Onondagoe; Kanick- 
hungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoayatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquantagechta, Sachems 
or Chiefs of the Senekaes; Sayuehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, Kanawatoe, Tecochtseeghe- 
rochgoo, Sachems or Chiefs of the Cayoogoes ; Saliscaquoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwan- 
garoras, Sachems or Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and Sawantga and Tyeros, Sachems or 
Chiefs of the Tuskaroros, for themselves and on behalf of all the ffive nations aforesaid, 
and every of them, have given granted, bargained sold Released and Confirmed, and 
by these presents Do, and every of them doth give, grant. Bargain, sell, release and 
Confirm unto the said proprietaries, John"" Penn, Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, 
their Heirs, Successors and Assigns, all the said River Susquehannah, with the Lands 
lying on both sides thereof, to Extend Eastward as far as the heads of the Branches 
or Springs which run into the said Susquehannah, And all the lands lying on the 
West side of the said River to the setting of the Sun, and to extend from the mouth 
of the said River Northward, up the same to the Hills or mountains called in the 
language of the said Nations, the Tyannuntasacta, or Endless hills, and by th^ Del- 
aware Indians, the Kekkachtananin Hills, together, also, with all the Island in the 
said River, Ways, Waters, Watercourses, Woods, Underwoods, Timber and Trees, 


Mountains, Hills, Mines, Valleys, Minerals, Quarries, Rights, Liberties, Privileges, 
Advantages, Hereditaments and Appurtenances thereunto belonging, or in any wise 
appertaining, And all the Right, Title, Interest property claim, and demand what- 
soever, of the said Kikiskerowane, Tayunhunty, Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Sawceya- 
tecos. Sachems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye Onondagoe ; Kanickhungo, Tagach- 
skaholoo, Sagoayatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquantagechta, Sachems or Chiefs of 
the Senekaes; Sayuehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, Kanawatoe, Tecochtseegherochgoo, Sa- 
chems or Chiefs of the Cayoogoes; Saliscaquoh, Shecalmy, Tahashwangaroras, 
Sachems or Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and Sawantga and Tyeros, Sachems or Chiefs of 
the Tuskaroras, or any of them, or of any person or persons of, or belonging to the 
ffive nations of Indians aforesaid. To have and to hold the said River Susquehan- 
nah, and the Lands lying on both sides thereof, and the Islands therein contained, 
hereditaments and premises hereby granted and Released or mentioned, or intended 
to be hereby granted and Released, and every part and parcel thereof, with their and 
every of their Appurtenances unto the said Proprietaries, John Penn, Tho's Penn and 
Rich'd Penn, their Heirs Successors and Assigns, To the only proper use and Behoof 
of the said Proprietaries, John Penn, Thomas and Richard Penn, their Heirs, Suc- 
cessors and Assigns forever, so that neither the said Kakiskerowane, Tayunhunty, 
Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Sawceyatecos, Sachems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye On- 
ondagoe; Kanickhungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoayatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Het- 
quantagechta, Sachems or Chiefs of the Senekaes; Saguehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, 
Kanawatoe, Tecochtseegherochgoo, Sachems or Chiefs of the Cayoogoes; Salisca- 
quoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwangaroras, Sachems or Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and Saw- 
antga and Tyeros, Sachems and Chiefs of the Tuskaroros, nor any others of the said 
fitive Nations of Indians, nor their or any of their heirs, successors or assigns, shall, 
or may at any time or times hereafter, have claim, challenge, or demand any right 
Title, Interest or property, of, in, or to the said River Sasquehannah, lands on both 
sides of the same. Islands contained therein, hereditaments and premises hereby 
granted and Released, or mentioned or intended to be hereby granted and Released, 
nor any part or parcel thereof. But of and from the same shall be Barred, and for- 
ever Excluded by these presents; and that the said Proprietaries, John P., Thomas 
P., and Rich'd P., their Heirs, Successors and Assigns, shall, and Rightfully may, 
from time to time, and at all times and seasons, forever hereafter, quietly and peace- 
ably, have, hold, occupy, possess, and enjoy, all and singular, the Said River Sasque- 
hannah, and the Lands lying on both sides of the same, and all the Islands therein, 
with the hereditaments and premises hereby granted and Released, with their and 
every of their Appurtenances, without the Let, Trouble, Hindrance or Molestation of 
the said Kakiskerowane, Tayunhunty, Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Sawceyatecos, Sa- 
chems or Chiefs of the Nations of ye Onondagoe; Kanickhungo, Tagachskaholoo, 
Sagoayatondackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquantagechta, Sachems or Chiefs of the Sene- 
kaes; Sayuehsanyunt, Sunaratchy, Kanawatoe, Tecochtseegherochgoo, Sachems or 
Chiefs of the Cayoogoes ; Saliscaquoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwangaroras, Sachems or 
Chiefs of the Oneydoes, and Sawantga and Tyeros, Sachems or Chiefs of the 
Tuskaroros, or any of them, or any others of the Indians of the ffive Nations afore- 
said, or any other person or persons claiming or to claim the same, or any part thereof, 
by, from or under them, or any of them, according to the true intent and meaning of 
these Presents. 

In Witness whereof the before named Sachems or Chiefs, for themselves and on 


Behalf of all the People of the ffive Nations aforesaid, have hereunto set their Hands 
and Seals, the Eleventh Day of October, in the Year of Our Lord One Thousand 
Seven Hundred and Thirty Six, and in the Tenth Year of the Reign of King George 
the Second, over Great Britain, &c. 

Signed Sealed and Delivered In the 
Presence of 

James Steel, 

James L(.igan, 

Clem. Plumsted, 

A. Hamilton, 

Thomas Freame, Jun., 

Wm. Plu.msted, 

Chas. E. Willing, 

Edwd. Shippen, 

Joseph Shippen, 

Wm. Logan, 

James Steel, Jun., 

James Read, 

Rd. Assheton, 

John Georges, 

Thos. Freame, 

Conrad Weiser, Interpreter, 

Tobias Shewell. 

Kakiskerowana, his X mark, 
Tagunhunty, his X mark, 
Caxhaayn, his X mark, 
Kuchdachary, his X mark, 
Sawegatekoe, his X mark, 

by his fr'd Taygunhunty, 
Saneyuskoe, his X mark, 
Canaungoe, his X mark, 
Cahooyeeoh, his X mark. 

Kanickhungo, his X mark, 
Ayacksagee, his X mark, 

alias Tagachskaholoo, 
Hannyharungguas, his X mark, 
Sagayatondacuas, his X mark, 

by his fr'd Kaneckhungo, 
Ashcoalax, his X mark, 
Hetquantagechta, his X mark. 

Tecochtseegherochgoo, his X mark, 
Saliskaguoh, his X mai-k, 
Shekalamy, his X mark, 
Tahashwangaroras, his X mark. 

Sawuntga, his X mark, 
Tyeros, his X mark. 

Saguchsanyunt, his X mark, 
Suneretchy, his X mark, 
Kanawatoe, his X mark. 

City of Philadelphia, ss : 

Be it Remembered, that on the twenty Seventh Day of June, in the Year of our 
Lord one thousand seven hundred thirty seven, Before me, Clement Plumsted, Esq'r, 
Mayor of the City of Philadelphia, and one of the Justices of the Peace of the County 
of Philadelphia, personally appeared James Steel and William Plumsted, two of the 
Witnesses to the within written Deed, who on their several Affirmations did Solemnly 
declare and say. That they were present and saw all the Indians within named Sign, 
Seal, and as their voluntary Act, deliver the within written Deed, for the Uses, In- 
tents and Purposes therein contained. And also that the several other Persons whose 
Names are within written as Witnesses to the said Deed, did likewise in the Presence 


of these Affirmants Sign the same. Witness my Hand & Seal of the sM City, Day 
and Year above s'd. 

J.\ME.s Steel, 
[l. s.] Clem. Plimsted, Mayor. Willm. Plumsted. 

Entered in the Office for recording of Deeds, for ye City & County of Philad'a, 
in Book G, Vol. 5, pa. 277, &c., The Seventh Day of May, A'o D'i, 1741. Witness 
my Hand & Seal of my Office aforesaid. 

[l. s.] C. Brockden, Rec'dr. 


Pre-emption deed or contract of October nth, A. D., 1736. D'o of (Ratification) 
1754. Recorded Page 74, &c. 

N. B. B01LF..A.I', Sec'y. 

A manuscript copy of the abo\'e deed was found among the 
papers of Samuel WaUis, and is now in the possession of his 
grandson, Howard R. WalHs, of Muncy. It is written in a bold, 
plain, round hand, and with the exception of being time-stained 
and creased by folding, it is in an excellent state of preservation. 
It is nearly 1 16 years old and will take rank among the ver\- 
oldest instruments of writing in existence in the West Branch 
Valley. The following certificate is appended : 

I William Parr Esquire Master of the Rolls in and for the province of Pennsyl- 
vania do hereby Certify the foregoing writing (containing six pages and about one 
fourth of a page of paper) to be an exemplification or true copy of a Record of my 
office in Book G Vol 1st page 277 &c 

In Testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Seal 
[l. s.] of Office to be hereunto put and affixed the 28th day of September 


Will P.\rr Master of the Rolls. 

The following endorsement appears on the back of this old 
paper : 

Exemplification of a Release from ye Five Nations of Indians to Jno. Thos. and 
Rich'd Penn, Esqrs. of the River Susquehannah and the Lands on both Sides thereof. 

The Six Nations then signed a release of the foregoing lands 
as follows, making the line of transfer complete. The two deeds 
are printed in full in Vol. I., Pennsylvania Archives, beginning on 
page 494 and ending on page 499: 


We, the Chiefs of the Six Nations of Indians, the Onandagoes, Isanundowans 
or Sinnekas, Cayoogoes, Oneydas, Tuscaroras, (in behalf also of ye Canyingoes or 
Mohacks,) who have lately at Philadelphia, by our Deed in writing dated the eleventh 


Day of this instant, October, released to John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard 
Penn, Proprietors of Pennsylvania, and to their Heirs and successors, All our Right, 
Claim and Pretentions whatsoever, to all and every the Lands on both sides of the 
River Sasquehannah, from ye mouth thereof as far Northvifard or up the said River 
as y't Ridge of Hills called the Tyoninhackta or Endless Mountains, Westward to the 
Setting of the Sun, and Eastward to the furthest springs of the Waters running into 
the said River, Do hereby further declare, That our true intent and meaning by the 
said writing was and is to Release and we do hereby more Expressly Release, to the 
said Proprietaries, their Heirs and Successors forever. All our Right, Claim and Pre- 
tensions whatsoever, to all and every the lands lying within the Bounds and Limits 
of the Government of Pennsylvania, Beginning Eastward on the River Delaware, as 
far Northward as the s'd Ridge or Chain of Endless Mountains as they cross ye 
Country of Pennsilvania, from Eastward and to the West. 

And further, as we have made the firmest League of Friendship with our Brethren 
of Pennsilvania and are become as one people with them. We do hereby promise and 
Engage for ourselves and our Children and their Children, That neither we nor they 
nor any in Authority in our Nations, will at any time bargain, sell, grant, or by any 
means make over, to any person or persons whatsoever, whether White men or Indi- 
ans, other than the said Proprietors, the Children of William Penn, or to persons by 
them Authorised and .Appointed to agree for and receive the same, any Lands within 
the Limits of the Governm't of Pennsylvania, as 'tis bounded Northward with the 
Governm't of New York and Albany, But when we are willing to dispose of any 
Further Rights to Land within the s'd limits of Pensilvania, We will dispose of them 
to the said Wm. Penn's Children, and to no other persons whatsoever. 

In Witness whereof we have in Behalf of all our Nation, signed this further 
writing, being distinctly Read and Interpreted to us by our Friend Conrad Wyser, 
the Twenty fifth Day of October, 1736. 

Witness, (an interlineation of seventeen words being first made between the 8th 
and 9th lines.) 

Anynssquasuh, his X mark, Tacannunty, 

Anyharungquas, Caxhaayn, 

Candach, Tocanorungo, 

Hawyienta, Oscotax, 


Josunlansenet, Canawato, 

Hanukhungo, Sagusksonyunt, 

Hatquantaguhty, Tyiichrygerechgo, 

Gahisicerowano, Saristorquoh, 

Gechtackhery, Shykelimy. 

Conrad Weiser, Interpreter. 

City of Philada. 

Be it Remembered, That on the Nineteenth day of November, in the year of our 
Lord 1736, Personally appeared before me Clement Plumste_d, Esq'r, Mayor of the 
City of Philadelphia, and one of the Justices of the Peace of the County of Phila- 
delphia, Conrad Weiser, who, on his solemn affirmation, did declare that he saw the 


several Indians within named, sign, seal, and as their voluntary act, deliver the within 
written Deed, for the use and purpose therein mentioned ; and that he saw John Peter 
Feck and Leonard P'eck sign their names as Witnesses thereunto. And this affirmant 
further saith, that being appointed Interpreter by and between the Government of 
Pennsilvania and the Indians of the .Six Nations, He faithfully and distinctly Inter- 
preted and Explained to the Indians who signed and sealed the same, all the several 
parts of the said within written Deed, to their full satisfaction and contentment ; and 
that upon the delivery of the said Deed, the same Indians presented a Belt of Wam- 
pum in Confirmation thereof. 


Affirmed before me. 

Witness my Hand and seal of the City. 

Clem. Plumsted, Mayor. 
Recorded ye 22 May, 1 741. 

The next great Indian council, for the purpose of settUng cer- 
tain questions relating to the lands of the Southern Indians, was 
held at Lancaster in 1744. It was an important meeting, accord- 
ing to the journal of William Marshe, secretary of the Maryland 
Commissioners, who attended and made a record of the daily 
proceedings. That journal had almost been forgotten, when it 
was disentombed by Dr. W. H. Egle — now State Librarian — and 
published in pamphlet form in 1884. In his introductory the 
Doctor gives the following explanation of the object of the con- 
ference : 

" When the English first e.xplored the lower Susquehanna, they 
found it inhabited by a race which they called the Susquehannocks. 
The Dutch, as early as 161 5, and the Swedes, when they settled in 
1638, came in contact with these Susquehannocks and called them 
Minquas. The line between the Delawares and Minquas seems to 
have been along the dividing waters between the t\yo rivers, though 
in wars the Minquas drove the Delawares entirely over into New 
Jersey. The Minquas were a ruling tribe on the Delaware, as the 
Mohawks were on the Hudson. From 1640 the Five Nations of 
New York began to be liberally supplied with fire arms, and they 
soon devastated the tribes' similar to the Minquas on the upper 
branches of the Susquehanna. Having disposed of these and 
opened the way, in 1662 they commenced upon the lower Min- 
quas or Susquehannocks. Before this, in 1652, the Susquehan- 
nocks had sold to Maryland their possession and conquest rights 
on both sides of the Chesapeake Bay, from the Choptank and 


Pautuxant rivers up to the head of the bay. In 1663 the Mary- 
landers assisted the Minquas with cannon and men in their fort, 
and defeated an army of 800 Senecas and Cayugas. The war 
was, however, kept up, and finally, after various reverses and 
successes, in 1675, forsaken by the English, who had superceded 
the Dutch on the Delaware, and by the Marylanders, and reduced 
by disease, the Minquas were conquered, many of them carried 
off to New York, and the balance fled to the Potomac at Piscata- 
way. From this place they were afterwards allowed to return to 
their old country and establish themselves as a tributary outpost 
of the Five Nations on the ' Onestego ' Creek, and there subse- 
quently they were known as Conestogas. It was in this way that 
the New York tribes obtained their conquest rights to the lands 
on the Susquehanna and southward to the Potomac, which were 
recognized by the several purchase treaties made with them by 
William Penn and his heirs. Governor Dongan, of New York, 
first purchased these Pennsylvania-Susquehanna conquest rights 
from the Five Nations, with a view of holding those parts, at least 
above the Conawago Falls, as part of New York and preventing 
Penn from obtaining the full limits of his charter. When this 
failed, he sold and transferred these deeded rights to Penn in 
1696. In 1699 Penn again purchased from the remaining Cones- 
togas all their rights and the rights of their ancestors, and, as he 
aptly expresses it, the rights that their 'ancestors have, could, 
might or ought to have had, held or enjoyed ' in these lands. In 
1701 this purchase was again confirmed in the presence of an 
Onondaga deputy, and a promise made them that they should 
have a reservation, which was in fact afterwards surveyed to them 
in 1 718. Here the dwindling remnant remained until the mas- 
sacre in 1763. 

" Prior to this their young men gravitated to the New York 
cantons, mostly among the Oneidas, as this course afforded the 
only opening for martial renown — for an Indian is nothing if not 
a warrior. Among these descendants of the ancient Susquehan- 
nocks who attended the Lancaster treaty, to sell the former heritage 
of his ancestors, was Shikellimy, — more properly Shickenany, — 
who hesitated about signing the deed to Maryland, which Marshe 
blamed on the Pennsylvanians. When the Conestoga Manor was 


surveyed in 1718, they 'run a line round them that none might 
come near them,' and though at that time the Indians ' had ex- 
pressed a wiUingness to retire from Conestoga, yet the Government 
here persuaded them to continue near us,' and 'they appeared 
very well pleased' with ' the inclosing by surveys the lands where 
they are seated.' 

"The Dutch, Swedes and English made purchases from the 
Delawares on the west bank of their river. The western limits 
were not given, or were vaguely defined. There are some repre- 
sentations of such purchases extending to the Susquehanna ; but 
the Delawares had no rights to lands on that river, and probably 
never made such sales. Penn thought he had extinguished the 
Indian title to the Susquehanna lands through his purchase from 
Dongan, and in satisfying the resident Conestogas ; and there can 
be no doubt that the New York Indians were satisfied and for 
many years made no claims. But the older ones died and the 
younger ones at length set up a claim that they had not been paid 
for their conquest lands on the Susquehanna. In the meantime 
many settlers had moved upon these lands. The Cayugas were 
the most persistent and annoying in pressing their claims. At 
length, on October 11, 1736, these lands, as far west as the Blue 
Mountain range, and eastward to the head springs flowing into the 
Susquehanna, were again purchased at a treaty in Philadelphia. 
After this treaty adjourned, and some of the delegates had gone 
home, an after-thought came to the proprietary party : As the Six 
Nations seemed to be setting up unexpected claims of conquest 
rights, it was thought it would be a good plan to get a release 
from them to all the lands eastward as far as the Delaware. 
Accordingly an explanatory deed was got up, stating that the true 
intent and meaning of the other deed was that it should embrace 
all the lands eastward as far as the Delaware. This was a most 
transparent falsehood. Not until white means black can eastward 
limits on the head of streams running into the Susquehanna be 
defined as intended to extend to the Delaware. There is not a 
particle of evidence that the Six Nations, prior to this, claimed 
the right to sell the lands of the Delawares. It is true, the Dela- 
wares were a conquered tributary people, but this in Indian politics 
did not mean always a right to alienate the soil. Land selling was 


indeed a European innovation, the full meaning of which the 
Indians were slow to realize. As long as they sold and still oc- 
cupied nearly all of it, the sale meant little; when it meant dispos- 
ses.sion then trouble ensued. Occupancy was the only soil right 
that the Indian knew before the presents at treaties gave them the 
land-selling itch. This supplementary, explanatory deed, dated 
October 25, 1736, fourteen days after the other, was not for sale of 
land that they claimed, but was given at the request of the white 
men to cover, or prevent, any claims the Six Nations might set up 
to the lands already purchased of the Delawares. It was also 
used, and perhaps designed to be used, in 1742, to induce the Six 
Nations to interfere and force the Delawares to leave some of 
these lands, as comprised in the 'Walking Purchase.' Canassate- 
go's speech, in ordering the Delawares to leave these lands, is 
famous in history, and aroused the dormant resentment of the 
Delawares. He called them zvomcii, denied their right to sell 
land, ordered them to leave, said they ought to be taken by the 
hair of the head and shaken severely till they recovered good 
sense, and forbid them, their children, grandchildren to the latest 
posterity, forever hereafter to presume to meddle in land affairs. 
It was during the pending of these troubles that the treaty was 
held at Lancaster in 1744, about lands in Maryland and Virginia, 
when not a Delaware was allowed to be present. 

" It is a remarkable fact, which has hitherto been unnoticed, that 
in the great wars of the western cantons of the Five Nations 
against the Susquehannocks, which were waged chiefly about 
1666 and 1675, the Mohawks took no part, nor did there a single 
Mohawk appear at the treaty in Philadelphia in 1786, when the 
last sale of these conquest rights was made to the Penns. Nor 
did there appear a single Mohawk at Lancaster, when the claims 
of similar rights were to be disposed of to Maryland, and other 
claims to lands in Virginia. They had nothing to do in conquer- 
ing the Minquas, and they would have nothing to say in selling 
their lands. The explanation of this is no doubt to be found in 
the special examination of Governor Andras, who, in 1675, 'did 
endeavor to be rightly informed of things relating to that war, 
and found that the Susquehannocks were reputed by the Maqiies 
(Mohawks) as their offspring.' There can be no doubt that the 


Susquehanna Minquas were an old diverging branch of the Mo- 
hawks, and there was an old friendship, which forbid them to war 
against their kindred, and yet the laws of the Five Nation confed- 
eracy forbid also any assistance. The absent nation, for whom 
Conrad Weiser was authorized by the allies to sign his name, at 
the Lancaster treaty, as mentioned by Marshe, was the Mohawks, 
into which Weiser had been adopted. 

"As early as 1736, at the treaty, the Governor of Pennsylvania 
was earnestly pressed that he would write to the Governors of 
Maryland and Virginia to make them (the Western New York 
Indians) satisfaction for their lands in those States. They say ' all 
the lands on the Susquehanna and at Chanandowa (Shenandoah) 
were theirs and they must be satisfied for them.' In reply it was 
remarked to them that 'the lands on Susquehanna, we believe, 
belong to the Six Nations by the conquest of the Indians on that 
river, but how their pretentions are to be made good to the lands 
to the southward we know not.' At the treaty on July 7, 1742, 
Canassatego again introduced their claims to lands in Maryland, 
desiring to know what had been done in the matter, saying ' you 
will inform the person whose people are seated on our lands that 
that country belongs to us in right of conquest — we have bought 
it with our blood and taken it from our enemies in fair war; we 
expect such consideration as the land is worth ; press him to send 
us a positive answer; let him say yes or no; if he says yes, we 
will treat with him; if no, we are able to do ourselves justice, and 
we will do it by going to take payment on ourselves.' 

" These alarming words caused a special messenger to be sent 
to Maryland, and measures were taken for the treaty which came 
off at Lancaster in 1744. Though nothing was said in 1742 
about Virginia, yet the demand in 1736, and the prospects of a 
war with France, induced the King and his Virginia colony to 
treat with these Indians at the same time and place. Conrad 
Weiser was sent to Onondaga to make the arrangements. There 
was a shrewd purpose in the background to use the occasion to 
prevent them from espousing the cause of France, and the Penn- 
sylvania Colonial Records show how nicely it was managed. 
Pennsylvania, having in 1737 met the demands of these Indians 
as to their claim on the lands in that Province below the moun- 


tains, was in a position to act as a go-between and secure their 
friendship to Maryland and Virginia, and all three were alike 
interested in view of the coming troubles with France and her 
Canadian Provinces. At the treaty the Marylanders denied their 
rights to land in that Province, and pointed to their deed of pur- 
chase from the Susquehannocks in 1652 as covering all or nearly 
all their lands. The reply was very well put : ' We acknowledge 
the deed to be good and valid, and that the Conestoga or Susque- 
hanna Indians had a right to sell those lands unto you, for they 
were then theirs ; but since that time we have conquered them, and 
their country now belongs to us, and the lands we demanded 
satisfaction for are no part of the lands comprised in those deeds 
— they are the Cohogonontas (Potomac) lands.' This is one of 
the proofs that the territory of the ancient Susquehannocks ex- 
tended to the Potomac, probably from the falls up to Harper's 
Ferry. The old Maryland purchase was not defined in its west- 
ern limits, and certainly did not include a part of Maryland north . 
of the head of the bay. Just prior to their subjugation by the 
New York Indians the Susquehannocks had somehow got into a 
war with their old friends in Maryland, and suffered greatly. 
Evans, in his Analysis, written soon after this treaty, gives this 
explanation : Bell, of Maryland, ' by the defeat of many hundreds, 
gave them a blow from which they never recovered, and for that 
reason the confederates (Six Nations) never claimed but to Cone- 
wago Falls; and that, as the Susquehannocks had abandoned the 
western shore of Maryland before their conquest, the confederates 
confined their claims northward of a line drawn from the Cone- 
wago Falls to the North Mountain, where it crosses the Potomac, 
and thence to the head branches of St. James River.' The point, 
doubtless, is Harper's Ferry, though the Blue Mountain and the 
Blue Ridge are not the same range, though often confounded. 
At the treaty the eastern bounds were not defined. They wanted 
pay, and having got it they cared nothing further about the 
grounds of their claim, nor how it was divided between Maryland 
and Pennsylvania. The claim for pay for Virginia was not founded 
on the conquest of the Susquehannas, but upon other tribes. 

" The Virginians claimed that they had long held peaceable pos- 
session, and that they found those lands uninhabited and free to be 


entered upon by the King. They said : ' Tell us what nations 
you conquered any lands from in Virginia, how long it is since, 
and what possession you have had.' The answer was: 'We 
have the right of conquest — a right too dearly purchased, and 
which cost us too much blood to be given up without any reason 
at all. ***** fi^w (-j^g world knows we conquered the 
several nations living on Susquehanna, Cohongoronto and on the 
back of the great mountains in Virginia. The Conoy-uch-such- 
roonan, the Coch-nan-was-roonan, the Tokoa-irough-roonan and 
the Connut-skirr-ough-roonan feel the effects of our conquests, 
being now a part of our nations and their lands at our disposal' 
They said it was not true that the King of England had conquered 
the Indians that lived there. ' We will allow that they have con- 
quered the Sachdagugh-roonan (Powhatans) and drove back the 
Tuscarroraws, and that they have on that account a right to some 
part of Virginia; but as to what lies beyond the mountain, we 
conquered the nations residing there, and that land, if ever the 
Virginians get a good right to it, it must be by us.' 

"We cannot properly identify and locate the four tribes said to 
have been conquered. The first were probably the Conoys or 
Ganawese. The second probably gave the name to the Kanawha. 
The lands sold were the Shenandoah Valley and the country 
westward. The Six Nations did not understand the sale to in- 
clude the lands on the Ohio, now West Virginia. These were 
included in the sale of November 5, 1768, made by Sir William 
Johnson. Some writers erroneously say the lands sold at Lan- 
caster were those on the Ohio. This is not the case, for they 
were lands just then settled by the white people, and there were 
then no settlers on the Ohio. The western limits of Virginia 
were then not defined. Pennsylvania never called in question 
these conquest rights. Had they done so at the several treaties 
for Susquehanna lands, the Indians would then, doubtless, have 
given us some interesting facts as to those conquests, which are 
now forever lost." 



IN this connection it may not be out of place to relate one of the 
strangest, most romantic and thrilling incidents in all Indian 
history, since the subject frequently visited this valley with her 
captors when they descended by the Sinnemahoning, Pine, Ly- 
coming and other streams. We refer to the strange story of the 
captive "White Woman," and to begin we must take the reader to 
the extreme southern part of the State. 

About the year 1 742 Thomas Jamison and his wife settled near 
the head-waters of Marsh Creek, Adams County. When they left 
the " Green Isle " they had three children, two sons and a daughter. 
During the voyage another daughter was born to them, whom they 
named Mary, whose birth on the stormy sea foreshadowed the 
rough and sorrowful experiences she was subsequently called to 

Having been bred to agricultural pursuits, Thomas Jemison 
settled upon an extensive tract of land in the Marsh Creek region 
and commenced his labors. For a period of ten years, during 
which time two more sons were added to the family, this pioneer 
had a busy and contented life in his mountain home. He pros- 
pered and was happy. The settlement grew. Among his neigh- 
bors was James Bleakney, who survived until the spring of 1821, 
when he died in the 98th year of his age. It was from this 
venerable ancestor that the location of the Jemison farm was 
learned. For about ten years the settlers in this secluded valley 
of the South Mountain lived in peace ; then trouble arose. 

Both the French and English governments, equally intent on 
territorial aggrandizement in the northern section of the Western 
Continent, sought to secure possession of that vast territory lying 


between the Allegheny Mountains and the Mississippi River. The 
former laid claim to it by right of discovery; the latter by right 
of purchase from the Indians. Both parties prepared to maintain, 
if necessary, their real or assumed rights by force of arms. To 
that issue the controversy came at last. On the 3d of July, 1754, 
a battle was fought at the Great Meadows, about fifty miles west of 
the present town of Cumberland, Maryland, between the English 
and French forces, each assisted by Indian allies. The English, 
commanded by Colonel George Washington, were defeated. This 
victory so elated and emboldened the French that they threatened 
and prepared to lay waste with fire and tomahawk the frontier 
settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania, whence the white troops 
under Washington had been drawn. 

Not long after the capitulation of Fort Necessity the situation 
became alarming to the peaceful settlers within and east of the 
South Mountain. Reports reached them of terrible atrocities 
committed by the French and Indians west of the mountain. 
Fearing that they too would soon be visited by the cruel and 
bloodthirsty foe, they erected for self-protection a block-house 
near the present village of Arendtsville.* Their apprehensions 
were well founded. 

On the evening of a pleasant day in the spring of 1755, Thomas 
Jemison sent his daughter Mary, then 12 or 13 years old, to a 
neighbor's house to procure a horse and return with it the ne.xt 
morning. Returning at the appointed time she found, at her 
father's house, a neighbor, William or Robert Buck by name, and 
his sister-in-law with her three children. The woman, whose hus- 
band was in Washington's army fighting the French, had become 
alarmed at the aspect of affairs, and sought companions and safety 
in the house of Thomas Jemison. Buck, wishing to get a bag of 
grain he had left at his own house, took the horse that Mary 
Jemison had brought, armed himself with a gun, and hurried 
away. What followed is thus related by Mary Jemison : " Our 
family, as usual, was busily employed about their common busi- 
ness. Father was shaving an axe-helve at the side of the house ; 
mother was making preparations for breakfast; my two eldest 
brothers were at work near the barn ; the little ones, with myself, 

*A post hamlet, 7^ miles northeast of Gettysburg. 


and the woman with her three children, were in the house. Break- was not yet ready when we were alarmed by the discharge of 
a number of guns that seemed to be near. Mother and the woman 
before mentioned almost fainted at the report, and every one trem- 
bled with fear. On opening the door, the man and horse lay dead 
near the house, having just been shot by the Indians. They first 
secured my father, then rushed into the house and made prisoners 
of my mother, my two younger brothers, my sister, the woman and 
her three children, and myself and then commenced plundering 
the house. The party that took us consisted of four Frenchmen 
and six Shawanee Indians. They took what they considered most 
valuable, consisting principally of bread, meal and meat. Having 
taken as much provision as they could carry, they set out with 
their prisoners in great haste, for fear of detection, and soon 
entered the woods." The two older brothers, Thomas and John, 
fortunately escaped. They were at the barn when the assault took 
place, crept into a hollow log, and so were not discovered by the 
keen-sighted Indians. Subsequently they went to Virginia, and 
found a home with their maternal grandfather. Buck, the mur- 
dered man, was buried by the neighbors not far from the spot 
where they found the body. The burial was hurried, for there 
was other pressing work on hand. 

A few years ago, whilst on a visit to Buchanan Valley, the 
grave of this victim of Indian atrocity was pointed out to us.* It 
is situated on a farm recently sold by Joseph I. Livers to Francis 
Cole. Two maple trees, standing at the edge of a narrow ravine, 
mark the spot. A large pile of stones, gathered from an adjoining 
field and bordering the grave, may serve as a rude and unfinished 
monument. The house and barn owned and occupied by the 
unfortunate Jemison family have both succumbed to the ravages 
of time, and no vestige remains to tell where they once stood. A 
few gnarled and decaying apple trees, so old that no one now living 
there can tell when they were planted, testify that once near by 
there stood a habitation. But that solitary grave beside the maple 
trees, with its cairn-like monument, and its tragic history, is not 

*H. J. Stable, Esq., editor and publisher of the Gettysburg Compiler. Mr. 
Stable devoted much time to a study of this remarkable case, and prepared a 
condensed history of the captive, the material portions of which are quoted above. 


forgotten. With some hesitation we venture to relate what was 
told us, viz : That those who plow among the old apple trees are 
wont to uncover a spot where the soil has the color of blood, indi- 
cating the place where the kindly earth received the crimson drops 
trickling from the wounds of the murdered Buck. 

Anticipating pursuit, the savage captors, with their ten helpless 
captives, fled rapidly in a westward direction across the mountain. 
On the first day's journey the children were frequently lashed with 
a whip to make them keep up with the rest. All that day they 
hurried on without a mouthful of food or a drop of water, although 
they had not eaten since the previous evening. Whenever the 
little children cried for water, the Indians would make them drink 
urine or go thirsty. At night they encamped in the woods with- 
out fire, and without shelter, and were watched with the greatest 
vigilance. At the dawn of the following day the weary, sorrowful 
march was resumed, and not until the sun had risen were the 
prisoners halted and fed. Towards noon they passed within sight 
of a small fort, known as " Fort Conococheague," situated some- 
where near the present town of Chambersburg. Towards evening 
of the second day's flight they arrived at the border of a " dark 
and dismal swamp," covered with small hemlocks and other 
bushes, into which they were conducted ; and having gone a short 
distance, they encamped for the night. 

In some way the savages ascertained that they were pursued. A 
determined band of Jemison's neighbors, headed by a Mr. Fields, 
had started in pursuit and were gaining on the fugitives. Fearing 
to be overtaken if they continued to encumber themselves with 
so many prisoners, the savages (white and red) massacred and 
scalped eight of them, viz: Thomas Jemison, his wife, their 
daughter, Betsy; their two sons, Robert and Matthew; Mrs. Buck, 
and two of her children. Mary Jemison and the little son of 
Mrs. Buck were spared. The naked and mangled bodies of the 
slaughtered victims were found in that dismal swamp by the 
parties that had gone in pursuit. 

After the massacre the Indians continued their flight much 
more cautiously than they did at first. At the end of seven or 
eight days they reached Fort Duquesne, or Fort Pitt, which was 
then a rallying point for the French and their Indian allies. 


On the day that Mary Jemison was brought, a weary and 
dejected captive, to Fort Duquesne, two pleasant looking Indian 
squaws of the Seneca tribe had arrived there also. They had 
lost a brother in a battle with the English, and had come to the 
fort to obtain a captive whom they might adopt as a member of 
their family. On the following day they inspected the prisoners 
lately brought in, and selected Mary Jemison as the one whom 
they desired to take the place of their lost brother. 

The time had come when Mary Jemison should be separated 
from all with whom she had been acquainted. The little boy of 
Mrs. Buck, her fellow captive and companion in the long and 
trying flight from Buchanan Valley to Fort Duquesne, was taken 
away by the French. Whither he was taken and what became of 
him is unknown. Mary was taken by the two Indian squaws in 
a small canoe down the Ohio River to a small Seneca Indian town 
called " She-nan-jee." There she was arrayed in a suit of Indian 
clothing, was formally adopted as a member of the family, and 
received the name of " Dick-e-wa-mis," which, being interpreted, 
means "a pretty girl." 

An adopted member of the Seneca tribe, and provided with a 
home, Dickewamis was employed in nursing children and doing 
light work about the wigwams. Occasionally she accompanied 
the hunters, when they went but a short distance, to help them 
carry home the game.. Her situation was easy, for she had no 
special hardships to endure. Nevertheless, the recollection of her 
parents, brothers, sister and home, and the sad fact of .her hopeless 
captivity, destroyed her happiness for many following years. 

Encouraged and aided by her adopted sisters, who would not 
allow her to speak English in their hearing, she soon learned to 
understand the Indian language and to speak it fluently. * During 
the second year of her captivity (1757), when but 14 or 15 years 
old, she was married, by command of her sisters, "according to 
Indian custom," to a Delaware Indian, She-nin-jee by name. He 
was large of stature, elegant in appearance, and by his good nature 
and tenderness gained the affection of his wife. The year following 
her marriage, " at the time that the kernels of corn first appeared 
on the ear," she bore her first-born child, a girl that lived two days 
only. In the fourth winter of her captivity (1759) a son was born 


of her, whom, in remembrance of her lamented father, she called 
Thomas Jemison. Not long after this her husband died, and his 
death was to her a sore bereavement. 

The different Indian tribes, as a rule, occupied separate and well 
defined districts of country, which they held as their exclusive 
domain. Members of a tribe would often wander far away, and 
live mingled with similar parties from other tribes on some com- 
mon hunting ground, and then after many years absence return to 
their tribal home. The Seneca tribe, of which Mary Jemison had 
become a member, dwelt along the Genesee River, in a large town 
named Genishaw, lying southwest of the present town of Genesee, 
Livingston County, New York. Thither her two adopted sisters, 
those "pleasant looking squaws" to whom she was very strongly 
attached, had gone after her marriage. And thither three of her 
Indian brothers concluded to go, and proposed to take her with 
them. At the close of summer, " when the time for harvesting 
corn had come," this young woman, of delicate constitution but of 
stout heart, started with her three brothers on the long and toil- 
some journey to the home of their tribe. Leaving the Ohio River, 
they went northward to Upper Sandusky, Wyandot County, Ohio, 
and then turned to the northeast, skirting for awhile the shore of 
Lake Erie, and arrived at last on the banks of the Genesee. The 
journey was made on foot, through an almost pathless wilderness. 
Mary Jemison was but thinly clothed; was often drenched by 
heavy rains ; had to sleep on the naked ground at night, without 
a shelter and nothing but a blanket to cover her; and had to carry 
her child, about nine months old, on her back or in her arms 
every step of the journey. Her Indian mother and the other 
members of the family received her kindly. The continued 
favors she received at the hands of those with whom she lived 
won her gratitude and affection, so that she was contented with 
her lot. 

At the close of the war with the French, the English authorities 
made the humane effort to restore to their relatives all white cap- 
tives in the hands of the Indians. Mary Jemison was offered the 
opportunity, but she preferred to remain with those who had 
adopted her, and had treated her with so much kindness. 

In the year 1763 she was married to an old Seneca warrior, 


Hiakatoo* by name. The difference in their ages wa.s consider- 
able. She was 20 and he was 55. With him she Hved in happy 
wedlock for forty-eight years, and bore to him six children, four 
daughters and two sons. He died in 181 1, when he was 103 
years old. Her sons were Thomas (by her first husband), John 
and Jesse; her daughters were Jane, Nancy, Betsy and Polly. 
Jane died in 1779, aged 15 years. The other daughters married 
Indian husbands and begat children. AH of her sons met with 
violent deaths. Thomas was killed in 181 1, Jesse in 1812; both 
by their brother John, who was intemperate and a thoroughly bad 
Indian. In 18 17 he was killed by two Indians with whom he had 
a drunken quarrel. 

The western portion of the State of New York was occupied 
by a powerful Indian confederacy, to which the Seneca tribe 
belonged. This confederacy was known by the name of the " Six 
Nations." At a council held in the year 1797, which Mary Jemison 
attended at the request of a leading chief, she was authorized to 
choose and describe the bounds of such lands as she thought would 
suit her. She chose what is known as the Gardow Tract, contain- 
ing upwards of 19,000 acres. In the year 1817 the Legislature of 
New York passed an act of naturalization, making her a citizen, 
and confirming her title to the reservation she had received from 
the Six Nations. Portions of her land she sold ; other portions 
she leased to white people to farm on shares; and thus, as regards 
temporal support, she seemed comfortably provided for during the 
remainder of her life. 

In the year 1825 the Seneca Indians disposed of their lands on 
the Genesee River and removed to other reservations. Mary 
Jemison, with her daughters and sons-in-law, did not follow their 
example, deeming it best to remain on her Gardow flats, where she 
had spent so many peaceful years. It was not long, however, 

*In Judge McMaster's History of Steuben County, N. Y., Benjamin Patterson is 
represented as saying that Hiakatoo, the second husband of Mary Jemison, was 
present at the capture of Fort Freeland, July 28, 1779, and commanded the Indians 
on that memorable occasion. Patterson and his brother Robert were in the party 
commanded by Captain Hawliins Boone, which was waylaid and defeated by the 
Indians that day, and they narrowly escaped with their lives. Hiakatoo and his 
band gained the rear of Captain Boone, while McDonald, the British officer, assailed 
him in front. Between the two forces Boone and his company were cut to pieces. 


before she realized that she had made a mistake in allowing her- 
self to be separated from her adopted people. Though surrounded 
by whites, she could not readily affiliate with them. Accustomed 
to the companionship and mode of life of the Indians, her discon- 
tent increased until she finally determined to rejoin her tribe. 
Accordingly she disposed of all her lands and removed, in the 
year 1 831, to the vicinity of Buffalo, New York, where the Senecas 
had a reservation. There she purchased a cabin and a small piece 
of ground, and there she remained until her death. Her daughter 
Polly, and son-in-law, George Shongo, with their five children, occu- 
pied the same house and took care of her in her old age. The 
proceeds of the sale-of her Genesee lands she entrusted, soon after 
her removal to Buffalo, to a white man, who, by an unfortunate 
speculation, lost the whole of it. So many had been the trials and 
hardships of her life; suffering and sorrow had so long attended 
her, that this new misfortune did not fall upon her as upon one 
unaccustomed to endure. Her wants were few and simple, and 
these her daughter and son-in-law, with filial affection took pains 
to supply. 

In the summer of 1833 she was visited by the wife of a mis- 
sionary who had shortly before taken charge of the Indian mission 
established at Buffalo. This good woman gives the following af- 
fecting account of her visit to the aged and feeble Mary Jemison : 

"I found her in a poor hut, where she lived with her daughter. 
There was a low bunk in one corner of the room, on which she 
lay. It was made by laying a few boards on some logs. A little 
straw was on the boards, over which a blanket was spread. She 
was curled up on her bed, her head drawn forward, sound asleep, 
and as she lay did not look much larger than a child ten years old. 
After she was with some difficulty roused from her sleep, I went 
forward and shook hands with her, and told her who I was and 
why I had come. As soon as she understood the object of my 
visit she said, with much emotion : ' I am glad to see you.' Then, 
with sobs and tears, she spoke of the counsel her mother gave 
her the last hour they were together, on the second evening after 
their abduction (1755), while they were encamped in a dark and 
dismal swamp. And now in her old age, when memories of her 
childhood so predominated as to obscure recollections of her later 


life, she was filled with great sorrow because she had forgotten the 
promises she had made to her mother, had forgotten the prayer 
her mother had taught her and knew not how to pray." 

The kind missionary sought to comfort the sorrowing woman, 
and repeated the Lord's Prayer in the English tongue. Mary 
Jamison listened, with an expression both solemn and tender, till 
near the close, when suddenly it was evident a chord had been 
touched which vibrated into the far distant past, and awakened 
memories both sweet and painful. She immediately became almost 
convulsed with weeping, and it was sometime before she could 
speak. At length she said : " That is the prayer my mother taught 
me, and which I have forgotten so many years." 

After a brief illness she suddenly departed this life and the scene 
of her many afflictions, on the 19th day of September, 1833, and 
was buried with the usual Christian ceremonies in the grave-yard 
. belonging to the Seneca Mission Church, a large concourse of 
people witnessing by their presence their interest in the one who 
had departed from them. A marble slab was planted at the head 
of her grave. It contained the following inscription : 


Memory of 


Daughter of 
Born on the ocean between Ireland 
and Phila., in 1742 or 3. Taken 
captive at Marsh Creek, Pa., in 
I755,carried down the Ohio,adopted 
into an Indian family. In 1759 
removed to Genesee River. Was 
naturalized in 181 7. Removed to 
this place in 1831. And having sur- 
vived two husbands and five chil- 
dren, leaving three still alive, .she 
died Sept. 19th, 1833, aged about 
ninety one years. Having a few- 
weeks before expressed a hope of 
pardon through 

" The counsel of the Lord, that shall 


The descendants of Maty Jemison were so numerous that they 
might have formed a distinct clan by themselves. The name, 
"Jemison," became one of the most common and most honorable 
among the Senecas. Many of her descendants were not unworthy 
of their white ancestress. They were highly respected by their 
own people and by the whites. They adopted the dress and 
modes of life of civilized people, and spoke the English language 
with fluency. One of her grandsons, Jacob Jemison, spent two 
years at Dartmouth College, was a good scholar, studied medicine 
and received the appointment of assistant surgeon in the United 
States Navy. Competent authority declared that there was no 
better surgeon in the navy. 

For more than forty years the mortal remains of Mar}.- Jemison 
rested undisturbed in the Mission Cemetery near Buffalo. Her 
tragic and romantic history, as related by herself, published in 
book form and largely read, lead to a species of vandalism not 
uncommon in the land. The stone that marked her grave was 
nearly destroyed by relic hunters. As the years rolled on the 
burial ground was neglected, and was endangered by the demand 
for new streets and building lots for the expanding city. It was, 
therefore, deemed advisable to remove Mary Jemison's remains to 
some other spot where they might remain undisturbed for all 
future time. The removal took place in the spring of 1 874, under 
the direction of Dr. James Shongo, a favorite grandson of the 
deceased, son of her daughter Polly. The spot selected for her 
final resting place was on an eminence on the left bank of the 
Genesee River, a few miles from her former residence on the Gar- 
dow Flats. The re-interment of her remains took place with 
appropriate services, in the presence of a large concourse of peo- 
ple, some of whom were old citizens from the reservation she once 
owned, who had known her during her life and held her memory 
in esteem. 

The removal and re-interment of the remains of Mary Jemison 
were considered facts of sufficient importance to receive conspicu- 
ous notice in the Buffalo papers. Among other things the papers 
stated that " a goodly sized monument of suitable proportions is 
now being prepared to place over the spot where her remains now 
repose. One of its four sides will bear the same inscription that 


was on the old head-stone. The monument is in the shape of a 
base or square pedestal, upon which it is contemplated to place a 
bronze statue representing Mary Jemison, in her Indian costume, 
carrying her infant son upon her back, as she first appeared when 
she entered the Genesee country after her long and toilsome jour- 
ney through an unbroken wilderness from the State of Ohio." 

As a fitting sequel to the foregoing sad story it may be proper 
to refer to the last Indian council held at Caneadea, in October, 
1872. The meeting and the Indian ceremonies are graphically 
described by Hon. David Gray.* Here, almost in sight of the 
lovely falls of the Genesee, in the old council house of Caneadea, 
the council fire was kindled for the last time. The old building, 
whose history dates back into the misty past, has been well pre- 
served. At this council fire nineteen descendants of the Senecas 
and the Mohawks met to participate in the ceremonies. Among 
those present were Colonel Simcoe Kerr, a grandson of the famous 
Joseph Brant. The illustrious Seneca chief. Red Jacket, was rep- 
resented by a grandson bearing the alliterative cognomen of John 
Jacket. A grandson of the great Cornplanter was also present. 
Scarcely less conspicuous in the assemblage was Thomas Jemison, 
an old man of almost gigantic stature, and of venerable physiog- 
nomy, in whom it was difficult to realize a son of the babe carried 
by the "White Woman" in her weary tramp of 600 miles from 
Ohio to the Genesee. Nicholas H. Parker, a brother of General 
Ely S. Parker, who was on General Grant's staff during the Rebel- 
lion, was also present. Among the number was James Shongo, 
whose father is reputed to have been the leader of the Senecas in 
their memorable expedition to Wyoming. When the smoke of 
the emblematic fire, lit by one of the Indians, curled up from the 
earthen floor of the council house and rose, a blue pillar, in the 
motionless October air, the red men sat around it silent, looking 
at the consuming embers, while through the open door sounded, 
from time to time, the light rustle of the falling leaf At the 

*Hon. David Gray was long one of the leading editors of the Buffalo Courier. 
He was fatally injured by an accident on the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western 
Raih'oad, near Binghamton, March l5, 1888, and died a few days afterwards from 
the effect of his injuries. He was an invalid, and, in company with his brother, had 
started for the island of Cuba when the sad affair occurred. 


proper time speeches followed in the native language of the tribes 
represented, which were eloquent and impressive. After the Sen- 
eca orators had closed and smoked a silent pipe of peace, another 
meeting, after the style of the pale faces, was organized and officers 
chosen. Addresses in English, by eminent scholars and appujpri- 
ate to the occasion, followed, when W. H. C. Hosmer, read the 
following exquisite poem : 

The fire sinks low, the drifting smoke 

Dies softly, in the autumn haze. 
And silent are the tongues that spoke 

The speech of other days. 
Gone, too, the dusky ghosts whose feet 
But now yon listening thicket stirred ; 
Unscared within its covert meet 

The squirrel and the bird. 
The story of the past is told. 

But thou, O Valley, sweet and lone ! 
Glen of the Rainbow ! thou shalt hold 

Its romance as thine own. 
Thoughts of thine ancient forest prime 

Shall sometimes haunt thy summer dreams. 
And shape to low poetic rhyme. 
The music of thy streams. 

When Indian Summer flings her cloak 

Of brooding azure on the woods. 
The pathos of a vanished folk 

Shall tinge thy solitudes. 
The blue smoke of their fires once more 

Far o'er the hills shall seem to rise. 
And sunset's golden clouds restore 

The red man's paradise. 
Strange sounds of a forgotten tongue 

Shall cling to many a crag and cave. 
In wash of falling waters sung. 

Or murmur of the wave. 
And oft in midmost hush of night. 

Shrill o'er the deep-mouthed cataract's roar. 
Shall ring the war-cry from the height 

That woke the wilds of yore. 
Sweet Vale, more peaceful bend thy skies, 

Thy airs are fraught with rarer balm : 

*See Scribner's Magazine for July, 1877, page 349. 


A people's busy tumult lies 

Hushed in thy sylvan calm. 
O sweet thy peace ! while fancy frames 

Soft idyls of thy dwellers fled,— 
They loved thee, called thee gentle names. 

In the long summers dead. 

Quenched is the fire ; the drifting smoke 

Has vanished in the autumn haze; 
Gone, too, O Vale, the simple folk 

Who loved thee in old days. 
But, for their sakes — their lives serene — 

Their loves, perchance as sweet as ours — 
O, be thy woods for aye more green. 

And fairer bloom thy flowers ! 

And SO closed the solemn festival in the council house of Can- 
eadea. To the descendants of those who two generations before 
had gone out, it seemed but a phantom of the old nation that 
came back to revisit its ancient haunts and bid them a last fare- 
well. But around the ancient council house the memory of the 
exiles will be kept green. The tomb of Mary Jemison, reared 
but a few paces from where they met, will form an enduring mon- 
ument of the early history of the Genesee country. Some trees, 
also, brought from her former grave and set around the old 
building, will cast upon the place a memorial shade. One planted 
by the granddaughter of Brant, the Mohawk, stands guard at the 
eastern door; another, planted by the descendant of Red Jacket, 
keeps watch at the door of the west. In the branches of a third, 
set in the soil by the hands of her grandson, the wind, perhaps, 
will sometimes seem to whisper the name of the white captive of 
the Senecas. 




IN considering the subject of Indian towns and antiquities one 
must of necessity divest his mind entirely of all ideas arising 
from an acquaintance with the collected domiciles of civilized 
people; for the existence of any sort of intelligent plan or ar- 
rangement in their savage habitations was not at all probable. 
Where their rude wigwams occurred in a sufficient number to be 
termed a village, they were grouped according to the nature of 
the ground and surroundings, with a view to safety- from sudden 
high water, and at the same time keeping in close proximity to 
the customary resorts of game or other sources of food. An 
Indian town might be comprised of a large number of clusters of 
wigwams, extending, in a disjointed way, for several miles, or it 
might be a comparatively large population within a short radius. 

The aboriginal highways or trails were usually located along 
the brow of alluvial plateaus, so as to avoid the swamps which 
everywhere prevailed. Their settlements were within easy reach 
of these trails, and almost invariably along the banks of a stream, 
the seat of authority or most populous point usually being near 
the confluence of the main river and one of its tributaries. 

It was upon these high, warm, sandy plains that they cleared 
up their little patches of ground upon which the squaws cultivated 
a few squashes, beans, maize and a little tobacco, while the braves 
hunted game in the forest, fished in the streams or engaged in war 
with neighboring tribes. Comparatively few of these villages can 
be located at the present day by name with any degree 'of accuracy, 
but much more reliable monuments have been preserved, which 
testify in unmistakable signs of the former existence of Indian 
dwellings of no short duration. When we come upon the char- 


acter of ground indicated above, and find both upon the surface, 
as the soil is turned over by the plow, and along the banks where 
the annual freshets scour the earth away, a large variety of stone 
implements suited to the habits of this ancient people, we may 
safely conclude that here indeed was their abiding place. 

Some years ago the late Spencer F. Baird, secretary of the 
Smithsonian Institution, at Washington, requested Mr. J. H. Mc- 
Minn, of Williamsport, to send him a brief description, accom- 
panied by profile drawings, of some of the typical specimens in 
his collection of pre-historic relics found in the West Branch 
Valley. In acknowledging receipt of the same, Professor Baird 
said he had no idea that such a variety of implements had been 
found in this part of the country. 

In referring to the antiquities of this region Mr. McMinn says: 
" The same sentiment has been expressed by every one taking any 
interest in the subject, who has not become familiar with the won- 
derful variety and abundance of these tokens of a large population 
which ohce dwelt along the banks of the West Branch and its trib- 
utaries. The numerous local collections really form but an insig- 
nificant representation of the total amount discovered, for great 
numbers have been carried to all parts of the land as keepsakes or 
curios, or contributed to various institutions at home and abroad. 
Nothing short of a large financial outlay in the engraver's art, upon 
a volume of many hundred pages, would fitly convey an idea of 
the character and extent of these .specimens of pre-historic art, so 
that we must be content with a very imperfect description of a few 
of the leading varieties, leaving the wide range of oddities which 
challenge our attempts to account for their intended use, without 
so much as a brief mention. 

"The most familiar article of aboriginal workmanship is the 
so-called ' flint arrow head.' Perfect specimens are not now very 
plenty, but fragments and spawls can be picked up throughout the 
length and breadth of this valley, after the expiration of a century 
and a half of occupation by the white race. To the student of 
this branch of archaeology these implements have resolved them- 
selves into a regular classification, consisting of spear or javelin 
heads, knife bits, scrapers, borers, etc., and arrow heads compris- 
ing the stemmed, barbed, leaf-shaped, lozenge-shaped, triangular, 


Straights, bunts, etc., depending upon form, size or probable use in 
determining the variety. 

"These implements were flaked out of a material known as 
chert, an impure flint that occurs along with of the limestone 
formations, but from the amount of yellow, red and white flakes, 
with an occasional perfect specimen found where these articles 
were made, it is clear that the material for the finer varieties must 
have been brought from a great distance, as it does not occur in 
this vicinity. 

"Enthusiastic disciples of the ceramic art can here find abun- 
dant opportunity' for extending their researches into the most 
remote antiquity, for scattered over every sandy bottom can be 
found small fragments of earthenware that have withstood the 
buffeting of the elements, and the implements of agriculture, from 
the dawn of our local history. It is not surprising that an entire 
vessel is rarely found, but yet some twenty varieties of style have 
been identified, showing a conical bottom, and a rim as skilfully 
formed as we expect to find upon the lathe of the modern potter. 
The body of the vessel was rarely plain, being usually marked 
profusely with bark, an ear of maize, some sharp instrument, or, 
perhaps, the basket in which the ware may have been fashioned. 
The material employed consisted of clay mixed with quartz gravel, 
or clay and comminuted muscle shells, or clay and soapstone, and 
was baked thoroughly. 

" A variety of hollow ware is occasionally met with that deserves 
an extended investigation. It has been produced from blocks of 
soapstone, carved into the desired shape. The material is not 
known to exist nearer than Lehigh County, or the State of 
Maryland, as it does not occur in the geological formations of any 
nearer locality; so that this ware, or the crude material, must have 
been transported hundreds of miles. Entire vessels have not been 
met with, but fragments, indicating large capacity, are picked up 
from time to time along the river shores. Some of these have 
immense ears or hand-holds upon them, others have short legs 
upon which they rested, while others are very crude indeed. 

" Long cylindrical implements, known as ' pestles,' are occasion- 
ally found without being broken. One of the most perfect speci- 
mens, carved out of a piece of black slate, was taken from a well 


that was being dug near Pine Creek many years ago. Another of 
very large size was found in the lower end of the valley, in turning 
over a furrow with a plow ; it is stained black at each end. 

"The class of implements denominated celts, or 'edge tools,' 
finds numerous illustrations in our valley. They are tapering and 
not perforated, as in many European specimens. They are often 
beautifully polished and bear a sharp edge. 

" Hatchets and axes of various sizes and designs are found now 
and then ; some are perfectly formed and finely finished ; they are 
all grooved and not perforated, and are usually made of a hard, 
tough stone, not found in this vicinity. 

" Discoidal stones, commonly called ' hammer stones,' are com- 
paratively plenty ; they are sometimes made of very hard material 
not found about here. This variety of implements has occasioned 
much discussion as to their original use, which is not understood 
at all. 

" Pipes, beads, amulets, gorgets, banner stones, gouges, cere- 
monials, etc., are the most rare of all stone implements. The)- 
are seldom found and are highly prized. Upon them has been 
expended the most definite design and most elaborate skill in 
finish; they seem to represent the highest degree of art attained 
by the people of their day. Many beautiful and perfect speci- 
mens have been found in this valley, and they are held as precious 
treasures by collectors of relics of the pre-historic races. 

" Copper implements have not been found in this valley, so far 
as known, and implements of bone are rare, as they, like wood 
and leather, have mouldered on account of their perishable nature. 

" One of the singular indications of the former location of the 
aboriginal wigwam or village, is the frequent occurrence of stone- 
heaps.* These mounds are composed of fragments of quartzite 
boulders about the size of a man's fist, or larger, and bear indica- 

*The singular sti'ucture near the wigwam was a vapor bath house, whither the 
Indians repaired three or four times a week, when fatigued or unwell, in order to 
perspire. It consisted of a wooden oven covered with earth, and having, at one end, 
a small orifice, through which the natives crept in, squatted between stones that had 
been previously heated red hot in a fire built at the opening. After a time they came 
out and cooled themselves ; then re-entered and perspired anew. This was repeated 
three or four times. The bath houses of the women were apart from those of the 
men. — Life of Zeisberger, page 89. 


tions of having been exposed to intense heat. They may be 
found in nests of half a bushel, or in heaps of many cart loads ; 
while they are commonly upon the surface of the ground, they 
are as often in a pit beneath, or even with the surface. In a field 
near Hillsgrove, in Sullivan County; on the upper end of Bailey's 
Island, near Jersey Shore, and on Nippenose Bottom, opposite the 
mouth of Larry's Creek, are heaps that are of notably large di- 
mensions. Small heaps fringe the river banks, and are to be found 
along the tributaries. Implements are not found in them, but at 
a convenient distance away may be confidently expected. That 
these were fire-places, seems to be beyond a doubt. The stoiie 
selected was often brought from a great distance, and was chosen, 
apparently, because it would not ' fly ' when heated ; but why they 
were heated is an open question. Some assert that the boulders 
were heated, then cast into some vessel containing water, and by 
this means food was boiled. Others have thought that these stones 
were used as a kind of hearth ; the fire would heat them, and after 
it died out the radiation from the stone would warm the wigwam. 
But like most of the uses ascribed to the many implements left 
from past ages, they are apt to be suggested by the customs prac- 
ticed by the enlightened people of to-day, and are often very far 
from the actual facts." 

Returning to the starting point of our history, we find that the 
largest Indian town, of which we have any account, was located 
on the alluvial plain where Sunbury now stands, and was known 
as Shamokin. The island in the North Branch, at the junction 
with the West Branch, was also inhabited, and according to ac- 
counts of the early explorers, Indians of distinction resided there. 
It was. composed of a rich alluvial soil and was densely wooded. 
The great Indian ferry, from where Northumberland stands, 
touched at the island and made the trip across the river much 

Shamokin,* on account of its location, and being the converging 

* Written Schahamoki or Schahamokink by the Delawares. In early times the 
place was called Schachavieki, the place of eels, and the Creek Schachamekan, i. e., 
eel stream. It was next called Sckachkenainendi^ signifying the place where gun 
barrels are straightened, because it had become the residence of an ingenious Dela- 
ware, Nutamees by name, who undertook to repair the bent fire arms of the Indians. 
According to Shikellimy Ot-ze-nach-se was the name of the place in the Maqua, or 


point of the great trails south and north, was the most populous. 
It was also the most important settlement south of Tioga Point, on 
account of being the residence of the vice-king or governor of 
the Indians in this wide extent of territory. When first visited 
by the whites, in 1728, it contained fifty or more wigwams, and 
they were scattered over considerable territory. At the upper 
part of the village was an extensive burying-ground, which had 
evidently been used for a long time, judging from the number of 
graves it contained. After the abandonment of the place by the 
Indians many of these graves were opened by relic hunters. 
During floods in the river many of them were exposed in the 
banks. The soil was a loam, mixed with sand, which made it 
easy for digging. The grave-yard was located on the river bank 
at a point about midway between the southern end of the Philadel- 
phia and Erie Railroad bridge and the Hunter* mansion, and 200 
yards above Fort Augusta. Nearly forty years ago two hickory 
trees were standing on the bank of the river, about fifty feet apart. 
From the surroundings at that time these trees appeared to mark 
the northern and southern boundaries of the burying-ground. 
There is no trace of these trees now. They have gone down 
with the ravages of time and the action of the water on the bank 
of the river at that point, A large buttonwood tree, now stand- 
ing there, is the only thing left to mark the location of the cemetery 
on its southern boundary. The graves ranged in depth from one 
to three feet. 

language of the Six Nations. — Heckewelder. Nutamees was at this time King of 
Nescopeck, and his name, according to Heclvewelder, signifies a spearer of fish. 
Reichel is of the opinion that the smithy, built at Shamokin by Joseph Powell and 
John Hagen, of Bethlehem, in July, 1747, and the blacksmiths, Schmid, Wesa and 
Kieffer, who wrought in iron at that place until in October, 1755, was suggestive of 
the name Schach-he-na men-di. 

*Three farms, known as the "Grant," " Hunter" and the "Scott," border on the 
Susquehanna at Sunbury, and extend east to the Catawissa road. This road starts at 
Market Street, in Purdytown, and runs northeast along the western base of what is 
known as " Bakeoven Hill." The river front of the "Grant" extends from a point 
about three-fourths of a mile on the North Branch to a short distance below the 
Philadelphia and Erie Railroad bridge. From this point to the upper corner of an 
orchard, a short distance below the Hunter mansion, is the river front of the " Hun- 
ter," and from the orchard corner to Clement's saw mill, or the Sunbury borough line, 
is the river front of the " Scott." The " Grant " is now owned by Senator S. P. 
Wolverton. The buildings are located at the end of the Northumberland wagon 


Benjamin Hendricks purchased the Hunter farm in 1858 and sold 
it in 1863. It was during this ownership that his son, M. L. Hen- 
dricks, now of Sunbury, made his collection of Indian antiquities, 
which is very large and interesting. In his collection are between 
5,000 and 6,000 beads, taken from these Indian graves. They are 
of amber and glass. When the exhumation was made, only a 
portion of the bones of the dead remained, but the beads laid 
just as they had rested on the breasts of the dead warriors when 
they were buHed on their backs, with the string suspended from 
the neck. The " dangle beads," used for ornamenting the sidfes of 
their leggings, were of brass, invariably, and were fastened to the 
leggings with bits of buckskin, which remains in many of them to 
this day. Numerous bunches of coarse black hair were also 
found, but it crumbled to ashes on being exposed to the air. Mr. 
Hendricks exhumed the remains of at least twenty-five bodies in 
all. One was in a standing position. Before burial the body, 
evidently, had been stripped of everything. According to tradi- 
tion, when an Indian committed a grave crime and was executed, 
he was buried in a standing position, after the removal of all his 
paraphernalia, and given nothing to take along with him to the 
happy hunting grounds. This standing skeleton had been violent- 
ly struck on the left side of the head with a tomahawk, as the 
skull was fractured. 

One of the graves opened evidently contained the remains of 
a person of distinction, as the body had been buried with the 
head to the east and the feet to the west. About 400 beads, glass, 
bone and amber, were found in this grave. Some are of the shape 
and color of blackberries. The amber beads are as large as small 
hickory nuts, and of different colors. They are regarded as rare 
and valuable relics. The grave also contained the following 
additional articles : Three copper finger rings, with clasped hands 

bridge over the river. TIae "Hunter" and "Scott" belong to the estate of Joseph 
W. Cake, deceased. The round-house and extensive shops of the Philadelphia and 
Erie Railroad Company, and the yard of the same, are located on the " Hunter." 
The famous " Bloody Spring," east of and opposite the shops, is also on the " Hunter." 
The site of Fort Augusta and the magazine (the latter still there) is on the " Hunter," 
and their location is precisely opposite the lower point of Packer's Island, in the 
North Branch, Along the river fronts of these three farms is where the Indians 
anchored their canoes, and here many conflicts and stirring scenes of early days 



on the upper side of one; a number of small bells and dangles 
for breech pants ; six copper or brass bracelets ; one iron tobacco 
box, with a small quantity of tobacco still in it; one fishing line; 
one needle, two and one-half inches long, with eye one-fourth of 
an inch. The needle is one-sixteenth of an inch thick. One 
English copper cent and half cent; a copper medal, with portrait 
of George III. on one side, and an Indian with bow and arrow 
on the other, standing under a tree in the act of shooting a deer, 
with the sun brightly shining on the scene ; one scalping 
knife, of English manufacture, ten inches long when open. 
Although much corroded, it will still open and shut. One 
green glass bottle, with a long neck, which will hold about 
half a pint. It laid near the head of the skeleton. The 
remains of a musket barrel, about eighteen inches long, 
with the lock attached. The wood-work had rotted away. 
( )ne ceremonial iron tomahawk, in an excellent state of 
preservation, and a number of flint arrow heads; one stone 
pamt cup, partly filled with vermillion, as bright as it was 
140 years ago; one iron pipe of peace with the tomahawk 
broken off the side ; one old Enghsh white clay pipe. A 
few crumbling pieces of a wooden cofifin, with corroded 
nails adhering to them, were also found in this grave. 
^Kmf".^ Mr. Hendricks is strongly of the opinion that this was 
the grave of Shikellimy, the good vice-king, who died April, 
1749,* and was given a Christian burial by the Moravian mission- 
aries. The trinkets found in this grave indicate that de- 
ceased had been a person of more than ordinary stand- 
ing in life. All these valuable antiquities are kept in a 
neat case, with a glass top, which was manufactured out 
of pine timber found among the crumbling ruins of Fort 
Augusta. It is the most valuable part of his large and 
interesting collection. Another curious article in his 
museum is an Indian whistle. It is made of stone, with a 
rude face carved on one side. By blowing in the lower 
end, the air causes a loud, shrill sound. It is less than 
three inches long and about one and a half wide. Mr. Tomahawk. 

* The Moravian records do not agree as to the date of his death. Zeisberger, who 
was present, says that he died December 6, 1 748. 


Hendricks found it in the grave-yard while making his explorations. 
The Indians used such whistles for calling each other, and for the 
purpose of imitating the cries of animals and birds. 
Specimens are rare in this part of the State, and we 
know of no other one in any collection in the West 
Branch Valley. There are other collections of an- 
tiquities in Sunbury besides the one belonging to 
Mr. Hendricks, although on a smaller scale. A. N. 
Indian Whistle. Bricc, Esq., cdltor and publisher of the Weekly 
News, is the possessor of a choice assortment of Indian beads, 
spear and arrow heads. Many valuable relics have been carried 
away from time to time and distributed throughout the country. 
Had a start been made a hundred years ago by some person to 
collect the implements used by the Indians, and had it been kept 
up, an immense museum would now be one of the attractions of 

Years ago the hills around Shamokin, in many places, bore 
marks of having been excavated, but for what purpose is now 
unknown. It was said that the Indians had knowledge of the 
existence of some kind of mineral which they used in considerable 
quantities. P. B. Masser, Esq., of Sunbury, describes the remains 
of what appeared to have been a small furnace, covered by a 
mound, which was discovered near the Bloody Spring many years 
ago. It was carefully examined by him in 1854. The bed ap- 
peared to have been about six feet square and it was constructed 
of stone. It bore every sign of having been subjected to the 
action of intense heat, as the sand was much baked and blackened. 
On making a careful examination, several small particles of gold 
were discovered, which Mr. Masser still retains. There is a tradi- 
tion that three Englishmen came there at an early period and 
erected the furnace for e.Kperimenting with ores. 

There is no record of any settlement worth speaking of on the 
site of Northumberland, although it is probable that Indians dwelt 
there. At the mouth of Chillisquaque * Creek there was a small 

* Corrupted from C/i7//;ra«?-/, signifying the place of snow birds. — HeckeiL'elJer. 
Scull's map locates an Indian village of the same name at the mouth of the creek. 
Conrad Weiser says in his journal that when the old Indian ferried him in his canoe 
across the creek, he gave him some needles and a pair of shoe strings. 


Indian village. Conrad Weiser, as early as 1737, made a journey 
up the river while en route for Onondaga. On the 7th of March 
he writes in his journal: 

An old Shawano by name Jenoniawano, took us in his canoe across the creek at 
Zilly Sqiiaclie (ChiUisquaque). On the Sth we reached the village where Shikelimo 
lives, who was appointed to be my companion and guide in the journey. He was, 
however, far from home on a hunt. V\'eather became bad and the waters high, and 
no Indian could be induced to seek Shikelimo until the 12th, when two young Indians 
agreed to go out in search of him. On the i6th they returned with word that Shik- 
elimo would be back next day, which so happened. The Indians were out of pro- 
visions at this place. I saw a new blanket given for about one-third of a bushel of 
Indian corn. 

Hon. John Blair Linn, in his Annals of Buffalo Valley, thinks 
there is no doubt but Shikellimy's village was located on the farm 
of Hon. George F. Miller, at the mouth of Sinking Run, or 
Shikellimy's Run, as it was formerly called, at the old ferry, one- 
half mile below Milton, on the Union County side. The Reading 
Railroad now runs through where it probably stood.* It is a 
beautiful spot for a village, as it was protected on the north by a 
range of hills, with the river much narrowed in front, giving easy 
access to the Northumberland side. 

On the other side of the river from Shikellimy's town, and 
nearly opposite the mouth of Buffalo Creek, on the Nesbit farm, 
the early settlers discovered an Indian mound which had been 
used for burial purposes. It was twenty-five or thirty feet in 
diameter. When it was opened it was found to have a floor laid 
with flat stones, on which the bodies of the dead appeared to have 
been placed in a sitting posture. This was evident from the fact 
that the skulls all rested on top of the other bones. When the 
bones were exposed to the air they soon crumbled to dust. The 
tomb contained no implements of war, but a few rude stone pipes 
were found. On the summit of this mound an ash tree was grow- 

*When the land office was opened for "the new purchase," on the 3d of April, 
1769, there were many applications made for this location. In all of them it is called 
either old Muncy town, Shikellimy's town or Shikellimy's old town. It is referred to 
as a locality in hundreds of applications for land in the valley. Shikellimy's town 
was on the "Joseph Hutchinson" and "Michael Weyland " warrantee tracts, from 
which the title can be readily traced to the present owner. Thousands of Indian 
darts were plowed up there, and once when blasting at the stone quarry a grave was 
uncovered in the solid rock, in which was found the skeleton of an Indian. — Linn's 
Annals of Buffalo Valley, page 3. 



^, .^^ Ml-'.. ,XaU!>.^iS id 


ing, when it was opened, — more than fifty years ago, — which was 
hollow. The concentric circles in the solid part of the trunk 
showed it to be 70 years of age. The tree was probably much 
older and had grown on the mound after it was thrown up. 
When or by what tribe it was built is unknown. But that the 
builders belonged to a pre-historic race there is no doubt. 

There were some Indian habitations where New Columbia 
stands, but they were small in number. Many relics, however, 
have been picked up in this locality, showing that straggling 
parties were there frequently. But the most important point, 
before reaching Muncy, was what is known as Warrior Run. 
Here was a hunting cabin occupied at one time by a son of Shik- 
ellimy. It was a tarrying place for parties working their way up 
or down the river. Bishop Spangenberger, accompanied by Zeis- 
berger, Conrad Weiser, Shikellimy, Andrew Montour and others, 
when he made his great journey to Onondaga, tarried here on the 
night of June 7, 1745. They called it the "Warrior's Camp," 
because " it was the custom," says the biographer of Zeisberger, 
"of the Moravian missionaries, in those days, when passing 
through the wilderness, to give their camping grounds names, the 
initials of which were carved on trees, and remained as landmarks 
for other evangelists. In the course of time the valleys of the 
Susquehanna, and the forests of New York, were full of memen- 
tos of pious zeal; and as the localities were described in the 
journals of the itinerants, and the appellations used by subsequent 
visitors, a geographical nomenclature grew into existence which 
was peculiarly Moravian. The arrival of two Iroquois warriors, 
who noiselessly glided to the fire, suggested the name for this 
particular camp. They belonged to a band that had been defeated 
by the Catawbas, escaping with nothing but their lives. One of 
them, at the request of Weiser, hurried on to Onondaga, the ne.xt 
morning, in order to announce the coming of the party." 

This circumstance seems to have given rise to the origin of the 
name of the stream which falls into the river at Watsontown. ^It 
afterwards became historic, on account of the capture of Fort 
Freeland by the British and Indians, long after the good mission- 
aries had tarried over night on its banks. 

Many years ago there were traces of some kind of a fortification 


near New Columbia, and it was called the " Indian Fort " b}- the 
early explorers. The Indians also frequented White Deer * Val- 
ley, but we have no evidence that they had a village of any size 
in it. 

That the valley of Muncy was a favorite place of resort for the 
Indians, from time immemorial, does not admit of a doubt. Indeed 
it could not be otherwise, when its beauty and picturesque sur- 
roundings are considered, for there is not a lovelier or more 
attractive district in all the Susquehanna region. It is surrounded 
on all sides by hills which afford natural barriers to the ingress 
of intruders. The valley is broad and undulating, and the soil is 
rich and productive. Westward looms up the Bald Eagle range, 
with its sides and top covered with dark green foliage in summer 
time, or rich with crimson and gold in autumn. At the base 
sparkle the blue waters of the river. Much has been said and 
written about the romantic beauty of Wyoming; poets have 
sweetly sung of its charms in verse, and painters have transferred 
its glories to canvass, but in natural grandeur it does not excel 
that of Muncy Valley, if indeed it compares favorably with it. 
W'hen and by what tribe the valley was first occupied we know 
not; but that it was thickly populated in the dim ages of the past 
there is scarcely a doubt, if we accept the numerous relics which 
strewed the plain as evidence of early occupation. It is, indeed, 
a mountain-locked vale, and by its rippling brooks and crystal 
springs these forgotten people loved to dwell. When the first 
occupants came and when they departed is only known to Him 
who knoweth all things from the beginning. The aboriginal 
tribes, as we are pleased to call them, were comparatively modern, 
if we consider the ruins that were found by the first white e.xplor- 
ers as proof of the existence of a pre-historic race. The Monsey 
and other bands of Indians loved to drink from the Warrior 
Spring, fish under the shade of the frowning mountain, whose 
base is laved by the river, and hunt in the plain under the shadow 

* White Deer Creek is marked on Scull's map of 1759 with the Indian name uf 
Opaghtanoteii, or AVhite Flint Creek. The run entering the river on the late Samuel 
Henderson's place, in White Deer Township, was called by William Blythe, the first 
settler there, Red Bank Run; and the bottom above, between it and White Deer 
Creek, had, before 1 769, the name of Turkey Bottom, from the immense number of 
wild turkeys haunting \\..— Linn's Annals of Buffalo Valley, page 7. 


of Bald Eagle. Their wigwams dotted both sides of the river. 
It was an elysian retreat, a sylvan home, in which nature, with a 
lavish hand, had adorned the vale with all the glory she could 

The source from whence Muncy derived its name is involved in 
some doubt. A tribe of Indians called Monseys frequented the 
valley. The Moravian missionaries claim that the word is a cor- 
ruption of Mins-ink, signifying where there are Minsies. Caim- 
sorago, or Loneserango, was the earliest name given to Muncy 
Creek.* It was an Iroquois word, and the sound readily accounts 
for the two ways of spelling it. It was also called Occohpoclie7iy,\ 
which was the Shawanee name for hickory flats ; and there is but 
little doubt that the name referred more particularly to the level 
ground east of the mouth of the creek, as hickory is known to 
have been one of the principal growths of the original forest. In 
1768, when the first surveys were made in the valley, the name of 
Muncy was applied to the settlement. Conrad Weiser, who visited- 
the place first in 1737, named the creek Canusorago, and as he 
understood the Indian language well, it is believed that that was 
the original title, and it so passed into the Colonial Records. 
" Hickory Flats," it is believed, was the name of the level country 
lying around about. 

" The several ancient monuments in the West Branch Valley, of 
which the one near the mouth of Muncy Creek seems to be the 
only one mentioned by early travelers, belong to the vast system 
of such works spread over a great extent of territory. They are 
found sparingly scattered along the banks of the head-water 
streams of the Allegheny River, mostly in the western part of 
New York, and also extending westerly along the southern shore 

* Schoolcraft accepted the name given to the Creek by Weiser as the correct one. 
See his great work, page 324. Also see Colonial Records, Vol VI., page 442. 

f Dr. M. Steck, who spent many years among the Western Indians as an agent of 
the Government, gave it as his opinion that the term Occoh-poch-eny was from the 
Shawanese language, and signified hickory ground, or flats, from the word Oche-ab 
— a hickory tree— and pof-au-in, or among ; called by traders hickory ground. The 
term Canusorago is from the Iroquois and signifies town on a rock or high place, 
from the word Canada, town-ay, rock, and ago, a place. The height on which the 
ancient fortification stood near the mouth of the creek may have been the site of the 
original town, and gave its name to the stream. 


of Lake Erie, through the States of Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa 
and Nebraska. But the Mississippi Valley, extending to the shores 
of the Gulf of Mexico, is more thickly dotted with these remains 
than the northern lake region, showing that for some reason 
this great valley was more the chosen home of this curious people 
than the country east of the Allegheny Mountains. Except some 
few traces of these works in the valley of Wyoming, there are no 
ancient fortifications known on the North Branch of the Susque- 
hanna ; nor are we aware of any that are located further east than 
the one at the mouth of Muncy Creek. It is true that some 
writers speak of the numerous ancient mounds that had been 
discovered by the first settlers east of the mountains. If this is 
so, and we do not doubt it, their locations have long since been 
forgotten. But the reader must not confound these conical-shaped 
earth mounds with what Squier classifies as fortifications — earth 
works, designed by their builders as places of defense and safety. 
He classifies the former as either sepulchral or sacrificial mounds.* 
It is the latter kind of earth works that some writers say were so 
plentifully distributed over Eastern Pennsylvania. 

" The fortification mound near the mouth of Muncy Creek is 
situated on a high plateau, near the edge of a steep cliff. Its 

* George P. Thruston, in a learned and exhaustive article on the Mound Builders 
of Tennessee, published in the Magazine of American History for May, 1888, says 
that the stone grave race and the builders of mounds were Indians, probably living 
under conditions of life somewhat different from that of the more nomadic hunting 
tribes of Indians, but not differing from them in the essential characteristics of the 
Indian race. The dead were placed in rude tombs or cists made of flat stones care- 
fully laid. Sometimes they were laid in three or four tiers, forming burial mounds 
that contained more than a hundred graves. The remains and the memorials placed 
within them were then sealed up and preserved. 

Referring to their military defenses, he says that the Iroquois, nearly three cen- 
turies ago, had acquired a knowledge of military defense. La Salle tells us they built 
a rude fort of earth and timbers every night they encamped near the enemy. Cartier 
found the site of Montreal occupied by a strongly fortified Indian town in 1535. On 
approaching it nothing could be seen but high palisades. They were made of the 
trunks of trees set in triple rows. Lewis and Clarke describe the forts built by the 
Mandans and other Indians of the Northwest in 1805, with raised stockades, ditches 
and fortified gateways. Captain John Smith, the founder and historian of the first 
Virginia colony, writes that the Indians of Virginia had "palizadood towns." It is 
not strange, therefore, that similar fortifications were found in the West Branch 


exact location is east of and nearly opposite to the Fribley House. 
The canal and also Wolf Run separate the Fribley House from 
the steep bank or cliff The railroad passes east of the fortification 
and very close to its outward ditch. Wolf Run, quite a large 
brook, flows close to the base of the cliff, and keeps parallel with 
it for a few hundred feet and then empties into Muncy Creek, a 
very short distance above where the creek pours its waters into 
the river. The cliff is about thirty feet above the level of the river 
and is far above the influence of floods. The site of the fortifi- 
cation is admirably located for all purposes. There is no ground 
higher for a mile around it. It easily commands the river and the 
view of the country is very extensive. When the writer inspected 
the location it was a wood, but the trees were mainly of a small 
growth ; the original trees were cut many years ago. 

" The shape of the fortification was semi-circular and was built 
parallel with the direction of the cliff which extends almost due 
north and south. The fortification faced, on the east, a level plain 
of more than a hundred acres. The flanks of the embankment 
extended originally to the very edge of the cliff There are no 
indications of any works along the cliff side, unless that of an 
inclined way down the bank, to the edge of the water in Wolf 
Run. There was probably more than an acre in the inclosure. 
The character of the work was entirely earth and clay. The 
embankment was quite wide, probably six or eight feet, and its 
height must have been as much also, although when we saw it, 
time and the elements had conspired to render its height not 
much more than a couple of feet. On its convex or outer side 
was a ditch, now almost filled up, but having the appearance of 
having been quite deep. In forming an idea of the proximate 
size of the inclosure, at the time when it was built, we must not 
forget that the cliff has undoubtedly crumbled and been much 
worn away by the influence of the elements during the several 
centuries that have elapsed since its occupation ; and that, conse- 
quently, the area, its embankments included, must have been 
much greater than at the present time. 

" This fortification is doubly interesting to us, from the fact that 
it is the only one in the West Branch Valley that we have a histor- 
ical notice of More than a century and a half ago that sterling 



interpreter, Conrad Weiser, whilst on a journey up the West 
Branch, as an authorized Indian agent of the government, in- 
spected and described it in the diary that he made it his duty to 
keep. The account handed down to us by the Moravians is as 
follows : 

March 21, 1737, Conrad Weiser, an educated German, passed up the West Branch, 
and during the forenoon reached the large stream Icnown as Canusarago, now called 


* Sketch map showing the form and location of the ancient mound, supposed to 
have been built by the "Mound Builders," near the mouth of Muncy Creek. It is 
now entirely obliterated. This sketch is taken from the accounts given by old men, 
who saw it at an early day. 

2. House of Mr. Fribley. 

3. The ancient fortification, curved at the extremities so as to extend to the cliff. 
The cliff is very steep, and probably twenty feet high, at the bottom of which flows 
Wolf Run. The fortification extends nearly due north and south. On the east the 
ground is exceedingly level for a long distance. The embankment was made of earth 
and probably four feet high. It was, undoubtedly, much higher at one time. On the 
east side of it, and running parallel at its base, was the ditch from which the ground 
was thrown up. 


Muncy Creek. The stream was much swollen, and was crossed with much difficulty 
and great danger, in canoes. The same day Mr. Weiser passed a place where, in 
former times, a large fortification had stood. It was built on a height, surrounded by 
a deep ditch. The earth was thrown up nine or ten feet high, and as many wide. 
In Weiser's own words: "It is now in decay, as, from appearances, it has been de- 
serted beyond the memory of man." 

" It is believed by most antiquarians, and with great reason, we 
think, that these embankments were surrounded with pahsades, 
and also that they possessed gates made of timbers for ingress 
and egress. If so, the timbers have decayed centuries ago, leaving 
no traces of their once being an important part of the fortifications. 
We believe, however, that such gates existed, because the embank- 
ments would not render them sufficiently defensive, unless such 
was the case. Squier is our authority for believing the Mound 
Builders to be an agricultural people, and that every such commu- 
nity possessed its little fort, to which people flocked in case of alarm. 
We also believe that this fortification, which we have been at pains 
to describe, was an outlying colony, belonging to the main body 
of Mound Builders that had their main centre of population in the 
Ohio Valley. We might say much more concerning this curious 
people, but, as all is dark and mainly conjectural, we must refer 
the reader to special works on the subject, the best of which is, we 
believe, Squier and Davis' Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi 

"At the time the first settlers came to Muncy Valley, there ex- 
isted a large sepulchral mound near the bank of the Susquehanna, 
at a point nearly opposite to where Hall Station* now is. It 
excited great interest in their minds and was the subject of num- 
berless theories. It was conical in shape and, notwithstanding its 
great antiquity, it remained a prominent landmark from its di- 
mensions. We are not able, unfortunately, to give its exact 
measurement, but when we examined it a few years ago, making 
an excavation through its base, we were led to think that it had 
originally been about fifteen feet high and thirty feet in diameter. 
Of course the thousand or more years that have -elapsed since it 
was put there, with their change of seasons, have done much to 
destroy it. Mr. Samuel Wallis, who was the first settler to take 

*At the junction of the Williamsport and North Branch Railroad with the Phi; 
delphia and Reading, and now known as Hartley Hall. 


up the land in that region, always called the field, in which this 
burial mound was, his ' Indian grave field.' The settlers, unable 
to account for it in any other way, invented the legend known as 
the grasshopper war, which has even found its way into print. 
Many persons visited the mound early in the present century and 
made excavations to find treasure, but it is not surprising to us to 
know that they did not obtain any. Some scientists also made 
examinations about the same time, but their object was to obtain 
a knowledge of the curious people who were thought to have 
built it. The latter succeeded in obtaining many broken speci- 
mens of rude crockery- and pipes, that had been buried with their 
dead owners. These they carried away with them, and also pieces 
of human bones. Fowler, the American phrenologist, visited the 
mound in 1836, to procure a skull. It is said that he obtained a 
couple in fair preservation ; but, if true, we are ignorant of what 
subsequentlj- became of them. Probably they are in some mu- 

" The site of this mound, whilst almost leveled with the surround- 
ing plain, at present, is marked by a clump of medium sized locust 
trees, and is well worth a visit by the lovers of antiquities. Throw- 
ing aside, as utterly worthless, the various theories that have been 
written on the subject of this conical mound, we are compelled to 
adopt as the most plausible the one advanced by Squier in his 
classical work on the subject, concerning the same works in the 
Ohio Valley. Briefly, this mound is classified as sepulchral; that 
is, it belongs to the same system of works that we have already 
described as the fortification mound near the mouth of Muncy 
Creek, situated within a mile of the latter work. The builders 
were the same. One was a place of refuge in time of danger; the 
other the burial place of one or more persons, whose prominence 
made it necessary to erect a monument to their memory. 

"As we have already intimated, a thousand or more years have 
elapsed since the West Branch Valley was occupied by the Mound 
Builders, and in that lapse of time many of their works must have 
been obliterated. Yet sufficient remains, fortunately, to indicate 
their handiwork, and this proof is what the historian particularly 
desires. Undoubtedly sacrificial mounds existed along with the 
others, but we know of no traces remaining. We have been par- 


ticLilar, in describing these mounds, to prove to posterity that our 
country had at one time been thought worthy of occupation by 
this most interesting people." 

From the time of the advent of the white man, Muncy Valley 
has afforded a rich field for the researches of the antiquarian, and 
a very large number of choice relics have been gathered from year 
to year by those who take 
an interest in such curiosities. 
Although the Indians were 
unlettered and unlearned, 
they seem to have possessed 
a degree of mechanical art 
that has elicited the admi- 
ration of the white man, and 
it has always been a question 
how they manufactured the 
stone implements they have 
left behind them. Many the- 
ories have been advanced by the learned, but they are theories 
after all, as no positive evidence can be obtained to support them. 
That there were workmen whose special 
business it was to produce the articles of 
stone we now find embedded in the soil, 
and scattered over the fields, seems certain, I 
but what class of men, and under what con- 
ditions they wrought, we know not. The 
largest assortment, consisting of about 7,000 
specimens, is found in the magnificent col- 
lection of J. M. M. Gernerd, of the borough 
of Muncy. His museum is methodically 
arranged and carefully classified, so that 
those who have any taste for examining 
and studying the rude and peculiar handi- 
work of a race now extinct in this part of 
the country, can go there and spend an 
hour or two in it with profit. The proprietor, who is a gentle- 
man of intelligence and culture, always takes pleasure in explaining 



the curiosities. Many friends have assisted him in making the 
collection, by contributing articles found by them at various times, 
because they knew that he not only appreciated but greatly prized 
such contributions, and would label and place them where they 
could be seen and studied. His collection 
of spear and arrow heads is very full. These 
implements were fashioned in many styles 
by the manufacturers, which show that they 
possessed some definite idea as to what they 
were doing in their rude workshops. The 
study of these relics alone affords a pleasant 
and profitable pastime. His collection of 
gorgets, pestles, sinkers, gouges, stone axes, 
tomahawks, pipes and ceremonial weapons, 
is also very large, and many of the speci- 
mens are exceedingly rare and valuable. 
In the manufacture of pipes the Indians 
seem to have taken 
great pains, as the 
Fig- 3- pipe figured con- 

spicuously in their numerous ceremonies. 
Before the appearance of the whites they < 
knew nothing of the use of iron, conse- 
quently their rude axes were cut and fashioned 
from stone, and were clumsy and not of nnich 
service for cutting pur- 
poses, but terribly effect- 
ive in war when wielded 
by a strong arm. When 
the iron hatchet or toma- 
hawk was introduced the 
Indians were quick to 
seize upon it as an im- 
Fig- 5- provement, and they at 

once discarded their stone weapons. These 
tomahawks assumed many fanciful shapes 
and the part they played in Indian warfare Fig. 6. 

and barbarous practices is frightful to contemplate. A few choice 


and typical specimens have been illustrated on these pages to 
show the reader more clearly how they appear. 

It is truly said by Professor W. C. Reichel, in his introduction 
to Rev. John G. E. Heckewelder's Indian Glossary, that the foot- 
prints of extinct races of men always become objects of interest 
in proportion to the fewness of their number and the obscurity of 
their character. Those of the Indian tribes, who once 
dwelt along the rivers that drain the loveliest portions of 
the eastern slope of the Appalachians, are growing less 
and fainter with the lapse of succeeding years. With 
no records to perpetuate the story of their origin, the 
course of migratory waves, the wars of contending 
nations, the rise and decadence of clans and the prow- 
ess of national heroes and heroines, save an oral tradi- 
tion distorted by the adornments of a rude poesy — the 
archaeology of this strange people is likely to remain a 
Fig- 7- sealed book. Even the tokens they have left us in en- 
during stone — memorial pillars, implements 

of war, of the chase and the household — 

whether inscribed in hieroglyphics of hidden ^"li'' « ''' '- ''W 
meaning, or cunningly wrought from materi- 
al as hard as adamant in an age which was i'ig- 8. 

ignorant of the use of the metals — instead of aiding in 
the solution of the problem, presents it in a more per- 
ple.xing form. Equally obscure and unintelligible, but 
for the interpreter through whom they now speak, 
would have forever remained another class of relics 
come down to us — we mean the straggling foot-prints 
of its language, impressed upon the beautiful objects 
of nature among which this mysterious people lived 
and passed away. Our mountain streams still bear the 
poetical, yet strange, names they gave them. All had 
a meaning, and had it not been for the thoughtfulness 
of Heckewelder, that meaning would have been forever 
, 9. lost. But the mystery as to how their implements were 
manufactured is still unsolved. We can but admire, study and 
contemplate them. They speak eloquently, but in a language we 
do not understand. 


Bishop Edmund de ScKweinitz, in his biography of David 
Zeisberger, one of the earhest Moravian missionaries among the 
Indians, informs us that neither the origin of the Indians, nor 
their appearance upon the continent of America, has ever been 
satisfactorily explained. Even that part of their history which 
immediately precedes the coming of the white man is shrouded 
in obscurity. Among many of the Moravians the well known 
theory prevailed that they are the descendants of the lost tribes 
of Israel, but Zeisberger evidently did not entertain this opinion, 
as no trace of it is found in any of his writings. That they lived 
in a stone age there is but little doubt, but from whence they 
came we know not and probably never will. They have passed 
behind the impenetrable veil of oblivion — their dust has mingled 
with the soil, and their imperishable implements only remain to 
tell us that their makers once were, but are no more. 

Fig. I. Carved stone pipe. Found on the north side of Muncy Creek, near the 
site of the ancient fortification, on what is now known as the Charles W. Robb farm. 

Fig. 2. Pipe of dark blue soap-stone. Found near Jersey Shore. Curious com- 
bination of human face and head of reptile, as may be seen by viewing the cut when 
held both vertically and horizontally. 

Fig. 3. A finely wrought baked clay pipe, taken from the great mound on Hall's 
farm, which stood a short distance east of Fort Muncy. 

Fig. 4. A very diminutive soap-stone pipe, apparently cut in imitation of a moc- 
casin. Found near the site of the ancient fortification on Muncy Creek. 

Fig. 5. Baked clay pipe. Found in Clinton Township, Lycoming County. 

Fig. 6. Baked clay pipe, double-faced, and unique in design. Found near the 
site of the ancient fortification. 

Fig. 7. Iron hunting hatchet. Found many years ago on tlae site of Fort Brady, 
now within the limits of Muncy, and prized as having probably belonged to one of 
the pioneers who helped to "hold the fort," if not to the bold Captain Brady himself 

Fig. 8. Drilled ceremonial weapon of state. Found in Clinton Township, Ly- 
coming County. 

Fig. 9. Iron tomahawk with the eye broken. Found many years ago on the 
Muncy Hills. 

After leaving the valley of Muncy, the next Indian village of 
note was found at the mouth of Loyalsock * Creek. It was called 
Otstenwaken, and sometimes Otstuagy. From the best infor- 
mation relating to it, now extant, it appears to have been scattered 

* Corrupted from Lawi-saquick, signifying the middle creek, i. e., a creek flowing 
between two others. — Hecknuelder. Loyalsock enters the river, from the north, al- 
most midway between Muncy and Lycoming Creeks — hence the name. 


over the level plain on the east side of the stream, with a few 
wigwams on the west side. It was a place of some importance, 
as will appear later on, and a number of French half-breeds 
were living there when it was first visited by white men. Chief 
among them was the celebrated Madame Montour and her son 
Andrew. That the Indians used a portion of the level ground 
surrounding their village for agricultural purposes does not admit 
of a doubt. General John Burrows informs us, in his autobiog- 
raph\', that when he purchased the land in 1812 there were large 
patches of ground that had been cleared and worked by the 
Indians in the midst of the forest. The place was attractive, too, 
on account of the excellent fishing the creek and river afforded 
at this point. 

West of Loyalsock, as the ground rises near the mouth of Bull 
Run, at the head of Canfield's Island, implements have been found 
scattered in profusion along the bank all the way up to the mouths 
of Miller's Run, McClure's Run and Grafius Run, a distance of 
nearly two miles. This must have been an important point, for 
the Sheshequin path, which left the main trail in White Deer Val- 
ley and crossed the mountain by the Loyalsock Gap, passed up 
Miller's Run to Lycoming Creek, forming a short cut from below; 
and it was also used for the main path along the river in the route 

There was another important settlement near the river, between 
William Street, Williamsport, and Lycoming Creek. All along 
the sandy soil, between these points, were scattered the various 
implements of the aborigine; but on what is known as the Sutton 
Farm appeared the most remarkable evidences of ancient occupa- 
tion — for beside the chert implements, pottery, etc., there existed a 
genuine burying-ground. Years ago skeletons were exhumed 
that had been deposited in a sitting posture, and fragments of 
their ware were found with them, as though it had been used in 
the performance of some superstitious rite. 

An Indian village stood within the present limits of the bor- 
ough of DuBoistown. It was located opposite the mouth of 
Lycoming Creek, on the river flat, between the mouth of Mosqui- 
to Run and the old mansion house built by Andrew Culbertson. 
Traces of their fire-places can be distinctly seen at the present day. 


Many relics have been found at this place, consisting of axes, 
tomahawks, celts and arrow heads. 

A fine collection of antiquities has been made by Mr. Joseph 
H. McMinn, of Williamsport, which is fully as large as that of Mr- 
Gernerd. He has spent all his leisure time for years in its acqui- 
sition, and in the study of the nature and habits of the Indians. 
The result is that his museum is one of the finest in the valley, and 
as it is systematically arranged, the visitor can see the specimens 
to good advantage. To his archasological and ethnological studies 
Mr. McMinn has brought a degree of industry and intelligence 
that have been productive of wonderful results, and shows what 
can be accomplished when there is a will and a determination to 
succeed. A few of his specimens are illustrated hen \'. Iiii 

1. Gouge, made of slate, highly poUshed. From Bald Eagle Valley, Centre 

2. Tomahawk, made of limestone. Found at " Bald Eagle's Nest," Milesburg, 
Centre County. A fine specimen. 

3. Fragment of a vessel carved from soap-stone. Found at the mouth of Nip- 
penose Creek. 

5. Fragment of a vessel made of clay and gravel, baked black. Williamsport, 

7. Indian mill (?) stone, very rare. From Clearfield County. 

8. Symbol stone. Made of sandstone. Found in Half Moon Valley, Centre 
County, where nine Indian chiefs met in council. 


The Moravian missionaries inform us that French Margaret's 
town was located near the mouth of Lycoming* Creek, in what 
is now the Seventh Ward of the city of WiUiamsport. Imple- 
ments were found scattered along the high ground all the way 
from the mouth of Dry Run and Dougherty's Run, almost a 
distance of two miles. French Margaret told the missionaries 
about the drunkenness of the Indians at their town near Linden 
of to-day. Quenis]iac]ishackki,\ or the " Long Reach," was a 
favorite resort for them. 

Next came Level Corner and the mouth of Larry's Creek. 
These places seem to have been favorite Indian resorts. The 
banks of Pine Creek were lined with implements and graves, 
which have given rise to extravagant traditions about battles and 
large numbers killed. 

Returning to the south side of the river, near where the She- 
shequin path debouched from the mountain, flows Turkey Run, a 
locality long known as being rich in stone implements, indicating 
an extensive settlement. Then came a section near the main trail 
that extended from Mosquito Run down to Hagerman's Run, 
which was very prolific in relics. An ancient rectangular inclosure 
of about half an acre existed where Valentine Luppert's saw mill 
now stands. William Hinkal remembers it when the banks were 
about a foot high. At Susquehanna, on the upper bottom, and in 
Nippenose bottom, especially opposite the mouth of Larry's Creek, 
and about the mouth of Antes Creek, and at the mouth of Augh- 
anbaugh's Run, were found a profusion of relics that were truly 
wonderful, and indicated the former existence of large settlements 
for many years. 

* Corrupted from Legani-hanne, signifying sandy stream. The Delawares called 
it invariably by this name. — Heckewelder. On Scull's map it is written Lycaumick. 
Finally it settled to Lycoming. It runs through the city of WiUiamsport. 

fThis name was given by the Delawares to the "Long Reach" in the West 
Branch, where, for several miles, the current is so sluggish that it can scarcely be 
seen to move. Hence, according to Heckewelder, they called the West Branch Que- 
nisch-achach-gek-hanne, which word has been corrupted into Susquehanna. Zeis- 
berger says: " Quin, long; Que-nek, length; Schaschack-ki, sKx^X^V The 
Delawares had a town of this name on the " Long Reach," said to have stood on 
the site of Linden, six miles west of WiUiamsport. It was repeatedly visited by 
missionaries from Bethlehem, prior to 1754. Scull's map notes it. 


Fifty years ago traces of an extensive Indian grave-yard existed 
on the farms of Harvey Bailey and Samuel Simmons, two miles 
west of Jersey Shore. Pine Creek runs between these two farms 
and enters the river a short distance below. On the Simmons farm 
the early settlers found the remains of an ancient circular fortifi- 
cation, fashioned after the work of the Mound Builders. It had, 
evidently, been constructed by this class of people, who were un- 
doubtedly occupants of the valley hundreds of years ago. No 
trace of the work now remains, it having long since been leveled 
by the plow of the industrious farmer. 

Many years ago a remarkable curiosity was plowed up in Wayne 
Township, Clinton County. It represented a female figure sitting 
on a pedestal, cut out of a hard piece of stone, about six inches 
in length and highly polished. The figure was beautifully formed 
and the work neatly executed. The tissues of a veil thrown over 
the face could be distinctly seen traced in the stone. This curious 
relic is said to have passed into the hands of a gentleman who 
resided in the borough of Jersey Shore at that time, who in time 
placed it in a museum at Lancaster. What became of it is un- 

A sword was plowed up on the farm of Mr. Callahan, on Pine 
Creek, thirty-five years ago. It was an English blade, and was 
embedded in the ground in a perpendicular position. It was prob- 
ably carried there and left by Indians. When found it was very 
much corroded and had evidently been in the ground a long time. 
It passed into the hands of the late Dr. J. W. Lyman, who fell at 
Fort Fisher, but where it is now is unknown. 

On the side of the high mountain, just beyond Safe Harbor, on 
Pine Creek, are the remains of what appear to have been seven 
mounds of stone. They are about two hundred yards apart and 
run in a straight line up the face of the mountain. A careful 
examination, made many years ago, showed that they had been 
torn open, but by whom was unknown. That they were erected 
by human hands did not admit of a doubt, and it was the opinion 
of those who examined them that they had been placed there as 
sepulchral mounds. 

In Wayne Township, Clinton County, there were two Indian 
villages of some note. One was located on what is known as the 


" Montgomery farm," about half a mile east of Wayne Station, on 
the Philadelphia and Erie Railroad, and was called Patterson, over 
which a chief of that name, of the Shawanee tribe, ruled. In this 
town lived the famous Chinklacamoose prior to his going to 
" Chinklacamoose's Old Town," which stood on the site of the 
borough of Clearfield. The other was called Tucquamingy,* and 
was built on the farm of Major Sour, near Pine Station, on the 
same railroad. 

The Great Island, situated in the West Branch, a short distance 
east of Lock Haven, and opposite the mouth of Bald Eagle f 
Creek, was a favorite camping place and council ground for the 
Indians. History records a meeting of representatives of several 
tribes on the island in October, i/SS- The choice camping places 
with the Indians appeared to have been on the eastern and west- 
ern points of the island. The eastern point was opposite the 
mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, and must have been an inviting place, 
as it was near a fine fishing ground, known at this day as the 
"Salmon Hole," J and also on account of its nearness to the cele- 
brated flowing spring, on Bald Eagle Creek. A few years ago, 
when the high water had cut into the banks at this place, and at 
" Old Town Point," on the opposite side of the river, the remains 
of camp fires could be distinctly seen on the solid bed of clay, 
upon which the surrounding soil rests. They were many feet 
below the present surface, and but slightly elevated above the level 
of the river at low water mark, showing conclusively that the 
island had been inhabited. The western point, or head of the 

* Maynard' s History of Clinton County, page 219. 

t Called by the Delawares Wapalannoach-schiec-Jianne, which means the stream 
of the bald eagle's nest. — Hecknoelder. Zeisberger says : Woap-su and woa-peek, 
white; wo(?/-a&««f, the bald eagle; w(ich-schie-chey,2.ritsi; /iSK-K^', a stream. An 
Indian village was situated below the confluence of Spring Creek and Bald Eagle 
Creek, in Centre County, and it was the residence of "Bald Eagle," a noted chief. 
Scull's map calls it simply "The Nest." It stood on the flats near Milesburg, on the 
Indian path from the Great Island to Ohio. 

\ Loskiel, in his History of Moravian Missions Among the Indians, thus describes 
their method of catching shad: "As soon as the shad (scAa-ma nam-meek, the, 
South fish, compounded of scha-wa-ne-u, south, and na-mees, fish) come from the 
South to deposit their spawn, running up the river from the sea, the Indians assemble 
for the annual fishery. And first they build a stone dam across the stream, the two 


island, has of late years been much worn away by the action of 
high water. At an early period it undoubtedly extended much 
further up the river than at present, and covered what is now a 
barren bank of sand. The Indian village was situated at this 
point, as the numerous specimens of their workmanship found 
there go to prove, and it must have been a much frequented place 
on account of its favorable location and the extended view it 
afforded of the river and surrounding countr}'. 

In its primitive state the island was evidently covered with a 
heavy growth of timber, as, on the main land, many trees of first 
growth still fringe its shore. 

An Indian village also appears to have been situated at the 
mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, on the small flat at the foot of the 
mountain, and opposite the eastern point of the island. The river 
at this point is of great depth. Several oak trees of large growth 
stood here until within a few years, underneath whose shade the 
arrow-maker evidently pursued his vocation, judging from the flint 
chips scattered around, which showed the site of his rude work- 
shop. Many fine specimens of Indian workmanship have been 
found here. 

An Indian town was located on the main land, on the north 
side of the Great Island, and a short distance east of what is now 
the guard lock of the Pennsylvania Canal. One of those immense 
fire-places, peculiar to the Indians, was situated here, traces of 
\\ hich can be seen at the present day. During the great flood of 
1 865 this place was overflown, and on the subsidence of the water 
many specimens of their workmanship were found, notably 
among them a rare and beautiful talisman or charm, found by 
Mr. James Newberry. It was in the form of a human face cut in 

wings or walls of which converge into a pond or wooden box, perforated with holes. 
This is the trap. A wild grape-vine, of sufficient length to reach from shore to shore, 
is then cut and loaded down with brush, secured at .intervals of from ten to fifteen 
feet. This barrier is stretched across the river, perhaps a mile above tlie pound, and 
being held in position by Indians in canoes, is slowly towed down stream. The 
frightened fish are driven before it back into the dam and thence, by the Indians 
posted on its walls, into the pound, where they are caught by hand. As many as a 
thousand are known to have been taken in this way in a morning. The Delawares 
called March the shad month." From this it will be seen that the whites got the 
idea of building stone fish dams, which are used to this day, from the Indians. 


relief on a stone of a red color, and about as large as an ordinary 
finger nail. It was perforated so as to be suspended from the 
neck by a cord. 

" Old Town Point," opposite the Great Island, is the eastern 
portion of the gently undulating plain on which Lock Haven 
now stands, and ends at an angular point at the confluence of 
Bald Eagle Creek with the West Branch, and a part of the grant 
to Dr. Francis Allison by Governor Richard Penn, under date of 
April ID, 1772. It is said to derive its name from an old Indian 
town that was once located there. Evidences of its existence 
could be seen some years ago, when the high water had cut away 
the bank and exposed the remains of camp fires. There were 
well preserved specimens of charcoal and broken pieces of pottery 
found in the fire-places. The settlement on the site of Lock 
Haven was also called Old Town prior to 1833. 

In 1875 Mr. J. T. McCloskey found, on the site of the Indian 
town on the island, near the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, a rare 
and unique specimen of carving 

on stone, supposed to be of In- 
dian origin. It consisted of a 
miniature bust figure four inches 
in length, bearing a rude resem- 
blance to the human form, and 
covered over its surface are hie- 
roglyphical figures, known as In- 
dian picture writing. It has a 
broad and distinct face, with 
large hoop rings suspended from 
the ears. The neck is encircled 
with a string of beads and an 
cut on the breast. On the left side 
letter X. Underneath are the head 
and shoulders of an animal with ears erect, probably intended to 
represent a fox. On the obverse side of the stone is a figure 
having the appearance of an Indian papoose in a wicker basket 
or case. The date, 1749, inscribed on one side, is of interest. 
The antiquity of the relic is probably much greater than the date 
would indicate, ft must have been highly prized by the Indians, 

Indian pipe of rare pattern i 
are two arrows crossed like 


and handed down from father to son. It is evident that the figures 
and arrows were the work of a white person,* who had penetrated 
there at that early day and cut the date to commemorate his visit. 
The cut is a correct representation of this curious specimen of 
Indian carving, which may now be found in the collection of Dr. 
J. H. Ha\-es, of Lock Haven. 

The rude mill by which the aborigines converted their corn 
into meal can still be seen lying on the north shore of the island. 
It consists of a cup-like depression in a large detached rock, which 
makes a very fine mortar, into which the corn was placed and re- 
duced to meal by the slow process of crushing with a stone pestle. 

In the days when the red man roamed fearless and free over the 
hills and through this lovely valley, the spot where Dunnstown 
now stands must have been a place of picturesque beauty. Situ- 
ated as it is on the bold bluff facing Bald Eagle Mountain and 
overlooking the Great Island, the scene presented to the eye is one 
of enchanting loveliness. Nature has done much for the place; 
numerous springs of cool water, wide-spreading trees and prolific 
soil made it a fairy land and paradise to the Indian. 

That it was an important and much frequented place by the 
aborigines does not admit of a doubt. The site of their village 
could be easily located, until within a few years, by the numerous 
specimens of their workmanship found there. It was located on 
the lands of the late Major David McCloskey and Mr. Bethuel 
Hall. That of the former was situated around the fine spring 
which still continues to furnish the place with water. The land 
at this point recedes with a gradual slope to the river's edge oppo- 
site the island. That of the latter was situated on the high ground 
between the residence of Mr. Hall and the mill pond at Clinton 
Harbor. At this point the surface of the land is considerably 
elevated above the river. In the early days, before the canal was 
built, its rock-bound shore extended out nearly, if not altogether, 
to the water's edge. 

The Indian burying-ground was situated a short distance west 

*July n, 1748, Bishop Zeisberger and John Martin Mack, Moravian missionaries 
from Shamokin, visited the Great Island, but they only found a few old squaws living 
there. The men had been driven away by the famine which was then prevailing on 
the West Branch. After that time white men frequently visitm the island. 


of the village, and on the east side of the mill pond of Clinton 
Harbor, in a grove of wild plum trees. There were a number of 
graves also located on what is known at the present day as Reed's 
Hill, or the picnic grounds. About the year 1820 one of these 
graves or tombs was opened. It was accidentally discovered by 
a hunter, whose dog gave chase to a rabbit, and it ran into a ledge 
of rocks near the brow of the hill. An examination showed it to 
be a shelving rock, walled up with rough stones around its outer 
edge, so as to form a small chamber or tomb. Removing part of 
the wall, and peering beneath the rock, the hunter found himself 
confronted by an Indian corpse. Being much frightened, he 
hastily left the place. On further examination it proved to be the 
body of an Indian woman in a mummified state, placed under the 
shelf in a sitting position. Her clothing was richly decorated 
with beads and trinkets, and she was supposed to have been a 
queen or the daughter of a chief With the remains was a kettle 
of European make, several bottles and gilt buttons, the latter of 
which bore the stamp of London. It was evident that her people 
had had communication with the white traders before her death. 

Several other graves were located not far from this one, but 
they were so carefully covered up and concealed by Mr. Reed, an 
early settler, that they have not been discovered to this day. 

Many Indian relics have been found at Dunnstown, consisting 
principally of arrow heads, tomahawks, pipes, beads, celts, etc. A 
bronze medal or breast plate was found by Mr. D. A. Martin on 
the site of this village while engaged in antiquarian research. The 
shape was circular and in size it was about as large as a silver 
dollar. It was of the same make and style as the one found in 
the grave at Sunbury, in which Shikellimy is supposed to have 
been buried in 1748. 

The last red man of the old stock who visited Dunnstown and 
the Great Island, in 1878, was named William Dowdy. He was 
an aged Indian of the Seneca tribe, and lingered for some time 
around the place as if pleasant memories of other days had cast a 
charm about it. This had been the favorite hunting ground of 
his tribe, and the cherished spot that contained the bones of his 
ancestors. He was a remnant of a once powerful tribe now 
almost extinct, and was gathered to his fathers several years ago. 


Mr. D. A. Martin, who ha.s thoroughly explored e\'ery foot of 
ground on the Great Island and surrounding country, in search of 
Indian antiquities, has a verj' large collection at his home in Du- 
Boistown. It will compare favorably with the collections of 
Messrs. Gernerd and McMinn. A few typical specimens in his 
collection are herewith illustrated: 

1. Hatchet, or iron tomahawk, found on the Cireat Island. 

2. Gorget, or ornamental stone. Made of slate, highly polished and symmetrically 
shaped. Found at the mouth of Youngwoman's Creek, Clinton County. 

3. Stone pipe. Found on the Great Island by J. C. McCloskey. 

4. Hunting arrow head. Found at Dunnstown. 

5. War arrow head. Found on the Great Island. 

6. Spear head for war purposes. Found near Linden. 


Many other persons throughout the valley have small collec- 
tions which embrace rare and beautiful specimens. Mr. J. C. Mc- 
Closkey, of Lock Haven, who has explored the island and the 
surrounding country, has a fine collection which he prizes highly. 

The early settlers found several small mounds on what is now 
the site of Lock Haven. They contained bones of Indians and 
the various trinkets and implements usually buried with the 
remains of dead warriors. One of these mounds, which was 
located near the bank of the river, just below where the Court 
House* now stands, was removed when the canal was being 
built, and found to contain a large number of skeletons, arranged 
in layers, one above the other, with earth between. Other similar 
burial places were found in the neighborhood. 

The Monseys had a village on the level bottom a short distance 
above Lock Port, traces of which were visible long after settle- 
ments were made at Lock Haven and in the Bald Eagle Valley. 
They cleared a patch of ground and cultivated corn, and the 
hillocks were plainly discernible long after they had taken their 
departure. Many Indians were buried in a mound near where 
their village stood. The place is known at this day as the 
" Monsey Town Flats." 

In 1854 James Wilson and A. H. McHenry, both residents of 
Jersey Shore, discovered what was evidently an Indian pottery 
about five miles up Quinn's Run. Under a detached rock there 
was a cave sufficiently large to shelter thirty men. It contained a 
great quantity of muscle shells, and from appearances around 
the rock, some kind of mineral had been taken out of the earth. 
These gentlemen examined the ground carefully and found a great 
quantity of broken pottery buried in a heap, and near by were 
unmistakable traces of a hearth where it had been baked. A 
double curbing of stone was nicely set in the ground in the form 
of an ellipse, about ten feet in diameter, where the kiln was 
erected. Charcoal and other evidences of fire were distinctly 
visible. The muscle shells had been carried there, burned, pul- 
verized and then mi.xed with the clay which was used for forming 
the vessels. On examining the fragments, pulverized shells could 
easily be detected in the form of minute and glistening particles. 

* Maynard's History of Clinton County, page 32. t 


Many pieces of this broken pottery were collected by Mr. Mc- 
Henry and retained by him. Doubtless this was one of the places 
selected by the Indians, on account of the fire-clay known to ex- 
ist in that locality, for the manufacture of their ware for culinaiy 
purposes. At another place, on Tangascootack Creek, Mr. Wilson 
discovered a number of rude crucibles that evidently had been 
used for smelting purposes. 

The next place of note, in ascending the river, was the mouth 
of Youngwoman's Creek, now known as North Point, a short 
distance east of Renovo. An Indian village stood at the mouth 
of this mountain stream (which flows from the north), judging 
from the many relics found there. The origin of the peculiar 
name this creek bears has never been clearly explained.* Ac- 
cording to a tradition, it received its name from the dead body 
of a young woman found in it, near the point where it enters the 
river. Others say the Indians scalped a young woman there and 
threw her body into the creek, hoping it would float off into the 
river and their act would thus be concealed. A legendary tale 
is that the Indians there killed a j'oung woman prisoner, who 
could walk no further — that it was a famous and most desirable 
camping ground — but that ever after this murder, if Indians en- 
camped there at night, her ghost would appear gliding over the 
surface of the stream and about the camp, and that they were sure 
to be fired upon by unseen foes if they remained a second night. 
There are also several other legends, but all begin with the 
statement that the dead body of a >'oung woman was found in the 
creek. The Indian village was called Youngwoman's Town, but 
whether it derived its name from the creek, or the creek from the 
town, is doubtful, and both sides have champions. The creek is 
not laid down on Reading Howell's map, and the Historical Map 
of Pennsylvania simply notes its location. 

From the best information we have there were no villages of 
note until the valley of the Sinncmahoning was reached. It is 

*,Hon. A. J. Quigley, who was raised at this place, states that the following legend 
regarding the origin of the name was handed down : A young squaw of rare beauty 
was sought in marriage by a young chief of another tribe. Her father objected, and 
failing to get his consent, she deliberately cast herself into the stream near the mouth 
and was never more heard of. 


probable that Indians dwelt at the mouth of Kettle Creek,* where 
Westport now stands, and frequented that stream for fishing and 
hunting purposes. It ran through an almost impenetrable wil- 
derness in the midst of the AUeghenies. At Keating, where the 
Sinnemahoningt unites with the West Branch, was an Indian 
camping place, but to what extent it was frequented we know not. 
At this point the river flows from the southwest and the Sinnema- 
honing enters it from the west. The valley of the latter is narrow, 
and frowning mountains overshadow it on both sides. Its extreme 
wildness in its primitive condition can easily be imagined from its 
appearance to-day, although it is thickly settled and contains 
several villages and boroughs. There is" no point in the AUeghe- 
nies, perhaps, where the scenery is grander or more picturesque 
than in the valley of the Sinnemahoning; and as the Philadelphia 
and Erie Railroad runs through it, tourists have no trouble to see 
and enjoy it in all its beauty. The Sinnemahoning, from the 
borough of Driftwood to its junction with the West Branch, is 
properly a river, and as it is fed by many tributaries which emerge 
from dark mountain canons, it becomes a turbulent stream when 
the spring freshets set in. 

That Indians frequented this stream in considerable numbers 
there is no doubt, as they left abundant traces of their occupation 
behind them, both in ruined huts and graves. As late as 1873, at 
the village of Sterling Run, while Mr. Earl was excavating for a 
cellar, seventeen Indian skeletons | were disclosed. All except 

* Said to derive its name from a kettle having been found near the mouth by some 
of the early explorers. 

In 1763 Colonel John Armstrong collected a force of 300 volunteers from the 
valleys of Bedford and Cumberland, and marched from Fort Shirley, on the 30th of 
September, against the Indian towns on the West Branch. The savages escaped, but 
the town of Myanaguie, at the mouth of Kettle Creek, and one at Great Island, were 
destroyed. Both contained large quantities of provisions. — Pennsylvania Magazine 
of History, Vol. I., page 186. 

f Corrupted from Achsinnimahoni, signifying stony lick. — Heckewelder. 

There were many licks in this section of the country, which doubtless gave rise to 
the Indian name of the stream. On Portage Creek, a tributary of the Sinnemahoning, 
ten miles north of Emporium, the largest elk lick in the world existed. — Maclay's 
Journal, page 30. 

X The remains were exhumed and described by Hon. John Brooks, civil engineer 
and ethnologist. — Egle's History of Pennsylvania, page 483. 


two were of ordinary grown stature, while one measured over 
seven and one-half feet from the cranium to the heel bones. The 
bones had all remained undisturbed. They lay with their feet 
toward each other in a three-quarter circle, that is, some with 
their heads to the east, and then northeasterly to the north, and 
then northwesterly to the west. There had been a fire at the 
centre, between their feet, as ashes and coals were found there. 
The skeletons, except one smaller than the rest, were all as regu- 
larly arranged as they would be naturally in a sleeping camp of 
similar dimensions; many of the bones were in a good state of 
preservation, particularly the teeth and jaw bones, and some of 
the leg bones and skulls. The stalwart skeleton held a stoneware 
or clay pipe between his teeth as naturally as if in the act of smok- 
ing; by his side was found a vase or urn of earthenware or stone- 
ware, which would hold about a half gallon. This vessel was 
about one-third filled with a granular substance like chopped 
tobacco stems. The vase had no base to stand upon, but was of 
a gourd shape and rounded; its exterior had corrugated lines 
crossing each other diagonally from the rim. The rim of the 
vase had a serrated or notched form, and the whole gave evidence 
that it had been constructed with some skill and care, yet there 
was a lack of beauty of form or symmetr)-, which the race were 
at that period evidently ignorant of 

The skeletons were covered about thirty inches deep, twent)'- 
four inches of which was red shale clay, or good brick clay. The 
top six inches was composed of soil and clay, which, doubtless, 
had been formed from the decayed leaves of the forest for centu- 
ries. This ground had been heavily timbered. When the first 
clearing was made upon it, in 1818, there had not grown immedi- 
ately over or upon this spot any very large trees, as no roots had 
disturbed the remains ; yet the timber in the immediate vicinity 
had been ver>' large white pine and oak. This spot had been 
plowed and cultivated since 1818, and had been used as a garden 
for the last preceding ten years. One of the smallest skeletons 
had been in an erect or crouched position in the northwest corner 
of the domicile. The most reasonable theorj' is that this was 
their habitation; that their hut had been constructed of this clay, as 
the surrounding ground was gravelly, as was also the bottom of the 


spot. It appeared as if the gravel had been scooped away, or had 
been e.xca\'ated to the depth of two feet, and that there had been 
a hut constructed of clay over the excavation, and that while 
reclining in their rude domicile a tremendous electric storm or 
bolt of lightning had in an instant extinguished their lives, and at 
the same time precipitated their clay hut upon them, thus securing 
their bodies from the ravages of the beasts of the forest. 

At the village of Sinnemahoning many skeletons were exhumed 
when the railroad was built, and as late as 1887 C. F. Barclay, 
while having a ditch dug, found the remains of an Indian. In 
the grave was a neat iron tomahawk, a beautifully shaped stone 
gorget, the remains of a pocket compass, with the needle as per- 
fect as when it was made, and several other trinkets. A number 
of teeth, in an excellent state of preservation, were also found. 
Near by, as the same trench was extended, Hon. Joe M. Shafer 
found an iron tomahawk somewhat larger than the one now in the 
possession of Mr. Barclay. Sinnemahoning is a historic spot, on 
account of the slaughter of a band of marauding Indians by Peter 
Grove and party, as they slept in fancied security under the 
branches of a majestic oak. A full account of this thrilling trag- 
edy will be given in its proper place in this history. 

Returning to Shamokin, the place of beginning, we will close 
this chapter by outlining the Indian war-paths which ran through 
the valley. The first or main path, after crossing the river at 
Shamokin, left it a short distance below the end of the Northum- 
berland bridge across the West Branch, and ascending the ravine, 
followed the present road for a few miles; then turning towards 
the river, it passed over the hill upon the Merrill place; thence 
followed the river bank through Winfield and Lewisburg; thence 
to Buffalo Creek, where the iron bridge now spans it. It then 
curved to the river and passed through Shikellimy's town (see 
page 62) and along the river road, around the rocks, into White 
Deer Valley; thence along the south branch of the creek, near 
where Elimsport is now located, and over the mountain into 
Nippenose Valley; then out of the head of the valley, through 
the mountains and on via Great Island and Bald Eagle Creek, by 
the " Nest," over the mountains to Chinklecamoose (Clearfield), 
and westward to Kittanning. 


From the confluence of Spring Creek and White Deer Hole 
Creek, another trail bore away to the northwest, following up 
Spring Creek to its source, then over the mountains into Mosquito 
Valley ; thence down through the narrows to the river, which was 
crossed just west of the mouth of Mosquito Run, to the western 
shore of Lycoming Creek, up which stream the path led to its 
source, and branched upon the head-waters of the streams taking 
their rise near the present borough of Canton, the main path con- 
tinuing northward, while a branch led down Towanda Creek to 
the North Branch. 

Another great trail passed up the river from Northumberland, 
by the mouth of Warrior Run and through the gap in the Muncy 
Hills — now followed by the public road — to the present town of 
Muncy. The Wyoming path started from Muncy and ran up 
Glade Run, then crossed Fishing Creek where Millville now 
stands, passed on to Nescopeck Gap and up the river to Wyom- 

The Wyalusing path ran up Muncy Creek to the head, then 
crossed the hills to Loyalsock, half a mile from where tlie Berwick 
turnpike now crosses, then by the site of Dushore and on to W\-- 
alusing Creek, near the northeast corner of Sullivan County, and 
thence to the flats. 

The great trail from Munc\- up the ri\'er crossed Loyalsock at 
Montour's Island, near where the canal was built. In passing 
over the ground on which Williamsport stands, the path was 
doubtless located where East Third Street and West Fourth Street 
are laid down. The course from Third and Penn streets is said to 
have been a little north of the present Third Street, following an 
elevated piece of ground near the line of Willow Street and as far 
north as Edwin Street, until a point was reached near Park Avenue, 
when the present Fourth Street was followed to Lycoming Creek 
and French Margaret's Town, near the mouth. It then continued 
up the river to Great Island, where it joined the Kittanning trail. 

The Sheshequin path left the main trail at the mouth of Black 
Hole Creek, followed up that stream and crossed the mountain 
through the Loyalsock Gap, striking the lower end of the bottom, 
and thence northwesterly, across the river at the head of Canfield's 
Island, and up Bonsul's Run, which is now known as Miller's Run. 


It then passed through what is now called Blooming Grove, and 
joined the trail up Lycoming Creek near Cogan Station, on the 
Northern Central Railroad. According to Colonel Hartley, whose 
military expedition traveled this route, it was called the Sheshe- 
cummink Path. 

These northern trails led through a dense and gloomy wilder- 
ness. Lycoming Creek had to be frequently crossed, just as it 
has to be to-day; and one can readily imagine what a gloomy 
wilderness must have existed in the Muncy Creek and Loyalsock 
regions at that day, when their present condition is considered. 
Doubtless there were smaller paths running in various directions 
to shorten distances to main points, by "cut offs," but all traces of 
them have long since been lost. The foregoing main paths 
were so important and so clearly defined that there is no doubt of 
their location. They were great thoroughfares, and over them 
many war parties passed and repassed when the Indians held 
undisputed sway in this valley. Over a portion of the great path 
from the west the French traveled in force when they descended 
upon this valley and penetrated to the junction of the two rivers, 
with the full intention of occupying the country. 





THE first record we have of white men visiting Shamokin 
was in September, 1728. Governor Gordon* lays down 
instructions to Smith and Petty, who were about to make a 
journey to that place, and requests them to call upon his Indian 
friends, AUummopies, Opekassel, Shachalawlin and Shikellimy, 
and give them his personal regards. Adventurers and Indian 
traders followed at intervals. The government also sent special 
messengers on different occasions to confer with the heads of the 
various tribes, but as they kept no records we are without infor- 
mation regarding their visits and how they were received. 

In the same month Wright and Blunstone reported to Governor 
Gordon that they had learned from an Indian that a man named 
Timothy Higgins had been hanged at Shamokin, but for what 
cause was not stated. He was a servant of an Indian trader 
named Henry Smith. An investigation, however, of the report 
by Smith and Petty showed it to be unfounded. 

In 1729 Governor Gordon wrote a letter of condolence to 
Shikellimy and the other chiefs at Shamokin on the death of 
Carandawana. He also spoke feelingly of the death of a son of 
Shikellimy, and sent a shroud to bury him in. 

In 1730 a letter was received by the Governor from a number 
of Delaware Indians, describing the manner in which a white man 
received serious injury. The report stated that John Fisher and 
John Hartt, two of the Shamokin traders, accompanied a number 

* Patrick Gordon was born in England, in 1664. He was brought up a soldier and 
served to the close of Queen Anne's reign with a high reputation. He was Lieuten- 
ant Governor of Pennsylvania, under the Proprietaries, from 1726 to 1736. He died 
at Philadelphia, August 5, 1736, in the 72d year of his age. 


of their tribe down the river on a hunting excursion. After having 
proceeded over one hundred miles, the Indians proposed to fire- 
hunt, by making a ring. The white men would go along with 
them, although they tried to dissuade them from it, alleging that 
they did not understand it, and might receive some injury. But 
they persisted in going. In the excitement of the hunt, John 
Hartt was shot in the mouth, the bullet lodging in his neck, which 
killed him. 

Conrad Weiser* first visited Shamokin March 4, 1737, on his 
way to Onondaga. When he arrived at Shamokin he informs us 
that he did not find a single Indian at home who could assist him 
in crossing the river, and he had to lay still. On the 6th he 
observed a smoke on the other side of the river, and an Indian 
trader came over and took him and his party across. On the way 
up the West Branch he was ferried across the Chillisquaque Creek 
by an old Indian, which shows that he was traveling on the Nor- 
thumberland side. On the 8th he reached Shikellimy's town, but 
does not inform us where he crossed the river to reach it. After 
some delay he met the chief, whom he engaged to conduct him to 
Onondaga. On this journey he was accompanied by a Dutch- 
man and three Indians. On the way up he inspected the ruins of 
the ancient fortification at the mouth of Muncy Creek, which he 

*As Conrad Weiser figured conspicuously in the early history of Pennsylvania, 
and was a frequent visitor to the West Branch Valley, a brief synopsis of his histoiy 
is given herewith. He was born at Afstaedt, Wurtemberg, November 2, 1696, and 
came to America, with his parents and a company of Palatines, in 1 7 10, under the 
auspices of Queen Anne, of England. They settled in a body on Livingston Manor, 
Columbia County, New York, where they remained some time. While living there 
young Weiser became acquainted with an Indian chief named Quagnant, who, taking 
a fancy to the lad, induced his father to permit him to live with him. He went on 
his father's request and lived with the chief about eight months. During this time 
he learned the Indian language thoroughly, and it proved to be of great service to 
him in after life. He was seventeen when he left the wigwam of his dusky tutor and 
friend. In 1723, with many other German families, he emigrated to the Tulpe- 
hocken settlement, on the Swatara. Here he took up a tract of land — having married 
in the meantime — in Heidelberg Township, Lancaster County (now Berks), and began 
farming. His fluency in Mohawk recommended him to the notice of the Proprietary 
Governors, and at the special request of the deputies of the Six Nations, who met in 
conference with Governor Gordon in 1732, he was appointed by the latter interpreter 
for the confederation. From this time he was largely identified with the history of 
the Province of Pennsylvania in all matters relating to the Indians; was sent to them 


spoke of in his journal.* It is supposed that Weiser and party 
traveled by the Sheshequin path after crossing Loyalsock, which 
ran up Lycoming Creek. He says : 

" We came to a narrow valley about half a mile broad and thirty 
long, both sides of which were encompassed with high mountains, 
on which the snow laid about three feet deep. In it ran a stream 
of water, also about three feet deep, which was so crooked f that 
it kept a continued winding from one side of the valley to the 
other. In order to avoid wading so often through the water, we 
endeavored to pass along the slope of the mountain, — the snow 
being three feet deep and so hard frozen on the top that we walked 
upon it, — but we were obliged to make holes in the snow with our 
hatchets, that our feet might not slip down the mountain, and thus 
we crept on. It happened that the old Indian's foot slipped, and 
the root of a tree by which he held breaking, he slid down the 
mountain as from the roof of a house, but happily he was stopped 

on many important missions, and was present at the making of all treaties as long as 
he was able to attend. He was named by the Indians Tarachawagon, and was held 
in high esteem by them. He served as a justice of the peace for several years, and 

the French and Indian wars was commissioned colonel of all forces raised 

west of the Susquehanna. His life and public services were published in a volume 
of 450 pages in 1S76, by C. Z. Weiser, D. D., of Reading. A few years before his 
death he removed to Reading, and while on a visit to his farm in Heidelberg, in 
July, 1760, he died and was buried in the family grave-yard, near Womelsdorf. His 
age was 63 years, 8 months and 13 days. He left several sons and daughters, and 
his po.sterity is numerous. 

*He also stopped at Otstonwakin, or "French Town." "It is so called," he 
wrote in his journal, " from a high rock which lies opposite. We quartered ourselves 
with Madame Montour, a French woman by birth, of good family, but now in mode 
of life a complete Indian." The village lay on both sides of the mouth of the 
Loyalsock, which, coming down from the north, empties into the river. The rock 
Mr. Weiser speaks of was on the other side of the river, and was destroyed when the 
railroad was built. His last visit to the place was in June, 1755. The village was 
at that time almost deserted. On his first visit he also stopped at French Margaret's 
Town, which stood at the mouth of Lycoming Creek, on a part of the ground after- 
wards occupied by Jaysburg, now in the Seventh Ward of Williamsport. Montours- 
ville now partly occupies the site of Otstonwakin and perpetuates the name of 
Madame Montour and her famous son Andrew, who was afterwards granted a reserve 
of S80 acres of land, by the Proprietary government, at that place. 

f Lycoming Creek, the Leguui-kanne of the Delawares, is noted for its crooked- 
ness. In a distance of twenty-three miles, after leaving Williamsport, the Northern 
Central Railroad crosses it eighteen times on bridges. 


in his fall by the string which fastened his pack hitching on the 
stump of a small tree. The two Indians could not go to his aid, 
but our Dutch fellow-traveler did; yet not without visible danger 
of his own life. I also could not put a foot forward until I was 
helped. After this we took the first opportunity to descend into the 
valley, which was not until after we had labored hard for half an 
hour with hands and feet. Having observed a tree lying directly 
off from where the Indian fell, when we got into the valley again, 
we went back about one hundred paces, where we saw that if the 
Indian had slipped four or five paces further he would have fallen 
over a rock one hundred feet perpendicular upon craggy pieces of 
rocks below.* The Indian was astonished and turned quite pale; 
then, with outstretched arms and great earnestness, he spoke these 
words: '/ thank the great Lord and Governor of this world, 
in that he has had mercy upon vie and has been willing that I 
should live longer.' Which words I, at that time, put down in my 
journal. This happened on the 25th of March, 1737." 

The journey was continued through the gloomy wilderness 
until they reached their destination, but their sufferings were 
great. At one time Mr. Weiser was so overcome by exhaustion 
and hunger that he seated himself by the roots of a tree, expect- 
ing to die. Shikellimy, who was in advance, came back in search 
of him. Finding him as described, he stood silently for a moment 
and then said: " My dear companion, thou hast hitherto encour- 
aged us; wilt thou now quite give up? Remember that evil days 
are better than good days. For when we suffer much we do not 
sin. Sin will be driven out of us by suffering, and God cannot 
extend his mercy to them ; but contrary-wise, when it goeth evil 
with us. God hath compassion on us." These sublime words, 
coming from the lips of the old Indian, had the desired effect. 
Mr. Weiser says they made him "ashamed," and he rose up and 
tra\'eled on as best he could until the journey was finished. 

Count Zinzendorft was the first Moravian to visit Shamokin. 

*This accident is supposed to have occurred near the present village of Ralston. 

f Count Nicholas Louis Zinzendorf, founder of the sect of the Moravians, was 
born at Dresden, in May, 1700. About the year 1 721 he purchased the lordship of 
Berthuldsdorf, in Lusatia. Some poor Christians, the follovi'ers of John Huss, ob- 
tained leave, in 1722, to settle on his estate. They soon made converts. Such was 


He informs us, in his journal, that he started from the residence of 
Conrad Weiser, at Tulpehocken, on the 24th of September, 1742, 
to make his famous journey to the Susquehanna. He was accom- 
panied by Weiser, as interpreter, his daughter Benigna,* Anna 
Nitchman, two Indians, named Joshua and David, and J. Martin 
Mack. The weather was very unpleasant. They traveled through 
an exceedingly rough and mountainous country, which was almost 
impassable on account of rocks and sharp stones. We will let 
him describe his arrival at Shamokin in his own language, as 
follows : 

"Sept. 26. We passed a memorial stone that had been set up 
by an Iroquois brave. On it was a delineation of his perso'n so 
accurately executed as even to represent the lines cut in upon his 
face. Besides, he had affixed strokes of red, black and white 
paint, respectively indicating the different fights in which he had 
been engaged; the red strokes by their number denoting his vic- 
tories, the black his defeats, and the white the drawn battles in 
which he had contended. At Conrad Weiser's Creek we had 
passed a stone with a similar painting, from the character of which 
we discerned that the hero who had erected it belonged to the 
Wolf tribe or division of Indians, for they are divided into three, 
called the Wolf, the Bear, and the Turtle. Not far from the same 
place we saw also the tomb of a hero. On this day we met with 

the origin of Hermhut. From this period the Count devoted himself to the business 
of instructing his fellow men by his writings and by his preaching. He traveled ex- 
tensively in Europe. He married the Countess Erdmuth Dorothea von Reuss in 1736, 
by whom he had twelve children — six sons and six daughters — but only three daugh- 
ters survived him. In 1 741 he came to America and preached at Germantown and 
Bethlehem. February 11, 1742, he ordained two missionaries, and they soon after- 
wards baptized three Indians. He soon, with his daughter, Benigna, and several 
others, commenced visiting the Indians, and he established the first Indian Moravian 
congregation in North America. He died at Herrnhut in 1760, aged about 60 years, 
and his coffin was carried to the grave by thirty-two preachers and missionaries, 
whom he had reared, and some of whom had labored with him in different parts of 
the world. What monarch was ever honored by a funeral like this ? 

* Benigna Henrietta Justina von Zinzendorf, oldest daughter of the Count, accom- 
panied her father on many of his journeyings during his stay in Pennsylvania. She 
was born at Bertholdsdorf, December 28, 1725, and was about 17 years of age at this 
time. She returned with her father to Europe in January, 1743. In 1746 she mar- 
ried John M. de Watteville; deceased, at Herrnhut, May it, 1789, in her 65th year. 
— Memorials of the Moravian Church, page 49. 


fewer difficulties on the road, but had to encamp for the night in 
a savage wilderness, and David grew fretful. 

"Sept. 28. The word of Scripture which had been allotted us 
as a subject for meditation contained a promise of encouragement. 
I remarked that we would see this promise fulfilled before night, 
as the Lord designed to encourage us by permitting us to meet 
Shikellimy. ' That is impossible,' said Conrad; 'Shikellimy can, 
under no circumstances, return to Shamokin within six weeks.' 
This he said, as the Sachem had undertaken a journey to Onon- 
daga in the interest of Maryland, and not a week had elapsed 
since he had parted with us at Tulpehocken. 

"We traveled on, and soon struck the lovely Susquehanna. 
Riding along its banks, we came to the boundary of Shamokin, a 
precipitous hill, such as I scarce ever saw. I was reminded by it 
of Wenzel Neisser's experience in Italy. Anna,* who is the most 
courageous of our numl^er, and a heroine, led in the descent. I 
took the train of her riding habit in my hand to steady me in the 
saddle, Conrad held to the skirt of my overcoat, and Bohler to 
Conrad's. In this way we mutually supported each other, and 
the Saviour assisted us in descending the hill in safety. Toward 
evening we reached Shamokin, where Conrad, to his surprise, met 
Shikellimy, by whom he was welcomed to the town. 

" While the tent was being pitched, I took a stroll. An Indian 
whom I chanced to meet presented me with a melon, in return for 
which I gave him my fur cap. I also met Shikellimy. "The vice- 
roy took' my hand in his, pressed it repeatedly, and then turned to 

*Anna Nitscliman, born 1715 in Moravia, was a fugitive from Catholic persecu- 
tion. Fled to Hen-nhut with her parents in 1725. In 1736 she accompanied 
Zinzendorf into banishment to the Castle of Ronneburg. The ne.\t year she spent 
in England. In 1740 she sailed for Pennsylvania with her parents. Here she 
labored, through the rural districts, as a missionary. She was the daughter of a 
peasant. On Zinzendorf 's arrival she repaired to Philadelphia, and tlience to Ger- 
mantown, where, in company with his daughter Benigna, she was employed in the 
Brethrens' School for Children. "In 1742," she writes in her autobiography, "we 
were three times among the Indians. The last journey was into the heart of their 
country, where we .sojourned forty-nine days, encamping under the open heavens, in 
a savage wilderness, amid wild beasts and venomous snakes." Returned to England 
with Zinzendorf. Soon after the death of his wife she married the Count. She died 
May 21, 1760, aged about 45. Her sacred lyrics are incomparably beautiful. — 
Memorials of the Moravian Church, page 84. 


Weiser, 'to steal my mission,' as the Indians say; in other words, 
to sound him as to what proposals I intended to make. The 
latter reiterated what he had already told him, saying that I v^ as a 
servant of the living God; that as such I wrought in a different 
way from others of that class who had called upon him, and that 
I taught mercy and grace, and not works or moral duties, as a 
ground of pardon or justification. Shikellimy hereupon expressed 
his pleasure at the arrival of such a messenger among his people, 
and then took Conrad into his lodge. 

"On returning to the tent from my stroll, I found Jeannette 
engaged in conversation with a Mohican woman. 

"They conversed in Indian. I was surprised at meeting a 
Mohican at Shamokin, and more so on learning that the woman 
was the sister of Nannachdausch, who had built my hut at She- 
comeco, and who had been my provider while there. This was a 
trifling coincident; but Shikellimy's presence I interpreted as a 
special divine token. I need not say that it was opportune, for 
Joshua was indisposed, and David was disheartened on account of 
the fatigues of the journey, and we needed encouragement. 

" The train of circumstances which had resulted in Shikellimy's 
unexpected and early return to Shamokin was this: While on 
the way to Onondaga he had met Caxhayton, the Indian with 
whom I became acquainted at Philadelphia. Shikellimy deputed 
him to convey the dispatches with which he had been intrusted to 
the Iroquois, notifying the latter that the bearer had been duly 

" Thus he was at liberty to return ; and at the same time he 
brought word to Weiser from the Shawanese King at Skehando- 
wana, that he wished to see him once more before he died. 

"On the previous evening, while reprimanding David, I had 
almost stepped into a pitfall, when, although I had been severe in 
my remarks, he kindly pointed out the danger. 

"Sept. 29. Shikellimy came into my tent. Seating myself 
between him and Conrad, I requested an audience. It having 
been granted, I proceeded to explain the object of my visit, stating 
that already in early childhood I had been favored with an intimate 
acquaintance with God, with his being and with his attributes, and 


that I had come hither in order to reveal this knowledge to the 

" Where, or in what tribe I would begin to teach, I had not yet 
determined; it being my custom, I continued, to instruct only such 
as God himself had already addressed, and who felt the need of 
some one to interpret to them the meaning of the words he had 

" In reply he said that he approved of my object, and expressed 
a willingness at the same time to aid me in its accomplishment. 

" I next observed that his own case was an illustration in point, 
and went on to relate my experience. ' My early return home, 
your arrival here simultaneously,' responded the Sachem, 'are an 
extraordinary coincidence. I believe it was pre-ordained.' There- 
upon, perceiving that he had no shirt, I handed him one, begging 
him to accept it as a token of my childlike intercourse with him, 
and not as a gift. ' I thank you,' he replied as he took it. 

" I will now proceed to describe Shikellimy more fully. As the 
Iroquois Sachems were about setting out for home, after my inter- 
view with them in Tulpehocken, I took occasion to study their 
peculiarities. One of them in particular arrested my attention. 
I was irresistibly drawn toward him, and I longed to tell him of 
the Saviour. ' He is my choice,' I remarked to Conrad (presum- 
ing the man to be Canassatego, of whom he had just spoken to me 
in the highest terms). ' He is the Onondaga Sachem I presume? ' 
' No,' replied Conrad, ' he is Shikellimy, the Oneida.' These words, 
I confess, disconcerted me, as it was altogether improbable that 
we would visit the Oneida country. On learning, however, that 
Shikellimy resided at Shamokin (which town we intended to visit 
on the way to the Shawanese), I was reassured, and I also regarded 
our final determination not to journey to the Mohawks as signifi- 
cantly providential. 

"On the road hither, I spoke much of Shikellimy, and of the 
hopes I entertained of enlisting him in my service. Weiser 
persisted in assuring me that, in consequence of his prior engage- 
ments, the Sachem would be absent, and hence it was presumption 
in me to reckon on his co-operation. He spoke so positively that 
I was almost inclined to believe that Satan was bent upon foiling 


" ' As you appear to be fascinated by this Indian,' said Conrad, 
' I will relate an incident which will serve to illustrate his character. 
While on a journey to Onondaga, whither I had been sent to 
negotiate a peace between the Iroquois and the Cherokees, and 
while passing through a savage wilderness, I was one day so 
completely exhausted that I left my companions and sat down by 
a tree, resolved to die. Stanation stared me in the face, and 
death by freezing was preferable to death by hunger. They 
hallooed and shot signal guns, but I remained quiet. 

" ' Shikellimy was the first to discover me. Coming before me, 
he stood in deep thought and in silence, and after some time asked 
me why I was there. " I am here to die," I replied. " Ah ! brother," 
said he, " only lately you entreated us not to despond, and will you 
now give way to despair?" Not in the least shaken in my reso- 
lution by this appeal, I replied by saying: " My good Shikellimy, 
as death is inevitable, I will die where I am, and nothing shall 
prevail upon me to leave this spot." "Ah! brother," resumed the 
Sachem, " you told me that we were prone to forget God in bright 
days, and to remember him in dark days. These are dark days. 
Let us then not forget God ; and who knows but that he is even 
now near, and about to come to our succor? Rise, brother, and 
we will journey on." I felt ashamed at this, administered by a 
poor heathen, rose and dragged myself away. 

" ' Two days after this occurrence we reached Onondaga.' 

" Such was Shikellimy, the Sachem who had arrested my atten- 
tion in Tulpehocken, and with whom I had been brought into 
contact by the providence of the Lamb. 

" On Saturday, the 28th, we wished to pray the Litany, but the 
merry-making of the Indians disconcerted us. I accordingly 
dispatched Conrad to Sachem Shikellimy to inform him that we 
were about to speak to our God. This had the desired effect, and 
immediately on the former's return, the beating of drums ceased, 
and the voices of the Indians were hushed. Obedience among 
this people is yielded only when it is positively demanded, as they 
are without laws to enforce it. The Indian's national history is 
inscribed on his memory, and I am inclined to believe, neverthe- 
less, that it is almost as reliable as our own. 

" Sept. 30. Set out on our journey. The Sachem pointed out 


the ford over the Susquehanna. This river is here much broader 
than the Delaware, the water beautifully transparent, and were it 
not for the smooth rocks in its bed, it would be easily fordable. 

" In crossing we had, therefore, to pull up our horses and keep 
a tight rein. The high banks of American rivers render their 
passage on horseback extremely difficult. 

"To the left of the path, after crossing the river, a large cave* 
in a rocky hill in the wilderness was shown us. From it the 
surrounding country and the West Branch of the Susquehanna 
are called Otzinachon, i. e., the ' Demon's Den ;' for here the evil 
spirits, say the Indians, have their seats and hold their revels. 

" We had ridden past scarcely two miles, when the pack-horse 
which carried our provisions suddenly grew restive, made a spring, 
broke the rope by which it was attached to Henry Leimbach's 
animal, and galloped headlong in the direction of the cave. This 
did not disconcert us otherwise than to bring us to a halt. Conrad 
dismounted, went in search of the horse and found him a mile 
back, caught in the bushes by tjje rope. 

"The country through which we were now riding, although a 
wilderness, showed indications of e.xtreme fertility. As soon as 
we left the path we trod on swampy ground, over which traveling 
on horseback was altogether impracticable. We halted half an 
hour while Conrad rode along the river bank in search of a ford. 
The foliage of the forest at this season of the year, blending all 
conceivable shades of green, red and yellow, was truly gorgeous, 
and lent a richness to the landscape that would have charmed an 
artist. At times we wound through a continuous growth of dimin- 
utive oaks, reaching no higher than our horses' girths, in a perfect 
sea of scarlet, purple and gold, bounded along the horizon by the 
gigantic evergreens of the forest. During the journey thus far I 
have not seen any snakes, although the banks of the Susquehanna 
are said to be the resort of species which lie on the tops of the 
low bushes in wait to spring upon the passing traveler. The 
country generally abounds in reptiles, bears and other wild animals. 
We camped out twice on our journey. During the second night 

*This confirms the theory advanced on page 6, regarding the meaning of the word 
Otzinachson. By some writers it is claimed that Otzinach was the Iroquois name for 


there was a sudden and heavy fall of rain, and all of our horses, 
except one, strayed away. As we were not far from Otstonwakin, 
Conrad rode to the village. He soon returned in company with 
Andrew, Madame Montour's* oldest son. Just then our horses 
came in. 

" Andrew's cast of countenance is decidedly European, and had 
his face not been encircled with a broad band of paint, applied with 
bear's fat, I would certainly have taken him for one He wore a 
brown broadcloth coat, a scarlet damasken lapel waistcoat, 
breeches, over which his shirt hung, a black Cordovan necker- 
chief, decked with silver bangles, shoes and stockings and a hat. 
His ears were hung with pendants of brass and other wires plaited 
together like the handle of a basket. He was very cordial, but on 
addressing him in French he, to my surprise, replied in English. f 

" When a short distance from the village, Andrew left us and 
rode ahead to notify the inhabitants of our approach. As soon 
as they saw us they discharged their fire-arms, by way of salute, 
and repeated this mode of welcome on our arrival at the huts. 
Here we dismounted and repaired to Madame Montour's quarters. 

* Madame Montour, one of the characters in the history of English intercourse 
with the various tribes of Indians settled along the Susquehanna or moving over that 
great thoroughfare of Indian travel, was a French Canadian. In early life she mar- 
ried Roland Montour, a .Seneca brave, and on his death, Carandawana, alias Robert 
Hunter, chief of the Oneidas, with whom she was living on the Chenasky, probably 
at Otstonwakin, as early as 1727. In that year she acted as interpreter to the Pro- 
vince at a conference held in Philadelphia, between Governor Gordon and sachems of 
tlie Five Nations. Again in October of 1728. " It was afterwards considered by the 
Board what present might be proper to be made to Mistress Montour and her husband, 
Carandawana; and it was agreed that Five Pounds in Bills of Credit should be given 
to Mistress Montour and her husband." — Minutes of Provincial Council, October 
II, 1728. 

In September of 1734, while attending a treaty in Philadelphia, the Proprietaries, 
John and Thomas Penn, condoled with her publicly at the loss of her husband, who 
had been killed, since their last meeting, in war with the Catawbas. " We had a 
great esteem," they said to the Indians present, "for our good friend, your chief, 
Carandawana, and were much grieved to hear of his death; but as you and we have 
long since covered his dead body, we shall say nothing more of that subject." At 
this time Madame Montour was already advanced in years ; for a minute of the 
Council, October 15, 1734, after censuring her for duplicity at the late treaty, states 
that "her old age only protects her from being punished for such falsehoods." 

f Andrew Montour, alias Sattelihu, was for a number of years in the employ of 
the Proprietaries as assistant interpreter in their negotiations with the Indians of the 


Her husband, who had been a chief, had been killed in battle with 
the Catawbas. When the old woman saw us she wept. In course 
of conversation, while giving her a general account of the Breth- 
ren and their circumstances, I told her that one of our towns 
was named Bethlehem. 

" Hereupon she interrupted me and said : ' The place in France 
where Jesus and the holy family lived was also named Bethlehem.' 
I was surprised at the woman's ignorance, considering she had 
been born and brought up a Christian. At the same time I 
thought I had evidence of the truth of the charge brought against 
the French missionaries, who are said to make it a point to teach 
the Indians that Jesus had been a Frenchman, and that the Eng- 
lish had been his crucifiers. Without attempting to rectify her 
mi-sapprehension, I, in a few words, stated our views, replying to 
her inquiries with sincerity of purpose, without, however, entering 
into an explanation, as I had proposed remaining retired for a few 
days. She was very confidential to Anna, and told her, among 
other things, that she was weary of Indian life. 

"A knowledge of my rank is unquestionably prejudicial to our 
successful labors among both heathens and Christians. As soon 
as people discover who I am they view me from a worldly stand- 
point. My enemies also delight in publishing to the world that I 

interior. He usually accompanied Weiser on his missions to the country, and when 
negotiating with Datawares, interpreted for the former, who was ignorant of the 
Delaware. As both spoke Mohawk, they were prepared to confer with all the Indian 
tribes with which the English had dealings. At the time of the Count's visit, Andrew 
was residing on an island in the Susquehanna, above Shamokin. Hence he accom- 
panied Spangenberg to Onondaga, in June of 1745. In 1748 he entered the service 
of the Province, and soon after requested permission to settle near the whites. 
"Andrew has pitched upon a place in the Proprietary's manor, at Canataquany, and 
expects government to build him a house there, and furnish his family with neces- 
saries. He seems to be very hard to please." — (Weiser to Richard Peters.) In 
April of 1752, Governor Hamilton furnished him with a commission under the Lesser 
Seal, " to go and reside in Cumberland County, over the Blue Hill, on unpurchased 
lands, to prevent others from settling there or from trading with the Indians." In 
1755 he was still residing on his grant, ten miles northwest of Carhsle, between the 
Conedogwinet and the mountain, and was captain of a company of Indians in the 
English service. Rose to be a major. Andrew acted as interpreter for the Gov- 
ernor of Virginia at several important treaties. The French, in 1753, set a price of 
;^loo upon his head. In May of 1761 he was his Majesty's interpreter to the United 
Nations. He is said to have led the party of warriors who, in 1780, surprised and 
took captive the Gilbert family, near Lehighton. 


am a nobleman, and hence I endeavor as much as possible to 
conceal, or at least not to allow the fact to excite remark. 

"The Indians erect either a stone or a mound in honor of their 
deceased heroes. This custom is decidedly Israelitish. Early in 
the morning of the 3d of October we heard a woman wailing at 
the grave of her husband. 

" Andrew asked the loan of my horse to bring in the bear and 
deer he had shot, as his had strayed into the woods. He certainly 
intends to feast us. 

"There is a promiscuous Indian population in this village. 
Madame Montour brought two children to me and asked me to 
baptize them, alleging the custom of the Canadian Fathers as an 
excuse for her request. I refused, telling her that whenever a 
Brother settled here we would take the matter into consideration, 
as we were in the habit of baptizing only such persons as we 
thought we would have frequent opportunity of reminding of the 
significance of the rite. At the same time I spoke to her of that 
spiritual baptism which the heart, even of the unbaptized, may, 
without any effort or premeditation on his part, experience. She 
left me displeased. 

" Now, my dear Brethren, I must dispatch Conrad to Shamokin, 
as the Brethren there and Shikellimy are expecting him. The 
latter has been assigned us as guide to the wild Shawanese. 
Andrew, who is proficient in various Indian languages, will prob- 
ably also accompany us. Remember Johanan,* Anna, Martin, 
Jeannette, Joshua and David, who are followers of the Lamb, and 
your fellow-members of His congregation. 

" P. S. We will probably resume our journey about the 9th 
inst. At times we have observed signs of grace in Andrew. 
Anna has experienced in the case of Madame Montour's grand- 
daughter. Andrew has concluded to give his hunting companions 
the slip, and forego the great annual hunt which the Indians are 
accustomed to prolong into the month of February, and accom- 
pany us to Skehandowana." t 

*The name given Count Zinzendorf by the Indians. 

f One of the Indian names for Wyoming Valley. According to Heckewelder, 

Wyoming is a corruption of M'cheuwami, a Delaware word signifying large plains. 

Conrad Weiser uses the name Skehandowana in a narrative of a journey to Onon- 


The mission of the Disciple, as Zinzendorf was called, had a 
good eftect on the Indians. In May, 1743, Conrad Weiser was at 
Shamokin and expressed himself in terms of unqualified astonish- 
ment at the change wrought in this ferocious people through the 
instrumentality of the Brethren. In a letter dated June, 1743, he 

As I saw their old men, seated on rude benches and on the ground, Ustening with 
decorous gravity and rapt attention to the words of Post, I fancied I saw before me 
a congregation of primitive Christians. John (ShikelHmy), who is truly a child of 
God, interpreted with demonstrations of the spirit and power. 

David Bruce and his wife were sent to Otstonwakin in 1743 to 
preach to the Indians. His wife was conversant with the French 
language. They remained several weeks. 

On the 24th of May, 1745, Bishop Spangenberg,* accompanied* 
by Conrad Weiser, David Zeisberger and Schebosh,t started on 
his famous journey to Onondaga, via Shamokin. They arrived at 
the latter place in due time and spent several days there, preaching 
and making arrangements for the great journey. The following 
extracts from his journal;); describe the trip up the West Branch 
and Lycoming Creek: 

"June 7, 1745. Began our journey to Onondaga. Our com- 
pany is composed of Spangenberg, Conrad Weiser, John Joseph, 

daga, undertaken in February of 1737. He found two traders there from New York, 
and three men from the Maqua country, who were hunting land. — Memorials of the 
Moravian Churchy page 69. 

*Augiistus Gottlieb Spangenberg was born July 15, 1704, at Klettenberg, Prussia. 
He received a good education and became a professor in the University of Halle. 
In 1733 he joined the Moravians, having been deprived of his office at Halle, by a 
royal mandate, on account of his connection with their church. He subsequently 
presided over their church in America for nearly eighteen years. In 1762 he entered 
the General Executive Board of the United Fratrum, and died in that office at 
Bertholdsdorf, Saxony, September 18, 1792, in the 89th year of his age. He was 
known among the Moravians as "Brother Joseph," and was one of their greatest 
men. — Life of Zeisberger, page 89. 

f John Joseph .Schebosh was born, of Quaker parents, May 27, 1721, at .Skippack, 
Pa., and joined the Moravian Church in 1742. His real name was John Bull, but the 
Indians gave him the title of " Schebosh," which meant running water. He married 
Christiana, a Sopus Indian, baptized by Martin Mack (July 24, 1746), and devoted 
his life to the service of the Indian Mission. He died, at the mission in Ohio, Sep- 
tember 4, 1786, in the 68th year of his age. — Life of Zeisberger, pages 131 and 605. 

{See Pennsylvania Magazine of History, Vol. II., page 431. 


David Zeisberger, Shikellimy, his son, and Andrew Sattelihu — 
seven in all. Crossed the river and traveled up the West Branch. 
Passed Shawane Creek and the site of the town that formerly 
stood there. Next came to the place where Shikellim)- formerly 
lived — it is now deserted. The land is excellent in this vicinitx', 
the equal of which is seldom found. Our course has been several 
miles W., and then N. W., until we reached Warrior's Camp,* 
where we passed the night. Two Indian warriors overtook us; 
one belonged to Otstonwakin and the other to Onondaga. The 
latter had neither shoes, stockings, blanket, gun, hatchet, steel or 
knife, and was almost naked; yet was determined in this condition 
to undertake a journey of 300 miles through the wilderness. 
Conrad asked him how he expected to continue his journey in his 
' present condition. He replied : ' God, who was in the heavens, 
had created the earth and all creatures; he kept so many creatures 
alive in the wilderness, that he was able and would provide for 
him.' Both warriors had returned from a maraud against the 
Flatheads, and had lost all save their lives. 

"June 8. Our course was N. W. We crossed a creek near the 
Susquehanna, called Canachriage.t On the way we found half a 
deer, which an Indian from Otstonwakin had shot, and being 
unable to carry all of it home, he had hung the rest of it up in a 
tree, so that whoever needed it might take it — which we did. At 
noon we reached Otstonwakin.]: The Indians here treated us 
very well ; boiled meat and placed it before us in a large kettle. 
In the afternoon we proceeded on our journey, and at dusk came 
to the 'Limping Messenger,' § or Diadachton Creek, and en- 
camped for the night. Observations: — On our route we passed 
the Shawanese town, and the place where two years ago, when 
Conrad was traveling to Onondaga, he was met by twenty Shaw- 
anese, each with a rifle, two pistols, and a sabre. 

* Now called Warrior Run. It empties into the river at Watsontown. 

t Now known as Muncy Creek. Called Ocochpocheny on Scull's map. 

J Now Montoursville. It was also written Olsttiago, Otsuehage and Oistuagy. 
Madame Montour lived there. 

\ Lycoming Creek, the Legaui-hanne of the Delawares. Written Lycaumick on 
Scull's map. It afterwards turned out that the true Diadachton, or Tiadachton, was 
what is now known as Pine Creek. 


"June 9. Conrad VVeiser sent the Onondaga warrior, who had 
been traveHng with us thus far, ahead to inform the Council of 
our coming. We gave him flint, steel, knife and provisions for 
the journey. Last night our horses strayed back to Otstonwakin, 
hence we were compelled to lay by until noon. After dinner we 
resumed our journey and entered the wilderness. Our course 
was N. Our path lay through the valley between the Ant Hills * 
— one hill resembling another, side by side, and so high that we 
could scarcely see to the summit. They are all peaked and re- 
semble ant hills. In the evening we lodged at the Coffee House, f 
on Diadachton Creek. 

"June 10. It rained hard all day. Our course was N. for ten 
miles, then we turned N, E. We are still between the Ant Hills, 
and follow the Diadachton. The forest is so dense that for a day 
the sun could not be seen, and so thick that you could not see 
twenty feet before. The path, too, is so bad that the horses often 
were stuck, and had to be extricated from the bogs ; and, at other 
points, it lay full of trees that had been blown down by the wind 
and heaped so high that we were at a loss whether to turn to the 
right or to the left.J In the evening we came to a salt lick, where 
elks frequent, and camped for the night.§ At this place once three 
Indians lost their lives. Two of the Six Nations had two Flat- 
head prisoners, whom they were taking to Onondaga. As their 
prisoners had deported quietly, they were no longer bound. 
While the Maquas were preparing their meal, their prisoners 
seized their guns and killed one on the spot. The other was 
chased among the trees and killed, not, however, before he had 
mortall}- wounded one of his prisoners with his tomahawk. The 
other escaped. The marks of the tomahawk cuts are still to be 
seen on the trees. 

" Our guides, Shikellimy and his son, and Andrew Sattelihu, 

* Dismal vale. Marked on Lewis Evans' map of 1749. Called Burnet's Hills 
by the Indians. 

f A hut or camp. Probably at the mouth of Trout Run. 

I Weiser, in his journal of 1737, states: " The woods were altogether of the kind 
called by the English spruce, and so thick that we could not generally see the sun 
shine." What we call hemlock. At that time it must have been a frightful wilder- 

§ Probably in the neighborhood of Field's Station, or Ralston. 


saw fit to give us Maqua names, as they said ours were too diffi- 
cult for them to pronounce. Brother Spangenberg they named 
T'gerhitonti, a row of trees ; John Joseph, Hajingonis, one who 
twists tobacco, and David Zeisberger, Ganonsseracheri, on the 
pumpkin. Observations: — At the salt lick we found the tracks 
of elks, who came there to lick the salt. The elk is a species of 
deer, like horses without a mane. 

"June i i. Set off from the salt lick and traveled N. E.; reached 
the end of the Diadachton * and left the Ant Hills behind us. The 
path was very bad, so that one of our horses almost broke his leg, 
by getting into a hole between the roots of a tree. In the after- 
noon we found a cold roast of bear, which Indians had left on the 
hunt. As the meat was good we prepared it for dinner. In the 
evening we came to the Bear's Claws and camped. The Indians 
took the claws from the bear and nailed them to a tree, hence the 
name. Here an Indian from Tioga lodged with us. From him 
we learned that our messenger was already one day's journey 
ahead of us. 

"June 12. Our course was N. E. During the afternoon we 
left the wilderness in which we were four days, and had scarce 
seen the sun. Even our horses were quite inspirited once again 
to leave the woods. We crossed a creek called Osgochgo, and 
then came to the North Branch of the Susquehanna. Here we 
found the trees curiously painted by the Indians, representing 
their wars, the number that had fallen in battle, and the number 
they had killed. From this point our course was N. W. We 
went up the Susquehanna to Tioga, by the narrow path on the 
mountain by the river. Crossed the branch that is called Tioga, 
and here empties into the Susquehanna. Here we found a Mo- 
hican town. We proposed to pitch our tents near by, but the 
Indians came and urged us to lodge with them, as they had pre- 
pared a house and beds for us. We accepted their invitation with 
many thanks. This spot is about 180 miles from Shamokin, and 
in a charming region of country." 

From here the journey was continued to Onondaga with safety. 
It was exceedingly laborious and the travelers were \ery much 

* Supposed to be near the present village of Roaring Branch. 


exhausted when they reached the end. After a stay of twelve 
days they started on the return. Conrad Weiser and Andrew Mon- 
tour returned by a circuitous route. Spangenberg, Zeisberger,* 
Schebosh, ShikelHmy and his son came back with them, and they 
traveled the same route they did on going out. Their experiences 
were even more trying than on the outward journey. Not only 
had they to contend with the same horrors of the swamps, but a 
succession of rain storms occurred which made traveling almost 
unendurable; and greatest calamity of all, their provisions failed. 
They braved these hardships for eight days, until they reached 
Otstonwakin, almost exhausted. A bitter disappointment awaited 
them. There was not a morsel of food to be had in the village, 
and not even a fire burned in a single lodge. Riding on, in gar- 
ments wringing wet, and barely alleviating the worst pangs of 
hunger with a few fishes f which they had caught in the Susque- 
hanna, they lay down on the bank of the river at noon of the 7th 
of July, utterly overcome.l They could go no farther. It was 
an hour to try their souls. A handful of rice constituted the 

* David Zeisberger was a native of Moravia, in Germany, whence his parents 
emigrated to Herrnhut, in Upper Lusatia, for the sake of religious Uberty. He was 
born in 1721. In 1738 he came to Georgia, where some of his brethren had begun 
a settlement, that they might preach the gospel to the Creeks. Thence he removed 
to Pennsylvania and assisted in the commencement of the settlements of Bethlehem 
and Nazareth. From 1746 he was for 62 years a missionary among the Indians. 
Perhaps no man ever preached the gospel so long among them, and amidst so many 
trials and hardships. He was one of the oldest white settlers in the State of Ohio. 
In the last 40 years of his life he only paid two visits to his friends in the Atlantic 
States. His last journey to Bethlehem was in 1781. He died at Goshen, on the 
River Muskingum, in Ohio, November 17, 1808, aged 87. Amidst all his privations 
and dangers he was never known to complain, nor ever regretted that he had engaged 
in the cause of the Redeemer. He would never consent to receive a salary. He 
spoke two Indian languages. Free from selfishness, a spirit of universal love filled 
his bosom. A more perfect character has seldom been exhibited on the earth. 

f Loskiel, in his history, and Heckewelder, in his biographical sketches, both 
relate a wonderful draught of fishes made by Zeisberger, at Spangenberg's request, in 
water where fishes are not commonly found, and say that this saved the lives of the 
party. This incident has been often quoted by other writers. " It may have occur- 
red," says Rev. Edmund de Schweinitz, the biographer of Zeisberger, " but there is no 
authority for it, either in Spangenberg's journal or in his original notes ; hence I 
omit it." — Life of Zeisberger, page 137. 

J Supposed to have been at some point in the Muncy Valley, not far from Port 


remnant of their provisions. Faint and silent, the Bishop and his 
young companions waited to see what God would do; while 
Shikellimy and his son, with the stoicism of their race, resigned 
themselves to their fate. Presently an aged Indian emerged from 
the forest and sat down among them, opened his pouch and gave 
them a smoked turkey. When they proceeded he joined their 
party, camped with them at night and produced several pieces of 
delicious venison. They could not but recognize in this meeting 
a direct interposition of their Heavenly Father. The ne.xt day 
they reached Shamokin, where a trader supplied their wants, and 
the terrible journey was over. 

On their way down the river to Shamokin they came upon a 
rattlesnake * nest amid the hills of the river. Spangenberg says, 
in his journal, that at first but few of the reptiles were visible, 
basking in the sun. No sooner, however, did they kill these than 
the whole neighborhood seemed to be alive with them, and a 
rattling began which was frightful. Snakes crawled out of holes, 
from crevices in the rocks and between loose stones, or darted 
from thickets and lifted up their heads above patches of ferns, 
until there was a multitude in motion that completely surrounded 
the travelers, who hastened from the spot. It was a place where 
the reptiles had gathered in autumn and lain torpid, coiled to- 
gether in heaps, during the winter. 

Zeisberger relates that he once met with some Indians who had 
found such a nest and set fire to the dry leaves and trees around 
it. The result was marvelous. First a terrific concert ensued of 
roaring flames and hissing, rattling serpents ; and then these came 
rolling down the mountain side, scorched to death, in such quan- 
tities that they would have filled several wagons, while the air was 
laden with an intolerable stench.f 

In the spring of 1744 the first aggravated case of murder in 
this part of the State occurred on the Juniata, when John Arrn- 
strong, an Indian trader, and his two servants, James Smith and 
Woodworth Arnold, were inhumanly and barbarously killed by 
an Indian of the Delaware tribe, named Musemeelin. The crime 

*As they were traveling by the great trail to Shamokin, it is supposed that this 
den of snakes was encountered somewhere in the Muncy Hills. 
fSee Life of Zeisberger, pages 137-8. 


was of such an atrocious and aggravating nature that a Provincial 
Council was held to take it into consideration, and it was finally 
resolved that Conrad Weiser should be sent to Shamokin to de- 
mand an explanation from the chiefs in the name of the Governor. 

Mr. Weiser arrived at Shamokin May 2, 1744, and delivered 
his message to Alumoppees, the Delaware chief in the presence of 
Shikellimy and a number of prominent Indians. 

Alumoppees replied that it was true the evil spirit had influ- 
enced some of his tribe to commit the murder; that he was very 
sorry it had occurred, and had ordered the murderer to be deliv- 
ered to the friends of the murdered men for punishment. 

At the conclusion of the address Shikellimy arose and gave a 
full account of the tragic affair, which is very long and interesting. 
When the conference ended a feast was prepared, to which Weiser 
and friends were invited. There were about 100 persons present, 
and after they had, in great silence, devoured a fat bear, the eldest 
of the chiefs made a friendly speech, which was directed to the 
government messenger. 

We come now to a point which marks an important epoch in 
the history of Shamokin — the building of the _first house by white 
men. It was erected by Conrad Weiser for Shikellimy, who em- 
ployed him to build it, and the event was the beginning of a new 
civilization at the junction of the two rivers. In Mr. Weiser's 
letter to James Logan,* dated September 29, 1744, he says: 

Sir: — The day before yesterday I came back from Shohomokin, where I had been 
with eight young men of my country people, whom Shickalemy hired to make a 
locke house for him, and I went with them to direct them. We finished the house 
in 17 days; it is 49^ foot long, and 17^ wide, and covered with singels. 

That this was the first building after the English style erected 

*James Logan was born at Lurgan, Ireland, October 20, 1674, of Scottish parent- 
age. He received a good education and spoke three or four languages. While 
engaged in trade between Dublin and Bristol, William Penn induced him to come to 
Arherica as his secretary, and he landed at Philadelphia in December, 1699. Penn 
invested him with many important trusts, which he discharged with fidelity. Al- 
though he never received the appointment of Governor of the Province, on several 
occasions he assumed the executive functions. He filled the offices of provincial 
secretary, commissioner of property and chief justice. He was the warm friend of 
the Indians, possessed uncommon aliilities, great wisdom and moderation. He died 
at his country seat, near Philadelphia, October 31, 1 75 1, aged 77 years and II days. 
— Egl^s History of Pennsylvatiia , page 76. 


at this place does not admit of a doubt. Almost 144 years have 
rolled away since that day. The building was no doubt construct- 
ed of logs notched at the ends, and covered by what was known 
among the pioneers as clapboards. For what purpose such a 
building was intended we are not informed, further than it was a 
" lockc house." It is sufficient to know that it was ordered by the 
king, and in it he probably incarcerated some of his refractoiy 
Indian subjects. 

At the time Mr. Weiser was building the house he informs us 
that the fever was very bad among the Indians at Shamokin, and 
five or six died while he was there. Alumoppees, the Delaware 
king, was prostrated for a long time, but finally recovered. 

As early as 1744 a settlement was made on Penn's Creek, which 
falls into the river a few miles below Sunbury, on the west side of 
the stream. These settlers were the advanced pioneers of civili- 
zation. They were mostly Scotch-Irish, from the Kittatiny 
Valley, and they pitched their tents in the wilderness on the rich, 
inviting land about the mouth of the stream, and commenced to 
make improvements. They were hardy, industrious and deter- 
mined, and well fitted to endure the sufferings and privations that 
must be met in a new country filled with painted savages and wild 
beasts. The names of a few of these settlers have been preserved. 
They are as follows : Jacob LeRoy, George Auchmudy, Abra- 
ham Sourkill, George Snabble, George Gliwell, John McCahan, 
Edmund Matthews, John Young, Mark Curry, William Uaran, 
John Simmons, George Aberheart, Daniel Braugh, Gotfried Fryer, 
Dennis Mucklehenny and a number of others. 

J. Martin Mack* and his wife were the first missionaries sta- 
tioned at Shamokin. In his autobiography he thus speaks of 
their stay there : 

In September, of 1745, my wife and I were sent to Shamokin, t/ie very seat of the 
Prince of Darkness. During the four months we resided there, we were in constant 
danger, and there was scarcely a night but we were compelled to leave our hut, and 
hide in the woods, from fear of the drunken savages. 

*John Martin Mack, bom April 13, 1715, at Lysingen, in Wurtemberg, was a dis- 
tinguished missionary among the Indians, and subsequently a missionary bishop 
among the negroes of the West Indies. He died June 9, 17S4, while superinten- 
dent of the Mission in St. Croix. 


David Brainerd visited Shamokin in the same )-ear, reaching 
there the 13th of September, and in his journal writes: 

The town lies partly on the east and the west shores of the river, and partly on 
the island. It contains upwards of fifty houses and 300 inhabitants. The Indians 
of this place are accounted the most drunken, mischievous and ruffian-like fellows of 
any in these parts ; and Satan seems to have his seat in this town in an eminent de- 
gree. About one-half are Delawares, the others Senecas and Tutelars. 

During this same visit he speaks of extending his journey to 
the Great Island and of the sufferings he endured. He had to lie 
out at night, and in order to get branches to make a shelter to 
protect him from the heavy dews he was compelled to climb a 
tree and cut them with his knife. He speaks of reaching a Dela- 
ware town (probably where Linden now stands), where he found 
many Indians drinking and drunk. He preached to them and a 
few listened with much earnestness. He then continued about 
eight miles further, to a small town of " Shauwanoes," where he 
spent an hour or two, and then returned to the Delaware town 
and lodged there. The next day he continued his journey down 
the river and finally reached Shamokin, almost worn out. It was 
his intention to have tarried longer on his mission, but illness 
prevented him, and he hurried home. He returned the following 
year, however, and had a much pleasanter time. 

The Moravians labored with great zeal among the Indians, and 
succeeded in doing much good ; and in order to obtain a better 
foot-hold at Shamokin they decided to establish a smith shop 
there. Ever since the introduction of fire-arms the smitheries of 
the white people had been in high repute among the Indians, and 
they were constantly visited by hunters and warriors to have their 
arins repaired. On account of the distance of these shops from 
the Indian country, Shikellimy applied to the Colonial government 
to authorize one to be set up at Shamokin. The Board, by the 
advice of Weiser, and the consent of the Governor, entered into 
negotiations with the Indians for that purpose, providing they 
promised to remain friendly. Accordingly in April, 1747, John 
Martin Mack was sent to Shamokin to confer with the Indians 
regarding the smithy. He was accompanied by Nathaniel, a 
Mohican convert. Mack was a fluent speaker in Mohican and 
Delaware, and James Shikellimy's wife translated from Mohican 
into Oneida. The following extracts from Mack's journal relating 


to the result of the conference were transcribed from the original, 
on iile in the Moravian archives at Bethlehem, by Mr. John W. 
Jordan, editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine of History : 

April 28, 1747. Shikellimy not at home. 

Al'Rll. 30. Visited a Shawanese, who and his wife, a Mohican, knew many of 
our brethren. In the afternoon all Shamokin was drunk, and Martin [Mack] and 
Nathaniel went into the woods. 

M.-\Y I. They were visited in the woods by some Indians who were friendly. 
Towards evening Shikellimy and his son returned home. He invited and lodged us 
in his house. 

May 2. Shikellimy went with his sons into the woods, kindled a fire and sum- 
moned us. They sat in a circle around the fire, and Shikellimy said: "Now 

" We are sent," said Mack, "by T'girhitonti (the Indian name of Bishop Spangen- 
berg), and his brethren to speak words with Shikellimy and his council." (Gave 
a fathom of wampum.) " Brethren : T'girhitonti and his brethren remembered that 
they had promised to send you a smith at your request ; we had selected one, and he 
and his things were all ready to come last yeai-, but it was so sickly in all Pennsyl 
vania; this and other things prevented. We now come to greet you, and to ask 
whether you still desire a smith ? We love you ; you are our brethren ; we are desirous 
of aiding you. We also informed the Governor of your request and our wish to aid 
you. We think it would be well if the whole council would let us know its mind in 
this matter. Last of all we desire to let you know our conclusions, but, Shikellimy 
and brethren, we did not meet at home." (Gave a fathom of wampum.) 

Shikellimy said : Good, he would convoke the council, but it was not necessary 
for the old Delaware King to be present ; he was an ineliriate and had nothing to say 
at Shamokin. 

Hereupon Mack and Nathaniel withdrew, and Shikellimy convoked the council- 
ors, and after a council of three hours they summoned the Moravians and had them 
join the circle. After awhile Shikellimy took Mack's wampum, held it aloft and 
explained its significance to the others. It was handled by all and they consulted 
over it. Then Shikellimy took it and said : 

" My brother! T'girhitonti, we accept of your message as true." (Gave a string 
of wampum.) "I wish you would do what we want. We wish a smith; we need 
one; I have long wished for one. I will love him as my own flesh and blood. 
T'girhitonti ! I wish him to come soon. He shall have a house and shop near mine, 
so that I can protect him against drunken Indians. T'girhitonti ! the smith shall 
have a piece of land of mine, to support himself. T'girhitonti ! we have also con- 
cluded that the Indians who have work done at the smithy shall pay." (Gave a 
second string of wampum.) 

Then followed some general conversation, in which Shikellimy spoke of Zinzen- 
dorf and Anna Nitschman, who he had accompanied to Wyoming. The council 
then dissolved. It consisted of Shikellimy, his three sons and three other Five Nation 
Indians. No Delawares were allowed to be pre-sent. James Shikellimy's wife, a 
Mohican, was interpreter, and is well acquainted with Brother Mack's wife. 
May 3. Martin Mack and Nathaniel set out for Bethlehem. 


About this time Bishop Spangenberg wrote: " ShikeUimy is 
now chief over all the Indians from Shokokin to Onondaga. 
The Delawares have no king any more and are hkely not to have 
any. The Five Nations have given all over to ShikeUimy." 

In June Joseph Powell* and John Hagen, with David Bruce, 
set out for Shamokin to make final arrangements with ShikeUimy. 
Their instructions were written in Mohawk and wampum was 
taken along to be used in confirming the contract. Powell and 
Hagen were to build the house, and in it was to be the smith shop. 
When all was settled the smith and his wife were to be sent up, 
and Hagen and his wife were to remain as missionaries in charge. 
■ They reached Shamokin June ii, 1747, and camped under a 
beech tree near Shikellimy's house. The old king welcomed 
them, as did his sons and other Indians. He then took them to 
his own house, where his sons arranged seats for them, by spread- 
ing out bear skins. Around the Moravians were seated ShikeUimy 
and his councilors. Hagen told them of the object of their coming 
and read his instructions in Mohawk, which all said they under- 
stood. Finally he gave them the wampum, which gratified them 
very much. ShikeUimy said that he would give the missionaries 
horses to drag the logs to the site of the house, and he at once 
went out with them, and some twelve paces from his house, he 
pointed to the place where they might build the house and smithy, 
and also several acres towards the Susquehanna which they might 
fence and till. 

June 2 1st Bruce returned to Shamokin with Christian Henry 
Rauch. On the way up he purchased the iron, etc., for the smithy, 
at Lancaster.t which was transferred to Harris' Ferry. The 

*Joseph Powell was an itinerant missionary, born in Shropshire, England, in 1710, 
and died September 23, 1774, at Wechquadnach, Connecticut, where, in 1859, the 
Moravian Historical Society erected a monument to his memory. He was great- 
grandfather of Joseph Powell, of Towanda, who ran for State Treasurer on the 
Democratic ticket, in 1883, against William Livsey, but was defeated. 

f justice Smout, of Lancaster, made a present to the smithy of a bench vise. The 
following stock was also purchased: Fourteen flat and half-round files, seven files, 
one large three-square file, one large four-square file, one pair smiths' pincers, iron 
wire, one grindstone, one hammer, one tew iron, one old vise, rosin, brimstone, glue, 
one gimlet, one bench hammer, three small round hatchets, 1 12 pounds of iron and 
137 pounds of steel. 


Indians went down in canoes, loaded the anvil, iron and tools, and 
paddled back to Shamokin. In passing over some ripples, seven 
and one-half miles above the ferry, the canoe in which was the 
anvil upset, and it was lost, but was subsequently recovei'ed. 

The house built by the Moravians was 30x18 feet, with an 
upper room. Some land was then broken and turnips planted.* 

Anton Schmidt, t the blacksmith, arrived and was introduced to 
the Indians assembled in council as the blacksmith of the village. 
The Indians gave him the name of Racliastoni, but we are not 
informed as to its meaning. 

Under date of July 20, 1747, Conrad Weiser wrote to Richard 
Peters, concerning some of the principal Indians; "Alumop- 
peesj would have resigned his crown before now, but as he has 
had the keeping of the public treasure— that is to say the council 
bag — consisting of belts of wampum, for which he buys liquor, 
and has been drunk for these two or three years almost constantly, 
and it is thought he won't die as long as there is one single wam- 
pum left in the bag. Lapapitton is the most fitted person to be 
his successor. He is an honest, true hearted man, and has very 
good natural sense. He is a spber man, between 40 and 50 years 
of age. He is well esteemed among his country people and 
others, but whether or not he will trouble himself with public 
affairs is a great question. He has lived retired for these several 
years with his family." 

*ShikeUimy was very fond of turnips and was always grateful when a few were 
presented to him. The "patch" was often robbed by " bad " Indians. 

f Brother C. H. Ranch, who escorted the smith, Brother .\nton Schmidt and wife, 
and the wife of John Hagen,to Shamokin, where they arrived August 3d, states: 
" Was surprised to see the beautiful house built by Powell and Hagen in so short a 
time — much quicker and better than the one Conrad Weiser had built for Shikellimy, 
at the order of the Governor." 

JAlumoppees, or Sassoonan, was king of the Delawares as early as 17:8. In 
1728 he removed from the Delaware River and took up his residence at Shamokin. 
In June, 1747, Conrad Weiser reported that " Alumoppees has no successor of his re- 
lations, and he will hear of none so long as he is alive, and none of the Indians care 
to meddle in the affair. Shikellimy advises that the government should name Alum- 
oppees' successor and set him up by their authority, that at this critical time there 
might be a man to apply to, since Alumoppees has lost his senses, and is uncapable 
of doing anything." As Alumoppees robbed the Indian treasury, his is the first 
recorded case of official defalcation on the Susquehanna. He died in 1747, and was 
buried at Shamokin. 


August 1 8th Rauch returned to Bethlehem and reported that 
the missionaries apparently were much beloved by the Indians, 
who treated them differently from other whites. 

The building of the smith shop was an interesting event and 
greatly e.xcited the curiosity of the Indians. An extract from the 
journal of John Hagen, now preserved in the archives at Bethle- 
hem, is given herewith: 

June l, 1747. Began to cut timber for the house. 

June 3. Staked off the house, 30 x 18. 

June 4. Laid the sills. Shikellimy helped us in person. 

June 5. Began to set up the frame. 

June 7. Some 17 Delawares came here to-day on their way to war against the 
Catawbas. When we had retired to rest they came to us in our house to acquaint 
their idol of the war. The idol is a pestle, on which a human head is carved. They 
made a great uproar with music and dancing. Whenever one of the party uttered a 
complaint against the Catawbas he slashed into the god with his hatchet, in order to 
express his opinion. 

June S. Laid the beams. 

June 9. The warriors left. Shikellimy's sons went along. Food scarce. The 
Indians hunt wttrzel grass, etc., for food — a plant which, if uncooked, is a deadly 
poison, but if cooked with ferns it is good eating. 

June 10. Busy. Visitors plenty, but no help. 

June 13. Done blocking up. Shikellimy went in a canoe to Harris' Ferry for 
provisions for himself. Began to sow our turnips. 

June 15. Cut a tree for shingles and made some. A trader p.issed through. He 
made the Indians drunk and cursed us. 

June 16. Made shingles. Drunken Indians wanted to quarrel with us. Shikel- 
limy's wife, who was also drunk, interfered in our favor. 

June 18. Made shingles and cut a door into the house. 

June 22. Commenced shingling the house. 

June 23. Shikellimy returned and was astonished at the work we had done. 

June 24. Moved into our house, as enough of the roof was on to keep dry. A 
drunken Indian, on behaving ugly to us, was bound, as is the custom here. 

June 28 — Sunday. Rested. On telling Shikellimy we did not work on this d.iy, 
he left, put on his kingly robes and returned. 

Under date of October 17th, he notes in his journal: "Shi- 
kellimy, at this date, is emperor over all the kings and governors 
of the Indian nations on the Susquehanna." 

September 1 1 th Christian Frederick Post * was sent to visit the 
missionaries and to assist in clearing more land for planting, and 

* He was born at Conitz, in Polish Prussia, and a distinguished missionary 
among the Indians, with whom he was connected by marriage. His first wife was 
Rachel, a Wampanoag, baptized February 13, 1743, and died in 1747, at Bethle- 


to fence it. He also brought a hat along for Shikellimy, who had 
lost his while helping to transport the smithy tools from Harris' 
Ferry to Shamokin. 

News had reached Bethlehem of the death of Hagen, which 
occurred on the i6th, of fever. On the way up Post took the 
fever at Tulpehocken. This induced George Loesch to accom- 
pany him. When they reached Shamokin they found the smith 
and his wife, and Hagen's wife, all sick and helpless in bed. They 
at once set about making preparations to bury Hagen * the next 
day. Anton Schmidt, Post, Loesch and an Indian dug the grave 
and buried him in the turnip patch near the fence. Many Indians 
were present at the funeral, and the)- were so affected that the)' 
shed tears. Shikellimy and other Indians were also sick and 
several died of the fever. Hagen was sick eight days. He was 
the first Mora\'ian to die on the Susquehanna. J. Martin Mack 
succeeded him as resident rnissionary. 

This same month David Brainerd visited Shamokin and found 
Alumoppees t still living, although he was supposed to be at the 
point of death when he was there in May. He died, however, in 
October, 1747, and Conrad Weiser wrote that Lapapitton was the 
best man to succeed him, but he declined, because he was afraid 
he might be en\'ied, " and consequently bewitched by some of the 

On the 6th of October, 1747, Conrad Weiser writes that he set 
out for Shamokin and arrived there on the 9th. He was surprised 
to find Shikellimy so ill that he could scarcely stretch out his hand 
to bid him welcome. His wife and three sons were also very sick. 
One of his daughters and two or three of his grandchildren were 

hem. In 1749 he married Agnes, a Delaware, baptized by Cammerhoff, March 5, 
1749. She died in 175 1, at Bethlehem. His third wife was a white woman. Post 
eventually left the service of the Moravian Church. He died at Germantown. — 
Life of Zeisberger, page 121. 

*John Hagen came from Brandenberg. In April, 1740, he was sent to Georgia 
to missionate among the Cherokees. He returned to Bethlehem in 1742. September 
19th, of the same year, he married Margaret, daughter of David Dismann, of Prov- 
idence Township, Montgomery County. He labored among the Delawares, the Sus- 
quehanna tribes, and the Mohicans of New York. His age is unknown. 

f Some time in 1731 Alumoppees assassinated his nephew, Sat?i Shakata-ailin, at 
Shamokin, by stabbing him to the heart with a knife, while in a drunken Ijrawl. He 
was his presumptive successor, and he became very jealous of him. 


also suffering from the fever. A few days before his arrival three 
out of the old chief's family had died — Cajadies, his son-in-law, 
who had been married to his daughter for fifteen years, and con- 
sidered the best hunter among all the Indians of the place ; also 
his oldest son's wife and his grandchild. Mr. Weiser continues: 
" Ne.xt morning I administered the medicines to Shikellimy and 
one of his sons, under the direction of Dr. Thomas Gr^me, which 
had a very good effect upon both. Shikellimy was able to walk 
about with me, with a stick in his hand, before I left Shamokin, 
which was on the I2th, in the afternoon." 

In November Post returned to Shamokin on a visit. He found 
Shikellimy very friendly, but he was much distressed on account 
of the death of his wife, which occurred on the 7th of November. 
He and his sons buried her, and as a mark of respect fired rifles 
over her grave. 

In January, of 1748, Bishop J. C. F. Cammerhoff* and Joseph 
Powell set out from Bethlehem to visit Shamokin. Their journey 
at that time of the year was a perilous one, owing to the snow 
and high water, and both narrowly escaped drowning. An extract 
from their journal, by Mr. Jordan, reads as follows: 

J.\NU.'^RY 15, 1748. Concluded to consult with Shikellimy about the .smithy, ,ind 
appointed the afternoon for the interview. Asked him to dinner, which he deemed an 
honor. Later he .summoned his councilors to our house. There were present Shikel- 
limy, his two younger sons and Logan's wife, who was to act as interpreter through 
the Mohican tongue. His oldest son was sick — was unable to be present. Mack's 
wife translated my words into Mohican, and Logan's wife this into Shawanese ,ind 
James Shikellimy into Oneida for his father. 

Shikellimy said : " Don't take it amiss, my brethren, that I speak first. You said 
you wished to tell me and my brethren words, but first I must tell you something. 
My brethren, don't take it amiss that the smith at Shamokin, up to this time, has not 
had more meat to eat. I have been sick, and also my sons and their children, and 
many of them died. If we had been well and able to go on the hunt, then the 
smith and his wife would have had more to eat." 

We replied : " Shikellimy, my brother ! T'girhitonti, my brother and your brother. 

*John Christoph Frederic Cammerhofif was born near Magdeburg, Prussia, July 
28, 1721, and arrived in America in 1747. He was a remarkable man. A graduate 
of the Univei-sity of Jena. He was a bishop at the age of 25 and a divine of rare 
scholar>^hip. During his labors of only four years among the Indians he did much 
good and baptized eighty-nine. He died April 28, 1751, at Bethlehem, from the 
effects of hardships endured during a journey to Onondaga through the wilderness. 
— Life of Zeisberger, page 182. 


heard of your great sickness; we sympathized with you, and we rejoice to see that 
you are convalescent. T'girhitonti, your brother, wishes you good health." (This 
pleased him exceedingly.) " Shikellimy, my brother! My brother, the smith, and 
his brethren at Shamokin are not displeased, for they had as much meat as was 
necessary; and T'girhitonti and his brethren are not displeased, and rejoice of 
your kindness towards the smith." 

Shikellimy said : "So far the smith has taken deer skins in exchange for his 
work; cannot he take also raccoon, fox, wild cat and other skins, so the smith can be 
paid for his work?" 

"Shikellimy, my brother! T'girhitonti and his brethren are no traders, they don't 
traffic in furs, for that is not their business; hence the smith cannot take all kinds of 
skins. The deer skins T'girhitonti and his brethren use for their people to make 
breeches, caps, gloves, etc. ; the smith must take deer skins. But, as T'girhitonti 
loves you and your brethren, the smith shall sometimes take otter, raccoon and fox 
skins, as such skins are useful to us. He will not deliver the work until it is paid for, 
else he be cheated." 

Shikellimy said: "I always said that the smith should trust no Indian, but as 
soon as he mended a gun he should keep it until it is paid. Why did he trust? I 
knew he would be deceived." 

" Shikellimy, my brother! the smith loves the Indians, and hence he trusted them. 
For when Indians came to him with their broken guns, he did not want to send them 
away to get skins first, thus causing them to lose several days of the hunt — hence he 
trusted them. But he finds he is being cheated and he is unwilling to trust any more." 

Shikellimy said : " Cannot the smith also take bear and elk skins for his work ? " 

" He can take as many bear skins," we replied, "as are brought; also the skins of 
the elk ; but it is better if he is paid in deer skins, for T'girhitonti and his brethren 
are no tradeis." 

" Shikellimy said : " Now, my brethren, I have said all I had to say, and I 
thank you for your answers; now you can speak." 

"T'girhitonti," said I, "and all his brethren send greetings to you, brother Shikel- 
limy. I send you this my younger brother [Cammerhotf ] to greet you, to tell you of 
my joy that you are again well, for I love you tenderly, Shikellimy. Johanan (Zin- 
zendorf 's Indian name), who is over the great water, so sent my younger brother over 
the great water to greet you and your brethren, and to tell you he loves you. 

" Shikellimy ! I sent the smith here, who I love, to work for you, and I rejoice 
that you all love him. Continue to do so. 

" Shikellimy, my brother! I need my brother Mack and his wife at Bethlehem, for 
she will soon be confined." (About this they spoke much to each other.) "I send 
my brother Powell to live with the smith and to help him. I love him, and do you 
also love him." (Here they smiled at Powell.) 

"Shikellimy, my brother! you said you would give the smith and his brethren 
more land to plant corn, pumpkins and turnips. Do as you said, and give them 
wood, so they can split rails and fence it in before planting time. 

"Shikellimy, my brother! we are delighted to hear that you will visit us again in 
Bethlehem, and if you bring along your son James and his Mohican wife, and your 
other sons, they will be heartily welcome. I have now said all I had to say, and 
thank you for your attention. You are at liberty to reply if you have anything to 


He sent many greetings to T'girhitonti and his brethren, and said that as soon as 
it grew warmer, that he could sleep out in the woods, he would come to Bethlehem. 
His son Logan Said the same thing. At the close of the conference I distributed some 
presents, after which ShiUellimy pointed out to us a piece of land for the use of the 

I conferred with my brethren and we determined the following : 

1. That the smith is not to trust. 

2. That he is not to entertain Indians at his house, as it makes Shikellimy dis- 
trustful, for there are special houses for all strangers or visitors. To allow any one 
to sleep in your house is a mark of great confidence. 

3. The smith is to trust no trader. 

4. No Indian to be trusted on any trader's account. 

5. Our brethi-en are not to interfere with or pass judgment in case of any dispute 
between Indians and traders, nor interfere with their bargains. 

6. Must represent to the Indians at all times that we are not traders. 

7. We must not lead Indians into temptation by leaving many things lie about 
the house or shop. 

8. Entertain no traders. Send them all to Shikellimy, except Captain McKee. 

9. Always be scrupulously truthful to the Indians; never say we have nothing 
when we have. 

10. We cannot be as hospitable to the Indians in Shamokin as at Bethlehem, as 
we do not raise harvests here, but must transport all our flour from Harris' Ferry; but 
always be self-denying to the last crust to the needy and suffering, and the sick. 

11. Our brethren are to visit the Indians frequently in their huts; no distinction 
to be made between Iroquois, Delawares and Tudelars, although the former despise 
the Delawares. No partiality ! 

12. The good will of Shikellimy and his family must be maintained. Invite him 
frequently to dinner and constantly seek his advice. 

13. No more land is to be used than is absolutely necessary to farm after the 
Indian fashion, and only com, potatoes, turnips and beans to be raised. It is true 
Shikellimy proposed to the smith to keep cows and hogs, but this best be not done. 

J.^NU.^RY 19. Bishop Cammerhoff reached Bethlehem. 

In the summer of 1748 David Zeisberger and John Martin 
Mack made a journey up the West Branch for the purpose of 
visiting the Indians, among whom a famine was prevailing. The 
following extract from the journal of Mack shows the wretched 
condition in which they found them: 

"July 9, 1 748. Set out from Shamokin, and by evening reached 
the spot where Bishop Spangenberg and party lodged on their way 
to Onondaga.* 

"July 10. About noon reached Otstonwakin, and found it en- 
tirely deserted; so we journeyed on. At night tormented by 

*At Warrior Run. See Spangenberg's Journal, page 106. 


punks and mosquitoes, despite the five fires between which we lay 
down to sleep. 

"July ii. Resumed our journey, and at noon came to some 
Indian huts, but found them empt>^ We passed many empty 
huts to-day. Crossed a branch of the Susquehanna, and also to 
an island, where we found a few deserted huts. Brother Mack 
climbed into a tree to look out for some human being — for the 
grass and weeds were so high as to intercept all view — and saw 
an Indian at a distance. He descended and made for the point, 
where he found a hut in which an old woman and some others . 
were down with the small-pox. On asking where the Indians of 
this region were, he was told that many had died of small-pox 
and others had been driven by famine to the white settlements. 
We learned that this district was called Long Island,* and nearly 
all who dwell here (and the number is not small) are Delawares. 
One of the Indian men knew Brother Mack well, having met him 
at Shamokin. He was friendly, showed us the way to Great 
Island, and regretted he had nothing to give us to eat. 

"Towards evening reached Great Island,t and found Indians at 
home, residing on this side of the island. They asked us from 
whence we came, and whether we had ought to sell. When told 
that we were not traders, but had only come to visit them, it was 
incomprehensible to them. But a few old squaws were living on 
the island ; the men had been driven away by the famine. We 
consequently remained on this side of the island, and asked an 
Indian whether we could lodge in his hut. He took us in cor- 
dially, and spread a bear skin for us to sleep on; but he had 
nothing for us to eat. Ascertained that he was a Five Nation 
Indian, and his wife a Shawanese; whereupon Brother Zeisberger 
conversed with him. His father, who is upwards of 70 years, was 
dying of small-pox, and was a most pitiable object. His case, and 
that of the Indians here, enlisted our sympathies and silent prayers. 

* Situated in the river opposite Jersey Shore. In later years it was known as 
Bailey's Island. It originally consisted of one farm, and contained 174 acres. A 
few years ago it was divided into two. County bridges connect it with the main land 
on both sides and a public highway crosses it. 

f This fanious island lies in the river a short distance east of Lock Haven. It is 
often called Dunn's Island. It contains 325 acres and is divided into several farms. 


" In the evening we were visited by a number of Indians — 
Shawanese and Cayugas. Here dwell in three houses Shawanese, 
Maquas and Delawares ; among the latter an Indian from Albany, 
who spoke Low Dutch. In all three houses were cases of small- 
pox. In one hut hung a kettle in which grass was being stewed, 
which they ate with avidity. 

" July i 2. Brother Zeisberger learned from our host that many 
Indians passed and repassed his hut. To-day he brought out some 
dried venison and gave us some, and we in turn gave his child 
some of our bread, for which they were very thankful. 

" In the afternoon told our host we desired to visit the island to 
see the Indians there, and he, unasked, went with us, and led us to 
all the huts. We found some clever people here who had just 
returned from the woods, and who shared with us grapes, green 
and hard, which they ate with avidity. We prayed silently to the 
Lord to have mercy on this people. 

"Returned to our lodgings, and our host again asked us why 
we had come so far, and had we not come in search of land? He 
said there was fine land in the neighborhood. We explained that 
was not our object. 

"July 13. We found an opportunity to speak to our host of 
the Saviour. He had heard somewhat of God, and said he be- 
lieved what we had told him was good and true. He then gave 
us some dried venison and we in turn some needles and thread 
to his wife. 

"Set out on our return down the Susquehanna. At night 
camped on a large flat by a creek, ate some mouldy bread, the 
last of our stock, and built four fires to keep off the vermin. 

"July 14. Arose early. Brother David [Zeisberger] caught 
some fish, which we cooked. At noon reached Otstonwakin,* 
where we speared a large fish with a pointed stick. This we took 
to our camp, which was on a high bank of the Susquehanna, 
where Bishop Spangenberg and company had dined on the way 
to Onondaga in 1745, and' ate the fish for supper. 

"July 15. Set out early and at noon came to a spot where 

* Where Madame Montour resided on the Loyalsock. Now known as the bor- 
ough of Montoursville. 


Spangenberg had passed the night on his return from Onondaga, 
and at evening reached Shamokin." 

Mack and his companion remained in Shamokin until July 22d, 
when they traveled up the North Branch, visiting the Indian towns 
along the river to Wapwallopen, crossed the mountain to Gnaden- 
hutten, and from thence to Bethlehem, arriving there July 30th. 

Shikellimy made his last visit to Bethlehem early in December. 
On his return to Shamokin with Zeisberger, in the woods, between 
Tulpehocken and his home, he spoke of his love for Zinzendorf, 
Spangenberg and Cammerhoff, and that what they had told him 
of God was true. On the night of December 7th he was taken 
ill with fever, and in this condition Zeisberger carried him home. 
In his lodge he laid down and rapidly became worse, so that he 
lost his hearing and speech. Zeisberger visited him frequently 
and prayed for him in the hour of death. A short time before he 
breathed his last he turned to Zeisberger, who stood over his bed, 
and looked him beseechingly in the face, and signified as though 
he would speak to him, but he could not. He reached out his 
hand and made another effort, but without avail, and as a bright 
smile illumined his countenance his spirit quietly took its flight. 
He died December 17, 1748,* in the presence of his daughter 
and the good missionary, who had so faithfully watched by his 

Several days after his decease his second son, Logan, returned 
home from a far off country', to weep over the lifeless body of the 
parent he so much esteemed. The Brethren, Zeisberger and 
Henry Fry, made him a coffin, and the Indians painted the corpse 
in gay colors and decked it with the choicest ornaments f that had 
belonged to him in life. Various implements were then placed in 
the coffin, according to the Indian custom, to be used by the dead 
warrior when he should reach his new home. The coffin was 

*0n page 59, of this work, an error inadvertently crept in regarding the true 
date of his death. 

f The grave that was opened in 185S by Mr. Hendricks, described on pages 58 
and 59, is supposed to have been the one in which the remains of Shikellimy were 
laid. It is true that other Indians were buried in coffins by the Moravians, but no 
grave was ever opened by antiquarians at this place which contained a greater variety 
of beads and rich trinkets than this one. It is reasonable, therefore, to conclude that 
this was the grave of the vice-king. 


then carried to the grave by three Moravians (Post, Loesch and 
Schmidt) and a young Indian, when the honored chieftain, after 
Christian funeral services, conducted by Bishop Zeisberger, was 
laid to rest in the burial place of his fathers on the banks of the 
"Winding River." 


Shikellimy, who figured so conspicuously in Indian histor_\- 
from the first appearance of the whites in this valley down to the 
close of his eventful life, was in some respects one of the most 
remarkable aborigines of whom we have any account, and it lis 
much regretted that so little of his personal history has been 
handed down to us. He was an Oneida by birth, and Shikellim\- 
was the name given him by the Shawanese. The Six Nations 


called him Swatane. He belonged to the tribe of the Bear. When 
and where he was born is unknown, but it is likely that he first 
saw the light of day in some part of what is now the State of 
New York. At the time of his death he is supposed to have 
been 65 or 68 years of age, which was quite old for an Indian. 
He had four sons: i, Tachnechtoris, a wide spreading oak, who 
was also called John, of the tribe of the Turtle; 2, Arahhot;* 3, 
Sajechtowa, alias James Logan; 4, John Petty, named after a 
trader. We know that he had one daughter, for the Moravians 
inform us that she was present when he died. 

The first we hear of him was in 1728, when he was living on 
the West Branch. In 1737 he was living in his village, a short 
distance below Milton, on the west side of the river, the site of 
which is illustrated on page 62. At that time he appears to 
have been in the full flush and vigor of manhood. 

As he possessed an executive mind, and was recognized by his 
people as a man of much more than ordinary ability, his counsel 
was eagerly sought by the government of the Six Nations; and 
as this section of their confederation was somewhat hard to 
govern, on account of the various tribes inhabiting it, and the 
conflicting interests which had to be regulated, he was designated 
at an early period as leading sachem or vicegerent, and invested 
with more than ordinary authority. As early as 1745 he estab- 
lished his seat at Shamokin, as that place was recognized as the 
central or converging point. On account of his high standing and 
excellent judgment, his influence was courted by the Provincial 
authorities. So great was his love for truth and justice that he 
never violated his word nor condoned a crime. There was scarcely 
a treaty held for the purchase of lands, from 1728 to 1748, that he 
did not attend, and his wise counsels aided in amicable solutions 
of what sometimes threatened to be troublesome questions. 

The acquaintance which Zeisberger made with him was care- 
fully followed up by the Brethren and ripened into a friendship 
which ceased only with the death of the noble old chief His 

*In 1744 .Shikellimy lost a son in the war with the Catawbas. He was called 
"Unhappy Jake," and his father took his death "very hard," according to Weiser, 
and the Governor sent him some small presents to " wipe off the old man's tears and 
comfort his heart." 


numerous trips as guide and interpreter with the Moravians show 
the great confidence that was reposed in him, and the high esteem 
in which he was held. 

He was also the warm friend and confidant of Conrad Weiser, 
and they were always'fast friends. Many anecdotes* are related 
concerning them. It was while on the return from a visit to 
Bethlehem, in 1747, to confer with the Brethren, that he was taken sick at Tulpehocken, and never fully recovered. 

In April, 1745, he made his first visit to Bethlehem and spent a 
week there. Rev. J. C. Pyrljeus.f who was studying Mohawk, 
improved the opportunity to collect a store of vocables in that 
language from the lips of the Oneida chief In this MS. he gives 
Otzinaches as Iroquois for Shamokin. The Moravians invariably 
wrote it Shamoko. 

* It is related that Shikellimy once came to Conrad Weiser and said : " I had a 
glorious dream. I dreamed that Tarachawagon [Weiser] had presented me with a 
rifle." Conrad, of course, handed over to his dusky friend the coveted weapon, 
suspecting all the while that Shikellimy had a dream which was not all a dream. A 
few days later Conrad Weiser had a dream, and told Shikellimy so. The chief asked 
for the revelation "I dreamed," said Conrad, "that Shikellimy presented me with 
the large and beautiful island nestled in the Susquehanna River." The nonplused 
chief at once made over his favorite island — the Isle of Que — but added: "Conrad, 
let us never dream again! " 

It is not believed that this story ever occurred. It is true, however, that the Isle 
of Que, on which a part of Selinsgrove now stands, had been owned by the old 
interpreter, and that it remained for one or two generations in the possession of his 
direct descendants ; but there is no proof that his title rested on a mere dream. On 
the other hand, it is true that Shikellimy had been very poor, so poor that Conrad 
Weiser interceded for him as an object of charity before the council at Philadelphia. 

The following, however, is said to have been true : " Conrad Weiser once sat 
resting on a log in his extensive forest land. An Indian came and sat down along- 
side him. Conrad moved to one side somewhat; the intruder pressed harder against 
him. Again Conrad made more room, but the Indian still moved after him. Then 
Conrad demanded an explanation of his strange and rude procedure. The Indian 
answered: 'Thus the whites did to the Indians. They lighted unbidden on our 
lands. We moved on; they followed. We still moved and they still followed. We 
are moving onward now, and they are following after. Conrad, I will not push you 
from the log entirely. But will your people cease their crowding, ere we roll into the 
waters?'" — Life of fFfM<??-, pages 106-7. 

f John Christian Pyrlaeus was born at Pausa, in Swabia, in 1713, and studied at 
the University of Leipsic between 1733 and 1738. Here he became attached to 
the Brethren, visited Herrnhut and accepted an appointment as missionary. Arrived 
at Bethlehem October 19, 1740. Ordained to the ministry during the sessions of the 


While on his last visit to Bethlehem, in 1747,* he experienced 
the power of divine grace and made a profession of personal faith. 
He had been baptized in Canada, by a Jesuit father, many years 
before. La}'ing aside a Manitou, the last relic of his idolatry, he 
took his way rejoicing to his home on the Susquehanna. It was 
on the occasion of this visit that the Brethren, before his depart- 
ure, presented him with a new blue cloth waistcoat, and a red one 
for his grandson. These tokens of love pleased him very much 
and he felt grateful towards the donors. 

In the death of Shikellimy the whites lost the best and truest 
friend they ever had among the Indians in this lovely valley. 
Loskiel, the historian, who knew him well, pays this glowing 
tribute to his character and worth : 

"Being the first magistrate and head chief of all the Iroquois 
Indians living on the banks of the Susquehanna, as far as Onon- 
daga, he thought, it incumbent upon him to be very circumspect 
in his dealings with the white people. He mistrusted the Breth- 

Synod convened in Oley. July 10, 1742, he married Susan, youngest daughter of 
John Stephen Benezet, of Philadelphia. He studied Mohawk, became a famous 
Indian scholar and opened a school. Returned to Europe in 1751. His wife died 
at Herrnhut, May 28, 1779, and he died at the same place, May 28, 1785. — Life of 
Zeisberger, page 139. 

*In a letter from Tulpehocken, dated October, 1747, Conrad Weiser thus writes to 
Richard Peters, Secretary of the Province : " I must, at the conclusion of this, recom- 
mend Shikellimy as a proper object of charity. He is extremely poor, in his sickness 
the horses have eaten his corn; his clothes he gave to the Indian doctors, to cure him 
and his family — but all in vain. He has nobody to hunt for him, and I cannot see 
how the poor old man can live. He has been a true servant to the Government, and 
may, perhaps, still be, if he lives to do well again. As the winter is coming on, I 
think it would not be amiss to send a few blankets or match coats, and a little powder 
and lead. If the Government would be pleased to do it, and you could send it soon, 
I would send my sons with it to Shamokin before the cold weather comes." This 
appeal had the desired effect and the following goods were sent in the early part of 
November of that year; "Five strowd match coats, at seven pounds; one-fourth 
cask of gunpowder, two pounds, fifteen shillings; one-half cut bar of lead, one 
pound; fifteen yards of blue half-thick, two pounds, seven shillings and si.\pence; 
one dozen best buck hefted knives, nine shillings; four Duffel match coats, three 
pounds — amounting to sixteen pounds, eleven shillings and sixpence." One of these 
knives, found in his (supposed) grave, is illustrated on page 59. The fever and ague 
was the prevailing disease at Shamokin at that time, and it is said by some writers 
that old Alumoppees, who robbed the Indian treasury and kept drunk for several 
years, actually shook himself to death. It is also surmised that Shikellimy died of 
the same disease. 


ren at first, but upon discovering their sincerit)% became their firm 
and real fi'iend. Being much engaged in political affairs, he had 
learned the art of concealing his sentiments ; and, therefore, never 
contradicted those who endeavored to prejudice his mind against 
the missionaries, though he always suspected their motives. In 
the last years of his life he became less reserved, and received 
those Brethren who came to Shamokin into his house. He assist- 
ed them in building, and defended them against the insults of the 
drunken Indians; being himself never addicted to drinking, be- 
cause, as he expressed it, he never wished to become a fool. He 
had built his house upon pillars for safety, in which he always shut 
himself up when any drunken frolic was going on in the village. 
In this house Bishop Johannes Von Watteville * and his company 
visited and preached the gospel to him. It was then that the 
Lord opened his heart. He listened with great attention ; and at 
last, with tears, respected the doctrine of a crucified Jesus, and 
received it in faith. During his visit in Bethlehem, a remarkable 
change took place in his heart which he could not conceal. He 
found comfort, peace and joy, by faith in his Redeemer, and the 
Brethren considered him as a candidate for baptism ; but hearing 
that he had already been baptized, by a Roman Catholic priest in 
Canada, they only endeavored to impress his mind with a proper 
idea of his sacramental ordinance, upon which he destroyed a 
small idol, which he wore about his neck. After his return to 
Shamokin, the grace of God bestowed upon him was truly mani- 
fest, and his behavior was remarkably peaceable and contented. 
In this state of mind he was taken ill, was attended by Br. David 
Zeisberger, and in his presence fell happy asleep in the Lord, in 
full assurance of obtaining eternal life through the merits of Jesus 

* John de Watteville, a bishop of the Church, the principal assistant of Zinzendorf, 
and his son in-law, was one of those lovely characters that reflect the image of Christ. 
He was born at Walschleben, in Thuringia, October l8, 1718. His father was a 
clergyman. He was educated at the University of Jena, and subsequently joined the 
Moravian Church. Having been adopted by Baron Frederick de Watteville, he was 
created a Baron of the German Empire by Francis I., in 1745. In the following 
year he married the Countess Benigna, Zinzendorf 's eldest daughter, and was conse- 
crated a bishop in 1747. He died October 7, 1788, in Europe, aged almost 70 years. 
— Life of Zeisberger, page 147. 


Soon after the death of Shikellimy, his son Logan had Zeis- 
berger write a letter to Conrad Weiser, notifying him of the death 
of his father, that he might inform the Governor. He also had 
him write the following letter to Bethlehem : 

llv Brother Johanan, Gallicwas: 

You are my brethren, therefore I let you know that my father, Swatane, soon after 
his return from a visit to you, died, on which account I am much grieved. Have 
sympathy for me and aid me to bear my affliction at the death of a father, and let 
your brethren know this, for you are my brethren. He who speaks, these words, his 
name is 


And as sign I send this belt of wampum. 

In closing this imperfect sketch of Shikellimy, we desire to call 
attention to a singular freak of nature, which may be seen in the 
rocks of Blue Hill, when viewed from a certain position. Travel- 
ing up the river on the Sunbury side, and when at a certain 
point, the outlines of the face of the old Indian chief can be 
plainly seen, in profile, on the rocky side of the hill, a short dis- 
tance above the bridge crossing the West Branch. The position 
of certain rocks is such that they outline his face, and the features 
are so clearly defined that they cannot be mistaken. He appears 
to gaze serenely over a portion of the borough of Northumber- 
land and the majestic hills beyond. That his rugged features 
should thus be preserved is indeed remarkable, and whilst it can 
only be regarded as the accidental production of a peculiar com- 
bination of rocks, it must be accepted as a coincident which is as 
strange as it is suggestive. Hon. T. H. Purdy, in his Legends of 
the Susquehanna, thus refers to it : 

The calm of peace, of blessedness and grace. 
Still lingered on his cold but kindly face. 
Where he was wedded, there his grave was made. 
And wild-wood flow'rs upon his tomb were laid. 

Then every bee that hum'd, or dove that sigh'd. 
Or wind that moan'd o'er Susquehanna's tide. 
And every cloud that wept along the sky, 
Seem'd full of sadness as it drifted by. 
And all the pines, on every hill around. 
Have never ceas'd to send their wailing sound. 
To fill the forests and the valleys wide 
With lamentations since this chieftain died. 


And to this day a pensive shadow falls 
Down on the river from those tow'ring walls, 
Where Blue Hill, with its shale and rocks of red. 
Rise up to memorize the noble dead ! 

Half up those rocks, conspicuous in place, 
Time's hand has chisell'd Shikellimy's face, 
Which, looking eastward o'er the rippling wave. 
Beholds the place where chieftains made his grave. 
And yet along that beach, still whisp'ring there, 
One hears low murmurs floating on the air— 
" Loved Shikellimy ! " say the waves that rise, 
" Fair Nenaoma ! " back the wind replies. 
And so forever, and for evermore. 
Their names shall live on Susquehanna's shore. 

Shikellimy was succeeded by his eldest son, Tachncchtoris, as 
vicegerent, but as he did not possess the executive ability of his 
father, nor command the same respect among the Indians, his 
reign was a failure. Evil times came upon the country, and war 
and pestilence followed. 

Logan, the third son, possessed some of the remarkable quali- 
ties of his father, and had he been in the line of succession a 
better state of affairs might have prevailed. He is the Indian 
who became celebrated in the annals of border warfare by the 
farnous speech attributed to him, but which is supposed to have 
been written by Thomas Jefferson. He was the fast friend of the 
whites until his entire family was cruelly murdered in Ohio, when 
his love turned to hatred, and he never ceased to wage war against 
the settlers until he had taken thirteen scalps, one for each member 
of his family. He then declared that he was satisfied and made 
war no more. It was then that he uttered the speech which is 
considered a masterpiece in the annals of oratory. 

Logan's wife was a Mohican, and Powell relates a very pathetic 
story concerning the death of her daughter. He says : " Last 
fall she took her daughter, four years old, with her on the annual 
hunt. It took sick and died, bewitched, she said, by the Dela- 
ware sorcerers. She carried the body of her dead child home 
and had it buried in the ancestral burying-ground at Shamokin. 
The mother came to our house, asked for nails, as she wanted to 
make a coffin to put the child in. She told Sister Mack that before 


death it said: 'Mother, I will soon die; greet the white people; 
tell them that I ne\er stole turnips. I always asked when I 
wanted one.' She asked her whether the child would go to our 
God? Sister Mack said yes! and she spoke of the love of God 
to children. Our brethren attended the funeral of the child. The 
mother placed it in the coffin with its presents, viz : A blanket, 
several pairs of moccasins, buckskin for new ones, needle and 
thread, a kettle, two hatchets to cut kindling wood, flint and steel, 
so that on arriving in the new countiy she could go to house- 
keeping. Besides this she was beautifully painted and had a 
supply of bear's meat, corn and a calabash. After the funeral the 
mother came to our house and brought a quart tin and gave it to 
Sister Mack, saying: 'This had been her daughter's, and she 
should keep it in remembrance of her! ' " 

Another incident illustrative of Indian character is related by a 
Moravian writer, as follows : " Lately an Indian from Wyoming 
visited the mission house and seated himself by the fire and said 
to Sister Mack that he had been one and a half days in Shamokin, 
and no one yet had given him anything to eat, although he had 
been in all the houses. He asked her whether she would give 
him something, whereupon she gave him some bread, and he was 
very thankful." 

In April, 1749, Conrad Weiser was ordered to visit Shamokin 
on government business relating to the death of Shikellimy. He 
did as directed and promptly informed Governor Hamilton * that 
he had met the eldest and youngest sons of the deceased chief at 
the trading house of Thomas McKee, some twenty miles below 
Shamokin, who informed him that all the Indians had left the 
place for a short time on account of the scarcity of provisions. 
Here he delivered the message from the Governor to the young 
men, and three others of the Six Nations, one of whom was 

*James Hamilton, son of Andrew H.-imilton, was a native of Philadelphia, born 
about 171 1. At the death of his father, in 174 1, he was left in possession of a large 
fortune, and received the appointment of prothonotary, then the most lucrative office 
in the Province. He was appointed Lieutenant Governor in 1748, ser\-ing to October, 
1754. He filled the same office from 1759 to 1763. He filled other offices of dis- 
tinction, but his loyalty to the crown caused him to be unfriendly to the Revolution. 
He died at New York, August 14, 1783, aged about 72. 


Toganogon, a noted Cayuga. In reference to the interview he 
says : 

All what I had to do was to let the children and grandchildren of our deceased 
friend, Shikellimy, know that the Governor of Pennsylvania and his Council condoled 
with them for the death of their father, which I did accordingly, and gave them a 
small present, in order to wipe off their tears, according to the custom of the Indians. 
The presents consisted of six strowd matchcoats and seven shirts, with a string of 
wampum. After this was over, I gave another string of wampum to Tagheneghdoants, 
Shikellimy's eldest son, and desired him to take upon him the care of a chief in the 
stead of his deceased father, and to be our true correspondent, until there should be a 
meeting between the Governor of Pennsylvania and some of the Six Nation chiefs, 
and then he should be recommended by the Governor to the Six Nation chiefs and 
confirmed, if he would follow the footsteps of his deceased father. He accepted 
thereof, and I sent a string of wampum by Toganogon (who was then setting out for 
Cayuckquo, Onantago,) to let the Council of the Six Nations know of Shikellimy's 
death and my transaction by order of the Governor. There was a necessity for my 
doing so. 

The gradual encroachment of the white settlers caused a feel- 
ing of unrest, and the times assumed a threatening outlook. 
French emissaries were busy poisoning the minds of the Indians 
for the purpose of inducing them to abandon their alliance with 
the English and take sides with them. And their efforts were 
not wholly in vain, for they succeeded in bringing about a state 
of affairs which resulted in drenching this fair land in blood. 

One of the last journeys made up the river by the Moravians 
was by Martin Mack* in 1753. He left Bethlehem August 21, 
1753, in company with Brother Kaske, and reached Shamokin on 
the evening of the 24th. They were affectionately welcomed by 
the three brethren stationed there. They were anxious to hear 
from Bethlehem, as it was five months since the last visit of any 
person there. Mack kept a journal of his travels, from which the 
following extract is taken : 

"August 25, 1753. Marx Kiefer prepared for his return to 
Bethlehem, and left at 10 A. M. with letters. After dinner we 
visited the Indians who lived here, and found them very friendly. 
Many children are down with the small-pox. 

" August 26. In the forenoon we again visited the Indians and 
then prepared for our journey to Qiicniscliaschacki,^ a Delaware 

*See Meginness' Historical Journal, page 92. 

f Where the village of Linden, a few miles west of Williamsport, now stands. 


town, sixty miles beyond Shamokin, on the West Branch. Early 
in the afternoon we set out in a canoe and, four miles above Sha- 
mokin, visited a couple of lodges where Captain Logan lives.* 
Unfortunately he was away from home — in the Seneca country. 
Here we found a Shawanese dying of small-pox; he died next 
day. A few weeks ago he returned from the war" with the 
Catawbas; the Captain was an Oneida, and he with four of his 
tribe were killed. The others fled, one being the Shawanese, and 
two Tudelars. The latter died, on the day of their arrival, from 
small-pox. We paddled on and came to the place where last year 
we tried to pass a fall, and when half way up Brother Mack's 
pole broke, the canoe turned and Brother Grubet was thrown 
into the water. 

"August 27. Paddled on and soon reached John Shikellimy's 
hunting lodge,| who lives here with several Shawanese families. 
They were very glad to see us and gave us bear's meat. The 
children so pleased Brother Grube that he gave them cakes, to 
their great delight. After dinner we reached Muncy Creek, forty 
miles from Shamokin, where we put up our canoe with an Indian 
we knew, as the water began to grow rapid. Here we met se\'eral 
drunken Indians who teased us for tobacco, and began to get cross. 
Finally Brother Grube gave them several cuts and they were sat- 

*At the mouth of Chillisquaque Creek. Logan was the second son of Shikel- 
hmy, and was named after Secretary James Logan. He was lame. 

f Bernhard Adam Grube, born 1715, near Erfurth, and educated at Jena, came to 
Pennsylvania in June, 1746. At first he was employed at the schools in Bethlehem. 
He studied the Delaware language and held meetings' among the Indians. He was 
fifteen months at Shamokin. " Here," he says, " we had hard times and lived amid 
dangers. Our smithy became the resort of the savages passing through this central 
town, and on one occasion thirty warriors took possession of the house, and for eight 
days made it the scene of their di-unken revels." In 1753 he was sent to North Car- 
olina, to plant a colony of eleven young men on the tract of 100,000 acres purchased 
by the Brethren of the Earl of Granville. The next year he returned to Bethlehem, 
and in 1755 married Elizabeth Busse, and was appointed to Gnadenhutten, whence 
he barely escaped with his life in the memorable night of the 24th of November, 
when the place was destroyed by the Indians. After being stationed at various places 
and passing through many trials and vicissitudes, he took leave of his Indians in 1765. 
After this he was stationed at Lititz. The evening of his long life was spent at 
Bethlehem, where he died March 20, iSoS, in the 93d year of his age. 

J The eldest son of Shikellimy, who succeeded him in the vicegerency in 1748. 
His lodge stood at the mouth of Warrior's Run. 


isfied and let us go. We slung our packs on our backs, and by 
evening reached Otstonwakin. Mack pointed out to Grube the 
spot where Zinzendorf and his party had pitched their tents. 
Proceeding several miles further we camped for the night b)- 
a creek. 

"August 28. Towards 9 A. M. we came to a small town 
where Madame Montour's niece Margaret lives * with her family. 
She welcomed us cordially, led us into the hut and set before us 
milk and watermelons. Brother Grube told her that Mack had 
come from Bethlehem especially to visit her. ' Mother,' said 
Mack, 'do you know me?' 'Yes, my child,' she replied, 'but I 
have forgotten where I saw you.' 'I saw you,' he said, 'eight 
years ago on the island at Shamokin, when you were living with 
your brother, Andrew Sattelihu.' Hereupon she bethought her- 
self that at that time she had come from the Allegheny f and 
was on the way to Philadelphia. She was very friendly to us, and 
much pleased that we had visited her. She was yet sorrowing for 

* French Margaret, the wife of Peter Quebec, resided at the mouth of Lycoming 
Creek, which is noted on Scull's map of 1759 as French Margaret'.s Town. The 
site of her village is now embraced in the limits of Newberry, or the Seventh ward of 
the city of Williamsport. 

f French Margaret, a Canadian, and niece of Madame Montour, was living, prior 
to 1745, with her Mohawk husband, on the Allegheny. In that year Martin Mack met 
her at the lodge of her cousin, Andrew Sattelihu, on an island in the Susquehanna, 
near Shamokin. She had prohibited the use of liquor in her present village, and she 
said her husband, Peter Quebec, had not drank rum for six years. She had initiated 
other reformatory measures within her little realm, and she enjoyed the respect and 
confidence of her subjects. 

This lesser Indian queen frequently attended treaties at Easton, Philadelphia and 
Albany. Sometimes she interpreted. Clovernment, desirous of retaining the Montour 
influence for the English, always met her with marked deference; and yet she was an 
uncertain ally, as appears from Weiser's statement to Peters in a letter written to the 
Secretary in May, 1755. "French Margaret," he said, "with some of her family, is 
gone to the English camp in Virginia, and her son Nicklaus is gone to Ohio to the 
F'rench Fort. I suppose they want to join the stronger party, and are gone to get in- 

In July of 1754 French Margaret and her Mohawk husband and two grand- 
children, traveling in semi-barbaric state, with an Irish groom and six relay and 
pack-horses, halted a few days at Bethlehem on their way to New York. During her 
st.iy she attended divine worship, expressed much gratification at the music and sing- 
ing, and was also pleased to find sisters who were conversant with French. — Memori- 
als of the Moravian Church, pages 330-1-2. 


the loss of her son and son-in-law, who were killed last winter in 
the war against the Creeks. We told her we would leave our 
packs here and proceed to the Delaware town at Quenischaschac- 
ki. 'Oh!' she said, 'the Indians up there have for some weeks 
been drinking, and we would undoubtedly find them all drunk.' 
On arriving at the town we found all quiet, and the people modest 
and friendly. We visited several huts and inquired diligently 
about Christian Renatus, and found that he had gone to peel 
bark for his brother, the Captain, who is building a new hut. 
We remained until evening, and then returned to Margaret's town, 
who again furnished us with food. We had a long conversation 
with her on many subjects, and she spoke particularly of Andrew 
Sattelihu, and of her husband, who for six years has drank no 
whisky, and who had already prevailed upon two men from 

"August 29. Early this morning we again went to the Dela- 
ware town to seek Christian Renatus, and at last found him. He 
accompanied us a short distance into the woods, where we had a 
lengthy conversation on religious matters; and finally he said: 
' Yes, brethren, your eyes shall soon see me in your town.' We 
took an affectionate leave of him, and prayed to the Lord that he 
might have mercy on him. We then returned to Margaret's town 
to take leave of her. She desired us to visit her very soon again, 
which we hoped to do. 

" As to Andrew Sattelihu, he is now interpreter for Virginia and 
receives a salary of ^^300, and has been twice this summer to 
Onondaga. He is now absent, to bring Margaret's relatives, who 
live in French Canada, to her. 

"The French have set ;£'ioo on his head. The Governor of 
Virginia has also appointed him a Colonel, and presented to him 
a fine tract of land on the Potomac. He is a friend of the Mora- 
vians, and still remembers how, eleven years ago, he traveled with 
a great gentleman. The Six Nations have expressed themselves 
to this effect, that whatever nation should kill him, they would at 
once begin war — he is held in such high esteem among them. 

" French Margaret is also held in high esteem by the Indians, 
and allows no drunkard in her town. Her husband is a Mohawk, 


who understands French well, as also their children, but they do 
not speak it. She told Brother Grube that our missionaries might 
learn the Mohawk in her town. 

"By noon we reached our canoe at Muncy Creek, and found 
that a blanket and some provisions wrapped in it had been taken. 
Having had nothing to eat, we obtained some corn from a woman. 
Below Muncy Creek we visited a small Shawanese town, which a 
few years ago was built by some families from Wyomick. We 
found old Shikase, of Wyomick, here, who has been here since 
spring. He saluted us as brothers. We also visited John Shikel- 
limy, who lives here and has a Shawanese wife. He furnished us 
with a choice piece of bear's meat. Shikellimy's family have 
mostly left Shamokin, as they found it very difficult to live there, 
owing to the large number of Indians constantly passing through 
the town, who have to be fed. Our brethren make the same 
complaint — they have fed as high as lOO Indians per annum. 

" We encamped for the night on a beautiful spot on the river, 
and before retiring to rest held a devotional service. 

"August 30. Journeyed on by water, and towards evening 
reached our brethren at Shamokin, who were delighted to see us 

"August 31. We visited among the Indians to-day, and 
Brother Grube informed them that in the morning we would set 
out for Bethlehem, and that the smith and one brother would 

"September i. We set out for Bethlehem." 

Matters steadily grew worse. On the 1st of March, 1755, 
Conrad Weiser informed Governor Morris * that he had recently 
been visited by a number of Indians, some of whom were from 
the Ohio. The first company consisted of nineteen persons — all 
of the Six Nations — with a chief at their head. The second con- 
sisted chiefly of Shawanese, and there were twelve of them. They 

* Robert Hunter Morris was the eldest son of Lewis Morris, Chief Justice of New 
York and New Jersey, born about 1699. On the appointment of his father to the 
governorship of New Jersey, in 1731, the son succeeded him as Chief Justice of that 
State, a position he held until 1757, when he resigned the office. He was Lieutenant 
Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania from 1754 to 1756. He died the 20th of 
February, 1764, in the 65th year of his age. 


informed him that they left the Ohio countiy on account of the 
invasion of the French, and it was their intention to jointly settle 
on the West Branch at Otstuagy (Otstonwakin), and build a town. 
They asked for assistance from the whites, and sent a string of 
v\ampum with their request. About this time the Indians also 
informed him that a number of people from New England had 
formed themselves into a body to settle on the Susquehanna and 
in the Muncy Valley. 

On the I2th of June, 1755, Conrad Wei.ser notified Governor 
Morris that he had just returned from Otstuagy, where he had 
been with ten men to fence in a corn-field * for the Indians, ac- 
cording to the order of the Governor. But when he arrived at 
the settlement he found that the Indians, who had petitioned the 
Governor for assistance, had mostly deserted the place for want of 
provisions, and chiefly for having lost all their corn by severe 
frosts between the 29th and 30th of May last, which was the 
second frost they had on the river since their corn was up, and it 
had been entirely killed. He only found two Indians, with their 
families, in the town, and they were very thankful for what had 
been done for them, but as they had no hopes of raising any corn 
from what they had planted, they thought it needless to have a 
field fenced. He left them one .sack of flour, and on his return 
left one with the Indians at Canasoragy (Muncy) and two at Sha- 

On this journey he was accompanied by John Shikellimy, the 
new king. At Canasoragy they had a talk with the Indians and 
informed them of the object of his mission. Among other things 
he told them : 

I. That the King of Great Britain had sent a great number of men and ammu- 
nition, who are now on their march to drive away the French from Ohio by force. 

II. That no war was yet proclaimed between the Enghsh and French, but that it 
was daily expected; that in the meantime the Government desires them to stop their 
ears to everything that the French could say to them and listen altogether to the Eng- 
lish, and to depend upon that their brethren, the English, will strictly observe the 
treaties of friendship existing between them and their bretliren, the Indians. 

III. That as soon as the Governor would receive the news of war being pro- 
claimed between the English and French, the Governor would let them know, and 
whatever else should pass worth theirnotice. (Giave a string of wampum.) 

^See Life of Conrad Weiser, page 192. 


He found about twenty Indian men in this town, five or six of 
whom were Chickasaws, the balance were Shawanese. They in- 
formed him that they would be glad to see the English fight the 
French in earnest, that they had observed that wherever the 
French came they did mischief, and that they were generally 
hated among the Southern Indians. 

The signs of danger, however, increased. The crushing defeat 
of Braddock, July 9, 1755, was followed by the bloody massacre 
on Penn's Creek, only six miles from Shamokin, and caused so 
much alarm that the Moravian missionaries deemed it best to 
abandon their post. Max Kieffer,* the resolute blacksmith, kept 
to his anvil, hoping to save the property, until the sudden appear- 
ance of French Indians, painted for war, betokened the approach 
of the storm that was soon to sweep the defenceless borders of 
the Province. 

Finally Bishop Spangenberg wrote a letter directing him to 
leave everything behind and hasten to Bethlehem for safety. An 
old friend of the Church, a Conestoga Indian, offered to convey 
the letter and escort him. When within six miles of Shamokin, 
on the North Branch, he met Kieffer and delivered the letter to 
him. It had been Kieffer's intention to remain at Shamokin until 
the last minute, with the hope of saving the mission house and the 
smith-shop. t But when directed to abandon all he continued his 
journey. John Shikellimy escorted him to Nescopeck, when he 

*Dr. de Schweinitz, in his life of Zeisberger (page 225), says there were two mis- 
sionaries at Shamokin, Roessler and Kieffer, besides Peter Wesa, the smith, when the 
startling news of the massacre reached the place, and the murderers came thither. 
Roessler and Wesa escaped to Bethlehem. Kieffer remained and was concealed for 
two weeks in the lodge of a friendly Indian, when he was escorted away by Tachne- 
chtoris (John Shikellimy) and his life was saved. 

f According to tradition the blacksmith shop was located a little northeast of 
where Fort Augusta was afterwards built. Mr. M. L. Hendricks says that while he 
was engaged in digging for relics, he came upon a spot which had been partly em- 
braced by one of the bastions of the fort, where there were large quantities of charcoal 
and ashes. Dr. R. H. Awl remembers hearing old people say, when he was a young 
man, that pieces of iron and tools used by the smith were found underneath this spot 
by the early settlers. If the shop was located at this place, and the debris found 
there indicates that it was, Shikellimy's house was near by, together with the huts of 
the Indian village. This was opposite the lower part of the island, which would be 
a natural location for the town, the mission and the shop. 


took leave of him. Kieffer then continued on his journe)- via 
Wyoming and reached Bethlehem in safety. He was the last 
Moravian to leave Shamokin on the breaking out of hostilities, 
and with his departure the mission ended on the Susquehanna. 
All the buildings were soon afterwards burned, the Indian town 
was abandoned and ashes only marked the spot where it once 



WHEN the first settlements were made in the vicinity of 
Shamokin, and on Peon's Creek, the territory was em- 
braced in Cumberland and Berks Counties. Cumberland was 
formed January 27, 1750, out of a part of Lancaster, and took in 
all the lands on the west side of the Susquehanna. Berks was 
erected March 11, 1752, out of parts of Philadelphia, Bucks and 
Lancaster, and embraced all the territory on the east side of the 
river as far northward as the limits of the Province. 

The feeling of amity that had existed between the Indians and 
whites for over fifty years was about to be broken. The Indians 
had become greatly dissatisfied on account of the recent treaties, 
as they had discovered that they had been deceived and cheated. 
Their evil passions were aroused and they prepared to take revenge 
in the most fiendish manner. They united their fortunes with the 
French and the most terrible massacres followed. Petitions pray- 
ing for protection were sent to the Provincial Government by the 
settlers, but they availed but little. The Government made an 
effort to do something, but, owing to its weakness, accomplished 
very little. The disastrous defeat of Braddock, July g, 1755, was 
soon followed by war throughout the country. Scarcely three 
months elapsed until a body of Indians, from the West Branch, 
fell upon the settlement at Penn's Creek. The attack was made 
on the 15 th of October, 1755, and every person in the settlement, 
consisting of twenty-five, including men, women and children, with 
the exception of one man, who made his escape, though danger- 
ously wounded, were either killed or carried into captivity. The 
scene of havoc and devastation, presented in this once happy 
settlement, is described to have been mournful in the extreme. 


Their homes were burned and their fields laid waste. When the 
terrible news reached the settlements below, a number of men 
came up to bury the dead. They described the scene as fol- 
lows : 

We found but thirteen, who were men and elderly women. The children, we 
suppose to be carried away prisoners. The house where we supposed they finished 
their murder, we found burnt up ; the man of it, named Jacob King, a Swisser, lying 
just by it. He lay on his back, barbarously burnt, and two tomahawks sticking in his 
forehead ; one of these marked newly W. D. We have sent them to your Honor. 
The terror of which, has driven away almost all the back inhabitants, except the 
subscribers, with a few more, who are willing to stay and defend the land; but as we 
are not at all able to defend it for the want of guns and ammunition, and few in 
numbers, so that without assistance, we must fiee and leave the country to the mercy 
of the enemy. 

Jacob King, alias Jacob le Roy,* who was so inhumanly butch- 
ered, had only lately arrived from Europe. At the time of his 
murder, his daughter, Anne Marie le Roy, and Barbara Leininger 
were made prisoners and taken to Kittanning and other places, 
where they were kept captives for about three and a half \'ears. 

When these young women escaped from captivity, in 1759, they 
published a pamphlet in German, giving an account of their wan- 
derings and sufferings. A few years ago a copy was found, when 
a translation was made by Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz, of 

*At the Albany treaty, July 6, 1754, the Six Nations conveyed to Thomas and 
Richard Penn a purchase, the northern line of which was to start one mile above the 
mouth of Penn's Creek, where Selinsgrove now stands, and run " northwest and by 
west as far as the Province of Pennsylvania extends." This line, protracted on the 
map, bisects Limestone Township, Union County, and if run on the ground, would 
probably pass through the very tract of land taken up by Jean Jaques le Roy (father 
of Marie), now owned by the heirs of Hon. Isaac Slenker, in that township. The 
Indians alleged afterwards that they did not understand the points of the compass, 
and if the line was run so as to include the West Branch of the Susquehanna they 
would never agree to it Settlers, nevertheless, pushed their way up Penn's Creek, 
and the Proprietaries, with their understanding of the line, issued warrants for surveys 
along Penn's Creek, in Buffalo Valley, and at least twenty-five families had settled 
there as early as 1754. The Indians, emboldened by Braddock's defeat, determined 
to clear out these settlers, and did it so effectually, by the massacre related in the nai-- 
rative, that no settlers ventured upon the bloody ground until after the purchase of 
1768. In 1770, when Jesse Lukens re-surveyed the line of the le Roy tract, he noted 
in his fieldbook that he passed le Roy's bake-oven near the spring, on what is now 
the Slenker farm. — Historical Note, Vol. VII. Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, 
page 402. 


Bethlehem, and it was published in Vol. VII. of the Pennsylvania 
Archives, second series. Their thrilling story is as follows : 

" Marie le Roy was born at Brondrut, in Switzerland. About 
five* years ago she arrived, with her parents, in this country. 
They settled fifteen miles from Fort Schamockin.t Half a mile 
from their plantation lived Barbara Leininger, with her parents, 
who came to Pennsylvania from Reutlingen about ten years ago. 

"Early in the morning of the i6th of October, 1755, while le 
Roy's hired man went out to fetch the cows, he heard the Indians 
.shooting si.x times. Soon after, eight of them came to the house 
and killed Marie le Roy's father | with tomahawks. Her brother 
defended himself desperately for a time, but was at last overpow- 
ered. The Indians did not kill him, but took him prisoner, 
together with Marie le Roy and a little girl, who was staying with 
the family. Thereupon they plundered the homestead, and set it 
on fire. Into this fire they laid the body of the murdered father, 
feet- foremost, until it was half consumed. The upper half was 
left lying on the ground, with the two tomahawks, with which 
they had killed him, sticking in his head. Then they kindled 
another fire not far from the house. While sitting around it, a 
neighbour of le Roy, named Bastian, happened to pass by on 
horseback. He was immediately shot down and scalped. 

" Two of the Indians now went to the house of Barbara Lein- 
inger, where they found her father, her brother and her sister 
Regina. Her mother had gone to the mill. They demanded 
rum ; but there was none in the house. Then they called for 
tobacco, which was given them. Having filled and smoked a 
pipe, they said : ' We are Alleghany Indians, and your enemies. 
You must all die!' Thereupon they shot her father, tomahawked 
her brother, who was twenty years of age, took Barbara and her 
sister Regina prisoners and conveyed them into the forest about a 

*November 22, 1752. — Rupfs Collection, page 297. 

f i. e., Fort Aug\ista, now Sunbury. 

J Jacob King, alias John Jacob le Roy, was killed at the spring on the late Mr. 
Slenker's farm. He came over in the ship Phcenix from Rotterdam, arriving at 
Philadelphia November 22, 1752, in the same vessel which brought over John Thomas 
Beck, great-grandfather of Dr. S. L. Beck, of Lewisburg, — Rupfs Collection, page 


mile. There they were soon joined by the other Indians with 
Marie le Roy and the httle girl. 

" Not long after several of the Indians led the prisoners to the 
top of a high hill, near the two plantations. Toward evening the 
rest of the savages returned with six fresh and bloody scalps, 
which they threw at the feet of the poor captives, saying that they 
had a good hunt that day. 

" The next morning we were taken about two miles further into 
the forest, while the most of the Indians again went out to kill 
and plunder. Toward evening they returned with nine scalps 
and five prisoners. 

" On the third day the whole band came together and divided 
the spoils. In addition to large quantities of provisions, they had 
taken fourteen horses and ten prisoners, namely: One man, one 
woman, five girls and three boys. We two girls, as also two of 
the horses, fell to the share of an Indian named Galasko. 

" We traveled with our new master for two days. He was tol- 
erably kind, and allowed us to ride all the way, while he and the 
rest of the Indians walked. Of this circumstance Barbara Lein- 
inger took advantage and tried to escape. But she was almost 
immediately recaptured and condemned to be burned alive. The 
savages gave her a French Bible, which they had taken from le 
Roy's house, in order that she might prepare for death ; and when 
she told them that she could not understand it, they gave her a 
German Bible. Thereupon they made a large pile of wood and 
set it on fire, intending to put her into the midst of it. But a 
young Indian begged so earnestly for her life that she was par- 
doned, after having promised not to attempt to escape again, and 
to stop her crying. 

" The next day the whole troop was divided into two bands, the 
one marching in the direction of the Ohio, the other, in which we 
were with Galasko, to Jenkiklamuhs,* a Delaware town on the 
West Branch of the Susquehanna. There we staid ten days, and 
then proceeded to Puncksotonay,t or Eschentown. Marie le 
Roy's brother was forced to remain at Jenkiklamuhs. 

"After having rested for five days at Puncksotonay, we took 

* Chinklacamoose, on the site of the present town of Clearfield, 
f Punxsutawny, in Jefferson County. 


our way to Kittanny. As this was to be the place of our perma- 
nent abode, we here received our welcome, according to the Indian 
custom. It consisted of three blows each, on the back. They 
were, however, administered with great mercy. Indeed, we con- 
cluded that we were beaten merely in order to keep up an ancient 
usage, and not with the intention of injuring us. The month of 
December was the time of our arrival, and we remained at Kit- 
tanny until the month of September, 1756. 

" The Indians gave us enough to do. We had to tan leather, to 
make shoes (mocasins), to clear land, to plant corn, to cut down 
trees and build huts, to wash and cook. The want of provisions, 
however, caused us the greatest sufferings. During all the time 
that we were at Kittanny we had neither lard nor salt; and, some- 
times, we were forced to live on acorns, roots, grass and bark. 
There was nothing in the world to make this new sort of food 
palatable, except hunger itself 

" In the month of September Col. Armstrong arrived with his 
men, and attacked Kittanny Town. Both of us happened to be 
in that part of it which lies on the other (right) side of the river 
(Alleghany). We were immediately conveyed ten miles farther 
into the interior, in order that we might have no chance of trying, 
on this occasion, to escape. The savages threatened to kill us. If 
the English had advanced this might have happened. For, at that 
time, the Indians were greatly in dread of Col. Armstrong's corps. 
After the English had withdrawn, we were again brought back to 
Kittanny, which town had been burned to the ground. 

" There we had the mournful opportunity of witnessing the cruel 
end of an English woman, who had attempted to flee out of her 
captivity and to return to the settlements with Col. Armstrong. 
Having been recaptured by the savages, and brought back to 
Kittanny, she was put to death in an unheard of way. First, they 
scalped her; next, they laid burning splinters of wood, here and 
there, upon her body; and then they cut off her ears and fingers, 
forcing them into her mouth so that she had to swallow them. 
Amidst such torments, this woman lived from nine o'clock in the 
morning until toward sunset, when a French officer took compas- 
sion on her and put her out of her misery. An English soldier, 
on the contrary, named John . . . . , who escaped from prison at 


Lancaster and joined the French, had a piece of flesh cut from 
her body and ate it. When she was dead, the Indians chopped 
her in two, through the middle, and let her lie until the dogs came 
and devoured her. 

"Three days later an Englishman was brought in, who had, 
likewise, attempted to escape with Col. Armstrong, and burned 
alive in the same village. His torments, however, continued only 
about three hours; but his screams were frightful to listen to. It 
rained that day very hard, so that the Indians could not keep up 
the fire. Hence they began to discharge gunpowder at his body. 
At last, amidst his worst pains, when the poor man called for a 
drink of water, they brought him melted lead, and poured it down 
his throat. This draught at once helped him out of the hands of 
the barbarians, for he died on the instant. 

" It is easy to imagine what an impression such fearful instances 
of cruelty make upon the mind of a poor captive. Does he attempt 
to escape from the savages, he knows in advance that, if retaken, 
he will be roasted alive. Hence he must compare two evils, 
namely, either to remain among them a prisoner forever, or to die 
a cruel death. Is he fully resolved to endure the latter, then he 
may run away with a brave heart. 

"Soon after these occurrences we were brought to Fort Du- 
quesne, where we remained for about two months. We worked for 
the French, and our Indian master drew our wages. In this place, 
thank God, we could again eat bread. Half a pound was given 
us daily. We might have had bacon too, but we took none of it, 
for it was not good. In some respects we were better off than in 
the Indian towns; we could not, however, abide the French. 
They tried hard to induce us to forsake the Indians and stay with 
them, making us various favourable offers. But we believed that 
it would be better for us to remain among the Indians, in as much 
as they would be more likely to make peace with the English 
than the French, and in as much as there would be more ways 
open for flight in the forest than in a fort. Consequently we 
declined the offers of the French, and accompanied our Indian 
master to Sackum,* where we spent the winter, keeping house for 

* Sakunk, outlet of the Big Beaver into the Ohio, a point well known to all Indi- 
ans; their rendezvous in the French wars, etc. Post, in his journal, under the date 


the savages, who were continually on the chase. In the spring 
we were taken to Kaschkaschkung,* an Indian town on the 
Beaver Creek. There we again had to clear the plantations of 
the Indian nobles, after the German fashion, to plant corn, and to 
do other hard work of every kind. We remained at this place 
for about a year and a half 

"After having, in the past three years, seen no one of our own 
flesh and blood, except those unhappy beings who, like ourselves, 
were bearing the yoke of the heaviest slavery, we had the unex- 
pected pleasure of meeting with a German, who was not a captive, 
but free, and who, as we heard, had been sent into this neighbour- 
hood to negotiate a peace between the English and the natives. 
His name was Frederick Post. We and all the other prisoners 
heartily wished him success and God's blessing upon his under- 
taking. We were, however, not allowed to speak with him. The 
Indians gave us plainly to understand that any attempt to do this 
would be taken amiss. He himself, by the reserve with which he 
treated us, let us see that it was not the time to talk over our 
afflictions. But we were greatly alarmed on his account. For 
the French told us that, if they caught him, they would roast him 
alive for five days, and many Indians declared that it was impos- 
sible for him to get safely through, that he was destined for death. 

" Last summer the French and Indians were defeated b)' the 
English in a battle fought at Loyal-Hannon, or Fort Ligonier. 
This caused the utmost consternation among the natives. They 
brought their wives and children from Lockstown,t Sackum, 
Schomingo, Mamalty, Kaschkaschkung, and other places in that 
neighbourhood, to Moschkingo, about one hundred and fifty miles 
further west. Before leaving, however, they destroyed their crops 
and burned everything they could not carry with them. We had 
to go along, and staid at Moschkingo J the whole winter. 

" In February, Barbara Leininger agreed with an Englishman, 

of August 20, 1758, records his experience at Sakunk, (Reichel.) See Peat's Jour- 
nal, Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, Vol. III., page 527. 

* Kaskaskunk, near the junction of the Shenango and Mahoning, in Lawrence 

t Loggstown, on the Ohio, eight miles above Beaver. — Weiser's Journal. 

J Muskingum. 


named David Breckenreach (Breckenridge), to escape, and gave 
her comrade, Marie le Roy, notice of their intentions. On account 
of the severe season of the year and the long journey which lay 
before them, Marie strongly advised her to relinquish the project, 
suggesting that it should be postponed until spring, when the 
weather would be milder, and promising to accompany her at 
that time. 

" On the last day of February nearly all the Indians left Mosch- 
kingo, and proceeded to Pittsburg to sell pelts. Meanwhile, their 
women traveled ten miles up the country to gather roots, and we 
accompanied them. Two men went along as a guard. It was 
our earnest hope that the opportunity for flight, so long desired, 
had now come. Accordingly, Barbara Leininger pretended to be 
sick, so that she might be allowed to put up a hut for herself alone. 
On the fourteenth of March, Marie le Roy was sent back to the 
town, in order to fetch two young dogs which had been left there ; 
and on the same day Barbara Leininger came out of her hut and 
visited a German woman, ten miles from Moschkingo. This 
woman's name is Mary . . . , and she is the wife of a miller from 
the South Branch.* She had made every preparation to accom- 
pany us on our flight; but Barbara found that she had meanwhile 
become lame, and could not think of going along. She, however, 
gave Barbara the provisions which she had stored, namely, two 
pounds of dried meat, a quart of corn and four pounds of sugar. 
Besides she presented her with pelts for mocasins. Moreover, 
she advised a young Englishman, Owen Gibson, to flee with us 
two girls. 

"On the sixteenth of March, in the evening, Gibson reached 
Barbara Leininger's hut, and, at ten o'clock, our whole party, con- 
sisting of us two girls, Gibson and David Breckenreach, left 
Moschkingo. This town lies on a river, in the country of the 
Dellamottinoes. We had to pass many huts inhabited by the 
savages, and knew that there were at least sixteen dogs with 
them. In the merciful providence of God not a single one of those 
dogs barked. Their barking would have betrayed us and frus- 
trated our designs. 

" It is hard to describe the anxious fears of a poor woman under 

*i. e., South Branch of the Potomac. 


such circumstances. The extreme probability that the Indians 
would pursue, and recapture us, was as two to one compared with 
the dim hope that, perhaps, we would get through in safety. But, 
even if we escaped the Indians, how would we ever succeed in 
passing through the wilderness, unacquainted^ with a single path 
or trail, without a guide, and helpless, half naked, broken down 
by more than three years of hard slavery, hungry and scarcely 
any food, the season wet and cold, and many rivers and streams 
to cross? Under such circumstances, to depend upon one's own 
sagacity would be the worst of follies. If one could not believe 
that there is a God, who helps and saves from death, one had 
better let running away alone. 

"We safely reached the river (Muskingum). Here the first 
thought in all our minds was : O ! that we were safely across ! 
Presently we found a raft, left by the Indians. Thanking God 
that He had himself prepared a way for us to cross the first 
waters, we got on board and pushed off. But we were carried 
almost a mile down the river before we could reach the other side. 
There our journey began in good earnest. Full of anxiety and 
fear, we fairly ran that whole night and all the next day, when we 
lay down to rest without venturing to kindle a fire. Early the 
next morning, Owen Gibson fired at a bear. The animal fell, but 
when he ran with his tomahawk to kill it, it jumped up and bit 
him in the feet, leaving three wounds. We all hastened to his 
assistance. The bear escaped into narrow holes among the rocks, 
where we could not follow. On the third day, however, Owen 
Gibson shot a deer. We cut off the hind quarters, and roasted 
them at night. The next morning he again shot a deer, which 
furnished us with food for that day. In the evening we got to the 
Ohio at last, having made a circuit of over one hundred miles in 
order to reach it. 

"About midnight the two Englishmen rose and began to work 
at a raft, which was finished by morning. We got on board and 
safely crossed the river. From the signs which the Indians had 
there put up we saw that we were about one hundred and fifty 
miles from Fort Duquesne. After a brief consultation we resolved, 
heedless of path or trail, to travel straight toward the rising of the 
sun. This we did for seven days. On the seventh we found 


that we had reached the Little Beaver Creek, and were about fifty 
miles from Pittsburg. 

"And now, that we imagined ourselves so near the end of all 
our troubles and misery, a whole host of mishaps came upon us. 
Our provisions were at an end; Barbara Leininger fell into the 
water and was nearly drowned; and, worst misfortune of all! 
Owen Gibson lost his flint and steel. Hence we had to spend 
four nights without fire, amidst rain and snow. 

"On the last day of March we came to a river, AUoquepy,* 
about three miles below Pittsburg. Here we made a raft, which, 
however, proved to be too light to carry us across. It threatened 
to sink, and Marie le Roy fell off, and narrowly escaped drowning. 
We had to put back and let one of our men convey one of us 
across at a time. In this way we reached the Monongahella 
River, on the other side of Pittsburg, the same evening. 

" Upon our calling for help, Col. Mercer immediately sent out a 
boat to bring us to the Fort. At first, however, the crew created 
many difficulties about taking us on board. They thought we 
were Indians, and wanted us to spend the night where we were, 
saying they would fetch us in the morning. When we had suc- 
ceeded in convincing them that we were English prisoners, who 
had escaped from the Indians, and that we were wet and cold and 
hungry, they brought us over. There was an Indian with the 
soldiers in the boat. He asked us whether we could speak good 
Indian? Marie le Roy said she could speak it. Thereupon he 
inquired, why she had run away ? She replied, that her Indian 
mother had been so cross and had scolded her so constantly, that 
she could not stay with her any longer. This answer did not 
please him ; nevertheless, doing as courtiers do, he said : He was 
very glad we had safely reached the Fort. 

" It was in the night from the last of March to the first of April 
that we came to Pittsburg. Most heartily did we thank God in 
heaven for all the mercy which He showed us, for His gracious 
support in our weary captivity, for the courage which He gave us 
to undertake our flight, and to surmount all the many hardships 
it brought us, for letting us find the road which we did not know, 

♦Chailiers' Creek. 


and of which He alone could know that on it we would meet 
neither danger nor enemy, and for finally bringing us to Pittsburg 
to our countrymen in safety. 

" Colonel Mercer helped and aided us in every way which lay in 
his power. Whatever was on hand and calculated to refresh us 
was offered in the most friendly manner. The Colonel ordered 
for each of us a new chemise, a petticoat, a pair of stockings, 
garters, and a knife. After having spent a day at Pittsburg, we 
went, with a detachment under command of Lieutenant Mile,* to 
Fort Ligonier. There the Lieutenant presented each of us with 
a blanket. On the fifteenth we left Fort Ligonier, under pro- 
tection of Captain Weiser and Lieutenant Atly.f for Fort Bedford, 
where we arrived in the evening of the sixteenth, and remained a 
week. Thence, provided with passports by Lieutenant Geiger, we 
traveled in wagons to Harris' Ferry, and from there, afoot, by way 
of Lancaster, to Philadelphia Owen Gibson remained at Fort 
Bedford, and David Breckenreach at Lancaster. We two girls 
arrived at Philadelphia on Sunday, the sixth of May." X 

This massacre spread terror and consternation throughout the 
settlements; and on intelligence being received below, about the 
20th of October, a party of forty-five, commanded by John Harris, 
set out from Harris' Ferry (now Harrisburg) and proceeded to the 
scene of the disaster, where they found and buried a number of 
the mangled bodies of the victims. From this place they pro- 

* Lieutenant Samuel Miles. 

f Lieutenant Samuel J. Atlee. 

J Anna M, le Roy was living in Lancaster in 1764, when she made affidavit again 
in regard to her capture and the visit of the Conestoga Indians to Kittanning. What 
became of Barbara Leininger is unknown. Hon. John B. Linn, in his Annals of Buf- 
falo Valley, says that the only further trace of the le Roy family he could find is a 
recital in a deed, that on the 19th of October, 1772, John James le Roy, the son, of 
Prince George County, Maryland, sold the le Roy tract in Buffalo Valley to Andrew 
Pontius, of Tulpehocken. The latter was an uncle to the late Philip Pontius, of 
Buffalo. He said, years afterward, when clearing up John Hoy's place, adjoining, 
they found several gold eagles, dropped, no doubt, by the Indians or their captives at 
the time of the massacre. This gave rise to rumors that money had been buried on 
the place, and many expeditions were made by night to dig for the treasure; but, ex- 
cept a few sleeve buttons, nothing was ever found. A cloud of superstition still hangs 
about the fateful spring, although 133 years have passed since the tragedy. Switzer 
Run preserves the nationality of the first settler. It empties into Penn's Creek a 
short distance above New Berlin. 


ceeded to Shamokin to see the Indians and prevail upon them, 
if possible, to remain neutral. This visit, it is alleged, they were 
persuaded to make by John Shikellimy and Old Belt. Their re- 
ception at the village was civil, but not cordial, and they perceived, 
as they thought, that their visit had disconcerted the savages. 
They remained there till the next morning. During the night 
they heard some Indians, about twelve in number, talking to this 
purpose : " What are the English come here for ? " Says another : 
" To kill us, I suppose ; can we then send off some of our nimble 
young men to give our friends notice, that can soon be here?" 
They soon after sang the war song, and four Indians went off in 
two canoes, well armed — one canoe went down the river, and the 
other across. 

In the morning they made a few presents to the Indians, who 
promised to remain neutral, and assist them against a large scalp- 
ing party of French and Indians, that they had learned were on 
their way across the Allegheny Mountains to attack the settle- 
ments. They were distrustful of the good faith of the Indians, 
after what they had heard the previous night, and were anxious to 
get away. Before leaving the village on their return, they were 
privately warned by Andrew Montour not to take the road on the 
western side of the river, but continue on down the eastern side, 
as he believed it to be dangerous. They, however, disregarded 
his warning, either relying on the good faith of the Indians at 
Shamokin, or suspecting that he intended to lead them into an 
ambuscade, and marched along the flats on the west side of the 
river. The fording place across Penn's Creek* was then at the 
place where the stream divides, one part passing south, the other, 
and main embouchure, turning nearly due east, towards the Sus- 
quehanna — this was the branch which Harris and his party were 
to pass. The northern shore of the creek, where they entered 
the water, was low ; on the southern side — the head of the Isle of 
Que — was a high and steep bank near, and parallel to which was 
a deep natural hollow, where the savages, some thirty in number, 
lay concealed. Before the whites, partly on foot and partly 
mounted, had well time to ascend the bank, the savages rose and 
fired on them. Four were killed. Harris states that he and about 

* This stream was named after John Penn. 


fifteen of his men immediately took to trees and returned tlie fire, 
killing four Indians, with the loss of three more men. They re- 
treated to the river and passed it with the loss of four or five men 
drowned. Harris was mounted, and in the flight was entreated by 
one of the footmen, a large fat man and a doctor, to suffer him to 
mount behind him. With some unwillingness he consented (for- 
tunately for himself), and they entered the river. They had not 
got entirely out of rifle distance when a shot struck the doctor in 
the back, and he fell, wounded,* into the river, from whence he 
never rose. The horse was wounded by another shot, and falling, 
Harris was obliged to abandon him and swim part of the way. 
The remainder of the party, after several days of toilsome march- 
ing through the rugged country, reached home in safety. 

To mark the spot where this fight occurred, a party that came 
up to bury the dead drove a wedge through the body of a Linden 
sapling, standing on the ground. This tree, fifty years ago, was 
some eighteen or twenty inches in diameter, and still retained the 
marks of the wedge, about five or six feet from the ground. 

The next day a party of Indians from Shamokin went down to 
where the engagement had taken place. They informed David 
Zeisberger that they found three white men killed, lying near each 

*This fight occurred October 25, 1755. John Harris married Elizabeth McClure, 
of Paxtrfng. of whom it was said, " .She was the most lovely woman who ever entered 
Donegal Church." She was greatly attached to her husband, and his absence on this 
expedition caused her much uneasiness. Mr. Harris had many narrow escapes from 
the Indians, this being one of them. After the firing began it was deemed best 
to attempt to ford the river and travel down the east side. The Indians were so close 
on them that only those who had good horses had any chance to escape. Just as 
Harris was urging his horse into the river, a young physician of his acquaintance, 
who had gone out with his party, entreated him to stop and take him on behind, as 
his horse was shot. Harris did this at the risk of his life. They had not proceeded 
far from the shore when the doctor was shot by an Indian and fell into the stream. 
His name is unknown. Harris escaped, but as he was delayed in reaching home 
for several days, the report of the fight reached his wife first, and she was informed 
that her husband was killed, as he was seen to fall into the river from his horse. 
The man who fell in was the young physician, who was taken for Harris. This so 
frightened his wife that she became ill and soon afterwards died from the effects of 
the fright. Her only daughter, Mary, after reaching womanhood, became the wife of 
William Mac! ay, who was the first United States Senator from Pennsylvania. Mrs. 
Maclay was the grandmother of Dr. R. H. Awl, now one of the oldest physicians of 


other ; and on the ri\'er side they found another dead man, not 
shot, but supposed to have been drowned trying to escape. A 
short distance further they discovered a suit of woman's clothes, 
with a pair of new shoes, lying near the river, which they thought 
must have belonged to some one who endeavored to escape b}- 
crossing the river. They then followed the trail further into the 
woods, where they espied a sapling cut down, and near by a grub 
twisted. They were certain these marks indicated something, and 
on carefully searching around discovered a parcel of leaves care- 
fully raked together, upon removing which they found a fresh 
grave that contained an Indian who had been shot. He was well 
dressed; all the hairs of his head were removed, with the excep- 
tion of a small tuft on the crown, which indicated him to be a 
French Mohawk. 

They also found a glove covered with blood, lying by a tree 
that was much shot, which they supposed to have belonged to 
Thomas McKee, an Indian trader. From here they went down to 
George Gabriel's* farm, where they saw Indian tracks in the 
plowed ground. His corn was burnt and destroyed, and no per- 
son about. 

As the Indians were prowling around the settlements, watching 
an opportunity to murder and scalp, it is impossible to imagine 
the fear and consternation that seized the inhabitants. The*- only 
safety was to flee and leave all to the enemy. Thej- had in vain 
looked for relief from the Government. Houses that had been 
occupied, barns that had been filled with the fruits of a rich and 

*George Gabriel settled upon the site of Selinsgrove in 1754. His location was 
surveyed to John Cox, by William Maclay, May 15, 1766, but Maclay, on his return 
to the Cox warrant, says : " Gabriel had made a settlement and improvement upon 
it at least ten years ago, that he now lives on the property and claimed it, and his 
pretensions must be satisfied by Mr. Cox before the return could be accepted." 
Gabriel built a house there as early as 1754, buying his land directly from the In- 
dians. He was a guide for Colonel Clapham in 1756, when he marched his regiment 
from Fort Hunter to Shamokin to build Fort Augusta, and he also served as a guide 
for surveyors in making locations, many of which bear his name. The first survey 
made in the present township of Benner, Centre County, bears the name of " George 
tJabriel," and is the pointer to all the surveys of that township. He died on the 
present site of .Selinsgrove in 1771. His obituary in Linn's Annals, page 37, is not 


plenteous harvest, and newly sowed fields and standing corn, were 
all abandoned to the mercy of the savages. 

A friendly Indian, named Luke Holland, of the Delaware tribe, 
who was much esteemed by the whites, was about the settlement 
at the time of the massacre. The surviving whites, in their rage, 
partly resolved to satiate their revenge by murdering him. This 
Indian, satisfied that his nation was incapable of committing such 
a foul murder in time of profound peace, told the enraged settlers 
that he was sure the Delawares were not in any manner concerned 
in it, and that it was the act of some wicked Mingoes or Iroquois, 
whose custom it was to involve other nations in wars with each 
other by clandestinely committing murders, so that they might be 
laid to the charge of others than themselves. But all his repre- 
sentations were vain; he could not convince exasperated men, 
whose minds were fully bent on revenge. At last he offered that 
if they would give him a party to accompany him, he would go 
with them in quest of the murderers, and was sure he could dis- 
cover them by the prints of their feet and other marks well known 
to him, by which he would convince them that the real perpetra- 
tors of the crime belonged to the Six Nations. His proposal was 
accepted; he marched at the head of a party of whites, and led 
them into the tracks. They soon found themselves in the most 
rocky parts of the mountain, where not one of those who accom- 
panied him was able to discover a single track, nor would they 
believe that ever a man had trodden on this ground, as they had 
to jump over a number of crevices between the rocks, and in some 
instances to crawl over them. Now they began to believe that 
the Indian had led them across these rugged mountains in order 
to give the enemy time to escape, and threatened him with instant 
death the moment they should be fully convinced of the fraud. 
The Indian, true to his promise, would take pains to make them 
perceive that an enemy had passed along the place through which 
he was leading them ; here he would show them that the moss on 
the rock had been trodden down by the weight of a human foot, 
then that it had been torn and dragged forward from its place; 
further, he would point out to them that pebbles or small stones 
on the rocks had been removed from their beds by the foot hitting 
against them, that dry sticks by being trodden upon were broken. 


and even that in a particular place an Indian's blanket had dragged 
over the rocks, and removed or loosened the leaves lying there, 
so that they lay no more flat as in other places ; all of which the 
Indian could perceive as he walked along, without ever stopping. 
At last arriving at the foot of the mountain, on soft ground, where 
the tracks were deep, he found that the enemy were eight in num- 
ber, and from the freshness of the foot-prints, he concluded that 
they must be encamped at no great distance. This proved to be 
the exact truth ; for, after gaining the eminence on the other side 
of the valley, the Indians were seen encamped, some having al- 
ready laid down to sleep, while others were drawing off their 
"leggings for the same purpose, and the scalps they had taken 
were hanged up to dry. "See!" said Luke Holland to his aston- 
ished companions, " there is the enemy! not of my nation, but 
Mingoes, as I truly told you. They are in our power; in less 
than half an hour they will all be fast asleep. We need not fire a 
gun, but go up and tomahawk them. We are nearly two to one 
and need apprehend no danger. Come on, and you will now 
have your full revenge!" But the whites, overcome with fear, 
did not choose to follow the Indian's advice, and urged him to 
take them back by the nearest and best way, which he did, and 
when they arri\ed at home late at night, they reported the number 
of the Indians to have been so great that they dare not venture to 
attack them. 

This story is said to be strictly true by Heckewelder, the Indian 
historian, and it illustrates the wonderful sagacity and cunning of 
the Indians. 

The consternation and excitement caused by this bloody mas- 
sacre — the Jirst that had occurred within the limits of the Province 
— can be better imagined than described. The most exaggerated 
rumors were in circulation, and the stories of blood and carnage 
were calculated to appall the stoutest heart. Many of them were 
wholly devoid of truth, but the settlers had reason to be alarmed, 
as the danger was really great. The painted savage was on the 
war-path thirsting for blood, and in his fury he was determined 
to spare neither age, sex nor condition. 

About the latter part of October, 1755, Andrew Montour and 


an Indian named Monagatootha were sent for by the Delawares 
to visit them at the Great Island. They started up, accompanied 
by three other Indians. On arriving there they found six Dela- 
wares and four Shawanese, who informed them that overtures had 
been made them by the French. Large bodies of French and 
Indians had crossed the Allegheny mountains, for the purpose of 
murdering, scalping and burning. This Montour reported to the 
Provincial Government, and also recommended the erection of a 
fort at Shamokin. It was the intention of the French to overrun 
this portion of the country and erect fortifications at different 
points — making Shamokin their headquarters. 

Near the close of this month, a few weeks after the big 
massacre, the Indians again appeared in considerable numbers 
around the Shamokin region; and during the following month 
committed several barbarous murders upon the remaining whites. 

During the month of November, at a council held at Philadel- 
phia, the old Indian chief, Scarroyady, was present and gave some 
interesting information. It was to the effect that two messengers 
had recently come from Ohio to the Indian town at Big Island, 
where they found a white man who accidentally happened to be 
there. These Indians were very much enraged on seeing him, 
and insisted upon having him killed. The other Indians would 
not permit him to be injured, stating that they would not kill him 
nor allow thcin to do it, as they had lived on good terms with the 
English, and did not wish to shed blood. These messengers were 
sent by the French to estrange these friendly Indians, if possible. 

In April, 1756, the Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania, 
on account of the hostility of the Indians, was obliged to issue 
the following proclamation : * 


Whereas, the Delaware tribe of Indians, and others in confederacy with them, 
have for some time past, without the least provocation, and contrary to their most 
solemn treaties, fallen upon this province, and in a most cruel, savage and perfidious 
manner, killed and butchered great numbers of the inhabitants, and carried others 
into barbarous captivity; burning and destroying their habitations, and laying waste 
the country. And ivhereas, notwithstanding the friendly remonstrances made to them 
by this Government, and the interposition and positive orders of our faithful friends 

■See Colonial Records, Vol. VII., page 88. 


and allies the Six Nations, to whom they owe obedience and subjection, requiring 
and commanding them to desist from any further acts of hostility against us, and to 
return to their allegiance, the said Indians do still continue their cruel murders and 
ravages, sparing neither age nor sex; I have, therefore, by and with the advice and 
consent of the Council, thought fit to issue this Proclamation; and do hereby declare 
the said Delaware Indians, and all others who, in conjunction with them, have com- 
mitted hostilities against His Majesty's subjects within this Province, to be enemies, 
rebels, and traitors to His Most Sacred Majesty; and I do hereby require all His 
Majesty's subjects of this Province, and earnestly invite those of the neighboring 
Provinces to embrace all opportunities of pursuing, taking, killing and destroying the 
said Delaware Indians, and all others confederated with them in committing hostil- 
ities, incursions, murders, or ravages, upon this Province. 

And whereas, many Delawares and other Indians abhorring the ungiateful, cruel 
and perfidious behavior of that part of the Delaware tribe and others that have been 
concemed in the late inhuman ravages, have removed into the settled and inhabited 
parts of the country, put themselves under the protection of this and the neighboring 
governments, and live in a peaceable manner with the King's subjects; I do therefore 
declare, that the said friendly Indians that have so separated themselves from our said 
enemies and all others who shall join or act with us in the prosecution of this just 
and necessary War, are expressly excepted out of this Declaration, and it is recom- 
mended to all officers and others to afford them protection and assistance. And 
whereas, the Commissioners appointed with me to dispose of the sixty thousand 
pounds lately granted by act of General Assembly for His Majesty's use, have, by 
their letters to me of the tenth inst., agreed to pay out of the same the several rewards 
for prisoners and scalps herein after specified ; and, therefore, as a further inducement 
and encouragement to all His Majesty's Liege People, and to all the several tribes of 
Indians who continue in friendship and alliance with us, to exert and use their utmost 
endeavor to pursue, attack, take, and destroy our said enemy Indians, and to release, 
redeem, and recover such of his Majesty's subjects as have been taken and made 
prisoners by the same enemies; I do hereby declare and promise, that there shall be 
paid out of the said sixty thousand pounds to all and every person, as well Indians as 
Christians not in the pay of the province, the several and respective premiums and 
bounties following, that is to say : For every male Indian enemy above twelve years 
old who shall be taken prisoner and delivered at any forts garrisoned by the troops in 
the pay of this Province, or at any of the County towns, to the keepers of the com- 
mon jails there, the sum of one hundred and fifty Spanish dollars or pieces "of eight; 
for the scalp of every male Indian enemy above the age of twelve years, produced as 
evidence of their being killed, the sum of one hundred and thirty pieces of eight; for 
every female Indian taken prisoner and brought in as aforesaid, and for every male In- 
dian prisoner under the age of twelve years taken and brought in as aforesaid, one hun- 
dred and thirty pieces of eight; for the scalp of every Indian woman, produced as 
evidence of their being killed, the sum of fifty pieces of eight; and for every English 
subject that has been taken and carried from this Province into captivity that shall be 
recovered and brought in and delivered at the city of Philadelphia to the Governor of 
this Province, the sum of one hundred and fifty pieces of eight, but nothing for their 
scalps; and there shall be paid to every oflScer or soldier as are or shall be in the pay 
of this Province who shall redeem and deliver any English subject carried into cap- 


tivity as aforesaid, or shall take, bring in and produce any enemy prisoner, or scalp as 
aforesaid, one half of the said several and respective premiums and bounties. 

Given under my hand and the Great Seal of the Province, at Philadelphia, the 
fourteenth day of April, in the twenty-ninth year of His Majesty's reign, and in the 
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and fifty-six. 

By His Honor's Command, 

RicH.MiD Peters, Secretary. 


From thi.s document it will be perceived that the whites were 
encouraged to scalp the Indians, by a reward offered by the Gov- 
ernor. It is thought to have been very barbarous for the Indians 
to scalp the killed, but at the saine time it is not generally known 
that the English were hired to do the same thing. Such being the 
fact, are the Indians to be blamed for their conduct? Certainly 
not. But it will be argued, probably, that they first commenced 
the barbarous practice. Granting such to be the fact, was that 
any reason why people claiming to be enlightened should adopt 
the custom of savages? 

About this time the Indians abandoned the town of Shamokin, 
probably on account of fear of the English, who were expected 
there in considerable force to erect a fort and make preparations 
for the defense of the frontier. On the 3d of June, 1756, a scout, 
consisting of George Allen, Abraham Loverhill, James Crampton, 
John Gallaher, John Murrah and Robert Egar, were sent up the 
river to reconnoitre the enemy at Shamokin. They reported that 
they arrived there on Saturday night, and not observing any 
enpmy, went to the place where the town had been, but found 
all the houses consumed and no trace of it left. They remained 
there till ten o'clock the next day, but observed no signs of In- 

Thus had the ancient Indian town of Shamokin disappeared 
from the face of the earth — destroyed by its own inhabitants. 
From time immemorial it had been an important point with the 
aborigines. The seat of a king, the sub-capital of their confed- 
eracy south of Tioga, where all paths converged and where war 
and peace parties met. With its destruction went down the 
famous blacksmith shop and the Moravian mission house. Naught 


remained to mark its site but ashes and the httle hillocks where 
hundreds of Indian dead were buried in the cemetery. One white 
man slept near by — John Hagan — who was the first of the " pale 
faces " to die and be interred on the banks of the river at Sha- 
mokin. Thus closes an important chapter in our history. The 
curtain will rise upon new scenes, and new and thrilling incidents 
will crowd to the front, crimsoned with human blood. 




THE French and Indian war having been fairly started by 
the defeat of Braddock and the atrocious massacre of the 
Peon's Creek settlers, it soon became evident to the Provincial 
Government that something must be done for the protection of 
the frontiers. In the meantime petitions poured in asking for 
assistance, and the greatest excitement prevailed in the exposed 
settlements. Towards the latter part of October, 1755, Governor 
Morris called the Assembly together, when they passed a militia 
law and granted i^2,ooo for the " King's use." It was also learned 
that a body of 1,500 French* and Indians had left the Ohio, of 
whom a division of forty was destined against Shamokin, for the 
purpose of seizing it and building a fort there. The friendly 
Indians repeatedly requested Governor Morris to build a fort at 
.Shamokin ; but as the necessary orders were delayed, the Indians 
became impatient. At a conference held February 22, 1756,! 
they said to Governor Morris: 

We advised you when at Carlisle immediately to build a Fort at Shamokin; we 
repeat our advice & earnestly entreat you will not delay in doing it. Such Indians 
as continue true to you, want a place to come to, & to live in security against your & 
their Enemies, and to Shamokin, when made strong they will come and bring their 
wives and children with them; & it will strengthen your interest very much to have a 
strong house there. Indeed you lose ground every day till this be done. Pray 
hasten the .work, the warriors say they will go along with you & assist you in build- 
ing a Fort there. 

In reply Governor Morris said: J 

As to the strong house you have frequently desired us to build at Shamokin, you 
well know that we are ready to do anything for the safety of our Friends among the 

*Colonial Records, Vol. VI., pages 662, 675. 
\ Colonial Records, Vol. VII., page 54. 
XColonial Records, Vol. VII., page 56. 


Indians, and our people. We expect every day to see Scaroyady and Andrew Mon- 
tour with agreeable news from our Brethren the Six Nations, and as soon as they 
arrive you will have notice immediately & we shall build the Fort. 

Again at a conference held at Philadelphia (April 8th) the Gov- 
ernor informed the Indians that: 

Agreeable to your repeated request, I am now going to build a Fort at Shamokin. 
Forces are raising for that purpose & everything will soon be in readiness. 

Time wore away, however, and nothing was done. This in- 
creased the uneasiness of the Indians, and on the loth of April, 
1756, they reminded the Governor of his promise in these words: 

You told us * that you must now build a Fort at Shamokin ; we are glad to hear 
it; it is a good thing; these young men are glad in their hearts & promise you their 
assistance, & would have you go on with it as fast as you can, & others too will assist 
you when they see you are in earnest. The Fort at Shamokin is not a thing of little 
consequence; it is of the greatest importance to us as well as to you. Your people 
are foolish; for want of this fort, the Indians who are your friends can be of no 
service to you, having no place to go to where they can promise themselves protec- 
tion; they can do nothing for you, they are not secure anywhere. At present your 
people cannot distinguish Foes from Friends, they think every Indian is against 
them — they blame us all without distinction, because they see nobody appear for 
them; the common people to a man entertain this notion & insult us wherever we go. 
We bear their ill usage the' very irksome, but all this will be set right when you 
have built the Fort and you will see that we in particular are sincere, & many others 
will come to your assistance. We desire when the Fort is built you will put into the 
command of so important a place some of your best people, grave, solid & sensible 
men who are in repute amongst you, & in whom you can place confidence. Do 
this & you will soon see a change in your affairs for the better. 

Notwithstanding all the requests and arguments of the Indians, 
and the repeated promises of the Governor to commence the erec- 
tion of a fort at this important point, it does not appear that active 
measures were taken to effect it. It was always a favorite meas- 
ure with the Governor, but the principal reasons for delay were 
probably the fear of opposition from the enemy should they be- 
informed that the work had been commenced. The difficulty, 
too, of making arrangements was evidently another drawback, 
and especially the want of consent on the part of the Commis- 
sioners. They finally did consent,! and desired him to raise 400 
men for that purpose, which he soon afterwards commenced 

'^Colonial Records, Vol. VII., pages 79, So. 
f Pennsylvania Archives^ Vol. II., page 606. 


In the meantime exaggerated reports of the massacre continued 
to spread over the sparsely settled country, which added to the 
terror and consternation of the settlers. 

It was the i6th of April,* 1756, when the Governor informed 
the Commissioners that he had directed Colonel William Clapham 
to rendezvous Jiis regiment at or near Hunter's Mill.t where he 
directed a number of canoes to be collected and fitted for trans- 
porting stores to Shamokin, and he thought it would be necessary 
to form a magazine of provisions and other warlike stores suffi- 
cient to supply the troops. The Governor soon afterwards pro- 
ceeded to Harris' Ferry to aid by his presence in hurrying for- 
ward the expedition. 

Everything being in readiness to commence operations, Gover- 
nor Morris, on the 12th of June, 1756, issued the following in- 
structions to Colonel William Clapham: 

1. Herewith you will also receive two Planus of Forts, the one a Pentagon, the 
other a Square with one Ravelin to Protect the Curtain where the gate is, with a 
ditch, covered way, and Glacis. But as it is impossible to give any explicit direc- 
tions, the Particular form of a fort, without viewing and Considering the ground on 
which it is to stand, I must leave it to you to build it in such form as will best answer 
for its own Defence, the command of the river and of the Country in its neighbor- 
hood, and the Plans herewith will serve to shew the Proportion that the Different 
parts of the works should bear to Each other. 

2. As to the place upon which this fort is to be erected, that must be in a great 
measure left to your Judgment; but it is necessary to inform you that it must be on 
the East side of the Susquehanna, the Lands on the West at ye forks and between 
the branches not being purchased from the Indians, besides which it would be impos- 
sible to relieve and support a garrison that side in the winter time, From all the 
information that I have been able to Collect, the Land on ye south side of the east 
branch, opposite the middle of the Island, is the highest of any of the low land 
thereabout, and the best place for a fort, as the Guns you have will form a Rampart 
of a moderate highth, command the main river; but as these Infonnations come 
from persons not acquainted with the nature of such things, I am fearfull they are not 
much to be depended on, and your own Judgment must therefore direct you. 

3. When you have completed the fort you will cause the ground to be cleared 
about it, so to a convenient distance and openings to be made to the river, and you 

* Pennsyhania Archives, Vol. II., page 626. 

f Fort Hunter was about six miles north of Harrisburg, at the mouth of Fishing 
Creek. The site was high and commanding, and the surrounding scenery is of the 
most romantic character. The tracks of the Northern Central Railroad pass within 
a short distance of the site of the old fortification. 


will Erect such buildings within the fort and place them in such a manner as you 
shall Judge best. 

4. Without the fort, at a convenient distance, under the command of the Guns, 
it will be necessary to build some log houses for Indians, that they may have places 
to Lodge in without being in the fort where numbers of them, however friendly, should 
not be admitted but in a formal manner, and the guard turned out, this will be es- 
teemed a compliment by our friends, and if enemies should at any time be concealed 
under that name, it will give them proper notions of our vigilance and prevent them 
from attempting to surprise it. 

5. In your march up the River will take care not to be surprised, and always 
have your forces in such a disposition that you may retreat with safety. 

6. You will make the best observations you can of the river, and the most diffi- 
cult passes you meet with in your way, as well by land as by water, which you will 
note upon the map I gave, that it may be thereby amended, and furnish me with your 
opinion of the best manner of removing or surmounting those difficulties. 

7. If you should be opposed in your march, or gain any intelligence of the ap- 
proach of an enemy for that or any other purpose, you will inform me by express of 
such intelligence or opposition, the situation you are in, and everything else material, 
that I may send you proper assistance, and be prepared for anything that may Hap- 
pen, and in the meantime you are to use your best endeavours to oppose the Enemy 
and to secure yourself. 

8. As soon as you are in possession of the Ground at Shamokin, you will secure 
yourself by a breastwork in the best manner you can, so that you ever may work in 
safety, and you will inform me of everything committed to their care. 

9. You will order the Commissary, and others into whose hands you may trust 
any of the Publick Provisions or Stores to be careful and exact in the distribution 
thereof, and to keep exact accounts of everything committed to your care. 

10. Having suspended Hostilities against the Delaware Indians on the East side 
of the North East Branch of Sasquahana, in order to enter into a treaty with them, I 
send you herewith my Proclamation for that purpose, to which you will conform, and 
any friendly Indians that may Joyn you in your march or at Shamokin you will treat 
with Kindness, and supply them out of the Province Stores with such things as they 
may want, and you are able to spare. 

11. Having sent the Indians, New Castle and Jagrea, again to the town of Dia- 
hoga, accompanied with some of the Jersey Delawares, all our good friends, who 
may and probably will return by the Sasquahana, you will, in about a fortnight after 
this cause a lookout to be kept for them, and if they return that way you will receive 
& assist them in their journey. Their Signal will be a red flag with the union in the 
corner, or if that should be lost they will carry green Boughs or cluljd Muskets, will 
appear open and Erect, and not approach you in the night.* 

When Colonel Clapham received these instructions he was at 
Fort Halifax t with a large body of men, engaged in making 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., pages 667-8, Old Series. 

f Fort Halifax was situated on the east bank of the Susquehanna, at or near the 
mouth of Armstrong's Creek, about half a mile above the present town of Halifax, 


preparations to resist any attacks that might be made against the 
place. He also had a number of mechanics and ship carpenters 
busily engaged in building flat boats for the purpose of transport- 
ing provisions and munitions of war up the river. These boats 
were pushed against the current by strong men using " setting 
poles." This method of navigating the river was very laborious 
as well as dangerous, because the savages lurked along the shore 
of the river to pick them off with their rifles. And for better 
.safety it was necessary to have a guard, which traveled by land 
and kept within sight of the boats to protect them. 

While at Fort Halifax Colonel Clapham had a number of car- 
riages for mounting cannon manufactured, but the records do not 
state how many. It is inferred, however, from letters written at 
the time, that he had several pieces of artillery. 

Before starting for his new field of operations Colonel Clapham 
had some difficulty with a number of his men on account of pay 
due them. Not being able to pay them because of a scarcity 
of funds, several of the soldiers and "batteaux men" became dis- 
satisfied and refused to perform their duty. According to his 
statement, the latter were Germans, and twenty-six in number. 
They were arrested and confined for mutiny. 

Everything being in readiness, the march to Shamokin was 
commenced early in July, 1756. There being no road on the east 
side of the river, it was necessary to cross to the west side and 
follow the path to a point opposite their destination. In many 
places the underbrush had to be removed and the road widened 
to admit of the passage of the troops and horses, and the march 
was necessarily slow. 

Finally, after a toilsome march, the command reached its des- 
tination* about four hundred strong. It was a motley crew 

and thirty-two miles below Sunbury. Nothing now remains to mark the spot, except 
an old well. Colonel Clapham had selected the site on account of its convenience 
and natural situation for establishing a magazine for provisions. There was an abun- 
dance of pine timber near at hand. When he received his orders from Governor 
Morris, he had already cut and squared 200 logs and had hauled eighty to the spot 
and made some progress in laying them. He also had twenty batteaux finished and 
two canoes to bring up provisions from McKee's store. Scouts were on the lookout 
all the time. 

* The following extract is from a memorandum made in 1 802 by Colonel Samuel 


indeed. Indians hovered about the hills, noting their movements 
and watching an opportunity to seize and scalp stragglers. The 
ruins of Shamokin and the famous Moravian blacksmith shop 
were visible near a patch of cleared ground, not far from where 
the railroad now runs after crossing the island bridge. The sur- 
rounding mountains were heavily timbered and the lowlands and 
swamps were covered with impenetrable thickets of briers and 
bushes. It was indeed a wild and romantic spot at the junction 
of the two rivers. Blue Hill proudly reared its rugged crest and 
seemed to look down defiantly upon the ragged and poorly fed 
militia-men, as they lay encamped upon the very spot where the 
Indian town had once stood. The majestic river rolled its 
current silently towards the sea, and as the sun disappeared 
behind the bold, rocky promontory on its western shore, and 
the gathering twilight deepened into the gloom of night, the 
scene was indeed a weird one as the soldiers passed their first 
night upon the spot destined to become famous in the annals of 

Once upon the ground, Colonel Clapham ordered temporary 
breastworks thrown up, for the better protection of his command, 
and preparations were at once made to commence erecting the 
fort according to the most approved plan. A hurried survey was 
made by the engineers, and a location for the defensive work 
selected. But notwithstanding the importance of the expedition, 
and the absolute necessity of preparation to resist attack, great 
dissatisfaction existed among the soldiers on account of their 
pay, and it was with difficulty that many of them could be 
restrained from returning home. Finally the dissatisfaction 
assumed such a serious aspect that, on the 13th of July, a 
council was called in the camp to take into consideration what 
was best to be done. As the report of that meeting shows 
clearly the difficulties the commander had to surmount, and 

Miles, of the Revolutionary Army : " We crossed the Susquehanna and marched on 
the west side thereof, until we came opposite where the town of Sunbury now stands, 
where we crossed over in batteaux, and I had the honor of being the first man who 
put his foot on shore at landing. In building the fort at Shamokin, Captain Levi 
Trump and myself had the charge of the workmen, and after it was finished our 
battalion remained there as garrison until the year 1758." 


forms an important link in the history of Fort Augusta, it is 
given herewith in full : * 

Present — all the Officers of Colonel Clapham's Regiment, except Capt. Miles, j- 
who Commands the Garrison at Fort Halifax. 

The Subalterns complain, that after expectation given them by several Gentlemen, 
Commissioners, of receiving seven Shillings and Six Pence each Lieut., & five Shil- 
lings & Six Pence each Ensign per day, the Commissary has received Instructions to 
pay a Lieut, but five shillings and six pence, and an Ensign four Shillings. 

Capt. Salter affirms, that the Gentlemen Commissioners assur'd him that the Sub- 
alterns pay was Augmented from five Shillings and six pence, and four Shillings to 
the sums mention'd above. 

Lieut. Davies reports, that Mr. Fox assured him that the pay of a Lieut, in this 
Regiment woud be Established at seven Shillings & six Pence per Day, and that Mr. 
Peters, the Provincial Secretary, told him the same as a thing concluded upon, but 
hinted .it the same time that he might expect but five shillings and sixpence per Day, 
l)efore he came into the Regiment. 

Lieut. Garraway says, that Mr. Hamilton told him at Dinner, at Mr. Cunninghams, 
that the Pay of a Captain in this Regiment was to be ten Shillings, a Liutenants 
seven Shillings & six pence, & an Ensigns five Shillings & Sixpence. 

Capt. Lloyd says, that Mr. Hughs, one of the Gentlemen Commissioners told 
him the same thing. 

The Gentlemen Officers beg leave to Appeal to his Honor, the Governor, as an 
Evidence that that Opinion Universally Prevailed thro'out the Regiment, and think- 
ing themselves unjustly dealt with by the Gentlemen Commissrs., are Unanimously 
Determined not to Honor their most hearty and sincere thanks for the Favours re- 
ceived, the grateful impressions of wch they shall never forget, and at the same time 
request a permission from your Honor to Resign on the Twentieth day of Augst next, 
desiring to be relieved accordingly. 

[Signed] Levi Trump, Patrick Davis, Daniel Clark, Chas. Garraway, Asher Clay- 
ton, Wm. Anderson, John Hambright, William Plunkett, Sam. Jno. Atlee, Chas. 
Brodhead, Wm. Patterson, Joseph Scott, John Morgan, Samuel Miles, James Bryan, 
Pat. Allison. 

James Young, who appears to have been a paymaster in the 
service of the Provincial Government, visited Shamokin about this 
time and found great confusion and dissatisfaction existing among 
the officers. On the iSth of July, 1756,^ he wrote a long letter 

*See Vol. L, page 700, Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series. 

f Notwithstanding this statement it appears that he was present and signed the 
report — or it was submitted to him afterwards for signature. 

J His letter is dated at Carlisle. After remaining at Shamokin four days he left 
there early Friday morning in a batteau and "rowed her down to Harris' before night 
with four oars." He was greatly perplexed during his stay at Shamokin. He says: 
" I was ordered to pay but 384 private men and 16 sergeants. I found several more 
in the camp besides Ensign Meirs, with 20 men at Maggies Stores, Ensign Johnston 


to Governor Morris, in which he gave a detailed account of the 
dissatisfaction he found prevailing there. Colonel Clapham, he 
stated, was much displeased on account of the insufficiency of 
funds forwarded to pay the troops. Clapham complained loudly 
and bitterly of what he termed his ill usage, and in his wrath went 
so far as to threaten to leave the service and join the Indians if 
something was not done soon. This was very imprudent talk for 
the commanding officer, and shows that he was lacking in dis- 

Young, according to the records, did not pay any of the officers, 
because they claimed more than he was instructed to allow them. 
And to make matters worse, all of the officers, with the exception 
of three or four, had been under arrest by order of Colonel Clap- 
ham upon one charge or another, but released at his pleasure 
without trial. His conduct arrayed the officers against him and 
caused them to despise him. Paymaster Young very much 
doubted the wisdom of building a fort at this place, as, in his 
opinion, there was great danger of it being deserted by the men 
on account of the bitterness of feeling which prevailed, and he so 
stated in his letter to the Governor. 

On the same day Colonel Clapham and James Burd united in 
writing a long and censorious letter to Governor Morris, in which 
they stated their grievances as follows : 

Shamokin, July iSth, 1756. 

Sir; I am desir'd herewith to Transmit to your Honor the result of a Council 
held at the Camp at Shamokin, July the 13th, in consequence of a disappointment in 
the Pay of ye Subalterns, from wch it will appear to your Honor that they think 
Themselves illtreated by the Gentlemen Commissioners, whose Honor they rely'd on 
and several of whose promises they recite in Regard to their Pay, and that they are 
unanimously determined to resign their Commissions on the 20th day of August next 
if the respective Promises and Assurances of the Gentlemen Commissioners on that 
Head are not fully Comply'd with before that time. 

I further beg leave to address your Honor with a Complaint in behalf of myself, 
and the other Captains and Officers of this Regiment. I had the honor to receive 
from you, Sr., a Commission as Captain in the Regiment imder my command, dated 
March the 29th, for which the Gentlemen Commissioners, notwithstanding it was rep- 
resented to them, have been pleased to withhold my pay and Assign'd as a Reason 

with 23 men at Hunter's Mill, and a sergeant with 13 at Harris", all ordered there by 
Col. Clapham, and above his number of 400. I therefore did not pay them." — 
Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 704, Old Series. 


that a man can execute but one Office at a time, and ought to devote his whole service 
to it, which is not only an unjust remark, but affronting to all Gentlemen who have 
the Honor to hold directly from his Majesty or from any of his Majesty's Officers 
more than one Commission at the same time, by supposing them deficient in some 
part of their Duty, and is virtually an invective against the Government of Great 
Britain itself. They have likewise been pleased to deal with Major Burd upon the 
same principles and have paid him only as a Captain, which must be confessed is a 
very concise method of reducing without the Sentence or even the Sanction of a 
Court Martial. 

The several Captains think themselves affronted by the Commissrs Instructions to 
the Commissary to pay but two Serjeants and forty-eight Private Men in each Com- 
pany, notwithstanding two Corporalls and one Drummer were appointed in each 
Company by your Honor's express Command, this instruction appears to them also 
as a contempt of your Honor's Orders, and have accordingly paid these non-commis- 
sioned officers out of their own Pockets. 

I entered into this service at the Solicitation of some of the Gentlemen Commis- 
sioners, in Dependence on Promises, which they have never performed, and have 
acted ever since not only in two Capacities but in twenty, having besides the Duties 
of my Commissions as Col. & Captain been obliged to discharge those of an En- 
gineer and Overseer at the same time, and imdergone in the Service incredible Fatigues 
without Materials and without thanks. But as I am to be paid only as a Col. I in- 
tend while I remain in this Service only to fulfill the Duties of that Commission, 
which never was yet supposed to include building forts and ten thousand other Ser- 
vices which I have performed, so that the Gentlemen Commissioners have only to 
send Engineers, Pioneers and other Laborers, with the necessary Teams and Utensils, 
while I, as Col. preside over the Works, see that your Honor's orders are punctually 
executed, & only Defend the Persons engaged in the Execution of them. In pursu- 
ance of a resolution of your Honor and the Gentlemen Commissioners to allow me 
an Aid-De-Camp who was to be paid as a Supernumerary Capt. in the Regiment ; I 
according appointed Capt. Lloyd as my Aid-De-Camp on April 2nd, 1756, who has 
ever since acted as such in the most Fatiguing and disagreeable Service on Earth, 
and received only Captain's Pay. 

Your Honor was pleased to appoint Lieut. Clayton Adjutant to the Regiment 
under my command by a Commission, bearing date the 24th day of May, 1756, but 
the Gentlemen Commissrs have, in Defiance of all known rules, resolved that an Of- 
ficer can Discharge but one duty in a day, and have paid him only as a Lieutenant. 
Impowered by your Honor's orders, and in Compliance with the Exigencies of the 
Services, I hir'd a number of Battoe men at 2-6 per day, as will appear by the return 
made herewith to your Honor, and upon demanding from the Paymaster General 
money for the Payment of the respective Ballances due to them, was surprized to find 
that the Commissy had by their instructions restraing him from Paying any incidental 
Charges whatever, as thinking them properly Cognizable only by themselves. 

'Tis extremely Cruel, Sr, and unjust to the last degree That men who cheerfully 
ventured their lives in the most dangerous and Fatiguing services of their Country, 
who have numerous Families dependant on their labor, and who have many of them 
while they were engaged in that service, suffered more from the neglect of their 
Farms and Crops at home than the Value of their whole pay. In short, whose Affairs 


are ruined by the Services done their Country should some of them receive no pay at 
all for those services, if this is the case I plainly perceive that all Service is at an 
end, and foresee that whoever has the command of this Garrison will inevitably be 
Obhged to Abandon his Post very shortly for want of a Suply of Provisions. Your 
Honr will not be surprized to hear that in a government where its Servants are so 
well rewarded I have but one Team of Draught Horses, which, according to the 
Commissioners remark, can but do the Business of one Team in a day from whence 
you will easily Judge that the Works must proceed very slowly and the Expence in 
the end be proportionable. 

Permit me, Sr, in the most grateful manner to thank your Honr for the Favour 
conferred on me and on the Regiment under my Command which I am sensible were 
meant as well in Friendship to the Province-as myself. I have executed the trust 
Reposed in me wth all Possible Fidelity and to the best of my Knowledge, but my 
endeavours as well as those of every other Officer in the Service have met with so 
ungenerous a Return so contracted a Reward that we can no longer serve with any 
Pleasure on such terms. And if we are not for the Future to receive from your Honr 
our Orders, our Supplys and our Pay beg Leave unanimously to resign on the Twenti- 
eth of August next, & will abandon the Post accordingly at that time, in which Case 
I would recommend it to the Gentlemen Commissioners to take great Care to prevent 
that universal Desertion of the men which will otherwise certainly ensue. 

Thus much I thought it necessary to say in my own Vindication, and I am besides 
by the rest of the Gentlemen requested to add, that they have still further cause of 
Complaint from a Quarter where they little expected it, & are conscious to themselves 
they never deserved it, esteeming much lighter their Treatment from the other Gentle- 
men Commissioners in regard to their Pay than the ungenerous Reflections of one of 
those Gentlemen on the Conduct of an Expedition which it too plainly appears it was 
never his Study to Promote, and will Appeal to their Country and to your Honor for 
ye Justice of their Conduct in the present Step. 

' Tis wth utmost concern & Reluctance that the Gentlemen of this Regiment see 
themselves reduced to the necessity of this Declaration and assure your Honr that 
nothing but such a Continued series of Discouragements could have ever extorted it 
from those who hope that they have not used any Expressions inconsistent with that 
high Regard they have for your Honor, and beg leave with me to Subscribe them- 

Your Honor's 

Most obedient humble Servant, 


Notwithstanding these serious complaints^ the Government was 
slow to remedy them by supplying the wants of the command. 
This, in a measure, was caused by the scarcity of money and 
provisions and a lack of decision and promptness on the part 
of those in authority. Colonel Clapham still remained at Sha- 
mokin, and although short of supplies, it appears that the work 
of building the fort was vigorously pushed. On the 14th of 


August he again wrote to Governor Morris that his wants were 
still unsupplied, and that they only had about half a pound of 
powder to each man, and none for the cannon. Their stock of 
provisions was very low, and, as winter was approaching, famine 
stared them in the face, unless a supply was speedily received. 
Boats had been dispatched to Harris' for flour, but they were 
subjected to so much danger from the Indians on the west side of 
the river, that their safe return was almost despaired of 

In this same letter the Colonel informed the Governor that he 
was obliged to put Lieutenant Plunkett under arrest for mutiny, 
and only awaited the arrival of the Judge Advocate to have him 
tried by court-martial. 

A month had now elapsed since the arrival of the force at Sha- 
mokin, and notwithstanding the dissatisfaction that existed among 
the officers and men, and the threats of the former that they would 
throw up their commissions and abandon the post by the 20th of 
August if they were not paid, it nowhere appears that any of them 
carried this threat into execution. The commanding officer, on 
deliberate and calm reflection, no doubt, came to the conclusion 
that a savage and wily enemy confronted them, and it was abso- 
lutely necessary for their ozvn safety, as well as the safet}- of the 
helpless settlers, that defenses should be erected as quickly as 
possible to guard the frontier. In view of this, patriotic feelings 
evidently triumphed over personal bickerings, and the work of 
building Fort Augusta steadily progressed. In September a few 
supplies were received from below, which somewhat revived the 
drooping spirits of the command. Previous to this the men had 
been put on a short allowance of flour. 

September 7th* Colonel Clapham recommended strengthening 
the fort by doubling it with another case of logs and filling up the 
intermediate space to render it cannon proof 

On the 14th of September, 1756, Peter Bard wrote to Governor 
Morris, informing him that "the fort is now almost finished, and a 
fine one it is; we want a large flag to grace it." The officers and 
men had labored hard for about six weeks on the works, and they 
felt greatly encouraged at their success in the face of the difficul- 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 766, Old Series. 


ties which had constantly surrounded them. Colonel Clapham 
was evidently in a better humor, for about this time he informed 
Benjamin Franklin that in his opinion the post was of the utmost 
importance to the Province, and that it was impregnable against 
all the power of musketry. From its position, however, he feared 
that it was more exposed to a descent on the West Branch, and 
recommended that it be made stronger. The threatened French 
attack, if it was ever made, would be from that direction. The 
enemy could easily effect a lodgement on the summit of Blue Hill, 
which overlooked the fort, but as their position would be more 
than a mile away, they could do but little towards reducing the 
fort without the aid of heavy artillery ; and as it could only be 
transported there with great difficulty, the danger was never ver\- 
great, but, of course, this fact was not known to the garrison. 

It may be interesting to know what stores and munitions of war 
were possessed by the garrison when the fort was nearly com- 
pleted, 132 years ago. In view of this, the first report of Com- 
missary Peter Bard, made in September, 1756, is transcribed and 
given as follows : 

Provisions in Store, September ye 1st. 

46 bbs. beef and pork. 5 Do. of peas. 

9 Do. of flour. I Bullock. 

Brought up September ye ist. 

■ 2 cwt. powder. 1 1 frying pans. 

6 Do. of Lead. i Stock Lock. 

92 Pair Shoes. A Lump of Chalk. 

4 Lanthorns. 27 bags flour about 5000 cwt. 

1301 Grape shot. 4 Iron Squares, 

46 hand granades. 12 Carpenter's Compasses. 

5S Cannon ball. I ream writing paper. 

50 blankets. 4 quires Cateridge Do. 

4 brass kettles. Some match rope very ordinary. 

6 falling a.\es. 23 head of Cattle. 

He does not state how many cannon they had, although it is 
known that several pieces were brought from Halifax. It is pos- 
sible that they were not yet mounted, and he did not deem it wise 
to mention them for prudential reasons. As to the quantity of pro- 
visions in store, it does not seem that the men were in immediate 


danger of starvation. Of beef there appears to have been an 
abundance, but coffee and sugar were wanting. When we con- 
sider the difficulty of transporting heavy stores up the river at 
that time, surprise may be e.xpressed that they possessed as much 
as they did. 

While the work was going on, the Indians watched them con- 
stantly. The)' lurked in the thickets and on the hill-sides for an 
opportunity to pounce on small parties, if they were reckless 
enough to stray any distance from the camp, and kill and scalp 
them. The}' could be seen on Blue Hill almost daily, peering 
over the cliffs and vigilantly observing every movement. On the 
23d of August an express courier, on his way up the river from 
Harris', was killed and scalped* fifteen miles below the fort. The 
part}' that went to escort Captain Lloyd from Fort Halifax found 
his body and buried it by the roadside. 

The following thrilling incident, related by Colonel Samuel 
Miles,t shows the constant danger to which stragglers were sub- 
jected : 

In the summer of 1756 I was nearly taken prisoner by the Indians. At about 
half a mile distant from the fort stood a large tree that bore excellent plums, in an 
open piece of ground, near what is now called the " Bloody Spring." Lieut. S. Atlee 
and myself one day took a walk to this tree to gather plums. While we were there 
a party of Indians lay a short distance from us concealed in the thicket, and had 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 765, Old Series. 

f Lieutenant Samuel Miles, afterwards better known as Colonel Samuel Miles, was 
born March 22, 1739, and was commissioned an Ensign at the age of 17, and con- 
tinued in active service until December 12, 1760, when he retired with the rank of 
Captain. He married February 16, 1761, and settled in Philadelphia, and was a 
member of Assembly in 1772' March 13, 1776, he was commissioned Colonel; 
captured at Long Island, .and not exchanged until 1778. After exchange, not being 
able to obtain his rank, he retired from active service and was appointed Deputy 
Quartermaster General of Pennsylvania, and served as such until 1782. He was ap- 
pointed one of the judges of the High Court of Appeals of Pennsylvania in 1783, 
and in 1 790 he was elected Mayor of Philadelphia. In October, 1805, he was elected 
a member of Assembly. Was taken sick at Lancaster, and died at his country resi- 
dence, Cheltenham, Montgomery County, December 29, 1805, aged 66 years. He 
became a large land owner, in what is now Centre County, before the war, and after 
the war, in connection with General Patton, built large iron works in Centre County 
and laid out the town of Milesburg. He was Captain of the City Troop of Phila- 
delphia, 1786— 1791, and his portrait, with a full biography, will be found in Wilson^ s 
History of the First Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry. 


nearly gotten between us and the fort, when a soldier belonging to the bullock guard 
not far from us came to the spring to drink. The Indians were thereby in danger of 
being discovered, and in consequence thereof fired at and killed the soldier, by which 
means we got off and returned to the fort in much less time than we were coming 

A party of soldiers immediately sallied forth from the fort, on 
hearing the firing, and pursued the savages, but they escaped in 
the thickets. They succeeded in scalping the soldier before they 
fled. This circumstance is believed to have given the spring its 
name, which it bears to this day. When the rescuing party ar- 
rived they found that the blood of the soldier had trickled into 
the spring and given the water a crimson hue, and it was after- 
wards called the " Bloody Spring."* The peculiar rocks which 
at one time surrounded the spring have been disturbed, and its 
romantic beauty is lost. It is located on the original Grant Farm, 
well up on the hill-side. The high hills on the east and south 
afforded excellent hiding places for the savages, and when the 
topography of the country is studied, it will be plainly seen that 
the Indians had every advantage when lying in wait for parties 
visiting the spring. Whether more than one man was killed at 
this fatal spot is not stated, but this single mtirder is well authen- 

* Hon. S. P. Wolverton now owns the ground on which this historic spring is lo- 
cated on the hill-side. The space occupied by it is about the size of an ordinary sized 
town lot, and it looks as if it might have been dug out and the earth taken away with 
horse and cart, as the excavation is about large enough in which to turn a horse and 
vehicle of that kind. At the head of the excavation the distance across is about 
twenty-five feet, and has a depth of ten or twelve feet, and then runs out in accordance 
with the declivity of the field. The spring flows a couple of months in the early 
part of the year, during which time the water runs down on the surface to the Klines- 
grove road. The spring has been gradually filling up, and there is no doubt it 
would flow constantly if it were cleaned out. It will probably entirely disappear in a 
few years. Some years ago there was a clump of pines about the spring, but they 
have been cut away. Two small chestnut trees shade the spring in the forenoon and 
a good sized oak in the afternoon. The whole place has grown up with a dense crop 
of alders, briers and vines. Some years ago an Englishman, a machinist at the rail- 
road shops, built a wall six feet high at the edge of the bank, at the Klinesgrove 
road, and formed a reservoir of water in which he placed fish and frogs ; but vandals 
tore it away. On the rocks surrounding the spring are many names and dates rudely 
cut. Here are a few: "S. Rockefeller," "Abba Dock, 1857," "1S25,'' "1854," 
"C. M. Sarvis," " M. C, 1868," "A. J., 1862," " M. M., 1876." It is now about 
132 years since the tragedy which gave it such a sanguinary name occurred. — y. y. 


Gox-ernor Morris was succeeded by William Denny,* August 
20, 1756. Colonel Clapham wrote him a congratulatory letter 
from Fort Augusta, under date of September 23d, as follows: 

Sir — I do myself the Honor to congratulate you on your safe Arrival & Accession 
to the Government of Pennsylvania, where I sincerely wish your Honor all the Suc» 
cess & Happiness that can possibly flow from the wisest Councills or the most con- 
sumate merit; it is with inexpressible Pleasure I observe that his Majesty has been 
graciously pleas'd to confer the Command of this Province on a Gentleman of Experi- 
ence in military affairs, at a Time when the most Vigorous Measures are necessary 
for its Preservation and the Happiness of the People, will prove at once the Reward 
of your Cares & the Glory of your Administration. 

Permit me. Sir, to inform you, that I received from your Honorable Predecessor, 
Mr. Morris, the Command of a Regiment of foot, consisting of four hundred Men, 
raised in the Pay of the Province of Pennsylvania, & now doing duty at Fort Halifax, 
which is garrisoned by a Company of fifty men, Detach'd from this Regiment, and 
the Rest of the Corps station'd at Fort Augusta at Shamokin, where I am in Justice 
bound to Acknowledge that they have shown a commendable Disposition to serve 
their Country, & sufTer'd excessive Fatigue in building a Fort, agreeable to the Plan 
herewith transmitted to your Honor, in little better than the space of six Weeks, and 
in Escorting Provisions for the use of the Regiment at the same time. 

There are now four Months Pay due to this Regiment, and as many of the Sol- 
diers have left Familys at Home dependant on their Pay, & reduc'd to the utmost 
Misery for Want of it, I find no small Difficulties in detaining them for the present, in 
so discouraging a Service, and am apprehensive I shall not (unless better supported 
by the Government) be able to do it much longer. I have, in order to relieve their 
real necessitys, lent amongst them great Part of my own Pay, besides borrowing from 
others for that Purpose, and 'tho considerably in advance for the Province, have not 
one single Farthing in my Hand for any Incidental Charges. My duty to the Service 
calls upon me to inform your Honor, that no Person being regularly appointed to 
supply this Garrison with Flour, we have been twice reduc'd to the Quantity of two 
Barrels, and the Commanding Officer of the Escorting Party sent down to Hunters 
Fort for Flour, as often oblig'd to purchase it from diflferent Parts of the Country, the 
Party being detain'd in the Mean Time, & deserting daily to the great prejudice of 
the Service. I beg Leave to represent to your Honor, that this Garrison consisting of 
three hundred & twenty Men can never Answer the Purpose expected of protecting 
the Frontier around it, & carry on the Works at the same Time, while one hundred 
Men are constantly employ'd in escorting Provisions for the rest, and frequently 
oblig'd to wait a considerable Time among the inhabitants, till Provisions can be pur- 
chas'd, and that a Quantity sufficient to serve the Garrison at least six Months, ought 

*William Denny was born in England September, 1718. He received a fine 
education and was in high favor at Court. He was Lieutenant Governor of the 
Province of Pennsylvania from August 20, 1756, to October, 1759. On his removal 
from office, for yielding to the demands of the Assembly and passing their money bill, 
he returned to England, where he spent the remainder of his days in retirement on 
an annuity from the Crown. f|e died before the War for Independence commenced. 


always to be in Store to prevent so Advanc'd a Post as this is, from falling into the 
Hands of the Enemy, in Case of a Siege or the Communication being by any other 
means cut off; I hope that this Regiment will be happy in your Honors Favour & Pro- 
tection, & I am, Sir, with all possible Respect 

Your Honors, 

most Obedient, humble Ser\'anl, 


On the 13th of October, 1756, Colonel Clapham was at Harris' 
Ferry,* from whence he addressed a letter to the Governor, in- 
forming him of the condition of the fort, and that he had received 
information that an attack upon it was contemplated by the enemy. 
He, therefore, had resolved to return at once and " defend it to the 
last extremity." The garrison at that time consisted of "320 
effective men," and not one of them, remarks the commanding 
officer, has a " side arm in case of an attempt at storm." 

The following day Captain Lloyd reported! that "the small 
number of grenades," which they had, " were sent without charges 
or fuses, the match was of bad quality, and the men and officers 
were entirely ignorant of the knowledge and practice of gunnery." 
He was also assured that it was "practicable for the French to 
bring brass four and six-pounders on drag-cars from Du Quesne 
to Shamokin." 

The correspondence between Governor Denny and Colonel 
Clapham was voluminous, and if we were to give it in full it 
would fill a small book. That the commander of this important 
fort had a perplexing and trying time there is no doubt. Without 
money, and often short of supplies, it is not to be wondered, per- 
haps, that he sometimes felt discouraged and gave vent to his 
feelings in language more emphatic than elegant. 

October i8th a conference was held at Fort Augusta with the 
friendly Indians,^ who informed the officers that a large body of 
French and Indians were on their way from Du Quesne to attack 
and capture the fort. On being advised of this report the Gov- 
ernor at once ordered a reinforcement of fifty men. A return of 
this date shows the whole force to be 306 men. 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IH., page 9, Old Series. 
^Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. HI., page 12, Old Serie 
X Colonial Records, Vol. VII., page 302. « 


On the 8th of November six barrels of powder,* 500 weight of 
musket barrels and fifty-six rounds of shot were received at the 
fort. The commander complained of the want of stronger teams 
and wheelbarrows, as all the dirt taken from the excavation had to 
be removed by the latter and shoveled from man to man. They 
were also very much in need of " axes, tomahawks, spades, nails, 
wagon masters and rum." 

Had better facilities been provided by the Provincial Govern- 
ment for the prosecution of the work, of course it could have 
been completed earlier. But when we consider the difficulties 
under which the authorities labored, and the jealousies that ex- 
isted among them, we must come to the conclusion that rapid 
progress was made. The work was hard, it is true, but when is 
it not under such circumstances? Considering these facts, it is 
not strange, perhaps, that the commander wanted plenty of " rum " 
for his men. Its use stimulated and encouraged them to wield 
the spade and push the wheelbarrow. 

About the same time he wrote the Governor another letter, in 
which he said : 

Two biisliels of Blue Grass .Seed are necessary wherewith to sow the Slopes of the 
Parapet & Glacis, and the Banks of the River — in eight or ten Days more the Ditch 
will be carried quite round the Parapet, the Barrier Gates finished and Erected, and 
the Pickets of the Glacis completed — after which, I shall do mj'self the Honor to 
attend your commands in person. 

In course of time Fort Augusta f was so far completed that it 
was conceded to be one of the largest, strongest and most im- 
portant of all the fortifications erected at that gloomy period on 
the frontiers of the Province. The following diagram, much re- 

* Colonial Records, Vol. VII., page 302. 

■j- There is some uncertainty as to the true origin of the name of the fort, and who 
applied it. Governor Morris, before it was built, speaks in a letter to Colonel Clap- 
ham, under date of June 25, 1756, of "my plan of Fort Augusta intirely." [See 
page 674, Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., Old Series.] The mother of George III. 
was named Augusta, but he did not ascend the throne until October 25, 1760, four 
years after the fort was erected. And it may be noted in this connection, as a singu- 
lar historical fact, that the first authentic notice of London (Londinimn) occurs in 
Tacitus; about 100 years after Cfesar's invasion of Britain, it was taken by the Ro- 
mans under Claudius, called Augusta, and placed under a Roman administration. In 
later years a tradition prevailed that Major Burd had the fort named after his sister 
Augusta, whom it was said resided in England. But it is more likely that it was 
called for the mother of George III., and that the name is of royal origin. 



duced in size from the original, will give the reader a correct idea 
of its appearance: 


The above plan was drawn from a copy of the original, 
to which the following note is attached: "Isaac Craig, 
Engineer; Faithfully copied by me for Richard Biddle, Esq., from the original de- 
posited in the Geographical and Topographical Collection attached to Library of his 
late Majesty George the Third, and presented by his Majesty King George the Fourth 
to the British Museum. 

"London, March, 1830. "WILLIAM OSMAN." 


The following description accompanies the original drawing : 

Fort Augusta stands at about forty yards distant from the river, on a bank 24 feet 
from the surface of the water, that side of the fort marlced with light lines which 
fronts the river, is a strong pallisado, the bases of the logs being sunk four feet into 
the earth, the tops holed and spiked into strong ribbonds which run transversely and 
are morticed into several logs at 12 feet distance from each other, which are larger 
and higher than the rest, the joints between each pallisado broke with firm logs well 
fitted on the inside and supported by the platform, the three sides represented by dark 
hues are composed of logs laid horizontally, nearly done, dove-tailed and trunnelled 
down ; they are squared some of the lower ends 5 feet diameter, the least from 2 feet 
^ to 18 inches diameter and are mostly white oak. There are six four Cannon 

mounted, one in of each bastion fronting the river & one in the and on the 

flank of each of the opposite bastions. The woods cleared to the distance of 300 
yards & some progress made in cutting the bank of the river into a glacis. 

From this minute description it will be readily understood that 
the fort combined great strength. It was neatly constructed ac- 
cording to the most approved rules of engineering at that time, 
and as it mounted twelve or more pieces of cannon, when fully 
equipped, a strong assaulting force would have been required to 
reduce it. 

That the water has worn away much of the river bank since 
that time is evident, for instead of the location being " forty yards " 
from the margin of the river, it is now only a few feet. And not- 
withstanding it was such a strong defensive work at that time, not 
a vestige of it can be traced at the present day. One hundred 
years have sufficed to level it to the earth, and the ground upon 
which it stood is as smooth and tillable to-day as if a hillock of 
earth had never been raised on its surface. 

On the 8th of November, 1756, Colonel Clapham informed 
Governor Denny that about fifty miles up the West Branch was 
located an Indian town, containing ten families, from whence ma- 
rauding parties were continually annoying them by lying in 
ambush to pick off sentinels and to kill and scalp stragglers; and 
he believed that the party which killed the man at the Bloody 
Spring came from this town. These Indians, having once lived at 
Shamokin, were well acquainted with the country, and from their 
knowledge of the paths and defiles in the mountains, could lay in 
ambush, and after murdering one or more persons, escape with 
impunity. They had become so annoying that the commanding 
officer decided on sending a force to destroy their town and dis- 


perse them. For this important secret expedition Captain John 
Hambright was selected and given the following specific in- 
structions : 

Sir: Vou are to inarch with a Party of 2 Sergts, 2 Corporals & 38 Private men, 
under your command, to attack, burn and destroy, an Indian Town or Towns, with 
their inhabitants, on the West Branch of Susquehanna, to which Monsieur Montoure 
will conduct you, whose advice you are directed to pursue in every case. You are to 
attack the Town agreeable to the Plan and Disposition herewith given you, observing 
to intermix the men with Bayonets equally among three Partys in the attack, and if 
any Indians are found there you are to Kill, Scalp, and capture as many as you can; 
and if no Indians are there you are to endeavor to act with such manner, and in such 
Caution, as to prevent the Discovery of your having been there by any Party, which 
may arrive Shortly after you, for which Reason you are strictly forbid to bum, take 
away. Destroy or Meddle with any thing found at such Places, and immediately dis- 
patch Monsiem- Montour with one or two more to me with Intelligence; when you 
come near the Place of action you are to detach Monsieur Montour, with as many 
men as he shall Judge necessary to reconnoitre the Parts, and to wait in concealment 
in the mean Time with your whole Party till his Return, then to form your measures 
accordingly; after having burnt and destroyed the Town, you are in your Retreat to 
post an officer and twelve men in Ambush, close by the Road side, at the most con- 
venient Place for such Purpose which may offer, at about Twelve miles Distant from 
the Place of action, who are to surprise and cut off any Party who may attempt to 
pursue, or may happen to be engaged in Hunting thereabouts, and at the same Time 
secure the Retreat of your main Body. 

'Tis very probable, that on these Moon Light Nights, you will find them engag'd 
in Dancing, in which case embrace that Opportunity, by all means, of attacking them, 
which you are not to attempt at a greater Distance than 20 or 25 yards, and be par- 
ticularly carefull to prevent the Escape of the Women and Children, whose lives 
Humanity will direct you to preserve as much as possible; if it does not happen that 
you find them Dancing, the attack is to be made in the morning, just at a season 
when you have Light enough to Execute it, in which attempt your Party are to march 
to the several Houses, and bursting open the Doors, to rush in at once ; let the Signal 
for the general attack be the Discharge of one Firelock, in the Centre Divisions. 

If there are no Indians at the Several Towns, you are in such case to proceed with 
the utmost Caution and Vigilance to the Road which leads to Fort Duquesne, there to 
lye in Ambush, and to intercept any Party or Partys of the Enemy on the march to or 
from the English Settlements, and there to remain with that Design till the want of 
Provisions obliges you to return. 

I wish you all imaginable Success, of which the Opinion I have of yourself, the 
Officers and Party under your Command, leave me no Room to doubt. 
Your Humble Servant, 


That Captain Hambright carried out his instructions so far as 
making the march is concerned there is no doubt, but what suc- 
cess he had is not known, as the report, which he evidently made, 



has never been found. This is very much regretted, as his expe- 
dition was an important one. Neither has it ever been clearly 
known where the town, or towns, he was sent to destroy were 
located. It is believed, however, that the first town was situated 
on the north side of the river, a few miles above the mouth of 
Pine Creek, opposite what is now the village of Pine, in Wayne 
Township, Clinton County. At this point antiquarians inform us 
that years ago great quantities of Indian relics were found, indi- 
cating that an important settlement existed there at one time. It 
is a few miles east of Great Island, and about the distance from 
Shamokin — by following the river — noted in the orders of Colonel 
Clapham. There was a river fording at this place, which is kept 
up at the present day and is known as Quiggle's Fording. There 
was a town at Great Island, also, but as it was inhabited by friendly 
Indians, and still existed after the expedition, it is evident that he 
made no effort to destroy it. The only record of the march 
known to exist is a rough pen draft, recently found among some 
old papers at Harrisburg, of which the following is a copy: 

C.'il'TAIN H 

The time-stained paper, yet in a good state of preservation, 
bears this endorsement on the back: "4th Novr, 1756. Route 
of Captn. Hambright's secret Expedition. Inclosed in Col. W. 
Clapham's I'er of" The sentence is unfinished, but it may have 


been intended to note his " letter of resignation." It will also be 
noticed that his letter conveying a copy of his instructions to 
Hambright, and forwarded to the Governor, was dated November 
8th, four days after the endorsement on the draft of the march.* 
From this it is inferred that the expedition started sometime in 
the latter part of October. An examination of the draft will 
show to those familiar with the topography of the country that 
the expedition passed through the ravine at the lower part of 
Blue Hill (where the public road now runs), and continued up the 
country on the west side of the river, passed through White Deer 
into Nippenose Valley, thence over the hills to a point where they 
could descend McElhattan Gap and emerge upon the bank of the 
river a short distance below Great Island. It was the most direct 
route Captain Hambright f and party could travel to reach -their 
point of destination quickly, but at that time it must have been an 
exceedingly hard and toilsome one, as they were obliged to climb 
many hills and pass through a rough section of the country. 

There was much suffering among the garrison of the fort on 
account of the absence of a post physician, none having been 
ordered there for a long time. Fever and ague prevailed to an 
alarming extent — indeed that seems to have been the most dreaded 
of all the diseases, excepting small-pox. The latter broke out 

*According to a letter of Governor Denny to the Proprietaries, under date of April 
9, 1757 (see Vol. IIL, page 1 16, Pennsylvania Archives), Caplain Hambright was 
directed to attack a "town called Shingleclamouse" (Clearfield), which was supposed 
to be a place of great resort for the Indians. The Governor says: " Captain Ham- 
bright entered the town, found the cabins all standing, but deserted by the Indians. 
Agreeably to his orders he did not touch anything nor destroy the town, in hopes that 
the Indians would come to settle there again. This was the only Indian town that 
could be attacked. And we found by a second expedition that they had returned, set 
their town on fire and then retired to Venango." From this it would appear that 
Hambright continued his march further than the draft he left behind indicates, but 
there is nothing on record from him relating to it. 

■{■Although Captain Hambright was so prominent in early times, comparatively 
little of his history is known. Diligent inquiry among his descendants has failed to 
elicit any information as to the place and date of his birth, and when and where he 
died. That he belonged to Lancaster County is unquestioned. In 1775-6 he lived 
in Turbutt Township, Northumberland County, and was chairman of the Committee 
of Safety. At the time of the "Great Runaway" he retired to Lancaster and was 
Barrack Master there to the close of the war. According to Harris' Biographical 
History of Lancaster County, pages 264-5-6, his wife's name was Susanna. Major 


once or twice, and for want of proper hospital facilities and treat- 
ment, a number of deaths occurred. 

There appears to have been a great lack of harmony between 
Governor Denny, the Commissioners and the Assembly, which 
was the means of retarding operations at Fort Augusta. The)' 
were constantly at loggerheads, and the Assembly went so far as 
to treat the Governor with great disrespect. He complained of 
this bitterly to the Proprietaries, but affairs were not improved. 
In the fall of 1756 he reported that the French had sent six of 
their people and four Indians to view the fort, and that they suc- 
ceeded in killing two sentinels,* scalped them and escaped. 

The year 1756 was one of the most trying in the history of the 
Province. Colonel Clapham had borne many insults, as he termed 
them, from the authorities, but he remained at his post, still hoping 
for a change that would improve the condition of himself and his 
men, but it never came. He had given Governor Denny notice 
that most of his command was only enlisted for one year, that the 
term of service of many had expired, and that the time of the 
majority would cease in about a month. At last, says Governor 
Denny in his letter to the Proprietaries, under date of April 9, 
1757, Colonel Clapham, " tired with the discouragements perpetu- 
ally given to the service by the Commissioners, and with their 
particular treatment of him," had resigned his commission and 

Frederick Hambright, born at Lancaster, November 22, 1786, was their son, and he 
became a distinguished military officer. In 1821 he was elected Sheriff of Lancaster 
County, an office previously filled by his brother, Colonel George Hambright. Fred- 
erick removed to Allegheny City, where he died March 17, 1872, in the 86th year of 
his age. His father probably died about the close of the last century. Samuel 
Evans, Esq., of Columbia, says " there was a Colonel Hambright, an officer in the 
Revolutionary War, who died in Earl Township, Lancaster County, and is buried in 
the old Welsh grave-yard, near Fairville," who is thought to be our hero. There are 
numerous descendants of Captain John Hamliright, and many of them have displayed 
military genius of a high order. Colonel H. A. Hambright, a retired officer of the 
United States Army, now resides in Lancaster; and William A. Hambright, of Sun- 
bury, was born there in 1840. He served nearly three years in the Thirteenth Penn- 
sylvania Artillery, with the rank of Second Lieutenant. His father was the well 
known conductor on the Pennsylvania Railroad, who died a few years ago. They 
were all descendants of the brave pioneer officer of 1756. 

*For confirmation of this report, see Vandreuil's report to M. de Moras, Minister 
of the Colonies and Marine, under date of February i, 1757, printed on another page 
of this work. 


retired from the service. And, as there never had been a Lieu- 
tenant Colonel appointed to the battalion at Fort Augusta, " Major 
Burd" succeeded to the command. The exact date of Colonel 
Clapham's resignation is unknown, but it is supposed to have been 
sometime during the closing days of 1756. According to Gov- 
ernor Denny, the " works there could not be finished before the 
severe season came on," when the old commander retired. But 
he thought they would soon be " completed if the soldiers could 
be prevailed upon to continue in the service," which he very much 
doubted. "They have done," he continues, "a great deal, and 
ought to have encouragement to do more, which it is not in my 
power to give." 

It was under such discouragements as these that the great 
defensive work at Shamokin was continued, and it was owing to 
the constant delays on the part of the authorities that Colonel 
Clapham was finally forced to carry his threat to resign into exe- 
cution. He may have been haughty and overbearing, and through 
an irascible temper brought himself into conflict with his superi- 
ors on many occasions, but with all his faults, he must be credited 
with doing a great work under the most harassing circumstances, 
and in saving the scalp of many a pioneer from the knife of the 
savage. At many times during the building of the fort he and 
his command were in iipminent peril of their lives ; but through 
pluck, endurance and self-sacrificing devotion, they triumphed 
over what often seemed to be insurmountable obstacles. If there 
is much that is censurable in the public acts of Colonel Clapham, 
there are still more of good deeds which stand to his credit during 
the dark period when he was in command. And after his stormy 
career, there are few but will be moved to sympathy on learning 
of the sad fate which awaited him on the western borders of the 

Of his early history comparatively little is known. According 
to the researches of Dr. W. H. Egle, State Librarian, "he was the 
son of an English gentleman, born July 5, 1722. He received a 
collegiate education and was appointed ensign in His Majesty's 
service. He came to America after the close of the first French 
and Indian War; subsequently resigned his commission and ap- 
pears to have been located at Philadelphia at the time of the defeat 


of Braddock. Offering his services to the Provincial authorities, 
he was commissioned as Captain and directed by Governor Morris 
to go into Bucks County and muster into the Provincial service 
Captain Insley's company — the regular troops posted at Reading 
and Easton. While there he built the stockade fort called Fort 
Allen. On the 29th of March, 1756, he was commissioned Lieu- 
tenant Colonel of the Third Battalion, and as soon as the troops 
were collected marched to Shamokin to build Fort Augusta, in 
July, 1756. While on his way, however, owing to a letter written 
by Sir William Johnson to General Shirley, wherein the former 
blamed Governor Morris for issuing his declaration of war against 
the Delawares, and desiring General Shirley's interposition, Col- 
onel Clapham was directed by the Provincial Council to issue 
orders to the officers under his command to conform to the 
suspension of arms. His force halted at Armstrong's, on the 
Susquehanna, where he erected a temporary fort and made every 
preparation for the establishment of a post. On the loth of June 
a conference was held by him with Og-Ha-GrurDis-Ha, an Indian 
chief of the Iroquois or Six Nations, in which the Indians signi- 
fied not only their assent to the building of the fort at Shamokin, 
but desired that another should be erected at Adjoiigjiay, on the 
North Branch of the Susquehanna, the distance being ' three days' 
journey in a canoe higher up.' Owing to this satisfactory confer- 
ence the Colonel subsequently was directed to proceed to Sha- 
mokin, where he arrived in due season and proceeded to erect the 
fort. It has been shown that he had much trouble with his offi- 
cers, which was probably caused by his domineering spirit. A 
careful examination of the authorities bearing on the subject place 
him in the wrong." 

After leaving the fort, about the close of 1756, he disappeared 
from public notice for some time, and his history is involved in 
obscurity. In the roster of the Third Battalion (known as the 
Augusta Regiment) it appears that " William Clapham " was Cap- 
tain,* having been appointed March 29, 1756, with Lieutenant 
Colonel set after the date. In the same regiment the name of 
"William Clapham, Jr.," appointed Lieutenantf August 20, 1756, 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 538, New Series. 
\ Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 538, New Series. 


appears. On the i6th of February, 1757, Colonel Burd notes in 
his journal, at Fort Augusta, the arrival of Lieutenant Clapham 
and another officer in charge of thirteen men. Under date of 
March 24th he again records his arrival with several officers in 
charge of a party of men and "battoes" loaded with provisions. 
On the evening of the 28th Lieutenant Clapham started down the 
river, on his return, in a canoe. In a " List of the Officers of the 
New Levies, 1759," the name of William Clapham* is given as 
Colonel. In "A List of Officers who Served in the Pennsylvania 
Regiments of Three Battalions, 1758-9," the name of William 
Clapham t appears under the head of Captains, with the word 
"dead" written after it. Who was Lieutenant Clapham, Jr.? 
Was he a son of Colonel Clapham? We would naturally infer 
that he was, from the use of the affix "Jr.," but there is no e\'i- 
dence on record to show that such was the fact, or that they were 
not both the same man. 

It appears, however, that when "Captain Clapham" was com- 
missioned, April 21, 1759, he was ordered to Fort Pitt. April 15, 
1761,1 he is credited with making a careful return of the number 
of houses and the population of Pittsburg, outside of the fort, for 
Colonel Bouquet. 

At the time of the Bouquet expedition, in 1763, Colonel Clap- 
ham appears to have been some distance from Fort Pitt — probabl)- 
on a scout — when he was killed § on Sewickley Creek, near where 
West Newton now stands, on the 28th of May, 1763, about 3 p. m., 
by the Wolf, Kikyuscung, and two other Indians, one of whom 
was called Butler. They killed and scalped all the family, but 
three men at work at some distance escaped through the wood 
and carried the news to Fort Pitt. Gordon says, in the appendix 
to his History, page 622, that the warrior Wolf and other Dela- 
wares murdered and scalped Colonel Clapham and four of his 
people, of whom two were women. The latter were treated with 
brutal indecency. Two soldiers, stationed at a saw mill near the 
fort, were killed and scalped. On the 5th of June, 1763, Colonel 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 580, New Series. 
t Pemisylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 60S, New Series. 
XEgWs History of Pennsylvania, page 321. 
\ Isaac Craig, Esq., Allegheny. 


Burd noted in his journal, at Fort Augusta, that he had received 
a letter from " John Harris, giving an account of Colonel Clapham 
and twelve men being killed near Pittsburg, and two Royal Amer- 
icans being killed at the saw mill." 

Judge Jasper Yeates, in describing a visit to Braddock's battle 
field, adds : " I had often heard of the celebrated fortress of Du 
Quesne in my youth. What is it now? A little irregular mound, 
a few graves, and the fosse of the fort are only visible. I remarked 
the grave of Colonel Clapham." 

There is no positive evidence that his wife was killed ; neither is 
there any that she was ever with him at Fort Augusta. It is 
probable that she joined him after leaving Fort Augusta. But 
that she was killed on this occasion may be inferred from a state- 
ment in a letter from Colonel Bouquet to General Amherst, dated 
Fort Pitt, May 31, 1763,* in which he says: "We have most 
melancholy accounts here — the Indians have broke out in several 
places, and murdered Colonel Clapham and his family." 

So ends the career of the builder of Fort Augusta. If the date 
of his birth is correct, he was not quite forty-one years of age 
when he fell beneath the tomahawk and scalping knife. Scarcely 
in the prime of manhood. If the " William Clapham, Jr.," was 
his son, he must have entered the service at a very early age, or 
his father was married when quite young. It would be very grat- 
ifying to have the full and authentic history of this remarkable 
man, but it is not likely that it could be obtained at this late day. 
The family probably became extinct after the warrior. Wolf, did 
his bloody and fatal work, and the ashes of the founder of Fort 
Augusta have long since mingled with the soil. 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. II., page 742, New Series. 





COLONEL CLAPHAM having retired from the command 
of Fort Augusta, after a residence of about six months at 
Shamokin, was succeeded by Colonel James Burd,* who also 
entered upon an exciting career at that famous place. It was 
not new to him, as it will be remembered he was with the party 
on their arrival in July, and on the 13th he united with Colonel 
Clapham in signing the report of a council regarding the pay of 

The new commander arrived late during the night of Decem- 
ber 8, 1756, and found that his predecessor had departed on the 
morning of the 6th, rather unceremoniously, leaving everything in 
confusion. He was in such a hurry to get away that he had 
neglected to date the orders he left behind for his successor. 
What route he traveled, or where he went, are unknown, as the 

*James Burd, son of Edward Burd and his wife, Jane Haliburton, daughter of 
the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, was born March 10, 1726, at Ormiston, near Edin- 
burgh, .Scotland, and died October 5, 1793, at Tinian, near Highspire, Dauphin County, 
Pa. He came to .America in 1747, and May 14, 1748, married Sarah Shippen, 
daughter of Edward Shippen and Sarah Plumley, of Philadelphia. She was born 
February 22, 1731, and died September 17, 1784. They are both buried in the grave- 
yard at Middletown, Pa. From 1750 to 1753 Mr. Burd resided at Shippensburg, as 
manager of the affairs of Mr. Shippen. About 1754 he purchased a farm on the 
Susquehanna, at Tinian, where he resided until his death. He entered the Provincial 
service as Captain in 1754. The same year he rendered valuable assistance in the 
laying out of a road to the Ohio, known as the "Braddock Road." In 1755 he was 
promoted to Lieutenant Colonel of the "Augusta Regiment," and December 3, 1757, 
became its Colonel. There being two regiments in service, his rank was a very prom- 
inent one. He fulfilled with great uprightness and punctuality the public duties with 
which he was entrusted for quite twenty years. When the war of the Revolution 
began, he was very active in raising troops to aid in the cause of independence, and 
was commissioned, September, 18, 1775, Colonel of the Second Battalion of Lan- 


records of that period are silent on the subject. But it is inferred 
that he directed his course towards Philadelphia ; and probably he 
traveled by the Tulpehocken route, as Colonel Burd would cer- 
tainly have met him on his way up the river. 

Notwithstanding the confusion and ill feeling which had pre- 
vailed among the officers and men for months, it seems that a 
secret directing power had prevented everything from falling into 
chaos and accomplished much good. Had it not been for this 
unseen power, the fort would have been captured by the French 
and Indians and the whole West Branch Valley would have been 
overrun and held by the enemy. 

Fortunately for the sake of history, Colonel Burd was a ver)- 
thoughtful and methodical man, and he left behind him an elabo- 
rate journal,* in which there is a record of daily events transpiring 
at Fort Augusta from the time he assumed command until he 
departed to join the Bouquet expedition, in October, 1757. This 
journal gives a minute history of military life at the fort for over 
nine months, and it vividly brings to the mind of the reader the 
trials and tribulations endured by the commander and his brave 
men at that time. It is given herewith in full : 

"Sth Decern., Wednesday, Fort Augusta, 1756. — Arrived 
here with Capt'ns Shippen & Jamison, and a party from the Camp 
at McKee's Medows with 19 baggs of flour, and 26 Caggs of 
Rum, & 8 horse load of salt, at eleven O'Clock P. M., where I 
found Capt'n Hambright Commandant, from whome I Rec'd Col- 
caster County Associators. The dissensions in his battalion, and the reluctance on 
the part of his men to serve anywhere except in their own immediate neighborhood, 
coupled with the fact that officers of less experience were placed in command over 
him, in December, 1776, he resigned. This was a source of deep regret, as besides 
" being fond of a military life, he had anticipated some reputation by exercising, in 
behalf of his country, the professional experience and knowledge he possessed." The 
Middletown Resolutions, of 1774, passed at a meeting of which he was presiding 
officer, were written by him and show his loyalty in defense of the liberties of 
Ainerica. He was a man of most excellent manners, hospitable in his intercourse 
with his neighbors, and respected for his integrity as a civil officer. At the time of 
his death he held the position of Associate Judge of the county of Dauphin. His 
residence at Tinian yet remains, although modernized, an engraving of which, as 
originally erected, is published in EgU's History of Dauphin County. 

* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. H., pages 745-820, New Series. 


lonell Clapham's orders to me without a date; Collonell Clapham 
left this Fort on Monday last at lo o'clock A. M. Cap't Ham- 
bright informed me that he Rec'd a furlow from Col'l Clapham, 
and had liberty to leave this upon my arrivall, and intended to sett 
out to-morrow for Phil'a. Capt'n Jamison, Lieut. Clark & Com- 
missary Baird likewise informed me they had Rec'd ferlows from 
the Col'l. Capt'n Jamison's & Leut. Clark's to Commence the 
1 6th Jan'ry, 1757, & Commissary Baird's at his pleasure, all for 
one month. Upon my arrival I found absent from the Regement 
the following officers : Col'l Clapham, Capt'n Lloyd, Capt'n Salter, 
Lewt's Clapham, Trump, and Myles, & Ensigne Patterson. 

"9th, Thursday. — This day I inquired into the State of the 
Garrison, & found 280 men here doing duty, and that no work 
has been done for some time ; the ditch unfinished ; the Picketts 
up ; the Beeff Sistern unfinished ; the Pickett gates not done, & 
the Beaff all in the store in bulk ; no place provided for the flour, 

& the salt in Casks, in ye heads standing on the Parade, the 

Battoes all frose up in the River, and Nine officers for duty ; no 
Instructions given to any officer Concerning the works begun, 
nor do I find in my Instructions any plan of the Fort, or orders 
Informing me how the begun works was intended to be finished. 

" I employed the People this day in disposing of the Cargoe of 
flour & Rum I brought up, and Collecting the horses to go down 
to the Camp at McKee's this night for another Cargoe; accord- 
ingly I detach'd this Evening at 7 o'clock, Lew't Garraway & 
Ensigne Brodhead with a party of 50 men, with orders that Lewt. 
Garra'y march down the party of Capt'n Work's Comp'y that was 
at McKee's Camp, & the party of Soldiers belonging to Hunter's 
Fort ; to Fort Hallifax the first party, & the latter order to Hunter's 
Fort. Ordered Ensigne Broadhead to Releive Ensigne Scott, & 
to Stay at that Camp untill further orders; to Guard the stores 
left there, with 30 men of the party I sent; & that Ensigne Scott 
should march up here with as much Provisions as he could, under 
the Escort of 20 men of the party sent down. Capt'n Hanbright 
sett out for Phil'a this Even'g in Consequence of his furlow. 

" lOth, Friday. — Ordered a Generall Parade this morning. Em- 
ployed a party to build a smock house for the Beaff, one to hawl 


the Battoes out of the Ice upon the Bank to preserve them from 
being destroyed by the Ice when ye River should break up ; one 
to Clean out the Fort, which was full of heaps of nusances; one 
to through all the stone out of the Picketts; one to Ram the 
Earth about the Beaff Sistern ; one to build a beakhouse, and one 
to build a Chimny in Capt'n Handbright's barrick, & one to make 
beds in the Guard house; hard frost; nothing Extraordinary this 

"nth, Saturday. — Employed to-day as yesterday. This day 
the weather has altered to a thorough thaugh, and I am very 
much affraid the Beaff will spoil, & it is not in my power to touch 
it untill the Sistern is finished. 

" Ensigne Scott returns this Evening at 8 O'Clock with a party 

from the Camp at McKee's, and 28 horse load of flour, & 

load of salt, & 13 horse load of Rum — obliged to put the flour & 
Rum, in the Coil's Celler, & leaft, as there is not one foott of room 
in the store to hold anything — thaughs very much to-day. 

" 1 2th, Sunday. — I have thought it my duty to-day to employ 
the Carpenters in working at the Beaff Sistern. This day it 
rain'd so hard that we could not have sermon. 

" 13, Monday. — Continued working at the Beaff Sistern, at the 
Barrick beds, at the bakehouse, at smock house, Cleaning out the 
Fort; an officers in the woods with thirty men getting loggs for 
the smock house & slaps for the barrick beds, the Smiths, bakers 
& sawers at work. Sent off Daniel Lowry, with all the Battoe- 
mens & two of the lightest battoes to the Camp at M'Kees, for 
the Remainder of the Stores left there, ordered them to be brought 
up in the lightes, & of the Battoes under the Com'd of Ensigne 

" 14th, Tuesday. — Employed as yesterday, & digging a little 
house for the use of the officers & walling the well of the same. 
Nothing materiall ; the River rises. 

" I 5 , Wednesday. — Employed as yesterday; obliged at Noon 
to give over work, it snows so hard and is so cold the soldiers 
cant stand it. The River Rises prodigeousely to. Ensigne Broad- 
head & George Allan arrived here at Noon with the party that 
was encampt at McKee's; the Remainder of the Stores and to 


Battoes, 10 load salt, i barr'l do., 7 barr'ls rum, 1 bar'l flour, i 
bagg do. 

" 1 6th, Thursday. — This day it snows so hard that the soldiers 
can't work, but as it seems to thaugh and the River swells pro- 
digeousely I have detached Capt'n Jamison,* Lew't Clark & En- 
signe Scott, with one hundred men, Including all the battoemen, 
with all the horses & battoes, to Hunters, for Pro\'isions for the 
use of this Garrison. 

" Capt'n Jamison sett off in 5 battoes, with 60 men mt'd, at 2 
o'clock, in order to get to the Camp at McKees, and have all the 
battoes there lanch'd and loaded with the Empty Cask, & ready 
ag't ye party should gett up. Lewt. Clark & Ensigne Scott 
marcht ab't ^ after 4 this afternoon with the Remainder of the 

"At 8 this Evening I Rece'd Intellegence by a messenger sent 
from Ensigne Scott, to inform me that Lewt. Clark, with his 
Devis.ion, had gott over Shamochan mountain, but that the first 
Devision had made the mountain so slippy that he had at- 
tempted all in his power, but could not gett the horses up the 
mountain, upon which I sent to his Releeff, Ensignes Broadhead 
& McKee, & twenty men, with spades & shoovells, &ca., to Clear 
the road & gett the party up the mountain. 

"Ab't 12 this Evening, Ensignes Broadhead, Scott & McKee 
returns with the partys & 18 horses, & Reports that it was Im- 
practicable to gett the horses up the mountain, that they had used 
their utmost Endeavours, & had two horses kill'd in the attemp, 
&, therefore, was obliged to desist & Return here for further 
orders ; ordered the party to wait till morning. 

" I /th, Friday. — This morning I sent off Ensigne Scott, with 
his party, at 10 O'Clock, w't ye 18 horses, & sent with him two 

* Captain David Jamison was from Lancaster County. He entered the service as 
Captain, in the French and Indian war, in 1756, and subsequently was promoted 
to Major, June 3, 1758, of the Second Battalion, commanded by Colonel Burd. He 
was in the expedition against Fort Du Quesne under General Forbes. In 1760 he 
appears to have been Brigade Major, with the rank of Captain, in the Provincial 
forces. As he did not participate in the land grants to the officers of the French and 
Indian war, it is probable that he died before the Bouquet expedition. Colonel Burd 
speaks of him as " a gentleman of education, does his duty well and is an exceed- 
ingly good officer." 


Pillotts to Convay him round the mountain. It snowed so hard 
there was no work done this day; the Pillotts return this Evening, 
and report that Ensigne Scott and the party gott round the Hill, 
and that the Road that way is very easy. 

" 1 8th, Saturday. — This day Employed all the Soldiers in Clean- 
ing the Snow out of the Fort. 

" 19th, Sunday. — This day we had two sermons, one forenoon 
& one afternoon, by Doct'r Morgan. About two o'clock George 
Gabriell, and four men more, arrived here from Capt'n Jamison's 
Camp, two miles on this side of McKee's meadows, and brings 
me a letter from Capt'n Jamison informing me that the River was 
so shutt up that they could proceed no further with the battoes 
and had haul'd them up upon the Bank, left a Serg't & Corp'U & 
12 men with them, and was to proceed to Hunter's with the 
remainder of the Detachm't. The River full of ice; the west 
branch shutt up; it's left off snowing; the North branch open as 
yett, but very full of ice. 

" 20th, Monday. — This morning it snows prodigeousely & has 
all last night; no possibility of working to day; the snow is ab't 
2 foott deep. 

"21st, Tuesday. — This morning left off snowing; employed in 
Clearing the Snow out of the Fort; sent of Volunteer Hugheif 
with 3 Soldiers and 4 horses to the Camp at the Island 2 miles on 
this side McKee's, with three days' Provisions * for 1 8 men, with 
Instructions to gett the Battoes brought to the main if possible 
and there secured, & then to proceed to Hunter's mill with the 
party to Join Capt'n Jamison's Detauchment at that place. P^m- 
ployed this day in Clearing the snow out of the Fort. The snow 
is two foott deep on ye Ground ; no work can be done. 

" 22d, Wednesday. — Continue working this day at Clearing the 
Fort of Snow. No work can be done. 

*When Colonel Burd assumed command the following stores were in the fort: 
Beef, 57,615 pounds; 6 barrels of pork; 2 of beef; 2 of peas; 11,376 pounds of 
flour; 1,200 pounds of powder; 3,000 of lead, bullets and shot; 46 hand grenades, 
not filled nor fused; 2,000 flints. The number of cannon is not given. On the 2ist 
of December Commissary Bard reported that there were six weeks' provision of flour 
at the fort. — Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III., page 79, Old Series. 


"23d, Thursday. — Snowed all last night, Compute the snow 
this morn'g to be 2 foott 4 Inches deep. Clearing the snow out 
of the Fort. This day I employed 6 men to Clear out the Store 
& attended the same myself, and found the province stores in a 
very bad situation, all Consuming & such things as would rott, 
roteing, the flour work't in the Clay of the floor ; the floar of the 
Store being all over water, I gett 1 1 boards sawed & put upon part 
of the loaft where I put a great many perishable articles, & gott 
pieces of boards & slabs put under the flour Casks; moved 20 
Casks of flour out of Capt'n Hanbright's Barrick & put it in the 

" 24th, Friday. — The snow is so deep no work can be done ; I 
had this day 3 additionall Joists cut for the store to be under the 
flour Bing, but could not gett them Home, the horses were so 

"25th, Saturday, Xmas. — No work done to day on account of 
the depth of the snow. 

"26th, Sunday. — Had prayers & a sermon this forenoon, & 
prayers in the afternoon by Doct. Morgan. 

"27th, Monday. — This morning y^ before 10 o'clock, arrived 
two soldiers from Hunter's mill with a letter from Capt'n Jamison 
■•—ordered officers & soldiers to an allowance of iflb flour & ifti 
meat p. day. No work done to day on account of the snow ; onl}- 
6 Carpenters making a Bing in the store to hold flour. 

" 28th, Tuesday. — The soldiers employed to daj' Clearing awa)- 
the snow for a parade ground to exercise in ; keep the 6 Carpen- 
ters making a Bing for to hold flour ; thaughs much to day. 

"29th, Wednesday.- — -This day it thaughs so much that the 
soldiers can neither exercise nor work ; Continue the Carpenters 
at the Bing & sawers. 

" 30th, Thursday. — This day much as yesterday. Lewt. Clark 
arrived this evening at 5 o'clock with a party of 40 men & Ens}'ne 
Scott from Hunter's Fort; they brought no Provision as they 
report they could gett no Horses. 

" 31st, Friday. — No work done to day unless b)- the Carpenters 
& sawers, as the weather would not permitt. 


" 1st January, Saturday, 1757. — No work done to-day. 

" 2d, Sunday. — The weather this day would not permitt sermon 
nor prayers. 

" 3d, Munday. — The Carpenters Continue working at the flour 
Bing, at the Hospitall beds; the sawers at the saw pitt; soldiers in 
the woods Cutting a Store of fire wood to be piled up & resawed 
in the Garrison, in case of need ; the weather exceeding severe, 
but the snow not so deep. 

" Sent off Capt'n George Allen with a party of 1 2 men & two 
battoes, with orders to hunt up & bring over to this Fort, all the 
Province horses he could find on the other side of the River, both 
on the West and North branch of the River. 

"4th, Tuesday. — Continued working as yesterday; George Allen 
Returns with his party, and Reports that he had found 4 horses, 
one of which (only) belonging to the Province; that he had, with 
a good deal of difficulty, gott them upon the Island, and could 
bring them no further; that the weather was such he could not 
proceed up the North branch so farr as I ordered, and by the ex- 
tremity of the weather was obliged to Return — the snow being 
frose hard cutt the soldiers' ankles prodigeously.* 

" 5th, Wednesday. — Nothing materiall this day ; Continued 
working as on the 3d Curr't; ordered that all the Chimneys in 
and about this Garrison should be swept clean, which was done 
accord'gly, & Report made thereof by all the officers this day. 
The River very full of driving ice to-day. 

"6th, Thursday. — Continued at the same work as on the 3d 
Curr't; this Evening two men arrived here at 6 O'Clock in the 
evening, & brought me a letter from Capt'n Jamison, dated from 
Berry's place, upon his march heither. 

" 7th, Friday. — Continued working as above. This Evening at 
6 O'clock, Capt'n Jamison & Ensigne Patteson arrived here with 
a party of 66 horses, which Carried 47 baggs of flour, weighing 
7,700 flbs. 

" 8th, Saturday. — This day kept working as above. Sent Capt'n 
George Allen over the River with a party to hunt up the North 

*It will be noticed in the course of this journal that this was a favorite word with 
the Colonel. 


branch, with orders to bring in all the Province horses he could 
find. Sent another party up Shamochan Creek with the same 
orders. & sent a third party up the North branch w't the same 
orders. The three partys Return in the Evening ; George Allen 
brought two horses and left them upon the Island ; the other two 
partys bring two horses. 

" 9th, Sunday. — This morning, sent George Alien with a party 
to the Island, & sent two other partys out to bring in all the 
Province horses that could be found, to be sent down to Hunter's 
and return'd to the owners, being unfitt for service; they brought 
in six. Sent Lewt. Davis & Ensyne Broadhead to Hunter's this 
morning, with a party of 40 men, to Eschort 20 horse drivers 
down, and 66 horses, and Eschort a Cargoe of stores up ; sent by 
them the 6 horses above mentioned. Gave the following Persons 
furlows for the follow'g times : Serg't Andrew Bane, for 1 5 days ; 
Alex'r Stephens, 12 days; Cornelius Atkinson, 12 days; Benj'n 
Nicholson, 12 days; John Cook, 5 days; Drum Major John 
Feeld, 6 days. Lewt. Davis & party Returns and Reports that it 
was Impracticable to gett over Shamochan Creek. Great rain; 
the River rises. 

" loth, Munday. — Sent Lewt. Davis this morning to Shamochan 
Creek, to view it, and make report thereof This morning sent a 
battoe & 5 Soldiers down to Hunters', in order that Mr. Crostian 
may prepare for Lewt. Davis's party. Lewt. Davis returns & re- 
ports that the Creek is unpassable. 

" I ith, Tuesday. — Sent off Lewt. Davis with a party of 30 men 
with the horse drivers & horses at loth A. M. At 3 P. M. sent 
off to Hallifax Ensigne Broadhead with a party of 5 i men, with 
orders to Carry down all the Battoes from McKee's place, & to 
join Mr. Davis & bring up a Cargoe of flour from Fort Halifax on 
to the Battoes. Sent George Allen & 3 men on b'd a Canoe with 
Provisions for the party. This day working at the Hospitall & the 
store, and preparing slabs for barrick beds ; took up — — Canoes 
that came adrift down the River. All the Carpenters except 5 
gone down on the party, being the only fitt to work The Battoes. 
At S P. M. Serg't Basoon returned with 27 of Mr. Broadhead's 
party, the bridge they had made a Cross the Creek being swept 
away, before they could gett over, by the Impetuosity of the Creek. 


" 1 2th, Wednesday. — The Serg't Basoon & party went off this 
morning, I sent a battoe tp the mouth of Shamochan Creek to 
ferry them over. The battoe returned at 2 P. M. The River falls ; 
working at the store, fire wood, & Hospitall, & smoak house. 

" 13th, Thursday. — This day Continued working as above; the 
River falls & Clears of Ice; nothing materiall happened, only 
George McClenechan, Wagon'r, found a sadle and a horse load of 
lead in the woods & brought them home. 

" 14th, Friday. — This day employed at the Hospital, the Smock 
house, Cutting a store of fire wood for the Garrison, & sawing 
plank for the Pork Sistern. The weather frizes hard; the river 
full of Ice. 

"15th, Saturday. — This day I went with Capt'n Shippen & a 
party, & laid out a straight round Shamochan Hill, for the Bene- 
fitt of transporting our Provisions heither, finding it impracticable 
to pass over the mountain. The Carpenters Employed as yester- 
day. I gott a leather of 30 foott long made to-day, & hung upon 
the hooks on the front wall of the store, there to be ready in Case 
of fire, as likewise 1 2 water bucketts for the same purpose. It 
frizes hard & the river fills with Ice. 

" 1 6th, Sunday. — Doctor Morgan read prayers This morning — 
it snows a little & frezes very hard. 

" 17th, Monday. — This morning I went myself with a party, & 
began to open the Road, mentioned the 15th, in this Journall. 
The Carpenters, &ca., Employed as the iSth; the River very full 
of Ice & the weather extream cold — nothing materiall. 

"i8th, Tuesday. — This morning at 10 o'clock A. M., Serg't 
John Lee arrived at this Fort, who brought me letters & Informed 
me that the party Commanded by Lew't Davis, at Fort Hallifax, 
had gott all the Barrells filled with flour, and were ready to sett 
off with the Battoes for this Fort. The work Continued ; it frizes 
prodigeous hard, the west branch is fast, & the North branch is 
very full of Ice & moves slowly. 

" 19th January, Wednesday. — Ordered a leather to be made to 
hang upon the rooff 's of the houses with hooks, to extinguish anj' 
fires that might happen in or about the Garrison. The other 
works Continued. Lewt. Clark march't this evening at 5 o'clock, 


with two soldiers with him, In Consequence of a furlough given 
by Col'l Clapham, for one month from, the i6th Curr't. The river 
full of Ice & frizes very hard. 

" 20th, Thursday. — This day I sent Capt'n Shippen and the 
Adjutant, with a small party, to extend the road from the first 
rise over the Gutt, to the forks of the road on the top of the 
mountain, with orders to blaize it. At lo o'clock this morning 
Capt'n Jamison & the Commissary Gen'll of Stores, Mr. Bard, 
march't with a party of 5 Soldiers in Consequence of furloughs 
given them by the Col'l Clapham, the i6th Curr't, for one month. 
Capt'n Shippen returns and reports he had found a very good 
road with an easy asshent over the mountain that could be trav- 
ell'd at all times & had blais'd it well. This day the party clearing 
the road to the first rise and making the bridge over the gutt, re- 
ports the same finished ; frizes hard. 

"21st, Friday. — This day it rained very hard and froze as it fell, 
so that no work could be done. 

"22d, Saturday. — This day the weather grew softer; Employed 
a party to Dab the Hospital Chimny, another to shingle the smoak 
house, another getting wheel barrow stuff, another getting shingles 
and laths ; the sawers could not work to day, their pitt being full 
of water with yesterday's rain, employed them in clearing their 
pitt; 2 men employed handling axes, 2 in handling Tom haucks; 
The smiths & Gunsmiths at work; The Ice begins to come down 
the N. Branch. 

" 23d, Sunday. — We had prayers to day at 1 1 o'clock & a Gen- 
erall parade at 10 o'clock, when I examined all the arms of the 
Regement present, and found them Generally very much out of 
order, in so much that I thought it for the good of the service 
that the whole Reg't should have to-morrow to clean their arms, 
& ordered a General Revew on Wednesday morning at 10 o'clock. 
At 3 o'clock, P. M., 3 men arrived here with 3 loads of rum for 
Mr. Trapnell. At 4 O'Clock, P. M., Volunteer Hughes arrived 
here with a party of 1 2 men under his command, he had under 
his eschort the two Indians from Connistogo town, named William 
Sack & Indian Peter, the said Indians being committed to his care 
by George Croghan, Esq'r., at Harris's ferry, to be by him trans- 


ported heither. I Rece'd said Indians as friends, they delivered 
me a letter from George Croghan, Esq'r., dated at Harris's the 
20th Curr't, Intimating to me that he had sent them to the Ohio 
on his Majesty's service, & desiring that I might assist them with 
guns, poudder, lead & Provisions, or any thing elce that they 
might want for to enable them to proceed on their journey, and to 
dispatch them after one day's rest. They likewise presented to 
me the Governor's pasport, Commanding all officers, Civil & 
Military, to allow them to pass unmolested, as likewise Com- 
manding all Military officers to assist them in everything they 
should stand in need of Mr. Croghan likewise informs me that 
he expects some Indians down Susquehanna on the Business of 
the Governm't, and desires that I may not suffer them to be hurt, 
& I have given orders accordingly. I have advised the Indians 
to rest to-morrow, and on Tuesday morning to sett out on their 
Journe)-, which they aggree to. 

" 24th, Munday. — All the soldiers are employed to-day in clean- 
ing their arms, having appointed them this day for that purpose. 
This day it snows much, and snowed a great deall last night. The 
officers of the sundry Comp'ys report that the arms are now all 
in good order. Gave the Indians their poudder horns full of 
poudder, & bullotts & swan shott in their pouches, what they said 
would be sufifitient for their journey. They required mockesons 
of me, & I told them I had not, they said they were barefotted, & 
that Mr. Croghan told them they would be provided here. I gave 
Indian Peter a p'r of new shoes out of the Province store, and gott 
a pair of new Soils put upon William Sack's shoes ; with this Pro- 
vision they seem'd satisfied. I likewise prepared hard bisquett for 
their Journey, suffitient, & meatt & every Necessary fitt for their 

"25th, Tuesday. — This morning it snowed hard, & has snowed 
all last night; I inquired of the Indians if they intended to pro- 
ceed on their journey, and they informed me that the weather 
would not permitt. No work done to-day; it thaughs. 

" 26th, Wednesday. — Working to-day at the smock-house, at the 
fire leather, & at dabing the hospitall Chimney, the s'wers were at 
work, making a-x and Tomhawk handles. The two Indians de- 


manded of me two matchcoats, two tomhawks, one Dear Skin for 
to make mockesons, & some flints — I told them I had neither 
matchcoats nor dear skins, but gave them two Tomhawks & some 
flints. I ordered a Canoe to be launc'd this morning to carray the 
Indians over the River, I informed the Indians that the Canoe was 
ready, & they told me they would not go away to-day, but would 
go to-morrow. 

" Ensigne Scott marcht this morning with a party of five men 
to his Command at Fort Hunter; ommitted the Generall Revew 
until the Indians should go. 

" 27th, Thursday. — As the Indians did not seem inclinable to go 
airly this morning, I pospon'd the Generall revew, & employed 
the men, one party finishing the Clapboard'g & making a dore to 
the smoak house; another party dabing it, dabing the Chimney 
and walls of the Hospitall ; making a leather ; getting Coall-wood 
for a Coall-pitt, & getting fire wood; the Smiths, & sawers, and 
wheelbary makers, and ax handle makers, all at work. This day, 
at 12 o'clock M. D., the Indians, William Sack & Indian Peter, 
Crossed the River in my Canoe, sent 3 men to put them over and 
bring the Canoe back ; at their setting off I saluted them with 3 
platoons of 12 men, 3 roughs of all the Drums, 3 huzas, & one 
Great gun. It thaughs much to day. In this night's orders ap- 
pointed the Gen'll Revew to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock A. M. 

" 28th, Friday. — This morning had a Generall Revew of all the 
Regement, & found that severall's had lost their Bayinotts, but all 
the Arms in good order. Working to-day at the bake house, 
getting shingles at the Coall kill, dabing the smoak house; the 
Smiths & Sayers at work. The weather thaughs and it is exceed- 
ing muddy; the River Remains fast all along shore yett. 

" 29th, Saturday. — It snowed all last night and continues to 
snow very hard all this day, so that no work can be done. This 
evening it turns to rain. 

" 30th, Sunday. — This day it rain'd so hard all day that we 
could not have prayers. Two soldiers arrived here from Lewt. 
Davis, from Fort Hallifax, with letters at 6 O'Clock this Evening, 
Vizt: Sam'l Vantyne & Arch'd Kelso. 

" 31st, Munday. — It rained very hard all this day, there was no 


possability of doing any work, only the wheelwrights, & the two 
men making ax handles. The River rises & i.s, full of Ice; it 
frezes towards Evening. 

"Tuesday, 1st February. — This day it rained, hail'd and snowed 
all day, and is so extream cold that the soldiers was not able to 
work out of doors. The wheelbarrow makers are at work in the 
Carpenter shop ; the saw pitt is full of water & most froze to the 
bottom. The west branch driving full of ice; severall canoes 
come down it upon cakes of Ice; some ice driving down the 
North branch. This morning, John Hans, of Capt'n Jamison's 
Company, died in the Hospitall of the Bloody flu.x, and was bur- 
ryed this Evening. 

" 2d, Wednesday. — This morning it snowed & blew prodig- 
eously cold ; the soldiers could not work out. The wheelbarrow 
makers at work & some men prepering splitts, &ca., to hang the 
beaff upon; in ye afternoon a little milder; the Colliers went to 

" 3d, Thursday. — This morning clear weather, but frezing much; 
at 12 O'clock to-day heard two Guns feired over the River; lookt 
out with the spy glass, about I/2 after 12 O'Clock discovered two 
Indians in the draught where the water runs oposite to the Sally 
port; the Indians hung out a rid handk'r, which I gave William 
Sack & Indian Peter for a signall, and so Conclude from the sig- 
nall to be these two Indians ; I have sent a Canoe & 3 men over 
for them, but the River is so full of ice driving in large Cakes 
that I am affraid I can't gett them brought over. 

"The Canoe returns & brings William Sack & Indian Peter, 
they report that the weather was so exceeding bad they could not 
travell, and the Creeks and River Impassable, that the snow was 
so deep they could not walk, and, therefore, were forced to Return. 

"The wheelbarrow makers at work, 2 men making tomhawk 
handles, 2 making shingles for the Bake house, 6 men clean'g the 
saw pitt, a party in the woods getting stuff, 6 Colliers at work. 

"4th, Friday. — This day 34 in the woods cutting & pointing 
pickitts, 2 making Tomhawk handles, 2 mak'g wheelbarrows, 
Colliers, bakers, sawers & Smiths at work. It is clear weather but 
extream cold, a good deall of Ice in the river driving; John 


McCom, of Capt'n Jamison's Co., died this Evening in the Hos- 

"5th, Saturday. — It's so cold and snows so hard to-day the 
soldiers can't work. The wheel-wrights are at work, and the 
Tomhauk handle makers. John McCom was hurried to-day. 

" 6th, Sunday. — This day it snowed very hard all day, and the 
snow is deep on the ground, having snowed last night. We could 
not have sermon nor prayers ; the River drives with Ice yett. 

" 7th, Munday. — This day it snows a little in the morn'g ; at 
work in the woods getting firewood, 22; at the Coall Kill, 6; 
sawers, 2 ; making helves, i ; getting stuff for helves, 2 ; making 
wheelbarrows, 2. Very cold, the Ice driving but very little. 

" 8th, Tuesday. — Employe this day as follows : 22 men cutting 
pickets; i man pointing ditto; 6 men at the Coall; 2 sawers; 2 
making tomhauk helves; 2 making wheel barrows; 9 putting 
beaff in ye smock house; 2 work'g at the bake house — a clear 
cold day. 

"9th, Wednesday. — Employed as yesterday — sent 17 men out 
to hunt up any stragling horses that might be yett in the Prov- 
ince service, but could only find 4, which I have sent down to be 
discharged the service. The two Indians, William Sack & Indian 
Peter, applyed to me for an Eschort to Conduct them safe to the 
Conostoga Town. I accordingly sent Volunteer Hughes & 3 
Soldiers and 4 horses, with orders to Conduct them safe Home, 
they sett out from this at 5 P. M. — this Evening it Rains and 
blows prodigeously. 

" loth, Thursday. — Could not work to-day; it rained and blew 
prodigeousely all last night and all this day. The saw pitt is full 
of water. Dr. Morgan * made Complaint this morning that there 

*Dr. John Morgan was born in the city of Philadelphia. His father, a respecta- 
ble Welsh gentleman, settled there at an early day. He was the brother of Colonel 
George Morgan, and studied medicine with Dr. Redman. He was an apothecary to 
the Pennsylvania Hospital. After leaving Fort Augusta he accompanied the Forbes 
expedition, in which he held a lieutenant's commission, hut acted chiefly as surgeon. 
Colonel Burd says he did "his duty very well." At the close of the war he traveled 
extensively in Europe and devoted much of his time to anatomical studies. He was 
a man of much learning, and on his return from abroad he became the coadjutor of 
Dr. Shippen in founding a medical school in his native city. He died October 15, 
1789, in the S4th year of his age. — Shippen Papers, ^Sige 74, and Hazard's Register, 
Vol. IL, page 127. , 


was a great deal of under water in the Hospitall; the Doct'r told 
me that he thought he had bad success in his cures, which he 
imputted to the want of fresh Provisions & Vegetables; I ac- 
quainted the Doct'r that I had some thoughts of Removing the 
Hospitall to Fort Hallifax, or Fort Hunter, as soon as the weather 
would permitt; he told me if that was not done many would loose 
their lives. The River in a fine State for Battoeing. 

"nth, Friday. — Employed this day as follows: 29 men in 
the woods Cutting picketts; 2 Carpenters pointing do.; 2 Carp'rs 
making Tomhauk helves ; 2 Carpenters making wheelbarrows ; 2 
Carp'r working at the bake house, sawers Emptying the water 
out of the saw pitt; the Smiths at work & Colliers. This day it 
blow'd very hard & froze most severe. 

" 1 2th, Saturday. — Employed this day as yesterday; this day it 
frizes most intensely; the River is quite full of Ice; tho' the people 
are at work, yett they can't do much. 

" 13th, Sunday. — This morning I ordered a Generall Parade of 
all the Regement present, at 10 A. M., and prayers at 1 1 A. M., if 
the weather would permitt. Had the Generall parade accordingly, 
& found all the arms in good order, bright and quite Clean. This 
day it frizes severe, and is so extream cold that I omitt prayers, 
ye Officers Complain'g it was too severe. 

" 14th, Munday. — Imployed this day as follows: 21 men in the 
woods cutting picketts, 2 pointing ditto, 6 Colliers, 2 men at the 
wheelbarrows, 2 making a.x handles, 2 making the pork sistern, 4 
sawers, 3 Bakers. This day it frizes a little ; more moderate then 
it has done for some days past; the River is quite full of Ice 
driving thick cakes. 

" 1 5 th, Tuesday. — This morning John Apelby, of Capt'n Salter's 
Compa', died ; 2 men employed in mak'g a Coffin for ditto. 

"Twenty-one men in the woods Cutting picketts, i pointing 
ditto, 6 Colliers, 2 making wheel barrows, 2 making ax handles, 2 
wagoners, 4 sawers, 2 at the pork Sistern, 3 bakers, 4 Smiths. 

"Burried John Apelby this Evening; this day it snows a little; 
the River Continues full of Ice; finish'd cutting picketts this 
evening; ye Adjutant reports they have cutt upwards of a thous- 


"1 6th February, Wednesday. — This morning Christian Holt- 
saple, of Capt'n Salter's Company died. Seventeen men in the 
woods piUing of picketts & Cutting fire wood, i man pointing 
picketts, 6 Colhers, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 3 Bakers, 2 Carpenters 
making a Coffin, 2 jointing plank for }-e pork sistern, 2 making 
wheelbarrows, 2 making ax handles, 2 wagoners, 4 digging a 

"At 1 1 A. M.,two men arrived here with Rum for Mr. Trapnell, 
& informed me that the Battoes were Ij'ing weather bound at 
Berry's place. At 12 M. D., Lewts. Davis & Clapham arri\'ed 
here with a party of 13 men, & brought my letters & Confirm'd 
the battoes being at Berry's place, under the Command of Capt'n 
Trump.* The above Christian Holtsaple was hurried this even- 

" This day I was taken so ill that I could not read my letters ; 
should have answered Col'l Clapham's letter, & Lewt. Col'l Arm- 
strong's, but my Indisposition would not permitt. It thaughs to 
day much. 

■' 17th, Thursday. — This day it rained so hard all day that the 
soldiers could not work out of doors; the river clear of Ice, and 
thaughs much. The 2 men at work making wheel barrows; 1 
making ax handles ; Smiths & Bakers at work. 

" 1 8th, Frida)-. — Fine clear weather. Employed to-da\' as fol- 
lows: 21 working in the woods cutting picketts & Cutting & 
piling brush, 3 bakers, 6 Colliers, 4 sawers, 2 making wheel bar- 
rows, 2 pointing pickitts, 2 joint'g plank for the pork Sistern, 2 
making ax helves, 2 making peddles, 2 Carters. 

" This day, at i P. M., Capt'n Trump arrived here with Ensignes 
Broadhead & Scott, & the party & battoes, with 5 1 barrells flour, 
3 hhds. of Rum, i faggott steel, 12 barrells pork. At 2 P. M., it 
began to rain to-day; we have great difficulty in getting the bat- 
toes unloaded ; sent Serg't Lee to Carlisle, Express. 

" 19th, Saturday. — It rained all day to-day; no work done ex- 

*Captain Levi Tramp was from Northampton County. He entered the service in 
the early part of the French and Indian war and continued to its close. He subse- 
quently removed to Barbadoes, West Indies, where he died. Colonel Burd speaks of 
him in this manner: "Does his duty with freedom, and has shown a good spirit on 
all occasions." 


cept emptying the battoes of the remainder of their loading, which 
is now all in the store; returned to the full allowance of Provision, 

1 ft), 2 oz. b. & i^ lb flour. 

" 20th, Sunday. — Had a Generall Revew of all the Regem't; 
appointed the party to wait Lieut. Col'l Armstrong's orders. The 
Fort was so wett we could not have sermon nor prayers to-day. 

"21, Munday. — Employed this day in preparing their arms for 
a Generall Revew to be held at 4 P. M.; had a Generall Revew 
according to appointment ; the River rises much ; a Revew to- 
morrow at 9 A. M. 

" 22, Tuesday. — A Generall Revew at 9, A. M., when I Exersized 
the officers & Soldiers particularly in firing; appointed a party of 
30 men to go with 10 battoes tomorrow, 10 more belonging to 
Hunter's Fort & the Hospitall Consisting of 24 sick; Lew'ts 
Clayton & Clapham, & pjisigne Morgan goes with the party ; fine 

" 23d, Wednesday. — This morning at 9, A. M., the party men- 
tioned yesterday sett off from this for Hunter's Fort,* with 10 
battoes; 23 men lifting the old picketts, 3 Carpenters new pointing 
do., 2 working at the pork sistern; 2 wheel barrow makers; 4 
making the Barrier gate ; 6 Colliers ; 2 making paddles ; smiths 
& bakers at work; 10 dabing the bake house; fine weather; 

" 24th, Thursday. — Employed this day 2 making the wheel 
barrows, 2 at the pork sistern, 4 at the barrier gate, 3 pointing 
picketts, 3 bakers, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 6 Colliers, 25 heaping brush, 
12 lifting & setting pickets, 5 dawbing the bake house, 2 wag'r; 
fine clear weather. 

" 25th, Friday. — -Employed this day 18 digg a place in the store 
for the pork sistern, 11 at the picketts, 15 getting stones for the 
Necessary house, 3 -Carpenters pointing pickets, 4 at the Barrier 
Gates, 2 at the pork sistern, 2 making wheel barrows, 6 Colliers, 

2 Sawers, 3 Bakers, 4 Smiths, 2 Carters; fine weather; cold. 
"26th, Saturday. — Employed 16 heaping brush, 14 digging for 

the pork sistern, 1 5 setting picketts, 6 Colliers, 3 Bakers, 4 Smiths, 

*The village of Rockville is near the site of the old fort. At this point the Sus- 
quehanna River is spanned by the magnificent bridge of the Pennsylvania Railroad. 


2 Carters, 4 sawers, 2 making the pork sistern, 4 working at the 
barrier's Gates, 2 at the wheel barrows, 3 sharping pickitts. 

" This day at 1 2 o'Clock I sent out the Carter's to the old house 
at the spring,* to bring in some stones from thence, with a Cover- 
ing party of a Corporall & 7 men at 10 O'Clock; the Centreys 
being three in Number, was shott at by a party of Indians, upon 
hearing the fireing, I detached off Ensignes Broadhead & Allison 
with a party of 20 men to support the Covering party attacked ; 
upon Mr. Broadhead's approach with the party, the Indians from 
the lope of the mountain gave a Generall huza which Mr. Broad- 
head returned with his party & keept advancing upon the Enemy, 
the great shoutts made me think their Numbers were Consider- 
able. I immediately detauch'd Capt'n Trump with an additionall 
party of 20 men & 2 Serg'ts with orders to oblige them to feight 
or to pursue them & try to surround with them. Capt'n Trump 
accordingly pursued them for an hour, but could not overtake 
them & returned with the whole party & brought with him two of 
the Centinalls that were killed & Scalp't by the Enemy. I imme- 
diately ordered a party to be draughted out of 50 men, 2 Serg'ts 
& 2 Corporalls, to be Commanded by Capt'n Trump with the 
Ensignes Broadhead & Allison, give them 3 biskitts a man & 
ordered Capt'n Trump with this party to follow the Indians & 
come up with them at their fires in the night if possible, & their 
surround & destroy them. Capt'n Trump march't to execute this 
order at 3 o'Clock, P. M. 

" 5 of the Covering party returned to the Fort, having left the 
Corporall Barr in the feeld; the Carters afterwards retturns with 
The Cart & horses; the Corporall joined Ensigne Broadhead's 
party & pursued the Enemy; as I find these 5 of the Covering 
party ran off in disobedience to the Corporall's orders, which was 
to advance upon the Enemy and sustain the Centinalls, I have 
Confined them for Cowardice. 

"This day it began to snow at i O'Clock very hard, & Contin- 
ued so all day. 

* Bloody Spring, on the hill-side, about half a mile from the fort. The surrounding 
hills, covered with timber and underbrush, afforded a good lurking place for the sav- 
ages. The house alluded to must have been erected for the protection of a guard. 
Many fine stone were quarried at the spring. 


" 27th, Sunday. — It Continues to snow very much. This morn- 
ing at 1 1 A. M. Capt'n Trump returns with his party, & Reports 
that he followed the tracks of the Indians (which he thinks steared 
their Course up the North branch in the parralel of one mile dis- 
tance from the River) untill dark, then he march't the same Course 
as nigh as he Could until 1 1 O'Clock P. M., the weather being 
very severe, it snowing very hard, & the snow deep, fatigued the 
soldiers so much that severall of them gave out and Could march 
no further, upon which Capt'n Trump marcht to the Top of a high 
mountain, being 14 miles from Fort Augusta, to Endeavour to 
discover the Indians' fii;es, in Conformity to the orders given him, 
but making no discovery he haulted his party some time and 

" John Lee arrived here with a party of 8 men and the Indians 
Named William Sam, William Taylor & his wife, Mary & James 
Narrows, being on their way to the Ohio in the service of the 
Government. It Continues to snow hard and frizes; no prayers 
on acco't of the severity of the weather. 

"2Sth, Munday. — Employed 11 with the wagon; 6 Colliers; 
4 Sawers ; 4 Smiths ; 3 Bakers ; 30 heaping brush ; 6 digging in 
the store; 2 making wheel barrows; 4 working at the Barrier 
Gates. This day the Indians Intimated to me that they would 
proceed upon their Journey after dinner, & that they wanted to be 
supplyed with sundry Necessarys to Enable them to do the same. 
Upon which, in Conformity to the Governor's orders, in his pass- 
port, I furnished them with two Province Guns, two Tomhauks, 
three poudder horns full of poudder, lead in Proportion, one shott 
poucn and poudder horn, 40 ft), of biskitt, 1 1 1^ Sb. of beaff, 10 ft), 
of pork, & 2 qts. of Rum. The Indians sett out at 4 P. M. I 
sent them over the River in two Cannoes, and landed them at the 
little Run in the Gap * of the mountain, opposite to the sally Port; 
when they parted with me; they told me they would be back 
again in one month if the weather proved Good ; if not in two 
months ; that they would go first to Chinglechamush.t from thence 

* There was an Indian path through this gap. The road now follows it in making 
the ascent of Blue Hill. 

f Where the borough of Clearfield now stands. 


to Bachaloons,* that they would bring into friendship along with 
them, all the Indians they could, men, women & Children, to Fort 
Augusta, and that they would hang up a Red Handkercheeff, as 
a signall, in the head of their Canoe, or at their fire place, if they 
should sleep nigh this Fort. Extream cold weather, & 2 Inches 
of snow over all the Ground. 

"Fort Augusta, 1757. March ist, Tuesday. — Employed this 
day, 34 heaping of brush ; 1 3 with the wagon bawling picketts ; 
2 Carpenters hanging the front barrier gate; 2 do. making the 
gate posts, &ca., for the back barrier gate; 2 making the pork sis- 
tern; 2 making wheelbarrows; 4 sawers; 4 Smiths; 3 Bakers; 

2 Candle makers; 6 Colliers; 4 digging in the store for the pork 

" Mounted a pickett Guard this Evening of i Corporall & 6 
men outside of the Fort; appointed a Court of Inquiry into the 
Conduct of the Corporall & his party that was attack'd by the 
Indians on Saturday last. The ground Continues Covered with 
snow and hard froze. The seven Company's of the Regement in 
Garrison here are each man served with one half pint of poudder, 
12 bullets & 96 swan shott, being in all 20 rounds. 

"This day I have a return of 11 men whose times of Inlist- 
ments are expired & refuse to do duty. 

"2d, Wednesday. — Employed to-day 44 piling brush in the 
woods, 6 Carpenters working at the Barrier gates, 2 making 
wheel barrows, 1 7 with the wagon, 6 Colliers, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 

3 bakers, 2 making Candles ; fine clear weather & thawing to-day. 
"3d, Thursday. — Employed 4 Carpenters at the barrier rates, 

2 at the pork sistern, 2 making piquetts, 23 in the woods, 26 set- 
ting piquetts, 8 working in the store assisting the Carpenters at 
the pork sisterns, 4 at the gate, 6 Colliers, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 3 
Bakers and 2 wagoners. Fine clear weather and thawing ; at 8 
P. M. began to Rain very hard and Continued all this night. 

"4th,- Friday. — Employed to day as follows : 2 Carpenters at 
the pork sistern; 4 at the saly barrier gate; 2 making a gate 
for the outline of Piquetts; 2 making wheel barrows; 15 Cutting 

*An Indian town near the mouth of the Brokenstraw Creek, which empties into 
the Allegheny River a few miles below Warren. 


piquetts; 3 digging in the store; 6 Colliers; 4 Smiths; 3 Bakers; 
39 heaping brush. A soft day, but raiii'g with Intermitions, 

"5th, Saturday. — Employed, 19 with the wagon, 2 Carpenters 
at the pork sistern, 2 hanging the back barrier gate, 2 at the out 
piquett Gate, 2 making wheel barrows, 45 men setting piquetts, 4 
sawers, 4 smiths, 3 bakers, and i mason & two men at the well of 
the necessary house, 3 Cleaning out the store; fine Clear weather 
to-day. Main Guard Consists of i Sergient, i Corporall, i Drum, 
2 Padroles, 18 Private, 23; Centinalls, 6. Piquett Guard of i Ser- 
gient, I Corporall, 6 Private, 8 ; Centinalls, 2 ; one officer. 

" 6, Sunday. — This day it blew very hard and was prodigeously 
cold, on this account I posponed the Generall Revew untill the 
evening; had a Generall Revew at 4 P. M., when I had all the 
arms & Accutraments Examined, and as I thought it Necessary- 
to make a speach to ye whole Regement Publickly, upon the 
occasion of the time for which they insisted being Expired of 
some, and nigh expiring for the whole Regement. I accordingly 
spoke to them to the following purpose: 

"'Telling them that I had a report delivered to me by Adjutant Allison of sundry 
men in the Regement who said their times of Inlistments were expired, and on that 
account had delivered up their arms & accrutraments to the officers in their respective 
Comp'ys, and absolutely refused doing duty, which laid me under an obligation to 
talk to them thus pubUckly: Gentlemen & fellow Soldiers, I must first put you in 
mind of the Cause for which we were sent heither. Was it not for to maintain the 
Hon'r & Just Rights of Our Glorious Sovereigne & the Protection of our Country? 
Did we not all seemingly, Chearfully Embrace this Opportunity of serving our King 
& Country? Have we not taken possession of this Ground, which is allowed to be 
a place of great Importance, & have we not maintained it, and built a strong Fort 
upon it, and has not these works been erected at a vast Charge to the Government, & 
would all this been done with no further view then to make a parade to Shamochan? 
Surely this can't be the Case. & would you, like a parcel! of dastardly pultroons, 
abandon these works & leave the King's Fort with its Gates open to Receive the 
Enemys of the Crown of Great Britain? Why, mearly, because your times for which 
you was inlisted expired, & you are not obligated, you think, to do the Duty you owe 
by Nature to your Gratious Sovereigne & bleeding Country. For shame ! forever 
shame ! everlasting Infamy & just Reproach will attend you & all your Generations 
after you, was you to attempt to act such a base part — a part so unbecoming the Char- 
acter of a Protestant Britain — a part that would give just cause to the last of your 
seed to Curse you. And lett me tell you. Gentlemen, that I think the step already 
taken by a few of you tends nothing to your Reputation; on the Contrary, your 
delivering up your arms, &ca., to your officers without previously acquaint'g me and 
having my authority for so doing, is a great step towards mutiny, & I would advise 


you to be Cautious how you venture to persist in this unwarranted measure, and rest 
assured that at all events I will not suffer the King's Fort to be left without a Garrison 
to Defend it. 

" ' Now, Gentlemen, as I have laid the matter Clearly before you, I would have 
you rely, upon my Hon'r, that as soon as the Garrison can be releav'd with the Con- 
veniency of the Government Regularly, there shall not one man of you be obliged to 
Continue in the service, whose time may be expired, unless you enter anew Voluntar- 
ily, & that you will Receive pay for every day you do duty in the service, & have a 
Regular discharge, & would have you all Consider maturely of this ; & those of you 
that say you are already free, to come to me to-morrow & acquaint me with your Con- 
clusions; in the meantime, be very Carefull you determine to act Right, and don't 
attempt to pretend Ignorance, as I have Publickly showed you the Consequences of a 
Contrary part.' 

"7th, Munday. — Employed this day, 17 Cutting piquetts, 40 
setting piquetts & digging, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 10 Taylors mend- 
ing the watch Coats, 3 Bakers, 8 Carpenters. 

" The following Soldiers who say their times of Inlistments are 
expired came to me in a body this day, vizt: Coil's Comp'y — 
John McMath, William Armstrong, Michael Stows. Majors' Co. 
— Rich'd Smith. C. Lloyd's Co. — Lawrence Lamb, Will'm Little, 
Wm. Supple, Arch'd Kelso. C. Hambright's Co. — Hugh Donaly. 

" They told me that they had served the time for which they 
had Inlisted, and would go home and serve no longer. However, 
upon my talking with them and repeating in a great measure what 
I had told them the day before, they Consented to stay and do 
dut>-, relying, as they said, on my hon'r to fulfill what I had en- 
gaged to them. There is free men in the Regement doing duty 
besides those above mentioned, and who have never applyed to 
me: Coil's Co., Peter Smith; Majors' Co., Serg't Gotlip; Capt'n 
Shippen's Co., John Martin. Fine Clear Weather. 

" 8th, Tuesday. — Employed 8 Carpenters, 4 smiths, 3 bakers, 
4 Sawers, 42 Setting piquetts, 21 Cutt'g ditto, i wheelbarrow 

"More men free to day, vizt: Coil's Comp'a, Alex'r Logan; 
Capt'n Lloyd's Co., George McClenehan, Neall McCallip, John 

" This day the Serg't Major Reports that Wm. Little, of Capt'n 
Lloyd's Comp'a, refuses duty absolutely of any kind, & Neall Mc- 
Callep refuses to do any other than soldier's duty. 


"Fine clear weather to-day; hazy towards evening and a httle 
rain ; the River high and rising. 

"9th March, Wednesday. — Employed to-day, 37 setting of 
piquetts, 17 Cutting piquetts, 8 Carpenters Cutting logs for the 
little house, putting up plattforms, making wheelbarrows, &ca., 4 
Smiths, 4 Sawers, 3 Bakers. Fine clear weather to-day; the 
River falling. 

" loth, Thursday. — This day it snowed so much that no work 
could be done. At Noon, came down the North Branch in a 
Canoe with English Collours fly'g, 5 Indians, one Named Nathan- 
iell, & 4 more; they showed me Governour Denny's Passport, and 
told me they were ordered to inform me that Jo. Peepy and 90 
Indians more would be down here to-morrow or next day; and 
further, that they were ordered to desire me to send an Express 
Immediately upon their arrivall, to Inform George Croghan, Esq'r, 
of the same, and I accordingly sent John Lee, John Boham and 
Benja. Nicholson off this night, 12 P. M., in a Canoe. I rece'd 
the Indians kindly, and told them I would Receive them all in the 
same manner. They were pleas'd & thankt me. 

" nth, Friday. — Employed to-day, 17 in the woods, 8 Carpen- 
ters, n setting piquetts, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, & 3 Bakers; a fine 
Clear day; nothing materiall. 

"i2th, Saturday. — Employed to-day, 30 setting piquetts, 18 
Cutting Piquetts, &ca., in the woods; 7 Carpenters, at work, 4 
smiths, 4 sawers, 3 Bakers. 

" This Evening Indian Nathaniell Informed me that he saw his 
Brother at Tiogo, who told him he was just come from Fort De 
Quesne, and before he left that place that 6 Frenchmen and 3 
Indians had sett out from thence in order to come & vew the 
works at Fort Augusta ; fine clear weather. 

" 13th, Sunday. — This morning, at the request of the Indians, I 
sent one soldier & one Indian up the River to meet the Indians, & 
to inform them of the welfare of their friends here, and that they 
should meett with a good reception. 

"At 2 P. M., to-day the Indian Fleet hove in sight with two 
stand of English Collours flying. Consisting of 15 Canoes & 3 
Battoes, they fired two rounds, and which I answered from the 


upper Bastion of the piquetts, & welcomed them here with three 
Huzas; there was on b'd upwards of 90 Indians, many of which 
Kings & Cheeffs of their People, they all express'd a good deal of 
satisfaction at their meeting us here, and told me upon their arriv- 
all that they hurried to come here, as they had good Intelligence 
the French Intended Immediately to besiege this Fort, and they 
were afifraid that the Enemy would gett before them. 

" They informed me that they mett sundry warriors comeing 
down upon This Province; some of whome they turned back; 
others would not obey them; however they advised them to turn 
back, otherwise it would not be good for them, that if they struck 
the English they should not be able to gett Home. 

" Towards the E\'ening Jo. Peep}' informed me that the Indians 
had been in Councell for sometime, & that the Kings & Cheeffs 
desired to meett me in Councell at my Home one hour hence; at 
8 P. M. they mett me in Councell at my House, when Thomas, 
Deputy King at Kemeosquagy opened the Councell with three 
strings of Wampom, to the foll'g purpose: 

'"My Dear Brother: — Now we come from the Indian Country to see you at our 
house here, & we dispell the Clouds that you may see Clear Sun Shine, and we wipe 
the Tears all off your Eyes that you may see your Brothers clear & well. 

" ' My Dear Brother, It is a Certain thing that your ground here is all Bloody, & 
we come to clean away all the bjood that you may sett clean & well. 

" ' My Dear Brother, We are all one, we are Brothers, the French have killed 
many of our People, but we all, the six Nations, have Councelled to be English from 
this time forth, &: we Clean your hearts of everything that you may give answer to 
your Brothers well when you speak this Evening. Two Delaware Warriers came 
down the North Branch in a Canoe; the Indians had spoke with these two Warriers, 
& the warriors told them they were going to warr upon Shamochan ; & the Indians 
advised them not to; but at the time they would not be resti'ained; but, thinking bet- 
ter of it afterwards, they Determined to sett off' in a Canoe after the Indians & take 
their advice, which they accordingly did, & anived here in the Evening.' 

" It Blow'd very hard to-day & rain'd. 

" 14, Munday. — This day it rained all day so that I could not 
work. At dusk this evening John Lee arrived here. The Indians 
informed me that they would sett of from this for John Harris' on 
Wednesday morning, and I acquainted them that I should gett 
Necessarys ready for them. 

".15th, Tuesday. — This day 30 men at work upon the picketts, 


4 Carpenters at the little house, 4 Smiths, 3 bakers, 2 wheel bar- 
row makers. 

"This day a Canoe went down the river; thought there was 
men in her; sent out three partys of Indians to Reconoiture. 
Intended to send a Canoe this Evening to John Harris, but the 
Indians Interrupted me. It is cold to-day. 

" 1 6th, Wednesday. — This day it frizes prodigeously and blows 
hard. Employed 17 men in the woods with the Cart, bawling 
stuff for the wheelwrights and little house, 6 Carpenters at work, 
4 sawers, 4 smiths & 3 bakers. 

" 17th, Thursday.— This day, at 1 1 O'Clock A. M., the Indians 
being in Number a hundred sett out from this for John Harris's, 
in Battoes; sent Ensigne AUeson in a Canoe to Conduct them 
with particular orders for that purpose. 

" This day, at 5 P. M., thirty more Indians arrived here. Con- 
ducted by William Printy, amongst whome was Monicatutha and 
Seneca George. The Indians informed me that they mett six 
warrier Indians going to warr ag't the flett heads, and wanted 
to know If I did not think it would be right to stop them in 
the morning and persuade them to go to Harris's; and they 
told me as I said they would do, I told them to stop them. 
These Indians behaved very well; pritty good weather; the River 

" 1 8th, Friday. — This morning the Indian Cheefs desired to 
speak with me when It suited me ; I told the messenger I should 
be very glad to see them derectly. They accordingly waited of 
me at 10 A. M., & informed me that there was eight hundred 
French and Indians marcht from Fort De Quesne ag't this Fort, 
and they were actually arrived at the head of the West Branch of 
this River, and were there making Canoes and would Come down 
as soon as they were made, & desired me to believe this for truth, 
to be upon my Guard, and to fight as long as I had one man 
alive. I gave them for answer that I was very much obliged to 
them for this peace of Intelligence, that I was ready to Receive 
the Enemy, and that they might Depend I would follow their 
advice. They sett out from this at Noon. 

" Employed 30 men at the ditch, 26 in the woods bringing 


home piquetts, 6 Carpenters, 4 blacksmiths, 4 sawers, 3 bakers. 
Blew hard at south. 

[ That the French seriously contemplated an invasion of the West Branch Valley 
in force, for the purpose of seizing this portion of the Province, there is no doubt, 
but there is no evidence on record that a large expedition was ever started for that 
purpose. But that scouting parties were dispatched for the purpose of reconnoitering 
the country and reporting its condition and the strength of the English to the French 
commandant, there is no doubt. It was a party of this kind that was reported to 
Colonel Burd. The party doubtless concentrated at Chinklecamoose and there made 
preparations to descend the river on rafts, or floats, but it is extremely doubtful that it 
numbered 800 men. That would have been a sufficient force, if properly equipped 
and officered, to have captured Fort Augusta. According to tradition, this scouting 
party had four small brass cannon, and it descended the river to a point on the West 
Branch just below where the Philadelphia and Erie Railroad bridge crosses the river 
at Williamsport. This was near where the great war path crossed the mountain, 
through what is known as the Loyalsock Gap. On the beautiful level ground at this 
point (now in Armstrong Township, Lycoming County,) the party disembarked, went 
into camp and sent a few engineers and Indians over the path to Blue Hill, for the 
purpose of studying the situation and strength of the works at .Shamokin. That there 
was such a camp at this place there is no doubt, for the early settlers found French 
buttons, trinkets and other evidences of a camp at this place. John Else, of Mon- 
toursville, now (September i, 1SS8,) living at the age of 91 years, says that seventy 
years ago he traveled this path through the mountain, and the story was then current 
among the old settlers that the French disembarked from their flotilla a short distance 
above the mouth of Loyalsock and went into camp. At an early period in our his- 
tory a rude excavation on the summit of the mountain was found, where this path and 
the present public road intersect, and, upon making an examination, the remains of 
camp kettles, spoons and other utensils, which had evidently belonged to a military 
chest, were found, showing that a body of French had been there at one time. 

It is also pretty well authenticated that the French engineers reached Blue Hill with 
their Indian escort and made a careful reconnoissance of the situation, but finding the 
fort too strong to be assailed without heavy cannon, they returned to the camp below 
Williamsport and reported the facts. While making this examination the Indians 
scattered about in small parties and sought to shoot the sentinels for the purpose of 
.securing scalps, and from all accounts they succeeded. After the engineers had de- 
parted some of these Indians lingered about the summit of Blue Hill and amused 
themselves by trying to shoot arrows across the river and into the fort, but failed on 
account of the distance being too great. It is also said that they would sometimes 
place themselves in an insulting posture to the garrison, but when a cannon shot was 
fired at them, and the branches of a tree cut ofi" immediately over their heads, they 
gave a terrific war whoop and scampered off' into the woods. 

When the engineers returned and reported to the commander that the force was 
insufficient to reduce the fortification, preparations were made to return to the French 
strongholds west of the mountains. Here they were confronted with another dilem- 
ma. As they could not return in their floats, and it was impossible to drag their 
cannon back over the narrow paths they would be compelled to travel, they decided 


to abandon them; and, according to tradition, they took the four brass pieces and 
threw them into a deep hole in the river, a short distance below the mouth of Loyal- 
sock Creek, and ever afterwards it has been known as the "Cannon Hole." All 
rivermen know the spot well. At that time it was doubtless a chasm in the rocks, 
and very deep, but in course of time it became filled with gravel, and is no 
longer of any great depth. There is no account of any of the pieces ever having 
been recovered, and they doubtless remain there buried deeply in the mud and sand. 
The only official account we have of this scouting party is found in Vaudreuil's 
report to the French commandant in Canada, now in the French archives. From 
this report it will be seen that the scout was comparatively small, and does not war- 
rant the report in the Colonial Records that 800 men ever came down the river in a 
body. If such a force ever followed the scouting party, all record of it has been 
lost. Vaudreuil's report is as follows : 

Montreal, 13th July, 1757. 
My Lord, 

In my letter of the 1 8th of April, I have the honor to report to the Keeper of the 
Seals that the Delawares of Theoga,* whom I had attracted to Niagara, had informed 
M. Ponchot that the English had nine forts around them, one of which contained a 
garrison of six hundred men; f this exacted the more attention on my part, as an 
English prisoner had already made the same report to me. 

As these forces are within reach of Presqu'ile and the River au boeuf, I gave 
orders to the Commandants of these two posts to have scouts constantly abroad in 
that quarter. I caused express recommendations to be given to all the Indians, and 
particularly to the Delawares, to inform the Commandant of the first post at which 
they might arrive, of the enemy's movements as soon as they should be perceptible 

M. de la Chauvignerie sent M. de .St.Ours with six Canadians and fourteen Indians 
on a scout to the English fort containing a garrison of six hundred men. This fort 
is on the upper part of the River Zinantchain and positively in the proximity of Fort 
Machault.J Sieur de St. Ours took two scalps within sight of that fort, but he was 
unable to make any prisoners. 

A party of fifteen Loups of the same village of Theoge, which is in the vicinity 
of the fort in question, brought M. Ponchot, at Niagara, a German prisoner, belonging 
to Bathleem, in Pennsylvania, with five scalps. Another party of the same tribe 
brought another prisoner. 

I was informed that the English had caused five hundred bateaux to be constructed 
at Shamoken, on the River Canestio; that a Delaware had even seen them; that the 
English were still busy building other bateaux and were giving out that they would 
march ten thousand men to reduce all the forts on the Beautiful River. 

I felt the necessity of assuring myself of the Loups of Chaamonaque or Theoga. 
'Twas no trifling matter, but by dint of having belts secretly conveyed to them, they 
sent me word that they would send their families to the neighborhood of Presqu'ile, 
to plant Indian corn, and that all the warriors would rendezvous at Theoga, to oppose 
the enemy's march. 

I profited by every opportunity to send some Indians to that quarter. A Seneca 
told me that more than one hundred men had gone with the Loups to the River Can- 
estio, to harass the English, who are very numerous about Shamoken, where they are 
really building bateaux; that he felt a pleasure in killing the English; that the river 
had only to be crossed and they were all found in a heap. 

Cadet de Chevigny, accompanied by a single Indian, was on the banks of the 
River Potomack, where they killed an Englishman and took a French renegade pris- 

* Tioga. 

fFort Augusta. 

\ At the mouth of French Creek, Venango County, Pa. 


oner, whose head the Iroquois broke on the way, because he could not march ; 
Sieur Chevigny burned two houses which were abandoned ; a small fort, also aban- 
doned, and four barns' full of wheat. 

A party of seven Indians, sent out by M. de la Chauvignerie, returned with seven 
prisoners and three scalps, which they took in the direction of Pennsylvania. This 
party had ranged around Shamoken; but the English kept so strictly on their guard 
that our Indians could not find an opportunity to strike a blow; this obliged them to 
push further into the interior of the country, to discover some settlements, having 
seen about forty houses abandoned. 

It is to be presumed that the settlers had retired to Shamoken with their cattle, the 
Indians of the same party having assured that they had seen considerable movements 
in the neighborhood of the English fort, and that there was not a single person in the 
surrounding country. 

Other parties arrived at different intervals, having likewise assured that the settle- 
ments at a distance from the forts were deserted, and that all the small stockades 
which the English had erected last year, to cover their frontiers, were vacated. 

I was informed of negotiations of the English to destroy mine with the Loups of 
Theoga; that many Indians of that nation had assisted at them, but on a message 
which I had sent to their chiefs, the latter had departed with their warriors to go in 
search of those Indians, and had sent me word that in case they would not listen to 
them, they should be treated as real Englishmen. These Loups had been seduced by 
an English Interpreter who had made them considerable presents. 

Sometime after I learned that all was quiet among the Loups; that they had con- 
cluded their planting; that the chiefs who had been to Philadelphia had returned, and 
had engaged their young men to go to war against the English. 

These Indians reported that a great chief had arrived at Philadelphia (this is 
doubtless General Lawdun*) ; that he had held a great council there with the other 
chiefs of the country; when he was told that Colonel Johnson had caused his breth- 
ren of the Five Nations to be invited; that this great chief got into a considerable 
passion; that he had said that Colonel Johnson was wrong to call any one brother 
and ally; that the country of the Five Nations and that of the Beautiful River be- 
longed to the King of England; that he knew the Five Nations and almost all the 
Indians side with the French; but as soon as the grass was a little high, the Gov- 
ernor of Canada would be dead, and that he would march everywhere; that he was 
not afraid of the French; that though he should lose a great many men on account 
of the Indians, he would not give in; fhat he, too, had Indian friends whom he would 
bring with him. 

The Loups have assured me that it was impossible for the English to come and 
attack Presqu'ile, owing to the difficulty of ascending the river, where the English 
would expose themselves to be defeated by a handful of men, and that moreover it 
would be necessary that they should pass through their villages. 

An Englishman told me he passed a hundred times in the river of Canestio to 
Shamoken; that it is a very trifling circumstance, about as wide as the Niagara River, 
but rather a torrent than a river; full of rapids, shoals and large boulders; that the 
most could be done would be to ascend the river in very small bateaux by towing; 
that the country is impassable and full of defiles. 

The Iroquois informed me that there was one portage of six leagues between it 
and the River Canaouagon,f or that above La Paille Coupee; \ on the other hand an 
• Englishman has told me that, to reach Fort Machault, the English must make a land 
journey of seventeen leagues. I shall endeavour to ascertain precisely what I am to 
depend on. 

I judge that the English fort in question is at least a hundred leagues from Fort 
Machault, and that it is situate on the frontiers of Pennsylvania. 

*John Campbell, 4th Earl of Loudoun. On the 25th of December, 1755, he was 
appointed Colonel of the 60th, or Royal American Regiment. He was Commander- 
in-Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in America, where he arrived in July, 1756. 

f Now known a.s Conawago Creek, Warren Count)-, Pa. 

\ Now known as Brokenstraw, Warren County, Pa. 


I have a number of Indian parties, even of the Five Nations, on the way to attacl^ 
that fort. Although there is no appearance, according to the Delawares and our 
scouts, of any early movement on the part of the enemy, I -have nevertheless given 
orders to M. de la Chauvignerie to cause to be completed the work necessary to put 
his fort in a state of defence. 

I have not neglected anything to attract the Loups of Theoga, who are settled near 
Fort Shamoken, to me. I am of opinion that I could not effect it, because they have 
never had the least association with the French, and have always been among the 
English; nevertheless, my negotiations have so far succeeded, that I have actually 
with me the great chief of that Nation, who is called the King, with a suite of his 
warriors. I have received him very well, and sent him home in such a manner that 
he and all his Nation were attaching themselves warmly to the French and waging 
war on the English. I have required of him to give me a proof of the sincerity of 
his promise. He forthwith dispatched some of his warriors to join the army I am 
sending against Fort Georges.* The sight of that army, which is about nine thous- 
and men, will not fail to impress those Loups with a high idea of the French power, 
and reanimate the confidence they are beginning to repose in us. The alliance I am 
entering into with these Indians will be very advantageous to us in every respect. 
They can extend their parties as far as New York and in many other places where our 
Indians cannot conveniently go to strike. 

I am, with most profound respect, 

My Lord, Your most humble and 

Most obedient servant 

To M. de Moras.J] 

" 19th, Saturday. — Employed to-day 12 Carp'rs, 26 in the woods, 
27 in the Trinch, 5 working at the oven, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 3 
Bakers. Fine clear weather to-day. 

" 20th, Sunday. — Thought it my duty to work to-day. Em- 
ployed 56 men at the Ditch, 11 carpenters, 5 making the oven, 3 
bakers, 4 smiths and 4 sawers. It was a little cold to-day, but no 
frost; inclineable to Rain. 

"21st, Munday. — Employed to-day 24 in the woods with the 
wagon, 24 at the Trinch, 4 Bakers, 10 Carpenters, 4 Smiths, 4 
Sawers, 3 Bakers, 4 Masons. At Noon, turned out to work at 
the Trinch all the Cooks, Serv'ts & Guard, amount'g to 55 ; then 
the horses could hawl no more piquetts, so employed the wood 
party in the Ditch. 

" This day at 1 2 O'Clock eight Indians came down the River 
with English CoUours flying; they Confirmed the Intellegence I 

* The French called Fort William Henry, situated at the head of Lake George, 
by this name. 

f Pierre Regaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, Commander of the Royal and Military 
Order of Saint Louis, Governor and Lieutenant-General of the King in all New 
France, the territories and countries of Louisiana. 

JM. de Moras succeeded M. d'Machault as Minister of the Colonies and Marine 
February 1st, 1757. 


had Rece'd of the approach of the Enemy to this Fort, & further 
told me that they would come down both branches of the River 
at once. I wrote one letter to the Col'l & one to Capt'n Jamison 
by them, they sett off from this ab't i P. M. Heazy weather to 
day, with rain towards evening. 

" 22d, Tuesday. — This day it rained so bad that we could do 
very little work, altered the plettforms in the Bastion, where the 
flag staff is, & cut new loop holes. Rain'd all last night and all 
this day. 

" 23d, Wednesday. — Employed to-day 24 men w't an officer in 
the woods, 1 1 Carpenters, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, and 3 bakers, the 
ground is all covered with snow, & Exceeding wett that we Can't 
possible work at ye trinches. 

" We had an allarm this evening by four of the Centinalls along 
the River, some of them said it was battoes came down the west 
branch ; others, that they heard 20 Guns fired down the River 
nigh to Shamochan hill ; others, that the guns was fired a little 
below the spring; another that it was a large Rock tumbled off 
the mountain into the River. I doubled the Centinalls this even- 
ing, & gave orders that officers & soldiers should sleep with their 
Clothes on to-night; which Capt'n Shippen & I did, upon a skin 
on the floor. 

" 24th, Thursday. — Employed to-day, 27 working at the Platt- 
forms, 1 1 carpenters, 25 in the woods, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 3 bakers. 

" This evening at 6 P. M. Capt'n Lloyd, Capt'n Jamison, Lewt. 
Clark, Lewt. Clapham, Ensigne Morgan, and Ensigne Grayden,* 

& Pason Steel arrived here with a party of men ; 7 Battoes 

loaded with 6,267 ft), of flour; 40 ftis. fresh beaff for the sick ; fine 
Clear weather to day, but the Trinche's so wett that their's no 
possibility of working in y'm. 

" 25th, Friday. — It Rained so hard all daj- that it was Impossi- 
ble to work ; The River Rising. 

* Lieutenant Caleb Graydon was from Bucks County, Pa. He was related to 
Captain Alexander Graydon, of the Revolution and author of the Memoirs. He 
was commissioned Ensign December 2, 1757; promoted to Lieutenant November 
13, 175S, and was Quartermaster under Colonel Burd in 1760. .Subsequently he was 
commissioned Captain in the Provincial forces. 


" 26th, Saturday. — This day it rain'd so hard that no work was 

" 27th, Sunday. — It snowed and rained so much to-day that we 
could not have sermon, but we had prayers towards Evening in a 
Generail parade, and the Chaplain prayed in each of ye barricks 
& the Hospitall. 

" 28th, Munday. — Employed this day, 69 in the woods heaping 
& burning brush, 16 working at the platforms, 11 Carpenters, 5 
smiths, 4 sawers, 3 bakers. Lew't Clapham left this, this evening 
at dark in a Canoe; fine clear day. 

" 29th, Tuesday. — It Rained so much all day that no work 
could de done. This day I was informed by Capt'n Trump that 
one hundred of the Soldiers are determined to go off from hence, 
in a body, the 1st Aprile. I Remonstrate ag't it as much as in my 

"30, Wednesday. — It rained all day, no work Could be done. 
This day it was Capt'n Lloyd's tour of duty to mount Guard, 
which he refused, giving for Reason that he was the Col'ls Aid- 

"31st, Thursday. — This day employed 21 men with the wagon, 

46 burning brush, 1 1 Carpenters at work, smiths, 4 sawers, 

3 bakers. 

" This day Capt'n Lloyd * begg'd leave to mount Guard, and was 
permitted accordingly. I was given to understand that all the 
soldiers whose times of Inlistments were expired are determined 
to leave the Fort to-morrow. Clear weather to-day, but rain 
towards the evening. 

* Thomas Lloyd had been an officer in the British service when he came to Penn- 
sylvania at the outset of the French and Indian war. He is to be distinguished from 
those of the same name who belonged to the Society of Friends in Philadelphia and 
Chester Counties; neither was he related to any of the Lloyds whose descendants 
now live in Lycoming County. His military experience secured him a position in 
the Provincial service as aid to Colonel Clapham, with the rank of Captain, April 2, 
1756. He arrived at Fort Augusta on the first of August that year. In October 
following he was sent to Philadelphia to "inform Governor Denny of the apprehen- 
sions of an attack by the French on Fort Augusta." The latter had found, however, 
that the place had been so well garrisoned that no force they could bring against it 
could accomplish its reduction. During the winter following Captain Lloyd was 
upon the recruiting service, and in March, 1758, he was at Harris' Ferry in charge of 


"1st Aprile, Frida\'. — Employed ii Carpenters, 21 setting 
jDiquetts, 2ii working in the woods, 5 smiths, 4 sawers, 3 bakers. 
This evening, at dusk, Mr. James Hughes went of from this 
with 3 men in a Canoe to Harris's. This evening, at 1 1 P. M., 
Capt'n Hambright & Capt'n Young, the pay master, arrived here. 

" 2d, Saturday. — This day, at 2 P. M., Captain Patterson arrived 
here with his Comp'y. Nothing materiall to-day; rain to-day. 

"3, Sunday. — Had a Generall Revew this morning & afterwards 
sermon; mustered all the Reg't. It Rained to-day; the Rev'd 
Mr. Steel Spoak to the Reg't publickly, and so did I. 

"4th, Munday. — Employed to-day 11 Carpenters on the walls, 
12 men with them 5 smiths, 4 sawers, 3 bakei's, 43 working at the 

"As I found a Generall resolution prevailing in the Reg't that 
the soldiers now free would not inlist again for any longer time 
than 1 2 months, I thought it for the good of the service to take 
this matter into Consideration, & accordingly I called a Councell 
of all the Capt'ns in the Reg't. Present — Captains Lloyd, Ship- 
pen, Jamison, Hambright, Trump ; Capt. Lewt. Davis ; Commiss'y 
Young, Chaplain Steell. I told the Gent'n that it was my opinion 
that it would be for the advantage of the service at present, as we 
were here situate to take the men for 1 2 mo's raither than they 
should leave the place, but that I should be glad to know their 
minds upon this occasion, & found that they were all of my opin- 

the batteaux laden with flour for the fort at Shamokin. llpon the re-arrangement of 
the Provincial forces he was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel February 22, 1758, 
and was on the expedition to the westward of the following year. While detained 
in Philadelphia he was an.xious to be ordered back to the frontier. His wife died 
there about this time, which caused him much sorrow. In 1760, or later, he left the 
Provincial service and went to Jamaica, Iiut he afterwards retiu-ned, as we learn from 
the Shifpai Papers (page 74) that he was lost at sea on his way from Boston to 
Charleston, somewhere about 1770. 

Some of Colonel Lloyd's correspondence, as printed in the Shippen Papers, forms 
very interesting reading. As a writer he was bright and piquant. Colonel Burd says 
of him, in giving the character of the officers of the Augusta regiment : " Captain 
Lloyd, a young gentleman of a pretty education and a good scholar; he has acted 
always as aid-de-camp to Colonel Clapham, and has done no duty in this regiment, 
only mounted two guards since he came last from Philadelphia. He is a gentleman 
of a hasty temper, and his understanding entirely subservient to his extravagant pas- 
sion, which is gieatly prejudicial to himself and troublesome to all around him." 


ion, except Capt'n Lloyd. I told them that I had power from the 
Governour to Inlist for 12 mo's, & if they could not gett the men 
for a longer time they might inlist them for 12 months, when 
Capt'n Lloyd answered me as follows : ' By God, I will not be 
Capt'n of a 1 2 months' Company, any of the rest of them may do 
what the please;' & upon my reproving- him he went off in a 

" 5th, Tuesday. — This day could gett no work done. Commis- 
sary Young went of from this in a Battoe; the Doct'r George 
Allen and 9 men more after dark. 

"6th, Wednesday. — This day, at 12 at noon, Capt'n Hanbright 
& Ensigne McKee left this with a party of 60 battoe men, 40 of 
the Hospitall, and upwards of 100 freemen, & 11 battoes. A 
party of 6 of the freemen returned, they could not gett over 
Shamochan Creek ; they sett out again a little before dark. It 
Rained and thundered prodigeousely this evening. 

" 7th, Thursday. — Employed to-day in digging down the Bank 
oposite to the Sally port, & Gathering pine knotts & padle stuff, & 
bringing it home ; brought two Cart load of pine knotts. 

" Capt'n Patterson sett off this Even'g after dark with a part}- 
of ID men to go up the West branch in quest of Intellegence, and 
had my orders as follows: 

" To proceed up the west branch of this River as farr as Shing- 
laclamush, keeping a good look out all the way, & marching as 
Close to the River as he could, in order to Discover if any body 
of the Enemy was upon the River; & if he should make a Dis- 
covery, to be very particular in Endeavouring to observe the 
Numbers, and what they were employed about, and to bring a 
prisoner, if he found it any ways practicable, but not to Discover 
himself or any of his party if he could avoid it; to observe 
whither the Enemy was cheefly composed of French or Indians. 
If he should discover a Body of the Enemy to post himself and 
party on the tope of the most Convenient adjacent hill, to be free 
from discovery, & have at the same time a good prospect of the 
Enemy, and there to lay one day, making particular observations 
of their motions ; & in case he should discover any particular 
place that they frequented, to march to that place in the night, & 


lay in ambush untill morning and try all he could to bring of a 
prisoner, which he might find santering out by himself; and in 
this Case to Return to this Fort with all Convenient speed; Rec- 
ommending to come by water if he could find Canoes. 

" But in case he should make no discovery' between & Shingla- 
clamush, not at that place, to proceed up the South branch of the 
River, from the Fork at Shinglaclamush, & examine that branch ; 
and follow the above orders, to go to the head of that branch ; 
and if he found the Enemy was not there, to return to Shinglacla- 
mush, and to go up the North branch from that place; & if he 
did not find any of the Enemy then neither, to return to Fort 
Augusta ; I have given him a Red flagg & a watch word, being 

"These orders I gave Verball, not thinking it prudent to give 
him them in writing, least they should fall into the hands of the 
Enemy. I told him these orders severall times over, least he 
should forgett them and omitt any part of them , and he told me 
he understood them perfectly; fair weather, Cheefly Cloudy. 

" 8th, Friday. — Employed to-day in gathering pine knotts & 
bringing them into the Fort, & preparing loggs for Capt'n Ham- 
bright's room. This morning we were allarmed by some of Capt'n' 
Patterson's party firing three guns; they lay over the River, we 
saw their fire place. Sent a party over the River which bro't over 
the Canoes that Capt'n Patterson Carried over ye river. Fine 
clear weather, but so much water in the Ditch we could not work 
upoit ye Parapett. River Rises prodigeously. 

"9th, Saturday. — Employed in bringing pine knotts, & building 
Capt'n Hambright's Room. Fine clear weather; the water still 
remains in the Ditch, so that we can't work ; ye river very high. 

" lOth, Sunday. — This day we had a Generall Revew at 10 A. 
M., & Sermon at 1 1 A. M. and 4 P. M.; fine clear weather; river 

"nth, Munday. — Thirty men employed at the Ditch to day 
under the Immediate Derection of Capt'n Shippen.* Carpenters 

*Joseph Shippen came of a distinguished family. He was the second son of Ed- 
ward Shippen, of Lancaster, — who laid out Shippensburg, — bom October 30, 1732, 
and died at Lancaster February 10, 1810. He took an active part in military and 


building Capt'n Hanbright's room, under the Derection of Capt'n 
Trump. Employed the guard to Gravell some places in the Fort. 
Fine clear weather to-day, and the River falling. 

" 1 2th, Tuesday. — It Rained all this day ; no work could be 
done; River falling. 

" 13th, Wednesday. — Employed 20 men at the Ditch, 10 men 
getting iirewood & covering the cart, 7 carpenters making Capt'n 
Hambright's room. Fine clear weather; river falling. 

" 14th, Thursday. — Employed 10 men at the Ditch, 8 men w't 
the cart fetching" fire wood, i mason & i man plastering Capt'n 
Hambright's room, 5 carpenters at work, 2 smiths, 2 bakers. It 
Rained to-day, afternoon; were obliged to give over working, it 
continues to Rain very hard. 

" 15th, Friday. — It rained all last night and all this day, so that 
no work can be done of any kind. 

" 1 6th, Saturday. — This day so much water in the Ditch I could 
not work upon them. Employed 24 in the woods mailing Rails 
for a garden fence, 1 2 Clearing a Garden, 3 smiths and 3 Bakers. 
The river rises. 

" 17th, Sunday. — Had a Generall Revew & Sermon at Noon. 
It rained this afternoon ; we were obliged to ommitt Sermon. 
River rising much. 

"i8th, Munday. — This day there was so much water in the 
Ditch I could not work upon the parapett. Clearing ground for 
a Garden, & maling rails for do. Clear weather. 

" 19th, Tuesday. — Working as yesterday. This morning John 
Lee arrived here, & a man from Sam'l Scott's, with shoes to sell. 
Clear weather. 

" 20th, Wednesday. — Employed 1 3 in the woods gett'g rails for 
the Garden fence, 18 working at the Ditch, 3 Smiths, 8 Carpen- 
ters raising the walls. Clear weather; river falling. 

political affairs, rose to the rank of Colonel, and became Secretary of the Province. 
In 1789 he was appointed Judge of the Court of Lancaster. Colonel Burd married 
his sister Sarah and was his brother-in-law. In speaking of the officers under him at 
Fort Augusta he says: " Captain Shippen. — My near connection with this gentleman 
I hope will apologize for me to the Governor for not doing justice to his merit. I 
beg leave to refer his Honor to Mr. Young, the Paymaster, or to William Allen, Esq., 
and James Hamilton, Esq., for his character, and will only say that he does his duty 
with great punctuality."— ^/^^s/cw Papers, pages 28, 96 and 102. 


"2 1st, Thursda}-. — It Rained ver>' hard all this day; no work 
could be done. 

" 22d, Friday. — It was too wett to-day to work at the Ditch. 
Employed 22 men at the Garden clearing and bringing Rails and 
putting up ye fence ; the Carpenters squaring loggs. 

" I was informed this day that the officers were a good deall 
uneasy ab't a report that prevailed in the Garrison, vizt: That 
the officers of this Reg't was to be brok & that the Commiss'rs 
had their friends prepared to Recruit and fill up the vacancys. I 
sent for severall of the Officers & inquired into this affair, & found 
that there was some such thoughts amongst them, & I traced the 
foundation of this story & found it proceeded from Capt'n Lloyd. 
I told the Gent'n that I thought there wais no proper ground for 
entertaining such rediculous storys, and desired they might make 
themselves Easy; & further, that I would venture to assure them 
there could be nothing in it. 

"23d, Saturday. — Employed 32 working at the Parapett, 7 car- 
penters making step leathers, &ca., 3 smiths, 3 bakers. Clear 
. weather before noon, afterwards showry, & hard rain in the Even- 

" 24th, Sunday. — This day it rained Cheefly. Had a Generall 
revew of the Regement to-day, at 12 M.; at 4 P. M., had church. 
At dark John Lee sett off from this. 

"25th, Munday. — Employed to-day at the Parapett men, 

Carpenters at the walls ; a party of getting fire wood. 

" This day at Noon Capt'n Patterson * arrived with his party all 
well ; they came down the River upon Rafts ; Capt'n Patterson 
Reports, That he march'd from hence Shinglaclamuch, that he 
Tract the 4 Canostogo Indians, who were sent ^ Mr. Croghan to 
the Ohio on Governm't Business & left this Fort on ye 28th Feb'y, 
great part of their way hither, and observed by the Traes that 
they was mett by a party of warriers from the Ohio, in Comp'y 
with whome he supposed by the Traes they went to the Ohio ; 

*0f the two families of Patterson in Lancaster County, it is believed that Captain 
William belonged to that branch which settled in what is now Rapho Township. 
His father was named Arthur, and he emigrated from Ireland in 1724. William 
served in the Indian wars and in the Revolution. He was taken prisoner by the 
British and died while held a prisoner in the prison ship on Delaware Bay. 


that he saw ye Traes of a large party that had come from the 
Ohio ab't a month agoe, as he supposes, & had march't the Road 
towards Cumberland Count)'. That he march't to Shinglacamuch, 
saw no Indians nor French, either upon his march or at the Town ; 
the Road that leads from Buchaloons passes along by Shingla- 
clamuch and forks on the south side of Susquahanna River, at the 
distance of abo't 40 miles from that Town ; one road from that 
fork leads to Fort Augusta, and the other to Cumberland County; 
that both these roads were very much frequented, & it appeared 
to him the Enemy used them constantly when they came to make 
their Incursions upon this Province; that the Cheeff part of the 
houses at Shinglaclamuch wei'e burnt down, and he Immajn'd that 
no Indians had lived there a long time; that he was obliged to 
return from Shinglaclamuch, not being able to proceed for want 
of Provisions, he and his party having lived upon Walnutts* for 
three days ; the Country there was so excessively mountainous 
that they could not find any Game to kill, and the men were not 
able to travel any further in this situation, which obliged him to 
Return down the River on Rafts. 

" This Evening Capt'n Hambright, Lewt. Garrawa\', & the En- 
signes McKees and Hughes arrived here with a part\- of 90 men 
and 16 Battoes loaded with stores for the use of the Garrison. 
Capt'n Hambright informs me that there is a Detachm't to come 
up with the pay mast'r of 100 to reinforce this Garrison. 

" 26th, Tuesday. — It rained to-day, & being employed in getting 
the Battoes, &ca., unloaded, I could not do any work ; the Rev'd 
Mr. John Steell has leave of absence from this day untill the 1st 
June. Sent off Capt'n Hambright, Lieut. Allen & Ensigne Miles 
to Hunter's for stores, with a party of 44 men & 15 Battoes; they 
left this at 4 P.M. I am under a Necessity to give soldiers dis- 
charges; rainy. 

" 27th, Wednesday. — Employed this day at the Garden, the 
Ditch being too wett; Capt'n Wetherholt and Lewt. Handshaw 
arrived here to-day at Noon with a Detachm't of 50 men with 
orders from Lieut. Col'l Weiser to reinforce this Garrison; clear 

*This was pretty scant fare, but it doubtless prevented tlie party frc 
famished that they could not travel. 


" 28th, Thursday. — Employed to-day at the Ditch, and 6 men 
at the Garden ; the soldiers gett very anxtious to have their dis- 
charges ; fine clear day. 

"29th, Friday. — Employed to-day 6 men at the Garden, 35 at 
the Ditch; 6 Carpenters, 2 Smiths, 3 Bakers. This afternoon 
Mr. Hugh Crawford arrived here with two Indians and 4 soldiers ; 
fine clear weather. 

"30th, Saturday. — Employed to-day 6 men in the Garden, 35 
in the Ditch, 2 Smiths and 3 bakers ; fine Clear weather to-day, 
river fall'g very much; the two Indians went away to-day, at 
Noon, up the North branch in a canoe. 

" 1st May, 1757, Sunday. — This day, at 2 P. M., I sent the 4 
men to Fort Hallifax that Eschorted the Indian and his wife 
heither; I sent the horse likewise. River fall'g; Clear. 

"2d, Munday. — Employed 9 Carpenters, 3 Bakers, 29 at the 
Parapett, 17 in the woods, 6 in the Garden, 2 Sawers. Fine clear 

" 3, Tuesday. — Employed to-day 9 carpenters, 14 at the Garden, 
1 2 with the wagon, 34 at the Parapett, 3 bakers, 3 smiths. Fine 
clear weather. 

"4th, Wednesday. — Employed 29 at the Parapett, 22 with the 
cart and in the Garden, 9 Carpenters, 3 smiths, 3 bakers. 

" This day, at Noon, John Lee arrived here & informed me that 
Capt'n Morgan & Lewt. Ingle, with 30 men, were upon the march 
heither, & had under their Eschort 44 bullocks for the use of this 
Garrison ; he said he left them on this side Shamochan mountain. 

" Capt'n Morgan and Lieut. Ingle arrived at 2 P. M., with the 
party, & informed me they left the Cattle ab't i ]/, miles distance 
from this, under the care of two soldiers, upon which I immedi- 
ately sent a Guard of i Serg't & 1 2 men to the Bullocks. 

"At 3 P. M. I had an allarm; I sent Capt'n Jamison, Lieuts. 
Garraway & Clark with a party of 50 men to the Bullocks to 
support the Sergt's Com'd there ; found the allarm false. At 4 
P. M., the Indians named William Taylor and his wife, and Jamy 
Narrow arrived here from the Ohio. 

" 5th, Thursday. — Employed 9 Carpenters, 29 at the Parapett, 


1 8 making Rails for the bullock pen, 14 guarding the cattle, j 
smiths, 3 bakers, 2 sawers; in Garden. 

"This day, Indian William Taylor informed me that the part}- 
that killed the two Centinalls had left two letters, the one from 
an English woman Prisoner (whom he saw) the other from the 
French officer that Commanded the party to me here. I sent a 
party derectly to hunt for these letters, but they return & inform 
me they could not find them. 

"William Taylor further informs me that the French & Indians 
are determined to come in a Large body & besiege Fort Augusta, 
when the leaves is the size of a Dollar. He says they are in great 
want of Provisions at Venengo, & that there is a French Fort 

"6th, Friday. — Employed to-day 33 at the Parapetts, 10 in the 
Garden, 13 with the Cattle, 15 in the woods, 9 Carpenters, 3 
bakers, 3 smiths. 

• "This day, at Noon, Capt'n Hanbright, Capt'n Young, &ca., 
arrived here with 17 Battoes. The Indians, William Ta},-lor and 
James Narrow, and Wm. Taylor's wife, sett out from hence with a 
Canoe for John Harris's. I sent in the canoe John Carter with 
orders to deliver the Indians to John Harris. 

"7, Saturday.— Employed to-day 33 at the Parapett, 10 in the 
Garden, 13 garding the Cattle, 15 in ye woods, 9 Carpenters, 3 
bakers, 3 smiths. This day the Commissary Mustered all the 
Reg't. Fine Clear weather. 

" 8th, Sunday. — No sermon to-day ; had a General! Revew of 
the Reg't and Detachm'ts. Fine clear weather. 

"9th, Munday. — Employed to-day at the Parapett, at the Gar- 
den, in the woods, &ca. ; clear weather. 

" loth, Tuesday. — Employed as yesterday; the paj-mast'r sett 
off from hence w't him the Capt'ns Morgan & Patterson, Lieut's. 
Ingle and Miles, and Ensigne Patterson, at 8 A. M., with a party 
of 1 5 soldiers and 1 3 Battoes. This evening a great many disch'd 
men went from hence; fine \veather. 

" I ith, Wednesday. — -It rained so much to-day that I could not 
work at the Parapett nor at any other thing, so no work done 
to-day. John Meech, at 6 P. M., Express from Ft. Hallifax. 


" 1 2th, Thursday. — Employed to-day at the Garden and in the 
woods ; too wett for working at the Parapett. 

"13th, Friday. — Employed to-day at the Garden, the Ditch 
being too wett ; cold weather. 

" 14th, Saturday. — Employed to-day in the woods, at ye Garden 
and building officers rooms, being too wett to work at the Ditch. 
River falling. 

" 15th, Sunday. — This morning at 8 A. M., the following Gent'n 
sett out from hence to go a Recruiting, vizt. : Capt'ns Lloyd, 
Shippen, Jamison, Hambright and Trump, Capt'n Lieut. Davis & 
Lieut. Clark, in the battoes man'd with disch'd soldiers ; at 1 1 A. 
M. the Indian left this; fine clear weather, river fall'g. 

" 1 6th, Munday. — Employed at the Garden and ye bank. 

" 17th, Tuesday. — Employed to-day at the Ditch, and Garden, 
and officer's rooms. 

" 1 8th, Wednesday. — Employed as yesterda}-; this day at 1 1 A. 
M., Capt'n Patterson arrived here with the Battoes, and brought 2 
four pound Canon. 

" 19th, Thursday. — Employed to-day at the Parapett 14 men; 
sent off the Battoes to Fort Hallifax, under the Command of 
Lieut. Henshaw, at 10 A. M. Rec'd Information this evening 
that a Number of Indian tracts were seen one mile and a half 
distance from the Fort; ordered Capt'n Patterson, Ensignes Alli- 
son & McKee and a party of 30 men to follow the tracs early to- 
morrow morning, and Endeavour to come up with them, and Kill 
and take Prisoners the whole if they could. 

" 20, Friday. — Capt'n Patterson and the part\- marched earl\- 
this morning agreeable to orders. 

" Capt'n Patterson returned at 10 A. M., and reports, that the 
tracs were some days old, and that he could not follow them farr. 
Employed at the Ditch, & 14 Cattle Guard. 

"21st, Saturday. — Employed 25 at the Barr'k, 14 Cattle Guard, 
8 Carp'rs, 6 at the Garding, 2 sawers, 2 bakers, 4 smiths. This 
Evening two men, Named Wolf & Hamilton, arrived here Ex- 
press; Woolf from Lieut. Ingle from Reading. Ordered a Gen- 
erall Revew of ye Garrison to-morrow, at 1 1 A. M. 

" 22d, Sunday. — This morning I was informed b)' the lower 


Centrys of the Palasades, that Severall Indian hallows were heard 
over the River; detauch'd Capt'n Patterson, Lieuts. Garraway & 
Clayton, and a party of 40 men over the River this morning, at 8 
A.M., after the Enemy. Detauch'd Ensignes Brodhead & Miles 
with a small Reconoitering party of 12 men over the mountain' by 
the spring, as I have some Reason to suspect the Enemy lurking 
there from my observation this night. 11 A. M. One of the 
soldiers of the Bullock Guard brought me in 3 Indian spears they 
gott by a tree that supports the spout at ye spring,* and the tracs 
fresh. Ordered the Bullock guard in with the bullocks. I sup- 
pose these Indians, laying wait for the Centrys on the Bullocks, 
observ'g the Reconoitering party, went of so precipitantly they 
could not recover their spears. Ordered the Bullock Guard, 
under the Com'd of Serg't Major Falconer, to march Immediately 
to the top of the Hill on the other side the spring, and there laj' 
with the party conceal'd, untill he should hear Ensigne Broadhead 
attack, and then to march Immediately to his support. Ensigne 
Broadhead returns with his party and reports that he came upon 
the Indian tracs' fresh, and pursued, but Could not overtake the 
Enemy. At 3 P. M. Capt'n Patterson and Lieuts. Garrawayf & 
Clayton returns with the party, and Capt'n Patterson reports that 
he saw first a great many fresh Indians' tracs between this and 
Gabriell's J place, upon which he divided his party into three parts, 
one under his own Com'd, one under the Com'd of Lieut. Garra- 
way, and one under the com'd of Lieut. Clayton, that under com'd 
of himself marching over the mountain, that under the com'd of 
Lt. Garraway by the River, and that under com'd Lieut. Clayton 
in the Centre. On the tope of ye Mountain in this Position they 
followed the tracs. Came up with the Enemy's fires at Gabriell's, 
but the Plnemy had discovered them and fled before them ; they 
saw severall of them on flats in the River, but having neither 
Battoes nor canoes they could not gett at them; ranged the 
woods round Gabriell's and marcht to Mahaneoy and returned 

*The famous Bloody Spring. 

f Colonel Burd thus speaks of Lieutenant Garraway : "A gentleman of some 
education, strictly punctual in the observance of duty, a good soldier, and ready to 
exert himself at all times in the service of his country." 

J On the present site of Selinsgrove. 


"At 5 P. M. Had a Generall Revew of the Garrison; found 
the Arms, &ca., in good order. Dry weather; river faUing. 

"23d, Munday. — Employed 30 men at the Parapett; 6 went to 
the Island, a covering party for the carpenters getting shingles, 14 
with the Bullocks, 3 in the Garden, 2 Sawers, 4 blacksmiths, and 
2 bakers. Fine rain to-day. 

" 24th, Tuesday. — Employed 3 1 men at the parapett, 3 in the 
Gairden, 14 bullock gaird, 8 carpenters, 2 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 

" Ordered the officer and old guard to Reconoiter every morn- 
ing; they came off Guard by Rotation, by day break. Fine clear 

" 25th, Wednesday. — Employed as yesterday. Nothing mate- 

" 26th, Thursday. — Employed to-day 3 1 men at the Parapett, 4 
in the Garden, 14 on the bullock guard, 8 carpenters, 2 sawers, 
4 smiths, 2 bakers. 

" This morning at 9 the Battoes arrived under the command of 
Lieut. Handshaw loaded. Mr. Handshaw reports to me that he 
lay at Gabriell's place last night contrary to his Inclination, being 
forced so to do by the battoemen who stopt here long before sun 
down and told him they would proceed no further; that the reason 
he heard of this determination of the Battoemen was that if they 
should arrive at Fort Augusta last night they knew the Major 
would dispatch them next day for Hunter's, but if they stayed 
there that night they could not well be sent from Augusta before 
Saturday morning. Mr. Handshaw was under a necessity to 
order draughts from each Battoe to join the soldiers to make up a 
Guard last night, which the Battoe men absolutely refused, and 
behaved with great Contempt, during the whole Voyage, to Mr. 
Handshaw and all the officers ; upon the party, upon their arrivall 
here, complaint being made to me, I ordered three of them Con- 

" 27th, Friday. — Employed to-day as yesterday. This morning 
the Battoemen sent me a messuage acquainting me that they were 
coming to me to know the reason that Battoemen was confined; 
I sent for answer that if they had anything to say to me they 


might send one or two of their number, but if they attempted to 
come to me in a body, I would, with my own hands, shoot the 
first man that approach'd; upon which two of their number came 
and told me that in their aggream'nt with Mr. Young they were 
to do nothing but work the Battoes. I gave them for answer that 
the present smallness of my Garrison laid me under a Necessity 
to do for the good of the service as well as I could ; that if once 
the Garrison was reinforced the Battoemen would not have any- 
thing to do but work their Battoes; yett Notwithstanding they 
might Expect I would Insist upon it that the Battoemen should 
be subject and punctually obey the orders given them by the 
officers from time to time, (and as they had used the officers 
scornfully, and with great contempt, I would now settle that point 
with them and convince them of their Error.) I likewise told 
them that they should not be allowed to dispute the orders of the 
officers upon party nor depart from their duty when at Hunters, 
Hallifax, Harris, '&ca., without leave obtained from the command'g 
officers of the party ; that they should likewise obey the orders of 
George Allen, and that when they rec'd orders they should En- 
deavour to execute them Immediately, and if they thought them- 
selves at any time aggreaved, upon their arrivall at Fort Augusta, 
I should always be ready to hear them and give them Redress. I 
desired them to acquaint all the Battoemen with this my reso- 

" 28th, Saturday. — Employed to-day as yesterday. The two 
Battoemen waited upon me this morning and acquainted me that 
the Battoemen desired them to acquaint me that they would do 
no other duty than work their respective Battoes, that the)- 
thought they had made a very quick trip, and that I might con- 
tinue them in this way or give them their discharges. I returned 
them for answer that I would do neither, and that I was fulh* 
determined to make Examples of all of them that I found Guilt}' 
of this piece of Mutiny; that if they Immajined I was under dif- 
ficulty to gett Battoemen, they would find themselves in this much 
deceived. I could not put this intention in Execution to-da)' 
without stoping the works, but I have ordered the Adjutant to 
Parade the Battoemen to-morrow morning, and to acquaint them 
of my orders to him, to desire all of them that was strickly willing 


to comply with m)- Proposition to them of yesterday, to file from 
the others and parade by themselves, that he might return me a 
Roll of them as likewise of the malcontents. 

" 29th, Sunday. — This morning the Adjutant acquainted me he 
had paraded the Battoemen, and that they acknowledged their 
fault and were all willing to comply with my orders ; sent all the 
Battoes four miles down the River for limestones* to make lime 
to build a magazine. Had a Generall Revew of the Garrison to- 
day at 5 P. M. 

"30th, Munday. — Employed to-day, 34 at the parapett, 14 
Cattle G\iard, 7 cutting coal wood, 7 with the wagon, 6 Carpen- 
ters, 5 at the limekill, 4 smiths, 3 bakers, 2 sawers, 3 in the Gair- 
den ; sent the Battoes two trips for limestone to-day. 

"31st, Tuesday. — Employed to-day 25 at the parapett, 10 with 
the wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 7 Cutting Coal wood, 4 smiths, 2 
sawers, 2 Bakers, 7 Carpenters, 3 at the limekill, 3 in the Gairden. 
Sent the Battoes two trips for Limestone. 

"Wednesday, ist June. — -Employed to-da}' 13 at the Bank, 14 
on the Cattle Guard, 12 with the wagon, 2 in the Gairden, 2 saw- 
ers, 2 bakers, 4 smiths. Sent the Battoes two trips for Limestone. 

" 2d June, Thursda}'.^This morning the sentence was read of 
the Court Martial ag't John Mclntigger, John Boyl & Robert 
Gorrell; John Boyl Remitted, John Mclntigger and Rob't Gorrell 
Drum'd out of the service. 

" Employed to-day as yesterday ; sent the Battoes down to 
Hunter's, under the Command of Capt'n Weatherholt ; they sett 
off to-day at 10 A. M. The officers of this party, Capt'n Weath- 
erholt, Lieut. Clayton. Ensigne Allison, party 15 men; Capt'n 
Patterson on leave of absence to Remove his Family. 

"At 6 P. M., this day, one hundred Indians arrived here from 
the Treaty at Lancaster, under the Care of Capt'n Thos. McKee ;t 
they encamped above the Fort, towards the old Town ; ga\'e them 
Provisions of all kinds, & ^ gill rum a man. 

*The quarry is supposed to have been at the point below Shamokin Creek where 
abundance of limestone is still obtained. 

'f Thomas McKee was a famous Indian trader, who lived at a point on the river 
known to-day as " McKee's Half Falls." In the list of names of Indian traders he 
appears as having been first appointed by the Provincial Government as early as May, 


"3d, Friday. — Employed to-day as yesterday; Capt'n McKee 
delivered me an order from the Commiss'rs to deliver to every 
Indian man 4 pound poudder, and 16 pound of lead, and i quart 
Rum, which I told him I would punctually comply with, as like- 
wise Beaff & flour what they should want, while the}' Remained 
here, and ^i gill of Rum a man, twice a day; & at their departure 
what Beaff & flour they might want for their Journc}'. Capt'n 
M'Kee told me that George Croghan had ordered me to deliver 
to two of the Indians 2 half barrels of poudder, besides the Com- 
miss'rs allowance, which I Refused to Comply with, telling him 
that if the Govern'r or Commiss'rs had ordered it I should have 
Complyed with their orders; but that I would not Receive an}- 
orders from George Croghan. Capt'n McKee shewed me the 
Governour's orders to him, to which I told Mr. McKee I should 
pay due Regard. 

"This day the Indians gett troublesome; obliged to Insist upon 
their behaviour being orderly. 

"4th, Saturday. — Employed to-day as yett, only a Number of 
my people mending Indian Canoes, &ca. This day the Tuscorora 
tribe Informed me they intended setting off up the River, I gave 
them Provisions Enough, and 5 Gallons of Rum ; they sett off 
accordingly; they wanted much to purchase Rum; I told them 
there was none here, to sell. This day all the Indians intended to 
go, but an accident happening, vizt., one Indian Girle shott another 
with a BuUott and 4 sv,'an shott through her arm, detained them : 
this Girle that was shott was New Castle's Daughter.* 

1744. August 12, 1752, he was granted a warrant for a tract of 200 acres "on the 
Susquehanna over the blue hills." This land, at that time, had not been purchased 
from the Indians. As early as 1 749 he was assessed in Paxtang, which shows that 
he must have possessed land before his warrant for 200 acres was issued. He was 
the son of Patrick McKee, who lived in Paxtang as early as 1730. Thomas McKee 
died at his famous place on the Susquehanna in April, 1772. 

*She was the granddaughter of the famous Queen AUiquippa mentioned in Wash- 
ington's Journal. New Castle was so named by Governor Morris, August 22, 1755, 
at a council held at Philadelphia. "Addressing himself to Kanuksusy, the son of 
old AUiquippa, whose mother is now living near Raystown, desired him to hearken, 
for he was going to give him an English name. ' In token of our affection for your 
parents, and in expectation of your being a useful man in these perilous times, I do, 
in the most solemn manner, adopt you by the name of New Castle, and order you to 
be called hereafter by that name which I have given you, because, in 1 701, I am 


" The Indians are \ery well pleased w't the usage, and behave 
well and orderly, find'g they are obliged so to do. 

" 5th, Sunday. — This day Mr. McKee advised me to call the 
Cheeffs of the Indians together at my house, and putt them in 
mind of their promise to the Govern'r at Lancaster, vizt: Of 
leaving 1 2 of their Familys to settle near Fort Augusta, which I 
did this morning, & delivered them a speach & string of wampum 
to the Following purpose : 

'"Brethren of the Six N.vtions: I am informed from your Brother Onas, 
our Govern'r, that you promised to him at Lancaster that 12 of your Familys would 
settle here & plant, & that he had sent Thomas McKee along with you to me to see 
that you was settled Comfortably to your Intire satisfaction; the Govern'r has ordered 
me to take Care of you & protect you, which I promise faithfully to your Brethren I 
will do to the utmost of my power; but I am this day informed by Mr. McKee that 
you purpose all to go away, & I desire to know your Resolutions & Reasons, if you 
have altered your minds.' 

" Gave them the string. 

" The Indians Consulted together what anSwer to make me, and 
at last the speaker, Thomas King, stood up and spoke to me to 
the following purpose : 

"'Brother Coroiago: We never made any such promise as you mention to 
our Brother Onas; we never intended to stay here. Perhaps Ogohrodariho, Montour 
& Jo Pippy might make some such promise, but if they did it was intirely unknown 
to us. We have all our friends & Relations at oar Towns, and it would not be good 

informed that your parents presented you to the late Mr. William Penn at New 
Castle.' " In a passport issued by Governor Morris, published in the Feinisylvavin 
Arc/lives, Vol. IT., New Series, pages 698-9, New Castle is aKo called Cashunyon. 
After the defeat of Jumonville, when Washington, in anticipation of an attack of a 
large French force, was busily engaged in enlarging and strengthening Fort Necessity, 
the Indians began to flock to him. Towards night, on the 1st of June, 1754, Ensign 
Towers arrived with the Half King Tanacharison, Queen Alliquippa and her son, 
and other Indians. On the loth Washington wrote to Governor Dinwiddle: "Queen 
Alliquippa desired that her son. v.-ho is really a great warrior, might be taken into 
council, as she was declining and unfit for business, and that he should have an 
English name given him. I therefore called the Indians together, by the advice of 
tlie Half-King, presented one of the medals, and desired him to wear it in remem- 
brance of his great father, the King of England, and called him by the name of 
Colonel, which he was told signified the first in council. This gave 
him great pleasure." At a council held at Easton, November 17, 1756, Governor 
Denny, addressing Teedyuscung, said : " Since I set out I have heard of the death 
of several Indian friends by the small-pox at Philadelphia, and particularly Captain 
New Castle is dead, who was very instrumental joined with you as agent in carrying 
on this good work of peace." New Castle's daughter's name was Canadahawaby. 



fnr us ti5 stay here & leave them there; therefore we give you for answer that we are 
all going off to-day, S: that none will stay here unless those that dye (meaning the 
sick People in the small pox,) which they leave with me, & Recommend them to my 
care, & I promise to take care of them.' 

"They deliver me back my .string. The Councell breaks up. 

"At three P. M. all the Indian Councellors waits of me and 
acquainted me they wanted to speak with me ill Councell. I 
went to them accordingly. The speakers gott up and spoack to 
the following purpose: 

"'Brother Coroiago: As our Brother On as acquainted us that there would 
be a store of goods kept at Fort Augusta, that the Indiaiis would bring down their 
skins here and be supplyed with what Necessarys they wanted, in order that they 
might do this with safety, they told me they would always come in Canoes, and Come 
down the Midle of the River in daylight, that I might see them and know them to be 
friends, as their Hunters had not flaggs, and they desired that I might Receive them 
kindly, from time to time, & use them well, as they would always be Coming down 
the River, which I promised to do, & desired them to Rely upon my greatest friend- 

"They took then- leave of me, and I gave thein 14 Gallons of 
Rum and Provisions, and Insisted that they should not drink any 
of their Rum nigh the Fort, but carry it in their canoes up the 
River, which they said they would do, and we parted. 

"6th, Munday.— This day, William Sack, Geo. Sack & William 
Tayler, 2 women and i Child, informed me they were not going 
with the other Indians, and were determined to settle and plant 2 
miles up the North branch and there hunt. 

" Ogohrodariho and five Indian men, three woinen and a boy 
Remain; three of the Indian men, one woman and the Boy, very 
bad in the small pox. Ogohrodariho and two of the Indian men 
went up the West branch this morning in a canoe to hunt, and 
propose to stay 4 nights. 

"Employed to-day 15 at the Parapett, 14 w't the cattle, 14 get- 
ting shingles on the Island, 7 w't ye wagon, 2 in the Garden, 2 
Sawers, 2 at the lime kill, 2 bakers. 

"/th, Tuesday. — Employed to-day 23 at the Parapett, 14 with 
the cattle, 8 with the wagon, 9 carp'rs, 9 raising a smith shop, 2 
sawers, 2 bakers, 4 Smiths. Nothing materiall. 

"8th, Wednesday. — Employed 21 at the Parapett, 14 with the 
cattle, 10 with the wagon, 2 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 4 in the Gairding, 


2 bakers, i candle Maker. This morning one of the Indians that 
was bad with the small pox died. Ordered him to be laid out, 
and a shirt, &ca., put upon him, and a grave to be dugg for him, 
at the old Town where the Indians was always burried; Mr. Mc- 
Kee signifying to me that this would be agreeable to the Indians ; 
the coffin is making. Burried the Indian this Evening. 

"9th, Thursday. — Employed to-day 21 men at the Bank, 14 the 
cattle Guard, 12 with the wagon, 4 smiths, 2 sawers,* 2 bakers, 2 
in the Garding, 8 carp'rs, 1 butcher. 

"This morning, at 10 A. M., arrived here our Fleet of Battoes; 
at 1 1 A. M. arrived three Indian men, one woman and one child- 
ren, vizt: William Sack, George Sack and William Taylor, Og- 
ohrodariho's wife and child. These Indians came here all Drunk ; 
the three men came from their cabin, which they inform'd me was 
three miles from this, up the North branch ; the woman went from 
this on Sunday with the main hpdy of the Indians, & they would 
not inform me where she was come from. It surprised me a good 
deall to see them come here all drunk, knowing they had no liquor 
of their own, which led me to ask many questions, to which they 
would gi\'e me no satisfactory answer. 

"At 4 P. M., a party of Indians fired upon the Bullock Guard 
Centrys and killed one of them. The Bullock Guard attackt the 
Indians Immediately. In this skirmish sixteen shotts was Ex- 
changed. I detauched three partys from the fort to their support. 
The three Indians, Named on ye other side, went along with my 
partys; Indian William Taylor ran ahead of the foremost party, 
and kept hooping and hallow'g, and fired twice. The Bullock 
Guard had put the Enemy to the flyght before the other partys 
gott up. They pursued as did the partys, but could not overtake 
the Enemy. When the partys returned to the Fort, Indian Wil- 
liam Taylor told me that he saw the Enemy and that they called 
out to him, what, are you. Uncle, going to help the white People? 

* Throughout this journal it will be noticed that men were kept constantly at work 
witt the saw. This was the only method they had at that day of manufacturing 
boards and square timber. It was known as "whip sawing." One man stood in a 
pit underneath the log, which was mounted on trestles, and drew the saw down, 
whilst the other, who stood on the log, drew it up. The process was slow and labori- 
ous, but it answered the purpose. 


After this he told me he did not see them and that he only fired 
for fun. 

" I ordered Lieut. Handshaw, Ensignes Broadhead * and Patter- 
son, to hold themselves in readiness to march after the Enemy 
with a party of Thirty men, upon which WiU'm Taylor grew 
furious and swore he would go to his cabin ; he told me at the 
same time that the French were very good, and that we (meaning 
the white People) had settled the French upon the Ohio, and had 
gott money for it; that we had taken all the Indian's Lands from 
them, and that land on which Fort Augusta stands was theirs. I 
suspected this Indian much; he attempted to gett off severall 
times, but I would not suffer him, least he should carry Intelli- 
gence to the Enemy, by which means they might waylay my 
party and cutt them off; and I had great Reason to suspect this 
from the Behaviour of this Indian. 

" Mr. McKee told me it was his opinion that the whole Body of 
the Indians was a few miles up the North Branch, (mean those 
that came from the Treaty at Lancaster,) and advised me not to 
send the party this night. I ordered the party under the Com'd 
of Lieut. Handshaw to march upon- the Tracs by break of day in 
the morning; and If he found them to be the above Body of In- 
dians, not to fire upon them nor discover himself and party, but to 
vew them and return to Fort Augusta. 

"The man that was killed was Henry Worm of Capt'n Rey- 
nold's Comp'y; brought him home and buried him. 

" loth, Friday. — Employed to-day 20 men at the Parapett, 14 
Cattle Guard, 16 in ye Carding, 8 carpenters, 4 smiths, 2 bakers, 
2 sawers, i wagoner, i candle maker. 

"At II A.M. Mr. Handshaw returns, having executed my orders 
to him of yesterday, & Reports that he Reconoitered all the moun- 
tains for 6 miles on this side of the North Branch, & then crossed 
the River and Reconoitered the other side, and found beds and 
tracs of Indians, but could not follow them. 

"At Noon Lieut. Humphreys arrived here with Ensignes Kern 
and Biddle and a Detachment of Lieut. Col'I Wiser's Battalion of 
47 men; Mr. Humphrey's delivered me his Instructions from Col'I 

*" Ensign Broadhead, a gentleman of little education but a very good soldier; 
does his duty well and cheerfully." — Colonel Burd. 


Wiser. This Detauchment is sent to relieve the Uke Number on 
Duty here. I delay sending them a few days, as I have great 
Reason to suspect the Body of Indians mentioned before has an 
Intention to try to surprise the Garrison, as they saw our Num- 
bers small when they were here. 

"At 2 P. M. Ogohrodariho and the other two Indians arrives 
from the west branch in 2 canoes ; they report a party of the 
Enemy had crossed the River 17 miles up the branch, and they 
saw their tracs coming towards Fort Augusta. 

"At 2 P. M. William Sack,* George Sack and William Taylor, 
went from this up the North branch to their cabin; at 7 P. M. 
William Sack, George Sack and. one Hencoak, a white man, ar- 
rives here from their cabin. Hencoak informs me he saw three 
Indians in white new shirts a cross the River, and that about 3 or 
4 miles above the Cabin there was a great many Indian fires, 
which he takes to be the Body of the Indians that went from 

" I ommitted to mention in Thursday that one of the Bullock 
Guard Centrys told me that he saw the Indians before they fired 
upon the other Gentry, and could have shott severall of them, but 
he knew them very well to be the Indians that went from this, & 
thought they were friends coming to Fort Augusta ; to this he is 
willing to be Qualified; this Gentry was afterwards shott at twice 
by the Indians, and returned them five shotts, and wounded one 
of them badly, but he gott up and gott off; the Gentry's name is 
John Ermon of Gapt'n Weatherholt's Gompany. 

" I ith, Saturday. — Employed to-day 50 men at the Parapett, 8 
in the Gairden, 4 smiths, 2 sawers, 2 Bakers, 8 carpenters, i candle 
maker. I have been under a Necessity of hawling up the Battoes 
and corking them all, and new pay'ing them, as they are so laiky 
they wont sweem. 

" Ogohrodariho t and the other two Indians told me to-day they 

* George and William Sack were vagabond Cayugas, and resided at the Conestoga 
town. They were untrustworthy, and both were accused by the " Paxtang Boys" of 
committing murders. They fell at the massacre of the Conestoga Indians at the jail 
in Lancaster, December, 1763. Nothing is known of Taylor. 

f Ogoh-ro-dari-ho, Agagh-ra-darisha, or Og-ha-gha-disha, was an Onondaga chief, 
residing on the North Branch of the Susquehanna. The first we hear of him was at 
a conference, held at the camp at Armstrong's, June 10, 1756, with Colonel William 


spoke, three days a;^o, with 17 French Indians and two French 
men coming to Fort Augusta; but I suspect the truth of this. 

" George Hills, of Capt'n Reynold's Comp'y, says that he saw 
the Indians on Thursday last, & knew them well to be the Indians 
that slept at the middle fire place at Fort Augusta, & never mis- 
trusted them untill they fired & shott one centry through the arm, 
upon which he presented at one of the Indians who was stand'g 
with his brest to him ab't 15 yards distance, but his Gun snapt; 
to the truth of this he will be Qualified; he further says that he 
could have killed severalls of them as they past him, as they did 
not see him. 

" nth, Saturday. — Ordered a Generall Review of the Garrison 
to-morrow at 4 P. M. Great deall of Rain to-day; stopt the 

" 1 2th, Sunday. — Sent out severall Reconoitering partys to-day, 
returned & reports no Discovery. Had a Generall Revew accord- 
ing to the orders of yesterday. Sent Ogohrodariho up the North 
branch to Reconoiter, with orders to go to Lapach Peetos town, 
about ten miles from hence, where I suspect the Body of the 
Indians to lay. 

" Ogohrodariho returns with William Taylor, and reports that 
William Taylor told him he saw Indians every day, but that he 
thought the Indians were not at Lapach Peetos Town. I suspect 
William Taylor to be a spy. 

"13th, Monday. — Employed 40 men at ye Parapett, 14 Cattle 
Guard, 15 the wagon, 8 at the smith's shope, 2 sawers, 2 bakers, 
I candle maker, 8 carpenters. The Centry on the upper Palasade 
Bastion reports he saw 4 Indians come cross the River, at the head 
of ye Island, allarmed the Cattle Guard, & sent out two partys & 
6 officers to surround them. The Partys return at 2 P. M., and 
reports they could find no Indians nor saw no tracs. 

" 14th, Tuesday. — Employed 44 men at the Parapett, 18 with 

Clapham, when he advucated the building of a fort at Shamokin. He was called an 
"old man," but " a noted friend of the English, and known by the Province of Penn- 
sylvania." He not only advised the building of Fort Augusta, but suggested the 
erection of another at Adjouquay (mouth of the Lackawanna). He paid a second 
visit to Shamokin in October following, conveying an important message. Nothing 
further is known of him. 


the wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 5 at the smith's shope, 4 smiths, 8 
carpenters, 2 Sawers, 2 Bakers, i Candle maker. This Evening 
Williarn Taylor came here from his cabin & William Sack. 

"Wednesday, 15th. — Employed 55 at the Parapett, 14 Cattle 
Guard, 14 with the Wagon, 8 Carp'ters, 4 smiths, 2 Sawers, 2 
Gairden, i Wagoner, i Candle maker. This day at Noon one 
Indian man, two women & 3 Children arrived here from Diahoga, 
they came for flour; they report that the Indians are to kill French 
Margaret & all her Family. 

" 16th, Thursday. — Employed 65 at the Parapett, 14 Cattle 
Guard, 6 Carpenters, 4 smiths, 2 sawers, 2 bakers, i rendering 
Tallow, 2 Gairdeners. At 4 P. M. the foUow'g Indians arrive 
from Lancaster: Rob't White, Sam, John & Young John, one 
woman and a Girle, and 2 Children, being Nanticoks, in a Battoe 
loaded with Goods, their present. 

" 17th, Friday. — Employed 31 at the Parapett, 14 catde Guard, 
9 with "the wagon, 8 Carp'rs, 4 Smiths, 2 bakers, 2 sawers, i ren- 
dering Tallow, 2 Gairdeners. This morning at 9 A. M. Lieut. 
Allen, Ensignes Broadhead and Hughes marcht with a party of 

15 men and Battoes for Hunter's for stores. Lieut. Hand- 

shaw and Ensigne Thorn marcht with the Releived Detachments 
of Coll. Wiser, Capt's Bussy's, Morgan's and Smith's Comp'ys. 
This day the Indians, arrived on Wednesday, Insist upon having 
flour, Rum, pouder, led and flints; they have accordingly 150 ft>s. 
flour, 5 Gall's rum, 6 lbs. poudder, 14 ft)s. lead and a handfuU of 

"This day, at 3 P. M., 10 Delaware Indians arrived here, vizt: 
Joseph Nutimus (one of the Cheeffs of that Nation), John, 3 
women & 5 children; they inform me that the Indians that came 
here on Wednesday, left an Indian man, their Uncle, a little way 
from this, up the North branch, and that they found him drowned 
in the River with a KetUe on his head, and they buried him. 

" 1 8th, Saturday. — Employed 12 men at the Bank, 26 at the 
Turneep ground, 2 in the Gairden, i wagoner, 14 Cattle Guard, 4 
smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Bakers, i candle maker. So much water in 
the Ditch I Could not Employ more men on the Parapett to-day. 
At 10 A. M., Ogohrodariho and his Family went up the River to 


return in three days. The Indians that arrived on Wednesday 
sett off at the same time. Robert White and the Nanticoks sett 
off at 4 P. M.; they were supplyed with pouder, lead, Rum and 
flour, as the other Indians. 

"Sunday, 19th. — Indian Sarah, a Nanticok woman, return'd 
this morning for a match-coat she had forgott, and reports she 
saw no signes of Indians as she came along. This day, at 2 P. M., 
Sarah went from this, as likewise two Tuscorora men, three women 
and one little Girle; they went up the North Branch to make a 
Bark Canoe, and propose to return in two days. 

" No Revew to-day, as the Delaware Indians are here and my 
Garrison so small that I don't choice to give them an opportunity 
of knowing my Numbers. 

"20th, Munday. — Employed 28 men at the Parapett, 21 at ye 
Turneep Ground, 14 cattle Guard, 4 carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 
2 bakers, i plowman, i candle maker, 2 Gairdners. Very great 
rain at Noon to-day and continued untill night; Stopt all the 
works; River rises. 

" 2 1 St, Tuesday. — Employed to-day 20 at the Parapett, 4 at the 
Turneep ground, 4 with the sawers, 4 sawers, 3 smiths, 2 Bakers, 

1 candle maker, i wagoner, 14 Cattle Guard, 2 waggoners. Rain 

" 22d, Wednesday. — Employed 30 Parapett, 14 Cattle Guard, 4 
Turneep ground, 8 w't ye Wagon, 3 carpenters, 3 smiths, 4 sawers, 

2 Bakers, i Candle Maker, i wagoner, 2 Gairdners. A great deal 
of rain to-day. 

"23d, Thursday. — Employed 18 at the Parapett, 13 Turneep 
Ground, 14 Cattle Guard, 6 with the wagon, 3 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 
bakers, i Candle maker, i wagoner, 2 Gairdners. 

"This day, at 10 A. M., three partys of Indians surrounded the 
Cattle Guard, killed 4 & wounded 5 men of the party, and 4 men 
escaped, one being shott through the hatt; the party gave them 
Battle, but was overpower'd with Numbers. I sent two partys to 
their support Instantly upon hearing the Guns, but the Enemy 
run at the approach of the partys ; they scalpt three of the men 
& was scalping the 4th, but were obliged by the first party to fly 
without the scalp; the Indian Ogohrodariho went along with the 


partys, & behaved \er)' well upon the occasion; the partj's pur- 
sued without success. All the Party was Wounded at the first 
fire; yett, notwithstanding, they returned the fire severall times 
upon the Enemy; when the supports came up they found the 
Bullock Guard all in the field, none having given ground but one, 
Alex. Fisher, of Capt'n Patterson's Compa'y. List of the killed 
& wounded, vizt: Major's Comp'y — George Kelly, killed; Serg't 
John McDonald, Thomas Row, John Cliss, wounded. Capt'n 
Weatherholt's — Matinas Coal, killed. Capt'n Morgan's — James 
Kelly, killed. Capt'n Patterson's — Corp'I Robert Parker, killed ; 
Xath. Barber, Will'm Watson, wounded. They Enemy left in the 
field one Gun, two Tomehawks & two match Coats ; the Number 
of the Enemy was about 40 Indians; when they fled they went 
all of the field singly, which rendered in Impracticable to trac 

"24th, Friday. — Emplo>-ed 18 at the Parapett, 14 Cattle Guard, 
4 sawers, 3 smiths, 2 bakers, 3 carpenters, 1 2 with the wagon, 1 
candle maker. 

"At 12 P. M., the Battoes arrived here under the Command of 
Capt'n Hambright with the following officers, Capt'n Patterson, 
Lieut. Allen, Ensignes Broadhead and Morgan, and Recruits. 

" Ordered Capt'n Hambright, Lieut. Miles and Ensigne Alhson 
v>'ith a party of 50 men to hold themselves in readiness to 
march to-morrow, being to Reconoiter the country 20 miles 

"25th, Saturday. — Employed 30 men at the Parapett, 14 with 
the cattle, 4 sawers, 3 smiths, 2 Bakers, 3 Carpenters. At 3 P. M. 
the two Tuscorora Indians came down the River in a Canoe. As 
it rains very much to-day I have delayed sending Capt'n Ham- 
bright with his party of 50 men, and have ordered him, Lieut. 
Miles and Ensigne Allison, with the party, to hold themselves in 
Readiness to march to-morrow. Ordered a Generall Revew of 
the Garrison to-morrow at 4 P. M. 

" 26th, Sunday. — Ordered three Reconoitering partys this morn- 
ing to scour the woods all round the Fort, of 40 men & 3 officers 
Each. This day at i. P. M., Capt'n Hambright sett off from this 
with his party of 50 men, in consequence of my orders of Friday. 


The reconoitering partys returns and reports no signes of the 

"This evening at 7 P. M., a woman* wading the River oposite 
to the Gentry of the upper Pallasade Bastion, was discovered by 
said Gentry & called to the woman to know who she was, and she 
answered, a Prisoner that had made her Escape from the Indians. 
I sent a Battoe and brought her over; she proved to be one Betty 
Armstrong, the wife of James Armstrong, (a soldier in this Gar- 
rison,) who was taken captive by the Indians from Junietto, 18 
months agoe. 

" 27th, Munday. — Employed 60 at the Parapett, 20 with the 
wagon, 14 Gattle Guard, 14 horse hunting, 4 Smiths, 4 Carpt'rs, 
4 Sawers, 2 bakers, i candle maker; nothing materiall. 

" 28th, Tuesday. — Employed 30 men at the Parapett, 30 Gattle 
Guard, 17 with the wagon, 3 at the Lyme kill, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 
4 carpenters, 2 bakers, 2 Gairdners, i candle maker. At 3 P. M. 
Joseph Nutimus & John, Indians, arrived here from their cabins 

* The circumstances connected with this thrilling afifair are as follows : In Febru- 
ary, 1756, Indians came to Juniata from Shamokin, to the house of Hugh Mitcheltrees 
and killed his wife and a young man; they thence went and killed Edward Nicholous 
and his wife, and took Joseph, Thomas and Catherine Nicholous, John Wilcox, James 
Armstrong's wife and two children prisoners. 

Isaac Craig, Esq., of Allegheny, — most excellent authority, — says that Watson, 
from whose Annals the above paragraph is taken, is mistaken in regard to the name 
being Nicholous, it should be Nicholson. Joseph and Thomas Nicholson, after a 
long captivity, became famous as Indian interpreters and guides. Joseph was the 
guide and pilot who descended the Ohio with Washington in 1770, and was the only 
man wounded in Brodhead's expedition up the Allegheny in 1779. He died in 

In Sir William Johnson's " Report of Proceedings with the Confederate Nations 
of Indians, at a Conference held at Canajohary " in April, 1759, there is a list of five 
prisoners delivered to Sir William. The "3d, Elizabeth Armstrong, a girl about 4 
years old, taken by 7 Delaware Indians & a Squaw near Juniata in Pennsylvania in 
the year 1756." 

What anguish and suffering must these captives have endured, and how joyful 
must have been the meeting of "Betty" Armstrong and her husband when she was 
ferried across the river to Fort Augusta. It is probable that she had descended 
Lycoming Creek by the old trail and made her way down the river by the route 
usually traveled. As the child delivered to Sir William was about 4 years old in 
April, 1759, she must have been less than one year old when stolen from her home 
on the Juniata by the Indians. What became of the other child is unknown. 


at Lapoch peetos Town, they report the)- saw no Indians nor 

" 29th, Wednesday. — Employed 68 men at the Parapett, 3 cattle 
guard, 20 with the wagon, 6 on the Island getting shingles, 3 lime 
kill, 5 carpenters, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 2 Bakers, 2 Gairdeners, i 
candle maker. At 1 1 A. M., Joseph Nutimus * & John sett off 
from hence, they told me they would return one month hence & 
endeav. to bring all the Delaware Indians with them, & conclude 
peace as much as in their power, I was under a Necessity to give 
them two baggs of flour. These Indians assured me that they 
Discovered the Enemy coming this way, that they would return 
Immediately and give me notice. They intend to return here to 

" 30th, Thursday. — Employed 72 men at the Parapett, 24 cut- 
ting turff, 30 cattle guard, 5 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 4 smiths, 2 
Bakers, i candle maker, 2 Gairdeners. At 9 A. M. Capt'n Ham- 
bright arrived with his party of 50 men and reports that he had 
Reconnoitered a circle of 20 miles aggreable to orders, and 
had made no discovery of an}- road being cutt, nor no fresh 

"Jul}- 1st, Friday. — Employed 64 at the Parapett, 24 with the 
wagon, 28 cattle guard, 5 carpenters, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 bakers, 
I candle maker, 2 Gairdeners. Nothing materiall. 

" 2d, Saturday. — Employed 67 at the Parapett, 25 with the 
wagon, 29 cattle guard, 5 Carp'rs, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Bakers, i 
candle maker. This e\'ening at dark ordered Capt'n Weatherholt 

*Joseph Xutimus was a Delaware Indian and chief of the tribe known as the 
Fork Indians, and later in life was known as ''Old King Nutimus." His home for 
many years was at the mouth of Nescopeck Creek, where the town of Nescopeck, on 
the North Branch of the Susquehanna, now stands. He lived there between the 
years 1742 and 1763. At one time he and his people sympathized with the French, 
and their town was a rendezvous for those who were plotting against the English at 
Fort Augusta. It is believed that Nutimus was largely responsible for the slaughter 
of the Moravians at Gnadenhutten in 1755. After Fort Augusta was built he became 
friendly and frequently visited the place, always arriving and departing in a canoe. 
It is stated that he abandoned Nescopeck, with his family, about 1763 and went to 
the Great Island, on the West Branch, and thence joined the Delawares on the Ohio. 
He had a son, Isaac Nutimus, who died in Tioga.— C. F. Hill, in Historical Reconl, 



and a party of men to scout as far as Mahonoy and ruturn 


"Ordered the Battoes to be in readiness to go to Hunter's to- 

" 3d, Sunday. — Lieut. Humphreys, Ensignes Broadhead and 
Scott, & a party of 30 men, sett off at 11 A. M., with the fleett of 
Battoes for Hunter's^ Ensignes McKee & Bidle had leave of 
absence, the first for 3 weeks, the latter to go to Reading and to 
return with the first party; Capt'n McKee went along with the 
Battoes, and did Ogohrodariho, his wife & daughter, & Conostogo 

"4th, Munday. — Employed 34 at the Parapett, 20 wagon, 30 
Cattle Guard, 1 1 working in one of the Bastions, i Carpenter, 4 
smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Bakers, 2 Gairdners, i Candle maker, i wag- 
oner. This day it rained very hard most part of the day. 

" 5th, Tuesday. — Employed 32 Parapett, 29 Cattle Guard, 10 
Carpenters, 4 Smiths, 2 Sawers, 2 Bakers, i candle maker, 3 mak- 
ing pins for the sods on the Parapett. Rained very hard all day. 

"6th, Wednesday. — Employed 44 Parapett, 32 Cattle Guard, 
12 wagon party, 10 Carp'rs, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 2 pin makers, 2 
Bakers, i candle maker. Took up a Bark Canoe coming down 
the West Branch; Rains very much; River Rises. 

" 7th, Thursday. — Employed 43 at the Parapett, 22 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle guard, 10 carpenters, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 2 
Bakers, 2 Gairdeners, 4 limekill, 2 pin makers, i chandler. 

" Nothing materiall. 

" 8th, Friday. — Employed 5 i at the Parapett, 40 with the wagon 
and Cattle, 10 carpenters, 4 Smiths, 2 Sawers, 2 Bakers, 2 pin 
makers, 1 chandler. Nothing Materiall. 

"9th, Saturday. — Employed 60 Parapett, 20 Wagon, 14 Cattle 
Guard, 10 carp'rs, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 2 Bakers, 2 chandlers, 3 
making pins. Nothing materiall ; a Generall Revew to-morrow 
at 4 P. M. 

" loth, Sunday. — This day, at i P. M., the Battoes arrived here, 
under the command of Capt'n Trump, with him the officers, Lieut. 
Humphreys, Ensignes Broadhead and Scott, and the Rev'd Mr. 


Steell;* with this party came 33 Recruits. 32 Bullocks, 2 cows, 
and I calf, and 29 sheep, and 17 Hoggs. Had a Generall Revew 
this Evening; found the arms in bad order, occasioned by the 
Number of Recruits. 

"nth, Munday.— Employed 57 at the Parapett, 22 w't the 
wagon, 41 with the cattle, 10 carpenters, 4 smiths, 2 bakers, i 
Pinmaker, l chandler, 2 Gairdners; nothing materiall. 

" 1 2th, Tuesday. — Employed 89 at the Parapett, 3 1 w't the 
wagon, 14 Cattle Guards, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Gairdners, 10 
Carp'rs, i Chandler. Ordered Lieut. Miles, Ensignes Patterson f 
and Allison to hold themselves in readiness to march to-morrow 

" 13th, Wednesday. — Employed 52 Parapett, 23 wagon, 14 cat- 
tle guard, 8 carp'rs, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Bakers, i Chandler, i 

"This day, at 10 A. M., the Centrys of the wagon part)' discov- 
ered, as they said, 60 Indians upon the Islands at the mouth of 
Shamochan Creek. I detauched Immediately Capt'n Patterson 
with a party of 40 men to lay in ambush at the mouth of the 
creek, ordered Lieut. Humphreys to take the Com'd of the wagon 
party of 26 men, upon hearing of the first gun, to march with his 
party to the Island. The Battoes under the Com'd of Lieut Miles, 
sett out at 12 M. D., ordered them to surround the Island, to land 
their men (being 100 in Number) and to scour the two Islands. 
Saw the battoes land on the outmost Island ab't i P. M., they 
fired 4 shotts, detauched Immediately the Guard under the com'd 
of Ensigne Broadhead whome I had in Readiness. Capt'n Pat- 
terson's party forded into the Island Instantly, as did Lieut. Hum- 
phrey and Ensigne Broadhead ; made no discovery. The 4 shotts 
was fired at 3 dear by the Battoemen, but could not discover the 
men that shott. 

" 14th, Thursday. — Employed 75 Parapett, 30 w't ye wagon, 14 

*Colonel Burd says: "Rev. Mr. Steele, Chaplain, acts in his station to the gen- 
eral satisfaction of all the officers, and claims their respect." — Shippcn Papers, page 

I" Ensign Patterson, a gentleman of little education, a very good soldier, and does 
duty well." — Colonel Burd. 


cattle guard, lo carp'rs, 4 Smiths, 2 Bakers, 4 Sawers, 2 Gaird- 
ners, i chandler, 3 pin makers. This day, at i P. M., Joseph 
Nutimus, Indians, 3 men & Sundry women and children, arrived 
here in Canoes from Nescopeck; the bring no Intellegence New. 

" 15th, Friday. — Employed 57 Parapett, 10 carpent'rs, 14 cattle 
Guard, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 Bakers, i chandler, 29 wagon, 2 
Gairdners, i pin maker. This day, at 2 P. M.,came 7 canoes with 
Deleware Indians ; they say they came to visit their Brothers, the 
English here, with whom they were now Intirely & firmly at peace ; 
there is here now 40 Indians. This afternoon the Indians waited 
upon me, and told me they were in a starving condition & begged 
that I would Relieve their necessitys by giving them a little flour 
to carry home to their Famillys. I told them for answer I could 
not give them any flour to carry off without the Governour's 
orders, that I had wrote the Governour upon this head, & Expect- 
ed an answer in 20 days by Mr. Thomas McKee, that if they 
Inclined to live here they should have the same allowance w't the 
soldiers. They left me very much disconted. 

" i6th, Saturday. — Employed 45 at the Parapett, 28 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 10 carpenters, 3 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 
Gairdners, 2 Bakers, i Chandler, 2 pin makers. 

" This day 2 canoes w't Indians went off prodigious angry at 
my refusall of a supply of flOur, & all the others were preparing 
to go, upon which I reconsidered the matter and thought it most 
prudent to stop them, and I told them I was sorry to see them so 
hungry, and that although I had not the Governour's orders, I 
would give them 3 barrells of flour that they might not dey, untill 
I know the Governour's pleasure; they thank'd me, and said they 
now saw that their Brothers, ye English, would have compassion 
on them ; they were heartily sorry for what they had done to their 
Brothers, the English, but now it was over, and that they were all 
determined to Return to this River, to their old Towns and live. 
Ordered a Generall Revew to-morrow, at 10 A. M., and church 

" 17th, Sunday. — Had the Generall Revew and Church twice, 
at which the Indians attended. I had all the Indians to dinner 
with me to-day, which gave great satisfaction. 


"1 8th, Munday. — Employed 58 Parapett, 27 with the wagon, 
14 cattle guard, 10 carpenters, 13 mauling Rails for a hogg penn, 
4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, i chandler. This day 
at I P. M., the Indians sett off quite pleased, and said they would 
return in 20 days with all the cheeffs of their Nations. 

" 19th, Tuesday. — Employed 63 Parapett, 26 w't the wagon, 17 
Cattle Guard, 1 1 carp'rs, 4 smiths, 4 sawers, 2 Gairdners, 2 bakers, 

1 Chandler. Nothing Materiall. 

" 20th, Wednesday. — Employed 65 at the Parapett, 27 with the 
wagon, 1 5 cattle Guard, 1 1 carpenters, 4 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 2 
bakers, 2 Gairdners, 2 pin makers, i Chandler. This day, at 3 P. 
M., Capt'n Shippen arrived here with the fleett of Battoes and 27 

"21st, Thursday. — Employed 53 at the Parapett, 26 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 10 carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 bakers, 

2 Gairdners, i chandler, 2 pin makers. Nothing materiall. 

" 22d, Friday. — Employed 72 at the Parapett, 27 with the wag- 
on, 14 cattle Guard, 10 carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 Smiths, 2 bakers, 2 
Gairdners, 2 Masons, 2 pin makers, i Chandler. Nothing mater- 

" 23d, Saturday. — Employed 72 at the Parapett, 26 with the 
wagon, 14 Cattle guard, 10 carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 
Bakers, 2 Gairdners, i chandler, 2 pin makers. Ordered a Gen- 
erall Revew to-morrow at 4 P. M. 

" 24th, Sunday. — This morning I sent out a Reconoitering party, 
one Hundred men, with the following officers: Capt'ns Ham- 
bright & Trump, Lieut. Garraway, Ensignes Broadhead & Alle- 
son. Had a Generall Revew to-day at 4 P. M. The Recon- 
noitering party returned at 9 P. M., & reported no signes of the 

" 25th, Munday. — Employed 62 at the Parapett, 27 with the 
Wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 Gairdners, 2 pin 
makers, i Chandler, 8 sodders. Ordered the Battoes to be ready 
to sail to-morrow ; I could not empty the flour sooner, having no 
place to put it in. Capt'n Patterson and Ensigne Miles goes w't 
the Battoes, and a party of 25 sold'rs; Lieut. Garraway, Ensignes 


Scott & Allison goes recruiting. Ordered Lieut. Atlee * on the 
Recruiting service from Ft. Hallifax, & Lieut. Miles to take post 

" 26th, Tuesday. — Employed 54 at the Bank, 26 w't the wagon, 
14 Cattle Guard, 8 sodders of ye Bank, 4 Sawers, 10 Carpenters, 
4 Smiths, 2 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, 2 Masons, 2 Chandlers. This 
day at M. D. the Fleett of Battoes sailed with the officers, Capt'n 
Patterson, Lieut. Garraway, Ensignes Scott, Miles & Allison, w't a 
party of 25 men. 

" 27th, Wednesday. — Employed 74 at the Parapett, 27 w't the 
Wagon, 14 Cattle guard, 10 carp'rs, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 Bakers, 
2 Gairdners, i Chandler, 2 masons. Nothing materiall. 

" 28th, Thursday. — Employed 70 at the Parapett, 27 with the 
wagon, 14 with the Cattle, 15 Carp'rs, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 bakers, 
2 Gairdners, 2 Masons, i Chandler. Nothing materiall. 

"29th, Friday. — Employed 61 at the Bank, 27 with the wagon, 
14 cattle guard, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 2 bakers, 2 Gairdners, 2 Ma- 
sons, I chandler. Nothing materiall. 

" 30th, Saturday. — Employed 62 at the Parapett, 30 with the 
wagon, 14 Cattle Guards, 15 Carp'rs, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 Gaird- 
ners, 2 Bakers, 2 Masons, i Chandler. This morning at 2 A. M. 
John Cook, of C. Davis's Co., deserted from his post as centry on 

*The father of Samuel J. Atlee married Jane Alcock, maid of honor to the Queen 
of England, and the match being clandestine, the couple immediately sailed for 
America. They had three children, William Augustus, Samuel John and Amelia. 
Samuel John, the subject of this sketch, was born at Philadelphia in 1739. Being a 
youth of great daring and ambition, he, at the early age of i6, obtained the command 
of a company in the Provincial service in the regiment under Colonel Burd. He was 
present at the defeat of Braddock and witnessed the horrors of the rout of the English 
forces on that dreadful day. Subsequently he came to Fort Augusta. He served 
eleven years, and twice during that time he was taken prisoner — once by the Indians 
and once by the French. At the expiration of his service he read law, was admitted 
to the Lancaster bar, and was engaged in the pursuit of his profession until the 
breaking out of the Revolution. He was married to Sarah Richardson, April 19, 
1762. At the commencement of the Revolution he was one of two in Lancaster who 
had a knowledge of military tactics. He immediately undertook the work of drill, 
to prepare his fellow citizens for war. Nearly his whole time was devoted to this 
duty during 1775. In the beginning of 1776, by virtue of an Act of Assembly, he 
raised a regiment in Pequea Valley and in Chester County, — the First Regiment of 
State Infantry, — of which he was appointed colonel. He achieved imperishable 
honors with his regiment at the battle of Long Island, on which occasion he was 


the lower Bastion of the Palosadoes. This evening I was walking 
on the Platforms; at 12 P. M., I heard a Gun fired ab't 2 miles 
down the River. Ordered a General Revew to-morrow at 4 P. 
M. An Eclips visible of the moon at 7 P. M. 

"31st, Sunday. — Ordered this morning a party of 40 men under 
Capt'n Trump with Lieut. Allen, to Reconoiter all round the Gar- 
rison to observe along shore if any tracs of the Enemy Crossing 
the River last night and to cover the Cattle Guard. At Noon the 
party returns and reports no signs of the Enemy. Had a Gener- 
all Revew this Evening. 

"Munday, ist August. — Employed 53 men at the Parapett, 30 
with the wagon, 14 cattle guard, 20 carp'rs, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 
Gairdners, 2 Bakers, 2 Masons, i chandler. Nothing materiall. 

"2d, Tuesday. — Employed 52 at the Parapett, 30 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle guard, 2 carp'rs, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 masons, 2 
Bakers, 2 Gairdners, i chandler. This day at 3 P. M., the Fleet 
of Battoes arrived under the command of Capt'n Jamison, and 
reports Lieut. Miles and Ensigne Miles left sick at Hunter's and 
two men deserted of the Detauchm't ; Capt'n Patterson & Ensigne 
McKee came in ye party. This Evening mounted a piquett Guard 
of I officer, I Serg't, i corporall, i Drum, 25 Privett — 29. 

'■3d, Wednesday. — Employed 67 at the Parapett, 30 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle guard, 20 carpent'rs, 4 sawers, 5 smiths, 2 Gaird- 
ners, 2 Bakers, 2 masons, i chandler. 

taken prisoner, having only a sergeant and sixteen men left, the rest having been 
previously killed or taken prisoners. He suffered imprisonment for eighteen months, 
part of which time he was on board a prison ship. During this time he lived for two 
weeks on chestnuts. Colonel Atlee was chosen a member of the Continental Congress 
in 1778, and held a seat in that body up to 17S2. He was also a member of the 
Supreme Executive Council, and was concerned in many public acts. In 1784 he 
was one of the commissioners to ratify the treaties of Forts Stanwix and Mcintosh 
with the deputies of the Six Nations. He was also elected to the General Assembly 
of Pennsylvania for 1782, 1785 and 1786. While attending the ratification of the 
Indian treaties he contracted a cold, by lying on the damp ground, from the effects of 
which he never recovered. In November, 17S6, while walking in the streets of Phil- 
adelphia, he was seized with a paroxysm of coughing, ruptured a blood vessel, and 
shortly afterwards expired. In personal appearance he was very handsome, with a 
fresh and ruddy complexion, brown hair, l^lue eyes, straight and portly, and very 
military in his carriage. At the time of his death he was not yet 48 years old. — 
Harris' Biographical History of Lancaster County, pages 15, :6 and 17. 


" This day I proposed to the Battoes to hault here 6 or 7 days 
to help out with the works, which they aggread to. 

"4th, Thursday. — Employed 55 at the bank, 35 with the wagon, 
14 Cattle Guard, 20 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 
2 Bakers, 2 masons, i chandler. Wm. Taylor, his wife & Indian 
Nancy arrived here at 5 P. M. Nothing materiall. 

" 5th, Friday. — Employed 60 at the Parapett, 30 with the wagon, 
14 Cattle Guard, 20 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 2 Bakers, 2 
Masons, 3 Gairdners, i chandler; nothing materiall. 

"6th, Saturday. — Employed 58 at the Parapett, 14 cattle guard, 
30 with the wagon, 20 Carpr's, 4 Sawers, 5 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 
Masons, 2 Bakers, i chandler; a Generall Revew to-morrow at 5 
P. M. Wm. Taylor and the Indian woman went from this at 6 P. 
M., to Wywamjre. 

" 7th, Sunday. — Had a Generall Revew agreable to the orders 
of yesterday. 

"8th, Munday. — Employed 50 at the Parapett, 36 with the 
wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 17 carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 3 
Gairdners, 2 Bakers, 2 masons, i Chandler; nothing materiall. 

"9th, Tuesday. — Employed 45 at the Parapett, 17 Carp'rs, 8 
Sodders of the Bank, 5 smiths, 14 Cattle Guard, 33 with the 
wagon, 4 sawers, 4 bakers, 2 Gairdners, 2 masons, i chandler. 

" Nothing materiall, only the works was stopt to-day by rain. 

" loth, Wednesday. — Employed 40 men at the Parapett, y:i with 
the wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 18 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 5 Smiths, 2 
Masons, 2 Gairdners, 2 bakers, i chandler. 

" Ordered that Capt'n Hambright & Lieut. Clayton * & a party 
of 50 men hold themselves in readiness for a march to-morrow 
morning, likewise George Allen to hold himself in readiness with 
the Battoemen & Battoes. Nothing materiall ; this day finished 
sod'g the Parapett. 

"nth, Thursday. — Employed 23 men at the Glassee, 36 with 
the wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 17 carpenters at the Plattforms, 4 
sawers, 2 Gairdners, 2 Masons, 2 Bakers, i Chandler. 

"This morning Capt'n Hambright sett out with the Ten Bat- 

**' Lieutenant Clayton, Adjutant, an exceeding good soldier, very active and ex- 
tremely assiduous in the discharge of his duty." — Colonel Burd. 


toes for Provisions to Hunter's with Lieut. Clayton & a party of 
50 men at 8 A. M. Parson Steell went with the Battoes by my 
leave to go home, at his Request. An Generall allarm at 10 P. M. 

" 1 2th, Friday. — Employed 34 men at the Glassee, 49 with the 
wagon & cattle, 17 carpent'rs at the Platform, 6 at the saw pitt, 4 
smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, 2 Masons, i chandler. 

" 1 3th, Saturday. — Employed 30 at the Glassee, 45 men with 
the wagon & Cattle, 18 Carpenters at the platforms, 4 Sawers, 4 
Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, i chandler. A Generall Revew 
to-morrow at 5 P. M. Nothing materiall. George Wilsby died, 
being of my Co. 

" 14th, Sunday. — Ordered a party of 3 officers and 50 men to 
Reconoiter all round the Fort this morning, vizt: Capt'n Weather- 
holt, Lieut. Allen and Ensigne Broadhead, and to be particularly 
carefull to observe any tracs of the Enemy. At 1 1 A. M. the 
party returns and reports no signs of the Enemy. This morning 
Capt'n Jamison reports that Corporall James Lain, of his Comp'y, 
deserted last night. No Revew. It Rained so hard; the sun 
under cloud that I could not see the Eclips, and the sun sett 
under cloud. 

" isth, Munday. — Employed 29 men at the Glassee, 50 with the 
wagon, 18 Carpenters, 4 sawers, 4 smiths, 2 bakers, 3 Gairdners, 
I Chandler, 3 Sinking a well for a little house. This day 8 taken 
sick from the works. Nothing materiall. 

" 1 6th, Tuesday. — Employed 30 at the Glassee, 36 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle guard, 17 Carpenters at the walls, 4 Sawers, 5 
smiths, 3 Gairdners, i chandler. 

"Two men deserted to-day, Jacob Hillibrand of Capt'n Ship- 
pen's Comp'y, and Bernard Bower, of Capt'n Hambright's. 

" 17th, Wednesday. — Employed 27 at the Counterscarph, 41 
with the wagon, 17 Carpenters at the Platforms, 4 Sawers, 3 
Gairdners, i Chandler, 4 smiths. Nothing materiall. 

" 1 8th, Thursday. — Employed 22 Counterscarph, 41 with the 
wagon, 14 Bullock Guard, 10 in Ambush, 17 carpenters at thc 
walls and Platforms, 4 Sawers, 5 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, 1 
chandler. Nothing materiall. 

" 19th, Friday. — Employed 30 men at the Bank, 14 Cattle 



Guard, 41 with the wagon, 17 carpenters at the Platforms and 
Walls, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 2 Gairdners, i chandler. This day at 
Noon Capt'n Hambright arrived here with the Fleet of Battoes & 
48 Bullocks, and 27 Recruits. Joseph Nutimus* arrived here at 
the same time with his wife, one young child and an Indian Girle 
from Nescopeak. 

"20th, Saturday. — Employed 31 at the bank, 55 Wagon and 
cattle, 17 carpenters at the walls, 4 Sawers, 3 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 
2 masons, i chandler. It rained pretty much to-day & stopt the 
works. Ordered a Generall Revew of the Garrison to-morrow 
at 5 P. M. Likewise ordered a party of 50 men and 3 officers, 
under the command of Capt'n Shippen, to Reconnoiter round the 
Fort to-morrow, to march when the bushes is dry. 

* Brief reference is made to Nutimus in a note on page 244. But as a few errors 
in his history, which do him great injustice, crept into that reference, it is deemed but 
an act of justice to set the old Indian right. Mr. John W. Jordan, of the Pennsyl- 
vania Historical Society, who has carefully examined the Moravian records at Bethle- 
hem, writes: 

" Notamaes, the proper name of this chieftain, which signifies a spear or gig to 
strike fish with, was always a warm friend of the Moravians, before the Indian wars 
and to his death. He frequently visited Bethlehem, where he was entertained hospi- 
tably, and whenever their missionaries visited Nescopeck he gladly reciprocated. 

"There is in the archives of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem a MS. of David 
Zeisberger's in which he states : ' The party that made the assault [on Gnadenhuetten] 
was composed of Monseys and numbered twelve. It was led by Jacheapus, the chief 
of Assinnissink,' [a Monsey town in New Steuben County, N. Y.] And further, the 
diaries of the Friedenshuetten (Wyalusing) mission, which I edited a few years since, 
contain this notice: 'July 14, 1765. — News reached here that Jacheapus, the Mon- 
sey who had fired Gnadenhuetten, had died of small-pox up at Sir William Johnson's.' 
He had been taken prisoner during the Pontiac War, and died in captivity. 

"The Diary of Bethlehem Congregation contains the following, under date of 
August II, 1757 : ' To-day we learned that one of the chiefs who had attacked Gnaedn- 
huetten and had carried off Susan Nitschmann [a member of the mission family] was 
killed by an Indian, not far from Easton, on the pretext that he was a French spy. 
Notamaes told us how he had advised him not to attack us on the Mahoning, but 
scarcely had he left Nescopeck, but he took his way thither.' From this evidence it 
is certain that the old king of Nescopeck cannot be accused of the massacre of Gnad- 

" Permit me to add a few more items of this family, extracted from the journal of 
Bishop John von Watteville, the diaries of the Bethlehem congregation and a MS. of 
John Heckewelder, in my possession. 

"In the autumn of 1748 Bishop von Watteville, with Bishop Cammerhoff and 
David Zeisberger and John Martin Mack, visited the Wyoming Valley: 

" ' Oct. 10.— -We came to the falls at Nescopeck, where we had Zeisberger take the 


"2ist, Sunday. — At 3 P. M. Capt'n Shippen returns with his 
party and reports that he had reconnoitered 7 miles round, but 
had made no Discover)- of the Enemy. Had a Generall Revew 
this day at 5 P. M. 

"22d, Munday. — Employed 58 with the wagon and bullocks, 
60 at the counterscarp and Ditch, 17 carpenters at the walls and 
Platforms, 4 Sawers, 4 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 Masons, 2 bakers, 
I chandler. It rained much to-day. This evening we had three 
allarms ; the whole Garrison was under arms all night, & it rained 
prodigeousely, and an Indian came up within shott of the lower 
pallasadoe Bastion ; the Centrj' fired upon him but mist him ; one 
of the Centrys in the Fort likewise fired at (as he supposed) an 
Indian and miss'd him. 

"23d, Tuesday. — Employed 41 w't the wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 
57 at the counterscarp and Ditch, 19 carpenters at the walls and 
platforms, 4 sawers, 5 smiths, 2 Bakers, 3 Gairdners, 2 Masons, i 
Chandler. Ordered Capt'n Patterson and Ensigne Graydon to 

horses and with them follow the river on its north side. Cammerhoflf, Mack and I 
went down the hill to the Susquehanna and shouted for a canoe. Hereupon Pantes, 
the third son of Notimaes (the Governor of Nescopeck), tastily painted and decked 
with feathers, came and set us over the rjf-er. We gave him a silver buckle for his 
trouble. On entering the town we went to the Governor's house (more spacious than 
any I had yet seen among the Indians), in which he and his five sons with their wives 
and children live together. We found, however, no one but Pantes, his brother Joe 
and women at home. Seated around the fire, we conversed with them some time. On 
taking leave, we kept on down the Susquehanna to call upon the Governor and his 
other sons at their plantation, one and a half miles lower down. We were soon met 
by one of their cousins with a negro, for the Governor of Nescopeck has five slaves — 
a negress' four children. Negroes are regarded by the Indians as despicable crea- 
tures. On coming to Nescopeck Creek, which is about half as wide as the Lehigh 
al Bethlehem (it was running high in its channel by reason of the late rains), and 
having neither horses or canoe, we were compelled to wade it — the water rapid and 
leg-deep. It was the first time in my life that I waded in water. Having crossed the 
stream, we met Isaac, one of the sons, and a short distance farther the old Governor 
himself, who greeted us cordially. I presented him with a pair of scarlet cansches. 
To all that was said he would indicate his assent with the word " Kehelle." Going 
farther we came to the plantation, where we visited in four huts. In one was a 
stranger Indian (not a member of the family), in one were children, and in the third 
an old squaw. The fourth hut belonged to Ben, old Notimaes' fourth son. He had 
just returned from the hunt and welcomed us very cordially. We sat with hira a short 
time, and I took a great liking to a child of his. Mack gave him a pipe-tube, and then 
he set us over the river in a canoe, where we met David Zeisberger with the horses. 
After we had partaken of our noonday meal, Ben came over to us and gave us a fine 


hold themselves in readiness for a march to morrow morning, & 
the Adjutant to parade 40 men, and Capt'n Allen to hold the 
Battoemen and Battoes in readiness. 

"24th, Wednesday. — Employed 23 at the counterscarp, 36 with 
the wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 5 sod cutters, 8 sodders, 17 carpen- 
ters at the walls and platforms, 4 sawers, 5 smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 
Masons, i Chandler. Granted Lieut. Allen leave of absence until 
the next Battoes goes down. Capt'n Patterson & Ensigne Gray- 
don and a party of 40 men sail'd with the Fleet of Battoes this 
morning at 10 A. M. for Hunter's. Nothing materiall. 

"25th, Thursday. — Employed 41 with the wagon, 14 cattle 
guard, 8 Sodders, 18 carpenters, ij at the counterscarp & Ditch, 
4 sawers, 5 smiths, 3 Gairdners, 2 bakers, 2 Pin makers, i chand- 
ler. This day Philip Goodman of Capt'n Hambright's Comp'y, 
deserted from his Post as a centry in the woods. I hunted for 
him with large partys, but could not find him; this stopt the 
works to-day. 

"26th, Friday. — Employed 41 with the wagon, 14 cattle guard, 

deer-roast, when we presented him with a silver buckle and needles and thread for 
his wife.' 

"'1754, March 29. — At noon came old Notamaes, chief at Nescopeck, with his 
two eldest sons and his negro and negress, on his journey to the Jerseys. * * * 
April 29. — Notamaes and company passed through on their way home. 

'" 1755. June 2. — The Nescopeck Indians came here for good, as they are half 
starved. [A great drought prevailed in the Wyoming Valley from April to July of 
that year.] 

'"'757. Sept. I. — Notamaes' son, who came from Nescopeck for some Indian 
corn for his sick folks, returned home. He told us his father did not wish to move to 
Diahoga [Tioga], but remain in Nescopeck.' — Bethlehem Diary. 

"A few years ago the family were residing on the Great Island, on the West 
Branch, and on the removal of the Delawares to Ohio two of his sons were of the 
number. Heckewelder states: 'Isaac and Partes were both amiable men and re- 
spected by the whites. Isaac having a mechanical turn of mind, soon learned the 
use of tools and became a pretty good blacksmith, a trade which he followed wher- 
ever he moved to, and during his life-time delighting in nothing more than in a hand- 
some corn hoe, tomahawk and other instruments made out of iron and steel by his 
own hands. He generally settled himself a short distance from the town, where he 
would have his cornfield at hand and under good fences, with some fruit trees planted 
in it next to his house. Preferring manual labor to that of legislating, he altogether 
declined serving in that capacity. Both died in Ohio.' " 

^ The old chieftain had four sons. They were named as follows in the order of 
their births: Isaac, Joseph, Partes and Benjamin. 


33 counterscarp and ditch, 8 Sodders, 5 Smiths, 4 Sawers, 19 car- 
penters, 3 Gairdners, 2 Bakers, i chandler. At 3 P. M., William, 
Sam, 4 Indian women, i Boy and a child arrived here in two 

"27th, Saturday. — Employed 41 with the Wagon, 14 cattle 
guard, 18 carpenters at the walls and Platforms, 39 at the Ditch 
and counterscarp, 4 masons and attendants, 2 Pin makers, 4 Saw- 
ers, 2 Bakers, 3 gairdners, i chandler. Ordered a Generall Revew 
of the garrison to-morrow at 5 P. M. 

"28th, Sunday. — This day at 5 P. M., a woman hallowed for 
help from the west side of the river, I sent a party of 50 men and 
two officers, vizt: Capt'n Jamison and Ensigne McKee, in four 
Battoes, with orders for one Battoe to land and the other three to 
keep in the offing. I likwise sent the Picquett of 30 men under 
the command of Ensigne Broadhead to keep off and be ready to 
cover the retreat of the four Battoes, least an ambushcade should 
be formed & the woman prove a Decoy. Capt'n Jamison brought 
the woman to this Fort, and I found her to be an old woman that 
had been taken prisoner by a party of 6 Indians and one French 
man Named Peter; she was taken last Saturday was a week within 
a mile of Justice Galbraith's house upon Swettarow & 5 more, & 
she made her escape from the Indians eight days ago ; her name 
is Nelly Young; she says the were all on horse back. Had a 
Generall Revew at 5 P. M. 

"29th, Munday. — Employed 36 at the Counterscarp, 41 with 
the wagon, 7 Sodders, i Mason and 3 attenders, 18 carpenters, 4 
Sawers, 7 Smiths, 2 Bakers, 2 Pin Makers, i Wheeling clay, i 
chandler, 3 Gairdners, 14 with the cattle. This morning an ex- 
press arrived at 6 A. M., to Mr. Smith, Suttler. Mr. Smith went 
from this w't one man in a canoe at 9 A. M. 

"30th, Tuesday. — Employed 41 with the Wagon, 14 cattle 
Guard, 32 at the counterscarp, 18 carpenters at the Platforms, 5 
masons and tenders at the little house, 4 sawers, 7 smiths, 3 
Gairdners, 2 bakers, i levelling with the Pallasadoes, 2 pin makers, 
I chandler. 

"31st, Wednesday. — Employed 27 at the counterscarp, 41 with 
the Wagon, 14 cattle guard, 18 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 7 Smiths, 4 


masons & tenders, 3 gairdners, 2 bakers, i levelling within the 
Pallasadoes, i chandler, 2 pin makers. Nothing materiall. 

"September ist, Thursday. — Employed 20 men at the counter- 
scarp, 41 with the Wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 18 Carpenters at the 
Platforms, 4 sawers, 7 smiths, 2 Sawing pin wood, 3 Gairdners, 2 
Bakers, i levelling within the piquetts, 7 sodders, i chandler, 4 
JVIasons and tenders. This day at Noon Capt'n Patterson arrived 
with the fleett of Battoes; he brought 7 Recruits. A Number of 
his party sick, and likewise the Battoemen. 

"2d, Friday. — Employed 41 with the Wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 
30 at the counterscarp, 18 carpenters at the Plattforms, 4 sawers, 
7 smiths, 3 Gairdners, 7 Sodders, 2 bakers, i chandler, 4 masons 
and Tenders, I Wheeling clay. Herman Howfman, of Capt'n 
Hambfjight's Co., died this Evening. 

"3d, Saturday. — Employed 19 at the counterscarp, 48 with the 
Wagon, 70 at the fish Dam, 20 carpenters at the platforms, 4 saw- 
ers, 7 Smiths, 2 Gairdners, i Chandler, 2 bakers, i wheeling clay, 

4 masons & tenders. This day Jacob Smith, of Capt'n Shippen's 
Co., deserted; I sent 2 partys to scour the woods all around, but 
they could not find him. A Generall Revew to-morrow, at 5 P. M. 

"4th, Sunday. — This morning Daniell Murphy, of Capt'n Lloyd's 
Comp'y, died. This day, at 2 P. M., arrived here, down the N. 
branch, in two canoes, 2 Indian men, three woman, one Girl and 
three children; they brought skins to deall for goods out of the 
Provintiall, & seem much disappointed; had a Generall Revew at 

5 P.M. 

" 5th, Munday. — Employed 50 at the fish Dam, 23 scouring the 
Ditch, 18 carpenters at the platforms, 4 sawers, 7 smiths, 3 Gaird- 
ners, 2 Bakers, 4 mason and tenders at the little house, 2 cutting 
coal wood, I Wheeling clay, levelling, 49 with the Wagon and 
cattle. This day a child died.* 

"6th, Tuesday. — Employed 25 at the Ditch, 45 at the fish dam, 
50 with the Wagon and cattle, 1 8 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 7 Smiths, 
3 Gairdners, 4 mason & tenders, 2 Cutting coal wood, 2 Bakers, 
I Wheeling clay, i chandler. Nothing materiall. 

*This is the first mention of the death of a child at this post 


"7th, Wednesday. — Employed 50 at the fish dam, 38 with the 
wagon, 14 with the cattle, 18 carpenters at the platforms, 9 smiths 
and coal wood cutters, 4 Sawers, 2 bakers, i chandler, 4 mason 
and tenders, 2 wheeling clay. 

"8th, Thursday. — Employed 26 at the ditch, 38 cattle and 
wagon, 4 Sawers, 9 smiths and coal wood cutters, 3 Gairdners, 4 
Mason and tenders, 3 Butcher & Bakers. This day it rained 
very hard. 

"9th, Friday. — Employed 26 at the Ditch, 38 cattle and wagon 
guards, 18 carpenters, 4 sawers, 9 smiths and coal wood cutters, 3 
gairdners, 4 mason & tenders, 3 butchers and bakers. This day, 
at 1 1 A. M., Capt'n Shippen and Lieut. Humphreys left this with 
the fleett of battoes and 40 men. This Evening, at dark, sent off 
Serg't Lee and two men more on horse back. 

" loth September, Saturday. — Employed 38 wagon and cattle, 
24 at the Ditch, 18 carpenters, 4 sawers, 9 Smiths and coal wood 
cutters, 2 Gairdners, 3 Bakers, 6 weeding turneeps, i wheeling 
clay, 4 masons and tenders. Five Indians arrived to-day with 

" I ith, Sunday. — Had a Revew. 

"1 2th, Munday. — Employed 30 at the Ditch, 40 Wagon and 
cattle, 18 carpenters, 4 sawers, 9 smiths and wood cutters, 2 gaird- 
ners, 4 mason and tenders, 3 bakers and butcher, 2 wheeling 
clay. This morning, Jacob Smith, of Capt'n Shippen's Co., was 
brought in Prisoner; he deserted from hence the 3d Curr't, and I 
have Reason to believe was going to the French, but not being 
able to find the way was obliged to return, being very weak for 
want of Provision. Great Rain. 

" 13th, Tuesday. — Employed 44 at the ditch, 48 wagon and 
cattle, 19 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 9 Smiths and Wood cutters, 4 
mason and tenders, 3 bakers and butcher, 3 Gairdners, i wheel- 
ing clay. This day, at 4 P. M., one canoe arrived with Cutt- 
finger'd Peter and four more Indian warriers from the Ohio. 

" 14th, Wednesday. — Employed 49 with the wagon and cattle, 
18 carpenters, 9 smiths and wood cutters, 3 cutting wood for the 
lime kill, 33 at the ditch, 3 gairdners, 4 masons quarrying stones, 
4 sawers. 


" This day the Indian Warriers waited of me to acquaint me 
that they were sent by their Clieeff to know of me if the Enghsh 
were at piece with the Delawares, & if I would receive them here 
kindly if they would come in, to which I answered that the Eng- 
lish were at peace with the Delawares, and I would Receive them 
kindly. The Warriers said that they were to Return to the Ohio, 
and desired I might write a letter by them to the commander of 
Fort Du Quesne, to which I answered that altho' the English 
were at peace with the Delawares they were not with the French ; 
&, therefore, I would neither write nor speak to the commander 
of Fort Du Quesne, otherwise than from the musell of my Guns ; 
but a conversation of this kind I shall always be ready to carry 
on, and told the warriers he might give that officer this for answer 
from me. 

" 15th, Thursday. — Employed 34 at "the Ditch, 49 with the cat- 
tle & Wagon, 18 carpenters at the Platforms, 9 Smiths and coal 
wood cutters, 2 cutting wood for the lime kill, 6 sawers and 
Bakers, 3 Gairdners, i Butcher. Nothing materiall. 

" 1 6th, Friday. — Employed 32 at the Ditch, 49 with the wagon 
and cattle, 18 carpenters, 4 sawers, 9 smiths & coal wood cutters, 
3 bakers and butcher, 3 gairdner, 3 cutting wood and attending 
the lime kill, 3 Brickmakers. 

" 17th, Saturday. — Employed 32 at the ditch, 50 with the wagon 
and cattle, 1 8 carpenters at the Platforms, 4 Sawers, 9 Smiths and 
wood cutters, 2 gairdners, 3 Baker and butcher, 4 mason and 
tenders, 3 at the lime kill, 3 brick makers. This day, at 1 1 A. M., 
Capt'n James Young, Capt'ns Lloyd and Busee arrived here with 
a party of 50 men. 

" 1 8th, Sunday. — This day severall Indians arrived at 4 P. M. ; 
Lieuts. Humphrys and Allen arrived with a fleet of battoes and 

" 19th, Munday. — Employed 50 with the wagon and cattle, 33 
at the ditch, 18 carpenters at the Platforms, 4 sawers, 9 Smiths & 
wood cutters, 3 bakers and butchers, 4 mason and tenders, 3 at 
the lime kill, 3 brick makers. More Indians arrived. 

" 20th, Tuesday. — Employed 70 with the wagon and cattle, 30 
at the Ditch, 19 Carpenters, 9 Smiths & Coal wood Cutters, 3 


Gairdners, 4 Mason & tenders, 3 Brick makers, 4 sawers, 3 Bakers 
& Butchers. This day Ensigne Johnston Resigned his commis- 
sion to me ; the Reason he gave for so doing, was that he has not 
been promotted. 

"21st, Wednesday. — Employed 60 with the wagon & cattle, 19 
carpenters at the walls, 7 Smiths, 4 sawers, 7 at the lime kill, 30 
at the Glassee, 3 Gairdners, 3 Bakers & Butcher, 3 brick makers. 
Had a Generall Revew of the whole Garrison, the Comissary of 
the musters mustered the rest. This evening the Indians pursued 
our horses, endeavouring to carry them off, they catcht the Com- 
issary Young's horse and carried him away. 

" 22d, Thursday. — Employed 36 at the Glassee, 49 with the 
wagon, & cattle 14, 19 carpenters on ye walls, 4 sawers, 7 smiths, 
3 Bakers and butcher, 3 Gairdners, 2 Masons, 3 Brick makers, 2 
chandlers. The Pay master setts off to-morrow ; sent down Serg't 
Lee w't his horses to night. 

" 23d, Friday. — Employed 34 at the Glassee, 38 with the wagon, 
14 cattle guard, 19 carpenters on the walls, 4 Sawers, 7 Smiths, 7 
Brick makers, 3 Gairdners, 2 masons, 2 Bakers & Butcher. This 
morning at 8 A. M., Capt'ns Young, Lloyd & Bussee, & Ensigne 
McKee sett off with the Fleett of Battoes & the party that came 
up with the pay mast'r. Capt'n Lloyd begg'd leave to go to 
Philad'a, he assuring me he had the Governour's liberty, upon 
which I granted it, with orders to return Immediately, and upon 
no acco't to lett his stay exceed three weeks. The pay master 
will be at Harris's ferry upon his return to Philad'a, the 4th Octo- 
ber. I allow the Battoeman 6 days to provide themselves with 
arms & Blankitts. 

"24th, Saturday. — Employed 34 at the Glassee, 14 with the 
cattle, 30 with the wagon, 17 Brick makers, 19 carpenters, 7 
smiths, 4 Sawers, 3 Gairdners, 2 masons, 3 Bakers & Butcher, 2 
Chandlers. Ordered Capt'n Patterson and Lieut. Humphreys to 
hold themselves in readiness for a march to-morrow. Ordered 
the Adjutant to prepare a part}- of 50 men for a march to- 

" 25th, Sunday. — This morning Capt'n Patterson and Lieut. 
Humphreys, with a party of 50 men, march't over the River at 


the Forks, with my orders to Reconnoiter for three days towards 
the Ohio, and to make observations if any signes of the approach 
of the Enemy. This day Capt'n Hambright with a party, Reco- 
noitered the Island and found that the Indians supposed to be 
friendly Indians, had carried off Capt'n Lloyd's horse, Capt'n 
Hambright's, Capt'n Trump's, Capt'n Young's, and a black bald- 
faced horse of Mr. Crostian's. 

" 26th, Munday. — Employed 34 at the Glassee, 37 with the 
wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 20 carpenters at the walls, 4 Sawers, 7 
Smiths, 3 Brick makers, 3 Gairdners, 3 Bakers and Butcher, 2 
Masons, 2 Chandlers. Three Indians arrived here to Day. 

" 27th, Tuesday. — Employed 36 at the Glassee, 37 with the 
Wagon, 14 cattle Guard, 20 carpenters, 4 Sawers, 7 Smiths, 2 
masons, 3 brick makers, 3 gairdners, 3 bakers and butcher. 

"This Evening at Dark, Will'm Galbraith and Mich'l Taffe sett 
off from here, in a canoe, with one soldier. This afternoon Capt'n 
Patterson and Lieut. Humphreys, and a party of 50 men, arrived. 
Capt'n Patterson reports (by the Adjutant) that he Reconoitered 
the woods well, & discovered no approaches of the Enemy; he 
found Capt'n Hambright's, Capt'n Trump's, and Mr. Crostian's 

"28th, Wednesday. — Employed 36 at the Glassee, 14 Cattle 
Guard, 48 with the Wagon, 20 carpenters on the walls, 7 Smiths, 
4 sawers, 3 Gairdners, 5 Brick makers, 4 masons and tenders, 3 
bakers and butcher. This morning ordered Capt'n Hambright, 
with a party of 30 men, to reconnoiter up Shamochan Creek, 1 5 
miles; in the Evening Capt'n Hambright returned, and report no 
tracs of the Enemy. 

"29th, Thursday. — Employed 36 with the Wagon, 14 cattle 
guard, 38 at the Glassee, 20 Carp'ters upon the walls, 4 Sawers, 7 
Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 5 Brick makers, 4 Masons and Tenders. A 
child died this evening, of Capt'n Patterson's Co. 

"30th, Friday. — Employed 50 at the Glassee, 36 with ye wagon, 
14 with the cattle, 20 Carpenters on ye Walls, 4 sawers, 7 smiths, 

6 brick makers, 3 gairdners, 5 masons, chandlers. Ordered 

Capt'n Jamison, and a party of 40 men, to hold themselves in 
readiness for a march to-morrow. Here follows a Recept for 


curing the fever & ague, taken from Mr. Franklin's Newspaper, of 
the 8th September, 1757, No. 1498: 

" Take two ounces of Jesuit's Bark, one ounce of Snake root, one ounce of salt of 
Tartar, and half an ounce of Cammomile flower; put them into a half Gallon bottle 
filled with Jamaica spiritt, and sett it into a Kettle of Water, over a moderate fire, & 
lett the Ingredients infuse three days, the water being kept rather warmer than blood 
warm. A Dose for a grown Person, half a Jill three or four times between the Fitts. 
For a Child of a year old, a tea spoon full, mixed with balm tea. The Quantity to 
be Increased according to the age of the Person. The Ingredients, by ading more 
spiritt to them, make a good preventing Bitter. 

" 1st October, Saturday. — Employed 24 at the Glassee, 37 with 
the Wagon, 14 with the cattle, 20 Carpenters on the Walls, 7 
Smiths, 6 brick makers, 3 gairdners, 5 masons, 3 bakers & butch- 
er, 4 sawers, i chandler. This morning, at 9 A. M., Captain 
Jamison sett off for Hunter's, with a party of 40 men. Two can- 
noes, with Indians, arrived here to-day, down the North branch; 
they inform no approaches of the Enemy. Robert Kilton of 
Capt'n Patterson's Co., died this Evening. 

" 2d, Sunday. — This day it was a continual hard Rain. 

"3d, Munday. — Employed 34 men at the Glassee, 36 with the 
Wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 20 Carpenters at the Walls, 4 Sawers, 7 
smiths, 5 masons and tenders, 6 brick makers, 3 baker & butcher, 
I chandler. This day the Indians intended to attack our out-pa'ty; 
but not liking their disposition, they went over the Ri\'er and hal- 
lowed at the Fort, & went off 

"4th, Tuesday. — Employed 30 at the Warff, 34 with the wag- 
on, 14 Cattie Guard, 20 carpenters at the Walls, 7 Smiths, 4 saw- 
ers, 6 brick makers, 3 gairdners, 3 bakers & butcher, 5 mason & 
tenders, i chandler. 

"5th, Wednesday. — Employed 14 with the cattle, 36 with the 
wagon, 20 carpenters upon the walls, 7 smiths, 4 sawers, 3 gaird- 
ners, 5 Masons and Tenders, 5 Brick makers, 30 at the Warff 3 
Bakers and butcher. Could not find the wagon horses to-day, the 
wagon party guarding the Bullocks. 

" 6th, Thursday. — Employed 43 at the warff 36 hunting for the 
wagon horses, 14 cattle guard, 20 carpenters on the walls, 4 Saw- 
ers, 7 Smiths, 5 brick makers, 3 Gairdners, 5 masons & tenders, 2 
chandlers, 3 bakers and butcher. Indian Bill inform'd me he saw 


8 Indians cross the River to-day. This Evening Ensigne Broad- 
head returns with the horse-hunting party, and Informs me he 
could not find the horses, and that he discovered the tracs of 30 
Indians going towards Tulpohackin. 

"7th, Friday. — Employed 41 men at the warff, 14 with the 
cattle, 36 with wagon, 20 carpenters on the walls, 7 smiths, 4 saw- 
ers, 5 Brickmakers, 3 Gairdners, i Grubber, 3 Bakers & Butcher, 
I chandler. 

"8th, Saturday. — Employed 41 at the warff, 14 with the cattle, 
36 with the wagon, 20 carpenters on ye walls, 7 smiths, 5 Brick 
makers, 3 Gairdners, 4 Sawers, 3 Butcher & baker, 5 masons and 
tenders at the Gutter, i chandler, i Grubber. This morning the 
Indians kept houping & hallowing on the other side the River, & 
fire three guns; sent two partys after them to no purpose. Jo. 
Nutimus arrives. 

"9th, Sunday. — This day, at 5 P. M., Capt'n Jamison & Ensigne 
McKee arrived here with the party of 40 men and 10 Recruits, 
with the fleett of Battoes, and at 6 P. M. a Sergt. & 10 men from 
Coll. Wieser; 6 Indians arrived this morning. 

" loth, Munday. — Employed 30 men at the warff 49 with the 
wagon & cattle, 20 carpenters on the walls, 4 Sawers, 9 Smiths, 3 
Gairdners, 5 masons & tenders, 5 Brickmakers, i Chandler, i 

"Ordered Capt'n Hambright and Ensigne Broadhead to hold 
themselves in Readiness for a march to-morrow; the Adjutant to 
prepare a party of 50 men with Provisions for three days. This 
afternoon two Indians arrived from Fort Nyagerra. 

" nth, Tuesday. — Employed 36 with the Wagon, 14 with the 
Cattle, 20 Carpenters, 2 Sawers, 7 Smiths, 3 Gairdners, 3 Bakers 
& Butcher, 5 Brickmakers, 3 Masons, i Chandler, i Grubber, 35 
at the Warff It Rain'd all day, which stopt the works, detain'd 
the party. This day, at 4 P. M., two warrier Indians arrived here. 
I suspect them to be going to murder the Inhabitants; I have 
ordered them to watcht, & if I find they intend towards the inhab- 
itants, I intend to send a party after them to kill them. 

" 1 2th, Wednesday. — Employed to-day 24 at the Glassee, 14 
Cattle Guard, 36 with the wagon, 20 Carpenters on the walls, 2 


Sawers, 7 Smiths, 3 Bakers and butcher, 3 Gairdners, 5 Brick 
makers, 3 Mason & tenders, i Chandler, i Gruber. This morn- 
ing, at Revellee, Capt'n Hambright and the party sett off 

" Tedeyushunk's son offers himself Volunteer in this Reg't to 
day. This evening, after dark, one of the party returns, having 
lost the party ab't 10 miles off. 

" 13th, Thursday. — Employed 29 at the Glassee, 37 with the 
wagon, 14 with the Cattle, 20 Carpenters on the walls, 2 Sawers, 
5 Smiths, 5 Brickmakers, 3 Gairdners, 3 Bakers & butcher, i 
Chandler, i Grubber, 2 Masons. 

"October 14th, Friday.— Employed 34 at the Glassee, 37 with 
the wagon, 14 Cattle Guard, 20 Carpenters, 2 Sawers, 5 Smiths, i 
Gunner, 3 Gairdners, i Grubber, 5 Brick makers, 3 Masons, i 
Chandler, 3 Baker and Butcher. This day, at 3 P. M., Capt'n 
Hambright, Ensigne Broadhead and the party of 50 men return'd, 
and reported that he discovered severall tracks of the Enemy, 
which he followed without success ; that he could not find the 
wagon horses, and was firmly of opinion they were Carried off." 

At this point the interesting journal of Colonel Burd ceased, 
and he soon after left the fort to make a tour of inspection of the 
troops and forts from the Susquehanna to the Delaware. Captain 
Hambright was detailed to accompany him, and they started on 
their journey from Lancaster on the i6th of February, 1758. 
The next day, however. Captain Hambright was taken violently 
ill, and the Colonel was obliged to leave him at " Barny Hughes'," 
in the care of a physician, and proceed alone. In accordance with 
his custom. Colonel Burd kept a daily journal of the incidents of 
his tour until his arrival in Philadelphia, on the 7th of March, 
which maj' be found in Vol. HI. of the Pennsylvania Archives 
(Old Series), pages 352 to 357. 

During the summer of 1758 Colonel Burd participated in the 
Forbes and Bouquet expeditions, and had command of 582 men, 
many of whom were drawn from Fort Augusta. He was in "the 
battle of the Loyal Hannon " (Brushy Run), and after that victory 
accompanied the army to Fort Du Quesne. 



WHEN Colonel Burd retired from Fort Augusta, by order 
of Governor Denny, to perform other duties, although 
he was nominally in charge of the post, the command devolved 
on the next officer in the order of rank. That officer was Captain 
Joseph Shippen, his brother-in-law, and as he had been on duty in 
the garrison for several months, he understood the situation and 
the wants of the men thoroughly. After great labor the fort had 
been put in complete order, and it was sufficiently armed and 
manned to successfully resist any force that the French and Indi- 
ans might bring against it, if they still contemplated an attack. 

Colonel Burd had been on active duty at the fort from early in 
December, 1757, to the middle of October, 1758, a period of about 
ten months, and he had passed through many exciting scenes and 
vicissitudes. But with all the diiificulties with which he had to 
contend, he succeeded in the object of his mission to Shamokin. 
During the time he had command he was obliged to hold numer- 
ous conferences with Indian deputations, to keep scouting parties 
constantly in the field to guard against being surprised by a lurking 
and wily enemy, besides guarding the transportation of provisions 
up the river. This latter duty was in some respects more exacting 
and trying than fighting the enemy, as it would not do for a mo- 
ment to have communication with his base of supplies broken. 

As we are about to enter upon a new era at the fort, it may 
prove of interest to the reader to know the exact strength of the 
garrison at the time Captain Shippen assumed command, therefore 
the following report, under date of January i, 1758, is copied in 


2 ^ 




•3I!£ ^ >fUEH 1 i 

: : : : -i- : 1 ^ 

■sjsuimiuQ 1 1 

•sjuBagjas 1 : 



•p3,i3S3a 1 : 

N - : _ :« 


•pagjuqDsia 1 i 


■Easpqo 0, p.moD3>i | : 


■pK^a 1 : 

■pajmjDaH | i 

::::•*: 1 -St- 


•31!J :$. >iUEH 1 


•sjamranaa | i 

•sfUBsSjas 1 : 

" " !:■::!" 


•,B,ox| ?a^^^?S;K;jg 

•qSnoiJtij ao «-«::roM»|« 

•Sunmjoa^i " - : : : I : i 1 '^ 

•paEuimoo UQ | 2" "^"^ N OO |-. ro .« | vo 

•IBlidsOH aqi ni 1 " i i i ! ! = ! | " 

•juasajd j[Ois | '-'"-:'-ThN*"j-|r~. 

•Xma JOj jij 1 « "^ ^ ^ r? N « J? S) 


•^^=""'""■'0 1 


•sjuEsSjac; | « w « « o : ». « 





•uoaBjns | 



■ms^n ••■& 1 ; 


•lUEjnrpv 1 : 



•niEiduqo 1 : 



•uSisua 1 ---:-, 1 


•)UBa3in3n 1 : 



•uiujdBO 1 i 


•iofew 1 : 


•pnoio3 -jnan 1 : 


•pnoioo 1 : 




< ! 

=5 E- 

Joseph Shippen 

Patrick Work 

David Jameson 

John Hambright 

Levi Trump 

Lt. Patt. Davis 






Out of the whole number of men reported it will be observed 
that 232 were fit for duty. And a statement was also appended to 
the report showing the following officers absent on leave : Cap- 
tain Thomas Lloyd, Lieutenants Charles Garraway and Nathaniel 
Miles, Ensigns Charles Broadhead and William Patterson. Cap- 
tain Jameson was absent on other duty, and Colonel Burd and 
Captain Hambright had just departed on a tour of inspection. 

Under date of January 20, 1758, Captain Shippen forwarded 
the foregoing report to Colonel Burd, and in his letter of transmit- 
tal stated that he had restricted the garrison to an allowance of 
one pound of flour per man since the beginning of the year, as he 
only had 17,390 pounds of flour and 91,481 pounds of beef on 
hand. Old King Nutimus and his family were visiting him, and 
the number of Indians present was forty-three. Job Chilloway 
had also arrived from the Munsey country, "at the head of the 
Cayuga branch above Diahoga," and assured him that the "only 
Indians on the Susquehanna who were enemies are those of the 
Munsey Nation, and they are determined to continue the war 
against the English." And in conclusion the Captain added that 
Captain Jameson and Lieutenant Garraway had just arrived with 
" 12 battoes containing 6,000 lbs. flour, 2 hogsheads of whiskey, 3 
barrels of salt and 20 bushels of Indian corn for the garrison, 
besides a quantity for Mr. Carson's store." 

On the 1st of March Captain Shippen reported the following 
provisions, clothing, ammunition, tools, &c., in store at Fort Au- 
gusta : 


75,786 pounds of Beef. 9 Pair of Traices. 

3694 pounds of FlouK 5 Drag Chains. 

7 Sheep. 4 Ordinary Cross cut Saws. 

2 Bushells of Salt. 4 Ordinary Whip Saws. 

40 Gallons of Rum. I New, Ditto. 

23 pounds of Match Rope. 3 Ordinary Hand Saws. 

12 Old Great Coats, entirely worn out. 2 Do., Dutch Saws. 

173 pairs of coarse yarn Stockings. 23 Pick Axes. 

23 Brass Kettles. 18 Grubbing Hoes. 

5 Ditto, not worth mending. 18 Broad, Ditto. 

14 Frying Pans. 3 Frows. 



15 Reams of Cartridge Paper. 

4 Horse Bells. 

3 Pairs of Steelyards. 

9 Old Lanthorn Frames, useless. 
I Set of old Cooper's Tools. 

1 Set of old Carpenter's do. 

32 old Carrying Saddles, useless. 
yi Piece Ozenbrigs. 
18 Yards of Flannel. 
12 Horse Collars. 

10 Pitching Axes, good. 

56 Do., worn out, not worth Steeling. 
10 Ordinary Broad Axes. 
7 Do., Drawing Knives. 

5 Do., Adzes. 
70 Tomahawks. 
3 Hammers. 

22 Spades, mostly worn out. 
21 Shovels, Do. 
15 Maul Rings. 

2 Hand Screws. 

5 Crow Bars. 

6 Iron Wedges. 

7 Calking Irons. 

298 New Blankets, Distributed amongst 

the Soldiers. 
282 Old do., worn out. Distributed amongst 

the Soldiers. 
14 Batteaus, patch'd up for ye pres't use. 

8 pieces of Cannon. 
2 Swivels. 

7 Blunderbusses. 

313 Small arms, good. 

114 Do., Out of Order. 

104 Cannon Ball. 

1301 Grape Shot, made up for Cannon. 

46 Hand Granadoes. 

1600 Flints, very ordinary. 

y^ Cask of Nails. 

2 Grind Stones, almost worn out. 

)i Faggot of Steel. 

45ott). wt. of Bar Iron. 

In Store 

Made up into Cartridges for Cannon & Swivell 
In the Soldiers horns & pouches 
















Expended this last Month, ^ Barrell of powder by the Soldiers, in teaching them 
to shoot at marks, and keep their Arms in Order. 


Capt. in Augusta Reg't. 

Soon after making this report Captain Shippen was granted 
leave of absence by Colonel Burd to visit Philadelphia, and Major 
Thomas Lloyd, " of the second battalion," who had returned, took 
command of the fort. He made a report, under date of April 1st, 
of the condition of the garrison, which showed that the total force 
consisted of 348 men, 205 of whom were fit for duty. Dr. John 
Morgan was reported absent visiting the sick at Harris'. 

Captain Gordon, who served as engineer of the works, submit- 
ted the following report on the 6th of May, 1758: 


A Magazine ought to be built in the South Bastion, 12 by 20 feet in the clear, also 
a Laboratory of the same dimensions in the East Bastion. The Wall of the Maga- 
zine to be 2^ Foot thick, with three Buttresses, 2 Foot thick at the bottom, levelling 
to 9 inches at Top, in each side. The breadth of Buttresses, 3^ Ft. The Magazine 
to have an arch of 2^ Brick thick, and to be under ground within i]4 Foot of the 
Top of the Arch. The Walls seven foot high from the Level of the Floor, and to 
have a Foundation 2 Foot below the Floor; great care taken to lay the Joists, and to 
fill up between with Ruble Stone and Gravel, rammed; the Joists to be covered with 
Plank 2^ inch thick. An Air Hole i foot Square to be practised in the Gavel end, 
opposite the Door. The Passage to the Magazine to have a zig-zag, and over the 
Arch some Fine Plaister laid, then covered with Fine Gravel and 4 foot of Earth a 

The Laboratory likewise to be arched, but with ly^ Brick, and without Buttresses. 

A Fraise ought to be compleated round the Fort, to be introduced upon the Hori- 
zontal Line, at 20 Degrees of Elevation, or as much as will be sufficient to discover it 
underneath from the Flanks. This Fraise to be 2^ feet in the Ground, 3^ without, 
not to exceed 5 inches in Thickness, the Breadth from 4 to 7; a number of these 
Fraises ought, before set in the Wall, to be tunnelled on a Piece of Slab or Plank, of 
5 inches broad, within 6 inches of the ends, which gives an inch at the end clear of 
the Slab; the distance from one another, 2^. After made fast to this Slab, to be 
introduced in the Wall, and the Earth ramm'd well between. When the Earth is 
well fixed and the whole set round, or a considerable way, another Piece of 3 inches 
broad and 2 thick, should be nailed al along close to the wall, which will bind the 
whole very fast together. 

The magazine was built according to his suggestions, and to-day 
it is still in a good state of preservation, being the only evidence 
of the existence if the fort. It is located in a small field about 
sixty feet south of the brick house known as the " Hunter Man- 
sion," and 165 feet from the river bank. A small mound of earth 
marks the spot where it may be found, and upon examination an 
opening in the ground is discovered, which is two and a half feet 
wide. There are twelve four-inch stone steps leading below. On 
descending these steps the ground space inside the magazine is 
found to be lox 12 feet, and it is eight feet from the floor to the 
ape.K of the arched ceiling. The arch is of brick and commences 
on an offset purposely made in the wall five feet above the ground 
floor. The brick are of English manufacture, and were trans- 
ported from Philadelphia to Harris' and then up the river by bat- 
teaux. On entering the ancient magazine one is reminded of a 
huge bake oven. It has often been stated that an underground 
passage led from the magazine to the river, but had been closed 
up. Although a break or narrow cave-in in the river bank, 


directly opposite the magazine, which had existed for years, would 
indicate that such was the fact, yet there is no evidence on the 
inside of the walls that there ever was such a passage. A recent 
careful examination failed to show any signs of an opening having 
existed. The stone basement walls are as solid, apparently, as 
when they were first laid. There are no marks or other evidences 
whatever that there had been an opening in the wall, or that it 
had been closed up since the construction of the magazine. If 
there ever was such a passage from the magazine to the river, it 
must have started from the bottom of the floor, which has long 
since been covered with a foot or more of debris. But there was 
a zig-zag covered way leading to the door of the magazine from 
the fort, as suggested in Captain Gordon's report, which may have 
given rise to the belief in after years that a subterranean passage 
led to the river. There was such a passage starting from one of 
the angles of the fort, but it had no connection with the magazine. 

It is greatly regretted that something has not been done by 
the owner of the ground to preserve this interesting relic from 
decay. It will not be many years before the walls will crumble 
and render the place unsafe to enter. A long time ago it was 
used by the Hunter family as a cave for the storage of various 
articles, provisions, etc. At present it is but a receptacle for the 
carcasses of e.xtinct cats and the home of friendless bats. With 
a neat iron fence to protect the mound from vandals, it might 
exist for many years, and be an attractive spot for antiquarians 
and others who take some interest in studying the spot where 
such a famous defensive work once stood. Although the neigh- 
boring ground shows no evidence of the fort that once stood there 
as a menace to the savage foe, and with its bristling cannon held 
them at bay for years, its historic associations are not dimmed by 
the flight of time. 

At the same time that Captain Gordon recommended the con- 
struction of the magazine he furnished a list of ammunition * and 
stores wanted, among which were sixteen cannon, four twelve or 
nine-pounders and the balance six-pounders, with fifty rounds of 
shot for each gun of ball, eight rounds of grape, twenty-four bar- 
rels of powder for the cannon and ten for musketry; 25,600 

*See Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III., page 388, Old Series. 


musket balls, i,6oo flints, 600 muskets complete with cartridge 
boxes. He also described minutely how the cannon should be 

During the absence of Colonel Burd a change of commanders 
frequently occurred at the fort. On the 2d of June, 1758, we find 
Captain Levi Trump in command. On that day he made a return 
which showed a force of only I2i men, 99 of whom were fit for 
duty. There was but one captain present, and that one was him- 
self There were only two ensigns and two sergeants left. All 
the other officers had departed, with details of men, to take part 
in the Forbes and Bouquet expedition. This was a small force to 
hold this important post, but the exigencies of the service west- 
ward were so great that the risk of depleting it, with the hope of 
striking an effective blow at Fort Du Quesne, was taken. The 
successful result of the western expedition showed the wisdom of 
the commanding officer. 

One month later, July i, 1758,* Captain Trump reported that 
he had 189 men in the garrison, 160 of whom were fit for duty. 
He had been re-inforced by small detachments commanded by 
Captains Robert Eastburn and Paul Jackson. There were now 
three captains, three lieutenants, three ensigns, six sergeants and 
three drummers in the command. He also reported that he had 
commenced digging the cellar for the store-house for Indian 
goods, but he had not sufficient carpenter tools to complete the 
building. He also complained that they had no doctor, and sev- 
eral soldiers were lying sick. Dr. Morgan, the post surgeon, had 
gone with the western expedition. He was also informed that the 
French were erecting a fort at " Shinglaclamush " (Clearfield), and 
it was feared they contemplated an attack on Fort Augusta. 
Colonel Burd immediately ordered him to "confine all the French 
deserters that were enlisted as soldiers, and send them under 
guard to Lancaster Goal," which he did. This was done to have 
them out of the way in case of an attack, as it was feared they 
would desert back again if their countrymen appeared, and inform 
them of the condition of the fort and garrison. At the same time 
the Captain reported that their colors were entirely worn out and 

^See Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IIL, pages 430, 431, Old Series 


they would be extremely glad to receive new ones. The flag-staff 
was seventy feet high. 

In July, 1758, Frederick Post,* the Moravian, who had been 
ordered by Governor Denny to proceed to the Ohio and confer 
with the Indians, set out on his perilous mission. He arrived at 
Fort Augusta July 25th, and records in his journal that he and 
his party were well received. After tarrying two days, and being 
furnished with everything necessary for the journey, he set out on 
the 27th. His route was up the West Branch, and on the evening 
of the 28th he arrived at " Weheeponal.f where the road turns off 
for Wioming, and slept that night at Quenashawakee." The next 
day he continued his journey and crossed the river at the Great 
Island. His companions, he reports, now became "very fearful," 
and that night they slept "a great way from the road, without a 
.fire." Little sleep was obtained on account of the "bugs and 
mosquitoes." When they reached the mountains they were very 
glad, as there had been heavy rains all night. On the 1st of 
August they " saw three hoops on a bush, and to one there re- 
mained long white hair." The next day they "came across 
several places where two poles, painted red, were stuck in the 
ground, in order to tye their prisoners." That night they reached 
"Shinglimuce"! (Clearfield), where they saw more painted sticks, 
and the missionary was saddened when he gazed upon the means 
the Indians made use of to "punish flesh and blood." 

After great suffering Mr. Post reached the Indian towns beyond 
the Ohio, and entered upon his mission. Among the leading 
chiefs he met was King Beaver. He also visited Fort Du Quesne. 
While he was at an Indian town on Beaver Creek he saw the 
captive girls, Barbara Leininger and Anne Marie le Roy, but pru- 

*The journal of this distinguished Moravian, which is very full and interesting, is 
printed in the third volume of the Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, beginning on 
the 520th page and ending on the 544th. Referred to in Colonial Records, Vol. VIII., 
pages 147-8, and also page 223. 

f Supposed to have been at what is now known as Newberry, in the Seventh Ward 
of Williamsport. Queen Margaret had a town here. The place where he "slept" 
is now the village of Linden, Lycoming County. 

XChinklecatnoose, corrupted from Acht-schingi-clamtne, signifying " it almost joins," 
in allusion to the Horseshoe Bend in the river at that place, whose extremities almost 
unite. — RHchel, Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society, page 19. 


dently did not converse with them. They speak of him in their 
narrative, on page 147 of this work. The French were much 
incensed at him, believing that he was a spy, and ordered the 
Indians to murder him. They also offered a large reward for his 
scalp. After enduring much suffering, and his life being in immi- 
nent danger all the time, he started on his return September gth, 
under the protection of six friendly Indians. They were obliged 
to travel secretly through the wilderness to escape from the Indi- 
ans that had been ordered by the French to pursue and capture 
him, and his guides were compelled to exercise all the sagacity 
they could command to elude their pursuers. They slept without 
fires and endured great suffering from hunger and the voracious 
insects. On the nth of September they crossed the Allegheny 
River, and that night they "slept on the side of a mountain, 
without fire, for fear of the Indians." It was a very cold night 
and Mr. Post suffered greatly, as he had " but a thin blanket." 
For the balance of the journey home we will let him relate his 
sufferings in his own words: 

I2th. — We made a Little fire to Warm Ourselves in the Morning, our horses began 
to be weary with Climbing up and down the Steep Mountains. 

We Came this Night to the tup of a Mountain where we found a Log house, here 
we Made a Small fire Just to boyl ourselves a Little Victuals, the Indians were very 
much Afraid, and Slept with their Gun and Tomahawk on all Night; they heard 
somebody Run and Whisper in the Night; I Slept Very Sound, and in the Morning 
they asked me if I was not Afraid the Indians would Kill me. I said no, I am not 
Afraid of the Indians nor the Devil himself, I fear Great Creator God ; ay, they said, 
you know you will go to a good place when you die, but we don't know that that 
makes us afraid. 

13th. — In the afternoon we twice crossed Chowatin and came to Ponchestanning* 
(an Old Town that lies on the same Creek), we went through a bad Swamp where 
was very thick sharp thorns, so that they tore our Clothes & flesh, both hands & face 
to a bad Degree; we had Such a Road all the Day, in the Evening we made a fire, 
and then they heard Something Rush in the Bushes as tho' they heard Somebody 
walk, then we went about three Gun shot from our fire, not finding a Place to lie 
Down for the Innumerable Rocks, that we were Obliged to get small stones to fill up 
the Hollow places in the Rocks for our Bed, but it was Very Uneasy, Almost Shirt 
and Skin grow together, they Kept Watch one after another all Night. 

14th. — We Came to Susquehanna, & Crost 6 times, & Came to Calamaweshink,f 
where had been an Old Indian Town; in the Evening there Came 3 Indians, and 

* Punxsutawny, in Jefferson County, 
j- Chinklecamoose. 


said they saw two Indian tracts where we Slept turn Back, so we were sure that they 
followed us. 

l6th & 17th. — We Crossed Over the big Mountain. 

l8th. — Came to the big Island, where we had nothing to live on, were Oblidg'd to 
lye to Hunt. 

19th. — We met With Twenty Warriors who were Returning from the Inhabitants, 
with five Prisoners & i Scalp, Six of them were Delawares, the Rest Mingoes, we sat 
Down all in one Ring together. I informed them where I had been & what was 
done, they asked me to go back a Little, and so I did, and Slept all night with them, 
and Inform'd them of the Particulars ; they said they did not know it, if they had, 
they would not have gone to war: be strong if you make a Good peace, then we will 
bring all the prisoners Back again; they Killed two Deer, & gave us one. 

20. — We took leave of each other and went on our Journey, & Came this Night. 

22d. — Arrived at Fort Augusta in the Afternoon, very Weary and Hungry, but 
Greatly Rejoiced at our return from this Tedious Journey. 

In several respects this journey was the most dangerous of any 
made by the early missionaries, as it not only involved great 
powers of endurance and suffering from hunger and exposure, 
but great care, coolness and sagacity. It is doubtful if any other 
man at that time but Frederick Post could have made the journey 

In the meantime the garrison at Fort Augusta was constantly 
kept on the alert. In a long letter, under date of July 19, 1758,* 
Captain Trump reported to Governor Denny that, with the few 
men left with him, he was doing the best he could to strengthen 
the works, but he had but one officer besides himself, and no 
ensign. Captain Montgomery had reached him on the i6th with 
three subalterns and sixty-two men, who were drafts out of several 
companies of the new levies. But he immediately met with 
another discouragement by receiving an order from General Forbes 
for Captain Robert Eastburn and Captain Paul Jackson with thirty- 
five men of each company to join him at Raystown. " This," adds 
the Captain, "is more than they have here." He was likewise 
ordered to " draught forty of the best men belonging to Colonel 
Burd's Battalion and send them to him (Forbes) with two offi- 
cers." This left but 143 men at the fort, and out of this number 
there were ten whose terms had expired, and they would not enlist 
again ; and, he added, " a great part of them that are left are blind, 

'See Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III., page 480, Old Series. 


lame,* sick, old and decrepit, not fit to be intrusted with any 
charge." The outlook for the commander was certainly gloomy 
when he had to depend on "blind and lame" soldiers to do garri- 
son duty! He had received four pieces of cannon from Philadel- 
phia, but as he had no one to make carriages for them, they were 
useless. He was also obliged to depend on Indians for intelligence 
of what was going on around him, and for this duty they expected 
pay. He had no drums to beat an alarm, as they had all been 
taken away. The work on the Indian store-house could not be 
carried on for lack of carpenters and tools, but he reported that 
he had fitted up one of the barracks, which would hold " a great 
quantity of skins." The trade in peltries at that time was great, 
as the Indians were constantly bringing them in to exchange for 
provisions and clothing. With such discouragements the Captain 
certainly had a serious time, and the wonder is that the enemy did 
not pounce on the fort, capture it and massacre the "halt and the 
blind" that were left to defend it! 

*In a private letter to Colonel Burd, under date of July 20, 1758, Captain Peter 
Bard, the Commissary, writes from Fort Augusta as follows : " I arrived here on the 
20th past, in company with Captains Eastburn and Jackson, and sixty-five men, being 
a detachment from each of their companies and four officers, and found 121 men in 
garrison, the leavings of the battalion ; some dragging their legs after them, others 
with their arms in slings, several sick. The garrison cuts a droll figure to what it 
formerly did. The 17th instant came here one Captain Montgomery with 62 men to 
relieve Eastburn and Jackson's companies. I think they exceed anything of men 
kind I ever saw. They look more like a detachment from the dead than the living. 
I vi'ould have given five pounds to have had Hogarth here when they were drawn up 
upon the parade, to have taken them off that I might have had the pleasure of giving 
you a view of them. Major Shippen wrote to the Captain (Montgomery) upon some 
complaint of the inhabitants, for his not going in quest of some Indians of whom 
they had discovered the tracks. It's my opinion that six Indian warriors would have 
scalped them all. They had six bullocks in charge for this garrison, and a mile from 
Hunter's they lost them all, they did not bring one to the fort. This day, march the 
Captains Eastburn and Jackson with their companies, to join you and forty picked 
men of your b.attalion, so I leave you to judge what a blessed corps we have got left. 
Captain Trump and Ensign Henry are all of the old officers here. The garden is 
the only thing that looks like itself, and that in a great measure has lost its relish with 
me for want of your good company. I saunter in it now and then like a lost sheep. 
We have great quantities of almost everything that is good in it, and I often wish 
you and the gentlemen at Raystown could partake of them. Our soldiers, who have 
their share, find great comfort from it. I believe we shall have no occasion to trouble 
our friends next year for seeds. Our young nursery grows charmingly, I can't for- 


From an official report* made by Captain Trump on the 1st of 
August, 1758, it appears that he had 169 men, 141 of whom were 
fit for duty. Captain Montgomery and himself were the only 
officers of this rank present, with two lieutenants, two ensigns, 
four sergeants and two drummers. Twenty-two men were in the 
hospital. At the same time Peter Bard, the Commissary, reported 
that there were in store 62,443 pounds of flour, twenty-eight bul- 
locks, ninety-one bushels of Indian corn and four barrels of salt. 
Many other items of camp and garrison equipage are embodied 
in the report, but as they were generally old and worthless, it 
would be a waste of space to enumerate them. At the same time 
Commissary Bard reported, separately, that there were twelve 
pieces of cannon at the fort, two swivels, seven blunderbusses and 
1 14 small arms, in good condition. They also had 704 cannon 
balls, 1,301 grape shot, twenty rounds of grape shot, thirty-five 
rounds of partridge shot, twenty -two barrels of powder, 1,883 
pounds of bullets and 617 pounds of bullets and swan shot. But 
with an inefficient force to handle the defensive weapons it is not 
likely that much resistance could have been made in case of an 

At the close of the }-ear 175S the condition of affairs had not 
improved at the fort, for we learn from Captain Trump's report 
that on December 1st he had 170 men, and out of this number 
123 were fit for duty. The same number of officers present were 
reported as were given in the last report. 

During the winter of 1759 a period of comparative quietness 
seems to have prevailed at the fort, which was no doubt caused 
by the operations of the Provincial forces on the western frontier. 
On the 13th of April, however. Captain Trump notified Governor 
Denny of the arrival of Job Chilloway at the fort, who brought 
information of the holding of a grand council of the Six Nations 
at Onondaga.f He was present, and it was opened by four chiefs, 

bear smiling as I am walking in the garden, to observe the great quantities of mari- 
golds you have planted — there is enough to make soup for your whole army." — Ship- 
pen Papers, page 124. 

*For the report in full see pages 502 and 503 of Vol. III., Pennsyk'ania 
Archives, Old Series. 

f See page 582, Vol. III., Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series. 


singing " the war song and handing round an uncommonly large 
war belt." It was his opinion that the Indians had de,cided to 
favor the French and were preparing to raid the white settlements. 
Permission had been given the French to pass through their 
towns and to commence the erection of a fort on the head-waters 
of the West Branch. From that point the descent of the river 
could easily be made on batteaux. Nearly one thousand warriors 
were assembled to be ready when the word was given to com- 
mence the work of slaughter and pillage. 

Sometime during the early part of this year John Shikellimy,* 
who had become estranged from the whites and behaved badly, 
visited the fort and appeared to be well disposed towards the 
Provincial Government. Governor Denny had sent him a string 
of wampum and solicited his attendance at a conference to be held 
at the fort. He also extended to him his hand, thanked him 
sincerely and greeted him as a friend. Shikellimy attended the 
conference, which was held for the purpose of considering the 
propriety of "cutting a roadf from the fronteer to Fort Augusta." 
It was claimed that this road would be a benefit to the Indians 
who came to the fort to trade at the store which was opened at 
their request. Shikellimy seemed to favor the project and prom- 
ised that he would acquaint the Onondaga council with what the 
Government proposed doing, and endeavor to obtain their consent. 
At the end of the conference, and when he was ready to set out 
for his home, he requested enough provisions to last him on the 
journey. Lieutenant Graydon, who appears to have been in com- 
mand at that time,I gave him lOO pounds of flour and a quantity 
of meat, when he started in good spirits. 

* He was the son of Shikellimy, the famous Indian King, and on the death of the 
latter, December 17, 1748, succeeded him as viceroy, but failed to command the 
same respect that his distinguished father did. 

f See letter of Richard Peters to commanding officer at Fort Augusta, Vol. III., 
page 727, Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series, and Lieutenant Graydon's reply, same 
volume, page 729. 

X The exact date when Lieutenant Graydon took command cannot be determined, 
as the early records are silent on the subject; but as Captain Trump made a report to 
Governor Denny on the 13th of April, 1759, and Graydon wrote concerning the con- 
ference under date of May 6th [Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III., page 729, Old 
Series), the time can be fixed within a few days. 


Nothing of any importance is reported to have transpired about 
the fort until July 12, 1762, when a great excitement was raised 
on account of a report that liquor was being furnished to the 
Indians secretly. The Indian agent informed Lieutenant Graydon 
that he had detected Colonel Burd's store-keeper selling liquor to 
the Indians, and that he had sufficient proof to convict him. He 
demanded of the commandant why his liquor had been seized. 
Graydon in his reply said that he was obliged to do so in accord- 
ance with the Governor's instructions. The store-keeper denied 
the truth of the charge. Graydon said that Colonel Burd's " good 
friend," Holland, "had been posted at a peephole, made in the 
wall in the adjacent house, from whence he could see in the Col- 
onel's store, and the proof is : That he saw some squaws in the 
house with the store-keeper and me (Graydon) ; that one of them 
asked for rum and shewed a dollar; that I went away. Then the 
store-keeper shut the door and delivered the squaws some rum."* 

Lieutenant Graydon admitted that he was in the house when 
the squaws were there, but did not stay long, and did not notice 
any of the circumstances charged, nor did he suspect the store- 
keeper of any intention of selling them liquor. But, he added, he 
did not know what might have occurred after he left. He inferred 
that the store-keeper suspected Colonel Burd of encouraging "this 
long continued practice," and had no doubt represented it in as bad 
a light as he could, to the prejudice of Colonel Burd. He there- 
fore deemed it best to enclose his opinion to Colonel Shippen, in 
a letter addressed to his sister in Philadelphia, so that she could 
hand it to the Commissioners, and his version of the affair would 
reach them simultaneously with the report that the agent had 
forwarded. The friends of Colonel Burd would then be apprised 
of what was going on and be prepared to defend him. 

In course of time an account of the affair was laid before 
Colonel Burd, who wrote from Lancaster to Colonel Shippen 
concerning it, under date of July 18, 1762, as follows: 

I am pestered with that fellow Nathaniel Holland, Clerk to the Indian Store at 
Fort Augusta. He has accused Mr. Dennis McCormack, ray clerk, for Issuing Pro- 
visions at that place, with having carried on a trade with the Indians, in Consequence 
of which he has seized all the Rum in Store, and he further says that this Clandestine 

*See Graydon's letter, page 88, Vol. IV., Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series. 


Trade is carried on by my Particular orders. Mr. HolLind has sent an Express to 
Philada., and Mr. McCormack has come down to me here, and in order that this let- 
ter may come to your hand soon and safe, I have sent him with it to you. 

Inclosed is Mr. McCormack's Deposition, which was taken here, as I intended to 
have sent him back to Augusta, if I could have forwarded my lettere by a safe hand 
to Philadelphia, but failing of this I am under the Necessity of sending himself. 

Now .Sir, as to a trade being carried on with the Indians By me, for me, by my 
Clerk, by the Officers, or Garrison of Fort Augusta, or in any manner, or way what- 
soever, at Fort Augusta, to my knowledge, I hereby declare to be absolutely False, & 
to the truth of this I am ready & willing to take my oath in any words that the Com- 
missioners, or even that Scoundrell Holland would Commit to paper, and further I 
can procure if Necessary the oaths of the Officers and Garrison of Augusta to the 
same purpose, & of every person living on the Susquehanna from Harris's to Augusta, 
that I never brought a skin or any other Indian Commodity whatever to their knowl- 
edge from Augusta. 

You will observe by the Deposition that Mr. McCormack did want of an Indian 
Squa a thin Indian dressed winter Skin to line a pair of plush britches for himself 
which he was getting; if this is the ground of the Complaint it must appear to His 
Hour the Govr & Commissrs to be intirely malitious in Holland, & not from a well 
grounded zeal of serving his Country. 

It Really vexes me much to be eternally plagued in this manner by Holland, and 
the more so that it is an accusation of the highest breatch of trust for me to break a 
well known Law of that Government whose bread I daily eat. 

I must therefore beg your friendly olTers in laying the state of the case clearly 
before the Governor if Necessary ; and if this affair is mentioned to my disadvantage, 
that you will represent it as it really is, & you are fully at liberty to show this letter 
to any Person whatsoever, as I shall support it in every particular, &c. 

From the tone of this letter it will be inferred that Colonel Burd 
was not in a very good humor over the charge when he wrote, but 
whether anything further grew out of the affair, and how it was 
finally arranged, does not appear upon the records of that time. 

From other reports, however, it seems that the illicit traffic in 
whisky was continued, if we may judge from the following extra- 
ordinary letter of complaint from Captain Jacob Orndt to Governor 
Denny : 

Fort Augusta, Sept. 17th, 1759. 
May it Piece your Honour: 

Sir: — By George Doms, Shoamaker, I have Rece'd his patition To your Honour 
for fourter Residince here, & as your Honour is plese to Requist wherin he has 
offended, and ray Displeshur to him, I must beg your excuess for giving a full Rela- 
tion of his Conduct since ray Recedince here, which was thus: 

A short time after my arrival at Fort Augusta, the Petitionir, George Dom, Came 
to me & Desired I would permit him to go Down in the Country and purchis some 
necessaris his wife wontid, as she was near her time, which I permitid him to Do, but 
as the same time possitively forbid him not to bring up any liquer, furter then for his 


family's use, as I had your Honour's orders that no sutler should be permitted to 
Seal goods or Liquer here without your Honour's licens; and he as the same Time 
Solrnly promised he should not offer to do any such things, yet, notwithstanding the 
above orders & his own promise, he went to Tulpehokin, prifitly braught a quantity of 
liquers and clendestinely sold the same to the Soldiers, and as the same time Contractid 
with men to bring him about 40 galons more; the person agreable to their agree- 
ment braught up the liquer a few days after. Mecomon's Store was lockt up, but 
when I got intiligind of there arrifel I order'd the men a halfe an hour to Refresh 
themselfes, & then to Retturn with there liquer, & not to offer to Dispose of it to any 
body here; nevertheless, the above George Dom again Transgresed my orders by 
Purchis these liquer, & had them conceled in the woods till he had an opportunyty to 
convey them to his house, as he lives outsid the fort ; and a few Days after these 
Josaph Nutimus, an Indian, came to me and complained that the same night a soldier 
from the quarter guard came with a Cantin full of Wiske to his wife and Daughter to 
make them Drink and to Debuts them, and if they were used so here, they are obliged 
to leve there Wifes and Children at home, and not to bring them Down any more; 
and a few nights after these, again the quarter guart was made Dronk & got a filing 
among themselfs, and when serch was made for the liquer it was found by the said 
George Dom and a Soldeir, a beager, which livet in the beak house, besaids George 
Dom. I orderid the liquer to be braught to the barxde & Store it; a short time 
after, the s'd George Dom Desired he might go Down and buy some lather, as the 
Taner had Disapoindit him in Sending it up, when I again orderid him not to bring 
any liquer up for use. Mr. Clark had the Store and was appoinded, but he Disregar- 
tid all orders and the welfare of the community, braught up a quantity of liquer and 
other goods from Reading. As soon as I was acquanitid of his arrifel and had 
braught up a quaintity of liquer again, I orderid him to Depart the garrison in Six 
Days' time. Before the exparation, a patition was presented to me, signed by some 
of the Soldiers in his behalf, to which I paid no Regard, as his ofiSnce had been so 
notorious, and when he found he must Depart the garrison he got the Inclosed letter 
write and was Drapt behind me as I pased to the gardain, by the content I appre- 
handed he intend to force arisedent by Raysing muteny in the garrison, and as soon 
as I had Read the letter I orderid the whole garrison under arms and told them I had 
your Honour's orders to prevent any person seling liquer to the garrison without his 
honour's license and asked them if they intended to Raise a Muteny to settle such 
vilain here to abuse the country by selling liquer to the guard to Disable them from 
there Duty, and said that I was astonised they should pretend to say they must suffer in 
not having there shoas mentid when there is three shoamakers in the garrison, being 
solders and had materials, & both made & Mentid the Shoas for the garrison, and the 
s'd george Dom had behaved in so base a manner, I orderid him to leve the garrison 
the next Day, but permited his wife to Stay til she was able to Travel and in these I 
think I have obaid fuly your Honour's order and Don my Duty. 

And as there has been Severil familys here which wer not of the garrison & levet 
here an had no promission, braught up for there support, and I could not learn that 
the where any service to the garrison, I have orderid them to leave these, for I have 
obsearved that they are more hurt to the countrey than binifet. 
I am, Your Honour's most 

obedient Humble Servent, 



This letter shows that a state of demorahzation must have 
existed in and about the garrison at that time which was discredit- 
able to the service. The report of Captain Orndt evidently had a 
marked effect on Governor Denny, as, in a letter * dated Septem- 
ber 5th, and addressed to , he calls attention to it and says 

that it " is of a very extraordinary nature," and he fears that "bad 
consequences may happen from the mutinous disposition of the 
soldiers." He expressed a wish to have the garrison relieved, 
"and, if an additional number of soldiers could be spared," he 
would favor making the force stronger on account of the import- 
ance of the post. It does not appear to whom the Governor 
addressed his letter, but it was probably Colonel Burd. Neither 
does it appear how Captain Orndt f came to be acting in an official 
capacity at that time, unless the commander was temporarily 

Owing to some dissatisfaction. Governor Denny retired from 
the office of Lieutenant Governor in October, 1759, and was suc- 
ceeded by James Hamilton, who served again in that capacity 
until 1763. 

The death of King George the H. occurring on the 24th of Octo- 
ber, 1759, a proclamation was in due time issued to the Colonies 
announcing the accession of George the HI., and trusting that he 
would be respected and obeyed as their sovereign. 

Soon after Governor Hamilton took charge of the affairs of the 
Province the Assembly became impressed with the idea of aban- 
doning Fort Augusta, which caused much feeling among the 
settlers. This movement, it is supposed, was brought about by 
the mutinous disposition that had been shown by the garrison, 
caused by the clandestine traffic in whisky. Better counsels pre- 
vailed and the proposition for abandoning the post was dropped. 
General Amherst, in a letter to Governor Hamilton, under date 
of January 18, 1761, commended him for his zeal "in not dis- 

*Page 686, VoL IIL, Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series. 

f Captain Jacob Orndt was commander of Fort Allen for several months, when he 
was entrusted with other military duties at Reading and Easton. It does not appear 
when he was sent to Fort Augusta, or for what purpose. His commission as captain 
is dated December 10, 1757, and on the 2d of June, 1758, he was promoted to the 
rank of major. 


banding the small garrison at Fort Augusta." The General 
expressed a hope that in a further conference with the Assembly 
he might be able to impress upon them the necessity of retaining 
the old garrison, as he had no regular troops to put in their place. 

June 13, 1762, Governor Hamilton addressed a letter to Joseph 
Shippen, informing him that he had received intelligence from the 
Indian country which made it necesisary for him to re-inforce* the 
garrison at Fort Augusta with men and provisions, and that there 
was no time to lose. He therefore forwarded blank recruiting 
orders and commissions, and directed him to proceed at once to 
Lancaster in order to forward the service. And when he had 
succeeded in recruiting a force of men he was to proceed at once 
to Harris' Ferry, and collect together at that place, or at Fort 
Hunter, as many " battoes " and canoes as would be required for the 
transportation of the provisions and ammunition which would be 
sent immediately from Philadelphia. As the case was urgent, he 
was instructed to hire as many "battoemen" as would be requisite 
for the service. 

Captain Shippen was further instructed that in case he received 
intelligence of the enemy's design of attacking Fort Augusta, and 
it should appear to him to be necessary that a re-inforcement of 
men was required without delay for the defense of the post, and 
before the recruits could be raised, as was intended, "to collect 
and hire as many of the frontier inhabitants as he could get — not 
exceeding ninety — and fit them out with arms and ammunition 
and allow them soldiers' pay while they were in the service, and 
order them to march with the utmost expedition to Augusta and 
put themselves under the orders of the commanding officer there 
until they shall be discharged or relieved by the soldiers to be 

It is a singular fact that no monthly reports of the condition of 
the garrison, or the quantity of provisions on hand, were after- 
wards made. If such reports were made they do not appear in 
the published volumes of the official records of that period. It is 
likely that they were made, but were mislaid and lost. 

*See page 82, Vol. IV.^ Pennsylvania Archives, Old Series. 




COLONEL BURD returned to Fort Augusta on Saturday, 
February i6, 1760, and noted in his journal that he found 
Lieutenant Graydon and thirty-six men. There were " Uttle stores, 
no tools, and everything much out of order." On the 17th he 
held a conference with John Shikellimy and delivered him a string 
of wampum from Conrad Weiser. This day he also held a court- 
martial for the trial of Sergeant Thomson on the charge of " en- 
couraging the old garrison to mutiny," but the finding of the 
court is not given. On the morning of the 19th the old garrison 
" marched off" 

John Lykens reached the fort on the 26th with letters to Col- 
onel Burd from the Governor. The former then notified " Mr. 
Holland to acquaint all the chiefs of the Indians that he had a 
message to deliver to them," and wished to know if they would 
visit his house the ne.xt day. At first they sent word that they 
would see him the ne.xt afternoon, but before the time arrived he 
received another mes.sage from the Indians informing him that 
they would not go into the fort to his house, as they feared he 
would "cut them off." A message was returned stating that he 
had no such intention, but to show his good faith he promised to 
meet them at the Indian store. This was satisfactory to them and 
the conference was held at the store. Among those present were 
" Colonel Hugh Mercer, Ensign Graydon, Ensign Morgan, Na- 
thaniel Holland " and some nine Indians. The conference related 
to the murder of Doctor John and an Indian boy. The procla- 
mation of the Governor regarding the matter was read, and the 
Indians informed that proper efforts would be made to find the 
murderers, and if caught they would suffer in the same manner as 


if they had killed an English family. This satisfied the Indians, 
and they soon afterwards departed to carry the news to their chiefs 
and tribes. 

On the 3d of March the Colonel notes in his journal that an 
Indian attempted to kill Nathaniel Holland, but he marched out 
with the guard and prevented it. It seems that the Indians did not 
feel very warmly towards this man. He was the store-keeper, 
which may account for their dislike of him. Store-keepers and 
agents are unpopular with the Indians even to this day. 

As soon as Colonel Burd had finished his business at Fort 
Augusta he departed, and on the 6th of July we find him at 
Pittsburg "with the Pennsylvania regiment." On the 4th of 
November he arrived at Lancaster on his return and dined Gen- 
eral Bouquet and Major Gates. 

Nothing further is heard of Colonel Burd until June 5, 1763, 
when we find him at Fort Augusta again, and he notes in his 
journal that he had "begun" again that day. Lieutenant Samuel 
Hunter was in command. This is the first mention of this dis- 
tinguished officer, who afterwards bore such a conspicuous part in 
affairs about Fort Augusta. 

June 6th Colonel Burd "was informed by an Indian, who pro- 
fessed great friendship for the English," that he feared it would 
soon be veiy bad for him and the garrison, and he was cautioned 
to be on the alert. If the Indians and French attacked the fort 
and were successful, he was warned that no quarter would be 
given. He immediately ordered reveille to beat at day-break and 
all the garrison to be under arms and repair to the bastions pre- 
pared to resist any attack that might be made. Twelve men, with 
a sergeant and corporal, were ordered to mount guard, with a 
sentinel in each bastion, and all persons passing after " retreat " 
were to be challenged. The gates were ordered to be closed at 
dusk and the corporal was to visit the sentinels every half hour. 
The fact of a number of Indians coming to the store about this 
time and wanting to exchange all their peltries for powder, gave 
cause for suspicion that all was not right. Lieutenant Hunter's 
fears were further increased on the 8th by receiving a message 
from " Telenemut," an Indian living a short distance up the West 


Branch, warning him to be upon his guard, for he (the Indian) 
did not know at what moment the place might be attacked. As 
a further precaution all those living outside the fort were ordered 
to repair inside immediately, and an express was dispatched after 
Colonel Burd, who appears to have departed, giving him infor- 
mation of the apprehended danger. Settlers living in the neigh- 
borhood were warned to repair to the fort with their families for 
protection, which they did. Almost a panic seemed to prevail 
among the garrison and people in anticipation of danger. All 
the small arms were gathered up and charged for immediate use, 
so that each man might have " two or three by him " in case of 
danger. On the gth no Indians came to the store to deal, which 
was another suspicious circumstance, and increased the apprehen- 
sions of trouble. John Shikellimy arrived in his canoe on the 
I ith, and he promised to be on the alert and give early infor- 
mation of the approach of an attacking party. Colonel Burd, 
who was on a mission to Wyoming, also sent a warning message 
to the commander, and preparations for defense were increased. 
But, much to the relief of the garrison and refugees, no attack 
was made, and about 9 o'clock in the evening of the 15th Lieu- 
tenant Graydon and a small party arrived and he assumed 

The former orders by Lieutenant Hunter were continued, and, 
as a small re-inforcement had arrived, ten men were stationed in 
each bastion. The work of strengthening the fort was also contin- 
ued. Colonel Burd, Captain McKee and several others arrived in 
the evening of the i8th of June, which had the effect of inspiring 
the command with more confidence. The Colonel im'mediately 
assumed command, and on the 25th a conference with a number 
of Indians was held at the "agent's store." While the speeches 
were being delivered all the garrison was under arms. On the 
26th a large convoy of provisions was received, with "33 quarter 
casks of gunpowder and a cask of lead." The next day Colonel 
Burd served as " officer of the guard." 

Matters became so serious about this time that orders were 
issued " that no soldier belonging to the garrison, or any person 
within it," should have "any dealings with Indians on any pretence 


On the 29th of June the work of building a " covert way to the 
river" was commenced, and three houses at the south end of the 
town were pulled down. The con.struction of this " covered way " 
was for the purpose of obtaining water in case of siege, and also 
to facilitate the landing of parties from canoes with safety. That 
it was built there is no doubt, for under date of June 30th it is 
noted in the journal that an order was issued directing " every 
one passing through either of the barrier gates to shut them to 
prevent catde from getting into the covert way,* and also to walk- 
on it as near the pickets as they can." It was this secret passage 
which doubtless gave rise to the stories, in later years, that it led 
from the magazine to the river. It was built a short distance 
above where the magazine stood, and was very likely entered from 
one of the angles of the fort. When the fort was dismantled and 
torn down the covered way to the river was among the first things 

Nothing remarkable occurred up to Friday, July i, 1763, when 
an Indian named John Orby, who was with the garrison, informed 
Colonel Burd that while he was " lying at his fire-place by himself," 
an Indian stepped up, threw some dirt upon him and aroused him. 
This Indian, who was named Wingenam, informed him that he 
and two other Indians had been sent from Allegheny to view the 
fort, and that they had been around it. This alarming intelligence 
caused the Colonel to issue an order that upon the first alarm the 
women in the garrison should repair to the well with all the buckets 
and vessels they could collect and fill them with water, and ren- 
der all the assistance they could. On the i6th the Colonel noted 
that he had commenced tearing down the Indian trading house 
and taking the materials into the fort. Monday, the 1 8th, " two 
young fellows of French Margaret's family" arrived and wanted 
to make purchases, alleging that they were going to hunt at 
" Mockintongo," but 'on being refused they returned home much 

About this time a device known as the " crowfoot " was adopted 
by the commander of Fort Augusta to punish the Indians who 
were constantly prowling about in the bushes, lying in ambush to 

••See page 437, Vol. VII., Pennsylvania Archives, New Series. 


pick the sentinels off with their rifles, or to pounce upon small 
parties sent out some distance from the fort. It is said the first 
lot was obtained from England. They 
were strewn along the paths, and in the 
woods and swamps most infested by the 
wily foe and did effective service. When 
thrown upon the ground one of the barbed 
J \" prongs * of this deadly device always point- 

-^^^ ed upward, and when stepped upon would 

A* penetrate the soft moccasin and foot of the 
Caltrop or Crowfoot. unsuspecting foe, aud as it had to be cut 

out, the rusty thorn would produce a wound terribly painful, if 
not fatal in its results. After the country was cleared up they 
were found upon the hills miles away, where the suffering bar- 
barian had doubtless halted to get relieved from his torture. 

Whilst it is possible that the first of these deadly implements 
were brought from England, it is also quite probable that many 
were made by the blacksmith at the garrison, as very little skill 
was required to produce them. They were made of iron (possi- 
bly heavy wire) by welding two pieces together crosswise, then 
bending the prongs, which were from one and a half to two inches 
long, so that no matter how dropped one prong, with its sharp 
point, would always stand erect, and these prongs being barbed 
like a fish-hook, made them truly a formidable weapon. 

When the settlers came after peace was declared, their cattle 
and horses frequently stepped upon them and death from locked-jaw 
often resulted, so that they were carefully hunted up and stored 
away in barrels in the passage way leading to the old magazine, 

*The words caltrop, c^throp and calthorp appear to have been derived from the 
Anglo-Sa.xon word caltrappe, the name of the star thistle [centaurea calcitrapa), a 
native of Southern Britain and Europe, and from which the modern word " crowfoot" 
has no doubt been corrupted. The oldest implement referred to and described in history 
under the name of caltrop, etc., was used in military warfare by the Romans and 
other ancient nations. It was a four-pronged piece of iron, each prong about four 
inches in length. When it was desired to check the appro.ich of the enemy's cavalry 
over a plain, or of his besiegers in the ditch of a fortification, caltrops were some- 
times thrown down and would work terrible mischief to the enemy's horses or men. 
The ancient caltrop is pictured as being very sharply pointed, but not barbed, as is the 
case with the modern "crowfoot." — J. H. McMinn. 


from where they were afterwards obtained as vakied relics and 
scattered far and wide. M. L. Hendricks, the antiquarian, says 
that when he was prosecuting his searches about the ruins of the 
fort, he discovered two barrels filled with these implements, that 
had been covered with earth, and a small tree was growing above 
them. These implements are very scarce now and are highly 
prized as relics. A few specimens may be found in the collections 
of our local antiquarians and in the hands of other persons. 

July I, 1763, Lieutenant Hunter noted in the records of the fort 
"that Lieutenant Graydon, Mr. Carmalt, Balzer Geer & John Dean, 
went down to the mill in a canoe." This is the first mention of a 
mill in this locality, but as he does not state where it was situated, 
we are left to infer that it was at Hunter's. A few days later 
a re-inforcement of twenty-nine men, of Colonel Work's company, 
arrived in charge of Lieutenant Hendricks. 

Friday, July 28th, Colonel Burd was informed by Job Chilloway 
that a great council had been held at Onondaga, and that he would 
soon have information as to the result. At the same time he 
learned that " Shamochan Daniel, with 18 Indians, had struck" 
Sherman and Path valleys on the Juniata and killed a great many 
white people. This same marauding party had intended invading 
Berks County, but the friendly Indians on the east side of the 
Susquehanna had stopped them. In the meantime the work of 
putting the fort in a better condition was continued. A picket 
guard was kept outside all the time, and the cattle, which were 
driven out in the morning to graze, were brought in at night. 
An order was also issued "that no soldier, woman or child" 
should go into the garden upon any pretence, unless by the par- 
ticular order of the officer. When anything was wanted out of 
the gai-den application was to be made to the gardener, who would 
deliver it. A guard of twelve men, under the command of a ser- 
geant and corporal, was held in readiness all the time, with their 
arms and accoutrements, to move outside quickly when an alarm 
was given. Sunday, August 7th, Andrew Montour arrived from 
the West Branch and informed Colonel Burd that Pittsburg and 
Ligonier had been taken by the Indians, and that the savages 
were watching every movement of General Bouquet since he had 
marched from Carlisle, and that they were determined to attack 


him. On the loth Lieutenant Blythe reported the arrival of a 
.small re-inforcement with a convoy of provisions. At 3 o'clock 
in the morning of the 20th of August Colonel Burd and a small 
party set out in two canoes for Harris' Landing, for the purpose 
of attending to other important business relating to Provincial 

The western expedition by the Provincial forces was anxiously 
watched, not only by the small garrison at the fort, but by the 
few settlers along the river and in the adjacent valleys. Much 
depended on the success of this military movement. If it failed 
this portion of the Province would no doubt be overrun by 
hordes of savages, and the settlers would either be butchered or 
carried into captivity. Fort Augusta, which had already cost a 
great deal of money, could not expect to hold out much longer, 
and once in the hands of the enemy, they would have a strong 
position from which to direct operations, besides being in closer 
communication with the forts along the Canadian border. 

If General Bouquet's expedition succeeded, peace would cer- 
tainly follow in a short time, and the people would be relieved 
from the anxiety which now distressed them. But his movements 
were necessarily slow on account of the great difficulties that had 
to be overcome in penetrating the wilderness. Provisions had to 
be provided and transported over horrible roads, which caused 
great delay. Whilst waiting to hear from the expedition, it can 
readily be imagined what suspense and anxiety prevailed among 
the people on the Susquehanna. 

On the 31st of August Captain Graydon and a party of twelve 
men arrived from below, bearing the joyful tidings that General 
Bouquet had finally reached Fort Du Quesne and that the out- 
look was encouraging. This caused much rejoicing among the 
officers and men, and the settlers also shared in the good news. 
In due time the news was confirmed, when everybody experienced 
great relief of mind and set about making plans for the future. 




WE now come to another important epoch in the history of 
the West Branch Valley, in which events of a startling 
and bloody character will crowd upon us. A description of the 
trying and exciting times at Fort Augusta have occupied much 
space, but it was necessary that they should be given in their 
order to complete the record. Lieutenant Samuel Hunter, who 
will hereafter occupy a conspicuous position in affairs at the fort, 
now comes upon the stage as the chief actor. Under date of 
Thursday, August 25, 1763, he makes the following entry in his 

this day at Twelve o'clock, Capt. Patterson, George Allen & Capt. Bedford arrived 
here vv-ith a party of 114 men, on their way to destroy some Indian Towns about 
sixty miles up the west Branch from here, they set of again the same day, all in 
great spirits, fair.* 

On the subsequent day, the 26th, Lieutenant Hendricks made 
this entry in the records of the fort : " Nothing extraordinar}^ 
Fair." Saturday, August 27th, Lieutenant Blythe makes the fol- 
lowing important entry f over his own name: 

About Twelve o'clock, Capt. Patterson & Capt. Bedford came Back here, and 
seventy six of their party, they were Disapointed of their scheme, in cuting some 

* Lieutenant Graydon also left a note on recoi-d concerning the party. He says 
that it appeared on the Blue Hill side of the river, and three men came over to the 
fort and reported that they were from Cumberland County, that there were fifty in the 
expedition. They claimed that their object was to look at the land on the river 
and at the Great Island, where some of them proposed to settle. The Lieutenant 
could not imagine what the object of the visit was, but as the party made many 
inquiries about Indians, he suspected that they had a design against them. The 
names of the men visiting the fort were: John Woods, James McMein and James 

f See page 442, Vol. VII., Pennsyivania Archives, New Series. 


of the Indian Towns up the West Branch for about Thirty miles from here, they fell 
in with a strong party of Indians comeing to War, which had the first fire of our 
men, but they. Returning the fire Briskly and advancing upon the Enemy, made them 
give way, but did not think it proper to follow them any furder, haveing some of 
their men killed, and the wounded they could not leave, as it was near night, so 
tacked about & march'd all night through the woode. the Indians followed them 
and fired upon them about Ten O'Clock at night, but did them no harm. George 
Allen &■ John Wood, with Twenty six of the party, was separated from C. Patterson 
& Bedford in the night, and did not come here till five O'Clock in the afternoon, and 
on their way came up with three Indians comeing from Bethelam. After dealing 
their peltry, took them prisoners, but comeing nigh this place, thought proper to kill 
& scalp them, and brought all their Goods & Horses along with them here, they got 
in all, four Indians scalps— one at the field of Battle, & them Allen brought, there 
was four of our men killed, & four more wounded very bad. 

This refers to what in subsequent years was known as the 
" Battle of Muncy Hills." For a long time the particulars of this 
exciting affair remained in such obscurity that many came to 
believe that nothing of the kind ever occurred; or if there was 
a fight, it was such a commonplace affair as not to warrant a 
prominent place in the annals of those times. Many years ago, 
however, careful, industrious research on the part of the late Hon. 
Thomas Wood,* of Muncy, developed the particulars of the battle 
as briefly alluded to in the statement of Lieutenant Blythe. 

When the author of the History of the West Branch Valley was 
gathering materials in 1855 for the first edition of his work, he was 

* Hon. Thomas Wood was the son of William Wood and Grezel Dunlap. He 
was born January 21, 1810, near Thompsontown, Juniata County, Pa., and when four 
years old (1814) his parents removed to Muncy Valley. His ancestry has many his- 
torical associations. His great-great-grandfather, Captain John Wood, fought under 
King Wilham at the battle of the Boyne, in 1690, and was rewarded for gallantry 
with a grant of an estate in County Cavan, Ireland. His great-grandfather, James 
Wood, came to America in 1731, and settled in Cumberland County, Pa. His grand- 
father, George Wood, removed to Juniata County, where his father, William Wood, 
was born in 1776. His maternal grandfather, John Dunlap, was a Revolutionary sol- 
dier, belonging to the Pennsylvania Line, was mortally wounded at the battle of 
Chestnut Hill, taken prisoner by the British, and died within a few days in Philadel- 
phia. His maternal grandmother, Robina Orr, was a member of the famous On- 
family of the North of Ireland, which met with such terrible persecutions at the hands 
of the British government for being Irish patriots in the rebellion of 1798. Thomas 
Wood married, in 1834, Margaret, eldest daughter of Col. Jacob Beeber, one of the 
early settlers in the Muncy Valley. He represented Lycoming County in the Assembly, 
at Harrisburg, during the session of 1S54-55. He died February 12, 1884, aged 74 


unable to learn anything positive relating to the affair. According 
to tradition a severe battle between the whites and Indians had 
taken place somewhere on the path crossing Muncy Hills from 
Warrior Run to Warrior Spring.* No written account of the 
affair was then known to exist in the neighborhood, and the verbal 
report was so much blended with uncertainty that it was received 
with caution and but brief reference made to the event. The early 
pioneers who lived in the vicinity in those troublous times had 
passed away, and their immediate descendants had been educated 
more particularly in the use of the rifle than that of the pen for re- 
cording the exploits of their fathers. Nor could any official report 
of such expedition be found among the Colonial papers, conse- 
quently the author made a point of being content with that only 
which he deemed reliable. 

Mr. Wood, however, still entertained an idea that something im- 
portant had occurred in the vicinity of the place where vague tradi- 
tion pointed, and he pursued his inquiries for years for the purpose 
of developing the facts, if any existed. The absence of any account 
of the affair from the records was singular and increased his de- 
sire to solve the mystery. Finally, after patient inquiry and in- 
vestigation, his labors were rewarded by discovering a copy of an 
old book entitled Loudon's Indian Narratives, -^ published at Car- 
lisle in 1 80S, by Archibald Loudon, which gives two detailed ac- 
counts of this battle, as well as the cause, and the unhappy occur-. 

* This famous spring was located on the bank of the river near what is now the 
village of Port Penn, a short distance West of the borough of Muncy. It was 
drowned out by the pool of Muncy dam when the canal was built. The waters of the 
spring flowed into what were known as the Muncy Ripples, which were a famous 
landmark in the river at that time. These ripples consisted of a descent of several 
feet in passing the limestone formation which crosses near where Warrior Spring 
issued from the east batik, and were perhaps one mile in length. During low stages 
of water they could be crossed by wading, and were (in places), in later years, ob- 
structed by coffer dams of stone for fishing, and water power for Shane"s mill. The 
Warrior Spring flowed into these ripples from heads beneath the limestone ledge at 
different places on the bar, from the bank of the river. The spring and ripples are 
now hidden by the pool of the dam. The spring was a favorite place of resort for the 
Indians, and parties of them frequently encamped for some time by its side. 

f This exceedingly rare and curious publication consists of two small volumes, and 
the account of the battle is found in volume II., page 184. The only copy known to 
be in e.xistence at the present day is in the State Library, at Harrisburg, and it is 
guarded with extreme care. 


reiice which took place the next day among a detachment of the 
party engaged. 

The historical statement alluded to is well sustained by docu- 
mentary evidence, and the narratives are quoted herewith in full: 

The following Narrative we had from one of the men who was at the 
hattle of muncy, on whose veracity we can depend. 

In the year 1755, Peter Shaver, John Savage, and two other men were killed at 
the mouth of Shaver's Creek on Juniata by the Indians. February, 1756, a party of 
Indians from Shemoken came to Juniata; the first place they came to was Hugh 
Mitcheltrees, who was gone to Carlisle, and had got a young man of the name of 
Edward Nicholous to stay with his wife until he would return. The Indians killed 
them both. The same party of Indians went up the river where the Lukens's now 
live; William Wilcox at the time lived on the opposite side of the river, whose wife 
and eldest son had come over the river on some business ; the Indians came while 
they were there and killed old Edward Nicholous and Thomas and Catharine Nicho- 
lous and John Wilcox. James Armstrong's wife and two children prisoners. 

An Indian named James Cotties who wanted to be Captain of this party, when 
they did not choose him he would not go with them. He and a boy went to Shear- 
man's Creek, and killed William Sheridan and his family thirteen innuraber; they then 
went down the creek to where three old persons lived, two men and a woman of the 
name of French, which they also killed, of which he often bo.isted afterwards that 
he and the boy took more scalps than the whole party. 

In the year 1757 the same Cotties went to Hunter's fort, seven miles from Harris- 
burg, and killed a young man of the name of William Martin, under a chestnut tree, 
gathering chestnuts. After the war was over he came to Hunter's fort again and made 
his boast what a good friend he had been to the white people in the time of the war. 
At the same time another Indian who had been friendly to the inhabitants the time of 
the war named Ilambus, said he was a liar, for that he had done all the mischief he 
could, upon which the two Indians began to fight, but the white people parted them. 
Hambus told him that he had killed Martin within sight of the spot where they now 
stood. The same day Cotties got drunk and fell asleep on a bench; when Hambus 
saw that he was asleep he struck his tomahawk into his head and killed him.* 

In September 1763, about one hundred of us went up to lake the Indian town at 
the Great Island, and went up to Fort Augusta where we sent a man forward to see 
whether Andrew Montm-e was there, but he was not; he asked where he was and was 

* Captain Peter Bard, in a letter from Fort Augusta to Colonel Burd, at Raystown, 
under date of July 20, 1758, thus refers to this affair: "Jem Cottes and his brother, 
two Indians, went from here some time since hunting, and opposite Captain McKee's, 
they being on an island, discovered about thirty Indian warriors going down towards 
the inhabitants; upon which they made the best of their way to the fort, and informed 
Captain Trump that evening, and he sent them and one of our men down in a canoe 
to acquaint Lieutenant Broadhead, whom we expect up with the party, and to alann 
the inhabitants; and at Hunter's Hambus and Jem Cottes quarreled, and the former 
killed the latter." — Shippen Papers, page 126. 


told he had gone to the plantation. We had apprehended that Monture knew of our 
coming and had gone to inform the Indians at the town called Great Island, or 
Monsey town, and when we got to the fort the officers that lay there wanted to per- 
suade us not to go over, as the Monsey Indians were friendly to the white people. 
But as this was contradicted by some, we concluded to go. When we had crossed 
the river we saw Monture coming down in a canoe with a hog and some corn which 
he had brought from his plantation. When he came near we called to him, upon 
which he landed and enquired our business, which we told him, and asked his advice 
whether it was proper to proceed or not. He said they were bad Indians and that 
we might use them as we pleased. We went that night to Monture's plantation,* and 
next morning crossed the Monsey hill, and discovered fires, where the Indians lay the 
night before. Here we consulted whether to proceed or not; at length WilHam 
Patterson turned back, and we followed. When arrived at the top of the Monsey 
hill, we met with a party of Indians which we engaged; had two men killed, and four 
wounded, two of which died that night. W^e then went and secreted the dead bodies 
in a small stream to prevent their being discovered by the enemy. By that time it 
was night, and we went on about twenty perches, where the Indians fired on us from 
behind the point of a hill. About twelve of us ran up the hill when we heard them 
running, but could not see them. We then came back to where they had fired on us 
at first, and found that the rest of our party were gone. We heard somebody coming 
after, stopped to see who it was ; George Allen and two or three more of our men 
came up to us. We chose Allen to pilot us into the path, which he undertook to do ; 
but after traveling along the side of Monsey hill with much difficulty, until midnight, 
I told him we were going the wrong road ; he told me if I knew the road better to go 
before. We then directed our course southward until near daybreak, when we came 
to a path, which Allen informed us led to the Great Island and crossed the North 
branch to Iskepeck falls; in this path we traveled until daylight, when we saw a 
smoke, and proceeding ten or twelve perches we saw some Indians sitting around 
a fire. I then turned to the right into the woods, and some of our men followed me 
and some went on in the path till the Indians saw them, and seized their guns; we 
then raised our guns to fire, but the Indians cried don't shoot brothers, don't shoot ! 
we answered we will not if you do not ; we then went up to them and asked where 
they had been; they said they had been at the Moravian town buying goods; we told 
them we had an engagement the evening before with some of their people; they said 
it was impossible, as there were no Indians at the Great Island but a few old men 
and boys, the rest having all gone out a hunting; I told them I knew better; that 
they were gone to Tuscarora and Shearman's Valley to kill the white people; that we 
had been waylaid at Buffalo creek by them and had five men killed and one wounded ; 
that James Patterson's shot pouch and powder horn had been found near the place, 
and he was a Great Island Indian, and they must come with us. The three Indians 
began to tremble, and leaving the victuals they were preparing, proceeded with us. 

After we had traveled a short distance, I asked George Allen what we should do 
with the prisoners; he said we would take them to the fort and deliver them up to the 
commander; I told him if we do that perhaps they will let them go, or send them to 
Philadelphia, and where they would be used better than ourselves by the Quakers, 
and you know what a defeat I got a few weeks ago at Buffalo creek, where five of 

''Near the mouth of Chillisquaque Creek. 


my neighbors were killed and I had hard running to save my own life; I have de- 
clared revenge on the first Indian that I saw, and am glad that the opportunity now 
offers; " Why," said Allen, "would you kill them yourself, for you can get no person 
here to help you ; " " there is enough," said I, " that will help me to kill them." " Where 
will you kill them," said Allen; I told him on the hill that is before us, which lies 
between the two branches of the Susquehanna river, near the North branch.* When 
we came to the top of the hill the prisoners asked liberty to eat some victuals, which 
we allowed them; they directed us to where we might find it among their baggage; 
we went and found it, and gave it to them. While they were eating we concluded 
who would shoot at them; there were six of us willing to shoot; tying then to each 
prisoner, and as soon as they were done eating we told them to march on before 
us, and when they had gone about thy-ty yards, we fired at them and the three fell, 
but one of them named George Allen, after the George Allen that was with us, was shot 
only through the arm, and fell with that arm uppermost and bloodied his body, which 
made us believe that he was shot through his body; but after he was scalped, having 
a good pair of leggins on, one of the men had staid behind to take them off; before 
he could get any but one, the Indian started up and ran; the man was surprised at his 
raising from the dead, and before he could get any assistance he had made his escape. 
He afterwards told, that running down the hill he fell asleep, that after he recovered 
he got up to run, but the skin of his face, the scalp being off, came down over his eyes 
so that he could not see ; he then took off the leggin that was left, and bound it round 
his face, and when he came to a spring he took the cold moss of the stones, laid it on 
his head to keep the hot sun from beating in upon his brains, and made out to get to 
the Great Island, when he recovered. He threatened to take revenge on George 
Allen, his namesake, and James Gallaher, not that they were worse than the others, 
but because they were the only persons he was acquainted with ; it, however, so hap- 
pened that he never had them in his power. 

Another account in the same work is as follows : 

It was generally believed if there could be an expedition sent out to destroy some 
of the Indian towns, and to annoy them in their own country, it would be the most 
effectual method to keep them from murdering and massacreing the inhabitants; ac- 
cordingly a company of volunteers turned out to the amount of about one hundred 
men, and marched up the Susquehanna as far as Monsey, and at the foot of a hill of 
that name they spied some Indians. They held a council what was best to be done; 
one of the men who had been a captive with them for nine years, advised them to re- 
turn on the path they came, for the Indians would take round them and come upon 
their rear, and take them upon disadvantageous ground ; they had not retreated far till 
they met the Indians, and a smart battle ensued, which lasted till dark. The Indians 
were in two companies and one of their captains called Snake was killed ; and when 
his party found their leader was killed they moved off. WTien night came on the 

*From this description it would appear that the spot where this atrocious crime 
was committed was located well up on the hill in the rear of the borough of Nor- 
thumberland. However bad many of the Indians were, there is no excuse for this 
murder, save an insatiable desire to wreak vengeance on all redskins; and in carrying 
it out the innocent were made to suffer for the guilt of others. Is it any wonder that 
the evil passions of the Indians were aroused and that they retaliated so savagely ? 


white men retired a small distance and lay down to take a little rest. The Indians 
came round and posted themselves in a thicket a few perches from the white men; 
they were so near that they heard them cocking their guns, and directly they fired on 
the white men, who were about to return the fire, when the captive above mentioned 
called not to fire, for if they should empty their guns the Indians would rush up with 
their tomahawks. The white men and Indians lay that near that they could speak to 
each other; the Indians hearing some of our wounded making some moaning, called 
to them that some of them was very sick ; our men replied that they would serve some 
of them as they had done the Snake. However, the Indians did not choose to risk 
another battle, but moved off, and ours came home and brought the wounded. How 
many was killed we cannot tell. 

It was generally believed that this little can^aign proved of great service to the in- 
habitants. It was supposed that these two companies of Indians were on their way 
down to murder and massacre the inhabitants when the men met them. 

It will be .seen by the foregoing extracts that this battle was 
fought in September, 1763, over one hundred and twenty-five 
years ago, by a volunteer company of about one hundred men 
from Lancaster and Cumberland counties, sent by the settlers into 
the Indian country to chastise the savages for the numerous mur- 
ders and depredations committed by them on the frontier settle- 
ments of those counties. This expedition was undertaken without 
any direct authority from the officers of the Province, but no doubt 
with their approbation, and had it not been for the sequel, they 
would have been proud to record it. At that time great dissatis- 
faction existed among the inhabitants of those counties, on account 
of the shelter and protection afforded b}' the Government to sev- 
eral tribes of (so-called) friendly Indians. This dissatisfaction was 
shown in December, of that year, by the massacre of the Conestoga 
Indians by the " Pa.xton Boys " at Lancaster, and the flight and 
pursuit of the Moravian and Wyalusing Indians to the barracks in 
Philadelphia to escape a like fate. Notwithstanding the apparent 
friendship of these Indians, they seem to have held intercourse 
with those in the French interest, and there is little doubt that 
many of them engaged secretly in marauding expeditions against 
the whites. Among them was the remnant of the Monsey tribe 
then living at the Great Island, beyond the limits of Proprietary 
authority. The Proprietors appear to have relied on the settlers 
to defend themselves as best they could, independently of both the 
Proprietary Government and the anny officers of the Crown. It 
is simple justice to the men of those perilous times to bear this in 


mind ; and it can easily be proved by a few extracts from the cor- 
respondence of those officers with the Governor of the Province 
and the tart interchange of sentiment between him and the As- 
sembly. A few references are made in this connection to establish 
the truth of this declaration. 

In the ninth volume of the Colonial Records, page 62, will be 
found a letter from Sir Jeffrey Amherst, which contains a para- 
graph from Sir William Johnson, and which was laid before the 
Executive Council by the Governor, dated October 16, 1763, ex- 
pressing " surprise at the information of the people of the Province 
who tamely look on while their brethren are butchered by the 
savages." On page 65 may be found a spirited mes.sage from the 
Council in reply, defending themselves from "this hard censure" 
by a reference to their grant of the 4th of July for seven hundred 
additional men who were at the different stations on the frontiers, 
and had intercepted and repulsed several parties of Indians, and 
that "a large body of them were now engaged in an expedition 
against the Great Island,* which has heretofore served as a station 
whence the savages usually issue for the annoyance of our settle- 
ments." On page 68 the Governor, in answer to Papounan (a 
Wighalousen chief), states that his people were greatly provoked 
on account of late murders; and that some of them had gone into 
the Indian country to take satisfaction, he knew not where, and 
that they perhaps would not distinguish between friend and enemy. 
By reference to page 87, same volume, may be seen the conse- 
quence of this battle on "Muncy Hill," in the desire expressed to 
know how Papounan was treated, etc. He said : " Now I will 
tell you what a company of warriors (the Monseys), who are 
striking you now, said to me on my coming away : ' Now Broth- 
ers, you are going down among our Brethren the English. I and 
all the warriors should be very glad to know whether they treated 
you kindly or not and how you are used.' " 

These references fully corroborate the statements in the narra- 

*In 1763 Colonel John Armstrong collected a force of 300 volunteers from the 
valleys of Bedford and Cumberland, and marched from Fort Shirley on the 30th of 
September, across the country, against the Indian towns on the West Branch. The 
savages escaped, but their towns at Great Island and Myanaquie (at the mouth of 
Kettle Creek) were destroyed, with great quantities of provisions. 


tives of the battle, and the following pretty clearly shows that not 
only the Government, but the community censured the barbarous 
shooting of the three friendly Indians. On page 140 will be found 
the following extract from a remonstrance of Mathew Smith and 
James Gibson on the part of the frontier inhabitants, addressed to 
the Governor and the Assembly. In number three of the enu- 
meration of the grievances complained of they say : 

And as to the Moravian Indians, there are strong grounds at least to suspect their 
friendship, as it is known that they carried on a correspondence with our enemies on 
the Great Island. We killed three Indians going from Bethlehem to the Great 
Island with blankets, ammunition and provisions, which is an undeniable proof that 
the Moravian Indians were in confederacy with our open enemies. And we cannot 
but be filled with indignation to hear this action of ours painted in the most odious and 
detestable colors, as if we had inhumanly murdered our guides who preserved us from 
perishing in the woods, when we only killed three of our known enemies, who at- 
tempted to shoot us when we surprised them. 

This spirited remonstrance is dated February 13, 1764, and is 
followed by a declaration to the House on the 17th, in which (see 
page 144) the following passage occurs, clearly pointing to this 
expedition and battle in Muncy Hills, and showing that it was 
composed of independent volunteers, equipped at their own ex- 
pense : 

When last summer the troops raised for defence of the Province were limited to 
certain bounds, nor suffered to attempt annoying our enemies in their habitations, and 
a number of brave volunteers equipped at their own expense in September, up the 
Susquehanna met and defeated their enemy with the loss of some of their number, 
and having others dangerously wounded, no/ the least thanks or acknowledgment was 
made them from the Legislature, etc. 

By turning back to page 142, in the ninth division, we find 
direct allusion to the manner this expedition was received and ad- 
vised at Fort Augusta on the way up the river : 

That Fort Augusta, which has been very expensive to this Province, has afforded 
us but little assistance during this or the late war. The men that were stationed at 
that place neither helped our distressed inhabitants to save their crops, nor did they 
attack our enemies in their towns, or patrol our frontiers. 

The general sentiment of condemnation by the Government, as 
well as the community of that day, against the barbarous shooting 
of those three friendly Indians sank so deep that it eclipsed and 
shrouded in shame and disgrace all the well merited glory of this 
daring volunteer expedition at the battle of Muncy Hills. It was 


the inconsiderate act of but a small portion of the expedition, for 
which the whole were held accountable, and notwithstanding their 
remonstrances to the Governor, and their declarations in defense 
to the House of Assembly, he deemed it his duty to apologize to 
a party of Indian chiefs in council on the 27th of September, 
1766, in the following language, which may be found on page 331 
of the same volume : 

We agree with you that when there has been any wickedness committed, it should 
all be removed, so that neither may bear anything in our hearts against each one an- 
other. Before we proceed to give you an answer to your speeches, we call to mind 
with griefs of heart, that three Indians of your tribes came to their death in the heat 
of the war by some parties of our warriors, who did not know that they were of your 
tribes, and took them to be enemy Indians, and unfortunately killed them by mis- 
take. And now Brethren, with this string we take the hatchets out of your heads, 
and all mourning from your hearts. 

A string. 

Brethren, with these handkerchiefs we wipe away the tears from your eyes. 

Brethren, with these strouds we cover their graves — we have pulled up a great tree 
and gathered together all the bones and blood, and buried them all together in a deep 
hole, and planted this tree over them, that neither we nor our children may ever find 
the place where they are buried. 

And now Brethren, we proceed to give you an answer, as many things in a time of 
great wickedness have been done to hinder seeing one another and counciling to- 
gether. We join you in wiping all tears from your eyes, taking all sorrow out of 
your hearts, and making the council seats clean from all blood and filthiness, that we 
may confer with the same cheerfulness and openness that our grandfathers used to do. 

In his researches Mr. Wood was able to locate the ground on 
which the ill-advised "Battle of Muncy Hills" occurred. It was 
on the farm and near the residence of Joel Bieber, and not far 
from where the Banghart brick school house stands. The Indian 
path, which the expedition was following, crossed the hills'at this 
place and descended to Warrior Spring,* on the bank of the river. 
In later years an occasional Indian relic was picked up on this 
ground. Several specimens may be found in the Gernerd col- 
lection, at Muncy, which are treasured as memorials of the 

* It was here that old Egohowen, a Muncy chief, entertained Newhaleeka, chief of 
the Delawares. As late as 1771 the latter was living at the Great Island, and 
Shawana Ben, who was chief of the remnant of the Shawanese, lived there also. 
Under the wide-spreading branches of a majestic elm these chiefs and their attendants 
met and conferred together on tribal business, and drank of the pure waters of the 
spring. A fit place for warriors to assemble, and who will say that the name was not 


sanguinary conflict which took place near b\-. And as is often 
the case in such instances, superstition has thrown a weird and 
gloomy pall over much of the surrounding region, and curious 
stories have been related by individuals of what they have seen in 
some of the dark defiles of the hills. Their imagination has pic- 
tured, when they were passing over the road at night, stalwart 
warriors with waving plumes crouching in the bushes, and strange 
sounds, which were construed into groans, were heard. But it is 
useless to add that such things were anything but the imagina- 
tions of an excited brain. However wild the Muncj- Hills may 
be even to this day, and what strange things* may have occurred 
within their gloomy precincts, it is not likely that the spirits of any 
of those concerned in the conflict have ever returned to plague or 
frighten those who have had occasion to travel the paths by night 
or day. 

*According to tradition a white prisoner was burned at the stake by a party of 
Indians here at an early day, but there is nothing on record to authenticate it. The 
story is that they stuck his body full of pitch pine splinters before applying the torch, 
when they danced around him like demons and awoke the echoes of the solitude 
with their yells. And for years the superstitious Ijelieved that no grass grew on the 
spot where the tragedy was enacted. 



AS reports were daily received of a contemplated attack on 
the fort, the utmost vigilance was constantly observed by 
the garrison, and every available preparation for resistance was 
made. The work of tearing down the trading house and remov- 
ing the materials inside the fortification was continued. On the 
27th of July, 1763, Lieutenant Blythe entered in the journal that 
a Mr. Clark arrived that day with "one canoe loaded with rum 
and sugar," and that Andrew Montour had been there on a visit, 
but left in the evening for his place up the river. He traveled in 
a canoe. The following day Lieutenant Hendricks and Mr. 
Irvine went down the river with a party of eight men in charge of 
" three battoes loaded with Province goods." They probably con- 
sisted of peltries obtained from the Indians in exchange for pro- 
visions and ammunition. 

On the 14th of September a court-martial sat at the fort for the 
trial of two prisoners confined in the guard house. Lieutenant 
Hunter served as president, with Lieutenants Hendricks and Blythe 
as members of the board. 

This same day Captain Graydon made an entry on the record 
that " they had got a new flag staff placed and a flag hoisted," 
which was an event of some importance at the fort. It will be 
remembered that the commanding officer had complained that the 
old flag was worn out. 

Friday, September 23d, Lieutenant Hunter with a picket 
guard was sent up the river to " Monture's place to bring off what 
necessaries he had there, and to destroy his corn." The officer 
on his return reported that he saw nothing that gave him any 
suspicion of the enemy being in the neighborhood. The same 


day a fire broke out in Lieutenant Hunter's house, but it was ex- 
tinguished before doing any damage. This accident caused an 
order to be issued directing all the chimneys to be swept the 
next day, which was strictly carried out. 

Nothing of any importance occurred until the 5th of October, 
when messengers arrived from Fort Hunter with intelligence that 
Job Chilloway and others had gone to Philadelphia, and that the 
Indians were " universally joined against the whites and were de- 
termined to attack the fort." This alarming intelligence caused 
some uneasiness, but Lieutenant Hunter felt able to make a strong 
resistance in case of an attack. The weather was cold.* 

As a better safe-guard strict orders were issued that " no sol- 
dier or non-commissioned officer was to fire his piece on any 
pretense whatsoever, except at an enemy or by the leave of a com- 
missioned officer." On the 9th Sergeant Grant arrived with two 
canoes loaded with stores, and intelligence was also received that 
Colonel John Armstrong was on the upper waters of the West 
Branch with a force of three hundred men for the purpose of de- 
stroying the villages where Lidians were in the habit of con- 
gregating previous to making forays on the settlements below. 
Monday, the 9th, nothing of any importance occurred, but on the 
nth Captain William Patterson, Captain Bedford, Captain Sharp, 
Captain Laughlin, Captain Crawford, and about two hundred 
volunteers, arrived at the fort on their way from the Great Island, 
they having been in company with Colonel Armstrong. An 
Indian town at the mouth of Kettle Creek was destroyed, together 
with a large number of wigwams at Monseytownf and on the 
Great Island. They also reported that they had destroyed about 
two hundi'ed acres of corn which they found on the flats at various 
points along the river. Many Indians were seen, but they could 
not be brought to an engagement. Some dispute arising between 
Colonel Armstrong and the officers mentioned above, they sepa- 
rated from him and his part of the force about seven miles above 
Fort Augusta,^: and he continued on by the nearest route to Car- 

* About 8 o'clock in the evening of October 6, 1763, there was a light fall of snow 
at Fort Augusta. 

f Located on a level plain, on the north side of the river, just west of Lock 
Haven. It is known by this name at the present day. 

J See Vol. VIL, page 447, Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series. 


lisle. It is regretted that so little was left on record concerning 
the operations of this great expedition. It was the largest that 
had invaded the West Branch Valley up to that time, but instead 
of wiping out the savages and rendering them powerless, it only 
tended to still further enrage and cause them to commit greater 
deeds of blood, as the sequel will show. 

October 13, 1763, the records inform us, Major Clayton, with 
a force of eighty soldiers and volunteers, arrived at the fort on 
their way to Wyoming. On the 15th Lieutenant Hunter and 
twenty-four men belonging to the garrison joined the party, and 
they set off for their destination up the North Branch. On the 
17th an express arrived with the startling news from John Harris 
that the Indians had killed forty-five persons in Northampton 
County, and that they were still engaged in their bloody work. 
He likewise said that the Governor had sent a letter to Mr. Elder 
requesting that an express be sent after Major Clayton, notifying 
him to return. This was done, and the Major returned on the 
evening of the 20th. At Wyoming he found that ten persons had 
been killed and scalped by the savages. They destroyed what 
cabins and corn they could find. 

Sunday, October 23d, John Mitchell and " another man " reached 
the fort, and Lieutenant Hunter recorded in the journal that they 
came in "pursuit of some negroes," but for what reason is not 
stated. Colonel Burd and Captain Graydon, with an escort, 
reached the fort on the evening of the 9th of November. They 
had in charge " eight battoes loaded with thirty barrels of flour and 
other stores for the use of the garrison." They also brought a 
commission for Dr.'Wiggins, who was serving as post surgeon. 
They were followed on the i6th by Mr. McCormick, who was in 
charge of a party driving forty-four head of cattle. He brought 
information of three families having been killed and scalped within 
eight miles of Carlisle. On the 17th there was a great fall of snow 
at Augusta, which prevented them from slaughtering the cattle, as 
was the intention that day. On the 20th, however, the work was 
completed and the meat packed. The following day an order was 
issued " that five women of each company be permitted to draw 
provisions on the conditions that the rations so drawn be not 
allowed to the contractor. The persons receiving them must pay 


for them." The officer of the guard was also instructed to wait on 
the commanding officer every day for orders. 

On the 9th of December, 1763, Lieutenant Blythe and six men 
went from the garrison "to his plantation to bring in some of his 
effects he had left there." From this it appears that he had al- 
ready selected a tract of land with the view, evidently, of settling 
on it as soon as he could do so with safety. 

December 12th a court-martial, consisting of Captain Graydon, 
president, and Lieutenants Hendricks and Wiggins, was ordered 
to sit for the trial of William Page, who was charged with striking 
Corporal Weston while on duty. It was also ordered that Richard 
Fitzgivens be discharged from the garrison, " he having rendered 
himself by his behavior as unworthy of remaining a soldier." 
Other courts-martial followed for the trial of soldiers for various 
offenses. Another heavy snow was reported on the 14th; on the 
i6th the weather was "fair and cold," and on the 17th the river 
was "driving with ice." The following day the batteaux and 
canoes were hauled out of the water on the bank for safety, as a 
rain had set in and there were indications of a rise in the river, 
which still continued full of floating ice. Several soldiers were re- 
ported suffering with the small-po.x, a disease which seems to have 
prevailed more or less at all times among the garrison. On the 
27th George Jinkins, a member of Captain Graydon's company, 
died of small-pox and was buried at 4 o'clock in the cemetery near 
the fort. For the balance of the month nothing unusual occurred 
and the year 1763 closed with "pleasant weather." 

With the opening of 1764 the same condition of affairs prevailed 
in the West Branch Valley that had existed during the past year. 
In February Colonel Burd sent out scouts in different directions 
to endeavor to discover the enemy and engage them for the pur- 
pose of preventing them from falling upon the settlements,* but no 
discoveries were made. 

From the minutes of the Board of Commissioners for Defense 
it appears that at a meeting held on the 20th of July, 1764, at 
which the Governor presided, it was agreed " that four companies 
be stationed and range between the rivers Delaware and Susque- 

*See page 165, Vol. IV., Pennsylvania Arc/tives, Old Series. 


hanna, including thirty men* to garrison Fort Augusta." After 
the large number of men that had been kept here for several years 
this was looked upon as a remarkable change in the policy of the 
Government, particularly when it was remembered that the Indians 
were as threatening as ever. At this .same meeting it was decided 
that two companies of Provincial troops should be stationed on the 
west side of the river and given a wide range. And one officer 
was to have command of three companies. The garrison at Fort 
Augusta was to be "victualed by the Crown." From the report 
of a muster soon after this meeting, it appears that Captain Hunter's 
company consisted of 47 men, and Captain Graydon had a detach- 
ment of si.xteen. They belonged, with others, to the first battalion 
of the Fenn.sylvania regiment. In the second battalion, which was 
mustered at Carlisle, August i, 1764, Captain John Brady appears 
with a company of forty-one men. This is the first appearance of 
the name of Brady on the records in connection with defensive 
operations on the frontier, which was the beginning of his dis- 
tinguished career. 

In a message to the Assembly, under date of February 9, 1765, 
Governor Penn said that from the great importance of Fort Au- 
gusta to the protection of the Province, when engaged in a war 
with the Indians, he thought it absolutely necessary to keep a gar- 
rison in the fort during the preceding year, and was of opinion 
that until the final conclusion of peace with the savages, it would 
be highly imprudent to abandon the post, and he therefore recom- 
mended a continuance of supplies for it.f 

To this recommendation the Assembly soon afterwards replied 
as follows: 

After due consideration we are of opinion that as the cannon and other military 
stores at Fort Augusta cannot be at present removed from thence, it may be prudent 
to defer any resolution concerning the evacuation of that post until further certainty 
of peace being firmly established with the Indians; yet in the meantime, as the fund 
from whence that garrison has been paid up to the first of last month is nearly ex- 
hausted, we should approve an immediate reduction of the troops stationed there, 
although in respect to disbanding the whole garrison we can only recommend to your 
honor and the Provincial commissioners when more satisfied of the Indians' fidelity, 
and conveniency offers for water carriage from Shamokin, to lose no time in removing 

*See page 195, Vol. IV., Pennsylvania Archives, Old Seri( 
f Colonial Records, Vol. IX., page 244. 


the cannon and stores, and disbanding the remainder of the garrison, in order to 
ease the public of that burden whenever it can be done with safety and prudence.* 

The clamor for the evacuation of Fort Augusta was continued, 
howe\er, by the people of the eastern part of the Province, on the 
ground of the great expense involved in keeping it up. Many of 
these people sympathizedf with the Indians, and they did not 
fully realize the condition of affairs on the frontier ; and some of 
them, in their blindness, thought the settlers should be able to de- 
fend themselves. On the other hand, the settlers begged that the}- 
should not be deprived of all protection and left to the mercy of 
the savages. Between these two parties — the one that surrounded 
the Governor and Assembly, and the other on the Susquehanna 
and west of it, which was constantly exposed to danger — a bad 
feeling existed, and many grave charges were made. Finally the 
home party triumphed in their demands, and on the 30th of 
March, 1765, the Assembly resolved to evacuatej the fort as soon 
as -they were satisfied that peace had been firmly established with 
the Indians. This decision caused much rejoicing in and about 
Philadelphia among a portion of the inhabitants, and a corres- 
ponding feeling of sadness and dejection on the part of those who 
Uved on the frontier and had to face the bullet and the scalping 
knife. About this time Governor John Penn,§ who sympathized 
with the Quaker idea, made this communication to the Assembly; 

*See page 246, Vol. IX., Colonial Records. 

f The situation of the frontiers was truly deplorable, principally owing to the 
supineness of the Provincial authorities, for the Quakers, who controlled the Govern- 
ment, were, tu use the language of Lazarus Stewart, " more solicitous for the welfare 
of the blood-thirsty Indian than for the lives of the frontiersmen." In their blind 
partiality, bigotry,.and political prejudice, they would not readily accede to the de- 
mands of those of a dilTerent religious faith. To them, therefore, was greatly at- 
tributable the reign of horror and devastation in the border counties. The Govern- 
ment was deaf to all entreaties, and General Amherst, commander of the British 
forces in America, did not hesitate to give his feelings an emphatic expression. " The 
conduct of the Pennsylvania Assembly," he wrote, " is altogether so infatuated and 
stupidly obstinate, that I want words to express my indignation thereat." Neverthe- 
less, the sturdy Scotch- Irish and Germans of the frontiers rallied for their own de- 
fense, and the entire force of Colonel Bouquet was composed of them. — Egle's His- 
tory of Pemisylvania , page 107. 

J See Colonial Records, Vol. IX., page 283. 

§John Penn was the son of Richard and grandson of William Penn. He was 
born in Philadelphia in 1728, from which circumstance he was called the "American 


That immediately on receiving intelligence that the Indians had ratified their en- 
gagements made last fall with General Bouquet, I gave orders that Fort Augusta 
should be evacuated, and commissioned Colonel Francis to settle the accounts of that 
garrison, which amounted to .^437.96, for which he desires provision to be made. 

But the request for an appropriation of funds to carry out the 
Governor's orders was postponed until the meeting of the next 
Assembly. This was no doubt caused by remonstrances from 
those who did not beheve that it was prudent to entirely abandon 
the post until there were positive assurances of peace and quietness 
on the border. Just when the post was formally abandoned does 
not appear on the records that have been preserved; but it seems 
to have been kept up as a place of refuge, with a small garrison, 
for a long time afterwards, and proved of great service during the 
trying times of the Revolution and the " Great Runaway." The 
gradual work of dismantling it probably began about 1780, as the 
ground upon which .it stood had passed into private hands. It 
took a long time to dig down the embankments and level off the 
ground, and the present century was well imder way before all 
traces of the fortification had disappeared. 

When fully equipped, in 1758, Fort Augusta mounted from 
twelve to sixteen pieces of artillery, ranging from six to twelve 
pounders. They were of English manufacture, and all have been 
lost sight of save one. What disposition was made of the balance 
is not clearly known. It is supposed that a few were returned and 
rendered service in other places during the Revolution. Tradition 
informs us that several pieces were thrown into the river when it 
was feared the British and Indians might capture the place in 
1778-9. Many years ago a brass piece was seen by a number of 
persons in the river, opposite where the fort stood, but no attempt 
was made to recover it, and it probably remains buried in the 
mud to this day. The single one that has been preserved is treas- 
ured as a valuable relic of by-gone times, and its history, which is 
checkered and interesting, is related by Dr. R. H. Awl, of Sun- 
bury, as follows : 

Penn." He was Governor of the Province from 1763 to 1771, and also from 1773 
to the end of the Proprietary Government in 1776. During the Revolution he re- 
mained in the country. In 1777, having refused to sign a parole, he was confined 
by the Whigs at Fredericksburg, Va. He died at his country seat in Bucks County, 
February, 1795. — Egle's History of Pennsylvania, page III. 


" This cannon measures from the tip of cascabel to the end of 
muzzle fifty-six and one-half inches, in front of trunnion thirty-one 
inches, behind trunnion thirty-three and three-fourths inches. In 
circumference it measures thirty-nine inches at the base-ring and 
twenty-four and one-half inches at the muzzle, and weighs about 
one-half a ton. The piece at the muzzle end was broken off with 
a sledge hammer by an old darkey " Cudgo," while drunk, in 1838. 
The cannon began its migration 
by being taken to Muncy, where 
it remained until 1774, when it 
was brought back to Augusta. 
The Old cinnoi j(- jg supposcd that at the time of 

" The Great Runaway," in 1 778, the cannon was spiked and thrown 
into the river. In 1 798 it was taken from the river by George and 
Jacob Mantz, Samuel Hahn, and George Shoop. After heating 
it, by the burning of several cords of hickory wood, they suc- 
ceeded in drilling out the spiked file. 

" It ne.xt became the object of political contention, frequently 
changing from one party to the other. At one time the party in 
possession buried it in Mr. Prince's archway, opposite the south 
side of the public square. Its hiding place was made known by 
Mrs. Prince having stumped her toe on a part that jutted above 
ground. The place of its concealment being thus revealed, the 
other party stole it, and put it in the cellar of Robin's tanning 
place, at the east end of Market Street, where George Cad- 
walleder's residence now stands. In 1 824 it was stolen from the 
river bank at Sunbury by citizens of Selinsgrove, then Union 
County, and hidden away in Mr. Baker's cellar. In 1825 George 
Weiser, Esq., of Sunbury, on going to Selinsgrove, by some 
means discovered where it was hidden, bribed the maid to have 
the cellar door unlocked and the dog removed from the premises, 
when a company from Sunbury, consisting of George Hileman, 
John Eply, John Weaver, John Pickering, James McCormic, 
Jacob Diehl and others, went to Selinsgrove, took the cannon from 
the cellar and started for Sunbury. 

I' After arriving at Sunbury they went to the hotel then kept b\' 
John Weaver, at the corner of Third and Market streets, in the 
stone building now owned by William H. Miller, carried the can- 


non up on the attic, placed a bed over it, on which Joseph Eisely, 
then a fourteen-year-old boy, was to sleep and give the alarm in 
case a party should come to steal it away. The cannon having 
been kept safe, was brought down next morning and did good 
service at the Fourth of July celebration. In 1830 it was stolen 
out of the cellar of Robin's tanning place, where the residence of 
George Cadwalleder now stands, by citizens of New Berlin, 
Union County, named Charles Awl, Samuel Kesler, Charles Baum, 
Elias Hummel, Michael Klecner, Thomas Halabush, Samuel 
Winter, and Thomas Getgen. From New Berlin it found its way 
to Selinsgrove, where it remained until 1834, when Dr. R. H. Awl, 
Charles Rhinehart, Henry V. Simpson, Thomas McEwen, Jerry 
Mantz, Jacob and John Reichstine, Weiser Zeigler, Edward Lyon, 
Peter Zimmerman and George Mahan laid a plan to recapture it. 
Two of the boys went to Selinsgrove on the Fourth of July and 
learned that the cannon was kept in the fire engine house of that 
place. The rest of the party at Sunbury took a horse from Mrs. 
Rhinehart, a wagon from Hugh Bellas, Esq., and the ferry flat, 
crossed the river and met the other two boys late that night at the 
red bridge over Penn's Creek. After succeeding in getting the 
cannon from the engine house, they loaded it, crossed the river 
and came to Sunbury, where George Mahan stole a keg of powder 
from Edward Y. Bright, and at day-break on the 5th of July 
opened fire on the river bank in front of Captain Daniel Levy's 
residence, who, with sword and pistols, came out and offered to 
command the defense in case of an attack from Union County. 

"We quote the following from the Annals of Buffalo Valley : 
Daniel Levy, Esq., outlived all the old lawyers except Mr. Bellas. 
He was a conceited man, active as a cat, an insatiable dancer, a 
hard fighter and great boxer. The interesting fact in Levy's his- 
tory is, that of the only two duels fought in this county he was 
one of the participants. A militaiy gathering took place in 1812 
at Michael Kutzner's hotel, on the corner of Market and Second 
streets, the house being now occupied by the widow of Hon. C. 
G. Donnel. During the time of the gathering a dispute arose be- 
tween Daniel Levy and General Hugh Brady, a man of six feet, 
active, strong and as brave as Cssar. He was the last survivor 
of the Brady family, and died at Detroit, Michigan, in 1851. 


No sooner did this dispute arise than, without further preparations, 
they attacked one another with their swords. In the fight Brady 
cut off Levy's cue, wounded him in the shoulder and also broke 
his sword. Samuel Awl, Esq., Michael Kutzner and others, put 
chairs between the duelists and in this way separated them. This 
took place in the bar-room of the then hotel. A sword of one of the 
duelists missed its mark and hit the window sill with great force, 
making a deep mark which remained for years, until the room 
was repaired for a private residence. 

"In 1849 about thirty young men from Danville undertook to 
capture the cannon. Jerry Hall, of Sunbury, who was then a 
clerk in the Danville post-office, learning of the plan, sent a letter 
by Clinton Fisher, in advance of the confiscating party, to Captain 
C. J. Bruner and Captain Henry D. Wharton, notifying them of 
the plot. The Sunbury people placed pickets around the house 
of Benjamin Krohn, on Front Street, where the cannon was con- 
cealed. When the Danville party made their appearance they 
were surprised to find that they had been outgeneraled. They 
returned to their homes sadder and wiser than when they came. 

"In Sunbury it has remained since 1834, frequently changing 
owners and place, as the several parties got possession of it. First 
at the old "barracks" on Front, near Chestnut Street, where the 
soldiers of 1S12 staid, being chained and locked to a five hundred 
pound ring-stone; then in Peter Weimer's cellar, the vat of 
Zeigler's tan-yard, the Northumberland County prison. Chestnut 
Street gutter, where it was buried, and John Schissler's cellar, all 
of which were at one time the keeping place of this old military 
piece. Samuel Huey took charge of the cannon for many years, 
from whom it was stolen and is now in the possession of the 
Sunbury No. I Fire Engine Company." 




PEACE having been restored after the success of the Bouquet 
expedition, the inhabitants began to settle down and resume 
their avocations without fear. And after such a long period of 
unrest and turmoil it was fondly hoped that no further disturb- 
ances would occur to mar the happiness of the people. But 
it was decreed otherwise. Another exciting episode occurred to 
disturb the country. 

On the loth of January, 1768, occurred the murder of White 
Mingo and five other Indians by Frederick Stump, a German, 
living in Penn's Township, not far from where Selinsgrove now 
stands. Information of the atrocious deed was made at Philadel- 
phia by William Blythe,* January 19th, and is in substance as 

* Captain William Blythe, who was an officer at Fort 7\ugiista when Colonel 
Burd was in command, was from Cumberland County. Me was an Indian trader at 
Shippensburg in 1748. His commission was dated December 24, 1757, and he con- 
tinued in service until the close of the Bouquet expedition to the Ohio, and partici- 
pated in the land grants in Buffalo Valley. At the time this tragedy was committed 
he was living in a cabin at the mouth of Middle Creek. The Indians had first called 
at his place and he treated them kindly. On leaving they proceeded to Stump's, who 
lived near by. Captain Blythe was the ancestor of Judge Blythe, who, forty years 
ago, was very prominent on the bench in this State. For his services in making in- 
formation of the murder he received two tracts of land which were surveyed on ap- 
plications in the names of his daughters, Margaret and Elizabeth, containing, to- 
gether, 640 acres. Linn, in his Annals, says the land laid immediately south of 
White Deer Creek, whither he removed during the year, and was, therefore, one of 
the first settlers of Buffalo Valley after the purchase. His cabin stood on Red Bank 
Run, near the river, on the Elizabeth Blythe tract. Her application of April 3, 1769, 
describes it as including an old Indian fort and a settlement begun by her. Captain 
•Blythe lived to be a very old man. He is described as being tall and raw-boned, and 
in the latter years of his life he was blind. The date of his death is unknown. 

His daughter Margaret married Captain John Reed, who had commanded the 


follows: Hearing of the murder, he went to George Gabriel's, 
where he met Stump and several others, on the 12th, and was 
then told by Stump himself that six Indians, White Mingo, Cor- 
nelius, John Campbell, Jones and two women, came to his house, 
near the mouth of Middle Creek. Being drunk and disorderly, 
he endeavored to get them to leave, which they would not do. 
Fearing injury to himself, he killed them all, dragged them to the 
creek, and making a hole in the ice, threw in their bodies. Then 
fearing the news might be carried to the other Indians, he went 
the next day to two cabins, fourteen miles up the creek, where he 
found one woman and two girls, with one child. These he killed, 
and placing their bodies in the cabin, he burned it. That he 
(Blythe) sent four men up the creek, who reported that they had 
found the cabins burned and the remains of the limbs of the 
Indians in the ashes. 

It is surmised that Stump killed the drunken Indians by" knock- 
ing them on the head " with a tomahawk * when they were so 
helpless as to be unable to defend themselves. The women and 
children were doubtless murdered in the same way. Linn, in his 
Annals of Bujfalo Valley, says the scene of the latter deed was 
on the run that enters the creek at Middleburg, which goes by the 
name of Stump's Run to this day. Stump had an accomplice in 

" Paxton Boys." Her tract was patented to Reed in 1774. Her children by Captain 
Reed were William, (father of James Reed, who resided near Hartleton, and was the 
grandfather of Dr. Uriah Reed, of Jersey Shore,) James, who moved West, and Eliza- 
beth, who married John Armstrong. Captain Reed died before 1778. His widow 
afterwards married Captain Charles Gillespie, an officer of the Revolution, and raised 
a second family. Margaret Blythe survived the fortunes of her second family, and 
took refuge with her first husband's children. She died at the residence of her son, 
William Reed, in Hartley Township. 

Elizabeth Blythe married Dr. Joseph Eakers, who had been a surgeon in the Rev- 
olutionary army. In October, 1798, they sold their place to James Hepburn and 
went West, where she died. Her husband returned, resumed practice, and was 
drowned in Muddy Run, north of Milton, many years ago. 

* C)ne of the dead bodies was carried down the creek to the river, and floating on 
finally lodged against the shore on the Cumberland County side, below where the 
road bridge at Harrisburg now stands. The Indian had been killed by being struck 
on the forehead with some instrument which crushed his skull. His entire scalp, in- 
cluding his ears, was torn off. An inquest was held by the coroner of Cumberland • 
County, February 28, 1768, when the body was buried near where it was found. — 
Rupp^ s Union County, page 274. 


this bloody tragedy, named John Ironcutter (Eisenhauer), who 
acted as a servant to him. Both were Germans. 

As soon as the crime became known the most intense excite- 
ment was aroused. The settlers were astounded at the magnitude 
and relentless barbarity of the act. The Indians, who were friendly, 
and had come from the Great Island and pitched their rude wig- 
wams on the creek, in order to be near and claim the protection 
of the whites, had given him no cause for thus barbarously mur- 
dering them. The whites were alarmed, too, for fear that when 
the sad intelligence reached the friends of these Indians they 
would rise up and commence to burn, murder and scalp all that 
they could find, in order to be revenged. 

A few Indians being in the neighborhood soon heard of the 
affair, and on hastening to the spot found the charred remains of 
their friends. Learning that Stump was the murderer, they imme- 
diately started to look for him. In the meantime he had fled to 
Fort Augusta, and entering a house in the occupancy of the 
mother and aunts of Mrs. Grant, claimed their protection, alleg- 
ing that he was pursued by Indians. The ladies, noticing from 
his countenance that all was not right, at first refused to have 
anything to do with him, fearing that the Indians might come and 
murder them too, on finding him secreted in the house. He beg- 
ged so piteously, however, for protection, that they relented and 
snugly stowed him away between two beds. But a few minutes 
elapsed before the arrival of the infuriated Indians, who had 
tracked him to the house. They inquired if he had been seen 
there, and blustered and threatened considerably, but the ladies 
insisted that they knew nothing about him, when they were com- 
pelled to reluctantly depart without finding him. Before leaving 
they seized a harmless cat, plucked out its hair, and then tore it 
to pieces, for the purpose of illustrating what they would have 
, done with Stump if they had caught him. It was a great pity 
that the women did not turn him over to the Indians. If they 
had done so the Province would have been saved much trouble 
and expense, as the sequel will show. 

When the news of the butchery reached the ears of Governor 
Penn he was greatly shocked; and as his sympathies were largely 
with the Indians, he thought that it was his duty to have the mur- 


derers apprehended and brought to justice as speedily as possible. 
The information, sworn to by Captain Blythe, was laid before the 
Council, which was then in session, and a resolution was promptly 
passed instructing the Governor to write to the magistrates of 
Cumberland Count}- and require them to have Stump and his 
accomplice arrested without delay; also to order the sheriffs of 
the adjoining counties of Lancaster and Berks to be on the alert 
and arrest them if they came within their districts. 

The Council further advised the Governor to write to General 
Gage and Sir William Johnson, acquainting them with the unhappy 
event, and request them to communicate the same as soon as pos- 
sible to the Six Nations in the most fa\-orable manner in their 
power, to prevent their taking immediate re\enge for this great 
injury committed on their people; and to assure them of the firm 
and sincere desire of the government to give them full .satisfaction 
at all times, for all wrongs done to them, and that they would 
leave nothing undone to bring the murderers to condign punish- 

On the 19th of January, 1768, Governor John Penn addressed 
a long letter to the magistrates of Cumberland County, giving 
them the necessary instructions how to act. Amongst other 
things, he said: 

I am persuaded, gentlemen, that the love of justice, a sense of duty, and a regard 
for the public safety, will be sufficient inducements with you to exert yourselves in 
such a manner as to leave no measures untried which may be likely to apprehend and 
bring to punishment the perpetrator of so horrid a crime, which, in its consequences, 
will certainly involve us again in all the calamities of an Indian war, and be attended 
with the effusion of much innocent blood, unless by a proper exertion of the powers 
of Government, and a due execution of the laws, we can satisfy, our Indian allies 
that the Government does not countenance those who wantonly spill their blood, and 
convince them that we think ourselves bound by the solemn treaties made with them. 
I have this matter so much at heart, that I have determined to give a reward of two 
hundred pounds to any person or persons who shaft apprehend the said Frederick 
Stump and bring him to justice, etc. 

A similar letter was also forwarded to the magistrates of Berks 
and Lancaster counties, enjoining upon them the necessity of 
acting with promptness, should the murderers escape into their 

Accompanying this letter was a public proclamation bearing 


the broad seal of the Province, in which it was strictly commanded, 
"that all Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables, Officers Civil and 
Military, and all other, his Majesty's faithful and Liege Subjects 
within this Province, to make diligent search and inquiry after the 
said Frederick Stump, and that they use all possible means to ap- 
prehend and secure him in one of the Public Gaols of this Prov- 
ince, to be proceeded against according to law." 

Governor Penn also sent a message by an Indian named Billy 
Champion, to Newhaleeka, the chief of the Delawares, and other 
Indians, residing at the Great Island, acquainting them of the 
cruel murder of their friends, and assuring them that the most 
speedy measures would be taken to have the ends of justice ac- 
complished. For carrying this message the Council allowed Billy 
for his services a " blanket, a shirt, a hat, a pair of shoes, a pair of 
Indian stockings, a breech cloth, and four pounds two shillings 
and six pence in cash." 

Stump was finally arrested and lodged in the jail at Carlisle. 
The account of his capture is given as follows : 

Captain William Patterson, lately in the Provincial service, now living on Juniata, 
about twenty miles from Frederick Stump's, hearing of the murder committed by him 
and his servant, on the bodies of a number of Indians, engaged nineteen men at two 
shillings and six pence per diem wages, to go with him to take them. On their ap- 
proach Stump fled to the woods ; but Patterson pretended to the people in the house 
that he came there to get Stump to go with them and kill the Indians at the Great 
Island; this decoy had the desired effect. Some one went out, found and brought 
Stump to the house. On his coming in Patterson arrested, bound and brought him, 
with his servant, John Ironcutter, without delay to Carlisle jail, where he was lodged 
on Saturday evening, the 23d of March, 1768. 

Thus it seemed that the ends of justice were about to be ac- 
complished, and the murderers receive the punishment which they 
so justly deserved. A difficulty, however, arose among the mag- 
nates of the law at Carlisle about where he should be tried. 

It was intended to take him to Philadelphia for trial, and a dis- 
cussion arose upon this point. The account is continued as fol- 

The court just then concluding, all the justices were in town. The Monday morn- 
ing following the sheriff" was preparing to carry him to Philadelphia, agreeable to the 
express mandate of the chief justice's warrant; but a doubt arose amongst the justices 
and townspeople, as is pretended, whether the sheriff' had a right to remove him, he 
being committed to their jail by two justices, Armstrong and Miller. But the truth 


was they apprehended a design to try him at Philadelphia, though the 'chief justice's 
warrant expressly commanded that he should be brought down for examination — and 
thereupon the sheriff was directed to proceed in his duty. 

Wednesday several justices again met to consult about sending him down; while 
they were consulting about forty of the country people assembled and marched near 
the town, declaring they would take him out of jail, as they understood he was to be 
taken to Philadelphia. A gentleman advised them not to go into town, but send in 
two of their party to know the sentiments of the magistrates on that head. The two 
messengers came into town, and received assurances that Stump should not be sent to 
Philadelphia but receive his trial at Carlisle, upon which the messengers returned, and 
the company dispersed and went to their respective dwellings. 

Thus matters quietly rested until Friday, when a company from Sherman's Valley, 
about fifteen miles from Carlisle and Stump's neighborhood, assembled, and came 
near the town, about eight of whom came in by couples; the first two that entered the 
prison asked the jailer for a dram, or some liquor, which he went to get for them, and 
when he brought it the others entered. They directly drew a cutlass and presented a 
pistol, swearing they would kill him if he resisted or made the least noise; the same 
care was taken as to the jailer's wife. Immediately came up the general company, of 
about sixty armed men, and surrounded the jail; the rioters within had a sledge, 
crowbar and axe, with which (as some say) they broke the inner jail door; while 
others assert that they had procured the keys of the dungeon from a girl in the jail. 
They proceeded down to the dungeon where Stump lay handcuffed, the chain which 
fastened him to the floor having been taken off two days before. They then brought 
him up. In the meantime came the sheriff, Col. John Armstrong, Robert Miller, 
Esq., and Parson Steel, who were admitted within the circle of armed men round the 
jail, but not knowing of others being within, went on the steps of the jail and de- 
clared they would defend it with their lives. By this time those within came with 
Stump to the door — the sheriff seizing him, when one of the men made a thrust with 
a cutlass, which passed close by his throat, and immediately the whole body sur- 
rounded the sheriff and justices, and carried them to the middle of the street, but 
happily did not touch a hair of their heads, and went off with Stump, greatly shout- 
ing; but first took him to a smith, whom they obliged to cut off' his irons. The sheriff 
and justices immediately went after them and overtook one-half of the company; but 
the rest, with Stump, were gone over the hills to Sherman's Valley. 

Some of them declared they would give Mr. Patterson the interest of his i^200 
reward, which should not be of any service to him, and great danger was appre- 
hended to his person and property for his upright and spirited behavior in the cause 
of virtue and his country. 

Ironcutter was also rescued at the same time and carried off 
with Stump. This violent demonstration on the part of the peo- 
ple against the enforcement of the civil law caused a tremendous 
excitement throughout the Province. The Governor was as- 
tounded and scarcely knew how to act. Not daunted by the 
violence of the people, however, a party composed of the sheriff, 
clergy, magistrates and several other reputable inhabitants, speed- 


ily assembled and proceeded to Sherman's Valley to remonstrate 
with those who had rescued Stump, against such lawless proceed- 
ings. They represented to them the dangerous consequences of 
such conduct, and the bad example they were setting. They 
manifested some contrition at first, and partially promised to re- 
turn him in three days, but they did not do it. 

The people of the frontier were very much alarmed at this law- 
less demonstration, and many of them left their homes. Captain 
Patterson being threatened by the rescuers of Stump, was obliged 
to keep a guard in his house night and day. 

The reasons given by the mob for their conduct was that the 
Government always manifested greater concern over the killing of 
an Indian than a white man ; that numbers of the whites had been 
barbarously murdered and there were no lamentations, nor exer- 
tions of the Government to bring their murderers to justice; that 
their wives and children must be insulted by Indians, and a num- 
ber of them receive the fatal blow, before they dare say it is war. 
In view of this they were determined no longer to submit. 

Governor Penn ordered proceedings to be instituted against 
those who had thus violated the law and forcibly rescued Stump. 
Testimony was obtained against twenty-one of them, including the 
ring-leaders, and warrants issued for their arrest. Whether they 
were arrested or not does not appear. 

The most positive instructions were issued by the Governor for 
the re-arrest of Stump and Ironcutter, and a warrant from the 
chi^f justice forwarded to the authorities to convey them to Phila- 
delphia, accompanied by a second proclamation offering an ad- 
ditional reward of two hundred pounds for Stump,* -and one hun- 
dred for Ironcutter. He also caused a description of their per- 
sons to be published to assist in their apprehension. 

The description of the culprits given at the time, and extensively 
published, was as follows: 

Frederick Stump, born in Heidleburgf Township, Lancaster County, in Pennsyl- 
vania, of German parents. He is about 33 years of age, 5 feet 8 inches high, a stout 

* According to a letter written by John Armstrong to Governor Penn, dated Car- 
lisle, January 24, 1768, Stump admitted that he killed nine of the Indians and his 
servant one. His excuse for killing them was believed to be false. Armstrong had 
given the coroner instructions to bury the bodies found under the ice in two graves. 

f Now in Lebanon County, which was taken from Lancaster and Dauphin in 1813. 


fellow, and well proportioned; of a brown complexion, thin visaged, has small black 
eyes with a downcast look, and wears short black hair; he speaks the German lan- 
guage well and the English but indifferently. He had on, when rescued, a light brown 
cloth coat, a blue great coat, an old hat, leather breeches, blue leggins and moccasins. 
John Ironcutter, bom in Germany, is about 19 years of age, 5 feet 6 inches high, 
a thick, clumsy fellow, round shouldered, of a dark brown comple.\ion, has a smooth, 
full face, grey eyes, wears short brown hair and speaks very little English. He had 
on, when rescued, a blanket coat, an old felt hat, buckskin breeches, a pair of long 
trousers, coarse white yarn stockings, and shoes with brass buckles. 

After their rescue from the Carlisle jail they came to the neigh- 
borhood where the bloody crime had been committed. But as 
their presence was not agreeable to the inhabitants — notwithstand- 
ing they winked at the crime — Stump soon afterwards retired to 
the residence of his father in Tulpehocken, and Ironcutter was 
secreted by some of his friends. No effort was made to arrest 
them, as the settlers generally sympathized with them. They 
soon afterwards fled to Virginia and never were disturbed. Stump 
died there at an advanced age, and it is not known what became 
of his accomplice. 





AS early as 1 764 the officers of the First and Second Battalions, 
who served under Bouquet on the expedition against the In- 
dians at Fort Du Quesne, held a meeting at Bedford, on the return 
march, and made an agreement with each other, in writing,* "that 
they would apply to the Proprietaries for a tract of land suffi- 
ciently extensive and conveniently situated, whereon to erect a 
compact and defensible town ; and, also, to accommodate each of 
us with a reasonable and commodious plantation ; which land and 
lots of ground, if obtained, we do agree shall be proportionably 
divided, according to our several ranks and subscriptions." This 
agreement was signed by Lieutenant Colonels Turbutt Francis 
and Asher Clayton, Major John P. De Haas, Captains Jacob 
Kern, John Proctor, James Hendricks, John Brady, William Piper, 
Timothy Green, Samuel Hunter; Henry Watson, adjutant First 
Battalion; Conrad Bucher, adjutant Second Battalion; William 
Plunkett and James Irvine, captains; Lieutenant Daniel Hun- 
sicker; Ensign McMeen, Piper and others. They appointed Col- 
onel Francis, Captain Irvine, etc., commissioners to act for all the 
officers. These commissioners made an application to the Pro- 
prietaries on the 30th of April, 1765, in which they proposed to 
embody themselves in a compact settlement, on some good land, 
at some distance from the inhabited part of the Province, where, 
by their industry, they might procure a comfortable subsistence 
for themselves, and by their arms, union, and increase, become a 
powerful barrier to the Province. They further represented that 
the land already purchased did not afford any situation convenient 
for their purpose; but the confluence of the two branches of the 

* See Linn's Annals of Buffalo Valley, page 26. 


Susquehanna at Shamokin did, and they, therefore, prayed the 
Proprietaries* to make the purchase, and make them a grant of 
40,000 acres of arable land on the West Branch of the Susque- 
hanna. Lieutenant Thomas Wigginsf and Ensign J. Foster, who 
were absent from Bedford when the agreement was signed, were 
subsequently admitted into the association. 

In accordance with the request of the petitioners, Thomas and 
Richard Penn held a treaty with the Six Nations at Fort Stanwix;|: 
on the 5th of November, 1768, and made another purchase of 
land on the Susquehanna for ;g 10.000. This deed conveyed all the 
land beginning on the north boundary line of the Province to the 
east side of the east branch of the Susquehanna § at the place 
called "Owegy," and running with the said boundary line down 
this branch till it came opposite the mouth of a creek, called by 
the Indians Azvadac (Towanda), then across the river, and up said 
creek on the south side thereof, and along the range of hills called 

Burnett's Hills by the English, and by the Indians , on the 

north side of them to the head of the creek running into the 
West Branch, called Tiadaghton,\\ and down it to the river; then 
crossing and running up the south side to the forks which lie 
nearest a place called Kittanning, on the Ohio; from thence 

*For the proceedings in full of the meetings of the association see Vol. L of the 
Collections of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

f Lieutenant John Wiggins was surgeon of the Augusta Regiment, and he also 
served in the same capacity during the Revolution. He was from what is now 
Dauphin County — then Lancaster. He was born in Ireland in 1712, and died June 
12, 1794, and is buried in the old Paxtang church grave-yard. From him is descended 
John Wiggins Simonton, President Judge of the Dauphin Judicial District. Colonel 
Burd says of him: " He was a gentleman of education and did his duty very well.'' 

J This fort was built in 1758 by the English at the enormous expense of ^256,400. 
During the Revolutionary war Fort Schuyler was built from the ruins of Stanwix. It 
stood near the present town of Rome, Oneida County, New York, between the waters 
of the Mohawk and Wood Creek. 

I See History of Indian Purchases by Hon. Daniel Agnew, LL. D., late Chief 
Justice of Pennsylvania, pages 13, 14, 15. 

II At the time of the purchase the Indians alleged that Lycoming Creek was the 
Tiadaghton referred to. This was afterwards discovered to be incorrect. What is 
now known as Pine, the largest stream emptying into the river from the north, was 
the real Tiadaghton. This bit of sharp practice caused much trouble for a period of 
sixteen years. It is supposed that Tiadaghton is an Iroquois word, and its meaning 
has been lost. 


down the Ohio to the western bounds of the Province; thence 
around the southern boundary to the east of the Alleghenies to 
the line of the tract purchased in 1758 by the said Pfoprietaries, 
and from thence along the line of a tract purchased in 1749, 
around to the place of beginning. 

From the boundaries laid down the tract included about sixteen 
miles in width of the Province of New York, from the Delaware 
to the Susquehanna. From the head of Towanda Creek along 
Burnett's Hills would undoubtedly be the range now known as 
the Elk Mountains, and further west Brier or Laurel Hill. This is 
an unbroken mountain until it is pierced by the second fork of 
Pine Creek, the stream called Tiadaghton. This description 
would harmonize with the language used in the deed. No other 
stream would answer the description, as the head of the main 
branch of Pine Creek is some thirty miles north-west of the head 
of the second fork, which could not be reached by following the 
range of hills mentioned above from the head of Towanda Creek, 
and crossing the main branch of Pine Creek one mile below Big 
Meadows, at the mouth of the third fork, and fifty-five miles from 
the river. From the geography of the country the stream de- 
scribed as forming the western boundary of the purchase of 1768. 
on the north side of the West Branch, was the stream known as 
Yarnell's Creek, and then down the same to the second fork of 
Pine Creek, thence to the river, a distance of about fifty-three 
miles. The line then passed up the south side of the river to the 
forks of the West Branch at the Canoe Place, now the corner of 
Clearfield, Cambria and Indiana counties. The line from this point 
to Kittanning was run by James Galbraith, according to the or- 
ders of Surveyor General Lukens, under date of April 17, 1768. 

When the mountainous nature of the country, which was em- 
braced within the lines of the northern part of the purchase, is 
considered, it is not surprising, perhaps, that the Indians were loth 
to part with it. It was an exceedingly wild and romantic region, 
and abounded in game of all kinds. Streams filled with fish 
coursed through the ravines and afforded a source of food supply 
that was valuable to the wandering bands of the different tribes at 
that day. Their women and children devoted a portion of their 
time to fishing, while the warriors engaged in the chase, and be- 


tween the two they managed to secure a fair supply of food. This 
was another reason why the Indians dishked to abandon that 
magnificent portion of the valley lying on the north side of the 
river, between Lycoming and Pine creeks. It was always filled 
with deer and elk, on account of the fine grazing, and hunting 
parties invading it never came away empty. This fact alone so 
tempted the cupidity of the Indian that he was induced to tell a 
deliberate falsehood — which at one time was so revolting to the 
Indian's sense of justice — when the law of self-preservation stared 
him in the face. This lie relating to the boundary line caused 
serious trouble for sixteen years, and it was only when the In- 
dians saw that a lie would no longer benefit them, that they ac- 
knowledged the false part they had played, and admitted that Pine 
Creek was the stream referred to in the treaty and not Lycoming, 
known to the Moravians as the " Limping Messenger." 

At different times, between the confirmation of the purchase of 
1768 and the opening of the Land Office, a number of special 
grants to various individuals, for valuable services rendered the 
Proprietaries, were made. Among these grants was one to 
Andrew Montour, made on the 29th of October, 1768. It was 
located at the mouth of Loyal- 
sock Creek (now Montours- 
ville),and was made in recogni- 
tion of the valuable services he 
had rendered the Government 
from time to time as a guide and 
interpreter. The tract, which 
took in both sides of the creek, 
contained 880 acres, and was 
called " Montour's Reserve." 
This was the site of the In- 
dian town Otstonwakin, fre- 
quently alluded to in the times 
of the Moravian missionaries. Annexed is a copy of the draft of 
the survey as on file in the Land Office. 

The following certificate is appended to the draft : 

By virtue of an order of survey dated the 29th day of October, 1768, surveyed 
the third day of November, 1769, u 

s/mucL punvi^ 

Andrew Montour the above described tract of 


land, situate on Loyalsock Creek (Stonehauger) and the West Branch of the river 
Susquehanna, in the county of Berks, containing eight hundred and eighty acres and 
allowance of six per cent. 

Pr \Vm. Scull. 

In Surveyor General Scull's list of returns it appears that he 
made return of this survey on the 9th of January, 1770, but the 
land was not patented until the 17th of June, 1785, the title hav- 
ing passed to other parties, of which there is a full explanation in 
the warrant. The patent was granted to Mary Norris and Peter 
Zachary Lloyd, and is recorded in Patent Book P, Vol. III., page 
416, the consideration money being ^142.79. Andrew Montour 
seems also to have been known as " Henry Montour." He is 
designated in the patent as " Andrew Montour who by the name 
of Henry Montour," by deed, etc., conveyed to Robert Lettes. 
The following extract from the record gives the history in detail: 

Commonwealth of Pennsylv.^nia, ss. 

WHEREAS by Virtue and in Pursuance of an Order of Survey dated the Twenty- 
ninth Day of October 1768, granted to Andrew Montour, there hath been surveyed a 
certain Tract of Land, Containing Eight hundred and eighty acres and allowance of 
six per cent for roads, &c.. Situate on Loyalsock Creek and the West branch of Sus- 
quehanna river, in the County of Northumberland, And whereas the said Andrew by 
the name of Henry Montour by Deed dated 12th Augt. 1771, Conveyed the same to 
Robt. Lettes Hooper, who by Deed dated 27th Feb'y, 1773, conveyed to Jos. Spear, 
who by Deed dated 9th Dec'r. 1773, conveyed to James Wilson, Esq'r, who by Deed 
dated 26th June, 1777, conveyed to Mary Norris who by Deed dated 27th June 1777, 
conveyed one Moiety thereof to Peter Zachary Lloyd, Esq'r, And the said Mary 
Norris & Peter Zachary Lloyd have paid the Purchase Money at the Rate of Five 
Pounds Sterling, per Hundred Acres, with the Interest thereon due, agreeable to an 
Act of Assembly, passed the ninth Day of April, 1781, entitled "An Act for 
Establishing a Land Office, &c." and a Supplement thereto, passed the twenty-fifth of 
June, then next following THESE are therefore to authorize and require you to ac- 
cept the said Survey into your Office, and to make Return thereof into the Office of 
the Secretary of the Land-Office, in Order for Confirmation, by Patent to the said 
Mary Norris & Peter Zachary Lloyd, And for so doing, this shall be your Warrant. 

IN WITNESS whereof, the Honourable James Irvine, Esquire, Vice President of 
the Supreme Executive Council, hath hereunto set his Hand, and caused the lesser 
Seal of the said Commonwealth to be affixed the seventeenth Day of June, in the 
year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Eighty-five. 

JOHN LUKENS, Esq. Surveyor General. 

The above document contains the following endorsement on the 
back: "1785, June 17th, Northumberland 880 acres, Mary 
Norris & Peter Zachary Lloyd, Esq. Returned &c 17th June, 
1785. No Eighty-four." 


Previous to the purchase of 1768, Robert Martin, an emigrant 
from New Jersey, erected a house on Northumberland point and 
kept a tavern. This building was the first one at that place, and 
after the purchase of 1768 it was thronged with land speculators, 
surveyors, pioneers and adventurers who came to seek locations 
on the West Branch. There is but little doubt that he was the 
first settler on what is now the site of the borough of Northum- 

Robert Martin was a native of New Jersey, but the date of his 
birth is unknown. Soon after attaining his majority he settled at 
Wyoming under the Pennsylvania title, but being unable to live 
there in peace on account of the Connecticut claimants, he aban- 
doned his farm and removed to Northumberland. This was a 
short time previous to the purchase of 1768. During the Revo- 
lutionary struggle Mr. Martin became quite prominent, and was 
paymaster of the militia service during the campaign of 1776. 
He was a member of the Provincial Conference of June 18, 1776; 
of the convention of the 15th of July following, and of the As- 
sembly in 1777 and 1778. He held the office of justice of the 
peace under the constitution of 1790 for many years. In 1789 he 
built a grist mill on Lycoming Creek in what is now Newberr\-, 
and known to-day as Good's mill. He died at Northumberland 
about 18 1 3, leaving a large estate, mostly in unseated lands. One 
of his daughters married Dr. James Davidson, a distinguished sur- 
geon in the army during the Revolution, who was also from New 
Jersey. He and his bride settled on a farm just below the mouth 
of Pine Creek. They had five sons and three daughters. Among 
the sons was Dr. Asher Davidson, who died at Jersey Shore in 
1864. His parents when the}- died were buried in the old grave- 
yard at Pine Creek, which was on their estate. Another daughter 
married Captain Thomas Grant, of the Revolution, who built a 
house on the farm which adjoined Fort Augusta on the east, and 
is now owned by Hon. S. P. Wolverton, of Sunbury. Their de- 
scendants embrace many of the best families on the Susquehanna. 

About the time of the survey of Montour's Reserve, another 
was made at Shamokin (now Sunbury), in pursuance of a warrant 
issued by Lieutenant Governor Penn. of a tract to be called the 
Manor of Pomfret. The following draft of the sur\e}-, copied 



from the books in the Land Office, at Harrisburg, shows the Hnes 
as they were run, and what territory of to-day is included: 

Courses and distances of the river Susquehanna from the sugar 
of Shamokin Creek with the river : 



















































from the sugar tree 

at the junction 





12 N 




13 N 




14 N 



15 N 




16 N 




17 N 




18 North-e 

ist to 


beech i 


N E 


Small Run. 

By virtue of a warrant dated the 29th day of October 1768, surveyed the 19th 
day of December 1768, to the use of the Honorable the Proprietaries of the Province 
of Pennsylvania, the above described tract of land situate at Shamokin, on the river 
Susquehanna, containing four thousand seven hundred and sixty-six acres of land 
and allowance of six per cent. 

Pr. Wm. Scull. 

In feudal times a manor was a territorial district, with jurisdic- 
tion rights, and perquisites thereto belonging. In England manors 
were afterwards called baronies, and ultimately lordships. Each 
lord held a court, called Court Barons, for redressing wrongs and 
settling disputes among the tenants. Pomfret was evidently an- 
other name for Ponterfract, a borough town in Yorkshire, Eng- 



land. It is derived from the Latin, p07is fractus, from the break- 
ing of a bridge over the Aire. Pomfret castle was built in 1080 
and passed through many stormy scenes. It gave the title, Earls 
of Pomfret, to the family of Former. 

Nothing more than the survey was done with Pomfret. No 
barony was established or courts held. In a short time from the 
date of the survey the county of Northumberland was erected 
and a new order of things established. It is interesting, however, 
to examine the lines and see what territor}' was embraced within 
them, and contemplate what is there to-day. 

In relation to manors it seems to have been a policy of William 
Penn, at an early period of the history of land affairs in the 
Province, to reserve out of each purchase from the Indians one- 
tenth of the lands, to be selected and laid out before the Land 
Office was opened for the purpose of granting applications or war- 
rants to individuals, which was intended as the property of himself 
and successors. This policy i.= shown by a warrant issued by William 
Penn at an early date to Edward Pennington, then Surveyor Gen- 
eral, to survey for the Proprietor 500 acres of ever}' township of 
5,000 acres. This practice was continued, with some variations, 
up to the beginning of the American Revolution. 

On the 25th of December, 1768, a warrant was issued by John 
Penn, directing the survey of a tract at Muncy, to be called Munoy 

Manor. The land was 
recommended by Job 
Chilloway, the friendly 
Indian and guide, and it 
was designated on the 
draft as " Job's Dis- 
cover}-." It was con- 
sidered the most im- 
portant point on the 
West Branch, above 
Shamokin, on account of 


\, TRP its fine location, the rich- 
ness of the soil and the 
beauty of the surrounding scenery. It was also the central point 
of the great war paths leading east, west, north and south, and 


from the earliest^times had been a favorite place of resort by various 
Indian tribes. A copy of the draft of the original survey is given 
above : 

Appended to the draft are the "courses and distances of the river from ye beech," 
as follows: i. N 57 E 50; 2. N 43 E 155; 3. N 24 E 147; 4. North 84 j^ ; 5, N 
10 E 72; W 134; 80 ash. 

The certificate is as follows: By virtue of a warrant dated the 24th day of 
November, 176S, surveyed the 26th and 27th days of December, 1768, for the use of 
the Honorable the Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, the above de- 
scribed tract of land situate on the West Branch of Susquehanna River at the mouth 
of Muncy alias Cannassarago alias Ocochpocheny Creek, containing one thousand 
six hundred and fifteen acres with allowances of six per cent. 

Pr. Wm. Scull. 

Returned into the Secretary's office the 8th of February, 1 769. 

The above is certified by James P. Barr, Surveyor General, as 
"a copy of the original" on file in that office, under date of Febru- 
ary, 1866. 

In accordance with the custom established by William Penn, 
and continued by his sons to the close of the Proprietary Govern- 
ment, another manor was directed to be surveyed on the river. It 
was located on the south side of the purchase, and John Lukens, 
Surveyor General, issued a warrant dated December 27, 1768, and 
on it Mr. Maclay surveyed, February 18, 1769, a tract of 1,328 
acres about one mile above the mouth of Penn's Creek, adjoining, 
on the south, the line dividing the purchase of 1754 from that of 
1768, and extending up the Susquehanna 966^ perches. 

January 31, 1769, a warrant for the survey of one thousand 
acres was issued by John Penn, and as a portion of the land em- 
braced by it has been the cause of much litigation, it is given 
herewith in full : 

I L. s. I Pennsylv.^nia, ss. 

These are to authorize and require you to survey and lay out, or cause to be sur- 
veyed and laid out for our use, the quantity of one thousand acres of land, viz.: Five 
hundred acres thereof at the mouth of a creek known by the name of Lycoming, and 
extending thence down and upon the river Susquehanna, and the other five hundred 
acres in any part of the purchase lately made at Fort Stanwix of the Six Nations, 
that shall not interfere with any previous warrant, and to make return of the same in 
our Secretary's Office; and for the so doing this shall be your sufficient warrant. Wit- 
ness, John Penn, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor and Commissioner of Property of the 


said Province, who by virtue of certain powers from said Prcyrietaries, hath here- 
unto set his hand and caused the seal of the Land Office to be affixed at Philadelphia, 
this thirty-first day of January, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-nine. 
To John Lukens, Esq., Surveyor-General. 

John Penn. 
To William Scull, Deputy Surveyor : 
Execute this warrant, and make return of survey into my office. 

John Lukens, S. G. 

N. B. The last above mentioned 500 acres may be surveyed in the forks of Sus- 
quehanna between two runs a little above the head of Shamokin Island, or at the 
place called the Narrows, running a mile or more along the river and back to the hill 
called Hence Michael's Place. 

John Lukens, S. G. 

February 3, 1769. 

P. S. If the land at Lycoming should be found to belong to Andrew Montour, 
lay out on this warrant 500 acres at any place thereabouts not already appropriated. 

February 22, 1769, there were surveyed on this warrant 180 
acres at the mouth of Mahoning Creek, including the land on 
which a portion of the borough of Danville now stands, by Wil- 
liam Scull, Surveyor General; and on the 28th of the same month 
320 acres were surveyed on the same warrant at the mouth of 
Buffalo Creek, by William Maclay. And on the 20th of March 
following 579 acres were surveyed on the east side of Lycoming 
Creek, extending down the river. This included all the western 
part of what is now the city of Williamsport. This was the last 
of the manor surveys. The warrant was dated January 31, 1769, 
and returned May 5, 1770. On this survey a patent was issued to 
Rev. Richard Peters, August 11, 1770, for 599 acres, and called 
"Orme's Kirk." November 23, 1772, it was sold to Turbutt 
Francis; January 19, 1775, to Hawkins Boone, and July 11, 1791, 
his executors sold to William Winters 2871^ acres. The re- 
mainder of the 599 acres constituted what was afterwards known 
as the Amariah Sutton farm, now owned by Hon. R. J. C. Walker. 

Under date of February 3, 1769, the following petition from 
Colonel Francis and other officers was received at the office of 
the Governor, duly considered and granted ; and as it is a curious 
document, it is given in full : 

Coll. Francis, Coll. Clayton, Major De Hass, Capt. Irvin, Capt. Plunket, Capt. 
Hunter, Capt. Kern, Capt Green, Capt. Honsecker, Capt. Simes, Capt. Hendricks, 
Capt. Brady, Capt. W. Piper, Capt. Boucher, Lieut Steward, Lieut Wiggins, Lieut 


Hays, Lieut Nice, Lieut Hunsiker, Lieut Askey, Lieut McAllaster, Ens. W. Piper, 
Ens. McMean, Ens. Moitow, Ens. Stine, Ens. Foster: 

The above officers of the First & Second Battallion of the Pensylvania Regt. & 
who served under Coll. Bouquet in 1764, apply for twenty-four Thousand acres of 
Land to be taken up on the waters of the West Branch of the River .Susquehanna in 
not less than eight Thousand acres in a Tract, & divided amongst them and seated 
according to their agreement amongst themselves & the concession of the Proprietarys 
to their Petition. 

N. B. There is but three officers who have left us since our first Applycation to 
the Proprietors. 

TuRBUTT Francis. 

Granted (except that Coll. Clayton is not allowed to have any share) upon the 
terms expressed in the Minutes of Property of the 3d Feb. 1 769. 

John Penn. 

The "minute" of the meeting of the Board of Property, re- 
ferred to above, is given herewith as part of the history of this 
great land transaction, as well as to show what each applicant was 
required to pay for his grant. It is as follows : 

Minute of the Board of Property. 

At a Meeting at the Governors the 3d Feby, 1769, present. The Governor, The 
Sec'ry, Mr. Tilghman, The Auditor Gen'l. Mr. Hockley, The Rec'r Gen'l Mr. 
Physick, The Surv'r Gen'l Mr. Lukens. 

Ordered that Col. Francis and the Officers of the 1st & 2d Battalion of the Penn- 
sylvania Regiment be allowed to take up 24,000 as., to be divided amongst them in 
distinct Surveys on the Waters of the West Branch of Sasquehanna to be seated with 
a Family for each 300 as., within two years from the time of Survey paying 5^^ 
Sterling p hundred & id Stg. p. acre. The Land to be taken as near as may be 
together and in bodys of Eight Thousand Acres at least. If more than eight Thou- 
sand acres can be had in one place they may have the Liberty of taking it & laying out 
the Residue in two other places if it can't be got in one. The whole paid for before 
patents issue for any parts. Surveys to be made & returned in nine Months and Set- 
tleinents made and Money paid in 15 Months after Returns made. Int. & Quit Rent 
to commence in nine Months after Application. If all cannot pay for their parts in 
time, patents to issue for the whole to such as will pay the whole Money still seating as 

Another important landmark in early times was Shamokin 
Island, in the North Branch of the Susquehanna, at the point 
where it unites with the West Branch and forms the main river. 
When Fort Augusta was built the lower point of the island ex- 
tended a short distance below the fortification, but the water, dur- 
ing the past hundred years, has so worn away the point that it is 
now above where the fort stood on the main land. The island 



was a favorite place with the Indians, and they had two villages 
on it. One was near the upper end and the other about the mid- 
dle, and the remains of their wigwams were pointed out long after 
the white settlers came. Stone axes, and spear and arrow-heads 
of flint, were also picked up where their huts had stood. A 
mound is said to have existed on the island, where it is supposed 
many bodies were buried. Only a few skeletons were unearthed, 
and they appeared to have been buried a long time. 

On being informed of the value of the island, the Penns were 
not slow to take steps to acquire it for themselves, and on the 29th 
of November, 1768, a warrant in favor of John Penn and John 
Penn, Jr., Proprietaries, was issued; and on the i6th of December 
following a survey was made, and the following draft is now on 
file among'the records at Harrisburg : 

By virtue of a warrant dated the 29th Day of November, 1768, Surveyed the i6th 
day of December, 1768, unto the Honorable the Proprietaries the above described 
Island, situate opposite to Fort Augusta, in the North East Branch of Susquehanna 
in the New Purchase, containing Two hundred .'\cres and allowance of six per cent. 

PR. Wm. Scull. 

Mungo Reed appears to have been the first white man to settle 
on the island, erect a cabin and make improvements. The Duke 
De La Rochefoucault Liancourt,* a French traveler, who visited 
Northumberland in 1795, thus refers to him: 

Near to Northumberland, on the northern arm of the Susquehanna, and close to 
the point of confluence of the two arms of that river, lies an isle, which contains 
about two hundred and fifty acres of the richest soil, from fifty of which the largest 
trees have been cut down. The land is fit for all the purposes of agriculture, and 
might be cultivated with equal profit and satisfaction by an industrious owner. It is 
the most pleasant little estate which can possibly be bought by any person desirous of 

* Liancourt' s Travels in America in i^gj, Vol. I., pages 69, 70, 71 and 72. 


settling in Northumberland. At present it is the property of a man much advanced 
in years, who lives on it, in a small log house. He bought it about seven years ago 
for one thousand six hundred dollars, and very lately refused three thousand three 
hundred, which were offered for this island. 

The records show that Reed purchased the island from the 
Penns, as per article of agreement dated July 2, 1784, for $1,413.33. 
The article was proved August 27, 1802, and recorded the same 
day in deed book L, page 701, at Sunbury. Reed, however, did 
not long remain the owner of the island, as the following brief of 
the title from his purchase to the present time will show: 

2gth July, 1786. Transfer by Mungo Reed to Abraham Scott of the above article 
of agreement and the premises; said Scott to pay the balance of purchase money, and 
pay Reed one hundred pounds. Proved 27th July, 1802. Recorded 27th July, 1802, 
deed book L, page 702. 

John Penn and Richard Penn, by attorney, John R. Coats, to John Boyd. Deed, 
26th March, 1802. Same day acknowledged. Recorded loth December, 1817, 
deed book T, page 418. Recites death of one of the J. Penns and Richard as 
brother. Letter of attorney dated 27th November, 1800, intended to be recorded. 
Recites article of agreement with Mungo Reed for absolute sale, Recites transfer 
by Mungo Reed to Abraham Scott; death of Scott intestate in August, 1798, leaving 
issue Samuel, Alexander, Mary Wilson, late Mary Scott, Sarah and Susanna, and a 
widow, Mary. That Samuel, after his father's death, conveyed his share to Alexan- 
der and died intestate, leaving issue Samuel Hunter Scott, Sarah and Susan. Susanna, 
a daughter of Abraham Scott, died after Samuel, unmarried and without issue. Recites 
payment of all the consideration money. Conveys Shamokin Island. Recites war- 
rant dated 29th November, 1768, and survey for Proprietaries on the 1 6th December, 
1768. In trust for heirs of Abraham Scott. 

April term, 1802. Proceedings in partition in Orphans' Court of Northumberland 
County. Petition of Alexander Scott, heir at law of Abraham Scott, deceased; 
states the death of Abraham Scott and his issue, and the title to him of Shamokin 
Island; prays an inquest. Awarded. O. C. docket 3, page 245. 

June term, 1802. Inquest returned and confirmed, and Shamokin Island awarded 
to Alexander Scott June 15, 1802. Orphans' Court docket No. 3, page 252. 

Sarah Scott, widow of Abraham Scott, deceased, to Alexander Scott. Deed of 
release I2th August, 1802. Recorded deed book T, page 421, loth December, 1817. 
Recites partition and distribution 15th June, 1802. Releases island from dower — 
$150.24 per annum during life. 

Sarah Scott to same. Ut supra, page 422. Releases her share of money, 
$1,001. 64^*^; $500.82y-j upon death of widow; $2^o.\\^^ her share of Susanna 
Scott's portion; ;?i25.2oJj upon death of widow. 

William Wilson and wife to same. Ut supra, page 423, Ibid. %\ ,001 .b/^-^-; 
iS500.82j-j upon death of widow; ;S250.4iJj her share of Susanna Scott's portion; 
$125. 20J; upon death of widow, 

Henry Vanderslice, sheriff, to Alexander Scott. Deed 30th April, 1803. Re- 


corded T, page 420, loth December, 1817. Consideration fifteen pounds. Judgment 
in name of John Deemer, against executors of Samuel Scolt, and sale of one-fifth of 
Shamokin Island to Alexander Scott, as property of Samuel Scott. 

Sarah Scott, Alexander Scott, William Wilson and Mary, his wife, and Sarah 
Scott, Jr., with Edward Lyon. Article of agreement dated 2d March, 1802. Re- 
corded in deed book U, page 340. Agrees to convey the Shamokin Island in North- 
east Branch of Susquehanna river, opposite Fort Augusta, called " Corcyra " — ;^3,ooo- 

Alexander Scott to Edward Lyon. Deed 6th October, 1805. Recorded in deed 
book T, page 452, 13th February, 1818. One-fifth of .Shamokin Island in North 
Branch Susquehanna river, opposite Fort Augusta. Recites sherifTs sale and deed 
from Vanderslice. Consideration fifteen pounds. 

John Boyd to Edward Lyon. Deed 24th April, 1S21. Recites that he held legal 
title, and the transfer by heirs of Abraham Scott of equitable title, and payment of 
consideration money and a former deed to Lyon by him dated 28th June, 1802, con- 
veys Shamokin Island. Recorded in deed book U, page 338. Consideration, Sl.oo. 
' Seth Chapman vs. Executors of Edward Lyon. No. 6 April term, 1824, Ft. Fa_ 
Levy on Shamokin Island. "Lands levied and condemned." 

Same vs. Same. No. 7 ibid — ibid. 

William and Thomas Clyde vs. John Watson and E. Lyon. No 17 April term, 
1819. 23d January, 1819, judgment. 

William Clyde, who survived Thomas, vs. Executors of Edward Lyon. No. 84 
November term, 1823, Appearance docket. Amicable Scire Facias to revive, etc. 
27 November, 1823, judgment confessed. 17 April term, 1819, aforesaid. No. 52 
April term, 1S24, Fi. Fa. 

Same vs. Same, No. 52 April term, 1824, Fi. Fa. Levy on Shamokin Island. 
"Lands levied and condemned." No. 13 August term, 1824, Vend. Ex. 

Same vs. Same. No. 13 August term, 1824, Vend. Ex. Lands sold to John 
Cowden for $9,200. 

James R. Shannon, sheriff, to John Cowden. Deed acknowledged l6th day of 
August, 1824, for Shamokin Island. Sold as the property of Edward Lyon in hands 
of his executors. Ent. March 12, 1829. Consideration, §9,200. 

Will of John Cowden, dated ist September, 1836. Registered i6th January, 1837, 
will book No. 3, pages 241 and 242, devises island to John H. Cowden. 

The Philadelphia Bank vs. John H. Cowden. Judgment. Same vs. Same, Fi. Fa. 
Same vs. Same, Vend. Ex. 

Merchants and Manufacturers Bank vs. John H. Cowden. Judgment. Same vs. 
Same, Fi. Fa. Same vs. Same, Vend. Ex. 

6th August, 1842. Deed Henry Gossler, sheriff, to Alexander Cummings for 
Shamokin Island. Acknowledged 13th August, 1842. Entered in sheriffs deed 
book B, page 232. 

20th August, 1842. Deed Alexander Cummings and wife to the Philadelphia 
Bank. Indorsed on the above deed. Acknowledged. Recorded in deed book C C, 
pages 489 and 490. 

31st March, 1845. Deed Philadelphia Bank to Ebenezer Greenough. Proved. 
Recorded 17th June, 1846, in deed book E E, pages 635, etc. 

E. Greenough's Executors to Joseph Weitzel. Deed dated the 19th day of March, 


1857. Recorded June 7, 1858, in deed book O O, pages 38S, etc. Consideration, 
$14,000. Conveys the whole of Shamokin Island. 

Joseph Weitzel and wife to Joseph Bird. Deed dated the 4th day of January, 
1864. Recorded January 4, 1864, in deed book T T, pages 343, etc. Considera- 
tion, $18,600. Conveys the whole of Shamokin Island. 

Joseph Bird and wife to John B. Packer. Deed dated the 1st day of June, 1877. 
Recorded June 19, 1877, in deed book No. 74, page 70. Consideration, $20,500. 
Conveys the whole of Shamokin Island. 

From the foregoing it will be seen that the island has had many 
owners since the days of the Penns. And, it might be added, it 
presents a changed appearance from what it did when Count Lian- 
court* saw it, over ninety years ago. It is now in a high state of 
cultivation and yields luxuriant crops. The farm residences, barns 
and out-buildings are elegant and capacious. Hon. John B. 
Packer, the present owner, has spared no expense to beautify and 
adorn the farm, to protect it from the encroachments of the water, 
and make it in every re.spect a model of rural beauty. There is a 
fine native grove on the upper end of the island, public bridges 
connect it with the main land, and the Philadelphia and Erie rail- 
road also crosses it, using two bridges for that purpose. Could 
old Mungo Reed look upon it now he would be compelled to rub 
his eyes the second time to convince himself that he once lived 
there, felled the stately oaks and struggled hard to gain a sub- 
sistence ! 

On the 1 8th of February William IVJaclay made the first survey 
in person on the west side of the river. Linn, in his Annals of 
Buffalo Valley, says his field notes are yet preserved among the 
records in Union County. February 22d the Rev. John Ewing's 
survey was made, which was the first in Buffalo Valley. It com- 

*This distinguished French Duke was born in France, 1747; and was grand 
master of the wardrobe to Louis XVth and XVIth. During the Revolution, like 
another Lafayette, he was the friend of liberty, but the enemy of licentiousness. The 
downfall of the throne compelled him to quit France, and after having resided for 
sometime in England, he visited America in 1795, and made a tour through this 
part of Pennsylvania, stopping some time at Northumberland. He then passed up 
the river and visited the French settlement called Asylum, composed of French 
refugees, in what is now Sullivan County. He published two large volumes entitled 
Travels in the United States. In 1 799 he was allowed to return to his native coun- 
try, where he died in March, 1827, greatly respected for his liberal principles and his 
benevolence. It was chiefly through his exertions that vaccination was introduced 
into France. 


menced near the mouth of Buffalo Creek and extended up the 
river 675 perches "to a walnut that formerly stood on Dr. 
Dougal's line." This survey contained 1,150 acres. Two days 
afterwards he surveyed the Bremmer tract for John Penn, which 
contained 1,434 acres. At that time he named it the " Fiddler 
Tract," because, according to tradition, it had been given to a 
fiddler for one night's performance on the violin. Bremmer was 
a London music dealer, and it is inferred that he was a fiddler by 

The site of what is now the flourishing borough of Lewisburg 
was surveyed February 28th by Mr. Maclay, commencing at a 
tree which stood at what is now known as Strohecker's landing; 
and on the line he notes the spring now belonging to the Uni- 
versity grounds. The line as he ran it was one mile long to the 
mouth of Buffalo Creek. 

The following day, February 4th, a special application was 
issued in favor of Dr. Francis Allison, being No. 2, for 1,500 acres, 
and a survey was at once made of 1,620 acres, above the mouth 
of Bald Eagle Creek. It embraced that beautiful tract of alluvial 
land, now in a high state of cultivation, extending westward from 
the mouth of Bald Eagle and taking in the ground on which the 
passenger station of the Philadelphia and Erie railroad now stands, 
at Lock Haven. An Indian village, called Old Town, stood near 
the mouth of the creek, opposite Great Island. There are several 
very fine farms on this tract to-day, the most attractive, with its 
handsome dwelling house and out-buildings, being that of Hon. 
Charles A. Mayer, of Lock Haven. 

Sometime during 1769 Thomas Brown settled two miles up 
Loyalsock Creek and made an improvement. He was one of the 
first settlers in that section, and it is a source of regret that noth- 
ing is known of his histoiy. 

Joseph Bonser was an early settler abo\'e Loyalsock, on the 
small stream which still bears his name. His cabin stood at the 
point where the great Sheshequin path intersected the run, and 
where Rev. David Brainerd met and preached to the Indians as 
early as 1746. The great swamp alluded to by Colonel Hartley 
was in this neighborhood. 

Edward Burd is reported to have settled and made a small im- 


provement on the river five miles above the mouth of Buffalo 
Creek as early as 1768. His claim included the site of the In- 
dian town which so many afterwards coveted. 

Edmund Huff settled in 1768 in Nippenose Bottom and made 
an improvement on what was afterwards the farm of General Mc- 
Micken. Huff seems to have been quite an adventurer, or squatter. 
At one time we find him living near Bald Eagle's Nest (Miles- 
burg), and later at what is now Newberry, where he had a fort, 
although it had a questionable reputation in later years. 

Near the close of February many of the officers of the First and 
Second Battalions met at Fort Augusta and agreed to take the 
land proposed by the Proprietaries, and that one of the tracts 
should be surveyed on the West Branch, adjoining Andrew Mon- 
tour's place at Chillisquaque Creek, and one in Buffalo Valley. 
And in order to expedite business it was agreed that Captains 
Plunkett, Brady, Piper and Lieutenant Askey should go along 
with Mr. Maclay to Buffalo Valley, and Captains Hunter and 
Irvine with Mr. Scull, to direct the survey in the "forks," as they 
termed it. 

On the Lst, 2d and 3d of March, 1769, Samuel Maclay, for his 
brother William, made the survey for the officers which embraced 
the heart of Buffalo Valley. The survey was made, according to 
the minutes, "without opposition." The party then returned to 
Fort Augusta, held a meeting, and determined that the third tract 
of 8,000 acres should be surveyed on Bald Eagle Creek. Cap- 
tains Hunter, Brady and Piper were appointed to oversee that 
survey, which was to be made by Charles I-ukens. The records 
say that Dr. Plunkett, Colonel Francis and Major de Haas fur- 
nished the stores for the surveying party. 

The Bald Eagle survey was made under the direction of Charles 
Lukens. It commenced on the western boundary of the Allison 
tract, embracing the territory between the river and along Bald 
Eagle Creek as far as Howard, in Centre County. The Berks 
County line of 1752 crossed the river five miles below Selinsgrove, 
passed through the middle of Sugar Valley, again crossing the 
river near the mouths of the Bald Eagle Creek, Quinn's Run and 
Paddy's Run. The assumed purchase line of 1754 crossed the 
river about a mile above the mouth of Penn's Creek, crossed the 


Bald Eagle at the mouth of Beech Creek, and the West Branch 
near the mouth of the Sinnemahoning. The latter line becoming 
the assumed boundary between Berks and Cumberland, all the 
territory of Clinton eastwardly of it was in Berks and within 
Charles Lukens' district. 

In making the survey of the officers' tracts on Bald Eagle the 
first one, which was assigned to Ensign William McMeen, com- 
menced at an ash on the river bank, now within the limits of Lock 
Haven. This survey was returned as containing 216 acres, and it 
was patented to Alexander Hamilton May 3, 1774. Lieutenant 
Hunsicker came ne.xt with a tract of 282 acres, including the site 
of the present town of Flemington. Captain Timothy Green's 
tract of 542 acres included what is now Mill Hall. John Brady 
had a tract on Fishing Creek, which was returned as containing 
393 acres. Captain James Irvine's tract, westward, contained 547 
acres. Culbertson, who was his tenant, was killed by the Indians 
near what Lukens called " Hick's Spring." Above this tract an- 
other was surveyed in the name of Captain Brady, containing 144 
acres. Captain William Plunkett also had a tract which contained 
540 acres. 

Linn says that west of Brady was Ensign James Morrow's tract, 
about whose right there was so much litigation, consequent upon 
the refusal of the proprietors to patent it to him. Morrow, or 
Murray, was charged with being with the part}' which rescued 
Stump and Ironcutter at Carlisle, and the Proprietary vacated his 
right. In Ross vs. Eason, 4 Yates, page 54, is a report of a case 
which arose upon Murray's right (part of the officers' survey on 
the Chillisquaque), which was decided in favor of Murray. Whether 
any difficulty arose about the tract on Bald Eagle is unknown. 

Among others securing grants in this survc}' may be mentioned 
Major John Philip de Hass,* 809 acres, and Lieutenant James 
Hays, 303 acres. Lieutenant Thomas Wiggins had a tract west 
of Hays, which included the mouth of Bald Eagle Creek, and em- 
braced 125 acres. 

* It is not known that any of these officers settled upon their tracts except Lieu- 
tenant James Hays, who hved and died upon his location, and is buried in the Hays 
grave-yard at Beech Creek, Clinton County. Major de Haas' son moved upon his 
land early in the present century, and his descendants are very numerous both in 
Clinton and Centre counties. — -Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. H., page 617, New Series. 


The William Glass tract (not included in the officers' survey) 
was made April 4, 1769, and took in the upper portion of the 
ground on which Lock Haven now stands. It was on this tract 
that the famous Clary Campbell squatted. According to Judge 
Huston, in his work on Land Titles, page 318, the work was in- 
accurately done,* and when the land came to be re-surveyed, many 
of the tracts were found to contain an excess of over one hundred 
acres of the quantity called for. As the country was a wilderness 
at that time, and land was plenty, the surveyors were not par- 
ticular as to how they ran their lines. 

On the 1 6th of May, 1769, lots were drawn by the officers for 
the choice of lands. Captain Hendricks having won the first 
choice, took the eastern end of Buffalo Valley survey. Captain 
Plunkett then chose the tract on which the Driesbach church was 
finally built, and Captain Brady what afterwards became the 
Maclay place. Captain Kern took the site of Vicksburg. Dr. 
Thomas Wiggins got 339 acres. Dr. Wiggins resided in Lower 
Paxtang Township, now Dauphin County. By his will, proved 
August 31, 1798, he devised to his brother, John Wiggins, his 
land in Northumberland County ; and by the will of John Wig- 
gins, second, he devised it to John and James Simonton, each 1 10 

May 16, 1769, the officers | met at Harris' Ferry (now Harris- 
burg), when Messrs. Maclay, Scull and Lukens laid before them 
the drafts of their respective surveys. Mr. Maclay reported that 
the tract surveyed by him in Buffalo Valley contained 8,000 acres; 
Mr. Scull, that in the "forks," 6,096 acres, which left 9,004 for Bald 
Eagle Creek, and Mr. Lukens' survey was several thousand acres 
short of the quantity. They agreed then that Colonel Francis 
should receive his share, 2,075 acres, surveyed to him in one tract, 

* For a very full description of these surveys, together with a map showing the 
lines, see Linn's History of Clinton and Centre Counties, pages 469, 70, 71. 

f See Annals of Buffalo Valley, page 31. 

JOn the 9th of March, 1771, the officers of the First and Second Battalions held 
another meeting, when Charles Lukens reported that the whole tract surveyed by him 
on Bald Eagle Creek contained only 8,380 acres, which was 1,524 acres less than the 
quantity allowed them. He divided the Bald Eagle tract into twenty shares, the last 
of which Lieutenant Askey got; so that Lieutenant McAllister, Ensign Piper, Captain 
Sems and Captain Kern yet lacked their shares. Colonel Francis then said that a 


adjoining the tract purchased by him of Andrew Montour. Ac- 
cording to the draft of this survey, now on file in the Land Office, 
it extended up the river from ChiUisquaque Creek to a point near 
Watsontown, taking in the land on which Montandon, Milton and 
Watsontown now stand. Colonel Francis having acquired by 
purchase the land from ChiUisquaque Creek to and including 
Northumberland, owned a continuous strip from that place to a 
point near Watsontown, a distance of about eighteen miles. This 
made him one of the most extensive land owners of that time. 
John Lowdon bought the tract from Francis on which the town 
of Northumberland was built, and it was patented to his wife, 
Sarah Lowdon, July 7, 1 770. Boyd and Wilson also purchased 
of him the tract at ChiUisquaque, and in 1791 they erected a mill, 
which has been rebuilt at different times and kept going to the 
present day. 

Above Francis' tract, which took in a portion of the " Paradise" 
country, came Ensign Stein; next Lieutenant Hunsicker. Then 
came Captain William Piper, 609 acres, on Warrior Run, which 
included the present site of Watsontown. North, along the river, 
was Lieutenant Hayes, 334 acres, where Dewart now stands, and 
several other officers. These tracts were all surveyed in May, 
1769. Captain Piper and Lieutenant Hayes settled on their lands 
and lived and died there. The others all sold to speculators or 
other parties. 

Colonel Turbutt Francis was a son of Tench Francis, who was 
Attorney General of Pennsylvania from 1741 to 1755, and was 
born in Talbot County, Maryland, in 1740. He was named for 
his mother. Miss Turbutt, and was a full cousin of Dr. Francis, 
the translator of Horace, and Sir Philip Francis, one of the re- 
puted authors of the letters of Junius. He served in the French 

grant might be obtained for the tract of land in Buffalo Valley, formerly intended to 
be located by Captain Plunkett, and since surveyed for the Proprietaries, containing 
1,005 acres. Piper was, therefore, given lot No. 6, on Bald Eagle, surveyed for 
Ensign Morrow, who was excluded from the grant by the Penns, because he was of 
the party that rescued Stump and Ironcutter from the Carlisle jail. Captain Kern 
was given 287 acres, late the Chamberlain mill tract in Kelly Township; Lieutenant 
McAllister 290 acres, adjoining the foregoing, and Colonel Francis, for Captain 
Sems, 5271^ adjoining. Colonel Francis sold the latter to William Linn, of Lurgan 
Township, Franklin County. — Linn's Annals of Buffalo Valley, page 37. 


and Indian wars, and was commissioned Lieutenant Colonel of the 
First Battalion of the Pennsylvania Regiment, commanded by 
Colonel John Penn, June 6, 1764, and took part in the Bouquet 
expedition. He also served as prothonotary of Cumberland 
County. When Northumberland County was erected, in 1772, he 
was appointed one of the first justices of the peace, and was 
afterwards honored with having one of the original townships 
named after him, which is still in existence. 

At the time of Colonel Plunkett's invasion of Wyoming, Colonel 
Francis subscribed fifty pounds* to assist in defraying the ex- 
penses of the expedition from Fort Augusta. 

The village of Turbuttville was named after him, but through 
some fatality the title has been corrupted into Turbot-\\V^&, much 
to the annoyance of those who are familiar with the origin of the 
name. Turbot is the name of a fish, and its application in this in- 
stance is wholly out of place. 

During the Revolutionary war Colonel Francis remained pas- 
sive, his sympathies rather inclining to the British side of the 

He died at his home in Philadelphia in 1797, aged about 57 
years. From a copy of his will found among the Samuel Wallis 
papers, and now in the possession of Howard R. Wallis, of Muncy, 
it appears that he bequeathed to his wife Sarah all his "house- 
hold furniture, plate, servants, horses, carriages, and also the sum 
of i^4,ooo in money." He also gave her " ^^260 per annum, to be 
paid to her yearly or quarterly, as she might choose." 

To his daughter Rebecca he gave one-third of his estate, to be 
paid her on reaching the age of eighteen, or on the day of her 

To his sons, Tench and Samuel Mifflin Francis, he gave the 
balance of his estate. His wife and Samuel Mifflin were con- 
stituted his executors. The will was dated February 11, 1777, 
and was written wholly in his own hand, without subscribing 
witnesses. It was proved by David Kennedy and Dr. William 
Smith, by comparison and similarity of hands. 

Sometime towards the close of the year 1769 an Irishman 

*'See ex-Governor Hoyt's Seventeen Townships of Luzerne, page 113. 


named Larry Burt had a cabin near the mouth of Larry's Creek. 
It is said that he was an Indian trader, but his name does not ap- 
pear in the official Hst of traders for that day. Burt had an Indian 
woman for a wife and he sold goods to the Indians. His cabin 
stood a few rods above where the iron bridge now crosses the 
stream. The stream now known as " Larry's " Creek was named 
after him. Nothing more of his history is known. Being an 
adventurer, he probably retired on the appearance of the land 
speculators and followed the Indians westward. 

The special grants having been disposed of, preparations were 
made for opening the Land Office, and in order to give the reader 
a clear idea as to how business was transacted at that day, and 
applications granted, the following advertisement by the secretary 
of the Land Office is given : 

The Land Office will be opened on the third daj of April next, at lo o'clock in 
the morning, to receive applications from all persons inclinable to take up lands in 
the New Purchase, upon terms of five pounds sterling per hundred acres, and one 
penny per acre per annum quit-rent. No person will be allowed to take up more 
than three hundred acres, without a special license from the Proprietaries or Governor. 
The surveys upon all applications are to be made and returned within six months, and 
the whole purchase money paid at one payment, and patent taken out within twelve 
months from the date of the application, with interest and quit-rent from six months 
after the application. If there be a failure on the side of the party applying, in 
either proving his survey and return to be made, or in paying the purchase money, 
and obtaining the patent, the application and survey will be utterly void, and the 
Proprietaries will be at liberty to dispose of the land to any other person whatever. 
And as these terms will be strictly adhered to by the Proprietaries, all persons are 
hereby warned and cautioned, not to apply for more land than they will be able to 
pay for, in the time hereby given for that purpose. 

By order of the Governor. 

James Tilghman, 
Secretary of the Land Office. 

Philadelphia Land Office, Feb. 2j, 1769. 

Notwithstanding the stringency of the conditions enjoined upon 
those taking up lands, it appears that they never were wholl)- 
complied with, so far as related to the patenting was concerned. 
Simultaneously with the advertisement of the secretary of the 
Land Office, preparations were made for the commencement of 
business on a large scale. Location books were opened, in which 
the tract applied for was entered, numbered and described. It 
being understood that many applications would be made, and 


many of them for the same tract, it was decided by the Governor 
and his agents that the best way to award these appHcations 
would be to place them in a box, mix them well together, and 
then draw them therefrom and number them as they came forth. 
This plan, it was thought, would prove more satisfactory, as there 
could be no partiality in awarding an application. The form of 
an application was as follows : 

No. 1085. 

George Grant hath made application for three hundred acres of land, on the 
north side of the West Branch of Susquehanna, joining and above the Honorable 
Proprietors land at Muncy Creek, including Wolf Run. 

Dated at Philadelphia, this th'ird day of April, 1769. 

To William Scull, Deputy Surveyor; you are to survey the land mentioned in this 
application, and make return thereof into the Surveyor-General's Office, within si.\ 
months from the above date ; and thereof fail not. 

John Lukens, S. G. 

Instructions were also issued by Surveyor General John Lukens* 
to the deputy in whose district the tract located was to be sur- 
veyed, and they accompanied the application. Four deputy 
surveyors were appointed by the Commissioners of Property to 
attend to the field work. Their names were William Gray for the 

*John Lukens was a grandson of Jan Lucken, a Quaker from Holland, one of 
the first of the thirteen settlers of Germantown, who arrived in Philadelphia October 
6, 1683. The seventh son of the emigrant, Jan Lucken, was Peter, born January 30, 
1696. Peter married Gainer Evans, whence the common appellative. Gainer or 
Gayner, amongst the girls of the Lukens family. John Lukens was Surveyor General 
under the Proprietaries, appointed December 8, 1761, and re appointed under the 
Commonwealth April 10, 1781. He died in office in October, 1789. Among his 
children were Charles, who is connected with the early history of the Valley as 
Deputy Surveyor. He surveyed the ofiftcers' tracts on Bald Eagle Creek in March, 
1769. Jesse, another son, was killed in Plunkett's expedition to Wyomingin Decem- 
ber, 1775. 

A daughter of John Lukens married Joseph Jacob Wallis, who died in 1795, 
leaving a large estate and the following descendants : 

1. John Lukens Wallis, the first white male child born west of Muncy Creek, in 

2. Grace Wallis, married Evan Rice Evans, Esq. 

3. Sarah Wallis, married Daniel Smith, Esq. 

4. Thomas Wallis, who became a physician. He was tiie father of the late Mr>. 
J. M. Petrikin, of Bellefonte. 

5. Gayner Wallis, married Enoch Smith, Esq. 

6. Elizabeth Wallis, married Thomas Evans. 

7. Joseph Jacob Wallis. — John Blair Linn. 


south-eastern part of the purchase; Charles Stewart for the dis- 
trict lying up the North Branch; William Scull* for the north 
side of the West Branch above Chillisquaque, and Charles Lukens 
for the south side, bounded on the south by the treaty line of 
1754, and east by Buffalo Creek. His district also extended to 
the head-waters of Bald Eagle Creek, and embraced the valleys of 
Nittany, Sugar, Nippenose, White Deer Hole, White Deer, and 
the upper part of Buffalo Valley. 

When the Land Office was opened, on the 3d of April, 1769, 
there was a great rush of applicants, and on the first day 2,782 
applications were issued and directed to the deputy surveyors in 
their respective districts embraced in the purchase of 1768, in- 
cluding the north side of the river from Lycoming to Pine 
Creek. But a dispute arose which caused much trouble after- 
wards. The Indians claimed that Lycoming was the Tiadaghton 
mentioned in the treaty, and that the lands west of Lycoming 
were not included in the purchase, and that the whites had no 
authority to occupy them. The Proprietaries supposed Pine 
Creek was the Tiadaghton referred to in the treaty, but as the In- 
dians expressed much dissatisfaction at the occupancy of these 
lands, an order was issued forbidding any surveys to be made in 
this territory west of Lycoming Creek. A large number of ap- 
plications had, however, been granted for tracts in this district, and 
squatters were already upon the land. But in obedience to the 

♦Nicholas Scull, Surveyor General of Pennsylvania, was the eldest of the six sons 
of Nicholas Scull, Sr., who emigrated to America from County Cork, and landed at 
Chester in October, 1685. Nicholas Scull (his son) was born near Philadelphia in 
the year 1687, and was an apprentice to Thomas Holmes, the first acting Surveyor 
General. He married Abigail Heap in 1708. While young, Scull was actively en- 
gaged in surveying, and learned several Indian dialects. He was present at many 
councils with the Delaware and Conestoga tribes. He acted as interpreter at a 
council in Philadelphia April 18, 1728, and when all business was transacted it was 
"ordered that tlu-ee match coats be given to James Le Tort, an Indian trader, and 
John Scull, to be by them delivered to .A.lhimapees, Mr. Montour, etc." Nicholas 
Scull was elected sheriff of Philadelphia in 1744-5-6. On the loth of June, 1748, 
he succeeded William Parsons as Surveyor General. He died in 1761 and was 
buried in Philadelphia. His wife died May 21, 1753, aged 65. They had nine 
children, and William, the deputy surveyor, was one of them. Descendants of 
Nicholas Scull reside at Reading, Westmoreland County, and in Pittsburg. John 
Scull founded the Pittsburg Gazette. John Lukens succeeded Scull as Surveyor Gen- 
eral in December, 1768.— See Autobiography of Nicholas Biddte, pages 378-384. 


order no surveys were made until the dispute was finally settled 
by the treaty of 1784, and there was an interim of sixteen year* 
which was fraught with fear, uncertainty and bad feeling relating 
to the occupancy of this territory. 

As soon as the applications were accepted surveyors were set to 
work to run the lines. In the same month they were in White 
Deer Hole Valley making surveys, and on the 1st of July in 
Black Hole Bottom, and on the 4th, 5th and 6th in Nippenose. 
The first survey in this Bottom was made on the application of 
Elizabeth Brown, numbered 44, and included the mouth of the 
creek. It was made July 4, 1769. On the 7th of the same 
month the first survey was made in Nippenose Valley, on the 
application of Ralph Foster, and embraced the tract where San- 
derson's mill stands. On the 8th and 9th surveys were made 
along the river in what is now Wayne Township, Clinton County, 
and at other points above. In October surveys were made in 
Mosquito Valley, south-west of Williamsport, and at variou.s other 
places in Charles Lukens' district. 

In William Scull's district we find them making surveys on 
Muncy Creek in the vicinity of where Hughesville now stands. 
The surveyors in the other districts were also progressing with 
their work. 

Applications were granted until the 31st of August, 1769, when 
they amounted to 4,000. Surveys were never made, probably, on 
half of the applications issued, but applications were made as often 
as four or five times for the same tracts by as many different per- 
sons. Priority seems to have been generally given according 
to the prescribed rule adopted for the regulation of such cases, and 
the first applicant for a tract generally secured it. There were 
some five or six applications for the land of John Cox, three miles 
above the mouth of Buffalo Creek, including the old Indian town 
where Shikellimy dwelt before he changed his residence to 
Shamokin to assume the duties of vice-king by appointment of 
the Six Nations. Many of these applications were surveyed on 
other tracts, several of which were opposite Long Island (in the 
river at Jersey Shore) and Nippenose Bottom and Buffalo Valley. 
A tract was generalh- found to fit the application. These applica- 
tions only cost a dollar for office fees, and a small sum to the first 


explorer or guide to the land, who was generally an expert woods- 
man and sought the best locations. Some lines were run and marked 
in order to define their locations to a particular spot. Hawkins 
Boone was the principal explorer and woodsman in Bald Eagle, 
Nittany and other valleys. In some of his notes taken at the time 
he mentions the Bald Eagle's Nest, near Milesburg, and a settler 
there named Huff, who had cut logs to erect a cabin. He was one 
of those early adventurers from Cumberland County, mention of 
whom will be made in another place. 

The application of Andrew Hackett included "an old Indian 
cornfield, near a mile from where Bald Eagle Creek cuts through 
the hill, and where the Frankstown road leads through to the 
Great Island." This was on an important path which was fre- 
quently traveled by Indian war parties, and it was found to be very 
convenient for the whites in later years. 

In many cases the tracts were located by letters cut on the bark 
of trees standing in a particular place, or by certain localities in- 
cluding deer licks, by which means they could be identified. 
Many of the surveys made on these applications were not found 
for many years afterwards, as the people were soon compelled to 
abandon the frontier, and in many cases never returned. 

The year 1769 closed the application system, and in 1770 the 
Proprietaries commenced the issuing of warrants, which was 
pretty much on the same principle. Conditions, however, were 
fully set forth in the warrants, signed by the Governor, with the 
seal of the Land Office affixed. The original was filed in the 
Surveyor General's office, and a copy directed to the deputy in the 
district where the land was supposed to lie. When it was doubt- 
ful where the land was, they were in many cases directed thus: 
"To the proper Deputy Survej'or;" and he was supposed to be 
able to find it. .In the scramble for land great confusion was 
caused, and in many instances sharp practices were resorted to for 
the purpose of securing eligible locations. 

Among the noted pioneers of 1769 was Samuel Wallis, who 
became the most extensive land owner of that time. He was 
aggressive and adventuresome, and acquired one tract after an- 
other until he owned over 7,000 acres in one body in Muncy 
Valley alone. He also secured other tracts up the river, and on 


Sinneniahoning, which amounted to several thousands of acres 
more. His famous plantation, known as " Muncy Farm,"* figures 
more in history than the balance of all his possessions. His seat 
was at what is now known as Hartley Hall, at the junction of the 
Williamsport and North Branch and Philadelphia and Reading 
railroads, three miles west of Muncy, and ten miles east of Wil- 
liamsport. Here Mr. Wallis commenced the erection of a house 
early in 1769, which is still standing in a good state of preserva- 
tion. It is without doubt the oldest house in the West Branch 
Valley to-day, and is regarded as the most important of all its 
historical landmarks. It was built on high ground, on an arm of 
the river, which encloses a large island, near the mouth of Car- 
penter's Run. The location was well chosen. A few hundred 
yards north of the house Fort Muncy was afterwards built as a 
protection against the Indians and as a rallying point for the 

Not content with the acquisition of this great tract of rich farm- 
ing land, Mr. Wallis was so imbued with the speculative fever of 
that day, that he was constantly on the lookout for other lands. 
There is in existence to-day an ancient draft showing the outlines 
of a tract of 5,900 acres, which took in the ground upon which 
Jersey Shore is built, and the surrounding country. The draft 
shows the winding course of the river from the mouth of Larry's 
Creek to Pine Creek, including Long Island, and as it is a docu- 
ment of much importance, the description of the survey, written 
upon its face, is given herewith in full : 

" A Draught of a tract of Land situate on the north side of the 
West Branch of Susquehanna below & adjoining pine Creek. 

"Surveyed the ijtli & i8th Days of June in 1773, for Samuel 
Wallis, in Pursuance of Eighteen orders of survey Dated the 3d 
Day of April 1 769 & granted to the following persons, viz : One 
order No. 1573 granted to Samuel Nicholas & one other order 
No. 1588 granted to Samuel Nicholas. One Order No. 1701 
granted to Thomas Bonnal. One order No. 327 granted to 
Joseph Couperthwait. One order No. 464 granted to William 
Wilson. One order No. 592 granted to John Sprogle. One 

*It appears from the old records that the warrant for the " Muncy Farm' 
the name of John Jarvis, Sr., and it was originally known as the Jarvis tract. 


order No. 318 granted to Thos Morgan. One order No. 118 
granted to Richard Setteford. One order No. 1 147 granted to 
John Cummings. One order No. 1373 granted to Samuel Taylor. 
One order No. 2231 granted to Joseph Knight. One order No. 
107 granted to William Porter. One order No. 807 granted to 
Joseph Paul. One order No. 2127 granted to Henry Paul, Junr. 
One order No. 724 granted to Joseph Hill. One order No. 
608 granted to Isaac Cathrall. One order No. 1546 granted 
to Benjamin Cathrall & one order No. 1558 granted to Peter 

" Beginning at a marked Elm standing on the North side of the 
West Branch of Susquehanna above and at the mouth of Larry's 
Creek & Turning thence N. 45° E. 400 p. thence N. 67 W. 310 
p. thence S. "]"/ W. 765 p. thence S. 5 i W. 700 p. to Pine Creek 
thence Down the said creek by the several courses thereof to the 
mouth thereof, thence down the northerly side of the West Branch 
of the River Susquehanna by the several courses thereof to the 
place of beginning at the mouth of Larry's Creek containing & 
laid out for five Thousand Nine Hundred acres with Allowance 
of six acres p cent for Roads and Highways." 

This document is signed as follows: "John Lukens, Esq., 
Surveyor General, by order and direction of Jesse Lukens, per 
Samuel Harris." 

The " draught" indicates the Susquehanna River and Pine Creek 
along the two sides of the survey ; the large island in Pine Creek, 
the now almost obliterated island at the mouth of Pine Creek, in 
the main river, and the Long Island, as well as the mouth of 
Aughanbaugh's Run, a stream which is now but a mere rivulet ; 
"Nepenosis" Creek, and Larry's Creek. 

There was also recently found among his papers a long and 
carefully drawn article of agreement, which, on account of its 
antiquity and historical value, is worthy of a place in these' pages. 
It is as follows : 

That it is agreed by and between Samuel Wallis, of the city of Philadelphia, and 
Joseph Jacob Wallis, of the county of Northumberland, to enter into a joint partner- 
ship in the Farming Business, & Raising of Stock on the farm now belonging to 
Samuel Wallis at Muncy, in the county of Northumberland & Province of Pennsyl- 


vania, for the Term of eleven years, to begin and commence from the 1st Day of 
January which was in the year of Our Lord one Thousand Seven Hundred and 
Seventy-four, upon the following terms to wit : 

1st. That all the Servants, Stock, Farming Utensils &c. which was on sd. Farm 
on the said 1st Day of January 1774, together with all that has been since that time 
purchased and placed on the Farm, be valued at what they originally cost, and that 
an Estimate be made as near as Possable of the True Value of all the crop which 
was at that time on the sd. Farm. 

2d. That the Said Joseph Jacob Wallis do pay, or secure the p.iyment of one-half 
part of the full amount of all such Valuation, Estimate & Original costs of the Ser- 
vants, Stock, Farming Utensals & crop then on the sd. Farm. 

3d. That the said Samuel Wallis Shall, at his own proper cost, and expense 
(Provisions for the Workmen and the use of a Team to do the necessary Hailing 
only excepted) finish the Dwelling House which is now on hand and Build a good 
and Convenient Barn and stables fitting to accommodate such a Farm. 

.^th. That each of the said parties shall with their Respective Familys have (at 
any time when the said Samuel Wallis may chuse to be their with his Family) equal 
Priviledge, benefit & advantage of in and to the said DwelUng House During the 
full Term before mentioned. 

5th. That all costs and expenses which may arise on purchasing of Servants, Stock, 
Farming Utentials, Provisions, Labor, and all other Incidental charges which may be 
necessary for working and Improving the said Farm, shall be equilly paid and Dis- 
charged by the said parties. Share and Share alike. 

6th. That all the Servants, Stock, Farming Utentials, &c. which was the Property 
of Saml. Wallis and on the Farm the sd. 1st Day of January, 1774, Together with all 
that has been since that time purchased & placed on the sd. Farm Shall be the Joint 
Property of the sd. parties. 

7th. That all moneys arising from the sales of the Produce of the sd. F'arm be 
equilly Devided between the said parties, share cS: share alike. 

8th. That in consideration of Saml. Wallis having given up to the said Joseph 
Jacob Wallis for the Term of Eleven years, one-half part of all the Benefits and 
advantages of a well Improved Farm, he the said Joseph Jacob Wallis Doth promise 
and oblige himself to undertake the sole care and Management of all the sd. Farm 
& Premesis for their Joint Benefit, except at such times as he the said Samuel Wallis 
may chuse to be there, when and at all such times the said parties are to manage in 
Conjunction as all Joint Partners in such cases ought to do. 

9th. That it is agreed that the Partnership accounts Shall be settled once every 
year by and between the said Parties — but in case the said Joseph Jacob Wallis 
Should die at any time During the Said Intered Partnership, then in that case only 
the said Partnership is Immediately to Dissolve and all our relations thereto be 
Directly settled, and all Property of every kind whatsoever belonging to the Partner- 
ship be equilly Divided between the Heirs, Executors or administrators of the said 

loth. That it shall be the particular care of the said parties to keep the said 
Farm with all its buildings and appurtenances in good order and repair, and at the 


end of the said Term of Eleven years to Deliver up the said Farm & Premises to 

the said Saml. Wallis in Good Tenantable Order. 

For the True performance of all and Singular the covenants and agreements 
aforesaid, the said parlies bind themselves each unto the other in the Penal 
sum one Thousand Pounds lawful money of Pennsylvania. Witness our 
hands and seals this twenty .Sixth Day of February in the year of our Lord 
one Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy-five. 

The article was signed by the parties thereto, but the corner of 
the paper containing their signatures is partially torn off, showing 
that they afterwards concluded not to enter into the partnership, 
but it is nowhere stated for what reason the contract was broken 
off Under the indorsement on the back the word " canceled " i.s 
written, showing clearly the conclusion that had been arrived at. 
The witnesses to the instrument were Jeremiah Lochrey and 
Cassandra Jacob, and their signatures are still as clear and distinct 
as if they had been written yesterday. 

The article of agreement having failed, Samuel Wallis* con- 
tinued to reside on his plantation himself, and he farmed on quite 
an extensive scale for that day. It was not a pleasant pursuit, as 
Indians lurked in the thickets and pounced upon the defenseless 
at all times, and many a hardy pioneer was slain and his scalp 
ruthlessly torn from his head. Of course, Mr. Wallis fled with 
the other settlers when the " Big Runaway " occurred, and 
abandoned his improvements to the mercy of the savages. But 
he returned and proceeded to make other improvements, for 
among his papers is the draft and specifications for the erection of 
a grist mill on Carpenter's Run, a short distance east of where he 

* Toseph Jacob Wallis was a half brother of Samuel. He married a daughter of 
John Lukens, Surveyor General of Pennsylvania, and John Lukens Wallis, their son, 
was the first white male child born west of Muncy Creek. This was in 1773. He 
grew to manhood and married Mary Cooke, a daughter of Colonel Jacob Cooke, of 
the X'levolution. But three children survived them — Joseph, Jacob C, and Mary 
Jane, who became Mrs. Shipman. John Lukens Wallis was one of the heirs of 
John Lukens, who was cut off by the word "propitious." The heirs were but seven in 
number, and the property was to be divided among them at the most " propitious '' time. 
The property embraced a great deal of land upon which the city of Philadelphia 
now stands, and was then but tracts of uncultivated land. But the estate became a 
veritable Jarndyce vs. Jarndyce, and the heirs died before the "propitious" time 
came for its division. 

John Lukens Wallis was a great lover of the chase in his day and made a " happy 
hunting ground of this earth." He died July 27, 1863, aged 89 years, 8 months and 
3 days, and is buried in the cemetery at Hughesville, Lycoming County, Pa. 


had built his house. The country was now rapidly filling up and 
a mill was a necessity in the settlement. The site selected was an 
eligible one. There was plenty of water in the stream to drive 
the machinery, when it was carefully husbanded. The site, just 
below the canal aqueduct, is still pointed out, and a portion of the 
excavation for the race still remains. The mill was built in 1785, 
according to the rough draft. It called for a building " 20 x 24 feet, 
with glass windows, two doors 4x6^^ feet, and a chimney, clear, 
5x6}^ feet 9 inches. Light holes and shutters 2x2^ feet. 
Water house, cog-pit, gate hole, mantle piece and shaft," all clearly 
specified and indicated by letter on the plan. For the machinery 
" 1 20 cogs, 3 inches square and 1 3 inches long, together with 40 
round cogs 3 inches in size and 16 inches long. The whole to be 
of good, tough hickory, well seasoned." The specifications further 
called for " 12 oak boards one inch thick; 17 inch boards and 15 
feet long for water wheel buckets ; 800 feet of well seasoned pine 
boards, 6 pieces of pine scantling 4^ inches square, 16 feet long, 
well seasoned, if possible." It was also specified "that the mill 
irons should be sent to the smiths to be repaired and altered ac- 
cording to directions to be given by Mr. Antes." From this state- 
ment it is inferred that the irons were second-handed, and that 
Colonel Antes, who had built a mill previous to this time at the 
mouth of Antes Creek, was entrusted with the work of getting 
the new mill under way. The plans and specifications were signed 
by George W. Hunter. The reader will notice that the mill was 
a small structure, but it doubtless served its purpose at that day. 

The following account of a fatal hunting accident has been 
found among the Wallis papers, which goes to show that affairs 
of this kind occurred one hundred and twenty years ago, just as 
they do to-day : 

"John Dallam, of the county of Baltimore, in the Province of 
Maryland, upon his solemn affirmation did declare, affirm and say, 
that on the evening of the i8th of September, 1769, being in com- 
pany with Samuel Wallis, Joseph Jacob Wallis, John Farmer, 
William Beaver and a negro man, at the house * of Samuel Wallis, 

* This affirmation settles two important questions which have been frequently dis- 
cussed: 1st. That colored men were there at that early day, and were probably 
slaves. 2d. That the house of Wallis was built early in 1769, or it could not have 
been occupied by these parties in September of that year. 


in the county of Berks, a few miles above the mouth of Muncy 
Creek, on the West Branch of the river Susquehanna; John 
Farmer and this affirmant agreed to go the next morning before 
dayhght to hunt bears at the Muncy Creek, about three miles dis- 
tant. This affirmant got up in the morning before daylight, when 
it rained, and as it was not suitable weather to go surveying of 
land, this affirmant called up John Farmer, who had agreed the 
evening before to go a hunting. John Farmer and this affirmant 
had their guns ready cleaned and charged the evening before. 
Joseph Jacob Wallis and William Beaver got up, dressed them- 
selves and went to cleaning and charging their guns, during which 
time there was the greatest friendship and harmony, as well as at 
all other times before, between them. Before they set off it was 
agreed which way the}' should go, least any of them should shoot 
one another in a mistake before it was light. John Farmer and 
this affirmant went out of the door and had set off some distance 
when William Beaver called Farmer and this affiant back, and said 
let us understand one another fairly which way each other is to go, 
least there should be a danger of shooting one another before it is 
light. Farmer and this affirmant made answer we are going to 
Muncy Creek, and Joseph Jacob Wallis said I will go up this 
run* by the house, being a run a few rods below the house, and 
Beaver said I will go up the other run above the house, upon 
which this affirmant said to Beaver, so you have aimed to have a 
chance at Selim (meaning a buck they saw at the head of the run 
above the house the day before), upon which Beaver answered 
yes, and so parted, leaving Beaver with the rest of the compam' 
at the house. Farmer and this affirmant parted in the woods, 
when this affirmant came back to the house about lo o'clock, 
and meeting Samuel Wallis about twenty rods distance from the 
house, he informed this affirmant that a sad accident had happened 
— such an one he had never met with in his life. This affirmant 
asked what had happened; he said William Beaver was dead; 
this affirmant replied how did it happen? He said Joseph Jacob 
Wallis had shot him under a mistake for a bear, and this affirmant 
went into the house and saw William Beaver's corps laid out, and 

*What is now known as Carpenter's Run. The other stream is named after 


also saw Joseph Jacob Wallis lying on the bed much distressed, and 
he said to this affirmant what he had done by accident that day he 
never should get over whilst he lived, and that afternoon Beaver's 
corps was decently interred." 

The place of burial was undoubtedly in what is now known as 
Hall's Cemetery, where many early settlers were laid to rest, who 
either died natural deaths or were slain by the Indians. It is one 
of the oldest burial places in this part of the West Branch Valley. 

It is supposed that the house Mr. Wallis erected on the " Muncy 
Farm" was not entirely destroyed by the Indians at the time of 
the " Big Runaway," for it is learned from an agreement entered 
into between Wallis and Thomas Sisk, a plasterer of Philadelphia, 
that he was to proceed to the Muncy Farm and plaster certain 
buildings. It is probable that the house was not plastered at the 
time it was erected, owing to the trouble with the Indians. The 
contract was made with Sisk the 27th of June, 1787, and he was 
to receive five shillings per day for his services, and to be allowed 
two days and a half time while going from Philadelphia to the 
farm, "with sufficient meat, drink and lodging." And during his 
absence whatever money was paid to his wife in Philadelphia was 
to be deducted from his wages. According to the terms of the 
contract Sisk was to start on or about the 13th of June, " and do 
the plastering before alluded to without committing any unneces- 
sary delay." The contract was witnessed by Lawrence Ross and 
Mathew Conroy, and it is supposed that it was carried out, for 
there is nothing on record to show that it was not. Who Law- 
rence Ross was is not known, but it is possible that he was the 
father of Michael Ross, the founder of Williamsport. It is well 
known that Michael Ross was originally in the employ of Wallis, 
and through him he got his start in life. Is it not reasonable to 
conclude, therefore, that Lawrence might have been the progenitor 
of the man who afterwards founded the city? 

Samuel Wallis was of Quaker origin, and was born in Harford 
County, Maryland, about 1730. He received a good education. 
Blessed with a large fortune, and possessing great energy and 
influence, he entered into active business early in life. Among 
other branches of trade in which he was engaged was that of a 
shipping merchant. He also studied surveying and became inter- 


ested in land speculations when this section of the Province came 
into market. First we hear of him with the surveyors on the 
Juniata, as far up as Frankstown, early in 1768, and on the Indian 
path leading from that place to the Great Island. Having found 
his way into the beautiful valley of the West Branch, and noting 
the richness of the land and the beauty of the surrounding scenery, 
he quickly decided to locate here and engage extensively in land 

On the 1st of March, 1770, he married L\'dia HoUingsworth,* 
an estimable and accomplished lady of Philadelphia, and soon 
afterwards brought his bride to the home he had established on 
the Susquehanna, at Muncy Farm, where they resided, with occa- 
sional interruptions during the Indian troubles,! almost to the 
close of the seventeenth century. Their home became a haven of 
rest for weary travelers up and down the valley, and there they 
dispensed an elegant and liberal hospitality. Mr. Wallis early 
became a leading man. On the 24th of January, 1776, he was 
appointed Captain of the Sixth Company of the Second Battalion 
of the Northumberland Associated Militia, James Potter, Colonel. 
He represented Northumberland County in the Legislature and 
filled many minor offices. When Ljxoming County was formed, 
in 1795, Governor Mifflin appointed him one of the associate 
judges, and he sat upon the bench at the first court, which was 
held at Jaysburg. Mr. Wallis and wife had the following children : 

I. Mary, born April 25, 1 77 1, at Philadelphia. Married William 
Kent Lathey June 30, 1800. Dr. William Kent Lathey was born 
in Exeter, England, January 29, 1772. and died at Northumber- 
land July 28, 1809. His grave can still be seen in the old ceme- 
tery in rear of the Lutheran church. 

*See Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IL, page 301, New Series. 

f Mrs. Hannah Miller, a daughter of Samuel Wallis, who died at Muncy in 1858, 
used to relate the following incident which occurred during one of their flights down 
the river at night : A number of families were with them on a flat boat. They had 
placed boxes or chests along the sides, leaving a space in the centre where beds were 
made for the women and children. While a German woman was engaged in doing 
something about the boat she had laid her baby on top of one of the boxes. It rolled 
off and tumbled down among the other children and commenced crying loudly. The 
other mothers then had a hard time to prevent their babies from crying also and 
alarming the Indians who might be lurking on the shore. Hannah was small at the 
time but she remembered it distinctly, and often told it to show their trials at that day. 


2. John, born March 20, 1775. Never married. Died Septem- 
ber 14, 1 8 10, at Northumberland. 

3. Cassandra, born October 6, 1776, at Muncy Farm. Mar- 
ried Daniel Smith, an attorney, who resided at Milton. 

4. Sarah, born August 19, 1778, at Elkton, Maryland. Mar- 
ried General Hugh Brady, who died at Detroit in 185 i. At this 
time the Hollingsworth family was living at Elkton, and Mrs. 
Wallis was on a visit to her inother, when this daughter, who 
afterwards became the wife of one of the most distinguished sol- 
diers of the Republic, was born. 

5. Hannah, born February 21, 1 78 1, at Philadelphia. Married 
William Miller in 1S16, Rev. John Bryson, of Warrior Run 
church, performing the ceremony. Died February 28, 1859, ^t 
Muncy. They had three children who became of age, viz.: Cas- 
sandra S., who married J. Roan Barr, of Muncy; Samuel W., now 
residing at Waverly, N. Y., and Susan H.. who married Joseph 
Stauffer, of Muncy, and died in 1865. 

6. Samuel Hollingsworth, born January 18, 1784, at Philadel- 
phia. He studied medicine and became a practicing physician. 
Married Elizabeth Cowden April 17, 1807. Dr. Wallis died at 
Dunnstown, Clinton County, April 19, 1832, and was buried in the 
Friends' burying-ground at PennsviUe. He left a son and a 
daughter, viz.: Mary, who married Philip Shay; and Cowden 
Smith Wallis. Mrs. Shay left one son, W. Field Shay, Esq., now 
a well-known attorney of Watsontown, Northumberland Count)-. 
Cowden S. Wallis died at Muncy, April 24, 1862. He left the fol- 
lowing children: Sarah C, Mary M., Elizabeth, Roberta, Samuel 
H„ (died December 15, 1887,) and Howard R., the well-known 
civil engineer. They all reside at Muncy. Dr. Samuel H. Wallis 
was the grandfather of these descendants, and Samuel Wallis, the 
pioneer, was their great-grandfather. He left but two sons, John 
and Samuel H. 

Samuel Wallis died October 14, 1798, at Philadelphia, of yellow 
fever, which was prevalent at that time, aged 67 years and 8 
months. The circumstances were these : He had been called to 
North Carolina on important land business, in which he was in- 
terested with Judge Wilson. On his return he stopped at an 


obscure inn for the night. Being very weary he sought his room at 
once. On entering it he observed that it was in disorder. Bottles 
of medicine were scattered about, and the bed was not properly 
made up. He instructed his serv'ant to inquire if he could not 
have some clean linen on the bed, when he was informed that they 
had nothing better to offer. Owing to his exhausted condition 
he retired to rest. In the morning he made some inquiry of the 
landlord why his room was in the condition he found it, when he 
admitted that a man had just died in that bed of yellow fever and 
they had not time to put it in order when he came. This informa- 
tion not only incensed but alarmed Mr. Wallis, and calling his 
servant, informed him that he feared he would have an attack of 
yellow fever, and that they would hurry on to Philadelphia. They 
departed, tradition informs us, without waiting for breakfast. 

On reaching Philadelphia his worst anticipations were soon 
realized. He was stricken down with an attack of the dreaded 
scourge, and after much suffering finally died. His ser\'ant re- 
mained until after the burial of his master, when he started for the 
home of deceased on the West Branch, leading his riderless horse, 
and bearing the sad intelligence of what had occurred to the wife 
and children. 

After leading such an acti\"e life and enduring so many trials 
and tribulations, his death under such circumstances, and without 
the knowledge of his family, was peculiarly sad, and the melan- 
choly news cast a deep gloom over the household. 

His wife, Lydia, survived him about fourteen years. She died 
September 4, 181 2, at the residence of her daughter, Mrs. Smith, 
in Milton, aged 68 years and five months, and was buried in the 
old cemetery at that place. It will be noticed that there was only 
about one year's difference in their ages. 

And thus closed the careers of two of the earliest settlers in the 
central part of the valley. They bore a conspicuous part in the 
trials, sufferings and fears which beset the pioneers of those times, 
and their names are inseparably linked with our early histoiy. 

At the time of Mr. Wallis' death he left a very large estate, 
which consisted almost entirely of lands, and it proved a veiy- 
difficult one to settle. The following administrators were ap- 
pointed: John Wallis, Daniel Smith, WiUiam Ellis and John 


Adliim. They soon afterwards petitioned * the Orphans' Court ol 
Lycoming County, sitting at the April term, 1799, setting forth 
the condition of the estate as follows: "That according to the 
debts and credits, which they had been able to learn, and from 
the value of the personal estate as appraised by persons legally 
appointed and returned into the office of the clerk of the court, it 
appeared that the estate of Samuel Wallis was indebted in the sum 
of -^33.798 '3s 3/2d, and that the debts due the estate amounted 
to about the sum of ^^99,904 14s; that the amount of the per- 
sonal property returned by the appraisers was ^"2,932 i8s lod." 
They said furthermore: "The amount of the debts which the 
estate owed far exceeded the amount of the value of the personal 
property; that the debts owing the estate were, many of them, 
against persons supposed not to be able to pay them to their full 
amount; that none of the said debts could be recovered until suits 
were brought, and of course could not be collected for some time; 
that, on the other hand, the debts owing by the estate had many 
of them been put in suit during the life-time of Samuel Wallis and 
judgments obtained thereon and executions issued — particularly a 
judgment at the suit of Charles Bitters, on which about ;$20,000 
remained due; and one at the suit of Ruth Piret, executrix of 
Palatiah Webster, on which about $18,000 remained due. On 
each of these suits executions had been issued and levies made "on 
the Mansion House and adjoining property, otherwise than by a 
sale or mortgage of part of the lands. They therefore prayed the 
court to make an order authorizing them to mortgage any lands 
for a sum not exceeding one-third of the value thereof, or sell the 
lands of deceased bought by him at sheriff's sale in August, 1798, 
in Luzerne County, for which lands a sheriffs deed had been exe- 
cuted to the administrators in trust for the heirs, in order to pay 
off the executions." 

On the 2d of May, 1799, the court, which consisted of Honor- 
able William Hepburn, James Davidson and Samuel Harris, 
granted the petition of the administrators, and further directed 
them to give four weeks' notice of the sale in the Garj-ctte of 
Luzerne County, and in one of the gazettes in Philadelphia. 

*A copy of the petition, in the beautiful round hand of John Kidd, first prothono- 
tary of Lycoming County, is still in existence, in the hands of H. R. Wallis, of 
Muncy, a great-grandson. 


Mr. Wallis' business was much complicated. He had served as 
the agent for the Holland Land Company for a long time, and in 
order to raise money to carry on the business he had mortgaged 
his farm. His landed operations were vast, but his estate was 
heavily encumbered. When the Land Company commenced 
winding up its business it was abundantly able to pay all its debts. 
Judge James Wilson was an agent for the company also, and for 
some cause not clearly known at this day, Mr. Wallis allowed him 
to assume the debt owed him by the Land Company. And through 
an amicable settlement, as appears from the records, a mortgage 
was executed by James Wilson, of Philadelphia, to Samuel Wallis 
for 220,000 acres of land, being an undivided part of 300,000 acres 
in Lycoming County, which was one part of one million acres of 
land which are more particularly mentioned in certain articles of 
agreement dated December 25, 1792, between James Wilson and 
Herman LeRoy and William Bayard, of the city of New York, 
agents or trustees for Wilhelm Willinck, Nicholas Van Staphorst, 
Christian Van Elghon, Hendrick Vollenhoven and Rutger Jan 
Schimmelpennick, of the city of Amsterdam, known as the 
Holland Land Company. 

This was subject to a mortgage given by the said James Wilson 
to. John Adlum February 7, 1798, securing $60,000. On Febru- 
ary 8, 1773, the application of Joseph Schute for 300 acres of 
land was conveyed to Samuel Wallis, and on May 8, 1776, was by 
him conveyed to Michael Ross for five shillings and other valuable 
considerations. Also the application of Samuel Richards for 300 
acres of land above the mouth of Toby's Creek, dated April 3, 
1769, was conveyed to Samuel Wallis, and on May 18, 1796, was 
by him conveyed to Michael Ross for five shillings and other 
valuable considerations. The Toby's Creek here mentioned is 
supposed to be what is now known as Grafius Run, which passes 
through the central part of Williamsport. 

A long time elapsed before Wallis could get a final settlement 
with Wilson. An elaborate statement of the account was recently 
found among his old papers now in the possession of Howard R. 
Wallis, of Muncy. All the items are given in detail, and the 
venerable document, now gray with age, fills six large folio pages. 
An examination of the statement shows that the first article of 


agreement between James Wilson and Samuel Wallis was dated 
April 14, 1793, and the second April i, 1795. 

The account was audited by referees — Joseph Thomas, attorney 
for James Wilson, and T. Duncan, Jr., for Samuel Wallis, who 
signed the same July 6, 1797. The report provides an allowance 
of twenty days for filing exceptions. The account as stated 
showed a debt of £1 16,077 '7^ ^j^d and a credit of .£^27,577 is, 
leaving a balance in favor of Mr. Wallis of £"88,500 i6s 2}4d. 
This shows how vast his business was for that period. An 
affirmation on the back of the statement made before Isaac 
Howell, an alderman of Philadelphia, August 16, 1797, sets forth 
that on July 21, 1797, at Burlington, N. J., Samuel Wallis delivered 
a copy of the account to the " Hon. James Wilson," in the pres- 
ence of William Johnson, who made the copy from the original, 
and up to that date he had not been served with any written 
objections thereto. The notations by the auditors appear on the 
margin, and they are written in a neat and delicate hand. The 
statement bears the following indorsement on the back : " On the 
2 1st day of last July I received a copy of this account. James 
Wilson, 1st September, 1797." The signature of Mr. Wilson is 
clear and distinct. Mr. Wallis also wrote a fine business hand, 
indicating firmness of character. 

Among other things the account recites the items of expense 
for securing titles, locations, surveys, court costs, traveling ex- 
penses, interest on money advanced, etc., for James Wilson and 
the Holland Land Company, between the Second Fork of Sinne- 
mahoning and Boston; on locations west of the Allegheny 
River and Conewango Creek ; on the Mahopeny and Bowman's 
Creek, in "Westmoreland County;" on Sugar Creek, Luzerne 
County; on Loyalsock Creek; in Huntingdon County, besides 
several transactions with John Adlum at Fort Franklin. His land 
operations, it will be perceived, were immense and covered a wide 

At the final meeting between Wallis and Wilson, tradition in- 
forms us, the latter said that he did not have money enough to 
wipe out all his indebtedness, but he could pay one-half in cash, 
or furnish him (Wallis) with wild lands for the whole debt. It 
does not appear that any papers were signed at that time, but they 


separated, evidently expecting to meet again soon and close up 
their business. This last meeting is supposed to have been at 
Burlington, N. J. 

And here comes the mysterious part of this affair. Soon after- 
wards Mr. Wilson crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania, and 
after putting up at a farm house, retired, took a large draught of 
laudanum, and was found dead next morning! The mystery of 
the suicide has never been explained, but it was the beginning of 
trouble for Mr. Wallis, which culminated in' the sacrifice of a 
magnificent landed estate after his death. The most charitable 
construction that can be placed on the suicide of Wilson is that 
he was bankrupt, and being goaded by Wallis, who was a resolute 
and positive man, to settle, he became discouraged, and seeing no 
way out of his trouble, suddenly resolved to end his life ! 

Creditors commenced pushing their claims for settlement, and 
finally a writ of Pliiries Venditioni Exponas was issued by the 
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, directed to Henry Vanderslice, 
sheriff of Northumberland County, and that officer seized " a part 
of that valuable body of land commonly called the Muncy 
Farm," and advertised it for sale, at Williamsport, on the 3d of 
May, 1 802. The sale bill, a copy of which is still in existence, 
says that the tract contained about 3,900 acres, and extended for 
five miles along the river between Loyalsock and Muncy Creek, 
and also comprised an island in the ri\'er called Spring Island. 
The land was sold in tracts for the convenience of purchasers, and 
the conditions were " one-half part of the purchase money to be 
paid to the sheriff at the time and place of sale, otherwise the 
premises to be immediately re-sold, etc., and the remaining part of 
the purchase money to be paid to the sheriff on the return day of the 
writ, to wit, the first Monday of September next, at the Court 
House, in the city of Philadelphia." The sale bill was printed at 
Sunbury by Jacob E. Breyfogel, and it presents an antique ap- 
pearance when compared with similar bills of to-da)'. 

The Muncy Farm tracts were numbered from one to eight, and 
those in Bald Eagle Township from nine to fourteen. Number 
eight was the tract on which the Mansion 'House was situated, 
together with "barn, stables and outhouses," and contained about 
700 acres. 


The sale took place according to announcement, and among 
the Wallis papers of to-day is a bill of sale, which is copied here- 
with in full : 

Charles Bitters for the use of Mahlon Hutchinson versus Samuel Wallis, Supreme 

Court of Pennsylvania. 

Acct. of the sales of the real property of S. Wallis made by Henry Vanderslice 
at Williamsport on the 3d and 4th days of May, 1S02, in pursuance of his advertise- 
ment, dated at Sunbury, 17th of April, 1802. 

Sales made on the 3d of May, 1802, viz: 

No. 9 containing 310 acres. Sold to Thos. Grant, Esq., for ^(882.67 





" " 


" 353-0O 
"^ 631.00 



" 338 


" " 





3U 1 

400 ; 

[56 p. 


" !! 



" 1,803.00 






" " 

" 1, 66 1. 00 






" " 

" 1,652.00 



" " 

" 2,012.00 




" " 


" 2,014.00 





" " 

" 1,702.00 





" " 


" 1,525.00 

Sales r 

nade c 

,n 4th May: 


:3 c, 

antaining 282 



to Thos 

i. Grant, 


for S301.00 

Acres - - 5,766,156 Jii9,i88.67 

Although the above is a true copy of the bill, it will be noticed 
that the first column adds up eight acres more than the total 
given, making 5,774. Thomas Grant, who was a resident of Sun- 
bury at that time, and afterwards sheriff of Northumberland 
Count}', made the purchase for Henry Drinker, a prominent land 
speculator of that day. The proceeds of the sale fell far below 
the indebtedness of the estate. 

From a letter written by J. Wallis and D. Smith, two of the 
administrators, to Henry Drinker, under date of March 10, 1803, 
it is learned that "the Muncy Farm contained in one connected 
body 7,561 acres, and the debt and interest due on the mortgage 
was ;^4,443 i6s 8d." The farm extended to Loyalsock. Spring 
Island contained about 500 acres. After deducting Grant's pur- 
chase at sheriffs sale, 2,300 acres remained unsold. The letter 
recites at great length the encumbered condition of the estate, and 
refers by name to the holders of various mortgages, liens, execu- 
tions, etc., including claims of servants for pay. The letter con- 


tinues: "The 2,300 acres, although much inferior to those 
purchased by Grant, are nevertheless valuable, and depressed as 
the price of land is, and speaking with our hands on our hearts. 
we solemnly declare that we believe the 3,960 acres purchased by 
Grant to be worth at a cash valuation $20 per acre. This estimate 
is low, and we believe that indifferent persons, good judges of 
lands, would make the price higher. But further it is to be 
remarked that the amount of Grant's purchase is $19,188.67!" 

But judging from the tone of a letter written soon afterwards to 
Robert Coleman by Mr. Drinker, he was not entirely satisfied with 
his purchase and was anxious to sell. The letter is as follows: 

Philad.a.. imo. 9, 1805. 
Respfxted friend: 

It has been intimated to me by Daniel Smith, Esq., that the valuable estate 
formerly possessed by Samuel Wallis, called Muncy Farm, (the title for this property 
being now vested in me) had in some measure claimed thy attention and that a 
communication from me on the subject would be acceptable. 

My nephew at the Bank of North America also informed me that thou regretted 
thy not recollecting my person at our late accidental meeting there, that thou then 
expressed a wish to confer with me, probably on this subject. Inclosed I send thee 
a map of the Muncy Farm, and also a description of the quality, &c., of the several 
lots or divisions, as delineated in said map. This account of the Muncy Farm I 
am assured is just and candid, and in no part overrated, on which head, however, 
much need not be said. Presuming persons inclined to purchase will look for 
themselves. I may own I have been greatly disappointed in my expectations respect- 
ing this estate, having for many years entertained an opinion and heard it described 
as equal if not superior to any farm in this state, and under this impression believed 
it would invite numerous purchasers, and command a speedy sale ; now especially, 
as it was agreed to offer it at rates much lower than lands, neither equal in quality, or 
so well situated had been selling for. It is true many applications have been made 
by persons who wished to be indulged with extended payments for a considerable 
part of the purchase money; but in my situation, under the pressure of heavy ad- 
vances made by me to remove and relieve thy estate from every incumbrance, those 
distant payments could not be assented to. Now my friend, if thou art disposed to 
treat for this property, on thy signifying the same, I think the terms I shall tempt 
thee with will be such as can not fail of meeting thy acceptance. Several wealthy 
farmers have been in treaty with me for a large part of the premises, expecting to 
form a neighbourhood, some of them having viewed the estate last summer, and 
lately went a second time as far as Reading, but were discouraged from proceeding 
by the snow which had fallen, and difficulty of the roads — on this account to hear 
from thee speedily would be acceptable to thy assured 

Henry Drinker. 

Robert Coleman, Esq. 


The property was finally purchased by Mr. Coleman, of Corn- 
wall, Lebanon County, in 1806, and presented to his daughter 
Elizabeth, wife of Charles Hall,* who then lived at Sunbury. 
Other purchases were made from time to time until the estate 
comprised about 6,000 acres, and it has since been known as 
"Hall's Farms." After her husband's death, in 1821, Mrs. Hall 
and her twelve children moved from Sunbury to Muncy Farm, and 
she built the eastern end of the present mansion. The architect 
employed by her was the same who had built the State Capitol at 

The wood-work was all dressed at Harrisburg and brought up 
the river on batteaus. In 1823 Mrs. Hall moved to Lancaster and 
left the place in charge of her son, Robert Coleman Hall, who 
married Sarah Ann Watts, daughter of Judge Watts, of Carlisle, 
Pa. In 1840 she returned to Muncy Farm, and remained there 
until her death in 1858. Her son James, at her wish, had left 
Greenwood Furnace, at Lewistown, which he owned, to take 
control of the Muncy property. At her death the property was 
divided among her children, the mansion farm going to her son 
James, who lived there until 1868, when he moved to Philadelphia 
and died there in 1882, leaving the property to his son, W. Cole- 
man Hall. The farm now comprises about 500 acres and is in a 
high state of cultivation. 

In the division of the property among the children of Mrs. 
Elizabeth Hall, the upper or western farm, known as Fairfield, fell 
to the share of Louisa, wife of F. W. Rawle, who soon after built 
the stone house now in the possession of his son, Hon. Henry 
Rawle, who was State Treasurer in 1875-6. 

Mr. Rawle has recently added to and embellished the building 

*Charles Hall, when a young man, was employed as a book-keeper by Mr. 
Coleman, aftd he performed his duties so well that he soon became a favorite in the 
family, and finally secured the heart and hand, by marriage, of his daughter. He 
studied law and settled in Sunbury, where he became a leading member of the bar. 
He built and occupied the elegant brick residence fronting the river bank, now owned 
by Hon. John B. Packer. Mr. Hall died in Philadelphia, January 14, 1821, aged 53 
years, 2 months and 12 days. His remains were afterwards removed to the cemetery 
on Muncy Farm, and a plain slab, with inscriptions, marks his resting place. His wife 
Elizabeth, born July 22, 1778, died August 5, 1858, aged 80 years and 13 days, lies 
by his side. 


to such an extent as to make it a modern and showy edifice, and 
it is now one of the most attractive and charming places of resort 
in summer time. 

Among the many old papers in the Wallis collection which have 
escaped the ravages of time, is one now yellow with age, bearing 
this indorsement : " Henry Drinker and wife to Robert Coleman." 
It is dated November 18, 1805. and gives the "courses and dis- 
tances" of "the several tracts of land in Muncy Township," pur- 
chased in "consideration of i^i 1,558 is 46." This is the only 
paper that has been found in the collection which mentions the 
price paid for the "farms." 

Another paper, signed by John Wallis and Daniel Smith, "two 
of the administrators of S. Wallis, deceased," contains a proposal 
to Robert Coleman to " sell a quantity of land at a place called 
the Long Reach, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna, at four 
dollars per acre." The proposal states that Mr. Coleman "heard 
a description of the quality of the land when last at Lycoming." 
This sum tliey " deemed to be not more than one-third part of its 
real value," but they " would rather take it than run the risk of an 
approaching sacrifice." They informed him, furthermore, that 
they would "have the lands sold on the earliest judgment and 
bought in, and conveyed to him by the purchaser. There are at 
least 1,200 acres free from dispute as to title — perhaps something 
more. It must also be understood that these lands are subject to 
the purchase money due the Commonwealth. It may be neces- 
sary also to state that this sum must be paid in cash, and four 
thousand eight hundred dollars must be at Williamsport on the 
3d of May next." Signed and dated April 27, 1802. 

Some uncertainty existed for a long time as to where these 
lands were located on the " Long Reach." All doubt, however, 
was removed recently by the discovery of a beautifully -executed 
draft among the Wallis papers, which shows that they were 
located on the south side of the rivef, and embraced what is 
known as the " Upper Bottom," lying opposite the present village 
of Linden. The line commenced a short distance above the pres- 
ent borough of DuBoistown, and continued up the river for 967 
perches, taking in all the rich alluvial lands now embraced in the 
highly cultivated farms of the Messrs. Gibson and others. There 


were five tracts surveyed for Samuel Wallis in the right of sundry 
persons, April 3, 1769, and a table is given on the draft as follows: 

Jacob Heltzheimer, conveyed to Samuel Wallis by deed dated 5th Oct. , 1 769, acres 3 1 3 
Maiy Litton, " " " " " " " 6th Oct., 1769, " 310 

William Lofflin, " " " " " " " 12th Mar., 1770, " 310 

Jacob Steel, " " " " " " " 9th Aug., 1769, " 338 

Ann Stamp, " " " " " " " 20th Aug., 1772, " 321 

Lands belonging to Andrew Culbertson bounded the tracts of 
Ann Stamp and James Steel on the south, and William Hepburn 
on the west. These five tracts were sold on the 2d and 3d of 
May, 1802, in Williamsport, by Sheriff Vanderslice, and purchased 
by Thomas Grant. 

It may seem strange that these rich lands were not held at more 
than four dollars an acre eighty-six years ago. To-day the best 
farms in the " Bottom" could not be purchased for $150 and ;g200 
an acre. Mr. Coleman certainly missed a royal bargain, for there 
is nothing to show that he accepted the liberal proposal, and some- 
body else profited by the "sacrifice." 

The discovery of two other beautifully executed drafts shows 
that Mr. Wallis also acquired all the lands on the north side of 
the river from Lycoming Creek to a point on the river above 
" Level Corner," where the Pine Creek Railroad cuts through the 
rocks on the estate of the late John King. These lands were also 
designated as lying on the " Long Reach." 

The line of the survey of the first tract commenced at a point 
on Lycoming Creek, on the west side, and ran up near where 
Bridge No. i of the Northern Central Railroad crosses the stream, 
or as the survey designates it, " opposite the point of the first large 
hill." This took in the present residence of George W. Young- 
man, Esq. The line then turned and followed what appears to be 
the route of the present public road "to a marked locust on the 
side of the river a small distance below the mouth of Quinasha- 
Jiaquc Run, thence down the river by the several courses to the 
place of beginning." The "survey was made on the 22d and 23d 
days of June, 1773, for Samuel Wallis, in pursuance of seven 
orders of survey dated the 3d of April, 1769," and contained 
2,328 acres. The names of the seven persons to whom the ap- 
plications were granted appear on the draft, but they are not 
familiar names of to-day. 


The second survey commenced on the west at the locust tree 
where the first survey ended, and apparently followed the public 
road of to-day, " to a post on the bank of the river," and thence 
down the same to the place of beginning. The survey was made 
on the 24th and 25th days of June, 1773, "for Samuel Wallis, in 
pursuance of five orders of survey dated April 3, 1769," to that 
many different persons, and contained 1,547 acres. The only 
familiar names mentioned in the orders are Elizabeth Walton and 
Josiah Hews. A short distance above the western corner, on the 
river, the great tract containing over 5,000 acres, and extending to 
Pine Creek, commenced, which has already been described. 

From the numerous surveys heretofore noted, although in a 
disconnected form, on account of the extreme difficulty experienced 
in gathering the information at this late day, it seems pretty clear 
that Mr. Wallis at one time controlled, or owned, nearly all the land 
from Muncy Creek to Pine Creek, embracing the splendid district 
on the south side of the river known as the "Upper, or Susque- 
hanna Bottom," including the ground on which the Philadelphia 
and Erie Railroad station known as Nesbit is built. What a 
magnificent domain! And yet with all his vast possessions, on 
account of having suddenly died intestate, nothing was left worth 
speaking of for his descendants on the final settlement of his 
immense estate. 

The mansion is still regarded as a landmark, and as time mel- 
lows its walls it grows more stately in its grandeur. The smaller 
portion of the building, on the right of the illustration, is the part 
erected by Samuel Wallis in 1769. Being solidly constructed of 
stone, it has successfully weathered the tempests of nearl}- 120 
years. It is true that it has been overhauled and improved, but 
the walls, which are three feet thick, are still the same. The 
figures, " 1769," are carved on one of the stones, so that there can 
be no doubt as to the date of its erection. The original wood- 
work, which was of Norway spruce, waS dressed at some point 
below and brought up the river and placed in the building. 

The two-story structure on the left, with its antique front and 
dormer windows, is the addition erected by Mrs. Hall in 1821. It 
was patterned after the style of manor buildings in vogue in 
England at that time. Its rooms are large, airj' and grand, and 



the inside is rich and elaborate. The marble mantels, made of 
stone obtained on the ground, are finely dressed and carved. 
E\'erything about the building is rich without being gaudy. The 
lawn, which is broad and neatly kept, with its sweeping driveway 
and stately trees, is all that a cultivated ta.ste could desire. 

The magnificent elms overhanging the building on the left have 
a history that is worth repeating in this connection. One tradi- 
tion is that they were planted under the direction of Mrs. Wallis 
soon after she came from her Philadelphia home as a bride. 
Finding that all the trees for some distance around the house had 
been cut down, she begged of her husband to have a few planted 
that in time they might have shade. He objected by saying that 
he had been paying men to fell trees and he did not feel like 
incurring the expense to have more planted. Undaunted by his 
objection, Mrs. Wallis set about making arrangements to have 
)-oung trees planted, and one evening after the working hours of 
the day were over she, secured the services of a colored boy 
to assist her in planting them, and the labor cost Mr. Wallis 

The other tradition is that the trees were planted by Mr. Wallis 
and his wife by moonlight, to avoid being disturbed by the Indians, 
who prowled about in the neighborhood, and she held them erect 
while he shoveled in the dirt about the roots. Whether the stories 


of their planting are true or not is unknown; but there is no 
doubt of their having been set out where they stand. 

Originally there were four, but when they grew to great size 
they were too much crowded, and one in the foreground was felled 
to make more room. The others remain, and they are stately and 
grand in their age. The one in the background, however, has 
gone into decay and will soon pass away. For a hundred and 
twenty years they have stood on that lawn and witnessed nearly 
four generations come and go. The fair woman who superintended 
their planting has long since returned to dust, but they are still 
there, and in summer time they are fresh, green and beautiful. 
What stories could they tell if gifted with speech ! What strange 
and exciting scenes they have witnessed ! Warriors, painted and 
plumed, have rested beneath their inviting shade ; lovers have met 
by moonlight in their shadow to bill and coo; children have 
gamboled around them, and strong men, intent on business or 
pleasure, have praised their beauty as the}' have come and gone. 





THE year 1770 opened with great activity in the West Branch 
Valley. Settlers commenced pouring in from New Jersey 
and the lower counties of the Province, attracted by reports of the 
fertility of the land and the ease of acquiring tracts through the 
land office at a nominal cost. James Armstrong settled, or rather 
squatted, on a tract at the upper end of the present borough of 
Jersey Shore — for that was disputed territory — and commenced 
making an improvement. Soon afterwards James Alexander 
ascended Pine Creek and built a cabin on the tract now embraced 
in the Tomb estate. He disappeared when the Indian troubles 
commenced and was never heard of again. Two families pene- 
trated as far as the mouth of Youngwoman's Creek and made 
some improvements. The name of one family was Reed. Simon 
Cool* settled at the mouth of Larry's Creek, and very likely took 
possession of the spot occupied by Larry Burt, the Indian trader, 
who had moved on. 

* Simon Cool was an ensign in the Eighth Company of Associators, Captain 
Henry Antes, January 24, 1776, and Captain of the Sixth Company, Third Battalion, 
commanded by Colonel Plunkett, March 13, 1776. About two years after the mas- 
sacre (1778) on the site of the upper part of Williamsport, Cool, William King, his 
cousin, and James McSweeney, pushed up the river from Northumberland in a canoe 
to hunt for their winter's meat. They stopped at a cabin which stood at the mouth 
of Dry Run. The next day they passed up Dougherty's Run and descended Bottle 
Run to Lycoming Creek. When near the creek they found themselves pursued by 
three Indians. Cool and McSweeney ran for their lives, and King, who was on the 
hill-side, escaped. On reaching the creek, McSweeney got over safely, but Cool, being 
a large man, fell in. On clambering up the bank he found that he could make no 
headway with his wet clothing, and he took to a tree for protection. His dog. gave 
him some trouble, and while trying to keep it quiet he stooped forward, when an 
Indian shot him through the breast. He raised up and called to McSweeney to give 


From the earliest times the Great Island* was a favorite place 
with the Indians, and they remained there until the encroachments 
of the whites compelled them to leave. It was a lovely spot and 
the soil was exceedingly rich. As late as 1768 Shawana Ben and 
Newhaleeka resided there. The former was chief of the remnant of 
the Shawanese and Newhaleeka of the Delawares. They remained 
there until about 1771, when they bid adieu to the lovely spot and 
turned their faces westward, never to return. 

When the surveyors came to lay off the Allison tract, in 176S, 
they were accompanied by William Dunn.t a native of York 
County, who acted in the capacity of hunter to the party and 
served it with wild game for food. He carried a handsome rifle 
and other equipments to match, which greatly attracted the atten- 
ion and admiration of old Newhaleeka, the owner of the island. 

And the more he 

viewed the gun 
and accoutre- 
ments the more 
determined he 
became to pos- 
sess them. Fi- 
nally he offered 
to give Dunn his 
island for the 
rifle, trappings 
and a keg of 
whisky which the surveyors had with them. Tradition informs 
us that Dunn made the exchange as proposed by the chief, as he 

up, as he was mortally wounded, and sank down in death. McSweeney then sur- 
rendered and was taken prisoner. Cool was stripped of his clothing and his body left 
where it fell. The Indians took his gun and left an old musket in its place, and 
hastily departed with their prisoner. They carried him to Canada and kept him in 
captivity for some time. He finally got back to Northumberland, and meeting King, 
explained the mystery of Cool's death. Only a few years ago the rusty irons of the 
old musket were plowed up by a fanner. Cool was killed near what is now known 
as Bridge No. 2, on the Northern Central Railroad. 

* Situated in the West Branch of the Susquehanna River, Clinton County, about 
two miles east of Lock Haven. ' 

f William Dunn took an active part in the war of the Revolution, being one of 
the committee of safety for Northumberland County, of which the island was then a 


was satisfied the bargain was a good one. The Indian was de- 
lighted and indulged freely in the use of the whisky, but after its 
exhilarating effects had passed off he began to realize what a foolish 
thing he had done and proposed to trade back. But Dunn 
held him fast to his bargain and took possession of the Great 
Island. Whether the story of its acquisition is true or not is un- 
known, but we do know that Dunn was the first settler and 
afterwards obtained a legal title from the State. 

The records show that Dunn made application for the island, 
and that the survey was ordered. If the stoiy of his trade with 
old Newhaleeka is true, that was not sufficient to give him a full 
title, but before his patent was granted he had to pay "thirty 
pounds per hundred acres " to the Proprietaries. The document as 
recorded in the Land Office is as follows : 

Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, ss. 

WHEREAS, William Dunn of the County of hath requested to take up 

three hundred Acres of Land, including his improvement made about the year 1770 
in the great Island in the West branch of Susquehanna, in the County of Northum- 
berland, for which he agrees to pay immediately into the Office of the Receiver Gen- 
eral for the use of this State, at the Rate of Thirty Pounds per Hundred Acres, in 
Gold, Silver, Paper Money of this State, or Certificates agreeable to Acts of Assembly, 
passed the First Day of April and 21st day of December, 1784. 

THESE are therefore to authorize and require you to Survey or cause to be Sur- 

part. At the time of the "Big Runaway" he was forced, like his neighbors, to leave 
his house and fly to a place of safety. He found his way to York, which place he 
had left a few years before, and soon enlisted in the army. He participated in sev- 
eral battles, among others those of Germantown and Trenton. After the latter the 
Government pressed all teams into the service that were available. Mr. Dunn was 
surprised one day to see his own horses and wagon brought into camp, and im- 
mediately asked permission to take charge of them, which was granted; so he had 
the satisfaction of driving his own team, if he was a soldier. — Maynard's Clinton 
Couiify^ pages 147-8. 

Mr. Maynard says that nearly all the valuable and interesting records relating to 
the early history of the island were unfortunately destroyed by fire several years ago. 
Therefore it is difficult to give anything like an accurate and complete sketch of its 
settlement. It is known, however, that previous to its occupation by the whites, it 
was a rallying point and council ground for the Indians. History records a meeting 
of representatives of several different tribes on the island in October, 1755. This 
meeting was held, it seems, to consider the propositions that had just been made to 
some of the tribes by the French. In May, 1778, Colonel Hunter wrote to the 
President of the Executive Council of the Province," that he had "ordered some peo- 
ple that lives nigh the Great Island to preserve shad and barrel them up for the use 
of the militia that will be stationed there this summer." — Page 148. 


veyed unto the said William Dunn at the place aforesaid, according to the Method 
of Townships appointed, the said Quantity of Acres, if not already surveyed or 
appropriated,, and to make Return thereof into the Secretary's Office in order for 
Confirmation, for which this shall be your Warrant. 

IN WITNESS whereof, the Honorable Charles Biddle, Esquire, Vice President 
of the Supreme Executive Council, hath hereunto set his Hand and caused the less 
Seal of the said Commonwealth to be affixed the Thirteenth Day of October in the 
year 1785. 

To JOHN LUKENS, Esq., Surveyor General. 

Endorsed: 1785, Oct. 13th, Northumberland, 300 acres. 

William Dunn, Returned &c., 28 Jan'y, 1796. 

The first draft of the island, made in 1785, shows it to have 
been shaped very differently from what it is to-day. And the 
contents are given at 267',-2 acres, with the usual allowances, 
which were always very liberal. The change in the form of the 
island has been wrought by the action of the water on its shores. 
The illustration given above was made twelve or thirteen years 
ago, and since that time it has changed somewhat in form. The 
first survey was made by Thomas Tucker, a deputy, under date 
of October 15, 1785, and it was certified to by John Lukens, Sur- 
veyor General. 

The records in the Court House, at Lock Haven, now show 
the famous island to be owned and divided as follows : Estate of 
William Dunn, 180 acres; R. W. McCormick, 65; Heniy 
McCormick, 45 ; John Myers' estate, 20; R. H. Dorey, 15. Total, 
325 acres. 

William Dunn, the first owner of the island, passed it b}' will 
to his son, Washington Dunn, who was for many years a leading 
citizen. He in turn transmitted a portion of the estate to his son, 
William Dunn, who was born on the island December i, 181 1, 
and died suddenly at Lock Haven September 7, 1877. Judge 
Dunn was a man who was highly esteemed, and his death caused 
great sorrow. He represented his district twice in the Legislature, 
and was presented for Congress twice, but failed to secure the 
nomination. In 1871 he was elected an Associate Judge and 
served out his term with great credit. 

In 1772, or early in 1773, Ludwig Derr, a German, settled 
where Lewisburg stands, and purchased a tract of 320 acres which 
had been granted to Richard Peters, August ii, 1772. Colonel 


John Kelly, a distinguished hero of the Revolution, settled in 
Buffalo Valley, a year or two earlier than this, or about the time 
the officers' surveys were being made. About the same time 
Captain John Brady came with his family from Standing Stone, 
and located on an officer's tract on the east side of the river from 
Derr's trading post. This was sometime in 1772, and was the 
first appearance of this remarkable family in the valley. Captain 
Brady had preceded them and selected a location. At this time 
there was but one house where Sunbury was afterwards built, one 
at Fort Augusta, one on the Grant farm, one on Shamokin Island,^ 
one in Northumberland, and but four between that point and 
where Milton now stands, where there was one. Between Milton 
and Muncy hills there were about six families and only about 
eight or ten on the river above. Colonel Hunter, who had com- 
mand of Fort Augusta, was one of the most prominent of the few 
who resided at that place at that time. Paul Baldy was one of 
the earliest settlers at Sunbury. His son, John Baldy, was born 
April 9, 1783, and died June 22, 1827. 

It is learned from a curious old paper covered with drafts of 
surveys on Lycoming Creek, that " H. and J. Thompson" claimed 
the applications filed by John James and Richard Cantwell, dated 
April, 1769. The houses of the Thompsons are indicated on the 
draft, as well as Eeltown, near by. The tracts warranted by a 
number of other persons are noted, and the route of the Sheshe- 
quin war-path is indicated by a dotted line until it reached the 
point where it turned off to descend Towanda Creek, passing the 
" Gooseberry Meadows." 

Returning to the Muncy Valley, attention is called to the fact 
that the oldest improvement known to have been made on Muncy 
Creek, above the mouth of Glade Run, was by Dennis Mullin, in 
1 760. An old paper, excellently preserved and beautifully written, 
shows that Mullin had taken up " 300 acres adjoining James 
Alexander, and about two miles south-westward of land claimed 
by Charles Moore." There seems to have been some dispute 
about the tract, judging from the following affidavit: 

"The fourteenth day of December, 1765, came before me, John 
Rannells, Esq., one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for the 
county of Cumberland, in the Province of Pennsyl\-ania, Moses 


Harlan, and qualified according to law that the improvement on 
the above located land consists of about four acres of cleared land, 
about half fenced, and further this deponent saith not." The 
affidavit is signed by Moses Harlan, and a note below his signa- 
ture says: "Improved in the year 1760." James Tilghman, 
Secretary of the Land Office, then appends the following certifi- 
cate to the above affidavit : 

In testimony that the above is a true copy of the original location, and of the 
affidavit thereunder written, on which a warrant was granted the 1st of August, 1766, 
to Dennis MuUin, I have hereunto set my hand and seal of the Land Office of 
• Pennsylvania this 12th day of March, 1772. 

It appears from the deeds of Dennis Mullin, Robert Roberts, 
James Alexander, Charles Moore and Bowyer Brooks, who had 
tracts adjoining, that they conveyed them to Samuel Wallis " in 
consideration of five shillings lawful money of the Province." 
The surveys were made in August, September and October, 1766. 
Roberts conveyed 313 acres, Brooks 217, Moore 213 and Alex- 
ander 232. 

Wallis, it is supposed, had these parties take up the lands in 
their own names and then convey them to him for a nominal 

A great deal of trouble arose out of the surveys on Muncy 
Creek, and it is impossible at this day to arrive at all the facts. 
Jonathan Lodge leaves a paper saying that in the summer of 1769 
he was employed as a deputy surveyor by William Scull, who 
sent him to Muncy Creek, above and adjoining the manor, and in 
the neighborhood, to make surveys for Robert Guy, John 
Mourer, Thomas Seaman, James Robb, William Foulk, Mr. 
Campbell and others, who were with him, in pursuance of orders 
from the Land Office, dated the 3d of April, 1769. After arriving 
on the ground he was met by Samuel Harris (June i6th), who 
informed him that there were older rights to these lands, and 
forbid him making surveys. Lodge paid no attention to him at 
first and proceeded to survey, when he soon found a tree marked 
as a corner, "which appeared to be old marks, on the bank of 
Wolf Run." He called the attention of those with him to the 
marks. In a short time he found other marks which showed 
clearly that surveyors had been there before hirn. He and his 



party then proceeded to the camp of Mr. Harris and informed 
him what they had discovered. Harris told them that the marked 
tree was the corner of an old survey, and that he could show all 
the corners if the party would accompany him. Lodge does not 
say what he did afterwards, but it is inferred that he stopped work. 
There are a number of drafts of Muncy Manor in existence, 
drawn for the purpose of showing how the lines of these disputed 
tracts overlapped the manor. They were used in the lawsuits 
that followed between Wallis and the Proprietaries. One given 
herewith is interesting, because it shows the location of John 
Scudder's house. He was an early settler, and this draft is called 
"Scudder's Complaint:" 

The following certificate is appended to the draft: 

The above draft represents the Proprietaries Manor of Muncy, and several tracts 
of land claimed by Samuel Wallis as they interfere with the said Proprietary Manor. 
The plain lines, together with the river, includes the Manor of Muncy, and the dotted 
lines represent the lines of the lands claimed by Samuel Wallis. 

The white oak corner of the Manor of Muncy, standing near Muncy Creek, stood 
one perch and a half from where the lines N 80 E & N lo W would intersect. 
But in the line N 10 W and distant from the pine only 57^ perches. 
Certified by 

Benja. Jacobs. 

April 24, 1773. 


The dispute between Wallis and the Proprietaries regarding 
the surveys having waxed warm, the question was finally sub- 
mitted to Joseph Galloway, Esq., of Philadelphia, for his legal 
opinion. After a careful examination that gentleman submitted 
the following, which is still in a good state of preserv-ation : 

"The Land Office in Philadelphia did at different times issue 
warrants and orders of survey to sundry persons for locating and 
taking up a quantity of vacant land in the County of Cumberland, 
and Province of Pennsylvania, to wit: 

" I. Warrant to Dennis Mullen for 300 acres, dated the 1st day 
of August, 1766, and situate adjoining James Alexander, and 
about two miles southward of land claimed by Charles Moore, in 
Cumberland County. 

" 2. Order to James Alexander, same date, for 300 acres situate 
adjoining land of Dennis Mullen, and land of Robert Roberts on 
the west, and vacant land on the north and southward. 

" 3. Order to Robert Roberts, same date, for 300 acres situate 
and adjoining land of James Alexander on the eastward, and west- 
ward by land of Bowyer Brooks, and northward by vacant land. 

"4. Order to Bowyer Brooks,* same day, for 300 acres, situate 
adjoining land of Robert Roberts on the east, and by vacant land 
southward, northward and westward. 

"5. Order to Robert Whitehead, dated March 17, 1767, for 
200 acres situate and adjoining land surveyed for Bowyer Brooks, 
northerly, barrens west, and by a large piney hill south and east. 

" All of which warrants and orders of survey were purchased 
from the different granters by Samuel Wallis, as will appear b\- 
their deeds of conveyance regularly executed, etc. On the 26th 
day of October, 1767, and on the 28th day of May, 1768, regular 
surveys were made in pursuance of the Proprietary warrants and 
orders upon vacant, unappropriated land, and unpurchased of 

* Under date of December 14, 1765, Moses Harlan makes affidavit "before John 
Rannells, Esq., one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace," for Cumberland County, 
that in 1 76 1 the improvements on Bowyer Brooks' tract consisted of " about foin- acres 
of cleared, half fenced " land. That the improvements on the tract of Robert Roberts, 
made the same year, consisted of "about three acres cleared, with a dwelling house," 
and that there were "about four acres cleared and a small dwelling house " on the 
James Alexander tract. — IVa/Zis Papers. 


the Indians by the Proprietaries' regular commissioned Deputy 
Surveyor, or by some person employed by him as a deputy, 
which surveys were certified and returned into the Surveyor Gen- 
eral's office by the said commissioned deputy; and it since ap- 
pears that they contain within their butts and boundaries a con- 
siderable quantity of overplus land. 

"On the 25th day of September, 1768, and on the 12th day of 
April, 1770, Samuel Wallis obtained the Proprietaries' patents for 
all the lands so surveyed and returned. Immediately after the 
grand Indian purchase was concluded in November, 1768, the 
Proprietaries' officers laid out a manor, now called the Muncy 
Manor,* which interfered with a part of the foregoing patents, and 
such part of these patents as the manor did not interfere with, the 
Proprietary's officers granted away upon common orders in what 
was called the Land Lottery on the 3d day of April following, to 
different people, who have since obtained surveys and returns, so 
as to cover the whole of the land so patented by Samuel Wallis. 
The Proprietary's officers now contest the legality of Samuel 
Wallis' title, and urge the following reasons, to wit: 

" I. That a title to land obtained before it was purchased of the 
Indians cannot be valid in law, because it is contrary to their com- 
mon mode of granting. 

" 2. That they (the superior officers) were deceived, or rather 
not made acquainted with the true situation of the land, but that 
the returns of survey were blind and vague, and did not suffi- 
ciently describe the place on which they were laid. 

" 3. That the surveys contain a considerable quantity of over- 
plus land. 

" As to any particular, fixed mode of granting away the Pro- 
prietaries' lands has been generally understood not to exist, but 

*In the warrant to Dennis Mullen, dated August I, 1766, and signed by John 
Penn, these words occur: "Provided the land does not lie in or interfere with our 
Manor of Lowther." This shows that it was intended at one time to call it by 
another name than Muncy Manor. Possibly it was intended to name it after Sir 
John Lowther Johnstone, who was a son of Sir George Johnstone, the eldest brother 
of William Johnstone, who married into the Pulteney family and became known 
thereafter as Sir William Pulteney. By the death, July 14, 1808, of Henrietta Laura 
Pulteney, the descent of a large estate was cast in Sir John Lowther Johnstone, her 
cousin and heir at law. He died December 23, 181 1. 


that their order was as often altered as it suited their own pur- 
poses, and that the granting of lands unpurchased of the Indians 
is well known to have been frequently done by them. That if the 
Proprietary's superior officers were deceived, the deception was 
from their own inferior officers, and not from Samuel Wallis, who, 
in the obtaining of these lands, did in every respect pursue the 
common method of negotiating business through each of the 
respective offices. And as to overplus land, Samuel Wallis can 
prove that he did as soon as he was made acquainted with it, offer 
to the Proprietaries' Receiver General to pay him for any overplus 
which his surveys might contain. 

" The question then is whether or not the Proprietaries, by their 
commissioners of property, have a right to grant lands that are 
unpurchased of the Indians, and when so granted by letters 
patent, are they valid in law? or whether they have a right to 
vacate Samuel Wallis' patents on what is now called the Muncy 
Manor, by reason of their containing overplus land, when it does 
not appear that he was privy to, or concerned in any deception or 
fraud intended against the Proprietaries in obtaining the lands? 

." Upon the facts above stated I am of opinion, in answer to the 
first question, that under the Royal Grant, the Proprietaries have 
good right to grant patents for land not purchased of the Indians, 
and that there is no law depriving them of that right. Of course 
the above mentioned patents must be valid. And as to the second 
question, I apprehend the surveys containing a quantity of over- 
plus land are not a sufficient reason for vacating the patent, there 
being no fraud in the purchase in obtaining such overplus, and 
more especially as he has offered to satisfy the Proprietaries for it. 

"Joseph Galloway. 

"March 21, 1771." 

The dispute between Wallis and the Proprietaries finally waxed 
so warm that an ejectment suit was brought against him, in which 
the lessees of the Proprietaries were made plaintiffs. At first an 
effort was made to settle the dispute by appointing a jury of 
viewers to meet at Fort Augusta in October, 1772, and proceed 
to examine the premises. George Nagel, sheriff of Berks County, 
had selected the jurymen, and some of them had started on the 


journey, when word was received from the secretary of tlie Land 
Office, that owing to the illness of Mr. Wallis, it was concluded 
not to go on with the view. The sheriff then dispatched an ex- 
press to overhaul the viewers who had started and turn them back. 
And he adds in one of his letters of that day that they were glad 
to get rid of the journey. 

But it appears from the papers still in existence that the diffi- 
culty was not amicably settled, and suit was brought in the 
Supreme Court sitting at Reading on the 7th of April, 1773. A 
few of the subpoenas have been found, which show the date. 
Joseph Reed was attorney for Wallis and Edward Biddle for the 

One of the most curious papers in the Wallis collection contains 
a list of the names of jurymen evidently drawn for that court, 
with remarks opposite each name, for the guidance of his counsel 
in challenging. The paper appears to be in the handwriting of 
Mr. Wallis, and is clear, distinct and business-like. It is given 
herewith in full : 

1. Christopher Shultz. A Dutchman, and when disputes run high was a Pro- 
prietary man. A farmer and man of good abilities. A leading man in the county ^; 
is thought will act from Judgment. By religion a .Swinfielder. 

2. John Old. A country Born Englishman; an Industrious & Honest man, & is 
supposed will act from Judgment, & not from Influence; a very good man and ought 
not to be struck. An Ironmaster & Land Holder. A Church Man. 

3. Abraham Lincoln. A country Born Englishman. An Illiterate man, and 
apt to be Influenced by the pleadings of Lawyers; apt to be Intoxicated with Drink. 
A ()uaker ; is thought to be influenced by James Starr, or Samue! Hughs. A Farmer. 

4. Samuel High. Dutchman; a weak. Rich, Miser. Isthought will be influenced 
by the pleading of Edw'd. Biddle, and ought to be struck. A Rich man, no great 
wit, but thoughtful and careful in Judging, & I believe free from Byas, and will act 
from Judgment. 

5. James Starr. A Country Born, an Honest Juditious man, a man of Common 
abillitys.and is supposed will act from Judgment; a Quaker, a Brewer and Consider- 
able Land Holder. 

6. Henry Hollar. A Country Born Dutchman; a man of Common abillitys; is 
Thought will be Influanced by Edw'd Biddle, & ought to be Struck. A Lutharan 
by Profession. A Tavern Keeper. 

7. Thomas Jones, Junr. A Country Born Welch man, an Active man, Midling 
understanding, acquainted with Business in the County, perhaps not free from Bias, 
yet seems a conscientious Man. A Baptist. A considerable Land holder, has a 
little Tract of Land yet to pay for to ye Prop's. 

8. Thomas Dundass. A Scotchman, a very sensible Juditious, Honest man, by 


profession a Presbeterian, not a Biggot, & ought not by any means to be struck. He 
is a shop Keeper & will act from Judgment, and not a Land Holder in the Country. 

9. A Country Born Englishman, of Common abillitys, but generally Esteemed an 
Honest man, & will act from Judgment; a Quaker. Ought not to be struck; a Con- 
siderable Fanner & Land Holder. 

10. John Godfrey. A man, a very weak man & apt to be byased— a Farmer. 
By Religion a Churchman. Ought to be struck. 

11. Benjamin Pearson. A Country Born Englishman, a man of Common 
abillitys — is supposed will act from Judgment. Will be Likely to be influenced by 
James Starr, if he desents from his Own Judgment. A House Carpenter & not a 
Land Holder in the County; a Quaker. Ought not to be struck. 

12. Moses Roberts. A Country Born Englishman; generally esteemed a very 
sensible, Juditious, Honest man, & will act from Judgment. A Farmer and Land 
Holder. A Quaker Preacher, & ought not to be struck. 

13. Valentine Eckers. A Country Born Dutchman; an Illiterate, weak man; 
will be like to be Influenced by Edw'd Biddle. A Blacksmith, a rich man & Land 
Holder. Ought to be struck. 

14. John Kerlin. A country Born Dutchman; a very weak man ; a Superstitious 
man — will be like to be Influenced by Biddle. Ought to be struck. A Churchman. 

15. Jacob Mechlen. A Country Bom Dutchman; a weak man; great talker; a 
Land Holder, & has some connection with one holding a Commission of ye Peace. 

16. Thomas Wright. ^ good Liver, Independent, no great Judgment, but will 
use what he has without byas. A Quaker, not to be struck. 

17. Sebastian Levan. A Country Bom L^utchman, perhaps under influence, 
tho' Rite. Strike. 

18. John Harrisson. A Country Born Englishman ; a man of Common abillitys; 
will be like to act from Judgment, and ought net to be Struck; by Profession a 
Quaker. A Farmer and Land Holder. 

19. Owen Hughs. If of Maiden creek, wealthy; rather weak, but will act 
from Judgment ; of Welsh desent. A Quaker. Don't strike. 

20. Benjamin Spycker. A Dutchman. Rut; perhaps under Influence; his 
Brother a Justice & he a Tavern Keeper. Strike. 

21. John Scarlett. A Country Born Englishman; a good kind ef a man, a 
Land Holder & Farmer. A Quaker. Don't strike. 

22. Jacob Shoemaker. A Dutchman, {Late SheriflF) a very weak man, and is 
supposed will be enfluanced by Edw'd Biddle. Ought to be struck. 

23. Nermer Starr. A very obscure Duchman. Strike. 

24. Samuel Hughs. A Country Bom Englishman; a man of Tolerable good 
abillitys ; is supposed will act from Judgment. A Farmer & Landholder. A Quaker. 
Ought not to be struck. 

25. Jacob Echberger. Rich but partial & weak. Strike. 

26. John Jones, of Carnarvoon. Welsh Desent. Tavern Keeper. Defendant. 

27. Frederick Weiser. A Country Born Dutchman, setish, under influence. 


28. Peter Yocum. A Country Born Englishman. An Illiterate, weak man, Apt 
to be byased by Biddle. A Farmer & Land Holder. A Churchman. Strike. 

29. Samuel Lee. A Country Born Englishman. A man of good abillity. Is 
supposed will have influence with the rest of the Jury, and will act from Judgment. 
A Farmer & Land Holder. A Quaker, & ought by no means to be struck. 

30. Benjamin Parks. A Country Born Englishman ; a man of weak abillitys ; 
in low circumstance; apt to be influanced; a Carpenter & not a Land Holder. A 
Quaker. Take if no better to be had. 

31. -Michael Brucht. A Country Born Dutchman; a weak man & apt to be in- 
fluenced by Edw'd Biddle. A Tavern Keeper & Land Holder. No Religion. 
Ought to be Struck. 

32. Jacob Lamescus. Very obscure. 

33. William Winter. A weak man, subject to Drink & obscure. 

34. Richard Penrose. A Country Born Englishman. A man of Common 
abillitys. Will act from Judgment. A Farmer and Land Holder. A Constable. A 
Quaker, & ought by no means to be struck. 

35. Joseph Grose. A Tavern keeper, a Justices son in Law. Little known. 

36. Valontine Probst. Rich in Lands, &c. A good kind of a Man, tho' weak. 

37. Christian Lauer. A Dutchman, a Leading man among the Dutch ; very 
rich — a man of Better abillitys than Dutchman have in Common— an unprejudiced 
man. Supposed will act from Judgment. A Considerable Land Holder and Farmer. 
Religion a Lutharan. 

38. Philip Kohl. A Country Born Dutchman; a man of weak abillitys; apt to 
be Influenced by other People. A Tavern Keeper. A Lutharan in Profession. 
Ought to be Struck. 

39. William Tallman. A Country Born Englishman. A man of weak abillitys. 
A Rich man. A Farmer and Land Holder. Strike. 

40. George Berstler. Very obscure. Strike. 

41. Samuel Jackson. A Country Born Englishman; a man of good abillitys — 
will act from Judgment. A H.itter in Reading & ought not to be struck. 

42. Owen Hughs. If Owen Hughs in or near the County Line, a weak young 
Welshman. Strike. 

43. Henry Hohn. A Smith. Subject to strong Byas. Weak. Strike. 

44. Jacob Snyder. A Rich independent Dutchman. Sober and thoughtful; 
rather Irresolute, but perhaps best not to strike. 

45. George Hughs. A Country Born Englishman. A man of good abillitys. 
Will act from Judgment. A Tanner and Farmer. A Quaker & ought not to be 

46. Jonathan Davis. Of Welch Desent. A Blue DuVer in Reading. Rather 
obscure. Don't strike. 

47. George Germandt. .\ Rich Dutchman, sober. Irresolute, timorous; yet don't 

48. John Spohn. A Country Born Dutchman. A young man; a Brewer; a 
man of Tollarable good abillity ; a Better man than many other Dutchmen. 


Nothing has been found to show the proceedings of the suit, 
but it is evident that Wahis was the loser, for the Proprietaries 
afterwards issued an order to divide the manor into five tracts, 
which were sold to other parties. 

There is little doubt that the first settler within what is now the 
territory of Clinton County was a curious individual named 
Cleary Campbell.* He squatted on the Charles Glass tract, which 
was the one immediately north of the officers' tract, in the name 
of Ensign McMinn, and surveyed by Charles Lukens for William 
Glass November 9, 1769, and on which the northern portion of 
Lock Haven is built. In a trial at Sunbury, in 1776, Lukens 
testifies that when he went up to make the sur\'eys for the officers 
he found him living on this land with his family. 

John Hamilton in his reminiscences says that there must have 
been something in the character of Campbell that was not gener- 
ally seen by his neighbors. What should induce him to venture 
ahead of the first settlers in that remote region was a mystery, for 
he was regarded as the laziest man to be found. The houses of 
that day w^re cabins with one room, that served for parlor, kitchen 
and bed room. It was invariably the practice of Cleary Camp- 
bell, being too lazy to sit up, to throw himself down upon a bed. 
This habit must have drawn to it universal attention, as the fol- 
lowing story will show, whether founded on fact or only as a 
specimen of the rough wit of backwoods civilization. As the 
story runs, he entered a neighbor's house one day, and as usual 
threw himself down, and on a cat that lay asleep on the bed. 
The cat began to make piteous cries, but there was no help for it. 
" Poor pussy, I pity you, but I cannot help you," was the only 
remark of Cleary. He was very frequently assessor of the town- 
ship, and wrote a very plain, good hand, and the fact that in 
September, 1792, he took up the most elevated farm in Centre 
County, on the top of Muncy Mountain, within sight of Belle- 
fonte, seems to indicate that he was not lazy after locations of a 
high order. He was dispossessed from his place at Lock Haven. 

An Irishman named Quinn was the first settler at the mouth of 
the little stream now called Queen's Run. What induced him to 


* According to the best information at hand Campbell was from the Juniata, and 
died in Howard Township, Centre County, in 1809, at an advanced age. 


locate there is unknown. Possibly he was a hunter or trader like 
Larry Burt, and although he gave his name to the rivulet, it has 
been corrupted into Queen, because the pronunciation is easier 
and more high sounding. 

William McElhattan* was the first white settler in what is now 
Waynef Township, Clinton County, and the stream which passes 
by the camp-meeting grounds was named after him. He was an 
Irishman by birth and came to Lancaster in 1760. Hearing of 
the fine lands on the West Branch, he came with others to pros- 
pect, and located about a mile west of where the stream bearing 
his name falls into the river. He was only a " squatter," as he 
never obtained a warrant for his land. Richard McCafferty was 
the second settler, at a point about a mile east of McElhattan Run. 
He made some improvements on his land, but, dying about 1 770, 
they fell into decay. The first grave for a white man was the one 
dug for him on his own land. This was the grave-yard started at 
that point, and it was used for that purpose until it contained 
about fifty-two graves. Next came Robert Love.t who settled 
near the mouth of the little stream known as Love's Run, a short 
distance east of Pine Station, on the Philadelphia and Erie Rail- 
road. Love's Gap in the mountain at that place was named after 
him. He built a mill which did good service for a long time. 
Robert Love was a celebrated character in his day, and took an 
active part with the " Fair Play " men of that time. He also 
participated in the meeting at the mouth of Pine Creek on the 4th 

*William McElhattan was a first lieutenant in the Twelfth Regiment, commis- 
sioned October i6, 1776. He was wounded by ball and buckshot in the shoulder, 
and lost the use of his arm; he was transferred to the Sixth Pennsylvania, but, his 
wound troubling him, he was transferred to the invalid corps July I, 1779. He was 
discharged December 3, 1784; removed to Kentucky, where he died April 26, 1807. 

■f- Wayne is one of the original townships of Clinton, when that county was created 
in 1839. It was taken from Nippenose Township, Northumberland County, in 1795, 
when Lycoming County was organized, and was named after General Anthony 

J Robert Love was of Scotch-Irish ancestry and came from Chester County. He 
first settled on the Juniata, and then came to the West Branch, n\oving part of his 
family of twelve children overland by the way of Bald Eagle's Nest, in 1773, and 
part by way of the river in canoes. He first settled on the level plain above Pine 
Creek, afterwards known as the "Cook Farm." At the time of the Big Runaway 
tradition informs us that he sold his improvement for ;^IOO and two barrels 


of July, 1776, when the famous Declaration of Independence res- 
olutions were passed by the settlers. 

According to the best authority the land along the river,* 
about a mile west of McElhattan, was taken up by three persons. 
The warrant for the western part, known as the "Monmouth" 
tract, containing 400 acres, was taken out in 1769 by William 
Noland. It embraced the McKague, Throne and Strayer farms. 
The warrant for the central part was taken out by Isaac Webster 
in 1770, and embraced the Stabley, Montgomerj- and Gallauher 
farms. The eastern tract, by warrant of John L. Webster, in 1769, 
and embraces the Steck, Quiggle and Winchester farms. On this 
tract was built Harris' fort in 1774-5. It was located on a high 
bluff a little west of Kurtz's Run, at which place there is a short 
curve in the river, giving a view of both banks, east and west, for 
over a mile. The remains of this fortification, which was simply 
a stockade enclosure, could be seen until the Philadelphia and 
Erie Railroad was built in 1856-8, when they were destroyed. 
The land east of Kurtz's Run was taken up by three warrants: 
that of Robert Love in 1769, containing the lands of Jamison, the 
Ouiggles, and the land on which Pine Station is built; that of 
Samuel Wallis, 1770, embracing the lands of G. W. Sour and 
Jacob Stamm; and that of Elizabeth Jarvis, 1769, embracing the 
land of Thomas Quiggle and others. This tract was first called 
" Fairview," and was afterwards known as the " HoUingsworth " 

of whisky. On his return, when peace was restored, he settled on the south side of 
the river, at what is known as Love's Gap Fann. Another account, and the correct 
one, is that he gave the improvement to his daughters, Ann and Jennet, who in turn 
quitclaimed it to James Dill, of York County, for ;{^20 and two cows. The in- 
denture is dated May 15, 1775, and the sale was acknowledged before John Kidd, 
Recorder for Lycoming County, November 30, 1803. Surveyor General Lukens 
certifies that James Dill applied for 300 acres on the north side of the river, including 
Love's improvement, which he had conveyed to Ann and Jennet, his daughters, and 
whose right was afterwards vested in Dill. The latter agreed to pay ^30 per hun- 
dred acres for the tract in 1785. In 1792 this same tract was sold to William Wilson 
for ^200. 

Robert Love was a man of prominence in his day, and served as a Justice of the 
Peace. He died in his 95th year, having been blind for some time. His wife lived 
to the age of 94. Their daughter Jennet, who married a man named Anesley, lived 
to the age of 93. 

*See MaynariVs Histoi-ical Viciv of Clinton County, pages 218, 219. 


tract. The mountain tract of 156 acres west of Noland's was 
settled upon after the Revolution by Patrick McElhaney, who sold 
to Jacob Whiteman. The next spring, it is related, Whiteman 
went to Middletown, and meeting George Fry, represented his 
land as being good for farming and well adapted for grazing, and 
that he had a large number of cattle on it, which he would sell 
with the land for ;g6oo, one-half to be paid down and the balance 
in the fall, at which time Fry was to go up and see the land. Fry 
bought without seeing it and paid ^300 down. He came in the 
fall according to promise, and while walking over the land and 
being apparently satisfied, asked Whiteman to see the cattle. 
Presently they came upon a herd of deer, when Whiteman said : 
"There are the cattle!" Fry was no little surprised, and turning 
to Whiteman rather fiercely, said: "Take your land and go to 
the d — 1, and I'll go to Middletown!" Fry went home and never 
returned to see his " farm and pasture lands." Whiteman went 
west and was never heard from afterwards. 

Among the permanent settlers who bought land and improved 
it were the Quiggles. They were from Hopewell Township, 
Cumberland County, and setded here about 1788. The Mont- 
gomery farm is another fine tract, and has been in the possession 
of that family for a long time. The Quiggle farm was owned by 
S. N. Quiggle until a few years ago, when it was bought by 
Charles S. Gallauher. The last payment on this farm by the 
Quiggles is acknowledged by the following queer receipt, now in 
the hands of S. N. Quiggle: 

June the 27th 1807 — Receivt by the Hand of George Quickie the Sum of Si.\ty 
Two Pounts for John Quickie to the Yuse of Adam and George Wilt, I Say 
Receivt by 

Henry Shearman. 

The rich lands lying west of Pine Creek, north of the river, and 
e.xtending to Dunnsburg, were a tempting bait, and adventurers, 
in defiance of the orders of Governor Penn, squatted there as 
early as 1772 and commenced making improvements. John 
Hamilton,* whose ancestors were among the first settlers, says 
that a company consisting of John Reed, of Philadelphia, and 

'' Maynard's History of Clinton County, pages 207, 20S. 


John Bull, Esq., and Thomas Proctor,* Esq., purchased a large 
tract containing 4,497 acres and allowances. The original deed 
was from William Penn to George Evans, of Wales, and was dated 
i682.t This survey could not be recognized as of any value by the 
State after independence. The whole extent, for a distance of five 
miles, was settled upon under claims of three and four hundred 
acres before it was purchased from the Indians — previous to the 
Revolution and the Big Runaway in 1778. It was purchased at 
the treaty of peace in 1784, and most of the warrants were laid in 
1785 under the claim of the first settlers, the State honoring and 
securing their claims on account of the noble stand made by them 
in defense of the country against Great Britain and her allies the 

The first settlers who got back after the war settled on their 
improvements and took out warrants. But there is no evidence 
that Donaldson, who settled on what has gone by the name of 
the " Duncan Farm," ever returned. Neither did Kinkaid and 
Alexander Hamilton. The latter was killed by the Indians near 
Northumberland. His family returned, however, and took out a 
warrant for his improvement. An eagerness to get possession of 
land showed itself in strong colors ; not only were the best bottom 

* Thomas Proctor was captain of the first Continental company of artillery raised 
in Philadelphia. He was afterward promoted to the position of General, and his 
brother Francis, who was lieutenant of the same company, became captain. The 
Proctors at one time had possession of several hundred acres of land on the flats 
just below the island, but for some reason or other they failed to hold it, probably for 
want of means with which to make their payments, and it finally passed into the 
hands of others. — MaynanCs History of Clinton County, page 149. 

fThe deed is as follows: By virtue of a deed of lease, dated the 7th of the 5th 
month, 1682, from the Hon. William Penn, Esq., Proprietor and Governor of the 
Province of Pennsylvania, unto George Evans, of Pembrokeshire, in Wales, 10,000 
acres of land in Pennsylvania was surveyed and laid out unto John Bull, Esq., Thomas 
Proctor, Esq., and John Reed, in right aforesaid, a certain tract or parcel of land lying 
and being on the north side of the West Branch of the Susquehanna River, and on the 
west side of Pine Creek, bounded on the south by the Susquehanna, and by Pine Creek 
on the east; by vacant lands and a ridge of mountains on the north, and lands surveyed 
to John Reed on the west, containing 4,497 acres, with allowance, &c., &c. Surveyed 
September the 3d, 4th, 5th, 7th and 9th, 1772, by James Dickinson. Beginning at a 
post standing on a point on the west side of Pine Creek, and on the north side of 
the West Branch, running from there up the Pine Creek, Then follow the courses, 
distances, &c. 


lands secured, but surveys were made of the greater portion of 
the hill lands in 1785. Some hill land was taken up and surveyed 
in 1792 and 1794. 

The first warrants along the river were laid in the names as 
follows, beginning at Chatham's Run, and down the river: John 
Chatham, on Chatham's Run. Ne.xt below Colonel William Cook, 
now Condon; then Jane Richard, now Ruling and Betts; then 
McFadden, now McGuire and Brown; then John Jackson, now 
Ferguson and McKinney; then Hamilton's heirs, now Hamiltons 
and Shaw; next the Duncan farm, settled on before the war by 
Alexander Donaldson, now owned chiefly by Crawford and Smith. 
This was warranted by Benjamin Walker, deeded to Stephen 
Duncan. Ne.xt the Love improvement, afterwards owned bj' 
Cook ; then the McMasters improvement on the point — the 
Gallauher farm. Then up the creek further, William Plunkett, 
now Simmons and Crist; next John Scott, now McKinney; then 
Barnabas Parsons, 346 acres and allowance. Phelps' Mills were 
on this tract; next above was Thomas Proctor. These tracts all 
seem to have been surveyed in 1785. 

As the settlements extended up the river great inconvenience 
was experienced on account of the distance from the county seat, 
which was at Carlisle, and the people commenced clamoring for 
the creation of a new county. Cumberland covered an immense 
territory, and too much time and expense were involved in going 
to the county seat to transact business by the settlers on the West 
Branch. Finally the Proprietaries assented to the formation of a 
new county on the 27th of March, 1772, out of parts of Lancaster, 
Cumberland, Berks, Northampton and Bedford, to be called 
Northumberland. The name selected was in honor of the most 
northerly county of P'ngland. Its boundaries were as follows : 

Beginning at the mouth of Mahantongo Creek, on the west side of the river Sus- 
quehanna, thence up the south side of said creek to the head of Robert Meteer's 
spring; thence west by north to the top of Tussey's Mountain; thence along the 
summit to the Little Juniata; thence up the east side of the main branch to the head 
thereof; thence north to the line of Berks County; thence north-west along the same 
line to the extremity of the Province: thence east along the north boundary to a 
Ijoint due north of the Great Swamp ; thence south to the most southern pait of the 
Swamp aforesaid; thence with a straight line to the head of Lehigh, or Mill Creek; 
thence down the said creek so far, that a line run west south-west will strike the forks 


of Mahantongo Creek where Pine Creek falls into the same, at the place called 
Spread Eagle, on the east side of the Susquehanna ; thence down the south side of 
said creek to the river aforesaid ; thence across the river to the beginning. 

This line embraced a territory. It extended as far west as 
Lake Erie, the head of Lehigh on the east, taking in what is now 
Pike County, with the State of New York on the north. Imagine 
a county of that size to-day. Nearly all the territory at that 
time was a dense forest, and the Indians held almost undisputed 

Fort Augusta was fixed as the place of election and the county 
was to be entitled to one representative. The Governor was to 
nominate a competent number of justices, any three of whom 
could hold the several courts on the fourth Tuesday of February, 
May, August and November, at Fort Augusta, until a court house 
should be built. William Maclay, John Lowdon, Samuel Hunter, 
Joseph J. Wallis and Robert Moodie were appointed trustees to 
purchase a piece of ground on which the court house was to be 
erected, subject to the Governor's approval. Thomas Lemmon 
was made collector of excise. Joshua Elder, James Potter, Jesse 
Lukens, and William Scull were appointed to run the boundary 

The celebrated Dr. William Plunkett, Turbutt Francis, Samuel 
Hunter, James Potter, William Maclay, John Lowdon, Thomas 
Lemmon, Ellis Hughes and Benjamin Weiser confirmed as 
justices in Council, and William Maclay, prothonotary and clerk 
of the several courts, March 24th. The first county commis- 
sioners were William Gray, Thomas Hewitt and John Weitzel. 
On the 23d of November Casper Reed, of Penn's, was sworn in 
as county commissioner; Alexander Hunter, county treasurer; 
Walter Clark, Jonathan Lodge, Peter Hosterman, James Harrison, 
Nicholas Miller, Jacob Heverling and Samuel Weimier, assessors. 
Thus were the offices of the new county filled and ev-erything 
arranged for local government. 

The first court in Northumberland County was held at Fort 
Augusta on the 9th of April, 1772. Tradition says that it met in 
a small log building which stood on the bank of the ri\-er a few 
feet in front of the fort, but its site was long since washed away 
by the encroachment of the water. The tradition seems to be 


well founded. The first court was a private sessions of the peace, 
and the record is herewith given : 


At a court of private sessions of the peace held at Fort Augusta for the County of 
Northumberland on the ninth day of April in the twelfth year of the reign of our 
Sovereign Lord George the Third by the Grace of God, of Great Britain, France 
and Ireland, King, defender of the Faith, and in the year of our Lord God one 
thousand seven hundred and seventy-two, before William Plunkett, Esq., and his 
Associate Justices assigned, &c., within the said County of Northumberland, viz: 

A Commission from his Honor the Governor, bearing date the 24th day of March 
anno domini one thousand seven hundred and seventy-two, appointing William 
Plunkett, Turbutt Francis, Samuel Hunter, James Potter, William Maclay, Caleb 
Graydon, Benjamin AUison, Robert Moodie, John Lowdon, Thomas Lemon, Ellis 
Hughes and Benjamin Weiser, Esqrs., Justices of the Court of General Quarter 
Sessions of the Peace and jail delivery for the said County of Northumberland was 
published in Court. 

On motion made, the said County of Northd., or as much of the Extent of the 
same as is now purchased from the Indians, is divided into the following townships, 
to be hereafter called and known by the names of Penn's twp.* — Augusta twp — 
Turbutt twp. — Buffalo twp.— Bald Eagle twp. — Muncy twp. — and Wyoming twp., 
each described and bounded as follows : 


Beginning at the mouth of Penn's creek at the head of the isle of Que, thence up 
the same to the forks, thence by a north line to the West Branch of Susquehanna, 
thence down the West Branch of Susquehanna to the forks, thence down Susque- 
hanna to place of beginning. 


Beginning at the forks of Penn's creek, thence by a north hne to the West Branch 
of Susquehanna, thence up the same to where the County line crosses it, thence by 
the County line south to the head of little Juniata, thence down the same to the end 
of Tussey's mountain, thence along the top of the same easterly to the place of 


Beginning on the east side of Susquehanna at Fort Augusta, thence up the easterly 
side of the N. E. Branch to the old line formerly run for a division between Berks 
and Northampton counties, thence by the same line North West to the top of Muncy 
hill, thence along the top of the same westerly to the West Branch of Susquehanna, 
and crossing the same to the west side and down the same to the junction of the 
branches, and crossing Susquehanna to the place of beginning — so as to include the 
forks and island. 


Beginning on the west side of the West Branch of Susquehanna, opposite the end 

*The descriptions of Penn's, Augusta and Wyoming townships are omitted, as 
not being pertinent to the history of the Valley of the West Branch. 


of Muncy hill, thence up the West Branch to opposite the mouth of Lycoming,* 
thence crossing the branch, up Lycoming to the heads thereof, thence by a south-east 
line to the Muncy hill, thence along the top of the same to the West 'Branch, and 
crossing to beginning. 

The names of the constables appointed for these respective 
townships, on the same occasion, were as follows : 

Turbutt Township, . - - - William McMein. 
Buffalo Township, - - - . Robert King. 
Bald Eagle Township, - - - - Samuel Long. 
Muncy Township, . . - - James Robb. 

This appears to have been all the business transacted at this 
court — which was of a preliminary character — at least nothing else 
appears upon the record. 

The first Court of Common Pleas was held on the fourth Tues- 
day of May, 1772, before Justices William Plunkett, Samuel 
Hunter, Caleb Graydon, Thomas Lemmon and Robert Moodie. 
The commission of William Maclay, prothonotary, was read, and 
the following members of the Bar were sworn in : James Wilson, 
of York, a signer of the Declaration of Independence and 
Associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States," 
Robert Magaw, of Carlisle, afterwards colonel of the Sixth 
Pennsylvania and defender of Fort Washington; Edward Burd, 
district attorne}-; Christian Hucksf and George North. After 
examination, James Potts, Charles Stedmanand Andrew Robinson 
were also admitted. 

The record of the court reads as follows: 

At a Court of General Sessions of the Peace, held at fort Augusta for the County 
of Northd., the fourth Tuesday in August, in the twelfth year of the reign of our 
Sovereign Lord, Geo. the Third, by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France an.l 
Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c., Before William Plunkett, Esq., and his 
Associates, Justices assigned, &c., within the said County of Northd., viz: 

Upon petition to the Court, Adam Haveling, Marcus Hulings, Jr., Martin Kost, 
Samuel Weiser, and John Alexander, are recommended to his Honor the Governor 
for his license to keep public houses where they respectively dwell in this Comity, 
they giving bond, &c., agreeable to the laws of this Province in such cases made, &c. 

* The reader will observe that Lycoming Creek was the line of the county on the 
north side of the river, and was supposed to be the Tiadaghton of the Indians. 

f Afterwards the Tory, Captain Hucks, of Tarleton's Dragoons, killed in South 
Carolina in 1780-S1. — Graydon's Memoirs, page 270. 


The first grand jury in the county was empaneled at this court. 
The names of the jurors are given below: 

George Nagel, Esq.,* High Sheriff for the County aforesaid, returned his writ of 
venire to him directed, with the panel annexed, which being called over after proc- 
lamation, made the following persons appear, who were accordingly sworn on the 
grand inquest for our Sovereign Lord the King, for the body of the County; 
John Brady, Foreman, George Ran, 

Geo. Overmyer, And. Heffer, 

John Rhowick, Hawkins Boone, 

Leonard Peter, George Wolf, 

Gerhard Freeland, William Cook, 

John Jost, John Kelly, 

William Grey, James Poke, 

Ludwig Derr, John Walker. 

The first criminal case was tried at this court. King vs. John 
Williams, for larceny. Robert Fruit and John Williams were on 
the jury. He was found guilty and sentenced to pay a fine of ^^5, 
to receive twenty-one lashes on his bare back, and to be committed 
to the magazine of the fort until the sentence was complied with. 
The magazine was certainly a dark and dreary dungeon, if it was 
the same that is still in existence. 

The number of civil suits brought at this court was thirty-four. 
The first was James vs. James Garley. Magaw for plaintiff, 
Wilson for defendant. Hawkins Boone and Thomas Sutherland 
had suits at this court; also Michael Regor vs. William Blythe. 
The latter suit was referred to Samuel Maclay, John Brady and 
George Wolfe to settle. 

Owing to the increase of population and business, it was found 
necessary to provide better facilities for crossing and recrossing 
the river between Fort Augusta and Northumberland. Accord- 
ingly, on the 14th of April, 1772, Thomas and Richard Penn, by 
letters patent, granted to Robert King, his executors and assigns, 
the privilege of keeping a ferryf over the main branch of the 
river. November 30, 1773, King conveyed his right to Adam 
Heverling, and he to Christopher Getting, April 17, 1775 ; Getting 

*George Nagel was sheriff of BerksCounty when Northumberland was organized. 
He, however, served in Northumberland till William Cook was elected in October, 

■j-An examination of the records to verify these facts was made by John B. Linn, 
and he so states them on the 44th page of his Annals. 


to Abraham Dewitt, October 8, 1779; Eleanor Dewitt, alias 
Coldern, administratrix of Dewitt, to John Lyon, October 25, 
1787, and on the 2d of November, 1787, John Lyon presented a 
petition to the Assembly for the privilege of keeping the ferry for 
a term of years, which was granted. 

The county of Northumberland having been erected, and the 
machinery for its government put in operation by the appoint- 
ment of officers and the opening of the courts, it at once became 
apparent to the Proprietaries that a town* should be laid out 
either at Fort Augusta or on the Northumberland side of the 
river, Which should be known as the county seat. As soon as the 
proposition became known a strife arose between parties on both 
sides of the river to secure the prize, and according to the records 
the excitement ran high. It having finally been decided to take 
the necessary steps towards laying out the town, a meeting was 
held to consider what course to pursue, and the proceedings as 
recorded are as follows : 

At a Meeting at the Governor's on Tuesday the sixteenth day of June, 1772. 

Present — The Governor, The Secretary Mr. Tilghman, The Receiver General 
Mr. Physiclc, The Surveyor General Mr. Lukens. 

Ordered, that the Surveyor General vrith all convenient speed repair to Fort 
Augusta on Sasquehanna, and with the assistance of Mr. William McClay lay out 
a ToA-n for the County of Northumberland to be called by the name of Sunbury, at 
the most commodious place between the Fort and the Mouth of Shamokin Creek, 
into Three Hundred Lotts to be accomodated with Streets, Lanes and Alleys and a 
Commodious Square in the most convenient place for Publick Buildings. The two 
Main Streets to be eighty feet wide, the others sixty and the Lanes and Alleys 
twenty feet. The Lotts to be sixty feet wide in Front and Two hundred and thirty 
feet deep if the Ground and Situation will conveniently allow that Depth. And it is 
further ordered that a space of at least one hundred and twenty feet be left between 

*The first order for the survey of the manor of Pomfret, issued by the Proprietaries, 
was in these words : " These are to authorize and require you to survey & lay out 
for our Use and Right and as part of our tenths the quantity of Five Thousand Acres 
of Land at Shamokin on the River Sasquehannah to include the old Fort and the 
Lands about it and make Return thereof into our Secretary's Office for which this 
shall be your sufficient Warrant. 

"Witness John Penn Esqr Lieutenant Governor of the said Province who by virtue 
of certain powers from the said Proprietaries hath hereunto set his Hand & caused 
the Seal of the Land Office to be affixed at Philadelphia this twenty-ninth Day of 
October Ao. L^i. One thousand seven hundred & sixty-eight. 

"John Penn. 

"To John Lukkns, Esqr. Survr. Genl." 


the Town line and the Bank of the River. Every other Lett adjoining the Square 
and fifty Commodious Lotts besides to be reserved for the Proprietaries. After laying 
out the Town the Surveyor General while he is there and Mr. McClay after the 
Surveyor leaves the place may receive applications and make Entries to be Returned 
& Recorded in the Secretaries Office from any person or Persons inclinable to settle 
& build in the Town, particularly Tradesmen and such as are of ability to improve. 
No person to be allowed to take up more than one Lott without the Governors 
special Licence. And upon making Application the Party applying shall receive a 
Ticket in the Form following: 

The day of , 177 — A. B. applies for and is allowed to take up No. in the Town of Sunbury for which he is to take out a Patent within 

six months from the Time of Application, otherwise the Application to be void and 
the Lott free for any other applier. A clause to be contained in the Patent that if 
the said A. B., his Heirs or Assigns do not within three Years from the Time of 
Application build and Erect on the said Lott a Dwelling House of twenty feet square 
at least, with a Brick or Stone Chimney the Patent to be void. The Lott to be 
forfeited to the Proprietaries and they at full and absolute Liberty without Re-entry 
to Grant and dispose of it to any other Person or Persons whatsoever. The Annual 
Ground Rent for the said Lott to be Seven Shillings Sterling. 

N. B.— The Rent of the Unreserved Lots adjoining the Square to be Ten 
Shillings Sterling. 

A true Copy. 

James Tilghman, 
Sec'ty of the Land Office. 

Thi.s document bears the following indorsement: "The Gov- 
ernor's orders for laying out the town of Sunbury. Executed 
the 26th, 27th, 29th and 30th of June, the ist, 2d & 3d of July, 
1772." Signed "John Lukens, S. G., William Maclay, D. S." 

The preliminary steps having been taken, there was no delay in 
carr\'ing out the decision of the officers. Mr. Tilghman, Secretary 
of the Land Office, wrote to William Maclay: 

Mr. Lukens goes to lay out the town, agreeably to instructions. You are joined 
with him in the work. You are to treat with Mr. Lowdon, and if his title be good, 
and he will take a sum named in the instructions (^200), the town is to be laid out 
in the Forks (Northumberland) ; otherwise on the fort side. Wallis and Haines have 
said they had a right, and they must relinquish it. As Lowdon's application was in 
his wife's name, she must convey. As putting the town in the forks is a concession 
against the interest of the Proprietaries to accommodate the people, if the place can- 
not be clear of claims, the town must be on the other side. 

It seems that the terms of the Proprietaries were not complied 
with, and the claimants in the forks, where the town of Northum- 
berland was afterwards located, lost the county seat, for on the 
i6th of June, 1772, the Governor and his Council issued an order 


to Surveyor General Lukens to repair to Fort Augusta, and, with 
the assistance of WiUiam Maclay, lay out a town for the county 
of Northumberland, to be called by the name of Sunbury,* at the 
most commodious place between the forks of the river and the 
mouth of Shamokin Creek. General Lukens carried out his 
instructions without delay, for we find among the records the fol- 
lowing bill of expenses incurred while engaged in the work : 

The Hon'ble Proprietaries of Pennsylvania. 

To John Lukens, Survey'r Gen'l, Dr. 

June 18. To Sundry Disbursements & Services in laying out the town of Sunbury 

from June 1 8th to July 20th. 
To Cash paid Capt. Hunter, \Vm. Wilson & Peter Withington for pro- 
visions & liquors for myself & Horse while laying out the town, ■ £ 37 14 ' 9 
To Cash paid SamT McClay for 10 days at 7-6 p day, - - - j 15 o 

To Ditto paid Charles Lukens, Judah Bakerr, \Vm. Patterson & Jesse 

Lukens 8 days at 5s a day work, S o o 

To Ditto paid Alex'r Grant & James Gay f for 5 d.iys at 55 p 

day each, 2 10 o 

To Ditto paid Rob't Martin, James Gondy, Jacob Haverling & Adam 

Haverling 4 days each at 2-6, 200 

To Ditto paid Thomas Brannon, Wm. Murdock, Sam'l Pearson & 

James Aderson for 3d each at 2-6, i 10 o 

To Ditto pd. David f ter for Rivets for 20 feet Rods, - - 10 

To My Expenses going up & coming down, - - - - - 8 iS 10 

To My Services 30 Days, - - - - - - - -30 00 

To Cash paid Tobias Rudolph Horse Hire 30 days at 5s p day, - - 7100 

/loi 19 7 

Thus was the town of Sunbury founded, and the cost of making 
the survey slightly exceeded ^500. A copy of the original 
survey ,3: given herewith, shows the names of the original lot 

* Named after .Sunbury, a village on the Thames, England ; a parish formed by 
the union of shires in the County Middlesex, about fifteen miles from London proper. 
Supposed to have been the place at which the Icend, under Boadicea, were defeated 
by Suetonius Paulinus, in 5i. A church was erected on the site of a more ancient 
edifice in 1752. 

f Obliterated. 

J This draft or "plan" has a curious history. It is asserted that when it was first 
made by one of the surveyors employed by John Lukens, he traded it off, for some 
cause or other, to a party in Philadelphia, and it remained in obscurity for many 
years. Its existence was finally discovered by an officer of the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society, who succeeded in purchasing it, and it is now in the archives of that institu- 
tion. On this account the Land Office has never been able to give a certified copy of 
the original — it can only certify to a copy. • 

fa tvm 27/ 1/> 7S4, 
laid Lfiffff irffad 
/javprfjff^ irffad and 



get H'Oct im 




" /? 







mo BOfD 



to Surveyor General Lukens to repair to Fort Augusta, and, with 
the assistance of WiUiam Maclay, lay out a town for the county 
of Northumberland, to be called by the name of Sunbury,* at the 
most commodious place between the forks of the river and the 
mouth of Shamokin Creek. General Lukens carried out his 
instructions without delay, for we find among the records the fol- 
lowing bill of expenses incurred while engaged in the work : 

The Hon'ble Proprietaries of Pennsylvania. 

To John Lukens, Survey'r Gen'l, Dr. 

June 18. To Sundry Disbursements & Services in laying out the town of Sunbury 

from June l8th to July 20th. 
To Cash paid Capt. Hunter, Wm. Wilson & Peter Withington for pro- 
visions & liquors for myself & Horse while laying out the town, - ;^ 37 14 ' 9 
To Cash paid Sam'l McClay for to days at 7-6 p day, - - - 3150 

To Ditto paid Charles Lukens, Judah Bakerr, Wm. Patterson & Jesse 

Lukens 8 days at 5s a day work, - - - - - - - S o o 

To Ditto paid Alex'r Grant & James Gay -f for 5 days at 5s p 

day each, 2100 

To Ditto paid Rob't Martin, James Gondy, Jacob Haverling & Adam 

Haverling 4 days each at 2-6, ------- 200 

To Ditto paid Thomas Brannon, Wm. Murdock, Sam'l Pearson & 

James Aderson for 3d each at 2-6, i 10 o 

To Ditto pd. David f ter for Rivets for 20 feet Rods, - - 10 

To My Expenses going up & coming down, - - - - - 8 iS 10 

To My Services 30 Days, 30 o o 

To Cash paid Tobias Rudolph Horse Hire 30 days at 5s p day, - - 7 10 o 

/loi 19 7 

Thus was the town of Sunbury founded, and the cost of making 
the survey slightly exceeded ^500. A copy of the original 
survey,^ given herewith, shows the names of the original lot 

* Named after Sunbury, a village on the Thames, England ; a parish formed by 
the union of shires in the County Middlesex, about fifteen miles from London proper. 
Supposed to have been the place at which the Icend, under Boadicea, were defeated 
by Suetonius Paulinus, m 61. A church was erected on the site of a more ancient 
edifice in 1752. 

t Obliterated. 

JThis draft or "plan" has a curious history. It is asserted that when it was first 
made by one of the surveyors employed by John Lukens, he traded it off, for some 
cause or other, to a party in Philadelphia, and it remained in obscurity for many 
years. Its existence was finally discovered by an officer of the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society, who succeeded in purchasing it, and it is now in the archives of that institu- 
tion. On this account the Land Office has never been able to give a certified copy of 
the original — it can only certify to a copy. > 


fii the taunii/ Afi7rt/:umberia?td . 
/aid out in June dJu-hj J772 in per- 

suance pfan arder /rom^ts Nanar the 
ffoffnipr (fated i/ie JS '''dai/ efJune >772 
Si/rf^ Ufiii /aid eut h/ 

/m J.i/i(£NS 5 /}'- 
J I 1 1 ///'■' ]p/ia/irJ/S 

J5 33 . p 

vmmrur—JJ 33 

"""7" '' '" 

-Jd //ie/0/s fi^prt/i/rff f/rf rifer/ram JVs.4e tsSl md /rmr 27^ f/i ^s/,, 
iiiditsii'P:are :it /Tern Smai/f 2W/f//m^J///tAe/!//ier Ids are e/tft irrrad 
im/SSOfl /snf ncrf/ //lem f/nrl/ran/ //leSfufn' i^'/iic/tdre pn/i/J7eff.dee/i 
SHamii/rm S/ u Mfi. M/fi i \e//ifri n/l M /tm 

^5^*^S: •!44.' r_, , -„ — . — — . ^irraunu ifS/rf//i,{Mei/s 






' " 




^'TS ,m" 



1, 1 

cismm III 

\rr"" "'"in-n, 



k«'W?fe 1 


holders and the names of the streets and alleys. The letter "P" 
stands for Proprietaries, and means that the lots so marked were 
reserved for those gentlemen. They always were on the lookout 
for the best locations for their share. And it will be observed that 
those who were in favor with the Government succeeded in getting 
the choicest lots. The streets of to-day bear different names from 
those given on the map. The fine avenue fronting on the river is 
now known as Broadway or Front Street; River Street is called 
Second ; Deer Street is known as Third, and the Pennsylvania 
Railroad passes through it. Fawn Street is now called Fourth. 
The streets running north and south are now named as follows : 
Elderberry Street is called Spruce; Hurtleberry is named Walnut, 
and Poakberry is known as Penn — the Philadelphia and Reading 
Railroad runs through it ; — Blackberry Street is named Chestnut, 
and Shamokin, the principal thoroughfare, is called Market. In the 
square, intersected by this street, the original court house was 
built, and stood there for many years. A handsome soldiers' monu- 
ment now stands south of the railroad track, at the upper end of 
the public square, surmounted by a life-size statue of Colonel 
James Cameron, who fell at the first battle of Bull Run. Dew- 
berry Street is now called Arch, and Cranberry is known as Race. 
It will be noticed as a curious fact that all the streets and alleys 
running north and south were named after a "berry" of some kind 
or other, which leads us to infer that the town site, in its pristine 
condition, yielded a great variety of berries, which caused the 
surveyors to adopt these names. 

It is also a curious study to examine the names of the original 
holders of the town lots. Among them will be found many who 
were conspicuous in public affairs at that day, both in civil and 
military life. And it is interesting to note that the descendants of 
many of those people still reside in Sunbury, and are classed 
among the leading and most distinguished citizens ; whilst on the 
other hand some of the most prominent names of that day are no 
longer known in the town. George Nagel, who was sheriff of Berks 
County when Northumberland was set off, and aided in the organ- 
ization of the first court in Sunbury, had the last lot at the foot of 
the square, on the left of the "plan." How long he held it an 
examination of the record only will show. 


The present building on lot 64, at the foot of Market Street — 
now occupied by Hon. John B. Packer as an office — was erected 
by Charles Hall, Esq., who afterwards married Miss Coleman and 
became the owner of Hall's Farms in Lycoming County. The 
patent for the lot from " the Hon. Thomas Penn and John Penn, 
Esqs., true and absolute Proprietaries and Governors in Chief of 
the Province of Pennsylvania and counties of Newcastle, Kent and 
Sussex on Delaware, to James Tilghman, Esq., of the city of Phila- 
delphia, was dated the 2d day of January, in the thirteenth year 
of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord George HI., by the Grace of 
God King of Great Britain, etc., in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand seven hundred and seventy-three," and recites : " That the 
said James Tilghman, in the year 1772, applied for and requested 
the said Proprietaries to permit him to take up one lot of ground 
on the east side of the Broadway, in the town of Sunbury, the 
county of Northumberland, in the said Province, marked in the 
general plan of the said town No. 64, in order to build thereon one 
substantial dwelling house of twenty feet square at least, with a 
good brick or stone chimney and to improve the same within the 
space of three years then next ensuing, agreeably to the said plan 
and regulations fixed for building the said town, etc.; and that the 
said Proprietaries favoring his request did order and direct the 
said lot of ground to be surveyed and laid out for the said James 
Tilghman, and by their warrant, bearing date the 21st day of 
December last, under the seal of their land office, having required 
their Surveyor General to accept and receive the survey so made 
of the said lot into his office and to make return thereof into their 
Secretary's office, in order for confirmation to the said James 
Tilghman, etc., etc. The said Surveyor General hath, in pursu- 
ance of said warrant, accordingly made his return of the said lot, 
etc. The said Proprietaries, at the instance and request of the 
said James Tilghman, and for and in consideration of the condi- 
tions and services to be paid and performed upon the part of the 
said James Tilghman, they the said Proprietaries, for themselves 
and their heirs and successors, have given, granted, released and 
confirmed and by these presents do give, grant, release and con- 
firm unto the said James Tilghman, his heirs, all that the said 
before described lot of ground, with all houses, etc., whatsoever to 


the said lot of ground belonging, etc. To have and to hold the 
said lot of ground, with the appurtenances, etc., unto the said 
James Tilghman, his heirs and assigns forever. To be holden of 
them the said Proprietaries, their heirs and assigns, as of their 
Manor of Pomfret in the county of Northumberland aforesaid, in 
free and common socage by fealty only, in lieu of all other ser- 

James Tilghman and William Tilghman, executors of the last 
will and testament of James Tilghman, deceased, by their in- 
denture, made the 20th day of May, 1795, conveyed this lot unto 
Charles Hall, Esq.* 

There are other lots on the "plan" which have interesting his- 
torical associations connected with them, but space will not war- 
rant a notice of all. 

Sunbury should always be a patriotic town, because the return 
of its survey was made on the 4th of Jul)', 1772, four years before 
the Declaration of Independence was proclaimed. Its natal an- 
niversary, therefore, always comes on the day most sacred to 

We learn from the old records that the first building — after the 
town was founded — was erected by John Lukens at the north- 
west corner of Market Square, although nothing but the letter 
" P" and a blank space appears on the map. The second house, 

*As the note on page 361 is not as definite as it should be, the following is here- 
with inserted: Charles Hall, whose family lived at Mt. Welcome, (the first brick 
house built in Cecil County, Maryland, in 1669,) studied law with his uncle, General 
Hartley, in York, Pa. One day, while in Lancaster on business, he saw two young 
ladies on the street. He remarked to his companion that if he could find out who 
one of them was he would marry her. Later in the day he presented a letter of 
introduction to Mr. Coleman and was invited to dinner. At dinner he was introduced 
to the young lady he had met on the street, she being Mr. Coleman's daughter, then 
only seventeen years of age. This led to other visits, and Mr. Hall having settled 
in Sunbury, and having some means and the prospect of a good practice — which 
afterwards became very large — he married Miss Coleman and brought her to the 
house now standing on lot 64, which he had built. 

R. M. Coleman, the father of Mrs. Hall, who came from Castle Finn, Ireland, 
was employed by Mr. Old, then owner of Cornwall, as book-keeper, and married his 
only daughter, and thereby came into possession of all that property. Mr. Old had 
acquired the property in the same way by marrying the daughter of Baron Steigel, 
who lived at Manheim, and owned all the property now forming the great Cornwall 


and now the most historic in the town, was built by WilHam 
Maclay on the lot fronting the river at the foot of Arch Street. 
An examination of the map will show that the lot was num- 
bered 56, in the name of" Wm. Maclay, Esq., returned 1st Febru- 
ary, 1 773-" 

Mr. Maclay had some trouble about the public buildings in 
Sunbury, particularly a jail in which to incarcerate law-breakers, 
if we may judge from the following .spicy letter which he wrote to 
J. Tilghman, under date of April 2, 1773: 

Sir: I inclose you a Letter from three of the Trustees for the piiblick Buildings 
of this County, respecting some measures which we have lately fallen on to rescue us 
from the scandal of living intirely without any Place of confinement or punishment 
for Villains; Captain Hunter had address enough to render abortive every attempt 
that was made last summer, for keeping a regular Jail, even after I had been at con- 
siderable expense in fitting up the Magazine, under which tliere is a small But com- 
pleat Dungeon, I am sorry to inform you That he has given our present Measures the 
most Obstinate Resistance in his power and impeded Us with every embarrassment 
in the Compass of his Invention, we know nothing of the Footing on which Captain 
Hunter has possession of these Buildings, and only beg that the County may be 
accommodated with this old Magazine, with the addition proposed to be made to it, 
and with the House in which I now live, to hold our courts in; I have repaired ihe 
House in which I now live, But expect to have an House ready to remove to in 
Sunbury, before our November Court. As the present repairs are done inlirely by 
subscription, you will readily guess that Captain Hunter is not among the number of 
subscribers. As there are many pieces of old Iron, &c., which formerly belonged to 
the fort, not of any use at present, the Trustees propose using any of them which 
can be converted to any advantage, for Grates, &c., for our temporary Gaol, unless 
they receive contrary Directions from Philada. If Hell is justly considered as the 
rendivous of Rascals, we cannot entertain a doubt of Wioming being the Place. 
Burn'd Hands, cut Ears, &c., are considered as the certain certificates of superior 
merit; we have certain Accounts of their having had several meetings lately to chuse 
a Sovereign and settle the .State, &c., for it seems they have not now any Dependance 
on the Government of Connecticut. The Time of the Descent on the West Branch, 
Fort Augusta, c&c, is now fixed for May next ; I have no Doubt but the Desperate 
Tempers of these People will hurry them into some tragical affair, which will at last 
rouse our Government, when it may be too late to repair the mischief done by them. 
At the same time I am told there are some among them, who would willingly become 
quiet subjects, and are afraid to own their sentiments. Patterson has the other day 
been offered I200 o o, for the same number of acres, not far from your Land. I 
would not have you sell. Doctor Plunkett goes down in a few days; 'tis likely I 
may send another long letter by him. 

And am with the greatest Esteem, 

Your most Obedient humble Servant, 

Wm. Maclay. 



The house alkided to in the above letter, to which he expected 
to remove before the November court, was built on lot "56,"* and 
is still standing. Its walls are of limestone obtained from the 
quarries below town, and they are as solid as when first laid up 
116 years ago. It is indeed a historic house, and with care will 
stand for centuries yet to come. For several years it has been 
owned and occupied by 
Hon. S. P. Wolverton. 
Luxuriant maples sur- 
round it, and in summer 
time it is almost hidden 
by their foliage. In the 
accompanying illustration 
the trees have been left off 
for the purpose of show- 
ing the house and its 
w alls as clearly as possible. 
Recently Mr. Wolverton 
has enlarged and modern- 
ized the windows, and 
built an addition to the 
rear with the same kind of stone, which is much larger than the 
original building, and makes the whole present a splendid ap- 
pearance. Care has been taken to preserve the old mansion in 
its primitive form as nearly as possible, so that it will always remain 
as a monument for its original builder. Like the Wallis mansion 
at Halls, erected some four years earlier, it will be pointed to, as 
long as it stands, as an object of veneration, and a living evidence 
of the handiwork of our forefathers. Mr. Wolverton prizes the 
ancient home of Mr. Maclay and his family highly, and will en- 
deavor to preserve it as long as it remains in his possession with 
scrupulous care, because it was built and occupied by the first 
United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1 16 years ago. 

A brief of the title to this historic property, from the Penns 



* During the Revohn.„ -... 

for the better protection of refugees, in case of 

acted on the rear of this lot 
attack on the town by the 


down to the present time, is appropriate in this connection, and it 
is given herewith: 

Deed, dated January 31, 1785, from John Penn, Jr., and John Penn, Sr., to William 
Maclay, for 4gj{ acres of the Manor of Poinfret, in Augusta township, North'd 
Co., Pa. 

Will of William Maclay, dated November 3, 1797, devised lot 56 in Sunbury, 
Pa., unto his daughter Jane Maclay. 

(This will is not recorded in North'd County, but is recited in deeds below.) 

(Jane Maclay was intermarried with John Lyon. ) 

Deed, dated March 9, 1809, John Lyon and Jane, his wife, to Joshua Elder for 
said lot No. 56. 

Deed, dated May 6, 1809, Joshua Elder to John Lyon, for lot No. 56. 

Deed, dated March 29, 1S13, John Lyon to Daniel Lebo, for lot No. 56. Re- 
corded in North'd Co., in Deed Book "S," page 145. 

(This deed recites the above deeds.) 

Deed, Poll, dated April 20, 1819, William Shannon, sheriff, to John Conrad, for 
lot No. 56; sold as the property of Daniel Lebo. 

Deed, dated January 5, 1S22, John Conrad and wife to William Shannon for lot 
No. 56, recorded in said county in Deed Book " U," page 530, 

Deed, June 9, 1847, Thomas Pardee, administrator of William Shannon, deceased, 
to Ira T. Clement, for lot No. 56, recorded in said county in Deed Book " FF," page 

(This deed contains the following preamble:) 

Whereas, on the 7th day of April, 1S46, John Bogar, intermarried with one of 
the daughters of said deceased, presented his petition to the Orphans' Court of said 
county, praying the court to award an inquisition to make partition among the heirs 
of said deceased. In pursuance thereof, on the 20th of July, 1S46, an inquest was 
held on the same which at August term, 1846, was confirmed by the said court. 

And whereas, on the nth day of November, 1S46, it appearing to the court, that 
notice had been given to the heirs of said deceased, to appear and accept of said 
estate at the valuation, and as they did not appear, the said court did order and de- 
cree that the same should be sold by the said administrator. 

And whereas, in pursuance of said decree the said administrator advertised the 
said property for sale, but for want of bidders and the obstruction by ice in the river, 
the same remained unsold, and on the 13th day of January, 1847, the said order was 
continued by the said court. 

And whereas, the said administrator, in pursuance of said order did on the 25th 
day of February, 1847, expose said lot of ground for sale and sold the same to Ira 
T. Clement, which said sale was confirmed by the said court on the 5th day of April , 
1847, as by the proceedings of said court appear. 

Deed, dated August 28, 1848, Ira T. Clement and wife to Solomon Smith and 
James Murphy, for lot No. 56, recorded in Deed Book No. " GG," page 56, &c. 

Deed, dated May i, 1856, .Solomon Smith and wife, and James Murphy and wife 
to Henry Bartley, for lot No. 56, recorded in Deed Book " MM,'' page 599, &c. 

Deed, dated April 8, 1865, Henry Bartley and wife to Simon P. Wolverton, for 
lot No. 56, recorded in Deed Book " VV," page 514, &c. 


Mr. Maclay was finally gratified to learn that steps had been 
taken for the erection of a jail at an early date. On the 23d of 
July, 1774, the Colonial Legislature passed "an act for lending the 
sum of iJ'Soo to the county of Northumberland for building a 
court house and prison in said county;" as may be seen by refer- 
ence to Vol. X., Colonial Records, pages 197 and 198. In March, 
1775, Samuel Hunter, William Maclay and Robert Moodie, com- 
missioners, commenced to build the jail. Contracts were made 
with different parties to do the work. The vouchers show that 
James Chisnal had the contract to quarry the stone, John Lee to 
furnish the lime, John Harris, senior, of Paxtang (now Harris- 
burg), the iron, Frederick Weyman to supply the hinges, hooks, 
rivets, etc. Joseph McCarrell, Zachariah Robins and Conrad 
Platner hauled the stone, lime and scaffold poles, and Heniy 
Crawford and Robert Lent laid up the stone-work. John Buyers 
and John Maclay did the carpenter work. The jail was finished 
in 1776. It was a stone and brick structure, one part being used 
for a court house and the other for a prison. The building cost 
about ^4,000. Although much modernized and enclosed by 
other buildings, the old structure could still be clearly recognized 
until recently, and was always pointed to as one of the relics of 
the town. On the green, in front of the combined prison and 
temple of justice, the whipping post was erected and there crim- 
inals received their quota of "lashes well laid on," in the days of 
the irascible Judge Plunkett. 

The history of our public roads is inseparable from the history 
of the settlement of this valley by the white race. From time 
immemorial the unbroken wilderness had been penetrated by 
narrow, tortuous paths, so dim as to require the sagacity natural to 
the aborigine, or acquired by the early white hunters and scouts 
in order to follow them. 

When the adventurous pioneer determined upon a permanent 
settlement, these paths, known as "Indian trails," were made more 
distinct by a system of "spotting" the trees along the way, and 
many cases are on record where belated people have patiently 
groped through the dark forest by feeling the blazes on the trees. 

In the course of time, when it became desirable to transport 
merchandise through the woods, these paths were widened out 


and acquired the name of " bridle paths," from the custom of lead- 
ing the "pack horse" by the rein, as the people slowly toiled 
along on foot. 

Still later on, when families and household goods of the early 
settlers were to come in, these paths were again widened out, so 
as to admit the passage of wheeled vehicles, and these from time 
to time have been changed in location to suit the convenience and 
comfort of the inhabitants. 

It is impossible for the present generation to realize the original 
surroundings of the early roads. For miles there would be a 
succession of great chuck holes between the matted and gnarled 
roots of the great forest trees, over which the vehicles would 
thump and jerk, at times getting so mired that levers would have 
to be cut and used to pry the wheels out of the sloughs. After 
a time the trees were girdled along the road to admit the sunshine, 
so that they would dry up. In many cases they wound around 
the high ground far away from the direct course, in order to avoid 
the miles of impenetrable swamps that covered our valley plains. 

As one stands to-day upon the corner of West Fourth and 
Walnut streets, of Williamsport, with that magnificent Catholic 
edifice before him, and those elegant mansions on every hand, 
with dry, paved streets at all seasons of the year, it is hard to 
believe that less than 80 years ago this same highway was cor- 
duroyed for a long distance to make it passable, and that a hun- 
dred feet west of Walnut Street stood a log bridge across a rapid 
stream, from wiliich a citizen of Jaysburg fell and was drowned.* 

The first public road in the West Branch Valley was authorized 
by the court of Northumberland County, and reported on at the 
October term, 1772. It was to be laid out 33 feet wide, but does 
not appear to have been opened for some time afterward, for we 
find that Lieutenant Colonel Henry Antes and others were ap- 

*His name was John Murphy, and he settled two and a half miles up Larry's 
Creek as early as 17S8. He was a clock-maker, and it is said that some of his 
clocks are still in existence. His daughter Sarah, it is claimed, was the first white 
child born on Larry's Creek, about 1790. J. H. McMinn, in his A/mals of Jaysburg, 
shows that he was one of the settlers there when that place aspired to be the county 
seat of Lycoming. According to tradition he was a little tipsy when he fell off the 
bridge and was drowned on what is now the driest and most magnificent street in 


pointed, at the August session of 1775, "to view, and if they saw- 
cause, to lay out a bridle road from the mouth of Bald Eagle 
Creek to the town of Sunbury." 

This evidently led to the prompt erection of the public road, as 
provided for three years previously, as we find that wagons loaded 
with emigrants were caught in that memorable massacre that oc- 
curred where Williamsport now stands, on June 10, 1778. 

One of the most curious documents that has survived the 
devastation of the "